diff --git "a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/English/Russian \320\230\321\203\320\264\320\265\320\271\321\201\320\272\320\270\320\265 \320\264\321\200\320\265\320\262\320\275\320\276\321\201\321\202\320\270 \342\200\224 \320\277\320\265\321\200\320\265\320\262\320\276\320\264 \320\223. \320\223. \320\223\320\265\320\275\320\272\320\265\320\273\321\217, 1900 \320\263..json" "b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/English/Russian \320\230\321\203\320\264\320\265\320\271\321\201\320\272\320\270\320\265 \320\264\321\200\320\265\320\262\320\275\320\276\321\201\321\202\320\270 \342\200\224 \320\277\320\265\321\200\320\265\320\262\320\276\320\264 \320\223. \320\223. \320\223\320\265\320\275\320\272\320\265\320\273\321\217, 1900 \320\263..json"
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@@ -0,0 +1,170 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+    "versionSource": "https://ru.wikisource.org/wiki/%D0%98%D1%83%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%B9%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B8%D0%B5_%D0%B4%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%BE%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8_(%D0%98%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%B8%D1%84_%D0%A4%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%B9;_%D0%93%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BA%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C)/%D0%9F%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B4%D0%B8%D1%81%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%B5_%D0%B0%D0%B2%D1%82%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%B0",
+    "versionTitle": "(Russian) Иудейские древности — перевод Г. Г. Генкеля, 1900 г.",
+    "license": "CC-BY-SA",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isBaseText": false,
+    "isSource": false,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "Предисловие автора. 1. Я нахожу у лиц, приступающих к составлению исторических сочинений, не одну и постоянно одинаковую к тому побудительную причину, но целое множество их, и в большинстве случаев поводы крайне несходные между собою. Именно, одни стремятся принять участие в научной работе с целью выказать блестящий стиль свой и приобрести себе неизбежную в таком случае славу; другие берутся за такой труд, невзирая на то, что он им не по силам, имея в виду снискать себе расположение тех лиц, о которых им приходится повествовать; существуют, далее, также историки, побуждаемые каким-то внутренним чувством необходимости запечатлеть на бумаге события, в которых они сами были участниками; многих, наконец, побудило величие дотоле скрытых и покоящихся как бы во тьме событий вывести описание последних на свет, на пользу общую. Из указанных здесь причин последние две являются решающими также для меня. Именно, с одной стороны, я, как личный участник, чувствовал необходимость описать происшедшую у нас, иудеев, с римлянами войну, все ее перипетии и конец, ввиду того что существуют лица, исказившие в своих на этот счет описаниях истину.",
+            "2. С другой же стороны, я взялся за настоящее сочинение, полагая, что содержание его будет достойно возбудить к себе интерес со стороны греков, так как здесь имеется в виду представить картину всех наших древностей и нашего государственного устройства, критически выведенную из еврейских сочинений. Ведь уже раньше, когда я описывал [Иудейскую] войну, я подумывал, не показать ли, кто такие по своему происхождению иудеи, каким превратностям судьбы они подвергались, какой законодатель воспитал в них стремление к благочестию и побуждал их развивать в себе добродетель, какие войны вели они в продолжительный период времени своего существования и как они, против своего собственного желания, впутались в свою последнюю войну с римлянами. Но так как подобная вставка была бы слишком обширна для такого рода сочинения, то я ее сделал предметом особого труда, в котором тщательно изложил от начала и до конца все сюда относящееся. С течением же времени и меня, как это обыкновенно бывает с людьми, решающимися взяться за какое-либо грандиозное предприятие, обуяли лень и сомнение в возможности довести на чужом языке и в чуждой нам форме до благополучного конца такую обширную задачу. Но нашлись люди, которые из любви к истории побуждали меня к этой работе; между ними на первом плане [стоит] Эпафродит, человек, серьезно любящий всякую науку и находящий особенное удовольствие в исторических исследованиях, тем более что он сам был участником великих событий и свидетелем многоразличных переворотов, причем он во всех этих случаях проявил удивительную силу характера и неизменную добропорядочность. Под влиянием его, который проявляет всегда столь великую симпатию ко всем предпринимающим какое-нибудь полезное или славное дело, и стыдясь навлечь на себя его подозрение, будто бы мне приятнее безделие, чем столь славный труд, я усерднее стал продолжать свою работу, тем более что, кроме всего вышесказанного, принял во внимание и то обстоятельство, что предки наши охотно сообщали [другим] подобные сведения и что некоторые из греков с усердием изучали наши обычаи и историю.",
+            "3. Между прочим, я нашел, что Птолемей Второй, более всех царей заинтересовавшийся наукою и собиранием книг, с особенною любовью занимался нашим [религиозным] законодательством и позаботился перевести на греческий язык его постановления и данные о государственном сообразно ему устройстве; равным образом и не уступавший в добродетели никому из наших первосвященников Элеазар нисколько не воспротивился тому, чтобы вышеназванный царь пользовался этим [переводом], причем он во всяком случае возбранил бы ему это, если бы нам было издревле свойственно держать в тайне что-либо хорошее. Поэтому и я считал себя вправе подражать великодушию того первосвященника и равным образом предполагать, что и теперь еще существует, наподобие того царя, много любознательных людей; тем более что последний получил перевод не всего Св. Писания, но лица, посланные для перевода в Александрию, сообщили [ему] только перевод Пятикнижия (собственно, только того, что касается закона). А между тем в священных книгах записаны [кроме законов] десятки тысяч разных других фактов ввиду того, что там обнимается период пятитысячелетней исторической жизни [народа], тут сообщается о всевозможных неожиданных событиях, о случайностях войны, о доблести полководцев и о переменах в государственном устройстве. Во всяком же случае каждый, желающий подробно ознакомиться с этой историей, выведет из нее на первом плане заключение, что, с одной стороны, людям, повинующимся велению Господа Бога и не дерзающим преступать законы, все удается сверх чаяния, и наградою их от Бога является будущее [загробное] блаженство; с другой же стороны, людям, отступающим от точного исполнения этих повелений, в одинаковой мере легкое становится непреодолимым и даже обращается в неизбежную гибель все то, за что они взялись бы как за нечто несомненно хорошее. Поэтому я убеждаю тех, которым попадутся в руки эти книги, иметь в виду повеление Господа Бога и принять во внимание, что наш законодатель достойным образом понял природу Его и всегда приписывает Ему лишь деяния, соответствующие Его могуществу, сохранив повествование о Нем свободным от всяких позорных, хотя и встречающихся у других [историков], мифологических прикрас, несмотря на то что он, ввиду отдаленности времени и глубокой древности, мог бы вполне безбоязненно ввести в свой рассказ многоразличные лживые выдумки. Ведь он жил две тысячи лет тому назад, т. е. в такое отдаленное время, к которому поэты не осмелились отнести не только деяния и законодательства людей, но и происхождение самих богов. Все это с должною ясностью и в соответствующем порядке покажет нижеизложенное историческое повествование; в нем я себе поставил неизменной задачей ничего [лишнего] не прибавлять, но и ничего не опускать.",
+            "4. А ввиду того что почти все это явилось у нас благодаря мудрости нашего законодателя Моисея, то мне необходимо о нем кое-что вкратце предпослать, дабы некоторые из будущих читателей не изумлялись, почему наша книга, по заглавию своему посвященная вопросу о законах и исторических деяниях, настолько подробно занимается данными естествознания. Итак, следует принять во внимание, что Моисей считал необходимым, чтобы человек, собирающийся урегулировать свой образ жизни и затем давать руководящие законы другим людям, раньше всего усвоил себе правильный взгляд на сущность Господа Бога и, постоянно имея мысленно пред глазами Его деяния, стремился бы к подражанию этому величайшему примеру и, поскольку это в его силах, старался бы приблизиться к Нему. Ибо при отсутствии такого взгляда на вещи у самого законодателя не может быть верного понимания и равным образом он нисколько не вызовет своими сочинениями склонности к добродетели в читателях, если те раньше всего прочего не усвоят себе убеждения, что Господь Бог - отец и властелин всего существующего, что Он взирает на все и что Он дарует повинующимся Ему блаженство, а шествующих вне пути добродетели наказывает крупными несчастиями. И вот, так как Моисей захотел дать своим собственным сородичам наставление именно в этом, то он, в противоположность всем прочим, начал [свое сочинение] не с изложения законов и законоположений, имеющих условное среди людей значение, но, направив внимание их на Божество и на устройство мироздания и убедив их в том, что мы, люди, лучшее из творений Господа Бога на земле, уже легко мог убедить их во всем [остальном], после того как расположил их таким образом к благочестию. И в то время как остальные законодатели, придерживаясь мифов, перенесли на богов весь позор людских заблуждений и тем дали преступным людям возможность всяких отговорок, наш законодатель показал, что Господь Бог владеет добродетелью в полной ее чистоте, и считал необходимым, чтобы люди хоть несколько пытались усвоить ее; тех же, кто этого не понимал или в это не верил, он безжалостно наказывал. И вот с этой-то точки зрения ознакомиться [с моим сочинением] приглашаю я своих читателей. Те, которые посмотрят на него с такой точки зрения, увидят, что оно не содержит в себе ничего несообразного с их собственными взглядами, равно как ничего несовместимого с величием Господа Бога и с Его любовью к роду человеческому. Это сочинение содержит в себе все расположенным в соответствующем природе вещей порядке, причем законодатель вполне разумно на одно [только] намекает, на другое указывает торжественно-аллегорически, а о том, о чем можно высказаться прямо,- об этом он говорит обстоятельно. И если бы нашлись желающие рассмотреть причины каждого явления, то пришлось бы вывести много, притом строго философских, теорий, что я, однако, теперь опускаю; если же Господь даст мне для того достаточно продолжительную жизнь, то я примусь, по окончании этого труда, и за ту тему. Теперь же я перейду к изложению своих данных, напомнив первоначально о том, что повествует Моисей о сотворении мира. Все это я нашел записанным в священных книгах, и притом в следующем виде."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "1. Вначале сотворил Бог небо и землю[1]. И так как последняя была не видима, но скрыта в глубоком мраке, а дух [Божий] витал над нею, то Господь повелел создаться свету. Обозрев, по возникновении последнего, всю материю в ее совокупности, Он отделил свет от тьмы и дал последней имя ночи, а первый назвал днем, а начало возникновения света и прекращения его назвал утром и вечером. Так возник первый день; Моисей же говорит: один день. Хотя я был бы в состоянии и сейчас уже объяснить причину этого явления, однако так как обещал представить объяснение причин всех явлений в особом сочинении, то я откладываю до тех пор пояснение и этого. После этого Он во второй день раскинул над всем небо, потому что Он счел необходимым отделить небо от всего остального, как нечто самостоятельное, и окружил его кристаллом, в который, на пользу орошения земли, включил весьма кстати воду и сырость[2]. На третий день Он создал землю[3], разлив вокруг нее море. В тот же самый день Он тотчас вызвал из земли растения и семена. На четвертый Он украшает небо солнцем, луною и остальными светилами, определив их движения и пути [по небу], для того чтобы тем самым определялись перемены времени. На пятый же день Он создал плавающих животных и птиц, назначил первым глубь морскую, а вторым воздух и сблизил соответственно тех и других в половом отношении, ради воспроизведения потомства, распложения и умножения их рода. На шестой день Он создал четвероногих животных, сотворив их самцами и самками. В этот же день Он сотворил и человека. И вот, говорит Моисей, во все эти шесть дней возник мир со всем своим содержимым, а на седьмой [Господь] почил и отдохнул от трудов своих. Отсюда и мы в этот день воздерживаемся от трудов своих, называя его sabbaton: имя это на еврейском языке обозначает отдых.",
+                    "2. После [описания] седьмого дня Моисей переходит на почву естественноисторическую, рассказывая о сотворении человека следующее: Господь Бог сотворил человека, взяв для этого прах от земли и соединив с ним дух и душу[4]. Этот человек получил название Адама, что значит на еврейском языке \"красный\", так как человек был сотворен из красной глины[5], такого именно состава девственная, нетронутая почва. Затем Господь Бог привел к Адаму животных, по разрядам их, и показал ему самцов и самок. Адам дал им те названия, которыми они пользуются посейчас. Видя же, что Адам не имеет общества и совместной жизни с существом женского пола (потому что женщины еще не было) и что он удивляется тому, что у всех других животных это не так. Он вынул у него во время сна одно ребро и сотворил из него женщину[6]. Когда же она предстала пред Адамом, то он понял, что она создана из него. Женщина же по-еврейски называется essa[7]. Имя этой женщины было Ева, что обозначает \"мать всего живого\"[8].",
+                    "3. Далее [Моисей] рассказывает, что Господь Бог устроил на востоке сад и насадил в нем всевозможных растений; среди последних находилось также одно древо жизни, а другое - познания, по которому можно было бы узнать, что такое добро и что зло. Затем Он ввел в тот сад Адама и жену его и повелел [им] ходить за растениями. Этот сад был орошаем рекою, которая обтекает вокруг всей земли и распадается на четыре рукава: Фисон (имя это обозначает \"множество\")[9] течет по направлению к Индии и впадает в море, называется греками Гангом; Евфрат и Тигр текут в Красное море, причем Евфрат назван Фором, что означает \"распространение\" или \"цветок\"[10], Тигр же - Тиглатом, чем определяется нечто узкозаостренное. Река же Геон, протекающая через Египет, означает \"текущий к нам с востока\". Греки называют его Нилом.",
+                    "4. Господь Бог повелел Адаму и жене его есть от всех прочих деревьев, но воздерживаться от [древа] познания, сказав, что от прикосновения к нему они навлекут на себя погибель. В то время как все животные жили тогда с ними в согласии, бывшая в дружелюбных с Адамом и его женою отношениях змея стала завидовать им[11] в том, что, если они будут следовать повелению Господа Бога, они достигнут блаженства. Понимая, что при неповиновении Господу Богу люди впадут в несчастье, она коварно стала убеждать женщину отведать от [плодов] древа познания, уверяя при этом, что здесь именно и находится распознание добра и зла и что они, достигнув последнего, поведут жизнь более счастливую и ничем не отличающуюся от бытия самого Господа Бога. Таким образом удалось ей склонить женщину к презрительному отношению к запрещению Божьему, и когда последняя отведала плод и нашла в том удовольствие, она подговорила также и Адама последовать ее примеру. И тогда они вдруг заметили, что они наги, и, стыдясь своей наготы, стали думать об одеянии для себя: дерево, оказалось, повлияло на их рассудок и мышление. Тогда они прикрыли себя листьями смоковницы и, скрыв под ними наготу свою, начали думать, что они теперь еще счастливее, чем прежде, найдя то, в чем они раньше нуждались[12]. Когда же Господь Бог пришел в сад, то Адам, который раньше встречал Его с радостью и доверчиво, теперь, в сознании вины своей, стал прятаться. Господа же удивил этот поступок, и Он стал расспрашивать его о причине, по которой Адам, раньше находивший удовольствие в общении с Ним, теперь Его избегает и прячется. Так как тот, вследствие сознания своего греховного нарушения божественной заповеди, не отвечал ничего, то Господь Бог сказал: \"Я знал, что вы могли бы прожить жизнью блаженною и свободною от всякого страдания, что душу вашу не мучила бы никакая забота, так как все, что полезно вам и могло бы доставить вам наслаждение, было бы вам дано Мною само собою без всякого с вашей стороны усилия и труда, лишь благодаря Моему [к вам] расположению; при наличности всего этого и старость не так скоро напала бы на вас и вам можно было бы дольше жить. Теперь же ты нагло нарушил Мое повеление, ослушавшись Моих приказаний; ведь ты молчишь не из скромности, но потому, что сознаешь за собою совершенное злодеяние\". Адам стал молить о прощении и взывать к Господу не гневаться на него, указывая на женщину как на виновницу всего случившегося, и говоря, что он согрешил, введенный ею в соблазн. Та же, со своей стороны, обвиняла змею. Тогда Господь Бог определил ему наказание за то, что он подчинился убеждению жены, и сказал, что земля отныне более не будет сама от себя доставлять им ничего из своих произведений; лишь в том случае, если они будут трудиться и всячески обрабатывать ее, она иногда им будет давать кое-что, иногда же отказывать и в этом. Еву же Он наказал родами, сопряженными с мучительными болями, за то, что она, соблазнив Адама так же, как ее соблазнила змея, ввергла его в несчастье. В гневе же за коварство змеи по отношению к Адаму Он лишил ее голоса и впустил ей под язык яд; вместе с тем Он объявил ее существом, враждебным к людям, и погрозил, что ей раздробят голову, так как в ней заключается все зло для людей и потому что таким образом последние, обороняясь против нее, легче всего причинят ей смерть. Лишив ее вместе с тем ног. Он заставил ее ползать и извиваться по земле. В то же самое время Господь, определив им такие страдания, выселил Адама и Еву из рая в другое место."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. У них родились двое детей мужского пола: первый был назван Каином (в переводе это имя означает \"приобретение\")[13], второй же - Авелем (что значит \"печаль\")[14]. Родились у них также и дочери. Братья находили удовольствие в различных друг от друга образе жизни и занятиях. Младший, Авель, старался быть справедливым и стремился к добродетели, так как был уверен, что Господь видит все дела его. По занятию своему он был пастухом. Каин же был во всех делах своих весьма порочен и имел в виду одну только цель - получать выгоды; он первый изобрел землепашество, а [затем] убил брата своего по следующей причине. Однажды они решили принести жертвы Господу Богу. Каин возложил [на алтарь] произведения своего земледелия и плоды деревьев, Авель же молоко и перворожденное из стад своих. Господу же последняя жертва понравилась более, так как Он отдавал предпочтение тому, что возникло самостоятельно сообразно самой природе, перед тем, что было насильно вызвано из земли по расчету корыстолюбивого человека[15]. Тогда Каин, разгневанный предпочтением, которое Господь Бог оказал Авелю, убил брата своего и, скрыв труп его, предполагал, что это останется незамеченным. Бог же, зная об этом поступке, явился к Каину и стал спрашивать о том, где его брат, которого Он не видит уже много дней, тогда как раньше видел его постоянно в его обществе. Не зная в смущении своем, что сказать Господу Богу, Каин сперва ответил, что он и сам удивляется отсутствию брата; но когда Господь настоятельно стал всяческим образом допытываться от него объяснения, он гневно возразил, что он не воспитатель и не соглядатай ни его, ни его поступков. Тогда Господь Бог изобличил Каина в убийстве брата. \"Удивляюсь,- сказал Он,- как ты не знаешь, что стало с человеком, которого ты сам загубил\". Хотя Господь и освободил его от наказания за смертоубийство, так как Каин принес жертву и этим путем умилостивил Бога не слишком сильно гневаться на него, однако Он проклял его и присовокупил к этому угрозу, что он накажет также и потомков Каина до седьмого колена. Вместе с тем Он выгнал его вместе с женою из той местности. А так как Каин боялся попасть при своих странствиях во власть диких зверей и таким образом погибнуть, то Господь Бог повелел ему не опасаться никакого вреда от подобной причины и безбоязненно странствовать по всей земле: звери ему не причинят никакого вреда. При этом Он отметил Каина особым знаком, по которому его можно было бы узнать, и повелел ему отправиться в путь.",
+                    "2. Обойдя большую часть земли, Каин остановился со своею женою в Наиде[16] - так называлось это место - и поселился там; тут родились у него дети. Однако в [постигшем его] наказании он не видел предостережения; напротив, его порочность все увеличивалась, так как он предавался всякому чувственному удовольствию, хотя бы оно было связано с жестокостями над прочими жившими в его обществе людьми. Свои владения он увеличивал грабежами и насилием, и, приглашая своих сотоварищей к совершению бесстыдства и разбойничанью, он становился руководителем и наставником их в разных гнусностях. Изобретением весов и мер он изменил ту простоту нравов, в которой дотоле жили между собою люди, так как жизнь их, вследствие незнакомства со всем этим, была бесхитростна, и ввел вместо прежней прямоты лукавство и хитрость. Он первый поставил на земле разграничительные столбы, построил город и, укрепив его стенами, принудил своих близких жить в одном определенном месте. Этот город он назвал по имени старшего сына своего, Геноха, Генохиею. У Геноха же был сын Иаред, а у последнего Маруил (Мегияэль), от которого родился сын Мафусаил; сыном этого был Ламех, у которого было семьдесят семь сыновей[17], рожденных ему его двумя женами, Селлой и Адой. Из них Иовел, сын Ады, воздвигал палатки и любил скотоводство, а единоутробный брат его Иувал занимался музыкой и изобрел лютни и арфы[18]. Товел (Тубалкайн) же, один из сыновей другой жены, превосходя всех других [братьев] силою своею, особенно усердно занялся военным искусством, доставая себе при помощи его все способствовавшее физическим его удовольствиям, и первый изобрел кузнечное ремесло[19], Ламех же, став отцом дочери по имени Ноема[20] и понимая хорошо и точно требования религии, был того мнения, что ему самому придется поплатиться за братоубийство Каина. Это он сообщил своим женам[21]. Еще при жизни Адама потомки Каина были крайне преступны, так что, следуя друг за другом [по пятам] и подражая один другому, они становились под конец все хуже и хуже, вели беспрерывные войны и постоянно отправлялись на грабежи. Вообще же, если тот или другой из них не особенно охотно предавался убийствам, то зато выделялся безумною наглостью, своеволием и корыстолюбием.",
+                    "3. Адам же, первый происшедший от земли человек,- повествование требует вернуться к нему - после того как Авель был зарезан, а Каин должен был вследствие этого убийства бежать, стал очень помышлять о новом потомстве[22]. Это сильное желание иметь детей возникло у него потому, что ему было уже двести тридцать лет, хотя он и умер, прожив сверх того еще семьсот лет. И вот у него родилось еще несколько других детей, и в том числе Сиф. Было бы долго рассказывать о прочих; поэтому я сообщу данные лишь о Сифе. Когда он вырос и достиг того возраста, в котором у человека является возможность отличать добро [от зла], он стал вести добродетельный образ жизни и, будучи сам наилучшим человеком, оставил после себя потомство, подражавшее ему в этом. Будучи все людьми хорошими, живя между собою в согласии и мире, они населили одну и ту же местность, причем до самого конца жизни не подвергались никакому несчастью. Они же изобрели науку о небесных телах и их устройстве[23], и для того, чтобы изобретения их не были забыты и не погибли раньше, чем с ними познакомятся люди,- ввиду того, что Адам предсказал погибель отчасти от силы огня, отчасти же вследствие огромного количества воды,- они воздвигли два столба, один кирпичный, другой каменный, и записали на них сообщение о своем изобретении. Последнее было сделано с тем расчетом, чтобы, если бы кирпичный столб случайно погиб при наводнении, оставшийся невредимым каменный дал людям возможность ознакомиться с надписью и вместе с тем указал бы и на то, что ими была воздвигнута и кирпичная колонна. [Каменный] столб сохранился по сей день в земле Сириадской[24]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Потомки Сифа пребывали в продолжение семи поколений в непоколебимой вере, что Господь Бог владыка всего существующего, и были всецело преданы добродетели. Затем же, с течением времени, они уклонились от отцовских обычаев в сторону зла, так как перестали питать необходимое благоговение к Богу и относиться справедливо к людям; то рвение к добродетели, которое они выказывали раньше, они заменили теперь вдвое большим злом во всех своих поступках. Вследствие этого Господь стал во враждебные к ним отношения. Дело в том, что много ангелов вступило в связь с женщинами[25] и от этого произошло поколение людей надменных, полагавшихся на свою физическую силу и потому презиравших все хорошее. Нечто подобное позволяли себе и известные по греческим преданиям гиганты[26]. Ной же, огорчаясь их поступками и крайне печалясь при виде их гнусных стремлений, стал, по силе возможности, убеждать их переменить свой образ мыслей и действий. Видя, однако, что они не поддаются увещаниям и уже вполне подпали страсти к совершению злодеяний, и равным образом опасаясь, как бы они не вздумали убить его, он решил выселиться из страны с женою, детьми и домочадцами[27].",
+                    "2. Господь Бог полюбил Ноя за его справедливость; остальных же Он не только наказал за порочность их, но и порешил уничтожить весь род людской и создать новых людей, чистых от греха. Поэтому Он сократил сперва продолжительность их жизни настолько, что они стали жить теперь, взамен прежнего, только сто двадцать лет[28], а затем наслал на землю потоп. Таким образом, прежнее поколение всецело исчезло с лица земли, и спасся один только Ной ввиду того, что Господь Бог дал ему следующую возможность спастись: построить четырехэтажный ковчег, длиною в триста, шириною в пятьдесят и вышиною в тридцать локтей. Ной вошел в него со своею женою, сыновьями и женами последних, взял с собою все необходимое к жизни и прибавил к тому всевозможных животных, по самцу и самке, чтобы сохранился род их, а прочих по семи пар. Ковчег имел прочные стены с сильными скрепами и крышею, так что вода не могла никуда проникнуть и ковчег не мог поддаться ее напору. Таким только образом спасся Ной со своими домочадцами. Он является десятым потомком Адама, так как он был сыном Ламеха, отцом которого был Мафусал, происходивший, в свою очередь, от Еноха, сына Иареда. Иаред же рожден был от Малуиила, который происходил с несколькими сестрами от Эноса; Энос же был сыном Сифа, сына Адамова[29].",
+                    "3. Это бедствие (потоп) произошло на шестисотом году жизни Ноя, во втором месяце, который называется македонянами дием, а евреями марсуаном[30]; таким образом они распределяли год в Египте. Моисей же первым месяцем религиозного года определил нисан, который тот же самый, что и ксантик, так как в этот месяц он вывел евреев из Египта. Этот же месяц служил у него точкою отправления во всех религиозных постановлениях; для определения же времени купли, продажи и прочих жизненных отношений Моисей сохранил первый из названных месяцев (как начало года). Моисей замечает, что потоп начался в двадцать седьмой день названного месяца. Время от Адама, прародителя рода человеческого, до этого момента обнимало период в две тысячи двести шестьдесят два года. Этот промежуток записан в священных книгах, потому что люди, тогда жившие, отмечали с большою точностью как рождение, так и смерть выдающихся личностей.",
+                    "4. У Адама, жившего всего девятьсот тридцать лет, родился сын Сиф, когда Адаму было двести тридцать лет. Сифу было двести пять лет, когда у него родился Энос, который, достигнув девятисотпятилетнего возраста, передал сыну своему Каину, родившемуся у него, когда ему было 190 лет, заботу о правлении. Он прожил девятьсот двенадцать лет[31]. Каин же прожил девятьсот десять лет и на сто семидесятом году своем получил сына Малаиила. Этот последний умер, прожив восемьсот девяносто пять лет и оставив после себя сына Иареда, который родился у него, когда ему было сто шестьдесят пять лет. После того как Иаред прожил девятьсот шестьдесят девять лет[32], ему наследовал сын его Енох, родившийся, когда отцу его было около ста шестидесяти двух лет. Прожив около трехсот шестидесяти пяти лет, он отошел к Богу, почему и нет сообщения о его смерти[33]. Сын же Еноха, Мафусал, родившийся, когда Еноху было сто шестьдесят пять лет, имел на сто восемьдесят седьмом году своей жизни сына Ламеха, которому он и передал правление, принадлежавшее ему самому до девятисот шестьдесят девятого года его жизни. Ламех сделал своим наследником Ноя, который родился у него, когда ему было сто восемьдесят лет и после того как он сам правил в продолжение семисот семидесяти семи лет[34]. Ной правил девятьсот пятьдесят лет. Если сложить все вышеприведенные числа лет, то получится [указанное] время [от начала миросотворения до потопа]. Но не следует делать попытки установить годы смерти указанных патриархов (так как жизнь последних захватывала часть времени жизни их детей и дальнейших потомков), но нужно обращать внимание исключительно на даты их рождений.",
+                    "5. После того как Господь Бог предостерег [людей], Он наслал дождь, и в продолжение сорока дней беспрерывно лились потоки воды, так что она покрыла землю на пятьдесят локтей в вышину. Это было причиною того, что вообще больше (кроме Ноя с семейством) никто не спасся, так как не было средства к отступлению и бегству. Лишь сто пятьдесят дней после того, как перестал лить дождь, именно на седьмой день седьмого месяца, начала мало-помалу сбывать вода. Затем, когда ковчег остановился на вершине одной горы в Армении, а это заметил Ной, последний открыл его и, увидев около ковчега несколько суши, стал надеяться на лучшее и успокоился. Несколько дней спустя, когда вода еще более убыла, он выпустил ворона, желая узнать, нет ли еще где-нибудь свободной от воды и уже доступной для высадки земли. Однако тот вернулся к Ною, найдя, что еще все покрыто водою. Через семь дней Ной выпустил с тою же целью голубя. Когда же последний вернулся к нему запачканный [землею] и неся лист маслины, то Ной увидел, что земля освободилась от воды, и, прождав еще семь дней, выпустил из ковчега животных и сам вышел со своими домочадцами. Принеся затем жертву Господу Богу, он вместе с сородичами своими устроил жертвенный пир. Это место армяне называют \"местом высадки\", и до сих пор еще туземцы показывают там остатки, сохранившиеся от ковчега[35].",
+                    "6. Об этом потопе и о ковчеге упоминают также все те, которые писали историю неевреев[36]. В числе их находится и халдеянин Берос[37]. В одном месте [своего сочинения] он высказывается следующим образом о потопе: говорят, что еще до сих пор сохранился в Армении на горе Кордуйской[38] остаток от этого ковчега и что некоторые берут от него смолу, пользуясь ею в большинстве случаев как средством против заболеваний. Об этом упоминает также египтянин Иероним[39], написавший древнейшую историю Финикии, Мнасей и некоторые другие. Равным образом и Николай Дамасский[40], рассказывая об этом в девяносто шестой книге, сообщает следующее: выше области Миниады находится в Армении высокая гора по имени Барис[41], на которой, по преданию, искало убежища и нашло спасение множество людей во время потопа. Сообщается также, что некто в ковчеге остановился на ее вершине и что в продолжение долгого времени сохранялись [здесь] остатки этого судна. Быть может, это тот самый человек, о котором писал и Моисей, иудейский законодатель[42].",
+                    "7. Боясь, как бы Господь Бог не вздумал насылать на землю ежегодно потоп, чтобы окончательно уничтожить род людской, Ной принес жертву всесожжения и затем стал еще просить Господа Бога, чтобы Он оставил землю в ее прежнем виде и более не подвергал бы ее такой печальной участи, от которой могла бы возникнуть опасность, что все живое погибнет; напротив, пусть Он, наказав грешников, пощадит тех, которые вследствие своей добродетели остались в живых и по Его решению избегли этой страшной участи. Последним ведь иначе пришлось бы быть куда несчастнее первых и подвергнуться гораздо худшему наказанию, если бы они не были спасены бесповоротно и должны были бы погибнуть от нового потопа: в таком случае они узнали бы чувство того страха, который вызвала в них картина первого потопа, и [кроме того] погибли бы при втором потопе. Поэтому он умолял Господа Бога благосклонно принять его жертву и не подвергать землю подобной гневной расправе, для того чтобы [уцелевшие люди] могли, обрабатывая землю и строя города, жить покойно, наслаждаться всеми благами [жизни], как это было до потопа, легче достигнуть глубокой старости и пользоваться (подобно предкам своим) такою же продолжительною жизнью.",
+                    "8. После того как Ной вознес к Господу Богу эти мольбы. Он, любя Ноя за его праведность, согласился привести в исполнение его просьбу, прибавляя, однако, при этом, что не Он причина гибели грешников, но что они только поплатились за свою собственную испорченность, и что, если бы Он желал губить людей. Ему не нужно было бы создавать их; было бы гораздо разумнее совершенно не даровать им жизни, чем, дав, снова отнимать ее. \"Но тем, что они поглумились над требуемыми Мною благочестием и добродетелью,- этим они заставили Меня подвергнуть их такому наказанию. Впрочем, впоследствии Я не стану взыскивать с них за прегрешения с такою строгостью, тем более что ты являешься их заступником. И если Я все-таки когда-нибудь нашлю [на землю] непогоду, то не бойтесь силы ливня: вода уже более не затопит земли. Но Я требую, чтобы вы воздерживались от пролития человеческой крови и были чисты от убийства, причем вы должны наказывать тех, кто совершает что-либо подобное. При этом, однако, вы можете пользоваться всеми прочими животными по своему желанию и собственному благоусмотрению, так как Я вас поставил властелинами над всеми животными, которые находятся на земле, в воде или воздухе; [пользуйтесь ими всецело], кроме их крови, так как в ней находится душа[43]. В знак же, что [гневу Моему] на вас положен конец, Я воздвигну мой лук - радугу\". Это явление считается ими луком Господним[44]. После этого обещания Господь расстался с ним[45].",
+                    "9. Ной же прожил после потопа еще триста пятьдесят лет, и прожил все это время счастливо; затем он умер, достигнув девятисотпятидесятилетнего возраста. Пусть, однако, никто не считает, при сопоставлении данных древних писателей о продолжительности их жизни с краткостью теперешней нашей, этих сообщений лживыми, объясняя это тем, что никто из наших современников не достигает такого возраста и что поэтому никто из древних не мог прожить такое количество лет. Весьма естественным является такое количество лет жизни у людей, которые пользовались особенным расположением Господа Бога, были сотворены Им самим и употребляли в продолжение долгого времени более подходящую пищу. Кроме того, Господь Бог даровал им более продолжительную жизнь за их благочестие и для того, чтобы они могли вполне проверить и применить свои изобретения в области астрономии и геометрии; ведь если бы эти люди не прожили [по крайней мере] шестисот лет, то они не были бы в состоянии делать предсказания, потому что именно столько лет обнимает так называемый \"великий год\"[46]. Мои слова подтверждаются также всеми греческими и негреческими историками, и с мнением моим согласны: Манефон[47], написавший историю египетскую, Берос, сообщающий данные о Халдее, Мохос[48], Гекатей[49] и, кроме того, египтянин Иероним, повествующие о деяниях финикийцев. Гесиод[50], Гекатей, Гелланик[51] и Акузилай[52], вдобавок Эфор[53] и Николай сообщают, будто древние люди жили по тысяче лет. Впрочем, пусть всякий смотрит на эти данные как кому заблагорассудится[54]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Три сына Ноя, Сим, Яфет и Хам, родившиеся за сто лет до потопа, первые спустились с гор на равнины, поселились здесь и убедили прочих людей, сильно боявшихся низин и неохотно спускавшихся с возвышенных мест вследствие опасения [нового] потопа, смело последовать их примеру. Равнина же, на которой они для начала поселились, называется Сеннар[55]. Когда же Господь Бог повелел им выделить из своей среды часть людей, вследствие сильного их размножения, и послать их на новые места, чтобы им не ссориться между собою и чтобы они, обрабатывая большое пространство земли, имели полный достаток в плодах, они по невежеству не повиновались Господу Богу и потому подверглись бедствиям и испытали результаты своей греховности. Когда же среди них значительно увеличилось количество молодежи, Господь Бог снова приказал им разделиться и расселиться. Они же [и на этот раз] ослушались повеления, так как, с одной стороны, полагали, что владеют всем своим имуществом не по благости Господней, а с другой - были того мнения, что их собственная сила является причиною их настоящего благополучия. К этому неповиновению воле Господа Бога они присоединили еще предположение о злом умысле Божества, которое будто побуждает их к расселению, чтобы тем легче справиться с ними.",
+                    "2. К такому дерзкому ослушанию относительно Господа Бога побудил их Немврод[56], внук Хама, сына Ноева, человек отважный и отличавшийся огромною физическою силою. Он убедил их не приписывать своего благоденствия Господу Богу, а считать причиною своего благополучия собственную свою доблесть. Спустя немного времени Немврод стал домогаться верховной власти, будучи убежден, что люди только в том случае перестанут бояться Бога и отпадут от Него, если согласятся жить под властною защитою его, Немврода. При этом он хвастливо заявлял, что защитит их от Господа Бога, если бы Тот вновь захотел наслать на землю потоп. Он советовал им построить башню более высокую, чем насколько могла бы подняться вода, и тем отомстить за гибель предков.",
+                    "3. Толпа единодушно выразила желание последовать предложениям Немврода и стала считать повиновение Господу Богу [позорным] рабством. И вот они начали строить башню, не щадя рвения и усилий. Вследствие множества рабочих рук, башня росла скорее, чем можно было бы раньше предполагать, причем ширина ее была столь велика, что вследствие этого вышина ее не так бросалась в глаза зрителям. Строилась она из жженого кирпича, залитого асфальтом, чтобы вода не могла проникнуть в нее. Видя такое их безумие. Господь Бог, хотя и решил не губить их совершенно, несмотря на то что они могли бы быть благоразумнее вследствие примера гибели прежних людей от потопа, однако посеял между ними распрю, сделав их разноязычными и тем самым вызвав среди них непонимание друг друга. То место, где они построили башню, называется теперь Вавилоном вследствие происшедшего здесь смешения языков, вместо которых раньше был один всем доступный: евреи называют смешение babel[57]. Об этой башне и смешении языков упоминает также Сивилла[58], выражаясь следующим образом: \"Когда все люди говорили еще на одном языке, некоторые из них начали строить страшной высоты башню, чтобы при помощи ее взойти на небо. Боги, однако, наслали ветры, сокрушили башню и при этом дали каждому [из строителей] особый язык. Отсюда и город стал называться Вавилоном\"[59]. Относительно же так называемой находящейся в Вавилонии сеннаарской долины Гекатей упоминает следующее: \"Те из жрецов, которые спаслись, отправились в Сеннаар в Вавилонии, захватив с собою священные доспехи Зевса Эниалия\"[60]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. В конце концов люди вследствие своего разноязычия стали расходиться и расселились повсюду по земле, кто куда попадал или куда кого привел Господь, так что вся суша, как внутренние, центральные места, так и береговые полосы, покрылась населением. Явились также и такие люди, которые переправились на кораблях на острова и заняли их. Некоторые народы сохранили при этом свои прежние, основные названия, другие их переменили, третьи, наконец, приняли имена, по их мнению, более понятные своим [новым] соседям. Виновниками такого нововведения являются греки, так как с течением времени они стали искать особенной славы в том, что украшали разные племена названиями, свойственными им, самим грекам, и навязывая им свое собственное государственное устройство, как будто бы те племена были одного с ними происхождения[61]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. У сыновей Ноя были потомки, в честь которых лица, завладевавшие какою-либо страною, называли ее население. У Ноева сына Яфета было семь сыновей. Последние расселились, начиная с гор Тавра и Амана до реки Танаиса[63], а по Европе до Гадиры[64] занимая встречавшиеся по пути земли, до этого никем не занятые, и дали населению свои собственные названия. Именно родоначальником тех народов, которые теперь именуются у греков галатами, а вообще называются гомарейцами, был Гомар[65]; Магог же положил начало тому народу, который от него получил название Магога, а ими (греками) именуется скифами[66]. От сыновей Яфета - Явана и Мада произошли племена: от Мада - мадеи[67], называющиеся у эллинов мидянами, а от Явана произошло имя Ионии и всех греков. Фовел положил начало фовелийцам, которые современниками нашими именуются иберами[68]. Мосохенцы, родоначальником которых является Мосох, носят теперь название каппадокийцев[69], хотя существует еще указание и на их древнее имя: посейчас у них есть город Мазака[70], указывающий сообразительным людям, что таким образом когда-то назывался и весь народ. Фирас же назвал тирянами подвластное себе племя, имя которого греки переделали в фракийцев[71]. Вот все эти народы ведут свое происхождение от сыновей Яфета. Из трех сыновей Гомара Асханаз положил начало астаназийцам, которые называются теперь у греков регийцами, Рифат - рифатейцам, ныне пафлагонийцам, Форгам же форгамейцам, которых греки, кажется, назвали фригийцами[72]. У сына Яфета, Явана, было [также] три сына: Елисей, давший свое имя народу, которым он правил; это - теперешние эоляне; затем Фарс, родоначальник фарсийцев. Так в древности называлась Киликия[73], доказательством чего служит следующее: самый выдающийся главный город их носит название Тарса, причем они изменили в его имени букву тау на фиту. Хетим, наконец, завладел островом Хетимою (он теперь именуется Кипром), отчего все острова и большинство прибрежных пространств называются евреями Хетим[74]. Доказательством верности моего сообщения служит один из городов на острове Кипре; этот город до сих пор сохранил название Китиона, как именуют его те, кто переделал его имя на греческий лад, причем таким образом имя его не особенно сильно отличается от слова \"Хетим\". Столькими-то народами владели сыновья и внуки Яфета[75]. Но раньше, чем мне вернуться к дальнейшему рассказу, на котором я остановился, я сделаю замечание, вероятно, новое для греков. В Писании все имена переделаны для удобства читателей на греческий лад, чтобы было сподручнее [произносить их]. Нам же такого рода тип названий кажется неподходящим, а потому у нас как формы, так и окончания слов остаются неизменными: например. Ной (Ноэос) называется [у нас] Ноэ, и такая форма проходит у нас по всему сочинению.",
+                    "2. Сыновья же Хама заняли область от Сирии, Амана и Ливанских гор вплоть до самого моря, овладев страною до океана. Впрочем, названия одних местностей совершенно утратились, других - были изменены и искажены в иных случаях до неузнаваемости; лишь немногие сохранили свои названия в неизмененном виде. Из четырех сыновей Хама имя Хуса не подверглось гибельному влиянию времени, потому что эфиопы, которыми он правил, до сих пор не только сами называют себя хусейнами[76], но и получают это название от всех жителей Азии. Равным образом сохранилось в памяти у всех также имя местреян, потому что все мы, жители нашей страны, называем Египет Местрою, а египтян местреями[77]. Фут населил Ливию и назвал по себе жителей страны футийцами[78]. Равным образом в стране мавров существует река этого имени, о которой, как известно, упоминают, равно как о прилегающей к ней стране, именуемой Футою, весьма многие греческие историки. Теперешнее свое название [Ливия] страна получила от одного из сыновей Местраима, Ливия. Несколько ниже[79] мы приведем причину, по которой ее называют также Африкою. Ханаан же, четвертый сын Хама, поселился в области, ныне именуемой Иудеею, и назвал ее по своему имени Хананеею[80]. От всех их (т. е. сыновей Хама) произошли сыновья. У Хуса их было шесть, из которых Саба положил начало сабеянам, Эвиль - эвилейцам, ныне именуемым гетулами, а Сабафа - сабафейцам. Последние называются у греков астабарами[81]. Сабакафа же положил начало сабакафинейцам[82]. Регм был родоначальником регмеян[83] и имел двух сыновей, из которых Иудада положил начало иудадеянам, западноэфиопскому племени, и дал ему свое имя, а Саба - сабеям. Немврод же, сын Хуса, остался у вавилонян и завладел, как у меня было показано уже выше, там престолом[84]. У Местраима было восемь сыновей, которые все заняли землю от Газы до Египта, но страна эта сохранила лишь название Филистеи, от имени [сына Ханаанова] Филистея. Область последнего греки именуют Палестиною[85]. Об остальных (сыновьях Местраима], Лудииме, Энеметииме и Лабииме, который поселился в Ливии и назвал страну по своему имени, о Недеме, Феросиме, Хеслеме и Хефториме нам неизвестно ничего, кроме имен, так как эфиопская война, о которой мы будем говорить ниже, принесла окончательную гибель их городам[86]. У Ханаана также были сыновья: Сидон, который основал в Финикии город того же имени, поныне называемый греками Сидоном; Амафий жил в Амафе[87], которая и теперь еще именуется так туземцами, тогда как македоняне назвали ее по имени одного из своих эпигонов[88] Эпифаниею[89]; Арадий занял остров Арад[90], Арукей же - Арку на Ливане[91]. О семи же остальных сыновьях не сохранилось в священных книгах ничего, кроме имен: Хеттея[92], Иевусея[93], Аморрея[94], Гергесея, Эвея, Асеннея и Самарея. Дело в том, что евреи по следующей причине совершенно разрушили их города.",
+                    "3. Когда после окончания потопа земля приняла опять свой прежний вид, то Ной начал ее обрабатывать и насаждать на ней виноградники. После того как плоды в свое время созрели, он приступил к сбору их и нашел годное для употребления вино. Принеся Господу Богу жертву, он выпил вина. Опьянев от него. Ной впал в сон и лежал обнаженным и в полном беспорядке. Увидев его [в таком положении], младший сын Ноя с насмешкою указал на это своим братьям, которые, однако, прикрыли отца. Когда Ной узнал об этом, он благословил [двух] других сыновей своих, а Хама хотя и не проклял вследствие столь близкого родства с ним, но зато проклял его потомков. Таким образом, в то время как все прочие избегли проклятия, сыновей Ханаана постиг гнев Божий. Об этом мы расскажем ниже.",
+                    "4. У Сима, третьего сына Ноя, было пять сыновей, потомки которых населили Азию, начиная от Евфрата и до Индийского океана. Элам оставил после себя эламейцев, родоначальников персов[95]. Ассур воздвиг город Нин и дал имя подданным своим ассирийцам, которые достигли необычайного могущества[96]. Арфаксад же назвал нынешних халдеян[97] арфаксадейцами, так как он правил ими. Арамейцами владел Арам, греки называют их сирийцами. Родоначальником нынешних лидийцев, которых тогда именовали лудейцами, был Луда[98]. У Арама было четверо сыновей: Ус основал Трахониту и Дамаск (находящийся в середине между Палестиною и Келесириею[99]), Ул положил начало Армении[100], Гавор является родоначальником бактрийцев[101], Мис - мисанейцев, страна которых у наших современников называется Спасинхараксом[102], от Арфаксада произошел сын Сала, а от последнего Евер[103], по которому иудеи в древности назывались евреями. У Иукты, сына Евера, были сыновья: Елмодад, Салеф, Азермоф, Ирай, Едорам, Эзил, Декла, Ивал, Авимаил, Савей, Офир, Эвилат, Иобав. Все они населяют местность от индийской реки Кефина до примыкающей к ней страны Сэров. Этого будет достаточно о сыновьях Сима. Теперь же я поведу речь о евреях.",
+                    "5. У Фалека, сына Евера, был сын Рагав, а у последнего Серуг, у которого родился сын Нахор, а от него Фарр. Последний был отцом Аврама, который является десятым потомком Ноя и родился девятьсот девяносто два года спустя после потопа. Фарр родил Аврама на семидесятом году своей жизни, а Нахору было сто лет, когда у него родился Фарр. Нахор же родился у Серуга, когда последнему было сто тридцать два года, а Рагав стал отцом Серуга на сто тридцатом году жизни. В таком же возрасте и Фалек имел Рагава. Евер родил на сто тридцать четвертом году жизни Фалека. Сам он родился у Салы, когда тому было сто тридцать пять лет. Последний же родился у Арфаксада, когда тому было сто тридцать пять лет. Арфаксад же был сыном Сима, родившимся у последнего двенадцать лет спустя после потопа. У Аврама были братья Нахор и Аран. Из них Аран умер в Халдее, именно в городе Ур[104], называемом халдейским, оставив после себя сына Лота и дочерей Сарру и Мельху. Могила его показывается до сих пор. На племянницах своих женились Нахор и Аврам, первый на Мельхе, второй на Сарре. Так как Фарр возненавидел Халдею вследствие печали по Аране, то все [члены семьи] переселились в область месопотамскую Харран[105]. Тут же сыновья похоронили и Фарра, умершего по достижении двухсотпятилетнего возраста. Дело в том, что теперь уже жизнь людей стала понемногу убавляться и сокращаться, и это продолжалось вплоть до рождения Моисея. После него по постановлению Господа Бога сроком жизни является сто двадцать лет. Такого возраста достиг и Моисей. У Нахора родилось от Мельхи восемь сыновей: Укс, Ваукс, Камуил, Хазад, Азав, Фелда, Иельдафа и Вафуил. Это были законные дети Нахора. Тавей же, Гаам, Тава и Мах родились у него от наложницы, Румы. У Вафуила, законного сына Нахора, родились: дочь Ревекка и сын Лаван."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Не имея прямого потомства, Аврам усыновил Лота, сына брата своего Арана и брата жены своей Сарры, и покинул, имея от роду семьдесят пять лет, Халдею, чтобы по приказанию Господа Бога направиться в Хананейскую землю. В ней он поселился и ее же оставил своим потомкам. Он был человеком необыкновенно понятливым во всех отношениях, отличался большою убедительностью в речах своих и порядочностью в обращении. Выделяясь поэтому среди других и пользуясь между ними большим почетом, вследствие своего добродетельного образа жизни, он пришел к мысли, что настало время обновить и изменить присущее всем [его современникам] представление о Господе Боге. Таким образом, он первый решился объявить, что Господь Бог, создавший все существующее, един и что все, доставляющее человеку наслаждение, даруется Его милостью, а не добывается каждым [из нас] в силу собственного нашего могущества. Аврам вывел все это из созерцания изменяемости земли и моря, солнца и всех небесных явлений[106]. Ибо (так рассуждал он) если бы всем этим телам была присуща [собственная, самостоятельная] сила, то они сами заботились бы о сохранении порядка между собою; но так как этого-то у них как раз и нет, то очевидно, что они полезны нам не в силу собственного, присущего им могущества, но вследствие власти Повелевающего им, которому Одному подобает воздавать честь и благодарность. Когда вследствие всего этого халдеи и прочие жители Месопотамии восстали против Аврама, он, решив выселиться, занял по воле и при помощи Господа Бога Хананейскую землю. Основавшись тут, он воздвиг Господу Богу алтарь и принес Ему жертву.",
+                    "2. Не называя его, впрочем, по имени, и Берос упоминает о нашем патриархе Авраме, выражаясь при этом следующим образом: \"В десятом поколении после потопа жил среди халдеев справедливый и великий человек, опытный в астрономии\". Гекатей же не только вскользь упоминает о нем, но оставил целое специальное о нем сочинение. Николай из Дамаска так выражается о нем в четвертой книге своей истории: \"Авраам правил в Дамаске, прибыв в качестве чужеземца с войском из так называемой Халдеи, страны, лежащей выше Вавилонии. Спустя короткое время он выселился со своим народом в страну, которая тогда именовалась Хананеею, а теперь Иудеею; там размножились потомки его, о которых я в другом месте буду распространяться подробнее. До сих пор еще имя Авраама пользуется большою известностью в области Дамаска, и [теперь еще] показывается там деревня, названная по его имени обиталищем Авраамовым\"."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. После того как несколько времени спустя голод постиг Хананею, а Аврам узнал, что египтяне живут в полном довольстве, он порешил отправиться к ним, с одной стороны, желая воспользоваться их избытком, с другой же - для того, чтобы поучиться у тамошних жрецов науке о божествах. При этом он решил стать их последователем, если бы нашел их взгляды правильнее своих, или, в противном случае, преподать им лучшие данные. Но так как он вез с собою и Сарру и боялся, ввиду безумной слабости египтян к женщинам, чтобы фараон, вследствие красоты его жены, не решил погубить его, он придумал следующую хитрость: выдавая себя за брата Сарры, он побудил и ее согласиться на это, так как это-де полезно им обоим. Когда же они прибыли в Египет, то все случилось так, как предполагал Аврам. Весть о красоте его жены быстро разнеслась, вследствие чего и царь египетский, не удовлетворенный одними о том рассказами, а сгорая желанием увидеть ее лично, возымел намерение овладеть Саррою. Но Господь Бог воспрепятствовал исполнению его гнусной страсти, наслав на него боязнь и расстройство в делах[107]. Когда же фараон принес [очистительную] жертву для отвращения гнева Божества, то жрецы заявили ему, что это несчастье постигло его вследствие его желания изнасиловать жену чужестранца. Испугавшись этого, фараон стал расспрашивать Сарру, кто она такая и кто приехал вместе с нею. И когда он узнал всю истину, то он стал извиняться перед Аврамом, говоря, что, считая ее за его сестру, а не за жену, он старался снискать ее благоволение с тем, чтобы вступить с ним в родство, а не для того, чтобы оскорбить ее своей страстью. Затем он одарил его богатыми подарками и сблизил его с самыми учеными египтянами[108]. Вследствие всего этого еще более распространилась молва о добродетели, присущей Авраму.",
+                    "2. Так как египтяне вследствие различия в своих обычаях глумились друг над другом и постоянно из-за этого враждовали между собой, то Аврам стал ближе сходиться с ними, знакомиться с их мировоззрением и доказывать затем всю пустоту и полную несостоятельность последнего. Этим он, благодаря частым сношениям, заслужил их удивление, как человек весьма выдающийся и необыкновенный, который не только обладает даром правильно мыслить, но и убеждать людей в чем угодно. Затем он преподал им арифметику и сообщил сведения по астрономии, в которых египтяне до прибытия Аврама были совершенно несведущи[109]. Таким образом эти науки перешли от халдеев в Египет, а оттуда уже и к грекам.",
+                    "3. По прибытии в Ханаан Аврам поделился с Лотом страной, ввиду того что их пастухи стали ссориться из-за пастбищ. Окончательный выбор местности он вполне предоставил Лоту. Сам он взял себе отвергнутую Лотом нагорную страну и поселился в городе Хеброн, который на семь лет древнее египетского города Танида[110]. Лот же занял низменность около реки Иордана, недалеко от города содомитян, который в то время еще был цветущ, а теперь, по решению и гневу Божьему, стерт с лица земли. Причину этого последнего обстоятельства я приведу в свое время."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. В то время, когда ассирийцы властвовали над Азиею[111], дела у содомитян были в цветущем положении, так как, с одной стороны, богатства их умножились, а с другой - у них было много юных воинов. Страна их находилась во власти пяти царей: Валласы, Варсы, Сенавара, Симовора и правителя валенцев. Каждый из них имел свой собственный удел. На них пошли ассирийцы войною и, разделив свое войско на четыре части, над которыми было поставлено по одному военачальнику, осадили их города. Когда же в происшедшей затем битве ассирийцы остались победителями, то они наложили дань на содомитских царей. И таким образом последние были им подвластны и платили наложенную на них дань в продолжение двенадцати лет; на тринадцатый же год они восстали, а ассирийцы снова пошли на них походом[112], причем командование над ними было в руках Амарапсида, Ариуха, Ходолламора и Фадала. Последние разграбили всю Сирию и уничтожили потомков гигантов[113]. Затем они направились против Содома и расположились лагерем в долине, носившей название \"Асфальтовые ключи\". В то время тут находились колодцы, теперь же, после уничтожения города содомитян, вся эта долина обратилась в озеро, носящее название \"Асфальтового\"[114]. Об этом озере мы, впрочем, расскажем подробности несколько ниже. Когда дело дошло у содомитян до столкновения с ассирийцами и произошло сильное сражение, многие из первых пали, а прочие были взяты в плен; в числе последних находился и Лот, явившийся к содомитянам в качестве союзника[115]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Когда Аврам узнал об их поражении, то на него напал страх за его родственника Лота и он почувствовал также сострадание к содомитянам, друзьям своим и соседям. Решив поспешить к ним на помощь, он тотчас исполнил это, выступил и напал около пятого часа ночи на ассирийцев у Дана (так называется один из истоков Иордана) и, предупредив возможность им (ассирийцам) вооружиться, одних убил в то время, как они, не предвидя нападения, спали, а других, которые хотя и не спали, но не были вследствие опьянения в силах сражаться, обратил в бегство. Аврам же преследовал их, пока наконец на другой день не согнал их в город Ову в области Дамаска, чем он доказал, что победа зависит не от численности или скученности войска, а что мужество и храбрость сражающихся может справиться со всяким количеством противников: он одержал победу над столь большим войском врагов, имея при себе лишь триста восемнадцать слуг и трех друзей. Те из противников, которым удалось спастись бегством, должны были уйти с позором.",
+                    "2. После того как Аврам спас пленных содомитян, которые попались в руки ассирийцев, и в том числе родственника своего Лота, он мирно возвратился домой. Царь же Содома вышел к нему навстречу до того места, которое называется \"Царская равнина\"[116]. Здесь принял Аврама царь города Солимы, Мельхиседек. Имя последнего означает \"праведный царь\", каковым все его и признавали, так что он по этой причине был и служителем Господа Бога. Солиму же впоследствии назвали Иерусалимом[117]. Этот Мельхиседек радушно принял людей Аврама и доставил им жизненные припасы в огромном количестве. Во время пиршества же он начал прославлять самого Аврама и восхвалять Господа Бога, который даровал тому победу над врагами. Когда же Аврам предложил ему десятую часть добычи, то он принял этот подарок. В это время царь содомитян стал уговаривать Аврама оставить за собою добычу и выдать ему только тех его людей, которых он отбил у ассирийцев. Аврам, однако, отказался от этого, говоря, что не желает себе из той добычи никакой выгоды, кроме того, что уже послужило его людям в пищу, и небольшую долю каждому из участвовавших с ним в походе союзников своих. Они назывались Эсхол, Эннир и Мамвр.",
+                    "3. Похвалив Аврама за [такую] добродетель, Господь Бог сказал: \"Тебя не минует награда, которой ты достоин за совершение такого благородного поступка\". Когда же Аврам ответил, к чему ему послужит такая награда, раз он не имеет потомства (у него тогда еще не было детей), Господь возвестил ему, что у него будет сын и от него произойдет такое великое потомство, которое по численности своей будет равно звездам. Услышав это, Аврам принес Господу Богу жертву, как это Им Самим повелено. Форма жертвоприношения же была следующая: трехлетнюю телку, трехлетнюю козу и такого же возраста барана он разрезал, по повелению Господа Бога, на части, а голубя и горлицу он принес в жертву не разрезанными на части. Затем, раньше, чем был воздвигнут алтарь, налетели хищные птицы, привлеченные кровью; и раздался глас Божий, возвестивший, что у потомков Аврама будут в продолжение четырехсот лет дурные соседи в Египте, но что потомки, испытав от тех много горя, затем одержат верх над своими врагами и, подчинив себе хананейцев с оружием в руках, овладеют их страной и городами.",
+                    "4. Аврам жил вблизи дуба Огиг (такая есть местность в Хананее, невдалеке от города Хеброна)[118]. Так как он был огорчен бесплодием жены своей, то стал умолять Господа Бога даровать ему дитя мужского пола. Предвечный же повелел ему успокоиться; ввиду того, что все прочие дела его со времени выхода его из Месопотамии приняли отличное направление, у него будут и дети. Сарра же побудила, по повелению Господа Бога, одну из своих рабынь именем Агарь, по происхождению египтянку, к сожительству с ним, в надежде, что у Аврама будут от нее дети[119]. Забеременев, эта рабыня возымела смелость обходиться с Саррою нагло и дерзко, ввиду того что надеялась передать главенство в доме ребенку, который должен был от нее родиться. Когда же Аврам передал ее Сарре для наказания, то Агарь, не ожидая такого позора, предпочла убежать и начала умолять Господа Бога сжалиться над нею. И вот когда она шла по пустыне, то перед нею предстал ангел Божий с повелением вернуться к своим господам, так как жизнь ее устроится лучше, если она сама будет скромна. Теперешнее же бедственное положение ее является результатом ее собственного неблагодарного и дерзкого отношения к госпоже ее. При этом ангел присовокупил, что, если она ослушается Господа Бога и пойдет дальше, она погибнет, если же вернется назад, то станет матерью сына, который впоследствии будет царем той земли. Послушавшись этого совета и возвратясь к господам своим, Агарь получила прощение и вскоре затем родила Измаила, т. е. \"Богом услышанного\", вследствие того что Предвечный внял ее мольбам.",
+                    "5. Этот ребенок родился у Аврама, когда последнему было уже восемьдесят шесть лет. Когда же он достиг девяностодевятилетнего года своей жизни, то Господь Бог явился Авраму и объявил ему, что у него будет сын также и от Сарры. При этом он повелел ему назвать ребенка Исаком и указал на то, что от него произойдут великие народы и цари, которые путем войны завладеют всею Хананеею от Садома до Египта. При этом Господь присовокупил, что Он желает, чтобы имеющее произойти от него племя не смешивалось с другими народами и подвергалось обрезанию, которое должно производиться на восьмой день после рождения ребенка. О причине этого нашего обрезания я поговорю в другом месте. Когда же Аврам стал расспрашивать также и об Измаиле, останется ли он в живых, то Господь объявил, что он будет долговечным и сделается родоначальником великих народов. Вознеся за это благодарение Господу Богу, Аврам немедленно приступил к обрезанию самого себя; равным образом этому подвергли себя также все его домашние и сын его Измаил, которому в то время было тринадцать, тогда как Авраму девяносто девять лет[120]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Возгордясь своим богатством и обилием имущества, содомитяне в это время стали относиться к людям свысока, а к Предвечному - нечестиво, видимо совершенно забыв о полученных от Него благодеяниях; равным образом они перестали быть гостеприимными и начали бесцеремонно обходиться со всеми людьми. Разгневавшись за это, Господь Бог порешил наказать их за такую дерзость, разрушив их город и настолько опустошив их страну, чтобы из нее уже более не произрастало ни растения, ни плода[121].",
+                    "2. После того как Господь Бог порешил поступить так с содомитянами, Аврам увидал однажды трех ангелов (он сидел у дубравы Мамре около дверей своего жилища) и, приняв их за чужеземцев, поднялся со своего места, приветствовал их и гостеприимно предложил им кров и пищу. Когда они согласились [принять его приглашение], Аврам тотчас повелел приготовить для них лепешки из тонкой муки, зарезать и зажарить теленка и стал угощать их, после того как они расположились под дубом. Те сделали вид, будто едят, и вместе с тем стали также расспрашивать, где его жена Сарра. Когда Аврам ответил, что она в доме, то они сказали, что вернутся на будущий год и найдут ее уже матерью. Но так как жена Аврама посмеялась над этим и сказала, что ей уже невозможно помышлять о потомстве ввиду того, что ей девяносто лет, а мужу ее сто, гости более уже не скрывались, но объявили, что они ангелы Божьи, что один из них послан для того, чтобы объявить им о рождении сына, а двое других для окончательного уничтожения содомитян[122].",
+                    "3. Услышав это, Аврам стал скорбить об участи содомитян и, поднявшись, начал умолять Господа Бога не губить праведных и хороших людей вместе с нечестивцами. Когда же Господь возразил, что среди содомитян нет ни одного благочестивого (ибо если бы среди них нашлось десять праведных, Он отпустил бы им наказание за их грехи), то Аврам перестал просить. Ангелы же явились в город содомитян, и Лот гостеприимно пригласил их к себе, так как он отличался большим радушием к странникам и подражал в этом прекрасном деле Авраму. Содомитяне, увидев, что к Лоту зашли чрезвычайной красоты юноши, тотчас попытались совершить над ними гнусное насилие. Лот стал увещевать их успокоиться, не подвергать позору этих чужеземцев, но отнестись с уважением к его гостям; если же они уже никак не смогут сдержать себя, то, сказал он, - он выдаст им, вместо гостей своих собственных дочерей для утоления их страсти. Однако тех это не удовлетворило.",
+                    "4. Разгневавшись на такую их дерзость, Господь Бог поразил их слепотою, так что они не были в состоянии найти вход в жилище [Лота], и порешил затем погубить весь народ содомский. Поэтому Лот, которого Господь предупредил о предстоящем уничтожении содомитян, удалился [из города] со своею женою и двумя дочерьми; последние были еще девушками; женихи же их не согласились уйти вместе с ними, так как не придавали словам Лота значения. Затем Господь поразил город огненными молниями, сжег его вместе с жителями и равным образом опустошил пожаром всю область, как это я раньше рассказывал уже в \"Иудейской войне\"[123]. Жена Лота, которая во время бегства, вопреки запрещению Господа Бога, постоянно обращалась назад в сторону города, выражая страшное любопытство, была обращена в соляной столб. Последний я видел лично: он сохранился по сей день. Сам же [Лот] убежал со своими дочерьми в небольшое место, оставшееся нетронутым огнем. Оно до сих пор называется Цоор, что по-еврейски значит \"малость\"[124]. Здесь он затем бедственно прожил некоторое время, в удалении от людей и чувствуя недостаток в припасах.",
+                    "5. Полагая, что весь род людской уничтожен, девушки (дочери Лота) сблизились с отцом своим, но сделали это так ловко, что он сам этого не заметил; поступили же они таким образом, чтобы не остаться без потомства. От них действительно родилось двое мальчиков: от старшей Моав, что значит \"от отца\", а от младшей Амман, какое имя означает \"сын племени\". Первый из них является родоначальником моавитян, которые до сих пор еще представляют весьма большой народ, а второй - аммонитян. Оба эти племени живут в Келесирии - таково-то было удаление Лота из области содомитской[125]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Аврам переселился в Герар[126] в Палестине и взял с собою Сарру под видом сестры своей; так как подобно прежнему он и теперь боялся за нее, оттого-то и решился опять на такой обман. Он опасался Авимелеха, тамошнего царя, который также почувствовал вожделение к Сарре и готов был обесчестить ее. Но эта страсть царя была обуздана тяжкою болезнью, которую наслал на него Господь Бог. И когда врачи уже совершенно отказались от надежды на его выздоровление, [Авимелеху] приснилось, что возбраняется чем бы то ни было оскорблять жену чужестранца. Лишь только ему полегчало, царь сообщил близким своим, что Господь Бог наслал на него болезнь в виде возмездия за оскорбление чужестранца, причем предупредил его не трогать женщины, которая при нем не в качестве сестры, но живет с ним как законная жена. При этом Господь присовокупил, что Он дарует милость Свою Авимелеху и во всех прочих делах, лишь бы только тот (Аврам) мог быть покоен за безопасность своей жены. После этого царь, по совету своих приближенных, послал за Аврамом и уверил его, что ему уже более нечего бояться за жену свою, что ей не будет причинено ни малейшего оскорбления, так как Господь Бог заботится о нем, и что она, состоя под его личным покровительством, будет приведена к нему нетронутою. При этом царь призывал в свидетели Господа Бога и самую Сарру, что он с самого начала и не подумал бы домогаться ее, если бы знал, что она замужем. \"Но, принимая ее за твою сестру, я не поступил бы противозаконно\" (женясь на ней, добавил царь). Вместе с тем он стал просить Аврама отнестись к нему дружелюбно и расположить в его (царя) пользу Господа Бога; если бы Аврам пожелал остаться у него, он не будет терпеть ни в чем недостатка, если же предпочтет уехать, то ему будут оказаны торжественные проводы и он получит все, ради чего он прибыл к Авимелеху. На это Аврам ответил, что он выставил родство свое с женою обманно (так как она ведь дочь его брата) и что он без этой предосторожности не считал предпринятого путешествия безопасным. Что же касается болезни царя, то не он является ее виновником, но радуется, что царь избавился от нее, и охотно готов у него остаться. Ввиду всего этого Авимелех уделил Авраму часть своих владений и имущества и они заключили союз путем клятвенного обещания вблизи одного колодца, который называется Вирсувою (что значит \"колодец клятвы\"), в том, что будут жить совместно без коварства и лжи. Место же это еще и теперь так называется у населения[127].",
+                    "2. Вскоре затем родился у Аврама сын и от Сарры, как ему то было предвещено Господом Богом. Его он назвал Исаком, что обозначает \"смех\", так как Сарра усмехнулась, когда Господь сказал, что она родит ребенка; она так назвала своего сына, потому что при своей старости уже не рассчитывала на рождение ребенка: ей было [тогда] девяносто лет, Авраму же сто. Ребенок их родился на следующий год. На восьмой день они его тотчас обрезали. Вследствие этого-то у иудеев и явился обычай совершать обрезание после стольких дней, тогда как арабы приступают к обрезанию лишь на тринадцатом году, потому что родоначальник их племени, Измаил, сын Аврама от наложницы, подвергся обрезанию в таком возрасте[128]. О последнем (т. е. Измаиле) я расскажу теперь подробно и обстоятельно.",
+                    "3. Первоначально Сарра любила Измаила, сына рабыни своей Агари, и относилась к нему с таким же точно расположением, как если бы то был ее собственный ребенок; он воспитывался так, как будто ему предстояло наследовать первенствующее значение в доме. Когда же Сарра родила Исака, то она не считала возможным, чтобы Измаил воспитывался вместе (т. е. наравне) с ним, ввиду того что он был старше и мог, в случае смерти их общего отца, обидеть Исака. Поэтому она начала уговаривать Аврама отправить его вместе с матерью в другое место. Сначала этот никак не соглашался последовать желанию и стараниям Сарры, так как ему казалось величайшею жестокостью изгнать малолетнего ребенка и женщину, нуждавшуюся во всем необходимом. Затем же (так как и Господь Бог отнесся сочувственно к требованиям Сарры) он склонился к тому, чтобы передать ребенка, который не мог самостоятельно уйти, его матери, и велел ей, взяв с собою мех с водою и хлеба, удалиться туда, куда бы привел ее случай. Когда она ушла, то вскоре очутилась в затруднительном положении вследствие недостатка во всем необходимом. И когда у них вышла вся вода, то Агарь положила умиравшего от жажды ребенка под сосну, а сама отошла в сторону, чтобы не присутствовать при его смерти. Тогда пред нею предстал ангел Божий, указал на находившийся невдалеке источник и повелел ей особенно тщательно беречь ребенка, так как спасение Измаила принесет ей самой великие блага. Ободренная этими словами, она отправилась дальше и встретила пастухов; при помощи их ей удалось избегнуть печальной гибели[129].",
+                    "4. Когда ее сын возмужал, то Агарь женила его на египтянке (из этого племени она сама была родом), от которой у Измаила родились дети, всего двенадцать: Навеоф, Кидар, Авдеил, Массама, Идума, Маема, Масс, Ходад, Феман, Иетур, Нафес и Кедма. Все они поселились в стране, простирающейся от Евфрата до Чермного моря, и назвали ее Набатеею. По ним именно и называются отдельные племена арабского народа, с одной стороны, именуясь так в честь их доблести, а с другой - в честь Аврама[130]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Аврам любил сына своего Исака больше всего на свете за то, что он был его единородным, а также за то, что Господь Бог даровал ему его на пороге старости. Впрочем, и сам ребенок вызывал к себе это расположение и все большую любовь со стороны родителей тем, что был склонен ко всякой добродетели, старался всячески служить своим родителям и выказывал особенную ревность в богопочитании. Аврам же полагал свое собственное счастие в том лишь, что когда умрет, то оставит после себя счастливого сына. И по желанию Господа Бога ему суждено было видеть это. Предвечный, желая испытать его благочестие, предстал перед Аврамом и стал перечислять ему все оказанные благодеяния, как Он даровал ему победу над врагами и как Аврам пользуется и теперешним своим счастьем - тем, что имеет сына Исака - лишь в силу расположения Его, Господа. Затем Он потребовал, чтобы Аврам принес Ему сына своего в жертву. Он повелел Авраму привести его на гору Морию[131] и, воздвигнув там алтарь, сжечь в виде жертвы. Этим он выкажет свое истинное благочестие, если предпочтет выполнение угодного Господу Богу жизни своего ребенка.",
+                    "2. Аврам считал неповиновение Предвечному в чем бы то ни было предосудительным и, полагая, что следует беспрекословно подчиниться во всем Тому, Который по благости Своей дарует всем жизнь и Свое расположение, скрыл от жены своей повеление Божие и собственное свое решение закласть сына, не сказал об этом даже никому из домашних (так как ему могли бы помешать исполнить долг повиновения Богу), взял сына и двух служителей, взвалил все нужное для жертвоприношения на осла и отправился в путь к горе. В продолжение двух дней служители совершили путь вместе с ним. На третий же день, когда показалась гора, Аврам оставил спутников своих на равнине и отправился с одним сыном на гору, на которой впоследствии царь Давид воздвиг храм. С собою они захватили все необходимое для жертвоприношения, кроме только жертвенного животного. Когда же Исак, которому было тогда двадцать пять лет, сооружал алтарь и спросил, что же он принесет в жертву, если нет жертвенного животного, Аврам ответил, что Господь Бог даст его, так как Он в состоянии доставлять людям в изобилии то, в чем они нуждаются. Поэтому Он и теперь дарует ему предмет жертвы, если только таковая будет угодна ему.",
+                    "3. И вот, когда алтарь был воздвигнут, дрова положены на него и все было приготовлено, Аврам обратился к сыну со следующими словами: \"О сын мой! Несчетными мольбами вымолил я у Господа Бога, чтобы ты родился; когда же ты явился на свет, то не было ничего, чего бы я пожалел, чтобы вырастить тебя; при этом я считал самым большим своим счастием, если бы я мог увидеть тебя возмужалым и если бы мог, перед смертью, оставить тебя своим наследником. Но так как я стал отцом твоим [лишь] по желанию Господа Бога, которому теперь заблагорассудилось отнять тебя у меня, то снеси мужественно быть самому предметом жертвоприношения. Ибо Господу Богу возвращаю я тебя назад. Ему, Который требует теперь от нас этой чести взамен той милости, которую Он оказал мне в качестве заступника и покровителя. Как родился ты, так простись теперь с жизнью не обычным путем, но в виде жертвы, принесенной родным отцом Господу Богу, всеобщему Отцу, который, по мнению моему, удостоил тебя чести расстаться с жизнью не от болезни, не от войны или какого-нибудь другого бедствия, приключающегося с людьми, но с молитвами и священнодействием. Он примет душу твою и оставит у Себя. Будь же мне заступником и украшением моей старости, ради чего я тебя главным образом и взрастил, и дай мне вместо себя заступничество Господа Бога\".",
+                    "4. Исак спокойно выслушал эти слова (потому что при таком отце он сам по необходимости должен был отличаться благородством характера) и, сказав, что его рождение было бы незаконным если бы он вздумал уклоняться от исполнения решения Господа Бога и отца своего и не предоставил бы себя охотно в распоряжение их обоих, тем более что было бы уже беззаконием не послушаться отца хотя бы он один только решил это жертвоприношение, взошел на алтарь, готовясь быть принесенным в жертву. И это было бы действительно приведено в исполнение, если бы Господь Бог не воспрепятствовал тому[132]: Он позвал Аврама по имени и тем удержал его от заклания сына. Ведь не из желания человеческой крови повелел ему Господь, как говорил Он, заклание сына, равным образом не для того, чтобы отнять так жестоко у него того, отцом которого Он его сделал, но желая убедиться в образе его мыслей, т. е, повинуется ли он даже такому [жестокому] повелению. Раз же Он убедился в готовности Аврама и в его чрезвычайном благочестии, то пусть он пользуется всеми ему дарованными [благами]: Он, Господь, никогда не откажет ни ему, ни его потомству в милостивом покровительстве; а сын его достигнет преклонного возраста, и когда он в полном счастии окончит жизнь свою, то передаст своим добрым и родным сыновьям великую власть. При этом Господь предсказал ему, что род их разовьется во много богатых племен, что память о родоначальниках последних будет жива вечно, что они с оружием в руках овладеют землею Хананейскою и тем возбудят зависть во всех людях. Сказав это, Господь Бог велел внезапно появиться барану для жертвоприношения. Они же, оставшись против ожидания неразлученными и удостоившись предвещания таких благ, обняли друг друга и, принеся жертву, вернулись к Сарре. Затем они проводили дни свои в счастии, так как Господь Бог покровительствовал им во всех их предприятиях."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Спустя неделю после этого Сарра умерла, прожив сто двадцать семь лет. Похоронили ее в Хевроне, причем хананеяне предлагали бесплатно участок земли для ее погребения, но Аврам купил это место у некоего Евраима из Хеврона за сорок сиклей. Таким образом Аврам и его потомки устроили себе места для погребения."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Затем, погодя немного, Аврам женился на Хетуре, от которой у него родилось шесть сыновей, способных к трудам и необычайно одаренных: Замбран, Иазар, Мадан, Мадиан, Иосувак и Суй. У этих также родились сыновья: у Суя - Савафан и Дадан, а от последнего - Латусим, Ассурис и Луом; у Мадиана - Эфа, Офрен, Анох, Евида и Елда. Всех этих сыновей и внуков своих Аврам побудил расселиться отдельно; они заняли Троглодиту и ту часть счастливой Аравии, которая доходит до Чермного моря[135]. Также рассказывается, что Офрен пошел войною на Ливию и занял ее, причем внуки его поселились в этой стране и назвали ее по его имени Африкою. Слова мои подтверждаются также и Александром Полигистором[136], который сообщает по этому предмету следующее: \"Прорицатель Клеодем, он же Малх[137], написавший историю иудеев так же, как о них повествовал их собственный законодатель Моисей, сообщает, что у Аврама родились от Хетуры благородные сыновья\". При этом он называет также имена последних, приводя троих: Аферу, Сурима и Иафру. От Суримы получила свое название Ассирия[138], от двух других же, от Аферы и Иафры, получил свое имя город Афра и была названа вся страна Африкою[139]. Они были союзниками Геракла в его походе на Ливию и против Антея; когда же Геракл женился на дочери Афры, то у него родился от нее Дидор, от которого в свою очередь произошел Софон; по имени же последнего варвары называются софакийцами[140]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Когда Исаку было около сорока лет, Аврам задумал дать ему в жены Ревекку, внучку брата своего Нахора, и отправил просить ее руки старшего из слуг своих, связав его наперед торжественною клятвою. Последние совершаются таким образом: положив друг другу руки ниже бедер, [клянущиеся] взывают затем к Господу Богу, как к свидетелю грядущего[141]. Аврам послал также жителям той местности подарки, особенно ценные по своей редкости или по затруднительности иначе получить их. Отправившись в путь, посланец совершил его нескоро, потому что путешествовать по Месопотамии вообще затруднительно: зимою вследствие глубокой грязи, летом из-за бездождия; к тому же там водятся разбойники, избегнуть которых невозможно, если путешественник не примет заранее мер предосторожности. Наконец достиг он города Харрана[142]. Прибыв в окрестности города, он встретил нескольких девушек, шедших за водою. Тогда он обратился к Господу Богу с молитвою, чтобы, если Господу угоден будет брак, он мог найти среди них Ревекку, из-за брака сына с которой отправил его Аврам, и чтобы Он мог узнать ее по тому, что, когда он попросит напиться, другие откажут ему в этом, тогда как она подаст ему воды.",
+                    "2. С этим намерением он приблизился к цистерне и стал просить девушек дать ему напиться. Когда же они отказали ему в этом, говоря, что сами нуждаются в воде и должны отнести ее домой (между тем как доставать воду нелегко), то только одна из всех стала упрекать их в нелюбезности к иноземцу, говоря, что если они не дадут человеку даже воды, то чем же выкажут людям свою воспитанность? При этом она с удовольствием подала ему напиться. Это исполнило его наилучших надежд. Желая узнать всю правду, он похвалил девушку за ее благородство и дельность, что она не избегает собственным трудом помогать нуждающимся, а затем стал расспрашивать, кто ее родители, и пожелал им счастья за такую дочь. \"Да будет дано им,- сказал он,- выдать тебя замуж в дом хорошего человека, чтобы ты родила ему таких же благородных детей\". Она же не отказалась сообщить ему все желаемое и объявила ему, кто она такая. \"Зовут меня Ревеккой,- сказала она,- отец мой Вафуил. Он, однако, уже умер, брат же наш - Лаван, который вместе с матерью заведует всем домом и заботится о моем девичестве\". Услышав это, тот обрадовался как всему случившемуся, так и словам ее, так как видел, что Господь Бог действительно способствует достижению цели его путешествия. Вынув ожерелье и еще некоторые другие украшения, он подал их девушке как бы в ответ на любезно поданный ею напиток и в знак уважения, причем сказал, что она получает эти вещи по полному праву, так как выдается среди стольких девушек своею добротою. Вместе с тем он просил ее позволить остановиться у ее родных ввиду невозможности для него продолжать при приближении ночи дальнейшее путешествие, тем более что при нем находится драгоценное женское украшение, довериться с которым он считает наиболее безопасным таким людям, каких он узнал в ее лице. На человеколюбие ее матери и брата и на то, что они не рассердятся, добавил он, он рассчитывает, найдя тому подтверждение в ее собственной добродетели; он им не будет в тягость, так как заплатит за гостеприимство, да и будет пользоваться собственными припасами. Она же ответила ему, что он совершенно верного мнения о гостеприимстве ее родных, но также упрекнула его в том, что считает их столь мелочными; он получит все безвозмездно. Сперва, однако, она заявит об этом брату своему Лавану, а затем с его разрешения приведет [его в дом их].",
+                    "3. После этого она ввела его в качестве гостя в дом, а верблюдов его взяли рабы Лавана на свое попечение. Затем ему самому предложили отобедать вместе с Лаваном. После еды он обратился к хозяину и матери девушки со следующими словами: \"Аврам, сын Фарра и наш родственник, так как, о госпожа, Нахор - дед этих детей [твоих], вместе с тем родной брат Аврама, как по отцу, так и по матери, посылает [меня] теперь к вам с просьбою выдать эту девушку замуж за его сына, который единственный у него наследник всех его имуществ. Имея возможность выбрать для него вполне хорошую жену из обитательниц собственной страны, он, однако, этого не сделал, так как ставит высоко собственный род свой и задумал именно этот брак. Не отвергайте его желания и его плана, потому что по явному благоволению Господа Бога и в дороге у меня все было удачно, да и эту девушку в дом наш нашел я (по указанию Господа Бога): приблизившись к городу и увидя приход многих девушек к колодцу, я вознес молитву к Нему, прося дать мне возможность найти между ними суженую, что и случилось на самом деле. Согласитесь же теперь и вы на этот очевидно Предвечным благословляемый брак и почтите Аврама, отправившего [меня] с таким [к вам] вниманием, тем, что не откажете в руке девушки\". Те (им это очень понравилось) увидели тут промысел Божий и отправили, как Аврам просил, [к нему] дочь свою. Исак женился на ней, так как все дела были переданы ему; сыновья же Хетуры успели уже выселиться[143]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Вскоре спустя умер Аврам, человек, выдающийся всевозможными добродетелями и особенно угодный Богу за свое ревностное по отношению к Нему усердие. Прожил он всего сто семьдесят пять лет и был похоронен своими сыновьями Исаком и Измаилом в Хеброне рядом с женою своею Саррою[144]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. После смерти Аврама жена Исака почувствовала себя беременною; опасаясь дурных последствий от чрезмерного увеличения чрева ее, он вопросил [об этом] Господа Бога[145], который ответил ему, что Ревекка родит близнецов. От последних произойдут соответствующие именам их народы, причем тот, который на вид будет казаться меньшим, будет властвовать над большим. Действительно, немного спустя у Исака, сообразно предсказанию Божию, родились близнецы, из которых старший от головы до ног был покрыт густыми волосами, а младший держал родившегося перед ним за пятку. Отец особенно полюбил старшего Исава, который вследствие обилия своих волос назывался также Сииром, так как евреи называют волосы seeiron[146]. Младший же, Иаков, был любимцем матери.",
+                    "2. Когда страну постиг голод, то Исак, решивший было перекочевать в Египет, так как там земля была плодородна, переселился, по повелению Господа Бога, в Герар. [Тут] его гостеприимно принял по дружественным отношениям к Авраму царь Авимелех. Вначале он выказывал к Исаку полное расположение, но затем это не долго оставалось так, вследствие зависти царя; видя, что Господь Бог поддерживает Исака и так сильно о нем заботится, он изгнал его [из своих владений]. Исак же, испытав такую переменчивость нрава завистливого Авимелеха, удалился тогда в местность недалеко от Герара, по имени Фаранкс[147]. И вот, когда он был занят выры-тием [здесь] колодца, пастухи [Авимелеха] с оружием в руках напали на него с целью помешать ему в работе; а так как он не желал ссориться, то они сочли себя за победителей. Отступив [подальше], Исак принялся за сооружение другого колодца; и когда новые пастухи Авимелеха [опять] оказали ему сопротивление, то он и здесь оставил работу и ушел, так как по здравому размышлению предпочитал безопасность. Когда затем [Авимелех] добровольно предоставил ему беспрепятственно рыть цистерну[148], то [Исак] назвал последнюю Роовоф; имя это означает \"обширная местность\". Из прежних же колодцев один называется Эксоном, т. е. \"битвою\", а другой - Ситенною, это значит \"вражда\"[149].",
+                    "3. Между тем, с увеличением богатств, стало возрастать и могущество Исака, и Авимелех начал бояться, как бы Исак не употребил [своей силы] против него: тем более что отношения их стали подозрительными и Исак удалился вследствие скрытой вражды [к нему царя]. Опасаясь поэтому, что прежняя дружба их не принесет ему никакой пользы и что Исак теперь будет мстить за испытанные неприятности, Авимелех решился заключить с ним дружественный, как раньше, союз и взял с собою [к нему] одного из своих военачальников, Фикола. Добившись, благодаря доброте Исака, всего, чего он желал, так как тот, во имя прежней дружбы, своей и отцовской, простил ему нанесенные рбиды, Авимелех возвратился к себе домой.",
+                    "4. Из сыновей Исака Исав, к которому отец особенно благоволил, достигнув сорокалетнего возраста, взял в жены Аду и Аливаму, дочерей зажиточных хананейцев Илона и Есевеона. В этом брачном вопросе он действовал совершенно самостоятельно, отнюдь не испросив совета у отца. Дело в том, что Исак ни за что не одобрил бы его намерения, так как ему было крайне неприятно вступать в родство с жителями той страны. Не желая, однако, своим приказанием сыну отказаться от этих женщин огорчать его, Исак предпочел молчание [в этом деле][150].",
+                    "5. Когда Исак состарился и совершенно потерял зрение, он позвал к себе Исава и сказал ему, что он вследствие старости, слабости и слепоты уже не в состоянии более служить Господу Богу[151]. При этом он велел ему пойти на охоту и, если удастся убить что-нибудь, приготовить ему еду, чтобы он после этого мог обратиться с молитвою к Господу Богу, дабы Тот был его союзником и Покровителем на всю его жизнь; неизвестно, когда ему (Исаку) суждено умереть, но раньше смерти ему хотелось бы молитвою снискать [для сына] благословение Божие.",
+                    "6. Исав тотчас же отправился на охоту. Между тем Ревекка, которая считала необходимым снискать благословение Божие, хотя бы против желания Исака, на Иакова, приказала последнему зарезать несколько козлят и приготовить их к обеду. Иаков повиновался во всем указаниям матери. Когда же обед был готов, она навязала сыну на руку шкуру козленка, чтобы таким образом отец принял его за волосатого Исава (дело в том, что во всех отношениях он был совершенно похож на последнего, исключая волосатость, которая была единственным отличительным между ними признаком), и он понес отцу обед, боясь, однако, как бы отец раньше благословения не заметил обмана и не превратил бы благословение в обратное (т. е. в проклятие). Исак, заметив что-то странное в голосе сына, подозвал его поближе к себе. Когда же тот протянул к нему руку, обмотанную козлиною шкуркою, Исак, прикоснувшись к ней, сказал: \"По голосу ты похож на Иакова, но по массе волос [на руке] ты кажешься мне Исаком\".",
+                    "7. Не предполагая, впрочем, никакого обмана, Исак пообедал и затем обратился с молитвою и воззванием к Господу Богу, говоря: \"Владыка Предвечный и Создатель всего существующего! Ты обещал отцу моему великое множество благ, признал также и меня достойным своей милости и обещал всегда быть моим потомкам милостивым хранителем и даровать им лучшие блага. Подтверди это и ныне и не отвергай меня в моей настоящей слабости, которая заставляет меня еще более нуждаться в Твоей поддержке. Спаси милостиво мне этого сына и охрани его от всякого зла, даровав ему счастливую жизнь и приобретение всех благ, сколько можешь дать ему. Сделай его грозным для врагов и даруй ему почет и любовь со стороны друзей\"[152].",
+                    "8. Так взывал Исак к Богу, думая, что молится за сына своего Исава. Лишь только он окончил благословение, как Исав явился с охоты. Хотя Исак и заметил обман, но смолчал. Исав же выразил желание получить от отца одинаковое с братом своим благословение, а когда отец отказал ему в этом, так как он дал Иакову полное благословение, то тот открыто выразил свое огорчение по поводу этого обмана. Наконец отец, тронутый его слезами, заявил, что Исав стяжает себе известность своими успехами в охоте, физическою силою в употреблении оружия и другими подвигами и что также потомство его будет пользоваться вечно этою его славою, но что ему все-таки придется быть в подчинении у брата[153].",
+                    "9. Так как Иаков стал опасаться, как бы брат его не вздумал отомстить ему за обманным образом полученное благословение, то мать решила избавить его от этой опасности тем, что начала уговаривать мужа своего женить Иакова на родственнице, какой-нибудь жительнице Месопотамии, в то время как Исав, против воли отца, взял в жены Вассемафу, дочь Измаила. Между тем домашние Исака были нерасположены к хананеянам, и потому они отнеслись неприязненно и к первому браку Исава, а теперь он взял в жены Вассемафу, к которой он особенно сильно привязался[154]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Посланный матерью своею в Месопотамию для женитьбы на дочери Лавана, брата ее, после того как и Исак повелел ему это, склонясь на желание жены своей, Иаков начал свое путешествие по Хананее. Вследствие нерасположения к населению, он не хотел останавливаться ни у кого [из хананейцев], а ночевал под открытым небом, преклонив голову на собранные им камни[155]; вот ему во сне явилось следующее видение: ему казалось, что он видит лестницу, ведшую с земли до самого неба, а по ней спускаются видения более благородные, чем люди, а на самом конце ее он ясно увидал Самого Господа Бога, который назвал его по имени и обратился к нему со следующею речью:",
+                    "2. \"Иаков! Так как у тебя отец столь добродетелен, да и слава деда твоего велика, то тебе нечего бояться за настоящее, но следует надеяться на лучшее [будущее]. При Моем содействии тебе во всем будет дано полное изобилие великих благ. Аврама Я ведь также привел сюда из Месопотамии, когда родственники изгнали его, а отца твоего Я также сделал счастливым; поэтому и тебе Я ниспошлю удел не хуже их. Посему мужайся и [спокойно] совершай путь этот: Я буду твоим руководителем. Брак, который ты имеешь в виду, состоится, и у тебя родятся хорошие дети. Количество потомства их будет бесчисленно, так как они оставят после себя еще большее число сыновей. Им и детям их, которые наполнят всю землю и все побережье морское, куда только ни смотрит солнце, Я дарую власть над этою землею. Не страшись поэтому никакой опасности и не смущайся массою затруднений, потому что во всех твоих начинаниях Я окажу тебе свою милость, как теперь, так особенно в будущем\".",
+                    "3. Это возвестил Иакову Господь Бог. Иаков же, вне себя от радости вследствие виденного и слышанного им, освятил камни, у которых ему было предвещано столько благ, и дал обет принести на них жертву, когда вернется жив и невредим, и на возвратном пути отдать Господу Богу десятину из того, что у него будет тогда с собою. Он признал это место священным и дал ему имя Вифил, что в переводе на греческий язык значит \"жертвенник Божий\"[156].",
+                    "4. Направившись далее в Месопотамию, он через несколько времени прибыл в Харран. Найдя здесь недалеко от города пастухов, юношей и девушек, которые сидели около цистерны, он присоединился к ним, так как чувствовал жажду, и, вступив с ними в разговор, спросил их, не знают ли они у себя некоего Лавана и жив ли он еще. Те отвечали, что они все знают его (это ведь не такое лицо, которое можно было бы не знать); дочь его обыкновенно вместе с ними пасет стада, и они удивляются, что ее [сейчас] нет среди них. \"От нее ты лучше узнаешь, что тебе желательно узнать\". И в то время, когда они еще говорили об этом, подошла и дочь [Лавана] с возвратившимися домой пастухами. Они указали ей на Иакова, как на чужеземца, прибывшего, чтобы разузнать о ее отце. Тогда она любезно выразила Иакову свое удовольствие по поводу его прибытия и стала расспрашивать его, кто он, откуда прибыл к ним и по какому делу, и пожелала иметь возможность исполнить то, ради чего он прибыл к ним.",
+                    "5. Иаков же, побуждаемый не столько чувством родства и вызванным последним ласковым с ним обращением, сколько пораженный видом ее красоты, которой в такой степени обладали не многие из тогдашних женщин, ответил: \"Если ты дочь Лавана, то родство мое с тобою и с отцом твоим старше, чем мы оба на свете; у Фарры были сыновья Аврам, Арран и Нахор, от которых у Нахора родился твой дед Вафуил, а от Аврама и Сарры, дочери Аррана, произошел отец мой - Исак. Кроме того мы связаны друг с другом еще более новым и близким родством, потому что мать моя - Ревекка, сестра отца твоего Лавана - от одних и тех же родителей: таким образом, мы с тобою двоюродные брат и сестра. И теперь я явился сюда, чтобы приветствовать вас и возобновить наше давнишнее родство\". Как это случается с молодыми людьми, она вспомнила рассказы отца своего о Ревекке и, зная, что родители ее с удовольствием упоминали ее имя, при мысли о радости отца прослезилась, бросилась к Иакову и, обняв его, сказала, что он доставил [своим прибытием] отцу ее и всем домашним самую желанную и величайшую радость, так как отец постоянно вспоминает о его матери, о ней одной говорит и не променяет этой радости ни на какое благо. Затем она пригласила его немедленно последовать за нею к отцу, чтобы дольше не лишать последнего столь большого удовольствия.",
+                    "6. С этими словами она повела его к Лавану. Немедленно узнанный своим дядею, Иаков очень обрадовался и почувствовал себя совершенно как дома среди этих друзей своих, тем более что он доставил, видимо, и им большое удовольствие. Спустя несколько дней Лаван сказал, что хотя он и радуется его прибытию более, чем в состоянии выразить словами, но желал бы узнать причину, почему он покинул отца с матерью, которые уже стары и [вероятно] нуждаются в его помощи; он готов (присовокупил Лаван) оказать ему всяческую поддержку и покровительство. Иаков на это рассказал ему причину [прибытия своего] во всех подробностях: как у Исака родилось двое сыновей-близнецов, он и Исав; как последний, благодаря хитрости матери, лишился отцовского благословения и потому искал предлога убить его, Иакова, за то, что он отнял у него предназначенное от Господа Бога первенство и блага отцовского благословения. Это - причина его здешнего пребывания, совершившегося по решению матери. \"Хотя у нас есть и другие близкие родственники, однако ближе этого родства является родство [твое к] матери,- сказал он.- Рассчитывая на твое и Божие заступничество в этом моем уходе из дома, я в теперешнем моем положении смело смотрю в глаза будущему\". Лаван обещал ему ради его родителей оказать всяческое дружеское содействие, равно как ради матери, которой, хотя ее и нет здесь, он тем выразил бы свое расположение за ее любовное к нему отношение.",
+                    "7. При этом он присовокупил, что поручит ему надзор за пастухами и за это поставит его в особенно выгодные, исключительные условия. Если же он захочет вернуться к своим родителям, то он отпустит его с дарами и почестью, какая подобает такому родственнику. Иаков с удовольствием выслушал все это и сказал, что он охотно возьмется за всякую работу, которую тому будет угодно поручить ему, а в награду за это просит руки Рахили, которая, кроме всего прочего, уже тем стала ему дорога, что была посредницей в деле его прибытия сюда к нему. (Последние слова были у него вызваны любовью к этой девушке.) Лаван с радостью обещал выдать за Иакова дочь свою, сказав, что лучшего зятя не отыщешь. Сделает он это, если Иаков пробудет у него некоторое время, так как он не желал бы отправлять дочь в Хананею ввиду того, что жалеет уже и о выдаче туда замуж своей сестры. Когда Иаков согласился на эти условия, то Лаван назначил [срок службы] семь лет. Такое время решил он назначить своему зятю, чтобы последний мог проявить доказательства своей пригодности и лучше показать, каков он. По истечении семи лет Лаван, сообразно данному слову, велел приготовить свадебный пир. С наступлением же ночи Лаван уложил рядом с ничего не подозревавшим Иаковом другую свою дочь, которая была старше Рахили и некрасива. В темноте и опьянении [ничего не заметив], Иаков соединился с нею и лишь на другой день, заметив обман, стал упрекать Лавана в нарушении слова. Последний оправдывался необходимостью, которая заставила его совершить этот подмен, так как он привел к нему Лию не из злого умысла, но потому, что его побудила к тому другая, более серьезная причина. Это, однако, отнюдь не препятствует его женитьбе и на Рахили, которую он, если Иаков ее любит, выдаст за него по истечении другого семилетия. Иаков согласился на это, так как любовь его к этой девушке не позволяла ему поступить иначе. И действительно, по истечении второго семилетия он женился на Рахили[157].",
+                    "8. У обеих сестер было по служанке, которых отдал за ними отец их: у Лии - Зелфа, у Рахили же - Балла. Впрочем, то были не рабыни, но лишь служащие. Лию очень огорчала любовь мужа ее к сестре; и вот в надежде заслужить его расположение, если родит ему детей, она постоянно молилась о том Господу Богу. Когда же у нее родился мальчик и муж ее, вследствие того, стал относиться к ней ласковее, она назвала сына своего Рувилом, так как он был ей дарован Господом Богом из сострадания; последнее именно и обозначается этим именем. С течением времени у нее родилось еще трое других сыновей: Симеон (это имя означает, что Господь Бог стал внимать ее мольбам), затем Леви, т. е. способный скреплять узы, а за ним Иуда, имя которого означает \"благодарность\". Между тем Рахиль, боясь, как бы отношения ее не изменились к мужу, благодаря плодородию сестры своей, убедила Иакова соединиться с ее служанкою Валлою. От последней родился ребенок, именем Дан (что, по мнению некоторых, значит по гречески Феокрит, т. е. \"Божие решение\"), а за ним Нефталим, т. е. такой, который не поддается ни на какую хитрость, ввиду того, что здесь была пущена в ход уловка относительно плодородия сестры. Впрочем, такую же уловку применила и Лия, для того чтобы противодействовать проискам сестры своей: потому и она привела к соединению с мужем свою служанку. И вот от Зелфы родился сын Гад (т. е. \"случай\"), а за ним Асир, т. е. \"счастливый\", вследствие того что он способствовал благополучию Лии. Когда же [однажды] старший из сыновей Лии, Рувиль, принес матери своей яблоки мандрагоры[158] и Рахиль увидала это, то она стала просить [сестру] отдать их ей, потому что ей весьма хотелось отведать их. Лия отказала ей в этом, и когда привела в виде причины отказа то соображение, что та лишит ее расположения мужа, Рахиль успокоила сестру тем, что сказала, что уступит ей на эту ночь мужа, когда он явится к ней в тот вечер для сна. Так как Рахиль отказалась от объятий, Иаков спал, в угоду Рахили, у Лии. И вот у последней опять родились дети: Иссахар, т. е. \"полученный взамен воздаяния\", Завулон, т. е. \"залог расположения к ней\", и дочь Дина. Немного спустя и у Рахили родился сын Иосиф, что означает \"увеличение будущего\"[159].",
+                    "9. Все это время, т. е. в продолжение двадцати лет, Иаков служил пастухом у своего тестя. По истечении этого срока он решил забрать своих жен и вернуться к себе домой; а так как тесть не соглашался на это, то он задумал сделать это тайком. Поэтому Иаков стал спрашивать у жен своих, какого они мнения о переселении. Когда последние вполне на это согласились, то Рахиль захватила с собою также изображение божеств, почитать которые, как домашних богов, было [там] в обычае[160], и бежала вместе с сестрой, со своими детьми, а вместе с ними бежали также и служанки со своими сыновьями и со всем их имуществом, какое было у них. Иаков угнал, без ведома Лавана, также половину стад. Рахиль же для того захватила с собою изображения богов (презирать которых научил ее Иаков), чтобы, если бы их во время преследования настиг отец ее, она могла иметь при них убежище и легче склонить его к щмлпению[161].",
+                    "10. Узнав на третий день о бегстве Иакова и дочерей, Лаван в страшном гневе со значительной ратью бросился за ними в погоню. Лишь на седьмой день он настиг их, в то время как они расположились для отдыха на одном холме. Однако он спокойно воздержался от нападения, так как был вечер. Ночью же Господь Бог послал ему сновидение, в котором советовал взять к себе обратно зятя и дочерей, отнестись к ним мягко и не подвергать их никакому насилию; напротив. Он советовал ему заключить союз с Иаковом, так как Он, Господь, окажет ему Свою поддержку, если бы Лаван, презрительно отнесясь к малочисленности людей Иакова, вздумал вступить с ним в бой. Ввиду такого заявления Господа Бога, Лаван с наступлением дня пригласил Иакова для мирных переговоров и сообщил ему при этом о сновидении. Когда Иаков, доверившись этому, явился к Лавану, последний начал упрекать его, указывая на то, как он принял его, когда тот явился к нему бедным и лишенным всего необходимого, и как он без всякой зависти отнесся к увеличению его имущества. \"В расчете, что таким образом усилится твое расположение ко всем нам, я отдал тебе в жены дочерей моих. Ты же, не обратив внимания ни на свою мать, ни на близкое родство, в котором ты состоишь со мною, не постыдясь ни жен своих, ни детей, дедом которых я являюсь, обошелся со мною, как с врагом, похитил мое имущество, побудил дочерей моих к бегству от отца и ушел, украв и унеся с собою родные божества, высокочтимые моими предками и пользовавшиеся и с моей стороны немалым почитанием. Следовательно, ты поступил так, как не поступает даже неприятель по отношению к врагу своему, ты, мой родственник, сын моей сестры, муж моих дочерей, бывший гостем и домочадцем моим\". На эти слова Лавана Иаков привел в свое оправдание, что любовь к родине внушил Господь Бог не ему одному, но всем людям и что вполне естественно было его стремление вернуться туда после такого продолжительного промежутка времени. \"Что же касается неправильного присвоения с моей стороны твоего имущества, в чем ты меня обвиняешь,- продолжал он,- то ты сам при другом (менее пристрастном) суде явился бы виновным: ведь в то время как тебе бы следовало чувствовать к нам благодарность за то, что мы сберегли и умножили твое имущество, разве ты не грешишь относительно истины, упрекая меня в том, что мы взяли себе из этого имущества небольшую долю? Что же касается дочерей твоих, то знай, что они последовали за мною не потому, что я коварно подбил их покинуть тебя, но по собственному влечению, которое ведь и вполне уместно у замужних женщин относительно мужей своих. Впрочем, они следуют за мною не столько ради меня, сколько из-за детей своих\". Это сказал [Лавану] Иаков в оправдание свое от взведенного на него обвинения в неблагопристойности, а затем обратился сам к обвинению Лавана в том, что последний, несмотря на то что он брат его матери и выдал за него замуж своих дочерей, притеснял его всевозможными затруднениями в продолжение целых двадцати лет. То, что он с ним сделал под предлогом выдачи дочери замуж, хотя и было тяжело, однако может быть названо легким в сравнении с тем, что было после брака: от этого убежал бы даже враг. И действительно, Лаван поступил крайне неприглядно с Иаковом. Так как он видел, что во всех начинаниях Господь Бог помогает Иакову, то Лаван обещал дать ему то белых, то черных ягнят приплода; и всякий раз, когда следуемый по данному Иакову слову приплод оказывался довольно значительным, Лаван не сдерживал своего обещания тотчас же, но обещал дать следуемое ему на будущий год, вследствие того что не желал значительного увеличения состояния Иакова; поэтому он, ошибаясь каждый раз в своем расчете, давал зятю обещания на будущее, в чаянии, что он не оправдает возлагаемых на него надежд[162].",
+                    "11. Относительно же идолов (взятых из дома Лавана) Иаков предложил обыскать его. Когда же Лаван приступил к обыску, Рахиль предусмотрительно спрятала идолов в кобуру того верблюда, на котором ехала, а сама села на нее, говоря, что у нее наступило месячное очищение. При таких условиях Лаван отказался от дальнейшего обыска, полагая, что дочь его в таком состоянии не посмеет приблизиться к идолам. Затем он дал Иакову клятвенное обещание не поминать случившегося, а Иаков поклялся ему, что [всегда] будет любить его дочерей. Этими клятвенными уверениями обменялись они на известных горных высотах, на которых воздвигли колонну в форме алтаря. Отсюда эта возвышенность получила имя Галад[163], вследствие чего и всю ту местность ныне называют страною Галаадскою. По заключении договора пиршеством Лаван возвратился домой[164]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. В то время как Иаков продолжал свой путь в Хананею, ему являлись видения, дававшие ему прекрасные надежды на будущее. Место это Иаков назвал \"станом Божиим\"[165]. Желая знать, как относится к нему его брат, он выслал вперед лазутчиков, которые должны были разведать все в точности, так как Иаков боялся со стороны Исава прежнего нерасположения. При этом он поручил посланным сказать Исаву, что Иаков, считавший невозможным жить вместе с ним вследствие его гнева против него, добровольно покинул страну, теперь же, полагая, что наступило удобное время для примирения, возвращается назад, желая с самым ценным своим имуществом, с женами, детьми и средствами к жизни предать себя в его руки, потому что считает величайшим счастьем поделиться с родным братом всем, что даровано ему Господом Богом. Посланные сообщили об этом Исаву, который очень тому обрадовался и выступил навстречу брату с четырьмястами тяжеловооруженными воинами. Иаков же, узнав, что он идет к нему со столькими воинами, испугался, хотя стал уповать в надежде на спасение на Господа Бога и на всякий случай принял все меры предосторожности, чтобы избежать опасности как самому, так и своим домашним и одолеть врагов, если бы они вздумали обидеть его. Поэтому он разделил своих спутников на два отряда; один из них он послал вперед, остальным же приказал непосредственно следовать за первыми, для того чтобы первые могли спастись за последними, если бы, в случае нападения со стороны брата, передовой отряд потерпел поражение. Распределив таким образом свои силы, он послал нескольких человек с дарами к брату. То были вьючные животные и масса мелкого скота, о которых Иаков думал, что они вследствие недостатка в них [у Исава] явятся в его глазах особенно ценными. Посланные между тем двигались с интервалами для того, чтобы, являясь друг за другом, казалось, что их много. Этими подарками Иаков рассчитывал смягчить гнев брата, если бы тот все еще питал к нему неприязненное чувство. Кроме того, он велел посланным обращаться к нему с ласковыми речами.",
+                    "2. Употребив на эти распоряжения целый день, Иаков с наступлением ночи двинулся вперед со своими людьми. И когда они переходили через быстрый поток Иавакх[166], то Иаков несколько отстал от других, и тут ему представилось видение, которое вызвало его на бой. Однако Иаков одолел его, и оно заговорило с ним человеческим голосом и сказало, чтобы он радовался, так как он осилил ни больше ни меньше как посланца Божия; пусть он видит в этом предвещание великих будущих благ, что его род никогда не прекратится и что он никогда не подпадет власти человеческой; затем оно повелело ему именоваться Израилем, что на еврейском языке означает \"противник ангела Божия\". Все это предсказало ему видение, по настоятельной просьбе Иакова, так как последний, заметив, что то ангел Божий, просил сказать ему о будущей судьбе его. После этого сообщения видение исчезло[167], Иаков же в великой радости (вследствие предвещания) назвал это место Фануилом, что значит \"лик Божий\". А так как он после борьбы ощутил боль в одной из жил, в боку своем, то он сам стал воздерживаться от употребления в пищу этой части животных и потому также и мы не считаем ее съедобною.",
+                    "3. Когда Иаков узнал, что брат его уже близок, то он велел женам своим, и притом каждой отдельно со своими прислужницами, двинуться вперед, для того чтобы они могли издали присутствовать при битве воинов, если бы на то решился Исав. Затем он и сам приблизился к брату своему, который, однако, нисколько не злоумышлял против него, и поклонился ему. Исав же обнял его и спросил, где его дети и жены, а затем, осведомившись обо всем их касающемся, предложил направиться вместе с ними к отцу; но когда Иаков указал на утомленность вьючных животных, то Исав вернулся в Сайр, где он проводил жизнь свою. Местность эта и была им названа так по обилию его волос на теле[168]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "1. Иаков между тем прибыл в то место, которое еще и поныне называется \"Шатрами\", откуда он направился к Сикиму[169]. Это хананейский город. В то время как жители его справляли праздник, единственная дочь Иакова, Дина, вошла в город с целью поглядеть ва наряды местных женщин. Увидев ее, сын царя Еммора, Сихем, похитил ее и изнасиловал, а затем стал просить отца своего позволить ему взять эту девушку в жены. Тот согласился и пришел к Иакову, прося по всем обрядам выдать Дину замуж за его сына Сихема. Не зная, что возразить на предложение это, но, с другой стороны, также не считая удобным брак дочери с иноземцем, Иаков решил успокоить его уверением, что будет поступлено сообразно с его желанием. Тогда царь вернулся назад в надежде, что Иаков устроит этот брак. Между тем последний сообщил сыновьям своим об изнасиловании их сестры и о просьбе Еммора и просил посоветовать, что предпринять. И в то время, как большинство из них в недоумении молчало, Симеон и Леви, единоутробные братья девушки, порешили между собою привести в исполнение следующий план: так как был праздник и жители Сихема предавались развлечениям и пиршествам, то они ночью напали сперва на стражу и перебили ее во сне, а затем, проникнув в город, перерезали всех мужчин, и вместе с ними царя и царского сына; одних женщин они пощадили. Сделав все это без ведома отца своего, они привели назад сестру.",
+                    "2. Этим жестоким поступком Иаков был крайне поражен и очень разгневался за него на сыновей своих. Тогда явился ему Господь Бог, повелел ему успокоиться, подвергнуть \"Шатры\" очищению и принести Ему те жертвы, относительно которых Иаков дал обет после сновидения при своем путешествии в Месопотамию. И вот, когда Иаков приступил к очищению своих спутников, то он наткнулся и на идолов Лавана (он совершенно не знал, что их похитила Рахиль) и зарыл их в Сихеме в землю под дубом. Выступив затем оттуда, он совершил жертвоприношение в Вифиле, где он раньше, при своем путешествии в Месопотамию, видел сон.",
+                    "3. Когда он, покинув это место, прибыл к Эвфратане, то ему пришлось похоронить здесь Рахиль, умершую в родах, единственную из семейства, которая не удостоилась чести быть погребенной в Хеброне. Горько оплакав ее, Иаков назвал родившегося от нее младенца Веньямином, вследствие той боли, которую он причинил матери своей. Вот это и все дети Иакова, двенадцать сыновей и одна дочь. Из них восемь было законных: шестеро от Лии, двое от Рахили; четверо от прислужниц, по двое от каждой. Имена всех их я привел уже выше[170]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "Отсюда Иаков прибыл в город Хеброн, расположенный в Хананее. Там жил Исак. Они лишь короткое время прожили вместе. Ревекку Иаков уже не застал в живых. И Исак умер вскоре после прибытия своего сына и был погребен детьми своими в Хеброне рядом с женою своею в родовой усыпальнице предков. Иаков же пользовался любовью Господа Бога и большим Его расположением, как и Аврам, предок его, и достиг глубокой старости, потому что, прожив добродетельно сто восемьдесят пять лет, он так же благочестиво и умер."
+                ]
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+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
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diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/English/The Antiquities of the Jews, translated by William Whiston, 1825.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/English/The Antiquities of the Jews, translated by William Whiston, 1825.json
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+{
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+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+    "versionSource": "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Antiquities_of_the_Jews",
+    "versionTitle": "The Antiquities of the Jews, translated by William Whiston, 1825",
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+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "1. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Preface of Josephus is excellent in its kind, and highly worthy the repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about the perusal of the work itself.</i>THOSE WHO undertake to write histories do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another; for some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to shew their skill in composition, and that they may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely; others of them there are who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them, and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance; but others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. Now, of these several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my own reasons also; for since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings.  ",
+            "2. NOW I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to the Greeks<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.</i> worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures; and indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his Seven Books of the Jewish War long before he wrote these his Antiquities. Those books of the war were published about A.D. 75; and these Antiquities, A.D. 93, about eighteen years later.</i> to explain who the Jews originally were, what fortunes they had been subject to, and by what legislator they had been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues, what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans; but because this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into a set treatise by itself, with a beginning of its own, and with its own conclusion; but in process of time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things, I grew weary, and went on slowly, it being a large subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language. However, some persons there were who desired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it: and, above all the rest, Epaphroditus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of Trajan, A.D. 100. See the note on Antiq. b. i. against Apion, sect 1, vol. vi. Who he was we do not know; for as to Epaphroditus, the freed-man of Nero, and afterward Domitian's secretary, who was put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th year of his reign, he could not be alive in the third of Trajan.</i> a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history; and this on account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shewn a wonderful vigour of an excellent nature, and an immoveable virtuous resolution in them all. I yielded to this man's persuasions, who always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavours with his. I was also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of disposition to have a greater influence upon me than the delight of taking pains in such studies as were very useful; I thereupon stirred up myself, and went on with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our forefathers were willing to communicate such things to others; and that some of the Greeks took considerable pains to know the affairs of our nation.  ",
+            "3. I FOUND, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king who was extraordinarily diligent in what concerned learning and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek tongue. Now Eleazar the high priest, one not inferior to any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king the participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for certain have denied him, but that he knew the custom of our nation was to hinder nothing of what we esteemed ourselves from being communicated to others. Accordingly I thought it became me both to imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose there might even now be many lovers of learning like the king; for he did not obtain all our writings at that time, but those who were sent to Alexandria as interpreters gave him only the books of the law, while there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They indeed contain in them the history of five thousand years; in which time happened many strange accidents, many chances of war, and great actions of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws; and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus here plainly alludes to the famous Greek proverb, If God be with us, everything that is impossible becomes possible.</i> and whatsoever they set about as a good thing, is converted into an incurable calamity:—and now I exhort all those that peruse these books to apply their minds to God, and to examine the mind of our legislator, whether he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him, and hath not ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed, although by the great distance of time when he lived, he might securely have forged such lies; for he lived two thousand years ago; at which vast distance of ages the poets themselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the generations of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their own laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accurately describe what is contained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to them; for I have already promised so to do throughout this undertaking, and this without adding anything to what is therein contained, or taking away anything therefrom.  ",
+            "4. BUT BECAUSE almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly; I mean, because otherwise those that read my book may wonder how it comes to pass that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and historical facts, contains so much of philosophy. The reader is therefore to know, that Moses deemed it exceedingly necessary, that he who would conduct his own life well, and give laws to others, in the first place should consider the divine nature, and upon the contemplation of God's operations, should thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature to do, and to endeavour to follow after it; neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without such a contemplation; nor would anything he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now when Moses was desirous to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did not begin the establishment of his laws after the same manner that other legislators did; I mean, upon contracts and other rites between one man and another, but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his creation of the world; and by persuading them, that we men are the most excellent of the creatures of God upon earth. Now when once he had brought them to submit to religion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other things; for, as to other legislators, they followed fables, and, by their discourses, transferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods, and so afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their crimes; but as for our legislator, when he had once demonstrated that God was possessed of perfect virtue, he supposed that men also ought to strive after the participation of it; and on those who did not so think and so believe, he inflicted the severest punishments. I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine this whole undertaking in that view, for thereby it will appear to them that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty of God, or to his love to mankind; for all these things have here a reference to the nature of the universe; while our legislator speaks some things wisely, but enigmatically, and others under a decent allegory, but still explains such things as required a direct explication plainly and expressly. However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of everything, may find here a very curious philosophical theory, which I now indeed shall waive the explication of; but if God afford me time for it, I will set about writing it, <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">As to this intended work of Josephus, concerning the reason of many of the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical sense they would bear, the loss of which work is by some of the learned not much regretted, I am inclinable in part to Fabricius's opinion, ap. Havercamp, pp. 63, 64, that \"we need not doubt but, among some vain and frigid conjectures derived from Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a greater number of excellent anduseful things, which perhaps nobody, neither among the Jews nor among the Christians, can now inform us of; so that I would give a great deal to find it still extant.\"</i> after I have finished the present work. I shall now betake myself to the history before me, after I have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world, which I find described in the sacred books after the manner following:— "
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Constitution of the World, and the Disposition of the Elements.</i><br>1. IN THE beginning God created the heaven and the earth; but when the earth did not come into sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light; and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the light and the darkness; and the name he gave to one was <i>Night</i>, and the other he called <i>Day;</i> and he named the beginning of light and the time of rest, <i>The Evening</i> and <i>The Morning;</i> and this was indeed the first day: but Moses said it was one day,—the cause of which I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its exposition till that time. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts; and he determined it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain and for affording the advantage of dews. On the third day he appointed dry land to appear, with the sea itself round about it; and on this very same day he made the plants and the seeds to spring out of the earth. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other stars, and appointed them their motions and courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signified. And on the fifth day he produced the living creatures, both those that swim and those that fly, the former in the sea, the latter in the air: he also sorted them as to society and mixture, for procreation, and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On the sixth day he created the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female: on the same day he also formed man. Accordingly Moses says, That in just six days the world and all that is therein was made; and that the seventh day was a rest, and a release from the labour of such operations;—whence it is that we celebrate a rest from our labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath, which word denotes <i>rest</i> in the Hebrew tongue.",
+                    "2. MOREOVER, MOSES, after the seventh day was over,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since Josephus, in his preface, sect. 4, says, That Moses wrote some things enigmatically, some allegorically, and the rest in plain words; since in his account of the first Chapter of Genesis, and the first three verses of the second, he gives us no hints of any mystery at all; but when he here comes to ver. 4, &amp;c., he says that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to talk philosophically. It is not very improbable that he understood the rest of the second and the third chapters in some enigmatical, or allegorical, or philosophical sense. The change of the name of God, just at this place, from Elohim to Jehovah Elohim—from God to Lord God—in the Hebrew, Samarian, and Septuagint, does also not a little favour some such change in the narration or construction.</i> begins to talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man says thus: That God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and a soul.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man to be compounded of spirit, soul, and body with St. Paul, 1 Thess. v. 23, and the rest of the ancients: he elsewhere says, also, that the blood of animals was forbidden to be eaten, as having in it soul and spirit. Antiq. b. in., chap, xi., sect. 2.</i> This man was called Adam, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies <i>one that is red</i>, because he was formed out of red earth, compounded together; for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam, and gave them those names by which they are still called. But when he saw that Adam had no female companion, no society, for there was no such created, and that he wondered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed the woman; whereupon Adam knew her when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue <i>Issa;</i> but the name of this woman was Eve, which signifies <i>the mother of all living</i>.",
+                    "3. MOSES SAYS farther, that God planted a paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the tree of life, and another of knowledge, whereby was to be known what was good and evil; and that when he brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded them to take care of the plants. Now the garden was watered by one river,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Whence this strange notion came, which yet is not peculiar to Josephus, but, as Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from older authors, as if four of the greatest rivers in the world, running two of them at vast distances from the other two, by some means or other watered Paradise, is hard to say. Only, since Josephus has already appeared to allegorize this history, and take notice that these four names had a particular signification: Phison for Ganges, a multitude; Phrath for Euphrates, either a dispersion or a flower. Diglath for Tigris, what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon for Nile, what arises from the east,—we perhaps mistake him when we suppose he literally means those for rivers; especially as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the east, while he very well knew the literal Nile arises from the south, though what farther allegorical sense he had in view, is now, I fear, impossible to be determined.</i> which ran round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And Phison, which denotes a multitude, running into India, makes its exit into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> By the Red Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf, which alone we now call by that name, but all that South Sea, which included the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, as far as the East Indies, as Reland and Hudson here truly note from the old geographers.</i> Now the name Euphrates, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or a flower: by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises from the east, which the Greeks call Nile.",
+                    "4. GOD THEREFORE commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of knowledge; and foretold to them, that if they touched it, it would prove their destruction. But while all the living creatures had one language,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Hence it appears that Josephus thought several, at least, of the brute animals, particularly the serpent, could speak before the fall; and I think few of the more perfect kinds of those animals want the organs of speech at this day. Many inducements there are also to a notion that the present state they are in is not their original state; and that their capacities have been once much greater than we now see them, and are capable of being restored to their former condition. But as to this most ancient, and authentic, and probably allegorical account of that grand affair of the fall of our first parents, I have somewhat more to say in way of conjecture, but being only a conjecture, I omit it: only thus far, that the imputation of the sin of our first parents to their posterity, any farther than as some way the cause or occasion of man's mortality, seems almost entirely groundless; and that both man, and the other subordinate creatures, are hereafter to be delivered from the curse then brought upon them, and at last to be delivered from that bondage of corruption, Rom. viii. 19-23.</i> at that time the serpent, which then lived together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the commands of God; and imagining, that when they disobeyed them, they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman out of a malicious intention to taste of the tree of knowledge, telling them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which knowledge when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life, nay, a life not inferior to that of a god: by which means he overcame the woman, and persuaded her to despise the command of God. Now when she had tasted of  that tree, and was pleased with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon this they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somewhat to cover them; for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they covered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying these before them out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were before, as they had discovered what they were in want of. But when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont before to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This behaviour surprised God; and he asked what was the cause of this his procedure; and why he, that before delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it? When he made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God said, \"I had before determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up, by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labour and pains-taking; which state of labour and pains-taking would soon bring on old age; and death would not be at any remote distance: but now thou hast abused this my goodwill, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy silence is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil conscience.\" However, Adam excused his sin, and entreated God not to be angry at him, and laid the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that he was deceived by her, and thence became an offender; while she again accused the serpent.  But God allotted him punishment because he weakly submitted to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labour, it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth others. He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains of bringing forth children, and this because she persuaded Adam with the same arguments wherewith the serpent had persuaded her, and had thereby brought him into a calamitous condition. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him that way: and when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the garden into another place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning the Posterity of Adam, and the ten Generations from him to the Deluge.</i><br>1. ADAM AND Eve had two sons; the elder of them was named Cain; which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a <i>possession</i>. The younger was Abel, which signifies <i>sorrow</i>. They had also daughters. Now the two brethren were pleased with different courses of life; for Abel, the younger, was a lover of righteousness, and, believing that God was present at all his actions, he excelled in virtue, and his employment was that of a shepherd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects, but was wholly intent upon getting; and he first contrived to plough the ground. He slew his brother on the occasion following: They had resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain brought the fruits of the earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks; but God was more delighted with the latter oblation,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> St. John's account of the reason why God accepted the sacrifice of Abel, and rejected that of Cain, as also why Cain slew Abel, on account of that his acceptance with God, is much better than this of Josephus: I mean, because \"Cain was of the evil one, and slew his brother.\" And \"wherefore slew he him? Because his works were evil, and his brothers righteous.\" 1 John iii. 12, Josephus's reason seems to be no better than a pharisaical notion or tradition.</i> when he was honoured with what grew naturally of its own accord, than he was with what was the invention of a covetous man, and gotten by forcing the ground; whence it was that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred by God before him, and he slew his brother, and hid his dead body, thinking to escape discovery. But God, knowing what had been done, came to Cain,  and asked him what was become of his brother; because he had not seen him of many days, whereas he had used to observe them conversing together at other times. But Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to give to God. At first he said that he was himself at a loss about his brother's disappearing; but when he was provoked by God, who pressed him vehemently, as resolving to know what the matter was, he replied he was not his brother's guardian or keeper, nor was he an observer of what he did. But in return, God convicted Cain as having been the murderer of his brother; and said, \"I wonder at thee, that thou knowest not what is become of a man whom thou thyself hast destroyed.\" God, therefore, did not inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his offering sacrifice, and thereby making supplication to him not to be extreme in his wrath to him; but he made him accursed, and threatened his posterity in the seventh generation. He also cast him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he was afraid that in wandering about he should fall among wild beasts, and by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a mark upon him that he might be known, he commanded him to depart.",
+                    "2. AND WHEN Cain had travelled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure everything that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbours. He augmented his household substance with much wealth by rapine and violence; he excited his acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils of robbery, and became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change in that way of simplicity wherein men lived before, and was the author of measures and weights. And whereas they lived innocently and generously while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands; he built a city, and fortified it with walls, and he compelled his family to come together to it; and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch; whose son was Malaliel; whose son was Methusela; whose son was Lamech; who had seventy-seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Jabal; he erected tents, and loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother with him, exercised himself in music,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the trumpet of jobel or jubilee; that large and loud musical instrument, used to proclaiming liberty at the year of jubilee.</i> and invented the psaltery and the harp. But Tubal, one of his sons by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to pleasure of the body by that method; and first of all invented the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah; and because he was so skilful in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be punished for Cain's murder of his brother, he made that known to his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass that the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked, every one successively dying one after another, more wicked than the former. They were intolerable in war, and vehement in robberies; and if any one were slow to murder people, yet was he bold in his profligate behaviour, in acting unjustly, and doing injuries for gain.",
+                    "3. NOW ADAM, who was the first man, and made out of the earth (for our discourse must now be about him), after Abel was slain, and Cain fled away on account of his murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had a vehement desire of children, he being two hundred and thirty years old ; after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other children,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The number of Adam's children, as says the old tradition, was thirty-three sons, and twenty-three daughters.</i> but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be tedious to name them; I will, therefore, only endeavour to give an account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern what was good, he became a virtuous man; and as he was himself of an excellent character, so did he leave children behind him who imitated his virtues.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What is here said of Seth and his posterity, that they were very good and virtuous, and at the same time very happy, without any considerable misfortunes, for seven generations [see ch. il. sect, 1, before; and c. iii. sect, 1, hereafter), is exactly agreeable to the state of the world and the conduct of Providence in all the first ages.</i> All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes falling upon them till they died. They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and their order. And that their inventions might not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam's prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity of water, they made two pillars,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took Seth the son of Adam, for Seth or Sesostris, king of Egypt, the erecter of this pillar in the land of Siriad, see Essay on the Old Testament, Appendix, pp. 159, 160. Although the main of this relation might be true, and Adam might foretell a conflagration and a deluge, which all antiquity witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay, Seth's posterity might engrave their inventions in astronomy on two such pillars, yet it is no way credible that they could survive the deluge, which has buried all such pillars and edifices far under ground, in the sediment of its waters; especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian Seth or Sesostris were extant after the flood, in the land of Syriad, and perhaps in the day, of Josephus also, as is shewn in the place here referred to.</i> the one of brick, the other of stone: they inscribed their discoveries on them both, that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries to mankind; and also inform them that there was another pillar of brick erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Siriad to this day."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning the Flood; and after what Manner Noah was saved in an Ark, with his Kindred, and afterward dwelt in the Plain of Shinar.</i><br>1. NOW THIS posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven generations; but in process of time they were perverted, and forsook the practices of their forefathers, and did neither pay those honours to God which were appointed them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men. But for what degree of zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their actions a double degree of wickedness; whereby they made God to be their enemy; for many angels<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This notion, that the fallen angels were, in some sense, the fathers of the old giants, was the constant opinion of antiquity.</i> of God accompanied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own strength; for the tradition is, That these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call giants. But Noah was very uneasy at what they did; and, being displeased at their conduct, persuaded them to change their dispositions and their acts for the better; but seeing they did not yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they had married; so he departed out of that land.",
+                    "2. NOW GOD loved this man for his righteousness; yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here supposes that the life of these giants, for of them only do I understand him, was now reduced to 120 years; which is confirmed by the fragment of Enoch, sect. 10, in Authent. Rec. Part i. p. 268. For as to the rest of mankind Josephus himself confesses their lives were much longer than 120 years, for many generations after the Flood, as we shall see presently; and he says they were gradually shortened till the days of Moses, and then fixed [for some time] at 120. Chap vi. sect. 3. Nor indeed need we suppose that either Enoch or Josephus meant to interpret these 120 years for the life of men before the Flood, to be different from 120 years of God's patience [perhaps, while the ark was preparing] till the Deluge; which I take to be the meaning of God, when he threatened this wicked </i> he turned the dry land into sea; and thus were all these men destroyed: but Noah alone was saved; for God suggested to him the following contrivance and way of escape : - That he should make an ark of four stories high, three hundred cubits(13) long, fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly he entered into that ark, and his wife, and sons, and their wives, and put into it not only other provisions, to support their wants there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the preservation of their kinds; and others of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross beams, so that it could not be any way drowned or overborne by the violence of the water. And thus was Noah, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being the son of Lamech, whose father was Mathusela; he was the son of Enoch, the son of Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel, who, with many of his sisters, were the children of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam.",
+                    "3. This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of Noah's government, [age,] in the second month, (14) called by the Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan: for so did they order their year in Egypt. But Moses appointed that ú Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month for their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that month: so that this month began the year as to all the solemnities they observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order of the months as to selling and buying, and other ordinary affairs. Now he says that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the forementioned month; and this was two thousand six hundred and fifty-six [one thousand six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam, the first man; and the time is written down in our sacred books, those who then lived having noted down,(15) with great accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men.",
+                    "4. For indeed Seth was born when Adam was in his two hundred and thirtieth year, who lived nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and fifth year; who, when he had lived nine hundred and twelve years, delivered the government to Cainan his son, whom he had in his hundred and ninetieth year. He lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when he had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom he begat when he was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was born when his father was one hundred and sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and sixty-five years, departed and went to God; whence it is that they have not written down his death. Now Mathusela, the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty-five years old, had Lamech for his son when he was one hundred and eighty-seven years of age; to whom he delivered the government, when he had retained it nine hundred and sixty-nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy-seven years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of the people, who was born to Lamech when he was one hundred and eighty-two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years. These years collected together make up the sum before set down. But let no one inquire into the deaths of these men; for they extended their lives along together with their children and grandchildren; but let him have regard to their births only.",
+                    "5. When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water poured down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth; which was the reason why there was no greater number preserved, since they had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate after one hundred and fifty days, (that is, on the seventeenth day of the seventh month,) it then ceasing to subside for a little while. After this, the ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in Armenia; which, when Noah understood, he opened it; and seeing a small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived some cheerful hopes of deliverance. But a few days afterward, when the water was decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a raven, as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth were left dry by the water, and whether he might go out of the ark with safety; but the raven, finding all the land still overflowed, returned to Noah again. And after seven days he sent out a dove, to know the state of the ground; which came back to him covered with mud, and bringing an olive branch: hereby Noah learned that the earth was become clear of the flood. So after he had staid seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of the ark; and both he and his family went out, when he also sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However, the Armenians call this place, αποβατηριον (16) The Place of Descent; for the ark being saved in that place, its remains are shown there by the inhabitants to this day.",
+                    "6. Now all the writers of barbarian histories make mention of this flood, and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean. For when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: \"It is said there is still some part of this ship in Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans; and that some people carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs.\" Hieronymus the Egyptian also, who wrote the Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas, and a great many more, make mention of the same. Nay, Nicolaus of Damascus, in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation about them; where he speaks thus: \"There is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris, upon which it is reported that many who fled at the time of the Deluge were saved; and that one who was carried in an ark came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved. This might be the man about whom Moses the legislator of the Jews wrote.\"",
+                    "7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt-offerings, and besought God that nature might hereafter go on in its former orderly course, and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these last must be more miserable than the first, and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than the others, unless they be suffered to escape entirely; that is, if they be reserved for another deluge; while they must be afflicted with the terror and sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a second. He also entreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to grant that the earth might never again undergo the like effects of 'his wrath; that men might be permitted to go on cheerfully in cultivating the same; to build cities, and live happily in them; and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things which they enjoyed before the Flood; but might attain to the like length of days, and old age, which the ancient people had arrived at before.",
+                    "8. When Noah had made these supplications, God, who loved the man for his righteousness, granted entire success to his prayers, and said, that it was not he who brought the destruction on a polluted world, but that they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought men into the world if he had himself determined to destroy them, it being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; \"But the injuries,\" said he, \"they offered to my holiness and virtue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But I will leave off for the time to come to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath, for their future wicked actions, and especially on account of thy prayers. But if I shall at any time send tempests of rain, in an extraordinary manner, be not affrighted at the largeness of the showers; for the water shall no more overspread the earth. However, I require you to abstain from shedding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves pure from murder; and to punish those that commit any such thing. I permit you to make use of all the other living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you; for I have made you lords of them all, both of those that walk on the land, and those that swim in the waters, and of those that fly in the regions of the air on high, excepting their blood, for therein is the life. But I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger by my bow [whereby is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the rainbow was the bow of God]. And when God had said and promised thus, he went away.",
+                    "9. Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after the Flood, and that all that time happily, he died, having lived the number of nine hundred and fifty years. But let no one, upon comparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the few years which we now live, think that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an argument, that neither did they attain to so long a duration of life, for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God himself; and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of life, might w ell live so great a number of years: and besides, God afforded them a longer time of life on account of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical and geometrical discoveries, which would not have afforded the time of foretelling [the periods of the stars] unless they had lived six hundred years; for the great year is completed in that interval. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and barbarians; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what I here say: Hesiod also, and Hecatseus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and, besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thousand years. But as to these matters, let every one look upon them as he thinks fit."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tower Of Babylon, And The Confusion Of Tongues.</i><br>1. Now the sons of Noah were three, - Shem, Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred years before the Deluge. These first of all descended from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuaded others who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds on account of the flood, and so were very loath to come down from the higher places, to venture to follow their examples. Now the plain in which they first dwelt was called Shinar. God also commanded them to send colonies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the earth, that they might not raise seditions among themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a plentiful manner. But they were so ill instructed that they did not obey God; for which reason they fell into calamities, and were made sensible, by experience, of what sin they had been guilty: for when they flourished with a numerous youth, God admonished them again to send out colonies; but they, imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived from the favor of God, but supposing that their own power was the proper cause of the plentiful condition they were in, did not obey him. Nay, they added to this their disobedience to the Divine will, the suspicion that they were therefore ordered to send out separate colonies, that, being divided asunder, they might the more easily be Oppressed.",
+                    "2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and contempt of God. He was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah, a bold man, and of great strength of hand. He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God, as if it was through his means they were happy, but to believe that it was their own courage which procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government into tyranny, seeing no other way of turning men from the fear of God, but to bring them into a constant dependence on his power. He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a mind to drown the world again; for that he would build a tower too high for the waters to be able to reach! and that he would avenge himself on God for destroying their forefathers !",
+                    "3. Now the multitude were very ready to follow the determination of Nimrod, and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to God; and they built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent about the work: and, by reason of the multitude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect; but the thickness of it was so great, and it was so strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built of burnt brick, cemented together with mortar, made of bitumen, that it might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they acted so madly, he did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since they were not grown wiser by the destruction of the former sinners; but he caused a tumult among them, by producing in them divers languages, and causing that, through the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to understand one another. The place wherein they built the tower is now called Babylon, because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood before; for the Hebrews mean by the word Babel, confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention of this tower, and of the confusion of the language, when she says thus: \"When all men were of one language, some of them built a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend up to heaven, but the gods sent storms of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar language; and for this reason it was that the city was called Babylon.\" But as to the plan of Shinar, in the country of Babylonia, Hestiaeus mentions it, when he says thus: \"Such of the priests as were saved, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enyalius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>After What Manner The Posterity Of Noah Sent Out Colonies, And Inhabited The Whole Earth.</i><br>1. After this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their languages, and went out by colonies every where; and each colony took possession of that land which they light upon, and unto which God led them; so that the whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and the maritime countries. There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands: and some of those nations do still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders; but some have lost them also, and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be the more intelligible to the inhabitants. And they were the Greeks who became the authors of such mutations. For when in after-ages they grew potent, they claimed to themselves the glory of antiquity; giving names to the nations that sounded well (in Greek) that they might be better understood among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them, as if they were a people derived from themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Every Nation Was Denominated From Their First Inhabitants.</i><br>1. Now they were the grandchildren of Noah, in honor of whom names were imposed on the nations by those that first seized upon them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so, that, beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Tansis, and along Europe to Cadiz; and settling themselves on the lands which they light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the nations by their own names. For Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now call Galatians, [Galls,] but were then called Gomerites. Magog founded those that from him were named Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Madeans, who are called Medes, by the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia, and all the Grecians, are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, who are now called Iberes; and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch; now they are Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient denomination still to be shown; for there is even now among them a city called Mazaca, which may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the entire nation once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over Thirasians; but the Greeks changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians, who are now called by the Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians; and Thrugramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians. Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Eliseans, who were his subjects; they are now the Aeolians. Tharsus to the Tharsians, for so was Cilicia of old called; the sign of which is this, that the noblest city they have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change put for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island Cethima: it is now called Cyprus; and from that it is that all islands, and the greatest part of the sea-coasts, are named Cethim by the Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus that has been able to preserve its denomination; it has been called Citius by those who use the language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect, escaped the name of Cethim. And so many nations have the children and grandchildren of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised somewhat, which perhaps the Greeks do not know, I will return and explain what I have omitted; for such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our own country language does not so pronounce them: but the names in all cases are of one and the same ending; for the name we here pronounce Noeas, is there Noah, and in every case retains the same termination.",
+                    "2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts, and as far as the ocean, and keeping it as their own. Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to be discovered; yet a few there are which have kept their denominations entire. For of the four sons of Ham, time has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves and by all men in Asia, called Chusites. The memory also of the Mesraites is preserved in their name; for all we who inhabit this country [of Judea] called Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country of Moors which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the Grecian historiographers mention that river and the adjoining country by the apellation of Phut: but the name it has now has been by change given it from one of the sons of Mesraim, who was called Lybyos. We will inform you presently what has been the occasion why it has been called Africa also. Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country now called Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The children of these [four] were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans; Evilas, who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabathens, they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Judadeans, a nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them his name; as did Sabas to the Sabeans: but Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already informed you. Now all the children of Mesraim, being eight in number, possessed the country from Gaza to Egypt, though it retained the name of one only, the Philistim; for the Greeks call part of that country Palestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Enemim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Libya, and called the country from himself, Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know nothing of them besides their names; for the Ethiopic war(17) which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius, (who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the Greeks Sidon), Amathus inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it Epiphania, from one of his posterity; Arudeus possessed the island Aradus: Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus. But for the seven others, [Eueus,] Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred books but their names, for the Hebrews overthrew their cities; and their calamities came upon them on the occasion following.",
+                    "3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk, he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his brethren; but they covered their father's nakedness. And when Noah was made sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his prosperity: and when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter.",
+                    "4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the land that began at Euphrates, and reached to the Indian Ocean. For Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and named his subjects Assyrians, who became the most fortunate nation, beyond others. Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians; as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini. Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son was Heber, from whom they originally called the Jews Hebrews. (18) Heber begat Joetan and Phaleg: he was called Phaleg, because he was born at the dispersion of the nations to their several countries; for Phaleg among the Hebrews signifies division. Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Asia adjoining to it. And this shall suffice concerning the sons of Shem.",
+                    "5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose father Was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was born Nahor; his son was Terah, who was the father of Abraham, who accordingly was the tenth from Noah, and was born in the two hundred and ninety-second year after the deluge; for Terah begat Abram in his seventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he was one hundred and twenty years old; Nahor was born to Serug in his hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred and thirty; at the same age also Phaleg had Ragau; Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by Sala when he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty-fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem, and born twelve years after the deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran: of these Haran left a son, Lot; as also Sarai and Milcha his daughters; and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the Chaldeans, called Ur; and his monument is shown to this day. These married their nieces. Nabor married Milcha, and Abram married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two hundred and five years old; for the life of man was already, by degrees, diminished, and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses; after whom the term of human life was one hundred and twenty years, God determining it to the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba, and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine: but Bethuel had a daughter, Rebecca, and a son, Laban."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Abram Our Forefather Went Out Of The Land Of The Chaldeans, And Lived In The Land Then Called Canaan But Now Judea.</i><br>1. Now Abram, having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Haran's son, and his wife Sarai's brother; and he left the land of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions; for which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, That there was but one God, the Creator of the universe; and that, as to other [gods], if they contributed any thing to the happiness of men, that each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were visible both at land and sea, as well as those that happen to the sun, and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus: - \"If [said he] these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their own regular motions; but since they do not preserve such regularity, they make it plain, that in so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own abilities, but as they are subservient to Him that commands them, to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and thanksgiving.\" For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans, and other people of Mesopotamia, raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that country; and at the command and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Canaan. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to God.",
+                    "2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he says thus: \"In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was among the Chaldeans a man righteous and great, and skillful in the celestial science.\" But Hecatseus does more than barely mention him; for he composed, and left behind him, a book concerning him. And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of his History, says thus: \"Abram reigned at Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above Babylon, called the land of the Chaldeans: but, after a long time, he got him up, and removed from that country also, with his people, and went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the land of Judea, and this when his posterity were become a multitude; as to which posterity of his, we relate their history in another work. Now the name of Abram is even still famous in the country of Damascus; and there is shown a village named from him, The Habitation of Abram.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When There Was A Famine In Canaan, Abram Went Thence Into Egypt; And After He Had Continued There A While He Returned Back Again.</i><br>1. Now, after this, when a famine had invaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flourishing condition, he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of the plenty they enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their priests, and to know what they said concerning the gods; designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than he, or to convert them into a better way, if his own notions proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the king should kill him on occasion of his wife's great beauty, he contrived this device : - he pretended to be her brother, and directed her in a dissembling way to pretend the same, for he said it would be for their benefit. Now, as soon as he came into Egypt, it happened to Abram as he supposed it would; for the fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talked of; for which reason Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, would not be satisfied with what was reported of her, but would needs see her himself, and was preparing to enjoy her; but God put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by sending upon him a distemper, and a sedition against his government. And when he inquired of the priests how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that this his miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon account of his inclinations to abuse the stranger's wife. He then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before.",
+                    "2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs, and despised one another's sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry one with another on that account, Abram conferred with each of them, and, confuting the reasonings they made use of, every one for their own practices, demonstrated that such reasonings were vain and void of truth: whereupon he was admired by them in those conferences as a very wise man, and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated to them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy; for before Abram came in to Egypt they were unacquainted with those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans into Egypt, and from thence to the Greeks also.",
+                    "3. As soon as Abram was come back into Canaan, he parted the land between him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavior of their shepherds, concerning the pastures wherein they should feed their flocks. However, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to choose which lands he would take; and he took himself what the other left, which were the lower grounds at the foot of the mountains; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which is a city seven years more ancient than Tunis of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the city of Sodom, which was then a fine city, but is now destroyed, by the will and wrath of God, the cause of which I shall show in its proper place hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Destruction Of The Sodomites By The Assyrian Wall.</i><br>At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition, both as to riches and the number of their youth. There were five kings that managed the affairs of this county: Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumobor, with the king of Bela; and each king led on his own troops: and the Assyrians made war upon them; and, dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined, the Assyrians were conquerors, and imposed a tribute on the kings of the Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years; and so long they continued to pay their tribute: but on the thirteenth year they rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians came upon them, under their commanders Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal. These kings had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the offspring of the giants. And when they were come over against Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slime Pits, for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the destruction of the city of Sodom, that vale became the Lake Asphaltites, as it is called. However, concerning this lake we shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of them were killed, and the rest were carried captive; among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Abram Fought With The Assyrians, And Overcame Them, And Saved The Sodomite Prisoners, And Took From The Assyrians The Prey They Had Gotten.</i><br>1. When, Abram heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman, and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbors; and thinking it proper to afford them assistance, he did not delay it, but marched hastily, and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name of the other spring of Jordan; and before they could arm themselves, he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk they could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued after them, till, on the second day, he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a place belonging to Damascus; and thereby demonstrated that victory does not depend on multitude and the number of hands, but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most numerous bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and three of his friends: but all those that fled returned home ingloriously.",
+                    "2. So Abram, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had been taken by the Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned home in peace. Now the king of Sodom met him at a certain place, which they called The King's Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the city Salem, received him. That name signifies, the righteous king: and such he was, without dispute, insomuch that, on this account, he was made the priest of God: however, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem. Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram's army in an hospitable manner, and gave them provisions in abundance; and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and to bless God for subduing his enemies under him. And when Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accepted of the gift: but the king of Sodom desired Abram to take the prey, but entreated that he might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved from the Assyrians, because they belonged to him. But Abram would not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey than what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle. The first of them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre.",
+                    "3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glorious actions. He answered, And what advantage will it be to me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me? - for he was hitherto childless. And God promised that he should have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous; insomuch that their number should be like the stars. When he heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him. The manner of the sacrifice was this : - He took an heifer of three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon (19) and as he wa s enjoined, he divided the three former, but the birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the birds of prey flew about, as desirous of blood, a Divine voice came to him, declaring that their neighbors would be grievous to his posterity, when they should be in Egypt, for four hundred years; (20) during which time they should be afflicted, but afterwards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land, and of their cities.",
+                    "4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges,--the place belongs to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron. But being uneasy at his wife's barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might have male issue; and God required of him to be of good courage, and said that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God's command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; and when this handmaid was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if the dominion were to come to a son to be born of her. But when Abram resigned her into the hand of Sarai, to punish her, she contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the instances of Sarai's severity to her; and she entreated God to have compassion on her. Now a Divine Angel met her, as she was going forward in the wilderness, and bid her return to her master and mistress, for if she would submit to that wise advice, she would live better hereafter; for that the reason of her being in such a miserable case was this, that she had been ungrateful and arrogant towards her mistress. He also told her, that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish; but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a son who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained forgiveness. A little while afterwards, she bare Ismael; which may be interpreted Heard of God, because God had heard his mother's prayer.",
+                    "5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty-six years old: but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and promised him that he Should have a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name should be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born: the reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. And Abram inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not, God signified to him that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety-nine."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How God Overthrew The Nation Of The Sodomites, Out Of His Wrath Against Them For Their Sins.</i><br>1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches and great wealth; they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God, insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from him: they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical practices. God was therefore much displeased at them, and determined to punish them for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country, until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it.",
+                    "2. When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three angels; and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and saluted them, and desired they would accept of an entertainment, and abide with him; to which, when they agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made presently; and when he had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak. Now they made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he said she was within, they said they would come again hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which the woman laughed, and said that it was impossible she should bear children, since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was a hundred. Then they concealed themselves no longer, but declared that they were angels of God; and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and two of the overthrow of Sodom.",
+                    "3. When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites; and he rose up, and besought God for them, and entreated him that he would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied that there was no good man among the Sodomites; for if there were but ten such man among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And the angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated them to accept of a lodging with him; for he was a very generous and hospitable man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful countenances, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence; and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest to the strangers, but to have regard to their lodging in his house; and promised that if their inclinations could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers; neither thus were they made ashamed.",
+                    "4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behavior, so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God's informing him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins; for those that were betrothed (21) to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot's words were trifling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burning, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish War. (22) But Lot's wife continually turning back to view the city as she went from it, and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of it, although God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;(23) for I have seen it, and it remains at this day. Now he and his daughters fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled in it: it is to this day called Zoar, for that is the word which the Hebrews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on account of his having no company, and his want of provisions.",
+                    "5. But his daughters, thinking that all mankind were destroyed, approached to their father, (24) though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that human kind might not utterly fail: and they bare sons; the son of the elder was named Moab, Which denotes one derived from his father; the younger bare Ammon, which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites; and both of them are inhabitants of Celesyria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Abimelech; And Concerning Ismael The Son Of Abraham; And Concerning The Arabians, Who Were His Posterity.</i><br>1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, under the notion of his sister, using the like dissimulation that he had used before, and this out of fear: for he was afraid of Abimelech, the king of that country, who did also himself fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt her; but he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper which befell him from God. Now when his physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to abuse the stranger's wife; and when he recovered, he told his friends that God had inflicted that disease upon him, by way of punishment, for his injury to the stranger; and in order to preserve the chastity of his wife, for that she did not accompany him as his sister, but as his legitimate wife; and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife's chastity. When he had said this, by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abraham, and bid him not to be concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity; for that God took care of him, and that it was by his p rovidence that he received his wife again, without her suffering any abuse. And he appealed to God, and to his wife's conscience; and said that he had not any inclination at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his wife; but since, said he, thou leddest her about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offense. He also entreated him to be at peace with him, and to make God propitious to him; and that if he thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted in abundance; but that if he designed to go away, he should be honorably conducted, and have whatsoever supply he wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that his pretense of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his brother's daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation; and that he was not the cause of his distemper, but was only solicitous for his own safety: he said also, that he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land and money; and they coventanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a certain well called Beersheba, which may be interpreted, The Well of the Oath: and so it is named by the people of the country unto this day.",
+                    "2. Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies Laughter. And indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God (25) said that she should bear a son, she not expecting such a thing, as being past the age of child-bearing, for she was ninety years old, and Abraham a hundred; so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth day and from that time the Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons within that number of days. But as for the Arabians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year, because Ismael, the founder of their nation, who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised at that age; concerning whom I will presently give a particular account, with great exactness.",
+                    "3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that of her own son, for he was brought up in order to succeed in the government; but when she herself had borne Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael should be brought up with him, as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries when their father should be dead; she therefore persuaded Abraham to send him and his mother to some distant country. Now, at the first, he did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for, and thought it an instance of the greatest barbarity, to send away a young child (26) and a woman unprovided of necessaries; but at length he agreed to it, because God was pleased with what Sarah had determined: so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by himself; and commanded her to take a bottle of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take Necessity for her guide. But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found herself in an evil case; and when the water was almost spent, she laid the young child, who was ready to expire, under a fig-tree, and went on further, that so he might die while she was absent. But a Divine Angel came to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care, and bring up the child, because she should be very happy by the preservation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised her, and, meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the distresses she had been in.",
+                    "4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally. Of this wife were born to Ismael twelve sons; Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Cadmas. These inhabited all the country from Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Nabatene. They are an Arabian nation, and name their tribes from these, both because of their own virtue, and because of the dignity of Abraham their father."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Isaac The Legitimate Son Of Abraham.</i><br>1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten (27) and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every virtue, and adhering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being desirous to make an experiment of Abraham's religious disposition towards himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation. Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son.",
+                    "2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David afterwards built the temple. (28) Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father what he was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation : - to which it was answered, \"That God would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation.\"",
+                    "3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, \"O son, I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein I thought myself happier than to see thee grown up to man's estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; but since it was by God's will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to require this testimony of honor to himself, on account of the favors he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe way, by which death usually comes upon men, but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt there be to me a succorer and supporter in my old age; on which account I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my Comforter instead of thyself.\"",
+                    "4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said, \"That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign himself up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved.\" So he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his son; and said, \"It was not out of a desire of human blood that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprising readiness he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his son should live to a very great a ge; that he should live a happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate.\" He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations (29) and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name; that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiving each other unexpectedly, and having obtained the promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived happily together, God affording them his assistance in all things they desired."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Sarah Abraham's Wife; And How She Ended Her Days.</i><br>Now Sarah died a little while after, having lived one hundred and twenty-seven years. They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites publicly allowing them a burying-place; which piece of ground Abraham bought for four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an inhabitant of Hebron. And both Abraham and his descendants built themselves sepulchers in that place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Nation Of The Troglodytes Were Derived From Abraham By Keturah.</i><br>Abraham after this married Keturah, by whom six sons were born to him, men of courage, and of sagacious minds: Zambran, and Jazar, and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak, and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were Sabathan and Dadan. The sons of Dadan were Latusim, and Assur, and Luom. The sons of Madiau were Ephas, and Ophren, and Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for all these sons and grandsons, Abraham contrived to settle them in colonies; and they took possession of Troglodytis, and the country of Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that he made war against Libya, and took it, and that his grandchildren, when they inhabited it, called it (from his name) Africa. And indeed Alexander Polyhistor gives his attestation to what I here say; who speaks thus: \"Cleodemus the prophet, who was also called Malchus, who wrote a History of the Jews, in agreement with the History of Moses, their legislator, relates, that there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah: nay, he names three of them, Apher, and Surim, and Japhran. That from Surim was the land of Assyria denominated; and that from the other two (Apher and Japbran) the country of Africa took its name, because these men were auxiliaries to Hercules, when he fought against Libya and Antaeus; and that Hercules married Aphra's daughter, and of her he begat a son, Diodorus; and that Sophon was his son, from whom that barbarous people called Sophacians were denominated.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Isaac Took Rebeka To Wife.</i><br>1. Now when Abraham, the father of Isaac, had resolved to take Rebeka, who was grand-daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to his son Isaac, who was then about forty years old, he sent the ancientest of his servants to betroth her, after he had obliged him to give him the strongest assurances of his fidelity; which assurances were given after the manner following : - They put each other's hands under each other's thighs; then they called upon God as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such presents to those that were there as were in esteem, on account that that they either rarely or never were seen in that country, The servant got thither not under a considerable time; for it requires much time to pass through Meopotamia, in which it is tedious traveling, both in the winter for the depth of the clay, and in summer for want of water; and, besides this, for the robberies there committed, which are not to be avoided by travelers but by caution beforehand. However, the servant came to Haran; and when he was in the suburbs, he met a con siderable number of maidens going to the water; he therefore prayed to God that Rebeka might be found among them, or her whom Abraham sent him as his servant to espouse to his son, in case his will were that this marriage should be consummated, and that she might be made known to him by the sign, That while others denied him water to drink, she might give it him.",
+                    "2. With this intention he went to the well, and desired the maidens to give him some water to drink: but while the others refused, on pretense that they wanted it all at home, and could spare none for him, one only of the company rebuked them for their peevish behavior towards the stranger; and said, What is there that you will ever communicate to anybody, who have not so much as given the man some water? She then offered him water in an obliging manner. And now he began to hope that his grand affair would succeed; but desiring still to know the truth, he commended her for her generosity and good nature, that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency of water to those that wanted it, though it cost her some pains to draw it; and asked who were her parents, and wished them joy of such a daughter. \"And mayst thou be espoused,\" said he, \"to their satisfaction, into the family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate children.\" Nor did she disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him her family. \"They,\" says she, \"call me Rebeka; my father was Bethuel, but he is dead; and Laban is my brother; and, together with my mother, takes care of all our family affairs, and is the guardian of my virginity.\" When the servant heard this, he was very glad at what had happened, and at what was told him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly directed his journey; and producing his bracelets, and some other ornaments which it was esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel, by way of acknowledgment, and as a reward for her kindness in giving him water to drink; saying, it was but just that she should have them, because she was so much more obliging than any of the rest. She desired also that he would come and lodge with them, since the approach of the night gave him not time to proceed farther. And producing his precious ornaments for women, he said he desired to trust them to none more safely than to such as she had shown herself to be; and that he believed he might guess at the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would not be displeased, from the virtue he found in her; for he would not be burdensome, but would pay the hire for his entertainment, and spend his own money. To which she replied, that he guessed right as to the humanity of her parents; but complained that he should think them so parsimonious as to take money, for that he should have all on free cost. But she said she would first inform her brother Laban, and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.",
+                    "3. As soon then as this was over, she introduced the stranger; and for the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and took care of them; and he was himself brought in to supper by Laban. And, after supper, he says to him, and to the mother of the damsel, addressing himself to her, \"Abraham is the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the grandfather of these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father and mother; upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desirous to take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate son, and is brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had the most happy of all the women in that country for him, but he would not have his son marry any of them; but, out of regard to his own relations, he desired him to match here, whose affection and inclination I would not have you despise; for it was by the good pleasure of God that other accidents fell out in my journey, and that thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your house; for when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to a well, and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel, which has come to pass accordingly. Do you therefore confirm that marriage, whose espousals have been already made by a Divine appearance; and show the respect you have for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much solicitude, in giving your consent to the marriage of this damsel.\" Upon this they understood it to be the will of God, and greatly approved of the offer, and sent their daughter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac married her, the inheritance being now come to him; for the children by Keturah were gone to their own remote habitations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of Abraham.</i><br>A Little while after this Abraham died. He was a man of incomparable virtue, and honored by God in a manner agreeable to his piety towards him. The whole time of his life was one hundred seventy and five years, and he was buried in Hebron, with his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Ismael."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Sons Of Isaac, Esau And Jacob; Of Their Nativity And Education.</i><br>1. Now Isaac's wife proved with child, after the death of Abraham; (30) and when her belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very anxious, and inquired of God; who answered, that Rebeka should bear twins; and that two nations should take the names of those sons; and that he who appeared the second should excel the elder. Accordingly she, in a little time, as God had foretold, bare twins; the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, was very rough and hairy; but the younger took hold of his heel as they were in the birth. Now the father loved the elder, who was called Esau, a name agreeable to his roughness, for the Hebrews call such a hairy roughness [Esau, (31) or] Seir; but Jacob the younger was best beloved by his mother.",
+                    "2. When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into Egypt, the land there being good; but he went to Gerar, as God commanded him. Here Abimelech the king received him, because Abraham had formerly lived with him, and had been his friend. And as in the beginning he treated him exceeding kindly, so he was hindered from continuing in the same disposition to the end, by his envy at him; for when he saw that God was with Isaac, and took such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But Isaac, when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech retired to a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar: and as he was digging a well, the shepherds fell upon him, and began to fight, in order to hinder the work; and because he did not desire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the him, so he still retired, and dug another and when certain other shepherds of Abimelech began to offer him violence, he left that also, still retired, thus purchasing security to himself a rational and prudent conduct. At length the gave him leave to dig a well without disturbance. He named this well Rehoboth, which denotes a large space; but of the former wells, one was called Escon, which denotes strife, the other Sitenna, name signifies enmity.",
+                    "3. It was now that Isaac's affairs increased, and in a flourishing condition; and this his great riches. But Abimelech, thinking in opposition to him, while their living made them suspicious of each other, and retiring showing a secret enmity also, he afraid that his former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if Isaac should endeavor the injuries he had formerly offered him; he therefore renewed his friendship with him, Philoc, one of his generals. And when he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's good nature, who preferred the earlier friendship Abimelech had shown to himself and his father to his later wrath against him, he returned home.",
+                    "4. Now when Esau, one of the sons of Isaac, whom the father principally loved, was now come to the age of forty years, he married Adah, the daughter of Helon, and Aholibamah, the daughter of Esebeon; which Helon and Esebeon were great lords among the Canaanites: thereby taking upon himself the authority, and pretending to have dominion over his own marriages, without so much as asking the advice of his father; for had Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given him leave to marry thus, for he was not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that country; but not caring to be uneasy to his son by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent.",
+                    "5. But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau to him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the disorder of his eyes, his very old age hindered him from his worship of God [by sacrifice]; he bid him therefore to go out a hunting, and when he had caught as much venison as he could, to prepare him a supper (32) that after this he might make supplication to God, to be to him a supporter and an assister during the whole time of his life; saying, that it was uncertain when he should die, and that he was desirous, by prayers for him, to procure, beforehand, God to be merciful to him.",
+                    "6. Accordingly, Esau went out a hunting. But Rebeka (33) thinking it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favor of God to Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid him kill kids of the goats, and prepare a supper. So Jacob obeyed his mother, according to all her instructions. Now when the supper was got ready, he took a goat's skin, and put it about his arm, that by reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his father be believed to be Esau; for they being twins, and in all things else alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out of his fear, that before his father had made his supplications, he should be caught in his evil practice, and lest he should, on the contrary, provoke his father to curse him. So he brought in the supper to his father. Isaac perceivest to be Esau.\" So suspecting no deceit, he ate the supper, and betook himself to his prayers and intercessions with God; and said, \"O Lord of all ages, and Creator of all substance; for it was thou that didst propose to my father great plenty of good things, and hast vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have; and hast promised to my posterity to be their kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater blessings; do thou therefore confirm these thy promises, and do not overlook me, because of my present weak condition, on account of which I most earnestly pray to thee. Be gracious to this my son; and preserve him and keep him from every thing that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the possession of as many good things as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies, and honorable and beloved among his friends.\"",
+                    "7. Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking his prayers had been made for Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from hunting. And when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent: but Esau required that he might be made partaker of the like blessing from his father that his brother had partook of; but his father refused it, because all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob: so Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father being grieved at his weeping, said, that \"he should excel in hunting and strength of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work; and should obtain glory for ever on those accounts, he and his posterity after him; but still should serve his brother.\"",
+                    "8. Now the mother delivered Jacob, when she was afraid that his brother would inflict some punishment upon him because of the mistake about the prayers of Isaac; for she persuaded her husband to take a wife for Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of her own kindred, Esau having married already Basemmath, the daughter of Ismael, without his father's consent; for Isaac did not like the Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau's former marriages, which made him take Basemmath to wife, in order to please him; and indeed he had a great affection for her."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jacob's Flight Into Mesopotamia, By Reason Of The Fear He Was In Of His Brother.</i><br>1. Now Jacob was sent by his mother to Mesopotamia, in order to marry Laban her brother's daughter (which marriage was permitted by Isaac, on account of his obsequiousness to the desires of his wife); and he accordingly journeyed through the land of Canaan; and because he hated the people of that country, he would not lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging in the open air, and laid his head on a heap of stones that he had gathered together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him: - he seemed to see a ladder that reached from the earth unto heaven, and persons descending upon the ladder that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God himself stood above it, and was plainly visible to him, who, calling him by his name, spake to him in these words: -",
+                    "2. \"O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation for his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present circumstances, but to hope for better times, for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things, by my assistance: for I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: be of good courage, therefore, and under my conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the marriage thou goest so zealously about shall be consummated. And thou shalt have children of good characters, but their multitude shall be innumerable; and they shall leave what they have to a still more numerous posterity, to whom, and to whose posterity, I give the dominion of all the land, and their posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so far as the sun beholds them: but do not thou fear any danger, nor be afraid of the many labors thou must undergo, for by my providence I will direct thee what thou art to do in the time present, and still much more in the time to come.\"",
+                    "3. Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob; whereupon he became very joyful at what he had seen and heard; and he poured oil on the stones, because on them the prediction of such great benefits was made. He also vowed a vow, that he would offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived and returned safe; and if he came again in such a condition, he would give the tithe of what he had gotten to God. He also judged the place to be honorable and gave it the name of Bethel, which, in the Greek, is interpreted, The House of God.",
+                    "4. So he proceeded on his journey to Mesopotamia, and at length came to Haran; and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with boys grown up, and maidens sitting about a certain well, he staid with them, as wanting water to drink; and beginning to discourse with them, he asked them whether they knew such a one as Laban, and whether he was still alive. Now they all said they knew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to be unknown to any of them; and that his daughter fed her father's flock together with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet come, for by her means thou mightest learn more exactly whatever thou desirest to know about that family. While they were saying this the damsel came, and the other shepherds that came down along with her. Then they showed her Jacob, and told her that he was a stranger, who came to inquire about her father's affairs. But she, as pleased, after the custom of children, with Jacob's coming, asked him who he was, and whence he came to them, and what it was he lacked that he came thither. She also wished it might be in their power to supply the wants he came about.",
+                    "5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, \"There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. Of the last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which we bear to one another, for my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both by the same father and mother; I therefore and thou are cousin-germans. And I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper between us.\" Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the kindness she had for her father, and embraced Jacob, she having learned an account of Rebeka from her father, and knew that her parents loved to hear her named; and when she had saluted him, she said that \"he brought the most desirable and greatest pleasures to her father, with all their family, who was always mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her, and her alone; and that this will make thee equal in his eyes to any advantageous circumstances whatsoever.\" Then she bid him go to her father, and follow her while she conducted him to him; and not to deprive him of such a pleasure, by staying any longer away from him.",
+                    "6. When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban; and being owned by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his friends; and he brought a great deal of pleasure to them by his unexpected coning. But a little while afterward, Laban told him that he could not express in words the joy he had at his coming; but still he inquired of him the occasion of his coming, and why he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted to be taken care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an account of the whole occasion of his journey, and told him, \"that Isaac had two sons that were twins, himself and Esau; who, because he failed of his father's prayers, which by his mother's wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill him, as deprived of the kingdom (34) which was to be given him of God, and of the blessings for which their father prayed; and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as his mother had commanded him to do: for we are all (says he) brethren one to another; but our mother esteems an alliance with your family more than she does one with the families of the country; so I look upon yourself and God to be the supporters of my travels, and think myself safe in my present circumstances.\"",
+                    "7. Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on account of his ancestors, and particularly for the sake of his mother, towards whom, he said, he would show his kindness, even though she were absent, by taking care of him; for he assured him he would make him the head shepherd of his flock, and give him authority sufficient for that purpose; and when he should have a mind to return to his parents, he would send him back with presents, and this in as honorable a manner as the nearness of their relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said he would willingly, and with pleasure, undergo any sort of pains while he tarried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as the reward of those pains, who was not only on other accounts esteemed by him, but also because she was the means of his coming to him; for he said he was forced by the love of the damsel to make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement, and consented to give the damsel to him, as not desirous to meet with any better son-in-law; and said he would do this, if he would stay with him some time, for he was not willing to send his daughter to be among the Canaanites, for he repented of the alliance he had made already by marrying his sister there. And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob, accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding-feast; and when it was night, without Jacob's perceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed to him, who was both elder than Rachel, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her that night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when it was day, he knew what had been done to him; and he reproached Laban for his unfair proceeding with him; who asked pardon for that necessity which forced him to do what he did; for he did not give him Lea out of any ill design, but as overcome by another greater necessity: that, notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder him from marrying Rachel; but that when he had served another seven years, he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob submitted to this condition, for his love to the damsel did not permit him to do otherwise; and when another seven years were gone, he took Rachel to wife.",
+                    "8. Now each of these had handmaids, by their father's donation. Zilpha was handmaid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no means slaves, (35) but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at her husband's love to her sister; and she expected she should be better esteemed if she bare him children: so she entreated God perpetually; and when she had borne a son, and her husband was on that account better reconciled to her, she named her son Reubel, because God had had mercy upon her, in giving her a son, for that is the signification of this name. After some time she bare three more sons; Simeon, which name signifies that God had hearkened to her prayer. Then she bare Levi, the confirmer of their friendship. After him was born Judah, which denotes thanksgiving. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness of her sister should make herself enjoy a lesser share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him her handmaid Bilha; by whom Jacob had Dan: one may interpret that name into the Greek tongue, a divine judgment. And after him Nephthalim, as it were, unconquerable in stratagems, since Rachel tried to conquer the fruitfulness of her sister by this stratagem. Accordingly, Lea took the same method, and used a counter-stratagem to that of her sister; for she put to bed to him her own handmaid. Jacob therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose name was Gad, which may be interpreted fortune; and after him Asher, which may be called a happy man, because he added glory to Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea, brought apples of mandrakes (36) to his mother. When Rachel saw them, she desired that she would give her the apples, for she longed to eat them; but when she refused, and bid her be content that she had deprived her of the benevolence she ought to have had from her husband, Rachel, in order to mitigate her sister's anger, said she would yield her husband to her; and he should lie with her that evening. She accepted of the favor, and Jacob slept with Lea, by the favor of Rachel. She bare then these sons: Issachar, denoting one born by hire: and Zabulon, one born as a pledge of benevolence towards her; and a daughter, Dina. After some time Rachel had a son, named Joseph, which signified there should be another added to him.",
+                    "9. Now Jacob fed the flocks of Laban his father-in-law all this time, being twenty years, after which he desired leave of his father-in-law to take his wives and go home; but when his father-in-law would not give him leave, he contrived to do it secretly. He made trial therefore of the disposition of his wives what they thought of this journey; - when they appeared glad, and approved of it. Rachel took along with her the images of the gods, which, according to their laws, they used to worship in their own country, and ran away together with her sister. The children also of them both, and the handmaids, and what possessions they had, went along with them. Jacob also drove away half the cattle, without letting Laban know of it beforehand But the reason why Rachel took the images of the gods, although Jacob had taught her to despise such worship of those gods, was this, That in case they were pursued, and taken by her father, she might have recourse to these images, in order obtain his pardon.",
+                    "10. But Laban, after one day's time, being acquainted with Jacob's and his daughters' departure, was much troubled, and pursued after them, leading a band of men with him; and on the seventh day overtook them, and found them resting on a certain hill; and then indeed he did not meddle with them, for it was even-tide; but God stood by him in a dream, and warned him to receive his son-in-law and his daughters in a peaceable manner; and not to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath to but to make a league with Jacob. And he him, that if he despised their small number, attacked them in a hostile manner, he would assist them. When Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he called Jacob to him the next day, in order to treat with him, and showed him what dream he had; in dependence whereupon he came confidently to him, and began to accuse him, alleging that he had entertained him when he was poor, and in want of all things, and had given him plenty of all things which he had. \"For,\" said he, \"I have joined my daughters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy kindness to me be greater than before; but thou hast had no regard to either thy mother's relations to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, driving away my cattle, and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father; and by carrying home those sacred paternal images which were worshipped by my forefathers, and have been honored with the like worship which they paid them by myself. In short, thou hast done this whilst thou art my kinsman, and my sister's son, and the husband of my daughters, and was hospiably treated by me, and didst eat at my table.\" When Laban had said this, Jacob made his defense - That he was not the only person in whom God had implanted the love of his native country, but that he had made it natural to all men; and that therefore it was but reasonable that, after so long time, he should go back to it. \"But as to the prey, of whose driving away thou accusest me, if any other person were the arbitrator, thou wouldst be found in the wrong; for instead of those thanks I ought to have had from thee, for both keeping thy cattle, and increasing them, how is it that thou art unjustly angry at me because I have taken, and have with me, a small portion of them? But then, as to thy daughters, take notice, that it is not through any evil practices of mine that they follow me in my return home, but from that just affection which wives naturally have to their husbands. They follow therefore not so properly myself as their own children.\" And thus far of his apology was made, in order to clear himself of having acted unjustly. To which he added his own complaint and accusation of Laban; saying, \"While I was thy sister's son, and thou hadst given me thy daughters in marriage, thou hast worn me out with thy harsh commands, and detained me twenty years under them. That indeed which was required in order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as it was, I own to have been tolerable; but as to those that were put upon me after those marriages, they were worse, and such indeed as an enemy would have avoided.\" For certainly Laban had used Jacob very ill; for when he saw that God was assisting to Jacob in all that he desired, he promised him, that of the young cattle which should be born, he should have sometimes what was of a white color, and sometimes what should be of a black color; but when those that came to Jacob's share proved numerous, he did not keep his faith with him, but said he would give them to him the next year, because of his envying him the multitude of his possessions. He promised him as before, because he thought such an increase was not to be expected; but when it appeared to be fact, he deceived him.",
+                    "11. But then, as to the sacred images, he bid him search for them; and when Laban accepted of the offer, Rachel, being informed of it, put those images into that camel's saddle on which she rode, and sat upon it; and said, that her natural purgation hindered her rising up: so Laban left off searching any further, not supposing that his daughter in such circumstances would approach to those images. So he made a league with Jacob, and bound it by oaths, that he would not bear him any malice on account of what had happened; and Jacob made the like league, and promised to love Laban's daughters. And these leagues they confirmed with oaths also, which the made upon certain as whereon they erected a pillar, in the form of an altar: whence that hill is called Gilead; and from thence they call that land the Land of Gilead at this day. Now when they had feasted, after the making of the league, Laban returned home."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Meeting Of Jacob And Esau.</i><br>1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his journey to the land of Canaan, angels appeared to him, and suggested to him good hope of his future condition; and that place he named the Camp of God. And being desirous of knowing what his brother's intentions were to him, he sent messengers, to give him an exact account of every thing, as being afraid, on account of the enmities between them. He charged those that were sent, to say to Esau, \"Jacob had thought it wrong to live together with him while he was in anger against him, and so had gone out of the country; and that he now, thinking the length of time of his absence must have made up their differences, was returning; that he brought with him his wives, and his children, with what possessions he had gotten; and delivered himself, with what was most dear to him, into his hands; and should think it his greatest happiness to partake together with his brother of what God had bestowed upon him.\" So these messengers told him this message. Upon which Esau was very glad, and met his brother with four hundred men. And Jacob, when he heard that he was coming to meet him with such a number of men, was greatly afraid: however, he committed his hope of deliverance to God; and considered how, in his present circumstances, he might preserve himself and those that were with him, and overcome his enemies if they attacked him injuriously. He therefore distributed his company into parts; some he sent before the rest, and the others he ordered to come close behind, that so, if the first were overpowered when his brother attacked them, they might have those that followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when he had put his company in this order, he sent some of them to carry presents to his brother. The presents were made up of cattle, and a great number of four-footed beasts, of many kinds, such as would be very acceptable to those that received them, on account of their rarity. Those who were sent went at certain intervals of space asunder, that, by following thick, one after another, they might appear to be more numerous, that Esau might remit of his anger on account of these presents, if he were still in a passion. Instructions were also given to those that were sent to speak gently to him.",
+                    "2. When Jacob had made these appointments all the day, and night came on, he moved on with his company; and, as they were gone over a certain river called Jabboc, Jacob was left behind; and meeting with an angel, he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the struggle: but he prevailed over the angel, who used a voice, and spake to him in words, exhorting him to be pleased with what had happened to him, and not to suppose that his victory was a small one, but that he had overcome a divine angel, and to esteem the victory as a sign of great blessings that should come to him, and that his offspring should never fall, and that no man should be too hard for his power. He also commanded him to be called Israel, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that struggled with the divine angel. (37) These promises were made at the prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived him to be the angel of God, he desired he would signify to him what should befall him hereafter. And when the angel had said what is before related, he disappeared; but Jacob was pleased with these things, and named the place Phanuel, which signifies, the face of God. Now when he felt pain, by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained from eating that sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it is still not eaten by us.",
+                    "3. When Jacob understood that his brother was near, he ordered his wives to go before, each by herself, with the handmaids, that they might see the actions of the men as they were fighting, if Esau were so disposed. He then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed down to him, who had no evil design upon him, but saluted him; and asked him about the company of the children and of the women; and desired, when he had understood all he wanted to know about them, that he would go along with him to their father; but Jacob pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau returned to Seir, for there was his place of habitation, he having named the place Roughness, from his own hairy roughness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Violation Of Dina's Chastity.</i><br>1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents (Succoth); from whence he went to Shechem, which is a city of the Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were keeping a festival Dina, who was the only daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see the finery of the women of that country. But when Shechem, the son of Hamor the king, saw her, he defiled her by violence; and being greatly in love with her, desired of his father that he would procure the damsel to him for a wife. To which desire he condescended, and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave that his son Shechem might, according to law, marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing how to deny the desire of one of such great dignity, and yet not thinking it lawful to marry his daughter to a stranger, entreated him to give him leave to have a consultation about what he desired him to do. So the king went away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed his sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of Hamor; and desired them to give their advice what they should do. Upon fills, the greatest part said nothing, not knowing what advice to give. But Simeon and Levi, the brethren of the damsel by the same mother, agreed between themselves upon the action following: It being now the time of a festival, when the Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting, they fell upon the watch when they were asleep, and, coming into the city, slew all the males (38) as also the king, and his son, with them; but spared the women. And when they had done this without their father's consent, they brought away their sister.",
+                    "2. Now while Jacob was astonished at the greatness of this act, and was severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him be of good courage; but to purify his tents, and to offer those sacrifices which he had vowed to offer when he went first into Mesopotamia, and saw his vision. As he was therefore purifying his followers, he lighted upon the gods of Laban; (for he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel;) and he hid them in the earth, under an oak, in Shechem. And departing thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel, the place where he saw his dream, when he went first into Mesopotamia.",
+                    "3. And when he was gone thence, and was come over against Ephrata, he there buried Rachel, who died in child-bed: she was the only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the honor of burial at Hebron. And when he had mourned for her a great while, he called the son that was born of her Benjamin, (39) because of the sorrow the mother had with him. These are all the children of Jacob, twelve males and one female. - Of them eight were legitimate, - viz. six of Lea, and two of Rachel; and four were of the handmaids, two of each; all whose names have been set down already."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Isaac Died, And Was Buried In Hebron.</i><br>From thence Jacob came to Hebron, a city situate among the Canaanites; and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived together for a little while; for as to Rebeka, Jacob did not find her alive. Isaac also died not long after the coming of his son; and was buried by his sons, with his wife, in Hebron, where they had a monument belonging to them from their forefathers. Now Isaac was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed great instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father, and lived to be exceeding old; for when he had lived virtuously one hundred and eighty-five years, he then died."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Esau And Jacob, Isaac's Sons Divided Their Habitation; And Esau Possessed Idumea And Jacob Canaan. </i><br>1. After the death of Isaac, his sons divided their habitations respectively; nor did they retain what they had before; but Esau departed from the city of Hebron, and left it to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled over Idumea. He called the country by that name from himself, for he was named Adom; which appellation he got on the following occasion : - One day returning from the toil of hunting very hungry, (it was when he was a child in age,) he lighted on his brother when he was getting ready lentile-pottage for his dinner, which was of a very red color; on which account he the more earnestly longed for it, and desired him to give him some of it to eat: but he made advantage of his brother's hunger, and forced him to resign up to him his birthright; and he, being pinched with famine, resigned it up to him, under an oath. Whence it came, that, on account of the redness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest, by his contemporaries, called Adom, for the Hebrews call what is red Adom; and this was the name given to the country; but the Greeks gave it a more agreeable pronunciation, and named it Idumea.",
+                    "2. He became the father of five sons; of whom Jaus, and Jalomus, and Coreus, were by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but of the rest, Aliphaz was born to him by Ada, and Raguel by Basemmath: and these were the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legitimate sons; Theman, Omer, Saphus, Gotham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legitimate, but by a concubine, whose name was Thamna. These dwelt in that part of Idumea which is called Gebalitis, and that denominated from Amalek, Amalekitis; for Idumea was a large country, and did then preserve the name of the whole, while in its several parts it kept the names of its peculiar inhabitants."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph, The Youngest Of Jacob's Sons, Was Envied By His Brethren, When Certain Dreams Had Foreshown His Future Happiness. </i><br>1. It happened that Jacob came to so great happiness as rarely any other person had arrived at. He was richer than the rest of the inhabitants of that country; and was at once envied and admired for such virtuous sons, for they were deficient in nothing, but were of great souls, both for laboring with their hands and enduring of toil; and shrewd also in understanding. And God exercised such a providence over him, and such a care of his happiness, as to bring him the greatest blessings, even out of what appeared to be the most sorrowful condition; and to make him the cause of our forefathers' departure out of Egypt, him and his posterity. The occasion was this : - When Jacob had his son Joseph born to him by Rachel, his father loved him above the rest of his sons, both because of the beauty of his body, and the virtues of his mind, for he excelled the rest in prudence. This affection of his father excited the envy and the hatred of his brethren; as did also his dreams which he saw, and related to his father, and to them, which foretold his future happiness, it being usual with mankind to envy their very nearest relations such their prosperity. Now the visions which Joseph saw in his sleep were these : -",
+                    "2. When they were in the middle of harvest, and Joseph was sent by his father, with his brethren, to gather the fruits of the earth, he saw a vision in a dream, but greatly exceeding the customary appearances that come when we are asleep; which, when he was got up, he told his brethren, that they might judge what it portended. He said, he saw the last night, that his wheat-sheaf stood still in the place where he set it, but that their sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants bow down to their masters. But as soon as they perceived the vision foretold that he should obtain power and great wealth, and that his power should be in opposition to them, they gave no interpretation of it to Joseph, as if the dream were not by them undestood: but they prayed that no part of what they suspected to be its meaning might come to pass; and they bare a still greater hatred to him on that account.",
+                    "3. But God, in opposition to their envy, sent a second vision to Joseph, which was much more wonderful than the former; for it seemed to him that the sun took with him the moon, and the rest of the stars, and came down to the earth, and bowed down to him. He told the vision to his father, and that, as suspecting nothing of ill-will from his brethren, when they were there also, and desired him to interpret what it should signify. Now Jacob was pleased with the dream: for, considering the prediction in his mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning, he rejoiced at the great things thereby signified, because it declared the future happiness of his son; and that, by the blessing of God, the time would come when he should be honored, and thought worthy of worship by his parents and brethren, as guessing that the moon and sun were like his mother and father; the former, as she that gave increase and nourishment to all things; and the latter, he that gave form and other powers to them; and that the stars were like his brethren, since they were eleven in number, as were the stars that receive their power from the sun and moon.",
+                    "4. And thus did Jacob make a judgment of this vision, and that a shrewd one also. But these interpretations caused very great grief to Joseph's brethren; and they were affected to him hereupon as if he were a certain stranger, that was to those good things which were signified by the dreams and not as one that was a brother, with whom it was probable they should be joint-partakers; and as they had been partners in the same parentage, so should they be of the same happiness. They also resolved to kill the lad; and having fully ratified that intention of theirs, as soon as their collection of the fruits was over, they went to Shechem, which is a country good for feeding of cattle, and for pasturage; there they fed their flocks, without acquainting their father with their removal thither; whereupon he had melancholy suspicions about them, as being ignorant of his sons' condition, and receiving no messenger from the flocks that could inform him of the true state they were in; so, because he was in great fear about them, he sent Joseph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances his brethren were in, and to bring him word how they did."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph Was Thus Sold By His Brethren Into Egypt, By Reason Of Their Hatred To Him; And How He There Grew Famous And Illustrious And Had His Brethren Under His Power. </i><br>1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as they saw their brother coming to them, not indeed as at the presence of a near relation, or as at the presence of one sent by their father, but as at the presence of an enemy, and one that by Divine Providence was delivered into their hands; and they already resolved to kill him, and not let slip the opportunity that lay before them. But when Reubel, the eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and that they had agreed together to execute their purpose, he tried to restrain them, showing them the heinous enterprise they were going about, and the horrid nature of it; that this action would appear wicked in the sight of God, and impious before men, even though they should kill one not related to them; but much more flagitious and detestable to appear to have slain their own brother, by which act the father must be treated unjustly in the son's slaughter, and the mother (1) also be in perplexity while she laments that her son is taken away from her, and this not in a natural way neither. So he entreated them to have a regard to their own consciences, and wisely to consider what mischief would betide them upon the death of so good a child, and their youngest brother; that they would also fear God, who was already both a spectator and a witness of the designs they had against their brother; that he would love them if they abstained from this act, and yielded to repentance and amendment; but in case they proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punishments would overtake them from God for this murder of their brother, since they polluted his providence, which was every where present, and which did not overlook what was done, either in deserts or in cities; for wheresoever a man is, there ought he to suppose that God is also. He told them further, that their consciences would be their enemies, if they attempted to go through so wicked an enterprise, which they can never avoid, whether it be a good conscience; or whether it be such a one as they will have within them when once they have killed their brother. He also added this besides to what he had before said, that it was not a righteous thing to kill a brother, though he had injured them; that it is a good thing to forget the actions of such near friends, even in things wherein they might seem to have offended; but that they were going to kill Joseph, who had been guilty of nothing that was ill towards them, in whose case the infirmity of his small age should rather procure him mercy, and move them to unite together in the care of his preservation. That the cause of killing him made the act itself much worse, while they determined to take him off out of envy at his future prosperity, an equal share of which they would naturally partake while he enjoyed it, since they were to him not strangers, but the nearest relations, for they might reckon upon what God bestowed upon Joseph as their own; and that it was fit for them to believe, that the anger of God would for this cause be more severe upon them, if they slew him who was judged by God to be worthy of that prosperity which was to be hoped for; and while, by murdering him, they made it impossible for God to bestow it upon him.",
+                    "2. Reubel said these and many other things, and used entreaties to them, and thereby endeavored to divert them from the murder of their brother. But when he saw that his discourse had not mollified them at all, and that they made haste to do the fact, he advised them to alleviate the wickedness they were going about, in the manner of taking Joseph off; for as he had exhorted them first, when they were going to revenge themselves, to be dissuaded from doing it; so, since the sentence for killing their brother had prevailed, he said that they would not, however, be so grossly guilty, if they would be persuaded to follow his present advice, which would include what they were so eager about, but was not so very bad, but, in the distress they were in, of a lighter nature. He begged of them, therefore, not to kill their brother with their own hands, but to cast him into the pit that was hard by, and so to let him die; by which they would gain so much, that they would not defile their own hands with his blood. To this the young men readily agreed; so Reubel took the lad and tied him to a cord, and let him down gently into the pit, for it had no water at all in it; who, when he had done this, went his way to seek for such pasturage as was fit for feeding his flocks.",
+                    "3. But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians, after Rubel was gone, advised his brethren to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him to the Arabians; for if he should die among strangers a great way off, they should be freed from this barbarous action. This, therefore, was resolved on; so they drew Joseph up out of the pit, and sold him to the merchants for twenty pounds (2) He was now seventeen years old. But Reubel, coming in the night-time to the pit, resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his brethren; and when, upon his calling to him, he made no answer, he was afraid that they had destroyed him after he was gone; of which he complained to his brethren; but when they had told him what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning.",
+                    "4. When Joseph's brethren had done thus to him, they considered what they should do to escape the suspicions of their father. Now they had taken away from Joseph the coat which he had on when he came to them at the time they let him down into the pit; so they thought proper to tear that coat to pieces, and to dip it into goats' blood, and then to carry it and show it to their father, that he might believe he was destroyed by wild beasts. And when they had so done, they came to the old man, but this not till what had happened to his son had already come to his knowledge. Then they said that they had not seen Joseph, nor knew what mishap had befallen him; but that they had found his coat bloody and torn to pieces, whence they had a suspicion that he had fallen among wild beasts, and so perished, if that was the coat he had on when he came from home. Now Jacob had before some better hopes that his son was only made a captive; but now he laid aside that notion, and supposed that this coat was an evident argument that he was dead, for he well remembered that this was the coat he had on when he sent him to his brethren; so he hereafter lamented the lad as now dead, and as if he had been the father of no more than one, without taking any comfort in the rest; and so he was also affected with his misfortune before he met with Joseph's brethren, when he also conjectured that Joseph was destroyed by wild beasts. He sat down also clothed in sackcloth and in heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no ease when his sons comforted him, neither did his pains remit by length of time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Signal Chastity Of Joseph. </i><br>1. Now Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was chief cook to king Pharaoh, bought Joseph of the merchants, who sold him to him. He had him in the greatest honor, and taught him the learning that became a free man, and gave him leave to make use of a diet better than was allotted to slaves. He intrusted also the care of his house to him. So he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he leave that virtue which he had before, upon such a change of his condition; but he demonstrated that wisdom was able to govern the uneasy passions of life, in such as have it in reality, and do not only put it on for a show, under a present state of prosperity.",
+                    "2. For when his master's wife was fallen in love with him, both on account of his beauty of body, and his dexterous management of affairs; and supposed, that if she should make it known to him, she could easily persuade him to come and lie with her, and that he would look upon it as a piece of happy fortune that his mistress should entreat him, as regarding that state of slavery he was in, and not his moral character, which continued after his condition was changed. So she made known her naughty inclinations, and spake to him about lying with her. However, he rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agreeable to religion to yield so far to her, as to do what would tend to the affront and injury of him that purchased him, and had vouchsafed him so great honors. He, on the contrary, exhorted her to govern that passion; and laid before her the impossibility of her obtaining her desires, which he thought might be conquered, if she had no hope of succeeding; and he said, that as to himself, he would endure any thing whatever before he would be persuaded to it; for although it was fit for a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary to his mistress, he might well be excused in a case where the contradiction was to such sort of commands only. But this opposition of Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her still more violent in her love to him; and as she was sorely beset with this naughty passion, so she resolved to compass her design by a second attempt.",
+                    "3. When, therefore, there was a public festival coming on, in which it was the custom for women to come to the public solemnity; she pretended to her husband that she was sick, as contriving an opportunity for solitude and leisure, that she might entreat Joseph again. Which opportunity being obtained, she used more kind words to him than before; and said that it had been good for him to have yielded to her first solicitation, and to have given her no repulse, both because of the reverence he ought to bear to her dignity who solicited him, and because of the vehemence of her passion, by which she was forced though she were his mistress to condescend beneath her dignity; but that he may now, by taking more prudent advice, wipe off the imputation of his former folly; for whether it were that he expected the repetition of her solicitations she had now made, and that with greater earnestness than before, for that she had pretended sickness on this very account, and had preferred his conversation before the festival and its solemnity; or whether he opposed her former discourses, as not believing she could be in earnest; she now gave him sufficient security, by thus repeating her application, that she meant not in the least by fraud to impose upon him; and assured him, that if he complied with her affections, he might expect the enjoyment of the advantages he already had; and if he were submissive to her, he should have still greater advantages; but that he must look for revenge and hatred from her, in case he rejected her desires, and preferred the reputation of chastity before his mistress; for that he would gain nothing by such procedure, because she would then become his accuser, and would falsely pretend to her husband, that he had attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar would hearken to her words rather than to his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth.",
+                    "4. When the woman had said thus, and even with tears in her eyes, neither did pity dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did fear compel him to a compliance with her; but he opposed her solicitations, and did not yield to her threatenings, and was afraid to do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the sharpest punishment rather than to enjoy his present advantages, by doing what his own conscience knew would justly deserve that he should die for it. He also put her in mind that she was a married woman, and that she ought to cohabit with her husband only; and desired her to suffer these considerations to have more weight with her than the short pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would bring her to repentance afterwards, would cause trouble to her, and yet would not amend what had been done amiss. He also suggested to her the fear she would be in lest they should be caught; and that the advantage of concealment was uncertain, and that only while the wickedness was not known [would there be any quiet for them]; but that she might have the enjoyment of her husband's company without any danger. And he told her, that in the company of her husband she might have great boldness from a good conscience, both before God and before men. Nay, that she would act better like his mistress, and make use of her authority over him better while she persisted in her chastity, than when they we re both ashamed for what wickedness they had been guilty of; and that it is much better to a life, well and known to have been so, than upon the hopes of the concealment of evil practices.",
+                    "5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried to restrain the violent passion of the woman, and to reduce her affections within the rules of reason; but she grew more ungovernable and earnest in the matter; and since she despaired of persuading him, she laid her hands upon him, and had a mind to force him. But as soon as Joseph had got away from her anger, leaving also his garment with her, for he left that to her, and leaped out of her chamber, she was greatly afraid lest he should discover her lewdness to her husband, and greatly troubled at the affront he had offered her; so she resolved to be beforehand with him, and to accuse Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that means to revenge herself on him for his pride and contempt of her; and she thought it a wise thing in itself, and also becoming a woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Accordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion, framing herself so hypocritically and angrily, that the sorrow, which was really for her being disappointed of her lust, might appear to be for the attempt upon her chastity; so that when her husband came home, and was disturbed at the sight of her and inquired what was the cause of the disorder she was in, she began to accuse Joseph: and, \"O husband,\" said she, \"mayst thou not live a day longer if thou dost not punish the wicked slave who has desired to defile thy bed; who has neither minded who he was when he came to our house, so as to behave himself with modesty; nor has he been mindful of what favors he had received from thy bounty (as he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless he, in every respect, carry himself in a manner agreeable to us): this man, I say, laid a private design to abuse thy wife, and this at the time of a festival, observing when thou wouldst be absent. So that it now is clear that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly, was only because of the restraint he was in out of fear of thee, but that he was not really of a good disposition. This has been occasioned by his being advanced to honor beyond what he deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch that he concluded, that he who was deemed fit to be trusted with thy estate and the government of thy family, and was preferred above thy eldest servants, might be allowed to touch thy wife also.\" Thus when she had ended her discourse, she showed him his garment, as if he then left it with her when he attempted to force her. But Potiphar not being able to disbelieve what his wife's tears showed, and what his wife said, and what he saw himself, and being seduced by his love to his wife, did not set himself about the examination of the truth; but taking it for granted that his wife was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph as a wicked man, he threw him into the malefactors' prison; and had a still higher opinion of his wife, and bare her witness that she was a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Things Befell Joseph In Prison. </i><br>1. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs to God, did not betake himself to make his defense, nor to give an account of the exact circumstances of the fact, but silently underwent the bonds and the distress he was in, firmly believing that God, who knew the cause of his affliction, and the truth of the fact, would be more powerful than those that inflicted the punishments upon him : - a proof of whose providence he quickly received; for the keeper of the prison taking notice of his care and fidelity in the affairs he had set him about, and the dignity of his countenance, relaxed his bonds, and thereby made his heavy calamity lighter, and more supportable to him. He also permitted him to make use of a diet better than that of the rest of the prisoners. Now, as his fellow prisoners, when their hard labors were over, fell to discoursing one among another, as is usual in such as are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of another what were the occasions of their being condemned to a prison: among them the king's cupbearer, and one that had been respected by him, was put in bonds, upon the king's anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar with him; and upon his observing that Joseph had a better understanding than the rest had, he told him of a dream he had, and desired he would interpret its meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams.",
+                    "2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he saw three clusters of grapes hanging upon three branches of a vine, large already, and ripe for gathering; and that he squeezed them into a cup which the king held in his hand; and when he had strained the wine, he gave it to the king to drink, and that he received it from him with a pleasant countenance. This, he said, was what he saw; and he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion of understanding in such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold. Who bid him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds in three days' time, because the king desired his service, and was about to restore him to it again; for he let him know that God bestows the fruit of the vine upon men for good; which wine is poured out to him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual confidence among men; and puts an end to their quarrels, takes away passion and grief out of the minds of them that use it, and makes them cheerful. \"Thou sayest that thou didst squeeze this wine from three clusters of grapes with thine hands, and that the king received it: know, therefore, that this vision is for thy good, and foretells a release from thy present distress within the same number of days as the branches had whence thou gatheredst thy grapes in thy sleep. However, remember what prosperity I have foretold thee when thou hast found it true by experience; and when thou art in authority, do not overlook us in this prison, wherein thou wilt leave us when thou art gone to the place we have foretold; for we are not in prison for any crime; but for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we condemned to suffer the penalty of malefactors, and because we are not willing to injure him that has thus distressed us, though it were for our own pleasure.\" The cupbearer, therefore, as was natural to do, rejoiced to hear such an interpretation of his dream, and waited the completion of what had been thus shown him beforehand.",
+                    "3. But another servant there was of the king, who had been chief baker, and was now bound in prison with the cupbearer; he also was in good hope, upon Joseph's interpretation of the other's vision, for he had seen a dream also; so he desired that Joseph would tell him what the visions he had seen the night before might mean. They were these that follow: - \"Methought,\" says he, \"I carried three baskets upon my head; two were full of loaves, and the third full of sweetmeats and other eatables, such as are prepared for kings; but that the fowls came flying, and eat them all up, and had no regard to my attempt to drive them away.\" And he expected a prediction like to that of the cupbearer. But Joseph, considering and reasoning about the dream, said to him, that he would willingly be an interpreter of good events to him, and not of such as his dream denounced to him; but he told him that he had only three days in all to live, for that the [three] baskets signify, that on the third day he should be crucified, and devoured by fowls, while he was not able to help himself. Now both these dreams had the same several events that Joseph foretold they should have, and this to both the parties; for on the third day before mentioned, when the king solemnized his birth-day, he crucified the chief baker, but set the butler free from his bonds, and restored him to his former ministration.",
+                    "4. But God freed Joseph from his confinement, after he had endured his bonds two years, and had received no assistance from the cupbearer, who did not remember what he had said to him formerly; and God contrived this method of deliverance for him. Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the same evening two visions; and after them had the interpretations of them both given him. He had forgotten the latter, but retained the dreams themselves. Being therefore troubled at what he had seen, for it seemed to him to be all of a melancholy nature, the next day he called together the wisest men among the Egyptians, desiring to learn from them the interpretation of his dreams. But when they hesitated about them, the king was so much the more disturbed. And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill in dreams, came into the mind of the king's cupbearer, when he saw the confusion that Pharaoh was in; so he came and mentioned Joseph to him, as also the vision he had seen in prison, and how the event proved as he had said; as also that the chief baker was crucified on the very same day; and that this also happened to him according to the interpretation of Joseph. That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great splendor. \"If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify.\" So the king commanded that they should bring Joseph into his presence; and those who received the command came and brought him with them, having taken care of his habit, that it might be decent, as the king had enjoined them to do.",
+                    "5. But the king took him by the hand; and, \"O young man,\" says he, \"for my servant bears witness that thou art at present the best and most skillful person I can consult with; vouchsafe me the same favors which thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and tell me what events they are which the visions of my dreams foreshow; and I desire thee to suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter me with lying words, or with what may please me, although the truth should be of a melancholy nature. For it seemed to me that, as I walked by the river, I saw kine fat and very large, seven in number, going from the river to the marshes; and other kine of the same number like them, met them out of the marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favored, which ate up the fat and the large kine, and yet were no better than before, and not less miserably pinched with famine. After I had seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep; and being in disorder, and considering with myself what this appearance should be, I fell asleep again, and saw another dream, much more wonderful than the foregoing, which still did more affright and disturb me: - I saw seven ears of corn growing out of one root, having their heads borne down by the weight of the grains, and bending down with the fruit, which was now ripe and fit for reaping; and near these I saw seven other ears of corn, meager and weak, for want of rain, which fell to eating and consuming those that were fit for reaping, and put me into great astonishment.\"",
+                    "6. To which Joseph replied: - \"This dream,\" said he, \"O king, although seen under two forms, signifies one and the same event of things; for when thou sawest the fat kine, which is an animal made for the plough and for labor, devoured by the worser kine, and the ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears, they foretell a famine, and want of the fruits of the earth for the same number of years, and equal with those when Egypt was in a happy state; and this so far, that the plenty of these years will be spent in the same number of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of necessary provisions will be very difficult to be corrected; as a sign whereof, the ill-favored kine, when they had devoured the better sort, could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what is to come upon men, not to grieve them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will come in the former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will not be felt by the Egyptians.\"",
+                    "7. Hereupon the king wondered at the discretion and wisdom of Joseph; and asked him by what means he might so dispense the foregoing plentiful crops in the happy years, as to make the miserable crops more tolerable. Joseph then added this his advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians to spend them luxuriously, but to reserve what they would have spent in luxury beyond their necessity against the time of want. He also exhorted him to take the corn of the husbandmen, and give them only so much as will be sufficient for their food. Accordingly Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only for his interpretation of the dream, but for the counsel he had given him, intrusted him with dispensing the corn; with power to do what he thought would be for the benefit of the people of Egypt, and for the benefit of the king, as believing that he who first discovered this method of acting, would prove the best overseer of it. But Joseph having this power given him by the king, with leave to make use of his seal, and to wear purple, drove in his chariot through all the land of Egypt, and took the corn of the husbandmen, (3) allotting as much to every one as would be sufficient for seed, and for food, but without discovering to any one the reason why he did so."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph When He Was Become Famous In Egypt, Had His Brethren In Subjection. </i><br>1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed great honors from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out of regard to his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name denotes the revealer of secrets. He also married a wife of very high quality; for he married the daughter of Petephres, (4) one of the priests of Heliopolis; she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath. By her he had children before the scarcity came on; Manasseh, the elder, which signifies forgetful, because his present happiness made him forget his former misfortunes; and Ephraim, the younger, which signifies restored, because he was restored to the freedom of his forefathers. Now after Egypt had happily passed over seven years, according to Joseph's interpretation of the dreams, the famine came upon them in the eighth year; and because this misfortune fell upon them when they had no sense of it beforehand, (5) they were all sorely afflicted by it, and came running to the king's gates; and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly a savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers had liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happiness.",
+                    "2. Now Jacob also, when he understood that foreigners might come, sent all his sons into Egypt to buy corn, for the land of Canaan was grievously afflicted with the famine; and this great misery touched the whole continent. He only retained Benjamin, who was born to him by Rachel, and was of the same mother with Joseph. These sons of Jacob then came into Egypt, and applied themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn; for nothing of this kind was done without his approbation, since even then only was the honor that was paid the king himself advantageous to the persons that paid it, when they took care to honor Joseph also. Now when he well knew his brethren, they thought nothing of him; for he was but a youth when he left them, and was now come to an age so much greater, that the lineaments of his face were changed, and he was not known by them: besides this, the greatness of the dignity wherein he appeared, suffered them not so much as to suspect it was he. He now made trial what sentiments they had about affairs of the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell them corn, and said they were come as spies of the king's affairs; and that they came from several countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countenance as they were, such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings themselves. Now this he did in order to discover what concerned his father, and what happened to him after his own departure from him, and as desiring to know what was become of Benjamin his brother; for he was afraid that they had ventured on the like wicked enterprise against him that they had done to himself, and had taken him off also.",
+                    "3. Now these brethren of his were under distraction and terror, and thought that very great danger hung over them; yet not at all reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and standing firm under the accusations laid against them, they made their defense by Reubel, the eldest of them, who now became their spokesman: \"We come not hither,\" said he, \"with any unjust design, nor in order to bring any harm to the king's affairs; we only want to be preserved, as supposing your humanity might be a refuge for us from the miseries which our country labors under, we having heard that you proposed to sell corn, not only to your own countrymen, but to strangers also, and that you determined to allow that corn, in order to preserve all that want it; but that we are brethren, and of the same common blood, the peculiar lineaments of our faces, and those not so much different from one another, plainly show. Our father's name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who had twelve of us for his sons by four wives; which twelve of us, while we were all alive, were a happy family; but when one of our brethren, whose name was Joseph, died, our affairs changed for the worse, for our father could not forbear to make a long lamentation for him; and we are in affliction, both by the calamity of the death of our brother, and the miserable state of our aged father. We are now, therefore, come to buy corn, having intrusted the care of our father, and the provision for our family, to Benjamin, our youngest brother; and if thou sendest to our house, thou mayst learn whether we are guilty of the least falsehood in what we say.\"",
+                    "4. And thus did Reubel endeavor to persuade Joseph to have a better opinion of them. But when he had learned from them that Jacob was alive, and that his brother was not destroyed by them, he for the present put them in prison, as intending to examine more into their affairs when he should be at leisure. But on the third day he brought them out, and said to them, \"Since you constantly affirm that you are not come to do any harm to the king's affairs; that you are brethren, and the sons of the father whom you named; you will satisfy me of the truth of what you say, if you leave one of your company with me, who shall suffer no injury here; and if, when ye have carried corn to your father, you will come to me again, and bring your brother, whom you say you left there, along with you, for this shall be by me esteemed an assurance of the truth of what you have told me.\" Hereupon they were in greater grief than before; they wept, and perpetually deplored one among another the calamity of Joseph; and said, \"They were fallen into this misery as a punishment inflicted by God for what evil contrivances they had against him.\" And Reubel was large in his reproaches of them for their too late repentance, whence no profit arose to Joseph; and earnestly exhorted them to bear with patience whatever they suffered, since it was done by God in way of punishment, on his account. Thus they spake to one another, not imagining that Joseph understood their language. A general sadness also seized on them at Reubel's words, and a repentance for what they had done; and they condemned the wickedness they had perpetrated, for which they judged they were justly punished by God. Now when Joseph saw that they were in this distress, he was so affected at it that he fell into tears, and not being willing that they should take notice of him, he retired; and after a while came to them again, and taking Symeon (6) in order to his being a pledge for his brethren's return, he bid them take the corn they had bought, and go their way. He also commanded his steward privily to put the money which they had brought with them for the purchase of corn into their sacks, and to dismiss them therewith; who did what he was commanded to do.",
+                    "5. Now when Jacob's sons were come into the land of Canaan, they told their father what had happened to them in Egypt, and that they were taken to have come thither as spies upon the king; and how they said they were brethren, and had left their eleventh brother with their father, but were not believed; and how they had left Symeon with the governor, until Benjamin should go thither, and be a testimonial of the truth of what they had said: and they begged of their father to fear nothing, but to send the lad along with them. But Jacob was not pleased with any thing his sons had done; and he took the detention of Symeon heinously, and thence thought it a foolish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither did he yield to Reubel's persuasion, though he begged it of him, and gave leave that the grandfather might, in way of requital, kill his own sons, in case any harm came to Benjamin in the journey. So they were distressed, and knew not what to do; nay, there was another accident that still disturbed them more, - the money that was found hidden in their sacks of corn. Yet when the corn they had brought failed them, and when the famine still afflicted them, and necessity forced them, Jacob did (7) [not] still resolve to send Benjamin with his brethren, although there was no returning into Egypt unless they came with what they had promised. Now the misery growing every day worse, and his sons begging it of him, he had no other course to take in his present circumstances. And Judas, who was of a bold temper on other occasions, spake his mind very freely to him: \"That it did not become him to be afraid on account of his son, nor to suspect the worst, as he did; for nothing could be done to his son but by the appointment of God, which must also for certain come to pass, though he were at home with him; that he ought not to condemn them to such manifest destruction; nor deprive them of that plenty of food they might have from Pharaoh, by his unreasonable fear about his son Benjamin, but ought to take care of the preservation of Symeon, lest, by attempting to hinder Benjamin's journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted him to trust God for him; and said he would either bring his son back to him safe, or, together with his, lose his own life.\" So that Jacob was at length persuaded, and delivered Benjamin to them, with the price of the corn doubled; he also sent presents to Joseph of the fruits of the land of Canaan, balsam and rosin, as also turpentine and honey. (8) Now their father shed many tears at the departure of his sons, as well as themselves. His concern was, that he might receive them back again safe after their journey; and their concern was, that they might find their father well, and no way afflicted with grief for them. And this lamentation lasted a whole day; so that the old man was at last tired with grief, and staid behind; but they went on their way for Egypt, endeavoring to mitigate their grief for their present misfortunes, with the hopes of better success hereafter.",
+                    "6. As soon as they came into Egypt, they were brought down to Joseph: but here no small fear disturbed them, lest they should be accused about the price of the corn, as if they had cheated Joseph. They then made a long apology to Joseph's steward; and told him, that when they came home they found the money in their sacks, and that they had now brought it along with them. He said he did not know what they meant: so they were delivered from that fear. And when he had loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren; at which time Joseph came from his attendance on the king. So they offered him their presents; and upon his putting the question to them about their father, they answered that they found him well. He also, upon his discovery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether this was their younger brother; for he had seen him. Whereupon they said he was: he replied, that the God over all was his protector. But when his affection to him made him shed tears, he retired, desiring he might not be seen in that plight by his brethren. Then Joseph took them to supper, and they were set down in the same order as they used to sit at their father's table. And although Joseph treated them all kindly, yet did he send a mess to Benjamin that was double to what the rest of the guests had for their shares.",
+                    "7. Now when after supper they had composed themselves to sleep, Joseph commanded his steward both to give them their measures of corn, and to hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal they should put into Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which he loved himself to drink. - which things he did, in order to make trial of his brethren, whether they would stand by Benjamin when he should be accused of having stolen the cup, and should appear to be in danger; or whether they would leave him, and, depending on their own innocency, go to their father without him. When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon along with them, and had a double cause of joy, both because they had received him again, and because they took back Benjamin to their father, as they had promised. But presently a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them Joseph's servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon which unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and asked what the reason was that they came thus upon men, who a little before had been by their lord thought worthy of an honorable and hospitable reception? They replied, by calling them wicked wretches, who had forgot that very hospitable and kind treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not scruple to be injurious to him, and to carry off that cup out of which he had, in so friendly a manner, drank to them, and not regarding their friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in if they were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. Hereupon he threatened that they should be punished; for though they had escaped the knowledge of him who was but a servant, yet had they not escaped the knowledge of God, nor had gone off with what they had stolen; and, after all, asked why we come upon them, as if they knew nothing of the matter: and he told them that they should immediately know it by their punishment. This, and more of the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them: but they being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned them, laughed at what he said, and wondered at the abusive language which the servant gave them, when he was so hardy as to accuse those who did not before so much as retain the price of their corn, which was found in their sacks, but brought it again, though nobody else knew of any such thing, - so far were they from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. But still, supposing that a search would be a more sure justification of themselves than their own denial of the fact, they bid him search them, and that if any of them had been guilty of the theft, to punish them all; for being no way conscious to themselves of any crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought, without any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to him alone who should be found guilty of the theft. So they made the search; and, having searched all the rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as knowing it was Benjamin's sack in which they had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched the rest only for a show of accuracy: so the rest were out of fear for themselves, and were now only concerned about Benjamin, but still were well assured that he would also be found innocent; and they reproached those that came after them for their hindering them, while they might, in the mean while, have gotten a good way on their journey. But as soon as they had searched Benjamin's sack, they found the cup, and took it from him; and all was changed into mourning and lamentation. They rent their garments, and wept for the punishment which their brother was to undergo for his theft, and for the delusion they had put on their father, when they promised they would bring Benjamin safe to him. What added to their misery was, that this melancholy accident came unfortunately at a time when they thought they had been gotten off clear; but they confessed that this misfortune of their brother, as well as the grief of their father for him, was owing to themselves, since it was they that forced their father to send him with them, when he was averse to it.",
+                    "8. The horsemen therefore took Benjamin and brought him to Joseph, his brethren also following him; who, when he saw him in custody, and them in the habit of mourners, said, \"How came you, vile wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my kindness to you, and of God's providence, as impudently to do thus to your benefactor, who in such an hospitable manner had entertained you ?\" Whereupon they gave up themselves to be punished, in order to save Benjamin; and called to mind what a wicked enterprise they had been guilty of against Joseph. They also pronounced him more happy than themselves, if he were dead, in being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were alive, that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's vengeance upon them. They said further; that they were the plague of their father, since they should now add to his former affliction for Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin. Reubel also was large in cutting them upon this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them; for he said they had been guilty of no offense, and that he would content himself with the lad's punishment; for he said it was not a fit thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not offended; nor was it a fit thing to punish them together with him who had been guilty of stealing. And when he promised to give them leave to go away in safety, the rest of them were under great consternation, and were able to say nothing on this sad occasion. But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send the lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man, determined to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother. \"It is true,\" (9) said he, \"O governor, that we have been very wicked with regard to thee, and on that account deserved punishment; even all of us may justly be punished, although the theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and he the youngest also; but yet there remains some hope for us, who otherwise must be under despair on his account, and this from thy goodness, which promises us a deliverance out of our present danger. And now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that great crime we have been guilty of, but at thy own excellent nature, and take advice of thine own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast against us; which passion those that otherwise are of lower character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not only on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, sir, that passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay those that do not otherwise presume upon their own safety, but are desirous to accept of it from thee; for this is not the first time that thou wilt bestow it on us, but before, when we came to buy corn, thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and gavest us leave to carry so much home to our family as has preserved them from perishing by famine. Nor is there any difference between not overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and not punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so unfortunate as to lose the advantage of that glorious benefaction which they received from thee. This will be an instance of equal favor, though bestowed after a different manner; for thou wilt save those this way whom thou didst feed the other; and thou wilt hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by famine, it being indeed at once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn, and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed, we may continue those lives. And I am ready to suppose that God is willing to afford thee this opportunity of showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing us into this calamity, that it may appear thou canst forgive the injuries that are done to thyself, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides those who, on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; since it is indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for want of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who deserve to be punished, when it is on account of heinous offenses against thyself; for if it be a thing deserving commendation to forgive such as have been guilty of small offenses, that tend to a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy in him that overlooks such offenses, to restrain a man's passion as to crimes which are capital to the guilty, is to be like the most excellent nature of God himself. And truly, as for myself, had it not been that we had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of Joseph, how miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had not made any words on account of the saving of our own lives; I mean, any further than as that would be an excellent character for thyself, to preserve even those that would have nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but now (for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we die, it will be while we are young, and before we have had the enjoyment of life) have regard to our father, and take pity of his old age, on whose account it is that we make these supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt give us those lives which this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxious to thy punishment; and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor does his being our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy to have such trials of his patience; and now, we are absent, he is afflicted with care for us. But if he hear of our deaths, and what was the cause of it, he will on that account die an immature death; and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him; nay, will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. Consider these things in this manner, although our wickedness does now provoke thee with a just desire of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it for our father's sake; and let thy commiseration of him weigh more with thee than our wickedness. Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish, will be very lonely while he lives, and will soon die himself also. Grant this boon to the name of fathers, for thereby thou wilt honor him that begat thee, and will grant it to thyself also, who enjoyest already that denomination; thou wilt then, by that denomination, be preserved of God, the Father of all, - by showing a pious regard to which, in the case of our father, thou wilt appear to honor him who is styled by the same name; I mean, if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this consideration, how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his sons! It is thy part therefore to bestow on us what God has given us, when it is in thy power to take it away, and so to resemble him entirely in charity; for it is good to use that power, which can either give or take away, on the merciful side; and when it is in thy power to destroy, to forget that thou ever hadst that power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for preservation; and that the more any one extends this power, the greater reputation does he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our brother what he has unhappily committed, thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot think of living if he be put to death, since we dare not show ourselves alive to our father without our brother, but here must we partake of one and the same catastrophe of his life. And so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou condemnest our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with him, as partners of his crime, - for we shall not think it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves for grief of our brother's death, but so to die rather as equally guilty with him of this crime. I will only leave with thee this one consideration, and then will say no more, viz. that our brother committed this fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed wisdom in his conduct; and that men naturally forgive such young persons. I end here, without adding what more I have to say, that in case thou condemnest us, that omission may be supposed to have hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer side. But in case thou settest us free, that this may be ascribed to thy own goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest us from condemnation; and that not by barely preserving us, but by granting us such a favor as will make us appear more righteous than we really are, and by representing to thyself more motives for our deliverance than we are able to produce ourselves. If, therefore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back to his father; or if thou pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labor for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better prepared for either of those sufferings.\" So Judas, being very willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliverance of his brother, cast himself down at Joseph's feet, and earnestly labored to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also fell down before him, weeping and delivering themselves up to destruction for the preservation of the life of Benjamin.",
+                    "10. But Joseph, as overcome now with his affections, and no longer able to personate an angry man, commanded all that were present to depart, that he might make himself known to his brethren when they were alone; and when the rest were gone out, he made himself known to his brethren; and said, \"I commend you for your virtue, and your kindness to our brother: I find you better men than I could have expected from what you contrived about me. Indeed, I did all this to try your love to your brother; so I believe you were not wicked by nature in what you did in my case, but that all has happened according to God's will, who has hereby procured our enjoyment of what good things we have; and, if he continue in a favorable disposition, of what we hope for hereafter. Since, therefore, I know that our father is safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see you so well disposed to your brother, I will no longer remember what guilt you seem to have had about me, but will leave off to hate you for that your wickedness; and do rather return you my thanks, that you have concurred with the intentions of God to bring things to their present state. I would have you also rather to forget the same, since that imprudence of yours is come to such a happy conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at those your offenses. Do not, therefore, let your evil intentions, when you condemned me, and that bitter remorse which might follow, be a grief to you now, because those intentions were frustrated. Go, therefore, your way, rejoicing in what has happened by the Divine Providence, and inform your father of it, lest he should be spent with cares for you, and deprive me of the most agreeable part of my felicity; I mean, lest he should die before he comes into my sight, and enjoys the good things that we now have. Bring, therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and all your kindred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must endure five more years of famine.\" When Joseph had said this, he embraced his brethren, who were in tears and sorrow; but the generous kindness of their brother seemed to leave among them no room for fear, lest they should be punished on account of what they had consulted and acted against him; and they were then feasting. Now the king, as soon as he heard that Joseph's brethren were come to him, was exceeding glad of it, as if it had been a part of his own good fortune; and gave them wagons full of corn and gold and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now when they had received more of their brother part to be carried to their father, and part as free gifts to every one of themselves, Benjamin having still more than the rest, they departed."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Removal Of Joseph's Father With All His Family, To Him, On Account Of The Famine. </i><br>1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by his sons returning home, in what state Joseph was, that he had not only escaped death, for which yet he lived all along in mourning, but that he lived in splendor and happiness, and ruled over Egypt, jointly with the king, and had intrusted to his care almost all his affairs, he did not think any thing he was told to be incredible, considering the greatness of the works of God, and his kindness to him, although that kindness had, for some late times, been intermitted; so he immediately and zealously set out upon his journey to him.",
+                    "2. When he came to the Well of the Oath, (Beersheba,) he offered sacrifice to God; and being afraid that the happiness there was in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in love with it, and settle in it, and no more think of removing into the land of Canaan, and possessing it, as God had promised them; as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into Egypt were made without the will of God, his family might be destroyed there; out of fear, withal, lest he should depart this life before he came to the sight of Joseph; he fell asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind.",
+                    "3. But God stood by him, and called him twice by his name; and when he asked who he was, God said, \"No, sure; it is not just that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unacquainted with that God who has been ever a protector and a helper to thy forefathers, and after them to thyself: for when thy father would have deprived thee of the dominion, I gave it thee; and by my kindness it was that, when thou wast sent into Mesopotamia all alone, thou obtainedst good wives, and returnedst with many children, and much wealth. Thy whole family also has been preserved by my providence; and it was I who conducted Joseph, thy son, whom thou gavest up for lost, to the enjoyment of great prosperity. I also made him lord of Egypt, so that he differs but little from a king. Accordingly, I come now as a guide to thee in this journey; and foretell to thee, that thou shalt die in the arms of Joseph: and I inform thee, that thy posterity shall be many ages in authority and glory, and that I will settle them in the land which I have promised them.\"",
+                    "4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went on more cheerfully for Egypt with his sons, and all belonging to them. Now they were in all seventy. I once, indeed, thought it best not to set down the names of this family, especially because of their difficult pronunciation [by the Greeks]; but, upon the whole, I think it necessary to mention those names, that I may disprove such as believe that we came not originally from Mesopotamia, but are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons; of these Joseph was come thither before. We will therefore set down the names of Jacob's children and grandchildren. Reuben had four sons - Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi. Simeon had six - Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Jachin, Soar, Saul. Levi had three sons - Gersom, Caath, Merari. Judas had three sons - Sala, Phares, Zerah; and by Phares two grandchildren, Esrom and Amar. Issachar had four sons - Thola, Phua, Jasob, Samaron. Zabulon had with him three sons - Sarad, Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her daughter Dinah. These are thirty-three. Rachel had two sons, the one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also, Manasses and Ephraim. The other, Benjamin, had ten sons - Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel, Geras, Naaman, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis, Arad. These fourteen added to the thirty-three before enumerated, amount to the number forty-seven. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephtliali; which last had four sons that followed him - Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. If these be added to those before mentioned, they complete the number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the sons of Zilpha, who was the handmaid of Lea. These had with them, Gad seven - Saphoniah, Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Erocd, Ariel. Aser had a daughter, Sarah, and six male children, whose names were Jomne, Isus, Isoui, Baris, Abar and Melchiel. If we add these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the forementioned number [70] is completed (11) Jacob not being himself included in that number.",
+                    "5. When Joseph understood that his father was coming, for Judas his brother was come before him, and informed him of his approach, he went out to meet him; and they met together at Heroopolis. But Jacob almost fainted away at this unexpected and great joy; however, Joseph revived him, being yet not himself able to contain from being affected in the same manner, at the pleasure he now had; yet was he not wholly overcome with his passion, as his father was. After this, he desired Jacob to travel on slowly; but he himself took five of his brethren with him, and made haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his family were come; which was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren loved to lead, that he might give them leave to follow the same, who told him they were good shepherds, and had been used to follow no other employment but this alone. Whereby he provided for them, that they should not be separated, but live in the same place, and take care of their father; as also hereby he provided, that they might be acceptable to the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would be common to them with the Egyptians; for the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle with feeding of sheep. (12)",
+                    "6. When Jacob was come to the king, and saluted him, and wished all prosperity to his government, Pharaoh asked him how old he now was; upon whose answer, that he was a hundred and thirty years old, he admired Jacob on account of the length of his life. And when he had added, that still he had not lived so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave to live with his children in Heliopolis; for in that city the king's shepherds had their pasturage.",
+                    "7. However, the famine increased among the Egyptians, and this heavy judgment grew more oppressive to them, because neither did the river overflow the ground, for it did not rise to its former height, nor did God send rain upon it; (13) nor did they indeed make the least provision for themselves, so ignorant were they what was to be done; but Joseph sold them corn for their money. But when their money failed them, they bought corn with their cattle and their slaves; and if any of them had a small piece of land, they gave up that to purchase them food, by which means the king became the owner of all their substance; and they were removed, some to one place, and some to another, that so the possession of their country might be firmly assured to the king, excepting the lands of the priests, for their country continued still in their own possession. And indeed this sore famine made their minds, as well as their bodies, slaves; and at length compelled them to procure a sufficiency of food by such dishonorable means. But when this misery ceased, and the river overflowed the ground, and the ground brought forth its fruits plentifully, Joseph came to every city, and gathered the people thereto belonging together, and gave them back entirely the land which, by their own consent, the king might have possessed alone, and alone enjoyed the fruits of it. He also exhorted them to look on it as every one's own possession, and to fall to their husbandry with cheerfulness, and to pay as a tribute to the king, the fifth part (14) of the fruits for the land which the king, when it was his own, restored to them. These men rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly owners of their lands, and diligently observed what was enjoined them; and by this means Joseph procured to himself a greater authority among the Egyptians, and greater love to the king from them. Now this law, that they should pay the fifth part of their fruits as tribute, continued until their later kings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Death Of Jacob And Joseph. </i><br>1. Now when Jacob had lived seventeen years in Egypt, he fell into a disease, and died in the presence of his sons; but not till he made his prayers for their enjoying prosperity, and till he had foretold to them prophetically how every one of them was to dwell in the land of Canaan. But this happened many years afterward. He also enlarged upon the praises of Joseph (15) how he had not remembered the evil doings of his brethren to their disadvantage; nay, on the contrary, was kind to them, bestowing upon them so many benefits, as seldom are bestowed on men's own benefactors. He then commanded his own sons that they should admit Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasses, into their number, and divide the land of Canaan in common with them; concerning whom we shall treat hereafter. However, he made it his request that he might be buried at Hebron. So he died, when he had lived full a hundred and fifty years, three only abated, having not been behind any of his ancestors in piety towards God, and having such a recompense for it, as it was fit those should have who were so good as these were. But Joseph, by the king's permission, carried his father's dead body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a great expense. Now his brethren were at first unwilling to return back with him, because they were afraid lest, now their father was dead, he should punish them for their secret practices against him; since he was now gone, for whose sake he had been so gracious to them. But he persuaded them to fear no harm, and to entertain no suspicions of him: so he brought them along with him, and gave them great possessions, and never left off his particular concern for them.",
+                    "2. Joseph also died when he had lived a hundred and ten years; having been a man of admirable virtue, and conducting all his affairs by the rules of reason; and used his authority with moderation, which was the cause of his so great felicity among the Egyptians, even when he came from another country, and that in such ill circumstances also, as we have already described. At length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in Egypt. Now the posterity and sons of these men, after some time, carried their bodies, and buried them at Hebron: but as to the bones of Joseph, they carried them into the land of Canaan afterward, when the Hebrews went out of Egypt, for so had Joseph made them promise him upon oath. But what became of every one of these men, and by what toils they got the possession of the land of Canaan, shall be shown hereafter, when I have first explained upon what account it was that they left Egypt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Afflictions That Befell The Hebrews In Egypt, During Four Hundred Years. (16)</i><br>1. Now it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking, and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and in particular to the love of gain. They also became very ill-affected towards the Hebrews, as touched with envy at their prosperity; for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain the river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, (17) and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. And four hundred years did they spend under these afflictions; for they strove one against the other which should get the mastery, the Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites by these labors, and the Israelites desiring to hold out to the end under them.",
+                    "2. While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous for the extinction of our nation. One of those sacred scribes, (18) who are very sagacious in foretelling future events truly, told the king, that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a glory that would be remembered through all ages. Which thing was so feared by the king, that, according to this man's opinion, he commanded that they should cast every male child, which was born to the Israelites, into the river, and destroy it; that besides this, the Egyptian midwives (19) should watch the labors of the Hebrew women, and observe what is born, for those were the women who were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey him, and venture to save their male children alive, (20) they and their families should be destroyed. This was a severe affliction indeed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived of their sons, and while they were the parents themselves, they were obliged to be subservient to the destruction of their own children, but as it was to be supposed to tend to the extirpation of their nation, while upon the destruction of their children, and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity would become very hard and inconsolable to them. And this was the ill state they were in. But no one can be too hard for the purpose of God, though he contrive ten thousand subtle devices for that end; for this child, whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brought up and concealed from the observers appointed by the king; and he that foretold him did not mistake in the consequences of his preservation, which were brought to pass after the manner following: -",
+                    "3. A man whose name was Amram, one of the nobler sort of the Hebrews, was afraid for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the want of young men to be brought up hereafter, and was very uneasy at it, his wife being then with child, and he knew not what to do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and entreated him to have compassion on those men who had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their enemies' hopes of the destruction of their nation. Accordingly God had mercy on him, and was moved by his supplication. He stood by him in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despair of his future favors. He said further, that he did not forget their piety towards him, and would always reward them for it, as he had formerly granted his favor to their forefathers, and made them increase from a few to so great a multitude. He put him in mind, that when Abraham was come alone out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, he had been made happy, not only in other respects, but that when his wife was at first barren, she was afterwards by him enabled to conceive seed, and bare him sons. That he left to Ismael and to his posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his sons by Ketura, Troglodytis; and to Isaac, Canaan. That by my assistance, said he, he did great exploits in war, which, unless you be yourselves impious, you must still remember. As for Jacob, he became well known to strangers also, by the greatness of that prosperity in which he lived, and left to his sons, who came into Egypt with no more than seventy souls, while you are now become above six hundred thousand. Know therefore that I shall provide for you all in common what is for your good, and particularly for thyself what shall make thee famous; for that child, out of dread of whose nativity the Egyptians have doomed the Israelite children to destruction, shall be this child of thine, and shall be concealed from those who watch to destroy him: and when he is brought up in a surprising way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among the Hebrews, but foreigners also: - all which shall be the effect of my favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the world.",
+                    "4. When the vision had informed him of these things, Amram awaked and told it to Jochebed who was his wife. And now the fear increased upon them on account of the prediction in Amram's dream; for they were under concern, not only for the child, but on account of the great happiness that was to come to him also. However, the mother's labor was such as afforded a confirmation to what was foretold by God; for it was not known to those that watched her, by the easiness of her pains, and because the throes of her delivery did not fall upon her with violence. And now they nourished the child at home privately for three months; but after that time Amram, fearing he should be discovered, and, by falling under the king's displeasure, both he and his child should perish, and so he should make the promise of God of none effect, he determined rather to trust the safety and care of the child to God, than to depend on his own concealment of him, which he looked upon as a thing uncertain, and whereby both the child, so privately to be nourished, and himself should be in imminent danger; but he believed that God would some way for certain procure the safety of the child, in order to secure the truth of his own predictions. When they had thus determined, they made an ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a cradle, and of a bigness sufficient for an infant to be laid in, without being too straitened: they then daubed it over with slime, which would naturally keep out the water from entering between the bulrushes, and put the infant into it, and setting it afloat upon the river, they left its preservation to God; so the river received the child, and carried him along. But Miriam, the child's sister, passed along upon the bank over against him, as her mother had bid her, to see whither the ark would be carried, where God demonstrated that human wisdom was nothing, but that the Supreme Being is able to do whatsoever he pleases: that those who, in order to their own security, condemn others to destruction, and use great endeavors about it, fail of their purpose; but that others are in a surprising manner preserved, and obtain a prosperous condition almost from the very midst of their calamities; those, I mean, whose dangers arise by the appointment of God. And, indeed, such a providence was exercised in the case of this child, as showed the power of God.",
+                    "5. Thermuthis was the king's daughter. She was now diverting herself by the banks of the river; and seeing a cradle borne along by the current, she sent some that could swim, and bid them bring the cradle to her. When those that were sent on this errand came to her with the cradle, and she saw the little child, she was greatly in love with it, on account of its largeness and beauty; for God had taken such great care in the formation of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on account of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child; yet would not the child admit of her breast, but turned away from it, and did the like to many other women. Now Miriam was by when this happened, not to appear to be there on purpose, but only as staying to see the child; and she said, \"It is in vain that thou, O queen, callest for these women for the nourishing of the child, who are no way of kin to it; but still, if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women to be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast of one of its own nation.\" Now since she seemed to speak well, Thermuthis bid her procure such a one, and to bring one of those Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she had such authority given her, she came back and brought the mother, who was known to nobody there. And now the child gladly admitted the breast, and seemed to stick close to it; and so it was, that, at the queen's desire, the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted to the mother.",
+                    "6. Hereupon it was that Thermuthis imposed this name Mouses upon him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for the Egyptians call water by the name of Mo, and such as are saved out of it, by the name of Uses: so by putting these two words together, they imposed this name upon him. And he was, by the confession of all, according to God's prediction, as well for his greatness of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the best of all the Hebrews, for Abraham was his ancestor of the seventh generation. For Moses was the son of Amram, who was the son of Caath, whose father Levi was the son of Jacob, who was the son of Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. Now Moses's understanding became superior to his age, nay, far beyond that standard; and when he was taught, he discovered greater quickness of apprehension than was usual at his age, and his actions at that time promised greater, when he should come to the age of a man. God did also give him that tallness, when he was but three years old, as was wonderful. And as for his beauty, there was nobody so unpolite as, when they saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised at the beauty of his countenance; nay, it happened frequently, that those that met him as he was carried along the road, were obliged to turn again upon seeing the child; that they left what they were about, and stood still a great while to look on him; for the beauty of the child was so remarkable and natural to him on many accounts, that it detained the spectators, and made them stay longer to look upon him.",
+                    "7. Thermuthis therefore perceiving him to be so remarkable a child, adopted him for her son, having no child of her own. And when one time had carried Moses to her father, she showed him to him, and said she thought to make him her successor, if it should please God she should have no legitimate child of her own; and to him, \"I have brought up a child who is of a divine form, (21) and of a generous mind; and as I have received him from the bounty of the river, in , I thought proper to adopt him my son, and the heir of thy kingdom.\" And she had said this, she put the infant into her father's hands: so he took him, and hugged him to his breast; and on his daughter's account, in a pleasant way, put his diadem upon his head; but Moses threw it down to the ground, and, in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and trod upon his feet, which seemed to bring along with evil presage concerning the kingdom of Egypt. But when the sacred scribe saw this, (he was the person who foretold that his nativity would the dominion of that kingdom low,) he made a violent attempt to kill him; and crying out in a frightful manner, he said, \"This, O king! this child is he of whom God foretold, that if we kill him we shall be in no danger; he himself affords an attestation to the prediction of the same thing, by his trampling upon thy government, and treading upon thy diadem. Take him, therefore, out of the way, and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they are in about him; and deprive the Hebrews of the hope they have of being encouraged by him.\" But Thermuthis prevented him, and snatched the child away. And the king was not hasty to slay him, God himself, whose providence protected Moses, inclining the king to spare him. He was, therefore, educated with great care. So the Hebrews depended on him, and were of good hopes great things would be done by him; but the Egyptians were suspicious of what would follow such his education. Yet because, if Moses had been slain, there was no one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his side for pretending to the crown of Egypt, and likely to be of greater advantage to them, they abstained from killing him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Made War With The Ethiopians. </i><br>1. Moses, therefore, when he was born, and brought up in the foregoing manner, and came to the age of maturity, made his virtue manifest to the Egyptians; and showed that he was born for the bringing them down, and raising the Israelites. And the occasion he laid hold of was this: - The Ethiopians, who are next neighbors to the Egyptians, made an inroad into their country, which they seized upon, and carried off the effects of the Egyptians, who, in their rage, fought against them, and revenged the affronts they had received from them; but being overcome in battle, some of them were slain, and the rest ran away in a shameful manner, and by that means saved themselves; whereupon the Ethiopians followed after them in the pursuit, and thinking that it would be a mark of cowardice if they did not subdue all Egypt, they went on to subdue the rest with greater vehemence; and when they had tasted the sweets of the country, they never left off the prosecution of the war: and as the nearest parts had not courage enough at first to fight with them, they proceeded as far as Memphis, and the sea itself, while not one of the cities was able to oppose them. The Egyptians, under this sad oppression, betook themselves to their oracles and prophecies; and when God had given them this counsel, to make use of Moses the Hebrew, and take his assistance, the king commanded his daughter to produce him, that he might be the general (22) of their army. Upon which, when she had made him swear he would do him no harm, she delivered him to the king, and supposed his assistance would be of great advantage to them. She withal reproached the priest, who, when they had before admonished the Egyptians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own their want of his help.",
+                    "2. So Moses, at the persuasion both of Thermuthis and the king himself, cheerfully undertook the business: and the sacred scribes of both nations were glad; those of the Egyptians, that they should at once overcome their enemies by his valor, and that by the same piece of management Moses would be slain; but those of the Hebrews, that they should escape from the Egyptians, because Moses was to be their general. But Moses prevented the enemies, and took and led his army before those enemies were apprized of his attacking them; for he did not march by the river, but by land, where he gave a wonderful demonstration of his sagacity; for when the ground was difficult to be passed over, because of the multitude of serpents, (which it produces in vast numbers, and, indeed, is singular in some of those productions, which other countries do not breed, and yet such as are worse than others in power and mischief, and an unusual fierceness of sight, some of which ascend out of the ground unseen, and also fly in the air, and so come upon men at unawares, and do them a mischief,) Moses invented a wonderful stratagem to preserve the army safe, and without hurt; for he made baskets, like unto arks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes, (23) and carried them along with them; which animal is the greatest enemy to serpents imaginable, for they fly from them when they come near them; and as they fly they are caught and devoured by them, as if it were done by the harts; but the ibes are tame creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine kind: but about these ibes I say no more at present, since the Greeks themselves are not unacquainted with this sort of bird. As soon, therefore, as Moses was come to the land which was the breeder of these serpents, he let loose the ibes, and by their means repelled the serpentine kind, and used them for his assistants before the army came upon that ground. When he had therefore proceeded thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethiopians before they expected him; and, joining battle with them, he beat them, and deprived them of the hopes they had of success against the Egyptians, and went on in overthrowing their cities, and indeed made a great slaughter of these Ethiopians. Now when the Egyptian army had once tasted of this prosperous success, by the means of Moses, they did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that the Ethiopians were in danger of being reduced to slavery, and all sorts of destruction; and at length they retired to Saba, which was a royal city of Ethiopia, which Cambyses afterwards named Mero, after the name of his own sister. The place was to be besieged with very great difficulty, since it was both encompassed by the Nile quite round, and the other rivers, Astapus and Astaboras, made it a very difficult thing for such as attempted to pass over them; for the city was situate in a retired place, and was inhabited after the manner of an island, being encompassed with a strong wall, and having the rivers to guard them from their enemies, and having great ramparts between the wall and the rivers, insomuch, that when the waters come with the greatest violence, it can never be drowned; which ramparts make it next to impossible for even such as are gotten over the rivers to take the city. However, while Moses was uneasy at the army's lying idle, (for the enemies durst not come to a battle,) this accident happened: - Tharbis was the daughter of the king of the Ethiopians: she happened to see Moses as he led the army near the walls, and fought with great courage; and admiring the subtility of his undertakings, and believing him to be the author of the Egyptians' success, when they had before despaired of recovering their liberty, and to be the occasion of the great danger the Ethiopians were in, when they had before boasted of their great achievements, she fell deeply in love with him; and upon the prevalency of that passion, sent to him the most faithful of all her servants to discourse with him about their marriage. He thereupon accepted the offer, on condition she would procure the delivering up of the city; and gave her the assurance of an oath to take her to his wife; and that when he had once taken possession of the city, he would not break his oath to her. No sooner was the agreement made, but it took effect immediately; and when Moses had cut off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God, and consummated his marriage, and led the Egyptians back to their own land."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Fled Out Of Egypt Into Midian. </i><br>1. Now the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses, entertained a hatred to him, and were very eager in compassing their designs against him, as suspecting that he would take occasion, from his good success, to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into Egypt; and told the king he ought to be slain. The king had also some intentions of himself to the same purpose, and this as well out of envy at his glorious expedition at the head of his army, as out of fear of being brought low by him and being instigated by the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake to kill Moses: but when he had learned beforehand what plots there were against him, he went away privately; and because the public roads were watched, he took his flight through the deserts, and where his enemies could not suspect he would travel; and, though he was destitute of food, he went on, and despised that difficulty courageously; and when he came to the city Midian, which lay upon the Red Sea, and was so denominated from one of Abraham's sons by Keturah, he sat upon a certain well, and rested himself there after his laborious journey, and the affliction he had been in. It was not far from the city, and the time of the day was noon, where he had an occasion offered him by the custom of the country of doing what recommended his virtue, and afforded him an opportunity of bettering his circumstances.",
+                    "2. For that country having but little water, the shepherds used to seize on the wells before others came, lest their flocks should want water, and lest it should be spent by others before they came. There were now come, therefore, to this well seven sisters that were virgins, the daughters of Raguel, a priest, and one thought worthy by the people of the country of great honor. These virgins, who took care of their father's flocks, which sort of work it was customary and very familiar for women to do in the country of the Troglodytes, they came first of all, and drew water out of the well in a quantity sufficient for their flocks, into troughs, which were made for the reception of that water; but when the shepherds came upon the maidens, and drove them away, that they might have the command of the water themselves, Moses, thinking it would be a terrible reproach upon him if he overlooked the young women under unjust oppression, and should suffer the violence of the men to prevail over the right of the maidens, he drove away the men, who had a mind to more than their share, and afforded a proper assistance to the women; who, when they had received such a benefit from him, came to their father, and told him how they had been affronted by the shepherds, and assisted by a stranger, and entreated that he would not let this generous action be done in vain, nor go without a reward. Now the father took it well from his daughters that they were so desirous to reward their benefactor; and bid them bring Moses into his presence, that he might be rewarded as he deserved. And when Moses came, he told him what testimony his daughters bare to him, that he had assisted them; and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he said that Moses had bestowed such his assistance on persons not insensible of benefits, but where they were both able and willing to return the kindness, and even to exceed the measure of his generosity. So he made him his son, and gave him one of his daughters in marriage; and appointed him to be the guardian and superintendent over his cattle; for of old, all the wealth of the barbarians was in those cattle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Burning Bush And The Rod Of Moses. </i><br>1. Now Moses, when he had obtained the favor of Jethro, for that was one of the names of Raguel, staid there and fed his flock; but some time afterward, taking his station at the mountain called Sinai, he drove his flocks thither to feed them. Now this is the highest of all the mountains thereabout, and the best for pasturage, the herbage being there good; and it had not been before fed upon, because of the opinion men had that God dwelt there, the shepherds not daring to ascend up to it; and here it was that a wonderful prodigy happened to Moses; for a fire fed upon a thorn bush, yet did the green leaves and the flowers continue untouched, and the fire did not at all consume the fruit branches, although the flame was great and fierce. Moses was aftrighted at this strange sight, as it was to him; but he was still more astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and called to him by name, and spake words to him, by which it signified how bold he had been in venturing to come into a place whither no man had ever come before, because the place was divine; and advised him to remove a great way off from the flame, and to be contented with what he had seen; and though he were himself a good man, and the offspring of great men, yet that he should not pry any further; and he foretold to him, that he should have glory and honor among men, by the blessing of God upon him. He also commanded him to go away thence with confidence to Egypt, in order to his being the commander and conductor of the body of the Hebrews, and to his delivering his own people from the injuries they suffered there: \"For,\" said God, \"they shall inhabit this happy land which your forefather Abraham inhabited, and shall have the enjoyment of all good things.\" But still he enjoined them, when he brought the Hebrews out of the land of Egypt, to come to that place, and to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving there, Such were the divine oracles which were delivered out of the fire.",
+                    "2. But Moses was astonished at what he saw, and much more at what he heard; and he said, \"I think it would be an instance of too great madness, O Lord, for one of that regard I bear to thee, to distrust thy power, since I myself adore it, and know that it has been made manifest to my progenitors: but I am still in doubt how I, who am a private man, and one of no abilities, should either persuade my own countrymen to leave the country they now inhabit, and to follow me to a land whither I lead them; or, if they should be persuaded, how can I force Pharaoh to permit them to depart, since they augment their own wealth and prosperity by the labors and works they put upon them ?\"",
+                    "3. But God persuaded him to be courageous on all occasions, and promised to be with him, and to assist him in his words, when he was to persuade men; and in his deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He bid him also to take a signal of the truth of what he said, by throwing his rod upon the ground, which, when he had done, it crept along, and was become a serpent, and rolled itself round in its folds, and erected its head, as ready to revenge itself on such as should assault it; after which it become a rod again as it was before. After this God bid Moses to put his right hand into his bosom: he obeyed, and when he took it out it was white, and in color like to chalk, but afterward it returned to its wonted color again. He also, upon God's command, took some of the water that was near him, and poured it upon the ground, and saw the color was that of blood. Upon the wonder that Moses showed at these signs, God exhorted him to be of good courage, and to be assured that he would be the greatest support to him; and bid him make use of those signs, in order to obtain belief among all men, that \"thou art sent by me, and dost all things according to my commands. Accordingly I enjoin thee to make no more delays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to travel night and day, and not to draw out the time, and so make the slavery of the Hebrews and their sufferings to last the longer.\"",
+                    "4. Moses having now seen and heard these wonders that assured him of the truth of these promises of God, had no room left him to disbelieve them: he entreated him to grant him that power when he should be in Egypt; and besought him to vouchsafe him the knowledge of his own name; and since he had heard and seen him, that he would also tell him his name, that when he offered sacrifice he might invoke him by such his name in his oblations. Whereupon God declared to him his holy name, which had never been discovered to men before; concerning which it is not lawful for me to say any more (24) Now these signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but always when he prayed for them: of all which signs he attributed the firmest assent to the fire in the bush; and believing that God would be a gracious supporter to him, he hoped he should be able to deliver his own nation, and bring calamities on the Egyptians."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses And Aaron Returned Into Egypt To Pharaoh. </i><br>1. So Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt, for the benefit of his own people. And he took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Raguel, whom he had married, and the children he had by her, Gersom and Eleazer, and made haste into Egypt. Now the former of those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies that he was in a strange land; and Eleazer, that, by the assistance of the God of his fathers, he had escaped from the Egyptians. Now when they were near the borders, Aaron his brother, by the command of God, met him, to whom he declared what had befallen him at the mountain, and the commands that God had given him. But as they were going forward, the chief men among the Hebrews, having learned that they were coming, met them: to whom Moses declared the signs he had seen; and while they could not believe them, he made them see them, So they took courage at these surprising and unexpected sights, and hoped well of their entire deliverance, as believing now that God took care of their preservation.",
+                    "2. Since then Moses found that the Hebrews would be obedient to whatsoever he should direct, as they promised to be, and were in love with liberty, he came to the king, who had indeed but lately received the government, and told him how much he had done for the good of the Egyptians, when they were despised by the Ethiopians, and their country laid waste by them; and how he had been the commander of their forces, and had labored for them, as if they had been his own people and he informed him in what danger he had been during that expedition, without having any proper returns made him as he had deserved. He also informed him distinctly what things happened to him at Mount Sinai; and what God said to him; and the signs that were done by God, in order to assure him of the authority of those commands which he had given him. He also exhorted him not to disbelieve what he told him, nor to oppose the will of God.",
+                    "3. But when the king derided Moses; he made him in earnest see the signs that were done at Mount Sinai. Yet was the king very angry with him and called him an ill man, who had formerly run away from his Egyptian slavery, and came now back with deceitful tricks, and wonders, and magical arts, to astonish him. And when he had said this, he commanded the priests to let him see the same wonderful sights; as knowing that the Egyptians were skillful in this kind of learning, and that he was not the only person who knew them, and pretended them to be divine; as also he told him, that when he brought such wonderful sights before him, he would only be believed by the unlearned. Now when the priests threw down their rods, they became serpents. But Moses was not daunted at it; and said, \"O king, I do not myself despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I say that what I do is so much superior to what these do by magic arts and tricks, as Divine power exceeds the power of man: but I will demonstrate that what I do is not done by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really true, but that they appear by the providence and power of God.\" And when he had said this, he cast his rod down upon the ground, and commanded it to turn itself into a serpent. It obeyed him, and went all round, and devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed them all. It then returned to its own form, and Moses took it into his hand again.",
+                    "4. However, the king was no more moved when was done than before; and being very angry, he said that he should gain nothing by this his cunning and shrewdness against the Egyptians; - and he commanded him that was the chief taskmaster over the Hebrews, to give them no relaxation from their labors, but to compel them to submit to greater oppressions than before; and though he allowed them chaff before for making their bricks, he would allow it them no longer, but he made them to work hard at brick-making in the day-time, and to gather chaff in the night. Now when their labor was thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame upon Moses, because their labor and their misery were on his account become more severe to them. But Moses did not let his courage sink for the king's threatenings; nor did he abate of his zeal on account of the Hebrews' complaints; but he supported himself, and set his soul resolutely against them both, and used his own utmost diligence to procure liberty to his countrymen. So he went to the king, and persuaded him to let the Hebrews go to Mount Sinai, and there to sacrifice to God, because God had enjoined them so to do. He persuaded him also not to counterwork the designs of God, but to esteem his favor above all things, and to permit them to depart, lest, before he be aware, he lay an obstruction in the way of the Divine commands, and so occasion his own suffering such punishments as it was probable any one that counterworked the Divine commands should undergo, since the severest aff lictions arise from every object to those that provoke the Divine wrath against them; for such as these have neither the earth nor the air for their friends; nor are the fruits of the womb according to nature, but every thing is unfriendly and adverse towards them. He said further, that the Egyptians should know this by sad experience; and that besides, the Hebrew people should go out of their country without their consent."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Ten Plagues Which Came Upon The Egyptians. </i><br>1. But when the king despised the words of Moses, and had no regard at all to them, grievous plagues seized the Egyptians; every one of which I will describe, both because no such plagues did ever happen to any other nation as the Egyptians now felt, and because I would demonstrate that Moses did not fail in any one thing that he foretold them; and because it is for the good of mankind, that they may learn this caution - Not to do anything that may displease God, lest he be provoked to wrath, and avenge their iniquities upon them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody water at the command of God, insomuch that it could not be drunk, and they had no other spring of water neither; for the water was not only of the color of blood, but it brought upon those that ventured to drink of it, great pains and bitter torment. Such was the river to the Egyptians; but it was sweet and fit for drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different from what it naturally used to be. As the king therefore knew not what to do in these surprising circumstances, and was in fear for the Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go away; but when the plague ceased, he changed his mind again, end would not suffer them to go.",
+                    "2. But when God saw that he was ungrateful, and upon the ceasing of this calamity would not grow wiser, he sent another plague upon the Egyptians: - An innumerable multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of the ground; the river was also full of them, insomuch that those who drew water had it spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they died in, and were destroyed by, the water; and the country was full of filthy slime, as they were born, and as they died: they also spoiled their vessels in their houses which they used, and were found among what they eat and what they drank, and came in great numbers upon their beds. There was also an ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them, as they were born, and as they died therein. Now, when the Egyptians were under the oppression of these miseries, the king ordered Moses to take the Hebrews with him, and be gone. Upon which the whole multitude of the frogs vanished away; and both the land and the river returned to their former natures. But as soon as Pharaoh saw the land freed from this plague, he forgot the cause of it, and retained the Hebrews; and, as though he had a mind to try the nature of more such judgments, he would not yet suffer Moses and his people to depart, having granted that liberty rather out of fear than out of any good consideration. (35)",
+                    "3. Accordingly, God punished his falseness with another plague, added to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyptians an innumerable quantity of lice, by which, wicked as they were, they miserably perished, as not able to destroy this sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments. At which terrible judgment the king of Egypt was in disorder, upon the fear into which he reasoned himself, lest his people should be destroyed, and that the manner of this death was also reproachful, so that he was forced in part to recover himself from his wicked temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when the plague thereupon ceased, he thought it proper to require that they should leave their children and wives behind them, as pledges of their return; whereby he provoked God to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he thought to impose on his providence, and as if it were only Moses, and not God, who punished the Egyptians for the sake of the Hebrews: for he filled that country full of various sorts of pestilential creatures, with their various properties, such indeed as had never come into the sight of men before, by whose means the men perished themselves, and the land was destitute of husbandmen for its cultivation; but if any thing escaped destruction from them, it was killed by a distemper which the men underwent also.",
+                    "4. But when Pharaoh did not even then yield to the will of God, but, while he gave leave to the husbands to take their wives with them, yet insisted that the children should be left behind, God presently resolved to punish his wickedness with several sorts of calamities, and those worse than the foregoing, which yet had so generally afflicted them; for their bodies had terrible boils, breaking forth with blains, while they were already inwardly consumed; and a great part of the Egyptians perished in this manner. But when the king was not brought to reason by this plague, hail was sent down from heaven; and such hail it was, as the climate of Egypt had never suffered before, nor was it like to that which falls in other climates in winter time, (26) but was larger than that which falls in the middle of spring to those that dwell in the northern and north-western regions. This hail broke down their boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe of locusts consumed the seed which was not hurt by the hail; so that to the Egyptians all hopes of the future fruits of the ground were entirely lost.",
+                    "5. One would think the forementioned calamities might have been sufficient for one that was only foolish, without wickedness, to make him wise, and to make him Sensible what was for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so much by his folly as by his wickedness, even when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still contested with God, and willfully deserted the cause of virtue; so he bid Moses take the Hebrews away, with their wives and children, to leave their cattle behind, since their own cattle were destroyed. But when Moses said that what he desired was unjust, since they were obliged to offer sacrifices to God of those cattle, and the time being prolonged on this account, a thick darkness, without the least light, spread itself over the Egyptians, whereby their sight being obstructed, and their breathing hindered by the thickness of the air, they died miserably, and under a terror lest they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud. Besides this, when the darkness, after three days and as many nights, was dissipated, and when Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebrews go, Moses came to him and said, \"How long wilt thou be disobedient to the command of God? for he enjoins thee to let the Hebrews go; nor is there any other way of being freed from the calamities are under, unless you do so.\" But the king angry at what he said, and threatened to cut off his head if he came any more to trouble him these matters. Hereupon Moses said he not speak to him any more about them, for he himself, together with the principal men among the Egyptians, should desire the Hebrews away. So when Moses had said this, he his way.",
+                    "6. But when God had signified, that with one plague he would compel the Egyptians to let Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to tell the people that they should have a sacrifice ready, and they should prepare themselves on the tenth day of the month Xanthicus, against the fourteenth, (which month is called by the Egyptians Pharmuth, Nisan by the Hebrews; but the Macedonians call it Xanthicus,) and that he should carry the Hebrews with all they had. Accordingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for their departure, and having sorted the people into tribes, he kept them together in one place: but when the fourteenth day was come, and all were ready to depart they offered the sacrifice, and purified their houses with the blood, using bunches of hyssop for that purpose; and when they had supped, they burnt the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to depart. Whence it is that we do still offer this sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call this festival Pascha which signifies the feast of the passover; because on that day God passed us over, and sent the plague upon the Egyptians; for the destruction of the first-born came upon the Egyptians that night, so that many of the Egyptians who lived near the king's palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Moses, and bid them be gone; as supposing, that if once the Hebrews were gone out of the country, Egypt should be freed from its miseries. They also honored the Hebrews with gifts; (27) some, in order to get them to depart quickly, and others on account of their neighborhood, and the friendship they had with them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Under The Conduct Of Moses Left Egypt. </i><br>1. So the Hebrews went out of Egypt, while the Egyptians wept, and repented that they had treated them so hardly. - Now they took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that time deserted, but where Babylon was built afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt waste: but as they went away hastily, on the third day they came to a place called Beelzephon, on the Red Sea; and when they had no food out of the land, because it was a desert, they eat of loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed by a gentle heat; and this food they made use of for thirty days; for what they brought with them out of Egypt would not suffice them any longer time; and this only while they dispensed it to each person, to use so much only as would serve for necessity, but not for satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the want we were then in, we keep a feast for eight days, which is called the feast of unleavened bread. Now the entire multitude of those that went out, including the women and children, was not easy to be numbered, but those that were of an age fit for war, were six hundred thousand.",
+                    "2. They left Egypt in the month Xanthicus, on the fifteenth day of the lunar month; four hundred and thirty years after our forefather Abraham came into Canaan, but two hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob removed into Egypt. (28) It was the eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three more. They also carried out the bones of Joesph with them, as he had charged his sons to do.",
+                    "3. But the Egyptians soon repented that the Hebrews were gone; and the king also was mightily concerned that this had been procured by the magic arts of Moses; so they resolved to go after them. Accordingly they took their weapons, and other warlike furniture, and pursued after them, in order to bring them back, if once they overtook them, because they would now have no pretense to pray to God against them, since they had already been permitted to go out; and they thought they should easily overcome them, as they had no armor, and would be weary with their journey; so they made haste in their pursuit, and asked of every one they met which way they were gone. And indeed that land was difficult to be traveled over, not only by armies, but by single persons. Now Moses led the Hebrews this way, that in case the Egyptians should repent and be desirous to pursue after them, they might undergo the punishment of their wickedness, and of the breach of those promises they had made to them. As also he led them this way on account of the Philistines, who had quarreled with them, and hated them of old, that by all means they might not know of their departure, for their country is near to that of Egypt; and thence it was that Moses led them not along the road that tended to the land of the Philistines, but he was desirous that they should go through the desert, that so after a long journey, and after many afflictions, they might enter upon the land of Canaan. Another reason of this was, that God commanded him to bring the people to Mount Sinai, that there they might offer him sacrifices. Now when the Egyptians had overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to fight them, and by their multitude they drove them into a narrow place; for the number that pursued after them was six hundred chariots, with fifty thousand horsemen, and two hundred thousand foot-men, all armed. They also seized on the passages by which they imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting them up (29) between inaccessible precipices and the sea; for there was [on each side] a [ridge of] mountains that terminated at the sea, which were impassable by reason of their roughness, and obstructed their flight; wherefore they there pressed upon the Hebrews with their army, where [the ridges of] the mountains were closed with the sea; which army they placed at the chops of the mountains, that so they might deprive them of any passage into the plain.",
+                    "4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were neither able to bear up, being thus, as it were, besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor saw any possible way of escaping; and if they should have thought of fighting, they had no weapons; they expected a universal destruction, unless they delivered themselves up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame on Moses, and forgot all the signs that had been wrought by God for the recovery of their freedom; and this so far, that their incredulity prompted them to throw stones at the prophet, while he encouraged them and promised them deliverance; and they resolved that they would deliver themselves up to the Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamentation among the women and children, who had nothing but destruction before their eyes, while they were encompassed with mountains, the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no way of flying from them.",
+                    "5. But Moses, though the multitude looked fiercely at him, did not, however, give over the care of them, but despised all dangers, out of his trust in God, who, as he had afforded them the several steps already taken for the recovery of their liberty, which he had foretold them, would not now suffer them to be subdued by their enemies, to be either made slaves or be slain by them; and, standing in midst of them, he said, \"It is not just of us to distrust even men, when they have hitherto well managed our affairs, as if they would not be the same hereafter; but it is no better than madness, at this time to despair of the providence of God, by whose power all those things have been performed he promised, when you expected no such things: I mean all that I have been concerned in for deliverance and escape from slavery. Nay, when we are in the utmost distress, as you see we ought rather to hope that God will succor us, by whose operation it is that we are now this narrow place, that he may out of such difficulties as are otherwise insurmountable and out of which neither you nor your enemies expect you can be delivered, and may at once demonstrate his own power and his providence over us. Nor does God use to give his help in small difficulties to those whom he favors, but in such cases where no one can see how any hope in man can better their condition. Depend, therefore, upon such a Protector as is able to make small things great, and to show that this mighty force against you is nothing but weakness, and be not affrighted at the Egyptian army, nor do you despair of being preserved, because the sea before, and the mountains behind, afford you no opportunity for flying, for even these mountains, if God so please, may be made plain ground for you, and the sea become dry land.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Sea Was Divided Asunder For The Hebrews, When They Were Pursued By The Egyptians, And So Gave Them An Opportunity Of Escaping From Them. </i><br>1. When Moses had said this, he led them to the sea, while the Egyptians looked on; for they were within sight. Now these were so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that they thought proper to put off fighting till the next day. But when Moses was come to the sea-shore, he took his rod, and made supplication to God, and called upon him to be their helper and assistant; and said \"Thou art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond human strength and human contrivance to avoid the difficulties we are now under; but it must be thy work altogether to procure deliverance to this army, which has left Egypt at thy appointment. We despair of any other assistance or contrivance, and have recourse only to that hope we have in thee; and if there be any method that can promise us an escape by thy providence, we look up to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and manifest thy power to us; and do thou raise up this people unto good courage and hope of deliverance, who are deeply sunk into a disconsolate state of mind. We are in a helpless place, but still it is a place that thou possessest; still the sea is thine, the mountains also that enclose us are thine; so that these mountains will open themselves if thou commandest them, and the sea also, if thou commandest it, will become dry land. Nay, we might escape by a flight through the air, if thou shouldst determine we should have that way of salvation.\"",
+                    "2. When Moses had thus addressed himself to God, he smote the sea with his rod, which parted asunder at the stroke, and receiving those waters into itself, left the ground dry, as a road and a place of flight for the Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this appearance of God, and that the sea went out of its own place, and left dry land, he went first of all into it, and bid the Hebrews to follow him along that divine road, and to rejoice at the danger their enemies that followed them were in; and gave thanks to God for this so surprising a deliverance which appeared from him.",
+                    "3. Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God's presence with them, the Egyptians supposed first that they were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest destruction. But when they saw that they were going a great way without any harm, and that no obstacle or difficulty fell in their journey, they made haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse foremost, and went down themselves into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while these were putting on their armor, and therein spending their time, were beforehand with them, and escaped them, and got first over to the land on the other side without any hurt. Whence the others were encouraged, and more courageously pursued them, as hoping no harm would come to them neither: but the Egyptians were not aware that they went into a road made for the Hebrews, and not for others; that this road was made for the deliverance of those in danger, but not for those that were earnest to make use of it for the others' destruction. As soon, therefore, as ever the whole Egyptian army was within it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came down with a torrent raised by storms of wind, (30) and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers of rain also came down from the sky, and dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes of fire. Thunderbolts also were darted upon them. Nor was there any thing which used to be sent by God upon men, as indications of his wrath, which did not happen at this time, for a dark and dismal night oppressed them. And thus did all these men perish, so that there was not one man left to be a messenger of this calamity to the rest of the Egyptians.",
+                    "4. But the Hebrews were not able to contain themselves for joy at their wonderful deliverance, and destruction of their enemies; now indeed supposing themselves firmly delivered, when those that would have forced them into slavery were destroyed, and when they found they had God so evidently for their protector. And now these Hebrews having escaped the danger they were in, after this manner, and besides that, seeing their enemies punished in such a way as is never recorded of any other men whomsoever, were all the night employed in singing of hymns, and in mirth. (31) Moses also composed a song unto God, containing his praises, and a thanksgiving for his kindness, in hexameter verse. (32)",
+                    "5. As for myself, I have delivered every part of this history as I found it in the sacred books; nor let any one wonder at the strangeness of the narration if a way were discovered to those men of old time, who were free from the wickedness of the modern ages, whether it happened by the will of God or whether it happened of its own accord; - while, for the sake of those that accompanied Alexander, king of Macedonia, who yet lived, comparatively but a little while ago, the Pamphylian Sea retired and afforded them a passage (33) through itself, had no other way to go; I mean, when it was the will of God to destroy the monarchy of the Persians: and this is confessed to be true by all that have written about the actions of Alexander. But as to these events, let every one determine as he pleases.",
+                    "6. On the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the Egyptians, which were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the current of the sea, and the force of the winds resisting it; and he conjectured that this also happened by Divine Providence, that so they might not be destitute of weapons. So when he had ordered the Hebrews to arm themselves with them, he led them to Mount Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses When He Had Brought The People Out Of Egypt Led Them To Mount Sinai; But Not Till They Had Suffered Much In Their Journey. </i><br>1. When the Hebrews had obtained such a wonderful deliverance, the country was a great trouble to them, for it was entirely a desert, and without sustenance for them; and also had exceeding little water, so that it not only was not at all sufficient for the men, but not enough to feed any of the cattle, for it was parched up, and had no moisture that might afford nutriment to the vegetables; so they were forced to travel over this country, as having no other country but this to travel in. They had indeed carried water along with them from the land over which they had traveled before, as their conductor had bidden them; but when that was spent, they were obliged to draw water out of wells, with pain, by reason of the hardness of the soil. Moreover, what water they found was bitter, and not fit for drinking, and this in small quantities also; and as they thus traveled, they came late in the evening to a place called Marah, (1) which had that name from the badness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness. Thither they came afflicted both by the tediousness of their journey, and by their want of food, for it entirely failed them at that time. Now here was a well, which made them choose to stay in the place, which, although it were not sufficient to satisfy so great an army, did yet afford them some comfort, as found in such desert places; for they heard from those who had been to search, that there was nothing to be found, if they traveled on farther. Yet was this water bitter, and not fit for men to drink; and not only so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle themselves.",
+                    "2. When Moses saw how much the people were cast down, and that the occasion of it could not be contradicted, for the people were not in the nature of a complete army of men, who might oppose a manly fortitude to the necessity that distressed them; the multitude of the children, and of the women also, being of too weak capacities to be persuaded by reason, blunted the courage of the men themselves, - he was therefore in great difficulties, and made everybody's calamity his own; for they ran all of them to him, and begged of him; the women begged for their infants, and the men for the women, that he would not overlook them, but procure some way or other for their deliverance. He therefore betook himself to prayer to God, that he would change the water from its present badness, and make it fit for drinking. And when God had granted him that favor, he took the top of a stick that lay down at his feet, and divided it in the middle, and made the section lengthways. He then let it down into the well, and persuaded the Hebrews that God had hearkened to his prayers, and had promised to render the water such as they desired it to be, in case they would be subservient to him in what he should enjoin them to do, and this not after a remiss or negligent manner. And when they asked what they were to do in order to have the water changed for the better, he bid the strongest men among them that stood there, to draw up water (2) and told them, that when the greatest part was drawn up, the remainder would be fit to drink. So they labored at it till the water was so agitated and purged as to be fit to drink.",
+                    "3. And now removing from thence they came to Elim; which place looked well at a distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees; but when they came near to it, it appeared to be a bad place, for the palm-trees were no more than seventy; and they were ill-grown and creeping trees, by the want of water, for the country about was all parched, and no moisture sufficient to water them, and make them hopeful and useful, was derived to them from the fountains, which were in number twelve: they were rather a few moist places than springs, which not breaking out of the ground, nor running over, could not sufficiently water the trees. And when they dug into the sand, they met with no water; and if they took a few drops of it into their hands, they found it to be useless, on account of its mud. The trees were too weak to bear fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished and enlivened by the water. So they laid the blame on their conductor, and made heavy complaints against him; and said that this their miserable state, and the experience they had of adversity, were owing to him; for that they had then journeyed an entire thirty days, and had spent all the provisions they had brought with them; and meeting with no relief, they were in a very desponding condition. And by fixing their attention upon nothing but their present misfortunes, they were hindered from remembering what deliverances they had received from God, and those by the virtue and wisdom of Moses also; so they were very angry at their conductor, and were zealous in their attempt to stone him, as the direct occasion of their present miseries.",
+                    "4. But as for Moses himself, while the multitude were irritated and bitterly set against him, he cheerfully relied upon God, and upon his consciousness of the care he had taken of these his own people; and he came into the midst of them, even while they clamored against him, and had stones in their hands in order to despatch him. Now he was of an agreeable presence, and very able to persuade the people by his speeches; accordingly he began to mitigate their anger, and exhorted them not to be over-mindful of their present adversities, lest they should thereby suffer the benefits that had formerly been bestowed on them to slip out of their memories; and he desired them by no means, on account of their present uneasiness, to cast those great and wonderful favors and gifts, which they had obtained of God, out of their minds, but to expect deliverance out of those their present troubles which they could not free themselves from, and this by the means of that Divine Providence which watched over them. Seeing it is probable that God tries their virtue, and exercises their patience by these adversities, that it may appear what fortitude they have, and what memory they retain of his former wonderful works in their favor, and whether they will not think of them upon occasion of the miseries they now feel. He told them, it appeared they were not really good men, either in patience, or in remembering what had been successfully done for them, sometimes by contemning God and his commands, when by those commands they left the land of Egypt; and sometimes by behaving themselves ill towards him who was the servant of God, and this when he had never deceived them, either in what he said, or had ordered them to do by God's command. He also put them in mind of all that had passed; how the Egyptians were destroyed when they attempted to detain them, contrary to the command of God; and after what manner the very same river was to the others bloody, and not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet, and fit for drinking; and how they went a new road through the sea, which fled a long way from them, by which very means they were themselves preserved, but saw their enemies destroyed; and that when they were in want of weapons, God gave them plenty of them; - and so he recounted all the particular instances, how when they were, in appearance, just going to be destroyed, God had saved them in a surprising manner; and that he had still the same power; and that they ought not even now to despair of his providence over them; and accordingly he exhorted them to continue quiet, and to consider that help would not come too late, though it come not immediately, if it be present with them before they suffer any great misfortune; that they ought to reason thus: that God delays to assist them, not because he has no regard to them, but because he will first try their fortitude, and the pleasure they take in their freedom, that he may learn whether you have souls great enough to bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on its account; or whether you rather love to be slaves, as cattle are slaves to such as own them, and feed them liberally, but only in order to make them more useful in their service. That as for himself, he shall not be so much concerned for his own preservation; for if he die unjustly, he shall not reckon it any affliction, but that he is concerned for them, lest, by casting stones at him, they should be thought to condemn God himself.",
+                    "5. By this means Moses pacified the people, and restrained them from stoning him, and brought them to repent of what they were going to do. And because he thought the necessity they were under made their passion less unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply himself to God by prayer and supplication; and going up to an eminence, he requested of God for some succor for the people, and some way of deliverance from the want they were in, because in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation; and he desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the people to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to please, and very complaining under adversities. Accordingly God promised he would take care of them, and afford them the succor they were desirous of. Now when Moses had heard this from God, he came down to the multitude. But as soon as they saw him joyful at the promises he had received from God, they changed their sad countenances into gladness. So he placed himself in the midst of them, and told them he came to bring them from God a deliverance from their present distresses. Accordingly a little after came a vast number of quails, which is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian Gulf than any where else, flying over the sea, and hovered over them, till wearied with their laborious flight, and, indeed, as usual, flying very near to the earth, they fell down upon the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied their hunger with them, and supposed that this was the method whereby God meant to supply them with food. Upon which Moses returned thanks to God for affording them his assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he had promised them.",
+                    "6. But presently after this first supply of food, he sent them a second; for as Moses was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell down; and Moses, when he found it stick to his hands, supposed this was also come for food from God to them. He tasted it; and perceiving that the people knew not what it was, and thought it snowed, and that it was what usually fell at that time of the year, he informed them that this dew did not fall from heaven after the manner they imagined, but came for their preservation and sustenance. So he tasted it, and gave them some of it, that they might be satisfied about what he told them. They also imitated their conductor, and were pleased with the food, for it was like honey in sweetness and pleasant taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of the sweet spices, and in bigness equal to coriander seed. And very earnest they were in gathering it; but they were enjoined to gather it equally (3) - the measure of an omer for each one every day, because this food should not come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker might not be able to get their share, by reason of the overbearing of the strong in collecting it. However, these strong men, when they had gathered more than the measure appointed for them, had no more than others, but only tired themselves more in gathering it, for they found no more than an omer apiece; and the advantage they got by what was superfluous was none at all, it corrupting, both by the worms breeding in it, and by its bitterness. So divine and wonderful a food was this! It also supplied the want of other sorts of food to those that fed on it. And even now, in all that place, this manna comes down in rain, (4) according to what Moses then obtained of God, to send it to the people for their sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food manna: for the particle man, in our language, is the asking of a question. What is this ? So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was sent them from heaven. Now they made use of this food for forty years, or as long as they were in the wilderness.",
+                    "7. As soon as they were removed thence, they came to Rephidim, being distressed to the last degree by thirst; and while in the foregoing days they had lit on a few small fountains, but now found the earth entirely destitute of water, they were in an evil case. They again turned their anger against Moses; but he at first avoided the fury of the multitude, and then betook himself to prayer to God, beseeching him, that as he had given them food when they were in the greatest want of it, so he would give them drink, since the favor of giving them food was of no value to them while they had nothing to drink. And God did not long delay to give it them, but promised Moses that he would procure them a fountain, and plenty of water, from a place they did not expect any. So he commanded him to smite the rock which they saw lying there, (5) with his rod, and out of it to receive plenty of what they wanted; for he had taken care that drink should come to them without any labor or pains-taking. When Moses had received this command from God, he came to the people, who waited for him, and looked upon him, for they saw already that he was coming apace from his eminence. As soon as he was come, he told them that God would deliver them from their present distress, and had granted them an unexpected favor; and informed them, that a river should run for their sakes out of the rock. But they were amazed at that hearing, supposing they were of necessity to cut the rock in pieces, now they were distressed by their thirst and by their journey; while Moses only smiting the rock with his rod, opened a passage, and out of it burst water, and that in great abundance, and very clear. But they were astonished at this wonderful effect; and, as it were, quenched their thirst by the very sight of it. So they drank this pleasant, this sweet water; and such it seemed to be, as might well be expected where God was the donor. They were also in admiration how Moses was honored by God; and they made grateful returns of sacrifices to God for his providence towards them. Now that Scripture, which is laid up in the temple, (6) informs us, how God foretold to Moses, that water timid in this manner be derived out of the rock.'"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Amalekites And The Neighbouring Nations, Made War With The Hebrews And Were Beaten And Lost A Great Part Of Their Army. </i><br>1. The name of the Hebrews began already to be every where renowned, and rumors about them ran abroad. This made the inhabitants of those countries to be in no small fear. Accordingly they sent ambassadors to one another, and exhorted one another to defend themselves, and to endeavor to destroy these men. Those that induced the rest to do so, were such as inhabited Gobolitis and Petra. They were called Amalekites, and were the most warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted one another, and their neighbors, to go to this war against the Hebrews; telling them that an army of strangers, and such a one as had run away from slavery under the Egyptians, lay in wait to ruin them; which army they were not, in common prudence and regard to their own safety, to overlook, but to crush them before they gather strength, and come to be in prosperity: and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as presuming upon our indolence in not attacking them before; and that we ought to avenge ourselves of them for what they have done in the wilderness, but that this cannot be so well done when they have once laid their hands on our cities and our goods: that those who endeavor to crush a power in its first rise, are wiser than those that endeavor to put a stop to its progress when it is become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the flourishing of others, but the former do not leave any room for their enemies to become troublesome to them. After they had sent such embassages to the neighboring nations, and among one another, they resolved to attack the Hebrews in battle.",
+                    "2. These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned perplexity and trouble to Moses, who expected no such warlike preparations. And when these nations were ready to fight, and the multitude of the Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of war, they were in a mighty disorder, and in want of all necessaries, and yet were to make war with men who were thoroughly well prepared for it. Then therefore it was that Moses began to encourage them, and to exhort them to have a good heart, and rely on God's assistance by which they had been state of freedom and to hope for victory over those who were ready to fight with them, in order to deprive them of that blessing: that they were to suppose their own army to be numerous, wanting nothing, neither weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor such other conveniences as, when men are in possession of, they fight undauntedly; and that they are to judge themselves to have all these advantages in the Divine assistance. They are also to suppose the enemy's army to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as want those conveniences which they know must be wanted, when it is God's will that they shall be beaten; and how valuable God's assistance is, they had experienced in abundance of trials; and those such as were more terrible than war, for that is only against men; but these were against famine and thirst, things indeed that are in their own nature insuperable; as also against mountains, and that sea which afforded them no way for escaping; yet had all these difficulties been conquered by God's gracious kindness to them. So he exhorted them to be courageous at this time, and to look upon their entire prosperity to depend on the present conquest of their enemies.",
+                    "3. And with these words did Moses encourage the multitude, who then called together the princes of their tribes, and their chief men, both separately and conjointly. The young men he charged to obey their elders, and the elders to hearken to their leader. So the people were elevated in their minds, and ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped to be thereby at length delivered from all their miseries: nay, they desired that Moses would immediately lead them against their enemies without the least delay, that no backwardness might be a hindrance to their present resolution. So Moses sorted all that were fit for war into different troops, and set Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, over them; one that was of great courage, and patient to undergo labors; of great abilities to understand, and to speak what was proper; and very serious in the worship of God; and indeed made like another Moses, a teacher of piety towards God. He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the water, and to take care of the children, and the women, and of the entire camp. So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses called for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds such a one as a his reputation made men expect from him; and to gain glory by the present expedition, in the opinion of those under him, for his exploits in this battle. He also gave a particular exhortation to the principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before him. And when he had thus animated the army, both by his words and works, and prepared every thing, he retired to a mountain, and committed the army to God and to Joshua.",
+                    "4. So the armies joined battle; and it came to a close fight, hand to hand, both sides showing great alacrity, and encouraging one another. And indeed while Moses stretched out his hand towards heaven (7) the Hebrews were too hard for the Amalekites: but Moses not being able to sustain his hands thus stretched out, (for as often as he let down his hands, so often were his own people worsted,) he bade his brother Aaron, and Hur their sister Miriam's husband, to stand on each side of him, and take hold of his hands, and not permit his weariness to prevent it, but to assist him in the extension of his hands. When this was done, the Hebrews conquered the Amalekites by main force; and indeed they had all perished, unless the approach of the night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from killing any more. So our forefathers obtained a most signal and most seasonable victory; for they not only overcame those that fought against them, but terrified also the neighboring nations, and got great and splendid advantages, which they obtained of their enemies by their hard pains in this battle: for when they had taken the enemy's camp, they got ready booty for the public, and for their own private families, whereas till then they had not any sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The forementioned battle, when they had once got it, was also the occasion of their prosperity, not only for the present, but for the future ages also; for they not only made slaves of the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their minds also, and after this battle, became terrible to all that dwelt round about them. Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of riches; for a great deal of silver and gold was left in the enemy's camp; as also brazen vessels, which they made common use of in their families; many utensils also that were embroidered there were of both sorts, that is, of what were weaved, and what were the ornaments of their armor, and other things that served for use in the family, and for the furniture of their rooms; they got also the prey of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to follow camps, when they remove from one place to another. So the Hebrews now valued themselves upon their courage, and claimed great merit for their valor; and they perpetually inured themselves to take pains, by which they deemed every difficulty might be surmounted. Such were the consequences of this battle.",
+                    "5. On the next day, Moses stripped the dead bodies of their enemies, and gathered together the armor of those that were fled, and gave rewards to such as had signalized themselves in the action; and highly commended Joshua, their general, who was attested to by all the army, on account of the great actions he had done. Nor was any one of the Hebrews slain; but the slain of the enemy's army were too many to be enumerated. So Moses offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and built an altar, which he named The Lord the Conqueror. He also foretold that the Amalekites should utterly be destroyed; and that hereafter none of them should remain, because they fought against the Hebrews, and this when they were in the wilderness, and in their distress also. Moreover, he refreshed the army with feasting. And thus did they fight this first battle with those that ventured to oppose them, after they were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses had celebrated this festival for the victory, he permitted the Hebrews to rest for a few days, and then he brought them out after the fight, in order of battle; for they had now many soldiers in light armor. And going gradually on, he came to Mount Sinai, in three months' time after they were removed out of Egypt; at which mountain, as we have before related, the vision of the bush, and the other wonderful appearances, had happened."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Moses Kindly Received-His Father-In-Law, Jethro, When He Came To Him To Mount Sinai. </i><br>Now when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law, understood in what a prosperous condition his affairs were, he willingly came to meet him. And Moses and his children, and pleased himself with his coming. And when he had offered sacrifice, he made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush he had formerly seen; which multitude, every one according to their families, partook of the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to Him who had been the author procurer of their deliverance and their freedom. They also praised their conductor, as him by whose virtue it was that all things had succeeded with them. Raguel also, in his eucharistical oration to Moses, made great encomiums upon the whole multitude; and he could not but admire Moses for his fortitude, and that humanity he had shewn in the delivery of his friends. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Raguel Suggested To Moses To Set His People In Order, Under Their Rulers Of Thousands, And Rulers Of Hundreds, Who Lived Without Order Before; And How Moses Complied In All Things With His Father-In-Law's Admonition. </i><br>1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in the of a crowd of business for he determined the differences of those that referred them to him, every one still going to him, and supposing that they should then only obtain justice, if he were the arbitrator; and those that lost their causes thought it no harm, while they thought they lost them justly, and not by partiality. Raguel however said nothing to him at that time, as not desirous to be any hinderance to such as had a mind to make use of the virtue of their conductor. But afterward he took him to himself, and when he had him alone, he instructed him in what he ought to do; and advised him to leave the trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself to take care of the greater, and of the people's safety, for that certain others of the Hebrews might be found that were fit to determine causes, but that nobody but a Moses could take of the safety of so many ten thousands. \"Be therefore,\" says he, \"insensible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast done by ministering under God to the people's preservation. Permit, therefore, the determination of common causes to be done by others, but do thou reserve thyself to the attendance on God only, and look out for methods of preserving the multitude from their present distress. Make use of the method I suggest to you, as to human affairs; and take a review of the army, and appoint chosen rulers over tens of thousands, and then over thousands; then divide them into five hundreds, and again into hundreds, and into fifties; and set rulers over each of them, who may distinguish them into thirties, and keep them in order; and at last number them by twenties and by tens: and let there be one commander over each number, to be denominated from the number of those over whom they are rulers, but such as the whole multitude have tried, and do approve of, as being good and righteous men; (8) and let those rulers decide the controversies they have one with another. But if any great cause arise, let them bring the cognizance of it before the rulers of a higher dignity; but if any great difficulty arise that is too hard for even their determination, let them send it to thee. By these means two advantages will be gained; the Hebrews will have justice done them, and thou wilt be able to attend constantly on God, and procure him to be more favorable to the people.\"",
+                    "2. This was the admonition of Raguel; and Moses received his advice very kindly, and acted according to his suggestion. Nor did he conceal the invention of this method, nor pretend to it himself, but informed the multitude who it was that invented it: nay, he has named Raguel in the books he wrote, as the person who invented this ordering of the people, as thinking it right to give a true testimony to worthy persons, although he might have gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions of other men; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses: but of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak in other places of these books."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Ascended Up To Mount Sinai, And Received Laws From God, And Delivered Them To The Hebrews. </i><br>1. Now Moses called the multitude together, and told them that he was going from them unto mount Sinai to converse with God; to receive from him, and to bring back with him, a certain oracle; but he enjoined them to pitch their tents near the mountain, and prefer the habitation that was nearest to God, before one more remote. When he had said this, he ascended up to Mount Sinai, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in that country (9) and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men, on account of its vast altitude, but because of the sharpness of its precipices also; nay, indeed, it cannot be looked at without pain of the eyes: and besides this, it was terrible and inaccessible, on account of the rumor that passed about, that God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed their tents as Moses had bidden them, and took possession of the lowest parts of the mountain; and were elevated in their minds, in expectation that Moses would return from God with promises of the good things he had proposed to them. So they feasted and waited for their conductor, and kept themselves pure as in other respects, and not accompanying with their wives for three days, as he had before ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would favorably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and bestow some such gift upon them by which they might live well. They also lived more plentifully as to their diet; and put on their wives and children more ornamental and decent clothing than they usually wore.",
+                    "2. So they passed two days in this way of feasting; but on the third day, before the sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as none had before seen, and encompassed the place where they had pitched their tents; and while all the rest of the air was clear, there came strong winds, that raised up large showers of rain, which became a mighty tempest. There was also such lightning, as was terrible to those that saw it; and thunder, with its thunderbolts, were sent down, and declared God to be there present in a gracious way to such as Moses desired he should be gracious. Now, as to these matters, every one of my readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a necessity of relating this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sound that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious degree, for they were not such as they were accustomed to; and then the rumor that was spread abroad, how God frequented that mountain, greatly astonished their minds, so they sorrowfully contained themselves within their tents, as both supposing Moses to be destroyed by the Divine wrath, and expecting the like destruction for themselves.",
+                    "3. When they were under these apprehensions, Moses appeared as joyful and greatly exalted. When they saw him, they were freed from their fear, and admitted of more comfortable hopes as to what was to come. The air also was become clear and pure of its former disorders, upon the appearance of Moses; whereupon he called together the people to a congregation, in order to their hearing what God would say to them: and when they were gathered together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him, and said, \"God has received me graciously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done; and has suggested a happy method of living for you, and an order of political government, and is now present in the camp: I therefore charge you, for his sake and the sake of his works, and what we have done by his means, that you do not put a low value on what I am going to say, because the commands have been given by me that now deliver them to you, nor because it is the tongue of a man that delivers them to you; but if you have a due regard to the great importance of the things themselves, you will understand the greatness of Him whose institutions they are, and who has not disdained to communicate them to me for our common advantage; for it is not to be supposed that the author of these institutions is barely Moses, the son of Amram and Jochebed, but He who obliged the Nile to run bloody for your sakes, and tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by various sorts of judgments; he who provided a way through the sea fo r us; he who contrived a method of sending us food from heaven, when we were distressed for want of it; he who made the water to issue out of a rock, when we had very little of it before; he by whose means Adam was made to partake of the fruits both of the land and of the sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the deluge; he by whose means our forefather Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made the heir of the land of Canaan; he by whose means Isaac was born of parents that were very old; he by whose means Jacob was adorned with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose means Joseph became a potent lord over the Egyptians; he it is who conveys these instructions to you by me as his interpreter. And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them, you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete, as nature requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies for I have been admitted into the presence of God and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his concern for your nation, and its duration.\"",
+                    "4. When he had said this, he brought the people, with their wives and children, so near the mountain, that they might hear God himself speaking to them about the precepts which they were to practice; that the energy of what should be spoken might not be hurt by its utterance by that tongue of a man, which could but imperfectly deliver it to their understanding. And they all heard a voice that came to all of them from above, insomuch that no one of these words escaped them, which Moses wrote on two tables; which it is not lawful for us to set down directly, but their import we will declare (10)",
+                    "5. The first commandment teaches us that there is but one God, and that we ought to worship him only. The second commands us not to make the image of any living creature to worship it. The third, that we must not swear by God in a false matter. The fourth, that we must keep the seventh day, by resting from all sorts of work. The fifth, that we must honor our parents. The sixth that we must abstain from murder. The seventh that we must not commit adultery. The eighth, that we must not be guilty of theft. The ninth, that we must not bear false witness. The tenth, that we must not admit of the desire of any thing that is another's.",
+                    "6. Now when the multitude had heard God himself giving those precepts which Moses had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was said; and the congregation was dissolved: but on the following days they came to his tent, and desired him to bring them, besides, other laws from God. Accordingly he appointed such laws, and afterwards informed them in what manner they should act in all cases; which laws I shall make mention of in their proper time; but I shall reserve most of those laws for another work, (11) and make there a distinct explication of them.",
+                    "7. When matters were brought to this state, Moses went up again to Mount Sinai, of which he had told them beforehand. He made his ascent in their sight; and while he staid there so long a time, (for he was absent from them forty days,) fear seized upon the Hebrews, lest Moses should have come to any harm; nor was there any thing else so sad, and that so much troubled them, as this supposal that Moses was perished. Now there was a variety in their sentiments about it; some saying that he was fallen among wild beasts; and those that were of this opinion were chiefly such as were ill-disposed to him; but others said that he was departed, and gone to God; but the wiser sort were led by their reason to embrace neither of those opinions with any satisfaction, thinking, that as it was a thing that sometimes happens to men to fall among wild beasts and perish that way, so it was probable enough that he might depart and go to God, on account of his virtue; they therefore were quiet, and expected the event: yet were they exceeding sorry upon the supposal that they were deprived of a governor and a protector, such a one indeed as they could never recover again; nor would this suspicion give them leave to expect any comfortable event about this man, nor could they prevent their trouble and melancholy upon this occasion. However, the camp durst not remove all this while, because Moses had bidden them afore to stay there.",
+                    "8. But when the forty days, and as many nights, were over, Moses came down, having tasted nothing of food usually appointed for the nourishment of men. His appearance filled the army with gladness, and he declared to them what care God had of them, and by what manner of conduct of their lives they might live happily; telling them, that during these days of his absence he had suggested to him also that he would have a tabernacle built for him, into which he would descend when he came to them, and how we should carry it about with us when we remove from this place; and that there would be no longer any occasion for going up to Mount Sinai, but that he would himself come and pitch his tabernacle amongst us, and be present at our prayers; as also, that the tabernacle should be of such measures and construction as he had shown him, and that you are to fall to the work, and prosecute it diligently. When he had said this, he showed them the two tables, with the ten commandments engraven upon them, five upon each table; and the writing was by the hand of God."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tabernacle Which Moses Built In The Wilderness For The Honor Of God And Which Seemed To Be A Temple. </i><br>1. Hereupon the Israelites rejoiced at what they had seen and heard of their conductor, and were not wanting in diligence according to their ability; for they brought silver, and gold, and brass, and of the best sorts of wood, and such as would not at all decay by putrefaction; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins, some of them dyed of a blue color, and some of a scarlet; some brought the flower for the purple color, and others for white, with wool dyed by the flowers aforementioned; and fine linen and precious stones, which those that use costly ornaments set in ouches of gold; they brought also a great quantity of spices; for of these materials did Moses build the tabernacle, which did not at all differ from a movable and ambulatory temple. Now when these things were brought together with great diligence, (for every one was ambitious to further the work even beyond their ability,) he set architects over the works, and this by the command of God; and indeed the very same which the people themselves would have chosen, had the election been allowed to them. Now their names are set down in writing in the sacred books; and they were these: Besaleel, the son of Uri, of the tribe of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister of their conductor and Aholiab, file son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan. Now the people went on with what they had undertaken with so great alacrity, that Moses was obliged to restrain them, by making proclamation, that what had been brought was sufficient, as the artificers had informed him; so they fell to work upon the building of the tabernacle. Moses also informed them, according to the direction of God, both what the measures were to be, and its largeness; and how many vessels it ought to contain for the use of the sacrifices. The women also were ambitious to do their parts, about the garments of the priests, and about other things that would be wanted in this work, both for ornament and for the divine service itself.",
+                    "2. Now when all things were prepared, the gold, and the silver, and the brass, and what was woven, Moses, when he had appointed beforehand that there should be a festival, and that sacrifices should be offered according to every one's ability, reared up the tabernacle (12) and when he had measured the open court, fifty cubits broad and a hundred long, he set up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on each of the longer sides, and ten pillars for the breadth behind; every one of the pillars also had a ring. Their chapiters were of silver, but their bases were of brass: they resembled the sharp ends of spears, and were of brass, fixed into the ground. Cords were also put through the rings, and were tied at their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit long, which, at every pillar, were driven into the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from being shaken by the violence of winds; but a curtain of fine soft linen went round all the pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose manner from their chapiters, and enclosed the whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to a wall about it. And this was the structure of three of the sides of this enclosure; but as for the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in extent, and was the front of the whole, twenty cubits of it were for the opening of the gates, wherein stood two pillars on each side, after the resemblance of open gates. These were made wholly of silver, and polished, and that all over, excepting the bases, which were of brass. Now on each side of the gates there stood three pillars, which were inserted into the concave bases of the gates, and were suited to them; and round them was drawn a curtain of fine linen; but to the gates themselves, which were twenty cubits in extent, and five in height, the curtain was composed of purple, and scarlet, and blue, and fine linen, and embroidered with many and divers sorts of figures, excepting the figures of animals. Within these gates was the brazen laver for purification, having a basin beneath of the like matter, whence the priests might wash their hands and sprinkle their feet; and this was the ornamental construction of the enclosure about the court of the tabernacle, which was exposed to the open air.",
+                    "3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed it in the middle of that court, with its front to the east, that, when the sun arose, it might send its first rays upon it. Its length, when it was set up, was thirty cubits, and its breadth was twelve [ten] cubits. The one of its walls was on the south, and the other was exposed to the north, and on the back part of it remained the west. It was necessary that its height should be equal to its breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars made of wood, twenty on each side; they were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in breadth a cubit and a half, but the thickness was four fingers: they had thin plates of gold affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and outwardly: they had each of them two tenons belonging to them, inserted into their bases, and these were of silver, in each of which bases there was a socket to receive the tenon; but the pillars on the west wall were six. Now all these tenons and sockets accurately fitted one another, insomuch that the joints were invisible, and both seemed to be one entire and united wall. It was also covered with gold, both within and without. The number of pillars was equal on the opposite sides, and there were on each part twenty, and every one of them had the third part of a span in thickness; so that the number of thirty cubits were fully made up between them; but as to the wall behind, where the six pillars made up together only nine cubits, they made two other pillars, and cut them out of one cubit, which they placed in the corners, and made them equally fine with the other. Now every one of the pillars had rings of gold affixed to their fronts outward, as if they had taken root in the pillars, and stood one row over against another round about, through which were inserted bars gilt over with gold, each of them five cubits long, and these bound together the pillars, the head of one bar running into another, after the nature of one tenon inserted into another; but for the wall behind, there was but one row of bars that went through all the pillars, into which row ran the ends of the bars on each side of the longer walls; the male with its female being so fastened in their joints, that they held the whole firmly together; and for this reason was all this joined so fast together, that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either by the winds, or by any other means, but that it might preserve itself quiet and immovable continually.",
+                    "4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length into three partitions. At the distance of ten cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed four pillars, the workmanship of which was the very same with that of the rest; and they stood upon the like bases with them, each a small matter distant from his fellow. Now the room within those pillars was the most holy place; but the rest of the room was the tabernacle, which was open for the priests. However, this proportion of the measures of the tabernacle proved to be an imitation of the system of the world; for that third part thereof which was within the four pillars, to which the priests were not admitted, is, as it were, a heaven peculiar to God. But the space of the twenty cubits, is, as it were, sea and land, on which men live, and so this part is peculiar to the priests only. But at the front, where the entrance was made, they placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of brass, in number seven; but then they spread over the tabernacle veils of fine linen and purple, and blue, and scarlet colors, embroidered. The first veil was ten cubits every way, and this they spread over the pillars which parted the temple, and kept the most holy place concealed within; and this veil was that which made this part not visible to any. Now the whole temple was called The Holy Place: but that part which was within the four pillars, and to which none were admitted, was called The Holy of Holies. This veil was very ornamental, and embroidered with all sorts of flowers which the earth produces; and there were interwoven into it all sorts of variety that might be an ornament, excepting the forms of animals. Another veil there was which covered the five pillars that were at the entrance. It was like the former in its magnitude, and texture, and color; and at the corner of every pillar a ring retained it from the top downwards half the depth of the pillars, the other half affording an entrance for the priests, who crept under it. Over this there was a veil of linen, of the same largeness with the former: it was to be drawn this way or that way by cords, the rings of which, fixed to the texture of the veil, and to the cords also, were subservient to the drawing and undrawing of the veil, and to the fastening it at the corner, that then it might be no hinderance to the view of the sanctuary, especially on solemn days; but that on other days, and especially when the weather was inclined to snow, it might be expanded, and afford a covering to the veil of divers colors. Whence that custom of ours is derived, of having a fine linen veil, after the temple has been built, to be drawn over the entrances. But the ten other curtains were four cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in length; and had golden clasps, in order to join the one curtain to the other, which was done so exactly that they seemed to be one entire curtain. These were spread over the temple, and covered all the top and parts of the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as within one cubit of the ground. There were other curtains of the same breadth with these, but one more in number, and longer, for they were thirty cubits long; but these were woven of hair, with the like subtilty as those of wool were made, and were extended loosely down to the ground, appearing like a triangular front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh curtain being used for this very purpose. There were also other curtains made of skins above these, which afforded covering and protection to those that were woven both in hot weather and when it rained. And great was the surprise of those who viewed these curtains at a distance, for they seemed not at all to differ from the color of the sky. But those that were made of hair and of skins, reached down in the same manner as did the veil at the gates, and kept off the heat of the sun, and what injury the rains might do. And after this manner was the tabernacle reared.",
+                    "5. There was also an ark made, sacred to God, of wood that was naturally strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called Eron in our own language. Its construction was thus: its length was five spans, but its breadth and height was each of them three spans. It was covered all over with gold, both within and without, so that the wooden part was not seen. It had also a cover united to it, by golden hinges, after a wonderful manner; which cover was every way evenly fitted to it, and had no eminences to hinder its exact conjunction. There were also two golden rings belonging to each of the longer boards, and passing through the entire wood, and through them gilt bars passed along each board, that it might thereby be moved and carried about, as occasion should require; for it was not drawn in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this its cover were two images, which the Hebrews call Cherubims; they are flying creatures, but their form is not like to that of any of the creatures which men have seen, though Moses said he had seen such beings near the throne of God. In this ark he put the two tables whereon the ten commandments were written, five upon each table, and two and a half upon each side of them; and this ark he placed in the most holy place.",
+                    "6. But in the holy place he placed a table, like those at Delphi. Its length was two cubits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height three spans. It had feet also, the lower half of which were complete feet, resembling those which the Dorians put to their bedsteads; but the upper parts towards the table were wrought into a square form. The table had a hollow towards every side, having a ledge of four fingers' depth, that went round about like a spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the body of the work. Upon every one of the feet was there also inserted a ring, not far from the cover, through which went bars of wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken out upon occasion, there being a cavity where it was joined to the rings; for they were not entire rings; but before they came quite round they ended in acute points, the one of which was inserted into the prominent part of the table, and the other into the foot; and by these it was carried when they journeyed: Upon this table, which was placed on the north side of the temple, not far from the most holy place, were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread, six upon each heap, one above another: they were made of two tenth-deals of the purest flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a measure of the Hebrews, containing seven Athenian cotyloe; and above those loaves were put two vials full of frankincense. Now after seven days other loaves were brought in their stead, on the day which is by us called the Sabbath; for we call the seventh day the Sabbath. But for the occasion of this intention of placing loaves here, we will speak to it in another place.",
+                    "7. Over against this table, near the southern wall, was set a candlestick of cast gold, hollow within, being of the weight of one hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call Chinchares, if it be turned into the Greek language, it denotes a talent. It was made with its knops, and lilies, and pomegranates, and bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy in all); by which means the shaft elevated itself on high from a single base, and spread itself into as many branches as there are planets, including the sun among them. It terminated in seven heads, in one row, all standing parallel to one another; and these branches carried seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of the number of the planets. These lamps looked to the east and to the south, the candlestick being situate obliquely.",
+                    "8. Now between this candlestick and the table, which, as we said, were within the sanctuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood indeed, but of the same wood of which the foregoing vessels were made, such as was not liable to corruption; it was entirely crusted over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each side was a cubit, but the altitude double. Upon it was a grate of gold, that was extant above the altar, which had a golden crown encompassing it round about, whereto belonged rings and bars, by which the priests carried it when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle there was reared a brazen altar, but it was within made of wood, five cubits by measure on each side, but its height was but three, in like manner adorned with brass plates as bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth of network; for the ground underneath received the fire from the hearth, because it had no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay the basins, and the vials, and the censers, and the caldrons, made of gold; but the other vessels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were all of brass. And such was the construction of the tabernacle; and these were the vessels thereto belonging."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Garments Of The Priests, And Of The High Priest. </i><br>1. There were peculiar garments appointed for the priests, and for all the rest, which they call Cohanoeoe [-priestly] garments, as also for the high priests, which they call Cahanoeoe Rabbae, and denote the high priest's garments. Such was therefore the habit of the rest. But when the priest approaches the sacrifices, he purifies himself with the purification which the law prescribes; and, in the first place, he puts on that which is called Machanase, which means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a girdle, composed of fine twined linen, and is put about the privy parts, the feet being to be inserted into them in the nature of breeches, but above half of it is cut off, and it ends at the thighs, and is there tied fast.",
+                    "2. Over this he wore a linen vestment, made of fine flax doubled: it is called Chethone, and denotes linen, for we call linen by the name of Chethone. This vestment reaches down to the feet, and sits close to the body; and has sleeves that are tied fast to the arms: it is girded to the breast a little above the elbows, by a girdle often going round, four fingers broad, but so loosely woven, that you would think it were the skin of a serpent. It is embroidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple, and blue, and fine twined linen, but the warp was nothing but fine linen. The beginning of its circumvolution is at the breast; and when it has gone often round, it is there tied, and hangs loosely there down to the ankles: I mean this, all the time the priest is not about any laborious service, for in this position it appears in the most agreeable manner to the spectators; but when he is obliged to assist at the offering sacrifices, and to do the appointed service, that he may not be hindered in his operations by its motion, he throws it to the left, and bears it on his shoulder. Moses indeed calls this belt Albaneth; but we have learned from the Babylonians to call it Emia, for so it is by them called. This vestment has no loose or hollow parts any where in it, but only a narrow aperture about the neck; and it is tied with certain strings hanging down from the edge over the breast and back, and is fastened above each shoulder: it is called Massabazanes.",
+                    "3. Upon his head he wears a cap, not brought to a conic form nor encircling the whole head, but still covering more than the half of it, which is called Masnaemphthes; and its make is such that it seems to be a crown, being made of thick swathes, but the contexture is of linen; and it is doubled round many times, and sewed together; besides which, a piece of fine linen covers the whole cap from the upper part, and reaches down to the forehead, and hides the seams of the swathes, which would otherwise appear indecently: this adheres closely upon the solid part of the head, and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may not fall off during the sacred service about the sacrifices. So we have now shown you what is the habit of the generality of the priests.",
+                    "4. The high priest is indeed adorned with the same garments that we have described, without abating one; only over these he puts on a vestment of a blue color. This also is a long robe, reaching to his feet, [in our language it is called Meeir,] and is tied round with a girdle, embroidered with the same colors and flowers as the former, with a mixture of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which garment are hung fringes, in color like pomegranates, with golden bells (13) by a curious and beautiful contrivance; so that between two bells hangs a pomegranate, and between two pomegranates a bell. Now this vesture was not composed of two pieces, nor was it sewed together upon the shoulders and the sides, but it was one long vestment so woven as to have an aperture for the neck; not an oblique one, but parted all along the breast and the back. A border also was sewed to it, lest the aperture should look too indecently: it was also parted where the hands were to come out.",
+                    "5. Besides these, the high priest put on a third garment, which was called the Ephod, which resembles the Epomis of the Greeks. Its make was after this manner: it was woven to the depth of a cubit, of several colors, with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but it left the middle of the breast uncovered: it was made with sleeves also; nor did it appear to be at all differently made from a short coat. But in the void place of this garment there was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span, embroidered with gold, and the other colors of the ephod, and was called Essen, [the breastplate,] which in the Greek language signifies the Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the void space in the ephod. It was united to it by golden rings at every corner, the like rings being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband was made use of to tie them together by those rings; and that the space between the rings might not appear empty, they contrived to fill it up with stitches of blue ribands. There were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature of buttons, having each end running to the sardonyxes of gold, that they might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven the names of the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters, and in our own tongue, six on each of the stones, on either side; and the elder sons' names were on the right shoulder. Twelve stones also there were upon the breast-plate, extraordinary in largeness and beauty; and they were an ornament not to be purchased by men, because of their immense value. These stones, however, stood in three rows, by four in a row, and were inserted into the breastplate itself, and they were set in ouches of gold, that were themselves inserted in the breastplate, and were so made that they might not fall out low the first three stones were a sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second row contained a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire. The first of the third row was a ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate, being the ninth of the whole number. The first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which was the last of all. Now the names of all those sons of Jacob were engraven in these stones, whom we esteem the heads of our tribes, each stone having the honor of a name, in the order according to which they were born. And whereas the rings were too weak of themselves to bear the weight of the stones, they made two other rings of a larger size, at the edge of that part of the breastplate which reached to the neck, and inserted into the very texture of the breastplate, to receive chains finely wrought, which connected them with golden bands to the tops of the shoulders, whose extremity turned backwards, and went into the ring, on the prominent back part of the ephod; and this was for the security of the breastplate, that it might not fall out of its place. There was also a girdle sewed to the breastplate, which was of the foremen tioned colors, with gold intermixed, which, when it had gone once round, was tied again upon the seam, and hung down. There were also golden loops that admitted its fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and included them entirely.",
+                    "6. The high priest's mitre was the same that we described before, and was wrought like that of all the other priests; above which there was another, with swathes of blue embroidered, and round it was a golden crown polished, of three rows, one above another; out of which arose a cup of gold, which resembled the herb which we call Saccharus; but those Greeks that are skillful in botany call it Hyoscyamus. Now, lest any one that has seen this herb, but has not been taught its name, and is unacquainted with its nature, or, having known its name, knows not the herb when he sees it, I shall give such as these are a description of it. This herb is oftentimes in tallness above three spans, but its root is like that of a turnip (for he that should compare it thereto would not be mistaken); but its leaves are like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches it sends out a calyx, cleaving to the branch; and a coat encompasses it, which it naturally puts off when it is changing, in order to produce its fruit. This calyx is of the bigness of the bone of the little finger, but in the compass of its aperture is like a cup. This I will further describe, for the use of those that are unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be divided into two parts, round at the bottom, but having another segment that grows up to a circumference from that bottom; suppose it become narrower by degrees, and that the cavity of that part grow decently smaller, and then gradually grow wider again at the brim, such as we see in the navel of a pomegranate, with its notches. And indeed such a coat grows over this plant as renders it a hemisphere, and that, as one may say, turned accurately in a lathe, and having its notches extant above it, which, as I said, grow like a pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit is preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit is like the seed of the herb Sideritis: it sends out a flower that may seem to resemble that of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far from the hinder part of the head to each of the temples; but this Ephielis, for so this calyx may be called, did not cover the forehead, but it was covered with a golden plate, (14) which had inscribed upon it the name of God in sacred characters. And such were the ornaments of the high priest.",
+                    "7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us, and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which they pretend to honor; for if any one do but consider the fabric of the tabernacle, and take a view of the garments of the high priest, and of those vessels which we make use of in our sacred ministration, he will find that our legislator was a divine man, and that we are unjustly reproached by others; for if any one do without prejudice, and with judgment, look upon these things, he will find they were every one made in way of imitation and representation of the universe. When Moses distinguished the tabernacle into three parts, (15) and allowed two of them to the priests, as a place accessible and common, he denoted the land and the sea, these being of general access to all; but he set apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible to men. And when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the table, he denoted the year, as distinguished into so many months. By branching out the candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly intimated the Decani, or seventy divisions of the planets; and as to the seven lamps upon the candlesticks, they referred to the course of the planets, of which that is the number. The veils, too, which were composed of four things, they declared the four elements; for the fine linen was proper to signify the earth, because the flax grows out of the earth; the purple signified the sea, because that color is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish; the blue is fit to signify the air; and the scarlet will naturally be an indication of fire. Now the vestment of the high priest being made of linen, signified the earth; the blue denoted the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it showed that God had made the universe of four elements; and as for the gold interwoven, I suppose it related to the splendor by which all things are enlightened. He also appointed the breastplate to be placed in the middle of the ephod, to resemble the earth, for that has the very middle place of the world. And the girdle which encompassed the high priest round, signified the ocean, for that goes round about and includes the universe. Each of the sardonyxes declares to us the sun and the moon; those, I mean, that were in the nature of buttons on the high priest's shoulders. And for the twelve stones, whether we understand by them the months, or whether we understand the like number of the signs of that circle which the Greeks call the Zodiac, we shall not be mistaken in their meaning. And for the mitre, which was of a blue color, it seems to me to mean heaven; for how otherwise coul d the name of God be inscribed upon it? That it was also illustrated with a crown, and that of gold also, is because of that splendor with which God is pleased. Let this explication (16) suffice at present, since the course of my narration will often, and on many occasions, afford me the opportunity of enlarging upon the virtue of our legislator."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Priesthood Of Aaron. </i><br>1. When what has been described was brought to a conclusion, gifts not being yet presented, God appeared to Moses, and enjoined him to bestow the high priesthood upon Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of them all deserved to obtain that honor, on account of his virtue. And when he had gathered the multitude together, he gave them an account of Aaron's virtue, and of his good-will to them, and of the dangers he had undergone for their sakes. Upon which, when they had given testimony to him in all respects, and showed their readiness to receive him, Moses said to them, \"O you Israelites, this work is already brought to a conclusion, in a manner most acceptable to God, and according to our abilities. And now since you see that he is received into this tabernacle, we shall first of all stand in need of one that may officiate for us, and may minister to the sacrifices, and to the prayers that are to be put up for us. And indeed had the inquiry after such a person been left to me, I should have thought myself worthy of this honor, both because all men are naturally fond of themselves, and because I am conscious to myself that I have taken a great deal of pains for your deliverance; but now God himself has determined that Aaron is worthy of this honor, and has chosen him for his priest, as knowing him to be the most righteous person among you. So that he is to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself solicitous for your nation, but also because he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office.\" The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approbation to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them all the most deserving of this honor, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his brother's virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar.",
+                    "2. Now Moses commanded them to make use of all the utensils which were more than were necessary to the structure of the tabernacle, for covering the tabernacle itself, the candlestick, and altar of incense, and the other vessels, that they might not be at all hurt when they journeyed, either by the rain, or by the rising of the dust. And when he had gathered the multitude together again, he ordained that they should offer half a shekel for every man, as an oblation to God; which shekel is a piece among the Hebrews, and is equal to four Athenian drachmae. (18) Whereupon they readily obeyed what Moses had commanded; and the number of the offerers was six hundred and five thousand five hundred and fifty. Now this money that was brought by the men that were free, was given by such as were about twenty years old, but under fifty; and what was collected was spent in the uses of the tabernacle.",
+                    "3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and the priests; which purification was performed after the following manner: - He commanded them to take five hundred shekels of choice myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half the foregoing weight of cinnamon and calamus (this last is a sort of sweet spice); to beat them small, and wet them with an bin of oil of olives (an hin is our own country measure, and contains two Athenian choas, or congiuses); then mix them together, and boil them, and prepare them after the art of the apothecary, and make them into a very sweet ointment; and afterward to take it to anoint and to purify the priests themselves, and all the tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were also many, and those of various kinds, of sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle, and such as were of very great price, and were brought to the golden altar of incense; the nature of which I do not now describe, lest it should be troublesome to my readers; but incense (19) was to be offered twice a-day, both before sun-rising and at sun-setting. They were also to keep oil already purified for the lamps; three of which were to give light all day long, (20) upon the sacred candlestick, before God, and the rest were to be lighted at the evening.",
+                    "4. Now all was finished. Besaleel and Aholiab appeared to be the most skillful of the workmen; for they invented finer works than what others had done before them, and were of great abilities to gain notions of what they were formerly ignorant of; and of these, Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now the whole time they were about this work was the interval of seven months; and after this it was that was ended the first year since their departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning of the second year, on the month Xanthicus, as the Macedonians call it, but on the month Nisan, as the Hebrews call it, on the new moon, they consecrated the tabernacle, and all its vessels, which I have already described.",
+                    "5. Now God showed himself pleased with the work of the Hebrews, and did not permit their labors to be in vain; nor did he disdain to make use of what they had made, but he came and sojourned with them, and pitched his tabernacle in the holy house. And in the following manner did he come to it: - The sky was clear, but there was a mist over the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but not with such a very deep and thick cloud as is seen in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a one as men might be able to discern any thing through it, but from it there dropped a sweet dew, and such a one as showed the presence of God to those that desired and believed it.",
+                    "6. Now when Moses had bestowed such honorary presents on the workmen, as it was fit they should receive, who had wrought so well, he offered sacrifices in the open court of the tabernacle, as God commanded him; a bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we do in our sacred offices in my discourse about sacrifices; and therein shall inform men in what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt-offering, and in what cases the law permits us to partake of them as of food. And when Moses had sprinkled Aaron's vestments, himself, and his sons, with the blood of the beasts that were slain, and had purified them with spring waters and ointment, they became God's priests. After this manner did he consecrate them and their garments for seven days together. The same he did to the tabernacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, both with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the blood of bulls and of rams, slain day by day one, according to its kind. But on the eighth day he appointed a feast for the people, and commanded them to offer sacrifice according to their ability. Accordingly they contended one with another, and were ambitious to exceed each other in the sacrifices which they brought, and so fulfilled Moses's injunctions. But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar, a sudden fire was kindled from among them of its own accord, and appeared to the sight like fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed whatsoever was upon the altar.",
+                    "7. Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, considered as a man and a father, but was undergone by him with true fortitude; for he had indeed a firmness of soul in such accidents, and he thought this calamity came upon him according to God's will: for whereas he had four sons, as I said before, the two elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them bring, but which they used to offer formerly, and were burnt to death. Now when the fire rushed upon them, and began to burn them, nobody could quench it. Accordingly they died in this manner. And Moses bid their father and their brethren to take up their bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to bury them magnificently. Now the multitude lamented them, and were deeply affected at this their death, which so unexpectedly befell them. But Moses entreated their brethren and their father not to be troubled for them, and to prefer the honor of God before their grief about them; for Aaron had already put on his sacred garments.",
+                    "8. But Moses refused all that honor which he saw the multitude ready to bestow upon him, and attended to nothing else but the service of God. He went no more up to Mount Sinai; but he went into the tabernacle, and brought back answers from God for what he prayed for. His habit was also that of a private man, and in all other circumstances he behaved himself like one of the common people, and was desirous to appear without distinguishing himself from the multitude, but would have it known that he did nothing else but take care of them. He also set down in writing the form of their government, and those laws by obedience whereto they would lead their lives so as to please God, and so as to have no quarrels one among another. However, the laws he ordained were such as God suggested to him; so I shall now discourse concerning that form of government, and those laws.",
+                    "9. I will now treat of what I before omitted, the garment of the high priest: for he [Moses] left no room for the evil practices of [false] prophets; but if some of that sort should attempt to abuse the Divine authority, he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to be absent. (21) And he was willing this should be known, not to the Hebrews only, but to those foreigners also who were there. For as to those stones, (22) which we told you before, the high priest bare on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes, (and I think it needless to describe their nature, they being known to every body,) the one of them shined out when God was present at their sacrifices; I mean that which was in the nature of a button on his right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and being seen even by those that were most remote; which splendor yet was not before natural to the stone. This has appeared a wonderful thing to such as have not so far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to despise Divine revelation. Yet will I mention what is still more wonderful than this: for God declared beforehand, by those twelve stones which the high priest bare on his breast, and which were inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious in battle; for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God's being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this, called that breastplate the Oracle. Now this breastplate, and this sardonyx, left off shining two hundred years before I composed this book, God having been displeased at the transgressions of his laws. Of which things we shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now go on with my proposed narration.",
+                    "10. The tabernacle being now consecrated, and a regular order being settled for the priests, the multitude judged that God now dwelt among them, and betook themselves to sacrifices and praises to God as being now delivered from all expectation of evils and as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better times hereafter. They offered also gifts to God some as common to the whole nation, and others as peculiar to themselves, and these tribe by tribe; for the heads of the tribes combined together, two by two, and brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These amounted to six, and they carried the tabernacle when they journeyed. Besides which, each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of incense. Now the charger and the bowl were of silver, and together they weighed two hundred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than seventy shekels; and these were full of fine flour mingled with oil, such as they used on the altar about the sacrifices. They brought also a young bullock, and a ram, with a lamb of a year old, for a whole burnt-offering, as also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every one of the heads of the tribes brought also other sacrifices, called peace-offerings, for every day two bulls, and five rams, with lambs of a year old, and kids of the goats. These heads of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing, one sacrificing every day. Now Moses went no longer up to Mount Sinai, but went into the tabernacle, and learned of God what they were to do, and what laws should be made; which laws were preferable to what have been devised by human understanding, and proved to be firmly observed for all time to come, as being believed to be the gift of God, insomuch that the Hebrews did not transgress any of those laws, either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times of war by distress of affairs. But I say no more here concerning them, because I have resolved to compose another work concerning our laws."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Manner Of Our Offering Sacrifices. </i><br>1. I Will now, however, make mention of a few of our laws which belong to purifications, and the like sacred offices, since I am accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices. These sacrifices were of two sorts; of those sorts one was offered for private persons, and the other for the people in general; and they are done in two different ways. In the one case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-offering, whence that name is given to it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former. Suppose a private man offer a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter of the first year, though of bulls he is permitted to sacrifice those of a greater age; but all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When they are slain, the priests sprinkle the blood round about the altar; they then cleanse the bodies, and divide them into parts, and salt them with salt, and lay them upon the altar, while the pieces of wood are piled one upon another, and the fire is burning; they next cleanse the feet of the sacrifices, and the inwards, in an accurate manner and so lay them to the rest to be purged by the fire, while the priests receive the hides. This is the way of offering a burnt-offering.",
+                    "2. But those that offer thank-offeri ngs do indeed sacrifice the same creatures, but such as are unblemished, and above a year old; however, they may take either males or females. They also sprinkle the altar with their blood; but they lay upon the altar the kidneys and the caul, and all the fat, and the lobe of the liver, together with the rump of the lamb; then, giving the breast and the right shoulder to the priests, the offerers feast upon the remainder of the flesh for two days; and what remains they burn.",
+                    "3. The sacrifices for sins are offered in the same manner as is the thank-offering. But those who are unable to purchase complete sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves; the one of which is made a burnt-offering to God, the other they give as food to the priests. But we shall treat more accurately about the oblation of these creatures in our discourse concerning sacrifices. But if a person fall into sin by ignorance, he offers an ewe lamb, or a female kid of the goats, of the same age; and the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar, not after the former manner, but at the corners of it. They also bring the kidneys and the rest of the fat, together with the lobe of the liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away the hides and the flesh, and spend it in the holy place, on the same day; (23) for the law does not permit them to leave of it until the morning. But if any one sin, and is conscious of it himself, but hath nobody that can prove it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoining him so to do; the flesh of which the priests eat, as before, in the holy place, on the same day. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for their sins, they bring the same oblations that private men do; only they so far differ, that they are to bring for sacrifices a bull or a kid of the goats, both males.",
+                    "4. Now the law requires, both in private and public sacrifices, that the finest flour be also brought; for a lamb the measure of one tenth deal, - for a ram two, - and for a bull three. This they consecrate upon the altar, when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also brought by those that sacrifice; for a bull the half of an hin, and for a ram the third part of the same measure, and one quarter of it for a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew measure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas (or congiuses). They bring the same quantity of oil which they do of wine, and they pour the wine about the altar; but if any one does not offer a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful upon the altar as its first-fruits, while the priests take the rest for their food, either boiled or mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread. But whatsoever it be that a priest himself offers, it must of necessity be all burnt. Now the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at the same time with its dam; and, in other cases, not till the eighth day after its birth. Other sacrifices there are also appointed for escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in which meat-offerings are consumed, together with the animals that are sacrificed; of which it is not lawful to leave any part till the next day, only the priests are to take their own share."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Festivals; And How Each Day Of Such Festival Is To Be Observed. </i><br>1. The law requires, that out of the public expenses a lamb of the first year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the ending of the day; but on the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice them in the same manner. At the new moon, they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year, and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation of sins; that is, if they have sinned through ignorance.",
+                    "2. But on the seventh month, which the Macedonians call Hyperberetaeus, they make an addition to those already mentioned, and sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins.",
+                    "3. On the tenth day of the same lunar month, they fast till the evening; and this day they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And, besides these, they bring two kids of the goats; the one of which is sent alive out of the limits of the camp into the wilderness for the scapegoat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the whole multitude; but the other is brought into a place of great cleanness, within the limits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its skin, without any sort of cleansing. With this goat was burnt a bull, not brought by the people, but by the high priest, at his own charges; which, when it was slain, he brought of the blood into the holy place, together with the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled the ceiling with his finger seven times, as also its pavement, and again as often toward the most holy place, and about the golden altar: he also at last brings it into the open court, and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys, and the fat, with the lobe of the liver, upon the altar. The high priest likewise presents a ram to God as a burnt-offering.",
+                    "4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of the year is changing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that we preserve ourselves from the cold of that time of the year; as also that when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city which we should have then for our metropolis, because of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days, and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome citron: That the burnt-offering on the first of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an expiation for sins; and on the following days the same number of lambs, and of rams, with the kids of the goats; but abating one of the bulls every day till they amounted to seven only. On the eighth day all work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacrificed to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of the goats, for an expiation of sins. And this is the accustomed solemnity of the Hebrews, when they pitch their tabernacles.",
+                    "5. In the month of Xanthicus, which is by us called Nisan, and is the beginning of our year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar month, when the sun is in Aries, (for in this month it was that we were delivered from bondage under the Egyptians,) the law ordained that we should every year slay that sacrifice which I before told you we slew when we came out of Egypt, and which was called the Passover; and so we do celebrate this passover in companies, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice till the day following. The feast of unleavened bread succeeds that of the passover, and falls on the fifteenth day of the month, and continues seven days, wherein they feed on unleavened bread; on every one of which days two bulls are killed, and one ram, and seven lambs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt, besides the kid of the goats which is added to all the rest, for sins; for it is intended as a feast for the priest on every one of those days. But on the second day of unleavened bread, which is the sixteenth day of the month, they first partake of the fruits of the earth, for before that day they do not touch them. And while they suppose it proper to honor God, from whom they obtain this plentiful provision, in the first place, they offer the first-fruits of their barley, and that in the manner following: They take a handful of the ears, and dry them, then beat them small, and purge the barley from the bran; they then bring one tenth deal to the altar, to God; and, casting one handful of it upon the fire, they leave the rest for the use of the priest. And after this it is that they may publicly or privately reap their harvest. They also at this participation of the first-fruits of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offering to God.",
+                    "6. When a week of weeks has passed over after this sacrifice, (which weeks contain forty and nine days,) on the fiftieth day, which is Pentecost, but is called by the Hebrews Asartha, which signifies Pentecost, they bring to God a loaf, made of wheat flour, of two tenth deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring two lambs; and when they have only presented them to God, they are made ready for supper for the priests; nor is it permitted to leave any thing of them till the day following. They also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering, and two rams; and fourteen lambs, with two kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there anyone of the festivals but in it they offer burnt-offerings; they also allow themselves to rest on every one of them. Accordingly, the law prescribes in them all what kinds they are to sacrifice, and how they are to rest entirely, and must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon them.",
+                    "7. However, out of the common charges, baked bread [was set on the table of shew-bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth deals of flour, for so much is spent upon this bread; two heaps of these were baked, they were baked the day before the sabbath, but were brought into the holy place on the morning of the sabbath, and set upon the holy table, six on a heap, one loaf still standing over against another; where two golden cups full of frankincense were also set upon them, and there they remained till another sabbath, and then other loaves were brought in their stead, while the loaves were given to the priests for their food, and the frankincense was burnt in that sacred fire wherein all their offerings were burnt also; and so other frankincense was set upon the loaves instead of what was there before. The [high priest also, of his own charges, offered a sacrifice, and that twice every day. It was made of flour mingled with oil, and gently baked by the fire; the quantity was one tenth deal of flour; he brought the half of it to the fire in the morning, and the other half at night. The account of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately hereafter; but I think I have premised what for the present may be sufficient concerning them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Purifications. </i><br>1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi from communicating with the rest of the people, and set them apart to be a holy tribe; and purified them by water taken from perpetual springs, and with such sacrifices as were usually offered to God on the like occasions. He delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which were made for covering the tabernacle, that they might minister under the conduct of the priests, who had been already consecrated to God.",
+                    "2. He also determined concerning animals; which of them might be used for food, and which they were obliged to abstain from; which matters, when this work shall give me occasion, shall be further explained; and the causes shall be added by which he was moved to allot some of them to be our food, and enjoined us to abstain from others. However, he entirely forbade us the use of blood for food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and spirit. He also forbade us to eat the flesh of an animal that died of itself, as also the caul, and the fat of goats, and sheep, and bulls.",
+                    "3. He also ordered that those whose bodies were afflicted with leprosy, and that had a gonorrhea, should not come into the city; nay, he removed the women, when they had their natural purgations, till the seventh day; after which he looked on them as pure, and permitted them to come in again. The law permits those also who have taken care of funerals to come in after the same manner, when this number of days is over; but if any continued longer than that number of days in a state of pollution, the law appointed the offering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of which they are to purge by fire, and for the other, the priests take it for themselves. In the same manner do those sacrifice who have had the gonorrhea. But he that sheds his seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold water, has the same privilege with those that have lawfully accompanied with their wives. And for the lepers, he suffered them not to come into the city at all, nor to live with any others, as if they were in effect dead persons; but if any one had obtained by prayer to God, the recovery from that distemper, and had gained a healthful complexion again, such a one returned thanks to God, with several sorts of sacrifices; concerning which we will speak hereafter.",
+                    "4. Whence one cannot but smile at those who say that Moses was himself afflicted with the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and that he became the conductor of those who on that account left that country, and led them into the land of Canaan; for had this been true, Moses would not have made these laws to his own dishonor, which indeed it was more likely he would have opposed, if others had endeavored to introduce them; and this the rather, because there are lepers in many nations, who yet are in honor, and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been great captains of armies, and been intrusted with high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of entering into holy places and temples; so that nothing hindered, but if either Moses himself, or the multitude that was with him, had been liable to such a misfortune in the color of his skin, he might have made laws about them for their credit and advantage, and have laid no manner of difficulty upon them. Accordingly, it is a plain case, that it is out of violent prejudice only that they report these things about us. But Moses was pure from any such distemper, and lived with countrymen who were pure of it also, and thence made the laws which concerned others that had the distemper. He did this for the honor of God. But as to these matters, let every one consider them after what manner he pleases.",
+                    "5. As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade them to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she hath born a girl, the law is that she cannot be admitted before twice that number of days be over. And when after the before-mentioned time appointed for them, they perform their sacrifices, the priests distribute them before God.",
+                    "6. But if any one suspect that his wife has been guilty of adultery, he was to bring a tenth deal of barley flour; they then cast one handful to God and gave the rest of it to the priests for food. One of the priests set the woman at the gates that are turned towards the temple, and took the veil from her head, and wrote the name of God on parchment, and enjoined her to swear that she had not at all injured her husband; and to wish that, if she had violated her chastity, her right thigh might be put out of joint; that her belly might swell; and that she might die thus: but that if her husband, by the violence of his affection, and of the jealousy which arose from it, had been rashly moved to this suspicion, that she might bear a male child in the tenth month. Now when these oaths were over, the priest wiped the name of God out of the parchment, and wrung the water into a vial. He also took some dust out of the temple, if any happened to be there, and put a little of it into the vial, and gave it her to drink; whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly accused, conceived with child, and brought it to perfection in her womb: but if she had broken her faith of wedlock to her husband, and had sworn falsely before God, she died in a reproachful manner; her thigh fell off from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy. And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices, and about the purifications thereto belonging, which Moses provided for his countrymen. He also prescribed the following laws to them: -"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Several Laws. </i><br>1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it entirely, as esteeming it a happy thing that men should be wise in the affairs of wedlock; and that it was profitable both to cities and families that children should be known to be genuine. He also abhorred men's lying with their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes; and the like for lying with the father's wife, and with aunts, and sisters, and sons' wives, as all instances of abominable wickedness. He also forbade a m an to lie with his wife when she was defiled by her natural purgation: and not to come near brute beasts; nor to approve of the lying with a male, which was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on account of beauty. To those who were guilty of such insolent behavior, he ordained death for their punishment.",
+                    "2. As for the priests, he prescribed to them a double degree of purity (25) for he restrained them in the instances above, and moreover forbade them to marry harlots. He also forbade them to marry a slave, or a captive, and such as got their living by cheating trades, and by keeping inns; as also a woman parted from her husband, on any account whatsoever. Nay, he did not think it proper for the high priest to marry even the widow of one that was dead, though he allowed that to the priests; but he permitted him only to marry a virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is that the high priest is not to come near to one that is dead, although the rest are not prohibited from coming near to their brethren, or parents, or children, when they are dead; but they are to be unblemished in all respects. He ordered that the priest who had any blemish, should have his portion indeed among the priests, but he forbade him to ascend the altar, or to enter into the holy house. He also enjoined them, not only to observe purity in their sacred ministrations, but in their daily conversation, that it might be unblamable also. And on this account it is that those who wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot, and eminent for their purity and sobriety: nor are they permitted to drink wine so long as they wear those garments. (26) Moreover, they offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no defect whatsoever.",
+                    "3. And truly Moses gave them all these precepts, being such as were observed during his own lifetime; but though he lived now in the wilderness, yet did he make provision how they might observe the same laws when they should have taken the land of Canaan. He gave them rest to the land from ploughing and planting every seventh year, as he had prescribed to them to rest from working every seventh day; and ordered, that then what grew of its own accord out of the earth should in common belong to all that pleased to use it, making no distinction in that respect between their own countrymen and foreigners: and he ordained, that they should do the same after seven times seven years, which in all are fifty years; and that fiftieth year is called by the Hebrews The Jubilee, wherein debtors are freed from their debts, and slaves are set at liberty; which slaves became such, though they were of the same stock, by transgressing some of those laws the punishment of which was not capital, but they were punished by this method of slavery. This year also restores the land to its former possessors in the manner following: - When the Jubilee is come, which name denotes liberty, he that sold the land, and he that bought it, meet together, and make an estimate, on one hand, of the fruits gathered; and, on the other hand, of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits gathered come to more than the expenses laid out, he that sold it takes the land again; but if the expenses prove more than the fruits, the present possessor receives of the former owner the difference that was wanting, and leaves the land to him; and if the fruits received, and the expenses laid out, prove equal to one another, the present possessor relinquishes it to the former owners. Moses would have the same law obtain as to those houses also which were sold in villages; but he made a different law for such as were sold in a city; for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser his money again within a year, he was forced to restore it; but in case a whole year had intervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he had bought. This was the constitution of the laws which Moses learned of God when the camp lay under Mount Sinai, and this he delivered in writing to the Hebrews.",
+                    "4. Now when this settlement of laws seemed to be well over, Moses thought fit at length to take a review of the host, as thinking it proper to settle the affairs of war. So he charged the heads of the tribes, excepting the tribe of Levi, to take an exact account of the number of those that were able to go to war; for as to the Levites, they were holy, and free from all such burdens. Now when the people had been numbered, there were found six hundred thousand that were able to go to war, from twenty to fifty years of age, besides three thousand six hundred and fifty. Instead of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of Joseph, among the heads of tribes; and Ephraim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the desire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would give him his sons to be his own by adoption, as I have before related.",
+                    "5. When they set up the tabernacle, they received it into the midst of their camp, three of the tribes pitching their tents on each side of it; and roads were cut through the midst of these tents. It was like a well-appointed market; and every thing was there ready for sale in due order; and all sorts of artificers were in the shops; and it resembled nothing so much as a city that sometimes was movable, and sometimes fixed. The priests had the first places about the tabernacle; then the Levites, who, because their whole multitude was reckoned from thirty days old, were twenty-three thousand eight hundred and eighty males; and during the time that the cloud stood over the tabernacle, they thought proper to stay in the same place, as supposing that God there inhabited among them; but when that removed, they journeyed also.",
+                    "6. Moreover, Moses was the inventor of the form of their trumpet, which was made of silver. Its description is this: - In length it was little less than a cubit. It was composed of a narrow tube, somewhat thicker than a flute, but with so much breadth as was sufficient for admission of the breath of a man's mouth: it ended in the form of a bell, like common trumpets. Its sound was called in the Hebrew tongue Asosra. Two of these being made, one of them was sounded when they required the multitude to come together to congregations. When the first of them gave a signal, the heads of the tribes were to assemble, and consult about the affairs to them properly belonging; but when they gave the signal by both of them, they called the multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle was removed, it was done in this solemn order: - At the first alarm of the trumpet, those whose tents were on the east quarter prepared to remove; when the second signal was given, those that were on the south quarter did the like; in the next place, the tabernacle was taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst of six tribes that went before, and of six that followed, all the Levites assisting about the tabernacle; when the third signal was given, that part which had their tents towards the west put themselves in motion; and at the fourth signal those on the north did so likewise. They also made use of these trumpets in their sacred ministrations, when they were bringing their sacrifices to the altar as well on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival] days; and now it was that Moses offered that sacrifice which was called the Passover in the Wilderness, as the first he had offered after the departure out of Egypt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Moses Removed From Mount Sinai, And Conducted The People To The Borders Of The Canaanites. </i><br>A Little while afterwards he rose up, and went from Mount Sinai; and, having passed through several mansions, of which we will speak he came to a place called Hazeroth, where the multitude began again to be mutinous, and to Moses for the misfortunes they had suffered their travels; and that when he had persuaded to leave a good land, they at once had lost land, and instead of that happy state he had them, they were still wandering in their miserable condition, being already in want water; and if the manna should happen to fail, must then utterly perish. Yet while they spake many and sore things against the there was one of them who exhorted them to be unmindful of Moses, and of what great pains he had been at about their common safety; not to despair of assistance from God. The multitude thereupon became still more unruly, and mutinous against Moses than before. Hereupon Moses, although he was so basely abused by them encouraged them in their despairing conditioned and promised that he would procure them a quantity of flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only, but for many days. This they were not to believe; and when one of them asked, whence he could obtain such vast plenty of what he promised, he replied, \"Neither God nor I, we hear such opprobrious language from will leave off our labors for you; and this soon appear also.\" As soon as ever he had this, the whole camp was filled with quails, they stood round about them, and gathered great numbers. However, it was not long ere God punished the Hebrews for their insolence, those reproaches they had used towards him, no small number of them died; and still to this day the place retains the memory of this destruction and is named Kibrothhattaavah, which is, Graves of Lust. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Sent Some Persons To Search Out The Land Of The Canaanites, And The Largeness Of Their Cities; And Further That When Those Who Were Sent Were Returned, After Forty Days And Reported That They Should Not Be A Match For Them, And Extolled The Strengh Of The Canaanites The Multitude Were Disturbed And Fell Into Despair; And Were Resolved To Stone Moses, And To Return Back Again Into Egypt, And Serve The Egyptians. </i><br>1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away from thence to a place called Paran, which was near to the borders of the Canaanites, and a place difficult to be continued in, he gathered the multitude together to a congregation; and standing in the midst of them, he said, \"Of the two things that God determined to bestow upon us, liberty, and the possession of a Happy Country, the one of them ye already are partakers of, by the gift of God, and the other you will quickly obtain; for we now have our abode near the borders of the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the acquisition of it, when we now at last are fallen upon it: I say, not only no king nor city, but neither the whole race of mankind, if they were all gathered together, could do it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves for the work, for the Canaanites will not resign up their land to us without fighting, but it must be wrested from them by great struggles in war. Let us then send spies, who may take a view of the goodness of the land, and what strength it is of; but, above all things, let us be of one mind, and let us honor God, who above all is our helper and assister.\"",
+                    "2. When Moses had said thus, the multitude requited him with marks of respect; and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over all the land of Canaan, from the borders of Egypt, came to the city Hamath, and to Mount Lebanon; and having learned the nature of the land, and of its inhabitants, they came home, having spent forty days in the whole work. They also brought with them of the fruits which the land bare; they also showed them the excellency of those fruits, and gave an account of the great quantity of the good things that land afforded, which were motives to the multitude to go to war. But then they terrified them again with the great difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the rivers were so large and deep that they could not be passed over; and that the hills were so high that they could not travel along for them; that the cities were strong with walls, and their firm fortifications round about them. They told them also, that they found at Hebron the posterity of the giants. Accordingly these spies, who had seen the land of Canaan, when they perceived that all these difficulties were greater there than they had met with since they came out of Egypt, they were aftrighted at them themselves, and endeavored to affright the multitude also.",
+                    "3. So they supposed, from what they had heard, that it was impossible to get the possession of the country. And when the congregation was dissolved, they, their wives and children, continued their lamentation, as if God would not indeed assist them, but only promised them fair. They also again blamed Moses, and made a clamor against him and his brother Aaron, the high priest. Accordingly they passed that night very ill, and with contumelious language against them; but in the morning they ran to a congregation, intending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to return back into Egypt.",
+                    "4. But of the spies, there were Joshua the son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid of the consequence, and came into the midst of them, and stilled the multitude, and desired them to be of good courage; and neither to condemn God, as having told them lies, nor to hearken to those who had aftrighted them, by telling them what was not true concerning the Canaanites, but to those that encouraged them to hope for good success; and that they should gain possession of the happiness promised them, because neither the height of mountains, nor the depth of rivers, could hinder men of true courage from attempting them, especially while God would take care of them beforehand, and be assistant to them. \"Let us then go,\" said they, \"against our enemies, and have no suspicion of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us, and following those that are to be our leaders.\" Thus did these two exhort them, and endeavor to pacify the rage they were in. But Moses and Aaron fell on the ground, and besought God, not for their own deliverance, but that he would put a stop to what the people were unwarily doing, and would bring their minds to a quiet temper, which were now disordered by their present passion. The cloud also did now appear, and stood over the tabernacle, and declared to them the presence of God to be there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Was Displeased At This, And Foretold That God Was Angry And That They Should Continue In The Wilderness For Forty Years And Not, During That Time, Either Return Into Egypt Or Take Possession Of Canaan. </i><br>1. Moses came now boldly to the multitude, and informed them that God was moved at their abuse of him, and would inflict punishment upon them, not indeed such as they deserved for their sins, but such as parents inflict on their children, in order to their correction. For, he said, that when he was in the tabernacle, and was bewailing with ears that destruction which was coming upon them God put him in mind what things he had done for them, and what benefits they had received from him, and yet how ungrateful they had been to him that just now they had been induced, through the timorousness of the spies, to think that their words were truer than his own promise to them; and that on this account, though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; but would make them wander in the wilderness, and live without a fixed habitation, and without a city, for forty years together, as a punishment for this their transgression; but that he had promised to give that land to our children, and that he would make them the possessors of those good things which, by your ungoverned passions, you have deprived yourselves of.",
+                    "2. When Moses had discoursed thus to them according to the direction of God, the multitude, grieved, and were in affliction; and entreated Most to procure their reconciliation to God, and to permit them no longer to wander in the wilderness, but bestow cities upon them. But he replied, that God would not admit of any such trial, for that God was not moved to this determination from any human levity or anger, but that he had judicially condemned them to that punishment. Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses, who was but a single person, pacified so many ten thousands when they were in anger, and converted them to a mildness temper; for God was with him, and prepared way to his persuasions of the multitude; and as they had often been disobedient, they were now sensible that such disobedience was disadvantageous to them and that they had still thereby fallen into calamities.",
+                    "3. But this man was admirable for his virtue, and powerful in making men give credit to what he delivered, not only during the time of his natural life, but even there is still no one of the Hebrews who does not act even now as if Moses were present, and ready to punish him if he should do any thing that is indecent; nay, there is no one but is obedient to what laws he ordained, although they might be concealed in their transgressions. There are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than human, for still some there have been, who have come from the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four months, through many dangers, and at great expenses, in honor of our temple; and yet, when they had offered their oblations, could not partake of their own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had befallen them, which our ancient customs made inconsistent therewith; some of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their sacrifices in an imperfect condition; many were not able, even at first, so much as to enter the temple, but went their ways in this as preferring a submission to the laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own inclinations, they had no fear upon them that anybody could convict them, but only out of a reverence to their own conscience. Thus this legislation, which appeared to be divine, made this man to be esteemed as one superior to his own nature. Nay, further, a little before the beginning of this war, when Claudius was emperor of the Romans, and Ismael was our high priest, and when so great a famine (27) was come upon us, that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four drachmae, and when no less than seventy cori of flour were brought into the temple, at the feast of unleavened bread, (these cori are thirty-one Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian medimni,) not one of the priests was so hardy as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great a distress was upon the land; and this out of a dread of the law, and of that wrath which God retains against acts of wickedness, even when no one can accuse the actors. Whence we are not to wonder at what was then done, while to this very day the writings left by Moses have so great a force, that even those that hate us do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and that it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue; but as to these matters, let every one take them as he thinks fit."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Fight Of The Hebrews With The Canaanites Without The Consent Of Moses; And Their Defeat. </i><br>1. Now this life of the Hebrews in the wilderness was so disagreeable and troublesome to them, and they were so uneasy at it, that although God had forbidden them to meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they not be persuaded to be obedient to the words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing they should be able to beat their enemies, without his approbation, they accused him, and suspected that he made it his business to keep in a distressed condition, that they might always stand in need of his assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, not out of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because he took care of their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them their liberty, and would be assisting to them, now they were willing to take pains for it. They also said that they were possessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of their enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate God from them; that, however, it was for their advantage to be their own masters, and not so far to rejoice in their deliverance from the indignities they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves to be deluded, and live according to his pleasure, as though God did only foretell what concerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they were not all the posterity of Abraham; that God made him alone the author of all the knowledge we have, and we must still learn it from him; that it would be a piece of prudence to oppose his arrogant pretenses, and to put their confidence in God, and to resolve to take possession of that land which he had promised them, and not to give ear to him, who on this account, and under the pretense of Divine authority, forbade them so to do. Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at present, and that in those desert places they were still to expect things would be worse with them, they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only to God, their supreme Commander, and not waiting for any assistance from their legislator.",
+                    "2. When, therefore, they had come to this resolution, as being best for them, they went against their enemies; but those enemies were not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at the great multitude that made it, and received them with great courage. Many of the Hebrews were slain; and the remainder of the army, upon the disorder of their troops, were pursued, and fled, after a shameful manner, to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected misfortune made them quite despond; and they hoped for nothing that was good; as gathering from it, that this affliction came from the wrath of God, because they rashly went out to war without his approbation.",
+                    "3. But when Moses saw how deeply they were affected with this defeat, and being afraid lest the enemies should grow insolent upon this victory, and should be desirous of gaining still greater glory, and should attack them, he resolved that it was proper to withdraw the army into the wilderness to a further distance from the Canaanites: so the multitude gave themselves up again to his conduct, for they were sensible that, without his care for them, their affairs could not be in a good condition; and he caused the host to remove, and he went further into the wilderness, as intending there to let them rest, and not to permit them to fight the Canaanites before God should afford them a more favorable opportunity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Sedition Of Corah And Of The Multitude Against Moses, And Against His Brother, Concerning The Priesthood. </i><br>1. That which is usually the case of great armies, and especially upon ill success, to be hard to be pleased, and governed with difficulty, did now befall the Jews; for they being in number six hundred thousand, and by reason of their great multitude not readily subject to their governors, even in prosperity, they at this time were more than usually angry, both against one another and against their leader, because of the distress they were in, and the calamities they then endured. Such a sedition overtook them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their ruin; but, notwithstanding the indignities they had offered their legislator and the laws, and disobedience to the commandments which he had sent them by Moses, he delivered them from those terrible calamities which, without his providential care, had been brought upon them by this sedition. So I will first explain the cause whence this sedition arose, and then will give an account of the sedition itself; as also of what settlements made for their government after it was over.",
+                    "2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account, both by his family and by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity, and was at it, and envied him on that account, (he of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him,) was particularly grieved, because he thought he better deserved that honorable post on account of great riches, and not inferior to him in his birth. So he raised a clamor against him among the Levites, who were of the same tribe, and among his kindred, saying, \"That it was a very sad thing that they should overlook Moses, while hunted after and paved the way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should obtain it, under the pretense of God's command, while, contrary to laws, he had given the priesthood to Aaron, the common suffrage of the multitude, but by his own vote, as bestowing dignities in a way on whom he pleased.\" He added, \"That this concealed way of imposing on them was harder to be borne than if it had been done by an open force upon them, because he did now not only their power without their consent, but even they were unapprised of his contrivances against them; for whosoever is conscious to himself that he deserves any dignity, aims to get it by persuasion, and not by an arrogant method of violence; those that believe it impossible to obtain honors justly, make a show of goodness, and do not introduce force, but by cunning tricks grow wickedly powerful. That it was proper for the multitude to punish such men, even while they think themselves concealed in their designs, and not suffer them to gain strength till they have them for their open enemies. For what account,\" added he, \"is Moses able to give, why he has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and his sons? for if God had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest be, that of Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their great wealth also.\"",
+                    "3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a mind to appear to take care of the public welfare, but in reality he was endeavoring to procure to have that dignity transferred by the multitude to himself. Thus did he, out of a malignant design, but with discourse to those of his own tribe; when these words did gradually spread to more people, and when the hearers still added to what tended to the scandals that were cast upon the whole army was full of them. Now of those that conspired with Corah, there were two hundred and fifty, and those of the principal men also, who were eager to have the priesthood taken away from Moses's brother, and to bring him into disgrace: nay, the multitude themselves were provoked to be seditious, and attempted to stone Moses, wad gathered themselves together after an indecent manner, with confusion and disorder. And now all were, in a tumultuous manner, raising a before the tabernacle of God, to prosecute the tyrant, and to relieve the multitude from their slavery under him who, under color of the Divine laid violent injunctions upon them; for had it been God who chose one that was to the office of a priest, he would have raised person to that dignity, and would not produced such a one as was inferior to many others nor have given him that office; and that in he had judged it fit to bestow it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to the multitude to bestow it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his own brother.",
+                    "4. Now although Moses had a great while ago foreseen this calumny of Corah, and had seen the people were irritated, yet was he not affrighted at it; but being of good courage, because given them right advice about their affairs, and knowing that his brother had been made partaker of the priesthood at the command of God, and not by his own favor to him, he came to the assembly; and as for the multitude, he said not a word to them, but spake as loud to Corah as he could; and being very skillful in making speeches, and having this natural talent, among others, that he could greatly move the multitude with his discourses, he said, \"O Corah, both thou and all these with thee (pointing to the two hundred and fifty men) seem to be worthy of this honor; nor do I pretend but that this whole company may be worthy of the like dignity, although they may not be so rich or so great as you are: nor have I taken and given this office to my brother because he excelled others in riches, for thou exceedest us both in the greatness of thy wealth; (1) nor indeed because he was of an eminent family, for God, by giving us the same common ancestor, has made our families equal: nay, nor was it out of brotherly affection, which another might yet have justly done; for certainly, unless I had bestowed this honor out of regard to God, and to his laws, I had not passed by myself, and given it to another, as being nearer of kin to myself than to my brother, and having a closer intimacy with myself than I have with him; for surely it would not be a wise thing for me to expose myself to the dangers of offending, and to bestow the happy employment on this account upon another. But I am above such base practices: nor would God have overlooked this matter, and seen himself thus despised; nor would he have suffered you to be ignorant of what you were to do, in order to please him; but he hath himself chosen one that is to perform that sacred office to him, and thereby freed us from that care. So that it was not a thing that I pretend to give, but only according to the determination of God; I therefore propose it still to be contended for by such as please to put in for it, only desiring that he who has been already preferred, and has already obtained it, may be allowed now also to offer himself for a candidate. He prefers your peace, and your living without sedition, to this honorable employment, although in truth it was with your approbation that he obtained it; for though God were the donor, yet do we not offend when we think fit to accept it with your good-will; yet would it have been an instance of impiety not to have taken that honorable employment when he offered it; nay, it had been exceedingly unreasonable, when God had thought fit any one should have it for all time to come, and had made it secure and firm to him, to have refused it. However, he himself will judge again who it shall be whom he would have to offer sacrifices to him, and to have the direction of matters of religion; for it is absurd that Corah, who is ambitious of this honor, should deprive God of the power of giving it to whom he pleases. Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and disturbance on this account; and tomorrow morning do every one of you that desire the priesthood bring a censer from home, and come hither with incense and fire: and do thou, O Corah, leave the judgment to God, and await to see on which side he will give his determination upon this occasion, but do not thou make thyself greater than God. Do thou also come, that this contest about this honorable employment may receive determination. And I suppose we may admit Aaron without offense, to offer himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the same lineage with thyself, and has done nothing in his priesthood that can be liable to exception. Come ye therefore together, and offer your incense in public before all the people; and when you offer it, he whose sacrifice God shall accept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron, as if I had granted him that favor because he was my brother.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Those That Stirred Up This Sedition Were Destroyed, According To The Will Of God; And How Aaron, Moses's Brother Both He And His Posterity, Retained The Priesthood. </i><br>1. When Moses had said this, the multitude left off the turbulent behavior they had indulged, and the suspicion they had of Moses, and commended what he had said; for those proposals were good, and were so esteemed of the people. At that time therefore they dissolved the assembly. But on the next day they came to the congregation, in order to be present at the sacrifice, and at the determination that was to be made between the candidates for the priesthood. Now this congregation proved a turbulent one, and the multitude were in great suspense in expectation of what was to be done; for some of them would have been pleased if Moses had been convicted of evil practices, but the wiser sort desired that they might be delivered from the present disorder and disturbance; for they were afraid, that if this sedition went on, the good order of their settlement would rather be destroyed; but the whole body of the people do naturally delight in clamors against their governors, and, by changing their opinions upon the harangues of every speaker, disturb the public tranquillity. And now Moses sent messengers for Abiram and Dathan, and ordered them to come to the assembly, and wait there for the holy offices that were to be performed. But they answered the messenger, that they would not obey his summons; nay, would not overlook Moses's behavior, who was growing too great for them by evil practices. Now when Moses heard of this their answer, he desired the heads of the people to follow him, and he went to the faction of Dathan, not thinking it any frightful thing at all to go to these insolent people; so they made no opposition, but went along with him. But Dathan, and his associates, when they understood that Moses and the principal of the people were coming to them, came out, with their wives and children, and stood before their tents, and looked to see what Moses would do. They had also their servants about them to defend themselves, in case Moses should use force against them.",
+                    "2. But he came near, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried out with a loud voice, in order to be heard by the whole multitude, and said, \"O Lord of the creatures that are in the heaven, in the earth, and in the sea; for thou art the most authentic witness to what I have done, that it has all been done by thy appointment, and that it was thou that affordedst us assistance when we attempted any thing, and showedst mercy on the Hebrews in all their distresses; do thou come now, and hear all that I say, for no action or thought escapes thy knowledge; so that thou wilt not disdain to speak what is true, for my vindication, without any regard to the ungrateful imputations of these men. As for what was done before I was born, thou knowest best, as not learning them by report, but seeing them, and being present with them when they were done; but for what has been done of late, and which these men, although they know them well enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be thou my witness. When I lived a private quiet life, I left those good things which, by my own diligence, and by thy counsel, I enjoyed with Raguel my father-in-law; and I gave myself up to this people, and underwent many miseries on their account. I also bore great labors at first, in order to obtain liberty for them, and now in order to their preservation; and have always showed myself ready to assist them in every distress of theirs. Now, therefore, since I am suspected by those very men whose being is owing to my labors, come thou, as it is reasonable to hope thou wilt; thou, I say, who showedst me that fire at mount Sinai, and madest me to hear its voice, and to see the several wonders which that place afforded thou who commandedst me to go to Egypt, and declare thy will to this people; thou who disturbest the happy estate of the Egyptians, and gavest us the opportunity of flying away from our under them, and madest the dominion of Pharaoh inferior to my dominion; thou who didst make the sea dry land for us, when we knew not whither to go, and didst overwhelm the Egyptians with those destructive waves which had been divided for us; thou who didst bestow upon us the security of weapons when we were naked; thou who didst make the fountains that were corrupted to flow, so as to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us with water that came out of the rocks, when we were in want of it; thou who didst preserve our lives with [quails, which was] food from the sea, when the fruits of the ground failed us; thou didst send us such food from heaven as had never been seen before; thou who didst suggest to us the knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a of government, - come thou, I say, O Lord of the whole world, and that as such a Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be bribed, and show how I never admitted of any gift against justice from any of the Hebrews; and have never condemned a man that ought to have been acquitted, on account of one that was rich; and have never attempted to hurt this commonwealth. I am now and am suspected of a thing the remotest from my intentions, as if I had given the preisthood to Aaron, not at thy command, but out own favor to him; do thou at this time demonstrate that all things are administered by thy providence and that nothing happens by chance, but is governed by thy will, and thereby attains its end: as also demonstrate that thou takest care that have done good to the Hebrews; demonstrate this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and Dathan, who condemn thee as an insensible Being, and one overcome by my contrivances. This thou do by inflicting such an open punishment on these men who so madly fly in the face of thy glory, as will take them out of the world, not in an manner, but so that it may appear they do die after the manner of other men: let that ground which they tread upon open about them and consume them, with their families and goods. This will be a demonstration of thy power to all and this method of their sufferings will be an instruction of wisdom for those that entertain profane sentiments of thee. By this means I shall be a good servant, in the precepts thou hast given by me. But if the calumnies they have raised against me be true, mayst thou preserve these men from every evil accident, and bring all that destruction on me which I have imprecated upon them. And when thou hast inflicted punishment on those that have endeavored to deal unjustly with this people, bestow upon them concord and peace. Save this multitude that follow thy commandments, and preserve them free from harm, and let them not partake of the punishment of those that have sinned; for thou knowest thyself it is not just, that for the wickedness of those men the whole body of the Israelites should suffer punishment.\"",
+                    "3. When Moses had said this, with tears in his eyes, the ground was moved on a sudden; and the agitation that set it in motion was like that which the wind produces in waves of the sea. The people were all aftrighted; and the ground that was about their tents sunk down at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious into itself, who so entirely perished, that there was not the least appearance that any man had ever been seen there, the earth that had opened itself about them, closing again, and becoming entire as it was before, insomuch that such as saw it afterward did not perceive that any such accident had happened to it. Thus did these men perish, and become a demonstration of the power of God. And truly, any one would lament them, not only on account of this calamity that befell them, which yet deserves our commiseration, but also because their kindred were pleased with their sufferings; for they forgot the relation they bare to them, and at the sight of this sad accident approved of the judgment given against them; and because they looked upon the people about Dathan as pestilent men, they thought they perished as such, and did not grieve for them.",
+                    "4. And now Moses called for those that contended about the priesthood, that trial might be made who should be priest, and that he whose sacrifice God was best pleased with might be ordained to that function. There attended two hundred and fifty men, who indeed were honored by the people, not only on account of the power of their ancestors, but also on account of their own, in which they excelled the others: Aaron also and Corah came forth, and they all offered incense, in those censers of theirs which they brought with them, before the tabernacle. Hereupon so great a fire shone out as no one ever saw in any that is made by the hand of man, neither in those eruptions out of the earth that are caused by subterraneous burn-rags, nor in such fires as arise of their own accord in the woods, when the agitation is caused by the trees rubbing one against another: but this fire was very bright, and had a terrible flame, such as is kindled at the command of God; by whose irruption on them, all the company, and Corah himself, were destroyed, (2) and this so entirely, that their very bodies left no remains behind them. Aaron alone was preserved, and not at all hurt by the fire, because it was God that sent the fire to burn those only who ought to be burned. Hereupon Moses, after these men were destroyed, was desirous that the memory of this judgment might be delivered down to posterity, and that future ages might be acquainted with it; and so he commanded Eleazar, the son of Aaron, to put their censers near the brazen altar, that they might be a memorial to posterity of what these men suffered, for supposing that the power of God might be eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer esteemed to have the priesthood by the favor of Moses, but by the public judgment of God; and thus he and his children peaceably enjoyed that honor afterward."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Happened To The Hebrews During Thirty-Eight Years In The Wilderness. </i><br>1. However, this sedition was so far from ceasing upon this destruction, that it grew much stronger, and became more intolerable. And the occasion of its growing worse was of that nature, as made it likely the calamity would never cease, but last for a long time; for the men, believing already that nothing is done without the providence of God, would have it that these things came thus to pass not without God's favor to Moses; they therefore laid the blame upon him that God was so angry, and that this happened not so much because of the wickedness of those that were punished, as because Moses procured the punishment; and that these men had been destroyed without any sin of theirs, only because they were zealous about the Divine worship; as also, that he who had been the cause of this diminution of the people, by destroying so many men, and those the most excellent of them all, besides his escaping any punishment himself, had now given the priesthood to his brother so firmly, that nobody could any longer dispute it with him; for no one else, to be sure, could now put in for it, since he must have seen those that first did so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides this, the kindred of those that were destroyed made great entreaties to the multitude to abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would be safest for them so to do.",
+                    "2. Now Moses, upon his hearing for a good while that the people were tumultuous, was afraid that they would attempt some other innovation, and that some great and sad calamity would be the consequence. He called the multitude to a congregation, and patiently heard what apology they had to make for themselves, without opposing them, and this lest he should imbitter the multitude: he only desired the heads of the tribes to bring their rods, (3) with the names of their tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should receive the priesthood in whose rod God should give a sign. This was agreed to. So the rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also, who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod. These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of God. On the next day he brought out the rods, which were known from one another by those who brought them, they having distinctly noted them, as had the multitude also; and as to the rest, in the same form Moses had received them, in that they saw them still; but they also saw buds and branches grown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits upon them; they were almonds, the rod having been cut out of that tree. The people were so amazed at this strange sight, that though Moses and Aaron were before under some degree of hatred, they now laid that hatred aside, and began to admire the judgment of God concerning them; so that hereafter they applauded what God had decreed, and permitted Aaron to enjoy the priesthood peaceably. And thus God ordained him priest three several times, and he retained that honor without further disturbance. And hereby this sedition of the Hebrews, which had been a great one, and had lasted a great while, was at last composed.",
+                    "3. And now Moses, because the tribe of Levi was made free from war and warlike expeditions, and was set apart for the Divine worship, lest they should want and seek after the necessaries of life, and so neglect the temple, commanded the Hebrews, according to the will of God, that when they should gain the possession of the land of Canaan, they should assign forty-eight good and fair cities to the Levites; and permit them to enjoy their suburbs, as far as the limit of two thousand cubits would extend from the walls of the city. And besides this, he appointed that the people should pay the tithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites and to the priests. And this is what that tribe receives of the multitude; but I think it necessary to set down what is paid by all, peculiarly to the priests.",
+                    "4. Accordingly he commanded the Levites to yield up to the priests thirteen of their forty-eight cities, and to set apart for them the tenth part of the tithes which they every year receive of the people; as also, that it was but just to offer to God the first-fruits of the entire product of the ground; and that they should offer the first-born of those four-footed beasts that are appointed for sacrifices, if it be a male, to the priests, to be slain, that they and their entire families may eat them in the holy city; but that the owners of those first-born which are not appointed for sacrifices in the laws of our country, should bring a shekel and a half in their stead: but for the first-born of a man, five shekels: that they should also have the first-fruits out of the shearing of the sheep; and that when any baked bread corn, and made loaves of it, they should give somewhat of what they had baked to them. Moreover, when any have made a sacred vow, I mean those that are called Nazarites, that suffer their hair to grow long, and use no wine, when they consecrate their hair, (4) and offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot that hair for the priests [to be thrown into the fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to God, as a corban, which denotes what the Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of being freed from that ministration, are to lay down money for the priests; thirty shekels if it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man; but if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum, it shall be lawful for the priests to determine that sum as they think fit. And if any slay beasts at home for a private festival, but not for a religious one, they are obliged to bring the maw and the cheek, [or breast,] and the right shoulder of the sacrifice, to the priests. With these Moses contrived that the priests should be plentifully maintained, besides what they had out of those offerings for sins which the people gave them, as I have set it down in the foregoing book. He also ordered, that out of every thing allotted for the priests, their servants, [their sons,] their daughters, and their wives, should partake, as well as themselves, excepting what came to them out of the sacrifices that were offered for sins; for of those none but the males of the family of the priests might eat, and this in the temple also, and that the same day they were offered.",
+                    "5. When Moses had made these constitutions, after the sedition was over, he removed, together with the whole army, and came to the borders of Idumea. He then sent ambassadors to the king of the Idumeans, and desired him to give him a passage through his country; and agreed to send him what hostages he should desire, to secure him from an injury. He desired him also, that he would allow his army liberty to buy provisions; and, if he insisted upon it, he would pay down a price for the very water they should drink. But the king was not pleased with this embassage from Moses: nor did he allow a passage for the army, but brought his people armed to meet Moses, and to hinder them, in case they should endeavor to force their passage. Upon which Moses consulted God by the oracle, who would not have him begin the war first; and so he withdrew his forces, and traveled round about through the wilderness.",
+                    "6. Then it was that Miriam, the sister of Moses, came to her end, having completed her fortieth year (5) since she left Egypt, on the first (6) day of the lunar month Xanthicus. They then made a public funeral for her, at a great expense. She was buried upon a certain mountain, which they call Sin: and when they had mourned for her thirty days, Moses purified the people after this manner: He brought a heifer that had never been used to the plough or to husbandry, that was complete in all its parts, and entirely of a red color, at a little distance from the camp, into a place perfectly clean. This heifer was slain by the high priest, and her blood sprinkled with his finger seven times before the tabernacle of God; after this, the entire heifer was burnt in that state, together with its skin and entrails; and they threw cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet wool, into the midst of the fire; then a clean man gathered all her ashes together, and laid them in a place perfectly clean. When therefore any persons were defiled by a dead body, they put a little of these ashes into spring water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these ashes in it, they sprinkled them with it, both on the third day, and on the seventh, and after that they were clean. This he enjoined them to do also when the tribes should come into their own land.",
+                    "7. Now when this purification, which their leader made upon the mourning for his sister, as it has been now described, was over, he caused the army to remove and to march through the wilderness and through Arabia; and when he came to a place which the Arabians esteem their metropolis, which was formerly called Arce, but has now the name of Petra, at this place, which was encompassed with high mountains, Aaron went up one of them in the sight of the whole army, Moses having before told him that he was to die, for this place was over against them. He put off his pontifical garments, and delivered them to Eleazar his son, to whom the high priesthood belonged, because he was the elder brother; and died while the multitude looked upon him. He died in the same year wherein he lost his sister, having lived in all a hundred twenty and three years. He died on the first day of that lunar month which is called by the Athenians Hecatombaeon, by the Macedonians Lous, but by the Hebrews Abba."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Conquered Sihon And Og Kings Of The Amorites, And Destroyed Their Whole Army And Then Divided Their Land By Lot To Two Tribes And A Half Of The Hebrews. </i><br>1. The people mourned for Aaron thirty days, and when this mourning was over, Moses removed the army from that place, and came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out of the mountains of Arabia, and running through all that wilderness, falls into the lake Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit between the land of the Moabites and the land of the Amorites. This land is fruitful, and sufficient to maintain a great number of men, with the good things it produces. Moses therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the king of this country, desiring that he would grant his army a passage, upon what security he should please to require; he promised that he should be no way injured, neither as to that country which Sihon governed, nor as to its inhabitants; and that he would buy his provisions at such a price as should be to their advantage, even though he should desire to sell them their very water. But Sihon refused his offer, and put his army into battle array, and was preparing every thing in order to hinder their passing over Arnon.",
+                    "2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king was disposed to enter upon hostilities with them, he thought he ought not to bear that insult; and, determining to wean the Hebrews from their indolent temper, and prevent the disorders which arose thence, which had been the occasion of their former sedition, (nor indeed were they now thoroughly easy in their minds,) he inquired of God, whether he would give him leave to fight? which when he had done, and God also promised him the victory, he was himself very courageous, and ready to proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encouraged the soldiers; and he desired of them that they would take the pleasure of fighting, now God gave them leave so to do. They then, upon the receipt of this permission, which they so much longed for, put on their whole armor, and set about the work without delay. But the Amorite king was not now like to himself when the Hebrews were ready to attack him; but both he himself was affrighted at the Hebrews, and his army, which before had showed themselves to be of good courage, were then found to be timorous: so they could not sustain the first onset, nor bear up against the Hebrews, but fled away, as thinking this would afford them a more likely way for their escape than fighting, for they depended upon their cities, which were strong, from which yet they reaped no advantage when they were forced to fly to them; for as soon as the Hebrews saw them giving ground, they immediately pursued them close; and when they had broken their ranks, they greatly terrified them, and some of them broke off from the rest, and ran away to the cities. Now the Hebrews pursued them briskly, and obstinately persevered in the labors they had already undergone; and being very skillful in slinging, and very dexterous in throwing of darts, or any thing else of that kind, and also having nothing but light armor, which made them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their enemies; and for those that were most remote, and could not be overtaken, they reached them by their slings and their bows, so that many were slain; and those that escaped the slaughter were sorely wounded, and these were more distressed with thirst than with any of those that fought against them, for it was the summer season; and when the greatest number of them were brought down to the river out of a desire to drink, as also when others fled away by troops, the Hebrews came round them, and shot at them; so that, what with darts and what with arrows, they made a slaughter of them all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the Hebrews spoiled the dead bodies, and took their prey. The land also which they took was full of abundance of fruits, and the army went all over it without fear, and fed their cattle upon it; and they took the enemies prisoners, for they could no way put a stop to them, since all the fighting men were destroyed. Such was the destruction which overtook the Amorites, who were neither sagacious in counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupon the Hebrews took possession of their land, which is a country situate between three rivers, and naturally resembled an island: the river Arnon being its southern ; the river Jabbok determining its northern side, which running into Jordan loses its own name, and takes the other; while Jordan itself runs along by it, on its western coast.",
+                    "3. When matters were come to this state, Og, the king of Gilead and Gaulanitis, fell upon the Israelites. He brought an army with him, and in haste to the assistance of his friend Sihon: but though he found him already slain, yet did he resolve still to come and fight the Hebrews, supposing he should be too hard for them, and being desirous to try their valor; but failing of his hope, he was both himself slain in the battle, and all his army was destroyed. So Moses passed over the river Jabbok, and overran the kingdom of Og. He overthrew their cities, and slew all their inhabitants, who yet exceeded in riches all the men in that part of the continent, on account of the goodness of the soil, and the great quantity of their wealth. Now Og had very few equals, either in the largeness of his body, or handsomeness of his appearance. He was also a man of great activity in the use of his hands, so that his actions were not unequal to the vast largeness and handsome appearance of his body. And men could easily guess at his strength and magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath, the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure was of iron, its breadth four cubits, and its length a cubit more than double thereto. However, his fall did not only improve the circumstances of the Hebrews for the present, but by his death he was the occasion of further good success to them; for they presently took those sixty cities, which were encompassed with excellent walls, and had been subject to him, and all got both in general and in particular a great prey."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Balaam The Prophet And What Kind Of Man He Was. </i><br>1. Now Moses, when he had brought his army to Jordan; pitched his camp in the great plain over against Jericho. This city is a very happy situation, and very fit for producing palm-trees and balsam. And now the Israelites began to be very proud of themselves, and were very eager for fighting. Moses then, after he had offered for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the people, sent a party of armed men to lay waste the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities. Now the occasion which he took for making war upon them was this that follows :--",
+                    "2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his ancestors a friendship and league with the Midianites, saw how great the Israelites were grown, he was much affrighted on account of his own and his kingdom's danger; for he was not acquainted with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle with any other country, but were to be contented with the possession of the land of Canaan, God having forbidden them to go any farther (7) So he, with more haste than wisdom, resolved to make an attempt upon them by words; but he did not judge it prudent to fight against them, after they had such prosperous successes, and even became out of ill successes more happy than before, but he thought to hinder them, if he could, from growing greater, and so he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites about them. Now these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and one that was in friendship with them, sent some of their honorable princes along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet to come to them, that he might imprecate curses to the destruction of the Israelites. So Balsam received the ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when he had supped, he inquired what was God's will, and what this matter was for which the Midianites entreated him to come to them. But when God opposed his going, he came to the ambassadors, and told them that he was himself very willing and desirous to comply with their request, but informed them that God was opposite to his intentions, even that God who had raised him to great reputation on account of the truth of his predictions; for that this army, which they entreated him to come and curse, was in the favor of God; on which account he advised them to go home again, and not to persist in their enmity against the Israelites; and when he had given them that answer, he dismissed the ambassadors.",
+                    "3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest request and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring to gratify the men, inquired again of God; but he was displeased at [second] trial (8) and bid him by no means to contradict the ambassadors. Now Balsam did not imagine that God gave this injunction in order to deceive him, so he went along with the ambassadors; but when the divine angel met him in the way, when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall on both sides, the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the walls, without regard to the stripes which Balaam, when he was hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass, upon the angel's continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which were given her, fell down, by the will of God, she made use of the voice of a man, and complained of Balaam as acting unjustly to her; that whereas he had no fault find with her in her former service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon her, as not understanding that she was hindered from serving him in what he was now going about, by the providence of God. And when he was disturbed by reason of the voice of the ass, which was that of a man, the angel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes he had given his ass; and informed him that the brute creature was not in fault, but that he was himself come to obstruct his journey, as being contrary to the will of God. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and was preparing to return back again: yet did God excite him to go on his intended journey, but added this injunction, that he should declare nothing but what he himself should suggest to his mind.",
+                    "4. When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when the king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired him to go to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of the camp of the Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain, and brought the prophet along with him, with a royal attendance. This mountain lay over their heads, and was distant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now when he saw them, he desired the king to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls and rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then slew the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offerings, that he might observe some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he, \"Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times of war. May the children of your enemies have an inclination to fight against you; and may they be so hardy as to come to arms, and to assault you in battle, for they will not return with victory, nor will their return be agreeable to their children and wives. To so great a degree of valor will you be raised by the providence of God, who is able to diminish the affluence of some, and to supply the wants of others.\"",
+                    "5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as not being in his own power, but moved to say what he did by the Divine Spirit. But then Balak was displeased, and said he had broken the contract he had made, whereby he was to come, as he and his confederates had invited him, by the promise of great presents: for whereas he came to curse their enemies, he had made an encomium upon them, and had declared that they were the happiest of men. To which Balaam replied, \"O Balak, if thou rightly considerest this whole matter, canst thou suppose that it is in our power to be silent, or to say any thing, when the Spirit of God seizes upon us? - for he puts such words as he pleases in our mouths, and such discourses as we are not ourselves conscious of. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey. It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what you desired of me; but God is more powerful than the purposes I had made to serve you; for those that take upon them to foretell the affairs of mankind, as from their own abilities, are entirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter what God suggests to them, or to offer violence to his will; for when he prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say is our own. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me: but now, because it is my desire to oblige thee thyself, as well as the Midianites, whose entreaties it is not decent for me to reject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that I may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind these men with curses.\" Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would not, even upon second sacrifices, consent to his cursing the Israelites. (9) Then fell Balaam upon his face, and foretold what calamities would befall the several kings of the nations, and the most eminent cities, some of which of old were not so much as inhabited; which events have come to pass among the several people concerned, both in the foregoing ages, and in this, till my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which completion of all these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the rest will have their completion in time to come.",
+                    "6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honor. Whereupon, when he was just upon his journey, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the Midianites, and spake thus to them: - \"O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you will obtain it by following my directions: - Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, (10) and proper to force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them, and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree able. Then do you send them to be near camp, and give them in charge, that the young men of the Hebrews desire their allow it them; and when they see they are enamored of them, let them take leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let give their consent till they have persuaded leave off their obedience to their own laws, the worship of that God who established them to worship the gods of the Midianites and for by this means God will be angry at them (11). Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested counsel to them, he went his way.",
+                    "7. So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the Hebrew men were allured by their beauty, and came with them, and besought them not to grudge them the enjoyment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation. These daughters of Midianites received their words gladly, and consented to it, and staid with them; but when they brought them to be enamored of them, and their inclinations to them were grown to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then it was that these men became greatly disconsolate at the women's departure, and they were urgent with them not to leave them, but begged they would continue there, and become their wives; and they promised them they should be owned as mistresses all they had. This they said with an oath, and called God for the arbitrator of what they promised; and this with tears in their eyes, and all such marks of concern, as might shew how miserable they thought themselves without them, and so might move their compassion for them. So the women, as soon as they perceived they had made their slaves, and had caught them with their conservation began to speak thus to them: -",
+                    "8. \"O you illustrious young men! we have of our own at home, and great plenty of good things there, together with the natural, affectionate parents and friends; nor is it out of our want of any such things that we came to discourse with you; nor did we admit of your invitation with design to prostitute the beauty of our bodies for gain; but taking you for brave and worthy men, we agreed to your request, that we might treat you with such honors as hospitality required: and now seeing you say that you have a great affection for us, and are troubled when you think we are departing, we are not averse to your entreaties; and if we may receive such assurance of your good-will as we think can be alone sufficient, we will be glad to lead our lives with you as your wives; but we are afraid that you will in time be weary of our company, and will then abuse us, and send us back to our parents, after an ignominious manner.\" And they desired that they would excuse them in their guarding against that danger. But the young men professed they would give them any assurance they should desire; nor did they at all contradict what they requested, so great was the passion they had for them. \"If then,\" said they, \"this be your resolution, since you make use of such customs and conduct of life as are entirely different from all other men, (12) insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to yourselves, and your kinds of drink not common to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if you would have us for your wives, that you do withal worship our gods. Nor can there be any other demonstration of the kindness which you say you already have, and promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the same gods that we do. For has any one reason to complain, that now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to all men, and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves.\" So they said they must either come into such methods of divine worship as all others came into, or else they must look out for another world, wherein they may live by themselves, according to their own laws.",
+                    "9. Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for these women to think they spake very well; so they gave themselves up to what they persuaded them, and transgressed their own laws, and supposing there were many gods, and resolving that they would sacrifice to them according to the laws of that country which ordained them, they both were delighted with their strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would have them do, though in contradiction to their own laws; so far indeed that this transgression was already gone through the whole army of the young men, and they fell into a sedition that was much worse than the former, and into danger of the entire abolition of their own institutions; for when once the youth had tasted of these strange customs, they went with insatiable inclinations into them; and even where some of the principal men were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they also were corrupted together with the rest.",
+                    "10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon accompanied with Cozbi, a Midianitish women, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of authority in that country; and being desired by his wife to disregard the laws of Moses, and to follow those she was used to, he complied with her, and this both by sacrificing after a manner different from his own, and by taking a stranger to wife. When things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow worse, and called the people to a congregation, but then accused nobody by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by lying concealed, might come to repentance; but he said that they did not do what was either worthy of themselves, or of their fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to the living according to his will; that it was fit they should change their courses while their affairs were still in a good state, and think that to be true fortitude which offers not violence to their laws, but that which resists their lusts. And besides that, he said it was not a reasonable thing, when they had lived soberly in the wilderness, to act madly now when they were in prosperity; and that they ought not to lose, now they have abundance, what they had gained when they had little: - and so did he endeavor, by saying this, to correct the young inert, and to bring them to repentance for what they had done.",
+                    "11. But Zimri arose up after him, and said, \"Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond of, and hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm; otherwise, if things had not been thus, thou hadst often been punished before now, and hadst known that the Hebrews are not easily put upon; but thou shalt not have me one of thy followers in thy tyrannical commands, for thou dost nothing else hitherto, but, under pretense of laws, and of God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of the sweetness of life, which consists in acting according to our own wills, and is the right of free-men, and of those that have no lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the Hebrews then were the Egyptians themselves, as pretending to punish, according to his laws, every one's acting what is most agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest to suffer punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknowledges to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion to have more force than that of all the rest; and what I now do, and think to be right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according to my own sentiments. I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a strange woman, and thou hearest what I do from myself as from one that is free, for truly I did not intend to conceal myself. I also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you do not think it fit to sacrifice; and I think it right to come at truth by inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one man; nor shall any one find cause to rejoice who declares himself to have more authority over my actions than myself.\"",
+                    "12. Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some others had wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out of fear of what might come upon them, and because they saw that their legislator was not willing to bring his insolence before the public any further, or openly to contend with him; for he avoided that, lest many should imitate the impudence of his language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the assembly was dissolved. However, the mischievous attempt had proceeded further, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came to pass on the following occasion: - Phineas, a man in other respects better than the rest of the young men, and also one that surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity of his father, (for he was the son of Eleazar the high priest, and the grandson of [Aaron] Moses's brother,) who was greatly troubled at what was done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on him, before his unworthy behavior should grow stronger by impunity, and in order to prevent this transgression from proceeding further, which would happen if the ringleaders were not punished. He was of so great magnanimity, both in strength of mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous attempt, he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire victory. So he came into Zimri's tent, and slew him with his javelin, and with it he slew Cozbi also, Upon which all those young men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas's boldness, and slew those that were found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Accordingly many of those that had transgressed perished by the magnanimous valor of these young men; and the rest all perished by a plague, which distemper God himself inflicted upon them; so that all those their kindred, who, instead of hindering them from such wicked actions, as they ought to have done, had persuaded them to go on, were esteemed by God as partners in their wickedness, and died. Accordingly there perished out of the army no fewer than fourteen (13) [twenty-four] thousand at this time.",
+                    "13. This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to destroy the Midianites, concerning which expedition we shall speak presently, when we have first related what we have omitted; for it is but just not to pass over our legislator's due encomium, on account of his conduct here, because, although this Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews, and when he was hindered from doing it by Divine Providence, did still suggest that advice to them, by making use of which our enemies had well nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them were deeply infected with their opinions; yet did he do him great honor, by setting down his prophecies in writing. And while it was in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him, and did him the honor to make mention of him on this account. But let every one think of these matters as he pleases."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Fought With The Midianites, And Overcame Them. </i><br>1. Now Moses sent an army against the land of Midian, for the causes forementioned, in all twelve thousand, taking an equal number out of every tribe, and appointed Phineas for their commander; of which Phineas we made mention a little before, as he that had guarded the laws of the Hebrews, and had inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had transgressed them. Now the Midianites perceived beforehand how the Hebrews were coming, and would suddenly be upon them: so they assembled their army together, and fortified the entrances into their country, and there awaited the enemy's coming. When they were come, and they had joined battle with them, an immense multitude of the Midianites fell; nor could they be numbered, they were so very many: and among them fell all their kings, five in number, viz. Evi, Zur, Reba, Hur, and Rekem, who was of the same name with a city, the chief and capital of all Arabia, which is still now so called by the whole Arabian nation, Arecem, from the name of the king that built it; but is by the Greeks called - Petra. Now when the enemies were discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their country, and took a great prey, and destroyed the men that were its inhabitants, together with the women; only they let the virgins alone, as Moses had commanded Phineas to do, who indeed came back, bringing with him an army that had received no harm, and a great deal of prey; fifty-two thousand beeves, seventy-five thousand six hundred sheep, sixty thousand asses, with an immense quantity of gold and silver furniture, which the Midianites made use of in their houses; for they were so wealthy, that they were very luxurious. There were also led captive about thirty-two thousand virgins. (14) So Moses parted the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth part to Eleazar and the two priests, and another fiftieth part to the Levites; and distributed the rest of the prey among the people. After which they lived happily, as having obtained an abundance of good things by their valor, and there being no misfortune that attended them, or hindered their enjoyment of that happiness.",
+                    "2. But Moses was now grown old, and appointed Joshua for his successor, both to receive directions from God as a prophet, and for a commander of the army, if they should at any time stand in need of such a one; and this was done by the command of God, that to him the care of the public should be committed. Now Joshua had been instructed in all those kinds of learning which concerned the laws and God himself, and Moses had been his instructor.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that the two tribes of Gad and Reuben, and the half tribe of Manasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as well as in all other kinds of prosperity; whence they had a meeting, and in a body came and besought Moses to give them, as their peculiar portion, that land of the Amorites which they had taken by right of war, because it was fruitful, and good for feeding of cattle; but Moses, supposing that they were afraid of fighting with the Canaanites, and invented this provision for their cattle as a handsome excuse for avoiding that war, he called them arrant cowards, and said they had only contrived a decent excuse for that cowardice; and that they had a mind to live in luxury and ease, while all the rest were laboring with great pains to obtain the land they were desirous to have; and that they were not willing to march along, and undergo the remaining hard service, whereby they were, under the Divine promise, to pass over Jordan, and overcome those our enemies which God had shown them, and so obtain their land. But these tribes, when they saw that Moses was angry with them, and when they could not deny but he had a just cause to be displeased at their petition, made an apology for themselves; and said, that it was not on account of their fear of dangers, nor on account of their laziness, that they made this request to him, but that they might leave the prey they had gotten in places of safety, and thereby might be more expedite, and ready to undergo difficulties, and to fight battles. They added this also, that when they had built cities, wherein they might preserve their children, and wives, and possessions, if he would bestow them upon them, they would go along with the rest of the army. Hereupon Moses was pleased with what they said; so he called for Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua, and the chief of the tribes, and permitted these tribes to possess the land of the Amorites; but upon this condition, that they should join with their kinsmen in the war until all things were settled. Upon which condition they took possession of the country, and built them strong cities, and put into them their children and their wives, and whatsoever else they had that might be an impediment to the labors of their future marches.",
+                    "4. Moses also now built those ten cities which were to be of the number of the forty-eight [for the Levites;]; three of which he allotted to those that slew any person involuntarily, and fled to them; and he assigned the same time for their banishment with that of the life of that high priest under whom the slaughter and flight happened; after which death of the high priest he permitted the slayer to return home. During the time of his exile, the relations of him that was slain may, by this law, kill the manslayer, if they caught him without the bounds of the city to which he fled, though this permission was not granted to any other person. Now the cities which were set apart for this flight were these: Bezer, at the borders of Arabia; Ramoth, of the land of Gilead; and Golan, in the land of Bashan. There were to be also, by Moses's command, three other cities allotted for the habitation of these fugitives out of the cities of the Levites, but not till after they should be in possession of the land of Canaan.",
+                    "5. At this time the chief men of the tribe of Manasseh came to Moses, and informed him that there was an eminent man of their tribe dead, whose name was Zelophehad, who left no male children, but left daughters; and asked him whether these daughters might inherit his land or not. He made this answer, That if they shall marry into their own tribe, they shall carry their estate along with them; but if they dispose of themselves in marriage to men of another tribe, they shall leave their inheritance in their father's tribe. And then it was that Moses ordained, that every one's inheritance should continue in his own tribe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Polity Settled By Moses; And How He Disappeared From Among Mankind. </i><br>1. When forty years were completed, within thirty days, Moses gathered the congregation together near Jordan, where the city Abila now stands, a place full of palm-trees; and all the people being come together, he spake thus to them: -",
+                    "2. \"O you Israelites and fellow soldiers, who have been partners with me in this long and uneasy journey; since it is now the will of God, and the course of old age, at a hundred and twenty, requires it that I should depart out of this life; and since God has forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to you in what remains to be done beyond Jordan; I thought it reasonable not to leave off my endeavors even now for your happiness, but to do my utmost to procure for you the eternal enjoyment of good things, and a memorial for myself, when you shall be in the fruition of great plenty and prosperity. Come, therefore, let me suggest to you by what means you may be happy, and may leave an eternal prosperous possession thereof to your children after you, and then let me thus go out of the world; and I cannot but deserve to be believed by you, both on account of the great things I have already done for you, and because, when souls are about to leave the body, they speak with the sincerest freedom. O children of Israel! there is but one source of happiness for all mankind, the favor of God (15) for he alone is able to give good things to those that deserve them, and to deprive those of them that sin against him; towards whom, if you behave yourselves according to his will, and according to what I, who well understand his mind, do exhort you to, you will both be esteemed blessed, and will be admired by all men; and will never come into misfortunes, nor cease to be happy: you will then preserve the possession of the good things you already have, and will quickly obtain those that you are at present in want of, - only do you be obedient to those whom God would have you to follow. Nor do you prefer any other constitution of government before the laws now given you; neither do you disregard that way of Divine worship which you now have, nor change it for any other form: and if you do this, you will be the most courageous of all men, in undergoing the fatigues of war, and will not be easily conquered by any of your enemies; for while God is present with you to assist you, it is to be expected that you will be able to depise the opposition of all mankind; and great rewards of virtue are proposed for you, if you preserve that virtue through your whole lives. Virtue itself is indeed the principal and the first reward, and after that it bestows abundance of others; so that your exercise of virtue towards other men will make your own lives happy, and render you more glorious than foreigners can be, and procure you an undisputed reputation with posterity. These blessings you will be able to obtain, in case you hearken to and observe those laws which, by Divine revelation, I have ordained for you; that is, in case you withal meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I am going from you myself, rejoicing in the good things you enjoy; and I recommend you to the wise conduct of your law, to the becoming order of your polity, and to the virtues of your commanders, who will take care of what is for your advantage. And that God, who has been till now your Leader, and by whose goodwill I have myself been useful to you, will not put a period now to his providence over you, but as long as you desire to have him your Protector in your pursuits after virtue, so long will you enjoy his care over you. Your high priest also Eleazar, as well as Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your tribes, will go before you, and suggest the best advices to you; by following which advices you will continue to be happy: to whom do you give ear without reluctance, as sensible that all such as know well how to be governed, will also know how to govern, if they be promoted to that authority themselves. And do not you esteem liberty to consist in opposing such directions as your governors think fit to give you for your practice, - as at present indeed you place your liberty in nothing else but abusing your benefactors; which error if you can avoid for the time to come, your affairs will be in a better condition than they have hitherto been. Nor do you ever indulge such a degree of passion in these matters, as you have oftentimes done when you have been very angry at me; for you know that I have been oftener in danger of death from you than from our enemies. What I now put you in mind of, is not done in order to reproach you; for I do not think it proper, now I am going out of the world, to bring this to your remembrance, in order to leave you offended at me, since, at the time when I underwent those hardships from you, I was not angry at you; but I do it in order to make you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that this will be for your security; I mean, that you never be injurious to those that preside over you, even when you are become rich, as you will be to a great degree when you have passed over Jordan, and are in possession of the land of Canaan. Since, when you shall have once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a contempt and disregard of virtue, you will also forfeit the favor of God; and when you have made him your enemy, you will be beaten in war, and will have the land which you possess taken away again from you by your enemies, and this with great reproaches upon your conduct. You will be scattered over the whole world, and will, as slaves, entirely fill both sea and land; and when once you have had the experience of what I now say, you will repent, and remember the laws you have broken, when it is too late. Whence I would advise you, if you intend to preserve these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive when you have conquered them, but to look upon it as for your advantage to destroy them all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste of their manners, and thereby corrupt your own proper institutions. I also do further exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and their groves, and whatsoever temples they have among them, and to burn all such, their nation, and their very memory with fire; for by this means alone the safety of your own happy constitution can be firmly secured to you. And in order to prevent your ignorance of virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature into vice, I have also ordained you laws, by Divine suggestion, and a form of government, which are so good, that if you regularly observe them, you will be esteemed of all men the most happy.\"",
+                    "3. When he had spoken thus, he gave them the laws and the constitution of government written in a book. Upon which the people fell into tears, and appeared already touched with the sense that they should have a great want of their conductor, because they remembered what a number of dangers he had passed through, and what care he had taken of their preservation: they desponded about what would come upon them after he was dead, and thought they should never have another governor like him; and feared that God would then take less care of them when Moses was gone, who used to intercede for them. They also repented of what they had said to him in the wilderness when they were angry, and were in grief on those accounts, insomuch that the whole body of the people fell into tears with such bitterness, that it was past the power of words to comfort them in their affliction. However, Moses gave them some consolation; and by calling them off the thought how worthy he was of their weeping for him, he exhorted them to keep to that form of government he had given them; and then the congregation was dissolved at that time.",
+                    "4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein. Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God's assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon.",
+                    "5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and have leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. Let there be then one city of the land of Canaan, and this situate in the most agreeable place for its goodness, and very eminent in itself, and let it be that which God shall choose for himself by prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein, and one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather together at random; which stones, when they are whited over with mortar, will have a handsome appearance, and be beautiful to the sight. Let the ascent to it be not by steps (16) but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one.",
+                    "6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an ignominious and obscure manner.",
+                    "7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together, for it is a good thing for those that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance will be maintained by thus conversing together, and by seeing and talking with one another, and so renewing the memorials of this union; for if they do not thus converse together continually, they will appear like mere strangers to one another.",
+                    "8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the donor.",
+                    "9. You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who is a harlot (17) for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses of nature; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice to God.",
+                    "10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such; (18) nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god.",
+                    "11. Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone.",
+                    "12. When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city for sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles, let the high priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; and let neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no, nor the servants neither; for it is a good thing that those laws should be engraven in their souls, and preserved in their memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out; for by this means they will not be guilty of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will have a greater authority among them, as foretelling what they will suffer if they break them; and imprinting in their souls by this hearing what they command them to do, that so there may always be within their minds that intention of the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity.",
+                    "13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice every day, both when the day begins and when the hour of sleep comes on, gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also by way of invitation of future favors. They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from God upon their doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their arms; as also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God's readiness to bless them may appear everywhere conspicuous about them. (19)",
+                    "14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, (20) and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. Let those that are chosen to judge in the several cities be had in great honor; and let none be permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among men should procure men's fear and reverence towards God. Let those that judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before all other things, otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. But if these judges be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them, (which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them.",
+                    "15. But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives. But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex (21) Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their soul; since it is probable that they may not speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed to have borne false witness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered.",
+                    "16. If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be not found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the man, and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent inquiry made after the man, and rewards proposed to any one who will discover him; but if still no information can be procured, let the magistrates and senate of those cities that lie near the place in which the murder was committed, assemble together, and measure the distance from the place where the dead body lies; then let the magistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where there is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews of the heifer; then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such horrid act may any more be done in that land. ",
+                    "17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; let him submit to the laws, and esteem God's commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare.",
+                    "18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; since this going beyond limits, and gaining ground upon others, is the occasion of wars and seditions; for those that remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws.",
+                    "19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master's use; but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases.",
+                    "20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them; but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in the union of things that are not in their own nature alike; nor are you to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller things. Nor is any thing to be allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of subversion may creep into the constitution. Nor do the laws neglect small matters, but provide that even those may be managed after an unblamable manner.",
+                    "21. Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is reaped, gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave some handfuls for those that are in want of the necessaries of life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes, let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of their own; for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude of the poor. And God will provide that the land shall more willingly produce what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others also. Nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its production, of this fruit of their labors. Nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of what you have; and this whether they be of your own country or strangers, - as being glad of the opportunity of giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. Nor let those that gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain those whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world according to God's will, and this while the season is at the height, and is hastening away as it pleases God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; for that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates to another, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great superfluities to even these foreigners also. But for him that acts contrary to this law, let him be beaten with forty stripes save one (22) by the public executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a most ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it.",
+                    "22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are to bring every third year a third tithe to be distributed to those that want; (23) to women also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. But as to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. But when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God, that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the tithes [and other dues] according to the laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him, and continue so to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow upon them.",
+                    "23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him not corrupt another man's wife, and marry her, nor grieve her former husband. Nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons themselves, to govern those their affections. And further, no one ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by these means the dispositions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free. If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications (24) to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin to her, defend her If the damsel obtain a sentence in her favor, that she had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any further power at all to put her away, unless she give him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted. But for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an impudent and rash manner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture from his father's kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double portion of his father's substance, for that double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws, - let not this be permitted; for it is unjust that he who is the elder by birth should be deprived of what is due to him, on the father's disposition of his estate, because his mother was not equally regarded by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. However, if a man light on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father of the damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. He that desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause (25) whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. If a woman's husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother's name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance, for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married to the next relation of their former husbands. But if the brother will not marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the family, and to hear him children. And when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, That the woman shall loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his face, and say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. But now, if any man take captive, either a virgin, or one that hath been married, (26) and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that were slain in the battle, that by this means she may give vent to her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath no regard to what is agreeable to her. But when thirty days are past, as the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleases, and have that privilege of a free woman.",
+                    "24. As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not pay them honor, but offer them affronts, either because they are ashamed of them or think themselves wiser than they, - in the first place, let their parents admonish them in words, (for they are by nature of authority sufficient for becoming their judges,) and let them say thus to them: - That they cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they might have children to take care of them in their old age, and might by them have what they then should want. And say further to him, \"That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought time up with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most excellent. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications Of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience.\" Now if the insolence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former errors deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to punishment. But if it happen that these words and instructions, conveyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be useless, then the offender renders the laws implacable enemies to the insolence he has offered his parents; let him therefore be brought forth (27) by these very parents out of the city, with a multitude following him, and there let him be stoned; and when he has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night. And thus it is that we bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried; nor let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment beyond what justice requires.",
+                    "25. Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither usury of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen; but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity towards him.",
+                    "26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who lent them, laying them up, as it were, in their own treasuries, and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want them again. But if they be without shame, and do not restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower's house, and take a pledge himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law. And if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again; but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally showing mercy to the poor. It is also not lawful to take a millstone, nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge, that the debtor, may not be deprived of instruments to get their food withal, and lest they be undone by their necessity.",
+                    "27. Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that is stealing something out of his house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulet is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to pay it.",
+                    "28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have a son by a woman servant in his purchaser's house, and if, on account of his good-will to his master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, let him be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with him his children and wife, and let them be free also.",
+                    "29. If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire after him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where he found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his own profit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself, and appeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another.",
+                    "30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain.",
+                    "31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know them, and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder others' advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.",
+                    "32. In like manner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb.",
+                    "33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment on him that smote him: but if when he is carried home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him not escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended during the time of his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. He that kicks a woman with child, so that the woman miscarry, (28) let him pay a fine in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let money also be given the woman's husband by him that kicked her; but if she die of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the law judging it equitable that life should go for life.",
+                    "34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison (29) that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared.",
+                    "35. He that maimeth any one, let him undergo the like himself, and be deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the other, unless he that is maimed will accept of money instead of it (30) for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of what he hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it, unless he will be more severe.",
+                    "36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn, kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occasion of the ox's having killed a man. But if the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty shekels (31) to the master of him that was slain; but if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them.",
+                    "37. Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any persons from drawing water, but that there may be no danger of falling into them. But if any one's beast fall into such a well or pit thus digged, and not shut up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the owner of the beast. Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing.",
+                    "38. Let him that has received any thing in trust for another, take care to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted it with him of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman; no, not although he or she were to gain an immense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; for it is fit that a man's own conscience, which knows what he hath, should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience be his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. After the same manner as in these trusts it is to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him. And let it be always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man of his wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what he hath labored for.",
+                    "39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commiseration, because they were born of wicked parents, than hatred, because they were born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what they have been instructed in, and this by their proud refusal of such instruction.",
+                    "40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in detestation; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to men for the increase of their kind: let such be driven away, as if they had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure them; for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate, they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals. (32)",
+                    "41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprised beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready when you want them, and may not then be obliged to go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circumstances. May you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize upon it, whereby you may do things that are contrary to your fathers, and so lose the laws which they have established. And may you continue in the observation of those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of warlike operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done out of your own borders: but when you are about to go to war, send embassages and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing to make use of words to them before you come to your weapons of war; and assure them thereby, that although you have a numerous army, with horses and weapons, and, above these, a God merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. And if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them; but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as your supreme Commander, but ordaining for a lieutenant under him one that is of the greatest courage among you; for these different commanders, besides their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a disadvantage to those that make use of them. Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also give leave to those that have lately built them houses, and have not yet lived in them a year's time; and to those that have planted them vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits, - to continue in their own country; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have such an affection for these things that they be too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoyments, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.",
+                    "42. When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do nothing that is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and want timber for the making of warlike engines, do not you render the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were made for the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were able, remove themselves into another land. When you have beaten your enemies in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but preserve the others alive, that they may pay you tribute, excepting the nation of the Canaanites; for as to that people, you must entirely destroy them.",
+                    "43, Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman.",
+                    "44. This was the form of political government which was left us by Moses. Moreover, he had already delivered laws in writing (33) in the fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt], concerning which we will discourse in another book. But now on the following days (for he called them to assemble continually) he delivered blessings to them, and curses upon those that should not live according to the laws, but should transgress the duties that were determined for them to observe. After this, he read to them a poetic song, which was composed in hexameter verse, and left it to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was to come to pass afterward; agreeably whereto all things have happened all along, and do still happen to us; and wherein he has not at all deviated from the truth. Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, (34) with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they were in the wilderness; and that when they had got possession of the land of the Canaanites, and when they had destroyed the whole multitude of its inhabitants, as they ought to do, they should erect an altar that should face the rising sun, not far from the city of Shechem, between the two mountains, that of Gerizzim, situate on the right hand, and that called Ebal, on the left; and that the army should be so divided, that six tribes should stand upon each of the two mountains, and with them the Levites and the priests. And that first, those that were upon Mount Gerizzim should pray for the best blessings upon those who were diligent about the worship of God, and the observation of his laws, and who did not reject what Moses had said to them; while the other wished them all manner of happiness also; and when these last put up the like prayers, the former praised them. After this, curses were denounced upon those that should transgress those laws, they, answering one another alternately, by way of confirmation of what had been said. Moses also wrote their blessings and their curses, that they might learn them so thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten by length of time. And when he was ready to die, he wrote these blessings and curses upon the altar, on each side of it; where he says also the people stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-offerings, though after that day they never offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was not lawful so to do. These are the constitutions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still live according to them.",
+                    "45. On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the women and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were present also, that they might engage themselves to the observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favor of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and so might transgress them. That in case any one of their own blood, or any city, should attempt to confound or dissolve their constitution of government, they should take vengeance upon them, both all in general, and each person in particular; and when they had conquered them, should overturn their city to the very foundations, and, if possible, should not leave the least footsteps of such madness: but that if they were not able to take such vengeance, they should still demonstrate that what was done was contrary to their wills. So the multitude bound themselves by oath so to do.",
+                    "46. Moses taught them also by what means their sacrifices might be the most acceptable to God; and how they should go forth to war, making use of the stones (in the high priest's breastplate) for their direction, (35) as I have before signified. Joshua also prophesied while Moses was present. And when Moses had recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the preservation of the people, both in their wars and in peace, and had composed them a body of laws, and procured them an excellent form of government, he foretold, as God had declared to him \"That if they transgressed that institution for the worship of God, they should experience the following miseries: - Their land should be full of weapons of war from their enemies, and their cities should be overthrown, and their temple should be burnt that they should be sold for slaves, to such men as would have no pity on them in their afflictions; that they would then repent, when that repentance would no way profit them under their sufferings. \"Yet,\" said he, \"will that God who founded your nation, restore your cities to your citizens, with their temple also; and you shall lose these advantages not once only, but often.\"",
+                    "47. Now when Moses had encouraged Joshua to lead out the army against the Canaanites, by telling him that God would assist him in all his undertakings, and had blessed the whole multitude, he said, \"Since I am going to my forefathers, and God has determined that this should be the day of my departure to them, I return him thanks while I am still alive and present with you, for that providence he hath exercised over you, which hath not only delivered us from the miseries we lay under, but hath bestowed a state of prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath assisted me in the pains I took, and in all the contrivances I had in my care about you, in order to better your condition, and hath on all occasions showed himself favorable to us; or rather he it was who first conducted our affairs, and brought them to a happy conclusion, by making use of me as a vicarious general under him, and as a minister in those matters wherein he was willing to do you good: on which account I think it proper to bless that Divine Power which will take care of you for the time to come, and this in order to repay that debt which I owe him, and to leave behind me a memorial that we are obliged to worship and honor him, and to keep those laws which are the most excellent gift of all those he hath already bestowed upon us, or which, if he continue favorable to us, he will bestow upon us hereafter. Certainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy when his laws are affronted, and are made to no purpose. And may you never experience that displeasure of God which will be the consequence of the neglect of these his laws, which he, who is your Creator, hath given you.\"",
+                    "48. When Moses had spoken thus at the end of his life, and had foretold what would befall to every one of their tribes (36) afterward, with the addition of a blessing to them, the multitude fell into tears, insomuch that even the women, by beating their breasts, made manifest the deep concern they had when he was about to die. The children also lamented still more, as not able to contain their grief; and thereby declared, that even at their age they were sensible of his virtue and mighty deeds; and truly there seemed to be a strife betwixt the young and the old who should most grieve for him. The old grieved because they knew what a careful protector they were to be deprived of, and so lamented their future state; but the young grieved, not only for that, but also because it so happened that they were to be left by him before they had well tasted of his virtue. Now one may make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and lamentation of the multitude, from what happened to the legislator himself; for although he was always persuaded that he ought not to be cast down at the approach of death, since the undergoing it was agreeable to the will of God and the law of nature, yet what the people did so overbore him, that he wept himself. Now as he went thence to the place where he was to vanish out of their sight, they all followed after him weeping; but Moses beckoned with his hand to those that were remote from him, and bade them stay behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that were near to him that they would not render his departure so lamentable. Whereupon they thought they ought to grant him that favor, to let him depart according as he himself desired; so they restrained themselves, though weeping still towards one another. All those who accompanied him were the senate, and Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua their commander. Now as soon as they were come to the mountain called Abarim, (which is a very high mountain, situate over against Jericho, and one that affords, to such as are upon it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of Canaan,) he dismissed the senate; and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that, because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God.",
+                    "49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third part of which time, abating one month, he was the people's ruler; and he died on the last month of the year, which is called by the Macedonians Dystrus, but by us Adar, on the first day of the month. He was one that exceeded all men that ever were in understanding, and made the best use of what that understanding suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking and addressing himself to the multitude; and as to his other qualifications, he had such a full command of his passions, as if he hardly had any such in his soul, and only knew them by their names, as rather perceiving them in other men than in himself. He was also such a general of an army as is seldom seen, as well as such a prophet as was never known, and this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pronounced, you would think you heard the voice of God himself. So the people mourned for him thirty days: nor did ever any grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this upon the death of Moses: nor were those that had experienced his conduct the only persons that desired him, but those also that perused the laws he left behind him had a strong desire after him, and by them gathered the extraordinary virtue he was master of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the manner of the death of Moses."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joshua, The Commander Of The Hebrews, Made War With The Canaanites, And Overcame Them, And Destroyed Them, And Divided Their Land By Lot To The Tribes Of Israel.</i><br>1. When Moses was taken away from among men, in the manner already described, and when all the solemnities belonging to the mourning for him were finished, and the sorrow for him was over, Joshua commanded the multitude to get themselves ready for an expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho to discover what forces they had, and what were their intentions; but he put his camp in order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan at a proper season. And calling to him the rulers of the tribe of Reuben, and the governors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half tribe of] Manasseh, for half of this tribe had been permitted to have their habitation in the country of the Amorites, which was the seventh part of the land of Canaan, (1) he put them in mind what they had promised Moses; and he exhorted them that, for the sake of the care that Moses had taken of them who had never been weary of taking pains for them no, not when he was dying, and for the sake of the public welfare, they would prepare themselves, and readily perform what they had promised; so he took fifty thousand of them who followed him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan, sixty furlongs.",
+                    "2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the spies came to him immediately, well acquainted with the whole state of the Canaanites; for at first, before they were at all discovered, they took a full view of the city of Jericho without disturbance, and saw which parts of the walls were strong, and which parts were otherwise, and indeed insecure, and which of the gates were so weak as might afford an entrance to their army. Now those that met them took no notice of them when they saw them, and supposed they were only strangers, who used to be very curious in observing everything in the city, and did not take them for enemies; but at even they retired to a certain inn that was near to the wall, whither they went to eat their supper; which supper when they had done, and were considering how to get away, information was given to the king as he was at supper, that there were some persons come from the Hebrews' camp to view the city as spies, and that they were in the inn kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that they might not be discovered. So he sent immediately some to them, and commanded to catch them, and bring them to him, that he might examine them by torture, and learn what their business was there. As soon as Rahab understood that these messengers were coming, she hid the spies under stalks of flax, which were laid to dry on the top of her house; and said to the messengers that were sent by the king, that certain unknown strangers had supped with her a little before sun-setting, and were gone away, who might easily be taken, if they were any terror to the city, or likely to bring any danger to the king. So these messengers being thus deluded by the woman, (2) and suspecting no imposition, went their ways, without so much as searching the inn; but they immediately pursued them along those roads which they most probably supposed them to have gone, and those particularly which led to the river, but could hear no tidings of them; so they left off the pains of any further pursuit. But when the tumult was over, Rahab brought the men down, and desired them as soon as they should have obtained possession of the land of Canaan, when it would be in their power to make her amends for her preservation of them, to remember what danger she had undergone for their sakes; for that if she had been caught concealing them, she could not have escaped a terrible destruction, she and all her family with her, and so bid them go home; and desired them to swear to her to preserve her and her family when they should take the city, and destroy all its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do; for so far she said she had been assured by those Divine miracles of which she had been informed. So these spies acknowledged that they owed her thanks for what she had done already, and withal swore to requite her kindness, not only in words, but in deeds. But they gave her this advice, That when she should perceive that the city was about to be taken, she should put her goods, and all her family, by way of security, in her inn, and to hang out scarlet threads before her doors, [or windows,] that the commander of the Hebrews might know her house, and take care to do her no harm; for, said they, we will inform him of this matter, because of the concern thou hast had to preserve us: but if any one of thy family fall in the battle, do not thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by whom we have sworn, not then to be displeased with us, as though we had broken our oaths. So these men, when they had made this agreement, went away, letting themselves down by a rope from the wall, and escaped, and came and told their own people whatsoever they had done in their journey to this city. Joshua also told Eleazar the hi gh priest, and the senate, what the spies had sworn to Rahab, who continued what had been sworn.",
+                    "3. Now while Joshua, the commander, was in fear about their passing over Jordan, for the river ran with a strong current, and could not be passed over with bridges, for there never had been bridges laid over it hitherto; and while he suspected, that if he should attempt to make a bridge, that their enemies would not afford him thee to perfect it, and for ferry-boats they had none, - God promised so to dispose of the river, that they might pass over it, and that by taking away the main part of its waters. So Joshua, after two days, caused the army and the whole multitude to pass over in the manner following: - The priests went first of all, having the ark with them; then went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and the vessels which belonged to the sacrifices; after which the entire multitude followed, according to their tribes, having their children and their wives in the midst of them, as being afraid for them, lest they should be borne away by the stream. But as soon as the priests had entered the river first, it appeared fordable, the depth of the water being restrained and the sand appearing at the bottom, because the current was neither so strong nor so swift as to carry it away by its force; so they all passed over the river without fear, finding it to be in the very same state as God had foretold he would put it in; but the priests stood still in the midst of the river till the multitude should be passed over, and should get to the shore in safety; and when all were gone over, the priests came out also, and permitted the current to run freely as it used to do before. Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews were come out of it, arose again presently, and came to its own proper magnitude as before.",
+                    "4. So the Hebrews went on farther fifty furlongs, and pitched their camp at the distance of ten furlongs from Jericho; but Joshua built an altar of those stones which all the heads of the tribes, at the command of the prophets, had taken out of the deep, to be afterwards a memorial of the division of the stream of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice to God; and in that place celebrated the passover, and had great plenty of all the things which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped the corn of the Canaanites, which was now ripe, and took other things as prey; for then it was that their former food, which was manna, and of which they had eaten forty years, failed them.",
+                    "5. Now while the Israelites did this, and the Canaanites did not attack them, but kept themselves quiet within their own walls, Joshua resolved to besiege them; so on the first day of the feast [of the passover], the priests carried the ark round about, with some part of the armed men to be a guard to it. These priests went forward, blowing with their seven trumpets; and exhorted the army to be of good courage, and went round about the city, with the senate following them; and when the priests had only blown with the trumpets, for they did nothing more at all, they returned to the camp. And when they had done this for six days, on the seventh Joshua gathered the armed men and all the people together, and told them these good tidings, That the city should now be taken, since God would on that day give it them, by the falling down of the walls, and this of their own accord, and without their labor. However, he charged them to kill every one they should take, and not to abstain from the slaughter of their enemies, either for weariness or for pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be thereby diverted from pursuing their enemies as they ran away; but to destroy all the animals, and to take nothing for their own peculiar advantage. He commanded them also to bring together all the silver and gold, that it might be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this glorious exploit, as having gotten them from the city they first took; only that they should save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of the oath which the spies had sworn to her.",
+                    "6. When he had said this, and had set his army in order, he brought it against the city: so they went round the city again, the ark going before them, and the priests encouraging the people to be zealous in the work; and when they had gone round it seven times, and had stood still a little, the wall fell down, while no instruments of war, nor any other force, was applied to it by the Hebrews.",
+                    "7. So they entered into Jericho, and slew all the men that were therein, while they were aftrighted at the surprising overthrow of the walls, and their courage was become useless, and they were not able to defend themselves; so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in the ways, and others as caught in their houses; nothing afforded them assistance, but they all perished, even to the women and the children; and the city was filled with dead bodies, and not one person escaped. They also burnt the whole city, and the country about it; but they saved alive Rahab, with her family, who had fled to her inn. And when she was brought to him, Joshua owned to her that they owed her thanks for her preservation of the spies: so he said he would not appear to be behind her in his benefaction to her; whereupon he gave her certain lands immediately, and had her in great esteem ever afterwards.",
+                    "8. And if any part of the city escaped the fire, he overthrew it from the foundation; and he denounced a curse (3)against its inhabitants, if any should desire to rebuild it; how, upon his laying the foundation of the walls, he should be deprived of his eldest son; and upon finishing it, he should lose his youngest son. But what happened hereupon we shall speak of hereafter.",
+                    "9. Now there was an immense quantity of silver and gold, and besides those of brass also, that was heaped together out of the city when it was taken, no one transgressing the decree, nor purloining for their own peculiar advantage; which spoils Joshua delivered to the priests, to be laid up among their treasures. And thus did Jericho perish.",
+                    "10. But there was one Achar, (4) the son [of Charmi, the son] of Zebedias, of the tribe of Judah, who finding a royal garment woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed two hundred shekels; (5) and thinking it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by running some hazard, had found, he must give away, and offer it to God, who stood in no need of it, while he that wanted it must go without it, - made a deep ditch in his own tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing he should not only be concealed from his fellow soldiers, but from God himself also.",
+                    "11. Now the place where Joshua pitched his camp was called Gilgal, which denotes liberty; (6) for since now they had passed over Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed from the miseries which they had undergone from the Egyptians, and in the wilderness.",
+                    "12. Now, a few days after the calamity that befell Jericho, Joshua sent three thousand armed men to take Ai, a city situate above Jericho; but, upon the sight of the people of Ai, with them they were driven back, and lost thirty-six of their men. When this was told the Israelites, it made them very sad, and exceeding disconsolate, not so much because of the relation the men that were destroyed bare to them, though those that were destroyed were all good men, and deserved their esteem, as by the despair it occasioned; for while they believed that they were already, in effect, in possession of the land, and should bring back the army out of the battles without loss, as God had promised beforehand, they now saw unexpectedly their enemies bold with success; so they put sackcloth over their garments, and continued in tears and lamentation all the day, without the least inquiry after food, but laid what had happened greatly to heart.",
+                    "13. When Joshua saw the army so much afflicted, and possessed with forebodings of evil as to their whole expedition, he used freedom with God, and said, \"We are not come thus far out of any rashness of our own, as though we thought ourselves able to subdue this land with our own weapons, but at the instigation of Moses thy servant for this purpose, because thou hast promised us, by many signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for a possession, and that thou wouldst make our army always superior in war to our enemies, and accordingly some success has already attended upon us agreeably to thy promises; but because we have now unexpectedly been foiled, and have lost some men out of our army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what thou hast promised us, and what Moses foretold us, cannot be depended on by us; and our future expectation troubles us the more, because we have met with such a disaster in this our first attempt. But do thou, O Lord, free us from these suspicions, for thou art able to find a cure for these disorders, by giving us victory, which will both take away the grief we are in at present, and prevent our distrust as to what is to come.\"",
+                    "14. These intercessions Joshua put up to God, as he lay prostrate on his face: whereupon God answered him, That he should rise up, and purify his host from the pollution that had got into it; that \"things consecrated to me have been impudently stolen from me,\" and that \"this has been the occasion why this defeat had happened to them;\" and that when they should search out and punish the offender, he would ever take care they should have the victory over their enemies. This Joshua told the people; and calling for Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar; and when the inquiry was made man by man, they took Achar, who, upon God's reducing him to a terrible extremity, could not deny the fact: so he confessed the theft, and produced what he had taken in the midst of them, whereupon he was immediately put to death; and attained no more than to be buried in the night in a disgraceful manner, and such as was suitable to a condemned malefactor.",
+                    "15. When Joshua had thus purified the host, he led them against Ai: and having by night laid an ambush round about the city, he attacked the enemies as soon as it was day; but as they advanced boldly against the Israelites, because of their former victory, he made them believe he retired, and by that means drew them a great way from the city, they still supposing that they were pursuing their enemies, and despised them, as though the case had been the same with that in the former battle; after which Joshua ordered his forces to turn about, and placed them against their front. He then made the signals agreed upon to those that lay in ambush, and so excited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls, nay, others of them being in perplexity, and coming to see those that were without the gates. Accordingly, these men took the city, and slew all that they met with; but Joshua forced those that came against him to come to a close fight, and discomfited them, and made them run away; and when they were driven towards the city, and thought it had not been touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and perceived it was burnt, with their wives and children, they wandered about in the fields in a scattered condition, and were no way able to defend themselves, because they had none to support them. Now when this calamity was come upon the men of Ai, there were a great number of children, and women, and servants, and an immense quantity of other furniture. The Hebrews also took herds of cattle, and a great deal of money, for this was a rich country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal, he divided all these spoils among the soldiers.",
+                    "16. But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very near to Jerusalem, when they saw what miseries had happened to the inhabitants of Jericho; and to those of Ai, and suspected that the like sore calamity would come as far as themselves, they did not think fit to ask for mercy of Joshua; for they supposed they should find little mercy from him, who made war that he might entirely destroy the nation of the Canaanites; but they invited the people of Cephirah and Kiriathjearim, who were their neighbors, to join in league with them; and told them that neither could they themselves avoid the danger they were all in, if the Israelites should prevent them, and seize upon them: so when they had persuaded them, they resolved to endeavor to escape the forces of the Israelites. Accordingly, upon their agreement to what they proposed, they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a league of friendship with him, and those such of the citizens as were best approved of, and most capable of doing what was most advantageous to the multitude. Now these ambassadors thought it dangerous to confess themselves to be Canaanites, but thought they might by this contrivance avoid the danger, namely, by saying that they bare no relation to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at a very great distance from them: and they said further, that they came a long way, on account of the reputation he had gained for his virtue; and as a mark of the truth of what they said, they showed him the habit they were in, for that their clothes were new when they came out, but were greatly worn by the length of thee they had been on their journey; for indeed they took torn garments, on purpose that they might make him believe so. So they stood in the midst of the people, and said that they were sent by the people of Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which were very remote from the land where they now were, to make such a league of friendship with them, and this on such conditions as were customary among their forefathers; for when they understood that, by the favor of God, and his gift to them, they were to have the possession of the land of Canaan bestowed upon them, they said that they were very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted into the number of their citizens. Thus did these ambassadors speak; and showing them the marks of their long journey, they entreated the Hebrews to make a league of friendship with them. Accordingly Joshua, believing what they said, that they were not of the nation of the Canaanites, entered into friendship with them; and Eleazar the high priest, with the senate, sware to them that they would esteem them their friends and associates, and would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the multitude also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. So these men, having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put upon him; but they alleged, on their own behalf, that they had no other way to save themselves but that, and were therefore forced to have recourse to it. So he called for Eleazar the high priest, and for the senate, who thought it right to make them public servants, that they might not break the oath they had made to them; and they ordained them to be so. And this was the method by which these men found safety and security under the calamity that was ready to overtake them.",
+                    "17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to heart that the Gibeonites had gone over to Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the neighboring nations to join together, and make war against them. Now when the Gibeonites saw these kings, which were four, besides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived that they had pitched their camp at a certain fountain not far from their city, and were getting ready for the siege of it, they called upon Joshua to assist them; for such was their case, as to expect to be destroyed by these Canaanites, but to suppose they should be saved by those that came for the destruction of the Canaanites, because of the league of friendship that was between them. Accordingly, Joshua made haste with his whole army to assist them, and marching day and night, in the morning he fell upon the enemies as they were going up to the siege; and when he had discomfited them, he followed them, and pursued them down the descent of the hills. The place is called Bethhoron; where he also understood that God assisted him, which he declared by thunder and thunderbolts, as also by the falling of hail larger than usual. Moreover, it happened that the day was lengthened (7) that the night might not come on too soon, and be an obstruction to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their enemies; insomuch that Joshua took the kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at Makkedah, and put them to death. Now, that the day was lengthened at this thee, and was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the books laid up in the temple. (8)",
+                    "18. These kings which made war with, and were ready to fight the Gibeonites, being thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to the mountainous parts of Canaan; and when he had made a great slaughter of the people there, and took their prey, he came to the camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great fame abroad among the neighboring people of the courage of the Hebrews; and those that heard what a number of men were destroyed, were greatly aftrighted at it: so the kings that lived about Mount Libanus, who were Canaanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in the plain country, with auxiliaries out of the land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at Beroth, a city of the Upper Galilee, not far from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in Galilee. Now the number of the whole army was three hundred thousand armed footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand chariots; so that the multitude of the enemies aftrighted both Joshua himself and the Israelites; and they, instead of being full of hopes of good success, were superstitiously timorous, with the great terror with which they were stricken. Whereupon God upbraided them with the fear they were in, and asked them whether they desired a greater help than he could afford them; and promised them that they should overcome their enemies; and withal charged them to make their enemies' horses useless, and to burn their chariots. So Joshua became full of courage upon these promises of God, and went out suddenly against the enemies; and after five days' march he came upon them, and joined battle with them, and there was a terrible fight, and such a number were slain as could not be believed by those that heard it. He also went on in the pursuit a great way, and destroyed the entire army of the enemies, few only excepted, and all the kings fell in the battle; insomuch, that when there wanted men to be killed, Joshua slew their horses, and burnt their chariots and passed all over their country without opposition, no one daring to meet him in battle; but he still went on, taking their cities by siege, and again killing whatever he took.",
+                    "19. The fifth year was now past, and there was not one of the Canaanites remained any longer, excepting some that had retired to places of great strength. So Joshua removed his camp to the mountainous country, and placed the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for that seemed a fit place for it, because of the beauty of its situation, until such thee as their affairs would permit them to build a temple; and from thence he went to Shechem, together with all the people, and raised an altar where Moses had beforehand directed; then did he divide the army, and placed one half of them on Mount Gerizzim, and the other half on Mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar was; he also placed there the tribe of Levi, and the priests. And when they had sacrificed, and denounced the [blessings and the] curses, and had left them engraven upon the altar, they returned to Shiloh.",
+                    "20. And now Joshua was old, and saw that the cities of the Canaanites were not easily to be taken, not only because they were situate in such strong places, but because of the strength of the walls themselves, which being built round about, the natural strength of the places on which the cities stood, seemed capable of repelling their enemies from besieging them, and of making those enemies despair of taking them; for when the Canaanites had learned that the Israelites came out of Egypt in order to destroy them, they were busy all that time in making their cities strong. So he gathered the people together to a congregation at Shiloh; and when they, with great zeal and haste, were come thither, he observed to them what prosperous successes they had already had, and what glorious things had been done, and those such as were worthy of that God who enabled them to do those things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws which they followed. He took notice also, that thirty-one of those kings that ventured to give them battle were overcome, and every army, how great soever it were, that confided in their own power, and fought with them, was utterly destroyed; so that not so much as any of their posterity remained. And as for the cities, since some of them were taken, but the others must be taken in length of thee, by long sieges, both on account of the strength of their walls, and of the confidence the inhabitants had in them thereby, he thought it reasonable that those tribes that came along with them from beyond Jordan, and had partaken of the dangers they had undergone, being their own kindred, should now be dismissed and sent home, and should have thanks for the pains they had taken together with them. As also, he thought it reasonable that they should send one man out of every tribe, and he such as had the testimony of extraordinary virtue, who should measure the land faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit should inform them of its real magnitude.",
+                    "21. Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken to them, found that the multitude approved of his proposal. So he sent men to measure their country, and sent with them some geometricians, who could not easily fail of knowing the truth, on account of their skill in that art. He also gave them a charge to estimate the measure of that part of the land that was most fruitful, and what was not so good: for such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that one may see large plains, and such as are exceeding fit to produce fruit, which yet, if they were compared to other parts of the country, might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet, if it be compared with the fields about Jericho, and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will appear to be of no account at all; and although it so falls out that these people have but a very little of this sort of land, and that it is, for the main, mountainous also, yet does it not come behind other parts, on account of its exceeding goodness and beauty; for which reason Joshua thought the land for the tribes should be divided by estimation of its goodness, rather than the largeness of its measure, it often happening that one acre of some sort of land was equivalent to a thousand other acres. Now the men that were sent, which were in number ten, traveled all about, and made an estimation of the land, and in the seventh month came to him to the city of Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle.",
+                    "22. So Joshua took both Eleazar and the senate, and with them the heads of the tribes, and distributed the land to the nine tribes, and to the half-tribe of Manasseh, appointing the dimensions to be according to the largeness of each tribe. So when he had cast lots, Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and its breadth extended to the Lake of Sodom. Now in the lot of this tribe there were the cities of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Simeon, which was the second, included that part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot fell so, that its length reached from the river Jordan to the sea, but in breadth it was bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel; and this lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the goodness of the land, for it included Jericho and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim had by lot the land that extended in length from the river Jordan to Gezer; but in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended at the Great Plain. The half-tribe of Manasseh had the land from Jordan to the city of Dora; but its breadth was at Bethsham, which is now called Scythopolis. And after these was Issachar, which had its limits in length, Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit in breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of Zebulon's lot included the land which lay as far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that which belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe of Aser had that part which was called the Valley, for such it was, and all that part which lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce belonged to their share, which is also named Actipus. The Naphthalites received the eastern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of that mountain; that is, out of that part of it whose limits belong to the neighboring city of Arce. The Danites' lot included all that part of the valley which respects the sun-setting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora; as also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of Judah begins.",
+                    "23. After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear the name of the sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed by the nine tribes and a half; for Moses had prevented him, and had already distributed the land of the Amorites, which itself was so called also from one of the sons of Canaan, to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown already. But the parts about Sidon, as also those that belonged to the Arkites, and the Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet regularly disposed of.",
+                    "24. But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he intended to do (as did those that succeeded him in the government, take little care of what was for the advantage of the public); so he gave it in charge to every tribe to leave no remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the land that had been divided to them by lot; that Moses had assured them beforehand, and they might rest fully satisfied about it, that their own security and their observation of their own laws depended wholly upon it. Moreover, he enjoined them to give thirty-eight cities to the Levites, for they had already received ten in the country of the Amorites; and three of these he assigned to those that fled from the man-slayers, who were to inhabit there; for he was very solicitous that nothing should be neglected which Moses had ordained. These cities were, of the tribe of Judah, Hebron; of that of Ephraim, Shechem; and of that of Naphthali, Cadesh, which is a place of the Upper Galilee. He also distributed among them the rest of the prey not yet distributed, which was very great; whereby they had an affluence of great riches, both all in general, and every one in particular; and this of gold and of vestments, and of other furniture, besides a multitude of cattle, whose number could not be told.",
+                    "25. After this was over, he gathered the army together to a congregation, and spake thus to those tribes that had their settlement in the land of the Amorites beyond Jordan, - for fifty thousand of them had armed themselves, and had gone to the war along with them: - \"Since that God, who is the Father and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for a possession, and promised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our own for ever; and since you have with alacrity offered yourselves to assist us when we wanted that assistance on all occasions, according to his command; it is but just, now all our difficulties are over, that you should be permitted to enjoy rest, and that we should trespass on your alacrity to help us no longer; that so, if we should again stand in need of it, we may readily have it on any future emergency, and not tire you out so much now as may make you slower in assisting us another thee. We, therefore, return you our thanks for the dangers you have undergone with us, and we do it not at this thee only, but we shall always be thus disposed; and be so good as to remember our friends, and to preserve in mind what advantages we have had from them; and how you have put off the enjoyments of your own happiness for our sakes, and have labored for what we have now, by the goodwill of God, obtained, and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity till you had afforded us that assistance. However, you have, by joining your labor with ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will carry home with you much prey, with gold and silver, and, what is more than all these, our good-will towards you, and a mind willingly disposed to make a requital of your kindness to us, in what case soever you shall desire it, for you have not omitted any thing which Moses beforehand required of you, nor have you despised him because he was dead and gone from you, so that there is nothing to diminish that gratitude which we owe to you. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your own inheritances; and we entreat you to suppose, that there is no limit to be set to the intimate relation that is between us; and that you will not imagine, because this river is interposed between us, that you are of a different race from us, and not Hebrews; for we are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and it is the same God that brought our forefathers and yours into the world, whose worship and form of government we are to take care of, which he has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because while you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merciful and assisting to you; but if you imitate the other nations, and forsake those laws, he will reject your nation.\" When Joshua had spoken thus, and saluted them all, both those in authority one by one, and the whole multitude in common, he himself staid where he was; but the people conducted those tribes on their journey, and that not without tears in their eyes; and indeed they hardly knew how to part one from the other.",
+                    "26. Now when the tribe of Reuben, and that of Gad, and as many of the Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a monument to posterity, and a sign of their relation to those that should inhabit on the other side. But when those on the other side heard that those who had been dismissed had built an altar, but did not hear with what intention they built it, but supposed it to be by way of innovation, and for the introduction of strange gods, they did not incline to disbelieve it; but thinking this defamatory report, as if it were built for divine worship, was credible, they appeared in arms, as though they would avenge themselves on those that built the altar; and they were about to pass over the river, and to punish them for their subversion of the laws of their country; for they did not think it fit to regard them on account of their kindred or the dignity of those that had given the occasion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner wherein he desired to be worshipped; so these men put themselves in array for war. But Joshua, and Eleazar the high priest, and the senate, restrained them; and persuaded them first to make trial by words of their intention, and afterwards, if they found that their intention was evil, then only to proceed to make war upon them. Accordingly, they sent as ambassadors to them Phineas the son of Eleazar, and ten more persons that were in esteem among the Hebrews, to learn of them what was in their mind, when, upon passing over the river, they had built an altar upon its banks. And as soon as these ambassadors were passed over, and were come to them, and a congregation was assembled, Phineas stood up and said, That the offense they had been guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or by them only to be amended for the future; yet that they did not so look at the heinousness of their transgression as to have recourse to arms, and to a battle for their punishment immediately, but that, on account of their kindred, and the probability there was that they might be reclaimed, they took this method of sending an ambassage to them: \"That when we have learned the true reasons by which you have been moved to build this altar, we may neither seem to have been too rash in assaulting you by our weapons of war, if it prove that you made the altar for justifiable reasons, and may then justly punish you if the accusation prove true; for we can hardly hardly suppose that you, have been acquainted with the will of God and have been hearers of those laws which he himself hath given us, now you are separated from us, and gone to that patrimony of yours, which you, through the grace of God, and that providence which he exercises over you, have obtained by lot, can forget him, and can leave that ark and that altar which is peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods, and imitate the wicked practices of the Canaanites. Now this will appear to have been a small crime if you repent now, and proceed no further in your madness, but pay a due reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of your country; but if you persist in your sins, we will not grudge our pains to preserve our laws; but we will pass over Jordan and defend them, and defend God also, and shall esteem of you as of men no way differing from the Canaanites, but shall destroy you in the like manner as we destroyed them; for do not you imagine that, because you are got over the river, you are got out of the reach of God's power; you are every where in places that belong to him, and impossible it is to overrun his power, and the punishment he will bring on men thereby: but if you think that your settlement here will be any obstruction to your conversion to what is good, nothing need hinder us from dividing the land anew, and leaving this old land to be for the feeding of sheep; but you will do well to return to your duty, and to leave off these new crimes; and we beseech you, by your children and wives, not to force us to punish you. Take therefore such measures in this assembly, as supposing that your own safety, and the safety of those that are dearest to you, is therein concerned, and believe that it is better for you to be conquered by words, than to continue in your purpose, and to experience deeds and war therefore.\"",
+                    "27. When Phineas had discoursed thus, the governors of the assembly, and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for themselves, concerning what they were accused of; and they said, That they neither would depart from the relation they bare to them, nor had they built the altar by way of innovation; that they owned one and the same common God with all the Hebrews, and that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which they would offer their sacrifices; that as to the altar they had raised, on account of which they were thus suspected, it was not built for worship, \"but that it might be a sign and a monument of our relation to you for ever, and a necessary caution to us to act wisely, and to continue in the laws of our country, but not a handle for transgressing them, as you suspect: and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices.\"",
+                    "28. When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended them for it, he came to Joshua, and explained before the people what answer they had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was under no necessity of setting them in array, or of leading them to shed blood, and make war against men of their own kindred; and accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the same. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly of the people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he was very old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the several cities, with those in authority, and the senate, and as many of the common people as could be present; and when they were come, he put them in mind of all the benefits God had bestowed on them, which could not but be a great many, since from a low estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory and plenty; and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of God, which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that the Deity would continue their friend by nothing else but their piety; and that it was proper for him, now that he was about to depart out of this life, to leave such an admonition to them; and he desired that they would keep in memory this his exhortation to them.",
+                    "29. So Joshua, when he had thus discoursed to them, died, having lived a hundred and ten years; forty of which he lived with Moses, in order to learn what might be for his advantage afterwards. He also became their commander after his death for twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his intentions to the people, but very eminent on both accounts. He was of great courage and magnanimity in action and in dangers, and very sagacious in procuring the peace of the people, and of great virtue at all proper seasons. He was buried in the city of Timnab, of the tribe of Ephraim (9) About the same time died Eleazar the high priest, leaving the high priesthood to his son Phineas. His monument also, and sepulcher, are in the city of Gabatha."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, After The Death Of Joshua Their Commander, The Israelites Transgressed The Laws Of Their Country, And Experienced Great Afflictions; And When There Was A Sedition Arisen, The Tribe Of Benjamin Was Destroyed Excepting Only Six Hundred Men.</i><br>1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied, (10) that according to God's will they should commit the government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition, that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.",
+                    "2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this thee in a flourishing condition, and they expected the Israelites with a great army at the city Bezek, having put the government into the hands of Adonibezek, which name denotes the Lord of Bezek, for Adoni in the Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they hoped to have been too hard for the Israelites, because Joshua was dead; but when the Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean the two tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in the pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his fingers and toes were cut off by them, said, \"Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie concealed from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have not been ashamed to do the same to seventy-two kings.\" (11) So they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and when he was dead, they buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the cities: and when they had taken the greatest part of them, they besieged Jerusalem; and when they had taken the lower city, which was not under a considerable time, they slew all the inhabitants; but the upper city was not to be taken without great difficulty, through the strength of its walls, and the nature of the place.",
+                    "3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and countenances so entirely different from other men, that they were surprising to the sight, and terrible to the hearing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any credible relations of other men. Now they gave this city to the Levites as an extraordinary reward, with the suburbs of two thousand cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of the spies which Moses sent into the land of Canaan. They also gave land for habitation to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to Moses; for they had left their own country, and followed them, and accompanied them in the wilderness.",
+                    "4. Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were in the mountainous part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of those that lay near the sea; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat country, and having a great number of chariots, sorely galled those that attacked them. So these tribes, when they were grown very rich by this war, retired to their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of war.",
+                    "5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill, and the other to expose themselves to danger, and had time to cultivate the ground. The rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin, and did the same; and, contenting themselves with the tributes that were paid them, permitted the Canaanites to live in peace.",
+                    "6. However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they spent, and of the pains they took about that siege; yet did they persist in it, still sitting down before the city, though they endured great trouble thereby: but, after some time, they caught one of the citizens that came to them to get necessaries, and they gave him some assurances that, if he would deliver up the city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so he aware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their hands. Accordingly, he that, thus betrayed the city was preserved with his family; and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city for themselves.",
+                    "7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more against their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the regular disposition of their settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged to their political government: whereupon God was provoked to anger, and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions, they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportunity served, used them very barbarously. But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion: -",
+                    "8. There was a Levite (12) a man of a vulgar family, that belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like return of affection from her, for she was averse to him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they quarreled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being very uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and lived with them there four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his wife's parents were loath to part with their daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; and when they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to take up their lodgings some where, lest some misfortune should befall them if they traveled in the night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that season often giving reason for suspicion of dangers from even such as are friends; but the husband was not pleased with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired rather to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Benjamin, when it was just dark; and while no one that lived in the market-place invited him t o lodge with him, there came an old man out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper when it was dark? To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus accidentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the old man, came to the doors, as contemning the weakness and fewness of the old man's family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to yield them up the strange woman, and then he should have no harm done to him: and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kindred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. When they no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let her go about daybreak. So she came to the place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered, and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: but her husband supposed that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened, endeavored to raise her up, resolving to speak comfortably to her, since she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men's lust, but was forced away to their house; but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would admit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his wife's death, and of the violence they had offered to her.",
+                    "9. Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw, and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembling in a great congregation before the tabernacle, they immediately resolved to take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of Gibeah as enemies; but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not: and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms against them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite's wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done; but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men's demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force.",
+                    "10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the Canaanites; and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while the Benjamites' army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred; five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left hands, insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; so the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. So they came to Bethel, (13) a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas.",
+                    "11. When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by night, while the other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, till both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush, who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Levite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own soldiers.",
+                    "12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that account, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for their offense against the laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These had seated themselves on a certain rock called Rimmon, which was in the wilderness. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this destruction of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it patiently; and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, \"We give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you are able to carry away with you.\" So these men with sorrow confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives; but as to the remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; and whereas they had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in danger of perishing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention. But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, \"That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: let then the Benjamites be allowed to steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while we will neither incite them nor forbid them; and when their parents take it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will tell them, that they were themselves the cause of what had happened, by neglecting to guard their daughters, and that they ought not to be over angry at the Benjamites, since that anger was permitted to rise too high already.\" So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Israelites After This Misfortune Grew Wicked And Served The Assyrians; And How God Delivered Them By Othniel, Who Ruled Over The Forty Years.</i><br>1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion following: - When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Canaanites despised them, and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in their own cities the more securely; they prepared therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together, and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least portion of the plain country to set their foot on. Since then these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land enough to sustain them, they sent five of their men into the midland country, to seek for a land to which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighborhood of Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey from the city; and when they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name with the son of Jacob, and of the same name with their own tribe.",
+                    "2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their contempt of the Divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force; nay, there were some who, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of oppression for eight years; after which thee they were freed from them in the following manner: -",
+                    "3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribe of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from God not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured some to assist him in this dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who, either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) he first of all destroyed that garrison which Chushan had set over them; but when it was perceived that he had not failed in his first attempt, more of the people came to his assistance; so they joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before them, and compelled them to pass over Euphrates. Hereupon Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valor, received from the multitude authority tojudge the people; and when he had ruled over them forty years, he died."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Our People Served The Moabites Eighteen Years, And Were Then Delivered From Slavery By One Ehud Who Retained The Dominion Eighty Years.</i><br>1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, (14) he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner; -",
+                    "2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer thee, and the middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; so he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the king's servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams' horns; for it was our custom to call the people together by them. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the multitude of the Israelites came upon them, so that some of them were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands; and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years (15) He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Canaanites Brought The Israelites Under Slavery For Twenty Years; After Which They Were Delivered By Barak And Deborah, Who Ruled Over Them For Forty Years.</i><br>1. And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worshipping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the Moabites; for this Jabin out of Hazor, a city that was situate over the Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, with fewer than three thousand chariots. Sisera was commander of all his army, and was the principal person in the king's favor. He so sorely beat the Israelites when they fought with him, that he ordered them to pay tribute.",
+                    "2. So they continued to that hardship for twenty years, as not good enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and ingratitude towards himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them, (which name in the Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee,) to pray to God to take pity on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites. So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning.",
+                    "3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number was sufficient, and promised them victory. But when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he said 'Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do not reject it!\" So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command, Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and Barak himself, were so aftrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah retained them, and commanded them to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God would be their assistance.",
+                    "4. So the battle began; and when they were come to a close fight, there came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quantity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so darkened their eyes, that their arrows and slings were of no advantage to them, nor would the coldness of the air permit the soldiers to make use of their swords; while this storm did not so much incommode the Israelites, because it came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the apprehension that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the very midst of their enemies, and slew a great number of them; so that some of them fell by the Israelites, some fell by their own horses, which were put into disorder, and not a few were killed by their own chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw himself beaten, fled away, and came to a woman whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who received him, when he desired to be concealed; and when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, of which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his temples into the floor; and when Barak came a little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the ground: and thus was this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Midianites And Other Nations Fought Against The Israelites And Beat Them, And Afflicted Their Country For Seven Years, How They Were Delivered By Gideon, Who Ruled Over The Multitude For Forty Years.</i><br>1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against them; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they carried off the prey. Now when they had done this for three years, the multitude of the Israelites retired to the mountains, and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows under ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had escaped their enemies; for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permitted them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their supplications to God, and besought him to save them.",
+                    "2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a young man, and told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he immediately replied, \"A mighty indication of God's favor to me, that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!\" But the appearance exhorted him to be of good courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered, that it was impossible for him to recover it, because the tribe to which he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other promised him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and would afford the Israelites victory under his conduct.",
+                    "3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men, they believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told him that mankind were too fond of themselves, and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they were a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, but might confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out of fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And when Gideon had done as God had suggested to him, there were found three hundred men that took water with their hands tumultuously; so God bid him take these men, and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it.",
+                    "4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near to the Midianites' tents, for that he should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered that those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was telling to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so plainly that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this: - He thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers. Now the other soldier explained this vision to mean the destruction of the army; and told them what his reason was which made him so conjecture, viz. That the seed called barley was all of it allowed to be of the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israelites were known to be the vilest of all the people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of barley, and that what seemed to look big among the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that was with him; \"and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the victory over us to Gideon.\"",
+                    "5. When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came upon him; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and told them of this vision of their enemies. They also took courage at what was told them, and were ready to perform what he should enjoin them. So Gideon divided his army into three parts, and brought it out about the fourth watch of the night, each part containing a hundred men: they all bare empty pitchers and lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be discovered by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram's horn in his right hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. The enemy's camp took up a large space of ground, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into different nations, so they were all contained in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand, upon their approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded with their rams' horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their enemies with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, \"Victory to Gideon, by God's assistance,\" a disorder and a fright seized upon the other men while they were half asleep, for it was night-time, as God would have it; so that a few of them were slain by their enemies, but the greatest part by their own soldiers, on account of the diversity of their language; and when they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great slaughter made. And as the report of Gideon's victory came to the Israelites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents, a place which these could not get over; so they encompassed them, and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and Zeeb. But the remaining captains led those soldiers that were left, which were about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off the Israelites. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but pursued them with all his army, and joining battle with them, cut off the whole enemies' army, and took the other leaders, Zeba and Zalmuna, and made them captives. Now there were slain in this battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arabians, about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Midianites.",
+                    "6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so displeased at the good success of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him, accusing him because he did not tell them of his expedition against their enemies. But Gideon, as a man of temper, and that excelled in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the result of his own authority or reasoning, that made him attack the enemy without them; but that it was the command of God, and still the victory belonged to them as well as those in the army. And by this method of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage to the Hebrews, than by the success he had against these enemies, for he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe afterwards suffer the punishment of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will give an account in due time.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was over-persuaded to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and distributed justice to them, as the people came to him in their differences; and what he determined was esteemed valid by all. And when he died, he was buried in his own country of Ophrah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That The Judges Who Succeeded Gideon Made War With The Adjoining Nations For A Long Time.</i><br>1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had many wives; but he had also one that was spurious, by his concubine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech, who, after his father's death, retired to Shechem to his mother's relations, for they were of that place: and when he had got money of such of them as were eminent for many instances of injustice, he came with them to his father's house, and slew all his brethren, except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and constituted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against those that were the patrons of justice.",
+                    "2. Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at Shechem, and all the multitude was there gathered together, Jotham his brother, whose escape we before related, went up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard by the multitude, who were attentive to him. He desired they would consider what he was going to say to them: so when silence was made, he said, That when the trees had a human voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honor which belonged peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine; but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree had used before, and excused itself from accepting the government: and when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier, whom the trees had desired to take the kingdom, (it is a sort of wood good for firing,) it promised to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit down under its shadow, and if they should plot against it to destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter; for that when they had experienced many blessings from Gideon, they overlooked Abimelech, when he overruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren; and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when he had said this, he went away, and lived privately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of Abimelech.",
+                    "3. A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abimelech away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might distress their city. Now at the season of vintage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man of authority, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the head of his soldiery. So they gathered their fruit with safety; and when they were at supper in several companies, they then ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech's followers, and destroyed them.",
+                    "4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to be revenged on him; and when that was once done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; but the other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and said, They were not shadows, but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, \"Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?\" So Gaal, being in disorder, joined battle with Abimelech, and some of his men fell; whereupon he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But Zebul managed his matters so in the city, that he procured them to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by accusing him of cowardice in this action with the soldiers of Ahimelech. But Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were again coming out to gather their grapes, placed ambushes before the city, and when they were coming out, the third part of his army took possession of the gates, to hinder the citizens from returning in again, while the rest pursued those that were scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter every where; and when he had overthrown the city to the very foundations, for it was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were slain. As for those that were scattered about the country, and so escaped the danger, they were gathered together unto a certain strong rock, and settled themselves upon it, and prepared to build a wall about it: and when Abimelech knew their intentions, he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces, and laid faggots of dry woo d round the place, he himself bringing some of them, and by his example encouraging the soldiers to do the same. And when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots, they set them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised, and nobody could fly away from the rock, but every man perished, with their wives and children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and the rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity which fell upon the Shechemites; and men's grief on their account had been greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief on a person who had so well deserved of them, and had they not themselves esteemed this as a punishment for the same.",
+                    "5. Now Abimelech, when he had aftrighted the Israelites with the miseries he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed openly to affect greater authority than he now had, and appeared to set no bounds to his violence, unless it were with the destruction of all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took the city on the sudden; and there being a great tower therein, whereunto the whole multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege it. Now as he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell down, and desired his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death should be thought to be the work of a woman: - who did what he was bid to do. So he underwent this death as a punishment for the wickedness he had perpetrated against his brethren, and his insolent barbarity to the Shechemites. Now the calamity that happened to those Shechemites was according to the prediction of Jotham, However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered abroad, and went to their own homes.",
+                    "6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite, (16) of the tribe of Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other respects also, but particularly in his children, who were of a good character. They were thirty in number, and very skillful in riding on horses, and were intrusted with the government of the cities of Gilead. He kept the government twenty-two years, and died an old man; and he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead.",
+                    "7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly, and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest. But the Hebrews, being now amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him, beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them.",
+                    "8. When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father's virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was a potent man: the Israelites therefore sent to him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; for they cast him off, as not having the same mother with the rest, but born of a strange mother, that was introduced among them by his father's fondness; and this they did out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate himself]. So he dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called, and received all that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid them wages. However, when they pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware they would grant him the government over them all his life, he led them to the war.",
+                    "9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he placed his army at the city Mizpeh, and sent a message to the Ammonite [king], complaining of his unjust possession of their land. But that king sent a contrary message; and complained of the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desired him to go out of the land of the Amorites, and yield it up to him, as at first his paternal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this answer: That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the land of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left the land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken it also; and that neither would he recede from that land of their own, which God had obtained for them, and they had now inhabited [above] three hundred years, but would fight with them about it.",
+                    "10. And when he had given them this answer, he sent the ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living creature soever should first meet him, (17) he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his pursuit slew the enemies all along as far as the city of Minnith. He then passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had undergone for eighteen years. But as he came back, he fell into a calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter that came to meet him; she was also an only child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his affliction, and blamed his daughter for being so forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God. However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she should die upon occasion of her father's victory, and the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth with her fellow citizens; and then she agreed, that at the forementioned thee he might do with her according to his vow. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice.",
+                    "11. Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did not take them along with him in his expedition against the Ammonites, but because he alone had the prey, and the glory of what was done to himself. As to which he said, first, that they were not ignorant how his kindred had fought against him, and that when they were invited, they did not come to his assistance, whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before they were invited. And in the next place, that they were going to act unjustly; for while they had not courage enough to fight their enemies, they came hastily against their own kindred: and he threatened them that, with God's assistance, he would inflict a punishment upon them, unless they would grow wiser. But when he could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter among them; and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the passages of Jordan by a part of his army which he had sent before, and slew about forty-two thousand of them.",
+                    "12. So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried in his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead.",
+                    "13. Now when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being of the tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom he left alive behind him, giving the daughters in marriage to husbands, and taking wives for his sons. He did nothing in the seven years of his administration that was worth recording, or deserved a memorial. So he died an old man, and was buried in his own country.",
+                    "14. When Ibzan was dead after this manner, neither did Helon, who succeeded him in the government, and kept it ten years, do any thing remarkable: he was of the tribe of Zebulon.",
+                    "15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyrathon, was ordained their supreme governor after Helon. He is only recorded to have been happy in his children; for the public affairs were then so peaceable, and in such security, that neither did he perform any glorious action. He had forty sons, and by them left thirty grandchildren; and he marched in state with these seventy, who were all very skillful in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He died an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Fortitude Of Samson, And What Mischiefs He Brought Upon The Philistines.</i><br>1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were delivered after this manner: -",
+                    "2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contemporaries. He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that intent he came constantly into the suburbs (18) together with his wife; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. Now he was fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young man beautiful and tall, and bro ught her the good news that she should have a son, born by God's providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength; by whom, when he was grown up to man's estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God.",
+                    "3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration of the beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by that passion: but she was desirous of having her husband's unreasonable sorrow taken away; accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again, that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the favor of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was alone without her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then requested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return him thanks, and give him a present. He replied that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing. And when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as while he brought him one mark of his hospitality; so he slew a kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock; which when they had done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some danger would come to them from this sight of God; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit.",
+                    "4. So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson, which name signifies one that is strong. So the child grew apace; and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet, (19) both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow.",
+                    "5. Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to procure her to be espoused to him. And as he was continually coming to her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset, and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road.",
+                    "6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion; and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents, to the damsel. Now the people of Timhath, out of a dread of the young man's strength, gave him during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt to give them any disturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such times, Come, if I propose you a riddle, and you can expound it in these seven days' thee, I will give you every one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom.\" So they being very ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains, desired him to propose his riddle. He, \"That a devourer produced sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable.\" And when they were not able, in three days' time, to find out the meaning of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her husband, and tell it them; and they threatened to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the damsel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it; but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his breast, and carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to expound the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, \"Nothing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it, and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it.\" To which Samson made this rejoinder: \"Nothing is more deceitful than a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation to you.\" Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his companion, who made the former match between them.",
+                    "7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time, and the fruits of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and joining lighted torches to their tails, he sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the fields perished. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson's doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortunes.",
+                    "8. Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an expedition against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting punishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of Samson's offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power. So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves, came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they desired him to bear this willingly. Accordingly, when he had received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies' hands, he came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of his countrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and lead him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; and when they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder.",
+                    "9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the assistance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell and the rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; but when a great thirst came upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. Accordingly God was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, (20) and so it is called to this day.",
+                    "10. After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being perceived; but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron, and there laid them down.",
+                    "11. However, he at length (21) transgressed the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was a harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived with her. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson what was the cause of that his strength, by which he became unconquerable to his enemies. Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together, she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others in strength. Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were bound with seven such green withs of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. The woman said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with the withs; and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the people were upon him; but he broke the withs, and endeavored to defend himself, as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Samson had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she knew it was for his interest to have concealed. However, he deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when, upon doing this, she gained nothing, he told her the third thee, that his hair should be woven into a web; but when, upon doing this, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah's prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was born by his providence, and that \"thence it is that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase and continuance of my hair.\" When she had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had him led about among them.",
+                    "12. But in process of time Samson's hair grew again. And there was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and those of the most eminent character, were feasting together; (now the room wherein they were had its roof supported by two pillars;) so they sent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast, that they might insult him in their cups. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the boy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself, and desired he would bring him near the pillars; and as soon as he came to them, he rushed with force against them, and overthrew the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the Israelites twenty years. And indeed this man deserves to be admired for his courage and strength, and magnanimity at his death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak to resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat his own country, with the rest of his family."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Under Eli's Government Of The Israelites Booz Married Ruth, From Whom Came Obed The Grandfather Of David.</i><br>1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove.",
+                    "2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, \"You might more truly call me Mara.\" Now Naomi signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. It was now reaping thee; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz's field; and after some thee Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, who kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; and when the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz's maidservants.",
+                    "3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was; - and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done that was ill. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here, - \"He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law.\"",
+                    "4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; and when he was come, he said, \"Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?\" He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, \"Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.\" So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; so Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year's time. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for one and twenty generations. I was therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such mean parents."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Birth Of Samuel; And How He Foretold The Calamity That Befell The Sons Of Eli.</i><br>1. And now upon the ill state of the affairs of the Hebrews, they made war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli, the high priest, had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety towards God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable employment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God at the tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than tyranny. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli's sons, which he did both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for his sons' destruction.",
+                    "2. I will first despatch what I have to say about the prophet Samuel, and after that will proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the miseries they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, although she was barren. Now Elcanah came with his wives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice, for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed, as we have formerly said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed at that festival portions of the flesh to his wives and children, and when Hannah saw the other wife's children sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lonesomeness; and suffering her grief to prevail over her husband's consolations to her, she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she should bear to the service of God, and this in such a way, that his manner of living should not be like that of ordinary men. And as she continued at her prayers a long time, Eli, the high priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid her go away, thinking she had been disordered with wine; but when she said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of children, and was beseeching God for them, he bid her be of good cheer, and told her that God would send her children.",
+                    "3. So she came to her husband full of hope, and ate her meal with gladness. And when they had returned to their own country she found herself with child, and they had a son born to them, to whom they gave the name of Samuel, which may be styled one that was asked of God. They therefore came to the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought their tithes with them; but the woman remembered the vows she had made concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters.",
+                    "4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he, supposing he had been called by the high priest, came to him: but when the high priest said he did not call him, God did so thrice. Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said to him, \"Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as before: it is God that calls thee; do thou therefore signify it to him, and say, I am here ready.\" So when he heard God speak again, he desired him to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he would not fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should make use of him in; - to which God replied, \"Since thou art here ready, learn what miseries are coming upon the Israelites, - such indeed as words cannot declare, nor faith believe; for the sons of Eli shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall be transferred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli hath loved his sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree as is not for their advantage.\" Which message Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict him by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure expectation of the perdition of his sons; but the glory of Samuel increased more and more, it being found by experience that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly. (22)"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herein Is Declared What Befell The Sons Of Eli, The Ark, And The People And How Eli Himself Died Miserably.</i><br>1. About this time it was that the Philistines made war against the Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now when the Israelites had expected them a little while, the very next day they joined battle, and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew above four thousand of the Hebrews, and pursued the rest of their multitude to their camp.",
+                    "2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark came to be honored. So the ark came, and the sons of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their father, that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark, they should come no more into his presence, for Phineas officiated already as high priest, his father having resigned his office to him, by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews were full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark's coming to the Israelites: however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the expectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined, that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high priest; but the ark was carried away by the enemies.",
+                    "3. When the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark, (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who was in the action, came as a messenger thither,) the whole city was full of lamentations. And Eli, the high priest, who sat upon a high throne at one of the gates, heard their mournful cries, and supposed that some strange thing had befallen his family. So he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or what was told him withal about the army, as having beforehand known by Divine revelation that those things would happen, and having himself declared them beforehand, - for what sad things come unexpectedly they distress men the most; but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried captive by their enemies, he was very much grieved at it, because it fell out quite differently from what he expected; so he fell down from his throne and died, having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the government forty.",
+                    "4. On the same day his son Phineas's wife died also, as not able to survive the misfortune of her husband; for they told her of her husband's death as she was in labor. However, she bare a son at seven months, who lived, and to whom they gave the name of Icabod, which name signifies disgrace, - and this because the army received a disgrace at this thee.",
+                    "5. Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son of Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar officiated as high priest at first, the son still receiving that honor from the father which Eleazar bequeathed to his son Phineas; after whom Abiezer his son took the honor, and delivered it to his son, whose name was Bukki, from whom his son Ozi received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking, had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the thee of Solomon's reign; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Destruction That Came Upon The Philistines, And Upon Their Land, By The Wrath Of God On Account Of Their Having Carried The Ark Away Captive; And After What Manner They Sent It Back To The Hebrews. </i><br>1. When the Philistines had taken the ark of the Hebrews captive, as I said a little before, they carried it to the city of Ashdod, and put it by their own god, who was called Dagon, (1) as one of their spoils; but when they went into his temple the next morning to worship their god, they found him paying the same worship to the ark, for he lay along, as having fallen down from the basis whereon he had stood: so they took him up, and set him on his basis again, and were much troubled at what had happened; and as they frequently came to Dagon and found him still lying along, in a posture of adoration to the ark, they were in very great distress and confusion. At length God sent a very destructive disease upon the city and country of Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or flux, a sore distemper, that brought death upon them very suddenly; for before the soul could, as usual in easy deaths, be well loosed from the body, they brought up their entrails, and vomited up what they had eaten, and what was entirely corrupted by the disease. And as to the fruits of their country, a great multitude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt them, and spared neither the plants nor the fruits. Now while the people of Ashdod were under these misfortunes, and were not able to support themselves under their calamities, they perceived that they suffered thus because of the ark, and that the victory they had gotten, and their having taken the ark captive, had not happened for their good; they therefore sent to the people of Askelon, and desired that they would receive the ark among them. This desire of the people of Ashdod was not disagreeable to those of Askelon, so they granted them that favor. But when they had gotten the ark, they were in the same miserable condition; for the ark carried along with it the disasters that the people of Ashdod had suffered, to those who received it from them. Those of Askelon also sent it away from themselves to others: nor did it stay among those others neither; for since they were pursued by the same disasters, they still sent it to the neighboring cities; so that the ark went round, after this manner, to the five cities of the Philistines, as though it exacted these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for its coming among them.",
+                    "2. When those that had experienced these miseries were tired out with them, and when those that heard of them were taught thereby not to admit the ark among them, since they paid so dear a tribute for it, at length they sought for some contrivance and method how they might get free from it: so the governors of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and Askelon, as also of Gaza, and Ashclod, met together, and considered what was fit to be done; and at first they thought proper to send the ark back to its own people, as allowing that God had avenged its cause; that the miseries they had undergone came along with it, and that these were sent on their cities upon its account, and together with it. However, there were those that said they should not do so, nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascribing the cause of their miseries to it, because it could not have such power and force upon them; for, had God had such a regard to it, it would not have been delivered into the hands of men. So they exhorted them to be quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen them, and to suppose there was no other cause of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions of time, produces such mutations in the bodies of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all things that grow out of the earth. But the counsel that prevailed over those already described, was that of certain men, who were believed to have distinguished themselves in former times for their understanding and prudence, and who, in their present circumstances, seemed above all the rest to speak properly. These men said it was not right either to send the ark away, or to retain it, but to dedicate five golden images, one for every city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of his having taken care of their preservation, and having kept them alive when their lives were likely to be taken away by such distempers as they were not able to bear up against. They also would have them make five golden mice like to those that devoured and destroyed their country (2) to put them in a bag, and lay them upon the ark; to make them a new cart also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it (3) but to shut up their calves, and keep them from them, lest, by following after them, they should prove a hinderance to their dams, and that the dams might return the faster out of a desire of those calves; then to drive these milch kine that carried the ark, and leave it at a place where three ways met, and So leave it to the kine to go along which of those ways they pleased; that in case they went the way to the Hebrews, and ascended to their country, they should suppose that the ark was the cause of their misfortunes; but if they turned into another road, they said, \"We will pursue after it, and conclude that it has no such force in it.\"",
+                    "3. So they determined that these men spake well; and they immediately confirmed their opinion by doing accordingly. And when they had done as has been already described, they brought the cart to a place where three ways met, and left it there and went their ways; but the kine went the right way, and as if some persons had driven them, while the rulers of the Philistines followed after them, as desirous to know where they would stand still, and to whom they would go. Now there was a certain village of the tribe of Judah, the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to that village did the kine go; and though there was a great and good plain before them to proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped the cart there. This was a sight to those of that village, and they were very glad; for it being then summer-time, and all the inhabitants being then in the fields gathering in their fruits, they left off the labors of their hands for joy, as soon as they saw the ark, and ran to the cart, and taking the ark down, and the vessel that had the images in it, and the mice, they set them upon a certain rock which was in the plain; and when they had offered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feasted, they offered the cart and the kine as a burnt-offering: and when the lords of the Philistines saw this, they returned back.",
+                    "4. But now it was that the wrath of God overtook them, and struck seventy persons of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not being priests, and so not worthy to touch the ark, had approached to it. Those of that village wept for these that had thus suffered, and made such a lamentation as was naturally to be expected on so great a misfo rtune that was sent from God; and every one mourned for his own relation. And since they acknowledged themselves unworthy of the ark's abode with them, they sent to the public senate of the Israelites, and informed them that the ark was restored by the Philistines; which when they knew, they brought it away to Kirjathjearim, a city in the neighborhood of Bethshemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab, by birth a Levite, and who was greatly commended for his righteous and religious course of life; so they brought the ark to his house, as to a place fit for God himself to abide in, since therein did inhabit a righteous man. His sons also ministered to the Divine service at the ark, and were the principal curators of it for twenty years; for so many years it continued in Kirjathjearim, having been but four months with the Philistines."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Expedition Of The Philistines Against The Hebrews And The Hebrews' Victory Under The Conduct Of Samuel The Prophet, Who Was Their General. </i><br>1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had the ark with them, the whole body of the people betook themselves all that time to offer prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared greatly concerned and zealous about his worship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how ready they were to do their duty, thought this a proper time to speak to them, while they were in this good disposition, about the recovery of their liberty, and of the blessings that accompanied the same. Accordingly he used such words to them as he thought were most likely to excite that inclination, and to persuade them to attempt it: \"O you Israelites,\" said he, \"to whom the Philistines are still grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to be gracious, it behooves you not only to be desirous of liberty, but to take the proper methods to obtain it. Nor are you to be contented with an inclination to get clear of your lords and masters, while you still do what will procure your continuance under them. Be righteous then, and cast wickedness out of your souls, and by your worship supplicate the Divine Majesty with all your hearts, and persevere in the honor you pay to him; for if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity; you will be freed from your slavery, and will get the victory over your enemies: which blessings it is not possible you should attain, either by weapons of war, or by the strength of your bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants; for God has not promised to grant these blessings by those means, but by being good and righteous men; and if you will be such, I will be security to you for the performance of God's promises.\" When Samuel had said thus, the multitude applauded his discourse, and were pleased with his exhortation to them, and gave their consent to resign themselves up to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel gathered them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies a watch-tower; there they drew water, and poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and betook themselves to their prayers.",
+                    "2. This their assembly did not escape the notice of the Philistines: so when they had learned that so large a company had met together, they fell upon the Hebrews with a great army and mighty forces, as hoping to assault them when they did not expect it, nor were prepared for it. This thing affrighted the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and terror; so they came running to Samuel, and said that their souls were sunk by their fears, and by the former defeat they had received, and \"that thence it was that we lay still, lest we should excite the power of our enemies against us. Now while thou hast brought us hither to offer up our prayers and sacrifices, and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies are making an expedition against us, while we are naked and unarmed; wherefore we have no other hope of deliverance but that by thy means, and by the assistance God shall afford us upon thy prayers to him, we shall obtain deliverance from the Philistines.\" Hereupon Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and promised them that God would assist them; and taking a sucking lamb, he sacrificed it for the multitude, and besought God to hold his protecting hand over them when they should fight with the Philistines, and not to overlook them, nor suffer them to come under a second misfortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a gracious intention, and such as was disposed to assist them, he granted them victory and power over their enemies. Now while the altar had the sacrifice of God upon it, and had not yet consumed it wholly by its sacred fire, the enemy's army marched out of their camp, and was put in order of battle, and this in hope that they should be conquerors, since the Jews (5) were caught in distressed circumstances, as neither having their weapons with them, nor being assembled there in order to fight. But things so fell out, that they would hardly have been credited though they had been foretold by anybody: for, in the first place, God disturbed their enemies with an earthquake, and moved the ground under them to such a degree, that he caused it to tremble, and made them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling, he made some unable to keep their feet, and made them fall down, and by opening its chasms, he caused that others should be hurried down into them; after which he caused such a noise of thunder to come among them, and made fiery lightning shine so terribly round about them, that it was ready to burn their faces; and he so suddenly shook their weapons out of their hands, that he made them fly and return home naked. So Samuel with the multitude pursued them to Bethcar, a place so called; and there he set up a stone as a boundary of their victory and their enemies' flight, and called it the Stone of Power, as a signal of that power God had given them against their enemies.",
+                    "3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made no more expeditions against the Israelites, but lay still out of fear, and out of remembrance of what had befallen them; and what courage the Philistines had formerly against the Hebrews, that, after this victory, was transferred to the Hebrews. Samuel also made an expedition against the Philistines, and slew many of them, and entirely humbled their proud hearts, and took from them that country, which, when they were formerly conquerors in battle, they had cut off from the Jews, which was the country that extended from the borders of Gath to the city of Ekron: but the remains of the Canaanites were at this time in friendship with the Israelites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Samuel When He Was So Infirm With Old Age That He Could Not Take Care Of The Public Affairs Intrusted Them To His Sons; And How Upon The Evil Administration Of The Government By Them The Multitude Were So Angry, That They Required To Have A King To Govern Them, Although Samuel Was Much Displeased Thereat. </i><br>1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had ordered the affairs of the people after a convenient manner, and had appointed a city for every district of them, he commanded them to come to such cities, to have the controversies that they had one with another determined in them, he himself going over those cities twice in a year, and doing them justice; and by that means he kept them in very good order for a long time.",
+                    "2. But afterwards he found himself oppressed with old age, and not able to do what he used to do, so he committed the government and the care of the multitude to his sons, - the elder of whom was called Joel, and the name of the younger was Abiah. He also enjoined them to reside and judge the people, the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at Beersheba, and divided the people into districts that should be under the jurisdiction of each of them. Now these men afford us an evident example and demonstration how some children are not of the like dispositions with their parents; but sometimes perhaps good and moderate, though born of wicked parents; and sometimes showing themselves to be wicked, though born of good parents: for these men turning aside from their father's good courses, and taking a course that was contrary to them, perverted justice for the 'filthy lucre of gifts and bribes, and made their determinations not according to truth, but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a costly way of living; so that as, in the first place, they practiced what was contrary to the will of God, so did they, in the second place, what was contrary to the will of the prophet their father, who had taken a great deal of care, and made a very careful provision that the multitude should be righteous.",
+                    "3. But the people, upon these injuries offered to their former constitution and government by the prophet's sons, were very uneasy at their actions, and came running to the prophet, who then lived at the city Ramah, and informed him of the transgressions of his sons; and said, That as he was himself old already, and too infirm by that age of his to oversee their affairs in the manner he used to do, so they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition; nor could he either think of eating or sleeping, out of his concern and torment of mind at what they had said, but all the night long did he continue awake and revolved these notions in his mind.",
+                    "4. While he was thus disposed, God appeared to him, and comforted him, saying, That he ought not to be uneasy at what the multitude desired, because it was not he, but Himself whom they so insolently despised, and would not have to be alone their king; that they had been contriving these things from the very day that they came out of Egypt; that however in no long time they would sorely repent of what they did, which repentance yet could not undo what was thus done for futurity; that they would be sufficiently rebuked for their contempt, and the ungrateful conduct they have used towards me, and towards thy prophetic office. \"So I command thee to ordain them such a one as I shall name beforehand to be their king, when thou hast first described what mischiefs kingly government will bring upon them, and openly testified before them into what a great change of affairs they are hasting.\"",
+                    "5. When Samuel had heard this, he called the Jews early in the morning, and confessed to them that he was to ordain them a king; but he said that he was first to describe to them what would follow, what treatment they would receive from their kings, and with how many mischiefs they must struggle. \"For know ye,\" said he, \"that, in the first place, they will take your sons away from you, and they will command some of them to be drivers of their chariots, and some to be their horsemen, and the guards of their body, and others of them to be runners before them, and captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds; they will also make them their artificers, makers of armor, and of chariots, and of instruments; they will make them their husbandmen also, and the curators of their own fields, and the diggers of their own vineyards; nor will there be any thing which they will not do at their commands, as if they were slaves bought with money. They will also appoint your daughters to be confectioners, and cooks, and bakers; and these will be obliged to do all sorts of work which women slaves, that are in fear of stripes and torments, submit to. They will, besides this, take away your possessions, and bestow them upon their eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies, and will give the herds of your cattle to their own servants: and to say briefly all at once, you, and all that is yours, will be servants to your king, and will become no way superior to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you will thereby be put in mind of what I now say. And when you repent of what you have done, you will beseech God to have mercy upon you, and to grant you a quick deliverance from your kings; but he will not accept your prayers, but will neglect you, and permit you to suffer the punishment your evil conduct has deserved.\"",
+                    "6. But the multitude was still so foolish as to be deaf to these predictions of what would befall them; and too peevish to suffer a determination which they had injudiciously once made, to be taken out of their mind; for they could not be turned from their purpose, nor did they regard the words of Samuel, but peremptorily insisted on their resolution, and desired him to ordain them a king immediately, and not trouble himself with fears of what would happen hereafter, for that it was necessary they should have with them one to fight their battles, and to avenge them of their enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when their neighbors were under kingly government, that they should have the same form of government also. So when Samuel saw that what he had said had not diverted them from their purpose, but that they continued resolute, he said, \"Go you every one home for the present; when it is fit I will send for you, as soon as I shall have learned from God who it is that he will give you for your king.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Appointment Of A King Over The Israelites, Whose Name Was Saul; And This By The Command Of God. </i><br>1. Ther was one of the tribe of Benjamin, a man of a good family, and of a virtuous disposition; his name was Kish. He had a son, a young man of a comely countenance, and of a tall body, but his understanding and his mind were preferable to what was visible in him: they called him Saul. Now this Kish had some fine she-asses that were wandered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for he was more delighted with these than with any other cattle he had; so he sent out his son, and one servant with him, to search for the beasts; but when he had gone over his own tribe in search after the asses, he went to other tribes, and when he found them not there neither, he determined to go his way home, lest he should occasion any concern to his father about himself. But when his servant that followed him told him as they were near the city of Ramah, that there was a true prophet in that city, and advised him to go to him, for that by him they should know the upshot of the affair of their asses, he replied, That if they should go to him, they had nothing to give him as a reward for his prophecy, for their subsistence money was spent. The servant answered, that he had still the fourth part of a shekel, and he would present him with that; for they were mistaken out of ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet received no such reward (6) So they went to him; and when they were before the gates, they lit upon certain maidens that were going to fetch water, and they asked them which was the prophet's house. They showed them which it was; and bid them make haste before he sat down to supper, for he had invited many guests to a feast, and that he used to sit down before those that were invited. Now Samuel had then gathered many together to feast with him on this very account; for while he every day prayed to God to tell him beforehand whom he would make king, he had informed him of this man the day before, for that he would send him a certain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin about this hour of the day; and he sat on the top of the house in expectation of that time's being come. And when the time was completed, he came down and went to supper; so he met with Saul, and God discovered to him that this was he who should rule over them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and saluted him, and desired him to inform him which was the prophet's house; for he said he was a stranger and did not know it. When Samuel had told him that he himself was the person, he led him in to supper, and assured him that the asses were found which he had been to seek, and that the greatest of good things were assured to him: he replied, \"I am too inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and of a tribe to small to have kings made out of it, and of a family smaller than several other families; but thou tellest me this in jest, and makest me an object of laughter, when thou discoursest with me of greater matters than what I stand in need of.\" However, the prophet led him in to the feast, and made him sit down, him and his servant that followed him, above the other guests that were invited, which were seventy in number (7) and he gave orders to the servants to set the royal portion before Saul. And when the time of going to bed was come, the rest rose up, and every one of them went home; but Saul staid with the prophet, he and his servant, and slept with him.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised up Saul out of his bed, and conducted him homeward; and when he was out of the city, he desired him to cause his servant to go before, but to stay behind himself, for that he had somewhat to say to him when nobody else was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away his servant that followed him; then did the prophet take a vessel of oil, and poured it upon the head of the young man, and kissed him, and said, \"Be thou a king, by the ordination of God, against the Philistines, and for avenging the Hebrews for what they have suffered by them; of this thou shalt have a sign, which I would have thee take notice of: - As soon as thou art departed hence, thou will find three men upon the road, going to worship God at Bethel; the first of whom thou wilt see carrying three loaves of bread, the second carrying a kid of the goats, and the third will follow them carrying a bottle of wine. These three men will salute thee, and speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And thence thou shalt come to a place called Rachel's Monument, where thou shalt meet with those that will tell thee thy asses are found; after this, when thou comest to Gabatha, thou shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou shalt be seized with the Divine Spirit, (8) and prophesy along with them, till every one that sees thee shall be astonished, and wonder, and say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has arrived at this degree of happiness? And when these signs have happened to thee, know that God is with thee; then do thou salute thy father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may offer thank-offerings to God for these blessings.\" When Samuel had said this, and foretold these things, he sent the young man away. Now all things fell out to Saul according to the prophecy of Samuel.",
+                    "3. But as soon as Saul came into the house of his kinsman Abner, whom indeed he loved better than the rest of his relations, he was asked by him concerning his journey, and what accidents happened to him therein; and he concealed none of the other things from him, no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor how he told him the asses were found; but he said nothing to him about the kingdom, and what belonged thereto, which he thought would procure him envy, and when such things are heard, they are not easily believed; nor did he think it prudent to tell those things to him, although he appeared very friendly to him, and one whom he loved above the rest of his relations, considering, I suppose, what human nature really is, that no one is a firm friend, neither among our intimates, nor of our kindred; nor do they preserve that kind disposition when God advances men to great prosperity, but they are still ill-natured and envious at those that are in eminent stations.",
+                    "4. Then Samuel called the people together to the city Mizpeh, and spake to them in the words following, which he said he was to speak by the command of God: - That when he had granted them a state of liberty, and brought their enemies into subjection, they were become unmindful of his benefits, and rejected God that he should not be their King, as not considering that it would be most for their advantage to be presided over by the best of beings, for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for their king; while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to the violence of their own wills and inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the lust of power, but will not endeavor so to preserve the race of mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which, for that very reason, God would take cake of. \"But since you have come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and scepters, and cast lots.\"",
+                    "5. When the Hebrews had so done, the lot fell upon the tribe of Benjamin; and when the lot was cast for the families of this tribe, that which was called Matri was taken; and when the lot was cast for the single persons of that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken for their king. When the young man knew this, he prevented [their sending for him], and immediately went away and hid himself. I suppose that it was because he would not have it thought that he willingly took the government upon him; nay, he showed such a degree of command over himself, and of modesty, that while the greatest part are not able to contain their joy, even in the gaining of small advantages, but presently show themselves publicly to all men, this man did not only show nothing of that nature, when he was appointed to be the lord of so many and so great tribes, but crept away and concealed himself out of the sight of those he was to reign over, and made them seek him, and that with a good deal of trouble. So when the people were at a loss, and solicitous, because Saul disappeared, the prophet besought God to show where the young man was, and to produce him before them. So when they had learned of God the place where Saul was hidden, they sent men to bring him; and when he was come, they set him in the midst of the multitude. Now he was taller than any of them, and his stature was very majestic.",
+                    "6. Then said the prophet, God gives you this man to be your king: see how he is higher than any of the people, and worthy of this dominion.\" So as soon as the people had made acclamation, God save the king, the prophet wrote down what would come to pass in a book, and read it in the hearing of the king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle of God, to be a witness to future generations of what he had foretold. So when Samuel had finished this matter, he dismissed the multitude, and came himself to the city Rainah, for it was his own country. Saul also went away to Gibeah, where he was born; and many good men there were who paid him the respect that was due to him; but the greater part were ill men, who despised him and derided the others, who neither did bring him presents, nor did they in affection, or even in words, regard to please him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul's Expedition Against The Nation Of The Ammonites And Victory Over Them And The Spoils He Took From Them. </i><br>1. After one month, the war which Saul had with Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, obtained him respect from all the people; for this Nahash had done a great deal of mischief to the Jews that lived beyond Jordan by the expedition he had made against them with a great and warlike army. He also reduced their cities into slavery, and that not only by subduing them for the present, which he did by force and violence, but by weakening them by subtlety and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to get clear of the slavery they were under to him; for he put out the right eyes (9) of those that either delivered themselves to him upon terms, or were taken by him in war; and this he did, that when their left eyes were covered by their shields, they might be wholly useless in war. Now when the king of the Ammonites had served those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led his army against those that were called Gileadites, and having pitched his camp at the metropolis of his enemies, which was the city of Jabesh, he sent ambassadors to them, commanding them either to deliver themselves up, on condition to have their right eyes plucked out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their cities overthrown. He gave them their choice, whether they would cut off a small member of their body, or universally perish. However, the Gileadites were so affrighted at these offers, that they had not courage to say any thing to either of them, neither that they would deliver themselves up, nor that they would fight him. But they desired that he would give them seven days' respite, that they might send ambassadors to their countrymen, and entreat their assistance; and if they came to assist them, they would fight; but if that assistance were impossible to be obtained from them, they said they would deliver themselves up to suffer whatever he pleased to inflict upon them.",
+                    "2. So Nabash, contemning the multitude of the Gileadites and the answer they gave, allowed them a respite, and gave them leave to send to whomsoever they pleased for assistance. So they immediately sent to the Israelites, city by city, and informed them what Nabash had threatened to do to them, and what great distress they were in. Now the people fell into tears and grief at the hearing of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said; and the terror they were in permitted them to do nothing more. But when the messengers were come to the city of king Saul, and declared the dangers in which the inhabitants of Jabesh were, the people were in the same affliction as those in the other cities, for they lamented the calamity of those related to them. And when Saul was returned from his husbandry into the city, he found his fellow citizens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he had learned the cause of the confusion and sadness they were in, he was seized with a divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors from the inhabitants of Jabesh, and promised them to come to their assistance on the third day, and to beat their enemies before sun-rising, that the sun upon its rising might see that they had already conquered, and were freed from the fears they were under: but he bid some of them stay to conduct them the right way to Jabesh.",
+                    "3. So being desirous to turn the people to this war against the Ammonites by fear of the losses they should otherwise undergo, and that they might the more suddenly be gathered together, he cut the sinews of his oxen, and threatened to do the same to all such as did not come with their armor to Jordan the next day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever they should lead them. So they came together, out of fear of the losses they were threatened with, at the appointed time. And the multitude were numbered at the city Bezek. And he found the number of those that were gathered together, besides that of the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred thousand, while those of that tribe were seventy thousand. So he passed over Jordan, and proceeded in marching all that night, thirty furlongs, and came to Jabesh before sun-rising. So he divided the army into three companies; and fell upon their enemies on every side on the sudden, and when they expected no such thing; and joining battle with them, they slew a great many of the Ammonites, as also their king Nabash. This glorious action was done by Saul, and was related with great commendation of him to all the Hebrews; and he thence gained a wonderful reputation for his valor: for although there were some of them that contemned him before, they now changed their minds, and honored him, and esteemed him as the best of men: for he did not content himself with having saved the inhabitants of Jabesh only, but he made an expedition into the country of the Ammonites, and laid it all waste, and took a large prey, and so returned to his own country most gloriously. So the people were greatly pleased at these excellent performances of Saul, and rejoiced that they had constituted him their king. They also made a clamor against those that pretended he would be of no advantage to their affairs; and they said, Where now are these men? - let them be brought to punishment, with all the like things that multitudes usually say when they are elevated with prosperity, against those that lately had despised the authors of it. But Saul, although he took the good-will and the affection of these men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would not see any of his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix this victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter of those that were of the same lineage with themselves; and that it was more agreeable to be men of a friendly disposition, and so to betake themselves to feasting.",
+                    "4. And when Samuel had told them that he ought to confirm the kingdom to Saul by a second ordination of him, they all came together to the city of Gilgal, for thither did he command them to come. So the prophet anointed Saul with the holy oil in the sight of the multitude, and declared him to be king the second time. And so the government of the Hebrews was changed into a regal government; for in the days of Moses, and his disciple Joshua, who was their general, they continued under an aristocracy; but after the death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the multitude had no settled form of government, but were in an anarchy; after which they returned to their former government, they then permitting themselves to be judged by him who appeared to be the best warrior and most courageous, whence it was that they called this interval of their government the Judges.",
+                    "5. Then did Samuel the prophet call another assembly also, and said to them,\" I solemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who brought those excellent brethren, I mean Moses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the slavery they endured under them, that you will not speak what you say to gratify me, nor suppress any thing out of fear of me, nor be overborne by any other passion, but say, What have I ever done that was cruel or unjust? or what have I done out of lucre or covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear witness against me, if I have taken an ox or a sheep, or any such thing, which yet when they are taken to support men, it is esteemed blameless; or have I taken an ass for mine own use of any one to his grief? - lay some one such crime to my charge, now we are in your king's presence.\" But they cried out, that no such thing had been done by him, but that he had presided over the nation after a holy and righteous manner.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Samuel, when such a testimony had been given him by them all, said, \"Since you grant that you are not able to lay any ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on now, and do you hearken while I speak with great freedom to you. You have been guilty of great impiety against God, in asking you a king. It behoves you to remember that our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt, by reason of a famine, with seventy souls only of our family, and that their posterity multiplied there to many ten thousands, whom the Egyptians brought into slavery and hard oppression; that God himself, upon the prayers of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who were brethren, and gave them power to deliver the multitude out of their distress, and this without a king. These brought us into this very land which you now possess: and when you enjoyed these advantages from God, you betrayed his worship and religion; nay, moreover, when you were brought under the hands of your enemies, he delivered you, first by rendering you superior to the Assyrians and their forces, he then made you to overcome the Ammonites and the Moabites, and last of all the Philistines; and these things have been achieved under the conduct of Jephtha and Gideon. What madness therefore possessed you to fly from God, and to desire to be under a king? - yet have I ordained him for king whom he chose for you. However, that I may make it plain to you that God is angry and displeased at your choice of kingly government, I will so dispose him that he shall declare this very plainly to you by strange signals; for what none of you ever saw here before, I mean a winter storm in the midst of harvest, (10) I will entreat of God, and will make it visible to you.\" Now, as soon as he had said this, God gave such great signals by thunder and lightning, and the descent of hail, as attested the truth of all that the prophet had said, insomuch that they were amazed and terrified, and confessed they had sinned, and had fallen into that sin through ignorance; and besought the prophet, as one that was a tender and gentle father to them, to render God so merciful as to forgive this their sin, which they had added to those other offenses whereby they had affronted him and transgressed against him. So he promised them that he would beseech God, and persuade him to forgive them these their sins. However, he advised them to be righteous, and to be good, and ever to remember the miseries that had befallen them on account of their departure from virtue: as also to remember the strange signs God had shown them, and the body of laws that Moses had given them, if they had any desire of being preserved and made happy with their king. But he said, that if they should grow careless of these things, great judgments would come from God upon them, and upon their king. And when Samuel had thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he dismissed them to their own homes, having confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews And Were Beaten. </i><br>1. Now Saul chose out of the multitude about three thousand men, and he took two thousand of them to be the guards of his own body, and abode in the city Bethel, but he gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to be the guards of his body; and sent him to Gibeah, where he besieged and took a certain garrison of the Philistines, not far from Gilgal; for the Philistines of Gibeah had beaten the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and had put garrisons into the strongest places of the country, and had forbidden them to carry any instrument of iron, or at all to make use of any iron in any case whatsoever. And on account of this prohibition it was that the husbandmen, if they had occasion to sharpen any of their tools, whether it were the coulter or the spade, or any instrument of husbandry, they came to the Philistines to do it. Now as soon as the Philistines heard of this slaughter of their garrison, they were in a rage about it, and, looking on this contempt as a terrible affront offered them, they made war against the Jews, with three hundred thousand footmen, and thirty thousand chariots, and six thousand horses; and they pitched their camp at the city Michmash. When Saul, the king of the Hebrews, was informed of this, he went down to the city Gilgal, and made proclamation over all the country, that they should try to regain their liberty; and called them to the war against the Philistines, diminishing their forces, and despising them as not very considerable, and as not so great but they might hazard a battle with them. But when the people about Saul observed how numerous the Philistines were, they were under a great consternation; and some of them hid themselves in caves and in dens under ground, but the greater part fled into the land beyond Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.",
+                    "2. But Saul sent to the prophet, and called him to consult with him about the war and the public affairs; so he commanded him to stay there for him, and to prepare sacrifices, for he would come to him within seven days, that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh day, and might then join battle with their enemies. So he waited (11) as the prophet sent to him to do; yet did not he, however, observe the command that was given him, but when he saw that the prophet tarried longer than he expected, and that he was deserted by the soldiers, he took the sacrifices and offered them; and when he heard that Samuel was come, he went out to meet him. But the prophet said he had not done well in disobeying the injunctions he had sent to him, and had not staid till his coming, which being appointed according to the will of God, he had prevented him in offering up those prayers and those sacrifices that he should have made for the multitude, and that he therefore had performed Divine offices in an ill manner, and had been rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul made an apology for himself, and said that he had waited as many days as Samuel had appointed him; that he had been so quick in offering his sacrifices, upon account of the necessity he was in, and because his soldiers were departing from him, out of their fear of the enemy's camp at Michmash, the report being gone abroad that they were coming down upon him of Gilgal. To which Samuel replied, \"Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righteous man, (12) and hadst not disobeyed me, nor slighted the commands which God suggested to me concerning the present state of affairs, and hadst not acted more hastily than the present circumstances required, thou wouldst have been permitted to reign a long time, and thy posterity after thee.\" So Samuel, being grieved at what happened, returned home; but Saul came to the city Gibeah, with his son Jonathan, having only six hundred men with him; and of these the greater part had no weapons, because of the scarcity of iron in that country, as well as of those that could make such weapons; for, as we showed a little before, the Philistines had not suffered them to have such iron or such workmen. Now the Philistines divided their army into three companies, and took as many roads, and laid waste the country of the Hebrews, while king Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done, but were not able to defend the land, having no more than six hundred men with them. But as he, and his son, and Abiah the high priest, who was of the posterity of Eli the high priest, were sitting upon a pretty high hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they were mightily disturbed at it. Now Saul's son agreed with his armor-bearer, that they would go privately to the enemy's camp, and make a tumult and a disturbance among them. And when the armor-bearer had readily promised to follow him whithersoever he should lead him, though he should be obliged to die in the attempt, Jonathan made use of the young man's assistance, and descended from the hill, and went to their enemies. Now the enemy's camp was upon a precipice which had three tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long extremity, while there was a rock that surrounded them, like lines made to prevent the attacks of an enemy. There it so happened, that the out-guards of the camp were neglected, because of the security that here arose from the situation of the place, and because they thought it altogether impossible, not only to ascend up to the camp on that quarter, but so much as to come near it. As soon, therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan encouraged his armor-bearer, and said to him, \"Let us attack our enemies; and if, when they see us, they bid us come up to them, take that for a signal of victory; but if they say nothing, as not intending to invite us to come up, let us return back again.\" So when they were approaching to the enemy's camp, just after break of day, and the Philistines saw them, they said one to another, \"The Hebrews come out of their dens and caves:\" and they said to Jonathan and to his armor-bearer, \"Come on, ascend up to us, that we may inflict a just punishment upon you, for your rash attempt upon us.\" So Saul's son accepted of that invitation, as what signified to him victory, and he immediately came out of the place whence they were seen by their enemies: so he changed his place, and came to the rock, which had none to guard it, because of its own strength; from thence they crept up with great labor and difficulty, and so far overcame by force the nature of the place, till they were able to fight with their enemies. So they fell upon them as they were asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and thereby filled them with disorder and surprise, insomuch that some of them threw away their entire armor and fled; but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because they were of different nations, suspected one another to be enemies, (for they did not imagine there were only two of the Hebrews that came up,) and so they fought one against another; and some of them died in the battle, and some, as they were flying away, were thrown down from the rock headlong.",
+                    "3. Now Saul's watchmen told the king that the camp of the Philistines was in confusion; then he inquired whether any body was gone away from the army; and when he heard that his son, and with him his armor-bearer, were absent, he bade the high priest take the garments of his high priesthood, and prophesy to him what success they should have; who said that they should get the victory, and prevail against their enemies. So he went out after the Philistines, and set upon them as they were slaying one another. Those also who had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that Saul was gaining a victory, came running to him. When, therefore, the number of the Hebrews that came to Saul amounted to about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy, who were scattered all over the country; but then he fell into an action, which was a very unhappy one, and liable to be very much blamed; for, whether out of ignorance or whether out of joy for a victory gained so strangely, (for it frequently happens that persons so fortunate are not then able to use their reason consistently,) as he was desirous to avenge himself, and to exact a due punishment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse (13) upon the Hebrews: That if any one put a stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and fell on eating, and left off the slaughter or the pursuit before the night came on, and obliged them so to do, he should be accursed. Now after Saul had denounced this curse, since they were now in a wood belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees, Saul's son, who did not hear his father denounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation the multitude gave to it, broke off a piece of a honey-comb, and ate part of it. But, in the mean time, he was informed with what a curse his father had forbidden them to taste any thing before sun-setting: so he left off eating, and said his father had not done well in this prohibition, because, had they taken some food, they had pursued the enemy with greater rigor and alacrity, and had both taken and slain many more of their enemies.",
+                    "4. When, therefore, they had slain many ten thousands of the Philistines, they fell upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but not till late in the evening. They also took a great deal of prey and cattle, and killed them, and ate them with their blood. This was told to the king by the scribes, that the multitude were sinning against God as they sacrificed, and were eating before the blood was well washed away, and the flesh was made clean. Then did Saul give order that a great stone should be rolled into the midst of them, and he made proclamation that they should kill their sacrifices upon it, and not feed upon the flesh with the blood, for that was not acceptable to God. And when all the people did as the king commanded them, Saul erected an altar there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to God (14) This was the first altar that Saul built.",
+                    "5. So when Saul was desirous of leading his men to the enemy's camp before it was day, in order to plunder it, and when the soldiers were not unwilling to follow him, but indeed showed great readiness to do as he commanded them, the king called Ahitub the high priest, and enjoined him to know of God whether he would grant them the favor and permission to go against the enemy's camp, in order to destroy those that were in it. And when the priest said that God did not give any answer, Saul replied, \"And not without some cause does God refuse to answer what we inquire of him, while yet a little while ago he declared to us all that we desired beforehand, and even prevented us in his answer. To be sure there is some sin against him that is concealed from us, which is the occasion of his silence. Now I swear by him himself, that though he that hath committed this sin should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I will slay him, and by that means will appease the anger of God against us, and that in the very same manner as if I were to punish a stranger, and one not at all related to me, for the same offense.\" So when the multitude cried out to him so to do, he presently set all the rest on one side, and he and his son stood on the other side, and he sought to discover the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared to fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was asked by his father what sin he had been guilty of, and what he was conscious of in the course of his life that might be esteemed instances of guilt or profaneness, his answer was this, \"O father, I have done nothing more than that yesterday, without knowing of the curse and oath thou hadst denounced, while I was in pursuit of the enemy, I tasted of a honey-comb.\" But Saul sware that he would slay him, and prefer the observation of his oath before all the ties of birth and of nature. And Jonathan was not dismayed at this threatening of death, but, offering himself to it generously and undauntedly, he said, \"Nor do I desire you, father, to spare me: death will be to me very acceptable, when it proceeds from thy piety, and after a glorious victory; for it is the greatest consolation to me that I leave the Hebrews victorious over the Philistines.\" Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and greatly afflicted for Jonathan; and they sware that they would not overlook Jonathan, and see him die, who was the author of their victory. By which means they snatched him out of the danger he was in from his father's curse, while they made their prayers to God also for the young man, that he would remit his sin.",
+                    "6. So Saul, having slain about sixty thousand of the enemy, returned home to his own city, and reigned happily: and he also fought against the neighboring nations, and subdued the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines, and Edomites, and Amalekites, as also the king of Zobah. He had three male children, Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with Merab and Michal his daughters. He had also Abner, his uncle's son, for the captain of his host: that uncle's name was Ner. Now Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were brothers. Saul had also a great many chariots and horsemen, and against whomsoever he made war he returned conqueror, and advanced the affairs of the Hebrews to a great degree of success and prosperity, and made them superior to other nations; and he made such of the young men as were remarkable for tallness and comeliness the guards of his body."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul's War With The Amalekites, And Conquest Of Them. </i><br>1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said to him, that he was sent by God to put him in mind that God had preferred him before all others, and ordained him king; that he therefore ought to be obedient to him, and to submit to his authority, as considering, that though he had the dominion over the other tribes, yet that God had the dominion over him, and over all things. That accordingly God said to him, that \"because the Amalekites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief while they were in the wilderness, and when, upon their coming out of Egypt, they were making their way to that country which is now their own, I enjoin thee to punish the Amalekites, by making war upon them; and when thou hast subdued them, to leave none of them alive, but to pursue them through every age, and to slay them, beginning with the women and the infants, and to require this as a punishment to be inflicted upon them for the mischief they did to our forefathers; to spare nothing, neither asses nor other beasts, nor to reserve any of them for your own advantage and possession, but to devote them universally to God, and, in obedience to the commands of Moses, to blot out the name of Amalek entirely.\" (15)",
+                    "2. So Saul promised to do what he was commanded; and supposing that his obedience to God would be shown, not only in making war against the Amalekites, but more fully in the readiness and quickness of his proceedings, he made no delay, but immediately gathered together all his forces; and when he had numbered them in Gilgal, he found them to be about four hundred thousand of the Israelites, besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe contained by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly, Saul made an irruption into the country of the Amalekites, and set many men in several parties in ambush at the river, that so he might not only do them a mischief by open fighting, but might fall upon them unexpectedly in the ways, and might thereby compass them round about, and kill them. And when he had joined battle with the enemy, he beat them; and pursuing them as they fled, he destroyed them all. And when that undertaking had succeeded, according as God had foretold, he set upon the cities of the Amalekites; he besieged them, and took them by force, partly by warlike machines, partly by mines dug under ground, and partly by building walls on the outsides. Some they starved out with famine, and some they gained by other methods; and after all, he betook himself to slay the women and the children, and thought he did not act therein either barbarously or inhumanly; first, because they were enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next place, because it was done by the command of God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He also took Agag, the enemies' king, captive, - the beauty and tallness of whose body he admired so much, that he thought him worthy of preservation. Yet was not this done however according to the will of God, but by giving way to human passions, and suffering himself to be moved with an unseasonable commiseration, in a point where it was not safe for him to indulge it; for God hated the nation of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he commanded Saul to have no pity on even those infants which we by nature chiefly compassionate; but Saul preserved their king and governor from the miseries which the Hebrews brought on the people, as if he preferred the fine appearance of the enemy to the memory of what God had sent him about. The multitude were also guilty, together with Saul; for they spared the herds and the flocks, and took them for a prey, when God had commanded they should not spare them. They also carried off with them the rest of their wealth and riches; but if there were any thing that was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed.",
+                    "3. But when Saul had conquered all these Amalekites that reached from Pelusium of Egypt to the Red Sea, he laid waste all the rest of the enemy's country: but for the nation of the Shechemites, he did not touch them, although they dwelt in the very middle of the country of Midian; for before the battle, Saul had sent to them, and charged them to depart thence, lest they should be partakers of the miseries of the Amalekites; for he had a just occasion for saving them, since they were of the kindred of Raguel, Moses's father-in-law.",
+                    "4. Hereupon Saul returned home with joy, for the glorious things he had done, and for the conquest of his enemies, as though he had not neglected any thing which the prophet had enjoined him to do when he was going to make war with the Amalekites, and as though he had exactly observed all that he ought to have done. But God was grieved that the king of the Amalekites was preserved alive, and that the multitude had seized on the cattle for a prey, because these things were done without his permission; for he thought it an intolerable thing that they should conquer and overcome their enemies by that power which he gave them, and then that he himself should be so grossly despised and disobeyed by them, that a mere man that was a king would not bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet, that he repented that he had made Saul king, while he did nothing that he had commanded him, but indulged his own inclinations. When Samuel heard that, he was in confusion, and began to beseech God all that night to be reconciled to Saul, and not to be angry with him; but he did not grant that forgiveness to Saul which the prophet asked for, as not deeming it a fit thing to grant forgiveness of [such] sins at his entreaties, since injuries do not otherwise grow so great as by the easy tempers of those that are injured; or while they hunt after the glory of being thought gentle and good-natured, before they are aware they produce other sins. As soon therefore as God had rejected the intercession of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he would not change his mind, at break of day Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When the king saw him, he ran to him, and embraced him, and said, \"I return thanks to God, who hath given me the victory, for I have performed every thing that he hath commanded me.\" To which Samuel replied, \"How is it then that I hear the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the greater cattle in the camp?\" Saul made answer, That the people had reserved them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed, as he had received it in command to see done, and that no one man was left; but that he had saved alive the king alone, and brought him to him, concerning whom, he said, they would advise together what should be done with him.\" But the prophet said, \"God is not delighted with sacrifices, but with good and with righteous men, who are such as follow his will and his laws, and never think that any thing is well done by them but when they do it as God had commanded them; that he then looks upon himself as affronted, not when any one does not sacrifice, but when any one appears to be disobedient to him. But that from those who do not obey him, nor pay him that duty which is the alone true and acceptable worship, he will not kindly accept their oblations, be those they offer ever so many and so fat, and be the presents they make him ever so ornamental, nay, though they were made of gold and silver themselves, but he will reject them, and esteem them instances of wickedness, and not of piety. And that he is delighted with those that still bear in mind this one thing, and this only, how to do that, whatsoever it be, which God pronounces or commands for them to do, and to choose rather to die than to transgress any of those commands; nor does he require so much as a sacrifice from them. And when these do sacrifice, though it be a mean oblation, he better accepts of it as the honor of poverty, than such oblations as come from the richest men that offer them to him. Wherefore take notice, that thou art under the wrath of God, for thou hast despised and neglected what he commanded thee. How dost thou then suppose that he will respect a sacrifice out of such things as he hath doomed to destruction? unless perhaps thou dost imagine that it is almost all one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to destroy it. Do thou therefore expect that thy kingdom will be taken from thee, and that authority which thou hast abused by such insolent behavior, as to neglect that God who bestowed it upon thee.\" Then did Saul confess that he had acted unjustly, and did not deny that he had sinned, because he had transgressed the injunctions of the prophet; but he said that it was out of a dread and fear of the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and restrain them when they seized on the prey. \"But forgive me,\" said he, \"and be merciful to me, for I will be cautious how I offend for the time to come.\" He also entreated the prophet to go back with him, that he might offer his thank-offerings to God; but Samuel went home, because he saw that God would not be reconciled to him.",
+                    "5. But then Saul was so desirous to retain Samuel, that he took hold of his cloak, and because the vehemence of Samuel's departure made the motion to be violent, the cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet said, that after the same manner should the kingdom be rent from him, and that a good and a just man should take it; that God persevered in what he had decreed about him; that to be mutable and changeable in what is determined, is agreeable to human passions only, but is not agreeable to the Divine Power. Hereupon Saul said that he had been wicked, but that what was done could not be undone: he therefore desired him to honor him so far, that the multitude might see that he would accompany him in worshipping God. So Samuel granted him that favor, and went with him and worshipped God. Agag also, the king of the Amalekites, was brought to him; and when the king asked, How bitter death was? Samuel said, \"As thou hast made many of the Hebrew mothers to lament and bewail the loss of their children, so shalt thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to lament thee also.\" Accordingly, he gave order to slay him immediately at Gilgal, and then went away to the city Ramah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Saul's Transgression Of The Prophet's Commands, Samuel Ordained Another Person To Be King Privately, Whose Name Was David, As God Commanded Him. </i><br>1. Now Saul being sensible of the miserable condition he had brought himself into, and that he had made God to be his enemy, he went up to his royal palace at Gibeah, which name denotes a hill, and after that day he came no more into the presence of the prophet. And when Samuel mourned for him, God bid him leave off his concern for him, and to take the holy oil, and go to Bethlehem, to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such of his sons as he should show him for their future king. But Samuel said, he was afraid lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should kill him, either by some private method or even openly. But upon God's suggesting to him a safe way of going thither, he came to the forementioned city; and when they all saluted him, and asked what was the occasion of his coming, he told them he came to sacrifice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten the sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his sons to partake of those sacrifices; and when he saw his eldest son to be a tall and handsome man, he guessed by his comeliness that he was the person who was to be their future king. But he was mistaken in judging about God's providence; for when Samuel inquired of God whether he should anoint this youth, whom he so admired, and esteemed worthy of the kingdom, God said, \"Men do not see as God seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to the fine appearance of this youth, and thence esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while I propose the kingdom as a reward, not of the beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls, and I inquire after one that is perfectly comely in that respect; I mean one who is beautiful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude, and obedience, for in them consists the comeliness of the soul.\" When God had said this, Samuel bade Jesse to show him all his sons. So he made five others of his sons to come to him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest, Aminadab the second, Shammall the third, Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw that these were no way inferior to the eldest in their countenances, he inquired of God which of them it was whom he chose for their king. And when God said it was none of them, he asked Jesse whether he had not some other sons besides these; and when he said that he had one more, named David, but that he was a shepherd, and took care of the flocks, Samuel bade them call him immediately, for that till he was come they could not possibly sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his father had sent for David, and he was come, he appeared to be of a yellow complexion, of a sharp sight, and a comely person in other respects also. This is he, said Samuel privately to himself, whom it pleases God to make our king. So he sat down to the feast, and placed the youth under him, and Jesse also, with his other sons; after which he took oil in the presence of David, and anointed him, and whispered him in the ear, and acquainted him that God chose him to be their king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and obedient to his commands, for that by this means his kingdom would continue for a long time, and that his house should be of great splendor, and celebrated in the world; that he should overthrow the Philistines; and that against what nations soever he should make war, he should be the conqueror, and survive the fight; and that while he lived he should enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name to his posterity also.",
+                    "2. So Samuel, when he had given him these admonitions, went away. But the Divine Power departed from Saul, and removed to David; who, upon this removal of the Divine Spirit to him, began to prophesy. But as for Saul, some strange and demoniacal disorders came upon him, and brought upon him such suffocations as were ready to choke him; for which the physicians could find no other remedy but this, That if any person could charm those passions by singing, and playing upon the harp, they advised them to inquire for such a one, and to observe when these demons came upon him and disturbed him, and to take care that such a person might stand over him, and play upon the harp, and recite hymns to him. (16) Accordingly Saul did not delay, but commanded them to seek out such a man. And when a certain stander-by said that he had seen in the city of Bethlehem a son of Jesse, who was yet no more than a child in age, but comely and beautiful, and in other respects one that was deserving of great regard, who was skillful in playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns, [and an excellent soldier in war,] he sent to Jesse, and desired him to take David away from the flocks, and send him to him, for he had a mind to see him, as having heard an advantageous character of his comeliness and his valor. So Jesse sent his son, and gave him presents to carry to Saul. And when he was come, Saul was pleased with him, and made him his armor-bearer, and had him in very great esteem; for he charmed his passion, and was the only physician against the trouble he had from the demons, whensoever it was that it came upon him, and this by reciting of hymns, and playing upon the harp, and bringing Saul to his right mind again. However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the child, and desired him to permit David to stay with him, for that he was delighted with his sight and company; which stay, that he might not contradict Saul, he granted."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews Under The Reign Of Saul; And How They Were Overcome By David's Slaying Goliath In Single Combat. </i><br>1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves together again no very long time afterward; and having gotten together a great army, they made war against the Israelites; and having seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah, they there pitched their camp. Saul also drew out his army to oppose them; and by pitching his own camp on a certain hill, he forced the Philistines to leave their former camp, and to encamp themselves upon such another hill, over-against that on which Saul's army lay, so that a valley, which was between the two hills on which they lay, divided their camps asunder. Now there came down a man out of the camp of the Philistines, whose name was Goliath, of the city of Gath, a man of vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a span in tallness, and had about him weapons suitable to the largeness of his body, for he had a breastplate on that weighed five thousand shekels: he had also a helmet and greaves of brass, as large as you would naturally suppose might cover the limbs of so vast a body. His spear was also such as was not carried like a light thing in his right hand, but he carried it as lying on his shoulders. He had also a lance of six hundred shekels; and many followed him to carry his armor. Wherefore this Goliath stood between the two armies, as they were in battle array, and sent out aloud voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, \"I will free you from fighting and from dangers; for what necessity is there that your army should fall and be afflicted? Give me a man of you that will fight with me, and he that conquers shall have the reward of the conqueror and determine the war; for these shall serve those others to whom the conqueror shall belong; and certainly it is much better, and more prudent, to gain what you desire by the hazard of one man than of all.\" When he had said this, he retired to his own camp; but the next day he came again, and used the same words, and did not leave off for forty days together, to challenge the enemy in the same words, till Saul and his army were therewith terrified, while they put themselves in array as if they would fight, but did not come to a close battle.",
+                    "2. Now while this war between the Hebrews and the Philistines was going on, Saul sent away David to his father Jesse, and contented himself with those three sons of his whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be partners in the dangers of the war: and at first David returned to feed his sheep and his flocks; but after no long time he came to the camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his father, to carry provisions to his brethren, and to know what they were doing. While Goliath came again, and challenged them, and reproached them, that they had no man of valor among them that durst come down to fight him; and as David was talking with his brethren about the business for which his father had sent him, he heard the Philistine reproaching and abusing the army, and had indignation at it, and said to his brethren, \"I am ready to fight a single combat with this adversary.\" Whereupon Eliab, his eldest brother, reproved him, and said that he spoke too rashly and improperly for one of his age, and bid him go to his flocks, and to his father. So he was abashed at his brother's words, and went away, but still he spake to some of the soldiers that he was willing to fight with him that challenged them. And when they had informed Saul what was the resolution of the young man, the king sent for him to come to him: and when the king asked what he had to say, he replied, \"O king, be not cast down, nor afraid, for I will depress the insolence of this adversary, and will go down and fight with him, and will bring him under me, as tall and as great as he is, till he shall be sufficiently laughed at, and thy army shall get great glory, when he shall be slain by one that is not yet of man's estate, neither fit for fighting, nor capable of being intrusted with the marshalling an army, or ordering a battle, but by one that looks like a child, and is really no elder in age than a child.\"",
+                    "3. Now Saul wondered at the boldness and alacrity of David, but durst not presume on his ability, by reason of his age; but said he must on that account be too weak to fight with one that was skilled in the art of war. \"I undertake this enterprise,\" said David, \"in dependence on God's being with me, for I have had experience already of his assistance; for I once pursued after and caught a lion that assaulted my flocks, and took away a lamb from them; and I snatched the lamb out of the wild beast's mouth, and when he leaped upon me with violence, I took him by the tail, and dashed him against the ground. In the same manner did I avenge myself on a bear also; and let this adversary of ours be esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since he has a long while reproached our army, and blasphemed our God, who yet will reduce him under my power.\"",
+                    "4. However, Saul prayed that the end might be, by God's assistance, not disagreeable to the alacrity and boldness of the child; and said, \"Go thy way to the fight.\" So he put about him his breastplate, and girded on his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head, and sent him away. But David was burdened with his armor, for he had not been exercised to it, nor had he learned to walk with it; so he said, \"Let this armor be thine, O king, who art able to bear it; but give me leave to fight as thy servant, and as I myself desire.\" Accordingly he laid by the armor, and taking his staff with him, and putting five stones out of the brook into a shepherd's bag, and having a sling in his right hand, he went towards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him come in such a manner, disdained him, and jested upon him, as if he had not such weapons with him as are usual when one man fights against another, but such as are used in driving away and avoiding of dogs; and said, \"Dost thou take me not for a man, but a dog?\" To which he replied, \"No, not for a dog, but for a creature worse than a dog.\" This provoked Goliath to anger, who thereupon cursed him by the name of God, and threatened to give his flesh to the beasts of the earth, and to the fowls of the air, to be torn in pieces by them. To whom David answered, Thou comest to me with a sword, and with a spear, and with a breastplate; but I have God for my armor in coming against thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army by my hands for I will this day cut off thy head, and cast the other parts of thy body to the dogs, and all men shall learn that God is the protector of the Hebrews, and that our armor and our strength is in his providence; and that without God's assistance, all other warlike preparations and power are useless.\" So the Philistine being retarded by the weight of his armor, when he attempted to meet David in haste, came on but slowly, as despising him, and depending upon it that he should slay him, who was both unarmed and a child also, without any trouble at all.",
+                    "5. But the youth met his antagonist, being accompanied with an invisible assistant, who was no other than God himself. And taking one of the stones that he had out of the brook, and had put into his shepherd's bag, and fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the Philistine. This stone fell upon his forehead, and sank into his brain, insomuch that Goliath was stunned, and fell upon his face. So David ran, and stood upon his adversary as he lay down, and cut off his head with his own sword; for he had no sword himself. And upon the fall of Goliath the Philistines were beaten, and fled; for when they saw their champion prostrate on the ground, they were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs, and resolved not to stay any longer, but committed themselves to an ignominious and indecent flight, and thereby endeavored to save themselves from the dangers they were in. But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews made a shout, and rushed upon them, and slew a great number of them, and pursued the rest to the borders of Garb, and to the gates of Ekron; so that there were slain of the Philistines thirty thousand, and twice as many wounded. But Saul returned to their camp, and pulled their fortification to pieces, and burnt it; but David carried the head of Goliath into his own tent, but dedicated his sword to God [at the tabernacle]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul Envies David For His Glorious Success, And Takes An Occasion Of Entrapping Him, From The Promise He Made Him Of Giving Him His Daughter In Marriage; But This Upon Condition Of His Bringing Him Six Hundred Heads Of The Philistines. </i><br>1. Now the women were an occasion of Saul's envy and hatred to David; for they came to meet their victorious army with cymbals, and drums, and all demonstrations of joy, and sang thus: The wives said, that \"Saul had slain his many thousands of the Philistines.\" The virgins replied, that \"David had slain his ten thousands.\" Now, when the king heard them singing thus, and that he had himself the smallest share in their commendations, and the greater number, the ten thousands, were ascribed to the young man; and when he considered with himself that there was nothing more wanting to David, after such a mighty applause, but the kingdom; he began to be afraid and suspicious of David. Accordingly he removed him from the station he was in before, for he was his armor-bearer, which, out of fear, seemed to him much too near a station for him; and so he made him captain over a thousand, and bestowed on him a post better indeed in itself, but, as he thought, more for his own security; for he had a mind to send him against the enemy, and into battles, as hoping he would be slain in such dangerous conflicts.",
+                    "2. But David had God going along with him whithersoever he went, and accordingly he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and it was visible that he had mighty success, insomuch that Saul's daughter, who was still a virgin, fell in love with him; and her affection so far prevailed over her, that it could not be concealed, and her father became acquainted with it. Now Saul heard this gladly, as intending to make use of it for a snare against David, and he hoped that it would prove the cause of destruction and of hazard to him; so he told those that informed him of his daughter's affection, that he would willingly give David the virgin in marriage, and said, \"I engage myself to marry my daughter to him if he will bring me six hundred heads of my enemies (17) supposing that when a reward so ample was proposed to him, and when he should aim to get him great glory, by undertaking a thing so dangerous and incredible, he would immediately set about it, and so perish by the Philistines; and my designs about him will succeed finely to my mind, for I shall be freed from him, and get him slain, not by myself, but by another man.\" So he gave order to his servants to try how David would relish this proposal of marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they began to speak thus to him: That king Saul loved him, as well as did all the people, and that he was desirous of his affinity by the marriage of this damsel. To which he gave this answer: - \"Seemeth it to you a light thing to be made the king's son-in-law? It does not seem so to me, especially when I am one of a family that is low, and without any glory or honor.\" Now when Saul was informed by his servants what answer David had made, he said, - \"Tell him that I do not want any money nor dowry from him, which would be rather to set my daughter to sale than to give her in marriage; but I desire only such a son-in-law as hath in him fortitude, and all other kinds of virtue,\" of which he saw David was possessed, and that his desire was to receive of him, on account of his marrying his daughter, neither gold nor silver, nor that he should bring such wealth out of his father's house, but only some revenge on the Philistines, and indeed six hundred of their heads, than which a more desirable or a more glorious present could not be brought him, and that he had much rather obtain this, than any of the accustomed dowries for his daughter, viz. that she should be married to a man of that character, and to one who had a testimony as having conquered his enemies.",
+                    "3. When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased with them, and supposed that Saul was really desirous of this affinity with him; so that without bearing to deliberate any longer, or casting about in his mind whether what was proposed was possible, or was difficult or not, he and his companions immediately set upon the enemy, and went about doing what was proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly, because it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he slew many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hundred of them, and came to the king, and by showing him these heads of the Philistines, required that he might have his daughter in marriage. Accordingly, Saul having no way of getting off his engagements, as thinking it a base thing either to seem a liar when he promised him this marriage, or to appear to have acted treacherously by him, in putting him upon what was in a manner impossible, in order to have him slain, he gave him his daughter in marriage: her name was Michal."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, Upon Saul's Laying Snares For Him, Did Yet Escape The Dangers He Was In By The Affection And Care Of Jonathan And The Contrivances Of His Wife Michal: And How He Came To Samuel The Prophet. </i><br>1. However, Saul was not disposed to persevere long in the state wherein he was, for when he saw that David was in great esteem, both with God and with the multitude, he was afraid; and being not able to conceal his fear as concerning great things, his kingdom and his life, to be deprived of either of which was a very great calamity, he resolved to have David slain, and commanded his son Jonathan and his most faithful servants to kill him: but Jonathan wondered at his father's change with relation to David, that it should be made to so great a degree, from showing him no small good-will, to contrive how to have him killed. Now, because he loved the young man, and reverenced him for his virtue, he informed him of the secret charge his father had given, and what his intentions were concerning him. However, he advised him to take care and be absent the next day, for that he would salute his father, and, if he met with a favorable opportunity, he would discourse with him about him, and learn the cause of his disgust, and show how little ground there was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill a man that had done so many good things to the multitude, and had been a benefactor to himself, on account of which he ought in reason to obtain pardon, had he been guilty of the greatest crimes; and \"I will then inform thee of my father's resolution.\" Accordingly David complied with such an advantageous advice, and kept himself then out of the king's sight.",
+                    "2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul, as soon as he saw him in a cheerful and joyful disposition, and began to introduce a discourse about David: \"What unjust action, O father, either little or great, hast thou found so exceptionable in David, as to induce thee to order us to slay a man who hath been of great advantage to thy own preservation, and of still greater to the punishment of the Philistines? A man who hath delivered the people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the challen ge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our enemies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in marriage; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before she can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. Consider these things, and change your mind to a more merciful temper, and do no mischief to a man, who, in the first place, hath done us the greatest kindness of preserving thee; for when an evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee, he cast them out, and procured rest to thy soul from their incursions: and, in the second place, hath avenged us of our enemies; for it is a base thing to forget such benefits.\" So Saul was pacified with these words, and sware to his son that he would do David no harm, for a righteous discourse proved too hard for the king's anger and fear. So Jonathan sent for David, and brought him good news from his father, that he was to be preserved. He also brought him to his father; and David continued with the king as formerly.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that, upon the Philistines making a new expedition against the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army to fight with them; and joining battle with them he slew many of them, and after his victory he returned to the king. But his reception by Saul was not as he expected upon such success, for he was grieved at his prosperity, because he thought he would be more dangerous to him by having acted so gloriously: but when the demoniacal spirit came upon him, and put him into disorder, and disturbed him, he called for David into his bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having a spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm him with playing on his harp, and with singing hymns; which when David did at his command, he with great force threw the spear at him; but David was aware of it before it came, and avoided it, and fled to his own house, and abode there all that day.",
+                    "4. But at night the king sent officers, and commanded that he should be watched till the morning, lest he should get quite away, that he might come into the judgment-hall, and so might be delivered up, and condemned and slain. But when Michal, David's wife, the king's daughter, understood what her father designed, she came to her husband, as having small hopes of his deliverance, and as greatly concerned about her own life also, for she could not bear to live in case she were deprived of him; and she said, \"Let not the sun find thee here when it rises, for if it do, that will be the last time it will see thee: fly away then while the night may afford thee opportunity, and may God lengthen it for thy sake; for know this, that if my father find thee, thou art a dead man.\" So she let him down by a cord out of the window, and saved him: and after she had done so, she fitted up a bed for him as if he were sick, and put under the bed-clothes a goat's liver (18) and when her father, as soon as it was day, sent to seize David, she said to those that were there, That he had not been well that night, and showed them the bed covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the liver, which caused the bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed like one that was asthmatic. So when those that were sent told Saul that David had not been well in the night he ordered him to be brought in that condition, for he intended to kill him. Now when they came and uncovered the bed, and found out the woman's contrivance, they told it to the king; and when her father complained of her that she had saved his enemy, and had put a trick upon himself, she invented this plausible defense for herself, and said, That when he had threatened to kill her, she lent him her assistance for his preservation, out of fear; for which her assistance she ought to be forgiven, because it was not done of her own free choice, but out of necessity: \"For,\" said she, \"I do not suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved.\" Accordingly Saul forgave the damsel; but David, when he had escaped this danger, came to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told him what snares the king had laid for him, and how he was very near to death by Saul's throwing a spear at him, although he had been no way guilty with relation to him, nor had he been cowardly in his battles with his enemies, but had succeeded well in them all, by God's assistance; which thing was indeed the cause of Saul's hatred to David.",
+                    "5. When the prophet was made acquainted with the unjust proceedings of the king, he left the city Ramah, and took David with him, to a certain place called Naioth, and there he abode with him. But when it was told Saul that David was with the prophet, he sent soldiers to him, and ordered them to take him, and bring him to him: and when they came to Samuel, and found there a congregation of prophets, they became partakers of the Divine Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when Saul heard of, he sent others to David, who prophesying in like manner as did the first, he again sent others; which third sort prophesying also, at last he was angry, and went thither in great haste himself; and when he was just by the place, Samuel, before he saw him, made him prophesy also. And when Saul came to him, he was disordered in mind (19) and under the vehement agitation of a spirit; and, putting off his garments, (20) he fell down, and lay on the ground all that day and night, in the presence of Samuel and David.",
+                    "6. And David went thence, and came to Jonathan, the son of Saul, and lamented to him what snares were laid for him by his father; and said, that though he had been guilty of no evil, nor had offended against him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed. Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give credit to such his own suspicions, nor to the calumnies of those that raised those reports, if there were any that did so, but to depend on him, and take courage; for that his father had no such intention, since he would have acquainted him with that matter, and have taken his advice, had it been so, as he used to consult with him in common when he acted in other affairs. But David sware to him that so it was; and he desired him rather to believe him, and to provide for his safety, than to despise what he, with great sincerity, told him: that he would believe what he said, when he should either see him killed himself, or learn it upon inquiry from others: and that the reason why his father did not tell him of these things, was this, that he knew of the friendship and affection that he bore towards him.",
+                    "7. Hereupon, when Jonathan found that this intention of Saul was so well attested, he asked him what he would have him do for him. To which David replied, \"I am sensible that thou art willing to gratify me in every thing, and procure me what I desire. Now tomorrow is the new moon, and I was accustomed to sit down then with the king at supper: now, if it seem good to thee, I will go out of the city, and conceal myself privately there; and if Saul inquire why I am absent, tell him that I am gone to my own city Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own tribe; and add this also, that thou gavest me leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually said in the case of friends that are gone abroad, It is well that he went, then assure thyself that no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at his hand; but if he answer otherwise, that will be a sure sign that he hath some designs against me, Accordingly thou shalt inform me of thy father's inclinations; and that out of pity to my case and out of thy friendship for me, as instances of which friendship thou hast vouchsafed to accept of the assurances of my love to thee, and to give the like assurances to me, that is, those of a master to his servant; but if thou discoverest any wickedness in me, do thou prevent thy father, and kill me thyself.\"",
+                    "8. But Jonathan heard these last words with indignation, and promised to do what he desired of him, and to inform him if his father's answers implied any thing of a melancholy nature, and any enmity against him. And that he might the more firmly depend upon him, he took him out into the open field, into the pure air, and sware that he would neglect nothing that might tend to the preservation of David; and he said, \"I appeal to that God, who, as thou seest, is diffused every where, and knoweth this intention of mine, before I explain it in words, as the witness of this my covenant with thee, that I will not leave off to make frequent trims of the purpose of my father till I learn whether there be any lurking distemper in the most secret parts of his soul; and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal it from thee, but will discover it to thee, whether he be gently or peevishly disposed; for this God himself knows, that I pray he may always be with thee, for he is with thee now, and will not forsake thee, and will make thee superior to thine enemies, whether my father be one of them, or whether I myself be such. Do thou only remember what we now do; and if it fall out that I die, preserve my children alive, and requite what kindness thou hast now received to them.\" When he had thus sworn, he dismissed David, bidding him go to a certain place of that plain wherein he used to perform his exercises; for that, as soon as he knew the mind of his father, he would come thither to him, with one servant only; \"and if,\" says he, \"I shoot three darts at the mark, and then bid my servant to carry these three darts away, for they are before him, know thou that there is no mischief to be feared from my father; but if thou hearest me say the contrary, expect the contrary from the king. However, thou shalt gain security by my means, and shalt by no means suffer any harm; but see thou dost not forget what I have desired of thee in the time of thy prosperity, and be serviceable to my children.\" Now David, when he had received these assurances from Jonathan, went his way to the place appointed.",
+                    "9. But on the next day, which was the new moon, the king, when he had purified himself, as the custom was, came to supper; and when there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right hand, and Abner, the captain of his host, on the other hand, he saw David's seat was empty, but said nothing, supposing that he had not purified himself since he had accompanied with his wife, and so could not be present; but when he saw that he was not there the second day of the month neither, he inquired of his son Jonathan why the son of Jesse did not come to the supper and the feast, neither the day before nor that day. So Jonathan said, That he was gone, according to the agreement between them, to his own city, where his tribe kept a festival, and that by his permission: that he also invited him to come to their sacrifice; \"and,\" says Jonathan, \"if thou wilt give me leave, I Will go thither, for thou knowest the good-will that I bear him.\" And then it was that Jonathan understood his father's hatred to David, and plainly saw his entire disposition; for Saul could not restrain his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called him the son of a runagate, and an enemy; and said he was a partner with David, and his assistant, and that by his behavior he showed he had no regard to himself, or to his mother, and would not be persuaded of this, - that while David is alive, their kingdom was not secure to them; yet did he bid him send for him, that he might be punished. And when Jonathan said, in answer, \"What hath he done that thou wilt punish him?\" Saul no longer contented himself to express his anger in bare words, but snatched up his spear, and leaped upon him, and was desirous to kill him. He did not indeed do what he intended, because he was hindered by his friends; but it appeared plainly to his son that he hated David, and greatly desired to despatch him, insomuch that he had almost slain his son with his own hands on his account.",
+                    "10. And then it was that the king's son rose hastily from supper; and being unable to admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he wept all night, both because he had himself been near destruction, and because the death of David was determined: but as soon as it was day, he went out into the plain that was before the city, as going to perform his exercises, but in reality to inform his friend what disposition his father was in towards him, as he had agreed with him to do; and when Jonathan had done what had been thus agreed, he dismissed his servant that followed him, to return to the city; but he himself went into the desert, and came into his presence, and communed with him. So David appeared and fell at Jonathan's feet, and bowed down to him, and called him the preserver of his soul; but he lifted him up from the earth, and they mutually embraced one another, and made a long greeting, and that not without tears. They also lamented their age, and that familiarity which envy would deprive them of, and that separation which must now be expected, which seemed to them no better than death itself. So recollecting themselves at length from their lamentation, and exhorting one another to be mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each other, they parted asunder."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Fled To Ahimelech And Afterwards To The Kings Of The Philistines And Of The Moabites, And How Saul Slew Ahimelech And His Family. </i><br>1. But David fled from the king, and that death he was in danger of by him, and came to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest, who, when he saw him coming all alone, and neither a friend nor a servant with him, he wondered at it, and desired to learn of him the cause why there was nobody with him. To which David answered, That the king had commanded him to do a certain thing that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had a mind to know so much, he had no occasion for any one to accompany him; \"however, I have ordered my servants to meet me at such and such a place.\" So he desired him to let him have somewhat to eat; and that in case he would supply him, he would act the part of a friend, and be assisting to the business he was now about: and when he had obtained what he desired, he also asked him whether he had any weapons with him, either sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name was Doeg, one that kept the king's mules. The high priest said that he had no such weapons; but, he added, \"Here is the sword of Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God.\"",
+                    "2. When David had received the sword, he fled out of the country of the Hebrews into that of the Philistines, over which Achish reigned; and when the king's servants knew him, and he was made known to the king himself, the servants informing him that he was that David who had killed many ten thousands of the Philistines, David was afraid lest the king should put him to death, and that he should experience that danger from him which he had escaped from Saul; so he pretended to be distracted and mad, so that his spittle ran out of his mouth; and he did other the like actions before the king of Gath, which might make him believe that they proceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly the king was very angry at his servants that they had brought him a madman, and he gave orders that they should eject David immediately [out of the city].",
+                    "3. So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his brethren, and informed them where he was, who then came to him with all their kindred, and as many others as were either in want or in fear of king Saul, came and made a body together, and told him they were ready to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred. Whereupon he took courage, now such a force and assistance was come to him; so he removed thence and came to the king of the Moabites, and desired him to entertain his parents in his country, while the issue of his affairs were in such an uncertain condition. The king granted him this favor, and paid great respect to David's parents all the time they were with him.",
+                    "4. As for himself, upon the prophet's commanding him to leave the desert, and to go into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and abide there, he complied therewith; and coming to the city Hareth, which was in that tribe, he remained there. Now when Saul heard that David had been seen with a multitude about him, he fell into no small disturbance and trouble; but as he knew that David was a bold and courageous man, he suspected that somewhat extraordinary would appear from him, and that openly also, which would make him weep and put him into distress; so he called together to him his friends, and his commanders, and the tribe from which he was himself derived, to the hill where his palace was; and sitting upon a place called Aroura, his courtiers that were in dignities, and the guards of his body, being with him, he spake thus to them: - \"You that are men of my own tribe, I conclude that you remember the benefits that I have bestowed upon you, and that I have made some of you owners of land, and made you commanders, and bestowed posts of honor upon you, and set some of you over the common people, and others over the soldiers; I ask you, therefore, whether you expect greater and more donations from the son of Jesse? for I know that you are all inclinable to him; (even my own son Jonathan himself is of that opinion, and persuades you to be of the same); for I am not unacquainted with the oaths and the covenants that are between him and David, and that Jonathan is a counselor and an assistant to those that conspire against me, and none of you are concerned about these things, but you keep silence and watch, to see what will be the upshot of these things.\" When the king had made this speech, not one of the rest of those that were present made any answer; but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said, that he saw David when he came to the city Nob to Ahimelech the high priest, and that he learned future events by his prophesying; that he received food from him, and the sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him with security to such as he desired to go to.",
+                    "5. Saul therefore sent for the high priest, and for all his kindred; and said to them, \"What terrible or ungrateful tiring hast thou suffered from me, that thou hast received the son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both food and weapons, when he was contriving to get the kingdom? And further, why didst thou deliver oracles to him concerning futurities? For thou couldst not be unacquainted that he was fled away from me, and that he hated my family.\" But the high priest did not betake himself to deny what he had done, but confessed boldly that he had supplied him with these things, not to gratify David, but Saul himself: and he said, \"I did not know that he was thy adversary, but a servant of thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and, what is more than these, thy son-in-law, and kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such favors on their adversaries, but on those who are esteemed to bear the highest good-will and respect to them. Nor is this the first time that I prophesied for him, but I have done it often, and at other times as well as now. And when he told me that he was sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, if I had furnished him with nothing that he desired I should have thought that it was rather in contradiction to thee than to him; wherefore do not thou entertain any ill opinion of me, nor do thou have a suspicion of what I then thought an act of humanity, from what is now told thee of David's attempts against thee, for I did then to him as to thy friend and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand, and not as to thine adversary.\"",
+                    "6. When the high priest had spoken thus, he did not persuade Saul, his fear was so prevalent, that he could not give credit to an apology that was very just. So he commanded his armed men that stood about him to kill him, and all his kindred; but as they durst not touch the high priest, but were more afraid of disobeying God than the king, he ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill them. Accordingly, he took to his assistance such wicked men as were like himself, and slew Ahimelech and all his family, who were in all three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also sent to Nob, (21) the city of the priests, and slew all that were there, without sparing either women or children, or any other age, and burnt it; only there was one son of Ahimelech, whose name was Abiathar, who escaped. However, these things came to pass as God had foretold to Eli the high priest, when he said that his posterity should be destroyed, on account of the transgression of his two sons.",
+                    "7. (22) Now this king Saul, by perpetrating so barbarous a crime, and murdering the whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by having no pity of the infants, nor reverence for the aged, and by overthrowing the city which God had chosen for the property, and for the support of the priests and prophets which were there, and had ordained as the only city allotted for the education of such men, gives all to understand and consider the disposition of men, that while they are private persons, and in a low condition, because it is not in their power to indulge nature, nor to venture upon what they wish for, they are equitable and moderate, and pursue nothing but what is just, and bend their whole minds and labors that way; then it is that they have this belief about God, that he is present to all the actions of their lives, and that he does not only see the actions that are done, but clearly knows those their thoughts also, whence those actions do arise. But when once they are advanced into power and authority, then they put off all such notions, and, as if they were no other than actors upon a theater, they lay aside their disguised parts and manners, and take up boldness, insolence, and a contempt of both human and Divine laws, and this at a time when they especially stand in need of piety and righteousness, because they are then most of all exposed to envy, and all they think, and all they say, are in the view of all men; then it is that they become so insolent in their actions, as though God saw them no longer, or were afraid of them because of their power: and whatsoever it is that they either are afraid of by the rumors they hear, or they hate by inclination, or they love without reason, these seem to them to be authentic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to men and to God; but as to what will come hereafter, they have not the least regard to it. They raise those to honor indeed who have been at a great deal of pains for them, and after that honor they envy them; and when they have brought them into high dignity, they do not only deprive them of what they had obtained, but also, on that very account, of their lives also, and that on wicked accusations, and such as on account of their extravagant nature, are incredible. They also punish men for their actions, not such as deserve condemnation, but from calumnies and accusations without examination; and this extends not only to such as deserve to be punished, but to as many as they are able to kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned after our aristocracy and government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple [tabernacle] destitute both of priests and prophets, which endeavor he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to them to remain, that so others might succeed them.",
+                    "8. But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, who alone could be saved out of the family of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and informed him of the calamity that had befallen their family, and of the slaughter of his father; who hereupon said, He was not unapprised of what would follow with relation to them when he saw Doeg there; for he had then a suspicion that the high priest would be falsely accused by him to the king, and he blamed himself as having been the cause of this misfortune. But he desired him to stay there, and abide with him, as in a place where he might be better concealed than any where else."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, When He Had Twice The Opportunity Of Killing Saul Did Not Kill Him. Also Concerning The Death Of Samuel And Nabal. </i><br>1. About this time it was that David heard how the Philistines had made an inroad into the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so he offered himself to fight against them, if God, when he should be consulted by the prophet, would grant him the victory. And when the prophet said that God gave a signal of victory, he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines with his companions, and he shed a great deal of their blood, and carried off their prey, and staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had securely gathered in their corn and their fruits. However, it was told Saul the king that David was with the men of Keilah; for what had been done and the great success that had attended him, were not confined among the people where the things were done, but the fame of it went all abroad, and came to the hearing of others, and both the fact as it stood, and the author of the fact, were carried to the king's ears. Then was Saul glad when he heard David was in Keilah; and he said, \"God hath now put him into my hands, since he hath obliged him to come into a city that hath walls, and gates, and bars.\" So he commanded all the people suddenly, and when they had besieged and taken it to kill David. But when David perceived this, and learned of God that if he staid there the men of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul, he took his four hundred men and retired into a desert that was over against a city called Engedi. So that when the king heard he was fled away from the men of Keilah, he left off his expedition against him.",
+                    "2. Then David removed thence, and came to a certain place called the New Place, belonging to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and exhorted him to be of good courage, and to hope well as to his condition hereafter, and not to despond at his present circumstances, for that he should be king, and have all the forces of the Hebrews under him: he told him that such happiness uses to come with great labor and pains: they also took oaths, that they would, all their lives long, continue in good-will and fidelity one to another; and he called God to witness, as to what execrations he had made upon himself if he should transgress his covenant, and should change to a contrary behavior. So Jonathan left him there, having rendered his cares and fears somewhat lighter, and returned home. Now the men of Ziph, to gratify Saul, informed him that David abode with them, and [assured him] that if he would come to them, they would deliver him up, for that if the king would seize on the Straits of Ziph, David would not escape to any other people. So the king commended them, and confessed that he had reason to thank them, because they had given him information of his enemy; and he promised them, that it should not be long ere he would requite their kindness. He also sent men to seek for David, and to search the wilderness wherein he was; and he promised that he himself would follow them. Accordingly they went before the king, to hunt for and to catch David, and used endeavors, not only to show their good-will to Saul, by informing him where his enemy was, but to evidence the same more plainly by delivering him up into his power. But these men failed of those their unjust and wicked desires, who, while they underwent no hazard by not discovering such an ambition of revealing this to Saul, yet did they falsely accuse and promise to deliver up a man beloved of God, and one that was unjustly sought after to be put to death, and one that might otherwise have lain concealed, and this out of flattery, and expectation of gain from the king; for when David was apprized of the malignant intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and fled to the great rock that was in the wilderness of Maon.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue him thither; for, as he was marching, he learned that David was gone away from the Straits of Ziph, and Saul removed to the other side of the rock. But the report that the Philistines had again made an incursion into the country of the Hebrews, called Saul another way from the pursuit of David, when he was ready to be caught; for he returned back again to oppose those Philistines, who were naturally their enemies, as judging it more necessary to avenge himself of them, than to take a great deal of pains to catch an enemy of his own, and to overlook the ravage that was made in the land.",
+                    "4. And by this means David unexpectedly escaped out of the danger he was in, and came to the Straits of Engedi; and when Saul had driven the Philistines out of the land, there came some messengers, who told him that David abode within the bounds of Engedi: so he took three thousand chosen men that were armed, and made haste to him; and when he was not far from those places, he saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side; it was open to a great length and breadth, and there it was that David with his four hundred men were concealed. When therefore he had occasion to ease nature, he entered into it by himself alone; and being seen by one of David's companions, and he that saw him saying to him, that he had now, by God's providence, an opportunity of avenging himself of his adversary; and advising him to cut off his head, and so deliver himself out of that tedious, wandering condition, and the distress he was in; he rose up, and only cut off the skirt of that garment which Saul had on: but he soon repented of what he had done; and said it was not right to kill him that was his master, and one whom God had thought worthy of the kingdom; \"for that although he were wickedly disposed towards us, yet does it not behoove me to be so disposed towards him.\" But when Saul had left the cave, David came near and cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him; whereupon the king turned his face back, and David, according to custom, fell down on his face before the king, and bowed to him; and said, \"O king, thou oughtest not to hearken to wicked men, nor to such as forge calumnies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of such as are your best friends, but to judge of the dispositions of all men by their actions; for calumny deludes men, but men's own actions are a clear demonstration of their kindness. Words indeed, in their own nature, may be either true or false, but men's actions expose their intentions nakedly to our view. By these, therefore it will be well for thee to believe me, as to my regard to thee and to thy house, and not to believe those that frame such accusations against me as never came into my mind, nor are possible to be executed, and do this further by pursuing after my life, and have no concern either day or night, but how to compass my life and to murder me, which thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute; for how comes it about, that thou hast embraced this false opinion about me, as if I had a desire to kill thee? Or how canst thou escape the crime of impiety towards God, when thou wishest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine adversary, a man who had it in his power this day to avenge himself, and to punish thee, but would not do it? nor make use of such an opportunity, which, if it had fallen out to thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for when I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I could have done the same to thy head.\" So he showed him the piece of his garment, and thereby made him agree to what he said to be true; and added, \"I, for certain, have abstained from taking a just revenge upon thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute me with unjust hatred. (23) May God do justice, and determine about each of our dispositions.\" - But Saul was amazed at the strange delivery he had received; and being greatly affected with the moderation and the disposition of the young man, he groaned; and when David had done the same, the king answered that he had the justest occasion to groan, \"for thou hast been the author of good to me, as I have been the author of calamity to thee; and thou hast demonstrated this day, that thou possessest the righteousness of the ancients, who determined that men ought to save their enemies, though they caught them in a desert place. I am now persuaded that God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon oath, That thou wilt not root out my family, nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and preserve my house.\" So David sware as he desired, and sent back Saul to his own kingdom; but he, and those that were with him, went up the Straits of Mastheroth.",
+                    "5. About this time Samuel the prophet died. He was a man whom the Hebrews honored in an extraordinary degree: for that lamentation which the people made for him, and this during a long time, manifested his virtue, and the affection which the people bore for him; as also did the solemnity and concern that appeared about his funeral, and about the complete observation of all his funeral rites. They buried him in his own city of Ramah; and wept for him a very great number of days, not looking on it as a sorrow for the death of another man, but as that in which they were every one themselves concerned. He was a righteous man, and gentle in his nature; and on that account he was very dear to God. Now he governed and presided over the people alone, after the death of Eli the high priest, twelve years, and eighteen years together with Saul the king. And thus we have finished the history of Samuel.",
+                    "6. There was a man that was a Ziphite, of the city of Maon, who was rich, and had a vast number of cattle; for he fed a flock of three thousand sheep, and another flock of a thousand goats. Now David had charged his associates to keep these flocks without hurt and without damage, and to do them no mischief, neither out of covetousness, nor because they were in want, nor because they were in the wilderness, and so could not easily be discovered, but to esteem freedom from injustice above all other motives, and to look upon the touching of what belonged to another man as a horrible crime, and contrary to the will of God. These were the instructions he gave, thinking that the favors he granted this man were granted to a good man, and one that deserved to have such care taken of his affairs. This man was Nabal, for that was his name, - a harsh man, and of a very wicked life, being like a cynic in the course of his behavior, but still had obtained for his wife a woman of a good character, wise and handsome. To this Nabal, therefore, David sent ten men of his attendants at the time when he sheared his sheep, and by them saluted him; and also wished he might do what he now did for many years to come, but desired him to make him a present of what he was able to give him, since he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds that we had done them no injury, but had been their guardians a long time together, while we continued in the wilderness; and he assured him he should never repent of giving any thing to David. When the messengers had carried this message to Nabal, he accosted them after an inhuman and rough manner; for he asked them who David was? and when he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said, \"Now is the time that fugitives grow insolent, and make a figure, and leave their masters.\" When they told David this, he was wroth, and commanded four hundred armed men to follow him, and left two hundred to take care of the stuff, (for he had already six hundred, (24)) and went against Nabal: he also swore that he would that night utterly destroy the whole house and possessions of Nabal; for that he was grieved, not only that he had proved ungrateful to them, without making any return for the humanity they had shown him, but that he had also reproached them, and used ill language to them, when he had received no cause of disgust from them.",
+                    "7. Hereupon one of those that kept the flocks of Nabal, said to his mistress, Nabal's wife, that when David sent to her husband he had received no civil answer at all from him; but that her husband had moreover added very reproachful language, while yet David had taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks from harm, and that what had passed would prove very pernicious to his master. When the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was his wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded them with all sorts of presents; and, without telling her husband any thing of what she was about, (for he was not sensible on account of his drunkenness,) she went to David. She was then met by David as she was descending a hill, who was coming against Nabal with four hundred men. When the woman saw David, she leaped down from her ass, and fell on her face, and bowed down to the ground; and entreated him not to bear in mind the words of Nabal, since he knew that he resembled his name. Now Nabal, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies folly. So she made her apology, that she did not see the messengers whom he sent. \"Forgive me, therefore,\" said she, \"and thank God, who hath hindered thee from shedding human blood; for so long as thou keepest thyself innocent, he will avenge thee of wicked men, (25) for what miseries await Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine enemies. Be thou gracious to me, and think me so far worthy as to accept of these presents from me; and, out of regard to me, remit that wrath and that anger which thou hast against my husband and his house, for mildness and humanity become thee, especially as thou art to be our king.\" Accordingly, David accepted her presents, and said, \"Nay, but, O woman, it was no other than God's mercy which brought thee to us today, for, otherwise, thou hadst never seen another day, I having sworn to destroy Nabal's house this very night, and to leave alive not one of you who belonged to a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me and my companions; but now hast thou prevented me, and seasonably mollified my anger, as being thyself under the care of God's providence: but as for Nabal, although for thy sake he now escape punishment, he will not always avoid justice; for his evil conduct, on some other occasion, will be his ruin.\"",
+                    "8. When David had said this, he dismissed the woman. But when she came home and found her husband feasting with a great company, and oppressed with wine, she said nothing to him then about what had happened; but on the next day, when he was sober, she told him all the particulars, and made his whole body to appear like that of a dead man by her words, and by that grief which arose from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and no more, and then died. And when David heard of his death, he said that God had justly avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had died by his own wickedness, and had suffered punishment on his account, while he had kept his own hands clean. At which time he understood that the wicked are prosecuted by God; that he does not overlook any man, but bestows on the good what is suitable to them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on the wicked. So he sent to Nabal's wife, and invited her to come to him, to live with him, and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied to those that came, that she was not worthy to touch his feet; however, she came, with all her servants, and became his wife, having received that honor on account of her wise and righteous course of life. She also obtained the same honor partly on account of her beauty. Now David had a wife before, whom he married from the city Abesar; for as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who had been David's wife, her father had given her in marriage to Phalti, the son of Laish, who was of the city of Gallim.",
+                    "9. After this came certain of the Ziphites, and told Saul that David was come again into their country, and if he would afford them his assistance, they could catch him. So he came to them with three thousand armed men; and upon the approach of night, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Hachilah. But when David heard that Saul was coming against him, he sent spies, and bid them let him know to what place of the country Saul was already come; and when they told him that he was at Hachilah, he concealed his going away from his companions, and came to Saul's camp, having taken with him Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son, and Ahimelech the Hittite. Now Saul was asleep, and the armed men, with Abner their commander, lay round about him in a circle. Hereupon David entered into the king's tent; but he did neither kill Saul, though he knew where he lay, by the spear that was stuck down by him, nor did he give leave to Abishai, who would have killed him, and was earnestly bent upon it so to do; for he said it was a horrid crime to kill one that was ordained king by God, although he was a wicked man; for that he who gave him the dominion would in time inflict punishment upon him. So he restrained his eagerness; but that it might appear to have been in his power to have killed him when he refrained from it, he took his spear, and the cruse of water which stood by Saul as he lay asleep, without being perceived by any in the camp, who were all asleep, and went securely away, having performed every thing among the king's attendants that the opportunity afforded, and his boldness encouraged him to do. So when he had passed over a brook, and was gotten up to the top of a hill, whence he might be sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul's soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and awaked them out of their sleep, and called both to him and to the people. Hereupon the commander heard him, and asked who it was that called him. To whom David replied, \"It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you make a vagabond. But what is the matter? Dost thou, that art a man of so great dignity, and of the first rank in the king's court, take so little care of thy master's body? and is sleep of more consequence to thee than his preservation, and thy care of him? This negligence of yours deserves death, and punishment to be inflicted on you, who never perceived when, a little while ago, some of us entered into your camp, nay, as far as to the king himself, and to all the rest of you. If thou look for the king's spear and his cruse of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty misfortune was ready to overtake you in your very camp without your knowing it.\" Now when Saul knew David's voice, and understood that when he had him in his power while he was asleep, and his guards took no care of him, yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when he might justly have cut him off, he said that he owed him thanks for his preservation; and exhorted him to be of good courage, and not be afraid of suffering any mischief from him any more, and to return to his own home, for he was now persuaded that he did not love himself so well as he was loved by him: that he had driven away him that could guard him, and had given many demonstrations of his good-will to him: that he had forced him to live so long in a state of banishment, and in great fears of his life, destitute of his friends and his kindred, while still he was often saved by him, and frequently received his life again when it was evidently in danger of perishing. So David bade them send for the spear and the cruse of water, and take them back; adding this withal, That God would be the judge of both their dispositions, and of the actions that flowed from the same, \"who knows that then it was this day in my power to have killed thee I abstained from it.\"",
+                    "10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands of David twice, he went his way to his royal palace, and his own city: but David was afraid, that if he staid there he should be caught by Saul; so he thought it better to go up into the land of the Philistines, and abide there. Accordingly, he came with the six hundred men that were with him to Achish, the king of Gath, which was one of their five cities. Now the king received both him and his men, and gave them a place to inhabit in. He had with him also his two wives, Ahinoam and Abigail, and he dwelt in Gath. But when Saul heard this, he took no further care about sending to him, or going after him, because he had been twice, in a manner, caught by him, while he was himself endeavoring to catch him. However, David had no mind to continue in the city of Gath, but desired the king, that since he had received him with such humanity, that he would grant him another favor, and bestow upon him some place of that country for his habitation, for he was ashamed, by living in the city, to be grievous and burdensome to him. So Achish gave him a certain village called Ziklag; which place David and his sons were fond of when he was king, and reckoned it to be their peculiar inheritance. But about those matters we shall give the reader further information elsewhere. Now the time that David dwelt in Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines, was four months and twenty days. And now he privately attacked those Geshurites and Amalekites that were neighbors to the Philistines, and laid waste their country, and took much prey of their beasts and camels, and then returned home; but David abstained from the men, as fearing they should discover him to king Achish; yet did he send part of the prey to him as a free gift. And when the king inquired whom they had attacked when they brought away the prey, he said, those that lay to the south of the Jews, and inhabited in the plain; whereby he persuaded Achish to approve of what he had done, for he hoped that David had fought against his own nation, and that now he should have him for his servant all his life long, and that he would stay in his country."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Now Saul Upon God's Not Answering Him Concerning The Fight With The Philistines Desired A Necromantic Woman To Raise Up The Soul Of Samuel To Him; And How He Died, With His Sons Upon The Overthrow Of The Hebrews In Battle. </i><br>1. About the same time the Philistines resolved to make war against the Israelites, and sent to all their confederates that they would go along with them to the war to Reggan, [near the city Shunem,] whence they might gather themselves together, and suddenly attack the Hebrews. Then did Achish, the king of Gath, desire David to assist them with his armed men against the Hebrews. This he readily promised; and said that the time was now come wherein he might requite him for his kindness and hospitality. So the king promised to make him the keeper of his body, after the victory, supposing that the battle with the enemy succeeded to their mind; which promise of honor and confidence he made on purpose to increase his zeal for his service.",
+                    "2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had cast out of the country the fortune-tellers, and the necromancers, and all such as exercised the like arts, excepting the prophets. But when he heard that the Philistines were already come, and had pitched their camp near the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made haste to oppose them with his forces; and when he was come to a certain mountain called Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against the enemy; but when he saw the enemy's army he was greatly troubled, because it appeared to him to be numerous, and superior to his own; and he inquired of God by the prophets concerning the battle, that he might know beforehand what would be the event of it. And when God did not answer him, Saul was under a still greater dread, and his courage fell, foreseeing, as was but reasonable to suppose, that mischief would befall him, now God was not there to assist him; yet did he bid his servants to inquire out for him some woman that was a necromancer and called up the souls of the dead, that So he might know whether his affairs would succeed to his mind; for this sort of necromantic women that bring up the souls of the dead, do by them foretell future events to such as desire them. And one of his servants told him that there was such a woman in the city Endor, but was known to nobody in the camp; hereupon Saul put off his royal apparel, and took two of those his servants with him, whom he knew to be most faithful to him, and came to Endor to the woman, and entreated her to act the part of a fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to him as he should name to her. But when the woman opposed his motion, and said she did not despise the king, who had banished this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did not do well himself, when she had done him no harm, to endeavor to lay a snare for her, and to discover that she exercised a forbidden art, in order to procure her to be punished, he sware that nobody should know what she did; and that he would not tell any one else what she foretold, but that she should incur no danger. As soon as he had induced her by this oath to fear no harm, he bid her bring up to him the soul of Samuel. She, not knowing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades. When he appeared, and the woman saw one that was venerable, and of a divine form, she was in disorder; and being astonished at the sight, she said, \"Art not thou king Saul?\" for Samuel had informed her who he was. When he had owned that to be true, and had asked her whence her disorder arose, she said that she saw a certain person ascend, who in his form was like to a god. And when he bid her tell him what he resembled, in what habit he appeared, and of what age he was, she told him he was an old man already, and of a glorious personage, and had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king discovered by these signs that he was Samuel; and he fell down upon the ground, and saluted and worshipped him. And when the soul of Samuel asked him why he had disturbed him, and caused him to be brought up, he lamented the necessity he was under; for he said, that his enemies pressed heavily upon him; that he was in distress what to do in his present circumstances; that he was forsaken of God, and could obtain no prediction of what was coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams; and that \"these were the reasons why I have recourse to time, who always took great care of me.\" But (27) Samuel, seeing that the end of Saul's life was come, said, \"It is in vain for thee to desire to learn of me any thing future, when God hath forsaken thee: however, hear what I say, that David is to be king, and to finish this war with good success; and thou art to lose thy dominion and thy life, because thou didst not obey God in the war with the Amalekites, and hast not kept his commandments, as I foretold thee while I was alive. Know, therefore, that the people shall be made subject to their enemies, and that thou, with thy sons, shall fall in the battle tomorrow, and thou shalt then be with me [in Hades].\"",
+                    "3. When Saul heard this, he could not speak for grief, and fell down on the floor, whether it were from the sorrow that arose upon what Samuel had said, or from his emptiness, for he had taken no food the foregoing day nor night, he easily fell quite down: and when with difficulty he had recovered himself, the woman would force him to eat, begging this of him as a favor on account of her concern in that dangerous instance of fortune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to have done, because of the fear she was under of the king, while she knew not who he was, yet did she undertake it, and go through with it; on which account she entreated him to admit that a table and food might be set before him, that he might recover his strength, and so get safe to his own camp. And when he opposed her motion, and entirely rejected it, by reason of his anxiety, she forced him, and at last persuaded him to it. Now she had one calf that she was very fond of, and one that she took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself; for she was a woman that got her living by the labor of her own hands, and had no other possession but that one calf; this she killed, and made ready its flesh, and set it before his servants and himself. So Saul came to the camp while it was yet night.",
+                    "4. Now it is but just to recommend the generosity of this woman, (28) because when the king had forbidden her to use that art whence her circumstances were bettered and improved, and when she had never seen the king before, she still did not remember to his disadvantage that he had condemned her sort of learning, and did not refuse him as a stranger, and one that she had had no acquaintance with; but she had compassion upon him, and comforted him, and exhorted him to do what he was greatly averse to, and offered him the only creature she had, as a poor woman, and that earnestly, and with great humanity, while she had no requital made her for her kindness, nor hunted after any future favor from him, for she knew he was to die; whereas men are naturally either ambitious to please those that bestow benefits upon them, or are very ready to serve those from whom they may receive some advantage. It would be well therefore to imitate the example and to do kindnesses to all such as are in want and to think that nothing is better, nor more becoming mankind, than such a general beneficence, nor what will sooner render God favorable, and ready to bestow good things upon us. And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. But I shall speak further upon another subject, which will afford me all opportunity of discoursing on what is for the advantage of cities, and people, and nations, and suited to the taste of good men, and will encourage them all in the prosecution of virtue; and is capable of showing them the of acquiring glory, and an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in the kings of nations, and the rulers of cities, great inclination and diligence of doing well; as also of encouraging them to undergo dangers, and to die for their countries, and of instructing them how to despise all the most terrible adversities: and I have a fair occasion offered me to enter on such a discourse by Saul the king of the Hebrews; for although he knew what was coming upon him, and that he was to die immediately, by the prediction of the prophet, he did not resolve to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the love of life as to betray his own people to the enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his royal dignity; but exposing himself, as well as all his family and children, to dangers, he thought it a brave thing to fall together with them, as he was fighting for his subjects, and that it was better his sons should die thus, showing their courage, than to leave them to their uncertain conduct afterward, while, instead of succession and posterity, they gained commendation and a lasting name. Such a one alone seems to me to be a just, a courageous, and a prudent man; and when any one has arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereafter arrive at them, he is the man that ought to be by all honored with the testimony of a virtuous or courageous man: for as to those that go out to war with hopes of success, and that they shall return safe, supposing they should have performed some glorious action, I think those do not do well who call these valiant men, as so many historians and other writers who treat of them are wont to do, although I confess those do justly deserve some commendation also; but those only may be styled courageous and bold in great undertakings, and despisers of adversities, who imitate Saul: for as for those that do not know what the event of war will be as to themselves, and though they do not faint in it, but deliver themselves up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this way and that way, this is not so very eminent an instance of a generous mind, although they happen to perform many great exploits; but when men's minds expect no good event, but they know beforehand they must die, and that they must undergo that death in the battle also, after this neither to be aftrighted, nor to be astonished at the terrible fate that is coming, but to go directly upon it, when they know it beforehand, this it is that I esteem the character of a man truly courageous. Accordingly this Saul did, and thereby demonstrated that all men who desire fame after they are dead are so to act as they may obtain the same: this especially concerns kings, who ought not to think it enough in their high stations that they are not wicked in the government of their subjects, but to be no more than moderately good to them. I could say more than this about Saul and his courage, the subject affording matter sufficient; but that I may not appear to run out improperly in his commendation, I return again to that history from which I made this digression.",
+                    "5. Now when the Philistines, as I said before, had pitched their camp, and had taken an account of their forces, according to their nations, and kingdoms, and governments, king Achish came last of all with his own army; after whom came David with his six hundred armed men. And when the commanders of the Philistines saw him, they asked the king whence these Hebrews came, and at whose invitation. He answered that it was David, who was fled away from his master Saul, and that he had entertained him when he came to him, and that now he was willing to make him this requital for his favors, and to avenge himself upon Saul, and so was become his confederate. The commanders complained of this, that he had taken him for a confederate who was an enemy; and gave him counsel to send him away, lest he should unawares do his friends a great deal of mischief by entertaining him, for that he afforded him an opportunity of being reconciled to his master by doing a mischief to our army. They thereupon desired him, out of a prudent foresight of this, to send him away, with his six hundred armed men, to the place he had given him for his habitation; for that this was that David whom the virgins celebrated in their hymns, as having destroyed many ten thousands of the Philistines. When the king of Gath heard this, he thought they spake well; so he called David, and said to him, \"As for myself, I can bear witness that thou hast shown great diligence and kindness about me, and on that account it was that I took thee for my confederate; however, what I have done does not please the commanders of the Philistines; go therefore within a day's time to the place I have given thee, without suspecting any harm, and there keep my country, lest any of our enemies should make an incursion upon it, which will be one part of that assistance which I expect from thee.\" So David came to Ziklag, as the king of Gath bade him; but it happened, that while he was gone to the assistance of the Philistines, the Amalekites had made an incursion, and taken Ziklag before, and had burnt it; and when they had taken a great deal of other prey out of that place, and out of the other parts of the Philistines' country, they departed.",
+                    "6. Now when David found that Ziklag was laid waste, and that it was all spoiled, and that as well his own wives, who were two, as the wives of his companions, with their children, were made captives, he presently rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting, together with his friends; and indeed he was so cast down with these misfortunes, that at length tears themselves failed him. He was also in danger of being stoned to death by his companions, who were greatly afflicted at the captivity of their wives and children, for they laid the blame upon him of what had happened. But when he had recovered himself out of his grief, and had raised up his mind to God, he desired the high priest Abiathar to put on his sacerdotal garments, and to inquire of God, and to prophesy to him, whether God would grant; that if he pursued after the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and save their wives and their children, and avenge himself on the enemies. And when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all gave him sustenance, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came. Whereupon the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was left behind by his master, because he was so sick and weak that he could not follow him. He also informed him that he was one of those who had burnt and plundered, not only other parts of Judea, but Ziklag itself also. So David made use of him as a guide to find out the Amalekites; and when he had overtaken them, as they lay scattered about on the ground, some at dinner, some disordered, and entirely drunk with wine, and in the fruition of their spoils and their prey, he fell upon them on the sudden, and made a great slaughter among them; for they were naked, and expected no such thing, but had betaken themselves to drinking and feasting; and so they were all easily destroyed. Now some of them that were overtaken as they lay at the table were slain in that posture, and their blood brought up with it their meat and their drink. They slew others of them as they were drinking to one another in their cups, and some of them when their full bellies had made them fall asleep; and for so many as had time to put on their armor, they slew them with the sword, with no less case than they did those that were naked; and for the partisans of David, they continued also the slaughter from the first hour of the day to the evening, so that there were, not above four hundred of the Amalekites left; and they only escaped by getting upon their dromedaries and camels. Accordingly David recovered not only all the other spoils which the enemy had carried away, but his wives also, and the wives of his companions. But when they were come to the place where they had left the two hundred men, which were not able to follow them, but were left to take care of the stuff, the four hundred men did not think fit to divide among them any other parts of what they had gotten, or of the prey, since they did not accompany them, but pretended to be feeble, and did not follow them in pursuit of the enemy, but said they should be contented to have safely recovered their wives; yet did David pronounce that this opinion of theirs was evil and unjust, and that when God had granted them such a favor, that they had avenged themselves on their enemies, and had recovered all that belonged to themselves, they should make an equal distribution of what they had gott en to all, because the rest had tarried behind to guard their stuff; and from that time this law obtained among them, that those who guarded the stuff, should receive an equal share with those that fought in the battle. Now when David was come to Ziklag, he sent portions of the spoils to all that had been familiar with him, and to his friends in the tribe of Judah. And thus ended the affairs of the plundering of Ziklag, and of the slaughter of the Amalekites.",
+                    "7. Now upon the Philistines joining battle, there followed a sharp engagement, and the Philistine, became the conquerors, and slew a great number of their enemies; but Saul the king of Israel, and his sons, fought courageously, and with the utmost alacrity, as knowing that their entire glory lay in nothing else but dying honorably, and exposing themselves to the utmost danger from the enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for); so they brought upon themselves the whole power of the enemy, till they were encompassed round and slain, but not before they had killed many of the Philistines Now the sons of Saul were Jonathan, and Abinadab, and Malchisua; and when these were slain the multitude of the Hebrews were put to flight, and all was disorder, and confusion, and slaughter, upon the Philistines pressing in upon them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong body of soldiers about him; and upon the Philistines sending after them those that threw javelins and shot arrows, he lost all his company except a few. As for himself, he fought with great bravery; and when he had received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up nor to oppose any longer, and yet was not able to kill himself, he bade his armor-bearer draw his sword, and run him through, before the enemy should take him alive. But his armor-bearer not daring to kill his master, he drew his own sword, and placing himself over against its point, he threw himself upon it; and when he could neither run it through him, nor, by leaning against it, make the sword pass through him, he turned him round, and asked a certain young man that stood by who he was; and when he understood that he was an Amalekite, he desired him to force the sword through him, because he was not able to do it with his own hands, and thereby to procure him such a death as he desired. This the young man did accordingly; and he took the golden bracelet that was on Saul's arm, and his royal crown that was on his head, and ran away. And when Saul's armor-bearer saw that he was slain, he killed himself; nor did any of the king's guards escape, but they all fell upon the mountain called Gilboa. But when those Hebrews that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan, and those who had their cities in the plain, heard that Saul and his sons were fallen, and that the multitude about them were destroyed, they left their own cities, and fled to such as were the best fortified and fenced; and the Philistines, finding those cities deserted, came and dwelt in them.",
+                    "8. On the next day, when the Philistines came to strip their enemies that were slain, they got the bodies of Saul and of his sons, and stripped them, and cut off their heads; and they sent messengers all about their country, to acquaint them that their enemies were fallen; and they dedicated their armor in the temple of Astarte, but hung their bodies on crosses at the walls of the city Bethshun, which is now called Scythepolls. But when the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard that they had dismembered the dead bodies of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so horrid a thing to overlook this barbarity, and to suffer them to be without funeral rites, that the most courageous and hardy among them (and indeed that city had in it men that were very stout both in body and mind) journeyed all night, and came to Bethshun, and approached to the enemy's wall, and taking down the bodies of Saul and of his sons, they carried them to Jabesh, while the enemy were not able enough nor bold enough to hinder them, because of their great courage. So the people of Jabesh wept all in general, and buried their bodies in the best place of their country, which was named Areurn; and they observed a public mourning for them seven days, with their wives and children, beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his sons, without either tasting meat or drink (29) [till the evening.]",
+                    "9. To this his end did Saul come, according to the prophecy of Samuel, because he disobeyed the commands of God about the Amalekites, and on the account of his destroying the family of Ahimelech the high priest, with Ahimelech himself, and the city of the high priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and after his death two [and twenty], ended his life in this manner."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Reigned Over One Tribe At Hebron While The Son Of Saul Reigned Over The Rest Of The Multitude; And How, In The Civil War Which Then Arose Asahel And Abner Were Slain. </i><br>1. This fight proved to be on the same day whereon David was come back to Ziklag, after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now when he had been already two days at Ziklag, there came to him the man who slew Saul, which was the third day after the fight. He had escaped out of the battle which the Israelites had with the Philistines, and had his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head. And when he made his obeisance to David, he inquired of him whence he came. He replied, from the battle of the Israelites; and he informed him that the end of it was unfortunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites having been cut off, and Saul, together with his sons, slain. He also said that he could well give him this information, because he was present at the victory gained over the Hebrews, and was with the king when he fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself slain the king, when he was ready to be taken by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him to do it, because, when he was fallen on his sword, his great wounds had made him so weak that he was not able to kill himself. He also produced demonstrations that the king was slain, which were the golden bracelets that had been on the king's arms, and his crown, which he had taken away from Saul's dead body, and had brought them to him. So David having no longer any room to call in question the truth of what he said, but seeing most evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his garments, and continued all that day with his companions in weeping and lamentation. This grief was augmented by the consideration of Jonathan; the son of Saul, who had been his most faithful friend, and the occasion of his own deliverance. He also demonstrated himself to have such great virtue, and such great kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death to heart, though he had been frequently in danger of losing his life by his means, but to punish him that slew him; for when David had said to him that he was become his own accuser, as the very man who had slain the king, and when he had understood that he was the son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to be slain. He also committed to writing some lamentations and funeral commendations of Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to my own age.",
+                    "2. Now when David had paid these honors to the king, he left off his mourning, and inquired of God by the prophet which of the cities of the tribe of Judah he would bestow upon him to dwell in; who answered that he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he left Ziklag, and came to Hebron, and took with him his wives, who were in number two, and his armed men; whereupon all the people of the forementioned tribe came to him, and ordained him their king. But when he heard that the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead had buried Saul and his sons [honorably], he sent to them and commended them, and took what they had done kindly, and promised to make them amends for their care of those that were dead; and at the same time he informed them that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for their king.",
+                    "3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner, who was general of Saul's army, and a very active man, and good-natured, knew that the king, and Jonathan, and his two other sons, were fallen in the battle, he made haste into the camp; and taking away with him the remaining son of Saul, whose name was Ishbosheth, he passed over to the land beyond Jordan, and ordained him the king of the whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Judah; and made his royal seat in a place called in our own language Mahanaim, but in the language of the Grecians, The Camps; from whence Abner made haste with a select body of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry that this tribe had set up David for their king. But Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mother Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general of David's army, met him, according to David's appointment. He had with him his brethren, Abistiai and Asahel, as also all David's armed men. Now when he met Abner at a certain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepared to fight. And when Abner said to him, that he had a mind to know which of them had the more valiant soldiers, it was agreed between them that twelve soldiers of each side should fight together. So those that were chosen out by both the generals for this fight came between the two armies, and throwing their lances one against the other, they drew their swords, and catching one another by the head, they held one another fast, and ran each other's swords into their sides and groins, until they all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished together. When these were fallen down dead, the rest of the army came to a sore battle, and Abner's men were beaten; and when they were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing them, but he pressed upon them, and excited the soldiers to follow them close, and not to grow weary of killing them. His brethren also pursued them with great alacrity, especially the younger, Asahel, who was the most eminent of them. He was very famous for his swiftness of foot, for he could not only be too hard for men, but is reported to have overrun a horse, when they had a race together. This Asahel ran violently after Abner, and would not turn in the least out of the straight way, either to the one side or to the other. Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he bade him leave off the pursuit, and take the armor of one of his soldiers; and sometimes, when he could not persuade him so to do, he exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to pursue him any longer, lest he should force him to kill him, and he should then not be able to look his brother in the face: but when Asahel would not admit of any persuasions, but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote him with his spear, as he held it in his flight, and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a deadly wound, so that he died immediately; but those that were with him pursuing Abner, when they came to the place where Asahel lay, they stood round about the dead body, and left off the pursuit of the enemy. However, both Joab (1) himself, and his brother Abishai, ran past the dead corpse, and making their anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of greater zeal against Abner, they went on with incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued Abner to a certain place called Ammah: it was about sun-set. Then did Joab ascend a certain hill, as he stood at that place, having the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he took a view of them, and of Abner also. Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that it was not fit that they should irritate men of the same nation to fight so bitterly one against another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was himself in the wrong, when he would not be advised by him not to pursue him any farther, which was the occasion of his wounding and death. So Joab consented to what he said, and accepted these his words as an excuse [about Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their retreat, and thereby put a stop to any further pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp there that night; but Abner marched all that night, and passed over the river Jordan, and came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim. On the next day Joab counted the dead men, and took care of all their funerals. Now there were slain of Abner's soldiers about three hundred and sixty; but of those of David nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and Abishai carried to Bethlehem; and when they had buried him in the sepulcher of their fathers, they came to David to Hebron. From this time therefore there began an intestine war, which lasted a great while, in which the followers of David grew stronger in the dangers they underwent, and the servants and subjects of Saul's sons did almost every day become weaker.",
+                    "4. About this time David was become the father of six sons, born of as many mothers. The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called Arenon; the second was Daniel, by his wife Abigail; the name of the third was Absalom, by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur; the fourth he named Adonijah, by his wife Haggith; the fifth was Shephatiah, by Abital; the sixth he called Ithream, by Eglah. Now while this intestine war went on, and the subjects of the two kings came frequently to action and to fighting, it was Abner, the general of the host of Saul's son, who, by his prudence, and the great interest he had among the multitude, made them all continue with Ishbosheth; and indeed it was a considerable time that they continued of his party; but afterwards Abner was blamed, and an accusation was laid against him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine: her name was Rispah, the daughter of Aiah. So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth, he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he had not justice done him by Ishbosheth, to whom he had shown the greatest kindness; whereupon he threatened to transfer the kingdom to David, and demonstrate that he did not rule over the people beyond Jordan by his own abilities and wisdom, but by his warlike conduct and fidelity in leading his army. So he sent ambassadors to Hebron to David, and desired that he would give him security upon oath that he would esteem him his companion and his friend, upon condition that he should persuade the people to leave Saul's son, and choose him king of the whole country; and when David had made that league with Abner, for he was pleased with his message to him, he desired that he would give this as the first mark of performance of the present league, that he might have his wife Michal restored to him, as her whom he had purchased with great hazards, and with those six hundred heads of the Philistines which he had brought to Saul her father. So Abner took Michal from Phaltiel, who was then her husband, and sent her to David, Ishbosheth himself affording him his assistance, for David had written to him that of right he ought to have this his wife restored to him. Abner also called together the elders of the multitude, the commanders and captains of thousands, and spake thus to them: That he had formerly dissuaded them from their own resolution, when they were ready to forsake Ishbosheth, and to join themselves to David; that, however, he now gave them leave so to do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew that God had appointed David to be king of all the Hebrews by Samuel the prophet; and had foretold that he should punish the Philistines, and overcome them, and bring them under. Now when the elders and rulers heard this, and understood that Abner was come over to those sentiments about the public affairs which they were of before, they changed their measures, and came in to David. When these men had agreed to Abner's proposal, he called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all of that tribe were the guards of Ishbosheth's body, and he spake to them to the same purpose. And when he saw that they did not in the least oppose what he said, but resigned themselves up to his opinion, he took about twenty of his friends and came to David, in order to receive himself security upon oath from him; for we may justly esteem those things to be firmer which every one of us do by ourselves, than those which we do by another. He also gave him an account of what he had said to the rulers, and to the whole tribe of Benjamin; and when David had received him in a courteous manner, and had treated him with great hospitality for many days, Abner, when he was dismissed, desired him to bring the multitude with him, that he might deliver up the government to him, when David himself was present, and a spectator of what was done.",
+                    "5. When David had sent Abner away, Joab, the of his army, came immediately to Hebron; he had understood that Abner had been with David, and had parted with him a little before under leagues and agreements that the government should be delivered up to David, he feared lest David should place Abner, who had assisted him to gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity, especially since he was a shrewd man in other respects, in understanding affairs, and in managing them artfully, as proper seasons should require, and that he should himself be put lower, and be deprived of the command of the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked course. In the first place, he endeavored to calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him to have a care of him, and not to give attention to what he had engaged to do for him, because all he did tended to confirm the government to Saul's son; that he came to him deceitfully and with guile, and was gone away in hopes of gaining his purpose by this management: but when he could not thus persuade David, nor saw him at all exasperated, he betook himself to a project bolder than the former: - he determined to kill Abner; and in order thereto, he sent some messengers after him, to whom he gave in charge, that when they should overtake him they should recall him in David's name, and tell him that he had somewhat to say to him about his affairs, which he had not remembered to speak of when he was with him. Now when Abner heard what the messengers said, (for they overtook him in a certain place called Besira, which was distant from Hebron twenty furlongs,) he suspected none of the mischief  which was befalling him, and came back. Hereupon Joab met him in the gate, and received him in the kindest manner, as if he were Abner's most benevolent acquaintance and friend; for such as undertake the vilest actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of any private mischief intended, do frequently make the greatest pretenses to what really good men sincerely do. So he took him aside from his own followers, as if he would speak with him in private, and brought him into a void place of the gate, having himself nobody with him but his brother Abishai; then he drew his sword, and smote him in the groin; upon which Abner died by this treachery of Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the way of punishment for his brother Asahel, whom Abner smote and slew as he was pursuing after him in the battle of Hebron, but as the truth was, out of his fear of losing his command of the army, and his dignity with the king, and lest he should be deprived of those advantages, and Abner should obtain the first rank in David's court. By these examples any one may learn how many and how great instances of wickedness men will venture upon for the sake of getting money and authority, and that they may not fail of either of them; for as when they are desirous of obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten thousand evil practices; so when they are afraid of losing them, they get them confirmed to them by practices much worse than the former, as if no other calamity so terrible could befall them as the failure of acquiring so exalted an authority; and when they have acquired it, and by long custom found the sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since this last would be the heaviest of all afflictions they all of them contrive and venture upon the most difficult actions, out of the fear of losing the same. But let it suffice that I have made these short reflections upon that subject.",
+                    "6. When David heard that Abner was slain, it grieved his soul; and he called all men to witness, with stretching out his hands to God, and crying out that he was not a partaker in the murder of Abner, and that his death was not procured by his command or approbation. He also wished the heaviest curses might light upon him that slew him and upon his whole house; and he devoted those that had assisted him in this murder to the same penalties on its account; for he took care not to appear to have had any hand in this murder, contrary to the assurances he had given and the oaths he had taken to Abner. However, he commanded all the people to weep and lament this man, and to honor his dead body with the usual solemnities; that is, by rending their garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that things should be the habit in which they should go before the bier; after which he followed it himself, with the elders and those that were rulers, lamenting Abner, and by his tears demonstrating his good-will to him while he was alive, and his sorrow for him now he was dead, and that he was not taken off with his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in a magnificent manner, and indited funeral elegies for him; he also stood first over the monument weeping, and caused others to do the same; nay, so deeply did the death of Abner disorder him, that his companions could by no means force him to take any food, but he affirmed with an oath that he would taste nothing till the sun was set. This procedure gained him the good-will of the multitude; for such as had an affection for Abner were mightily satisfied with the respect he paid him when he was dead, and the observation of that faith he had plighted to him, which was shown in his vouchsafing him all the usual ceremonies, as if he had been his kinsman and his friend, and not suffering him to be neglected and injured with a dishonorable burial, as if he had been his enemy; insomuch that the entire nation rejoiced at the king's gentleness and mildness of disposition, every one being ready to suppose that the king would have taken the same care of them in the like circumstances, which they saw be showed in the burial of the dead body of Abner. And indeed David principally intended to gain a good reputation, and therefore he took care to do what was proper in this case, whence none had any suspicion that he was the author of Abner's death. He also said this to the multitude, that he was greatly troubled at the death of so good a man; and that the affairs of the Hebrews had suffered great detriment by being deprived of him, who was of so great abilities to preserve them by his excellent advice, and by the strength of his hands in war. But he added, that \"God, who hath a regard to all men's actions, will not suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged; but know ye, that I am not able to do any thing to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab and Abishai, who have more power than I have; but God will requite their insolent attempts upon their own heads.\" And this was the fatal conclusion of the life of Abner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Upon The Slaughter Of Ishbosheth By The Treachery Of His Friends, David Received The Whole Kingdom. </i><br>1. When Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, had heard of the death of Abner, he took it to heart to be deprived of a man that was of his kindred, and had indeed given him the kingdom, but was greatly afflicted, and Abner's death very much troubled him; nor did he himself outlive any long time, but was treacherously set upon by the sons of Rimmon, (Baanah and Rechab were their names,) and was slain by them; for these being of a family of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if they should slay Ishbosheth, they should obtain large presents from David, and be made commanders by him, or, however, should have some other trust committed to them. So when they once found him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper room, when none of his guards were there, and when the woman that kept the door was not watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on account of the labor she had undergone, and partly on account of the heat of the day, these men went into the room in which Ishbosheth, Saul's son, lay asleep, and slew him; they also cut off his head, and took their journey all that night, and the next day, as supposing themselves flying away from those they had injured, to one that would accept of this action as a favor, and would afford them security. So they came to Hebron, and showed David the head of Ishbosheth, and presented themselves to him as his well-wishers, and such as had killed one that was his enemy and antagonist. Yet David did not relish what they had done as they expected, but said to them, \"You vile wretches, you shall immediately receive the punishment you deserve. Did not you know what vengeance I executed on him that murdered Saul, and brought me his crown of gold, and this while he who made this slaughter did it as a favor to him, that he might not be caught by his enemies? Or do you imagine that I am altered in my disposition, and suppose that I am not the same man I then was, but am pleased with men that are wicked doers, and esteem your vile actions, when you are become murderers of your master, as grateful to me, when you have slain a righteous man upon his bed, who never did evil to any body, and treated you with great good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall suffer the punishment due on his account, and the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for killing Ishbosheth, and for supposing that I should take his death kindly at your hands; for you could not lay a greater blot on my honor, than by making such a supposal.\" When David had said this, he tormented them with all sorts of torments, and then put them to death; and he bestowed all accustomed rites on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and laid it in the grave of Abner.",
+                    "2. When these things were brought to this conclusion, all the principal men of the Hebrew people came to David to Hebron, with the heads of thousands, and other rulers, and delivered themselves up to him, putting him in mind of the good-will they had borne to him in Saul's lifetime, and the respect they then had not ceased to pay him when he was captain of a thousand, as also that he was chosen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and his sons; (2) and declaring besides, how God had given him power to save the land of the Hebrews, and to overcome the Philistines. Whereupon he received kindly this their alacrity on his account; and exhorted them to continue in it, for that they should have no reason to repent of being thus disposed to him. So when he had feasted them, and treated them kindly, he sent them out to bring all the people to him; upon which came to him about six thousand and eight hundred armed men of the tribe of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their weapons, for these had [till now] continued with Saul's son, when the rest of the tribe of Judah had ordained David for their king. There came also seven thousand and one hundred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the tribe of Levi came four thousand and seven hundred, having Jehoiada for their leader. After these came Zadok the high priest, with twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out of the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were four thousand; but the rest of the tribe continued, still expecting that some one of the house of Saul should reign over them. Those of the tribe of Ephraim were twenty thousand and eight hundred, and these mighty men of valor, and eminent for their strength. Out of the half tribe of Manasseh came eighteen thousand, of the most potent men. Out of the tribe of Issachar came two hundred, who foreknew what was to come hereafter, (3) but of armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe of Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This was the only tribe that came universally in to David, and all these had the same weapons with the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of Naphtali the eminent men and rulers were one thousand, whose weapons were shields and spears, and the tribe itself followed after, being (in a manner) innumerable [thirty-seven thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan there were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand and six hundred. Out of the tribe of Asher were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the tribe of Manasseh, such as used shields, and spears, and head-pieces, and swords, were a hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of the tribes also made use of swords. This multitude came together to Hebron to David, with a great quantity of corn, and wine, and all other sorts of food, and established David in his kingdom with one consent. And when the people had rejoiced for three days in Hebron, David and all the people removed and came to Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Laid Siege To Jerusalem; And When He Had Taken The City, He Cast The Canaanites Out Of It, And Brought In The Jews To Inhabit Therein. </i><br>1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the blind, and the lame, and all their maimed persons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the king, and said that the very lame themselves would hinder his entrance into it. This they did out of contempt of his power, and as depending on the strength of their walls. David was hereby enraged, and began the siege of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost diligence and alacrity therein, as intending by the taking of this place to demonstrate his power, and to intimidate all others that might be of the like [evil] disposition towards him. So he took the lower city by force, but the citadel held out still; (4) whence it was that the king, knowing that the proposal of dignities and rewards would encourage the soldiers to greater actions, promised that he who should first go over the ditches that were beneath the citadel, and should ascend to the citadel itself and take it, should have the command of the entire people conferred upon him. So they all were ambitious to ascend, and thought no pains too great in order to ascend thither, out of their desire of the chief command. However, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the rest; and as soon as he was got up to the citadel, cried out to the king, and claimed the chief command.",
+                    "2. When David had cast the Jebusites out of the citadel, he also rebuilt Jerusalem, and named it The City of David, and abode there all the time of his reign; but for the time that he reigned over the tribe of Judah only in Hebron, it was seven years and six months. Now when he had chosen Jerusalem to be his royal city, his affairs did more and more prosper, by the providence of God, who took care that they should improve and be augmented. Hiram also, the king of the Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and made a league of mutual friendship and assistance with him. He also sent him presents, cedar-trees, and mechanics, and men skillful in building and architecture, that they might build him a royal palace at Jerusalem. Now David made buildings round about the lower city: he also joined the citadel to it, and made it one body; and when he had encompassed all with walls, he appointed Joab to take care of them. It was David, therefore, who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called it by his own name, The City of David: for under our forefather Abraham it was called (Salem, or) Solyma; (5) but after that time, some say that Homer mentions it by that name of Solyma, [for he named the temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew language, which denotes security.] Now the whole time from the warfare under Joshua our general against the Canaanites, and from that war in which he overcame them, and distributed the land among the Hebrews, (nor could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites out of Jerusalem until this time, when David took it by siege,) this whole time was five hundred and fifteen years.",
+                    "3. I shall now make mention of Araunah, who was a wealthy man among the Jebusites, but was not slain by David in the siege of Jerusalem, because of the good-will he bore to the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and affection which he had to the king himself; which I shall take a more seasonable opportunity to speak of a little afterwards. Now David married other wives over and above those which he had before: he had also concubines. The sons whom he had were in number eleven, whose names were Amnon, Emnos, Eban, Nathan, Solomon, Jeban, Elien, Phalna, Ennaphen, Jenae, Eliphale; and a daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born of legitimate wives, but the two last-named of concubines; and Tamar had the same mother with Absalom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When David Had Conquered The Philistines Who Made War Against Him At Jerusalem, He Removed The Ark To Jerusalem And Had A Mind To Build A Temple. </i><br>1. When the Philistines understood that David was made king of the Hebrews, they made war against him at Jerusalem; and when they had seized upon that valley which is called The Valley of the Giants, and is a place not far from the city, they pitched their camp therein; but the king of the Jews, who never permitted himself to do any thing without prophecy, (6) and the command of God and without depending on him as a security for the time to come, bade the high priest to foretell to him what was the will of God, and what would be the event of this battle. And when he foretold that he should gain the victory and the dominion, he led out his army against the Philistines; and when the battle was joined, he came himself behind, and fell upon the enemy on the sudden, and slew some of them, and put the rest to flight. And let no one suppose that it was a small army of the Philistines that came against the Hebrews, as guessing so from the suddenness of their defeat, and from their having performed no great action, or that was worth recording, from the slowness of their march, and want of courage; but let him know that all Syria and Phoenicia, with many other nations besides them, and those warlike nations also, came to their assistance, and had a share in this war, which thing was the only cause why, when they had been so often conquered, and had lost so many ten thousands of their men, they still came upon the Hebrews with greater armies; nay, indeed, when they had so often failed of their purpose in these battles, they came upon David with an army three times as numerous as before, and pitched their camp on the same spot of ground as before. The king of Israel therefore inquired of God again concerning the event of the battle; and the high priest prophesied to him, that he should keep his army in the groves, called the Groves of Weeping, which were not far from the enemy's camp, and that he should not move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the grove should be in motion without the wind's blowing; but as soon as these trees moved, and the time foretold to him by God was come, he should, without delay, go out to gain what was an already prepared and evident victory; for the several ranks of the enemy's army did not sustain him, but retreated at the first onset, whom he closely followed, and slew them as he went along, and pursued them to the city Gaza (which is the limit of their country): after this he spoiled their camp, in which he found great riches; and he destroyed their gods.",
+                    "2. When this had proved the event of the battle, David thought it proper, upon a consultation with the elders, and rulers, and captains of thousands, to send for those that were in the flower of their age out of all his countrymen, and out of the whole land, and withal for the priests and the Levites, in order to their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the ark of God out of that city, and to carry it to Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and offer before it those sacrifices and those other honors with which God used to be well-pleased; for had they done thus in the reign of Saul, they had not undergone any great misfortunes at all. So when the whole body of the people were come together, as they had resolved to do, the king came to the ark, which the priest brought out of the house of Aminadab, and laid it upon a new cart, and permitted their brethren and their children to draw it, together with the oxen. Before it went the king, and the whole multitude of the people with him, singing hymns to God, and making use of all sorts of songs usual among them, with variety of the sounds of musical instruments, and with dancing and singing of psalms, as also with the sounds of trumpets and of cymbals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem. But as they were come to the threshing-floor of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah was slain by the anger of God; for as the oxen shook the ark, he stretched out his hand, and would needs take hold of it. Now, because he was not a priest (7) and yet touched the ark, God struck him dead. Hereupon both the king and the people were displeased at the death of Uzzah; and the place where he died is still called the Breach of Uzzah unto this day. So David was afraid; and supposing that if he received the ark to himself into the city, he might suffer in the like manner as Uzzah had suffered, who, upon his bare putting out his hand to the ark, died in the manner already mentioned, he did not receive it to himself into the city, but he took it aside unto a certain place belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom, who was by his family a Levite, and deposited the ark with him; and it remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of Obededom, and conferred many blessings upon it. And when the king heard what had befallen Obededom, how he was become, of a poor man in a low estate, exceeding happy, and the object of envy to all those that saw or inquired after his house, he took courage, and, hoping that he should meet with no misfortune thereby, he transferred the ark to his own house; the priests carrying it, while seven companies of singers, who were set in that order by the king, went before it, and while he himself played upon the harp, and joined in the music, insomuch, that when his wife Michal, the daughter of Saul, who was our first king, saw him so doing, she laughed at him. But when they had brought in the ark, they placed it under the tabernacle which David had pitched for it, and he offered costly sacrifices and peace-offerings, and treated the whole multitude, and dealt both to the women, and the men, and the infants a loaf of bread and a cake, and another cake baked in a pan, with the portion of the sacrifice. So when he had thus feasted the people, he sent them away, and he himself returned to his own house.",
+                    "3. But when Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul, came and stood by him, she wished him all other happiness, and entreated that whatsoever he should further desire, to the utmost possibility, might be given him by God, and that he might be favorable to him; yet did she blame him, that so great a king as he was should dance after an unseemly manner, and in his dancing, uncover himself among the servants and the handmaidens. But he replied, that he was not ashamed to do what was acceptable to God, who had preferred him before her father, and before all others; that he would play frequently, and dance, without any regard to what the handmaidens and she herself thought of it. So this Michal, who was David's wife, had no children; however, when she was afterward married to him to whom Saul her father had given her, (for at this time David had taken her away from him, and had her himself,) she bare five children. But concerning those matters I shall discourse in a proper place.",
+                    "4. Now when the king saw that his affairs grew better almost every day, by the will of God, he thought he should offend him, if, while he himself continued in houses made of cedar, such as were of a great height, and had the most curious works of architecture in them, he should overlook the ark while it was laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build a temple to God, as Moses had predicted such a temple should be built. (8) And when he had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about these things, and had been encouraged by him to do whatsoever he had a mind to do, as having God with him, and his helper in all things, he was thereupon the more ready to set about that building. But God appeared to Nathan that very night, and commanded him to say to David, (9) that he took his purpose and his desires kindly, since nobody had before now taken it into their head to build him a temple, although upon his having such a notion he would not permit him to build him that temple, because he had made many wars, and was defiled with the slaughter of his enemies; that, however, after his death, in his old age, and when he had lived a long life, there should be a temple built by a son of his, who should take the kingdom after him, and should be called Solomon, whom he promised to provide for, as a father provides for his son, by preserving the kingdom for his son's posterity, and delivering it to them; but that he would still punish him, if he sinned, with diseases and barrenness of land. When David understood this from the prophet, and was overjoyful at this knowledge of the sure continuance of the dominion to his posterity, and that his house should be splendid, and very famous, he came to the ark, and fell down on his face, and began to adore God, and to return thanks to him for all his benefits, as well for those that he had already bestowed upon him in raising him from a low state, and from the employment of a shepherd, to so great dignity of dominion and glory; as for those also which he had promised to his posterity; and besides, for that providence which he had exercised over the Hebrews in procuring them the liberty they enjoyed. And when he had said thus, and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he went his way."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Brought Under The Philistines, And The Moabites, And The Kings Of Sophene And Of Damascus, And Of The Syrians As Also The Idumeans, In War; And How He Made A League With The King Of Hamath; And Was Mindful Of The Friendship That Jonathan, The Son Of Saul, Had Borne Him. </i><br>1. A Litlle while after this, he considered that he ought to make war against the Philistines, and not to see any idleness or laziness permitted in his management, that so it might prove, as God had foretold to him, that when he had overthrown his enemies, he should leave his posterity to reign in peace afterward: so he called together his army again, and when he had charged them to be ready and prepared for war, and when he thought that all things in his army were in a good state, he removed from Jerusalem, and came against the Philistines; and when he had overcome them in battle, and had cut off a great part of their country, and adjoined it to the country of the Hebrews, he transferred the war to the Moabites; and when he had overcome two parts of their army in battle, he took the remaining part captive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be paid annually. He then made war against Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of Sophene; (10) and when he had joined battle with him at 'the river Euphrates, he destroyed twenty thousand of his footmen, and about seven thousand of his horsemen. He also took a thousand of his chariots, and destroyed the greatest part of them, and ordered that no more than one hundred should be kept. (11)",
+                    "2. Now when Hadad, king of Damascus and of Syria, heard that David fought against Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes to rescue him; and when he had joined battle with David at the river Euphrates, he failed of his purpose, and lost in the battle a great number of his soldiers; for there were slain of the army of Hadad twenty thousand, and all the rest fled. Nicelens also [of Damascus] makes mention of this king in the fourth book of his histories; where he speaks thus: \"A great while after these things had happened, there was one of that country whose name was Hadad, who was become very potent; he reigned over Damascus, and, the other parts of Syria, excepting Phoenicia. He made war against David, the king of Judea, and tried his fortune in many battles, and particularly in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he was beaten. He seemed to have been the most excellent of all their kings in strength and manhood,\" Nay, besides this, he says of his posterity, that \"they succeeded one another in his kingdom, and in his name;\" where he thus speaks: \"When Hadad was dead, his posterity reigned for ten generations, each of his successors receiving from his father that his dominion, and this his name; as did the Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the most powerful of them all, and was willing to avenge the defeat his forefather had received; so he made an expedition against the Jews, and laid waste the city which is now called Samaria.\" Nor did he err from the truth; for this is that Hadad who made the expedition against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, concerning whom we shall speak in due place hereafter.",
+                    "3. Now when David had made an expedition against Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, and had brought it all into subjection, and had placed garrisons in the country, and appointed that they should pay tribute, he returned home. He also dedicated to God at Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire armor which the guards of Hadad used to wear; which Shishak, the king of Egypt, took away when he fought with David's grandson, Rehoboam, with a great deal of other wealth which he carried out of Jerusalem. However, these things will come to be explained in their proper places hereafter. Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was assisted by God, who gave him great success in his wars, and he made all expedition against the best cities of Hadadezer, Betah and Machen; so he took them by force, and laid them waste. Therein was found a very great quantity of gold and silver, besides that sort of brass which is said to be more valuable than gold; of which brass Solomon made that large vessel which was called The [Brazen] Sea, and those most curious lavers, when he built the temple for God.",
+                    "4. But when the king of Hamath was informed of the ill success of Hadadezer, and had heard of the ruin of his army, he was afraid on his own account, and resolved to make a league of friendship and fidelity with David before he should come against him; so he sent to him his son Joram, and professed that he owed him thanks for fighting against Hadadezer, who was his enemy, and made a league with him of mutual assistance and friendship. He also sent him presents, vessels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of silver, and of brass. So when David had made this league of mutual assistance with Toi, (for that was the name of the king of Hamath,) and had received the presents he sent him, he dismissed his son with that respect which was due on both sides; but then David brought those presents that were sent by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver which he had taken of the cities whom he had conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor did God give victory and success to him only when he went to the battle himself, and led his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai, the brother of Joab, general of his forces, over the Idumeans, (12) and by him to David, when he sent him with an army into Idumea: for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of them in the battle; whereupon the king [of Israel] placed garrisons through all Idumea, and received the tribute of the country, and of every head among them. Now David was in his nature just, and made his determination with regard to truth. He had for the general of his whole army Joab; and he made Jehoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder. He also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phinehas, to be high priest, together with Abiathar, for he was his friend. He also made Seisan the scribe, and committed the command over the guards of his body to Benaiah; the son of Jehoiada. His elder sons were near his body, and had the care of it also.",
+                    "5. He also called to mind the covenants and the oaths he had made with Jonathan, the son of Saul, and the friendship and affection Jonathan had for him; for besides all the rest of his excellent qualities with which he was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful of such as had at other times bestowed benefits upon him. He therefore gave order that inquiry should be made, whether any of Jonathan's lineage were living, to whom he might make return of that familiar acquaintance which Jonathan had had with him, and for which he was still debtor. And when one of Saul's freed men was brought to him, who was acquainted with those of his family that were still living, he asked him whether he could tell him of any one belonging to Jonathan that was now alive, and capable of a requital of the benefits which he had received from Jonathan. And he said, that a son of his was remaining, whose name was Mephibosheth, but that he was lame of his feet; for that when his nurse heard that the father and grandfather of the child were fallen in the battle, she snatched him up, and fled away, and let him fall from her shoulders, and his feet were lamed. So when he had learned where and by whom he was brought up, he sent messengers to Machir, to the city of Lodebar, for with him was the son of Jonathan brought up, and sent for him to come to him. So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he fell on his face and worshipped him; but David encouraged him, bade him be of good cheer, and expect better times. So he gave him his father's house, and all the estate which his grandfather Saul was in possession of, and bade him come and diet with him at his own table, and never to be absent one day from that table. And when the youth had worshipped him on account of his words and gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told him that he had given the youth his father's house, and all Saul's estate. He also ordered that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take care of it, and bring him the profits of all to Jerusalem. Accordingly, David brought him to his table every day, and bestowed upon the youth, Ziba and his sons, who were in number fifteen, and his servants, who were in number twenty. When the king had made these appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him, and promised to do all that he had bidden him, he went his way; so that this son of Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the king's table, and had the same care that a son could claim taken of him. He also had himself a son, whom he named Micha."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The War Was Waged Against The Ammonites And Happily Concluded. </i><br>1. This were the honors that such as were left of Saul's and Jonathan's lineage received from David. About this time died Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, who was a friend of David's; and when his son had succeeded his father in the kingdom, David sent ambassadors to him to comfort him; and exhorted him to take his father's death patiently, and to expect that he would continue the same kindness to himself which he had shown to his father. But the princes of the Ammonites took this message in evil part, and not as David's kind dispositions gave reason to take it; and they excited the king to resent it; and said that David had sent men to spy out the country, and what strength it had, under the pretense of humanity and kindness. They further advised him to have a care, and not to give heed to David's words, lest he should be deluded by him, and so fall into an inconsolable calamity. Accordingly Nahash's [son], the king of the Ammonites, thought these princes spake what was more probable than the truth would admit, and so abused the ambassadors after a very harsh manner; for he shaved the one half of their beards, and cut off one half of their garments, and sent his answer, not in words, but in deeds. When the king of Israel saw this, he had indignation at it, and showed openly that he would not overlook this injurious and contumelious treatment, but would make war with the Ammonites, and would avenge this wicked treatment of his ambassadors on their king. So that king's intimate friends and commanders, understanding that they had violated their league, and were liable to be punished for the same, made preparations for war; they also sent a thousand talents to the Syrian king of Mesopotamia, and endeavored to prevail with him to assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now these kings had twenty thousand footmen. They also hired the king of the country called Maacah, and a fourth king, by name Ishtob; which last had twelve thousand armed men.",
+                    "2. But David was under no consternation at this confederacy, nor at the forces of the Ammonites; and putting his trust in God, because he was going to war in a just cause, on account of the injurious treatment he had met with, he immediately sent Joab, the captain of his host, against them, and gave him the flower of his army, who pitched his camp by Rabbah, the metropolis of the Ammonites; whereupon the enemy came out, and set themselves in array, not all of them together, but in two bodies; for the auxiliaries were set in array in the plain by themselves, but the army of the Ammonites at the gates over against the Hebrews. When Joab saw this, he opposed one stratagem against another, and chose out the most hardy part of his men, and set them in opposition to the king of Syria, and the kings that were with him, and gave the other part to his brother Abishai, and bid him set them in opposition to the Ammonites; and said to him, that in case he should see that the Syrians distressed him, and were too hard for him, he should order his troops to turn about and assist him; and he said that he himself would do the same to him, if he saw him in the like distress from the Ammonites. So he sent his brother before, and encouraged him to do every thing courageously and with alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid of disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he dismissed him to fight with the Ammonites, while he fell upon the Syrians. And though they made a strong opposition for a while, Joab slew many of them, but compelled the rest to betake themselves to flight; which, when the Ammonites saw, and were withal afraid of Abishai and his army, they staid no longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and fled to the city. So Joab, when he had thus overcome the enemy, returned with great joy to Jerusalem to the king.",
+                    "3. This defeat did not still induce the Ammonites to be quiet, nor to own those that were superior to them to be so, and be still, but they sent to Chalaman, the king of the Syrians, beyond Euphrates, and hired him for an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the captain of his host, with eighty thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the king of the Hebrews understood that the Ammonites had again gathered so great an army together, he determined to make war with them no longer by his generals, but he passed over the river Jordan himself with all his army; and when he met them he joined battle with them, and overcame them, and slew forty thousand of their footmen, and seven thousand of their horsemen. He also wounded Shobach, the general of Chalaman's forces, who died of that stroke; but the people of Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of the battle, delivered themselves up to David, and sent him presents, who at winter time returned to Jerusalem. But at the beginning of the spring he sent Joab, the captain of his host, to fight against the Ammonites, who overran all their country, and laid it waste, and shut them up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged them therein."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Fell In Love With Bathsheba, And Slew Her Husband Uriah, For Which He Is Reproved By Nathan. </i><br>1. But David fell now into a very grievous sin, though he were otherwise naturally a righteous and a religious man, and one that firmly observed the laws of our fathers; for when late in an evening he took a view round him from the roof of his royal palace, where he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman washing herself in her own house: she was one of extraordinary beauty, and therein surpassed all other women; her name was Bathsheba. So he was overcome by that woman's beauty, and was not able to restrain his desires, but sent for her, and lay with her. Hereupon she conceived with child, and sent to the king, that he should contrive some way for concealing her sin (for, according to the laws of their fathers, she who had been guilty of adultery ought to be put to death). So the king sent for Joab's armor-bearer from the siege, who was the woman's husband, and his name was Uriah. And when he was come, the king inquired of him about the army, and about the siege; and when he had made answer that all their affairs went according to their wishes, the king took some portions of meat from his supper, and gave them to him, and bade him go home to his wife, and take his rest with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept near the king with the rest of his armor-bearers. When the king was informed of this, he asked him why he did not go home to his house, and to his wife, after so long an absence; which is the natural custom of all men, when they come from a long journey. He replied, that it was not right, while his fellow soldiers, and the general of the army, slept upon the ground, in the camp, and in an enemy's country, that he should go and take his rest, and solace himself with his wife. So when he had thus replied, the king ordered him to stay there that night, that he might dismiss him the next day to the general. So the king invited Uriah to supper, and after a cunning and dexterous manlier plied him with drink at supper, till he was thereby disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at the king's gates without any inclination to go to his wife. Upon this the king was very angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and commanded him to punish Uriah, for he told him that he had offended him; and he suggested to him the manner in which he would have him punished, that it might not be discovered that he was himself the author of this his punishment; for he charged him to set him over against that part of the enemy's army where the attack would be most hazardous, and where he might be deserted, and be in the greatest jeopardy, for he bade him order his fellow soldiers to retire out of the fight. When he had written thus to him, and sealed the letter with his own seal, he gave it to Uriah to carry to Joab. When Joab had received it, and upon reading it understood the king's purpose, he set Uriah in that place where he knew the enemy would be most troublesome to them; and gave him for his partners some of the best soldiers in the army; and said that he would also come to their assistance with the whole army, that if possible they might break down some part of the wall, and enter the city. And he desired him to be glad of the opportunity of exposing himself to such great pains, and not to be displeased at it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a great reputation for his valor, both with the king and with his countrymen. And when Uriah undertook the work he was set upon with alacrity, he gave private orders to those who were to be his companions, that when they saw the enemy make a sally, they should leave him. When, therefore, the Hebrews made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites were afraid that the enemy might prevent them, and get up into the city, and this at the very place whither Uriah was ordered; so they exposed their best soldiers to be in the forefront, and opened their gates suddenly, and fell upon the enemy with great vehemence, and ran violently upon them. When those that were with Uriah saw this, they all retreated backward, as Joab had directed them beforehand; but Uriah, as ashamed to run away and leave his post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the violence of their onset, he slew many of them; but being encompassed round, and caught in the midst of them, he was slain, and some other of his companions were slain with him.",
+                    "2. When this was done, Joab sent messengers to the king, and ordered them to tell him that he did what he could to take the city soon; but that, as they made an assault on the wall, they had been forced to retire with great loss; and bade them, if they saw the king was angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain also. When the king had heard this of the messengers, he took it heinously, and said that they did wrong when they assaulted the wall, whereas they ought, by undermining and other stratagems of war, to endeavor the taking of rite city, especially when they had before their eyes the example of Abimelech, the son of Gideon, who would needs take the tower in Thebes by force, and was killed by a large stone thrown at him by an old woman; and although he was a man of great prowess, he died ignominiously by the dangerous manner of his assault: that they should remember this accident, and not come near the enemy's wall, for that the best method of making war with success was to call to mind the accidents of former wars, and what good or bad success had attended them in the like dangerous cases, that so they might imitate the one, and avoid the other. But when the king was in this disposition, the messenger told him that Uriah was slain also; whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the messenger go back to Joab and tell him that this misfortune is no other than what is common among mankind, and that such is the nature, and such the accidents of war, insomuch that sometimes the enemy will have success therein, and sometimes others; but that he ordered him to go on still in his care about the siege, that no ill accident might befall him in it hereafter; that they should raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging the city; and when they have gotten it, to overturn its very foundations, and to destroy all those that are in it. Accordingly the messenger carried the king's message with which he was charged, and made haste to Joab. But Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she was informed of the death of her husband, mourned for his death many days; and when her mourning was over, and the tears which she shed for Uriah were dried up, the king took her to wife presently; and a son was born to him by her.",
+                    "3. With this marriage God was not well pleased, but was thereupon angry at David; and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in his sleep, and complained of the king. Now Nathan was a fair and prudent man; and considering that kings, when they fall into a passion, are guided more by that passion than they are by justice, he resolved to conceal the threatenings that proceeded from God, and made a good-natured discourse to him, and this after the manner following: - He desired that the king would give him his opinion in the following case: - There were,\" said he, \"two men inhabiting the same city, the one of them was rich, and [the other poor]. The rich man had a great many flocks of cattle, of sheep, and of kine; but the poor man had but one ewe lamb. This he brought up with his children, and let her eat her food with them; and he had the same natural affection for her which any one might have for a daughter. Now upon the coming of a stranger to the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill any of his own flocks, and thence feast his friend; but he sent for the poor man's lamb, and took her away from him, and made her ready for food, and thence feasted the stranger.\" This discourse troubled the king exceedingly; and he denounced to Nathan, that \"this man was a wicked man who could dare to do such a thing; and that it was but just that he should restore the lamb fourfold, and be punished with death for it also.\" Upon this Nathan immediately said that he was himself the man who ought to suffer those punishments, and that by his own sentence; and that it was he who had perpetrated this 'great and horrid crime. He also revealed to him, and laid before him, the anger of God against him, who had made him king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord of all the nations, and those many and great nations round about him; who had formerly delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and had given him such wives as he had justly and legally married; and now this God was despised by him, and affronted by his impiety, when he had married, and now had, another man's wife; and by exposing her husband to the enemy, had really slain him; 'that God would inflict punishments upon him on account of those instances of wickedness; that his own wives should be forced by one of his sons; and that he should be treacherously supplanted by the same son; and that although he had perpetrated his wickedness secretly, yet should that punishment which he was to undergo be inflicted publicly upon him; \"that, moreover,\" said he, \"the child which was born to thee of her shall soon die.\" When the king was troubled at these messages, and sufficiently confounded, and said with tears and sorrow that he had sinned, (for he was without controversy a pious man, and guilty of no sin at all in his whole life, excepting those in the matter of Uriah,) God had compassion on him, and was reconciled to him, and promised that he would preserve to him both his life and his kingdom; for he said that, seeing he repented of the things he had done, he was no longer displeased with him. So Nathan, when he had delivered this prophecy to the king, returned home.",
+                    "4. However, God sent a dangerous distemper upon the child that was born to David of the wife of Uriah, at which the king was troubled, and did not take any food for seven days, although his servants almost forced him to take it; but he clothed himself in a black garment, and fell down, and lay upon the ground in sackcloth, entrusting God for the recovery of the child, for he vehemently loved the child's mother; but when, on the seventh day, the child was dead, the king's servants durst not tell him of it, as supposing that when he knew it, he would still less admit of food, and other care of himself, by reason of his grief at the death of his son, since when the child was only sick, he so greatly afflicted himself, and grieved for him: but when the king perceived that his servants were in disorder, and seemed to be affected, as those who are very desirous to conceal something, he understood that the child was dead; and when he had called one of his servants to him, and discovered that so it was, he arose up and washed himself, and took a white garment, and came into the tabernacle of God. He also commanded them to set supper before him, and thereby greatly surprised his kindred and servants, while he did nothing of this when the child was sick, but did it all when he was dead. Whereupon having first begged leave to ask him a question, they besought him to tell them the reason of this his conduct; he then called them unskillful people, and instructed them how he had hopes of the recovery of the child while it was alive, and accordingly did all that was proper for him to do, as thinking by such means to render God propitious to him; but that when the child was dead, there was no longer any occasion for grief, which was then to no purpose. When he had said this, they commended the king's wisdom and understanding. He then went in unto Bathsheba his wife, and she conceived and bare a son; and by the command of Nathan the prophet called his name Solomon.",
+                    "5. But Joab sorely distressed the Ammonites in the siege, by cutting off their waters, and depriving them of other means of subsistence, till they were in the greatest want of meat and drink, for they depended only on one small well of water, and this they durst not drink of too freely, lest the fountain should entirely fail them. So he wrote to the king, and informed him thereof; and persuaded him to come himself to take the city, that he might have the honor of the victory. Upon this letter of Joab's, the king accepted of his good-will and fidelity, and took with him his army, and came to the destruction of Rabbah; and when he had taken it by force, he gave it to his soldiers to plunder it; but he himself took the king of the Ammonites' crown, whose weight was a talent of gold; (13) and it had in its middle a precious stone called a sardonyx; which crown David ever after wore on his own head. He also found many other vessels in the city, and those both splendid and of great price; but as for the men, he tormented them, (14) and then destroyed them; and when he had taken the other cities of the Ammonites by force, he treated them after the same manner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Absalom Murdered Amnon, Who Had Forced His Own Sister; And How He Was Banished And Afterwards Recalled By David. </i><br>1. When the king was returned to Jerusalem, a sad misfortune befell his house, on the occasion following: He had a daughter, who was yet a virgin, and very handsome, insomuch that she surpassed all the most beautiful women; her name was Tamar; she had the same mother with Absalom. Now Amnon, David's eldest son, fell in love with her, and being not able to obtain his desires, on account of her virginity, and the custody she was under, was so much out of order, nay, his grief so eat up his body, that he grew lean, and his color was changed. Now there was one Jenadab, a kinsman and friend of his, who discovered this his passion, for he was an extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every morning Amnon was not in body as he ought to be, he came to him, and desired him to tell him what was the cause of it: however, he said that he guessed that it arose from the passion of love. Amnon confessed his passion, that he was in love with a sister of his, who had the same father with himself. So Jenadab suggested to him by what method and contrivance he might obtain his desires; for he persuaded him to pretend sickness, and bade him, when his father should come to him, to beg of him that his sister might come and minister to him; for if that were done, he should be better, and should quickly recover from his distemper. So Amnon lay down on his bed, and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab had suggested. When his father came, and inquired how he did, he begged of him to send his sister to him. Accordingly, he presently ordered her to be brought to him; and when she was come, Amnon bade her make cakes for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it all with her own hands, because he should take them better from her hand [than from any one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the sight of her brother, and made him cakes, and baked them in a pan, and brought them to him; but at that time he would not taste them, but gave order to his servants to send all that were there out of his chamber, because he had a mind to repose himself, free from tumult and disturbance. As soon as what he had commanded was done, he desired his sister to bring his supper to him into the inner parlor; which, when the damsel had done, he took hold of her, and endeavored to persuade her to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried out, and said, \"Nay, brother, do not force me, nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws, and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion. Curb this thy unrighteous and impure lust, from which our house will get nothing but reproach and disgrace.\" She also advised him to speak to his father about this affair; for he would permit him [to marry her]. This she said, as desirous to avoid her brother's violent passion at present. But he would not yield to her; but, inflamed with love and blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he forced his sister: but as soon as Amnon had satisfied his lust, he hated her immediately, and giving her reproachful words, bade her rise up and be gone. And when she said that this was a more injurious treatment than the former, if, now he had forced her, he would not let her stay with him till the evening, but bid her go away in the day-time, and while it was light, that she might meet with people that would be witnesses of her shame, - he commanded his servant to turn her out of his house. Whereupon she was sorely grieved at the injury and violence that had been offered to her, and rent her loose coat, (for the virgins of old time wore such loose coats tied at the hands, and let down to the ankles, that the inner coats might not be seen,) and sprinkled ashes on her head; and went up the middle of the city, crying out and lamenting for the violence that had been offered her. Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet her, and asked her what sad thing had befallen her, that she was in that plight; and when she had told him what injury had been offered her, he comforted her, and desired her to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not to esteem her being corrupted by her brother as an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and left off her crying out, and discovering the force offered her to the multitude; and she continued as a widow with her brother Absalom a long time.",
+                    "2. When David his father knew this, he was grieved at the actions of Amnon; but because he had an extraordinary affection for him, for he was his eldest son, he was compelled not to afflict him; but Absalom watched for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime upon him, for he thoroughly hated him. Now the second year after this wicked affair about his sister was over, and Absalom was about to go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor, which is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he besought his father, as well as his brethren, to come and feast with him: but when David excused himself, as not being willing to be burdensome to him, Absalom desired he would however send his brethren; whom he did send accordingly. Then Absalom charged his own servants, that when they should see Amnon disordered and drowsy with wine, and he should give them a signal, they should fear nobody, but kill him.",
+                    "3. When they had done as they were commanded, the rest of his brethren were astonished and disturbed, and were afraid for themselves, so they immediately got on horseback, and rode away to their father; but somebody there was who prevented them, and told their father they were all slain by Absalom; whereupon he was overcome with sorrow, as for so many of his sons that were destroyed at once, and that by their brother also; and by this consideration, that it was their brother that appeared to have slain them, he aggravated his sorrow for them. So he neither inquired what was the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear any thing else, which yet it was but reasonable to have done, when so very great, and by that greatness so incredible, a misfortune was related to him: he rent his clothes and threw himself upon the ground, and there lay lamenting the loss of all his sons, both those who, as he was informed, were slain, and of him who slew them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother Shemeah, entreated him not to indulge his sorrow so far, for as to the rest of his sons he did not believe that they were slain, for he found no cause for such a suspicion; but he said it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon, for it was not unlikely that Absalom might venture to kill him on account of the injury he had offered to Tamar. In the mean time, a great noise of horses, and a tumult of some people that were coming, turned their attention to them; they were the king's sons, who were fled away from the feast. So their father met them as they were in their grief, and he himself grieved with them; but it was more than he expected to see those his sons again, whom he had a little before heard to have perished. However, their were tears on both sides; they lamenting their brother who was killed, and the king lamenting his son, who was killed also; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his grandfather by his mother's side, who was king of that country, and he remained with him three whole years.",
+                    "4. Now David had a design to send to Absalom, not that he should come to be punished, but that he might be with him, for the effects of his anger were abated by length of time. It was Joab, the captain of his host, that chiefly persuaded him so to do; for he suborned an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age, to go to the king in mourning apparel, who said thus to him: - That two of her sons, in a coarse way, had some difference between them, and that in the progress of that difference they came to an open quarrel, and that one was smitten by the other, and was dead; and she desired him to interpose in this case, and to do her the favor to save this her son from her kindred, who were very zealous to have him that had slain his brother put to death, that so she might not be further deprived of the hopes she had of being taken care of in her old age by him; and that if he would hinder this slaughter of her son by those that wished for it, he would do her a great favor, because the kindred would not be restrained from their purpose by any thing else than by the fear of him. And when the king had given his consent to what the woman had begged of him, she made this reply to him: - \"I owe thee thanks for thy benignity to me in pitying my old age, and preventing the loss of my only remaining child; but in order to assure me of this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine own son, and cease to be angry with him; for how shall I persuade myself that thou hast really bestowed this favor upon me, while thou thyself continuest after the like manner in thy wrath to thine own son? for it is a foolish thing to add willfully another to thy dead son, while the death of the other was brought about without thy consent.\" And now the king perceived that this pretended story was a subornation derived from Joab, and was of his contrivance; and when, upon inquiry of the old woman, he understood it to be so in reality, he called for Joab, and told him he had obtained what he requested according to his own mind; and he bid him bring Absalom back, for he was not now displeased, but had already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab bowed himself down to the king, and took his words kindly, and went immediately to Geshur, and took Absalom with him, and came to Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. However, the king sent a message to his son beforehand, as he was coming, and commanded him to retire to his own house, for he was not yet in such a disposition as to think fit at present to see him. Accordingly, upon the father's command, he avoided coming into his presence, and contented himself with the respects paid him by his own family only. Now his beauty was not impaired, either by the grief he had been under, or by the want of such care as was proper to be taken of a king's son, for he still surpassed and excelled all men in the tallness of his body, and was more eminent [in a fine appearance] than those that dieted the most luxuriously; and indeed such was the thickness of the hair of his head, that it was with difficulty that he was polled every eighth day; and his hair weighed two hundred shekels (15) which are five pounds. However, he dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became the father of three sons, and one daughter; which daughter was of very great beauty, and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, took to wife afterward, and had by her a son named Abijah. But Absalom sent to Joab, and desired him to pacify his father entirely towards him; and to beseech him to give him leave to come to him to see him, and speak with him. But when Joab neglected so to do, he sent some of his own servants, and set fire to the field adjoining to him; which, when Joab understood, he came to Absalom, and accused him of what he had done; and asked him the reason why he did so. To which Absalom replied, that \"I have found out this stratagem that might bring thee to us, while thou hast taken no care to perform the injunction I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile my father to me; and I really beg it of thee, now thou art here, to pacify my father as to me, since I esteem my coming hither to be more grievous than my banishment, while my father's wrath against me continues.\" Hereby Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress that Absalom was in, and became an intercessor with the king for him. And when he had discoursed with his father, he soon brought him to that amicable disposition towards Absalom, that he presently sent for him to come to him; and when he had cast himself down upon the ground, and had begged for the forgiveness of his offenses, the king raised him up, and promised him to forget what he had formerly done."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Insurrection Of Absalom Against David And Concerning Ahithophel And Hushai; And Concerning Ziba And Shimei; And How Ahithophel Hanged Himself. </i><br>1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with the king, procured to himself a great many horses, and many chariots, and that in a little time also. He had moreover fifty armor-bearers that were about him; and he came early every day to the king's palace, and spake what was agreeable to such as came for justice and lost their causes, as if that happened for want of good counselors about the king, or perhaps because the judges mistook in that unjust sentence they gave; whereby he gained the good-will of them all. He told them, that had he but such authority committed to him, he would distribute justice to them in a most equitable manner. When he had made himself so popular among the multitude, he thought he had already the good-will of the people secured to him; but when four years (16) had passed since his father's reconciliation to him, he came to him, and besought him to give him leave to go to Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because he vowed it to him when he fled out of the country. So when David had granted his request, he went thither, and great multitudes came running together to him, for he had sent to a great number so to do.",
+                    "2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gilonite, a counsellor of David's, and two hundred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew not his intentions, but were sent for as to a sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all of them, which he obtained by this stratagem. As soon as this news was brought to David, and he was informed of what he did not expect from his son, he was aftrighted at this his impious and bold undertaking, and wondered that he was so far from remembering how his offense had been so lately forgiven him, that he undertook much worse and more wicked enterprises; first, to deprive him of that kingdom which was given him of God; and secondly, to take away his own father's life. He therefore resolved to fly to the parts beyond Jordan: so he called his most intimate friends together, and communicated to them all that he had heard of his son's madness. He committed himself to God, to judge between them about all their actions; and left the care of his royal palace to his ten concubines, and went away from Jerusalem, being willingly accompanied by the rest of the multitude, who went hastily away with him, and particularly by those six hundred armed men, who had been with him from his first flight in the days of Saul. But he persuaded Abiathar and Zadok, the high priests, who had determined to go away with him, as also all the Levites, who were with the ark, to stay behind, as hoping that God would deliver him without its removal; but he charged them to let him know privately how all things went on; and he had their sons, Ahimmaz the son of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar, for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai the Gitrite went out with him whether David would let him or not, for he would have persuaded him to stay, and on that account he appeared the more friendly to him. But as he was ascending the Mount of Olives barefooted, and all his company were in tears, it was told him that Ahithophel was with Absalom, and was of his side. This hearing augmented his grief; and he besought God earnestly to alienate the mind of Absalom from Ahithophel, for he was afraid that he should persuade him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he was a prudent man, and very sharp in seeing what was advantageous. When David was gotten upon the top of the mountain, he took a view of the city; and prayed to God with abundance of tears, as having already lost his kingdom; and here it was that a faithful friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met him. When David saw him with his clothes rent, and having ashes all over his head, and in lamentation for the great change of affairs, he comforted him, and exhorted him to leave off grieving; nay, at length he besought him to go back to Absalom, and appear as one of his party, and to fish out the secretest counsels of his mind, and to contradict the counsels of Ahithophel, for that he could not do him so much good by being with him as he might by being with Absalom. So he was prevailed on by David, and left him, and came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom himself came also a little while afterward.",
+                    "3. When David was gone a little farther, there met him Ziba, the servant of Mephibosheth, (whom he had sent to take care of the possessions which had been given him, as the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul,) with a couple of asses, loaden with provisions, and desired him to take as much of them as he and his followers stood in need of. And when the king asked him where he had left Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in Jerusalem, expecting to be chosen king in the present confusions, in remembrance of the benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At this the king had great indignation, and gave to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed on Mephibosheth; for he determined that it was much fitter that he should have them than the other; at which Ziba greatly rejoiced.",
+                    "4. When David was at Bahurim, a place so called, there came out a kinsman of Saul's, whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at him, and gave him reproachful words; and as his friends stood about the king and protected him, he persevered still more in his reproaches, and called him a bloody man, and the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade him also go out of the land as an impure and accursed wretch; and he thanked God for depriving him of his kingdom, and causing him to be punished for what injuries he had done to his master [Saul], and this by the means of his own son. Now when they were all provoked against him, and angry at bin;, and particularly Abishai, who had a mind to kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. \"Let us not,\" said he, \"bring upon ourselves another fresh misfortune to those we have already, for truly I have not the least regard nor concern for this dog that raves at me: I submit myself to God, by whose permission this man treats me in such a wild manner; nor is it any wonder that I am obliged to undergo these abuses from him, while I experience the like from an impious son of my own; but perhaps God will have some commiseration upon us; if it be his will we shall overcome them.\" So he went on his way without troubling himself with Shimei, who ran along the other side of the mountain, and threw out his abusive language plentifully. But when David was come to Jordan, he allowed those that were with him to refresh themselves; for they were weary.",
+                    "5. But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his counselor, were come to Jerusalem, with all the people, David's friend, Hushai, came to them; and when he had worshipped Absalom, he withal wished that his kingdom might last a long time, and continue for all ages. But when Absalom said to him, \"How comes this, that he who was so intimate a friend of my father's, and appeared faithful to him in all things, is not with him now, but hath left him, and is come over to me?\" Hushai's answer was very pertinent and prudent; for he said, \"We ought to follow God and the multitude of the people; while these, therefore, my lord and master, are with thee, it is fit that I should follow them, for thou hast received the kingdom from God. I will therefore, if thou believest me to be thy friend, show the same fidelity and kindness to thee, which thou knowest I have shown to thy father; nor is there any reason to be in the least dissatisfied with the present state of affairs, for the kingdom is not transferred into another, but remains still in the same family, by the son's receiving it after his father.\" This speech persuaded Absalom, who before suspected Hushai. And now he called Ahithophel, and consulted with him what he ought to do: he persuaded him to go in unto his father's concubines; for he said that \"by this action the people would believe that thy difference with thy father is irreconcilable, and will thence fight with great alacrity against thy father, for hitherto they are afraid of taking up open enmity against him, out of an expectation that you will be reconciled again.\" Accordingly, Absalom was prevailed on by this advice, and commanded his servants to pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal palace, in the sight of the multitude; and he went in and lay with his father's concubines. Now this came to pass according to the prediction of Nathan, when he prophesied and signified to him that his son would rise up in rebellion against him.",
+                    "6. And when Absalom had done what he was advised to by Ahithophel, he desired his advice, in the second place, about the war against his father. Now Ahithophel only asked him to let him have ten thousand chosen men, and he promised he would slay his father, and bring the soldiers back again in safety; and he said that then the kingdom would be firm to him when David was dead [but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased with this advice, and called for Hushai, David's friend (for so did he style him); and informing him of the opinion of Ahithophel, he asked, further, what was his opinion concerning that matter. Now he was sensible that if Ahithophel's counsel were followed, David would be in danger of being seized on, and slain; so he attempted to introduce a contrary opinion, and said, Thou art not unacquainted, O king, with the valor of thy father, and of those that are now with him; that he hath made many wars, and hath always come off with victory, though probably he now abides in the camp, for he is very skiliful in stratagems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of his enemies; yet will he leave his own soldiers in the evening, and will either hide himself in some valley, or will place an ambush at some rock; so that when our army joins battle with him, his soldiers will retire for a little while, but will come upon us again, as encouraged by the king's being near them; and in the mean time your father will show himself suddenly in the time of the battle, and will infuse courage into his own people when they are in danger, but bring consternation to thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and reason upon it, and if thou canst not but acknowledge it to be the best, reject the opinion of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of the Hebrews, and order them to come and fight with thy father; and do thou thyself take the army, and be thine own general in this war, and do not trust its management to another; then expect to conquer him with ease, when thou overtakest him openly with his few partisans, but hast thyself many ten thousands, who will be desirous to demonstrate to thee their diligence and alacrity. And if thy father shall shut himself up in some city, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that city with machines of war, and by undermining it.\" When Hushai had said this, he obtained his point against Ahithophel, for his opinion was preferred by Absalom before the other's: however, it was no other than God (17) who made the counsel of Hushai appear best to the mind of Absalom.",
+                    "7. So Hushai made haste to the high priests, Zadok and Abiathar, and told them the opinion of Ahithophel, and his own, and that the resolution was taken to follow this latter advice. He therefore bade them send to David, and tell him of it, and to inform him of the counsels that had been taken; and to desire him further to pass quickly over Jordan, lest his son should change his mind, and make haste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and seize upon him before he be in safety. Now the high priests had their sons concealed in a proper place out of the city, that they might carry news to David of what was transacted. Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant, whom they could trust, to them, to carry the news of Absalom's counsels, and ordered them to signify the same to David with all speed. So they made no excuse nor delay, but taking along with them their fathers' injunctions, because pious and faithful ministers, and judging that quickness and suddenness was the best mark of faithful service, they made haste to meet with David. But certain horsemen saw them when they were two furlongs from the city, and informed Absalom of them, who immediately sent some to take them; but when the sons of the high priest perceived this, they went out of the road, and betook themselves to a certain village; that village was called Bahurim; there they desired a certain woman to hide them, and afford them security. Accordingly she let the young men down by a rope into a well, and laid fleeces of wool over them; and when those that pursued them came to her, and asked her whether she saw them, she did not deny that she had seen them, for that they staid with her some time, but she said they then went their ways; and she foretold that, however, if they would follow them directly, they would catch them; but when after a long pursuit they could not catch them, they came back again; and when the woman saw those men were returned, and that there was no longer any fear of the young men's being caught by them, she drew them up by the rope, and bade them go on their journey accordingly, they used great diligence in the prosecution of that journey, and came to David, and informed him accurately of all the counsels of Absalom. So he commanded those that were with him to pass over Jordan while it was night, and not to delay at all on that account.",
+                    "8. But Ahithophel, on rejection of his advice, got upon his ass, and rode away to his own country, Gilon; and, calling his family together, he told them distinctly what advice he had given Absalom; and since he had not been persuaded by it, he said he would evidently perish, and this in no long time, and that David would overcome him, and return to his kingdom again; so he said it was better that he should take his own life away with freedom and magnanimity, than expose himself to be punished by David, in opposition to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom. When he had discoursed thus to them, he went into the inmost room of his house, and hanged himself; and thus was the death of Ahithophel, who was self-condemned; and when his relations had taken him down from the halter, they took care of his funeral. Now, as for David, he passed over Jordan, as we have said already, and came to Mahanaim, every fine and very strong city; and all the chief men of the country received him with great pleasure, both out of the shame they had that he should be forced to flee away [from Jerusalem], and out of the respect they bare him while he was in his former prosperity. These were Barzillai the Gileadite, and Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites, and Machir the principal man of Gilead; and these furnished him with plentiful provisions for himself and his followers, insomuch that they wanted no beds nor blankets for them, nor loaves of bread, nor wine; nay, they brought them a great many cattle for slaughter, and afforded them what furniture they wanted for their refreshment when they were weary, and for food, with plenty of other necessaries."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, When Absalom Was Beaten, He Was Caught In A Tree By His Hair And Was Slain </i><br>1. And this was the state of David and his followers: but Absalom got together a vast army of the Hebrews to oppose his father, and passed therewith over the river Jordan, and sat down not far off Mahanaim, in the country of Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be captain of all his host, instead of Joab his kinsman: his father was Ithra and his mother Abigail: now she and Zeruiah, the mother of Joab, were David's sisters. But when David had numbered his followers, and found them to be about four thousand, he resolved not to tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over his men captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and divided his army into three parts; the one part he committed to Joab, the next to Abishai, Joab's brother, and the third to Ittai, David's companion and friend, but one that came from the city Gath; and when he was desirous of fighting himself among them, his friends would not let him: and this refusal of theirs was founded upon very wise reasons: \"For,\" said they, \"if we be conquered when he is with us, we have lost all good hopes of recovering ourselves; but if we should be beaten in one part of our army, the other parts may retire to him, and may thereby prepare a greater force, while the enemy will naturally suppose that he hath another army with him.\" So David was pleased with this their advice, and resolved himself to tarry at Mahanaim; and as he sent his friends and commanders to the battle, he desired them to show all possible alacrity and fidelity, and to bear in mind what advantages they had received from him, which, though they had not been very great, yet had they not been quite inconsiderable; and he begged of them to spare the young man Absalom, lest some mischief should befall himself, if he should be killed; and thus did he send out his army to the battle, and wished them victory therein.",
+                    "2. Then did Joab put his army in battle-array over against the enemy in the Great Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Absalom also brought his army into the field to oppose him. Upon the joining of the battle, both sides showed great actions with their hands and their boldness; the one side exposing themselves to the greatest hazards, and using their utmost alacrity, that David might recover his kingdom; and the other being no way deficient, either in doing or suffering, that Absalom might not be deprived of that kingdom, and be brought to punishment by his father for his impudent attempt against him. Those also that were the most numerous were solicitous that they might not be conquered by those few that were with Joab, and with the other commanders, because that would be the greater disgrace to them; while David's soldiers strove greatly to overcome so many ten thousands as the enemy had with them. Now David's men were conquerors, as superior in strength and skill in war; so they followed the others as they fled away through the forests and valleys; some they took prisoners, and many they slew, and more in the flight than in the battle for there fell about twenty thousand that day. But all David's men ran violently upon Absalom, for he was easily known by his beauty and tallness. He was himself also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him, so he got upon the king's mule, and fled; but as he was carried with violence, and noise, and a great motion, as being himself light, he entangled his hair greatly in the large boughs of a knotty tree that spread a great way, and there he hung, after a surprising manner; and as for the beast, it went on farther, and that swiftly, as if his master had been still upon his back; but he, hanging in the air upon the boughs, was taken by his enemies. Now when one of David's soldiers saw this, he informed Joab of it; and when the general said, that if he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would have given him fifty shekels, - he replied, \"I would not have killed my master's son if thou wouldst have given me a thousand shekels, especially when he desired that the young man might be spared in the hearing of us all.\" But Joab bade him show him where it was that he saw Absalom hang; whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew him, and Joab's armor-bearers stood round the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and cast it into a great chasm that was out of sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till the cavity was filled up, and had both the appearance and the bigness of a grave. Then Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own soldiers from pursuing the enemy's army, in order to spare their countrymen.",
+                    "3. Now Absalom had erected for himself a marble pillar in the king's dale, two furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which he named Absalom's Hand, saying, that if his children were killed, his name would remain by that pillar; for he had three sons and one daughter, named Tamar, as we said before, who when she was married to David's grandson, Rehoboam, bare a son, Abijah by name, who succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of these we shall speak in a part of our history which will be more proper. After the death of Absalom, they returned every one to their own homes respectively.",
+                    "4. But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the high priest, went to Joab, and desired he would permit him to go and tell David of this victory, and to bring him the good news that God had afforded his assistance and his providence to him. However, he did not grant his request, but said to him, \"Wilt thou, who hast always been the messenger of good news, now go and acquaint the king that his son is dead?\" So he desired him to desist. He then called Cushi, and committed the business to him, that he should tell the king what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again desired him to let him go as a messenger, and assured him that he would only relate what concerned the victory, but not concerning the death of Absalom, he gave him leave to go to David. Now he took a nearer road than the former did, for nobody knew it but himself, and he came before Cushi. Now as David was sitting between the gates, (18) and waiting to see when somebody would come to him from the battle, and tell him how it went, one of the watchmen saw Ahimaaz running, and before he could discern who he was, he told David that he saw somebody coming to him, who said he was a good messenger. A little while after, he informed him that another messenger followed him; whereupon the king said that he also was a good messenger: but when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that he was already very near, he gave the king notice that it was the son of Zadok the high priest who came running. So David was very glad, and said he was a messenger of good tidings, and brought him some such news from the battle as he desired to hear.",
+                    "5. While the king was saying thus, Ahimaaz appeared, and worshipped the king. And when the king inquired of him about the battle, he said he brought him the good news of victory and dominion. And when he inquired what he had to say concerning his son, he said that he came away on the sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated, but that he heard a great noise of those that pursued Absalom, and that he could learn no more, because of the haste he made when Joab sent him to inform him of the victory. But when Cushi was come, and had worshipped him, and informed him of the victory, he asked him about his son, who replied, \"May the like misfortune befall thine enemies as hath befallen Absalom.\" That word did not permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice for the victory, though it was a very great one; but David went up to the highest part of the city, (19) and wept for his son, and beat his breast, tearing [the hair of] his head, tormenting himself all manner of ways, and crying out, \"O my son! I wish that I had died myself, and ended my days with thee!\" for he was of a tender natural affection, and had extraordinary compassion for this son in particular. But when the army and Joab heard that the king mourned for his son, they were ashamed to enter the city in the habit of conquerors, but they all came in as cast down, and in tears, as if they had been beaten. Now while the king covered himself, and grievously lamented his son, Joab went in to him, and comforted him, and said, \"O my lord the king, thou art not aware that thou layest a blot on thyself by what thou now doest; for thou seemest to hate those that love thee, and undergo dangers for thee nay, to hate thyself and thy family, and to love those that are thy bitter enemies, and to desire the company of those that are no more, and who have been justly slain; for had Absalom gotten the victory, and firmly settled himself in the kingdom, there had been none of us left alive, but all of us, beginning with thyself and thy children, had miserably perished, while our enemies had not wept for his, but rejoiced over us, and punished even those that pitied us in our misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do this in the case of one that has been thy bitter enemy, who, while he was thine own son hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave off, therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come abroad and be seen of thy soldiers, and return them thanks for the alacrity they showed in the fight; for I myself will this day persuade the people to leave thee, and to give the kingdom to another, if thou continuest to do thus; and then I shall make thee to grieve bitterly and in earnest.\" Upon Joab's speaking thus to him, he made the king leave off his sorrow, and brought him to the consideration of his affairs. So David changed his habit, and exposed himself in a manner fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat at the gates; whereupon all the people heard of it, and ran together to him, and saluted him. And this was the present state of David's affairs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, When He Had Recovered His Kingdom, Was Reconciled To Shimei, And To Ziba; And Showed A Great Affection To Barzillai; And How, Upon The Rise Of A Sedition, He Made Amasa Captain Of His Host, In Order To Pursue Seba; Which Amasa Was Slain By Joab. </i><br>1. Now those Hebrews that had been With Absalom, and had retired out of the battle, when they were all returned home, sent messengers to every city to put them in mind of what benefits David had bestowed upon them, and of that liberty which he had procured them, by delivering them from many and great wars. But they complained, that whereas they had ejected him out of his kingdom, and committed it to another governor, which other governor, whom they had set up, was already dead, they did not now beseech David to leave off his anger at them, and to become friends with them, and, as he used to do, to resume the care of their affairs, and take the kingdom again. This was often told to David. And, this notwithstanding, David sent to Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, that they should speak to the rulers of the tribe of Judah after the manner following: That it would be a reproach upon them to permit the other tribes to choose David for their king before their tribe, \"and this,\" said he, \"while you are akin to him, and of the same common blood.\" He commanded them also to say the same to Amasa the captain of their forces, That whereas he was his sister's son, he had not persuaded the multitude to restore the kingdom to David; that he might expect from him not only a reconciliation, for that was already granted, but that supreme command of the army also which Absalom had bestowed upon him. Accordingly the high priests, when they had discoursed with the rulers of the tribe, and said what the king had ordered them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to send immediately ambassadors to him, to beseech him to return to his own kingdom. The same did all the Israelites, at the like persuasion of Amasa.",
+                    "2. When the ambassadors came to him, he came to Jerusalem; and the tribe of Judah was the first that came to meet the king at the river Jordan. And Shimei, the son of Gera, came with a thousand men, which he brought with him out of the tribe of Benjamin; and Ziba, the freed-man of Saul, with his sons, fifteen in number, and with his twenty servants. All these, as well as the tribe of Judah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river, that the king, and those that were with him, might with ease pass over it. Now as soon as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah saluted him. Shimei also came upon the bridge, and took hold of his feet, and prayed him to forgive him what he had offended, and not to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit to make him the first example of severity under his new authority; but to consider that he had repented of his failure of duty, and had taken care to come first of all to him. While he was thus entreating the king, and moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab's brother, said, \"And shall not this man die for this, that he hath cursed that king whom God hath appointed to reign over us?\" But David turned himself to him, and said, \"Will you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do not you, I pray, raise new troubles and seditions among us, now the former are over; for I would not have you ignorant that I this day begin my reign, and therefore swear to remit to all offenders their punishments, and not to animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be thou, therefore,\" said he, \"O Shimei, of good courage, and do not at all fear being put to death.\" So he worshipped him, and went on before him.",
+                    "3. Mephibosheth also, Saul's grandson, met David, clothed in a sordid garment, and having his hair thick and neglected; for after David was fled away, he was in such grief that he had not polled his head, nor had he washed his clothes, as dooming himself to undergo such hardships upon occasion of the change-of the king's affairs. Now he had been unjustly calumniated to the king by Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the king, and worshipped him, the king began to ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem with him, and accompany him during his flight. He replied, that this piece of injustice was owing to Ziba; because, when he was ordered to get things ready for his going out with him, he took no care of it, but regarded him no more than if he had been a slave; \"and, indeed, had I had my feet sound and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I could then have made use of them in my flight: but this is not all the injury that Ziba has done me, as to my duty to thee, my lord and master, but he hath calumniated me besides, and told lies about me of his own invention; but I know thy mind will not admit of such calumnies, but is righteously disposed, and a lover of truth, which it is also the will of God should prevail. For when thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering by my grandfather, and when, on that account, our whole family might justly have been destroyed, thou wast moderate and merciful, and didst then especially forget all those injuries, when, if thou hadst remembered them, thou hadst the power of punishing us for them; but thou hast judged me to be thy friend, and hast set me every day at thine own table; nor have I wanted any thing which one of thine own kinsmen, of greatest esteem with thee, could have expected.\" When he had said this, David resolved neither to punish Mephibosheth, nor to condemn Ziba, as having belied his master; but said to him, that as he had [before] granted all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come along with him, so he [now] promised to forgive him, and ordered that the one half of his estate should be restored to him. (20) Whereupon Mephibosheth said, \"Nay, let Ziba take all; it suffices me that thou hast recovered thy kingdom.\"",
+                    "4. But David desired Barzillai the Gileadite, that great and good man, and one that had made a plentiful provision for him at Mahanaim, and had conducted him as far as Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for he promised to treat him in his old age with all manner of respect - to take care of him, and provide for him. But Barzillai was so desirous to live at home, that he entreated him to excuse him from attendance on him; and said that his age was too great to enjoy the pleasures [of a court,] since he was fourscore years old, and was therefore making provision for his death and burial: so he desired him to gratify him in this request, and dismiss him; for he had no relish of his meat, or his drink, by reason of his age; and that his ears were too much shut up to hear the sound of pipes, or the melody of other musical instruments, such as all those that live with kings delight in. When he entreated for this so earnestly, the king said, \"I dismiss thee, but thou shalt grant me thy son Chimham, and upon him I will bestow all sorts of good things.\" So Barzillai left his son with him, and worshipped the king, and wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his affairs according to his own mind, and then returned home; but David came to Gilgal, having about him half the people [of Israel], and the [whole] tribe of Judah.",
+                    "5. Now the principal men of the country came to Gilgal to him with a great multitude, and complained of the tribe of Judah, that they had come to him in a private manner; whereas they ought all conjointly, and with one and the same intention, to have given him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe of Judah desired them not to be displeased, if they had been prevented by them; for, said they, \"We are David's kinsmen, and on that account we the rather took care of him, and loved him, and so came first to him;\" yet had they not, by their early coming, received any gifts from him, which might give them who came last any uneasiness. When the rulers of the tribe of Judah had said this, the rulers of the other tribes were not quiet, but said further, \"O brethren, we cannot but wonder at you when you call the king your kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received from God the power over all of us in common ought to be esteemed a kinsman to us all; for which reason the whole people have eleven parts in him, and you but one part (21) we are also elder than you; wherefore you have not done justly in coming to the king in this private and concealed manner.\"",
+                    "6. While these rulers were thus disputing one with another, a certain wicked man, who took a pleasure in seditious practices, (his name was Sheba, the son of Bichri, of the tribe of Benjamin,) stood up in the midst of the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus to them: \"We have no part in David, nor inheritance in the son of Jesse.\" And when he had used those words, he blew with a trumpet, and declared war against the king; and they all left David, and followed him; the tribe of Judah alone staid with him, and settled him in his royal palace at Jerusalem. But as for his concubines, with whom Absalom his son had accompanied, truly he removed them to another house, and ordered those that had the care of them to make a plentiful provision for them, but he came not near them any more. He also appointed Amass for the captain of his forces, and gave him the same high office which Joab before had; and he commanded him to gather together, out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as he could, and come to him within three days, that he might deliver to him his entire army, and might send him to fight against [Sheba] the son of Bichri. Now while Amass was gone out, and made some delay in gathering the army together, and so was not yet returned, on the third day the king said to Joab, \"It is not fit we should make any delay in this affair of Sheba, lest he get a numerous army about him, and be the occasion of greater mischief, and hurt our affairs more than did Absalom himself; do not thou therefore wait any longer, but take such forces as thou hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hundred men, and thy brother Abishai, with thee, and pursue after our enemy, and endeavor to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake him. Make haste to prevent him, lest he seize upon some fenced cities, and cause us great labor and pains before we take him.\"",
+                    "7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but taking with him his brother, and those six hundred men, and giving orders that the rest of the army which was at Jerusalem should follow him, he marched with great speed against Sheba; and when he was come to Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great army with him, and met Joab. Now Joab was girded with a sword, and his breastplate on; and when Amasa came near him to salute him, he took particular care that his sword should fall out, as it were, of its own accord: so he took it up from the ground, and while he approached Amasa, who was then near him, as though he would kiss him, he took hold of Amasa's beard with his other hand, and he smote him in his belly when he did not foresee it, and slew him. This impious and altogether profane action Joab did to a good young man, and his kinsman, and one that had done him no injury, and this out of jealousy that he would obtain the chief command of the army, and be in equal dignity with himself about the king; and for the same cause it was that he killed Abner. But as to that former wicked action, the death of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to revenge, afforded him a decent pretense, and made that crime a pardonable one; but in this murder of Amasa there was no such covering for it. Now when Joab had killed this general, he pursued after Sheba, having left a man with the dead body, who was ordered to proclaim aloud to the army, that Amasa was justly slain, and deservedly punished. \"But,\" said he, \"if you be for the king, follow Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab's brother:\" but because the body lay on the road, and all the multitude came running to it, and, as is usual with the multitude, stood wondering a great while at it, he that guarded it removed it thence, and carried it to a certain place that was very remote from the road, and there laid it, and covered it with his garment. When this was done, all the people followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba through all the country of Israel, one told him that he was in a strong city, called Abelbeth-maachah. Hereupon Joab went thither, and set about it with his army, and cast up a bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls, and to overthrow them; and since the people in the city did not admit him, he was greatly displeased at them.",
+                    "8. Now there was a woman of small account, and yet both wise and intelligent, who seeing her native city lying at the last extremity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means of the armed men, called for Joab; and when he came to her, she began to say, That \"God ordained kings and generals of armies, that they might cut off the enemies of the Hebrews, and introduce a universal peace among them; but thou art endeavoring to overthrow and depopulate a metropolis of the Israelites, which hath been guilty of no offense.\" But he replied, \"God continue to be merciful unto me: I am disposed to avoid killing any one of the people, much less would I destroy such a city as this; and if they will deliver me up Sheba, the son of Bichri, who hath rebelled against the king, I will leave off the siege, and withdraw the army from the place.\" Now as soon as the woman heard what Joab said, she desired him to intermit the siege for a little while, for that he should have the head of his enemy thrown out to him presently. So she went down to the citizens, and said to them, \"Will you be so wicked as to perish miserably, with your children and wives, for the sake of a vile fellow, and one whom nobody knows who he is? And will you have him for your king instead of David, who hath been so great a benefactor to you, and oppose your city alone to such a mighty and strong army?\" So she prevailed with them, and they cut off the head of Sheba, and threw it into Joab's army. When this was done, the king's general sounded a retreat, and raised the siege. And when he was come to Jerusalem, he was again appointed to be general of all the people. The king also constituted Benaiah captain of the guards, and of the six hundred men. He also set Adoram over the tribute, and Sabathes and Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva the scribe, and appointed Zadok and Abiathar the high priests."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Were Delivered From A Famine When The Gibeonites Had Caused Punishment To Be Inflicted For Those Of Them That Had Been Slain: As Also, What Great Actions Were Performed Against The Philistines By David, And The Men Of Valor About Him. </i><br>1. After this, when the country was greatly afflicted with a famine, David besought God to have mercy on the people, and to discover to him what was the cause of it, and how a remedy might be found for that distemper. And when the prophets answered, that God would have the Gibeonites avenged whom Saul the king was so wicked as to betray to slaughter, and had not observed the oath which Joshua the general and the senate had sworn to them: If, therefore, said God, the king would permit such vengeance to be taken for those that were slain as the Gibeonites should desire, he promised that he would be reconciled to them, and free the multitude from their miseries. As soon therefore as the king understood that this it was which God sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked them what it was they should have; and when they desired to have seven sons of Saul delivered to them to be punished, he delivered them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son of Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had received the men, they punished them as they pleased; upon which God began to send rain, and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruits as usual, and to free it from the foregoing drought, so that the country of the Hebrews flourished again. A little afterward the king made war against the Philistines; and when he had joined battle with them, and put them to flight, he was left alone, as he was in pursuit of them; and when he was quite tired down, he was seen by one of the enemy, his name was Achmon, the son of Araph, he was one of the sons of the giants. He had a spear, the handle of which weighed three hundred shekels, and a breastplate of chain-work, and a sword. He turned back, and ran violently to slay [David] their enemy's king, for he was quite tired out with labor; but Abishai, Joab's brother, appeared on the sudden, and protected the king with his shield, as he lay down, and slew the enemy. Now the multitude were very uneasy at these dangers of the king, and that he was very near to be slain; and the rulers made him swear that he would no more go out with them to battle, lest he should come to some great misfortune by his courage and boldness, and thereby deprive the people of the benefits they now enjoyed by his means, and of those that they might hereafter enjoy by his living a long time among them.",
+                    "2. When the king heard that the Philistines were gathered together at the city Gazara, he sent an army against them, when Sibbechai the Hittite, one of David's most courageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve great commendation, for he slew many of those that bragged they were the posterity of the giants, and vaunted themselves highly on that account, and thereby was the occasion of victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat, the Philistines made war again; and when David had sent an army against them, Nephan his kinsman fought in a single combat with the stoutest of all the Philistines, and slew him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them also were slain in the fight. Now a little while after this, the Philistines pitched their camp at a city which lay not far off the bounds of the country of the Hebrews. They had a man who was six cubits tall, and had on each of his feet and hands one more toe and finger than men naturally have. Now the person who was sent against them by David out of his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea, who fought this man in a single combat, and slew him; and as he was the person who gave the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest reputation for courage therein. This man also vaunted himself to be of the sons of the giants. But after this fight the Philistines made war no more against the Israelites.",
+                    "3. And now David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying for the future a profound peace, (22) composed songs and hymns to God of several sorts of metre; some of those which he made were trimeters, and some were pentameters. He also made instruments of music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to God, both on that called the sabbath day, and on other festivals. Now the construction of the instruments was thus: The viol was an instrument of ten strings, it was played upon with a bow; the psaltery had twelve musical notes, and was played upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad and large instruments, and were made of brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken by us about these instruments, that the readers may not be wholly unacquainted with their nature.",
+                    "4. Now all the men that were about David were men of courage. Those that were most illustrious and famous of them for their actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I will only relate the performances, for these will suffice to make manifest the virtues of the others also; for these were powerful enough to subdue countries, and conquer great nations. First, therefore, was Jessai, the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped upon the troops of the enemy, and did not leave off fighting till he overthrew nine hundred of them. After him was Eleazar, the son of Dodo, who was with the king at Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites were under a consternation at the multitude of the Philistines, and were running away, stood alone, and fell upon the enemy, and slew many of them, till his sword clung to his hand by the blood he had shed, and till the Israelites, seeing the Philistines retire by his means, came down from the mountains and pursued them, and at that time won a surprising and a famous victory, while Eleazar slew the men, and the multitude followed and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man, when, in the wars against the Philistines, they pitched their camp at a place called Lehi, and when the Hebrews were again afraid of their army, and did not stay, he stood still alone, as an army and a body of men; and some of them he overthrew, and some who were not able to abide his strength and force he pursued. These are the works of the hands, and of fighting, which these three performed. Now at the time when the king was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the Philistines came upon him to fight him, David went up to the top of the citadel, as we have already said, to inquire of God concerning the battle, while the enemy's camp lay in the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem, which is twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Now David said to his companions, \"We have excellent water in my own city, especially that which is in the pit near the gate,\" wondering if any one would bring him some of it to drink; but he said that he would rather have it than a great deal of money. When these three men heard what he said, they ran away immediately, and burst through the midst of their enemy's camp, and came to Bethlehem; and when they had drawn the water, they returned again through the enemy's camp to the king, insomuch that the Philistines were so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that they were quiet, and did nothing against them, as if they despised their small number. But when the water was brought to the king, he would not drink it, saying, that it was brought by the danger and the blood of men, and that it was not proper on that account to drink it. But he poured it out to God, and gave him thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to these was Abishai, Joab's brother; for he in one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being challenged by [two] eminent men in the country of Moab, he overcame them by his valor, Moreover, there was a man, by nation an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and challenged him, yet did he, when he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he threw at him; for he caught him by force, and took away his weapons while he was alive and fighting, and slew him with his own weapons. One may also add this to the forementioned actions of the same man, either as the principal of them in alacrity, or as resembling the rest. When God sent a snow, there was a lion who slipped and fell into a certain pit, and because the pit's mouth was narrow it was evident he would perish, being enclosed with the snow; so when he saw no way to get out and save himself, he roared. When Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went towards him, and coming at the noise he made, he went down into the mouth of the pit and smote him, as he struggled, with a stake that lay there, and immediately slew him. The other thirty-three were like these in valor also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When David Had Numbered the People, They Were Punished; and How the Divine Compassion Restrained That Punishment. </i><br>1. Now king David was desirous to know how many ten thousands there were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses, (23) who told them beforehand, that if the multitude were numbered, they should pay half a shekel to God for every head. Accordingly the king commanded Joab, the captain of his host, to go and number the whole multitude; but when he said there was no necessity for such a numeration, he was not persuaded [to countermand it], but he enjoined him to make no delay, but to go about the numbering of the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with him the heads of the tribes, and the scribes, and went over the country of the Israelites, and took notice how numerous the multitude were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king, after nine months and twenty days; and he gave in to the king the number of the people, without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not yet numbered that tribe, no more than the tribe of Levi, for the king repented of his having sinned against God. Now the number of the rest of the Israelites was nine hundred thousand men, who were able to bear arms and go to war; but the tribe of Judah, by itself, was four hundred thousand men.",
+                    "2. Now when the prophets had signified to David that God was angry at him, he began to entreat him, and to desire he would be merciful to him, and forgive his sin. But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to propose to him the election of three things, that he might choose which he liked best: Whether he would have famine come upon the country for seven years, or would have a war, and be subdued three months by his enemies? or, whether God should send a pestilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for three days? But as he was fallen to a fatal choice of great miseries, he was in trouble, and sorely confounded; and when the prophet had said that he must of necessity make his choice, and had ordered him to answer quickly, that he might declare what he had chosen to God, the king reasoned with himself, that in case he should ask for famine, he would appear to do it for others, and without danger to himself, since he had a great deal of corn hoarded up, but to the harm of others; that in case he should choose to be overcome [by his enemies] for three months, he would appear to have chosen war, because he had valiant men about him, and strong holds, and that therefore he feared nothing therefrom: so he chose that affliction which is common to kings and to their subjects, and in which the fear was equal on all sides; and said this beforehand, that it was much better to fall into the hands of God, than into those of his enemies.",
+                    "3. When the prophet had heard this, he declared it to God; who thereupon sent a pestilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews; nor did they die after one and the same manner, nor so that it was easy to know what the distemper was. Now the miserable disease was one indeed, but it carried them off by ten thousand causes and occasions, which those that were afflicted could not understand; for one died upon the neck of another, and the terrible malady seized them before they were aware, and brought them to their end suddenly, some giving up the ghost immediately with very great pains and bitter grief, and some were worn away by their distempers, and had nothing remaining to be buried, but as soon as ever they fell were entirely macerated; some were choked, and greatly lamented their case, as being also stricken with a sudden darkness; some there were who, as they were burying a relation, fell down dead, without finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there perished of this disease, which began with the morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner, seventy thousand. Nay, the angel stretched out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending this terrible judgment upon it. But David had put on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, entreating God, and begging that the distemper might now cease, and that he would be satisfied with those that had already perished. And when the king looked up into the air, and saw the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem, with his sword drawn, he said to God, that he might justly be punished, who was their shepherd, but that the sheep ought to be preserved, as not having sinned at all; and he implored God that he would send his wrath upon him, and upon all his family, but spare the people.",
+                    "4. When God heard his supplication, he caused the pestilence to cease, and sent Gad the prophet to him, and commanded him to go up immediately to the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there to God, and offer sacrifices. When David heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but made haste to the place appointed him. Now Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he ran before, and came to him and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a Jebusite, but a particular friend of David's; and for that cause it was that, when he overthrew the city, he did him no harm, as we informed the reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired, \"Wherefore is my lord come to his servant?\" He answered, to buy of him the thrashing-floor, that he might therein build an altar to God, and offer a sacrifice. He replied, that he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt-offering; and he besought God graciously to accept his sacrifice. But the king made answer, that he took his generosity and magnanimity loudly, and accepted his good-will, but he desired him to take the price of them all, for that it was not just to offer a sacrifice that cost nothing. And when Araunah said he would do as he pleased, he bought the thrashing-floor of him for fifty shekels. And when he had built an altar, he performed Divine service, and brought a burnt-offering, and offered peace-offerings also. With these God was pacified, and became gracious to them again. Now it happened that Abraham (24)came and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering at that very place; and when the youth was ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared on a sudden, standing by the altar, which Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son, as we have before related. Now when king David saw that God had heard his prayer, and had graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he resolved to call that entire place The Altar of all the People, and to build a temple to God there; which words he uttered very appositely to what was to be done afterward; for God sent the prophet to him, and told him that there should his son build him an altar, that son who was to take the kingdom after him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That David Made Great Preparations For The House Of God; And That, Upon Adonijah's Attempt To Gain The Kingdom, He Appointed Solomon To Reign. </i><br>1. After the delivery of this prophecy, the king commanded the strangers to be numbered; and they were found to be one hundred and eighty thousand; of these he appointed fourscore thousand to be hewers of stone, and the rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of them he set over the workmen three thousand and five hundred. He also prepared a great quantity of iron and brass for the work, with many (and those exceeding large) cedar trees; the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to him, for he had sent to them for a supply of those trees. And he told his friends that these things were now prepared, that he might leave materials ready for the building of the temple to his son, who was to reign after him, and that he might not have them to seek then, when he was very young, and by reason of his age unskillful in such matters, but might have them lying by him, and so might the more readily complete the work.",
+                    "2. So David called his son Solomon, and charged him, when he had received the kingdom, to build a temple to God, and said, \"!I was willing to build God a temple myself, but he prohibited me, because I was polluted with blood and wars; but he hath foretold that Solomon, my youngest son, should build him a temple, and should be called by that name; over whom he hath promised to take the like care as a father takes over his son; and that he would make the country of the Hebrews happy under him, and that, not only in other respects, but by giving it peace and freedom from wars, and from internal seditions, which are the greatest of all blessings. Since, therefore,\" says he, \"thou wast ordained king by God himself before thou wast born, endeavor to render thyself worthy of this his providence, as in other instances, so particularly in being religious, and righteous, and courageous. Keep thou also his commands and his laws, which he hath given us by Moses, and do not permit others to break them. Be zealous also to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath chosen to be built under thy reign; nor be thou aftrighted by the vastness of the work, nor set about it timorously, for I will make all things ready before I die: and take notice, that there are already ten thousand talents of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver (25) collected together. I have also laid together brass and iron without number, and an immense quantity of timber and of stones. Moreover, thou hast many ten thousand stone-cutters and carpenters; and if thou shalt want any thing further, do thou add somewhat of thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have him for thy patron.\" David also further exhorted the rulers of the people to assist his son in this building, and to attend to the Divine service, when they should be free from all their misfortunes, for that they by this means should enjoy, instead of them, peace and a happy settlement, with which blessings God rewards such men as are religious and righteous. He also gave orders, that when the temple should be once built, they should put the ark therein, with the holy vessels; and he assured them that they ought to have had a temple long ago, if their fathers had not been negligent of God's commands, who had given it in charge, that when they had got the possession of this land, they should build him a temple. Thus did David discourse to the governors, and to his son.",
+                    "3. David was now in years, and his body, by length of time, was become cold, and benumbed, insomuch that he could get no heat by covering himself with many clothes; and when the physicians came together, they agreed to this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen out of the whole country, should sleep by the king's side, and that this damsel would communicate heat to him, and be a remedy against his numbness. Now there was found in the city one woman, of a superior beauty to all other women, (her name was Abishag,) who, sleeping with the king, did no more than communicate warmth to him, for he was so old that he could not know her as a husband knows his wife. But of this woman we shall speak more presently.",
+                    "4. Now the fourth son of David was a beautiful young man, and tall, born to him of Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah, and was in his disposition like to Absalom; and exalted himself as hoping to be king, and told his friends that he ought to take the government upon him. He also prepared many chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him. When his father saw this, he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for his assistants Joab the captain of the army, and Abiathar the high priest; and the only persons that opposed him were Zadok the high priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah, who was captain of the guards, and Shimei, David's friend, with all the other most mighty men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper out of the city, near the fountain that was in the king's paradise, and had invited all his brethren except Solomon, and had taken with him Joab the captain of the army, and: Abiathar, and the rulers of the tribe of Judah, but had not invited to this feast either Zadok the high priest, or Nathan the prophet, or Benaiah the captain of the guards, nor any of those of the contrary party. This matter was told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and that David knew nothing of it; and he advised her to save herself and her son Solomon, and to go by herself to David, and say to him, that he had indeed sworn that Solomon should reign after him, but that in the mean time Adonijah had already taken the kingdom. He said that he, the prophet himself, would come after her, and when she had spoken thus to the king, would confirm what she had said. Accordingly Bathsheba agreed with Nathan, and went in to the king and worshipped him, and when she had desired leave to speak with him, she told him all things in the manner that Nathan had suggested to her; and related what a supper Adonijah had made, and who they were whom he had invited; Abiathar the and Joab the general, and David's sons, excepting Solomon and his intimate friends. She also said that all the people had their eyes upon him, to know whom he would choose for their king. She desired him also to consider how, after his departure, Adonijah, if he were king, would slay her and her son Solomon.",
+                    "5. Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the keeper of the king's chambers told him that Nathan desired to see him. And when the king had commanded that he should be admitted, he came in, and asked him whether he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and delivered the government to him, or not; for that he had made a splendid supper, and invited all his sons, except Solomon; as also that he had invited Joab, the captain of his host, [and Abiathar the high priest,] who are feasting with applauses, and many joyful sounds of instruments, and wish that his kingdom may last for ever; but he hath not invited me, nor Zadok the high priest, nor Benaiah the captain of the guards; and it is but fit that all should know whether this be done by thy approbation or not. When Nathan had said thus, the king commanded that they should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone out of the room when the prophet came. And when Bathsheba was come, David said, \"I swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solomon shall certainly he king, as I formerly swore; and that he shall sit upon my throne, and that this very day also.\" So Bathsheba worshipped him, and wished him a long life; and the king sent for Zadok the high priest, and Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when they were come, he ordered them to take with them Nathan the prophet, and all the armed men about the palace, and to set his son Solomon upon the king's mule, and to carry him out of the city to the fountain called Gihon, and to anoint him there with the holy oil, and to make him king. This he charged Zadok the high priest, and Nathan the prophet, to do, and commanded them to follow Solomon through the midst of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and wish aloud that Solomon the king may sit upon the royal throne for ever, that so all the people may know that he is ordained king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge concerning his government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. And when Benaiah had prayed to God to be favorable to Solomon, without any delay they set Solomon upon the mule, and brought him out of the city to the fountain, and anointed him with oil, and brought him into the city again, with acclamations and wishes that his kingdom might continue a long time: and when they had introduced him into the king's house, they set him upon the throne; whereupon all the people betook themselves to make merry, and to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting themselves with musical pipes, till both the earth and the air echoed with the multitude of the instruments of music.",
+                    "6. Now when Adonijah and his guests perceived this noise, they were in disorder; and Joab the captain of the host said he was not pleased with these echoes, and the sound of these trumpets. And when supper was set before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were all very thoughtful what would be the matter. Then Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high priest, came running to them; and when Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said to him that he was a good messenger, he declared to them the whole matter about Solomon, and the determination of king David: hereupon both Adonijah and all the guests rose hastily from the feast, and every one fled to their own homes. Adonijah also, as afraid of the king for what he had done, became a supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns of the altar, which were prominent. It was also told Solomon that he had so done; and that he desired to receive assurances from him that he would not remember the injury he had done, and not inflict any severe punishment for it. Solomon answered very mildly and prudently, that he forgave him this his offense; but said withal, that if he were found out in any attempt for new innovations, that he would be the author of his own punishment. So he sent to him, and raised him up from the place of his supplication. And when he was come to the king, and had worshipped him, the king bid him go away to his own house, and have no suspicion of any harm; and desired him to show himself a worthy man, as what would tend to his own advantage.",
+                    "7. But David, being desirous of ordaining his son king of all the people, called together their rulers to Jerusalem, with the priests and the Levites; and having first numbered the Levites, he found them to be thirty-eight thousand, from thirty years old to fifty; out of which he appointed twenty-three thousand to take care of the building of the temple, and out of the same, six thousand to be judges of the people and scribes, four thousand for porters to the house of God, and as many for singers, to sing to the instruments which David had prepared, as we have said already. He divided them also into courses: and when he had separated the priests from them, he found of these priests twenty-four courses, sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of that of Ithamar; and he ordained that one course should minister to God eight days, from sabbath to sabbath. And thus were the courses distributed by lot, in the presence of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, and of all the rulers; and that course which came up first was written down as the first, and accordingly the second, and so on to the twenty-fourth; and this partition hath remained to this day. He also made twenty-four parts of the tribe of Levi; and when they cast lots, they came up in the same manner for their courses of eight days. He also honored the posterity of Moses, and made them the keepers of the treasures of God, and of the donations which the kings dedicated. He also ordained that all the tribe of Levi, as well as the priests, should serve God night and day, as Moses had enjoined them.",
+                    "8. After this he parted the entire army into twelve parts, with their leaders [and captains of hundreds] and commanders. Now every part had twenty-four thousand, which were ordered to wait on Solomon, by thirty days at a time, from the first day till the last, with the captains of thousands and captains of hundreds. He also set rulers over every part, such as he knew to be good and righteous men. He set others also to take charge of the treasures, and of the villages, and of the fields, and of the beasts, whose names I do not think it necessary to mention. When David had ordered all these officers after the manner before mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews, and their heads of tribes, and the officers over the several divisions, and those that were appointed over every work, and every possession; and standing upon a high pulpit, he said to the multitude as follows: \"My brethren and my people, I would have you know that I intended to build a house for God, and prepared a large quantity of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver; but God prohibited me by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars I had on your account, and because my right hand was polluted with the slaughter of our enemies; but he commanded that my son, who was to succeed me in the kingdom, should build a temple for him. Now therefore, since you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob our forefather had Judah was appointed to be king, and that I was preferred before my six brethren, and received the government from God, and that none of them were uneasy at it, so do I also desire that my sons be not seditious one against another, now Solomon has received the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for their lord, as knowing that God hath chosen him; for it is not a grievous thing to obey even a foreigner as a ruler, if it be God's will, but it is fit to rejoice when a brother hath obtained that dignity, since the rest partake of it with him. And I pray that the promises of God may be fulfilled; and that this happiness which he hath promised to bestow upon king Solomon, over all the country, may continue therein for all time to come. And these promises O son, will be firm, and come to a happy end, if thou showest thyself to be a religious and a righteous man, and an observer of the laws of thy country; but if not, expect adversity upon thy disobedience to them.\"",
+                    "9. Now when the king had said this, he left off; but gave the description and pattern of the building of the temple in the sight of them all to Solomon: of the foundations and of the chambers, inferior and superior; how many they were to be, and how large in height and in breadth; as also he determined the weight of the golden and silver vessels: moreover, he earnestly excited them with his words to use the utmost alacrity about the work; he exhorted the rulers also, and particularly the tribe of Levi, to assist him, both because of his youth, and because God had chosen him to take care of the building of the temple, and of the government of the kingdom. He also declared to them that the work would be easy, and not very laborious to them, because he had prepared for it many talents of gold, and more of silver, with timber, and a great many carpenters and stone-cutters, and a large quantity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious stones; and he said, that even now he would give of the proper goods of his own dominion two hundred talents, and three hundred other talents of pure gold, for the most holy place, and for the chariot of God, the cherubim, which are to stand over and cover the ark. Now when David had done speaking, there appeared great alacrity among the rulers, and the priests, and the Levites, who now contributed and made great and splendid promises for a future Contribution; for they undertook to bring of gold five thousand talents, and ten thousand drams, and of silver ten thousand talents, and many ten thousand talents of iron; and if any one had a precious stone he brought it, and bequeathed it to be put among the treasures; of which Jachiel, one of the posterity of Moses, had the care.",
+                    "10. Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular did David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers, and the priests, and of all the rest; and he began to bless God with a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, with which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom which he hath given his son. Besides this, he prayed for happiness to all the people; and to Solomon his son, a sound and a righteous mind, and confirmed in all sorts of virtue; and then he commanded the multitude to bless God; upon which they all fell down upon the ground and worshipped him. They also gave thanks to David, on account of all the blessings which they had received ever since he had taken the kingdom. On the next day he presented sacrifices to God, a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs, which they offered for burnt-offerings. They also offered peace-offerings, and slew many ten thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted all day, together with all the people; and they anointed Solomon a second time with the oil, and appointed him to be king, and Zadok to be the high priest of the whole multitude. And when they had brought Solomon to the royal palace, and had set him upon his father's throne, they were obedient to him from that day."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Charge David Gave To his Son Solomon At The Approach Of His Death, And How Many Things He Left Him For The Building Of The Temple. </i><br>1. A Little afterward David also fell into a distemper, by reason of his age; and perceiving that he was near to death, he called his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus: \"I am now, O my son, going to my grave, and to my fathers, which is the common way which all men that now are, or shall be hereafter, must go; from which way it is no longer possible to return, and to know any thing that is done in this world. On which account I exhort thee, while I am still alive, though already very near to death, in the same manner as I have formerly said in my advice to thee, to be righteous towards thy subjects, and religious towards God, that hath given thee thy kingdom; to observe his commands and his laws, which he hath sent us by Moses; and neither do thou out of favor nor flattery allow any lust or other passion to weigh with thee to disregard them; for if thou transgressest his laws, thou wilt lose the favor of God, and thou wilt turn away his providence from thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so as it behooves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou wilt preserve our kingdom to our family, and no other house will bear rule over the Hebrews but we ourselves for all ages. Be thou also mindful of the transgressions of Joab, (26) the captain of the host, who hath slain two generals out of envy, and those righteous and good men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa the son of Jether; whose death do thou avenge as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath been too hard for me, and more potent than myself, and so hath escaped punishment hitherto. I also commit to thee the son of Barzillai the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify me, thou shalt have in great honor, and take great care of; for we have not done good to him first, but we only repay that debt which we owe to his father for what he did to me in my flight. There is also Shimei the son of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after he had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in my flight, I was going to Mahanaim, met me at Jordan, and received assurances that he should then suffer nothing. Do thou now seek out for some just occasion, and punish him.\"",
+                    "2. When David had given these admonitions to his son about public affairs, and about his friends, and about those whom he knew to deserve punishment, he died, having lived seventy years, and reigned seven years and six months in Hebron over the tribe of Judah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem over all the country. This man was of an excellent character, and was endowed with all virtues that were desirable in a king, and in one that had the preservation of so many tribes committed to him; for he was a man of valor in a very extraordinary degree, and went readily and first of all into dangers, when he was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the soldiers to action by his own labors, and fighting for them, and not by commanding them in a despotic way. He was also of very great abilities in understanding, and apprehension of present and future circumstances, when he was to manage any affairs. He was prudent and moderate, and kind to such as were under any calamities; he was righteous and humane, which are good qualities, peculiarly fit for kings; nor was he guilty of any offense in the exercise of so great an authority, but in the business of the wife of Uriah. He also left behind him greater wealth than any other king, either of the Hebrews or, of other nations, ever did.",
+                    "3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and with all the other funeral pomp which kings used to be buried with; moreover, he had great and immense wealth buried with him, the vastness of which may be easily conjectured at by what I shall now say; for a thousand and three hundred years afterward Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged by Antiochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius, and was desirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege and draw off his army, and having no other method of compassing the money, opened one room of David's sepulcher, and took out three thousand talents, and gave part of that sum to Antiochus; and by this means caused the siege to be raised, as we have informed the reader elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon, When He Had Received The Kingdom Took Off His Enemies. </i><br>1. We have already treated of David, and his virtue, and of the benefits he was the author of to his countrymen; of his wars also and battles, which he managed with success, and then died an old man, in the foregoing book. And when Solomon his son, who was but a youth in age, had taken the kingdom, and whom David had declared, while he was alive, the lord of that people, according to God's will; when he sat upon the throne, the whole body of the people made joyful acclamations to him, as is usual at the beginning of a reign; and wished that all his affairs might come to a blessed conclusion; and that he might arrive at a great age, and at the most happy state of affairs possible.",
+                    "2. But Adonijah, who, while his father was living, attempted to gain possession of the government, came to the king's mother Bathsheba, and saluted her with great civility; and when she asked him, whether he came to her as desiring her assistance in any thing or not, and bade him tell her if that were the case, for that she would cheerfully afford it him; he began to say, that she knew herself that the kingdom was his, both on account of his elder age, and of the disposition of the multitude, and that yet it was transferred to Solomon her son, according to the will of God. He also said that he was contented to be a servant under him, and was pleased with the present settlement; but he desired her to be a means of obtaining a favor from his brother to him, and to persuade him to bestow on him in marriage Abishag, who had indeed slept by his father, but, because his father was too old, he did not lie with her, and she was still a virgin. So Bathsheba promised him to afford him her assistance very earnestly, and to bring this marriage about, because the king would be willing to gratify him in such a thing, and because she would press it to him very earnestly. Accordingly he went away in hopes of succeeding in this match. So Solomon's mother went presently to her son, to speak to him about what she had promised, upon Adonijah's supplication to her. And when her son came forward to meet her, and embraced her, and when he had brought her into the house where his royal throne was set, he sat thereon, and bid them set another throne on the right hand for his mother. When Bathsheba was set down, she said, \"O my son, grant me one request that I desire of thee, and do not any thing to me that is disagreeable or ungrateful, which thou wilt do if thou deniest me.\" And when Solomon bid her to lay her commands upon him, because it was agreeable to his duty to grant her every thing she should ask, and complained that she did not at first begin her discourse with a firm expectation of obtaining what she desired, but had some suspicion of a denial, she entreated him to grant that his brother Adonijah might marry Abishag.",
+                    "3. But the king was greatly offended at these words, and sent away his mother, and said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and that he wondered that she did not desire him to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder brother, since she desired that he might marry Abishag; and that he had potent friends, Joab the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest. So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the guards, and ordered him to slay his brother Adonijah. He also called for Abiathar the priest, and said to him, \"I will not put thee to death because of those other hardships which thou hast endured with my father, and because of the ark which thou hast borne along with him; but I inflict this following punishment upon thee, because thou wast among Adonijah's followers, and wast of his party. Do not thou continue here, nor come any more into my sight, but go to thine own town, and live on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life; for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not just that thou shouldst retain thy dignity any longer.\" For the forementioned cause, therefore, it was that the house of Ithamar was deprived of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had foretold to Eli, the grandfather of Abiathar. So it was transferred to the family of Phineas, to Zadok. Now those that were of the family of Phineas, but lived privately during the time that the high priesthood was transferred to the house of Ithamar, (of which family Eli was the first that received it,)were these that follow: Bukki, the son of Abishua the high priest; his son was Joatham; Joatham's son was Meraioth; Meraioth's son was Arophseus; Aropheus's son was Ahitub; and Ahitub's son was Zadok, who was first made high priest in the reign of David.",
+                    "4. Now when Joab the captain of the host heard of the slaughter of Adonijah, he was greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend to him than to Solomon; and suspecting, not without reason, that he was in danger, on account of his favor to Adonijah, he fled to the altar, and supposed he might procure safety thereby to himself, because of the king's piety towards God. But when some told the king what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah, and commanded him to raise him up from the altar, and bring him to the judgment-seat, in order to make his defense. However, Joab said he would not leave the altar, but would die there rather than in another place. And when Benaiah had reported his answer to the king, Solomon commanded him to cut off his head there (1) and let him take that as a punishment for those two captains of the host whom he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body, that his sins might never leave his family, but that himself and his father, by Joab's death, might be guiltless. And when Benaiah had done what he was commanded to do, he was himself appointed to be captain of the whole army. The king also made Zadok to be alone the high priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom he had removed.",
+                    "5. But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded that he should build him a house, and stay at Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should not have authority to go over the brook Cedron; and that if he disobeyed that command, death should be his punishment. He also threatened him so terribly, that he compelled him to take all oath that he would obey. Accordingly Shimei said that he had reason to thank Solomon for giving him such an injunction; and added an oath, that he would do as he bade him; and leaving his own country, he made his abode in Jerusalem. But three years afterwards, when he heard that two of his servants were run away from him, and were in Gath, he went for his servants in haste; and when he was come back with them, the king perceived it, and was much displeased that he had contemned his commands, and, what was more, had no regard to the oaths he had sworn to God; so he called him, and said to him, \"Didst not thou swear never to leave me, nor to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt not therefore escape punishment for thy perjury, but I will punish thee, thou wicked wretch, both for this crime, and for those wherewith thou didst abuse my father when he was in his flight, that thou mayst know that wicked men gain nothing at last, although they be not punished immediately upon their unjust practices; but that in all the time wherein they think themselves secure, because they have yet suffered nothing, their punishment increases, and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater degree than if they had been punished immediately upon the commission of their crimes.\" So Benaiah, on the king's command, slew Shimei."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Wife Of Solomon; Concerning His Wisdom And Riches; And Concerning What He Obtained Of Hiram For The Building Of The Temple. </i><br>1. Solomon having already settled himself firmly in his kingdom, and having brought his enemies to punishment, he married the daughter of Pharaoh king of Egypt, and built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and stronger than those that had been before, (2) and thenceforward he managed public affairs very peaceably. Nor was his youth any hinderance in the exercise of justice, or in the observation of the laws, or in the remembrance of what charges his father had given him at his death; but he discharged every duty with great accuracy, that might have been expected from such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence. He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacrifice to God upon the brazen altar that was built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there burnt-offerings, in number a thousand; and when he had done this, he thought he had paid great honor to God; for as he was asleep that very night God appeared to him, and commanded him to ask of him some gifts which he was ready to give him as a reward for his piety. So Solomon asked of God what was most excellent, and of the greatest worth in itself, what God would bestow with the greatest joy, and what it was most profitable for man to receive; for he did not desire to have bestowed upon him either gold or silver, or any other riches, as a man and a youth might naturally have done, for these are the things that generally are esteemed by most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and the best gifts of God; but, said he, \"Give me, O Lord, a sound mind, and a good understanding, whereby I may speak and judge the people according to truth and righteousness.\" With these petitions God was well pleased; and promised to give him all those things that he had not mentioned in his option, riches, glory, victory over his enemies; and, in the first place, understanding and wisdom, and this in such a degree as no other mortal man, neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had. He also promised to preserve the kingdom to his posterity for a very long time, if he continued righteous and obedient to him, and imitated his father in those things wherein he excelled. When Solomon heard this from God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and when he had worshipped him, he returned to Jerusalem; and after he had offered great sacrifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all his own family.",
+                    "2. In these days a hard cause came before him in judgment, which it was very difficult to find any end of; and I think it necessary to explain the fact about which the contest was, that such as light upon my writings may know what a difficult cause Solomon was to determine, and those that are concerned in such matters may take this sagacity of the king for a pattern, that they may the more easily give sentence about such questions. There were two women, who were harlots in the course of their lives, that came to him; of whom she that seemed to be injured began to speak first, and said, \"O king, I and this other woman dwell together in one room. Now it came to pass that we both bore a son at the same hour of the same day; and on the third day this woman overlaid her son, and killed it, and then took my son out of my bosom, and removed him to herself, and as I was asleep she laid her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the morning I was desirous to give the breast to the child, I did not find my own, but saw the woman's dead child lying by me; for I considered it exactly, and found it so to be. Hence it was that I demanded my son, and when I could not obtain him, I have recourse, my lord, to thy assistance; for since we were alone, and there was nobody there that could convict her, she cares for nothing, but perseveres in the stout denial of the fact.\" When this woman had told this her story, the king asked the other woman what she had to say in contradiction to that story. But when she denied that she had done what was charged upon her, and said that it was her child that was living, and that it was her antagonist's child that was dead, and when no one could devise what judgment could be given, and the whole court were blind in their understanding, and could not tell how to find out this riddle, the king alone invented the following way how to discover it. He bade them bring in both the dead child and the living child; and sent one of his guards, and commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw it, and to cut both the children into two pieces, that each of the women might have half the living and half the dead child. Hereupon all the people privately laughed at the king, as no more than a youth. But, in the mean time, she that was the real mother of the living child cried out that he should not do so, but deliver that child to the other woman as her own, for she would be satisfied with the life of the child, and with the sight of it, although it were esteemed the other's child; but the other woman was ready to see the child divided, and was desirous, moreover, that the first woman should be tormented. When the king understood that both their words proceeded from the truth of their passions, he adjudged the child to her that cried out to save it, for that she was the real mother of it; and he condemned the other as a wicked woman, who had not only killed her own child, but was endeavoring to see her friend's child destroyed also. Now the multitude looked on this determination as a great sign and demonstration of the king's sagacity and wisdom, and after that day attended to him as to one that had a divine mind.",
+                    "3. Now the captains of his armies, and officers appointed over the whole country, were these: over the lot of Ephraim was Ures; over the toparchy of Bethlehem was Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon's daughter, had the region of Dora and the sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was under Benaiah, the son of Achilus; he also governed all the country as far as Jordan; Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulanitis, and had under him the sixty great and fenced cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the affairs of all Galilee as far as Sidon, and had himself also married a daughter of Solomon's, whose name was Basima; Banacates had the seacoast about Arce; as had Shaphat Mount Tabor, and Carmel, and [the Lower] Galilee, as far as the river Jordan; one man was appointed over all this country; Shimei was intrusted with the lot of Benjamin; and Gabares had the country beyond Jordan, over whom there was again one governor appointed. Now the people of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, received a wonderful increase when they betook themselves to husbandry, and the cultivation of their grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and were not distracted with wars and troubles, and having, besides, an abundant fruition of the most desirable liberty, every one was busy in augmenting the product of their own lands, and making them worth more than they had formerly been.",
+                    "4. The king had also other rulers, who were over the land of Syria and of the Philistines, which reached from the river Euphrates to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of the nations. Now these contributed to the king's table, and to his supper every day (3) thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of meal; as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs; all these were besides what were taken by hunting harts and buffaloes, and birds and fishes, which were brought to the king by foreigners day by day. Solomon had also so great a number of chariots, that the stalls of his horses for those chariots were forty thousand; and besides these he had twelve thousand horsemen, the one half of which waited upon the king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dispersed abroad, and dwelt in the royal villages; but the same officer who provided for the king's expenses supplied also the fodder for the horses, and still carried it to the place where the king abode at that time.",
+                    "5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon was so great, that he exceeded the ancients; insomuch that he was no way inferior to the Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is evident that their sagacity was very much inferior to that of the king's. He also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom above those who were most eminent among the Hebrews at that time for shrewdness; those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of Mahol. He also composed books of odes and songs a thousand and five, of parables and similitudes three thousand; for he spake a parable upon every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar; and in like manner also about beasts, about all sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of their natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described them all like a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of their several properties. God also enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons, (4) which is a science useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations also by which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the manner of using exorcisms, by which they drive away demons, so that they never return; and this method of cure is of great force unto this day; for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were demoniacal in the presence of Vespasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the whole multitude of his soldiers. The manner of the cure was this: He put a ring that had a root of one of those sorts mentioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which he drew out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell down immediately, he abjured him to return into him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed. And when Eleazar would persuade and demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he set a little way off a cup or basin full of water, and commanded the demon, as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators know that he had left the man; and when this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solomon was shown very manifestly: for which reason it is, that all men may know the vastness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was beloved of God, and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this king was endowed may not be unknown to any people under the sun for this reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely of these matters.",
+                    "6. Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when he had heard that Solonion succeeded to his father's kingdom, was very glad of it, for he was a friend of David's. So he sent ambassadors to him, and saluted him, and congratulated him on the present happy state of his affairs. Upon which Solomon sent him an epistle, the contents of which here follow: Solomon To King Hiram. \"(5)Know thou that my father would have built a temple to God, but was hindered by wars, and continual expeditions; for he did not leave off to overthrow his enemies till he made them all subject to tribute. But I give thanks to God for the peace I at present enjoy, and on that account I am at leisure, and design to build a house to God, for God foretold to my father that such a house should be built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send some of thy subjects with mine to Mount Lebanon to cut down timber, for the Sidonians are more skillful than our people in cutting of wood. As for wages to the hewers of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou shalt determine.\"",
+                    "7. When Hiram had read this epistle, he was pleased with it; and wrote back this answer to Solomon. Hiram To King Solomon. \"It is fit to bless God that he hath committed thy father's government to thee, who art a wise man, and endowed with all virtues. As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou art in, and will be subservient to thee in all that thou sendest to me about; for when by my subjects I have cut down many and large trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send them to sea, and will order my subjects to make floats of them, and to sail to what place soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and leave them there, after which thy subjects may carry them to Jerusalem. But do thou take care to procure us corn for this timber, which we stand in need of, because we inhabit in an island.\"  ",
+                    "8. The copies of these epistles remain at this day, and are preserved not only in our books, but among the Tyrians also; insomuch that if any one would know the certainty about them, he may desire of the keepers of the public records of Tyre to show him them, and he will find what is there set down to agree with what we have said. I have said so much out of a desire that my readers may know that we speak nothing but the truth, and do not compose a history out of some plausible relations, which deceive men and please them at the same time, nor attempt to avoid examination, nor desire men to believe us immediately; nor are we at liberty to depart from speaking truth, which is the proper commendation of an historian, and yet be blameless: but we insist upon no admission of what we say, unless we be able to manifest its truth by demonstration, and the strongest vouchers.",
+                    "9. Now king Solomon, as soon as this epistle of the king of Tyre was brought him, commended the readiness and good-will he declared therein, and repaid him in what he desired, and sent him yearly twenty thousand cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil: now the bath is able to contain seventy-two sextaries. He also sent him the same measure of wine. So the friendship between Hiram and Solomon hereby increased more and more; and they swore to continue it for ever. And the king appointed a tribute to be laid on all the people, of thirty thousand laborers, whose work he rendered easy to them by prudently dividing it among them; for he made ten thousand cut timber in Mount Lebanon for one month; and then to come home, and rest two months, until the time when the other twenty thousand had finished their task at the appointed time; and so afterward it came to pass that the first ten thousand returned to their work every fourth month: and it was Adoram who was over this tribute. There were also of the strangers who were left by David, who were to carry the stones and other materials, seventy thousand; and of those that cut the stones, eighty thousand. Of these three thousand and three hundred were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined them to cut out large stones for the foundations of the temple, and that they should fit them and unite them together in the mountain, and so bring them to the city. This was done not only by our own country workmen, but by those workmen whom Hiram sent also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Building Of This Temple </i><br>1. Solomon began to build the temple in the fourth year of his reign, on the second month, which the Macedonians call Artemisius, and the Hebrews Jur, five hundred and ninety-two years after the Exodus out of Egypt; but one thousand and twenty years from Abraham's coming out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, and after the deluge one thousand four hundred and forty years; and from Adam, the first man who was created, until Solomon built the temple, there had passed in all three thousand one hundred and two years. Now that year on which the temple began to be built was already the eleventh year of the reign of Hiram; but from the building of Tyre to the building of the temple, there had passed two hundred and forty years.",
+                    "2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foundations of the temple very deep in the ground, and the materials were strong stones, and such as would resist the force of time; these were to unite themselves with the earth, and become a basis and a sure foundation for that superstructure which was to be erected over it; they were to be so strong, in order to sustain with ease those vast superstructures and precious ornaments, whose own weight was to be not less than the weight of those other high and heavy buildings which the king designed to be very ornamental and magnificent. They erected its entire body, quite up to the roof, of white stone; its height was sixty cubits, and its length was the same, and its breadth twenty. There was another building erected over it, equal to it in its measures; so that the entire altitude of the temple was a hundred and twenty cubits. Its front was to the east. As to the porch, they built it before the temple; its length was twenty cubits, and it was so ordered that it might agree with the breadth of the house; and it had twelve cubits in latitude, and its height was raised as high as a hundred and twenty cubits. He also built round about the temple thirty small rooms, which might include the whole temple, by their closeness one to another, and by their number and outward position round it. He also made passages through them, that they might come into on through another. Every one of these rooms had five cubits in breadth, (7) and the same in length, but in height twenty. Above these there were other rooms, and others above them, equal, both in their measures and number; so that these reached to a height equal to the lower part of the house; for the upper part had no buildings about it. The roof that was over the house was of cedar; and truly every one of these rooms had a roof of their own, that was not connected with the other rooms; but for the other parts, there was a covered roof common to them all, and built with very long beams, that passed through the rest, and rough the whole building, that so the middle walls, being strengthened by the same beams of timber, might be thereby made firmer: but as for that part of the roof that was under the beams, it was made of the same materials, and was all made smooth, and had ornaments proper for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon them. And as he enclosed the walls with boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plates of gold, which had sculptures upon them; so that the whole temple shined, and dazzled the eyes of such as entered, by the splendor of the gold that was on every side of them, Now the whole structure of the temple was made with great skill of polished stones, and those laid together so very harmoniously and smoothly, that there appeared to the spectators no sign of any hammer, or other instrument of architecture; but as if, without any use of them, the entire materials had naturally united themselves together, that the agreement of one part with another seemed rather to have been natural, than to have arisen from the force of tools upon them. The king also had a fine contrivance for an ascent to the upper room over the temple, and that was by steps in the thickness of its wall; for it had no large door on the east end, as the lower house had, but the entrances were by the sides, through very small doors. He also overlaid the temple, both within and without, with boards of cedar, that were kept close together by thick chains, so that this contrivance was in the nature of a support and a strength to the building.",
+                    "3. Now when the king had divided the temple into two parts, he made the inner house of twenty cubits [every way], to be the most secret chamber, but he appointed that of forty cubits to be the sanctuary; and when he had cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein doors of Cedar, and overlaid them with a great deal of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He also had veils of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and the brightest and softest linen, with the most curious flowers wrought upon them, which were to be drawn before those doors. He also dedicated for the most secret place, whose breadth was twenty cubits, and length the same, two cherubims of solid gold; the height of each of them was five cubits (8) they had each of them two wings stretched out as far as five cubits; wherefore Solomon set them up not far from each other, that with one wing they might touch the southern wall of the secret place, and with another the northern: their other wings, which joined to each other, were a covering to the ark, which was set between them; but nobody can tell, or even conjecture, what was the shape of these cherubims. He also laid the floor of the temple with plates of gold; and he added doors to the gate of the temple, agreeable to the measure of the height of the wall, but in breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued gold plates. And, to say all in one word, he left no part of the temple, neither internal nor external, but what was covered with gold. He also had curtains drawn over these doors in like manner as they were drawn over the inner doors of the most holy place; but the porch of the temple had nothing of that sort.",
+                    "4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram; he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's side, (for she was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This man was skillful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, and silver, and brass; by whom were made all the mechanical works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon. Moreover, this Hiram made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were of brass, and the thickness of the brass was four fingers' breadth, and the height of the pillars was eighteen cubits and their circumference twelve cubits; but there was cast with each of their chapiters lily-work that stood upon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits, round about which there was net-work interwoven with small palms, made of brass, and covered the lily-work. To this also were hung two hundred pomegranates, in two rows. The one of these pillars he set at the entrance of the porch on the right hand, and called it Jachin (9) and the other at the left hand, and called it Booz.",
+                    "5. Solomon also cast a brazen sea, whose figure was that of a hemisphere. This brazen vessel was called a sea for its largeness, for the laver was ten feet in diameter, and cast of the thickness of a palm. Its middle part rested on a short pillar that had ten spirals round it, and that pillar was ten cubits in diameter. There stood round about it twelve oxen, that looked to the four winds of heaven, three to each wind, having their hinder parts depressed, that so the hemispherical vessel might rest upon them, which itself was also depressed round about inwardly. Now this sea contained three thousand baths.",
+                    "6. He also made ten brazen bases for so many quadrangular lavers; the length of every one of these bases was five cubits, and the breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits. This vessel was partly turned, and was thus contrived: There were four small quadrangular pillars that stood one at each corner; these had the sides of the base fitted to them on each quarter; they were parted into three parts; every interval had a border fitted to support [the laver]; upon which was engraven, in one place a lion, and in another place a bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had the same animals engraven that were engraven on the sides. The whole work was elevated, and stood upon four wheels, which were also cast, which had also naves and felloes, and were a foot and a half in diameter. Any one who saw the spokes of the wheels, how exactly they were turned, and united to the sides of the bases, and with what harmony they agreed to the felloes, would wonder at them. However, their structure was this: Certain shoulders of hands stretched out held the corners above, upon which rested a short spiral pillar, that lay under the hollow part of the laver, resting upon the fore part of the eagle and the lion, which were adapted to them, insomuch that those who viewed them would think they were of one piece: between these were engravings of palm trees. This was the construction of the ten bases. He also made ten large round brass vessels, which were the lavers themselves, each of which contained forty baths; (10) for it had its height four cubits, and its edges were as much distant from each other. He also placed these lavers upon the ten bases that were called Mechonoth; and he set five of the lavers on the left side of the temple (11) which was that side towards the north wind, and as many on the right side, towards the south, but looking towards the east; the same [eastern] way he also set the sea Now he appointed the sea to be for washing the hands and the feet of the priests, when they entered into the temple and were to ascend the altar, but the lavers to cleanse the entrails of the beasts that were to be burnt-offerings, with their feet also.",
+                    "7. He also made a brazen altar, whose length was twenty cubits, and its breadth the same, and its height ten, for the burnt-offerings. He also made all its vessels of brass, the pots, and the shovels, and the basons; and besides these, the snuffers and the tongs, and all its other vessels, he made of brass, and such brass as was in splendor and beauty like gold. The king also dedicated a great number of tables, but one that was large and made of gold, upon which they set the loaves of God; and he made ten thousand more that resembled them, but were done after another manner, upon which lay the vials and the cups; those of gold were twenty thousand, those of silver were forty thousand. He also made ten thousand candlesticks, according to the command of Moses, one of which he dedicated for the temple, that it might burn in the day time, according to the law; and one table with loaves upon it, on the north side of the temple, over against the candlestick; for this he set on the south side, but the golden altar stood between them. All these vessels were contained in that part of the holy house, which was forty cubits long, and were before the veil of that most secret place wherein the ark was to be set.",
+                    "8. The king also made pouring vessels, in number eighty thousand, and a hundred thousand golden vials, and twice as many silver vials: of golden dishes, in order therein to offer kneaded fine flour at the altar, there were eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver. Of large basons also, wherein they mixed fine flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. Of the measures like those which Moses called the Hin and the Assaron, (a tenth deal,) there were twenty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. The golden censers, in which they carried the incense to the altar, were twenty thousand; the other censers, in which they carried fire from the great altar to the little altar, within the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacerdotal garments which belonged to the high priest, with the long robes, and the oracle, and the precious stones, were a thousand. But the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name of God],]was only one, and hath remained to this very day. He also made ten thousand sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple girdles for every priest; and two hundred thousand trumpets, according to the command of Moses; also two hundred thousand garments of fine linen for the singers, that were Levites. And he made musical instruments, and such as were invented for singing of hymns, called Nablee and Cindree, [psalteries and harps,] which were made of electrum, [the finest brass,] forty thousand.",
+                    "9. Solomon made all these things for the honor of God, with great variety and magnificence, sparing no cost, but using all possible liberality in adorning the temple; and these things he dedicated to the treasures of God. He also placed a partition round about the temple, which in our tongue we call Gison, but it is called Thrigcos by the Greeks, and he raised it up to the height of three cubits; and it was for the exclusion of the multitude from coming into the temple, and showing that it was a place that was free and open only for the priests. He also built beyond this court a temple, whose figure was that of a quadrangle, and erected for it great and broad cloisters; this was entered into by very high gates, each of which had its front exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were shut by golden doors. Into this temple all the people entered that were distinguished from the rest by being pure and observant of the laws. But he made that temple which was beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such as exceeds all description in words; nay, if I may so say, is hardly believed upon sight; for when he had filled up great valleys with earth, which, on account of their immense depth, could not be looked on, when you bended down to see them, without pain, and had elevated the ground four hundred cubits, he made it to be on a level with the top of the mountain, on which the temple was built, and by this means the outmost temple, which was exposed to the air, was even with the temple itself. He encompassed this also with a building of a double row of cloisters, which stood on high upon pillars of native stone, while the roofs were of cedar, and were polished in a manner proper for such high roofs; but he made all the doors of this temple of silver."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Removed The Ark Into The Temple How He Made Supplication To God, And Offered Public Sacrifices To Him. </i><br>1. When king Solomon had finished these works, these large and beautiful buildings, and had laid up his donations in the temple, and all this in the interval of seven years, and had given a demonstration of his riches and alacrity therein, insomuch that any one who saw it would have thought it must have been an immense time ere it could have been finished; and would be surprised that so much should be finished in so short a time; short, I mean, if compared with the greatness of the work: he also wrote to the rulers and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the people to gather themselves together to Jerusalem, both to see the temple which he had built, and to remove the ark of God into it; and when this invitation of the whole body of the people to come to Jerusalem was every where carried abroad, it was the seventh month before they came together; which month is by our countrymen called Thisri, but by the Macedonians Hyperberetoets. The feast of tabernacles happened to fall at the same time, which was celebrated by the Hebrews as a most holy and most eminent feast. So they carried the ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitched, and all the vessels that were for ministration, to the sacrifices of God, and removed them to the temple. (13) The king himself, and all the people and the Levites, went before, rendering the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink-offerings, and the blood of a great number of oblations, and burning an immense quantity of incense, and this till the very air itself every where round about was so full of these odors, that it met, in a most agreeable manner, persons at a great distance, and was an indication of God's presence; and, as men's opinion was, of his habitation with them in this newly built and consecrated place, for they did not grow weary, either of singing hymns or of dancing, until they came to the temple; and in this manner did they carry the ark. But when they should transfer it into the most secret place, the rest of the multitude went away, and only those priests that carried it set it between the two cherubims, which embracing it with their wings, (for so were they framed by the artificer,) they covered it, as under a tent, or a cupola. Now the ark contained nothing else but those two tables of stone that preserved the ten commandments, which God spake to Moses in Mount Sinai, and which were engraved upon them; but they set the candlestick, and the table, and the golden altar in the temple, before the most secret place, in the very same places wherein they stood till that time in the tabernacle. So they offered up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over against the door, that when the door was opened, it might be exposed to sight, and the sacred solemnities, and the richness of the sacrifices, might be thence seen; and all the rest of the vessels they gathered together, and put them within the temple.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as the priests had put all things in order about the ark, and were gone out, there cane down a thick cloud, and stood there, and spread itself, after a gentle manner, into the temple; such a cloud it was as was diffused and temperate, not such a rough one as we see full of rain in the winter season. This cloud so darkened the place, that one priest could not discern another, but it afforded to the minds of all a visible image and glorious appearance of God's having descended into this temple, and of his having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein. So these men were intent upon this thought. But Solomon rose up, (for he was sitting before,) and used such words to God as he thought agreeable to the Divine nature to receive, and fit for him to give; for he said, \"Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord, and such a one as thou hast created for thyself out of thine own works; we know it to be the heaven, and the air, and the earth, and the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou contained within their limits. I have indeed built this temple to thee, and thy name, that from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform sacred operations, we may send our prayers up into the air, and may constantly believe that thou art present, and art not remote from what is thine own; for neither when thou seest all things, and hearest all things, nor now, when it pleases thee to dwell here, dost thou leave the care of all men, but rather thou art very near to them all, but especially thou art present to those that address themselves to thee, whether by night or by day.\" When he had thus solemnly addressed himself to God, he converted his discourse to the multitude, and strongly represented the power and providence of God to them; - how he had shown all things that were come to pass to David his father, as many of those things had already come to pass, and the rest would certainly come to pass hereafter; and how he had given him his name, and told to David what he should be called before he was born; and foretold, that when he should be king after his father's death, he should build him a temple, which since they saw accomplished, according to his prediction, he required them to bless God, and by believing him, from the sight of what they had seen accomplished, never to despair of any thing that he had promised for the future, in order to their happiness, or suspect that it would not come to pass.",
+                    "3. When the king had thus discoursed to the multitude, he looked again towards the temple, and lifting up his right hand to the multitude, he said,\" It is not possible by what men can do to return sufficient thanks to God for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the Deity stands in need of nothing, and is above any such requital; but so far as we have been made superior, O Lord, to other animals by thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and it is necessary for us to return thee thanks for what thou hast bestowed upon our house, and on the Hebrew people; for with what other instrument can we better appease thee when thou art angry at us, or more properly preserve thy favor, than with our voice? which, as we have it from the air, so do we know that by that air it ascends upwards [towards thee]. I therefore ought myself to return thee thanks thereby, in the first place, concerning my father, whom thou hast raised from obscurity unto so great joy; and, in the next place, concerning myself, since thou hast performed all that thou hast promised unto this very day. And I beseech thee for the time to come to afford us whatsoever thou, O God, hast power to bestow on such as thou dost esteem; and to augment our house for all ages, as thou hast promised to David my father to do, both in his lifetime and at his death, that our kingdom shall continue, and that his posterity should successively receive it to ten thousand generations. Do not thou therefore fail to give us these blessings, and to bestow on my children that virtue in which thou delightest. And besides all this, I humbly beseech thee that thou wilt let some portion of thy Spirit come down and inhabit in this temple, that thou mayst appear to be with us upon earth. As to thyself, the entire heavens, and the immensity of the things that are therein, are but a small habitation for thee, much more is this poor temple so; but I entreat thee to keep it as thine own house, from being destroyed by our enemies for ever, and to take care of it as thine own possession: but if this people be found to have sinned, and be thereupon afflicted by thee with any plague, because of their sin, as with dearth or pestilence, or any other affliction which thou usest to inflict on those that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if they fly all of them to this temple, beseeching thee, and begging of time to deliver them, then do thou hear their prayers, as being within thine house, and have mercy upon them, and deliver them from their afflictions. Nay, moreover, this help is what I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatsoever, and shall return from their sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear their prayer. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself wast pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies to such as are not of our own people; but are willing that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits bestowed upon them.\"",
+                    "4. When Solomon had said this, and had cast himself upon the ground, and worshipped a long time, he rose up, and brought sacrifices to the altar; and when he had filled it with unblemished victims, he most evidently discovered that God had with pleasure accepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for there came a fire running out of the air, and rushed with violence upon the altar, in the sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed the sacrifices. Now when this Divine appearance was seen, the people supposed it to be a demonstration of God's abode in the temple, and were pleased with it, and fell down upon the ground and worshipped. Upon which the king began to bless God, and exhorted the multitude to do the same, as now having sufficient indications of God's favorable disposition to them; and to pray that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness and religious worship, and that they might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations among all mankind. He exhorted them also to be mindful, that by what methods they had attained their present good things, by the same they must preserve them sure to themselves, and make them greater and more than they were at present; for that it was not sufficient for them to suppose they had received them on account of their piety and righteousness, but that they had no other way of preserving them for the time to come; for that it is not so great a thing for men to acquire somewhat which they want, as to preserve what they have acquired, and to be guilty of no sin whereby it may be hurt.",
+                    "5. So when the king had spoken thus to the multitude, he dissolved the congregation, but not till he had completed his oblations, both for himself and for the Hebrews, insomuch that he sacrificed twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep; for then it was that the temple did first of all taste of the victims, and all the Hebrews, with their wives and children, feasted therein: nay, besides this, the king then observed splendidly and magnificently the feast which is called the Feast of Tabernacles, before the temple, for twice seven days; and he then feasted together with all the people.",
+                    "6. When all these solemnities were abundantly satisfied, and nothing was omitted that concerned the Divine worship, the king dismissed them; and they every one went to their own homes, giving thanks to the king for the care he had taken of them, and the works he had done for them; and praying to God to preserve Solomon to be their king for a long time. They also took their journey home with rejoicing, and making merry, and singing hymns to God. And indeed the pleasure they enjoyed took away the sense of the pains they all underwent in their journey home. So when they had brought the ark into the temple, and had seen its greatness, and how fine it was, and had been partakers of the many sacrifices that had been offered, and of the festivals that had been solemnized, they every one returned to their own cities. But a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep informed him that God had heard his prayers; and that he would not only preserve the temple, but would always abide in it; that is, in case his posterity and the whole multitude would be righteous. And for himself, it said, that if he continued according to the admonitions of his father, he would advance him to an immense degree of dignity and happiness, and that then his posterity should be kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah, for ever; but that still, if he should be found a betrayer of the ordinances of the law, and forget them, and turn away to the worship of strange gods, he would cut him off by the roots, and would neither suffer any remainder of his family to continue, nor would overlook the people of Israel, or preserve them any longer from afflictions, but would utterly destroy them with ten thousand wars and misfortunes; would cast them out of the land which he had given their fathers, and make them sojourners in strange lands; and deliver that temple which was now built to be burnt and spoiled by their enemies, and that city to be utterly overthrown by the hands of their enemies; and make their miseries deserve to be a proverb, and such as should very hardly be credited for their stupendous magnitude, till their neighbors, when they should hear of them, should wonder at their calamities, and very earnestly inquire for the occasion, why the Hebrews, who had been so far advanced by God to such glory and wealth, should be then so hated by him? and that the answer that should be made by the remainder of the people should be, by confessing their sins, and their transgression of the laws of their country. Accordingly we have it transmitted to us in writing, that thus did God speak to Solomon in his sleep."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Built Himself A Royal Palace, Very Costly And Splendid; And How He Solved The Riddles Which Were Sent Him By Hiram. </i><br>1. After the building of the temple, which, as we have before said, was finished in seven years, the king laid the foundation of his palace, which he did not finish under thirteen years, for he was not equally zealous in the building of this palace as he had been about the temple; for as to that, though it was a great work, and required wonderful and surprising application, yet God, for whom it was made, so far co-operated therewith, that it was finished in the forementioned number of years: but the palace, which was a building much inferior in dignity to the temple, both on account that its materials had not been so long beforehand gotten ready, nor had been so zealously prepared, and on account that this was only a habitation for kings, and not for God, it was longer in finishing. However, this building was raised so magnificently, as suited the happy state of the Hebrews, and of the king thereof. But it is necessary that I describe the entire structure and disposition of the parts, that so those that light upon this book may thereby make a conjecture, and, as it were, have a prospect of its magnitude.",
+                    "2. This house was a large and curious building, and was supported by many pillars, which Solomon built to contain a multitnde for hearing causes, and taking cognizance of suits. It was sufficiently capacious to contain a great body of men, who would come together to have their causes determined. It was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad, and thirty high, supported by quadrangular pillars, which were all of cedar; but its roof was according to the Corinthian order, (14) with folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of equal magnitude, each fluted with three cavities; which building as at once firm, and very ornamental. There was also another house so ordered, that its entire breadth was placed in the middle; it was quadrangular, and its breadth was thirty cubits, having a temple over against it, raised upon massy pillars; in which temple there was a large and very glorious room, wherein the king sat in judgment. To this was joined another house that was built for his queen. There were other smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep, after public matters were over; and these were all floored with boards of cedar. Some of these Solomon built with stones of ten cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other stones that were sawed, and were of great value, such as are dug out of the earth for the ornaments of temples, and to make fine prospects in royal palaces, and which make the mines whence they are dug famous. Now the contexture of the curious workmanship of these stones was in three rows, but the fourth row would make one admire its sculptures, whereby were represented trees, and all sorts of plants; with the shades that arose from their branches, and leaves that hung down from them. Those trees anti plants covered the stone that was beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so prodigious thin and subtile, that you would think they were in motion; but the other part up to the roof, was plastered over, and, as it were, embroidered with colors and pictures. He, moreover, built other edifices for pleasure; as also very long cloisters, and those situate in an agreeable place of the palace; and among them a most glorious dining room, for feastings and compotations, and full of gold, and such other furniture as so fine a room ought to have for the conveniency of the guests, and where all the vessels were made of gold. Now it is very hard to reckon up the magnitude and the variety of the royal apartments; how many rooms there were of the largest sort, how many of a bigness inferior to those, and how many that were subterraneous and invisible; the curiosity of those that enjoyed the fresh air; and the groves for the most delightful prospect, for the avoiding the heat, and covering of their bodies. And, to say all in brief, Solomon made the whole building entirely of white stone, and cedar wood, and gold, and silver. He also adorned the roofs and walls with stones set in gold, and beautified them thereby in the same manner as he had beautified the temple of God with the like stones. He also made himself a throne of prodigious bigness, of ivory, constructed as a seat of justice, and having six steps to it; on every one of which stood, on each end of the step two lions, two other lions standing above also; but at the sitting place of the throne hands came out and received the king; and when he sat backward, he rested on half a bullock, that looked towards his back; but still all was fastened together with gold.",
+                    "3. When Solomon had completed all this in twenty years' time, because Hiram king of Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold, and more silver to these buildings, as also cedar wood and pine wood, he also rewarded Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him also year by year, and wine and oil, which were the principal things that he stood in need of, because he inhabited an island, as we have already said. And besides these, he granted him certain cities of Galilee, twenty in number, that lay not far from Tyre; which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and did not like the gift, he sent word to Solomon that he did not want such cities as they were; and after that time these cities were called the land of Cabul; which name, if it be interpreted according to the language of the Phoenicians, denotes what does not please. Moreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and desired he would solve them, and free them from the ambiguity that was in them. Now so sagacious and understanding was Solomon, that none of these problems were too hard for him; but he conquered them all by his reasonings, and discovered their hidden meaning, and brought it to light. Menander also, one who translated the Tyrian archives out of the dialect of the Phoenicians into the Greek language, makes mention of these two kings, where he says thus: \"When Abibalus was dead,. his son Hiram received the kingdom from him, who, when he had lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank in the large place, and dedicated the golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple. He also went and cut down materials of timber out of the mountain called Libanus, for the roof of temples; and when he had pulled down the ancient temples, he both built the temple of Hercules and that of Astarte; and he first set up the temple of Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made an expedition against the Euchii, or Titii, who did not pay their tribute, and when he had subdued them to himself he returned. Under this king there was Abdemon, a very youth in age, who always conquered the difficult problems which Solomon, king of Jerusalem, commanded him to explain. Dius also makes mention of him, where he says thus: \"When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram reigned. He raised the eastern parts of the city higher, and made the city itself larger. He also joined the temple of Jupiter, which before stood by itself, to the city, by raising a bank in the middle between them; and he adorned it with donations of gold. Moreover, he went up to Mount Libanus, and cut down materials of wood for the building of the temples.\" He says also, that Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hiram, and desired to receive the like from him, but that he who could not solve them should pay money to them that did solve them, and that Hiram accepted the conditions; and when he was not able to solve the riddles proposed by Solomon, he paid a great deal of money for his fine; but that he afterward did solve the proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that Hiram proposed other riddles, which, when Solomon could not solve, he paid back a great deal of money to Hiram.\" This it is which Dius wrote."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Fortified The City Of Jerusalem, And Built Great Cities; And How He Brought Some Of The Canaanites Into Subjection, And Entertained The Queen Of Egypt And Of Ethiopia. </i><br>1. Now when the king saw that the walls of Jerusalem stood in need of being better secured, and made stronger, (for he thought the walls that encompassed Jerusalem ought to correspond to the dignity of the city,) he both repaired them, and made them higher, with great towers upon them; he also built cities which might be counted among the strongest, Hazor and Megiddo, and the third Gezer, which had indeed belonged to the Philistines; but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made an expedition against it, and besieged it, and taken it by force; and when he had slain all its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and gave it as a present to his daughter, who had been married to Solomon; for which reason the king rebuilt it, as a city that was naturally strong, and might be useful in wars, and the mutations of affairs that sometimes happen. Moreover, he built two other cities not far from it, Beth-horon was the name of one of them, and Baalath of the other. He also built other cities that lay conveniently for these, in order to the enjoyment of pleasures and delicacies in them, such as were naturally of a good temperature of the air, and agreeable for fruits ripe in their proper seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay, Solomon went as far as the desert above Syria, and possessed himself of it, and built there a very great city, which was distant two days' journey from Upper Syria, and one day's journey from Euphrates, and six long days' journey from Babylon the Great. Now the reason why this city lay so remote from the parts of Syria that are inhabited is this, that below there is no water to be had, and that it is in that place only that there are springs and pits of water. When he had therefore built this city, and encompassed it with very strong walls, he gave it the name of Tadmor, and that is the name it is still called by at this day among the Syrians, but the Greeks name it Palmyra.",
+                    "2. Now Solomon the king was at this time engaged in building these cities. But if any inquire why all the kings of Egypt from Menes, who built Memphis, and was many years earlier than our forefather Abraham, until Solomon, where the interval was more than one thousand three hundred years, were called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pharaoh that lived after the kings of that interval, I think it necessary to inform them of it, and this in order to cure their ignorance, and to make the occasion of that name manifest. Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a king (15) but I suppose they made use of other names from their childhood; but when they were made kings, they changed them into the name which in their own tongue denoted their authority; for thus it was also that the kings of Alexandria, who were called formerly by other names, when they took the kingdom, were named Ptolemies, from their first king. The Roman emperors also were from their nativity called by other names, but are styled Caesars, their empire and their dignity imposing that name upon them, and not suffering them to continue in those names which their fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodotus of Halicarnassus, when he said there were three hundred and thirty kings of Egypt after Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore not tell us their names, because they were in common called Pharaohs; for when after their death there was a queen reigned, he calls her by her name Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while the kings were of the male line, and so admitted of the same nature, while a woman did not admit the same, he did therefore set down that her name, which she could not naturally have. As for myself, I have discovered from our own books, that after Pharaoh, the father-in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt did any longer use that name; and that it was after that time when the forenamed queen of Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, concerning whom we shall inform the reader presently; but I have now made mention of these things, that I may prove that our books and those of the Egyptians agree together in many things.",
+                    "3. But king Solomon subdued to himself the remnant of the Canaanites that had not before submitted to him; those I mean that dwelt in Mount Lebanon, and as far as the city Hamath; and ordered them to pay tribute. He also chose out of them every year such as were to serve him in the meanest offices, and to do his domestic works, and to follow husbandry; for none of the Hebrews were servants [in such low employments]: nor was it reasonable, that when God had brought so many nations under their power, they should depress their own people to such mean offices of life, rather than those nations; while all the Israelites were concerned in warlike affairs, and were in armor; and were set over the chariots and the horses, rather than leading the life of slaves. He appointed also five hundred and fifty rulers over those Canaanites who were reduced to such domestic slavery, who received the entire care of them from the king, and instructed them in those labors and operations wherein he wanted their assistance.",
+                    "4. Moreover, the king built many ships in the Egyptian Bay of the Red Sea, in a certain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth. This country belonged formerly to the Jews, and became useful for shipping from the donations of Hiram king of Tyre; for he sent a sufficient number of men thither for pilots, and such as were skillful in navigation, to whom Solomon gave this command: That they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was of old called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs to India, to fetch him gold. And when they had gathered four hundred talents together, they returned to the king again.",
+                    "5. There was then a woman queen of Egypt and Ethiopia; (16) she was inquisitive into philosophy, and one that on other accounts also was to be admired. When this queen heard of the virtue and prudence of Solomon, she had a great mind to see him; and the reports that went every day abroad induced her to come to him, she being desirous to be satisfied by her own experience, and not by a bare hearing; (for reports thus heard are likely enough to comply with a false opinion, while they wholly depend on the credit of the relators;) so she resolved to come to him, and that especially in order to have a trial of his wisdom, while she proposed questions of very great difficulty, and entreated that he would solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly she came to Jerusalem with great splendor and rich furniture; for she brought with her camels laden with gold, with several sorts of sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now, upon the king's kind reception of her, he both showed a great desire to please her, and easily comprehending in his mind the meaning of the curious questions she propounded to him, he resolved them sooner than any body could have expected. So she was amazed at the wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it was more excellent upon trial than what she had heard by report beforehand; and especially she was surprised at the fineness and largeness of his royal palace, and not less so at the good order of the apartments, for she observed that the king had therein shown great wisdom; but she was beyond measure astonished at the house which was called the Forest of Lebanon, as also at the magnificence of his daily table, and the circumstances of its preparation and ministration, with the apparel of his servants that waited, and the skillful and decent management of their attendance: nor was she less affected with those daily sacrifices which were offered to God, and the careful management which the priests and Levites used about them. When she saw this done every day, she was in the greatest admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was not able to contain the surprise she was in, but openly confessed how wonderfully she was affected; for she proceeded to discourse with the king, and thereby owned that she was overcome with admiration at the things before related; and said, \"All things indeed, O king, that came to our knowledge by report, came with uncertainty as to our belief of them; but as to those good things that to thee appertain, both such as thou thyself possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence, and the happiness thou hast from thy kingdom, certainly the same that came to us was no falsity; it was not only a true report, but it related thy happiness after a much lower manner than I now see it to be before my eyes. For as for the report, it only attempted to persuade our hearing, but did not so make known the dignity of the things themselves as does the sight of them, and being present among them. I indeed, who did not believe what was reported, by reason of the multitude and grandeur of the things I inquired about, do see them to be much more numerous than they were reported to be. Accordingly I esteem the Hebrew people, as well as thy servants and friends, to be happy, who enjoy thy presence and hear thy wisdom every day continually. One would therefore bless God, who hath so loved this country, and those that inhabit therein, as to make thee king over them.\"",
+                    "6. Now when the queen had thus demonstrated in words how deeply the king had affected her, her disposition was known by certain presents, for she gave him twenty talents of gold, and an immense quantity of spices and precious stones. (They say also that we possess the root of that balsam which our country still bears by this woman's gift.) (17) Solomon also repaid her with many good things, and principally by bestowing upon her what she chose of her own inclination, for there was nothing that she desired which he denied her; and as he was very generous and liberal in his own temper, so did he show the greatness of his soul in bestowing on her what she herself desired of him. So when this queen of Ethiopia had obtained what we have already given an account of, and had again communicated to the king what she brought with her, she returned to her own kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Grew Rich, And Fell Desperately In Love With Women And How God, Being Incensed At It, Raised Up Ader And Jeroboam Against Him. Concerning The Death Of Solomon. </i><br>1. About the same time there were brought to the king from the Aurea Chersonesus, a country so called, precious stones, and pine trees, and these trees he made use of for supporting the temple and the palace, as also for the materials of musical instruments, the harps and the psalteries, that the Levites might make use of them in their hymns to God. The wood which was brought to him at this time was larger and finer than any that had ever been brought before; but let no one imagine that these pine trees were like those which are now so named, and which take that their denomination from the merchants, who so call them, that they may procure them to be admired by those that purchase them; for those we speak of were to the sight like the wood of the fig tree, but were whiter, and more shining. Now we have said thus much, that nobody may be ignorant of the difference between these sorts of wood, nor unacquainted with the nature of the genuine pine tree; and we thought it both a seasonable and humane thing, when we mentioned it, and the uses the king made of it, to explain this difference so far as we have done.",
+                    "2. Now the weight of gold that was brought him was six hundred and sixty-six talents, not including in that sum what was brought by the merchants, nor what the toparchs and kings of Arabia gave him in presents. He also cast two hundred targets of gold, each of them weighing six hundred shekels. He also made three hundred shields, every one weighing three pounds of gold, and he had them carried and put into that house which was called The Forest of Lebanon. He also made cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for the entertainment of his guests, and had them adorned in the most artificial manner; and he contrived that all his other furniture of vessels should be of gold, for there was nothing then to be sold or bought for silver; for the king had many ships which lay upon the sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to carry out all sorts of merchandise unto the remotest nations, by the sale of which silver and gold were brought to the king, and a great quantity of ivory, and Ethiopians, and apes; and they finished their voyage, going and returning, in three years' time.",
+                    "3. Accordingly there went a great fame all around the neighboring countries, which proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solomon, insomuch that all the kings every where were desirous to see him, as not giving credit to what was reported, on account of its being almost incredible: they also demonstrated the regard they had for him by the presents they made him; for they sent him vessels of gold, and silver, and purple garments, and many sorts of spices, and horses, and chariots, and as many mules for his carriages as they could find proper to please the king's eyes, by their strength and beauty. This addition that he made to those chariots and horses which he had before from those that were sent him, augmented the number of his chariots by above four hundred, for he had a thousand before, and augmented the number of his horses by two thousand, for he had twenty thousand before. These horses also were so much exercised, in order to their making a fine appearance, and running swiftly, that no others could, upon the comparison, appear either finer or swifter; but they were at once the most beautiful of all others, and their swiftness was incomparable also. Their riders also were a further ornament to them, being, in the first place, young men in the most delightful flower of their age, and being eminent for their largeness, and far taller than other men. They had also very long heads of hair hanging down, and were clothed in garments of Tyrian purple. They had also dust of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so that their heads sparkled with the reflection of the sun-beams from the gold. The king himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of these men, who were still in armor, and had their bows fitted to them. He had on a white garment, and used to take his progress out of the city in the morning. There was a certain place about fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which is called Etham, very pleasant it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivulets of water; (18) thither did he use to go out in the morning, sitting on high [in his chariot.]",
+                    "4. Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in all things, and was very diligent and studious to have things done after an elegant manner; so he did not neglect the care of the ways, but he laid a causeway of black stone along the roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the royal city, both to render them easy for travelers, and to manifest the grandeur of his riches and government. He also parted his chariots, and set them in a regular order, that a certain number of them should be in every city, still keeping a few about him; and those cities he called the cities of his chariots. And the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusalem as stones in the street; and so multiplied cedar trees in the plains of Judea, which did not grow there before, that they were like the multitude of common sycamore trees. He also ordained the Egyptian merchants that brought him their merchandise to sell him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six hundred drachmae of silver, and he sent them to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that were beyond Euphrates.",
+                    "5. But although Solomon was become the most glorious of kings, and the best beloved by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and riches those that had been rulers of the Hebrews before him, yet did not he persevere in this happy state till he died. Nay, he forsook the observation of the laws of his fathers, and came to an end no way suitable to our foregoing history of him. He grew mad in his love of women, and laid no restraint on himself in his lusts; nor was he satisfied with the women of his country alone, but he married many wives out of foreign nations; Sidontans, and Tyrians, and Ammonites, and Edomites; and he transgressed the laws of Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but those that were of their own people. He also began to worship their gods, which he did in order to the gratification of his wives, and out of his affection for them. This very thing our legislator suspected, and so admonished us beforehand, that we should not marry women of other countries, lest we should be entangled with foreign customs, and apostatize from our own; lest we should leave off to honor our own God, and should worship their gods. But Solomon was fallen headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and regarded not those admonitions; for when he had married seven hundred wives, (19) the daughters of princes and of eminent persons, and three hundred concubines, and those besides the king of Egypt's daughter, he soon was governed by them, till he came to imitate their practices. He was forced to give them this demonstration of his kindness and affection to them, to live according to the laws of their countries. And as he grew into years, and his reason became weaker by length of time, it was not sufficient to recall to his mind the institutions of his own country; so he still more and more contemned his own God, and continued to regard the gods that his marriages had introduced nay, before this happened, he sinned, and fell into an error about the observation of the laws, when he made the images of brazen oxen that supported the brazen sea, (20) and the images of lions about his own throne; for these he made, although it was not agreeable to piety so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding that he had his father as a most excellent and domestic pattern of virtue, and knew what a glorious character he had left behind him, because of his piety towards God. Nor did he imitate David, although God had twice appeared to him in his sleep, and exhorted him to imitate his father. So he died ingloriously. There came therefore a prophet to him, who was sent by God, and told him that his wicked actions were not concealed from God; and threatened him that he should not long rejoice in what he had done; that, indeed, the kingdom should not be taken from him while he was alive, because God had promised to his father David that he would make him his successor, but that he would take care that this should befall his son when he was dead; not that he would withdraw all the people from him, but that he would give ten tribes to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes to David's grandson for his sake, because he loved God, and for the sake of the city of Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.",
+                    "6. When Solomon heard this he was grieved, and greatly confounded, upon this change of almost all that happiness which had made him to be admired, into so bad a state; nor had there much time passed after the prophet had foretold what was coming before God raised up an enemy against him, whose name was Ader, who took the following occasion of his enmity to him. He was a child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and when Joab, the captain of David's host, laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed all that were men grown, and able to bear arms, for six months' time, this Hadad fled away, and came to Pharaoh the king of Egypt, who received him kindly, and assigned him a house to dwell in, and a country to supply him with food; and when he was grown up he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was Tahpenes, to wife, by whom he had a son; who was brought up with the king's children. When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh, and desired that he would permit him to go to his own country; upon which the king asked what it was that he wanted, and what hardship he had met with, that he was so desirous to leave him. And when he was often troublesome to him, and entreated him to dismiss him, he did not then do it; but at the time when Solomon's affairs began to grow worse, on account of his forementioned transgressions (21) and God's anger against him for the same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission, came to Edom; and when he was not able to make the people forsake Solomon, for it was kept under by many garrisons, and an innovation was not to be made with safety, he removed thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted upon one Rezon, who had run away from Hadadezer, king of Zobah, his master, and was become a robber in that country, and joined friendship with him, who had already a band of robbers about him. So he went up, and seized upon that part of Syria, and was made king thereof. He also made incursions into the land of Israel, and did it no small mischief, and spoiled it, and that in the lifetime of Solomon. And this was the calamity which the Hebrews suffered by Hadad.",
+                    "7. There was also one of Solomon's own nation that made an attempt against him, Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an expectation of rising, from a prophecy that had been made to him long before. He was left a child by his father, and brought up by his mother; and when Solomon saw that he was of an active and bold disposition, he made him the curator of the walls which he built round about Jerusalem; and he took such care of those works, that the king approved of his behavior, and gave him, as a reward for the same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And when about that time Jeroboam was once going out of Jerusalem, a prophet of the city Shilo, whose name was Ahijah, met him and saluted him; and when he had taken him a little aside to a place out of the way, where there was not one other person present, he rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces, and bid Jeroboam take ten of them; and told him beforehand, that \"this is the will of God; he will part the dominion of Solomon, and give one tribe, with that which is next it, to his son, because of the promise made to David for his succession, and will have ten tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned against him, and delivered up himself to women, and to their gods. Seeing therefore thou knowest the cause for which God hath changed his mind, and is alienated from Solomon, be thou",
+                    "8. So Jeroboam was elevated by these words of the prophet; and being a young man, (22) of a warm temper, and ambitious of greatness, he could not be quiet; and when he had so great a charge in the government, and called to mind what had been revealed to him by Ahijah, he endeavored to persuade the people to forsake Solomon, to make a disturbance, and to bring the government over to himself. But when Solomon understood his intention and treachery, he sought to catch him and kill him; but Jeroboam was informed of it beforehand, and fled to Shishak, the king of Egypt, and there abode till the death of Solomon; by which means he gained these two advantages to suffer no harm from Solomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom. So Solomon died when he was already an old man, having reigned eighty years, and lived ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem, having been superior to all other kings in happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting that when he was growing into years he was deluded by women, and transgressed the law; concerning which transgressions, and the miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby, I think proper to discourse at another opportunity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon The Death Of Solomon The People Forsook His Son Rehoboam, And Ordained Jeroboam King Over The Ten Tribes. </i><br>1. Now when Solomon was dead, and his son Rehoboam (who was born of an Amntonite wife; whose name was Naamah) had succeeded him in the kingdom, the rulers of the multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and called back Jeroboam; and when he was come to them, to the city Shethem, Rehoboam came to it also, for he had resolved to declare himself king to the Israelites while they were there gathered together. So the rulers of the people, as well as Jeroboam, came to him, and besought him, and said that he ought to relax, and to be gentler than his father, in the servitude he had imposed on them, because they had borne a heavy yoke, and that then they should be better affected to him, and be well contented to serve him under his moderate government, and should do it more out of love than fear. But Rehoboam told them they should come to him again in three days' time, when he would give an answer to their request. This delay gave occasion to a present suspicion, since he had not given them a favorable answer to their mind immediately; for they thought that he should have given them a humane answer off-hand, especially since he was but young. However, they thought that this consultation about it, and that he did not presently give them a denial, afforded them some good hope of success.",
+                    "2. Rehoboam now called his father's friends, and advised with them what sort of answer he ought to give to the multitude; upon which they gave him the advice which became friends, and those that knew the temper of such a multitude. They advised him to speak in a way more popular than suited the grandeur of a king, because he would thereby oblige them to submit to him with goodwill, it being most agreeable to subjects that their kings should be almost upon the level with them. But Rehoboam rejected this so good, and in general so profitable, advice, (it was such, at least, at that time when he was to be made king,) God himself, I suppose, causing what was most advantageous to be condemned by him. So he called for the young men who were brought up with him, and told them what advice the elders had given him, and bade them speak what they thought he ought to do. They advised him to give the following answer to the people (for neither their youth nor God himself suffered them to discern what was best): That his little finger should be thicker than his father's loins; and if they had met with hard usage from his father, they should experience much rougher treatment from him; and if his father had chastised them with whips, they must expect that he would do it with scorpions. (23) The king was pleased with this advice, and thought it agreeable to the dignity of his government to give them such an answer. Accordingly, when the multitude was come together to hear his answer on the third day, all the people were in great expectation, and very intent to hear what the king would say to them, and supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind nature; but he passed by his friends, and answered as the young men had given him counsel. Now this was done according to the will of God, that what Ahijah had foretold might come to pass.",
+                    "3. By these words the people were struck as it were by all iron hammer, and were so grieved at the words, as if they had already felt the effects of them; and they had great indignation at the king; and all cried out aloud, and said, \"We will have no longer any relation to David or his posterity after this day.\" And they said further, \"We only leave to Rehoboam the temple which his father built;\" and they threatened to forsake him. Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their wrath so long, that when he sent Adoram, which was over the tribute, that he might pacify them, and render them milder, and persuade them to forgive him, if he had said any thing that was rash or grievous to them in his youth, they would not hear it, but threw stones at him, and killed him. When Rehoboam saw this, he thought himself aimed at by those stones with which they had killed his servant, and feared lest he should undergo the last of punishments in earnest; so he got immediately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem, where the tribe of Judah and that of Benjamin ordained him king; but the rest of the multitude forsook the sons of David from that day, and appointed Jeroboam to be the ruler of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam, Solomon's son, assembled a great congregation of those two tribes that submitted to him, and was ready to take a hundred and eighty thousand chosen men out of the army, to make an expedition against Jeroboam and his people, that he might force them by war to be his servants; but he was forbidden of God by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war, for that it was not just that brethren of the same contry should fight one against another. He also said that this defection of the multitude was according to the purpose of God. So he did not proceed in this expedition. And now I will relate first the actions of Jeroboam the king of Israel, after which we will relate what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good order of the history entire.",
+                    "4. When therefore Jeroboam had built him a palace in the city Shechem, he dwelt there. He also built him another at Penuel, a city so called. And now the feast of tabernacles was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam considered, that if he should permit the multitude to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there to celebrate the festival, they would probably repent of what they had done, and be enticed by the temple, and by the worship of God there performed, and would leave him, and return to their first kings; and if so, he should run the risk of losing his own life; so he invented this contrivance; He made two golden heifers, and built two little temples for them, the one in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, which last was at the fountains of the Lesser Jordan (24) and he put the heifers into both the little temples, in the forementioned cities. And when he had called those ten tribes together over whom he ruled, he made a speech to the people in these words: \"I suppose, my countrymen, that you know this, that every place hath God in it; nor is there any one determinate place in which he is, but he every where hears and sees those that worship him; on which account I do not think it right for you to go so long a journey to Jerusalem, which is an enemy's city, to worship him. It was a man that built the temple: I have also made two golden heifers, dedicated to the same God; and the one of them I have consecrated in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that those of you that dwell nearest those cities may go to them, and worship God there; and I will ordain for you certain priests and Levites from among yourselves, that you may have no want of the tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron; but let him that is desirous among you of being a priest, bring to God a bullock and a ram, which they say Aaron the first priest brought also.\" When Jeroboam had said this, he deluded the people, and made them to revolt from the worship of their forefathers, and to transgress their laws. This was the beginning of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause why they were overcome in war by foreigners, and so fell into captivity. But we shall relate those things in their proper places hereafter.",
+                    "5. When the feast [of tabernacles] was just approaching, Jeroboam was desirous to celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly he built an altar before the heifer, and undertook to be high priest himself. So he went up to the altar, with his own priests about him; but when he was going to offer the sacrifices and the burnt-offerings, in the sight of all the people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was sent by God, and came to him from Jerusalem, who stood in the midst of the multitude, and in the 'hearing of' the king, and directing his discourse to the altar, said thus: God foretells that there shall be a certain man of the family of David, Josiah by name, who shall slay upon thee those false priests that shall live at that time, and upon thee shall burn the bones of those deceivers of the people, those impostors' and wicked wretches. However, that this people may believe that these things shall so come to pass, I foretell a sign to them that shall also come to pass. This altar shall be broken to pieces immediately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that is upon it shall be poured upon the ground.\" When the prophet had said this, Jeroboam fell into a passion, and stretched out his hand, and bid them lay hold of him; but that hand which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he was not able to pull it in again to him, for it was become withered, and hung down, as if it were a dead hand. The altar also was broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was poured out, as the prophet had foretold should come to pass. So the king understood that he was a man of veracity, and had a Divine foreknowledge; and entreated him to pray to God that he would restore his right hand. Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to grant him that request. So the king, having his hand recovered to its natural state, rejoiced at it, and invited the prophet to sup with him; but Jadon said that he could not endure to come into his house, nor to taste of bread or water in this city, for that was a thing God had forbidden him to do; as also to go back by the same way which he came, but he said he was to return by another way. So the king wondered at the abstinence of the man, but was himself in fear, as suspecting a change of his affairs for the worse, from what had been said to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jadon The Prophet Was Persuaded By Another Lying Prophet And Returned [To Bethel,] And Was Afterwards Slain By A Lion. As Also What Words The Wicked Prophet Made Use Of To Persuade The King, And Thereby Alienated His Mind From God. </i><br>1. Now there was a certain wicked man in that city, who was a false prophet, whom Jeroboam had in great esteem, but was deceived by him and his flattering words. This man was bedrid, by reason or the infirmities of old age: however, he was informed by his sons concerning the prophet that was come from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs done by him; and how, when Jeroboam's right hand had been enfeebled, at the prophet's prayer he had it revived again. Whereupon he was afraid that this stranger and prophet should be in better esteem with the king than himself, and obtain greater honor from him: and he gave orders to his sons to saddle his ass presently, and make all ready that he might go out. Accordingly they made haste to do what they were commanded, and he got upon the ass and followed after the prophet.; and when he had overtaken him, as he was resting himself under a very large oak tree that was thick and shady, he at first saluted him, but presently he complained of him, because he had not come into his house, and partaken of his hospitality. And when the other said that God had forbidden him to taste of any one's provision in that city, he replied, that \"for certain God had not forbidden that I should set food before thee, for I am a prophet as thou art, and worship God in the same manner that thou dost; and I am now come as sent by him, in order to bring thee into my house, and make thee my guest.\" Now Jadon gave credit to this lying prophet, and returned back with him. But when they were at dinner, and merry together, God appeared to Jadon, and said that he should suffer punishment for transgressing his commands, - and he told him what that punishment should be for he said that he should meet with a lion as he was going on his way, by which lion he should be torn in pieces, and be deprived of burial in the sepulchers of his fathers; which things came to pass, as I suppose, according to the will of God, that so Jeroboam might not give heed to the words of Jadon as of one that had been convicted of lying. However, as Jadon was again going to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted him, and pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew him; yet did he not at all hurt the ass, but sat by him, and kept him, as also the prophet's body. This continued till some travelers that saw it came and told it in the city to the false prophet, who sent his sons, and brought the body unto the city, and made a funeral for him at great expense. He also charged his sons to bury himself with him and said that all which he had foretold against that city, and the altar, and priests, and false prophets, would prove true; and that if he were buried with him, he should receive no injurious treatment after his death, the bones not being then to be distinguished asunder. But now, when he had performed those funeral rites to the prophet, and had given that charge to his sons, as he was a wicked and an impious man, he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, \"And wherefore is it now that thou art disturbed at the words of this silly fellow?\" And when the king had related to him what had happened about the altar, and about his own hand, and gave him the names of divine man, and an excellent prophet, he endeavored by a wicked trick to weaken that his opinion; and by using plausible words concerning what had happened, he aimed to injure the truth that was in them; for he attempted to persuade him that his hand was enfeebled by the labor it had undergone in supporting the sacrifices, and that upon its resting awhile it returned to its former nature again; and that as to the altar, it was but new, and had borne abundance of sacrifices, and those large ones too, and was accordingly broken to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of what had been laid upon it. He also informed him of the death of him that had foretold those things, and how he perished; [whence he concluded that] he had not any thing in him of a prophet, nor spake any thing like one. When he had thus spoken, he persuaded the king, and entirely alienated his mind from God, and from doing works that were righteous and holy, and encouraged him to go on in his impious practices (25) and accordingly he was to that degree injurious to God, and so great a transgressor, that he sought for nothing else every day but how he might be guilty of some new instances of wickedness, and such as should be more detestable than what he had been so insolent as to do before. And so much shall at present suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Rehoboam, And How God Inflicted Punishment Upon Him For His Impiety By Shishak [King Of Egypt]. </i><br>1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who, as we said before, was king of the two tribes, built strong and large cities, Bethlehem, and Etare, and Tekoa, and Bethzur, and Shoco, and Adullam, and Ipan, and Maresha, and Ziph, and Adorlam, and Lachlsh, and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and Hebron; these he built first of all in the tribe of Judah. He also built other large cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled them about, and put garrisons in them all, and captains, and a great deal of corn, and wine, and oil, and he furnished every one of them plentifully with other provisions that were necessary for sustenance; moreover, he put therein shields and spears for many ten thousand men. The priests also that were in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there were any of the multitude that were good and righteous men, they gathered themselves together to him, having left their own cities, that they might worship God in Jerusalem; for they were not willing to be forced to worship the heifers which Jeroboam had made; and they augmented the kingdom of Rehoboam for three years. And after he had married a woman of his own kindred, and had by her three children born to him, he married also another of his own kindred, who was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose name was Maachah, and by her he had a son, whom he named Abijah. He had moreover many other children by other wives, but he loved Maachah above them all. Now he had eighteen legitimate wives, and thirty concubines; and he had born to him twenty-eight sons and threescore daughters; but he appointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah, to be his successor in the kingdom, and intrusted him already with the treasures and the strongest cities.",
+                    "2. Now I cannot but think that the greatness of a kingdom, and its change into prosperity, often become the occasion of mischief and of transgression to men; for when Rehoboam saw that his kingdom was so much increased, he went out of the right way unto unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he despised the worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his wicked actions: for so it usually happens, that the manners of subjects are corrupted at the same time with those of their governors, which subjects then lay aside their own sober way of living, as a reproof of their governors' intemperate courses, and follow their wickedness as if it were virtue; for it is not possible to show that men approve of the actions of their kings, unless they do the same actions with them. Agreeable whereto it now happened to the subjects of Rehoboam; for when he was grown impious, and a transgressor himself, they endeavored not to offend him by resolving still to be righteous. But God sent Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them for their unjust behavior towards him, concerning whom Herodotus was mistaken, and applied his actions to Sesostris; for this Shishak, (26) in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam, made an expedition [into Judea] with many ten thousand men; for he had one thousand two hundred chariots in number that followed him, and threescore thousand horsemen, and four hundred thousand footmen. These he brought with him, and they were the greatest part of them Libyans and Ethiopians. Now therefore when he fell upon the country of the Hebrews, he took the strongest cities of Rehoboam's kingdom without fighting; and when he had put garrisons in them, he came last of all to Jerusalem.",
+                    "3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multitude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem by the means of the army of Shishak, and when they besought God to give them victory and deliverance, they could not persuade God to be on their side. But Shemaiah the prophet told them, that God threatened to forsake them, as they had themselves forsaken his worship. When they heard this, they were immediately in a consternation of mind; and seeing no way of deliverance, they all earnestly set themselves to confess that God might justly overlook them, since they had been guilty of impiety towards him, and had let his laws lie in confusion. So when God saw them in that disposition, and that they acknowledge their sins, he told the prophet that he would not destroy them, but that he would, however, make them servants to the Egyptians, that they may learn whether they will suffer less by serving men or God. So when Shishak had taken the city without fighting, because Rehoboam was afraid, and received him into it, yet did not Shishak stand to the covenants he had made, but he spoiled the temple, and emptied the treasures of God, and those of the king, and carried off innumerable ten thousands of gold and silver, and left nothing at all behind him. He also took away the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which Solomon the king had made; nay, he did not leave the golden quivers which David had taken from the king of Zobah, and had dedicated to God; and when he had thus done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions this expedition, having only mistaken the king's name; and [in saying that] he made war upon many other nations also, and brought Syria of Palestine into subjection, and took the men that were therein prisoners without fighting. Now it is manifest that he intended to declare that our nation was subdued by him; for he saith that he left behind him pillars in the land of those that delivered themselves up to him without fighting, and engraved upon them the secret parts of women. Now our king Rehoboam delivered up our city without fighting. He says withal (27) that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy parts from the Egyptians, with this addition, that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in Palestine confess that they learned it of the Egyptians. Yet it is evident that no other of the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are circumcised. But as to such matters, let every one speak what is agreeable to his own opinion.",
+                    "4. When Shishak was gone away, king Rehoboam made bucklers and shields of brass, instead of those of gold, and delivered the same number of them to the keepers of the king's palace. So, instead of warlike expeditions, and that glory which results from those public actions, he reigned in great quietness, though not without fear, as being always an enemy to Jeroboam, and he died when he had lived fifty-seven years, and reigned seventeen. He was in his disposition a proud and a foolish man, and lost [part of his] dominions by not hearkening to his father's friends. He was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchers of the kings; and his son Abijah succeeded him in the kingdom, and this in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam's reign over the ten tribes; and this was the conclusion of these affairs. It must be now our business to relate the affairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life; for he ceased not nor rested to be injurious to God, but every day raised up altars upon high mountains, and went on making priests out of the multitude."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of A Son Of Jeroboam. How Jeroboam Was Beaten By Abijah Who Died A Little Afterward And Was Succeeded In His Kingdom By Asa. And Also How, After The Death Of Jeroboam Baasha Destroyed His Son Nadab And All The House Of Jeroboam. </i><br>1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam's wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon the heads of all his house. And whereas a son of his lay sick at that time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the garments belonging to a private person, and to go to Ahijah the prophet, for that he was a wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it having been he who told me that I should be king. He also enjoined her, when she came to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she were a stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as her husband bade her, and changed her habit, and came to the city Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live. And as she was going into his house, his eyes being then dim with age, God appeared to him, and informed him of two things; that the wife of Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly, as the woman was coming into the house like a private person and a stranger, he cried out, \"Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam! Why concealest thou thyself? Thou art not concealed from God, who hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and hath given me in command what I shall say to thee.\" So he said that she should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus: \"Since I made thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent the kingdom from the house of David, and gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful of these benefits, hast left off my worship, hast made thee molten gods and honored them, I will in like manner cast thee down again, and will destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the fowls; for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all this people, who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam remaining. The multitude also shall themselves partake of the same punishment, and shall be cast out of this good land, and shall be scattered into the places beyond Euphrates, because they have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have worshipped the gods that he made, and forsaken my sacrifices. But do thou, O woman, make haste back to thy husband, and tell him this message; but thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall depart this life; yet shall he be buried with the lamentation of all the multitude, and honored with a general mourning, for he was the only person of goodness of Jeroboam's family.\" When the prophet had foretold these events, the woman went hastily away with a disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the death of the forenamed child. So she was in lamentation as she went along the road, and mourned for the death of her son, that was just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable condition at the unavoidable misery of his death, and went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate, because of her son: for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner see her son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste on account of her husband. Accordingly, when she was come back, she found that the child had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said; and she related all the circumstances to the king.",
+                    "2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he brought together a very numerous army, and made a warlike expedition against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father in the kingdom of the two tribes; for he despised him because of his age. But when he heard of the expedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of a courageous temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the hopes of his enemy; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and met Jeroboam at a place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched his camp near the other, and prepared everything necessary for the fight. His army consisted of four hundred thousand, but the army of Jeroboam was double to it. Now as the armies stood in array, ready for action and dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and beckoning with his hand, he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence what he had to say. And when silence was made, he began to speak, and told them, - \"God had consented that David and his posterity should be their rulers for all time to come, and this you yourselves are not unacquainted with; but I cannot but wonder how you should forsake my father, and join yourselves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight against those who, by God's own determination, are to reign, and to deprive them of that dominion which they have still retained; for as to the greater part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it. However, I do not suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but when he hath suffered that punishment which God thinks due to him for what is past, he will leave off the transgressions he hath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath offered to him, and which he hath still continued to offer and hath persuaded you to do the same: yet when you were not any further unjustly treated by my father, than that he did not speak to you so as to please you, and this only in compliance with the advice of wicked men, you in anger forsook him, as you pretended, but, in reality, you withdrew yourselves from God, and from his laws, although it had been right for you to have forgiven a man that was young in age, and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words, but if his youth and unskilfulness in affairs had led him into some unfortunate actions, and that for the sake of his father Solomon, and the benefits you received from him; for men ought to excuse the sins of posterity on account of the benefactions of parent; but you considered nothing of all this then, neither do you consider it now, but come with so great an army against us. And what is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon these golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places, which are demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious worship? Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army which gives you such good hopes? Yet certainly there is no strength at all in an army of many ten thousands, when the war is unjust; for we ought to place our surest hopes of success against our enemies in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which hope we justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of corruptible matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude; but who is his own workmanship, (28) and the beginning and end of all things. I therefore give you counsel even now to repent, and to take better advice, and to leave off the prosecution of the war; to call to mind the laws of your country, and to reflect what it hath been that hath advanced you to so happy a state as you are now in.\"",
+                    "3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But while he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers privately to encompass Abijab round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thus within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed by the enemy. So they all at once implored the Divine assistance, while the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they made a shout, and fell upon their enemies, and God brake the courage and cast down the force of their enemies, and made Ahijah's army superior to them; for God vouchsafed to grant them a wonderful and very famous victory; and such a slaughter was now made of Jeroboam's army (29) as is never recorded to have happened in any other war, whether it were of the Greeks or of the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five hundred thousand of their enemies, and they took their strongest cities by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. And after this defeat Jeroboam never recovered himself during the life of Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he reigned but three years, and was buried in Jerusalem in the sepulchers of his forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons, and sixteen daughters; and he had also those children by fourteen wives; and Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man's mother was Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten years.",
+                    "4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his history hath come down to us. But Jeroboam, the king of the ten tribes, died when he had governed them two and twenty years; whose son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's son governed two years, and resembled his father in impiety and wickedness. In these two years he made an expedition against Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he was conspired against while he was there by a friend of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of Ahijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the kingdom after the other's death, and destroyed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also came to pass, according as God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died in the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs, and that others of them that died in the fields were torn and devoured by the fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment of his impiety, and of his wicked actions."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Zerah, King Of The Ethiopians, Was Beaten By Asa; And How Asa, Upon Baasha's Making War Against Him, Invited The King Of The Damascens To Assist Him; And How, On The Destruction Of The House Of Baasha Zimri Got The Kingdom As Did His Son Ahab After Him. </i><br>1. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was of an excellent character, and had a regard to God, and neither did nor designed any thing but what had relation to the observation of the laws. He made a reformation of his kingdom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked therein, and purified it from every impurity. Now he had an army of chosen men that were armed with targets and spears; out of the tribe of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of the tribe of Benjamin, that bore shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty thousand. But when he had already reigned ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia, (30) made an expedition against him, with a great army, of nine hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand horsemen, and three hundred chariots, and came as far as Mareshah, a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah. Now when Zerah had passed so far with his own army, Asa met him, and put his army in array over against him, in a valley called Zephathah, not far from the city; and when he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he cried out, and besought God to give him the victory, and that he might kill many ten thousands of the enemy: \"For,\" said he, (31) \"I depend on nothing else but that assistance which I expect from thee, which is able to make the fewer superior to the more numerous, and the weaker to the stronger; and thence it is alone that I venture to meet Zerah, and fight him.\"",
+                    "2. While Asa was saying this, God gave him a signal of victory, and joining battle cheerfully on account of what God had foretold about it, he slew a great many of the Ethiopians; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them to the country of Gerar; and when they left off killing their enemies, they betook themselves to spoiling them, (for the city Gerar was already taken,) and to spoiling their camp, so that they carried off much gold, and much silver, and a great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accordingly, when Asa and his army had obtained such a victory, and such wealth from God, they returned to Jerusalem. Now as they were coming, a prophet, whose name was Azariah, met them on the road, and bade them stop their journey a little; and began to say to them thus: That the reason why they had obtained this victory from God was this, that they had showed themselves righteous and religious men, and had done every thing according to the will of God; that therefore, he said, if they persevered therein, God would grant that they should always overcome their enemies, and live happily; but that if they left off his worship, all things shall fall out on the contrary; and a time should come, wherein no true prophet shall be left in your whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deliver you a true answer from the oracle; but your cities shall be overthrown, and your nation scattered over the whole earth, and live the life of strangers and wanderers. So he advised them, while they had time, to be good, and not to deprive themselves of the favor of God. When the king and the people heard this, they rejoiced; and all in common, and every one in particular, took great care to behave themselves righteously. The king also sent some to take care that those in the country should observe the laws also.",
+                    "3. And this was the state of Asa, king of the two tribes. I now return to Baasha, the king of the multitude of the Israelites, who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and retained the government. He dwelt in the city Tirzah, having made that his habitation, and reigned twenty-four years. He became more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or his son. He did a great deal of mischief to the multitude, and was injurious to God, who sent the prophet Jehu, and told him beforehand that his whole family should be destroyed, and that he would bring the same miseries on his house which had brought that of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had been made king by him, he had not requited his kindness, by governing the multitude righteously and religiously; which things, in the first place, tended to their own happiness, and, in the next place, were pleasing to God: that he had imitated this very wicked king Jeroboam; and although that man's soul had perished, yet did he express to the life his wickedness; and he said that he should therefore justly experience the like calamity with him, since he had been guilty of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though he heard beforehand what miseries would befall him and his whole family for their insolent behavior, yet did not he leave off his wicked practices for the time to come, nor did he care to appear other than worse and worse till he died; nor did he then repent of his past actions, nor endeavor to obtain pardon of God for them, but did as those do who have rewards proposed to them, when they have once in earnest set about their work, they do not leave off their labors; for thus did Baasha, when the prophet foretold to him what would come to pass, grow worse, as if what were threatened, the perdition of his family, and the destruction of his house, (which are really among the greatest of evils,) were good things; and, as if he were a combatant for wickedness, he every day took more and more pains for it: and at last he took his army and assaulted a certain considerable city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; and when he had taken it, he fortified it, having determined beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they might thence make excursions, and do mischief to the kingdom of Asa.",
+                    "4. Whereupon Asa was afraid of the attempts the enemy might make upon him; and considering with himself how many mischiefs this army that was left in Ramah might do to the country over which he reigned, he sent ambassadors to the king of the Damascenes, with gold and silver, desiring his assistance, and putting him in mind that we have had a friendship together from the times of our forefathers. So he gladly received that sum of money, and made a league with him, and broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and sent the commanders of his own forces unto the cities that were under Baasha's dominion, and ordered them to do them mischief. So they went and burnt some of them, and spoiled others; Ijon, and Dan, and Abelmain (32) and many others. Now when the king of Israel heard this, he left off building and fortifying Ramah, and returned presently to assist his own people under the distresses they were in; but Asa made use of the materials that were prepared for building that city, for building in the same place two strong cities, the one of which was called Geba, and the other Mizpah; so that after this Baasha had no leisure to make expeditions against Asa, for he was prevented by death, and was buried in the city Tirzah; and Elah his son took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when he was at Arza, his steward's house, he persuaded some of the horsemen that were under him to assault Elah, and by that means he slew him when he was without his armed men and his captains, for they were all busied in the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines.",
+                    "5. When Zimri, the captain of the army, had killed Elah, he took the kingdom himself, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew all the house of Baasha; for it came to pass that Baasha's house utterly perished, on account of his impiety, in the same manner as we have already described the destruction of the house of Jeroboam. But the army that was besieging. Gibbethon, when they heard what had befallen the king, and that when Zimri had killed him, he had gained the kingdom, they made Omri their general king, who drew off his army from Gibbethon, and came to Tirzah, where the royal palace was, and assaulted the city, and took it by force. But when Zimri saw that the city had none to defend it, he fled into the inmost part of the palace, and set it on fire, and burnt himself with it, when he had reigned only seven days. Upon which the people of Israel were presently divided, and part of them would have Tibni to be king, and part Omri; but when those that were for Omri's ruling had beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over all the multitude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of the reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve years; six of these years he reigned in the city Tirzah, and the rest in the city called Semareon, but named by the Greeks Samaria; but he himself called it Semareon, from Semer, who sold him the mountain whereon he built it. Now Omri was no way different from those kings that reigned before him, but that he grew worse than they, for they all sought how they might turn the people away from God by their daily wicked practices; and oil that account it was that God made one of them to be slain by another, and that no one person of their families should remain. This Omri also died in Samaria and Ahab his son succeeded him.",
+                    "6. Now by these events we may learn what concern God hath for the affairs of mankind, and how he loves good men, and hates the wicked, and destroys them root and branch; for many of these kings of Israel, they and their families, were miserably destroyed, and taken away one by another, in a short time, for their transgression and wickedness; but Asa, who was king of Jerusalem, and of the two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a long and a blessed old age, for his piety and righteousness, and died happily, when he had reigned forty and one years; and when he was dead, his son Jehoshaphat succeeded him in the government. He was born of Asa's wife Azubah. And all men allowed that he followed the works of David his forefather, and this both in courage and piety; but we are not obliged now to speak any more of the affairs of this king."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ahab WHen He Had Taken Jezebel To Wife Became More Wicked Than All The Kings That Had Been Before Him; Of The Actions Of The Prophet Elijah, And What Befell Naboth. </i><br>1. Now Ahab the king of Israel dwelt in Samaria, and held the government for twenty-two years; and made no alteration in the conduct of the kings that were his predecessors, but only in such things as were of his own invention for the worse, and in his most gross wickedness. He imitated them in their wicked courses, and in their injurious behavior towards God, and more especially he imitated the transgression of Jeroboam; for he worshipped the heifers that he had made; and he contrived other absurd objects of worship besides those heifers: he also took to wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jezebel, of whom he learned to worship her own gods. This woman was active and bold, and fell into so great a degree of impurity and madness, that she built a temple to the god of the Tyrians, Which they call Belus, and planted a grove of all sorts of trees; she also appointed priests and false prophets to this god. The king also himself had many such about him, and so exceeded in madness and wickedness all [the kings] that went before him.",
+                    "2. There was now a prophet of God Almighty, of Thesbon, a country in Gilead, that came to Ahab, and said to him, that God foretold he would not send rain nor dew in those years upon the country but when he should appear. And when he had confirmed this by an oath, he departed into the southern parts, and made his abode by a brook, out of which he had water to drink; for as for his food, ravens brought it to him every day: but when that river was dried up for want of rain, he came to Zarephath, a city not far from Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the command of God, for [God told him] that he should there find a woman who was a widow that should give him sustenance. So when he was not far off the city, he saw a woman that labored with her own hands, gathering of sticks: so God informed him that this was the woman who was to give him sustenance. So he came and saluted her, and desired her to bring him some water to drink; but as she was going so to do, he called to her, and would have her to bring him a loaf of bread also; whereupon she affirmed upon oath that she had at home nothing more than one handful of meal, and a little oil, and that she was going to gather some sticks, that she might knead it, and make bread for herself and her son; after which, she said, they must perish, and be consumed by the famine, for they had nothing for themselves any longer. Hereupon he said, \"Go on with good courage, and hope for better things; and first of all make me a little cake, and bring it to me, for I foretell to thee that this vessel of meal and this cruse of oil shall not fail until God send rain.\" When the prophet had said this, she came to him, and made him the before-named cake; of which she had part for herself, and gave the rest to her son, and to the prophet also; nor did any thing of this fall until the drought ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought in his account of the acts of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians; where he says thus: \"Under him there was a want of rain from the month Hyperberetmus till the month Hyperberetmus of the year following; but when he made supplications, there came great thunders. This Ethbaal built the city Botrys in Phoenicia, and the city Auza in Libya.\" By these words he designed the want of rain that was in the days of Ahab, for at that time it was that Ethbaal also reigned over the Tyrians, as Menander informs us.",
+                    "3. Now this woman, of whom we spake before, that sustained the prophet, when her son was fallen into a distemper till he gave up the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came to the prophet weeping, and beating her breasts with her hands, and sending out such expressions as her passions dictated to her, and complained to him that he had come to her to reproach her for her sins, and that on this account it was that her son was dead. But he bid her be of good cheer, and deliver her son to him, for that he would deliver him again to her alive. So when she had delivered her son up to him, he carried him into an upper room, where he himself lodged, and laid him down upon the bed, and cried unto God, and said, that God had not done well, in rewarding the woman who had entertained him and sustained him, by taking away her son; and he prayed that he would send again the soul of the child into him, and bring him to life again. Accordingly God took pity on the mother, and was willing to gratify the prophet, that he might not seem to have come to her to do her a mischief, and the child, beyond all expectation, came to life again. So the mother returned the prophet thanks, and said she was then clearly satisfied that God did converse with him.",
+                    "4. After a little while Elijah came to king Ahab, according to God's will, to inform him that rain was coming. Now the famine had seized upon the whole country, and there was a great want of what was necessary for sustenance, insomuch that it was after the recovery of the widow's son of Sarepta, God sent not only men that wanted it, but the earth itself also, which did not produce enough for the horse and the other beasts of what was useful for them to feed on, by reason of the drought. So the king called for Obadiah, who was steward over his cattle, and said to him, that he would have him go to the fountains of water, and to the brooks, that if any herbs could be found for them, they might mow it down, and reserve it for the beasts. And when he had sent persons all over the habitable earth (33) to discover the prophet Elijah, and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah accompany him. So it was resolved they should make a progress, and divide the ways between them; and Obadiah took one road, and the king another. Now it happened that the same time when queen Jezebel slew the prophets, that this Obadiah had hidden a hundred prophets, and had fed them with nothing but bread and water. But when Obadiah was alone, and absent from the king, the prophet Elijah met him; and Obadiah asked him who he was; and when he had learned it from him, he worshipped him. Elijah then bid him go to the king, and tell him that I am here ready to wait on him. But Obadiah replied, \"What evil have I done to thee, that thou sendest me to one who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over all the earth for thee? Or was he so ignorant as not to know that the king had left no place untouched unto which he had not sent persons to bring him back, in order, if they could take him, to have him put to death?\" For he told him he was afraid lest God should appear to him again, and he should go away into another place; and that when the king should send him for Elijah, and he should miss of him, and not be able to find him any where upon earth, he should be put to death. He desired him therefore to take care of his preservation; and told him how diligently he had provided for those of his own profession, and had saved a hundred prophets, when Jezebel slew the rest of them, and had kept them concealed, and that they had been sustained by him. But Elijah bade him fear nothing, but go to the king; and he assured him upon oath that he would certainly show himself to Ahab that very day.",
+                    "5. So when Obadiah had informed the king that Elijah was there, Ahab met him, and asked him, in anger, if he were the man that afflicted the people of the Hebrews, and was the occasion of the drought they lay under? But Elijah, without any flattery, said that he was himself the man, he and his house, which brought such sad afflictions upon them, and that by introducing strange gods into their country, and worshipping them, and by leaving their own, who was the only true God, and having no manner of regard to him. However, he bade him go his way, and gather together all the people to him to Mount Carmel, with his own prophets, and those of his wife, telling him how many there were of them, as also the prophets of the groves, about four hundred in number. And as all the men whom Ahab sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain, the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them, and said, \"How long will you live thus in uncertainty of mind and opinion?\" He also exhorted them, that in case they esteemed their own country God to be the true and the only God, they would follow him and his commandments; but in case they esteemed him to be nothing, but had an opinion of the strange gods, and that they ought to worship them, his counsel was, that they should follow them. And when the multitude made no answer to what he said, Elijah desired that, for a trial of the power of the strange gods, and of their own God, he, who was his only prophet, while they had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill it as a sacrifice, and lay it upon pieces of wood, and not kindle any fire, and that they should do the same things, and call upon their own gods to set the wood on fire; for if that were done, they would thence learn the nature of the true God. This proposal pleased the people. So Elijah bade the prophets to choose out a heifer first, and kill it, and to call on their gods. But when there appeared no effect of the prayer or invocation of the prophets upon their sacrifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them call upon their gods with a loud voice, for they might either be on a journey, or asleep; and when these prophets had done so from morning till noon, and cut themselves with swords and lances, (34) according to the customs of their country, and he was about to offer his sacrifice, he bade [the prophets] go away, but bade [the people] come near and observe what he did, lest he should privately hide fire among the pieces of wood. So, upon the approach of the multitude, he took twelve stones, one for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews, and built an altar with them, and dug a very deep trench; and when he had laid the pieces of wood upon the altar, and upon them had laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered them to fill four barrels with the water of the fountain, and to pour it upon the altar, till it ran over it, and till the trench was filled with the water poured into it. When he had done this, he began to pray to God, and to invocate him to make manifest his power to a people that had already been in an error a long time; upon which words a fire came on a sudden from heaven in the sight of the multitude, and fell upon the altar, and consumed the sacrifice, till the very water was set on fire, and the place was become dry.",
+                    "6. Now when the Israelites saw this, they fell down upon the ground, and worshipped one God, and called him The great and the only true God; but they called the others mere names, framed by the evil and vile opinions of men. So they caught their prophets, and, at the command of Elijah, slew them. Elijah also said to the king, that he should go to dinner without any further concern, for that in a little time he would see God send them rain. Accordingly Ahab went his way. But Elijah went up to the highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down upon the ground, and leaned his head upon his knees, and bade his servant go up to a certain elevated place, and look towards the sea, and when he should see a cloud rising any where, he should give him notice of it, for till that time the air had been clear. When the Servant had gone up, and had said many times that he saw nothing, at the seventh time of his going up, he said that he saw a small black thing in the sky, not larger than a man's foot. When Elijah heard that, he sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to the city before the rain came down. So he came to the city Jezreel; and in a little time the air was all obscured, and covered with clouds, and a vehement storm of wind came upon the earth, and with it a great deal of rain; and the prophet was under a Divine fury, and ran along with the king's chariot unto Jezreel a city of Izar (35) [Issaachar].",
+                    "7. When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, understood what signs Elijah had wrought, and how he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and sent messengers to him, and by them threatened to kill him, as he had destroyed her prophets. At this Elijah was affrighted, and fled to the city called Beersheba, which is situate at the utmost limits of the country belonging to the tribe of Judah, towards the land of Edom; and there he left his servant, and went away into the desert. He prayed also that he might die, for that he was not better than his fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live, when they were dead; and he lay and slept under a certain tree; and when somebody awakened him, and he was risen up, he found food set by him and water: so when he had eaten, and recovered his strength by that his food, he came to that mountain which is called Sinai, where it is related that Moses received his laws from God; and finding there a certain hollow cave, he entered into it, and continued to make his abode in it. But when a certain voice came to him, but from whence he knew not, and asked him, why he was come thither, and had left the city? he said, that because he had slain the prophets of the foreign gods, and had persuaded the people that he alone whom they had worshipped from the beginning was God, he was sought for by the king's wife to be punished for so doing. And when he had heard another voice, telling him that he should come out the next day into the open air, and should thereby know what he was to do, he came out of the cave the next day accordingly, When he both heard an earthquake, and saw the bright splendor of a fire; and after a silence made, a Divine voice exhorted him not to be disturbed with the circumstances he was in, for that none of his enemies should have power over him. The voice also commanded him to return home, and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be king over their own multitude; and Hazael, of Damascus, to be over the Syrians; and Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in his stead; and that of the impious multitude, some should be slain by Hazael, and others by Jehu. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge, returned into the land of the Hebrews. And when he found Elisha, the son of Shaphat, ploughing, and certain others with him, driving twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and cast his own garment upon him; upon which Elisha began to prophesy presently, and leaving his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when he desired leave to salute his parents, Elijah gave him leave so to do; and when he had taken his leave of them, he followed him, and became the disciple and the servant of Elijah all the days of his life. And thus have I despatched the affairs in which this prophet was concerned.",
+                    "8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city Izar, [Jezreel,] who had a field adjoining to that of the king: the king would have persuaded him to sell him that his field, which lay so near to his own lands, at what price he pleased, that he might join them together, and make them one farm; and if he would not accept of money for it, he gave him leave to choose any of his other fi elds in its stead. But Naboth said he would not do so, but would keep the possession of that land of his own, which he had by inheritance from his father. Upon this the king was grieved, as if he had received an injury, when he could not get another man's possession, and he would neither wash himself, nor take any food: and when Jezebel asked him what it was that troubled him, and why he would neither wash himself, nor eat either dinner or supper, he related to her the perverseness of Naboth, and how, when he had made use of gentle words to him, and such as were beneath the royal authority, he had been affronted, and had not obtained what he desired. However, she persuaded him not to be cast down at this accident, but to leave off his grief, and return to the usual care of his body, for that she would take care to have Naboth punished; and she immediately sent letters to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in Ahab's name, and commanded them to fast and to assemble a congregation, and to set Naboth at the head of them, because he was of an illustrious family, and to have three bold men ready to bear witness that he had blasphemed God and the king, and then to stone him, and slay him in that manner. Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus testified against, as the queen had written to them, that he had blasphemed against God and Ahab the king, she desired him to take possession of Naboth's vineyard on free cost. So Ahab was glad at what had been done, and rose up immediately from the bed whereon he lay to go to see Naboth's vineyard; but God had great indignation at it, and sent Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to speak to Ahab, and to say to him, that he had slain the true owner of that field unjustly. And as soon as he came to him, and the king had said that he might do with him what he pleased, (for he thought it a reproach to him to be thus caught in his sin,) Elijah said, that in that very place in which the dead body of Naboth was eaten by dogs both his own blood and that of his wife's should be shed, and that all his family should perish, because he had been so insolently wicked, and had slain a citizen unjustly, and contrary to the laws of his country. Hereupon Ahab began to be sorry for the things he had done, and to repent of them; and he put on sackcloth, and went barefoot (36) and would not touch any food; he also confessed his sins, and endeavored thus to appease God. But God said to the prophet, that while Ahab was living he would put off the punishment of his family, because he repented of those insolent crimes he had been guilty of, but that still he would fulfill his threatening under Ahab's son; which message the prophet delivered to the king."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hadad King Of Damascus And Of Syria, Made Two Expeditions Against Ahab And Was Beaten. </i><br>1. When the affairs of Ahab were thus, at that very time the son of Hadad, [Benhadad,] who was king of the Syrians and of Damascus, got together an army out of all his country, and procured thirty-two kings beyond Euphrates to be his auxiliaries: so he made an expedition against Ahab; but because Ahab's army was not like that of Benhadad, he did not set it in array to fight him, but having shut up every thing that was in the country in the strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria himself, for the walls about it were very strong, and it appeared to be not easily to be taken in other respects also. So the king of Syria took his army with him, and came to Samaria, and placed his army round about the city, and besieged it. He also sent a herald to Ahab, and desired he would admit the ambassadors he would send him, by whom he would let him know his pleasure. So, upon the king of Israel's permission for him to send, those ambassador's came, and by their king's command spake thus: That Ahab's riches, and his children, and his wives were Benhadad's, and if he would make an agreement, and give him leave to take as much of what he had as he pleased, he would withdraw his army, and leave off the siege. Upon this Ahab bade the ambassadors to go back, and tell their king, that both he himself and all that he hath are his possessions. And when these ambassadors had told this to Benhadad, he sent to him again, and desired, since he confessed that all he had was his, that he would admit those servants of his which he should send the next day; and he commanded him to deliver to those whom he should send whatsoever, upon their searching his palace, and the houses of his friends and kindred, they should find to be excellent in its kind, but that what did not please them they should leave to him. At this second embassage of the king of Syria, Ahab was surprised, and gathered together the multitude to a congregation, and told them that, for himself, he was ready, for their safety and peace, to give up his own wives and children to the enemy, and to yield to him all his own possessions, for that was what the Syrian king required at his first embassage; but that now he desires to send his servants to search all their houses, and in them to leave nothing that is excellent in its kind, seeking an occasion of fighting against him, \"as knowing that I would not spare what is mine own for your sakes, but taking a handle from the disagreeable terms he offers concerning you to bring a war upon us; however, I will do what you shall resolve is fit to be done.\" But the multitude advised him to hearken to none of his proposals, but to despise him, and be in readiness to fight him. Accordingly, when he had given the ambassadors this answer to be reported, that he still continued in the mind to comply with what terms he at first desired, for the safety of the citizens; but as for his second desires, he cannot submit to them, - he dismissed them.",
+                    "2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had indignation, and sent ambassadors to Ahab the third time, and threatened that his army would raise a bank higher than those walls, in confidence of whose strength he despised him, and that by only each man of his army taking a handful of earth; hereby making a show of the great number of his army, and aiming to affright him. Ahab answered, that he ought not to vaunt himself when he had only put on his armor, but when he should have conquered his enemies in the battle. So the ambassadors came back, and found the king at supper with his thirty-two kings, and informed him of Ahab's answer; who then immediately gave order for proceeding thus: To make lines round the city, and raise a bulwark, and to prosecute the siege all manner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab was in a great agony, and all his people with him; but he took courage, and was freed from his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to him, and saying to him, that God had promised to subdue so many ten thousands of his enemies under him. And when he inquired by whose means the victory was to be obtained, he said,\" By the sons of the princes; but under thy conduct as their leader, by reason of their unskilfulness [in war].\" Upon which he called for the sons of the princes, and found them to be two hundred and thirty-two persons. So when he was informed that the king of Syria had betaken himself to feasting and repose, he opened the gates, and sent out the princes' sons. Now when the sentinels told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet them, and commanded them, that if these men were come out for fighting, they should bind them, and bring them to him; and that if they came out peaceably, they should do the same. Now Ahab had another army ready within the walls, but the sons of the princes fell upon the out-guard, and slew many of them, and pursued the rest of them to the camp; and when the king of Israel saw that these had the upper hand, he sent out all the rest of his army, which, falling suddenly upon the Syrians, beat them, for they did not think they would have come out; on which account it was that they assaulted them when they were naked (37) and drunk, insomuch that they left all their armor behind them when they fled out of the camp, and the king himself escaped with difficulty, by fleeing away on horseback. But Ahab went a great way in pursuit of the Syrians; and when he had spoiled their camp, which contained a great deal of wealth, and moreover a large quantity of gold and silver, he took Benhadad's chariots and horses, and returned to the city; but as the prophet told him he ought to have his army ready, because the Syrian king would make another expedition against him the next year, Ahab was busy in making provision for it accordingly.",
+                    "3. Now Benhadad, when he had saved himself, and as much of his army as he could, out of the battle, he consulted with his friends how he might make another expedition against the Israelites. Now those friends advised him not to fight with them on the hills, because their God was potent in such places, and thence it had come to pass that they had very lately been beaten; but they said, that if they joined battle with them in the plain, they should beat them. They also gave him this further advice, to send home those kings whom he had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain their army, and to set captains over it instead of the kings, and to raise an army out of their country, and let them be in the place of the former who perished in the battle, together with horses and chariots. So he judged their counsel to be good, and acted according to it in the management of the army.",
+                    "4. At the beginning of the spring, Benhadad took his army with him, and led it against the Hebrews; and when he was come to a certain city which was called Aphek, he pitched his camp in the great plain. Ahab also went to meet him with his army, and pitched his camp over against him, although his army was a very small one, if it were compared with the enemy's; but the prophet came again to him, and told him, that God would give him the victory, that he might demonstrate his own power to be, not only on the mountains, but on the plains also; which it seems was contrary to the opinion of the Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp seven days; but on the last of those days, when the enemies came out of their camp, and put themselves in array in order to fight, Ahab also brought out his own army; and when the battle was joined, and they fought valiantly, he put the enemy to flight, and pursued them, and pressed upon them, and slew them; nay, they were destroyed by their own chariots, and by one another; nor could any more than a few of them escape to their own city Aphek, who were also killed by the walls falling upon them, being in number twenty-seven thousand. (38) Now there were slain in this battle a hundred thousand more; but Benhadad, the king of the Syrians, fled away, with certain others of his most faithful servants, and hid himself in a cellar under ground; and when these told him that the kings of Israel were humane and merciful men, and that they might make use of the usual manner of supplication, and obtain deliverance from Ahab, in case he would give them leave to go to him, he gave them leave accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed in sackcloth, with ropes about their heads, (for this was the ancient manner of supplication among the Syrians,) (39) and said, that Benhadad desired he would save him, and that he would ever be a servant to him for that favor. Ahab replied he was glad that he was alive, and not hurt in the battle; and he further promised him the same honor and kindness that a man would show to his brother. So they received assurances upon oath from him, that when he came to him he should receive no harm from him, and then went and brought him out of the cellar wherein he was hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in his chariot. So Benhadad worshipped him; and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him come up to him into his chariot, and kissed him, and bid him be of good cheer, and not to expect that any mischief should be done to him. So Benhadad returned him thanks, and professed that he would remember his kindness to him all the days of his life; and promised he would restore those cities of the Israelites which the former kings had taken from them, and grant that he should have leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed their covenant by oaths, and Ahab made him many presents, and sent him back to his own kingdom. And this was the conclusion of the war that Benhadad made against Ahab and the Israelites.",
+                    "5. But a certain prophet, whose name was Micaiah, (40) came to one of the Israelites, and bid him smite him on the head, for by so doing he would please God; but when he would not do so, he foretold to him, that since he disobeyed the commands of God, he should meet with a lion, and be destroyed by him. When that sad accident had befallen the man, the prophet came again to another, and gave him the same injunction; so he smote him, and wounded his skull; upon which he bound up his head, and came to the king, and told him that he had been a soldier of his, and had the custody of one of the prisoners committed to him by an officer, and that the prisoner being run away, he was in danger of losing his own life by the means of that officer, who had threatened him, that if the prisoner escaped he would kill him. And when Ahab had said that he would justly die, he took off the binding about his head, and was known by the king to be Micaiah the prophet, who made use of this artifice as a prelude to his following words; for he said that God would punish him who had suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him, to escape punishment; and that he would so bring it about, that he should die by the other's means (41) and his people by the other's army. Upon which Ahab was very angry at the prophet, and gave commandment that he should be put in prison, and there kept; but for himself, he was in confusion at the words of Micaiah, and returned to his own house."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jehoshaphat The King Of Jerusalem And How Ahab Made An Expedition Against The Syrians And Was Assisted Therein By Jehoshaphat, But Was Himself Overcome In Battle And Perished Therein. </i><br>1. And these were the circumstances in which Ahab was. But I now return to Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when he had augmented his kingdom, had set garrisons in the cities of the countries belonging to his subjects, and had put such garrisons no less into those cities which were taken out of the tribe of Ephraim by his grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned over the ten tribes [than he did into the other]. But then he had God favorable and assisting to him, as being both righteous and religious, and seeking to do somewhat every day that should be agreeable and acceptable to God. The kings also that were round about him honored him with the presents they made him, till the riches that he had acquired were immensely great, and the glory he had gained was of a most exalted nature.",
+                    "2. Now, in the third year of this reign, he called together the rulers of the country, and the priests, and commanded them to go round the land, and teach all the people that were under him, city by city, the laws of Moses, and to keep them, and to be diligent in the worship of God. With this the whole multitude was so pleased, that they were not so eagerly set upon or affected with any thing so much as the observation of the laws. The neighboring nations also continued to love Jehoshaphat, and to be at peace with him. The Philistines paid their appointed tribute, and the Arabians supplied him every year with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as many kids of the goats. He also fortified the great cities, which were many in number, and of great consequence. He prepared also a mighty army of soldiers and weapons against their enemies. Now the army of men that wore their armor, was three hundred thousand of the tribe of Judah, of whom Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of two hundred thousand. The same man was chief of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hundred thousand archers under him. There was another chief, whose name was Jehozabad, who had a hundred and fourscore thousand armed men. This multitude was distributed to be ready for the king's service, besides those whom he sent to the best fortified cities.",
+                    "3. Jehoshaphat took for his son Jehoram to wife the daughter of Ahab, the king of the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah. And when, after some time, he went to Samaria, Ahab received him courteously, and treated the army that followed him in a splendid manner, with great plenty of corn and wine, and of slain beasts; and desired that he would join with him in his war against the king of Syria, that he might recover from him the city Ramoth, in Gilead; for though it had belonged to his father, yet had the king of Syria's father taken it away from him; and upon Jehoshaphat's promise to afford him his assistance, (for indeed his army was not inferior to the other,) and his sending for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the two kings went out of the city, and each of them sat on his own throne, and each gave their orders to their several armies. Now Jehoshaphat bid them call some of the prophets, if there were any there, and inquire of them concerning this expedition against the king of Syria, whether they would give them counsel to make that expedition at this time, for there was peace at that time between Ahab and the king of Syria, which had lasted three years, from the time he had taken him captive till that day.",
+                    "4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being in number about four hundred, and bid them inquire of God whether he would grant him the victory, if he made an expedition against Benhadad, and enable him to overthrow that city, for whose sake it was that he was going to war. Now these prophets gave their counsel for making this expedition, and said that he would beat the king of Syria, and, as formerly, would reduce him under his power. But Jehoshaphat, understanding by their words that they were false prophets, asked Ahab whether there were not some other prophet, and he belonging to the true God, that we may have surer information concerning futurities. Hereupon Ahab said there was indeed such a one, but that he hated him, as having prophesied evil to him, and having foretold that he should be overcome and slain by the king of Syria, and that for this cause he had him now in prison, and that his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah. But upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch, who brought Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had informed him by the way, that all the other prophets had foretold that the king should gain the victory; but he said, that it was not lawful for him to lie against God, but that he must speak what he should say to him about the king, whatsoever it were. When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured him upon oath to speak the truth to him, he said that God had shown to him the Israelites running away, and pursued by the Syrians, and dispersed upon the mountains by them, as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their shepherd is slain. He said further, that God signified to him, that those Israelites should return in peace to their own home, and that he only should fall in the battle. When Micaiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, \"I told thee a little while ago the disposition of the man with regard to me, and that he uses to prophesy evil to me.\" Upon which Micaiah replied, that he ought to hear all, whatsoever it be, that God foretells; and that in particular, they were false prophets that encouraged him to make this war in hope of victory, whereas he must fight and be killed. Whereupon the king was in suspense with himself: but Zedekiah, one of those false prophets, came near, and exhorted him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not at all speak truth; as a demonstration of which he instanced in what Elijah had said, who was a better prophet in foretelling futurities than Micaiah (42) for he foretold that the dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jezreel, in the field of Naboth, as they licked the blood of Naboth, who by his means was there stoned to death by the multitude; that therefore it was plain that this Micaiah was a liar, as contradicting a greater prophet than himself, and saying that he should be slain at three days' journey distance: \"and [said he] you shall soon know whether he be a true prophet, and hath the power of the Divine Spirit; for I will smite him, and let him then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand of Jeroboam the king to wither when he would have caught him; for I suppose thou hast certainly heard of that accident.\" So when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm happened to him, Ahab took courage, and readily led his army against the king of Syria; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for him, and made him believe that the false prophets spake truer than the true one, that it might take an occasion of bringing him to his end. However, Zedekiah made horns of iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those horns signals, that by them he should overthrow all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that Zedekiah, in a few days, should go from one secret chamber to another to hide himself, that he might escape the punishment of his lying. Then did the king give orders that they should take Micaiah away, and guard him to Amon, the governor of the city, and to give him nothing but bread and water.",
+                    "5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem, take their forces, and marched to Ramoth a city of Gilead; and when the king of Syria heard of this expedition, he brought out his army to oppose them, and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth. Now Ahalx and Jehoshaphat had agreed that Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but that the king of Jerusalem should put on his [Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the army, in order to disprove, by this artifice, what Micaiah had foretold. (43) But Ahab's fate found him out without his robes; for Benhadad, the king of Assyria, had charged his army, by the means of their commanders, to kill nobody else but only the king of Israel. So when the Syrians, upon their joining battle with the Israelites, saw Jehoshaphat stand before the army, and conjectured that he was Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and encompassed him round; but when they were near, and knew that it was not he, they all returned back; and while the fight lasted from the morning till late in the evening, and the Syrians were conquerors, they killed nobody, as their king had commanded them. And when they sought to kill Ahab alone, but could not find him, there was a young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad, whose name was Naaman; he drew his bow against the enemy, and wounded the king through his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon this Ahab resolved not to make his mischance known to his army, lest they should run away; but he bid the driver of his chariot to turn it back, and carry him out of the battle, because he was sorely and mortally wounded. However, he sat in his chariot and endured the pain till sunset, and then he fainted away and died.",
+                    "6. And now the Syrian army, upon the coming on of the night, retired to their camp; and when the herald belonging to the camp notice that Ahab was dead, they returned home; and they took the dead body of Ahab to Samaria, and buried it there; but when they had washed his chariot in the fountain of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead body of the king, they acknowledged that the prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs licked his blood, and the harlots continued afterwards to wash themselves in that fountain; but still he died at Ramoth, as Micaiah had foretold. And as what things were foretold should happen to Ahab by the two prophets came to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of God, and every where to honor and worship him, and never to suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy of belief before what is true, and to esteem nothing more advantageous than the gift of prophecy (44) and that foreknowledge of future events which is derived from it, since God shows men thereby what we ought to avoid. We may also guess, from what happened to this king, and have reason to consider the power of fate; that there is no way of avoiding it, even when we know it. It creeps upon human souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the place where it will be too hard for them. Accordingly Ahab appears to have been deceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that foretold his defeat; but, by giving credit to such as foretold what was grateful to him, was slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jehoshaphat Again; How He Constituted Judges And, By God's Assistance Overcame His Enemies. </i><br>1. When Jehoshaphat the king was come to Jerusalem, from the assistance he had afforded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he fought with Benhadad, king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him, and accused him for assisting Ahab, a man both impious and wicked; and said to him, that God was displeased with him for so doing, but that he delivered him from the enemy, notwithstanding he had sinned, because of his own proper disposition, which was good. Whereupon the king betook himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices to God; after which he presently went over all that country which he ruled round about, and taught the people, as well the laws which God gave them by Moses, as that religious worship that was due to him. He also constituted judges in every one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have regard to nothing so much in judging the multitude as to do justice, and not to be moved by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either their riches or their high birth, but to distribute justice equally to all, as knowing that God is conscious of every secret action of theirs. When he had himself instructed them thus, and gone over every city of the two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. He there also constituted judges out of the priests and the Levites, and principal persons of the multitude, and admonished them to pass all their sentences with care and justice (1) And that if any of the people of his country had differences of great consequence, they should send them out of the other cities to these judges, who would be obliged to give righteous sentences concerning such causes; and this with the greater care, because it is proper that the sentences which are given in that city wherein the temple of God is, and wherein the king dwells, be given with great care and the utmost justice. Now he set over them Amariah the priest, and Zebadiah, [both] of the tribe of Judah; and after this manner it was that the king ordered these affairs.",
+                    "2. About the same time the Moabites and Ammonites made an expedition against Jehoshaphat, and took with them a great body of Arabians, and pitched their camp at Engedi, a city that is situate at the lake Asphaltiris, and distant three hundred furlongs from Jerusalem. In that place grows the best kind of palm-trees, and the opobalsamum. (2) Now Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had passed over the lake, and had made an irruption into that country which belonged to his kingdom; at which news he was aftrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a congregation in the temple, and standing over against the temple itself, he called upon God to afford him power and strength, so as to inflict punishment on those that made this expedition against them (for that those who built this his temple had prayed, that he would protect that city, and take vengeance on those that were so bold as to come against it); for they are come to take from us that land which thou hast given us for a possession. When he had prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude, together with their wives and children, made their supplications also: upon which a certain prophet, Jahaziel by name, came into the midst of the assembly, and cried out, and spake both to the multitude and to the king, that God heard their prayers, and promised to fight against their enemies. He also gave order that the king should draw his forces out the next day, for that he should find them between Jerusalem and the ascent of Engedi, at a place called The Eminence, and that he should not fight against them, but only stand still, and see how God would fight against them. When the prophet had said this, both the king and the multitude fell upon their faces, and gave thanks to God, and worshipped him; and the Levites continued singing hymns to God with their instruments of music.",
+                    "3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come into that wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, \"that they ought to give credit to what the prophet had said, and not to set themselves in array for fighting; but to set the priests with their trumpets, and the Levites with the singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having already delivered our country from our enemies.\" This opinion of the king pleased [the people], and they did what he advised them to do. So God caused a terror and a commotion to arise among the Ammonites, who thought one another to be enemies, and slew one another, insomuch that not one man out of so great an army escaped; and when Jehoshaphat looked upon that valley wherein their enemies had been encamped, and saw it full of dead men, he rejoiced at so surprising an event, as was this assistance of God, while he himself by his own power, and without their labor, had given them the victory. He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the enemy's camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and indeed so they did for three days together, till they were weary, so great was the number of the slain; and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered together unto a certain hollow place or valley, and blessed God for his power and assistance, from which the place had this name given it, the Valley of [Berachah, or] Blessing.",
+                    "4. And when the king had brought his army back to Jerusalem, he betook himself to celebrate festivals, and offer sacrifices, and this for many days. And indeed, after this destruction of their enemies, and when it came to the ears of the foreign nations, they were all greatly aftrighted, as supposing that God would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat from that time lived in great glory and splendor, on account of his righteousness and his piety towards God. He was also in friendship with Ahab's son, who was king of Israel; and he joined with him in the building of ships that were to sail to Pontus, and the traffic cities of Thrace (3) but he failed of his gains, for the ships were destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy]; on which account he was no longer concerned about shipping. And this is the history of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Ahaziah; The King Of Israel; And Again Concerning The Prophet Elijah. </i><br>1. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, and made his abode in Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all respects like to both his parents and to Jeroboam, who first of all transgressed, and began to deceive the people. In the second year of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he before paid to his father Ahab. Now it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming down from the top of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness sent to the Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for that was this god's name, to inquire about his recovery (4) but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elijah the prophet, and commanded him to go and meet the messengers that were sent, and to ask them, whether the people of Israel had not a God of their own, that the king sent to a foreign god to inquire about his recovery? and to bid them return and tell the king that he would not escape this disease. And when Elijah had performed what God had commanded him, and the messengers had heard what he said, they returned to the king immediately; and when the king wondered how they could return so soon, and asked them the reason of it, they said that a certain man met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; but to return and tell thee, from the command of the God of Israel, that this disease will have a bad end. And when the king bid them describe the man that said this to them, they replied that he was a hairy man, and was girt about with a girdle of leather. So the king understood by this that the man who was described by the messengers was Elijah; whereupon he sent a captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah to him; and when the captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and to come to the king, for so had he enjoined; but that in case he refused, they would carry him by force. Elijah said to him, \"That you may have a trial whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that fire may fall from heaven, and destroy both the soldiers and yourself.\" (5) So he prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from heaven], and destroyed the captain, and those that were with him. And when the king was informed of the destruction of these men, he was very angry, and sent another captain with the like number of armed men that were sent before. And when this captain also threatened the prophet, that unless he came down of his own accord, he would take him and carry him away, upon his prayer against him, the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well the other. And when, upon inquiry, the king was informed of what happened to him, he sent out a third captain. But when this captain, who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to him; and said that he knew that it was without his own consent, and only in submission to the king's command that he came to him; and that those that came before did not come willingly, but on the same account; - he therefore desired him to have pity on those armed men that were with him, and that he would come down and follow him to the king. So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous behavior, and came down and followed him. And when he came to the king, he prophesied to him and told him that God said, \"Since thou hast despised him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this thy distemper, know this, that thou shalt die.\"",
+                    "2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died, as Elijah had foretold; but Jehoram his brother succeeded him in the kingdom, for he died without children: but for this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years, indulging himself in all sorts of wickedness and impiety towards God, for, leaving off his worship, he worshipped foreign gods; but in other respects he was an active man. Now at this time it was that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of his death to this very day; but he left behind him his disciple Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was before the deluge, it is written in the sacred books that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew that they died."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joram And Jehoshaphat Made An Expedition Against The Moabites; As Also Concerning The Wonders Of Elisha; And The Death Of Jehoshaphat. </i><br>1. When Joram had taken upon him the kingdom, he determined to make an expedition against the king of Moab, whose name was Mesha; for, as we told you before, he was departed from his obedience to his brother [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their fleeces of wool. When therefore he had gathered his own army together, he sent also to Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he had from the beginning been a friend to his father, he would assist him in the war that he was entering into against the Moabites, who had departed from their obedience, who not only himself promised to assist him, but would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under his authority, to make the same expedition also. When Joram had received these assurances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him, and came to Jerusalem; and when he had been sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was resolved upon by them to take their march against their enemies through the wilderness of Edom. And when they had taken a compass of seven days' journey, they were in distress for want of water for the cattle, and for the army, from the mistake of their roads by the guides that conducted them, insomuch that they were all in an agony, especially Joram; and cried to God, by reason of their sorrow, and [desired to know] what wickedness had been committed by them that induced him to deliver three kings together, without fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a righteous man, encouraged him, and bade him send to the camp, and know whether any prophet of God was come along with them, that we might by him learn from God what we should do. And when one of the servants of Joram said that he had seen there Elisha, the son of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went to him, at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and when they were come at the prophet's tent, which tent was pitched out of the camp, they asked him what would become of the army? and Joram was particularly very pressing with him about it. And when he replied to him, that he should not trouble him, but go to his father's and mother's prophets, for they [to be sure] were true prophets, he still desired him to prophesy, and to save them. So he swore by God that he would not answer him, unless it were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was a holy and righteous man; and when, at his desire, they brought him a man that could play on the psaltery, the Divine Spirit came upon him as the music played, and he commanded them to dig many trenches in the valley; for, said he, \"though there appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this river full of water, till the army and the cattle be saved for you by drinking of it. Nor will this be all the favor that you shall receive from God, but you shall also overcome your enemies, and take the best and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you shall cut down their fruit trees, (6) and lay waste their country, and stop up their fountains and rivers.\"",
+                    "2. When the prophet had said this, the next day, before the sun-rising, a great torrent ran strongly; for God had caused it to rain very plentifully at the distance of three days' journey into Edom, so that the army and the cattle found water to drink in abundance. But when the Moabites heard that the three kings were coming upon them, and made their approach through the wilderness, the king of Moab gathered his army together presently, and commanded them to pitch their camp upon the mountains, that when the enemies should attempt to enter their country, they might not be concealed from them. But when at the rising of the sun they saw the water in the torrent, for it was not far from the land of Moab, and that it was of the color of blood, for at such a time the water especially looks red, by the shining of the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of the state of their enemies, as if they had slain one another for thirst; and that the river ran with their blood. However, supposing that this was the case, they desired their king would send them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon they all went in haste, as to an advantage already gained, and came to the enemy's camp, as supposing them destroyed already. But their hope deceived them; for as their enemies stood round about them, some of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were dispersed, and fled to their own country. And when the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew the cities that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred them, filling them with stones out of the brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew their walls to their foundations. But the king of Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege; and seeing his city in danger of being overthrown by force, made a sally, and went out with seven hundred men, in order to break through the enemy's camp with his horsemen, on that side where the watch seemed to be kept most negligently; and when, upon trial, he could not get away, for he lighted upon a place that was carefully watched, he returned into the city, and did a thing that showed despair and the utmost distress; for he took his eldest son, who was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon the wall, that he might be visible to all the enemies, he offered him as a whole burnt-offering to God, whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the distress that was the occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of humanity and pity, that they raised the siege, and every one returned to his own house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and continued in peace there, and outlived this expedition but a little time, and then died, having lived in all sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He was buried in a magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for he had imitated the actions of David."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Jehoram Succeeds Jehoshaphat; How Joram, His Namesake, King Of Israel, Fought With The Syrians; And What Wonders Were Done By The Prophet Elisha. </i><br>1. Jehoshapat had a good number of children; but he appointed his eldest son Jehoram to be his successor, who had the same name with his mother's brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of the land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him Elisha the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over particularly, for they were illustrious, and worthy to be related, as we have them set down in the sacred books.",
+                    "2. For they say that the widow of Obadiah (7) Ahab's steward, came to him, and said, that he was not ignorant how her husband had preserved the prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the wife of Ahab; for she said that he hid a hundred of them, and had borrowed money for their maintenance, and that, after her husband's death, she and her children were carried away to be made slaves by the creditors; and she desired of him to have mercy upon her on account of what her husband did, and afford her some assistance. And when he asked her what she had in the house, she said, \"Nothing but a very small quantity of oil in a cruse.\" So the prophet bid her go away, and borrow a great many empty vessels of her neighbors, and when she had shut her chamber door, to pour the oil into them all; for that God would fill them full. And when the woman had done what she was commanded to do, and bade her children bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled, and not one left empty, she came to the prophet, and told him that they were all full; upon which he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors what was owing them, for that there would be some surplus of the price of the oil, which she might make use of for the maintenance of her children. And thus did Elisha discharge the woman's debts, and free her from the vexation of her creditors.",
+                    "3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Joram, (8) and exhorted him to take care of that place, for that therein were some Syrians lying in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going a hunting. And when Benhadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush, he was wroth with his own servants, as if they had betrayed his ambushment to Joram; and he sent for them, and said they were the betrayers of his secret counsels; and he threatened that he would put them to death, since such their practice was evident, because he had intrusted this secret to none but them, and yet it was made known to his enemy. And one that was present said that he should not mistake himself, nor suspect that they had discovered to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but that he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who discovered all to him, and laid open all his counsels. So he gave order that they should send some to learn in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those that were sent brought word that he was in Dothan; wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha: so they encompassed the city round about by night, and kept him therein confined; but when the prophet's servant in the morning perceived this, and that his enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running, and crying out after a disordered manner to him, and told him of it; but he encouraged him, and bid him not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust in the assistance of God, and was himself without fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his servant his power and presence, so far as was possible, in order to the inspiring him with hope and courage. Accordingly God heard the prayer of the prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside his fear, and his courage revived at the sight of what he supposed was come to their assistance. After this Elisha did further entreat God, that he would dim the eyes of their enemies, and cast a mist before them, whereby they might not discern him. When this was done, he went into the midst of his enemies, and asked them who it was that they came to seek; and when they replied, \"The prophet Elisha,\" he promised he would deliver him to them, if they would follow him to the city where he was. So these men were so darkened by God in their sight and in their mind, that they followed him very diligently; and when Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he ordered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to place his own army round about them; and prayed to God to clear the eyes of these their enemies, and take the mist from before them. Accordingly, when they were freed from the obscurity they had been in, they saw themselves in the midst of their enemies; and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and distressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so Divine and surprising, and as king Joram asked the prophet if he would give him leave to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to do; and said, that \"it is just to kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men had done the country no harm, but, without knowing it, were come thither by the Divine Power:\" - so that his counsel was to treat them in a hospitable manner at his table, and then send them away without hurting them. (9) Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet; and when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benhadad their king.",
+                    "4. Now when these men were come back, and had showed Benhadad how strange an accident had befallen them, and what an appearance and power they had experienced of the God of Israel, he wondered at it, as also at that prophet with whom God was so evidently present; so he determined to make no more secret attempts upon the king of Israel, out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make open war with them, as supposing he could be too hard for his enemies by the multitude of his army and power. So he made an expedition with a great army against Joram, who, not thinking himself a match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad supposed he should take the city, if not by his engines of war, yet that he should overcome the Samaritans by famine, and the want of necessaries, and brought his army upon them, and besieged the city; and the plenty of necessaries was brought so low with Joram, that from the extremity of want an ass's head was sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver, and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dore's dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the city to the enemy, by reason of the famine, and went every day round the walls and the guards to see whether any such were concealed among them; and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he deprived them of the opportunity of contriving any such thing; and if they had a mind to do it, he, by this means, prevented them: but upon a certain woman's crying out, \"Have pity on me, my lord,\" while he thought that she was about to ask for somewhat to eat, he imprecated God's curse upon her, and said he had neither thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence he might give her any thing at her petition. Upon which she said she did not desire his aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about food, but desired that he would do her justice as to another woman. And when he bade her say on, and let him know what she desired, she said she had made an agreement with the other woman who was her neighbor and her friend, that because the famine and want was intolerable, they should kill their children, each of them having a son of their own, and we will live upon them ourselves for two days, the one day upon one son, and the other day upon the other; and,\" said she, I have killed my son the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday; but this other woman will not do the same thing, but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her son.\" This story mightily grieved Joram when he heard it; so he rent his garment, and cried out with a loud voice, and conceived great wrath against Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide them some exit and way of escape out of the miseries with which they were surrounded; and sent one away immediately to cut off his head, who made haste to kill the prophet. But Elisha was not unacquainted with the wrath of the king against him; for as he sat in his house by himself, with none but his disciples about him, he told them that Joram, (10) who was the son of a murderer, had sent one to take away his head; \"but,\" said he, \"when he that is commanded to do this comes, take care that you do not let him come in, but press the door against him, and hold him fast there, for the king himself will follow him, and come to me, having altered his mind.\" Accordingly, they did as they were bidden, when he that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came. But Joram repented of his wrath against the prophet; and for fear he that was commanded to kill him should have done it before he came, he made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet: and when he came to him, he accused him that he did not pray to God for their deliverance from the miseries they now lay under, but saw them so sadly destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised, that the very next day, at the very same hour in which the king came to him, they should have great plenty of food, and that two seahs of barley should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour should be sold for a shekel. This prediction made Joram, and those that were present, very joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the prophet said, on account of the experience they had of the truth of his former predictions; and the expectation of plenty made the want they were in that day, with the uneasiness that accompanied it, appear a light thing to them: but the captain of the third band, who was a friend of the king, and on whose hand the king leaned, said, \"Thou talkest of incredible things, O prophet! for as it is impossible for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine flour, out of heaven, so is it impossible that what thou sayest should come to pass.\" To which the prophet made this reply,\" Thou shalt see these things come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a partaker of them.\"",
+                    "5. Now what Elisha had thus foretold came to pass in the manner following: There was a law at Samaria (11) that those that had the leprosy, and whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should abide without the city: and there were four men that on this account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of the famine; and as they were prohibited from entering into the city by the law, and they considered that if they were permitted to enter, they should miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, - they resolved to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them, they should live; but if they should be killed, that would be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their resolution, they came by night to the enemy's camp. Now God had begun to affright and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots and armor to their ears, as though an army were coming upon them, and had made them suspect that it was coming nearer and nearer to them In short, they were in such a dread of this army, that they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad, and said that Joram the king of Israel had hired for auxiliaries both the king of Egypt and the king of the Islands, and led them against them for they heard the noise of them as they were coming. And Benhadad believed what they said (for there came the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs); so they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and left their horses and beasts in their camp, with immense riches also, and betook themselves to flight. And those lepers who had departed from Samaria, and were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom we made mention a little before, when they were in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and silence: accordingly they entered into it, and went hastily into one of their tents; and when they saw nobody there, they eat and drank, and carried garments, and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out of the camp; after which they went into another tent, and carried off what was in it, as they did at the former, and this did they for several times, without the least interruption from any body. So they gathered thereby that the enemies were departed; whereupon they reproached themselves that they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it. So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state the enemies were, as did these tell the king's guards, by whose means Joram came to know of it; who then sent for his friends, and the captains of his host, and said to them, that he suspected that this departure of the king of Syria was by way of ambush and treachery, and that out of despair of ruining you by famine, when you imagine them to be fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a sudden, and may both kill you, and take the city without fighting; whence it is that I exhort you to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go out of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as though they were really gone away.\" And when a certain person said that he did very well and wisely to admit such a suspicion, but that he still advised him to send a couple of horsemen to search all the country as far as Jordan, that \"if they were seized by an ambush of the enemy, they might be a security to your army, that they may not go out as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like misfortune; and,\" said he, \"those horsemen may be numbered among those that have died by the famine, supposing they be caught and destroyed by the enemy.\" So the king was pleased with this opinion, and sent such as might search out the truth, who performed their journey over a road that was without any enemies, but found it full of provisions, and of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away, and left behind them, in order to their being light and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of the camp; which gains of theirs were not of things of small value, but they took a great quantity of gold, and a great quantity of silver, and flocks of all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves of [so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and barley, as they never in the least dreamed of; and were not only freed from their former miseries, but had such plenty, that two seahs of barley were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour for a shekel, according to the prophecy of Elisha. Now a seah is equal to an Italian modius and a half. The captain of the third band was the only man that received no benefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed by the king to oversee the gate, that he might prevent the too great crowd of the multitude, and they might not endanger one another to perish, by treading on one another in the press, he suffered himself in that very way, and died in that very manner, as Elisha had foretold such his death, when he alone of them all disbelieved what he said concerning that plenty of provisions which they should soon have.",
+                    "6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, had escaped to Damascus, and understood that it was God himself that cast all his army into this fear and disorder, and that it did not arise from the invasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distemper. Now it happened that Elisha the prophet, at that time, was gone out of his own country to Damascus, of which Benhadad was informed: he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants, to meet him, and to carry him presents, and bade him inquire of him about his distemper, and whether he should escape the danger that it threatened. So Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels, that carried the best and most precious fruits that the country of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the king's palace supplied. He saluted him kindly, and said that he was sent to him by king Benhadad, and brought presents with him, in order to inquire concerning his distemper, whether he should recover from it or not. Whereupon the prophet bid him tell the king no melancholy news; but still he said he would die. So the king's servant was troubled to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries his people would undergo after the death of Benhadad. And when Hazael asked him what was the occasion of this confusion he was in, he said that he wept out of his commiseration for the multitude of the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they will suffer by thee; \"for thou wilt slay the strongest of them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and wilt destroy their children, and dash them against the stones, and wilt rip up their women with child.\" And when Hazael said, \"How can it be that I should have power enough to do such things ?\" the prophet replied, that God had informed him that he should be king of Syria. So when Hazael was come to Benhadad, he told him good news concerning his distemper (12) but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature of a net, over him, and strangled him, and took his dominion. He was an active man, and had the good-will of the Syrians, and of the people of Damascus, to a great degree; by whom both Benhadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him, are honored to this day as gods, by reason of their benefactions, and their building them temples by which they adorned the city of the Damascenes. They also every day do with great pomp pay their worship to these kings, (13) and value themselves upon their antiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much later than they imagine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred years old. Now when Joram, the king of Israel, heard that Benhadad was dead, he recovered out of the terror and dread he had been in on his account, and was very glad to live in peace."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Wickedness Of Jehoram King O Jerusalem; His Defeat And Death. </i><br>1. Now Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we have said before that he had the same name with the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the government upon him, betook himself to the slaughter of his brethren, and his father's friends, who were governors under him, and thence made a beginning and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he at all better than those kings of Israel who at first transgressed against the laws of their country, and of the Hebrews, and against God's worship. And it was Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, whom he had married, who taught him to be a bad man in other respects, and also to worship foreign gods. Now God would not quite root out this family, because of the promise he had made to David. However, Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of new sorts of customs to the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin of the customs of his own country. And when the Edomites about that time had revolted from him, and slain their former king, who was in subjection to his father, and had set up one of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land of Edom, with the horsemen that were about him, and the chariots, by night, and destroyed those that lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed further. However, this expedition did him no service, for they all revolted from him, with those that dwelt in the country of Libnah. He was indeed so mad as to compel the people to go up to the high places of the mountains, and worship foreign gods.",
+                    "2. As he was doing this, and had entirely cast his own country laws out of his mind, there was brought him an epistle from Elijah the prophet (14) which declared that God would execute great judgments upon him, because he had not imitated his own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses of the kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe of Judah, and the citizens of Jerusalem, to leave the holy worship of their own God, and to worship idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, and because he had slain his brethren, and the men that were good and righteous. And the prophet gave him notice in this epistle what punishment he should undergo for these crimes, namely, the destruction of his people, with the corruption of the king's own wives and children; and that he should himself die of a distemper in his bowels, with long torments, those his bowels falling out by the violence of the inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch that, though he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to help himself, but shall die in that manner. This it was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle.",
+                    "3. It was not long after this that an army of those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia, and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the king's house. Moreover, they slew his sons and his wives: one only of his sons was left him, who escaped the enemy; his name was Ahaziah; after which calamity, he himself fell into that disease which was foretold by the prophet, and lasted a great while, (for God inflicted this punishment upon him in his belly, out of his wrath against him,) and so he died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall out. The people also abused his dead body; I suppose it was because they thought that such his death came upon him by the wrath of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accordingly, they neither buried him in the sepulchers of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any honors, but buried him like a private man, and this when he had lived forty years, and reigned eight. And the people of Jerusalem delivered the government to his son Ahaziah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jehu Was Anointed King, And Slew Both Joram And Ahaziah; As Also What He Did For The Punishment Of The Wicked. </i><br>1. Now Joram, the king of Israel, after the death of Benhadad, hoped that he might now take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Syrians. Accordingly he made an expedition against it, with a great army; but as he was besieging it, an arrow was shot at him by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal. So he returned to have his wound healed in Jezreel, but left his whole army in Ramorb, and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general; for he had already taken the city by force; and he proposed, after he was healed,: to make war with the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell him that God had chosen him to be their king. He also sent him to say other things to him, and bid him to take his journey as if he fled, that when he came away he might escape the knowledge of all men. So when he was come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should find him. So he came up to him, and said that he desired to speak with him about certain matters; and when he was arisen, and had followed him into an inward chamber, the young man took the oil, and poured it on his head, and said that God ordained him to be king, in order to his destroying the house of Ahab, and that he might revenge the blood of the prophets that were unjustly slain by Jezebel, that so their house might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and of Baasha, had perished for their wickedness, and no seed might remain of Ahab's family. So when he had said this, he went away hastily out of the chamber, and endeavored not to be seen by any of the army.",
+                    "2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat with the captains; and when they asked him, and desired him to tell them, wherefore it was that this young man came to him, and added withal that he was mad, he replied, - \"You guess right, for the words he spake were the words of a madman;\" and when they were eager about the matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered, that God had said he had chosen him to be king over the multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put off his garment, (15) and strewed it under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the army together, he was preparing to set out immediately against Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he was healing of the wound which he had received in the siege of Ramoth. It happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as we have said already, to see how he did after his wound, and this upon account of their kindred; but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram, and those with him, on the sudden, he desired that none of the soldiers might run away and tell to Joram what had happened, for that this would be an evident demonstration of their kindness to him, and would show that their real inclinations were to make him king.",
+                    "3. So they were pleased with what he did, and guarded the roads, lest somebody should privately tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel. Now Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and went on for Jezreel; and when he was come near, the watchman whom Joram had set there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that he saw a troop of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immediately gave orders, that one of his horsemen should be sent out to meet them, and to know who it was that was coming. So when the horseman came up to Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army was, for that the king wanted to know it; but Jehu bid him not at all to meddle with such matters, but to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he told Joram that the horseman had mingled himself among the company, and came along with them. And when the king had sent a second messenger, Jehu commanded him to do as the former did; and as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had been wounded, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly, (16) and in good order; and when Joram met him in the field of Naboth, he asked him if all things were well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him bitterly, and ventured to call his mother a witch and a harlot. Upon this the king, fearing what he intended, and suspecting he had no good meaning, turned his chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, \"We are fought against by deceit and treachery.\" But Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to Bidkar, the captain of the third part of his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into the field of Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father, when he had slain Naboth, that both he and his family should perish in that place; for that as they sat behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say so, and that it was now come to pass according to his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his own life, and turned his chariot into another road, supposing he should not be seen by Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him at a certain acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded him; so he left his chariot, and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu to Megiddo; and though he was under cure, in a little time he died of that wound, and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked man, and worse than his father.",
+                    "4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel adorned herself and stood upon a tower, and said, he was a fine servant that had killed his master! And when he looked up to her, he asked who she was, and commanded her to come down to him. At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down from the tower; and being thrown down, she be-sprinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden upon by the horses, and so died. When this was done, Jehu came to the palace with his friends, and took some refreshment after his journey, both with other things, and by eating a meal. He also bid his servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because of the nobility of her blood, for she was descended from kings; but those that were appointed to bury her found nothing else remaining but the extreme parts of her body, for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this manner at Jezreel.",
+                    "5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the one to them that brought up the children, the other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that they should set up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for that they had abundance of chariots, and horses, and armor, and a great army, and fenced cities, and that by so doing they might avenge the murder of Ahab. This he wrote to try the intentions of those of Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those that had brought up the children, had read the letter, they were afraid; and considering that they were not at all able to oppose him, who had already subdued two very great kings, they returned him this answer: That they owned him for their lord, and would do whatsoever he bade them. So he wrote back to them such a reply as enjoined them to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the heads of Ahab's sons, and send them to him. Accordingly the rulers sent for those that brought up the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay them, to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So they did whatsoever they were commanded, without omitting any thing at all, and put them up in wicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel. And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab's' sons were brought, he ordered them to make two heaps of them, one before each of the gates; and in the morning he went out to take a view of them, and when he saw them, he began to say to the people that were present, that he did himself make an expedition against his master [Joram], and slew him, but that it was not he that slew all these; and he desired them to take notice, that as to Ahab's family, all things had come to pass according to God's prophecy, and his house was perished, according as Elijah had foretold. And when he had further destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked them whither they were going? they replied, that they came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they knew not that he had slain them both. So Jehu gave orders that they should catch these, and kill them, being in number forty-two persons.",
+                    "6. After these, there met him a good and a righteous man, whose name was Jehonadab, and who had been his friend of old. He saluted Jehu, and began to commend him, because he had done every thing according to the will of God, in extirpating the house of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria; and told him that he would not spare one wicked man, but would punish the false prophets, and false priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and persuaded them to leave the worship of God Almighty, and to worship foreign gods; and that it was a most excellent and most pleasing sight to a good and a righteous man to see the wicked punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by these arguments, and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that none of the false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab's god, might escape punishment, he caught them deceitfully by this wile; for he gathered all the people together, and said that he would worship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that his priests, and prophets, and servants might be present, because he would offer costly and great sacrifices to Ahab's god; and that if any of his priests were wanting, they should be punished with death. Now Ahab's god was called Baal; and when he had appointed a day on which he would offer those sacrifices, he sent messengers through all the country of the Israelites, that they might bring the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded to give all the priests vestments; and when they had received them, he went into the house [of Baal], with his friend Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search whether there were not any foreigner or stranger among them, for he would have no one of a different religion to mix among their sacred offices. And when they said that there was no stranger there, and they were beginning their sacrifices, he set fourscore men without, they being such of his soldiers as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bid them slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of their country, which had been a long time in disesteem. He also threatened, that if any one of them escaped, their own lives should go for them. So they slew them all with the sword, and burnt the house of Baal, and by that means purged Samaria of foreign customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him in Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and worshipped him with all sorts of worship, although, when this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the Israelites to worship the golden heifers. However, because he had done thus, and taken care to punish the wicked, God foretold by his prophet that his sons should reign over Israel for four generations. And in this condition was Jehu at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Athaliah Reigned Over Jerusalem For Five [Six] Years When Jehoiada The High Priest Slew Her And Made Jehoash, The Son Of Ahaziah, King. </i><br>1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, heard of the death of her brother Joram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she endeavored that none of the house of David might be left alive, but that the whole family might be exterminated, that no king might arise out of it afterward; and, as she thought, she had actually done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons was preserved, who escaped death after the manner following: Ahaziah had a sister by the same father, whose name was Jehosheba, and she was married to the high priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace, and found Jehoash, for that was the little child's name, who was not above a year old, among those that were slain, but concealed with his nurse; so she took him with her into a secret bed-chamber, and shut him up there, and she and her husband Jehoiada brought him up privately in the temple six years, during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem and the two tribes.",
+                    "2. Now, on the Seventh year, Jehoiada communicated the matter to certain of the captains of hundreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be assisting to what attempts he was making against Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the kingdom to the child. He also received such oaths from them as are proper to secure those that assist one another from the fear of discovery; and he was then of good hope that they should depose Athaliah. Now those men whom Jehoiada the priest had taken to be his partners went into all the country, and gathered together the priests and the Levites, and the heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought them to Jerusalem to the high priest. So he demanded the security of an oath of them, to keep private whatsoever he should discover to them, which required both their silence and their assistance. So when they had taken the oath, and had thereby made it safe for him to speak, he produced the child that he had brought up of the family of David, and said to them, \"This is your king, of that house which you know God hath foretold should reign over you for all time to come. I exhort you therefore that one-third part of you guard him in the temple, and that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of the temple, and that the next part of you keep guard at the gate which opens and leads to the king's palace, and let the rest of the multitude be unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person go into the temple, but the priest only.\" He also gave them this order besides, \"That a part of the priests and the Levites should be about the king himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever he be, that should be so bold as to enter armed into the temple; and bid them be afraid of nobody, but persevere in guarding the king.\" So these men obeyed what the high priest advised them to, and declared the reality of their resolution by their actions. Jehoiada also opened that armory which David had made in the temple, and distributed to the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and Levites, all the spears and quivers, and what kind of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed in a circle round about the temple, so as to touch one another's hands, and by that means excluding those from entering that ought not to enter. So they brought the child into the midst of them, and put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with the oil, and made him king; and the multitude rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, \"God save the king!\"",
+                    "3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult and the acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in her mind, and suddenly issued out of the royal palace with her own army; and when she was come to the temple, the priests received her; but as for those that stood round about the temple, as they were ordered by the high priest to do, they hindered the armed inert that followed her from going in. But when Athaliah saw the child standing upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon his head, she rent her clothes, and cried out vehemently, and commanded [her guards] to kill him that had laid snares for her, and endeavored to deprive her of the government. But Jehoiada called for the captains of hundreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he would not have the temple defiled with the punishments of this pernicious woman; and he gave order, that if any one came near to help her, he should be slain also; wherefore those that had the charge of her slaughter took hold of her, and led her to the gate of the king's mules, and slew her there.",
+                    "4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was by this stratagem, after this manner, despatched, Jehoiada called together the people and the armed men into the temple, and made them take an oath that they would be obedient to the king, and take care of his safety, and of the safety of his government; after which he obliged the king to give security [upon oath] that he would worship God, and not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her husband Jehoram had built, to the dishonor of the God of their fathers, and to the honor of Ahab, and demolished it, and slew Mattan, that had his priesthood. But Jehoiada intrusted the care and custody of the temple to the priests and Levites, according to the appointment of king David, and enjoined them to bring their regular burnt-offerings twice a day, and to offer incense according to the law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that no one that was defiled might come there.",
+                    "5. And when Jehoiada had set these things in order, he, with the captains of hundreds, and the rulers, and all the people, took Jehoash out of the temple into the king's palace; and when he had set him upon the king's throne, the people shouted for joy, and betook themselves to feasting, and kept a festival for many days; but the city was quiet upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jehoash was seven years old when he took the kingdom. His mother's name was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the time that Jehoiada lived Jehoash was careful that the laws should be kept, and very zealous in the worship of God; and when he was of age, he married two wives, who were given to him by the high priest, by whom were born to him both sons and daughters. And thus much shall suffice to have related concerning king Jehoash, how he escaped the treachery of Athaliah, and how he received the kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Hazael Makes An Expedition Against The People Of Israel And The Inhabitants Of Jerusalem. Jehu Dies, And Jehoahaz Succeeds In The Government. Jehoash The King Of Jerusalem At First Is Careful About The Worship Of God But Afterwards Becomes Impious And Commands Zechariah To Be Stoned. When Jehoash [King Of Judah] Was Dead, Amaziah Succeeds Him In The Kingdom. </i><br>1. Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought against the Israelites and their king Jehu, and spoiled the eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan, which belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, burning, and spoiling, and offering violence to all that he laid his hands on, and this without impeachment from Jehu, who made no haste to defend the country when it was under this distress; nay, he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser of holiness, and of the laws, and died when he had reigned over the Israelites twenty-seven years. He was buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son his successor in the government.",
+                    "2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an inclination to repair the temple of God; so he called Jehoiada, and bid him send the Levites and priests through all the country, to require half a shekel of silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay by Jehoram, and Athaliah and her sons. But the high priest did not do this, as concluding that no one would willingly pay that money; but in the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king sent for him and the Levites, and complained that they had not obeyed what he enjoined them, and still commanded them to take care of the rebuilding the temple, he used this stratagem for collecting the money, with which the multitude was pleased. He made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all sides, but opened one hole in it; he then set it in the temple beside the altar, and desired every one to cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased, for the repair of the temple. This contrivance was acceptable to the people, and they strove one with another, and brought in jointly large quantities of silver and gold; and when the scribe and the priest that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest, and counted the money in the king's presence, they then set it in its former place, and thus did they every day. But when the multitude appeared to have cast in as much as was wanted, the high priest Jehoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons and carpenters, and to buy large pieces of timber, and of the most curious sort; and when they had repaired the temple, they made use of the remaining gold and silver, which was not a little, for bowls, and basons, and cups, and other vessels, and they went on to make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of great value. And these things were taken suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived.",
+                    "3. But as soon as he was dead (which was when he had lived one hundred and thirty years, having been a righteous, and in every respect a very good man, and was buried in the king's sepulchers at Jerusalem, because he had recovered the kingdom to the family of David) king Jehoash betrayed his [want of] care about God. The principal men of the people were corrupted also together with him, and offended against their duty, and what their constitution determined to be most for their good. Hereupon God was displeased with the change that was made on the king, and on the rest of the people, and sent prophets to testify to them what their actions were, and to bring them to leave off their wickedness; but they had gotten such a strong affection and so violent an inclination to it, that neither could the examples of those that had offered affronts to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they and their entire families, nor could the fear of what the prophets now foretold, bring them to repentance, and turn them back from their course of transgression to their former duty. But the king commanded that Zechariah, the son of the high priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple, and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his father; for when God had appointed him to prophesy, he stood in the midst of the multitude, and gave this counsel to them and to the king: That they should act righteously; and foretold to them, that if they would not hearken to his admonitions, they should suffer a heavy punishment. But as Zechariah was ready to die, he appealed to God as a witness of what he suffered for the good counsel he had given them, and how he perished after a most severe and violent manner for the good deeds his father had done to Jehoash.",
+                    "4. However, it was not long before the king suffered punishment for his transgression; for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into his country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem; upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the treasures of God and of the kings [before him], and took down the gifts that had been dedicated [in the temple], and sent them to the king of Syria, and procured so much by them, that he was not besieged, nor his kingdom quite endangered; but Hazael was induced by the greatness of the sum of money not to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet Jehoash fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by his friends, in order to revenge the death of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king, and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal sepulchers of his forefathers, because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven years, and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom.",
+                    "5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the government of the Israelites in Samaria, and held it seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as those that first had God in contempt: but the king of Syria brought him low, and by an expedition against him did so greatly reduce his forces, that there remained no more of so great an army than ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He also took away from him his great cities, and many of them also, and destroyed his army. And these were the things that the people of Israel suffered, according to the prophecy of Elisha, when he foretold that Hazael should kill his master, and reign over the Syrians and Damcenes. But when Jehoahaz was under such unavoidable miseries, he had recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and besought him to deliver him out of the hands of Hazael, and not overlook him, and give him up into his hands. Accordingly God accepted of his repentance instead of virtue; and being desirous rather to admonish those that might repent, and not to determine that they should be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliverance from war and dangers. So the country having obtained peace, returned again to its former condition, and flourished as before.",
+                    "6. Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his son Joash took the kingdom, in the thirty-seventh year of Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judah. This Joash then took the kingdom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same name with the king of Jerusalem, and he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a good man, (17) and in his disposition was not at all like his father. Now at this time it was that when Elisha the prophet, who was already very old, and was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel came to visit him; and when he found him very near death, he began to weep in his sight, and lament, to call him his father, and his weapons, because it was by his means that he never made use of his weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame his own adversaries by his prophecies, without fighting; and that he was now departing this life, and leaving him to the Syrians, that were already armed, and to other enemies of his that were under their power; so he said it was not safe for him to live any longer, but that it would be well for him to hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with him. As the king was thus bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him, and bid the king bend a bow that was brought him; and when the king had fitted the bow for shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands and bid him shoot; and when he had shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha said, \"If thou hadst shot more arrows, thou hadst cut the kingdom of Syria up by the roots; but since thou hast been satisfied with shooting three times only, thou shalt fight and beat the Syrians no more times than three, that thou mayst recover that country which they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of thy father.\" So when the king had heard that, he departed; and a little while after the prophet died. He was a man celebrated for righteousness, and in eminent favor with God. He also performed wonderful and surprising works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously preserved in memory by the Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as it was fit a person so beloved of God should have. It also happened, that at that time certain robbers cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's grave, and upon his dead body coming close to Elisha's body, it revived again. And thus far have we enlarged about the actions of Elisha the prophet, both such as he did while he was alive, and how he had a Divine power after his death also.",
+                    "7. Now, upon the death of Hazael, the king of Syria, that kingdom came to Adad his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made war; and when he had beaten him in three battles, he took from him all that country, and all those cities and villages, which his father Hazael had taken from the kingdom of Israel, which came to pass, however, according to the prophecy of Elisha. But when Joash happened to die, he was buried in Samaria, and the government devolved on his son Jeroboam."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Amaziah Made An Expedition Against The Edomites And Amalekites And Conquered Them; But When He Afterwards Made War Against Joash, He Was Beaten And Not Long After Was Slain, And Uzziah Succeeded In The Government. </i><br>1. Now, in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding careful of doing what was right, and this when he was very young; but when he came to the management of affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he ought first of all to avenge his father Je-hoash, and to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands upon him: so he seized upon them all, and put them to death; yet did he execute no severity on their children, but acted therein according to the laws of Moses, who did not think it just to punish children for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him an army out of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin, of such as were in the flower of their age, and about twenty years old; and when he had collected about three hundred thousand of them together, he set captains of hundreds over them. He also sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hundred thousand of his soldiers for a hundred talents of silver, for he had resolved to make an expedition against the nations of the Amatekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites: but as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready to go out to the war, a prophet gave him counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites, because they were bad men, and because God foretold that he should be beaten, if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but that he should overcome his enemies, though he had but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when the king grudged at his having already paid the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him to do what God would have him, because he should thereby obtain much wealth from God. So he dismissed them, and said that he still freely gave them their pay, and went himself with his own army, and made war with the nations before mentioned; and when he had beaten them in battle, he slew of them ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive, whom he brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and threw them down from it headlong. He also brought away a great deal of prey and vast riches from those nations. But while Amaziah was engaged in this expedition, those Israelites whom he had hired, and then dismissed, were very uneasy at it, and taking their dismission for an affront, (as supposing that this would not have been done to them but out of contempt,) they fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much cattle, and slew three thousand men.",
+                    "2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had gotten, and the great acts he had done, he was puffed up, and began to overlook God, who had given him the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a prophet came to him, and said, that he wondered how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been of no advantage to their own people who paid them honors, nor had delivered them from his hands, but had overlooked the destruction of many of them, and had suffered themselves to be carried captive, for that they had been carried to Jerusalem in the same manner as any one might have taken some of the enemy alive, and led them thither. This reproof provoked the king to anger, and he commanded the prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish him if he meddled with his conduct. So he replied, that he should indeed hold his peace; but foretold withal, that God would not overlook his attempts for innovation. But Amaziah was not able to contain himself under that prosperity which God had given him, although he had affronted God thereupon; but in a vein of insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Israel, and commanded that he and all his people should be obedient to him, as they had formerly been obedient to his progenitors, David and Solomon; and he let him know, that if he would not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he must fight for his dominion. To which message Joash returned this answer in writing: \"King Joash to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cypress tree in Mount Lebanon, as also a thistle; this thistle sent to the cypress tree to give the cypress tree's daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as the thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and trod down the thistle: and this may be a lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to have a care, lest upon thy good success in the fight against the Amalekites thou growest so proud, as to bring dangers upon thyself and upon thy kingdom.\"",
+                    "3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he was more eager upon this expedition, which, I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that he might be punished for his offense against him. But as soon as he led out his army against Joash, and they were going to join battle with him, there came such a fear and consternation upon the army of Amaziah, as God, when he is displeased, sends upon men, and discomfited them, even before they came to a close fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered about by the terror that was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the enemy; whereupon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he would persuade the people of Jerusalem to open their gates to him, and receive him and his army into the city. Accordingly Amaziah was so distressed, and in such fear of his life, that he made his enemy to be received into the city. So Joash over threw a part of the wall, of the length of four hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah captive along with him; by which means he became master of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of God, and carried off all the gold and silver that was in the king's palace, and then freed the king from captivity, and returned to Samaria. Now these things happened to the people of Jerusalem in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends, and fled to the city Lachish, and was there slain by the conspirators, who sent men thither to kill him. So they took up his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral for him. This was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his innovations in religion, and his contempt of God, when he had lived fifty-four years, and had reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose name was Uzziah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jeroboam King Of Israel And Jonah The Prophet; And How After The Death Of Jeroboam His Son Zachariah Took The Government. How Uzziah, King Of Jerusalem, Subdued The Nations That Were Round About Him; And What Befell Him When He Attempted To Offer Incense To God. </i><br>1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, Jeroboam the son of Joash reigned over Israel in Samaria forty years. This king was guilty of contumely against God, (18) and became very wicked in worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of ten thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel. Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him that he should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their army, and enlarge the bounds of his kingdom on the northern parts to the city Hamath, and on the southern to the lake Asphaltitis; for the bounds of the Canaanites originally were these, as Joshua their general had determined them. So Jeroboam made an expedition against the Syrians, and overran all their country, as Jonah had foretold.",
+                    "2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, who have promised to give an accurate account of our affairs, to describe the actions of this prophet, so far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew books. Jonah had been commanded by God to go to the kingdom of Nineveh; and when he was there, to publish it in that city, how it should lose the dominion it had over the nations. But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went into it, and sailed to Tarsus, in Cilicia (19) and upon the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea: but Jonah lay still and covered [in the ship,] without imitating any thing that the others did; but as the waves grew greater, and the sea became more violent by the winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that some one of the persons that sailed with them was the occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover by lot which of them it was. When they had cast lots, (21) the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was upon them. Now at the first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a man who was a stranger, and who had committed his life to them, into such manifest perdition; but at last, when their misfortune overbore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and when they were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; upon which the sea became calm. It is also reported that Jonah was swallowed down by a whale, and that when he had been there three days, and as many nights, he was vomited out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and without any hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be heard, and preached, that in a very little time they should lose the dominion of Asia. And when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given this account about him as I found it written [in our books.]",
+                    "3. When Jeroboam the king had passed his life in great happiness, and had ruled forty years, he died, and was buried in Samaria, and his son Zachariah took the kingdom. After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem. He was a good man, and by nature righteous and magnanimous, and very laborious in taking care of the affairs of his kingdom. He made an expedition also against the Philistines, and overcame them in battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and brake down their walls; after which expedition he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red Sea, and put a garrison into it. He, after this, overthrew the Ammonites, and appointed that they should pay tribute. He also overcame all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt, and then began to take care of Jerusalem itself for the rest of his life; for he rebuilt and repaired all those parts of the wall which had either fallen down by length of time, or by the carelessness of the kings, his predecessors, as well as all that part which had been thrown down by the king of Israel, when he took his father Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him into the city. Moreover, he built a great many towers, of one hundred and fifty cubits high, and built walled towns in desert places, and put garrisons into them, and dug many channels for conveyance of water. He had also many beasts for labor, and an immense number of cattle; for his country was fit for pasturage. He was also given to husbandry, and took care to cultivate the ground, and planted it with all sorts of plants, and sowed it with all sorts of seeds. He had also about him an army composed of chosen men, in number three hundred and seventy thousand, who were governed by general officers and captains of thousands, who were men of valor, and of unconquerable strength, in number two thousand. He also divided his whole army into bands, and armed them, giving every one a sword, with brazen bucklers and breastplates, with bows and slings; and besides these, he made for them many engines of war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones and darts, with grapplers, and other instruments of that sort.",
+                    "4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making preparation [for futurity], he was corrupted in his mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on account of that abundance which he had of things that will soon perish, and despised that power which is of eternal duration (which consisted in piety towards God, and in the observation of the laws); so he fell by occasion of the good success of his affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins of his father, which the splendor of that prosperity he enjoyed, and the glorious actions he had done, led him into, while he was not able to govern himself well about them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day was come, and a general festival was to be celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and went into the temple to offer incense to God upon the golden altar, which he was prohibited to do by Azariah the high priest, who had fourscore priests with him, and who told him that it was not lawful for him to offer sacrifice, and that \"none besides the posterity of Aaron were permitted so to do.\" And when they cried out that he must go out of the temple, and not transgress against God, he was wroth at them, and threatened to kill them, unless they would hold their peace. In the mean time a great earthquake shook the ground (26) and a rent was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the sun shone through it, and fell upon the king's face, insomuch that the leprosy seized upon him immediately. And before the city, at a place called Eroge, half the mountain broke off from the rest on the west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood still at the east mountain, till the roads, as well as the king's gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now, as soon as the priests saw that the king's face was infected with the leprosy, they told him of the calamity he was under, and commanded that he should go out of the city as a polluted person. Hereupon he was so confounded at the sad distemper, and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict, that he did as he was commanded, and underwent this miserable and terrible punishment for an intention beyond what befitted a man to have, and for that impiety against God which was implied therein. So he abode out of the city for some time, and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took the government; after which he died with grief and anxiety at what had happened to him, when he had lived sixty-eight years, and reigned of them fifty-two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Zachariah Shallum, Menahem Pekahiah And Pekah Took The Government Over The Israelites ; And How Pul And Tiglath-Pileser Made An Expedition Against The Israelites. How Jotham, The Son Of Uzziah Reigned Over The Tribe Of Judah; And What Things Nahum Prophesied Against The Assyrians. </i><br>1. Now when Zachariah, the son of Jeroboam, had reigned six months over Israel, he was slain by the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose name was Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty days; for Menahem, the general of his army, who was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of what had befallen Zachariah, removed thereupon with all his forces to Samaria, and joining battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made himself king, he went thence, and came to the city Tiphsah; but the citizens that were in it shut their gates, and barred them against the king, and would not admit him: but in order to be avenged on them, he burnt the country round about it, and took the city by force, upon a siege; and being very much displeased at what the inhabitants of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and spared not so much as the infants, without omitting the utmost instances of cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity upon his own countrymen, as would not be pardonable with regard to strangers who had been conquered by him. And after this manner it was that this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and barbarity for ten years. But when Pul, king of Assyria, had made an expedition against him, he did not think meet to fight or engage in battle with the Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an end to the war. This sum the multitude collected for Menahem, by exacting fifty drachme as poll-money for every head; (23) after which he died, and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity of his father, and so ruled but two years only, after which he was slain with his friends at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the general of his horse, and the son of Remaliah, who laid snares for him. Now this Pekah held the government twenty years, and proved a wicked man and a transgressor. But the king of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expedition against the Israelites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is called Galilee, and Kadesh, and Hazor, he made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplanted them into his own kingdom. And so much shall suffice to have related here concerning the king of Assyria.",
+                    "2. Now Jotham the son of Uzziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha. This king was not defective in any virtue, but was religious towards God, and righteous towards men, and careful of the good of the city (for what part soever wanted to be repaired or adorned he magnificently repaired and adorned them). He also took care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple, and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and built very great towers, and such as were almost impregnable; and if any thing else in his kingdom had been neglected, he took great care of it. He also made an expedition against the Ammonites, and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a hundred talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat, and as many of barley, every year, and so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies could not despise it, and his own people lived happily.",
+                    "3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose name was Nahum, who spake after this manner concerning the overthrow of the Assyrians and of Nineveh: \"Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion (23) so shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and go away by flight, while they say one to another, Stand, stand still, seize their gold and silver, for there shall be no one to wish them well, for they will rather save their lives than their money; for a terrible contention shall possess them one with another, and lamentation, and loosing of the members, and their countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And there will be the den of the lions, and the mother of the young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh, that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no longer go out from thee to give laws to the world.\" And indeed this prophet prophesied many other things besides these concerning Nineveh, which I do not think necessary to repeat, and I here omit them, that I may not appear troublesome to my readers; all which thing happened about Nineveh a hundred and fifteen years afterward: so this may suffice to have spoken of these matters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Death Of Jotham, Ahaz Reigned In His Stead; Against Whom Rezin, King Of Syria And Pekah King Of Israel, Made War; And How Tiglath-Pileser, King Of Assyria Came To The Assistance Of Ahaz, And Laid Syria Waste And Removing The Damascenes Into Media Placed Other Nations In Their Room. </i><br>1. Now Jotham died when he had lived forty-one years, and of them reigned sixteen, and was buried in the sepulchers of the kings; and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon them to idols; to which also he offered his own son as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the same sort. Now as he was going on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Syria and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of Israel, who were now at amity one with another, made war with him; and when they had driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that city a long while, making but a small progress, on account of the strength of its walls; and when the king of Syria had taken the city Elath, upon the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians; and when he had slain those in the [other] garrisons, and the Jews in their neighborhood, and had driven away much prey, he returned with his army back to Damascus. Now when the king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians were returned home, he, supposing himself a match for the king of Israel, drew out his army against him, and joining battle with him was beaten; and this happened because God was angry with him, on account of his many and great enormities. Accordingly there were slain by the Israelites one hundred and twenty thousand of his men that day, whose general, Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son, in his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also carried Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also carried the women and children of the tribe of Benjamin captives; and when they had gotten a great deal of prey, they returned to Samaria.",
+                    "2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet at that time in Samaria; he met the army before the city walls, and with a loud voice told them that they had gotten the victory not by their own strength, but by reason of the anger God had against king Ahaz. And he complained that they were not satisfied with the good success they had had against him, but were so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to let them go home without doing them any harm, for that if they did not obey God herein, they should be punished. So the people of Israel came together to their assembly, and considered of these matters, when a man whose name was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation in the government, stood up, and the others with him, and said, \"We will not suffer the citizens to bring these prisoners into the city, lest we be all destroyed by God; we have sins enough of our own that we have committed against him, as the prophets assure us; nor ought we therefore to introduce the practice of new crimes.\" When the soldiers heard that, they permitted them to do what they thought best. So the forenamed men took the captives, and let them go, and took care of them, and gave them provisions, and sent them to their own country, without doing them any harm. However, these four went along with them, and conducted them as far as Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and returned to Samaria.",
+                    "3. Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so thoroughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance from him in his war against the Israelites, and Syrians, and Damascenes, with a promise to send him much money; he sent him also great presents at the same time. Now this king, upon the reception of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and transplanted the people of Damascus into the Upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians, and planted them in Damascus. He also afflicted the land of Israel, and took many captives out of it. While he was doing thus with the Syrians, king Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treasures, and the silver, and what was in the temple of God, and what precious gifts were there, and he carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agreement. So he confessed that he owed him thanks for all he had done for him, and returned to Jerusalem. Now this king was so sottish and thoughtless of what was for his own good, that he would not leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was beaten by them, but he went on in worshipping them, as though they would procure him the victory; and when he was beaten again, he began to honor the gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous to honor any other gods than his own paternal and true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat; nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in the appointed sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had been given to it. And when he had offered these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left his son Hezekiah for his successor."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pekah Died By The Treachery Of Hoshea Who Was A Little After Subdued By Shalmaneser; And How Hezekiah Reigned Instead Of Ahaz; And What Actions Of Piety And Justice He Did. </i><br>1. About the same time Pekah, the king of Israel, died by the treachery of a friend of his, whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom nine years' time, but was a wicked man, and a despiser of the Divine worship; and Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, made an expedition against him, and overcame him, (which must have been because he had not God favorable nor assistant to him,) and brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay an appointed tribute. Now, in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name was Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was good, and righteous, and religious; for when he came to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was prior, or more necessary, or more advantageous to himself, and to his subjects, than to worship God. Accordingly, he called the people together, and the priests, and the Levites, and made a speech to them, and said, \"You are not ignorant how, by the sins of my father, who transgressed that sacred honor which was due to God, you have had experience of many and great miseries, while you were corrupted in your mind by him, and were induced to worship those which he supposed to be gods; I exhort you, therefore, who have learned by sad experience how dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that immediately out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from your former pollutions, and to open the temple to these priests and Levites who are here convened, and to cleanse it with the accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all to the ancient honor which our fathers paid to it; for by this means we may render God favorable, and he will remit the anger he hath had to us.\"",
+                    "2. When the king had said this, the priests opened the temple; and when they had set in order the vessels of God, and east out what was impure, they laid the accustomed sacrifices upon the altar. The king also sent to the country that was under him, and called the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long time, on account of the wickedness of the forementioned kings. He also sent to the Israelites, and exhorted them to leave off their present way of living, and return to their ancient practices, and to worship God, for that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, all in one body, the feast of unleavened bread; and this he said was by way of invitation only, and to be done of their own good-will, and for their own advantage, and not out of obedience to him, because it would make them happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming of the ambassadors, and upon their laying before them what they had in charge from their own king, were so far from complying therewith, that they laughed the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them as fools: as also they affronted the prophets, which gave them the same exhortations, and foretold what they would suffer if they did not return to the worship of God, insomuch that at length they caught them, and slew them; nor did this degree of transgressing suffice them, but they had more wicked contrivances than what have been described: nor did they leave off, before God, as a punishment for their impiety, brought them under their enemies: but of that more hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who were obedient to what the prophets exhorted them to do, and returned to the worship of God. Now all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that they might worship God [there].",
+                    "3. When these men were come, king Hezekiah went up into the temple, with the rulers and all the people, and offered for himself seven bulls, and as many rams, with seven lambs, and as many kids of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers, laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and permitted the priests to complete the sacred offices about them. So they both slew the sacrifices, and burnt the burnt-offerings, while the Levites stood round about them, with their musical instruments, and sang hymns to God, and played on their psalteries, as they were instructed by David to do, and this while the rest of the priests returned the music, and sounded the trumpets which they had in their hands; and when this was done, the king and the multitude threw themselves down upon their face, and worshipped God. He also sacrificed seventy bulls, one hundred rams, and two hundred lambs. He also granted the multitude sacrifices to feast upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other cattle; and the priests performed all things according to the law. Now the king was so pleased herewith, that he feasted with the people, and returned thanks to God; but as the feast of unleavened bread was now come, when they had offered that sacrifice which is called the passover, they after that offered other sacrifices for seven days. When the king had bestowed on the multitude, besides what they sanctified of themselves, two thousand bulls, and seven thousand other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers; for they gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand and forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been so well observed from the days of king Solomon, as it was now first observed with great splendor and magnificence; and when the festival was ended, they went out into the country and purged it, and cleansed the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king also gave order that the daily sacrifices should be offered, at his own charges, and according to the law; and appointed that the tithes and the first-fruits should be given by the multitude to the priests and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon Divine service, and never be taken off from the worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought together all sorts of their fruits to the priests and the Levites. The king also made garners and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every one of the priests and Levites, and to their children and wives; and thus did they return to their old form of Divine worship. Now when the king had settled these matters after the manner already described, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat them, and possessed himself of all the enemy's cities, from Gaza to Gath; but the king of Assyria sent to him, and threatened to overturn all his dominions, unless he would pay him the tribute which his father paid him formerly; but king Hezekiah was not concerned at his threatenings, but depended on his piety towards God, and upon Isaiah the prophet, by whom he inquired and accurately knew all future events. And thus much shall suffice for the present concerning this king Hezekiah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Shalmaneser Took Samaria By Force And How He Transplanted The Ten Tribes Into Media, And Brought The Nation Of The Cutheans Into Their Country [In Their Room]. </i><br>1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had it told him, that [Hoshea] the king of Israel had sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring his assistance against him, he was very angry, and made an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not admitted [into the city] by the king, (24) he besieged Samaria three years, and took it by force in the ninth year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh year of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, and quite demolished the government of the Israelites, and transplanted all the people into Media and Persia among whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when he had removed these people out of this their land he transplanted other nations out of Cuthah, a place so called, (for there is [still] a river of that name in Persia,) into Samaria, and into the country of the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites were removed out of Judea nine hundred and forty-seven years after their forefathers were come out of the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of the country, but eight hundred years after Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have already observed, two hundred and forty years, seven months, and seven days after they had revolted from Rehoboam, the grandson of David, and had given the kingdom to Jeroboam. And such a conclusion overtook the Israelites, when they had transgressed the laws, and would not hearken to the prophets, who foretold that this calamity would come upon them, if they would not leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to these evil doings, was that sedition which they raised against Rehoboam, the grandson of David, when they set up Jeroboam his servant to be their king, when, by sinning against God, and bringing them to imitate his bad example, made God to be their enemy, while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which he justly deserved.",
+                    "2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria and Phoenicia in a hostile manner. The name of this king is also set down in the archives of Tyre, for he made an expedition against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus; and Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote his Chronology, and translated the archives of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the following history: \"One whose name was Eluleus reigned thirty-six years; this king, upon the revolt of the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again to a submission. Against these did the king of Assyria send an army, and in a hostile manner overrun all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with them all, and returned back; but Sidon, and Ace, and Palsetyrus revolted; and many other cities there were which delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Accordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king returned, and fell upon them again, while the Phoenicians had furnished him with threescore ships, and eight hundred men to row them; and when the Tyrians had come upon them in twelve ships, and the enemy's ships were dispersed, they took five hundred men prisoners, and the reputation of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby increased; but the king of Assyria returned, and placed guards at their rivers and aqueducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This continued for five years; and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and drank of the water they had out of the wells they dug.\" And this is what is written in the Tyrian archives concerning Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria.",
+                    "3. But now the Cutheans, who removed into Samaria, (for that is the name they have been called by to this time, because they were brought out of the country called Cuthah, which is a country of Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it,) each of them, according to their nations, which were in number five, brought their own gods into Samaria, and by worshipping them, as was the custom of their own countries, they provoked Almighty God to be angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized upon them, by which they were destroyed; and when they found no cure for their miseries, they learned by the oracle that they ought to worship Almighty God, as the method for their deliverance. So they sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired him to send them some of those priests of the Israelites whom he had taken captive. And when he thereupon sent them, and the people were by them taught the laws, and the holy worship of God, they worshipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague ceased immediately; and indeed they continue to make use of the very same customs to this very time, and are called in the Hebrew tongue Cutlans, but in the Greek tongue Samaritans. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition, they say they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from other countries. But of these we shall have a more seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Sennacherib Made An Expedition Against Hezekiah; What Threatenings Rabshakeh Made To Hezekiah When Sennacherib Was Gone Against The Egyptians; How Isaiah The Prophet Encouraged Him; How Sennacherib Having Failed Of Success In Egypt, Returned Thence To Jerusalem; And How Upon His Finding His Army Destroyed, He Returned Home; And What Befell Him A Little Afterward. </i><br>1. It was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib, made an expedition against him with a great army, and took all the cities of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to bring his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassadors to him beforehand, and promised to submit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the proposals that were made him; and if he might receive three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would then do him no harm, but go away as he came. So Hezekiah submitted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should be freed from his enemy, and from any further distress about his kingdom. Accordingly, the Assyrian king took it, and yet had no regard to what he had promised; but while he himself went to the war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders, with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak with him; but he did not himself come out to them for fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends; the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So these men came out, and stood over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; and when Rabshakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to Hezekiah in the manner following: That Sennacherib, the great king, (1) desires to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in flying from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army would be beaten by them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this be what he expects, he is a foolish man, and like one who leans on a broken reed; while such a one will not only fall down, but will have his hand pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the will of God, who hath granted this favor to him, that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner he shall destroy those that are his subjects also. When Rabshakeh had made this speech in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skillful in that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude that heard him should be disturbed; so he desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue. But the general, understanding what he meant, and perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer with a greater and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said, that \"since they all heard what were the king's commands, they would consult their own advantage in delivering up themselves to us; for it is plain the both you and your king dissuade the people from submitting by vain hopes, and so induce them to resist; but if you be courageous, and think to drive our forces away, I am ready to deliver to you two thousand of these horses that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on their backs, and show your strength; but what you have not you cannot produce. Why therefore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a superior force, who can take you without your consent? although it will be safer for you to deliver yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and will bring further calamities upon you.\"",
+                    "3. When the people, as well as the ambassadors, heard what the Assyrian commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his royal apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of a mourner, and, after the manner of his country, he fell upon his face, and besought God, and entreated him to assist them, now they had no other hope of relief. He also sent some of his friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put up supplications to him, that he would have indignation at the expectations of their enemies, and have mercy upon his people. And when the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends that were about him; and foretold that their enemies should be beaten without fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner, and not with that insolence which they now show, for that God would take care that they should be destroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he came home he should perish by the sword.",
+                    "4. About the same time also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man, in supposing that he should escape from being his servant, since he had already brought under many and great nations; and he threatened, that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, unless he now opened the gates, and willingly received his army into Jerusalem. When he read this epistle, he despised it, on account of the trust that he had in God; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid it up within the temple. And as he made his further prayers to God for the city, and for the preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah said that God had heard his prayer, and that he should not be besieged at this time by the king of Assyria (2) that for the future he might be secure of not being at all disturbed by him; and that the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other affairs. But after a little while the king of Assyria, when he had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, returned home without success, on the following occasion: He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium; and when the banks that he had raised over against the walls were of a great height, and when he was ready to make an immediate assault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved to march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the Assyrians, this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I said before, left Pelusium, and returned back without success. Now concerning this Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the second book of his histories, how \"this king came against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and that as he was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following occasion: This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king.\" But in this Herodotus was mistaken, when he called this king not king of the Assyrians, but of the Arabians; for he saith that \"a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one night both the bows and the rest of the armor of the Assyrians, and that it was on that account that the king, when he had no bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium.\" And Herodotus does indeed give us this history; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assyrians, and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and says thus:",
+                    "5. \"Now when Sennacherib was returning from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in danger [by a plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper upon his army; and on the very first night of the siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with their captains and generals, were destroyed. So the king was in a great dread and in a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great fear for his whole army, he fled with the rest of his forces to his own kingdom, and to his city Nineveh; and when he had abode there a little while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his elder sons, (3) Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in his own temple, which was called Araske. Now these sons of his were driven away on account of the murder of their father by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennacherib.\" And this proved to be the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hezekiah Was Sick, And Ready To Die; And How God Bestowed Upon Him Fifteen Years Longer Life, [And Secured That Promise] By The Going Back Of The Shadow Ten Degrees. </i><br>1. Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after a surprising manner, from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with all his people, because nothing else had destroyed some of their enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate that they departed from Jerusalem, but that Divine assistance. Yet, while he was very zealous and diligent about the worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe distemper, insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and expected no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and besides the distemper (4) itself, there was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered the king, which was the consideration that he was childless, and was going to die, and leave his house and his government without a successor of his own body; so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of God that he would prolong his life for a little while till he had some children, and not suffer him to depart this life before he was become a father. Hereupon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of his supplication, because the trouble he was under at his supposed death was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom, nor did he on that account pray that he might have a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons, that might receive the government after him. And God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah, that within three days' time he should get clear of his distemper, and should survive it fifteen years, and that he should have children also. Now, upon the prophet's saying this, as God had commanded him, he could hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was under, which was very sore, and by reason of the surprising nature of what was told him; so he desired that Isaiah would give him some sign or wonder, that he might believe him in what he had said, and be sensible that he came from God; for things that are beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes, are made credible by actions of the like nature. And when Isaiah had asked him what sign he desired to be exhibited, he desired that he would make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to return again to the same place, (5) and to make it as it was before. And when the prophet prayed to God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what he desired to see, and was freed from his distemper, and went up to the temple, where he worshipped God, and made vows to him.",
+                    "2. At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes; (6) but of these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose name was Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired he would be his ally and his friend. So he received the ambassadors gladly, and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his armory, and the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious stones and in gold, and gave them presents to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back to him. Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and inquired of him whence those ambassadors came; to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from the king; and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of his riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and be able to inform the king of it. But the prophet rejoined, and said, \"Know thou, that, after a little while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that God foretold such things would come to pass.\" Upon which words Hezekiah was troubled, and said that he was himself unwilling that his nation should fall into such calamities; yet since it is not possible to alter what God had determined, he prayed that there might be peace while he lived. Berosus also makes mention of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, Whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these we shall speak hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Manasseh Reigned After Hezekiah; And How When He Was In Captivity He Returned To God And  Was Restored To His Kingdom And Left It To [His Son] Amon. </i><br>1. When king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already mentioned, and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Manasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he departed from the conduct of his father, and fell into a course of life quite contrary thereto, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in all respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the commission of which against God they had been destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple of God, and the city, and the whole country; for, by setting out from a contempt of God, he barbarously slew all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews; nor would he spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So God was angry at these proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by whom he threatened the very same calamities to them which their brethren the Israelites, upon the like affronts offered to God, were now under. But these men would not believe their words, by which belief they might have reaped the advantage of escaping all those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn that what the prophets had told them was true.",
+                    "2. And when they persevered in the same course of life, God raised up war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the country; and caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him to be brought to him, and had him under his power to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him. But then it was that Manasseh perceived what a miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself the cause of all, he besought God to render his enemy humane and merciful to him. Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what he prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in; and when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavored, if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a very religious life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder of his days he was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for his deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his life long. He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having very nearly experienced what a calamity he was fallen into by a contrary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded. And when he had re-established what concerned the Divine worship, as it ought to be, he took care of the security of Jerusalem: he did not only repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall to the former. He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned places before the city he strengthened, not only in other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that they wanted. And indeed, when he had changed his former course, he so led his life for the time to come, that from the time of his return to piety towards God he was deemed a happy man, and a pattern for imitation. When therefore he had lived sixty-seven years, he departed this life, having reigned fifty-five years, and was buried in his own garden; and the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother's name was Meshulemeth, of the city of Jotbath."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Amon Reigned Instead Of Manasseh; And After Amon Reigned Josiah; He Was Both Righteous And Religious. As Also Concerning Huldah The Prophetess. </i><br>1. This Amon imitated those works of his father which he insolently did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made against him by his own servants, and was slain in his own house, when he had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned two. But the multitude punished those that slew Amon, and buried him with his father, and gave the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath, and her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a pattern and a rule to him in the whole conduct of his life. And when he was twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his religious and righteous behavior; for he brought the people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave off the opinion they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but to worship their own God. And by repeating on the actions of his progenitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a very elderly man, and like one abundantly able to understand what was fit to be done; and what he found they had well done, he observed all the country over, and imitated the same. And thus he acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and in compliance with the advice and instruction of the elders; for by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the order of his government, and in piety with regard to the Divine worship. And this happened because the transgressions of the former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away; for the king went about the city, and the whole country, and cut down the groves which were devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their altars; and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by his forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them down; and by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that they might order the matters to them severally belonging, and have regard to justice above all things, and distribute it with the same concern they would have about their own soul. He also sent over all the country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, according to every one's inclinations and abilities. And when the money was brought in, he made one Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joab the recorder, and Eliakim the high priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges contributed thereto; who made no delay, nor put the work off at all, but prepared architects, and whatsoever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about the work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a public demonstration of the king's piety.",
+                    "2. But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high priest, and gave order, that out of what money was overplus, he should cast cups, and dishes, and vials, for ministration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should bring all the gold or silver which was among the treasures, and expend that also in making cups and the like vessels. But as the high priest was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the holy books of Moses that were laid up in the temple; and when he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to the king, and informed him that all was finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the books to him, who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment, and called for Eliakim the high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for certain [other] of his most particular friends, and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent family,) and bid them go to her, and say that [he desired] she would appease God, and endeavor to render him propitious to them, for that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the transgression of the laws of Moses by their forefathers, they should be in peril of going into captivity, and of being cast out of their own country; lest they should be in want of all things, and so end their days miserably. When the prophetess had heard this from the messengers that were sent to her by the king, she bid them go back to the king, and say that \"God had already given sentence against them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and deprive them of all the happiness they enjoyed; which sentence none could set aside by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on account of their transgressions of the laws, and of their not having repented in so long a time, while the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishment that would ensue on their impious practices; which threatening God would certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded that he is God, and had not deceived them in any respect as to what he had denounced by his prophets; that yet, because Josiah was a righteous man, he would at present delay those calamities, but that after his death he would send on the multitude what miseries he had determined for them.",
+                    "3. So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people every where, and ordered that the priests and the Levites should come together to Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age should be present also. And when they had gathered together, he first read to them the holy books; after which he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant, with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep the laws of Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent willingly, and undertook to do what the king had recommended to them. So they immediately offered sacrifices, and that after an acceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious and merciful to them. He also enjoined the high priest, that if there remained in the temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast it out. So when a great number of such vessels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the priests of the idols that were not of the family of Aaron.",
+                    "4. And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he came into the country, and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam, in honor of strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam first built; and, as the prophet [Jadon], who came to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and when all the people heard him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here mentioned. And it happened that those predictions took effect after three hundred and sixty-one years.",
+                    "5. After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and persuaded them to desist from their impious practices, and to leave off the honors they paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. He also searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities, out of a suspicion that somebody might have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of the sun] that were set up in his royal palace, (7) which his predecessors had framed, and what thing soever there was besides which they worshipped as a god. And when he had thus purged all the country, he called the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of unleavened bread, and that called the passover. He also gave the people for paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thousand oxen for burnt-offerings. The principal of the priests also gave to the priests against the passover two thousand and six hundred lambs; the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs, and five hundred oxen, by which means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while every priest explained the matter, and ministered to the multitude. And indeed there had been no other festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacrifices now was the occasion that all things were performed according to the laws, and according to the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had after this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also, among all men, he ended his life in the manner following."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Josiah Fought With Neco [King Of Egypt.] And Was Wounded And Died In A Little Time Afterward; As Also How Neco Carried Jehoahaz, Who Had Been Made King Into Egypt And Delivered The Kingdom To Jehoiakim; And [Lastly] Concerning Jeremiah And Ezekiel. </i><br>1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had overthrown the dominion of the Assyrians, (8) for he had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him from passing through his own country, in his expedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a herald to Josiah, and told him that he did not make this expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and desired that he would not provoke him to fight against him, because he obstructed his march to the place whither he had resolved to go. But Josiah did not admit of this advice of Neco, but put himself into a posture to hinder him from his intended march. I suppose it was fate that pushed him on this conduct, that it might take an occasion against him; for as he was setting his army in array, (9) and rode about in his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his eagerness of fighting; for being sorely wounded, he command a retreat to be sounded for his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of that wound; and was magnificently buried in the sepulcher of his fathers, when he had lived thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him, (10) which is extant till tills time also. Moreover, this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in writing a description of that destruction of our nation which has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and left behind him in writing two books concerning these events. Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place.",
+                    "2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-three years old. He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hamutal, of the city Libhah. He was an impious man, and impure in his course of life; but as the king of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him, to the city called Hamath (11) which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put him in bands, and delivered the kingdom to a brother of his, by the father's side, whose name was Eliakim, and changed his name to Jehoiakim and laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold; and this sum of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute; but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he had reigned three months and ten days. Now Jehoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief; nor was he either religions towards God, or good-natured towards men."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Nebuchadnezzar, When He Had Conquered The King Of Egypt Made An Expedition Against The Jews, And Slew Jehoiakim, And Made Jeholachin His Son King. </i><br>1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians, who at the same time went up with a great army to the city Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken to fight with Neco king of Egypt, under whom all Syria then was. And when Neco understood the intention of the king of Babylon, and that this expedition was made against him, he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men to Euphrates to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Babylon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reigned four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened upon his refusal to make war against him. He was aftrighted at his threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for three years.",
+                    "2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute; yet was he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim the king would be subdued by him. But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, because there were none that should escape; for both the multitude and the rulers, when they heard him, had no concern about what they heard; but being displeased at what was said, as if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they accused Jeremiah, and bringing him before the court, they required that a sentence and a punishment might be given against him. Now all the rest gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who prudently sent away the prophet from the court of [the prison], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah no harm; for they said that he was not the only person who foretold what would come to the city, but that Micah signified the same before him, as well as many others, none of which suffered any thing of the kings that then reigned, but were honored as the prophets of God. So they mollified the multitude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah from the punishment to which he was condemned. Now when this prophet had written all his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had composed of his predictions of what was to befall the city, and the temple, and the multitude. And when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they carried the book, and gave it to the king; so he gave order, in the presence of his friends, that his scribe should take it, and read it. When the king heard what it contained, he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was consumed. He also commanded that they should seek for Jeremiah, and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished. However, they escaped his anger.",
+                    "3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he received [into the city], and this out of fear of the foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing he should suffer nothing that was terrible, because he neither shut the gates, nor fought against him; yet when he was come into the city, he did not observe the covenants he had made, but he slew such as were in the flower of their age, and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their king Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls, without any burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the country, and of the city: he also took the principal persons in dignity for captives, three thousand in number, and led them away to Babylon; among which was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then but young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Nehushta; she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That The King Of Babylon Repented Of Making Jehoiachin King, And Took Him Away To Babylon And Delivered The Kingdom To Zedekiah. This King Would Not Relieve What Was Predicted By Jeremiah And Ezekiel But Joined Himself To The Egyptians; Who When They Came Into Judea, Were Vanquished By The King Of Babylon; As Also What Befell Jeremiah. </i><br>1. But a terror seized on the king of Babylon, who had given the kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that immediately; he was afraid that he should bear him a grudge, because of his killing his father, and thereupon should make the country revolt from him; wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did not desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his mother and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that neither should they suffer any harm, nor the city; which agreement they did not observe for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all that were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring them bound to him; their number was ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends. And when these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin's uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of friendship with the Egyptians.",
+                    "2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one year's old when he took the government; and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a despiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of the same age with him were wicked about him, and the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent things they pleased; for which reason the prophet Jeremiah came often to him, and protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his impieties and transgressions, and take care of what was right, and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom were wicked men,) nor give credit to their false prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Babylon would make no more war against them, and as if the Egyptians would make war against him, and conquer him, since what they said was not true, and the events would not prove such [as they expected]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard the prophet speak, he believed him, and agreed to every thing as true, and supposed it was for his advantage; but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him to do what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people, which when he heard, he sent accounts of them unto Jerusalem. But Zedekiah did not believe their prophecies, for the reason following: It happened that the two prophets agreed with one another in what they said as in all other things, that the city should be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said that Zedekiah should not see Babylon, while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds. A nd be-",
+                    "3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of overcoming the Babylonians. When the king of Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city Jerusalem itself to besiege it. But when the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege; upon which the king of Babylon departed from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle with them, and beat them; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove them out of all Syria. Now as soon as the king of Babylon was departed from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that the king of Babylon would not any more make war against him or his people, nor remove them out of their own country into Babylon; and that those then in captivity would return, with all those vessels of the temple of which the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied what contradicted those predictions, and what proved to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; that the Egyptians would be of no advantage to them, but that the king of Babylon would renew the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and would destroy the people by famine, and carry away those that remained into captivity, and would take away what they had as spoils, and would carry off those riches that were in the temple; nay, that, besides this, he would burn it, and utterly overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his posterity seventy years; that then the Persians and the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and overthrow the Babylonians; \"and that we shall be dismissed, and return to this land, and rebuild the temple, and restore Jerusalem.\" When Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him; but the rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to go elsewhere, to his own country, which was called Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; (12) and as he was going, one of the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and accused him falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians; but Jeremiah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was only going to his own country; but the other would not believe him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, and was reserved to be punished; and this was the condition he was in for some time, while he suffered what I have already described unjustly.",
+                    "4. Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second expedition against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months, and besieged it with the utmost application. There came upon them also two of the greatest calamities at the same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential distemper, and made great havoc of them. And though the prophet Jeremiah was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the multitude to open their gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that if they did so, they should be preserved, and their whole families; but if they did not so, they should be destroyed; and he foretold, that if any one staid in the city, he should certainly perish by one of these ways, - either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy's sword; but that if he would flee to the enemy, he should escape death. Yet did not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they were in the midst of their sore calamities; but they came to the king, and in their anger informed him what Jeremiah had said, and accused him, and complained of the prophet as of a madman, and one that disheartened their minds, and by the denunciation of miseries weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for their country, while he, in a way of threatening, warned them to flee to the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly be taken, and be utterly destroyed.",
+                    "5. But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he might not be engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, by opposing what they intended, he let them do with the prophet whatsoever they would; whereupon, when the king had granted them such a permission, they presently came into the prison, and took him, and let him down with a cord into a pit full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So he stood up to the neck in the mire which was all about him, and so continued; but there was one of the king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. When the king heard this, he repented of his having delivered up the prophet to the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king's guards, and cords with them, and whatsoever else they understood to be necessary for the prophet's preservation, and to draw him up immediately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was ordered to take, and drew up the prophet out of the mire, and left him at liberty [in the prison].",
+                    "6. But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired what he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his present circumstances, and desired him to inform him of it, Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat to say; but he said withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; \"for,\" said he, \"thy friends have determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some wickedness; and where are now those men who deceived us, and said that the king of Babylon would not come and fight against us any more? but I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me to die.\" And when the king had assured him upon oath, that he would neither himself put him to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance that was given him, and gave him this advice: That he should deliver the city up to the Babylonians; and he said that it was God who prophesied this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be preserved, and escape out of the danger he was in, and that then neither should the city fall to the ground, nor should the temple be burned; but that [if he disobeyed] he would be the cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens, and of the calamity that would befall his whole house. When the king heard this, he said that he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, and what he declared would be to his advantage, but that he was afraid of those of his own country that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be punished. But the prophet encouraged him, and said he had no cause to fear such punishment, for that he should not have the experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the Babylonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives, and that the temple should then continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah had said this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray what they had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they should have learned that he had been sent for, and should inquire of him what it was that he was sent for, and what he had said to him; but to pretend to them that he besought him that he might not be kept in bonds and in prison. And indeed he said so to them; for they came to the prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came to give the king relating to them. And thus I have finished what concerns this matter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The King Of Babylon Took Jerusalem And Burnt The Temple And Removed The People Of Jerusalem And Zedekiah To Babylon. As Also, Who They Were That Had Succeeded In The High Priesthood Under The Kings. </i><br>1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem; and he erected towers upon great banks of earth, and from them repelled those that stood upon the walls; he also made a great number of such banks round about the whole city, whose height was equal to those walls. However, those that were within bore the siege with courage and alacrity, for they were not discouraged, either by the famine, or by the pestilential distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prosecution of the war, although those miseries within oppressed them also, and they did not suffer themselves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of the enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived still different engines to oppose all the other withal, till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, which had the greater sagacity and skill; the former party supposing they should be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the enemy's engines were useless to them. And this siege they endured for eighteen months, until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which the enemy threw at them from the towers.",
+                    "2. Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care of the siege, for he abode himself in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one desire to know them, were these: Nergal Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sorsechim, and Rabmag. And when the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy's generals were entered into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his wives, and his children, and his captains, and his friends, and with them fled out of the city, through the fortified ditch, and through the desert; and when certain of the deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at break of day, they made haste to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city with him, when they saw their enemies near them, they left him, and dispersed themselves, some one way, and some another, and every one resolved to save himself; so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with his children and his wives, and brought him to the king. When he was come, Nebuchadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten his former words, when he promised to keep the country for him. He also reproached him for his ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and given it to him, he had made use of the power he gave him against him that gave it; \"but,\" said he, \"God is great, who hated that conduct of thine, and hath brought thee under us.\" And when he had used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons and his friends to be slain, while Zedekiah and the rest of the captains looked on; after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him, and carried him to Babylon. And these things happened to him, (13) as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah prophesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel.",
+                    "3. We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many different ways, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their proper season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid the experience of those calamities.",
+                    "4. And after this manner have the kings of David's race ended their lives, being in number twenty-one, until the last king, who all together reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first king, retained the government twenty years, though he was not of the same tribe with the rest.",
+                    "5. And now it was that the king of Babylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, who had it also in command to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay the city even with the ground, and to transplant the people into Babylon. Accordingly, he came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried out the vessels of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that large laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden tables and the candlesticks; and when he had carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar: he also burnt the palace, and overthrew the city. Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six months, and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty-two years, six months, and ten days from the departure out of Egypt; and from the deluge to the destruction of the temple, the whole interval was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days; but from the generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days; so great was the number of years hereto belonging. And what actions were done during these years we have particularly related. But the general of the Babylonian king now overthrew the city to the very foundations, and removed all the people, and took for prisoners the high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch who was over the armed men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers; all which, together with the vessels which they had pillaged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off there; but he himself led all the captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we just now related.",
+                    "6. And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the kings, and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set down the names of the high priests, and who they were that succeeded one another in the high priesthood under the Kings. The first high priest then at the temple which Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity; after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's son was Isus; after him was Axioramus; his son was Phidens, and Phideas's son was Sudeas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Juelus's son was Jotham, and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias, and Nerias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallumus, and Sallumus's son was Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, (14) and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive to Babylon. All these received the high priesthood by succession, the sons from their father.",
+                    "7. When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the people in the country of Babylon, but freed the high priest from his bonds."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Nebuzaradan Set Gedaliah Over The Jews That Were Left In Judea Which Gedaliah Was A Little Afterward Slain By Ishmael; And How Johanan After Ishmael Was Driven Away Went Down Into Egypt With The People Which People Nebuchadnezzar When He Made An Expedition Against The Egyptians Took Captive And Brought Them Away To Babylon. </i><br>1. Now the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, when he had carried the people of the Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted, in the country, and made one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle and righteous disposition. He also commanded them that they should cultivate the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon, for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; and if he did not like to do so, he desired him to inform him where he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same to the king. But the prophet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell any where else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable remains of it. When the general understood what his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he left behind, to take all possible care of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he wanted. So when he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, which was called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his disciple Baruch, the son of Neriah, one of a very eminent family, and exceeding skillful in the language of his country.",
+                    "2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon. But as to those that fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scattered over the country, when they heard that the Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were to cultivate the same, they came together from all parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah, and Jezaniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of the royal family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, and abode with him during that time; and Gedaliah persuaded them, now they were there, to stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready to defend them. He also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one of them pleased; and that they would send men along with his own servants, and rebuild their houses upon the old foundations, and dwell there; and he admonished them beforehand, that they should make preparation, while the season lasted, of corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed during the winter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them, that every one might dwell in what place of the country he pleased.",
+                    "3. Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him, after they had fled away, upon this [only] condition, that they should pay tribute to the king of Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the country. And when Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, observed the country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secretly, that he might have the dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal family; and they said that he might deliver himself from this treacherous design, if he would give them leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for they told him they were afraid that, when he was killed by the other, the entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would ensue. But he professed that he did not believe what they said, when they told him of such a treacherous design, in a man that had been well treated by him; because it was not probable that one who, under such a want of all things, had failed of nothing that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an in stance of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted by others, to endeavor, and that earnestly, to kill him with his own hands: that, however, if he ought to suppose this information to be true, it was better for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy a man who fled to him for refuge, and intrusted his own safety to him, and committed himself to his disposal.",
+                    "4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away. But after the interval of thirty days was over, Ishmael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with him; and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those that were with him, in a splendid manner at his table, and had given them presents, he became disordered in drink, while he endeavored to be very merry with them; and when Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups to the degree of insensibility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sudden, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah, and those that were with him at the feast; and when he had slain them, he went out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in the city, and those soldiers also which were left therein by the Babylonians. But the next day fourscore men came out of the country with presents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might not be seen; but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that entreated him not to kill them, till they had delivered up to him what riches they had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furniture, and garments, and corn: but he took captive the people that were in Mispah, with their wives and children; among whom were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah. And when he had done this, he came to the king of the Ammonites.",
+                    "5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at it, and every one of them took his own armed men, and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron. And when those that were carried away captives by Ishmael saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad, and looked upon them as coming to their assistance; so they left him that had carried them captives, and came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the Ammonites; but Johanan took those whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and children, and came to a certain place called Mandra, and there they abode that day, for they had determined to remove from thence and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Babylonians should slay them, in case they continued in the country, and that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for governor.",
+                    "6. Now while they were under this deliberation, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and desired that he would pray to God, that because they were at an utter loss about what they ought to do, he would discover it to them, and they sware that they would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to them. And when the prophet said he would be their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that after ten days God appeared to him, and said that he should inform Johanan, and the other rulers, and all the people, that he would be with them while they continued in that country, and take care of them, and keep them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of whom they were afraid; but that he would desert them if they went into Egypt, and, out of this wrath against them, would inflict the same punishments upon them which they knew their brethren had already endured. So when the prophet had informed Johanan and the people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed, when he said that God commanded them to continue in the country; but they imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and belied God, and that he persuaded them to stay there, that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of God, which he gave them by the prophet, and removed into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Baruch along with him.",
+                    "7. And when they were there, God signified to the prophet that the king of Babylon was about making an expedition against the Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt should be taken, and the king of Babylon should slay some of them and, should take others captive, and bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition against Celesyria; and when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the Ammonites and Moabites; and when he had brought all these nations under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew the king that then reigned (15) and set up another; and he took those Jews that were there captives, and led them away to Babylon. And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites out of their country, and placed therein the nation of the Cutheans, who had formerly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then called Samaritans, by taking the name of the country to which they were removed; but the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes, (16) placed no other nation in their country, by which means all Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to be a desert for seventy years; but the entire interval of time which passed from the captivity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty years, six months, and ten days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Daniel And What Befell Him At Babylon. </i><br>1. But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, took some of the most noble of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the comeliness of their countenances, and delivered them into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to be made by them. He also made some of them to be eunuchs; which course he took also with those of other nations whom he had taken in the flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from his own table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now exercised themselves sufficiently in that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply themselves to. Now among these there were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias; and the king of Babylon changed their names, and commanded that they should make use of other names. Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their application to learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom.",
+                    "2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen had resolved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the king's table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all living creatures. So he came to Ashpenaz, who was that eunuch to whom the care of them was committed, (17) and desired him to take and spend what was brought for them from the king, but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides the flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for that their inclinations were to that sort of food, and that they despised the other. He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what they desired, but he suspected that they would be discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies, and the alteration of their countenances, because it could not be avoided but their bodies and colors must be changed with their diet, especially while they would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other children, who would fare better, and thus they should bring him into danger, and occasion him to be punished; yet did they persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful, to give them what food they desired for ten days, by way of trial; and in case the habit of their bodies were not altered, to go on in the same way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should reduce them to their former diet. Now when it appeared that they were so far from becoming worse by the use of this food, that they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came from the king's table seemed less plump and full, while those that were with Daniel looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury. Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the king sent every day from his supper, according to custom, to the children, but gave them the forementioned diet, while they had their souls in some measure more pure, and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had their bodies in better tune for hard labor; for they neither had the former oppressed and heavy with variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on the same account; so they readily understood all the learning that was among the Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being already sufficiently skillful in wisdom, was very busy about the interpretation of dreams; and God manifested himself to him.",
+                    "3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment. So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he had seen a dream, and informed them that he had forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what the dream was, and what was its signification; and they said that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream; and he gave command to have them all put to death, since they confessed they could not do what they were commanded to do. Now when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all the wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was captain of the king's guards, and desired to know of him what was the reason why the king had given command that all the wise men, and Chaldeans, and magicians should be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired. So the king bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel's promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand by him its signification also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying. So when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had seen the night before.",
+                    "4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, \"God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof; for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them what was only the work of God. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream: Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings; but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass.\" Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king (18) but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings.",
+                    "5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee; and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God, and gave command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the name, of his own god upon him, [Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended the king upon the occasion following: he made an image of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that was under his dominions, and commanded them, in the first place, that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet, they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that those who did not so, should be cast into a fiery furnace. When therefore all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped the image, they relate that Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, because they would not transgress the laws of their country. So these men were convicted, and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did not touch them; and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore it was too weak to burn the young men when they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they continued in great esteem with him.",
+                    "6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision; how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he halt lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, (19) he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magicians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them to tell him what it signified; but when none of them could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel was the only person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it. But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature, as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point, or complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own, or taking any thing away from there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Nebuchadnezzar And His Successors And How Their Government Was Dissolved By The Persians; And What Things Befell DanieL In Media; And What Prophecies He Delivered There. </i><br>1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, (20) he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: \"When his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him. So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years; (21) and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. So he took upon him the management of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia; but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round about the inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before his father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast height and immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days. (22) He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things like her own country, she having been bred up in the palaces of Media.\" Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavors to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in fortitude, and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia. Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both of India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this king.",
+                    "2. But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents, and made him honorable above the rest of the kings that were in Babylon; for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before. When Evil-Merodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Niglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar, (23) who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; against him did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had with him his concubines and his friends; whereupon he came to a resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own temple, should be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming against God. In the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables; at which sight, being disturbed, he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all that sort of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him. But when the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind, and under great trouble at this surprising accident; so he caused it to be proclaimed through all the country, and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea, and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions. When this proclamation was made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of the writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before. Now when the king's grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, (24) she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted. She therefore desired that he would send for him, and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness of those that could not find their meaning, and this, although what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy nature.",
+                    "3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; and when he had discoursed to him what he had learned concerning him and his wisdom, and how a Divine Spirit was with him, and that he alone was fully capable of finding out what others would never have thought of, he desired him to declare to him what this writing meant; that if he did so, he would give him leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would bestow on him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw him, and who inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honors. But Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom and of Divine revelation admits of no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners freely; but that still he would explain the writing to him; which denoted that he should soon die, and this because he had not learnt to honor God, and not to admit things above human nature, by what punishments his progenitor had undergone for the injuries he had offered to God; and because he had quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was removed to feed among wild beasts for his impieties, and did not recover his former life among men and his kingdom, but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplications and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his life, as one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God, and had made use of his vessels amongst his concubines; that therefore God saw this, and was angry with him, and declared by this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion of his life he should come to. And he explained the writing thus:\" MANEH. This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a Number, because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for thy government, and that there remains but a small portion. THEKEL This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already.--PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment,. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians.\"",
+                    "4. When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and affliction, as was to be expected, when the interpretation was so heavy upon him. However, he did not refuse what he had promised Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon him; as reasoning thus, that what he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and a just man to give what he had promised, although the events were of a melancholy nature. Accordingly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was taken by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years old. He was the son of Astyages, and had another name among the Greeks. Moreover, he took Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into Media, and honored him very greatly, and kept him with him; for he was one of the three presidents whom he set over his three hundred and sixty provinces, for into so many did Darius part them.",
+                    "5. However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great favor with Darius, and was alone intrusted with every thing by him, a having somewhat divine in him, he was envied by the rest; for those that see others in greater honor than themselves with kings envy them; and when those that were grieved at the great favor Daniel was in with Darius sought for an occasion against him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above all the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it might be justly given him; he afforded those that envied him not the least handle for an accusation. So when they could find nothing for which they might calumniate him to the king, nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and thereby deprive him of the honor he was in with him, they sought for some other method whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had gotten an occasion by which they might ruin him; so they came to Darius and told him that the princes and governors had thought proper to allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that no one might offer a petition or prayer either to himself or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress this decree shall be cast into the den of lions, and there perish.\"",
+                    "6. Whereupon the king, not being acquainted with their wicked design, nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel, said he was pleased with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm what they desired; he also published an edict to promulgate to the people that decree which the princes had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of them all; but the princes having met with the occasion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came presently to the king, and accused him, that Daniel was the only person that transgressed the decree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their gods. This discovery they made, not because of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and observed him out of envy; for supposing that Darius did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready to grant him pardon for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more honorable to him, but desired he might be cast into the den of lions according to the law. So Darius, hoping that God would deliver him, and that he would undergo nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts, bid him bear this accident cheerfully. And when he was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way, but he passed all the night without food and without sleep, being in great distress for Daniel; but when it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and found the seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive. And as soon as he heard the king's voice, and said that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den. Now when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which was terrible, they would not own that he was preserved by God, and by his providence; but they said that the lions had been filled full with food, and on that account it was, as they supposed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him; and this they alleged to the king. But the king, out of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order that they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions; and when they had filled themselves, he gave further order that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den, that he might learn whether the lions, now they were full, would touch them or not. And it appeared plain to Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel (25) for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very hungry, and wanted food. I suppose therefore it was not their hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to destroy the princes]; for if it so please God, that wickedness might, by even those irrational creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for their punishment.",
+                    "7. When therefore those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all the country, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that he was the only true God, and had all power. He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and made him the principal of his friends. Now when Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, and it is still remaining, and preserved to this day; and to such as see it, it appears to have been lately built, and to have been no older than that very day when any one looks upon it, it is so fresh (26) flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time; for buildings suffer the same as men do, they grow old as well as they, and by numbers of years their strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Now they bury the kings of Media, of Persia, and Parthia in this tower to this day, and he who was entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest; which thing is also observed to this day. But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, for the several books that he wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this time; and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of future events, as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their accomplishment. And while prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the accomplishment of them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations. He also related, that when he stood up, he was shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the air from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon him: that afterward he saw a very great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple worship to confusion, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this vision after the following manner: He said that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that the last horn signified the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings in riches and glory: that the he-goat signified that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should receive his entire dominion: that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them, and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should reign over the habitable earth for many years; and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years' time. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Cyrus, King Of The Persians, Delivered The Jews Out Of Babylon And Suffered Them To Return To Their Own Country And To Build Their Temple, For Which Work He Gave Them Money. </i><br>1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus (1) which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and calamity of these poor people, according as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the destruction of the city, that after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity. And these things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him write this throughout all Asia: \"Thus saith Cyrus the king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea.\"",
+                    "2. This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said that God had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: \"My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple.\" This was foretold by Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the Divine power, an earnest desire and ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild their city Jerusalem, (2) and the temple of God, for that he would be their assistant, and that he would write to the rulers and governors that were in the neighborhood of their country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and silver for the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts for their sacrifices.",
+                    "3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave their possessions; and when they were come thither, all the king's friends assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, some gold, and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and the revival of the ancient practices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and had carried to Babylon. So he committed these things to Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built; and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here follow:",
+                    "\"King Cyrus To Sisinnes And Sathrabuzanes Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place where it was before. I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God. I require also that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as follows: Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring [the drink-offerings], and three hundred of silver; thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. (3) I permit them to have the same honor which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachme; and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and when they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king's treasury.\" And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Death Of Cyrus The Jews Were Hindered In Building Of The Temple By The Cutheans, And The Neighboring Governors; And How Cambyses Entirely Forbade The Jews To Do Any Such Thing. </i><br>1. When the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the Jews were very zealous about building it, the neighboring nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought out of Persia and Media, and had planted in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel captives, besought the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs, that they would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city, and in the building of their temple. Now as these men were corrupted by them with money, they sold the Cutheans their interest for rendering this building a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this; and it so happened, that when he had led his army against the Massagetae, he ended his life. (4) But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries of Amlnon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were as follow: \"To our lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greeting. It is fit, O king, that thou shouldst know that those Jews which were carried to Babylon are come into our country, and are building that rebellious and wicked city, and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and raising up the temple; know therefore, that when these things are finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule over others than be ruled over themselves. We therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O king, while the works about the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou mayst search into the books of thy fathers, for thou wilt find in them that the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. We thought proper also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayst otherwise perhaps be ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia.\"",
+                    "2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they told him, and wrote back to them as follows: \"Cambyses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Phoenicia, after this manner: I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched into, and it is there found that this city hath always been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia. Wherefore I gave order, that the Jews shall not be permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented.\" When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple. Accordingly, these works were hindered from going on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at Damascus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How After The Death Of Cambyses And The Slaughter Of The Magi But Under The Reign Of Darius, Zorobabel Was Superior To The Rest In The Solution Of Problems And Thereby Obtained This Favor Of The King, That The Temple Should Be Built. </i><br>1. After the slaughter of file Magi, who, upon the death of Cambyses, attained the government of the Persians for a year, those families which were called the seven families of the Persians appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to God, that if he came to be king, he would send all the vessels of God that were in Babylon to the temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem; for there had been an old friendship between him and the king. He was also, with two others, thought worthy to be guard of the king's body; and obtained that honor which he hoped for.",
+                    "2. Now, in the first year of the king's reign, Darius feasted those that were about him, and those born in his house, with the rulers of the Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces. But when they had eaten and drunk to satiety, and abundantly, they every one departed to go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went to bed; but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not being able to sleep any more, he fell into conversation with the three guards of his body, and promised, that to him who should make an oration about points that he should inquire of, such as should be most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wisdom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of gold, and a head tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck, and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom; \"and,\" says he, \"he shall be called my cousin.\" Now when he had promised to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them, \"Whether wine was not the strongest?\"--the second, \"Whether kings were not such?\" - and the third, \"Whether women were not such? or whether truth was not the strongest of all?\" When he had proposed that they should make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest; but in the morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place where he used to give audience, and bid each of the guards of his body to declare what they thought proper concerning the proposed questions, in the hearing of them all.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength of wine, and demonstrated it thus: \"When,\" said he,\" I am to give my opinion of wine, O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing, by the following indications: It deceives the mind of those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to the same state with that of the orphan, and he who stands in need of a tutor; and erects that of the slave to the boldness of him that is free; and that of the needy becomes like that of the rich man, for it changes and renews the souls of men when it gets into them; and it quenches the sorrow of those that are under calamities, and makes men forget the debts they owe to others, and makes them think themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes them talk of no small things, but of talents, and such other names as become wealthy men only; nay more, it makes them insensible of their commanders, and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance of their friends and companions, for it arms men even against those that are dearest to them, and makes them appear the greatest strangers to them; and when they are become sober, and they have slept out their wine in the night, they arise without knowing any thing they have done in their cups. I take these for signs of power, and by them discover that wine is the strongest and most insuperable of all things.\"",
+                    "4. As soon as the first had given the forementioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he left off; and the next to him began to speak about the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it was the strongest of all, and more powerful than any thing else that appears to have any force or wisdom. He began his demonstration after the following manner; and said,\" They are men who govern all things; they force the earth and the sea to become profitable to them in what they desire, and over these men do kings rule, and over them they have authority. Now those who rule over that animal which is of all the strongest and most powerful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable in power and force. For example, when these kings command their subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened to; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is so great that they are obeyed. They command men to level mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay, when they are commanded to be killed and to kill, they submit to it, that they may not appear to transgress the king's commands; and when they have conquered, they bring what they have gained in the war to the king. Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the ground, and plough it, and when, after they have endured the labor and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to the king; and whatsoever it is which the king says or commands, it is done of necessity, and that without any delay, while he in the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch, and such as are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear; for no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away and take care of his own affairs; but he esteems this one thing the only work of necessity, to guard the king, and accordingly to this he wholly addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, while so great a multitude obeys his injunctions?\"",
+                    "5. Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about truth, who said thus: \"Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men obey, but women are superior to them in power; for it was a woman that brought the king into the world; and for those that plant the vines and make the wine, they are women who bear them, and bring them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we do not receive from them; for these women weave garments for us, and our household affairs are by their means taken care of, and preserved in safety; nor can we live separate from women. And when we have gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and any other thing that is of great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave all these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure it to ourselves. We also leave father, and mother, and the earth that nourishes us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them. But what will chiefly make you take notice of the strength of women is this that follows: Do not we take pains, and endure a great deal of trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our labors, do not we bring them to the women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so many people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem taken away from him, and put upon her own head, while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad; and according to the change of her passions, he flattered his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great humiliation of himself to her, if at my time he saw her displeased at him.\"",
+                    "6. And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he began to speak about truth; and he said, \"I have already demonstrated how powerful women are; but both these women themselves, and the king himself, are weaker than truth; for although the earth be large, and the heaven high, and the course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved according to the will of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that what is unrighteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all things else that have any strength are mortal and short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal and eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as will wither away by time, nor such riches as may be taken away by fortune, but righteous rules and laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous to rebuke.\" (5)",
+                    "7. So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it was truth alone that had immutable strength, and such as never would wax old, the king commanded that he should ask for somewhat over and above what he had promised, for that he would give it him because of his wisdom, and that prudence wherein he exceeded the rest; \"and thou shalt sit with me,\" said the king, \"and shalt be called my cousin.\" When he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the vow he had made in case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was, \"to rebuild Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God; as also to restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And this,\" said he, \"is that request which thou now permittest me to make, on account that I have been judged to be wise and understanding.\"",
+                    "8. So the king was pleased with what he had said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote to the toparchs and governors, and enjoined them to conduct Zorobabel and those that were going with him to build the temple. He also sent letters to those rulers that were in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building the city. He also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to Judea should be free; and he prohibited his deputies and governors to lay any king's taxes upon the Jews; he also permitted that they should have all that land which they could possess themselves of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to restore those villages which they had taken from the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty talents should be given them for the building of the temple. He also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices, and that whatsoever the high priest and the priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made at his own charges; and that the musical instruments which the Levites used in singing hymns to God should be given them. Moreover, he charged them, that portions of land should be given to those that guarded the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance; and withal he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do before him relating to the restoration of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained should be done accordingly.",
+                    "9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he went out of the palace, and looking up to heaven, he began to return thanks to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the victory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of Darius himself; for, said he, \"I had not been thought worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favorable to me.\" When therefore he had returned these thanks to God for the present circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to afford him the like favor for the time to come, he came to Babylon, and brought the good news to his countrymen of what grants he had procured for them from the king; who, when they heard the same, gave thanks also to God that he restored the land of their forefathers to them again. So they betook themselves to drinking and eating, and for seven days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and children, and cattle, who traveled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also besides accompanied them with rejoicing.",
+                    "10. And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number out of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite particularly the names of those families, that I may not take off the mind of my readers from the connexion of the historical facts, and make it hard for them to follow the coherence of my narrations; but the sum of those that went up, above the age of twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand (6) the Levites were seventy-four; the number of the women and children mixed together was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two; and besides these, there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-two; there were also others besides these, who said they were of the Israelites, but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two: some there were also who were expelled out of the number and honor of the priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could not produce, nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; they were about five hundred and twenty-five: the multitude also of servants that followed those that went up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred and forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the beasts used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and twenty-five; and the governors of all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of Josedek the high priest; and besides these there were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were distinguished from the multitude, and were rulers, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of silver. By this means therefore the priests and the Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned every one to their own countries."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Temple Was Built While The Cutheans Endeavored In Vain To Obstruct The Work. </i><br>1. Now in the seventh month after they were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest, and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every way round about, and gathered those that were in the country together to Jerusalem universally, who came very gladly thither. He then built the altar on the same place it had formerly been built, that they might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, according to the laws of Moses. But while they did this, they did not please the neighboring nations, who all of them bare an ill-will to them. They also celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concerning it; and after they offered sacrifices, and what were called the daily sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month. They also began to build the temple, and gave a great deal of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and what was necessary for the maintenance of the workmen. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them together, and to make a united float of them, and to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was now done at the command of Darius.",
+                    "2. In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews were there in the second month, the building of the temple went on apace; and when they had laid its foundations on the first day of the second month of that second year, they set, as overseers of the work, such Levites as were full twenty years old; and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel the brother of Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons; and the temple, by the great diligence of those that had the care of it, was finished sooner than any one would have expected. And when the temple was finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed garments, stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, according as David first of all appointed them to bless God. Now the priests and Levites, and the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves how much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing that now made how much inferior it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had been built of old, considered with themselves how much their happy state was sunk below what it had been of old, as well as their temple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts; but the people in general were contented with their present condition; and because they were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor indeed at all tormented themselves with the comparison of that and the former temple, as if this were below their expectations; but the wailing of the old men and of the priests, on account of the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that which had been demolished, overcame the sounds of the trumpets and the rejoicing of the people.",
+                    "3. But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came running together, and desired to know what was the occasion of this tumult; and when they perceived that it was from the Jews, who had been carried captive to Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the families, and desired that they would give them leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with them in building it; for they said, \"We worship their God, and especially pray to him, and are desirous of their religious settlement, and this ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us out of Cuthah and Media to this place.\" When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest, and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was impossible for them to permit them to be their partners, whilst they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful for them to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them nothing but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship God there.",
+                    "4. When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation, they had indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same manner as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews in their zeal about it. Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was that they built the temple in this manner, since it was more like to a citadel than a temple? and for what reason it was that they built cloisters and walls, and those strong ones too, about the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest replied, that they were the servants of God Almighty; that this temple was built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it continued a long time, but that because of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took their city by force, and destroyed it, and pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and transplanted the people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon; that Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote to them to build the temple, and committed the gifts and vessels, and whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the treasurer; and gave order to have them carried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their own temple, when it was built; for he had sent to them to have that done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem, and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon receiving that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid its foundations; \"and although it hath been in building from that time to this, it hath not yet been finished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies. If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath consulted the records of the kings, he may find that we have told you nothing that is false about this matter.\"",
+                    "5. When Zorobabel and the high priest had made this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder the building, until they had informed king Darius of all this. So they immediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest the king should change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem and of the temple, there were two prophets at that time among them, Haggai and Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So, in dependence on those prophets, they applied themselves earnestly to building, and did not intermit one day.",
+                    "6. Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in their epistle had accused the Jews, how they fortified the city, and built the temple more like to a citadel than to a temple; and said, that their doings were not expedient for the king's affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of Cambyses, wherein he forbade them to build the temple: and when Darius thereby understood that the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were with him, he gave order that what concerned these matters should be sought for among the royal records. Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was in Media, wherein was written as follows: \"Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign, commanded that the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in height threescore cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their own country; and he ordained that the expenses of it should be paid out of the king's revenue. He also commanded that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people of Jerusalem; and that the care of these things should belong to Sanabassar, the governor and president of Syria and Phoenicia, and his associates, that they may not meddle with that place, but may permit the servants of God, the Jews and their rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that they should assist them in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the country where they were governors, on account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the goats, and fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things that the priests should suggest to them; and that they should pray for the preservation of the king, and of the Persians; and that for such as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to them, he commanded that they should be caught, and hung upon a cross, and their substance confiscated to the king's use. He also prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder the building of the temple, God would strike him dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness.\"",
+                    "7. When Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose contents were these: \"King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it you; and I will that all things be done as is therein written. Fare ye well.\" So when Sisinnes, and those that were with him, understood the intention of the king, they resolved to follow his directions entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and the princes of the Sanhedrim; and the structure of the temple was with great diligence brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, according to God's commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was built in seven years' time. And in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is by us called Adar, but by the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests, and Levites, and the other multitude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of their former prosperity after their captivity, and because they had now the temple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes, (for so many are the tribes of the Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every tribe. The priests also and the Levites set the porters at every gate, according to the laws of Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple that were round about the temple itself.",
+                    "8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month, which, according to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but according to us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having purified themselves, with their wives and children, according to the law of their country; and they offered the sacrifice which was called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same month, and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of the king of Persia favorable to them. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; for before their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days; but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses, and of Joshua their commander. And this is the account I had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were delivered from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius.",
+                    "9. (7) But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came; and whatsoever it was that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it. They had also the governors favorable to them, and assisting them for that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves or by others, as far as they were able. So the Jews determined to send an embassage to king Darius, in favor of the people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse the Samaritans. The ambassadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers; and as soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations and complaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria; the contents of which epistle were these: \"King Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sainaritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow servants that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in the building of the temple, and do not supply them with the expenses which I commanded you to do for the offering their sacrifices. My will therefore is this, That upon the reading of this epistle, you supply them with whatsoever they want for their sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that they may not leave off offering their daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the Persians.\" And these were the contents of that epistle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Xerxes The Son Of Darius Was Well Disposed To The Jews; As Also Concerning Esdras And Nehemiah. </i><br>1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom, who, as he inherited his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God, and honor of him; for he did all things suitably to his father relating to Divine worship, and he was exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high priest. Moreover, there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a great reputation among the multitude. He was the principal priest of the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skillful in the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had determined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some of those Jews that were in Babylon; and he desired that the king would give him an epistle to the governors of Syria, by which they might know who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the following epistle to those governors: \"Xerxes, king of kings, to Esdras the priest, and reader of the Divine law, greeting. I think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given command for that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counselors, and this in order to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them those presents which I and my friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest. Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make, and shall take the expenses out of the king's treasury. I have, moreover, written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that God may not be at all angry with me, or with my children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or scribes of the temple. And do thou, O Esdras, appoint judges according to the wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as understand the law, that they may judge in all Syria and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant of it, that if any one of thy countrymen transgress the law of God, or that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be punished by death, or by paying fines. Farewell.\"",
+                    "2. When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and began to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cause of the king's great favor to him, and that for the same reason he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there; but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it to all those of his own nation that were in Media. And when these Jews had understood what piety the king had towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleased; nay, many of them took their effects with them, and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that country; wherefore there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Iomans, while the ten tribes are beyond Euphrates till now, and are an immense multitude, and not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants to Esdras. So he gathered those that were in the captivity together beyond Euphrates, and staid there three days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might make their prayers to God for their preservation, that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way, either from their enemies, or from any other ill accident; for Esdras had said beforehand that he had told the king how God would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request that he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had finished their prayers, they removed from Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money to the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six hundred and fifty talents, vessels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more precious than gold, (8) twelve talents by weight; for these Presents had been made by the king and his counselors, and by all the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sacrifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the common preservation of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, for the remission of sins. He also delivered the king's epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors of Celesyria and Phoenicia; and as they were under a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they honored our nation, and were assistant to them in all their necessities.",
+                    "3. Now these things were truly done under the conduct of Esdras; and he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the success of his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteousness. But some time afterward there came some persons to him, and brought an accusation against certain of the multitude, and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into confusion. These persons desired him to support the laws, lest God should take up a general anger against them all, and reduce them to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent his garment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off the hair of his head and beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because this crime had reached the principal men among the people; and considering that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives, and the children they had by them, he should not be hearkener to, he continued lying upon the ground. However, all the better sort came running to him, who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief he was under for what had been done. So Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands towards heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it, because of the sins which the people had committed, while they had cast out of their memories what their fathers had undergone on account of their wickedness; and he besought God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and to their own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to have compassion on them, that he would also forgive them their sins they had now committed, which, though they deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the punishment due to them.",
+                    "4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all those that came to him with their wives and children were under lamentation, one whose name was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came to him, and said that they had sinned in marrying strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them all to cast those wives out, and the children born of them, and that those should be punished who would not obey the law. So Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those wives and children, according to the advice of Jechonias. And when he had received their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that day. And when proclamation was made, that all those of the captivity should gather themselves together to Jerusalem, and those that did not meet there in two or three days should be banished from the multitude, and that their substance should b appropriated to the uses of the temple, according to the sentence of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews, is called Tebeth, and according to the Macedonians, Apelleius. Now as they were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the elders also were present, but were uneasy because of the cold, Esdras stood up and accused them, and told them that they had sinned in marrying wives that were not of their own nation; but that now they would do a thing both pleasing to God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away. Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That, however, the multitude was great, and that the season of the year was winter, and that this work would require more than one or two days. \"Let their rulers, therefore, [said they,] and those that have married strange wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders of every place, that are in common to estimate the number of those that have thus married, are to be there also.\" Accordingly, this was resolved on by them, and they began the inquiry after those that had married strange wives on the first day of the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first day of the next month, and found a great many of the posterity of Jeshua the high priest, and of the priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a greater regard to the observation of the law than to their natural affection, (9) and immediately cast out their wives, and the children which were born of them. And in order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew rams, as oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of these men. So when Esdras had reformed this sin about the marriages of the forementioned persons, he reduced that practice to purity, so that it continued in that state for the time to come.",
+                    "5. Now when they kept the feast of tabernacles in the seventh month (10) and almost all the people were come together to it, they went up to the open part of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be read to them. Accordingly, he stood in the midst of the multitude and read them; and this he did from morning to noon. Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were instructed to be righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for their past offenses, they were displeased at themselves, and proceeded to shed tears on their account, as considering with themselves that if they had kept the law, they had endured none of these miseries which they had experienced. But when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he bade them go home, and not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to do. (11) He exhorted them rather to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to let their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security and a guard to them, that they fell no more into the like offenses. So upon Esdras's exhortation they began to feast; and when they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they departed to their own homes, singing hymns to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what corruptions had been introduced into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after he had obtained this reputation among the people, he died an old man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it happened also that Joacim, the high priest, died; and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood. ",
+                    "6. Now there was one of those Jews that had been carried captive who was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he heard some strangers that were entering the city, after a long journey, speaking to one another in the Hebrew tongue; so he went to them, and asked them whence they came. And when their answer was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire of them again in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Jerusalem was; and when they replied that they were in a bad state (12) for that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the neighboring nations did a great deal of mischief to the Jews, while in the day time they overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the night did them mischief, insomuch that not a few were led away captive out of the country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the day time found full of dead men. Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said, \"How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it suffers so great miseries, and while we are made the prey and spoil of all men?\" And while he staid at the gate, and lamented thus, one told him that the king was going to sit down to supper; so he made haste, and went as he was, without wishing himself, to minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer. But as the king was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful than usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and seeing him look sad, he asked him why he was sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favor, and afford him the power of persuading by his words, and said, \"How can I, O king, appear otherwise than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepulchers of my fathers, are thrown down to the ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire? But do thou grant me the favor to go and build its wall, and to finish the building of the temple.\" Accordingly, the king gave him a signal that he freely granted him what he asked; and told him that he should carry an epistle to the governors, that they might pay him due honor, and afford him whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. \"Leave off thy sorrow then,\" said the king, \"and be cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter.\" So Nehemiah worshipped God, and gave the king thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from the king's promises. Accordingly, the king called for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to pay due honor to Nehemiah, and to supply him with what he wanted for his building.",
+                    "7. Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many of his countrymen, who voluntarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. And when he had shown the epistles to God (13) he gave them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple, and made the following speech to them: \"You know, O Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually, and for the sake of their righteousness hath not left off the care of you. Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this authority of the king to raise up our wall, and finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you, therefore who well know the ill-will our neighboring nations bear to us, and that when once they are made sensible that we are in earnest about building, they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of obstructing our works, that you will, in the first place, put your trust in God, as in him that will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit building neither night nor day, but to use all diligence, and to hasten on the work, now we have this especial opportunity for it.\" When he had said this, he gave order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work of it among the people, according to their villages and cities, as every one's ability should require. And when he had added this promise, that he himself, with his servants, would assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared for the work: that is the name they are called by from the day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first to these places, and thence both they and the country gained that appellation.",
+                    "8. But now when the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Celesyria, heard that the building went on apace, they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, and to hinder their intentions. They also slew many of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy Nehemiah himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad rumors, as if many nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building. But none of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent about the work; he only set a number of men about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect this work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast, take care of his own safety; not that he feared death, but of this persuasion, that if he were dead, the walls for his citizens would never be raised. He also gave orders that the builders should keep their ranks, and have their armor on while they were building. Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well as he that brought the materials for building. He also appointed that their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their enemies appeared, they should give notice of it to the people, that they might fight in their armor, and their enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also went about the compass of the city by night, being never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity. And this trouble he underwent for two years and four months; (14) for in so long a time was the wall built, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of them, and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it. But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and he built them houses at his own expenses; and he commanded that part of the people which were employed in cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually, might not leave the Divine worship; who willingly hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than it was before. So when Nehemiah had done many other excellent things, and things worthy of commendation, in a glorious manner, he came to a great age, and then died. He was a man of a good and righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make his own nation happy; and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. Now this was done in the days of Xerxes."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Esther And Mordecai And Haman; And How In The Reign Of Artaxerxes The Whole Nation Of The Jews Was In Danger Of Perishing. </i><br>1. After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus, whom  the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this man had obtained the government over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, (15) with their wives and children, were in danger of perishing; the occasion whereof we shall declare in a little time; for it is proper, in the first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry a Jewish wife, who was herself of the royal family also, and who is related to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for their governors, such a one as was proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make a public demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days; after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered after the manner following: He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. The cups with which the waiters ministered were of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order to the servants that they should not force them to drink, by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to enjoy himself according to his own inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers through the country, and gave order that they should have a remission of their labors, and should keep a festival many days, on account of his kingdom. In like manner did Vashti the queen gather her guests together, and made them a feast in the palace. Now the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded all other women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and he sent some to command her to come to his feast. But she, out of regard to the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by strangers, did not go to the king (16) and though he oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless stay away, and refused to come, till the king was so much irritated, that he brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those seven who had the interpretation of the laws committed to them, and accused his wife, and said that he had been affronted by her, because that when she was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not obey him once. He therefore gave order that they should inform him what could be done by the law against her. So one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that this affront was offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, if they must be thus despised by them; for that none of their wives would have any reverence for their husbands, if they had\" such an example of arrogance in the queen towards thee, who rulest over all.\" Accordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a severe manner; and when he had so done, to publish to the nations what had been decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to put Vashti away, and to give her dignity to another woman.",
+                    "2. But the king having been fond of her, did not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he could not admit of a reconciliation; so he was under trouble, as not having it in his power to do what he desired to do. But when his friends saw him so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and to take her whom he should best like for his wife, because his passion for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction of another, and the kindness he had for Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to certain persons to choose out of the virgins that were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the most comely. So when a great number of these virgins were gathered together, there was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was of the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beautiful of all the rest, and that the grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally upon her. So she was committed to one of the eunuchs to take the care of her; and she was very exactly provided with sweet odors, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as her body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for six months by the virgins, who were in number four hundred. And when the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently purified, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he sent one to be with the king ever day. So when he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the eunuch; and when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful wife, and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth month of the seventh year of his reign, which was called Adar. He also sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head. And thus was Esther married, without making known to the king what nation she was derived from. Her uncle also removed from Babylon to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been his own daughter.",
+                    "3. Now the king had made a law, (17) that none of his own people should approach him unless he were called, when he sat upon his throne and men, with axes in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order to punish such as approached to him without being called. However, the king sat with a golden scepter in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of those that approached to him without being called, and he who touched it was free from danger. But of this matter we have discoursed sufficiently.",
+                    "4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen's uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king. This troubled the king; but he discovered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no reward ]: to Mordecai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. He only bid the scribes to set down his name in the records, and bid him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend of the king.",
+                    "5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him; but Mordecai was so wise, and so observant of his own country's laws, that he would not worship the man (18) When Haman observed this, he inquired whence he came; and when he understood that he was a Jew, he had indignation at him, and said within himself, that whereas the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man, who was no better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so. And when he desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them. Accordingly he came to the king, and accused them, saying, \"There is a certain wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable earth the was under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable, neither admitting the same sort of Divine worship that others do, nor using laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and with all men, both in their manners and practices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them utterly, and not leave the least remains of them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves or for captives.\" But that the king might not be damnified by the loss of the tributes which the Jews paid him, Haman promised to give him out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and he said he would pay this money very willingly, that the kingdom might be freed from such a misfortune.",
+                    "6. When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him the money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman, having gained what he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the contents whereof were these: \"Artaxerxes, the great king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained the dominions  of all the habitable earth, according to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but have showed myself mild and gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings for all time to come. And whereas I have been kindly informed by Haman, who, on account of his prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dignity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there is an ill-natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that is averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious to our affairs, I give order that all these men, of whom Haman our second father hath informed us, be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of them be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before obedience to this decree. And this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this present year, that so when all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this in one day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in peace hereafter.\" Now when this decree was brought to the cities, and to the country, all were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their time in feasting together with good cheer and wine, but the city was in disorder.",
+                    "7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about the city, crying out, that \"a nation that had been injurious to no man was to be destroyed.\" And he went on saying thus as far as to the king's palace, and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him to go into it in that habit. The same thing was done by all the Jews that were in the several cities wherein this decree was published, with lamentation and mourning, on account of the calamities denounced against them. But as soon as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report, and sent out such as should change his garments; but when he could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident had befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put off the habit he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai inform the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning, and of the decree which was sent by the king into all the country, and of the promise of money whereby Haman brought the destruction of their nation. He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition the king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonorable thing in her to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was only inferior to that of the king, had accused the Jews, and had irritated the king against them. When she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called by the king, and that he who goes in to him without being called, is to be slain, unless when he is willing to save any one, he holds out his golden scepter to him; but that to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without being called, that person is so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved. Now when the eunuch carried this message from Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only provide for her own preservation, but for the common preservation of her nation, for that if she now neglected this opportunity, there would certainly arise help to them from God some other way, but she and her father's house would be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But Esther sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know that] she with her maidens would do the same: and then she promised that she would go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse it.",
+                    "8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made the people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to overlook his nation, particularly at this time, when it was going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often before provided for them, and forgiven, when they had sinned, so he would now deliver them from that destruction which was denounced against them; for although it was not all the nation that had offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of Haman, \"Because,\" said he, \"I did not worship him, nor could I endure to pay that honor to him which I used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he contrived this present mischief against those that have not transgressed thy laws.\" The same supplications did the multitude put up, and entreated that God would provide for their deliverance, and free the Israelites that were in all the earth from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for they had it before their eyes, and expected its coming. Accordingly, Esther made supplication to God after the manner of her country, by casting herself down upon the earth, and putting on her mourning garments, and bidding farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' time; and she entreated God to have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive to the king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was before, that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for the averting of the king's anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, and for the consolation of those of her own country, now they were in the utmost danger of perishing; as also that he would excite a hatred in the king against the enemies of the Jews, and those that had contrived their future destruction, if they proved to be contemned by him.",
+                    "9. When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put off those garments, and changed her habit, and adorned herself as became a queen, and took two of her handmaids with her, the one of which supported her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the other followed after, and lifted up her large train (which swept along the ground) with the extremities of her fingers. And thus she came to the king, having a blushing redness in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her behavior; yet did she go in to him with fear; and as soon as she was come over against him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which was a garment interwoven with gold and precious stones, which made him seem to her more terrible, especially when he looked at her somewhat severely, and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon her, and he leaped from his throne, and took her in his arms, and recovered her , by embracing her, and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any thing that was sad on account of her coming to him without being called, because that law was made for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well as he a king, might be entirely secure; and as he said this, he put the scepter into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the law; and so freed her from her fear. And after she had recovered herself by these encouragements, she said, \"My lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit departed from me, and I had no soul left in me.\" And while it was with difficulty, and in a low voice, that she could say thus much, the king was in a great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to grant her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Esther desired that he and his friend Haman would come to her to a banquet, for she said she had prepared a supper for him. He consented to it; and when they were there, as they were drinking, he bid Esther to let him know what she desired; for that she should not be disappointed though she should desire the half of his kingdom. But she put off the discovery of her petition till the next day, if he would come again, together with Haman, to her banquet.",
+                    "10. Now when the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very glad, because he alone had the honor of supping with the king at Esther's banquet, and because no one else partook of the same honor with kings but himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was very much displeased, for he paid him no manner of respect when he saw him. So he went home and called for his wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were come, he showed them what honor he enjoyed not only from the king, but from the queen also, for as he alone had that day supped with her, together with the king, so was he also invited again for the next day; yet,\" said he, \"am I not pleased to see Mordecai the Jew in the court.\" Hereupon his wife Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the morning he should ask it of the king that Mordecai might be hanged thereon. So he commended her advice, and gave order to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly prepared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that night he took away the king's sleep; and as the king was not willing to lose the time of his lying awake, but to spend it in something that might be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former kings, and the records of his own actions; and when he had brought them, and was reading them, one was found to have received a country on account of his excellent management on a certain occasion, and the name of the country was set down; another was found to have had a present made him on account of his fidelity: then the scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had discovered; and when the scribe said no more but that, and was going on to another history, the king stopped him, and inquired \"whether it was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?\" and when he said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he inquired of those that were appointed for that purpose, what hour of the night it was; and when he was informed that it was already day, he gave order, that if they found any one of his friends already come, and standing before the court, they should tell him. Now it happened that Haman was found there, for he was come sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have Mordecai put to death; and when the servants said that Haman was before the court, he bid them call him in; and when he was come in, he said, \"Because I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire thee to give me advice how I may honor one that I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable to my magnificence.\" Now Haman reasoned with himself, that what opinion he should give it would be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought of all other the best; for he said, \"If thou wouldst truly honor a man whom thou sayest thou dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with the same garment on which thou wearest, and with a gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through the whole city, that whosoever the king honoreth obtaineth this mark of his honor.\" This was the advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that such a reward would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the advice, and said, \"Go thou therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those things, and go before his horse and proclaim accordingly; for thou art,\" said he, \"my intimate friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life.\" When he heard this order, which was entirely unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to do. However, he went out and led the horse, and took the purple garment, and the golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him put that garment off, and put the purple garment on. But Mordecai, not knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery, said, \"O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost thou thus laugh at our calamities?\" But when he was satisfied that the king bestowed this honor upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him when he convicted the eunuchs who had conspired against him, he put on that purple garment which the king always wore, and put the chain about his neck, and got on horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before and proclaimed, \"This shall be the reward which the king will bestow on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honor.\" And when they had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to the king; but Haman went home, out of shame, and informed his wife and friends of what had happened, and this with tears; who said, that he would never be able to be revenged of Mordecai, for that God was with him.",
+                    "11. Now while these men were thus talking one to another, Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away to come to supper; but one of the eunuchs, named Sabuchadas, saw the gallows that was fixed in Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants for what purpose they had prepared it. So he knew that it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king that he might be punished; but at present he held his peace. Now when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him what gifts she desired to obtain, and assured her that she should have whatsoever she had a mind to. She then lamented the danger her people were in; and said that \"she and her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that she, on that account, made this her petition; that she would not have troubled him if he had only given order that they should be sold into bitter servitude, for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable; but she desired that they might be delivered from such destruction.\" And when the king inquired of her whom was the author of this misery to them, she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, that he had been the wicked instrument of this, and had formed this plot against them. When the king was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet into the gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that he was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen's bed, and was making supplication to her, the king came in, and being still more provoked at what he saw, \"O thou wretch,\" said he, \"thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force in wife?\" And when Haman was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in and accused Haman, and said,\" He found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that the servant told him so much upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call him to supper.\" He said further, that the gallows was fifty cubits high: which, when the king heard, he determined that Haman should be punished after no other manner than that which had been devised by him against Mordecai; so he gave order immediately that he should be hung upon those gallows, and be put to death after that manner. And from hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, that he should undergo the very same punishment which he had contrived for another; as also because thereby he teaches others this lesson, that what mischiefs any one prepares against another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against himself.",
+                    "12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman. The queen also gave Haman's estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of death, and showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman the son of Ammedatha; for that if her country were destroyed, and her countrymen were to perish, she could not bear to live herself any longer. So the king promised her that he would not do any thing that should be disagreeable to her, nor contradict what she desired; but he bid her write what she pleased about the Jews, in the king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles whose authority is secured by having the king's seal to them, would no way contradict what was written therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be sent for, and to write to the nations, on the Jews' behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that were over his hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle were these: \"The great king Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects, sendeth greeting. (19) Many men there are who, on account of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on them, and because of the honor which they have obtained from the wonderful kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their inferiors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that have been their benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude from among men, and by their insolent abuse of such benefits as they never expected, they turn the abundance they have against those that are the authors of it, and suppose they shall lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance which comes from him. Some of these men, when they have had the management of affairs committed to them by their friends, and bearing private malice of their own against some others, by deceiving those that have the power, persuade them to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till they are in danger of perishing, and this by laying accusations and calumnies: nor is this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of such impudent attempts under our own eyes; so that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others, but to determine what any one knows of himself to have been really done, and to punish what justly deserves it, and to grant favors to such as are innocent. This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against me and my life, who gave him his authority, by endeavoring to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and my savior, and by basely and treacherously requiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought to destruction; for he contrived by this means to deprive me of my faithful friends, and transfer the government to others: (20) but since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from the punishment which the former epistle, which was sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to which if you refuse obedience, you shall do well; but I will that they have all honor paid to them. Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that contrived such things against them, with his family, before the gates of Shushan; that punishment being sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And I give you in charge, that you publicly propose a copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that the Jews may be permitted peaceably to use their own laws, and that you assist them, that at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong, they may defend themselves the very same day from unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar; for God hath made that day a day of salvation instead of a day of destruction to them; and may it be a good day to those that wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the conspirators against us: and I will that you take notice, that every city, and every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let this epistle be published through all the country that is under our obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means, be ready against the day before mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon their enemies.\"",
+                    "13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the epistles proceeded on the ways which they were to go with speed: but as for Mordecai, as soon as he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he went forth in a public procession; and when the Jews who were at Shushan saw him in so great honor with the king, they thought his good fortune was common to themselves also, and joy and a beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the cities, and those that were in the countries, upon the publication of the king's letters, insomuch that many even of other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they might procure safety to themselves thereby; for on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which according to the Hebrews is called Adar, but according to the Macedonians, Dystrus, those that carried the king's epistle gave them notice, that the same day wherein their danger was to have been, on that very day should they destroy their enemies. But now the rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai forced them to act with discretion. Now when the royal decree was come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hundred of their enemies; and when the king had told Esther the number of those that were slain in that city, but did not well know what had been done in the provinces, he asked her whether she would have any thing further done against them, for that it should be done accordingly: upon which she desired that the Jews might be permitted to treat their remaining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also that they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. So they gathered themselves together again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew about three hundred of their enemies, but touched nothing of what riches they had. Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept as a festival. In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these days festival, and send portions to one another. Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver them down to posterity, that this festival might continue for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in oblivion; for since they were about to be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to observe those days, and give thanks to God on them; for which cause the Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them days of Phurim [or Purim.] (21) And Mordecai became a great and illustrious person with the king, and assisted him in the government of the people. He also lived with the queen; so that the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they could ever have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews under the reign of Artaxerxes."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How John Slew His Brother Jesus In The Temple; And How Bagoses Offered Many Injuries To The Jews; And What Sanballat Did. </i><br>1. When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes's army, (22) polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to procure him the high priesthood. In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. However, God did not neglect its punishment, but the people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes's army, knew that John, the high priest of the Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them,\" Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?\" And as he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them,\" Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?\" And when he had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretense, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus.",
+                    "2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Sanballat And Manasseh, And The Temple Which They Built On Mount Gerizzim; As Also How Alexander Made His Entry Into The City Jerusalem, And What Benefits He Bestowed On The Jews. </i><br>1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius's army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.",
+                    "2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; for they esteemed this man's marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent all epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses.",
+                    "4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; that it would be for the king's advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter's children should have that dignity; but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.",
+                    "5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king's displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, \"I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the Divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.\" And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest's direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him (23) wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreared him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.",
+                    "6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did but sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, \"It was to the Jews,\" said he, \"that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.\" And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country.",
+                    "7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common (24) or of having broken the sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ptolemy The Son Of Lagus Took Jerusalem And Judea By Deceit And Treachery, And Carried Many Thence, And Planted Them In Egypt. </i><br>1. Now when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned manner, he ended his life. And as his government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia, Seleucus Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt. And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices (1) he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: \"There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition.\" This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt, (2) and settled them there. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covenants; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. However, there were disoders among their posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon contended one with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple was holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ptolemy Philadelphus Procured The Laws Of The Jews To Be Translated Into The Greek Tongue And Set Many Captives Free, And Dedicated Many Gifts To God. </i><br>1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king's library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; (3) that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.",
+                    "2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king's most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: \"It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of GREEK, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.\"",
+                    "3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, \"How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?\" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said,\" A few more than ten times ten thousand.\" The king made answer, \"And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?\" But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas (4) for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its contents were as follows: \"Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither, - be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose that they were made captives without our father's consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king's treasury.\" When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king's ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave.",
+                    "4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king's inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection. On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: \"Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayst write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire.\"",
+                    "5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just (5) because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: \"King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians. And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me.\"",
+                    "6. When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: \"Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, (6) and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell.\"",
+                    "7. This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read this history.",
+                    "8. And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king's mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it. And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation.",
+                    "9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of  the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expeses bestowed upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So that this gift, by the king's great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was.",
+                    "10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work.",
+                    "11. And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters (7) he put questions to them concerning those books; and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows. And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life; for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city.",
+                    "12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was priest, and desired him to say grace; (8) who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question (9) and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated; and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.",
+                    "13. And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men's words, they then left off asking any more such questions. But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself. But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, (10) and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever.",
+                    "14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, \"How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it.\" Demetrius made answer, \"that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were Divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God.\" He also told him, that \"Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer], as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause.\" Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about Divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction.",
+                    "15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Kings Of Asia Honored The Nation Of The Jews And Made Them Citizens Of Those Cities Which They Built. </i><br>1. The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very day: an argument for which you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, (11) they receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mucianus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did not obtain their request in which behavior any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans, (12) especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at a great deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were exasperated against them, because they did not deliver up their weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last, yet did not they take away any of their forementioned privileges belonging to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield to them, neither out of their favor to these people, nor out of their old grudge at those whose wicked opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient favors granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment already, and that it was not just to deprive those that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed.",
+                    "2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. But one may well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and Titus, that after so great wars and contests which they had from us, they should use such moderation. But I will now return to that part of my history whence I made the present digression.",
+                    "3. Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed; for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus's prosperity and its change to adversity. But at length, when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea; and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation; which when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus overcame Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army. But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas had gotten into his possession, and Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accord, went over to him, and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he besieged the garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought it but just to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his service. So he wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good behavior of the Jews towards him, and informed them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for that their behavior. I will set down presently the epistles themselves which he wrote to the generals concerning them, but will first produce the testimony of Polybius of Megalopolis; for thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history: \"Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the superior parts of the country, and in the winter time overthrew the nation of the Jews?' He also saith, in the same book, that \"when Seopas was conquered by Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea, and Samaria, and Abila, and Gadara; and that, a while afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near that temple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which, although I have more to say, and particularly concerning the presence of God about that temple, yet do I put off that history till another opportunity.\" This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return to the series of the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus. <br>King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. \"Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. And, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperheretus. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.\" ",
+                    "4. And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which contained what follows: \"It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified themselves. Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver.\" Moreover, this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis, the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of our nation out of Babylon into Phrygia. The epistle was this:",
+                    "King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; for I am persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread corn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one.\" Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antiochus Made A League With Ptolemy And How Onias Provoked Ptolemy Euergetes To Anger; And How Joseph Brought All Things Right Again, And Entered Into Friendship With Him; And What Other Things Were Done By Joseph, And His Son Hyrcanus. </i><br>1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry. And upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men framed the taxes of their several countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias was high priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just: which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of things nature made him ashamed.",
+                    "2. There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him of the coming of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning at a village named Phicol, (13) where he was born. Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and had been made high priest; but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded. Onias's answer was this: That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation. He replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the multitude together to a congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor aftrighted, because of his uncle Onias's carelessness, but desired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he promised them that he would be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong. And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy's ambassador in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him, and told him that he would soon follow him; for he was now more willing to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his deportment.",
+                    "3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him to excuse the multitude, as not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time all the principal men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every city. So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with him; which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good and generous a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of the management of Onias: to which he answered, \"Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to complain.\" With this good humor and pleasantry of the young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the king's palace, and be a guest at his own table every day. But when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much offended at it.",
+                    "4. And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dignity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together, of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria, [as they were bidden for,] came to eight thousand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them: but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole substance; for this privilege was sold together with the taxes themselves. The king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked him this question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, \"I will give such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you shall have no reason to distrust.\" And when he bid him name them who they were, he replied, \"I give thee no other persons, O king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security for both parties.\" So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes without any sureties. This procedure was a sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame.",
+                    "5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king's friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him what he had done. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and having before them a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects to the king. By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and he made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he was already possessed of, for he privately sent many presents to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself.",
+                    "6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was become the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius's daughter, whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along with him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king, and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and so lay with his brother's daughter; and this did he many times, and loved her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that he loved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him]. But his brother bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook him, and see him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son, whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above them, and such a one as they might well envy, Joseph had once a mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. After them he sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together. When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yokes with him, he contenmed the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than his own; for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the laborers, and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him. And when he was come back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it.",
+                    "7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him, were to keep a festival, on account of the child's birthday, and went away in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be willing to go to the king. And when the elder sons excused themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation, and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to the king, and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. And upon his promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's prudence. After a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most excellent and most precious. So he thinking that the expense of ten talents would be enough for presents to be made the king, and commending his son, as giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that managed all his money matters at Alexandria; which money was not less than three thousand talents on his account, for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to pay them. So when the son had asked his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king's friends, that they should destroy him.",
+                    "8. But when he was come to Alexaudria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said he wanted a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to live extravagantly; and he let him know how his father had gathered together his estate by painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he would give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the king also. The son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with her,) Cleopatra informed the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done. And they report that the answer he made to the king's messenger was this: That \"there was a law of his that forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning he did not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to make to him, as to one who had been his father's benefactor; and that he had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered not Whether a master was little or great: so that unless we punish such as these, thou thyself mayst also expect to be despised by thy subjects.\" Upon hearing this his answer he fell a laughing, and wondered at the great soul of the child.",
+                    "9. When Arion was apprized that this was the king's disposition, and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants privately, and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other. And when he was invited to feast with the king among the principal men in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one according to their dignity. Now when all those that sat with him had laid the bones Of the several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where he sat was filled full with them, Trypho, who was the king's jester, and was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, \"Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou mayst conjecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones.\" And the king laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones before him? he replied,\" Very rightfully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the hones, as I, who am also a man, have now done.\" Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one. On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's friends, and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on his son's birthday; and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every one give according to the quantity of their riches, he pretended to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents. And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters; and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came, the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry, and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleopatra; every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus's brethren had written to destroy him. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man's magnanimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father and brethren about him. So when the king had paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away. But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of their father; for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus's brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes.",
+                    "10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrcanus's father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great magnanimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high priesthood to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows:",
+                    "\"Areus, King Of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abraham (14) It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about any of your concerns as you please. We will also do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four-square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his claws.\"",
+                    "11. And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of Joseph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons. For whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives. He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a rock that was over against him; and then he made large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very delightful and ornamental in the court. But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a good one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parts for seven years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kingdom. Ptolemy also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer, and the youngest Physcon. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon The Quarrels One Against Another About The High Priesthood Antiochus Made An Expedition Against Jerusalem, Took The City And Pillaged The Temples. And Distressed The Jews' As Also How Many Of The Jews Forsook The Laws Of Their Country; And How The Samaritans Followed The Customs Of The Greeks And Named Their Temple At Mount Gerizzim The Temple Of Jupiter Hellenius. </i><br>1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. This Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living. Wherefore they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. (15) And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other nations.",
+                    "2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence; so he came with great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis; and when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, who reigned there. But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly declared. I will now give a particular account of what concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now thought it necessary to go over that history again, and that with great accuracy.",
+                    "3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt (16) for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him. And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a great deal of money, he returned to Antioch.",
+                    "4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by treachery; at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand. He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, (17) for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. And when the king had built an idol altar upon God's altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day. He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king's commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; for they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified, while they were still alive, and breathed. They also strangled those women and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had appointed, hanging their sons about their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if there were any sacred book of the law found, it was destroyed, and those with whom they were found miserably perished also.",
+                    "5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: \"To king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. (18) And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records. We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee.\" When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: \"King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial enclosed. When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius.\" He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Antiochus's Prohibition To The Jews To Make Use Of The Laws Of Their Country Mattathias, The Son Of Asamoneus, Alone Despised The King, And Overcame The Generals Of Antiochus's Army; As Also Concerning The Death Of Mattathias, And The Succession Of Judas. </i><br>1. Now at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who dwelt at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called Maccabeus, (19) and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the multitude were under; and he told them that it was better for them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so ingloriously as they then did.",
+                    "2. But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among them, both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of children, would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because such a procedure would make him honored by the king. But Mattathias said he would not do it; and that if all the other nations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of their country. But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out, \"If\", said he, \"any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me.\" And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on sabbath days. So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision.",
+                    "3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, \"O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for your laws; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs. Your bodies are mortal, and subject to fate; but they receive a sort of immortality, by the remembrance of what actions they have done. And I would have you so in love with this immortality, that you may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives. I exhort you, especially, to agree one with another; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of every one's own virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels be gives you. Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power.\"",
+                    "4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year; and thus, by the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified the land of all the pollutions that were in it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Judas Overthrew The Forces Of Apollonius And Seron And Killed The Generals Of Their Armies Themselves; And How When, A Little While Afterwards Lysias And Gorgias Were Beaten He Went Up To Jerusalem And Purified The Temple. </i><br>1. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp, and went his way. But when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had about him an army sufficient for fighting, and for making war, he determined to make an expedition against him, as thinking it became him to endeavor to punish those that transgressed the king's injunctions. He then got together an army, as large as he was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village of Judea, and there pitched his camp; upon which Judas met him; and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety towards God; and that they had the plainest instances in their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws, and their own children, had frequently conquered many ten thousands, - for innocence is the strongest army. By this speech he induced his men to contenm the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred of the enemy; but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to the sea.",
+                    "2. When king Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry at what had happened; so he got together all his own army, with many mercenaries, whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and prepared to break into Judea about the beginning of the spring. But when, upon his mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of the seditions there had been among the nations he having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes of that country. Hereupon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of his forces, and of his elephants, and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until he came back; and that he should conquer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation. And when king Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia; and in the hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces.",
+                    "3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends, and delivered to them forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain country. There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country round about; as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives, (having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners,) with that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price. And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies. So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech, which he made to them: \"O my fellow soldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present for courage and contempt of dangers; for if you now fight manfully, you may recover your liberty, which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men, so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such circumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws, and the customs of our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious sufferings; nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore manfully; and suppose that you must die, though you do not fight; but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is day tomorrow morning.\"",
+                    "4. And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided. When they had therefore supped in good time, and had left many fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that were at Emmaus. So that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected that they were retired, and had hidden themselves among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek them wheresoever they were. But about break of day Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when he saw the enemy very well and skillfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged the Jews, and told them that they ought to fight, though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such as were more in number, and were armed also, out of regard to their great courage. So he commanded the trumpeters to sound for the battle; and by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia; and of these there fell about three thousand. Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were with him; but that when they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others. And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias's men looked down into that army which they left in their camp, and saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burnt; for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off, what had happened. When therefore those that were with Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight; but then Judas, as though he had already beaten Gorgias's soldiers without fighting, returned and seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of gold, and silver, and purple, and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of their liberty.",
+                    "5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand chosen men. He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there, where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and when he saw the great number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them, and slew about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of them. Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with a greater army.",
+                    "6. When therefore the generals of Antiochus's armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them, that after these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple; so he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-offering], and built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not of such as were hewn with iron tools. So on the five and twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Macedonians call Apeliens, they lighted the lamps that were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense], and laid the loaves upon the table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offerings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Now it so fell out, that these things were done on the very same day on which their Divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years' time; for so it was, that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for three years. This desolation happened to the temple in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apeliens, and on the hundred fifty and third olympiad: but it was dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apeliens, on the hundred and forty-eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad. And this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time].",
+                    "7. Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon; but he feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honored God, and delighted them by hymns and psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the revival of their customs, when, after a long time of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a festival, on account of the restoration of their temple worship, for eight days. And from that time to this we celebrate this festival, and call it Lights. I suppose the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that thence was the name given to that festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses that might come from our enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Judas Subdued The Nations Round About; And How Simon Beat The People Of Tyre And Ptolemais; And How Judas Overcame Timotheus, And Forced Him To Fly Away, And Did Many Other Things After Joseph And Azarias Had Been Beaten </i><br>1. When these things were over, the nations round about the Jews were very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up together, and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them, and making secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men, and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon the Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them, and besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men [that were in them]. After this he went thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous army, of which Timotheus was the commander. And when he had subdued them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their children captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea. But when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavoring to take the place whither they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten together.",
+                    "2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother should take three thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles with any persons whomsoever until his return. Accordingly, Simon-went into Galilee, and fought the enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them, and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home.",
+                    "3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan; and when they had gone three days journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably, and who told them how the affairs of those in the land of Gilead stood; and how many of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into the cities of Galilee; and exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned to the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round the place with his army. And Judas came upon the city in the morning; and when he found that the enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought ladders, on which they might get upon those walls, and that others brought engines [to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies. But when Timotheus's men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good success in war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they were put to flight; but Judas followed them with his army, and slew about eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the land of Gilead.",
+                    "4. But not long after this, Timotheus prepared a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and came with his army beyond the brook, over against the city Raphon; and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder their passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that \"if they come over it, we shall be beaten.\" And when Judas heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army, and went in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him, whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly; and some of them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called the Temple of Camaim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves; but Judas took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used several ways of destroying his enemies.",
+                    "5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with their children and wives, and the substance that belonged to them, and was going to bring them back into Judea; but as soon as he was come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron, that lay upon the road, (and it was not possible for him to go any other way, so he was not willing to go back again,) he then sent to the inhabitants, and desired that they would open their gates, and permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and cut off their passage through it. And when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and, lying round it by day and night, took the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it; and the multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, and arrived at the great plain, over against which is situate the city Bethshah, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis. (20) And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these battles.(21)",
+                    "6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army, (22) and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. And this misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides the rest of Judas's sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of Antiochus Epiphane. How Antiochus Eupator Fought Against Juda And Besieged Him In The Temple And Afterwards Made Peace With Him And Departed; Of Alcimus And Onias. </i><br>1. About this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going over the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry, he found had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia. And being incited by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and pursued after him, insomuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and lost a great many of his army. And when he was grieving for this disappointment, some persons told him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had left behind him to fight against Judea, and what strength the Jews had already gotten. When this concern about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while he plundered their temple, and contemned their God; and when he had said this, he gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder at Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man, yet saith that \"Antiochus died because he had a purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;\" for the purposing to do a thing, (23) but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But if Polybius could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegious plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with those who may think that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.",
+                    "2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him. (24) This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth year; but it was Lysias that declared his death to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and called him Eupator.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews; for the soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out upon the sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this citadel adjoined to and overlooked the temple. When these misfortunes had often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon he got all the people together, and vigorously besieged those that were in the citadel. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidse. So he made engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on to take the citadel. But there were not a few of the runagates who were in the place that went out by night into the country, and got together some other wicked men like themselves, and went to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not suffer them to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay upon them from those of their own nation; and this because their sufferings were occasioned on his father's account, while they left the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred that which he had commanded them to follow: that there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by the king, should be taken by Judas, and those that were with him, unless he would send them succors. When Antiochus, who was but a child, heard this, he was angry, and sent for his captains and his friends, and gave order that they should get an army of mercenaries together, with such men also of his own kingdom as were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants.",
+                    "4. So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went up to the city Bethsnra, a city that was strong, and not to be taken without great difficulty. He set about this city, and besieged it. And while the inhabitants of Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent in the siege. But when Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched his camp in certain straits, at a place called Bethzachriah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array, and made his elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because they could not be set sideways by one another. Now round about every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them]. And he also made the rest of his army to go up the mountains, and put his friends before the rest; and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious splendor was sent from them; and when they shouted the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was not terrified, but received the enemy with great courage, and slew about six hundred of the first ranks. But when his brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the elephants armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that the king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and bravery. He also slew many of those that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest, and then went under the belly of the elephant, and smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. And thus did this man come to his end, when he had first courageously destroyed manyof his enemies.",
+                    "5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he came against Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of Bethsura were terrified at his strength; and seeing that their provisions grew scarce, they delivered themselves up on the security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no other harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a garrison of his own in the city. But as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long time, while they within bravely defended it; for what engines soever the king set against them, they set other engines again to oppose them. But then their provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground they had laid up were spent and the land being not ploughed that year, continued unsowed, because it was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are obliged to let it lay uncultivated. And withal, so many of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that but a few only were left in the temple.",
+                    "6. And these happened to be the circumstances of such as were besieged in the temple. But then, because Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon them out of Persia, and was endeavoring to get the management of public affairs to himself, they came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste to go against Philip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers or to the officers: but the king commanded Lysias to speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very long; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted regulation; and that it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to become friends to their whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution.",
+                    "7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged with them, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make use of, and live according to, the laws of their fathers; and they gladly received his proposals; and when they had gained security upon oath for their performance, they went out of the temple. But when Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with him Onias the high priest, who was also called Menelaus; for Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers. So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest. But when king Antiochus found that Philip had already possessed himself of the government, he made war against him, and subdued him, and took him, and slew him. Now as to Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Bacchides, The General Of Demetrius's Army, Made An Expedition Against Judea, And Returned Without Success; And How Nicanor Was Sent A Little Afterward Against Judas And Perished, Together With His Army; As Also Concerning The Death Of Alcimus And The Succession Of Judas. </i><br>1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him. And when they had taken Antiochus the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which were immediately put to death by the command of Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have already elsewhere related. But there were now many of the wicked Jewish runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus the high priest, who accused the whole nation, and particularly Judas and his brethren; and said that they had slain all his friends, and that those in his kingdom that were of his party, and waited for his return, were by them put to death; that these men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would send some one of his own friends, and know from him what mischief Judas's party had done.",
+                    "2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, (25) a good man, and one that had been intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antioch with his army; and when he was come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with them about a league of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to take him by treachery. But Judas did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great an army as men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war. However, some of the people acquiesced in what Bacchides caused to be proclaimed; and supposing they should undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman, they went over to them; and when they had received oaths from both of them, that neither they themselves, nor those of the same sentiments, should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves with them. But Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he had taken, but slew threescore of them, although, by not keeping his faith with those that first went over, he deterred all the rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing it. But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at the village called Bethzetho, he sent out, and caught many of the deserters, and some of the people also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, with some part of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep the country in obedience and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius.",
+                    "3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly assured to him; and understanding that, if he could bring it about that the multitude should be his friends, he should govern with greater security, he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to each of them after an agreeable and pleasant manner; by which means he quickly had a great body of men and an army about him, although the greater part of them were of the wicked, and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he went all over the country, and slew all that he could find of Judas's party. But when Judas saw that Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed many of the good and holy men of the country, he also went all over the country, and destroyed those that were of the other party. But when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king Demetrius for his assistance; so he came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a great many miseries by his means, and that he would do more mischief unless he were prevented, and brought to punishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force against him.",
+                    "4. So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faithful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas withal, and bid him not to spare the nation at all. When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to get him into his power by treachery; so he sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king Demetrius's intentions were, and what opinion he had of their nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brethren complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friendship, and received Nicanor and his army; but while he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together, he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon which they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them. So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his army together, and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining battle with him at a certain village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas, (26) and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. And when Nicanor came down from the citadel unto the temple, some of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him; and showed him the sacrifices which they offered to God for the king: upon which he blasphemed, and threatened them, that unless the people would deliver up Judas to him, upon his return he would pull down their temple. And when he had thus threatened them, he departed from Jerusalem. But the priests fell into tears out of grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them from their enemies But now for Nicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having joined him. And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa, another village, which was thirty furlongs distant from Bethoron, having no more than one thousand soldiers. And when he had encouraged them not to be dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to consider who they themselves were, and for what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out to fight, and joining battle with Nicanor, which proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell: - upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy; which, when the inhabitants heard, they put on their armor hastily, and met their enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them, insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle, who were in number nine thousand This victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that month which by the Jews is called Adar and by the Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon celebrate this victory every year, and esteem it as a festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but afterward they returned into their former state of wars and hazards.",
+                    "6. But now as the high priest Alcimus, was resolving to pull down the wall of the sanctuary, which had been there of old time, and had been built by the holy prophets, he was smitten suddenly by God, and fell down. (27) This stroke made him fall down speechless upon the ground; and undergoing torments for many days, he at length died, when he had been high priest four years. And when he was dead, the people bestowed the high priesthood on Judas; who hearing of the power of the Romans, and that they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Libya; and that, besides these, they had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and Philip, and Antiochus the Great also; he resolved to enter into a league of friendship with them. He therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the Romans that they would assist them, and be their friends, and would write to Demetrius that he would not fight against the Jews. So the senate received the ambassadors that came from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand on which they came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They also made a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. The decree itself was this: \"The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money; and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist them, as far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind to add to, or to take away any thing from, this league of assistance, that shall be done with the common consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition shall thus be made, it shall be of force.\" This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Eleazar, (28) when Judas was high priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general of the army. And this was the first league that the Romans made with the Jews, and was managed after this manner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Bacchides Was Again Sent Out Against Judas; And How Judas Fell As He Was Courageously Fighting. </i><br>1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army into Judea, who marched out of Antioch, and came into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Galilee; and having besieged and taken those that were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem. And when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain village whose name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him: they were twenty thousand foot-men, and two thousand horsemen. Now Judas had no more soldiers than one thousand. (29) When these saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they were afraid, and left their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no time to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight with Bacchides's army, though he had but eight hundred men with him; so he exhorted these men to undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged them to attack the enemy. And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army, and advised that they should retire now, and save themselves and that when he had gathered his own men together, then he should fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer was this: \"Let not the sun ever see such a thing, that I should show my back to the enemy and although this be the time that will bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me, than by now running away bring reproach upon my former great actions, or tarnish their glory.\" This was the speech he made to those that remained with him, whereby he encouraged them to attack the enemy.",
+                    "2. But Bacchldes drew his army out of their camp, and put them in array for the battle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole army, but he was himself on the right wing. And when he had thus put his army in order of battle, and was going to join battle with the enemy, he commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of battle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the enemy. And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them; and as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till sun-set, Judas saw that Bacehides and the strongest part of the army was in the right wing, and thereupon took the most courageous men with him, and ran upon that part of the army, and fell upon those that were there, and broke their ranks, and drove them into the middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza: but when those of the left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they encompassed Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took him into the middle of their army; so being not able to fly, but encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his former famous actions. When Judas was dead, those that were with him had no one whom they could regard [as their commander]; but when they saw themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But Simon and Jonathan, Judas's brethren, received his dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried it to the village of Modin, where their father had been buried, and there buried him; while the multitude lamented him many days, and performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valor and a great warrior, and mindful of the commands of their father Matrathins; and had undergone all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen. And when his character was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. And when he had retained the high priesthood three years, he died."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jonathan Took The Government After His Brother Judas; And How He, Together With His Brother Simon, Waged War Against Bacchides. </i><br>1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles, and how great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing book; but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them, and distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their want of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and their enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had apostatized from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbors, and committed the care of the country to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he had, in the first place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure, he, by that means, at length killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews was become so great, as they had never had experience of the like since their return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be without a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was. And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of the Jewish army.",
+                    "2. When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might be very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery. But this intention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his brother Simon; but when these two were apprized of it, they took all their companions, and presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city; and when they were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that Bacchides was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, and plundered all that they had with them. They also slew John, and all his companions. However, they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's brethren, as we shall relate presently.",
+                    "3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp among the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day came, and then assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not fight because of the law for resting on that day]: but he exhorted his companions [to fight]; and told them that their lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by the river, and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed upon them from before, and the river was behind them. So after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, and by that means escaped beyond Jordan while the enemies did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned presently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army. He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus, and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed them with strong walls, that were very large also, and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.",
+                    "4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp, and splendor, and much riches: so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother, and that they had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from them for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and lay in wait among the mountains for the coming of their enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends with them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush, and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that then followed them, and so returned, and received this satisfaction for their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and children that followed them, perished, being in number about four hundred.",
+                    "5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years. But when the deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were with him lived in the country very quietly, by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send Bacchides to seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done without any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if they fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides, who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and when, upon all their endeavors, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as having imposed upon him, and upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon Jonathan, with his brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days; but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother Simon knew also of this his falling upon them, because he perceived that the enemies were slain by him; so he sallied out upon them, and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and made a great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them before and some behind him, he fell into despair and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill success of this siege. However, he vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for him so to do, and then to return home.",
+                    "6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they might restore those they had taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more make war one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and after this his departure, he never came into Judea again. Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the city Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and punished the wicked and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander [Bala] In His War With Demetrius, Granted Jonathan Many Advantages And Appointed Him To Be High Priest And Persuaded Him To Assist Him Although Demetrius Promised Him Greater Advantages On The Other Side. Concerning The Death Of Demetrius. </i><br>1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, (1) came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed it to him; for they were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in a palace of his that had four towers which he had built himself, not far from Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere already related. When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the other should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him; and this he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise an army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those hostages of the Jewish nation whom Baechides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter in the audience of the people, and of those that kept the citadel. When these were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the hostages. So he delivered every one of them to his own parents. And thus did Jonathan make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more secure from their enemies. And when those that kept the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver up their garrisons.",
+                    "2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the general of Demetrius's army, he told his friends that he could not at present find any one else that might afford him better assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things against him. If therefore they were of opinion that they should make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for their advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another time. It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: \"King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like manner respect us also.\"",
+                    "3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, (2) four years after the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had been made. So he raised great forces, and had abundance of armor got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius when he heard of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However, he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents whereof are these: \"King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us; for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me (3) and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Peres, that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition. In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in my court. I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses.\"",
+                    "4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being killed; for when his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now on foot, fought bravely. But at length he received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius came to, when he had reigned eleven years, (4) as we have elsewhere related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Friendship That Was Between Onias And Ptolemy Philometor; And How Onias Built A Temple In Egypt Like To That At Jerusalem. </i><br>1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: \"Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about Divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; for the prophet Isaiah foretold that \"there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God; (5) and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place.\"",
+                    "2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: \"King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.\"",
+                    "3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed Divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.",
+                    "4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, (6) and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander Honored Jonathan After An Extraordinary Manner; And How Demetrius, The Son Of Demetrius, Overcame Alexander And Made A League Of Friendship With Jonathan. </i><br>1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God's providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his having received the principality of his forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give.",
+                    "2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them both. Alexander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any disturbance. And when the captains had thus done, those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king's order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends.",
+                    "3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come. He also left Apollonius Daus (7) governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king. \"Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. However, take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten may fly.\"",
+                    "4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put there by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of victory principally in them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind; and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so that the enemy's horsemen, while they threw their darts till they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden button, (8) which it is the custom to give the king's kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for his own inheritance.",
+                    "5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.",
+                    "6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him. Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter. But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius had done them; yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being naturally a good and a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured them that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he should be now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius.",
+                    "8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight; and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not able either to understand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding, on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related.",
+                    "9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, (9) had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that was between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexandria; but Demetrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel was besieged; who was irritated with what he heard, and took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby pacified the king's anger. So he was honored by him, and received from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And when the Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows: \"King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents. \"King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherims, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances; as also what the kings my predecessors received from those that offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of this epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent place of their holy temple.'\" And these were the contents of this writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every where, and that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no others than such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other islands. However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers; on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings before him used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that they might have their good-will, and that they might be very ready to undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should require it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Trypho After He Had Beaten Demetrius Delivered The Kingdom To Antiochus The Son Of Alexander, And Gained Jonathan For His Assistant; And Concerning The Actions And Embassies Of Jonathan. </i><br>1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took notice the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father. Malchus at the first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's intentions and entreaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in.",
+                    "2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish deserters, and wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made answer, that after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not only grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired he would send him some assistance, and informed him that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.",
+                    "3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them; so they watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon him. And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their weapons immediately, and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary soldiers which he had with them, and those Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went up to the top of the palace, and shot at them from thence; and because they were so remote from them by their height, that they suffered nothing on their side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood. So the Antiochians, when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one house to the top of another, and pursued them after that manner, it thence happened that the pursuit was so very surprising. But when the king saw that the Antiochians were were busy in saving their children and their wives, and so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages, and fought them, and slew a great many of them, till at last they were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So he forgave them this their insolent behavior, and put an end to the sedition; and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises he had made; and he threatened that he would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done, if Trypho had not hindered him, and diverted his preparations against Jonathan to a concern for his own preservation; for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants and the city Antioch.",
+                    "4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the child Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the high priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden button, and styled him one of his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed himself to be their friend and confederate, and said he would join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for that when he had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had requited him with further injuries.",
+                    "5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius's generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his hands. And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus; and, in assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius for what offenses he had been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut their gates against him; and although they had deserted Demetrius, they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the people of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but what should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to leave off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they find themselves under such afflictions, they then change their minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till after they have suffered such damages. However, he made a league of friendship with them, and took from them hostages for their performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus.",
+                    "6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were come to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed they should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook the Galileans, who were his own people, when war was made upon them, he went to meet them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as he was able out of the country, and then sat down before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already related. But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of Simon by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no harm from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.",
+                    "7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there. When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day beforehand that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain; which army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was able; but those that were laid in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst between two bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage they daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands they put them to flight. And when those soldiers of Jonathan that had retired saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their flight, and pursued them with great violence; and this did they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.",
+                    "8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation had with them formerly. He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship. The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; a copy of which here follows: \"Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were satisfied about it from the sacred writings (10) yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that friendship which is between us. You will therefore do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according to your desires.\" So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to them.",
+                    "9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essens. Now for the Pharisees, (11) they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.",
+                    "10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus apprized beforehand, provided for his security, and placed watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to have their minds prepared to fight in the night time, if they should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy's designs should seem concealed from them. But when Demetrius's commanders were informed that Jonathan knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered, and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their intentions; nor did they expect to overcome them any other way, now they had failed in the snares they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle, they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw them they might suppose they were there still, they retired. When Jonathan came to give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted, and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not overtake them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went into Arabia, and fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and there sold off what he had taken. About the same time it was that Simon his brother went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds; and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius's generals.",
+                    "11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together, and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the places adjoining stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to build another wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that were in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before. And when these things were approved of by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the building that belonged to the city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses in the country more secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain that country still, as well as Babylon; and when he should have obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation for recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist him in fighting against Arsaces, (12) the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jonathan Was Slain By Treachery; And How Thereupon The Jews Made Simon Their General And High Priest: What Courageous Actions He Also Performed Especially Against Trypho. </i><br>1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him, and then take possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his design relating to Antiochus; but he judging it best to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment, and gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means was desirous to give assurance of his good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded. He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occasion for bringing it with him when there was no war, but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were in the country under his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very designs.",
+                    "2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management, but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness, and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no more than three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in Galilee; and he himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to Ptolemais. But when the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them; but those men having heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execution; and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they covered themselves with their armor, and went away out of the country. Now when those that were sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them no disturbance, but returned back to Trypho.",
+                    "3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by every body, and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest, now they were deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making war with them, should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews as now destitute of a governor and Trypho himself got an army together, and had intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabitants. But when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified at the circumstances they were in, he desired to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people together into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them: \"O my countrymen, you are not ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty; since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws, and our Divine worship, there shall no terror be so great as to banish this resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honorable of all things, - I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will therefore give such proper demonstrations as will show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all with your wives and children from the injuries they intend against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your temple from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you in contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence are encouraged to make war against you.\"",
+                    "4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage; and as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the people cried out all at once that Simon should be their leader; and that instead of Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have the government over them; and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever he should command them. So he got together immediately all his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made their governor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by deceit and trencher, and desired, if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although he knew that if he gave him the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would not set his brother free and withal should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among the multitude as the cause of his brother's death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army together, and told them what offers Trypho had made; and added this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet that it was more eligible to send the money and Jonathan's sons, than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received them, he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against him with his army, and all along pitched his own camp over against his.",
+                    "6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made them so deep, that there was no passing, especially for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and buried them in their own city Modin; and all the people made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected a very large monument for his father and his brethren, of white and polished stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece; a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which were made very surprising, both for their largeness and beauty, and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four years (13) and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that concerned his death.",
+                    "7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and seventy years (14) of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, \"in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;\" for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them; for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamhis. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Simon Confederated Himself With Antiochus Pius, And Made War Against Trypho, And A Little Afterward, Against Cendebeus, The General Of Antiochus's Army; As Also How Simon Was Murdered By His Son-In-Law Ptolemy, And That By Treachery. </i><br>1. (15) Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, (16) the son of Alexander, who was also called The God, (17) and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he would give them a great deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's brother Antiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any further dissimulation, and was the true Trypho; which behavior made his enemies superior to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.",
+                    "2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; who readily accepted of the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when he had reigned three years.",
+                    "3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also himself make a league with the Romans.",
+                    "4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them, (18) and made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already admitted Hyrcanus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Hyrcanus Receives The High Priesthood, And Ejects Ptolemy Out Of The Country. Antiochus Makes War Against Hyrcanus And Afterwards Makes A League With Him. </i><br>1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the high priesthood that had been his father's before, and in the first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place, in other points he was too hard for him, but was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother and brethren, and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, (19) he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia.",
+                    "2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. (20) And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades (21) However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of men in the city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city, and retained that part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the wails, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, (23) by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said. But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer. But the Jews, although they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city. And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.",
+                    "4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity, and marched along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians; of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his history writes thus: \"When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel.\" And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day (24) But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly related elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, After The Death Of Antiochus, Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Syria, And Made A League With The Romans. Concerning The Death Of King Demetrius And Alexander. </i><br>1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, (25) and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.",
+                    "2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following: \"Fanius, the son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate together on the eighth day before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was, that the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews (26) Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them; and that it might not be lawful for the king's troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void; and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people.\" But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety.",
+                    "3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family at Seleueus, in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Quarrel Between Antiochus Grypus And Antiochus Cyzicenus About The Kingdom of samaria Hyrcanus Took, And Utterly Demolished It; And How Hyrcanus Joined Himself To The Sect Of The Sadducees, And Left That Of The Pharisees. </i><br>1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; for after the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, (27) nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both.",
+                    "2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time to help them, who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.",
+                    "3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year's siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.",
+                    "4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, \"Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favor with the queen.\" These are the words of Strabo.",
+                    "5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, (28) who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they would call him back and correct him. On which occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose name was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said,\" Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,\" And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, \"We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. (29)\" This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.",
+                    "6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essens, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.",
+                    "7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years, and then died, (30) leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the greatest privileges, - the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and to foretell this in particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that we may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their father's happiness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus, When He Had Taken The Government First Of All Put A Diadem On His Head, And Was Most Barbarously Cruel To His Mother And His Brethren; And How, After He Had Slain Antigonus, He Himself Died. </i><br>1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. This Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison, because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,] it happened that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers for the recovery of his brother, when some wicked persons, who had a great mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were not like those of a private person; that these actions were indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favor that he was honored with a lower dignity by his brother.",
+                    "2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark; (he himself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that he would come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct contrary: how his brother had heard that he had made himself a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him to come to him in that armor, that he might see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no treachery, but depending on the good-will of his brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used to be, with his entire armor, in order to show it to him; but when he was come to a place which was called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essens, (31) and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come?\" That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold he should die at the place called Strato's Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.\" As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder.",
+                    "3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus's blood, there slain, still remaining; and when there was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect that what is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his threatening, and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which arose from his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan, and said, \"I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now, O thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?\" In saying which last words he died, having reigned a year. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: \"This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander When He Had Taken The Government Made An Expedition Against Ptolemais, And Then Raised The Siege Out Of Fear Of Ptolemy Lathyrus; And How Ptolemy Made War Against Him, Because He Had Sent To Cleopatra To Persuade Her To Make War Against Ptolemy, And Yet Pretended To Be In Friendship With Him, When He Beat The Jews In The Battle. </i><br>1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, (for Aristobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said already,) and made Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This child happened to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted to come into his father's sight till he died. (32) The occasion of which hatred is thus reported: when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; for after the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and one of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other, who chose to live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.",
+                    "2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them; but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves deficient in. strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.",
+                    "3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt; for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern.",
+                    "4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand (33) He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey.",
+                    "5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was between their camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they could not flee out of the battle: in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country.",
+                    "6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander, upon the League of Mutual Defense Which Cleopatra Had Agreed with Him, Made an Expedition Against Coelesyria, and Utterly Overthrew the City of Gaza; and How He Slew Many Ten Thousands of Jews That Rebelled Against Him. Also Concerning Antiochus Grypus, Seleucus Antiochus Cyziceius, and Antiochus Pius, and Others. </i><br>1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ananias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos (34) Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came to Ptolemais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.",
+                    "2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. But Ananias's counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; \"for (said he) I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what in justice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies. This desire of Ananias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.",
+                    "3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Coelesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Areathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander's baggage. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance; but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege.",
+                    "4. About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died (35) His death was caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he had lived forty-five years, and had reigned twenty-nine. (36) His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with Antiochus, his father's brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him. But after a while Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria. But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestin had indignation at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and slew him, together with his friends. But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, (37) the brother of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was overcome, and destroyed, he and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria; but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, (38) when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.",
+                    "5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidie and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus (39) durst not fight with him; but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadurn, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Demetrius Eucerus Overcame Alexander And Yet In A Little Time Retired Out Of The Country For Fear; As Also How Alexander Slew Many Of The Jews And Thereby Got Clear Of His Troubles. Concerning The Death Of Demetrius. </i><br>1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides, - Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius's soldiers were slain also.",
+                    "2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; and when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be cut before their eyes. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews (40) whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.",
+                    "3. But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. However Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon, the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great number of forces, and besieging Demetrius in his encampment, into which they had driven them with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they took a great many spoils out of that country, and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was then king of Parthis; but as to those whom they took captives of the people of Antioch, they restored them to the Antiochians without any reward. Now Mithridates, the king of Parthis, had Demetrius in great honor, till Demetrius ended his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antiochus, Who Was Called Dionysus, And After Him Aretas Made Expeditions Into Judea; As Also How Alexander Took Many Cities And Then Returned To Jerusalem, And After A Sickness Of Three Years Died; And What Counsel He Gave To Alexandra. </i><br>1. After this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, (41) and was Philip's brother, aspired to the dominion, and came to Damascus, and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he was making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it, and came to Damascus, where Milesius, who had been left governor of the citadel, and the Damascens themselves, delivered up the city to him; yet because Philip was become ungrateful to him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof he had received him into the city, but had a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the kindness of Milesius, and because he had not rewarded him as he ought to have done, he became suspected by him, and so he was obliged to leave Damascus again; for Milesius caught him marching out into the Hippodrome, and shut him up in it, and kept Damascus for Antiochus [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, and made an expedition against Judea, with eight thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horsemen. So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which part only his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall, and erected wooden towers, and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coming of Antiochus; but he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten the victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in distress, he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them perished by famine.",
+                    "2. After him (42) Arems reigned over Celesyria, being called to the government by those that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on between them, retire out of Judea.",
+                    "3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success.",
+                    "4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamhis, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adorn, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zorn, the valley of the Cilices, and Pollo; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. (43) The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.",
+                    "5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with is army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, \"To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?\" But he gave her the following advice: That she need but follow what he would suggest to her, in order to retain the kingdom securely, with her children: that she should conceal his death from the soldiers till she should have taken that place; after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. \"Do thou, therefore,\" said he, \"when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious Funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.\" (44) So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexandra By Gaining The Good-Will Of The Pharisees, Retained The Kingdom Nine Years, And Then, Having Done Many Glorious Actions Died. </i><br>1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against Alexander, and made them bear goodwill and friendship to him; who then came among the multitude, and made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and told them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than had any of the kings before him. Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but committed the kingdom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and for this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because she seemed displeased at the offenses her husband had been guilty of.",
+                    "2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them: and the country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one after another, till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had recieved the greatest marks of favor from him; and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever. They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them. And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her husband's enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible; but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander's house, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in a private station there.",
+                    "3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander's ghost for commiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the bystanders brake out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,] \"Nay, indeed, the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over them, when there were sons in the flower of their age fitter for it.\" So Alexandra, not knowing what to do with any decency, committed the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania, and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where her principal treasures were. After a little while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad neighbor to the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and so returned home.",
+                    "4. About this time news was brought that Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred thousand soldiers, (45) and was coming against Judea. This news, as may well be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Accordingly, they sent him many and very valuable presents, as also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais; for Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with him, and entreated him that he would determine nothing that was severe about their queen or nation. He commended them for the respects they paid him at so great a distance, and gave them good hopes of his favor. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia, and besieging its cities. Now when Tigranes knew this, he returned home.",
+                    "5. After this, when the queen was fallen into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt the seizing of the government; so he stole away secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and went to the fortresses, wherein his friends, that were such from the days of his father, were settled; for as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole family should be under the power of the Pharisees; for he saw the inability of his brother, who was to succeed in the government; nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent men before mentioned, and was received by him. When it was day, the queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time she supposed that his departure was not in order to make any innovation; but when messengers came one after another with the news that he had secured the first place, the second place, and all the places, for as soon as one had begun they all submitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly in the government. What they were principally afraid of was this, that he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment his house had had from them. So they resolved to take his wife and children into custody, and keep them in the fortress that was over the temple. (46) Now there was a mighty conflux of people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about him; for in a little more than fifteen days he got twenty-two strong places, which gave him the opportunity of raising an army from Libanus and Trachonitis, and the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and easily submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him their assistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well as he, should have the advantages that would come by his being king, because they had been the occasion of his gaining the kingdom. Now the elders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many strong holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no long time. But she bid them do what they thought proper to be done; that they had many circumstances in their favor still remaining, a nation in good heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries; for that she had small concern about public affairs now, when the strength of her body already failed her.",
+                    "6. Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by her doings at once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent mistakes they make in point of government; for she always preferred the present to futurity, and preferred the power of an imperious dominion above all things, and in comparison of that had no regard to what was good, or what was right. However, she brought the affairs of her house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that authority from it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had obtained by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her sentiments with those that bare ill-will to their family, and by leaving the administration destitute of a proper support of great men; and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The War Between Aristobulus And Hyrcanus About The Kingdom; And How They Made An agreement That Aristobulus Should Be King, And Hyrcanus Live A Private Life; As Also How Hyrcanus A Little Afterward Was Persuaded By Antipater To Fly To Aretas. </i><br>1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of.",
+                    "2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.",
+                    "3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolaus of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous soul.",
+                    "4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aretas And Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Aristobulus And Besieged Jerusalem; And How Scaurus The Roman General Raised The Siege. Concerning The Death Of Onias. </i><br>1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyracanus, and assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said, \"O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those.\" Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.",
+                    "2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.",
+                    "3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the brother of Antipater."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus And Hyrcanus Came To Pompey In Order To Argue Who Ought To Have The Kingdom; And How Upon The Plight Of Aristobulus To The Fortress Alexandrium Pompey Led His Army Against Him And Ordered Him To Deliver Up The Fortresses Whereof He Was Possessed. </i><br>1. A Little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine (3) of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: \"There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, 'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it.\"",
+                    "2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, - the one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he had before. And when Pompey had ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in a pompous procession.",
+                    "3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.",
+                    "4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pompey When The Citizens Of Jerusalem Shut Their Gates Against Him Besieged The City And Took It By Force; As Also What Other Things He Did In Judea. </i><br>1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence like a juice,) (4) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city (5) and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.",
+                    "2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else.",
+                    "3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. (7)",
+                    "4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, (8) on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9) which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.",
+                    "5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Scaurus Made A League Of Mutual Assistance With Aretas; And What Gabinius Did In Judea, After He Had Conquered Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus. </i><br>1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as at the desire of Aretas.",
+                    "2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.",
+                    "3. At which time Gabinius (10) came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.",
+                    "4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Gabinius Caught Aristobulus After He Had Fled From Rome, And Sent Him Back To Rome Again; And Now The Same Gabinius As He Returned Out Of Egypt Overcame Alexander And The Nabateans In Battle. </i><br>1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.",
+                    "2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also been related elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.",
+                    "3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.",
+                    "4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything new which is not in the other."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Crassus Came Into Judea, And Pillaged The Temple; And Then Marched Against The Parthians And Perished, With His Army. Also How Cassius Obtained Syria, And Put A Stop To The Parthians And Then Went Up To Judea. </i><br>1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.",
+                    "2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: \"Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.\" Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: \"There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was formerly under the same government.\" And this is what Strabo says.",
+                    "3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros, (12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been related by others.",
+                    "4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and continued to take care of her brethren."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Become Confederates With Caesar When He Fought Against Egypt. The Glorious Actions Of Antipater, And His Friendship With Caesar. The Honors Which The Jews Received From The Romans And Athenians. </i><br>1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Pergainus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.",
+                    "2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements.",
+                    "3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Aslnius: \"After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews.\" Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that \"Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition.\" This is what Strabo says.",
+                    "4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.",
+                    "5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows: (13) \"Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.\" Hyrcanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows \"Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city.\" And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Committed The Care Of Galilee To Herod, And That Of Jerusalem To Phasaelus; As Also How Herod Upon The Jews' Envy At Antipater Was Accused Before Hyrcanus. </i><br>1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.",
+                    "2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.",
+                    "3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, \"How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee.\"",
+                    "4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16) a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, \"O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.\" Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands: - which things will be related by us in their proper places.",
+                    "5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it - and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Honors That Were Paid The Jews; And The Leagues That Were Made By The Romans And Other Nations, With Them. </i><br>1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.",
+                    "2. \"Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17) with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.\"",
+                    "3. \"The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.\"",
+                    "4. \"Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.\"",
+                    "5. \"Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.\"",
+                    "6. \"Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.\"",
+                    "7. \"Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.\"",
+                    "8. \"Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.\"",
+                    "9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:",
+                    "10. \"The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.\"",
+                    "11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:",
+                    "12. \"When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; - I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.\"",
+                    "13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree ran thus: \"I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance.\"",
+                    "14. The decree of the Delians. \"The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.\" And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.",
+                    "15. \"Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.\"",
+                    "16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: \"I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.\"",
+                    "17. \"Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.\"",
+                    "18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: \"We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.\"",
+                    "19. \"In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.\"",
+                    "20. \"The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.\"",
+                    "21. \"Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.\"",
+                    "22. The decree of those of Pergamus. \"When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate's decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.\"",
+                    "23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. \"When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.\"",
+                    "24. The decree of the Sardians. \"This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.\"",
+                    "25. The decree of the Ephesians. \"When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.\"",
+                    "26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans (20) and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Marcus, Succeeded Sextus When He Had Been Slain By Bassus's Treachery; And How, After The Death Of Caesar, Cassius Came Into Syria, And Distressed Judea; As Also How Malichus Slew Antipater And Was Himself Slain By Herod. </i><br>1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Ceasar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Ceasar's generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus (21) came from Rome to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere.",
+                    "2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.",
+                    "3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.",
+                    "4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.",
+                    "5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.",
+                    "6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father's death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus; and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.",
+                    "7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; for Malichus's brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Ejects Antigonus, The Son Of Aristobulus Out Of Judea, And Gains The Friendship Of Antony, Who Was Now Come Into Syria, By Sending Him Much Money; On Which Account He Would Not Admit Of Those That Would Have Accused Herod: And What It Was That Antony Wrote To The Tyrians In Behalf . </i><br>1. Now (22) Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cussiris was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three male and two female children. He had also married before this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.",
+                    "2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose.",
+                    "3. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was that the sun turned away his light from us, (23) as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.\"",
+                    "4. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own; but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates.\"",
+                    "5. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment.\"",
+                    "6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antony Made Herod And Phasaelus Tetrarchs, After They Had Been Accused To No Purpose; And How The Parthians When They Brought Antigonus Into Judea Took Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Captives. Herod's Flight; And What Afflictions Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Endured. </i><br>1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod's father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best. He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.",
+                    "2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them if they went on with their accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.",
+                    "3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the houses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number of them.",
+                    "4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered together about the temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city.",
+                    "5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover, there was one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them. But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.",
+                    "6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest, who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said; for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great wisdom.",
+                    "7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to be done; for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt upon a person of his character; and while they put off the determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy nature.",
+                    "8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same distresses also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all.",
+                    "9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa.",
+                    "10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward: but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire (25) But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge his death, and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Got Away From The King Of Arabia And Made Haste To Go Into Egypt And Thence Went Away In Haste Also To Rome; And How, By Promising A Great Deal Of Money To Antony He Obtained Of The Senate And Of Caesar To Be Made King Of The Jews. </i><br>1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had committed to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his coming thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest importance.",
+                    "2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malchus soon repented of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.",
+                    "3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.",
+                    "4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod's condition; (26) and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.",
+                    "5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].",
+                    "6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of might be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come again and defend him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Sailed Out Of Italy To Judea, And Fought With Antigonus And What Other Things Happened In Judea About That Time. </i><br>1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but as he was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.",
+                    "2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.",
+                    "3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty, he immediately went out into the country, and left not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.",
+                    "4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.",
+                    "5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.",
+                    "6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them, and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.",
+                    "7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant. But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.",
+                    "8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their savior and protector.",
+                    "9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army.",
+                    "10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].",
+                    "11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance, those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.",
+                    "12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men, (29) and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away and leave the city.",
+                    "13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting out of the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that slew him with his own hand.",
+                    "14. When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; and as he removed his camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the city; and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay before the city, he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod, When He Had Married Mariamne Took Jerusalem With The Assistance Of Sosius By Force; And How The Government Of Heasamoneans Was Put An End To </i><br>1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the Senate.",
+                    "2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get its; yet did not those within discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They also erected new works when the former were ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody.",
+                    "3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the king, thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them. He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his citizens'; and when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away full of money.",
+                    "4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome (30) on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account of the family they were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Pollio And Sameas. Herod Slays The Principal Of Antigonus's Friends, And Spoils The City Of Its Wealth. Antony Beheads Antigonus.</i><br>1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book. We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his enemies. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken.",
+                    "2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: \"Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead; for by no torments could they he forced to call him king, so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred they bare to Herod.\" Thus far Strabo."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hyrcanus Was Set At Liberty By The Parthians, And Returned To Herod; And What Alexandra Did When She Heard That Ananelus Was Made High Priest.</i><br>1. Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again, and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first made high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother, Phasaelus captives, and were taken away into Parthis. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related.",
+                    "2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, (1) where there were Jews in great numbers. These Jews honored Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to his satisfaction. But when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jew that came often to him with great affection; but they endeavored to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons, the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them.",
+                    "3. Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were there, that they should not grudge him the royal authority, which he should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. But this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he compassed afterward.",
+                    "4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous design against him. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, (2) he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.",
+                    "5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son.",
+                    "6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius (3) came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariarune, the king's wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them.",
+                    "7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony's means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Upon His Making Aristobulus High Priest Took Care That He Should Be Murdered In A Little Time; And What Apology He Made To Antony About Aristobulus; As Also Concerning Joseph And Mariamne.</i><br>1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high priests (4) and had been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that had once been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead.",
+                    "2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; so he gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her out of patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies and put herself into one, and her son into the other and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and been esteemed one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery would change Herod's hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagem of Alexandra: whereupon be suffered her to proceed to the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact; but still he passed by her offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he fully proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means or other; but he thought he might in probability be better concealed in doing it, if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately happened.",
+                    "3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it; for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, (5) he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family he was sprung from, - a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho (6) with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot day. At first they were only spectators of Herod's servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years, (7) and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.",
+                    "4. When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain. But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow; and she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed; nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe that the child's death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child's countenance so young and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security. So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and received in this way some consolation.",
+                    "5. However, no such things could overcome Alexandra's grief; but the remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child's murder; for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality. Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other man: but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.",
+                    "6. But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod's kindness, and great affection towards her; and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous to demonstrate the kings inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live without her; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but of his severe usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women's severe suspicions about him afterwards.",
+                    "7. At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among Herod's enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report, as is natural, disturbed those that were about the palace, but chiefly the women; upon which Alexandra endeavored to persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and fly away with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which then lay encamped about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of Julius; for that by this means, if any disturbance should happen about the palace, they should be in greater security, as having the Romans favorable to them; and that besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable for them to hope for, because of their royal extraction.",
+                    "8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of what they before expected; for when he was come to Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made him, which he had brought with him from Jerusalem; and he soon induced him, upon discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force than the arguments and presents he brought to regain his friendship; for Antony said that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote an account of these things, and enlarged upon the other honors which he had received from Antony; how he sat by him at his hearing causes, and took his diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favors from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a great desire of his country, and earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her, labored with her utmost diligence to have him out of the way; but that he still found Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his return, with a firmer additional assurance of his favor to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs; and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her.",
+                    "9. When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way against the Partnians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph; but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own defense; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, and professed the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one another with a most tender affection. But as the king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to a like confidence in him, Marianme said, Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?\" When these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own hands, and said, that \"now he had an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation with his wife; for that he would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity and firm confidence between them. And while he was in this passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he restrained this his passion, though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of mind. However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Cleopatra, When She Had Gotten From Antony Some Parts Of Judea And Arabia Came Into Judea; And How Herod Gave Her Many Presents And Conducted Her On Her Way Back To Egypt.</i><br>1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra's constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions; for she persuaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections. She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus; for if there were but any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the covetous humor of this wicked creature: yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded him to. That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors, and gave them to her. Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also.",
+                    "2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him. Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: which considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.",
+                    "3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archclaus and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.",
+                    "4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Made War With The King Of Arabia, And After They Had Fought Many Battles, At Length Conquered Him, And Was Chosen By The Arabs To Be Governor Of That Nation; As Also Concerning A Great Earthquake.</i><br>1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony. But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them. And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks: whereupon a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this man was Cleopatra's general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than themselves. And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's army: whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.",
+                    "2. At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod (8) and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy's country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in the manner following:",
+                    "3. \"You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends. And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it: is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. (9) And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage. But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy. But then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath aftrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened all indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you. Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in valor.\"",
+                    "4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law (10) made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and retreated. This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy's army was disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water. The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from running away.",
+                    "5. When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress; but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five days' time the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them, after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod's warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Slew Hyrcanus And Then Hasted Away To Caesar, And Obtained The Kingdom From Him Also; And How A Little Time Afterward, He Entertained Caesar In A Most Honorable Manner.</i><br>1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at that time both Herod's enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.",
+                    "2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.",
+                    "3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.",
+                    "4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine years; and when, after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.",
+                    "5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.",
+                    "6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; \"for if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee. Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee.\"",
+                    "7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; by which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Slew Sohemus And Mariamne And Afterward Alexandra And Costobarus, And His Most Intimate Friends, And At Last The Sons Of Babbas Also.</i><br>1. However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy; for as they supposed (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy; and Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was but hypocritical, and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well apprized how all was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king's injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority he had before; so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they would be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign themselves, or be very near to him that should reign. He had a further ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was under from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar], and esteemed it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer; and this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her resentment.",
+                    "2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had been between them, and saluted her; but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction. This much troubled him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and thus was he entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself at the same time.",
+                    "3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to wrath by telling him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believed them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill passions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against her. But when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in their present state. However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government; upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower.",
+                    "4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at another's disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly, which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion as was now offered; for as the king was one day about noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her company, she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her brother to be slain. (11) And when he took this injury very unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate manner, the king's sister Salome, observing that he was more than ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion for him; and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech. So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this moved the king, he said that this love potion was a composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself and for the king. When Herod heard what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without him. And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say nothing concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohemus had said to her. Now as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with Mariamne. So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation against her for this love potion and composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom: but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution.",
+                    "5. When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner; for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter in the hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common benefactor. And when she had for some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul discover her concern for her mother's offense, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her; but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the last moments of her life.",
+                    "6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation; and thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by the king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he could do any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most afflicted her was, what he had done to her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments.",
+                    "7. But when she was once dead, the king's affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage; but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as looked like Divine vengeance upon him for the taking away her life; for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice; he therefore laid aside the administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still hear them. And when he was in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This circumstance affected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself: he had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length brought him to despair. All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.",
+                    "8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the fortified places that were about the city, which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under their power, for without the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that Divine worship which they have been wont to pay unto God. Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him than those of his own family. These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Cadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion.",
+                    "9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra's government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his attempt.",
+                    "10. But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce (12) and dis solved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife; if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another, unless her former husband put her away. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had ordered them to be slain]. Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him. Now the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the government to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own advantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary regard to his own preservation also. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister's information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod's own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ten Men Of The Citizens [Of Jerusalem] Made A Conspiracy Against Herod, For The Foreign Practices He Had Introduced, Which Was A Transgression Of The Laws Of Their Country. Concerning The Building Of Sebaste And Cesarea, And Other Edifices Of Herod.</i><br>1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his grandeur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself; nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. (13) It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.",
+                    "2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be; and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision.",
+                    "3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers.",
+                    "4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater. So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names; and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior, for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king's guards that stood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; yet did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion.",
+                    "5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day's journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato's Tower, but was by him named Cesarea. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellow citizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference. Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Famine That Happened In Judea And Syria; And How Herod, After He Had Married Another Wife, Rebuilt Cesarea, And Other Grecian Cities.</i><br>1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time (14) for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that surived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year. (15) This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern.",
+                    "2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had. And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, the bakers should make their bread ready for them. He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature, as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus (16) led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there. When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them; for one apartment was called Caesar's, another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this his marriage was as follows: There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter].",
+                    "4. When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a further height by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a woman's breast. It is encompassed with circular towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for security and for beauty. About the bottom there are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle.",
+                    "5. And now, when all Herod's designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when they were under their distresses. But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples, - not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof (17) The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them.",
+                    "6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato's Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people; and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Cesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; (18) during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Sent His Sons To Rome; How Also He Was Accused By Zenodorus And The Gadarens, But Was Cleared Of What They Accused Him Of And Withal Gained To Himself The Good-Will Of Caesar. Concerning The Pharisees, The Essens And Manahem.</i><br>1. When Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had already re-edified Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to enjoy the company of Caesar; who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, (19) who was very fond of Herod's friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: One Zenodorus (20) had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions. But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod's government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprized of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults.",
+                    "3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to Caesar's province. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus's belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod besides Caesar. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy (21) for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus's country, near the place called Panlure. This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar.",
+                    "4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met together; nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government: and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Satneas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essens in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essens.",
+                    "5. Now there was one of these Essens, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said,\" However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.\" Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, \"Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;\" but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essens. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essens have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of Divine revelations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Rebuilt The Temple And Raised It Higher And Made It More Magnificent Than It Was Before; As Also Concerning That Tower Which He Called Antonia.</i><br>1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, (22) and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them: \"I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before; and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; but since I am now, by God's will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.\"",
+                    "2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech aftrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. But while they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them, but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.",
+                    "3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations (23) fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve; and the whole structure, as also the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over against them, and those that approached to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and pillars interwoven; and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done. He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an elevated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by Divine revelation, encompassed with a wall; it was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and till both the largeness of the square edifice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all future times. When this work [for the foundation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and in compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length a furlong: but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many kings in former times; and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken from the Arabians.",
+                    "4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod kept in that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower of Antonia, for that they ought to have them in their power, as they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give it them accordingly. Before that time they were kept under the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the vestments; and again, when the festival was over, they brought it to the same place, and showed the captain of the temple guards their seal, which corresponded with his seal, and reposited them there. And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.",
+                    "5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it should reach any farther: and this cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above into the depth, this further vastly high elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked down from the top of the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was built of stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole. These four rows of pillars included three intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; two of which walks were made parallel to each other, and were contrived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side; but the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing many sorts of figures. The middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone, insomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclosure. In the midst of which, and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death. Now this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant one from another; but on the east quarter , towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate, through which such as were pure came in, together with their wives; but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of these three did king Herod enter, (24) for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. However, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight years.",
+                    "6. But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest every one according to his ability; the number of which sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we should truly relate it; for at the same time with this celebration for the work about the temple fell also the day of the king's inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other, which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious.",
+                    "7. There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led from Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might be made by the people against their kings. It is also reported, (25) that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>A Law Of Herod's About, Thieves. Salome And Pheroras Calumniate Alexander And Aristobulus, Upon Their Return From Rome For Whom Yet Herod Provides Wives. </i><br>1. As king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of injustice which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose house-breakers to be ejected out of his kingdom; which punishment was not only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution of the customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offense against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original laws; for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of the hatred he lay under.",
+                    "2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out that they were not pleased with their father's company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother's murderer. Now, by carrying these stories; that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Twice Sailed To Agrippa; And How Upon The Complaint In Ionia Against The Greeks Agrippa Confirmed The Laws To Them. </i><br>1. When Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend. This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.",
+                    "2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore; so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance, and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar's procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according as their several necessities required.",
+                    "3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: \"It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing '. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, (1) we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.\"",
+                    "4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod's good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Great Disturbances Arose In Herods Family On His Preferring Antipater His Eldest Son Before The Rest, Till Alexander Took That Injury Very Heinously. </i><br>1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne]; and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed; and they cast reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their father, though it were by despatching him with their own hands. At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers, and to be partakers with them.",
+                    "2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fill words immediately as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother's death upon him. They also added another circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind; for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.",
+                    "3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which from various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young men themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years' government in Asia. (2) Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar's friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father's favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How During Antipater's Abode At Rome, Herod Brought Alexander And Aristobulus Before Caesar And Accused Them. Alexander's Defense Of Himself Before Caesar And Reconciliation To His Father. </i><br>1. And now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself: and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei (3) so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language, while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time, and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was necessary that all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.",
+                    "2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent; but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular; and they moved their father's affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.",
+                    "3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said, \"O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all, for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt. And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former; but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him; but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government, and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee (4) But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us.\"",
+                    "4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion which was spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children; and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw. (5)",
+                    "5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes; and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his sons.",
+                    "6. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became kings to make, From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar's kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Celebrated The Games That Were To Return Every Fifth Year Upon The Building Of Cesarea; And How He Built And Adorned Many Other Places After A Magnificent Manner; And Did Many Other Actions Gloriously </i><br>1. About this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad. There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.",
+                    "2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.",
+                    "3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; (6) and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.",
+                    "4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>An Embassage In Cyrene And Asia To Caesar, Concerning The Complaints They Had To Make Against The Greeks; With Copies Of The Epistles Which Caesar And Agrippa Wrote To The Cities For Them. </i><br>1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.",
+                    "2. \"Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father (7) Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. (8) But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.\" This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.",
+                    "3. \"Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.\" These were the decrees of Caesar.",
+                    "4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: \"Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath day.\"",
+                    "5. \"Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place.\"",
+                    "6. \"Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.\"",
+                    "7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. \"To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.\"",
+                    "8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs (9) there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Herod's Going Down Into David's Sepulcher, The Sedition In His Family Greatly Increased. </i><br>1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David's sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly aftrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. And even Nicolaus (10) his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign, and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod's posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing.",
+                    "2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David's sepulcher; whether Divine vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.",
+                    "3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the king's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king's anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other wives country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.",
+                    "4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod's obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, \"Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy of.\"",
+                    "5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said that \"it was Salome who was the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her.\" But as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present there were more plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king's daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial to be believed; but the peverseness of her manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome's reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king's wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.",
+                    "6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow, he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together. Now the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another; who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus; which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred talents."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Took Up Alexander And Bound Him; Whom Yet Archelaus King Of Cappadocia Reconciled To His Father Herod Again. </i><br>1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king's son with great sums of money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father; but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was; but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom under him, for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.",
+                    "2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now make an open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last his domestics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.",
+                    "3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint on himself on their account; for at this time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.",
+                    "4. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer mark of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them which he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.",
+                    "5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as fiattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them to him, that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him by night, and that she lay with him whether he would or not; and that all men were come to be of one mind, to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get clear of the continual fear they were in from him. Among these were accused Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the king. And what more can be said, but that those who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, while there was no room for defense or refutation, in order to the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction; so that some lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put to death, and others lamented that they were in expectation of the same miseries; and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse to that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life also was entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expectation of further misery; for he often fancied in his imagination that his son had fallen upon him, or stood by him with a sword in his hand; and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if he were under a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in.",
+                    "6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young man [her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his friend, on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on purpose to compose their differences; and when he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and by still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more irritated: he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man, that he had not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter's marriage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and, for the main, took Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown into a passion; but when Archclaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve his son's marriage, and became not so angry as before for his offenses. So when Archclaus had brought him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends; and said it must be owing to them that so young a man, and one unacquainted with malice, was corrupted; and he supposed that there was more reason to suspect the brother than the soft. Upon which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one that could make a reconciliation between him and his brother. So when he saw that Archclaus had the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon this Archclaus did not overlook the intercession he made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change the king's disposition towards him immediately; and he said that it was better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all; that this would make the king's anger not to be extravagant towards him, and that then he would be present to assist him. When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Archclaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable person to Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest presents, as tokens of his respects to him; and being on other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archclaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Revolt Of The Trachonites; How Sylleus Accused Herod Before Caesar; And How Herod, When Caesar Was Angry At Him, Resolved To Send Nicolaus To Rome. </i><br>1. When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following: The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the country away from Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not like; and when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob, and so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their neighbors, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care. But when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's protection, the Trachonites spread a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and betook themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing their neighbors; at which time the king's commanders subdued them during his absence; but about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had been taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not only Judea, but all Celesyria also, and carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places of protection and quietness during their wicked practices. But when Herod came back from Rome, he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered by them; and since he could not reach the robbers themselves, because of the secure retreat they had in that country, and which the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the injuries they had done him, he went all over Trachonitis, and slew their relations; whereupon these robbers were more angry than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion with impunity. Then did he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and Volumnius, and required that they should be punished; upon which occasion they still the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became more numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for the robbers were now become about a thousand; - at which Herod was sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as the money which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him; but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. (11) At last he, by their means, agreed, that within thirty days' time Herod should be paid his money, and that each of them should deliver up the other's subjects reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the robbers amongst them.",
+                    "2. When this day appointed for payment of the money was past, without Sylleus's performing any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the payment of the money, and that the robbers that were in Arabia should be delivered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were refractory. He took an army that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in three days' time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any others. But as the Arabians came to their assistance, under Naceb their captain, there ensued a battle, wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to flight. So when he had brought these to punishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.",
+                    "3. However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing. Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace; and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed his habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's laying it waste with his army; and he said, with tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his familiar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present. When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously, that he would not himself have come out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would have provided that they should all have peace one with another, and that, had he been there, he would have taken care that the war should not have been to Herod's advantage; Caesar was provoked when this was said, and asked no more than this one question, both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his own friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army thither? And when they were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should now use him as his subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians, who were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money that was due; they retained those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without paying their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low condition, by reason of Caesar's anger at him. Those of Trachonitis also made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean garrison, and followed the same way of robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.",
+                    "4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being quite gone with which Caesar's favor used to inspire him; for Caesar would not admit so much as an embassage from him to 'make an apology for him; and when they came again, he sent them away without success. So he was cast into sadness and fear; and Sylleus's circumstances grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead; and Aeneas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas, (12) took the government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before he took the kingdom; yet did Aeneas send an epistle and presents to Caesar, and a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased; and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself: yet did not Caesar give heed to these accusations, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiving any of his presents. But in the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly because of the anarchy they were under, and partly because, as bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them; for of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to restrain the evil-doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered him. At length, when he saw no end of the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to Caesar himself; and the ambassador he sent thither was Nicolans of Damascus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Eurycles Falsely Accused Herod's Sons; And How Their Father Bound Them, And Wrote To Caesar About Them. Of Sylleus And How He Was Accused By Nicolaus. </i><br>1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen before-hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and most insupportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note there, but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to Herod, and made him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending to him that he was in great favor with Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in an occult manner cultivated a friendship with them all; but always attending to what was said and done, that he might be furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short, he behaved himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being any where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him that he might open his grievances to him with assurance and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated from him. He related to him also the affairs of his mother, and of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate them; and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him; and these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being overcome by his kindness, the great importance of the thing obliged him to do it; and he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So when he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby brought the king to that pass, turning him about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his hatred to him and made him implacable, which he showed at that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him, and told him that he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country.",
+                    "2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them; but he was now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander; which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news imaginable.",
+                    "3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may say, one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for the king's preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body, who were in great esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on them. Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those men, had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run through with his own spear, for that he had once such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where there was money hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted the king's chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alexander's command.",
+                    "4. After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king's which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came ill, and said it was so, and delivered up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents were these: \"When we have finished, by God's help, all that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors, as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress.\" After this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death for it.",
+                    "5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death; and when they were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the reproach and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those of condemned criminals: and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he said to her, \"Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Sylleus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to him?\" But she immediately carried these words to her brother. Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down the ill things they had done against their father, and bring the writings to him, So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this, that they had laid no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in, their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.",
+                    "6. About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, and asked him again concerning his fight, whether and how they had resolved to retire Alexander replied, To Archclaus, who had promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked nor mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was true; and that their desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends among the multitude [for that purpose].",
+                    "7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod? Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a great consternation gave a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were not able to say or to do anything; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, \"How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?\" Upon which she cried out that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she would confess it all. Alexander replied, \"There is no such wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from thence to Rome.\" Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son's treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar was no longer displeased at him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which he had ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made his defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men, because it was both for their own and their father's advantage so to do, lest some too severe procedure should be gone upon in that anger and disorder they were in on occasion of the present suspicions; but that still he had not promised to send them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to the young men that could show any ill-will to him.",
+                    "8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they found him reconciled to Herod; for the circumstances of Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows: As soon as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them left Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men left Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his own point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Reinan women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities. When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him from going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod, and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: \"I shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have been still more angry at Herod.\" At this strange assertion Caesar was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written, that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his country. \"As for the pretended army,\" he said, \"it was no army, but a party sent out to require the just payment of the money; that this was not sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by thy fortune, (13) that he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their permission to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this is all the war which these men so tragically describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery; yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as could not conceal themselves. And thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy indignation; for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.\"",
+                    "9. This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers. The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE An Assembly Of Judges At Berytus; And What Tero Suffered For Using A Boundless And Military Liberty Of Speech. Concerning Also The Death Of The Young Men And Their Burial At Alexandrium. </i><br>1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, (14) which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archclaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.",
+                    "2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called, he might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At last he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar's grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons' means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].",
+                    "3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble; and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he had three sons that followed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. His answer was, \"That what they had determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also.\" Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.",
+                    "4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod's sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent yet was there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.",
+                    "5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: \"Since I am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,' and to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this matter.\" These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.",
+                    "6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive great rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries.",
+                    "7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.",
+                    "8. (15) And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory, that they would take no one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her; wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which is evil. And this temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Was Hated By All The Nation [Of The Jews] For The Slaughter Of His Brethren; And How, For That Reason He Got Into Peculiar Favor With His Friends At Rome, By Giving Them Many Presents; As He Did Also With Saturninus, The President Of Syria And The Governors Who Were Under Him; And Concerning Herod's Wives And Children. </i><br>1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation against him on that account was become very great; and besides this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren. However, he governed the nation jointly with his father, being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was the accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts against Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his enemy. And on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped to gain the favor of Saturninus's brother with the large presents he bestowed on him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had married one of Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate. But he could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time, and was a woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although Antipater's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been Alexander's wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about it.",
+                    "2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall these who were their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education. He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter; for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time. Now the king made these espousals for the children, out of commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had borne to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them provoked his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archelaus, a king, would support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was this, that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out, since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren. He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's daughter, and Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without the king's real approbation.",
+                    "3. Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's daughter; which two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias; which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome. Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son. And this was the posterity of Herod."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Zamaris, The Babylonian Jew; Concerning The Plots Laid By Antipater Against His Father; And Somewhat About The Pharisees. </i><br>1. And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent for this man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him tax-free.",
+                    "2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people, by reason of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history. (2)",
+                    "3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And when Jacim was dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than any of his contemporaries; on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.",
+                    "4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described, all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such, that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his father's concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked designs were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encompassed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother, and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for the indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear them, and nothing was to be done without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things, insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by his mother; for these four women, (3) said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all their affairs, and was apprized that this their friendship was made in order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of it. And since these people knew that their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was there that would tell him: but still their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private. And this was the course they took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance, when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been open and public. But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will never leave off their friendship, but will fight against those from whom they conceal their designs. And thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies. For there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees, who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by Divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the kingdom should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented to what the Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Enmity Between Herod And Pheroras; How Herod Sent Antipater To Caesar; And Of The Death Of Pheroras. </i><br>1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the dishonor she had brought upon them: that she had studiously introduced a quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been done without her; \"for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me.\" Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,) that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the women; which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion served, and both Pheroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings. The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.",
+                    "2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would immediately send Antipater to Caesar; which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater thither, and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter should succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturinus, upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.",
+                    "3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and swore many oaths that he would not come again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath, that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before had, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent for; and when he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning for him. This [death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes, although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Pheroras's Wife Is Accused By His Freedmen, As Guilty Of Poisoning Him; And How Herod, Upon Examining; Of The Matter By Torture Found The Poison; But So That It Had Been Prepared For Himself By His Son Antipater; And Upon An Inquiry By Torture He Discovered The Dangerous Designs Of Antipater. </i><br>1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he was moved with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skillful in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the places where she lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back and brought it with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon the king was provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that were free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures, till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret assemblies, and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's (4) women. (Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what hatred he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long his father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure; and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children, bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all which made his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should himself not live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred, not on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy. (5)",
+                    "2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as himself, bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents, and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women. But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured, among other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father during his absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends, brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Thendion, the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means came to Pheroras's wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And when the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means, when the king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would speak out every thing, and tell after what manner every thing was done; and said what many took to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured it; and that\" when Thendion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras's committing it to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion, (since my brother appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries.\" Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.",
+                    "3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man, came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater's friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater; for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater's Navigation From Rome To His Father; And How He Was Accused By Nicolaus Of Damascus And Condemned To Die By His Father, And By Quintilius Varus, Who Was Then President Of Syria; And How He Was Then Bound Till Caesar Should Be Informed Of His Cause. </i><br>1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had promised him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information. But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence. He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brethren.",
+                    "2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.",
+                    "3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father's feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires; none of which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.",
+                    "4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king's friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character, should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father; and that even the contentions there were in the king's family were indications that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.",
+                    "5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely cried up the king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding. \"Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw. For thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy father's determination, and the security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father's various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow conspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself.\"",
+                    "6. Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras's women; the examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence. For those men who were not acquainted with Antipater's practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting for his father's preservation.",
+                    "7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds. But what were Varus's discourses to Herod was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now at this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: \"I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair.\" These were the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these: \"Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?' Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this: \"Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life.\" Now Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar's wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt.",
+                    "8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted Caesar's own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Disease That Herod Fell Into And The Sedition Which The Jews Raised Thereupon; With The Punishment Of The Seditious. </i><br>1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar's wife, to Caesar's children, and friends and freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.",
+                    "2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod's rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images (6) or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.",
+                    "3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, \"Yes, (said they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion.\" And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account, and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.",
+                    "4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his stead. Now it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a fast. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, (7) to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of the moon. (8)",
+                    "5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety; yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltiris. And when the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, (9) and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: \"I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king's death. For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God that it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands.",
+                    "6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which savored of no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Has Thoughts Of Killing Himself With His Own Hand; And A Little Afterwards He Orders Antipater To Be Slain.  </i><br>1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater's wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out of the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son; but as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult was made, as if the king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in question. But the jailer did not only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried out, and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded them to kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Herod's Death, And Testament, And Burial. </i><br>1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind; for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus. He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus (10) by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae] of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife; and to certain others, five millions. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven. (11) A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; yet was he favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a very old age. But then, as to the affairs of his family and children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.",
+                    "2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit. And now the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was, they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will. After which Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.",
+                    "3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulcher should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war, and as they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and centurions; these were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went eight furlongs (12) to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus did Herod end his life.",
+                    "4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him; and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present from the name of king, and that he should have the honor of that dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his acceptance of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many, and had been put there at several times; others of them required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The People Raised A Sedition Against Archelaus, And How He Sailed To Rome. </i><br>1. At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning, out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people assembled together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus, although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Caesar's determination about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions, and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends was according to the law; and to represent to them that their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity until such time as he should be established in the government by the consent of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions; but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious persons.",
+                    "2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the people; but they made a clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have all their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors; thinking it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should lose those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs after a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred; and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations; and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast upon them.",
+                    "3. Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast is called the Passover (13) and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices in number than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude came thither out of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the whole multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met with Archclaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Cesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar.",
+                    "4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.",
+                    "5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater, Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person.",
+                    "6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, \"That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclination to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarity acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination, while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition, which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar's determination.\"",
+                    "7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to support them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Sedition Against Sabinus; And How Varus Brought The Authors Of It To Punishment. </i><br>1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt of the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antiocli, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.",
+                    "2. But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: - some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces; while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death. (14) So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire (15) being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were destitute of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents.",
+                    "3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Ruffis, which itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side not to be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country's ancient liberty; and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege.",
+                    "4. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them; but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.",
+                    "5. There was also Judas, (16) the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great dificulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.",
+                    "6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king's houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs.",
+                    "7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king's forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king's forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod's government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were aftrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other's misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward.",
+                    "8. And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.",
+                    "9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus's writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen; and when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter. Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather than having any inclination to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went to the sea-side.",
+                    "10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand. After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whom Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to justice, fought against their own kindred."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>An Embassage To Caesar; And How Caesar Confirmed Herod's Testament. </i><br>1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following: for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. (17) Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, (18) which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's opinion to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred. Philip (19) also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus was his great friend: but still so, that if there should any change happen in the form of government, (which Varus suspected there would,) and if any distribution should be made on account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his share in it.",
+                    "2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations; and that whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they that survived were far more miserable than those that suffered under him; not only by the anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards them, but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by him. That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the annual impositions which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or silver for it. That they would say nothing of the corruption of the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent and inhuman manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered them. That Herod had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast would not have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us; and that although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of government, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation; that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that they had joined with him in the mourning for his father, in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with any degree of moderation from him; but that he seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's own son; and so, without any delay, he immediately let the nation understand his meaning, and this before his dominion was well established, since the power of disposing of it belonged to Caesar, who could either give it to him or not, as he pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration he would govern them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his own citizens, and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three thousand of his own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his authority? Now the main thing they desired was this: That they might be delivered from kingly and the like forms of government, (20) and might be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents of theirs as should be sent to them; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any sort of moderation set over them.",
+                    "3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings from those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that might have accused him of lesser crimes than those now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead. He also attributed the actions of Archelaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered them from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done, made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their attempts for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said.",
+                    "4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Peres and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, (21) while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, (22) paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.",
+                    "5. And so much came to Herod's sons from their father's inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Archelaus's government. The rest also of the king's relations received what his testament allotted them. Moreover, Caesar made a present to each of Herod's two virgin daughters, besides what their father left them, of two hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married them to Pheroras's sons: he also granted all that was bequeathed to himself to the king's sons, which was one thousand five hundred talents, excepting a few of the vessels, which he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable to him, not so much for the great value they were of, as because they were memorials of the king to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning A Spurious Alexander. </i><br>1. When these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an incitement to him to endeavor to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assistant a man of his own country, (one that was well acquainted with the affairs of the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of causing great disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other,) and declared himself to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus. Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he has so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.",
+                    "2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the multitude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been put to and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who (it seems) was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he said that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them; and when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him, \"If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be undertaken by one of thy age.\" Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Archelaus Upon A Second Accusation, Was Banished To Vienna. </i><br>1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to water those palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers (23) and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living.",
+                    "2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus's steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him.",
+                    "3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus's government was over. And thus did this man expound the dream. Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, came hither also.",
+                    "4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Lybia; and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affection for this Glphyra; who, during her marriage to him, saw the following dream: She thought she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and embraced him with great affection; but that he complained o her, and said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me? and wast not thou married to me when thou wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bare to thee, out of a desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in an indecent and imprudent manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to Archelaus, thy husband and my brother. However, I will not forget thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast. When she had related this to her female companions, in a few days' time she departed this life.",
+                    "5. Now I did not think these histories improper for the present discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirmation of the immortality of the soul, as of the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any one does not believe such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encourage himself in virtue. So Archelaus's country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people's effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW CYRENIUS WAS SENT BY CAESAR TO MAKE A TAXATION OF SYRIA AND JUDEA; AND HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; CONCERNING JUDAS OF GALILEE AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT WERE AMONG THE JEWS.</small><br>1. NOW Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-pesuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since St. Luke once, Acts 5:37, and Josephus four several times, once here, sect. 6; and B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2; Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 1; and ch. 17. sect. 8, calls this Judas, who was the pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here (sect. 1) Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of Gamala; it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether in Galilee on the west side, or in Gaulonitis on the east side, of the river Jordan; while, in the place just now cited out of the Antiquities, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2, he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added to his story, \"as I have signified in the books that go before these,\" as if he had still called him a Galilean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that particular place, as Dean Aldrich observes, Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should here call him a Gaulonite, when in the 6th sect. following here, as well as twice Of the War, he still calls him a Galilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas was derived, it determines nothing, since there were two of that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the other in Galilee. See Reland on the city or town of that name.</i> of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It seems not very improbable to me that this Sadduc, the Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Rabbins speak, as the unhappy, but undesigning, occasion of the impiety or infidelity of the Sadducees; nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till this very time, though they were a distinct sect long before. See the note on B. XIII. ch. 10. sect 5; and Dean Prideaux, as there quoted. Nor do we, that I know of, find the least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these Sadducees before this time, the Recognitions assuring us that they began about the days of John the Baptist; B. 1. ch. 54. See note above.</i> a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.",
+                    "2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.",
+                    "3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason's dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.",
+                    "4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.",
+                    "5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It seems by what Josephus says here, and Philo himself elsewhere, Op. p. 679, that these Essens did not use to go to the Jewish festivals at Jerusalem, or to offer sacrifices there, which may be one great occasion why they are never mentioned in the ordinary books of the New Testament; though, in the Apostolical Constitutions, they are mentioned as those that observed the customs of their forefathers, and that without any such ill character laid upon them as is there laid upon the other sects among that people.</i> because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Who these Polistae in Josephus, or in Strabo. among the Pythagoric Dacae, were, it is not easy to determine. Scaliger offers no improbable conjecture, that some of these Dacae lived alone, like monks, in tents or caves; but that others of them lived together in built cities, and thence were called by such names as implied the same.</i> [dwellers in cities].",
+                    "6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain. And it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>NOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL CITIES IN HONOR OF CAESAR. CONCERNING THE SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PROCURATORS; AS ALSO WHAT BEFELL PHRAATES AND THE PARTHIANS.</small><br>1. WHEN Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor's wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter.",
+                    "2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men's bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia, [Caesar's wife,] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.",
+                    "3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel parts of the books Of the War, B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1, that after the death of Herod the Great, and the succession of Archclaus, Josephus is very brief in his accounts of Judea, till near his own time. I suppose the reason is, that after the large history of Nicolaus of Damascus, including the life of Herod, and probably the succession and first actions of his sons, he had but few good histories of those times before him.</i> whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Numbers 19:11-14.</i>",
+                    "4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father's donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died. But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose]. But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,) he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.",
+                    "5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This citation is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS PILATE. CONCERNING CHRIST, AND WHAT BEFELL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT ROME,</small><br>1. BUT now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar's effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea.",
+                    "2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These Jews, as they are here called, whose blood Pilate shed on this occasion, may very well be those very Galilean Jews, \"whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices,\" Luke 13:1, 2; these tumults being usually excited at some of the Jews' great festivals, when they slew abundance of sacrifices, and the Galileans being commonly much more busy in such tumults than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn from the history of Archelaus, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 3 and ch. 10. sect. 2, 9; though, indeed, Josephus's present copies say not one word of \"those eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and slew them,\" which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter of St. Luke informs us of. But since our gospel teaches us, Luke 23:6, 7, that \"when Pilate heard of Galilee, he asked whether Jesus were a Galilean. And as soon as he knew that he belonged to Herod's jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod ;\" and ver. 12, \"The same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together for before they had been at enmity between themselves;\" take the very probable key of this matter in the words of the learned Noldius, de Herod. No. 219: \"The cause of the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he) seems to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the tetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Galilean subjects, Luke 13:1; and, as he was willing to correct that error, he sent Christ to Herod at this time.\"</i> were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.",
+                    "3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> A.D. 33, April 3.</i> those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> April 5.</i> as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.",
+                    "4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night's lodging; and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man's resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: She went to some of Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, \"Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.\" When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.",
+                    "5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of the banishment of these four thousand Jews into Sardinia by Tiberius, see Suetonlus in Tiber. sect. 36. But as for Mr. Reland's note here, which supposes that Jews could not, consistently with their laws, be soldiers, it is contradicted by one branch of the history before us, and contrary to innumerable instances of their fighting, and proving excellent soldiers in war; and indeed many of the best of them, and even under heathen kings themselves, did so; those, I mean, who allowed them their rest on the sabbath day, and other solemn festivals, and let them live according to their own laws, as Alexander the Great and the Ptolemies of Egypt did. It is true, they could not always obtain those privileges, and then they got executed as well as they could, or sometimes absolutely refused to fight, which seems to have been the case here, as to the major part of the Jews now banished, but nothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in their favor as to such matters, B. XIV. ch. 10.</i> Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THE SAMARITANS MADE A TUMULT AND PILATE DESTROYED MANY OF THEM; HOW PILATE WAS ACCUSED AND WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS RELATING TO THE JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS.</small><br>1. BUT the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since Moses never came himself beyond Jordan, nor particularly to Mount Gerizzim, and since these Samaritans have a tradition among them, related here by Dr. Hudson, from Reland, who was very skillful in Jewish and Samaritan learning, that in the days of Uzzi or Ozis the high priest, 1 Chronicles 6:6; the ark and other sacred vessels were, by God's command, laid up or hidden in Mount Gerizzim, it is highly probable that this was the foolish foundation the present Samaritans went upon, in the sedition here described.</i> So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together; but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.",
+                    "2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.",
+                    "3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest's vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments; the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before a festival<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This mention of the high priest's sacred garments received seven days before a festival, and purified in those days against a festival, as having been polluted by being in the custody of heathens, in Josephus, agrees well with the traditions of the Talmudists, as Reland here observes. Nor is there any question but the three feasts here mentioned were the passover, pentecost, and feast of tabernacles; and the fast so called by way of distinction, as Acts 27:9, was the great day of expiation.</i> they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.",
+                    "4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthis was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king's son also himself fell in these wars, together with. many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.",
+                    "5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates, and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant. After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of. But when Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.",
+                    "6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod's ' brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies, is exactly right; for since Herod died about September, in the fourth year before the Christian era, and Tiberius began, as is well known, Aug. 19, A.D. 14, it is evident that the thirty-seventh year of Philip, reckoned from his father's death, was the twentieth of Tiberius, or near the end of A.D. 33, [the very year of our Savior's death also,] or, however, in the beginning of the next year, A.D. 34. This Philip the tetrarch seems to have been the best of all the posterity of Herod, for his love of peace, and his love of justice. An excellent example this.</i> after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HEROD THE TETRARCH MAKES WAR WITH ARETAS, THE KING OF ARABIA, AND IS BEATEN BY HIM AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. HOW VITELLIUS WENT UP TO JERUSALEM; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRIPPA AND OF THE POSTERITY OF HEROD THE GREAT.</small><br>1. ABOUT this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Herod seems to have had the additional name of Philip, as Antipus was named Herod-Antipas: and as Antipus and Antipater seem to be in a manner the very same name, yet were the names of two sons of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod-Philip be two different sons of the same father, all which Grotias observes on Matthew 14:3. Nor was it, as I with Grotias and others of the Philip the tetrarch, but this Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod the tetrarch had married, and that in her first husband's lifetime, and when her first husband had issue by her-; for which adulterous and incestuous marriage John the Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch, and for which reproof Salome, the daughter of Herodias by her first husband Herod-Philip, who was still alive, occasioned him to be unjustly beheaded.</i> who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh's daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter. So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas's army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and when they had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas's army. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.",
+                    "2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist: for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God's displeasure to him.",
+                    "3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along",
+                    "the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius's could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other's desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Whether this sudden extinction of almost the entire lineage of Herod the Great, which was very numerous, as we are both here and in the next section informed, was not in part as a punishment for the gross incests they were frequently guilty of, in marrying their own nephews and nieces, well deserves to be considered. See Leviticus 18:6, 7; 21:10; and Noldius, De Herod, No. 269, 270.</i> One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.",
+                    "4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariarune, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty; but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> There are coins still extant of this Eraess, as Spanheim informs us. Spanheim also informs us of a coin still extant of this Jotape, daughter of the king of Commageus.</i> the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>OF THE NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO ROME, TO TIBERIUS CAESAR; AND NOW UPON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN FREED-MAN, HE WAS BOUND; HOW ALSO HE, WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER TIBERIUS’S DEATH AND WAS MADE KING OF THE TETRARCHY OF PHILIP.</small><br>1. A LITTLE before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.",
+                    "2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Spanheim observes, that we have here an instance of the Attic quantity of use-money, which was the eighth part of the original sum, or 12 per cent., for such is the proportion of 2500 to 20,000.</i> less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar's treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The governor of the Jews there.</i> to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.",
+                    "4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius's friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius's education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Tiberius, junior of Germanicus.</i> and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.",
+                    "5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, be replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him; but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, \"If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.\" And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; \"but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.\"",
+                    "6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's wife, and from her eminent chastity;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This high commendation of Antonia for marrying but once, given here, and supported elsewhere; Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 13. sect. 4, and this, notwithstanding the strongest temptations, shows how honorable single marriages were both among the Jews and Romans, in the days of Josephus and of the apostles, and takes away much of that surprise which the modern Protestants have at those laws of the apostles, where no widows, but those who had been the wives of one husband only, are taken into the church list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons are allowed to marry more than once, without leaving off to officiate as clergymen any longer. See Luke 2:36; 1 Timothy 5:11, 12; 3:2, 12; Titus 1:10; Constit. Apost. B. II. sect. 1, 2; B. VI. sect. 17; Can. B. XVII,; Grot. in Luc. ii. 36; and Resports. ad Consult. Cassand. p. 44; and Cotelet. in Constit. B. VI. sect. 17. And note, that Tertullian owns this law against second marriages of the clergy had been once at least executed in his time; and heavily complains elsewhere, that the breach thereof had not been always punished by the catholics, as it ought to have been. Jerome, speaking of the ill reputation of marrying twice, says, that no such person could be chosen into the clergy in his days; which Augustine testifies also; and for Epiphanius, rather earlier, he is clear and full to the same purpose, and says that law obtained over the whole catholic church in his days,--as the places in the forecited authors inform us.</i> for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's friend, and who had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus's malice; for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, \"If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.\" Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, \"O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.\" When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, \"O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.\" Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, \"Bind this man.\" But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: \"For certain,\" said he, \"Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;\" and when he still asked, \"Which of these is to be bound?\" he said \"Agrippa.\" Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, \"O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.\" Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.",
+                    "7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others,. who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epistle V. that this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple the prisoner and the soldier that guarded him together in the same chain.</i> to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: \"This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.\" So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they, also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's condition for six months' time, and in this case were his affairs.",
+                    "8. But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Tiberius his own grandson, and Caius his brother Drusus's grandson.</i> to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> So I correct Josephus's copy, which calls Germanicus his brother, who was his brother's son.</i> of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.",
+                    "9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, \"Thy father calls thee,\" and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This is a known thing among the Roman historians and poets, that Tiberius was greatly given to astrology and divination.</i> and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son's son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: \"O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.\" This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.",
+                    "10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, \"The lion<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This name of a lion is often given to tyrants, especially by the such Agrippa, and probably his freed-man Marsyas, in effect were, Ezekiel 19:1, 9; Esther 4:9 2 Timothy 4:17. They are also sometimes compared to or represented by wild beasts, of which the lion is the principal, Daniel 7:3, 8; Apoc. 13:1, 2.</i> is dead;\" who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, \"Nay,\" said he, \"but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.\" Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, \"Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?\" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy of Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred upon him till the reign of Claudius, as we learn, Antiq. B. XIX, ch. 5. sect. 1.</i> and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.",
+                    "11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the emperor's permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as asking, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW HEROD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHED.</small><br>1. BUT Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his; for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life. \"But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should he in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.\"",
+                    "2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king; and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn, which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor's magnificence; the place, also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men's luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius's and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa's kingdom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband. But she made this reply: \"Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.\" Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed public affairs with great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO CAIUS;</small><sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Regarding instances of the interpositions of Providence, as have been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations, but of old very many among the posterity of Abraham, the worshippers of the true God; nor do these seem much inferior to those in the Old Testament, which are the more remarkable, because, among all their other follies and vices, the Jews were not at this time idolaters; and the deliverances here mentioned were done in order to prevent their relapse into that idolatry.</i><small> AND HOW CAIUS SENT PETRONIUS INTO SYRIA TO MAKE WAR AGAINST THE JEWS, UNLESS THEY WOULD RECEIVE HIS STATUE.</small><br>1. THERE was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here assures us that the ambassadors from Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than three in number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles, which are but six in all; whereas Philo, who was the principal ambassador from the Jews, as Josephus here confesses, (as was Apion for the Gentiles,) says, the Jews' ambassadors were themselves no fewer than live, towards the end of his legation to Caius; which, if there be no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the truth; nor, in that case, would Josephus have contradicted so authentic a witness, had he seen that account of Philo's; which that he ever did does not appear.</i> who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the Jews, at Alexandria, and brother to Philo, is supposed by Bishop Pearson, in Act. Apost. p. 41,42, to be the same with that Alexander who is mentioned by St. Luke, as of the kindred of the high priests, Acts 4:6.</i> and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius's words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers; \"but if,\" said they, \"thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers' determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.\" But Petronius was angry at them, and said, \"If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.\" Then the Jews replied, \"Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.\"",
+                    "3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence, and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, \"Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?\" They replied, \"We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.\" So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain; and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What Josephus here, and sect. 6, relates as done by the Jews seed time, is in Philo, \"not far off the time when the corn was ripe,\" who, as Le Clerc notes, differ here one from the other. This is another indication that Josephus, when he wrote this account, had not seen Philo's Legat. ad Caiurn, otherwise he would hardly trove herein differed from him.</i> Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.",
+                    "4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother, and Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left of the tillage off their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land's continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; and that Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">32</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This. Publius Petronius was after this still president of Syria, under Cladius, and, at the desire of Agrippa, published a severe decree against the inhabitants of Dora, who, in a sort of intitation of Caius, had set op a statue of Claudius in a Jewish synagogue there. This decree is extant, B. XIX. ch. 6. sect. 3, and greatly confirms the present accounts of Josephus, as do the other decrees of Claudius, relating to the like Jewish affairs, B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 2, 3, to which I refer the inquisitive reader.</i> partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.",
+                    "5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — “yet,\" said he, \"I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.\"",
+                    "6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed rite assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament words, the presence and appearance of God, for the extraordinary manifestation of his power and providence to Petronius, by sending rain in a time of distress, immediately upon the resolution he had taken to preserve the temple unpolluted, at the hazard of his own life, without any other miraculous appearance at all in that case; which well deserves to be taken notice of here, and greatly illustrates several texts, both in the Old and New Testament.</i> for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.",
+                    "7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly. to make all agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: \"I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient; for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This behavior of Caius to Agrippa is very like that of Herod Antipas, his uncle, to Herodias, Agrippa's sister, about it John the Baptist, Matthew 14:6--11.</i> And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities. But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, \"Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.\"",
+                    "8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa's obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said, and because he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. \"If therefore,\" said' he,\" thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.\" And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: \"Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.\"",
+                    "9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them; for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius's death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT BEFELL THE JEWS THAT WERE IN BABYLON ON OCCASION OF ASINEUS AND ANILEUS, TWO BRETHREN,</small><br>1. A VERY sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them. There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and a large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the wails that were built about it. There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed, disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes; but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief; for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.",
+                    "2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together. He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, \"Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.\" And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that \"neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day].\" But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight.",
+                    "3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them: \"That king Artsbanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The joining of the right hands was esteemed among the Peoians [and Parthians] in particular a most inviolable obligation to fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes, and refers to the commentary on Justin, B. XI. ch. 15., for its confirmation. We often meet with the like use of it in Josephus.</i> and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you.\" Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted to the king's presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him; and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them; for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him. Now this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them. He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.",
+                    "4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to him the king's good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artsbanus, who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus's courage in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war, and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, \"I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods. But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity.\" Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, \"It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation. I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me.\" When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.",
+                    "5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her. As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it was the custom<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">36</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their household gods along with them wherever they traveled is as old as the days of Jacob, when Rachel his wife did the same, Genesis 31:19, 30-35; nor is it to pass here unobserved, what great miseries came on these Jews, because they suffered one of their leaders to marry an idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of which matter see the note on B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 3.</i> of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband's days; upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God's blessing, he had arrived at. But when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies; upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus, and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus's food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.",
+                    "6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus's daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men's condition happy. Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unaprrized what they should do; so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">37</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This custom, in Syria and Mesopotamia, of setting men upon an ass, by way of disgrace, is still kept up at Damascus in Syria; where, in order to show their despite against the Christians, the Turks will not suffer them to hire horses, but asses only, when they go abroad to see the country, as Mr. Maundrell assures us, p. 128.</i> which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible. And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him; but that if be were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; \"to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him.\" By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it, but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.",
+                    "7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army, and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers. But when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war; however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them. So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.",
+                    "8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there; and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men's habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account which I am going to relate immediately.",
+                    "9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion. Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them. Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the king's honor. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews; so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Caius Was Slain by Cherea.</i><br>1. Now this Caius did not demonstrate his madness in offering injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all the earth and sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history relates. But Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be any way more honorable than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens, but especially the senate, and particularly the nobility, and such as had been dignified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after all ignominious manner, and removed them out of his way, while they were at once slain, and their wealth plundered, because he slew men generally in order to seize on their riches. He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors to be paid him by his subjects than are due to mankind. He also frequented that temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most holy of all their temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And other pranks he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city upon the sea-side, from one promontory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs, as measured over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that, as he was a god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be brought to him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he traveled all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It was also reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such mighty prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it down, and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having done what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had put him to death.",
+                    "2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and determined that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers were the greatest he left undetermined; and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although he did not succeed to his mind. But when he had filled the whole habitable world which he governed with false accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters, who indeed in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots now laid against him; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge themselves, on account of the miseries they had already undergone from him; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great influence upon the public welfare; and this happened most happily for our nation in particular, which had almost utterly perished if he had not been suddenly slain. And I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly, because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort to those that are under afflictions, and wise caution to those who think their happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.",
+                    "3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another conspiracy there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of the Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of great consequence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions of these men's several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these: Regulus had indignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity and vigor: Minucianus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of all the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of himself, since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike: and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. These men proposed this attempt to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered them, and were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve themselves to so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be partakers with them in their design for the delivery of the city and of the government, even at the hazard of their own lives. But still Cherea was the most zealous of them all, both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and also by reason of his access to Caius's presence with less danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore the more easily kill him.",
+                    "4. Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games]; the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but readily and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat of the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent soldiers some one way and some another, and gave order that they should lay hold on those that made the clamors, and without any more ado bring them out, and put them to death. These were Caius's commands, and those who were commanded executed the same; and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they left off clamoring, because they saw with their own eyes that this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their money, brought immediate death upon them. These things made Cherea more resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this barbarity of Caius against men. He then at several times thought to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet did he restrain himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt on him about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might certainly gain his purpose.",
+                    "5. Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not pleased with conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to Caesar's treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring them, because those burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged his own mild disposition than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, be provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words, and those of a nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the author of. Now although he had sometimes put on women's clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things, in order to make the company mistake him for a woman; yet did he, by way of reproach, object the like womanish behavior to Cherea. But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he had indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of it to others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords when he was about to take the watchword from Caesar, and would thereby make him ridiculous; on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now there was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented the theater, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. Now this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters, and those that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the rack, trod upon the foot of one of her associates, and let him know that he might be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures, for that she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least moved at what she had suffered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honorable amends, and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she had suffered, and for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments.",
+                    "6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men, which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to Clement and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was general of the army, and Papinius was a tribune,) \"To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself pitied them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!\" Clement held his peace, but showed the shame he was under in obeying Caius's orders, both by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while he thought it by no means right to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the dangers that were before him, and discoursed largely of the sore calamities under which the city and the government then labored, and said, \"We may indeed pretend in words that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent; for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who hath so terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in mischief, and his executioners instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman government, but only for his preservation, who hath enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as also because when abundance more have been killed, (for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bid him hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance; that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any attempt in that case. \"However, although perhaps I could suggest what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet trow is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy reputation?\" So Clement went his way home, with deep reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself one of the tribunes, and whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of public affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what had been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides looking upon delays and puttings off to be the next to desisting from the enterprise.",
+                    "8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally without Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of a person to whom he could safely communicate that design; so having now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had already opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that no delay might be made therein. Accordingly they went to Minucianus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as themselves, and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that they were under; for Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad part towards each of them in particular, and towards all of: them in general; and these men were afraid of one another, while they were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they might be in thereby, although they perceived by other means their mutual hatred against Caius, and on that account were not averse to a mutual kindness one towards another.",
+                    "9. When Minuetanus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another, (as they had been used on former conversations to give the upper hand to Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men, especially when he made speeches to them,) Minuetanus began first, and asked Cherea, What was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for the affront which was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the city. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such confidence in him as to discourse with him. \"But do thou,\" said he, \"give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my thanks that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary manner; nor do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both thou and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this before we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow thee; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one another, and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to be successful. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure to consider the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs over all men, by the means of Caius. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that thou mayst esteem me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion, and there is herein no difference between us.\"",
+                    "10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold attempt, commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his good wishes; and some affirm that he thereby confirmed Minuclanus in the prosecution of what had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered into the court, the report runs, that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which bid him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence afforded; and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was caught, but at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation. Whether somebody<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Just such a voice as this is related to be came, and from an unknown original also, to the famous Polycarp, as he was going to martyrdom, bidding him \"play the man;\" as the church of Smyrna assures us in their account of that his martyrdom, sect. 9.</i> that was conscious of what he was about, gave a signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his design, is uncertain. The plot was now communicated to a great many, and they were all in their armor; some of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for there was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill Caius; and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these virtuous designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the only man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under him, - such a power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant himself, by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches he had acquired; for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed injuries without bounds, and was more extravagant in the use of his power in unjust proceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least of them; on which account he privately ingratiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government should come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation for his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Claudius good offices in his promotion. He had also the boldness to pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But it seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put it off; nor if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master, had he escaped immediate punishment; while Claudius was preserved from the madness of Caius by a certain Divine providence, and Callistus pretended to such a piece of merit as he no way deserved.",
+                    "11. However, the execution of Cherea's designs was put off from day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves; as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top of the palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time; for he was then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and was free from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take away his life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to despatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was Chorea angry at his fellow conspirators, for fear they should suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; and they were themselves sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disappointment they might meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success, while he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them; that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and not Julius Caesar, who first changed the Roman commonwealth into a monarchy; for these shows were in honor of Augustus, as we shall learn in the next section.</i> who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator; and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance.",
+                    "12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: \"So much time passed away without effort is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come.\" Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, \"O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? As for myself, I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?\"",
+                    "13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that were present were astonished at it. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, \"Know then,\" said Vatinius, \"that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this dav.\" But Cluvius replied \"O brave comrade hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale.\" And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them: and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. It was also confessed that this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theater. And now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution; but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him, \"O brave man! whither art thou going?\" Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately.",
+                    "14. So Cherea's associates placed themselves in order, as the time would permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that the place which was appointed them should not be left by them; but they had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh hour of the day, the ninth. The series of the narration favors Josephus.</i> hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and of those of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of such as might perish at the same time. And as they were just going back into the entrance to the theater, word was brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretense as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as also Valellus of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to put out of their places, the reverence to their dignity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left the direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in waiting, and by which road Claudius had gone out before, Caius turned aside into a private narrow passage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met him, and asked him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him one of his ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword, and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. And although there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea, that Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely by a multitude of wounds; yet does this story appear to me incredible, because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates from the dangers they were in, because there might many things still happen for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius, as to the affliction himself and his friends were in, while it was in his power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius's defenders, and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he please about this matter. However, Caius was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hindered by the first bone of the breast from proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry out, (in such astonishment was he,) nor did he call out for any of his friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he endured, and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon his knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare for it, and was the first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it, he got the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice, showed himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery, and labors of the hands of Cherea.",
+                    "15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates, upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they were under; for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing an emperor, who was honored and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius's attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor's guard that day; whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and those parts bare the names of those that built them or the name of him who had begun to build its parts). So they got away from the insults of the multitude, and then were for the present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was not known. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius's guard, and carried the name of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion. The men of that country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the temper of some other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to consider much about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon their enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they perform great exploits. When, therefore, these German guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it, because they did not use their reason in judging about public affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves received, Caius being beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by which he had purchased their kindness to him; so they drew their swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous actions of his pro genitors, for he bad been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the houses in quest of Caesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to pieces, because he was the first man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of and could show many generals of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his dignity; yet was he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great number of assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds which they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who was of the same name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty, and those that were not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons slain. ",
+                    "16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater, they were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some that entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous of its happening than almost any other faction that could come to them, were under such a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also those who greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they thought no man could possibly so much power as to kill Caius. These were the women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order to gain honors and advantages to themselves; but for the women and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting of the gladiators, and certain distributions of flesh-meat among them, which things them pretense were designed for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to satiate the barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was very easy in believing them against their masters, even when they the city, accused them falsely; and if they would discover what money their masters had, they might soon obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because the reward of these informers was the eighth<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The rewards proposed by the Roman laws to informers was sometimes an eigth partm as Spanheim assures us, from the criminal's goods, as here, and sometimes a fourth part.</i> part of the criminal's substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot beforehand, or because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any thing at all about it. These last acted so out of the fear they had, that if the report proved false, they should be punished, for having so soon let men know their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because they were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all still more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should prove to be alive, they might be informed against, and punished. And another report went about, that although Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market-place, and, bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these were the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced according to the real intention with which they went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers and of the judges.",
+                    "17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater with their swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but death, and at every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut in pieces immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither having courage enough to go out of the theater, nor believing themselves safe from dangers if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was so great, that the theater rang again with the entreaties of the spectators to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious contrivances, and that if there were any sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus did these people appeal to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears, and beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger and the utmost concern for their lives could dictate to them. This brake the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar; at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it was that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto any firm assurance of surviving.",
+                    "18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into the most mournful habit he could, although he had a greater hatred against Caius than any one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught him so to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure; so he put on such a mournful dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest friends in the world; this man came into the theater, and informed them of the death of Caius, and by this means put an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Arruntius also went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that Caius was dead. And this proclamation it was plainly which saved those that were collected together in the theater, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstained from no sort of mischief; and such an abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape from so sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. But they now left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by the senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries; that is, in case the authority of the supreme governor should revert to them. And thus at length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death.",
+                    "19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should light upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went and spike to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have been slain. And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and, with many other of the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended the virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to execute it; and said that \"tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not however go happily out of the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy; insomuch that although in common discourse these conspirators were those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own self.\"",
+                    "20. Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from their seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance; the cause of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting away. There was also one Aleyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to cure those that were wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that were with him to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those wounded persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present dangers they were in. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also assembled together in the accustomed form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in appearance only; for there was present Valerius of Asia, one that had been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in disorder, and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, \"I wish I had been the man.\" The consuls<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These consuls are named in the War of the Jews, B. II. ch. 11. sect; 1, Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, as Spanheim notes here. The speech of the former of them is set down in the next chapter, sect. 2.</i> also published an edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home; and gave the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do, and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon them; for there was reason to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable behavior, if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance, and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the administration of the public affairs were already devolved upon them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE THE DEMOCRACY; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY, CONCERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS'S WIFE AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS'S MORALS.</small><br>1. WHEN the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting together; and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should be set up, it would not be for their advantage; and in case any one of those already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not assisting to him in this advancement; that it would therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior dignity and worth to every one of those that were assembled together in the senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired in his education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Claudius was therefore seized upon suddenly by the soldiery. But Cnaeus Sentius Saturninus, although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for men of freedom and generosity, and spake thus:",
+                    "2. \"Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those that are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable only to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as this country once flourished under. As for myself, I cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were born and bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves who have given us a taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might continue to all ages. However, this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort, what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our liberty; for as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations of others; but as to our later state, during my lifetime, I have known it by experience, and learned thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this commonwealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and proving the teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humor of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into his head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right and justice, and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is no kind of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city; while all those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute of such citizens as were of generous principles, because they thought it tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue, but to resolve upon. their utter destruction. Of all which emperors, who have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against the gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring both upon men's estates and their wives; but they look upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their enemies; while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these men, and how magnanimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another, (which form of government affords us the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city in good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular, to make provision for his own, and in general for the public utility: or, on the contrary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have been proposed, and this without any hazard of danger to come upon them, because they have now no lord set over them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had an uncontrollable power to take off those that freely declared their opinions. Nor has any thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned to live like slaves; and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors we are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and by his actions, been the procurer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties; but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare that he from the beginning acted with our approbation. And certainly it is a very excellent thing, and what becomes free-men, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foundations of sedition and civil wars in our city; but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny.\" <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see the great value virtuous men put upon public liberty, and the sad misery they underwent, while they were tyrannized over by such emperors as Caius. See Josephus's own short but pithy reflection at the end of the chapter: \"So difficult,\" says he, \"it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control.\"</i>",
+                    "3. And this was the purport of Sentius's oration,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturninus, the sovereign authority of the consuls and senate had been taken away just a hundred years before the death of Caius, A.D. 41, or in the sixtieth year before the Christian saga, when the first triumvirate began under Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus.</i> which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took off Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken immediately. But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watchword, who gave him this word, Liberty. These facts were the subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was a hundred years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this giving the watchword returned to the consuls; for before the city was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers. But when Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it to those who were on the senate's side, which were four regiments, who esteemed the government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. So these went away with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and were no longer under an emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem with them.",
+                    "4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker with those that were first in their designs against him. Yet did this action appear to some of the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it was that the city was in so desperate a condition with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed. But others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nay, they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted, was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and that habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it was determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the people. So when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which also lay down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows to the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband's wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand; which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted according to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted that she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him as he had used them. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to put them all to death, and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he was too slow and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation and tears; and as she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached her in order to execute some design disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one that utterly despaired of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received her death's wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to inform Cherea of what he had done.",
+                    "5. This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years, within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolene and got his wealth by murder and injustice. He labored to appear above regarding either what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he esteemed more honorable than what was virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends, how intimate soever, and though they were persons of the highest character; and if he was once angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the smallest occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction to his inclinations; whence it was that he had criminal conversation with his own sister;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Spanheim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Caius's sister with whom he was guilty of incest, was Drusilla and that Suetonius adds, he was guilty of the same crime with all his sisters also. He notes further, that Suetonius omits the mention of the haven for ships, which our author esteems the only public work for the good of the present and future ages which Caius left behind him, though in an imperfect condition.</i> from which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort of incest not having been known of a long time; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. And for any great or royal work that he ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can name any such, but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him, but was the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application to it; the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no one's benefit but his own, he could not exert his liberality in things that were undeniably of great consequence. Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions made by others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skillful in persuading others to very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and pains-taking; for as he was the grandson<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Caius was the son of that excellent person Germanicus, who was the son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius the emperor.</i> of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens. But the advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. At the first he got himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous application to the learning and to the glorious actions of the best men; but when he became insolent towards them, they laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; from which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and wherein he perished."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>How Claudius Was Seized Upon and Brought Out of His House and Brought to the Camp; And How the Senate Sent an Embassage to Him.</small><br>1. NOW Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save himself, and was found to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The first place Claudius came to was inhabited, and called Herincure, as Spanheim here informs us from Suetonius, in Claud. ch. 10.</i> though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the dignity of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself with moderation, and was contented with his present fortune, applying himself to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks, and keeping himself entirely clear from every thing that might bring on any disturbance. But as at this time the multitude were under a consternation, and the whole palace was full of the soldiers' madness, and the very emperor's guards seemed under the like fear and disorder with private persons, the band called pretorian, which was the purest part of the army, was in consultation what was to be done at this juncture. Now all those that were at this consultation had little regard to the punishment Caius had suffered, because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they were rather considering their own circumstances, how they might take the best care of themselves, especially while the Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good of the public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid of his own safety, and this particularly because he saw the heads of Asprenas and his partners carried about. His station had been on a certain elevated place, whither a few steps led him, and whither he had retired in the dark by himself. But when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that belonged to the palace, saw him, but did not well know by his countenance who he was, because it was dark, though he could well judge that it was a man who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to him; and when Claudius desired that he would retire, be discovered who he was, and owned him to be Claudius. So he said to his followers, \"This is a Germanicus;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Drusus was the father of Germanicus, could be here himself called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he assures us that, by a decree of the senate, the surname of Germanicus was bestowed upon Drusus, and his posterity also.--In Claud. ch. 1.</i> come on, let us choose him for our emperor.\" But when Claudius saw they were making preparations for taking him away by force, and was afraid they would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to spare him, putting them in mind how quietly he had demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right hand, and said, \"Leave off, sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself, while you ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire, which the gods, out of their concern for the habitable world, by taking Caius out of the way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne of thy ancestors.\" So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him.",
+                    "2. Now there was already gathered together about Gratus a great number of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off, they looked with a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to execution for the mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought him a man who never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that had met with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of these matters; and as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their Lord's preservation. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same.",
+                    "3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; that he who was a single person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius's death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country.",
+                    "4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>What Things King Agrippa Did For Claudius; And How Claudius When He Had Taken the Government Commanded the Murderers of Caius to be Slain.</small><br>1. NOW Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius's body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate's sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them; for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty, - Agrippa made answer, \"O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.\"",
+                    "2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only he their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This number of drachmae to be distributed to each private soldier, five thousand drachmae, equal to twenty thousand sesterces, or one hundred and sixty-one pounds sterling, seems much too large, and directly contradicts Suetonius, ch. 10., who makes them in all but fifteen sesterces, or two shillings and four pence. Yet might Josephus have this number from Agrippa, junior, though I doubt the thousands, or at least the hundreds, have been added by the transcribers, of which we have had several examples already in Josephus.</i> drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.",
+                    "3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons.",
+                    "4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thing to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it.",
+                    "5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. :But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time to come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; for when Lupus laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus agrees well to the time of the year when Claudius began his reign; it being for certain about the months of November, December, or January, and most probably a few days after January the twenty-fourth, and a few days before the Roman Parentalia.</i> he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the murders of the vilest tyrants, who yet highly deserved to die, when those murderers were under oaths, or other the like obligations of fidelity to them, were usually revenged, and the murderers were cut off themselves, and that after a remarkable manner; and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very persons who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by them. The examples are very numerous, both in sacred and profane histories, and seem generally indications of Divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruel manner, and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty, which was the case here, ch. 1. sect. 14, and ch. 2. sect. 4, as justly deserved the Divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to have been the case of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose slaughter he had a commission from God, without any such commission, any justice or commiseration, he killed Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings 10:11-14. See Hosea 1:4. I do not mean here to condemn Ehud or Judith, or the like executioners of God's vengeance on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly oppressed God's own people under their theocracy; who, as they appear still to have had no selfish designs nor intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a Divine commission, or a Divine impulse, which was their commission for what they did, Judges 3:15, 19, 20; Judith 9:2; Test. Levi. sect. 5, in Authent. Rec. p. 312. See also page 432.</i> So he was happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done].",
+                    "6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellow confederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Claudius Restored to Agrippa His Grandfather's Kingdoms and Augmented His Dominions; And How He Published an Edict in Behalf.</i><br>1. NOW when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he reforms us, ch. 3:1, that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Abila; as he is further confirmed by Ptolemy, the great geographer, which Spanheim here observes, when he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4; and Prid. at the years 36 and 22. I esteem this principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally, to have been the burying-place of Abel, and referred to as such, Matthew 23:35; Luke 11:51. See Authent. Rec. Part. II. p. 883--885.</i> of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.",
+                    "2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: \"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.\"",
+                    "3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: \"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr. Hudson here tells us from the great Selden, that it used to be thus represented at the bottom of their edicts by the initial letters only, U. D. P. R. L. P, Unde De Plano Recte Lege Possit; \"Whence it may be plainly read from the ground.\"</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS RETURNED BACK INTO JUDEA; AND WHAT IT WAS THAT PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS OF DORIS, IN BEHALF</small><br>1. NOW Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now lie returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus shows, both here and ch. 7. sect. 3, that he had a much greater opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned Rabbi, than the people of Cesarea and Sebaste, ch. 7. sect. 4; and ch. 9. sect. 1; and indeed than his double-dealing between the senate and Claudius, ch. 4. sect. 2, than his slaughter of James the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter, or his vain-glorious behavior before he died, both in Acts 12:13; and here, ch. 4. sect. 1, will justify or allow. Josephus's character was probably taken from his son Agrippa, junior.</i> on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very same in which our Savior taught, and where the people offered their charity money for the repairs or other uses of the temple, Mark 12:41, etc.; Luke 22:1; John 8:20.</i> that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again.",
+                    "2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the Divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book.",
+                    "3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: \"Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar, - to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves, - I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus's edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, 'that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to treat after who encourage such doings; while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. And that it may be more publicly known what Augustus hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.\"",
+                    "4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again, and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity. So he refused it, and said, \"O king! I rejoice in the honor that thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them on after a more holy manner than I should now receive them again. But if thou desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity.\" So the king was pleased with these words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius, as president of Syria."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING SILAS AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY AT HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOMPASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL; AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS OF BERYTUS.</small><br>1. NOW Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been faithful to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a partaker with him in any of his dangers, but had oftentimes undergone the most hazardous dangers for him, was full of assurance, and thought he might expect a sort of equality with the king, on account of the firmness of the friendship he had showed to him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as his superior, and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he became troublesome to the king, when they were merry together, extolling himself beyond measure, and oft putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate What zeal he had showed in his service; and was continually harping upon this string, what pains he had taken for him, and much enlarged still upon that subject. The repetition of this so frequently seemed to reproach the king, insomuch that he took this ungovernable liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when men have been under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done him. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which he could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to them, \"What honor is this the king invites me to, which I conclude will soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original marks of the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but he hath plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many misfortunes I have been delivered from; how many labors I have undergone for him, whereby I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I have borne the hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never forget this usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account.\" This was the clamor he made, and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison.",
+                    "2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.",
+                    "3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money; with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places he erected temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was in like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice.",
+                    "4. However, there was a certain man of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, \"What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?\" But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him.",
+                    "5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a theater for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in Sumptuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheater, built at vast expenses; and besides these, he built them baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators; and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight with seven hundred other men<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> A strange number of condemned criminals to be under the sentence of death at once; no fewer, it seems, than one thousand four hundred!</i> and allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER HE DIED.</small><br>1. WHEN Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commalena, Sampsigeratnus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead.",
+                    "2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him; and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, \"Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.\" Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as the great Eusebius had on purpose falsified this account of Josephus, so as to make it agree with the parallel account in the Acts of the Apostles, because the present copies of his citation of it, Hist. Eceles. B. II. ch. 10., omit the words an owl--on a certain rope, which Josephus's present copies retain, and only have the explicatory word or angel; as if he meant that angel of the Lord which St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod, Acts 12:23, and not that owl which Josephus called an angel or messenger, formerly of good, but now of bad news, to Agrippa. This accusation is a somewhat strange one in the case of the great Eusebius, who is known to have so accurately and faithfully produced a vast number of other ancient records, and particularly not a few out of our Josephus also, without any suspicion of prevarication. Now, not to allege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies of the fourth century were just like the present in this clause, which we have no distinct evidence of, the following words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any such exposition: \"This [bird] (says Eusebius) Agrippa presently perceived to be the cause of ill fortune, as it was once of good fortune, to him;\" which can only belong to that bird, the owl, which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliverance from imprisonment, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 6. sect. 7, so was it then foretold to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death in five days' time. If the improper words signifying cause, be changed for Josephus's proper word angel or messenger, and the foregoing words, be inserted, Esuebius's text will truly represent that in Josephus. Had this imperfection been in some heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics, they would have readily corrected these as barely errors in the copies; but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well relished by many of those critics, nothing will serve but the ill-grounded supposal of willful corruption and prevarication.</i> sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, \"I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.\" When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were over Philip's tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it; and he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar; in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea added to them, as well as Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachme.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This sum of twelve millions of drachmae, which is equal to three millions of shekels, i.e. at 2s. 10d. a shekel, equal to four hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about three quarters of his grandfather Herod's income; he having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, ch. 6. sect. 3, and was not so tyrannical as Herod had been to the Jews. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. A large sum this! but not, it seems, sufficient for his extravagant expenses.</i> Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Josephus omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa to the Tyrians and Sidoninus, by the means of Blastus the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts 12:20. Nor is there any history in the world so complete, as to omit nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to it.</i>",
+                    "3. But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's being expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the master of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful servants, and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by the king's own command."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH OF AGRIPPA; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFULNESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS FADUS TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM.</small><br>1. AND thus did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left behind him a son, Agrippa by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of his age, and three daughters; one of which, Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's brother, and was sixteen years old; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins; the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these his daughters were thus espoused by their father; Marlatone to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies; for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which were a great number, went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Photius, who made an extract out of this section, says they were not the statues or images, but the ladies themselves, who were thus basely abused by the soldiers.</i> of this king's daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses, and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent to be related. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and libations to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the king was expired. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended his liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also, who had himself rebuilt their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses.",
+                    "2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be reasonable. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to the deceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his daughters that were still alive; and that he should remove that body of soldiers that were at Caesarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments, into Pontus, that they might do their military duty there; and that he should choose an equal number of soldiers out of the Roman legions that were in Syria, to supply their place. Yet were not those that had such orders actually removed; for by sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified him, and got leave to abide in Judea still; and these were the very men that became the source of very great calamities to the Jews in after-times, and sowed the seeds of that war which began under Florus; whence it was that when Vespasian had subdued the country, he removed them out of his province, as we shall relate hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>A Sedition of the Philadelphians Against the Jews; and also Concerning the Vestments of the High Priest.</i><br>1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the foregoing book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while be was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea, and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon three of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar. Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the emperor, and admonished them that they should lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contradict what he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel,) that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition him that they may have the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that their request. So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behavior]. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when, upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came, (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them that he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them: \"Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa, my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power, - I grant their request, as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me. And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character. Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Ruffis and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls.\"",
+                    "3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for. So that after that time this authority continued among all his descendants till the end of the war<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus; for the power of appointing high priests, after Herod king of Chalcis was dead, and Agrippa, junior, was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to him; and he exercised the same all along till Jerusalem was destroyed, as Josephus elsewhere informs us, ch. 8. sect. , 11; ch. 9. sect. 1, 4, 6, 7.</i> Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called Cimtheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Cantos."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW HELENA THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE AND HER SON IZATES, EMBRACED THE JEWISH RELIGION; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED THE POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE WAS A GREAT FAMINE AT JERUSALEM.</small><br>1. ABOUT this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife's belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God's providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here uses the word monogene, an only begotten son, for no other than one best beloved, as does both the Old and New Testament, I mean where there were one or more sons besides, Genesis 22:2; Hebrew 11:17. See the note on B. I. ch. 13. sect. 1.</i> son Izates, which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son's preservation to him. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.",
+                    "2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah's ark were believed to he still in being in the days of Josephus. See the note on B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5.</i> Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: \"I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.\" This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king's determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates's father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates's brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father's ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him.",
+                    "3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions.",
+                    "4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not he thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Ananias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king's instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Ananias. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, \"Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.\" When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Ananias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus is very full and express in these three chapters, 3., 4., and 5., in observing how carefully Divine Providence preserved this Izates, king of Adiabene, and his sons, while he did what he thought was his bounden duty, notwithstanding the strongest political motives to the contrary.</i> But these events we shall relate hereafter.",
+                    "5. But as to Helena, the king's mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates's kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God's providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This further account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here promises is, I think, no where performed by him in his present works. But of this terrible famine itself in Judea, take Dr. Hudson's note here: — \"This ( says he ) is that famine foretold by Agabus, Acts 11:28, which happened when Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second time, and Cesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p. 174.\" Now when Josephus had said a little afterward, ch. 5. sect. 2, that \"Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as procurator,\" he immediately subjoins, that\" under these procurators there happened a great famine in Judea.\" Whence it is plain that this famine continued for many years, on account of its duration under these two procurators. Now Fadus was not sent into Judea till after the death of king Agrippa, i.e. towards the latter end of the 4th year of Claudius; so that this famine foretold by Agabus happened upon the 5th, 6th, and 7th years of Claudius, as says Valesius on Euseb. II. 12. Of this famine also, and queen Helena's supplies, and her monument, see Moses Churenensis, p. 144, 145, where it is observed in the notes that Pausanias mentions that her monument also.</i> he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW ARTABANUS, THE KING OF PARTHIA OUT OF FEAR OF THE SECRET CONTRIVANCES OF HIS SUBJECTS AGAINST HIM, WENT TO IZATES, AND WAS BY HIM REINSTATED IN HIS GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO HOW BARDANES HIS SON DENOUNCED WAR AGAINST IZATES.</small><br>1. BUT now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return to his own dominions. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, \"O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to he taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also.\" And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countenance. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus's name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, and said to him, \"Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own.\"",
+                    "2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse again, and go before him. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus.",
+                    "3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This privilege of wearing the tiara upright, or with the tip of the cone erect, is known to have been of old peculiar to great kings, from Xenophon and others, as Dr. Hudson observes here.</i> and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.",
+                    "4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes's intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW IZATES WAS BETRAYED BY HIS OWN SUBJECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST BY THE ARABIANS AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, WAS DELIVERED OUT OF THEIR HANDS.</small><br>1. NOW when the king's brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates's subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies, and forced all the rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side, he slew himself.",
+                    "2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king's hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media, - Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king's subjects; he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king's hands. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia's power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This conduct of Izates is a sign that he was become either a Jew, or an Ebionite Christian, who indeed differed not much from proper Jews. See ch. 6. sect. 1. However, his supplications were heard, and he was providentially delivered from that imminent danger he was in.</i> Then he called upon God, and said, \"O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee.\" Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthis waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God.",
+                    "3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father's death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son's death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen of Adiabene, near Jerusalem, three in number, are mentioned by Eusebius, in his Eccles. Hist. B. II. ch. 12, for which Dr. Hudson refers us to Valesius's notes upon that place.--They are also mentioned by Pausanias, as hath been already noted, ch. 2. sect. 6. Reland guesses that that now called Absalom's Pillar may be one of them.</i> which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life. we will relate them hereafter.-"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING THEUDAS AND THE SONS OF JUDAS THE GALILEAN; AS ALSO WHAT CALAMITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE DAY OF THE PASSOVER.</small><br>1. NOW it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procurator, about A.D. 45 or 46, could not be that Thendas who arose in the days of the taxing, under Cyrenius, or about A.D. 7, Acts v. 36, 37. Who that earlier Theudas was, see the note on B. XVII. ch. 10. sect. 5.</i> persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus's government.",
+                    "2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Ananias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother's daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior.",
+                    "3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived. When that feast which is called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any such should begin; and this was no more than what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals. But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to approach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him, which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival. But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which overlooked the temple; but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This and. many more tumults and seditions which arose at the Jewish festivals, in Josephus, illustrate the cautious procedure of the Jewish governors, when they said, Matthew 26:5, \"Let us not take Jesus on the feast-day, lest there be an up roar among the people;\" as Reland well observes on tins place. Josephus also takes notice of the same thing, Of the War, B. I. ch. 4. sect. 3.</i>",
+                    "4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him; which things when Cureanus heard of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him. Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility; which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Cesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be kindled a second time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIFFERENCES.</small><br>1. NOW there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This constant passage of the Galileans through the country of Samaria, as they went to Judea and Jerusalem, illustrates several passages in the Gospels to the same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly observes. See Luke 17:11; John 4:4. See also Josephus in his own Life, sect. 52, where that journey is determined to three days.</i> and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them. But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Our Savior had foretold that the Jews' rejection of his gospel would bring upon them, among other miseries, these three, which they themselves here show they expected would be the consequences of their present tumults and seditions: the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children See Luke 21:6-24.</i> which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies.",
+                    "2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby showed the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence; - which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Ananias the high priest, and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch.",
+                    "3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. But now Caesar's freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government: - whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cumanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>FELIX IS MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; AS ALSO CONCERNING AGRIPPA, JUNIOR AND HIS SISTERS.</small><br>1. SO Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise. He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.",
+                    "2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, born in Cyprus, though he pretended to be a magician, and seems to have been wicked enough, could hardly be that famous Simon the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles, 8:9, etc., as some are ready to suppose. This Simon mentioned in the Acts was not properly a Jew, but a Samaritan, of the town of Gittae, in the country of Samaria, as the Apostolical Constitutions, VI. 7, the Recognitions of Clement, II. 6, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of Samaria, Apology, I. 34, inform us. He was also the author, not of any ancient Jewish, but of the first Gentile heresies, as the forementioned authors assure us. So I suppose him a different person from the other. I mean this only upon the hypothesis that Josephus was not misinformed as to his being a Cypriot Jew; for otherwise the time, the name, the profession, and the wickedness of them both would strongly incline one to believe them the very same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, junior, as Josephus informs us here, and a Jewess, as St. Luke informs us, Acts 24:24, whom this Simon mentioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former husband, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice, and to marry Felix, the heathen procurator of Judea, Tacitus, Hist. V. 9, supposes her to be a heathen; and the grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary both to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived somewhat too remote, both as to time and place, to be compared with either of those Jewish writers, in a matter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own days, and concerning a sister of Agrippa, junior, with which Agrippa Josephus was himself so well acquainted. It is probable that Tacitus may say true, when he informs us that this Felix (who had in all three wives, or queens, as Suetonius in Claudius, sect. 28, assures us) did once marry such a grandchild of Antonius and Cleopatra; and finding the name of one of them to have been Drusilla, he mistook her for that other wife, whose name he did not know.</i> one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice's envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest we have in history. See Bianchini's curious and important observations on this Vesuvius, and its seven several great eruptions, with their remains vitrified, and still existing, in so many different strata under ground, till the diggers came to the antediluvian waters, with their proportionable interstices, implying the deluge to have been above two thousand five hundred years before the Christian era, according to our exactest chronology.</i> in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This is now wanting.</i>",
+                    "3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion; and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This also is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>After What Manner Upon the Death of Claudius, Nero Succeeded in the Government; as also What Barbarous Things He Did. Concerning the Robbers, Murderers and Imposters that Arose While Felix and Festus Were Procurators of Judea.</i><br>1. NOW Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This duration of the reign of Claudius agrees with Dio, as Dr. Hudson here remarks; as he also remarks that Nero's name, which was at first L. Domitius Aenobarbus, after Claudius had adopted him was Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus. This Soleus as [own Life, sect. 11, as also] by Dio Cassius andTaeims, as Dr. Hudson informs us.</i> and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome; after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia; their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son.",
+                    "2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man's estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius. Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor. And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted against him.",
+                    "3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly deserve to be condemned. Nor do I wonder at such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them. But as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they take delight: but as to ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs.",
+                    "4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This agrees with Josephus's frequent accounts elsewhere in his own Life, that Tibetans, and Taricheae, and Gamala were under this Agrippa, junior, till Justus, the son of Pistus, seized for the Jews, upon the breaking out of the war.</i> and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.",
+                    "5. Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude. Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and sent him to Rome. Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This treacherous and barbarous murder of the good high priest Jonathan, by the contrivance of this wicked procurator, Felix, was the immediate occasion of the ensuing murders by the Sicarii or ruffians, and one great cause of the following horrid cruelties and miseries of the Jewish nation, as Josephus here supposes; whose excellent reflection on the gross wickedness of that nation, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is well worthy the attention of every Jewish and of every Christian reader. And since we are soon coming to the catalogue of the Jewish high priests, it may not be amiss, with Reland, to insert this Jonathan among them, and to transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty-eight high priests, taken out of Josephus, and begin with Ananelus, who was made by Herod the Great. See Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 4, and the note there. Ananelus. Aristobulus. Jesus, the son of Fabus. Simon, the son of Boethus. Marthias, the son of Theophiltu. Joazar, the son of Boethus. Eleazar, the son of Boethus. Jesus, the son of Sic. [Annas, or] Ananus, the son of Seth. Ismael, the son of Fabus. Eleazar, the son of Ananus. Simon, the son of Camithus. Josephus Caiaphas, the son-in-law to Ananus. Jonathan, the son of Ananus. Theophilus, his brother, and son of Ananus. Simon, the son of Boethus. Matthias, the brother of Jonathan, and son of Ananus. Aljoneus. Josephus, the son of Camydus. Ananias, the son of Nebedeus. Jonathas. Ismael, the son of Fabi. Joseph Cabi, the son of Simon. Ananus, the son of Artanus. Jesus, the son of Damnetas. Jesus, the son of Gamaliel. Matthias, the son of Theophilus. Phannias, the son of Samuel. As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned about the middle of this catalogue, they are no other than those Annas and Caiaphas so often mentioned in the four Gospels; and that Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, was that high priest before whom St. Paul pleaded his own cause, Acts 24.</i> and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men's wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.",
+                    "6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. Moreover, there came out of Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with many other circumstances and miseries of the Jews, till their utter destruction, foretold by our Savior, see Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 58-75. Of this Egyptian impostor, and the number of his followers, in Josephus, see Acts 21:38.</i> about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them.",
+                    "7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Cesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Cesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Cesarea was formerly called Strato's Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Cesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so.",
+                    "8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. And such was the impudence<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The wickedness here was very peculiar and extraordinary, that the high priests should so oppress their brethren the priests, as to starve the poorest of them to death. See the like presently, ch. 9. sect. 2. Such fatal crimes are covetousness and tyranny in the clergy, as well as in the laity, in all ages.</i> and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice.",
+                    "9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him. Two of the principal Syrians in Cesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Cesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.",
+                    "10. Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them. And then it was that the sicarii, as they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, [or sickles,] as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many; for they mingled themselves among the multitude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them on fire. So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also.",
+                    "11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus. and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple; which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west, which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals. At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished; and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We have here one eminent example of Nero's mildness and goodness in his government towards the Jews, during the first five years of his reign, so famous in antiquity; we have perhaps another in Josephus's own Life, sect. 3; and a third, though of a very different nature here, in sect. 9, just before. However, both the generous acts of kindness were obtained of Nero by his queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and perhaps privately a Jewish proselyte, and so were not owing entirely to Nero's own goodness.</i> them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero's wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING ALBINUS UNDER WHOSE PROCURATORSHIP JAMES WAS SLAIN; AS ALSO WHAT EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA.</small><br>1. AND now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus. Now the report goes that this eldest Ananus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests. But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might be high priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sadducees were usually very severe and inexorable judges, while the Pharisees were much milder, and more merciful, as appears by Reland's instances in his note on this place, and on Josephus's Life, sect. 31, and those taken from the New Testament, from Josephus himself, and from the Rabbins; nor do we meet with any Sadducees later than this high priest in all Josephus.</i> who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its causes, as also that he did not die till long afterwards, see Prim. Christ. Revived, vol. III. ch. 43-46. The sanhedrim condemned our Savior, but could not put him to death without the approbation of the Roman procurator; nor could therefore Ananias and his sanhedrim do more here, since they never had Albinus's approbation for the putting this James to death.</i> Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii. But as for the high priest, Ananias<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Ananias was not the son of Nebedeus, as I take it, but he who was called Annas or Ananus the elder, the ninth in the catalogue, and who had been esteemed high priest for a long time; and, besides Caiaphas, his son-in-law, had five of his own sons high priests after him, which were those of numbers 11, 14, 15, 17, 24, in the foregoing catalogue. Nor ought we to pass slightly over what Josephus here says of Annas, or Ananias, that he was high priest a long time before his children were so; he was the son of Seth, and is set down first for high priest in the foregoing catalogue, under number 9. He was made by Quirinus, and continued till Ismael, the 10th in number, for about twenty-three years, which long duration of his high priesthood, joined to the successions of his son-in-law, and five children of his own, made him a sort of perpetual high priest, and was perhaps the occasion that former high priests kept their titles ever afterwards; for I believe it is hardly met with be fore him.</i> he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the threshing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.",
+                    "3. But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus [Ananias] the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them; after which they sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Ananias's servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country.",
+                    "4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Cesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronlas. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae]; he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city. And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Ananias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us.",
+                    "5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers.",
+                    "6. Now as many of the Levites,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This insolent petition of some of the Levites, to wear the sacerdotal garments when they sung hymns to God in the temple, was very probably owing to the great depression and contempt the haughty high priests had now brought their brethren the priests into; of which see ch. 8. sect. 8, and ch. 9, sect. 2.</i> which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing. Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.",
+                    "7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of these cloisters of Solomon, see the description of the temple, ch. 13. They seem, by Josephus's words, to have been built from the bottom of the valley.</i> who first of all built the entire temple. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews' war with the Romans took its beginning."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH PRIESTS.</small><br>1. AND now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war. In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been continued down from them all to their posterity. Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood. Accordingly, the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three; of whom thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to God; for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal Now the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve. After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest, captive; the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal government. But after the term of seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years; and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son [of Onias the third], put Jaeimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of that family of Onias. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest. But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years. And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood; and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus, whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year. And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should he high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God. But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; and when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariamne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod's son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward. Accordingly, the number of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when Titus took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years. Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Florus the Procurator, Who Necessitated the Jews to Take Up Arms Against the Romans. The Conclusion.</i><br>1. NOW Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of Clazomene, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Poppea, Nero's wife, he obtained this government,) who was no way different from him in wickedness. This Florus was so wicked, and so violent in the use of his authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have been [comparatively] their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs that he brought upon them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and was careful that it might not be discovered to all men; but Gessius Florus, as though he bad been sent on purpose to show his crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation of them to our nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any unjust sort of punishment; for he was not to be moved by pity, and never was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way; nor had he any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but became a partner with the robbers themselves. For a great many fell then into that practice without fear, as having him for their security, and depending on him, that he would save them harmless in their particular robberies; so that there were no bounds set to the nation's miseries; but the unhappy Jews, when they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers made among them, were all under a necessity of leaving their own habitations, and of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily any where else in the world among foreigners [than in their own country]. And what need I say any more upon this head? since it was this Florus who necessitated us to take up arms against the Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at once, than by little and little. Now this war began in the second year of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. But then what actions we were forced to do, or what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may be accurately known by such as will peruse those books which I have written about the Jewish war.",
+                    "2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of which events, I began to write that account of the war; and these Antiquities contain what hath been delivered down to us from the original creation of man, until the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in Palestine, and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the Romans, have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things. I have attempted to enumerate those high priests that we have had during the interval of two thousand years; I have also carried down the succession of our kings, and related their actions, and political administration, without [considerable] errors, as also the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written in our sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the beginning of this history. And I am so bold as to say, now I have so completely perfected the work I proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether he were a Jew or foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it, could so accurately deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books. For those of my own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in the learning belonging to Jews; I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the elements of the Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness; for our nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts of free-men, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning; on which account, as there have been many who have done their endeavors with great patience to obtain this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their pains.",
+                    "3. And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own family, and of the actions of my own life<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> See the Life at the beginning of the volume.</i> while there are still living such as can either prove what I say to be false, or can attest that it is true; with which accounts I shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand verses. And if God permit me, I will briefly run over this war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What Josephus here declares his intention to do, if God permitted, to give the public again an abridgement of the Jewish War hear of it elsewhere, whether he performed what he now intended or not. Some of the reasons of this design of his might possibly be, his observation of the many errors he had been guilty of in the two first of those seven books of the War, which were written when he was comparatively young, and less acquainted with the Jewish antiquities than he now was, and in which abridgement we might have hoped to find those many passages which himself, as well as those several passages which others refer to, as written by him, but which are not extant in his present works. However, since many of his own references to what he had written elsewhere, as well as most of his own errors, belong to such early times as could not well come into this abridgement of the Jewish War; and since none of those that quote things not now extant in his works, including himself as well as others, ever cite any such abridgement; I am forced rather to suppose that he never did publish any such work at all; I mean, as distinct from his own Life, written by himself, for an appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least seven years after these Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed does it appear to me that Josephus ever published that other work here mentioned, as intended by him for the public also: I mean the three or four books concerning God and his essence, and concerning the Jewish laws; why, according to them, some things were permitted the Jews, and others prohibited; which last seems to be the same work which Josephus had also promised, if God permitted, at the conclusion of his preface to these Antiquities; nor do I suppose that he ever published any of them. The death of all his friends at court, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, and the coming of those he had no acquaintance with to the crown, I mean Nerva and Trajan, together with his removal from Rome to Judea, with what followed it, might easily interrupt such his intentions, and prevent his publication of those works.</i> and to add what befell them further to that very day, the 13th of Domitian, or A.D. 03, is not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of by any one; nor do we ever again, with what befell us therein to this very day, which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domitian, and the fifty-sixth year of my own life. I have also an intention to write three books concerning our Jewish opinions about God and his essence, and about our laws; why, according to them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are prohibited."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "key": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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@@ -0,0 +1,2041 @@
+{
+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/The_Antiquities_of_the_Jews",
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "1. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Preface of Josephus is excellent in its kind, and highly worthy the repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about the perusal of the work itself.</i>THOSE WHO undertake to write histories do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another; for some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to shew their skill in composition, and that they may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely; others of them there are who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them, and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance; but others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. Now, of these several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my own reasons also; for since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings.  ",
+            "2. NOW I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to the Greeks<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.</i> worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures; and indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his Seven Books of the Jewish War long before he wrote these his Antiquities. Those books of the war were published about A.D. 75; and these Antiquities, A.D. 93, about eighteen years later.</i> to explain who the Jews originally were, what fortunes they had been subject to, and by what legislator they had been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues, what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans; but because this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into a set treatise by itself, with a beginning of its own, and with its own conclusion; but in process of time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things, I grew weary, and went on slowly, it being a large subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language. However, some persons there were who desired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it: and, above all the rest, Epaphroditus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of Trajan, A.D. 100. See the note on Antiq. b. i. against Apion, sect 1, vol. vi. Who he was we do not know; for as to Epaphroditus, the freed-man of Nero, and afterward Domitian's secretary, who was put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th year of his reign, he could not be alive in the third of Trajan.</i> a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history; and this on account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shewn a wonderful vigour of an excellent nature, and an immoveable virtuous resolution in them all. I yielded to this man's persuasions, who always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavours with his. I was also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of disposition to have a greater influence upon me than the delight of taking pains in such studies as were very useful; I thereupon stirred up myself, and went on with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our forefathers were willing to communicate such things to others; and that some of the Greeks took considerable pains to know the affairs of our nation.  ",
+            "3. I FOUND, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king who was extraordinarily diligent in what concerned learning and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek tongue. Now Eleazar the high priest, one not inferior to any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king the participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for certain have denied him, but that he knew the custom of our nation was to hinder nothing of what we esteemed ourselves from being communicated to others. Accordingly I thought it became me both to imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose there might even now be many lovers of learning like the king; for he did not obtain all our writings at that time, but those who were sent to Alexandria as interpreters gave him only the books of the law, while there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They indeed contain in them the history of five thousand years; in which time happened many strange accidents, many chances of war, and great actions of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws; and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus here plainly alludes to the famous Greek proverb, If God be with us, everything that is impossible becomes possible.</i> and whatsoever they set about as a good thing, is converted into an incurable calamity:—and now I exhort all those that peruse these books to apply their minds to God, and to examine the mind of our legislator, whether he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him, and hath not ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed, although by the great distance of time when he lived, he might securely have forged such lies; for he lived two thousand years ago; at which vast distance of ages the poets themselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the generations of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their own laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accurately describe what is contained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to them; for I have already promised so to do throughout this undertaking, and this without adding anything to what is therein contained, or taking away anything therefrom.  ",
+            "4. BUT BECAUSE almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly; I mean, because otherwise those that read my book may wonder how it comes to pass that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and historical facts, contains so much of philosophy. The reader is therefore to know, that Moses deemed it exceedingly necessary, that he who would conduct his own life well, and give laws to others, in the first place should consider the divine nature, and upon the contemplation of God's operations, should thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature to do, and to endeavour to follow after it; neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without such a contemplation; nor would anything he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now when Moses was desirous to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did not begin the establishment of his laws after the same manner that other legislators did; I mean, upon contracts and other rites between one man and another, but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his creation of the world; and by persuading them, that we men are the most excellent of the creatures of God upon earth. Now when once he had brought them to submit to religion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other things; for, as to other legislators, they followed fables, and, by their discourses, transferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods, and so afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their crimes; but as for our legislator, when he had once demonstrated that God was possessed of perfect virtue, he supposed that men also ought to strive after the participation of it; and on those who did not so think and so believe, he inflicted the severest punishments. I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine this whole undertaking in that view, for thereby it will appear to them that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty of God, or to his love to mankind; for all these things have here a reference to the nature of the universe; while our legislator speaks some things wisely, but enigmatically, and others under a decent allegory, but still explains such things as required a direct explication plainly and expressly. However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of everything, may find here a very curious philosophical theory, which I now indeed shall waive the explication of; but if God afford me time for it, I will set about writing it, <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">As to this intended work of Josephus, concerning the reason of many of the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical sense they would bear, the loss of which work is by some of the learned not much regretted, I am inclinable in part to Fabricius's opinion, ap. Havercamp, pp. 63, 64, that \"we need not doubt but, among some vain and frigid conjectures derived from Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a greater number of excellent anduseful things, which perhaps nobody, neither among the Jews nor among the Christians, can now inform us of; so that I would give a great deal to find it still extant.\"</i> after I have finished the present work. I shall now betake myself to the history before me, after I have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world, which I find described in the sacred books after the manner following:— "
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Constitution of the World, and the Disposition of the Elements.</i><br>1. IN THE beginning God created the heaven and the earth; but when the earth did not come into sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light; and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the light and the darkness; and the name he gave to one was <i>Night</i>, and the other he called <i>Day;</i> and he named the beginning of light and the time of rest, <i>The Evening</i> and <i>The Morning;</i> and this was indeed the first day: but Moses said it was one day,—the cause of which I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its exposition till that time. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts; and he determined it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain and for affording the advantage of dews. On the third day he appointed dry land to appear, with the sea itself round about it; and on this very same day he made the plants and the seeds to spring out of the earth. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other stars, and appointed them their motions and courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signified. And on the fifth day he produced the living creatures, both those that swim and those that fly, the former in the sea, the latter in the air: he also sorted them as to society and mixture, for procreation, and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On the sixth day he created the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female: on the same day he also formed man. Accordingly Moses says, That in just six days the world and all that is therein was made; and that the seventh day was a rest, and a release from the labour of such operations;—whence it is that we celebrate a rest from our labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath, which word denotes <i>rest</i> in the Hebrew tongue.",
+                    "2. MOREOVER, MOSES, after the seventh day was over,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since Josephus, in his preface, sect. 4, says, That Moses wrote some things enigmatically, some allegorically, and the rest in plain words; since in his account of the first Chapter of Genesis, and the first three verses of the second, he gives us no hints of any mystery at all; but when he here comes to ver. 4, &amp;c., he says that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to talk philosophically. It is not very improbable that he understood the rest of the second and the third chapters in some enigmatical, or allegorical, or philosophical sense. The change of the name of God, just at this place, from Elohim to Jehovah Elohim—from God to Lord God—in the Hebrew, Samarian, and Septuagint, does also not a little favour some such change in the narration or construction.</i> begins to talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man says thus: That God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and a soul.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man to be compounded of spirit, soul, and body with St. Paul, 1 Thess. v. 23, and the rest of the ancients: he elsewhere says, also, that the blood of animals was forbidden to be eaten, as having in it soul and spirit. Antiq. b. in., chap, xi., sect. 2.</i> This man was called Adam, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies <i>one that is red</i>, because he was formed out of red earth, compounded together; for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam, and gave them those names by which they are still called. But when he saw that Adam had no female companion, no society, for there was no such created, and that he wondered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed the woman; whereupon Adam knew her when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue <i>Issa;</i> but the name of this woman was Eve, which signifies <i>the mother of all living</i>.",
+                    "3. MOSES SAYS farther, that God planted a paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the tree of life, and another of knowledge, whereby was to be known what was good and evil; and that when he brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded them to take care of the plants. Now the garden was watered by one river,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Whence this strange notion came, which yet is not peculiar to Josephus, but, as Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from older authors, as if four of the greatest rivers in the world, running two of them at vast distances from the other two, by some means or other watered Paradise, is hard to say. Only, since Josephus has already appeared to allegorize this history, and take notice that these four names had a particular signification: Phison for Ganges, a multitude; Phrath for Euphrates, either a dispersion or a flower. Diglath for Tigris, what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon for Nile, what arises from the east,—we perhaps mistake him when we suppose he literally means those for rivers; especially as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the east, while he very well knew the literal Nile arises from the south, though what farther allegorical sense he had in view, is now, I fear, impossible to be determined.</i> which ran round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And Phison, which denotes a multitude, running into India, makes its exit into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> By the Red Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf, which alone we now call by that name, but all that South Sea, which included the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, as far as the East Indies, as Reland and Hudson here truly note from the old geographers.</i> Now the name Euphrates, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or a flower: by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises from the east, which the Greeks call Nile.",
+                    "4. GOD THEREFORE commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of knowledge; and foretold to them, that if they touched it, it would prove their destruction. But while all the living creatures had one language,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Hence it appears that Josephus thought several, at least, of the brute animals, particularly the serpent, could speak before the fall; and I think few of the more perfect kinds of those animals want the organs of speech at this day. Many inducements there are also to a notion that the present state they are in is not their original state; and that their capacities have been once much greater than we now see them, and are capable of being restored to their former condition. But as to this most ancient, and authentic, and probably allegorical account of that grand affair of the fall of our first parents, I have somewhat more to say in way of conjecture, but being only a conjecture, I omit it: only thus far, that the imputation of the sin of our first parents to their posterity, any farther than as some way the cause or occasion of man's mortality, seems almost entirely groundless; and that both man, and the other subordinate creatures, are hereafter to be delivered from the curse then brought upon them, and at last to be delivered from that bondage of corruption, Rom. viii. 19-23.</i> at that time the serpent, which then lived together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the commands of God; and imagining, that when they disobeyed them, they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman out of a malicious intention to taste of the tree of knowledge, telling them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which knowledge when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life, nay, a life not inferior to that of a god: by which means he overcame the woman, and persuaded her to despise the command of God. Now when she had tasted of  that tree, and was pleased with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon this they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somewhat to cover them; for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they covered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying these before them out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were before, as they had discovered what they were in want of. But when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont before to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This behaviour surprised God; and he asked what was the cause of this his procedure; and why he, that before delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it? When he made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God said, \"I had before determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up, by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labour and pains-taking; which state of labour and pains-taking would soon bring on old age; and death would not be at any remote distance: but now thou hast abused this my goodwill, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy silence is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil conscience.\" However, Adam excused his sin, and entreated God not to be angry at him, and laid the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that he was deceived by her, and thence became an offender; while she again accused the serpent.  But God allotted him punishment because he weakly submitted to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labour, it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth others. He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains of bringing forth children, and this because she persuaded Adam with the same arguments wherewith the serpent had persuaded her, and had thereby brought him into a calamitous condition. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him that way: and when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the garden into another place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning the Posterity of Adam, and the ten Generations from him to the Deluge.</i><br>1. ADAM AND Eve had two sons; the elder of them was named Cain; which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a <i>possession</i>. The younger was Abel, which signifies <i>sorrow</i>. They had also daughters. Now the two brethren were pleased with different courses of life; for Abel, the younger, was a lover of righteousness, and, believing that God was present at all his actions, he excelled in virtue, and his employment was that of a shepherd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects, but was wholly intent upon getting; and he first contrived to plough the ground. He slew his brother on the occasion following: They had resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain brought the fruits of the earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks; but God was more delighted with the latter oblation,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> St. John's account of the reason why God accepted the sacrifice of Abel, and rejected that of Cain, as also why Cain slew Abel, on account of that his acceptance with God, is much better than this of Josephus: I mean, because \"Cain was of the evil one, and slew his brother.\" And \"wherefore slew he him? Because his works were evil, and his brothers righteous.\" 1 John iii. 12, Josephus's reason seems to be no better than a pharisaical notion or tradition.</i> when he was honoured with what grew naturally of its own accord, than he was with what was the invention of a covetous man, and gotten by forcing the ground; whence it was that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred by God before him, and he slew his brother, and hid his dead body, thinking to escape discovery. But God, knowing what had been done, came to Cain,  and asked him what was become of his brother; because he had not seen him of many days, whereas he had used to observe them conversing together at other times. But Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to give to God. At first he said that he was himself at a loss about his brother's disappearing; but when he was provoked by God, who pressed him vehemently, as resolving to know what the matter was, he replied he was not his brother's guardian or keeper, nor was he an observer of what he did. But in return, God convicted Cain as having been the murderer of his brother; and said, \"I wonder at thee, that thou knowest not what is become of a man whom thou thyself hast destroyed.\" God, therefore, did not inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his offering sacrifice, and thereby making supplication to him not to be extreme in his wrath to him; but he made him accursed, and threatened his posterity in the seventh generation. He also cast him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he was afraid that in wandering about he should fall among wild beasts, and by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a mark upon him that he might be known, he commanded him to depart.",
+                    "2. AND WHEN Cain had travelled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure everything that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbours. He augmented his household substance with much wealth by rapine and violence; he excited his acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils of robbery, and became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change in that way of simplicity wherein men lived before, and was the author of measures and weights. And whereas they lived innocently and generously while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands; he built a city, and fortified it with walls, and he compelled his family to come together to it; and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch; whose son was Malaliel; whose son was Methusela; whose son was Lamech; who had seventy-seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Jabal; he erected tents, and loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother with him, exercised himself in music,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the trumpet of jobel or jubilee; that large and loud musical instrument, used to proclaiming liberty at the year of jubilee.</i> and invented the psaltery and the harp. But Tubal, one of his sons by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to pleasure of the body by that method; and first of all invented the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah; and because he was so skilful in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be punished for Cain's murder of his brother, he made that known to his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass that the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked, every one successively dying one after another, more wicked than the former. They were intolerable in war, and vehement in robberies; and if any one were slow to murder people, yet was he bold in his profligate behaviour, in acting unjustly, and doing injuries for gain.",
+                    "3. NOW ADAM, who was the first man, and made out of the earth (for our discourse must now be about him), after Abel was slain, and Cain fled away on account of his murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had a vehement desire of children, he being two hundred and thirty years old ; after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other children,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The number of Adam's children, as says the old tradition, was thirty-three sons, and twenty-three daughters.</i> but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be tedious to name them; I will, therefore, only endeavour to give an account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern what was good, he became a virtuous man; and as he was himself of an excellent character, so did he leave children behind him who imitated his virtues.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What is here said of Seth and his posterity, that they were very good and virtuous, and at the same time very happy, without any considerable misfortunes, for seven generations [see ch. il. sect, 1, before; and c. iii. sect, 1, hereafter), is exactly agreeable to the state of the world and the conduct of Providence in all the first ages.</i> All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes falling upon them till they died. They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and their order. And that their inventions might not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam's prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity of water, they made two pillars,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took Seth the son of Adam, for Seth or Sesostris, king of Egypt, the erecter of this pillar in the land of Siriad, see Essay on the Old Testament, Appendix, pp. 159, 160. Although the main of this relation might be true, and Adam might foretell a conflagration and a deluge, which all antiquity witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay, Seth's posterity might engrave their inventions in astronomy on two such pillars, yet it is no way credible that they could survive the deluge, which has buried all such pillars and edifices far under ground, in the sediment of its waters; especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian Seth or Sesostris were extant after the flood, in the land of Syriad, and perhaps in the day, of Josephus also, as is shewn in the place here referred to.</i> the one of brick, the other of stone: they inscribed their discoveries on them both, that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries to mankind; and also inform them that there was another pillar of brick erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Siriad to this day."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning the Flood; and after what Manner Noah was saved in an Ark, with his Kindred, and afterward dwelt in the Plain of Shinar.</i><br>1. NOW THIS posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven generations; but in process of time they were perverted, and forsook the practices of their forefathers, and did neither pay those honours to God which were appointed them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men. But for what degree of zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their actions a double degree of wickedness; whereby they made God to be their enemy; for many angels<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This notion, that the fallen angels were, in some sense, the fathers of the old giants, was the constant opinion of antiquity.</i> of God accompanied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own strength; for the tradition is, That these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call giants. But Noah was very uneasy at what they did; and, being displeased at their conduct, persuaded them to change their dispositions and their acts for the better; but seeing they did not yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they had married; so he departed out of that land.",
+                    "2. NOW GOD loved this man for his righteousness; yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here supposes that the life of these giants, for of them only do I understand him, was now reduced to 120 years; which is confirmed by the fragment of Enoch, sect. 10, in Authent. Rec. Part i. p. 268. For as to the rest of mankind Josephus himself confesses their lives were much longer than 120 years, for many generations after the Flood, as we shall see presently; and he says they were gradually shortened till the days of Moses, and then fixed [for some time] at 120. Chap vi. sect. 3. Nor indeed need we suppose that either Enoch or Josephus meant to interpret these 120 years for the life of men before the Flood, to be different from 120 years of God's patience [perhaps, while the ark was preparing] till the Deluge; which I take to be the meaning of God, when he threatened this wicked </i> he turned the dry land into sea; and thus were all these men destroyed: but Noah alone was saved; for God suggested to him the following contrivance and way of escape : - That he should make an ark of four stories high, three hundred cubits(13) long, fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly he entered into that ark, and his wife, and sons, and their wives, and put into it not only other provisions, to support their wants there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the preservation of their kinds; and others of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross beams, so that it could not be any way drowned or overborne by the violence of the water. And thus was Noah, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being the son of Lamech, whose father was Mathusela; he was the son of Enoch, the son of Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel, who, with many of his sisters, were the children of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam.",
+                    "3. This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of Noah's government, [age,] in the second month, (14) called by the Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan: for so did they order their year in Egypt. But Moses appointed that ú Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month for their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that month: so that this month began the year as to all the solemnities they observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order of the months as to selling and buying, and other ordinary affairs. Now he says that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the forementioned month; and this was two thousand six hundred and fifty-six [one thousand six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam, the first man; and the time is written down in our sacred books, those who then lived having noted down,(15) with great accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men.",
+                    "4. For indeed Seth was born when Adam was in his two hundred and thirtieth year, who lived nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and fifth year; who, when he had lived nine hundred and twelve years, delivered the government to Cainan his son, whom he had in his hundred and ninetieth year. He lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when he had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom he begat when he was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was born when his father was one hundred and sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and sixty-five years, departed and went to God; whence it is that they have not written down his death. Now Mathusela, the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty-five years old, had Lamech for his son when he was one hundred and eighty-seven years of age; to whom he delivered the government, when he had retained it nine hundred and sixty-nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy-seven years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of the people, who was born to Lamech when he was one hundred and eighty-two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years. These years collected together make up the sum before set down. But let no one inquire into the deaths of these men; for they extended their lives along together with their children and grandchildren; but let him have regard to their births only.",
+                    "5. When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water poured down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth; which was the reason why there was no greater number preserved, since they had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate after one hundred and fifty days, (that is, on the seventeenth day of the seventh month,) it then ceasing to subside for a little while. After this, the ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in Armenia; which, when Noah understood, he opened it; and seeing a small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived some cheerful hopes of deliverance. But a few days afterward, when the water was decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a raven, as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth were left dry by the water, and whether he might go out of the ark with safety; but the raven, finding all the land still overflowed, returned to Noah again. And after seven days he sent out a dove, to know the state of the ground; which came back to him covered with mud, and bringing an olive branch: hereby Noah learned that the earth was become clear of the flood. So after he had staid seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of the ark; and both he and his family went out, when he also sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However, the Armenians call this place, αποβατηριον (16) The Place of Descent; for the ark being saved in that place, its remains are shown there by the inhabitants to this day.",
+                    "6. Now all the writers of barbarian histories make mention of this flood, and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean. For when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: \"It is said there is still some part of this ship in Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans; and that some people carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs.\" Hieronymus the Egyptian also, who wrote the Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas, and a great many more, make mention of the same. Nay, Nicolaus of Damascus, in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation about them; where he speaks thus: \"There is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris, upon which it is reported that many who fled at the time of the Deluge were saved; and that one who was carried in an ark came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved. This might be the man about whom Moses the legislator of the Jews wrote.\"",
+                    "7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt-offerings, and besought God that nature might hereafter go on in its former orderly course, and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these last must be more miserable than the first, and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than the others, unless they be suffered to escape entirely; that is, if they be reserved for another deluge; while they must be afflicted with the terror and sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a second. He also entreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to grant that the earth might never again undergo the like effects of 'his wrath; that men might be permitted to go on cheerfully in cultivating the same; to build cities, and live happily in them; and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things which they enjoyed before the Flood; but might attain to the like length of days, and old age, which the ancient people had arrived at before.",
+                    "8. When Noah had made these supplications, God, who loved the man for his righteousness, granted entire success to his prayers, and said, that it was not he who brought the destruction on a polluted world, but that they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought men into the world if he had himself determined to destroy them, it being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; \"But the injuries,\" said he, \"they offered to my holiness and virtue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But I will leave off for the time to come to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath, for their future wicked actions, and especially on account of thy prayers. But if I shall at any time send tempests of rain, in an extraordinary manner, be not affrighted at the largeness of the showers; for the water shall no more overspread the earth. However, I require you to abstain from shedding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves pure from murder; and to punish those that commit any such thing. I permit you to make use of all the other living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you; for I have made you lords of them all, both of those that walk on the land, and those that swim in the waters, and of those that fly in the regions of the air on high, excepting their blood, for therein is the life. But I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger by my bow [whereby is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the rainbow was the bow of God]. And when God had said and promised thus, he went away.",
+                    "9. Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after the Flood, and that all that time happily, he died, having lived the number of nine hundred and fifty years. But let no one, upon comparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the few years which we now live, think that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an argument, that neither did they attain to so long a duration of life, for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God himself; and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of life, might w ell live so great a number of years: and besides, God afforded them a longer time of life on account of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical and geometrical discoveries, which would not have afforded the time of foretelling [the periods of the stars] unless they had lived six hundred years; for the great year is completed in that interval. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those that have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and barbarians; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what I here say: Hesiod also, and Hecatseus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and, besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thousand years. But as to these matters, let every one look upon them as he thinks fit."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tower Of Babylon, And The Confusion Of Tongues.</i><br>1. Now the sons of Noah were three, - Shem, Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred years before the Deluge. These first of all descended from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuaded others who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds on account of the flood, and so were very loath to come down from the higher places, to venture to follow their examples. Now the plain in which they first dwelt was called Shinar. God also commanded them to send colonies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the earth, that they might not raise seditions among themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a plentiful manner. But they were so ill instructed that they did not obey God; for which reason they fell into calamities, and were made sensible, by experience, of what sin they had been guilty: for when they flourished with a numerous youth, God admonished them again to send out colonies; but they, imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived from the favor of God, but supposing that their own power was the proper cause of the plentiful condition they were in, did not obey him. Nay, they added to this their disobedience to the Divine will, the suspicion that they were therefore ordered to send out separate colonies, that, being divided asunder, they might the more easily be Oppressed.",
+                    "2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and contempt of God. He was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah, a bold man, and of great strength of hand. He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God, as if it was through his means they were happy, but to believe that it was their own courage which procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government into tyranny, seeing no other way of turning men from the fear of God, but to bring them into a constant dependence on his power. He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a mind to drown the world again; for that he would build a tower too high for the waters to be able to reach! and that he would avenge himself on God for destroying their forefathers !",
+                    "3. Now the multitude were very ready to follow the determination of Nimrod, and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to God; and they built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent about the work: and, by reason of the multitude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect; but the thickness of it was so great, and it was so strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built of burnt brick, cemented together with mortar, made of bitumen, that it might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they acted so madly, he did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since they were not grown wiser by the destruction of the former sinners; but he caused a tumult among them, by producing in them divers languages, and causing that, through the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to understand one another. The place wherein they built the tower is now called Babylon, because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood before; for the Hebrews mean by the word Babel, confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention of this tower, and of the confusion of the language, when she says thus: \"When all men were of one language, some of them built a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend up to heaven, but the gods sent storms of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar language; and for this reason it was that the city was called Babylon.\" But as to the plan of Shinar, in the country of Babylonia, Hestiaeus mentions it, when he says thus: \"Such of the priests as were saved, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enyalius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>After What Manner The Posterity Of Noah Sent Out Colonies, And Inhabited The Whole Earth.</i><br>1. After this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their languages, and went out by colonies every where; and each colony took possession of that land which they light upon, and unto which God led them; so that the whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and the maritime countries. There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands: and some of those nations do still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders; but some have lost them also, and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be the more intelligible to the inhabitants. And they were the Greeks who became the authors of such mutations. For when in after-ages they grew potent, they claimed to themselves the glory of antiquity; giving names to the nations that sounded well (in Greek) that they might be better understood among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them, as if they were a people derived from themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Every Nation Was Denominated From Their First Inhabitants.</i><br>1. Now they were the grandchildren of Noah, in honor of whom names were imposed on the nations by those that first seized upon them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so, that, beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Tansis, and along Europe to Cadiz; and settling themselves on the lands which they light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the nations by their own names. For Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now call Galatians, [Galls,] but were then called Gomerites. Magog founded those that from him were named Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Madeans, who are called Medes, by the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia, and all the Grecians, are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, who are now called Iberes; and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch; now they are Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient denomination still to be shown; for there is even now among them a city called Mazaca, which may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the entire nation once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over Thirasians; but the Greeks changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians, who are now called by the Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians; and Thrugramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians. Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Eliseans, who were his subjects; they are now the Aeolians. Tharsus to the Tharsians, for so was Cilicia of old called; the sign of which is this, that the noblest city they have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change put for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island Cethima: it is now called Cyprus; and from that it is that all islands, and the greatest part of the sea-coasts, are named Cethim by the Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus that has been able to preserve its denomination; it has been called Citius by those who use the language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect, escaped the name of Cethim. And so many nations have the children and grandchildren of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised somewhat, which perhaps the Greeks do not know, I will return and explain what I have omitted; for such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our own country language does not so pronounce them: but the names in all cases are of one and the same ending; for the name we here pronounce Noeas, is there Noah, and in every case retains the same termination.",
+                    "2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts, and as far as the ocean, and keeping it as their own. Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to be discovered; yet a few there are which have kept their denominations entire. For of the four sons of Ham, time has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves and by all men in Asia, called Chusites. The memory also of the Mesraites is preserved in their name; for all we who inhabit this country [of Judea] called Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country of Moors which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the Grecian historiographers mention that river and the adjoining country by the apellation of Phut: but the name it has now has been by change given it from one of the sons of Mesraim, who was called Lybyos. We will inform you presently what has been the occasion why it has been called Africa also. Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country now called Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The children of these [four] were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans; Evilas, who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabathens, they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Judadeans, a nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them his name; as did Sabas to the Sabeans: but Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already informed you. Now all the children of Mesraim, being eight in number, possessed the country from Gaza to Egypt, though it retained the name of one only, the Philistim; for the Greeks call part of that country Palestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Enemim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Libya, and called the country from himself, Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know nothing of them besides their names; for the Ethiopic war(17) which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius, (who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the Greeks Sidon), Amathus inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it Epiphania, from one of his posterity; Arudeus possessed the island Aradus: Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus. But for the seven others, [Eueus,] Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred books but their names, for the Hebrews overthrew their cities; and their calamities came upon them on the occasion following.",
+                    "3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk, he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his brethren; but they covered their father's nakedness. And when Noah was made sensible of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his prosperity: and when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter.",
+                    "4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the land that began at Euphrates, and reached to the Indian Ocean. For Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and named his subjects Assyrians, who became the most fortunate nation, beyond others. Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians; as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini. Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son was Heber, from whom they originally called the Jews Hebrews. (18) Heber begat Joetan and Phaleg: he was called Phaleg, because he was born at the dispersion of the nations to their several countries; for Phaleg among the Hebrews signifies division. Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Asia adjoining to it. And this shall suffice concerning the sons of Shem.",
+                    "5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose father Was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was born Nahor; his son was Terah, who was the father of Abraham, who accordingly was the tenth from Noah, and was born in the two hundred and ninety-second year after the deluge; for Terah begat Abram in his seventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he was one hundred and twenty years old; Nahor was born to Serug in his hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred and thirty; at the same age also Phaleg had Ragau; Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by Sala when he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty-fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem, and born twelve years after the deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran: of these Haran left a son, Lot; as also Sarai and Milcha his daughters; and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the Chaldeans, called Ur; and his monument is shown to this day. These married their nieces. Nabor married Milcha, and Abram married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two hundred and five years old; for the life of man was already, by degrees, diminished, and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses; after whom the term of human life was one hundred and twenty years, God determining it to the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba, and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine: but Bethuel had a daughter, Rebecca, and a son, Laban."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Abram Our Forefather Went Out Of The Land Of The Chaldeans, And Lived In The Land Then Called Canaan But Now Judea.</i><br>1. Now Abram, having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Haran's son, and his wife Sarai's brother; and he left the land of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions; for which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, That there was but one God, the Creator of the universe; and that, as to other [gods], if they contributed any thing to the happiness of men, that each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were visible both at land and sea, as well as those that happen to the sun, and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus: - \"If [said he] these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their own regular motions; but since they do not preserve such regularity, they make it plain, that in so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own abilities, but as they are subservient to Him that commands them, to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and thanksgiving.\" For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans, and other people of Mesopotamia, raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that country; and at the command and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Canaan. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to God.",
+                    "2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he says thus: \"In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was among the Chaldeans a man righteous and great, and skillful in the celestial science.\" But Hecatseus does more than barely mention him; for he composed, and left behind him, a book concerning him. And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of his History, says thus: \"Abram reigned at Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above Babylon, called the land of the Chaldeans: but, after a long time, he got him up, and removed from that country also, with his people, and went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the land of Judea, and this when his posterity were become a multitude; as to which posterity of his, we relate their history in another work. Now the name of Abram is even still famous in the country of Damascus; and there is shown a village named from him, The Habitation of Abram.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When There Was A Famine In Canaan, Abram Went Thence Into Egypt; And After He Had Continued There A While He Returned Back Again.</i><br>1. Now, after this, when a famine had invaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flourishing condition, he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of the plenty they enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their priests, and to know what they said concerning the gods; designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than he, or to convert them into a better way, if his own notions proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the king should kill him on occasion of his wife's great beauty, he contrived this device : - he pretended to be her brother, and directed her in a dissembling way to pretend the same, for he said it would be for their benefit. Now, as soon as he came into Egypt, it happened to Abram as he supposed it would; for the fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talked of; for which reason Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, would not be satisfied with what was reported of her, but would needs see her himself, and was preparing to enjoy her; but God put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by sending upon him a distemper, and a sedition against his government. And when he inquired of the priests how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that this his miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon account of his inclinations to abuse the stranger's wife. He then, out of fear, asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before.",
+                    "2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs, and despised one another's sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry one with another on that account, Abram conferred with each of them, and, confuting the reasonings they made use of, every one for their own practices, demonstrated that such reasonings were vain and void of truth: whereupon he was admired by them in those conferences as a very wise man, and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated to them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy; for before Abram came in to Egypt they were unacquainted with those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans into Egypt, and from thence to the Greeks also.",
+                    "3. As soon as Abram was come back into Canaan, he parted the land between him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavior of their shepherds, concerning the pastures wherein they should feed their flocks. However, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to choose which lands he would take; and he took himself what the other left, which were the lower grounds at the foot of the mountains; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which is a city seven years more ancient than Tunis of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the city of Sodom, which was then a fine city, but is now destroyed, by the will and wrath of God, the cause of which I shall show in its proper place hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Destruction Of The Sodomites By The Assyrian Wall.</i><br>At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition, both as to riches and the number of their youth. There were five kings that managed the affairs of this county: Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumobor, with the king of Bela; and each king led on his own troops: and the Assyrians made war upon them; and, dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined, the Assyrians were conquerors, and imposed a tribute on the kings of the Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years; and so long they continued to pay their tribute: but on the thirteenth year they rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians came upon them, under their commanders Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal. These kings had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the offspring of the giants. And when they were come over against Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slime Pits, for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the destruction of the city of Sodom, that vale became the Lake Asphaltites, as it is called. However, concerning this lake we shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of them were killed, and the rest were carried captive; among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Abram Fought With The Assyrians, And Overcame Them, And Saved The Sodomite Prisoners, And Took From The Assyrians The Prey They Had Gotten.</i><br>1. When, Abram heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman, and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbors; and thinking it proper to afford them assistance, he did not delay it, but marched hastily, and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name of the other spring of Jordan; and before they could arm themselves, he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk they could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued after them, till, on the second day, he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a place belonging to Damascus; and thereby demonstrated that victory does not depend on multitude and the number of hands, but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most numerous bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and three of his friends: but all those that fled returned home ingloriously.",
+                    "2. So Abram, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had been taken by the Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned home in peace. Now the king of Sodom met him at a certain place, which they called The King's Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the city Salem, received him. That name signifies, the righteous king: and such he was, without dispute, insomuch that, on this account, he was made the priest of God: however, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem. Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram's army in an hospitable manner, and gave them provisions in abundance; and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and to bless God for subduing his enemies under him. And when Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accepted of the gift: but the king of Sodom desired Abram to take the prey, but entreated that he might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved from the Assyrians, because they belonged to him. But Abram would not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey than what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle. The first of them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre.",
+                    "3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glorious actions. He answered, And what advantage will it be to me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me? - for he was hitherto childless. And God promised that he should have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous; insomuch that their number should be like the stars. When he heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him. The manner of the sacrifice was this : - He took an heifer of three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon (19) and as he wa s enjoined, he divided the three former, but the birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the birds of prey flew about, as desirous of blood, a Divine voice came to him, declaring that their neighbors would be grievous to his posterity, when they should be in Egypt, for four hundred years; (20) during which time they should be afflicted, but afterwards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land, and of their cities.",
+                    "4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges,--the place belongs to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron. But being uneasy at his wife's barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might have male issue; and God required of him to be of good courage, and said that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God's command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; and when this handmaid was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if the dominion were to come to a son to be born of her. But when Abram resigned her into the hand of Sarai, to punish her, she contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the instances of Sarai's severity to her; and she entreated God to have compassion on her. Now a Divine Angel met her, as she was going forward in the wilderness, and bid her return to her master and mistress, for if she would submit to that wise advice, she would live better hereafter; for that the reason of her being in such a miserable case was this, that she had been ungrateful and arrogant towards her mistress. He also told her, that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish; but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a son who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained forgiveness. A little while afterwards, she bare Ismael; which may be interpreted Heard of God, because God had heard his mother's prayer.",
+                    "5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty-six years old: but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and promised him that he Should have a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name should be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born: the reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. And Abram inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not, God signified to him that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety-nine."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How God Overthrew The Nation Of The Sodomites, Out Of His Wrath Against Them For Their Sins.</i><br>1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches and great wealth; they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God, insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from him: they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical practices. God was therefore much displeased at them, and determined to punish them for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country, until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it.",
+                    "2. When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three angels; and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and saluted them, and desired they would accept of an entertainment, and abide with him; to which, when they agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made presently; and when he had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak. Now they made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he said she was within, they said they would come again hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which the woman laughed, and said that it was impossible she should bear children, since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was a hundred. Then they concealed themselves no longer, but declared that they were angels of God; and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and two of the overthrow of Sodom.",
+                    "3. When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites; and he rose up, and besought God for them, and entreated him that he would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied that there was no good man among the Sodomites; for if there were but ten such man among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And the angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated them to accept of a lodging with him; for he was a very generous and hospitable man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful countenances, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence; and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest to the strangers, but to have regard to their lodging in his house; and promised that if their inclinations could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers; neither thus were they made ashamed.",
+                    "4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behavior, so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God's informing him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins; for those that were betrothed (21) to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot's words were trifling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burning, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish War. (22) But Lot's wife continually turning back to view the city as she went from it, and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of it, although God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;(23) for I have seen it, and it remains at this day. Now he and his daughters fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled in it: it is to this day called Zoar, for that is the word which the Hebrews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on account of his having no company, and his want of provisions.",
+                    "5. But his daughters, thinking that all mankind were destroyed, approached to their father, (24) though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that human kind might not utterly fail: and they bare sons; the son of the elder was named Moab, Which denotes one derived from his father; the younger bare Ammon, which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites; and both of them are inhabitants of Celesyria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Abimelech; And Concerning Ismael The Son Of Abraham; And Concerning The Arabians, Who Were His Posterity.</i><br>1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, under the notion of his sister, using the like dissimulation that he had used before, and this out of fear: for he was afraid of Abimelech, the king of that country, who did also himself fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt her; but he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper which befell him from God. Now when his physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to abuse the stranger's wife; and when he recovered, he told his friends that God had inflicted that disease upon him, by way of punishment, for his injury to the stranger; and in order to preserve the chastity of his wife, for that she did not accompany him as his sister, but as his legitimate wife; and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife's chastity. When he had said this, by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abraham, and bid him not to be concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity; for that God took care of him, and that it was by his p rovidence that he received his wife again, without her suffering any abuse. And he appealed to God, and to his wife's conscience; and said that he had not any inclination at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his wife; but since, said he, thou leddest her about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offense. He also entreated him to be at peace with him, and to make God propitious to him; and that if he thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted in abundance; but that if he designed to go away, he should be honorably conducted, and have whatsoever supply he wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that his pretense of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his brother's daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation; and that he was not the cause of his distemper, but was only solicitous for his own safety: he said also, that he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land and money; and they coventanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a certain well called Beersheba, which may be interpreted, The Well of the Oath: and so it is named by the people of the country unto this day.",
+                    "2. Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies Laughter. And indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God (25) said that she should bear a son, she not expecting such a thing, as being past the age of child-bearing, for she was ninety years old, and Abraham a hundred; so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth day and from that time the Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons within that number of days. But as for the Arabians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year, because Ismael, the founder of their nation, who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised at that age; concerning whom I will presently give a particular account, with great exactness.",
+                    "3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that of her own son, for he was brought up in order to succeed in the government; but when she herself had borne Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael should be brought up with him, as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries when their father should be dead; she therefore persuaded Abraham to send him and his mother to some distant country. Now, at the first, he did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for, and thought it an instance of the greatest barbarity, to send away a young child (26) and a woman unprovided of necessaries; but at length he agreed to it, because God was pleased with what Sarah had determined: so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by himself; and commanded her to take a bottle of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take Necessity for her guide. But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found herself in an evil case; and when the water was almost spent, she laid the young child, who was ready to expire, under a fig-tree, and went on further, that so he might die while she was absent. But a Divine Angel came to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care, and bring up the child, because she should be very happy by the preservation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised her, and, meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the distresses she had been in.",
+                    "4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally. Of this wife were born to Ismael twelve sons; Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Cadmas. These inhabited all the country from Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Nabatene. They are an Arabian nation, and name their tribes from these, both because of their own virtue, and because of the dignity of Abraham their father."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Isaac The Legitimate Son Of Abraham.</i><br>1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten (27) and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every virtue, and adhering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being desirous to make an experiment of Abraham's religious disposition towards himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation. Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son.",
+                    "2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David afterwards built the temple. (28) Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father what he was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation : - to which it was answered, \"That God would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation.\"",
+                    "3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, \"O son, I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein I thought myself happier than to see thee grown up to man's estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; but since it was by God's will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to require this testimony of honor to himself, on account of the favors he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe way, by which death usually comes upon men, but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt there be to me a succorer and supporter in my old age; on which account I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my Comforter instead of thyself.\"",
+                    "4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said, \"That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign himself up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved.\" So he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his son; and said, \"It was not out of a desire of human blood that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprising readiness he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his son should live to a very great a ge; that he should live a happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate.\" He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations (29) and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name; that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiving each other unexpectedly, and having obtained the promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived happily together, God affording them his assistance in all things they desired."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Sarah Abraham's Wife; And How She Ended Her Days.</i><br>Now Sarah died a little while after, having lived one hundred and twenty-seven years. They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites publicly allowing them a burying-place; which piece of ground Abraham bought for four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an inhabitant of Hebron. And both Abraham and his descendants built themselves sepulchers in that place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Nation Of The Troglodytes Were Derived From Abraham By Keturah.</i><br>Abraham after this married Keturah, by whom six sons were born to him, men of courage, and of sagacious minds: Zambran, and Jazar, and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak, and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were Sabathan and Dadan. The sons of Dadan were Latusim, and Assur, and Luom. The sons of Madiau were Ephas, and Ophren, and Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for all these sons and grandsons, Abraham contrived to settle them in colonies; and they took possession of Troglodytis, and the country of Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that he made war against Libya, and took it, and that his grandchildren, when they inhabited it, called it (from his name) Africa. And indeed Alexander Polyhistor gives his attestation to what I here say; who speaks thus: \"Cleodemus the prophet, who was also called Malchus, who wrote a History of the Jews, in agreement with the History of Moses, their legislator, relates, that there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah: nay, he names three of them, Apher, and Surim, and Japhran. That from Surim was the land of Assyria denominated; and that from the other two (Apher and Japbran) the country of Africa took its name, because these men were auxiliaries to Hercules, when he fought against Libya and Antaeus; and that Hercules married Aphra's daughter, and of her he begat a son, Diodorus; and that Sophon was his son, from whom that barbarous people called Sophacians were denominated.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Isaac Took Rebeka To Wife.</i><br>1. Now when Abraham, the father of Isaac, had resolved to take Rebeka, who was grand-daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to his son Isaac, who was then about forty years old, he sent the ancientest of his servants to betroth her, after he had obliged him to give him the strongest assurances of his fidelity; which assurances were given after the manner following : - They put each other's hands under each other's thighs; then they called upon God as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such presents to those that were there as were in esteem, on account that that they either rarely or never were seen in that country, The servant got thither not under a considerable time; for it requires much time to pass through Meopotamia, in which it is tedious traveling, both in the winter for the depth of the clay, and in summer for want of water; and, besides this, for the robberies there committed, which are not to be avoided by travelers but by caution beforehand. However, the servant came to Haran; and when he was in the suburbs, he met a con siderable number of maidens going to the water; he therefore prayed to God that Rebeka might be found among them, or her whom Abraham sent him as his servant to espouse to his son, in case his will were that this marriage should be consummated, and that she might be made known to him by the sign, That while others denied him water to drink, she might give it him.",
+                    "2. With this intention he went to the well, and desired the maidens to give him some water to drink: but while the others refused, on pretense that they wanted it all at home, and could spare none for him, one only of the company rebuked them for their peevish behavior towards the stranger; and said, What is there that you will ever communicate to anybody, who have not so much as given the man some water? She then offered him water in an obliging manner. And now he began to hope that his grand affair would succeed; but desiring still to know the truth, he commended her for her generosity and good nature, that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency of water to those that wanted it, though it cost her some pains to draw it; and asked who were her parents, and wished them joy of such a daughter. \"And mayst thou be espoused,\" said he, \"to their satisfaction, into the family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate children.\" Nor did she disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him her family. \"They,\" says she, \"call me Rebeka; my father was Bethuel, but he is dead; and Laban is my brother; and, together with my mother, takes care of all our family affairs, and is the guardian of my virginity.\" When the servant heard this, he was very glad at what had happened, and at what was told him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly directed his journey; and producing his bracelets, and some other ornaments which it was esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel, by way of acknowledgment, and as a reward for her kindness in giving him water to drink; saying, it was but just that she should have them, because she was so much more obliging than any of the rest. She desired also that he would come and lodge with them, since the approach of the night gave him not time to proceed farther. And producing his precious ornaments for women, he said he desired to trust them to none more safely than to such as she had shown herself to be; and that he believed he might guess at the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would not be displeased, from the virtue he found in her; for he would not be burdensome, but would pay the hire for his entertainment, and spend his own money. To which she replied, that he guessed right as to the humanity of her parents; but complained that he should think them so parsimonious as to take money, for that he should have all on free cost. But she said she would first inform her brother Laban, and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.",
+                    "3. As soon then as this was over, she introduced the stranger; and for the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and took care of them; and he was himself brought in to supper by Laban. And, after supper, he says to him, and to the mother of the damsel, addressing himself to her, \"Abraham is the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the grandfather of these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father and mother; upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desirous to take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate son, and is brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had the most happy of all the women in that country for him, but he would not have his son marry any of them; but, out of regard to his own relations, he desired him to match here, whose affection and inclination I would not have you despise; for it was by the good pleasure of God that other accidents fell out in my journey, and that thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your house; for when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to a well, and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel, which has come to pass accordingly. Do you therefore confirm that marriage, whose espousals have been already made by a Divine appearance; and show the respect you have for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much solicitude, in giving your consent to the marriage of this damsel.\" Upon this they understood it to be the will of God, and greatly approved of the offer, and sent their daughter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac married her, the inheritance being now come to him; for the children by Keturah were gone to their own remote habitations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of Abraham.</i><br>A Little while after this Abraham died. He was a man of incomparable virtue, and honored by God in a manner agreeable to his piety towards him. The whole time of his life was one hundred seventy and five years, and he was buried in Hebron, with his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Ismael."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Sons Of Isaac, Esau And Jacob; Of Their Nativity And Education.</i><br>1. Now Isaac's wife proved with child, after the death of Abraham; (30) and when her belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very anxious, and inquired of God; who answered, that Rebeka should bear twins; and that two nations should take the names of those sons; and that he who appeared the second should excel the elder. Accordingly she, in a little time, as God had foretold, bare twins; the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, was very rough and hairy; but the younger took hold of his heel as they were in the birth. Now the father loved the elder, who was called Esau, a name agreeable to his roughness, for the Hebrews call such a hairy roughness [Esau, (31) or] Seir; but Jacob the younger was best beloved by his mother.",
+                    "2. When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into Egypt, the land there being good; but he went to Gerar, as God commanded him. Here Abimelech the king received him, because Abraham had formerly lived with him, and had been his friend. And as in the beginning he treated him exceeding kindly, so he was hindered from continuing in the same disposition to the end, by his envy at him; for when he saw that God was with Isaac, and took such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But Isaac, when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech retired to a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar: and as he was digging a well, the shepherds fell upon him, and began to fight, in order to hinder the work; and because he did not desire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the him, so he still retired, and dug another and when certain other shepherds of Abimelech began to offer him violence, he left that also, still retired, thus purchasing security to himself a rational and prudent conduct. At length the gave him leave to dig a well without disturbance. He named this well Rehoboth, which denotes a large space; but of the former wells, one was called Escon, which denotes strife, the other Sitenna, name signifies enmity.",
+                    "3. It was now that Isaac's affairs increased, and in a flourishing condition; and this his great riches. But Abimelech, thinking in opposition to him, while their living made them suspicious of each other, and retiring showing a secret enmity also, he afraid that his former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if Isaac should endeavor the injuries he had formerly offered him; he therefore renewed his friendship with him, Philoc, one of his generals. And when he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's good nature, who preferred the earlier friendship Abimelech had shown to himself and his father to his later wrath against him, he returned home.",
+                    "4. Now when Esau, one of the sons of Isaac, whom the father principally loved, was now come to the age of forty years, he married Adah, the daughter of Helon, and Aholibamah, the daughter of Esebeon; which Helon and Esebeon were great lords among the Canaanites: thereby taking upon himself the authority, and pretending to have dominion over his own marriages, without so much as asking the advice of his father; for had Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given him leave to marry thus, for he was not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that country; but not caring to be uneasy to his son by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent.",
+                    "5. But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau to him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the disorder of his eyes, his very old age hindered him from his worship of God [by sacrifice]; he bid him therefore to go out a hunting, and when he had caught as much venison as he could, to prepare him a supper (32) that after this he might make supplication to God, to be to him a supporter and an assister during the whole time of his life; saying, that it was uncertain when he should die, and that he was desirous, by prayers for him, to procure, beforehand, God to be merciful to him.",
+                    "6. Accordingly, Esau went out a hunting. But Rebeka (33) thinking it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favor of God to Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid him kill kids of the goats, and prepare a supper. So Jacob obeyed his mother, according to all her instructions. Now when the supper was got ready, he took a goat's skin, and put it about his arm, that by reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his father be believed to be Esau; for they being twins, and in all things else alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out of his fear, that before his father had made his supplications, he should be caught in his evil practice, and lest he should, on the contrary, provoke his father to curse him. So he brought in the supper to his father. Isaac perceivest to be Esau.\" So suspecting no deceit, he ate the supper, and betook himself to his prayers and intercessions with God; and said, \"O Lord of all ages, and Creator of all substance; for it was thou that didst propose to my father great plenty of good things, and hast vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have; and hast promised to my posterity to be their kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater blessings; do thou therefore confirm these thy promises, and do not overlook me, because of my present weak condition, on account of which I most earnestly pray to thee. Be gracious to this my son; and preserve him and keep him from every thing that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the possession of as many good things as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies, and honorable and beloved among his friends.\"",
+                    "7. Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking his prayers had been made for Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from hunting. And when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent: but Esau required that he might be made partaker of the like blessing from his father that his brother had partook of; but his father refused it, because all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob: so Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father being grieved at his weeping, said, that \"he should excel in hunting and strength of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work; and should obtain glory for ever on those accounts, he and his posterity after him; but still should serve his brother.\"",
+                    "8. Now the mother delivered Jacob, when she was afraid that his brother would inflict some punishment upon him because of the mistake about the prayers of Isaac; for she persuaded her husband to take a wife for Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of her own kindred, Esau having married already Basemmath, the daughter of Ismael, without his father's consent; for Isaac did not like the Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau's former marriages, which made him take Basemmath to wife, in order to please him; and indeed he had a great affection for her.",
+                    "9. Так как Иаков стал опасаться, как бы брат его не вздумал отомстить ему за обманным образом полученное благословение, то мать решила избавить его от этой опасности тем, что начала уговаривать мужа своего женить Иакова на родственнице, какой-нибудь жительнице Месопотамии, в то время как Исав, против воли отца, взял в жены Вассемафу, дочь Измаила. Между тем домашние Исака были нерасположены к хананеянам, и потому они отнеслись неприязненно и к первому браку Исава, а теперь он взял в жены Вассемафу, к которой он особенно сильно привязался[154]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jacob's Flight Into Mesopotamia, By Reason Of The Fear He Was In Of His Brother.</i><br>1. Now Jacob was sent by his mother to Mesopotamia, in order to marry Laban her brother's daughter (which marriage was permitted by Isaac, on account of his obsequiousness to the desires of his wife); and he accordingly journeyed through the land of Canaan; and because he hated the people of that country, he would not lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging in the open air, and laid his head on a heap of stones that he had gathered together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him: - he seemed to see a ladder that reached from the earth unto heaven, and persons descending upon the ladder that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God himself stood above it, and was plainly visible to him, who, calling him by his name, spake to him in these words: -",
+                    "2. \"O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation for his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present circumstances, but to hope for better times, for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things, by my assistance: for I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: be of good courage, therefore, and under my conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the marriage thou goest so zealously about shall be consummated. And thou shalt have children of good characters, but their multitude shall be innumerable; and they shall leave what they have to a still more numerous posterity, to whom, and to whose posterity, I give the dominion of all the land, and their posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so far as the sun beholds them: but do not thou fear any danger, nor be afraid of the many labors thou must undergo, for by my providence I will direct thee what thou art to do in the time present, and still much more in the time to come.\"",
+                    "3. Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob; whereupon he became very joyful at what he had seen and heard; and he poured oil on the stones, because on them the prediction of such great benefits was made. He also vowed a vow, that he would offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived and returned safe; and if he came again in such a condition, he would give the tithe of what he had gotten to God. He also judged the place to be honorable and gave it the name of Bethel, which, in the Greek, is interpreted, The House of God.",
+                    "4. So he proceeded on his journey to Mesopotamia, and at length came to Haran; and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with boys grown up, and maidens sitting about a certain well, he staid with them, as wanting water to drink; and beginning to discourse with them, he asked them whether they knew such a one as Laban, and whether he was still alive. Now they all said they knew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to be unknown to any of them; and that his daughter fed her father's flock together with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet come, for by her means thou mightest learn more exactly whatever thou desirest to know about that family. While they were saying this the damsel came, and the other shepherds that came down along with her. Then they showed her Jacob, and told her that he was a stranger, who came to inquire about her father's affairs. But she, as pleased, after the custom of children, with Jacob's coming, asked him who he was, and whence he came to them, and what it was he lacked that he came thither. She also wished it might be in their power to supply the wants he came about.",
+                    "5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, \"There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. Of the last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which we bear to one another, for my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both by the same father and mother; I therefore and thou are cousin-germans. And I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper between us.\" Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the kindness she had for her father, and embraced Jacob, she having learned an account of Rebeka from her father, and knew that her parents loved to hear her named; and when she had saluted him, she said that \"he brought the most desirable and greatest pleasures to her father, with all their family, who was always mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her, and her alone; and that this will make thee equal in his eyes to any advantageous circumstances whatsoever.\" Then she bid him go to her father, and follow her while she conducted him to him; and not to deprive him of such a pleasure, by staying any longer away from him.",
+                    "6. When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban; and being owned by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his friends; and he brought a great deal of pleasure to them by his unexpected coning. But a little while afterward, Laban told him that he could not express in words the joy he had at his coming; but still he inquired of him the occasion of his coming, and why he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted to be taken care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an account of the whole occasion of his journey, and told him, \"that Isaac had two sons that were twins, himself and Esau; who, because he failed of his father's prayers, which by his mother's wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill him, as deprived of the kingdom (34) which was to be given him of God, and of the blessings for which their father prayed; and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as his mother had commanded him to do: for we are all (says he) brethren one to another; but our mother esteems an alliance with your family more than she does one with the families of the country; so I look upon yourself and God to be the supporters of my travels, and think myself safe in my present circumstances.\"",
+                    "7. Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on account of his ancestors, and particularly for the sake of his mother, towards whom, he said, he would show his kindness, even though she were absent, by taking care of him; for he assured him he would make him the head shepherd of his flock, and give him authority sufficient for that purpose; and when he should have a mind to return to his parents, he would send him back with presents, and this in as honorable a manner as the nearness of their relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said he would willingly, and with pleasure, undergo any sort of pains while he tarried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as the reward of those pains, who was not only on other accounts esteemed by him, but also because she was the means of his coming to him; for he said he was forced by the love of the damsel to make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement, and consented to give the damsel to him, as not desirous to meet with any better son-in-law; and said he would do this, if he would stay with him some time, for he was not willing to send his daughter to be among the Canaanites, for he repented of the alliance he had made already by marrying his sister there. And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob, accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding-feast; and when it was night, without Jacob's perceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed to him, who was both elder than Rachel, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her that night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when it was day, he knew what had been done to him; and he reproached Laban for his unfair proceeding with him; who asked pardon for that necessity which forced him to do what he did; for he did not give him Lea out of any ill design, but as overcome by another greater necessity: that, notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder him from marrying Rachel; but that when he had served another seven years, he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob submitted to this condition, for his love to the damsel did not permit him to do otherwise; and when another seven years were gone, he took Rachel to wife.",
+                    "8. Now each of these had handmaids, by their father's donation. Zilpha was handmaid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no means slaves, (35) but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at her husband's love to her sister; and she expected she should be better esteemed if she bare him children: so she entreated God perpetually; and when she had borne a son, and her husband was on that account better reconciled to her, she named her son Reubel, because God had had mercy upon her, in giving her a son, for that is the signification of this name. After some time she bare three more sons; Simeon, which name signifies that God had hearkened to her prayer. Then she bare Levi, the confirmer of their friendship. After him was born Judah, which denotes thanksgiving. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness of her sister should make herself enjoy a lesser share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him her handmaid Bilha; by whom Jacob had Dan: one may interpret that name into the Greek tongue, a divine judgment. And after him Nephthalim, as it were, unconquerable in stratagems, since Rachel tried to conquer the fruitfulness of her sister by this stratagem. Accordingly, Lea took the same method, and used a counter-stratagem to that of her sister; for she put to bed to him her own handmaid. Jacob therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose name was Gad, which may be interpreted fortune; and after him Asher, which may be called a happy man, because he added glory to Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea, brought apples of mandrakes (36) to his mother. When Rachel saw them, she desired that she would give her the apples, for she longed to eat them; but when she refused, and bid her be content that she had deprived her of the benevolence she ought to have had from her husband, Rachel, in order to mitigate her sister's anger, said she would yield her husband to her; and he should lie with her that evening. She accepted of the favor, and Jacob slept with Lea, by the favor of Rachel. She bare then these sons: Issachar, denoting one born by hire: and Zabulon, one born as a pledge of benevolence towards her; and a daughter, Dina. After some time Rachel had a son, named Joseph, which signified there should be another added to him.",
+                    "9. Now Jacob fed the flocks of Laban his father-in-law all this time, being twenty years, after which he desired leave of his father-in-law to take his wives and go home; but when his father-in-law would not give him leave, he contrived to do it secretly. He made trial therefore of the disposition of his wives what they thought of this journey; - when they appeared glad, and approved of it. Rachel took along with her the images of the gods, which, according to their laws, they used to worship in their own country, and ran away together with her sister. The children also of them both, and the handmaids, and what possessions they had, went along with them. Jacob also drove away half the cattle, without letting Laban know of it beforehand But the reason why Rachel took the images of the gods, although Jacob had taught her to despise such worship of those gods, was this, That in case they were pursued, and taken by her father, she might have recourse to these images, in order obtain his pardon.",
+                    "10. But Laban, after one day's time, being acquainted with Jacob's and his daughters' departure, was much troubled, and pursued after them, leading a band of men with him; and on the seventh day overtook them, and found them resting on a certain hill; and then indeed he did not meddle with them, for it was even-tide; but God stood by him in a dream, and warned him to receive his son-in-law and his daughters in a peaceable manner; and not to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath to but to make a league with Jacob. And he him, that if he despised their small number, attacked them in a hostile manner, he would assist them. When Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he called Jacob to him the next day, in order to treat with him, and showed him what dream he had; in dependence whereupon he came confidently to him, and began to accuse him, alleging that he had entertained him when he was poor, and in want of all things, and had given him plenty of all things which he had. \"For,\" said he, \"I have joined my daughters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy kindness to me be greater than before; but thou hast had no regard to either thy mother's relations to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, driving away my cattle, and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father; and by carrying home those sacred paternal images which were worshipped by my forefathers, and have been honored with the like worship which they paid them by myself. In short, thou hast done this whilst thou art my kinsman, and my sister's son, and the husband of my daughters, and was hospiably treated by me, and didst eat at my table.\" When Laban had said this, Jacob made his defense - That he was not the only person in whom God had implanted the love of his native country, but that he had made it natural to all men; and that therefore it was but reasonable that, after so long time, he should go back to it. \"But as to the prey, of whose driving away thou accusest me, if any other person were the arbitrator, thou wouldst be found in the wrong; for instead of those thanks I ought to have had from thee, for both keeping thy cattle, and increasing them, how is it that thou art unjustly angry at me because I have taken, and have with me, a small portion of them? But then, as to thy daughters, take notice, that it is not through any evil practices of mine that they follow me in my return home, but from that just affection which wives naturally have to their husbands. They follow therefore not so properly myself as their own children.\" And thus far of his apology was made, in order to clear himself of having acted unjustly. To which he added his own complaint and accusation of Laban; saying, \"While I was thy sister's son, and thou hadst given me thy daughters in marriage, thou hast worn me out with thy harsh commands, and detained me twenty years under them. That indeed which was required in order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as it was, I own to have been tolerable; but as to those that were put upon me after those marriages, they were worse, and such indeed as an enemy would have avoided.\" For certainly Laban had used Jacob very ill; for when he saw that God was assisting to Jacob in all that he desired, he promised him, that of the young cattle which should be born, he should have sometimes what was of a white color, and sometimes what should be of a black color; but when those that came to Jacob's share proved numerous, he did not keep his faith with him, but said he would give them to him the next year, because of his envying him the multitude of his possessions. He promised him as before, because he thought such an increase was not to be expected; but when it appeared to be fact, he deceived him.",
+                    "11. But then, as to the sacred images, he bid him search for them; and when Laban accepted of the offer, Rachel, being informed of it, put those images into that camel's saddle on which she rode, and sat upon it; and said, that her natural purgation hindered her rising up: so Laban left off searching any further, not supposing that his daughter in such circumstances would approach to those images. So he made a league with Jacob, and bound it by oaths, that he would not bear him any malice on account of what had happened; and Jacob made the like league, and promised to love Laban's daughters. And these leagues they confirmed with oaths also, which the made upon certain as whereon they erected a pillar, in the form of an altar: whence that hill is called Gilead; and from thence they call that land the Land of Gilead at this day. Now when they had feasted, after the making of the league, Laban returned home."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Meeting Of Jacob And Esau.</i><br>1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his journey to the land of Canaan, angels appeared to him, and suggested to him good hope of his future condition; and that place he named the Camp of God. And being desirous of knowing what his brother's intentions were to him, he sent messengers, to give him an exact account of every thing, as being afraid, on account of the enmities between them. He charged those that were sent, to say to Esau, \"Jacob had thought it wrong to live together with him while he was in anger against him, and so had gone out of the country; and that he now, thinking the length of time of his absence must have made up their differences, was returning; that he brought with him his wives, and his children, with what possessions he had gotten; and delivered himself, with what was most dear to him, into his hands; and should think it his greatest happiness to partake together with his brother of what God had bestowed upon him.\" So these messengers told him this message. Upon which Esau was very glad, and met his brother with four hundred men. And Jacob, when he heard that he was coming to meet him with such a number of men, was greatly afraid: however, he committed his hope of deliverance to God; and considered how, in his present circumstances, he might preserve himself and those that were with him, and overcome his enemies if they attacked him injuriously. He therefore distributed his company into parts; some he sent before the rest, and the others he ordered to come close behind, that so, if the first were overpowered when his brother attacked them, they might have those that followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when he had put his company in this order, he sent some of them to carry presents to his brother. The presents were made up of cattle, and a great number of four-footed beasts, of many kinds, such as would be very acceptable to those that received them, on account of their rarity. Those who were sent went at certain intervals of space asunder, that, by following thick, one after another, they might appear to be more numerous, that Esau might remit of his anger on account of these presents, if he were still in a passion. Instructions were also given to those that were sent to speak gently to him.",
+                    "2. When Jacob had made these appointments all the day, and night came on, he moved on with his company; and, as they were gone over a certain river called Jabboc, Jacob was left behind; and meeting with an angel, he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the struggle: but he prevailed over the angel, who used a voice, and spake to him in words, exhorting him to be pleased with what had happened to him, and not to suppose that his victory was a small one, but that he had overcome a divine angel, and to esteem the victory as a sign of great blessings that should come to him, and that his offspring should never fall, and that no man should be too hard for his power. He also commanded him to be called Israel, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that struggled with the divine angel. (37) These promises were made at the prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived him to be the angel of God, he desired he would signify to him what should befall him hereafter. And when the angel had said what is before related, he disappeared; but Jacob was pleased with these things, and named the place Phanuel, which signifies, the face of God. Now when he felt pain, by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained from eating that sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it is still not eaten by us.",
+                    "3. When Jacob understood that his brother was near, he ordered his wives to go before, each by herself, with the handmaids, that they might see the actions of the men as they were fighting, if Esau were so disposed. He then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed down to him, who had no evil design upon him, but saluted him; and asked him about the company of the children and of the women; and desired, when he had understood all he wanted to know about them, that he would go along with him to their father; but Jacob pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau returned to Seir, for there was his place of habitation, he having named the place Roughness, from his own hairy roughness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Violation Of Dina's Chastity.</i><br>1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents (Succoth); from whence he went to Shechem, which is a city of the Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were keeping a festival Dina, who was the only daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see the finery of the women of that country. But when Shechem, the son of Hamor the king, saw her, he defiled her by violence; and being greatly in love with her, desired of his father that he would procure the damsel to him for a wife. To which desire he condescended, and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave that his son Shechem might, according to law, marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing how to deny the desire of one of such great dignity, and yet not thinking it lawful to marry his daughter to a stranger, entreated him to give him leave to have a consultation about what he desired him to do. So the king went away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed his sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of Hamor; and desired them to give their advice what they should do. Upon fills, the greatest part said nothing, not knowing what advice to give. But Simeon and Levi, the brethren of the damsel by the same mother, agreed between themselves upon the action following: It being now the time of a festival, when the Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting, they fell upon the watch when they were asleep, and, coming into the city, slew all the males (38) as also the king, and his son, with them; but spared the women. And when they had done this without their father's consent, they brought away their sister.",
+                    "2. Now while Jacob was astonished at the greatness of this act, and was severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him be of good courage; but to purify his tents, and to offer those sacrifices which he had vowed to offer when he went first into Mesopotamia, and saw his vision. As he was therefore purifying his followers, he lighted upon the gods of Laban; (for he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel;) and he hid them in the earth, under an oak, in Shechem. And departing thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel, the place where he saw his dream, when he went first into Mesopotamia.",
+                    "3. And when he was gone thence, and was come over against Ephrata, he there buried Rachel, who died in child-bed: she was the only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the honor of burial at Hebron. And when he had mourned for her a great while, he called the son that was born of her Benjamin, (39) because of the sorrow the mother had with him. These are all the children of Jacob, twelve males and one female. - Of them eight were legitimate, - viz. six of Lea, and two of Rachel; and four were of the handmaids, two of each; all whose names have been set down already."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Isaac Died, And Was Buried In Hebron.</i><br>From thence Jacob came to Hebron, a city situate among the Canaanites; and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived together for a little while; for as to Rebeka, Jacob did not find her alive. Isaac also died not long after the coming of his son; and was buried by his sons, with his wife, in Hebron, where they had a monument belonging to them from their forefathers. Now Isaac was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed great instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father, and lived to be exceeding old; for when he had lived virtuously one hundred and eighty-five years, he then died."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Esau And Jacob, Isaac's Sons Divided Their Habitation; And Esau Possessed Idumea And Jacob Canaan. </i><br>1. After the death of Isaac, his sons divided their habitations respectively; nor did they retain what they had before; but Esau departed from the city of Hebron, and left it to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled over Idumea. He called the country by that name from himself, for he was named Adom; which appellation he got on the following occasion : - One day returning from the toil of hunting very hungry, (it was when he was a child in age,) he lighted on his brother when he was getting ready lentile-pottage for his dinner, which was of a very red color; on which account he the more earnestly longed for it, and desired him to give him some of it to eat: but he made advantage of his brother's hunger, and forced him to resign up to him his birthright; and he, being pinched with famine, resigned it up to him, under an oath. Whence it came, that, on account of the redness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest, by his contemporaries, called Adom, for the Hebrews call what is red Adom; and this was the name given to the country; but the Greeks gave it a more agreeable pronunciation, and named it Idumea.",
+                    "2. He became the father of five sons; of whom Jaus, and Jalomus, and Coreus, were by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but of the rest, Aliphaz was born to him by Ada, and Raguel by Basemmath: and these were the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legitimate sons; Theman, Omer, Saphus, Gotham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legitimate, but by a concubine, whose name was Thamna. These dwelt in that part of Idumea which is called Gebalitis, and that denominated from Amalek, Amalekitis; for Idumea was a large country, and did then preserve the name of the whole, while in its several parts it kept the names of its peculiar inhabitants."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph, The Youngest Of Jacob's Sons, Was Envied By His Brethren, When Certain Dreams Had Foreshown His Future Happiness. </i><br>1. It happened that Jacob came to so great happiness as rarely any other person had arrived at. He was richer than the rest of the inhabitants of that country; and was at once envied and admired for such virtuous sons, for they were deficient in nothing, but were of great souls, both for laboring with their hands and enduring of toil; and shrewd also in understanding. And God exercised such a providence over him, and such a care of his happiness, as to bring him the greatest blessings, even out of what appeared to be the most sorrowful condition; and to make him the cause of our forefathers' departure out of Egypt, him and his posterity. The occasion was this : - When Jacob had his son Joseph born to him by Rachel, his father loved him above the rest of his sons, both because of the beauty of his body, and the virtues of his mind, for he excelled the rest in prudence. This affection of his father excited the envy and the hatred of his brethren; as did also his dreams which he saw, and related to his father, and to them, which foretold his future happiness, it being usual with mankind to envy their very nearest relations such their prosperity. Now the visions which Joseph saw in his sleep were these : -",
+                    "2. When they were in the middle of harvest, and Joseph was sent by his father, with his brethren, to gather the fruits of the earth, he saw a vision in a dream, but greatly exceeding the customary appearances that come when we are asleep; which, when he was got up, he told his brethren, that they might judge what it portended. He said, he saw the last night, that his wheat-sheaf stood still in the place where he set it, but that their sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants bow down to their masters. But as soon as they perceived the vision foretold that he should obtain power and great wealth, and that his power should be in opposition to them, they gave no interpretation of it to Joseph, as if the dream were not by them undestood: but they prayed that no part of what they suspected to be its meaning might come to pass; and they bare a still greater hatred to him on that account.",
+                    "3. But God, in opposition to their envy, sent a second vision to Joseph, which was much more wonderful than the former; for it seemed to him that the sun took with him the moon, and the rest of the stars, and came down to the earth, and bowed down to him. He told the vision to his father, and that, as suspecting nothing of ill-will from his brethren, when they were there also, and desired him to interpret what it should signify. Now Jacob was pleased with the dream: for, considering the prediction in his mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning, he rejoiced at the great things thereby signified, because it declared the future happiness of his son; and that, by the blessing of God, the time would come when he should be honored, and thought worthy of worship by his parents and brethren, as guessing that the moon and sun were like his mother and father; the former, as she that gave increase and nourishment to all things; and the latter, he that gave form and other powers to them; and that the stars were like his brethren, since they were eleven in number, as were the stars that receive their power from the sun and moon.",
+                    "4. And thus did Jacob make a judgment of this vision, and that a shrewd one also. But these interpretations caused very great grief to Joseph's brethren; and they were affected to him hereupon as if he were a certain stranger, that was to those good things which were signified by the dreams and not as one that was a brother, with whom it was probable they should be joint-partakers; and as they had been partners in the same parentage, so should they be of the same happiness. They also resolved to kill the lad; and having fully ratified that intention of theirs, as soon as their collection of the fruits was over, they went to Shechem, which is a country good for feeding of cattle, and for pasturage; there they fed their flocks, without acquainting their father with their removal thither; whereupon he had melancholy suspicions about them, as being ignorant of his sons' condition, and receiving no messenger from the flocks that could inform him of the true state they were in; so, because he was in great fear about them, he sent Joseph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances his brethren were in, and to bring him word how they did."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph Was Thus Sold By His Brethren Into Egypt, By Reason Of Their Hatred To Him; And How He There Grew Famous And Illustrious And Had His Brethren Under His Power. </i><br>1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as they saw their brother coming to them, not indeed as at the presence of a near relation, or as at the presence of one sent by their father, but as at the presence of an enemy, and one that by Divine Providence was delivered into their hands; and they already resolved to kill him, and not let slip the opportunity that lay before them. But when Reubel, the eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and that they had agreed together to execute their purpose, he tried to restrain them, showing them the heinous enterprise they were going about, and the horrid nature of it; that this action would appear wicked in the sight of God, and impious before men, even though they should kill one not related to them; but much more flagitious and detestable to appear to have slain their own brother, by which act the father must be treated unjustly in the son's slaughter, and the mother (1) also be in perplexity while she laments that her son is taken away from her, and this not in a natural way neither. So he entreated them to have a regard to their own consciences, and wisely to consider what mischief would betide them upon the death of so good a child, and their youngest brother; that they would also fear God, who was already both a spectator and a witness of the designs they had against their brother; that he would love them if they abstained from this act, and yielded to repentance and amendment; but in case they proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punishments would overtake them from God for this murder of their brother, since they polluted his providence, which was every where present, and which did not overlook what was done, either in deserts or in cities; for wheresoever a man is, there ought he to suppose that God is also. He told them further, that their consciences would be their enemies, if they attempted to go through so wicked an enterprise, which they can never avoid, whether it be a good conscience; or whether it be such a one as they will have within them when once they have killed their brother. He also added this besides to what he had before said, that it was not a righteous thing to kill a brother, though he had injured them; that it is a good thing to forget the actions of such near friends, even in things wherein they might seem to have offended; but that they were going to kill Joseph, who had been guilty of nothing that was ill towards them, in whose case the infirmity of his small age should rather procure him mercy, and move them to unite together in the care of his preservation. That the cause of killing him made the act itself much worse, while they determined to take him off out of envy at his future prosperity, an equal share of which they would naturally partake while he enjoyed it, since they were to him not strangers, but the nearest relations, for they might reckon upon what God bestowed upon Joseph as their own; and that it was fit for them to believe, that the anger of God would for this cause be more severe upon them, if they slew him who was judged by God to be worthy of that prosperity which was to be hoped for; and while, by murdering him, they made it impossible for God to bestow it upon him.",
+                    "2. Reubel said these and many other things, and used entreaties to them, and thereby endeavored to divert them from the murder of their brother. But when he saw that his discourse had not mollified them at all, and that they made haste to do the fact, he advised them to alleviate the wickedness they were going about, in the manner of taking Joseph off; for as he had exhorted them first, when they were going to revenge themselves, to be dissuaded from doing it; so, since the sentence for killing their brother had prevailed, he said that they would not, however, be so grossly guilty, if they would be persuaded to follow his present advice, which would include what they were so eager about, but was not so very bad, but, in the distress they were in, of a lighter nature. He begged of them, therefore, not to kill their brother with their own hands, but to cast him into the pit that was hard by, and so to let him die; by which they would gain so much, that they would not defile their own hands with his blood. To this the young men readily agreed; so Reubel took the lad and tied him to a cord, and let him down gently into the pit, for it had no water at all in it; who, when he had done this, went his way to seek for such pasturage as was fit for feeding his flocks.",
+                    "3. But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians, after Rubel was gone, advised his brethren to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him to the Arabians; for if he should die among strangers a great way off, they should be freed from this barbarous action. This, therefore, was resolved on; so they drew Joseph up out of the pit, and sold him to the merchants for twenty pounds (2) He was now seventeen years old. But Reubel, coming in the night-time to the pit, resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his brethren; and when, upon his calling to him, he made no answer, he was afraid that they had destroyed him after he was gone; of which he complained to his brethren; but when they had told him what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning.",
+                    "4. When Joseph's brethren had done thus to him, they considered what they should do to escape the suspicions of their father. Now they had taken away from Joseph the coat which he had on when he came to them at the time they let him down into the pit; so they thought proper to tear that coat to pieces, and to dip it into goats' blood, and then to carry it and show it to their father, that he might believe he was destroyed by wild beasts. And when they had so done, they came to the old man, but this not till what had happened to his son had already come to his knowledge. Then they said that they had not seen Joseph, nor knew what mishap had befallen him; but that they had found his coat bloody and torn to pieces, whence they had a suspicion that he had fallen among wild beasts, and so perished, if that was the coat he had on when he came from home. Now Jacob had before some better hopes that his son was only made a captive; but now he laid aside that notion, and supposed that this coat was an evident argument that he was dead, for he well remembered that this was the coat he had on when he sent him to his brethren; so he hereafter lamented the lad as now dead, and as if he had been the father of no more than one, without taking any comfort in the rest; and so he was also affected with his misfortune before he met with Joseph's brethren, when he also conjectured that Joseph was destroyed by wild beasts. He sat down also clothed in sackcloth and in heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no ease when his sons comforted him, neither did his pains remit by length of time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Signal Chastity Of Joseph. </i><br>1. Now Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was chief cook to king Pharaoh, bought Joseph of the merchants, who sold him to him. He had him in the greatest honor, and taught him the learning that became a free man, and gave him leave to make use of a diet better than was allotted to slaves. He intrusted also the care of his house to him. So he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he leave that virtue which he had before, upon such a change of his condition; but he demonstrated that wisdom was able to govern the uneasy passions of life, in such as have it in reality, and do not only put it on for a show, under a present state of prosperity.",
+                    "2. For when his master's wife was fallen in love with him, both on account of his beauty of body, and his dexterous management of affairs; and supposed, that if she should make it known to him, she could easily persuade him to come and lie with her, and that he would look upon it as a piece of happy fortune that his mistress should entreat him, as regarding that state of slavery he was in, and not his moral character, which continued after his condition was changed. So she made known her naughty inclinations, and spake to him about lying with her. However, he rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agreeable to religion to yield so far to her, as to do what would tend to the affront and injury of him that purchased him, and had vouchsafed him so great honors. He, on the contrary, exhorted her to govern that passion; and laid before her the impossibility of her obtaining her desires, which he thought might be conquered, if she had no hope of succeeding; and he said, that as to himself, he would endure any thing whatever before he would be persuaded to it; for although it was fit for a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary to his mistress, he might well be excused in a case where the contradiction was to such sort of commands only. But this opposition of Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her still more violent in her love to him; and as she was sorely beset with this naughty passion, so she resolved to compass her design by a second attempt.",
+                    "3. When, therefore, there was a public festival coming on, in which it was the custom for women to come to the public solemnity; she pretended to her husband that she was sick, as contriving an opportunity for solitude and leisure, that she might entreat Joseph again. Which opportunity being obtained, she used more kind words to him than before; and said that it had been good for him to have yielded to her first solicitation, and to have given her no repulse, both because of the reverence he ought to bear to her dignity who solicited him, and because of the vehemence of her passion, by which she was forced though she were his mistress to condescend beneath her dignity; but that he may now, by taking more prudent advice, wipe off the imputation of his former folly; for whether it were that he expected the repetition of her solicitations she had now made, and that with greater earnestness than before, for that she had pretended sickness on this very account, and had preferred his conversation before the festival and its solemnity; or whether he opposed her former discourses, as not believing she could be in earnest; she now gave him sufficient security, by thus repeating her application, that she meant not in the least by fraud to impose upon him; and assured him, that if he complied with her affections, he might expect the enjoyment of the advantages he already had; and if he were submissive to her, he should have still greater advantages; but that he must look for revenge and hatred from her, in case he rejected her desires, and preferred the reputation of chastity before his mistress; for that he would gain nothing by such procedure, because she would then become his accuser, and would falsely pretend to her husband, that he had attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar would hearken to her words rather than to his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth.",
+                    "4. When the woman had said thus, and even with tears in her eyes, neither did pity dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did fear compel him to a compliance with her; but he opposed her solicitations, and did not yield to her threatenings, and was afraid to do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the sharpest punishment rather than to enjoy his present advantages, by doing what his own conscience knew would justly deserve that he should die for it. He also put her in mind that she was a married woman, and that she ought to cohabit with her husband only; and desired her to suffer these considerations to have more weight with her than the short pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would bring her to repentance afterwards, would cause trouble to her, and yet would not amend what had been done amiss. He also suggested to her the fear she would be in lest they should be caught; and that the advantage of concealment was uncertain, and that only while the wickedness was not known [would there be any quiet for them]; but that she might have the enjoyment of her husband's company without any danger. And he told her, that in the company of her husband she might have great boldness from a good conscience, both before God and before men. Nay, that she would act better like his mistress, and make use of her authority over him better while she persisted in her chastity, than when they we re both ashamed for what wickedness they had been guilty of; and that it is much better to a life, well and known to have been so, than upon the hopes of the concealment of evil practices.",
+                    "5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried to restrain the violent passion of the woman, and to reduce her affections within the rules of reason; but she grew more ungovernable and earnest in the matter; and since she despaired of persuading him, she laid her hands upon him, and had a mind to force him. But as soon as Joseph had got away from her anger, leaving also his garment with her, for he left that to her, and leaped out of her chamber, she was greatly afraid lest he should discover her lewdness to her husband, and greatly troubled at the affront he had offered her; so she resolved to be beforehand with him, and to accuse Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that means to revenge herself on him for his pride and contempt of her; and she thought it a wise thing in itself, and also becoming a woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Accordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion, framing herself so hypocritically and angrily, that the sorrow, which was really for her being disappointed of her lust, might appear to be for the attempt upon her chastity; so that when her husband came home, and was disturbed at the sight of her and inquired what was the cause of the disorder she was in, she began to accuse Joseph: and, \"O husband,\" said she, \"mayst thou not live a day longer if thou dost not punish the wicked slave who has desired to defile thy bed; who has neither minded who he was when he came to our house, so as to behave himself with modesty; nor has he been mindful of what favors he had received from thy bounty (as he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless he, in every respect, carry himself in a manner agreeable to us): this man, I say, laid a private design to abuse thy wife, and this at the time of a festival, observing when thou wouldst be absent. So that it now is clear that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly, was only because of the restraint he was in out of fear of thee, but that he was not really of a good disposition. This has been occasioned by his being advanced to honor beyond what he deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch that he concluded, that he who was deemed fit to be trusted with thy estate and the government of thy family, and was preferred above thy eldest servants, might be allowed to touch thy wife also.\" Thus when she had ended her discourse, she showed him his garment, as if he then left it with her when he attempted to force her. But Potiphar not being able to disbelieve what his wife's tears showed, and what his wife said, and what he saw himself, and being seduced by his love to his wife, did not set himself about the examination of the truth; but taking it for granted that his wife was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph as a wicked man, he threw him into the malefactors' prison; and had a still higher opinion of his wife, and bare her witness that she was a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Things Befell Joseph In Prison. </i><br>1. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs to God, did not betake himself to make his defense, nor to give an account of the exact circumstances of the fact, but silently underwent the bonds and the distress he was in, firmly believing that God, who knew the cause of his affliction, and the truth of the fact, would be more powerful than those that inflicted the punishments upon him : - a proof of whose providence he quickly received; for the keeper of the prison taking notice of his care and fidelity in the affairs he had set him about, and the dignity of his countenance, relaxed his bonds, and thereby made his heavy calamity lighter, and more supportable to him. He also permitted him to make use of a diet better than that of the rest of the prisoners. Now, as his fellow prisoners, when their hard labors were over, fell to discoursing one among another, as is usual in such as are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of another what were the occasions of their being condemned to a prison: among them the king's cupbearer, and one that had been respected by him, was put in bonds, upon the king's anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar with him; and upon his observing that Joseph had a better understanding than the rest had, he told him of a dream he had, and desired he would interpret its meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams.",
+                    "2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he saw three clusters of grapes hanging upon three branches of a vine, large already, and ripe for gathering; and that he squeezed them into a cup which the king held in his hand; and when he had strained the wine, he gave it to the king to drink, and that he received it from him with a pleasant countenance. This, he said, was what he saw; and he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion of understanding in such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold. Who bid him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds in three days' time, because the king desired his service, and was about to restore him to it again; for he let him know that God bestows the fruit of the vine upon men for good; which wine is poured out to him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual confidence among men; and puts an end to their quarrels, takes away passion and grief out of the minds of them that use it, and makes them cheerful. \"Thou sayest that thou didst squeeze this wine from three clusters of grapes with thine hands, and that the king received it: know, therefore, that this vision is for thy good, and foretells a release from thy present distress within the same number of days as the branches had whence thou gatheredst thy grapes in thy sleep. However, remember what prosperity I have foretold thee when thou hast found it true by experience; and when thou art in authority, do not overlook us in this prison, wherein thou wilt leave us when thou art gone to the place we have foretold; for we are not in prison for any crime; but for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we condemned to suffer the penalty of malefactors, and because we are not willing to injure him that has thus distressed us, though it were for our own pleasure.\" The cupbearer, therefore, as was natural to do, rejoiced to hear such an interpretation of his dream, and waited the completion of what had been thus shown him beforehand.",
+                    "3. But another servant there was of the king, who had been chief baker, and was now bound in prison with the cupbearer; he also was in good hope, upon Joseph's interpretation of the other's vision, for he had seen a dream also; so he desired that Joseph would tell him what the visions he had seen the night before might mean. They were these that follow: - \"Methought,\" says he, \"I carried three baskets upon my head; two were full of loaves, and the third full of sweetmeats and other eatables, such as are prepared for kings; but that the fowls came flying, and eat them all up, and had no regard to my attempt to drive them away.\" And he expected a prediction like to that of the cupbearer. But Joseph, considering and reasoning about the dream, said to him, that he would willingly be an interpreter of good events to him, and not of such as his dream denounced to him; but he told him that he had only three days in all to live, for that the [three] baskets signify, that on the third day he should be crucified, and devoured by fowls, while he was not able to help himself. Now both these dreams had the same several events that Joseph foretold they should have, and this to both the parties; for on the third day before mentioned, when the king solemnized his birth-day, he crucified the chief baker, but set the butler free from his bonds, and restored him to his former ministration.",
+                    "4. But God freed Joseph from his confinement, after he had endured his bonds two years, and had received no assistance from the cupbearer, who did not remember what he had said to him formerly; and God contrived this method of deliverance for him. Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the same evening two visions; and after them had the interpretations of them both given him. He had forgotten the latter, but retained the dreams themselves. Being therefore troubled at what he had seen, for it seemed to him to be all of a melancholy nature, the next day he called together the wisest men among the Egyptians, desiring to learn from them the interpretation of his dreams. But when they hesitated about them, the king was so much the more disturbed. And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill in dreams, came into the mind of the king's cupbearer, when he saw the confusion that Pharaoh was in; so he came and mentioned Joseph to him, as also the vision he had seen in prison, and how the event proved as he had said; as also that the chief baker was crucified on the very same day; and that this also happened to him according to the interpretation of Joseph. That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great splendor. \"If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify.\" So the king commanded that they should bring Joseph into his presence; and those who received the command came and brought him with them, having taken care of his habit, that it might be decent, as the king had enjoined them to do.",
+                    "5. But the king took him by the hand; and, \"O young man,\" says he, \"for my servant bears witness that thou art at present the best and most skillful person I can consult with; vouchsafe me the same favors which thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and tell me what events they are which the visions of my dreams foreshow; and I desire thee to suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter me with lying words, or with what may please me, although the truth should be of a melancholy nature. For it seemed to me that, as I walked by the river, I saw kine fat and very large, seven in number, going from the river to the marshes; and other kine of the same number like them, met them out of the marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favored, which ate up the fat and the large kine, and yet were no better than before, and not less miserably pinched with famine. After I had seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep; and being in disorder, and considering with myself what this appearance should be, I fell asleep again, and saw another dream, much more wonderful than the foregoing, which still did more affright and disturb me: - I saw seven ears of corn growing out of one root, having their heads borne down by the weight of the grains, and bending down with the fruit, which was now ripe and fit for reaping; and near these I saw seven other ears of corn, meager and weak, for want of rain, which fell to eating and consuming those that were fit for reaping, and put me into great astonishment.\"",
+                    "6. To which Joseph replied: - \"This dream,\" said he, \"O king, although seen under two forms, signifies one and the same event of things; for when thou sawest the fat kine, which is an animal made for the plough and for labor, devoured by the worser kine, and the ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears, they foretell a famine, and want of the fruits of the earth for the same number of years, and equal with those when Egypt was in a happy state; and this so far, that the plenty of these years will be spent in the same number of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of necessary provisions will be very difficult to be corrected; as a sign whereof, the ill-favored kine, when they had devoured the better sort, could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what is to come upon men, not to grieve them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will come in the former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will not be felt by the Egyptians.\"",
+                    "7. Hereupon the king wondered at the discretion and wisdom of Joseph; and asked him by what means he might so dispense the foregoing plentiful crops in the happy years, as to make the miserable crops more tolerable. Joseph then added this his advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians to spend them luxuriously, but to reserve what they would have spent in luxury beyond their necessity against the time of want. He also exhorted him to take the corn of the husbandmen, and give them only so much as will be sufficient for their food. Accordingly Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only for his interpretation of the dream, but for the counsel he had given him, intrusted him with dispensing the corn; with power to do what he thought would be for the benefit of the people of Egypt, and for the benefit of the king, as believing that he who first discovered this method of acting, would prove the best overseer of it. But Joseph having this power given him by the king, with leave to make use of his seal, and to wear purple, drove in his chariot through all the land of Egypt, and took the corn of the husbandmen, (3) allotting as much to every one as would be sufficient for seed, and for food, but without discovering to any one the reason why he did so."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joseph When He Was Become Famous In Egypt, Had His Brethren In Subjection. </i><br>1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed great honors from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out of regard to his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name denotes the revealer of secrets. He also married a wife of very high quality; for he married the daughter of Petephres, (4) one of the priests of Heliopolis; she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath. By her he had children before the scarcity came on; Manasseh, the elder, which signifies forgetful, because his present happiness made him forget his former misfortunes; and Ephraim, the younger, which signifies restored, because he was restored to the freedom of his forefathers. Now after Egypt had happily passed over seven years, according to Joseph's interpretation of the dreams, the famine came upon them in the eighth year; and because this misfortune fell upon them when they had no sense of it beforehand, (5) they were all sorely afflicted by it, and came running to the king's gates; and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly a savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers had liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happiness.",
+                    "2. Now Jacob also, when he understood that foreigners might come, sent all his sons into Egypt to buy corn, for the land of Canaan was grievously afflicted with the famine; and this great misery touched the whole continent. He only retained Benjamin, who was born to him by Rachel, and was of the same mother with Joseph. These sons of Jacob then came into Egypt, and applied themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn; for nothing of this kind was done without his approbation, since even then only was the honor that was paid the king himself advantageous to the persons that paid it, when they took care to honor Joseph also. Now when he well knew his brethren, they thought nothing of him; for he was but a youth when he left them, and was now come to an age so much greater, that the lineaments of his face were changed, and he was not known by them: besides this, the greatness of the dignity wherein he appeared, suffered them not so much as to suspect it was he. He now made trial what sentiments they had about affairs of the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell them corn, and said they were come as spies of the king's affairs; and that they came from several countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countenance as they were, such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings themselves. Now this he did in order to discover what concerned his father, and what happened to him after his own departure from him, and as desiring to know what was become of Benjamin his brother; for he was afraid that they had ventured on the like wicked enterprise against him that they had done to himself, and had taken him off also.",
+                    "3. Now these brethren of his were under distraction and terror, and thought that very great danger hung over them; yet not at all reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and standing firm under the accusations laid against them, they made their defense by Reubel, the eldest of them, who now became their spokesman: \"We come not hither,\" said he, \"with any unjust design, nor in order to bring any harm to the king's affairs; we only want to be preserved, as supposing your humanity might be a refuge for us from the miseries which our country labors under, we having heard that you proposed to sell corn, not only to your own countrymen, but to strangers also, and that you determined to allow that corn, in order to preserve all that want it; but that we are brethren, and of the same common blood, the peculiar lineaments of our faces, and those not so much different from one another, plainly show. Our father's name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who had twelve of us for his sons by four wives; which twelve of us, while we were all alive, were a happy family; but when one of our brethren, whose name was Joseph, died, our affairs changed for the worse, for our father could not forbear to make a long lamentation for him; and we are in affliction, both by the calamity of the death of our brother, and the miserable state of our aged father. We are now, therefore, come to buy corn, having intrusted the care of our father, and the provision for our family, to Benjamin, our youngest brother; and if thou sendest to our house, thou mayst learn whether we are guilty of the least falsehood in what we say.\"",
+                    "4. And thus did Reubel endeavor to persuade Joseph to have a better opinion of them. But when he had learned from them that Jacob was alive, and that his brother was not destroyed by them, he for the present put them in prison, as intending to examine more into their affairs when he should be at leisure. But on the third day he brought them out, and said to them, \"Since you constantly affirm that you are not come to do any harm to the king's affairs; that you are brethren, and the sons of the father whom you named; you will satisfy me of the truth of what you say, if you leave one of your company with me, who shall suffer no injury here; and if, when ye have carried corn to your father, you will come to me again, and bring your brother, whom you say you left there, along with you, for this shall be by me esteemed an assurance of the truth of what you have told me.\" Hereupon they were in greater grief than before; they wept, and perpetually deplored one among another the calamity of Joseph; and said, \"They were fallen into this misery as a punishment inflicted by God for what evil contrivances they had against him.\" And Reubel was large in his reproaches of them for their too late repentance, whence no profit arose to Joseph; and earnestly exhorted them to bear with patience whatever they suffered, since it was done by God in way of punishment, on his account. Thus they spake to one another, not imagining that Joseph understood their language. A general sadness also seized on them at Reubel's words, and a repentance for what they had done; and they condemned the wickedness they had perpetrated, for which they judged they were justly punished by God. Now when Joseph saw that they were in this distress, he was so affected at it that he fell into tears, and not being willing that they should take notice of him, he retired; and after a while came to them again, and taking Symeon (6) in order to his being a pledge for his brethren's return, he bid them take the corn they had bought, and go their way. He also commanded his steward privily to put the money which they had brought with them for the purchase of corn into their sacks, and to dismiss them therewith; who did what he was commanded to do.",
+                    "5. Now when Jacob's sons were come into the land of Canaan, they told their father what had happened to them in Egypt, and that they were taken to have come thither as spies upon the king; and how they said they were brethren, and had left their eleventh brother with their father, but were not believed; and how they had left Symeon with the governor, until Benjamin should go thither, and be a testimonial of the truth of what they had said: and they begged of their father to fear nothing, but to send the lad along with them. But Jacob was not pleased with any thing his sons had done; and he took the detention of Symeon heinously, and thence thought it a foolish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither did he yield to Reubel's persuasion, though he begged it of him, and gave leave that the grandfather might, in way of requital, kill his own sons, in case any harm came to Benjamin in the journey. So they were distressed, and knew not what to do; nay, there was another accident that still disturbed them more, - the money that was found hidden in their sacks of corn. Yet when the corn they had brought failed them, and when the famine still afflicted them, and necessity forced them, Jacob did (7) [not] still resolve to send Benjamin with his brethren, although there was no returning into Egypt unless they came with what they had promised. Now the misery growing every day worse, and his sons begging it of him, he had no other course to take in his present circumstances. And Judas, who was of a bold temper on other occasions, spake his mind very freely to him: \"That it did not become him to be afraid on account of his son, nor to suspect the worst, as he did; for nothing could be done to his son but by the appointment of God, which must also for certain come to pass, though he were at home with him; that he ought not to condemn them to such manifest destruction; nor deprive them of that plenty of food they might have from Pharaoh, by his unreasonable fear about his son Benjamin, but ought to take care of the preservation of Symeon, lest, by attempting to hinder Benjamin's journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted him to trust God for him; and said he would either bring his son back to him safe, or, together with his, lose his own life.\" So that Jacob was at length persuaded, and delivered Benjamin to them, with the price of the corn doubled; he also sent presents to Joseph of the fruits of the land of Canaan, balsam and rosin, as also turpentine and honey. (8) Now their father shed many tears at the departure of his sons, as well as themselves. His concern was, that he might receive them back again safe after their journey; and their concern was, that they might find their father well, and no way afflicted with grief for them. And this lamentation lasted a whole day; so that the old man was at last tired with grief, and staid behind; but they went on their way for Egypt, endeavoring to mitigate their grief for their present misfortunes, with the hopes of better success hereafter.",
+                    "6. As soon as they came into Egypt, they were brought down to Joseph: but here no small fear disturbed them, lest they should be accused about the price of the corn, as if they had cheated Joseph. They then made a long apology to Joseph's steward; and told him, that when they came home they found the money in their sacks, and that they had now brought it along with them. He said he did not know what they meant: so they were delivered from that fear. And when he had loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren; at which time Joseph came from his attendance on the king. So they offered him their presents; and upon his putting the question to them about their father, they answered that they found him well. He also, upon his discovery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether this was their younger brother; for he had seen him. Whereupon they said he was: he replied, that the God over all was his protector. But when his affection to him made him shed tears, he retired, desiring he might not be seen in that plight by his brethren. Then Joseph took them to supper, and they were set down in the same order as they used to sit at their father's table. And although Joseph treated them all kindly, yet did he send a mess to Benjamin that was double to what the rest of the guests had for their shares.",
+                    "7. Now when after supper they had composed themselves to sleep, Joseph commanded his steward both to give them their measures of corn, and to hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal they should put into Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which he loved himself to drink. - which things he did, in order to make trial of his brethren, whether they would stand by Benjamin when he should be accused of having stolen the cup, and should appear to be in danger; or whether they would leave him, and, depending on their own innocency, go to their father without him. When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon along with them, and had a double cause of joy, both because they had received him again, and because they took back Benjamin to their father, as they had promised. But presently a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them Joseph's servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon which unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and asked what the reason was that they came thus upon men, who a little before had been by their lord thought worthy of an honorable and hospitable reception? They replied, by calling them wicked wretches, who had forgot that very hospitable and kind treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not scruple to be injurious to him, and to carry off that cup out of which he had, in so friendly a manner, drank to them, and not regarding their friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in if they were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. Hereupon he threatened that they should be punished; for though they had escaped the knowledge of him who was but a servant, yet had they not escaped the knowledge of God, nor had gone off with what they had stolen; and, after all, asked why we come upon them, as if they knew nothing of the matter: and he told them that they should immediately know it by their punishment. This, and more of the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them: but they being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned them, laughed at what he said, and wondered at the abusive language which the servant gave them, when he was so hardy as to accuse those who did not before so much as retain the price of their corn, which was found in their sacks, but brought it again, though nobody else knew of any such thing, - so far were they from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. But still, supposing that a search would be a more sure justification of themselves than their own denial of the fact, they bid him search them, and that if any of them had been guilty of the theft, to punish them all; for being no way conscious to themselves of any crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought, without any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to him alone who should be found guilty of the theft. So they made the search; and, having searched all the rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as knowing it was Benjamin's sack in which they had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched the rest only for a show of accuracy: so the rest were out of fear for themselves, and were now only concerned about Benjamin, but still were well assured that he would also be found innocent; and they reproached those that came after them for their hindering them, while they might, in the mean while, have gotten a good way on their journey. But as soon as they had searched Benjamin's sack, they found the cup, and took it from him; and all was changed into mourning and lamentation. They rent their garments, and wept for the punishment which their brother was to undergo for his theft, and for the delusion they had put on their father, when they promised they would bring Benjamin safe to him. What added to their misery was, that this melancholy accident came unfortunately at a time when they thought they had been gotten off clear; but they confessed that this misfortune of their brother, as well as the grief of their father for him, was owing to themselves, since it was they that forced their father to send him with them, when he was averse to it.",
+                    "8. The horsemen therefore took Benjamin and brought him to Joseph, his brethren also following him; who, when he saw him in custody, and them in the habit of mourners, said, \"How came you, vile wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my kindness to you, and of God's providence, as impudently to do thus to your benefactor, who in such an hospitable manner had entertained you ?\" Whereupon they gave up themselves to be punished, in order to save Benjamin; and called to mind what a wicked enterprise they had been guilty of against Joseph. They also pronounced him more happy than themselves, if he were dead, in being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were alive, that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's vengeance upon them. They said further; that they were the plague of their father, since they should now add to his former affliction for Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin. Reubel also was large in cutting them upon this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them; for he said they had been guilty of no offense, and that he would content himself with the lad's punishment; for he said it was not a fit thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not offended; nor was it a fit thing to punish them together with him who had been guilty of stealing. And when he promised to give them leave to go away in safety, the rest of them were under great consternation, and were able to say nothing on this sad occasion. But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send the lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man, determined to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother. \"It is true,\" (9) said he, \"O governor, that we have been very wicked with regard to thee, and on that account deserved punishment; even all of us may justly be punished, although the theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and he the youngest also; but yet there remains some hope for us, who otherwise must be under despair on his account, and this from thy goodness, which promises us a deliverance out of our present danger. And now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that great crime we have been guilty of, but at thy own excellent nature, and take advice of thine own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast against us; which passion those that otherwise are of lower character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not only on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, sir, that passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay those that do not otherwise presume upon their own safety, but are desirous to accept of it from thee; for this is not the first time that thou wilt bestow it on us, but before, when we came to buy corn, thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and gavest us leave to carry so much home to our family as has preserved them from perishing by famine. Nor is there any difference between not overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and not punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so unfortunate as to lose the advantage of that glorious benefaction which they received from thee. This will be an instance of equal favor, though bestowed after a different manner; for thou wilt save those this way whom thou didst feed the other; and thou wilt hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by famine, it being indeed at once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn, and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed, we may continue those lives. And I am ready to suppose that God is willing to afford thee this opportunity of showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing us into this calamity, that it may appear thou canst forgive the injuries that are done to thyself, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides those who, on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; since it is indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for want of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who deserve to be punished, when it is on account of heinous offenses against thyself; for if it be a thing deserving commendation to forgive such as have been guilty of small offenses, that tend to a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy in him that overlooks such offenses, to restrain a man's passion as to crimes which are capital to the guilty, is to be like the most excellent nature of God himself. And truly, as for myself, had it not been that we had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of Joseph, how miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had not made any words on account of the saving of our own lives; I mean, any further than as that would be an excellent character for thyself, to preserve even those that would have nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but now (for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we die, it will be while we are young, and before we have had the enjoyment of life) have regard to our father, and take pity of his old age, on whose account it is that we make these supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt give us those lives which this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxious to thy punishment; and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor does his being our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy to have such trials of his patience; and now, we are absent, he is afflicted with care for us. But if he hear of our deaths, and what was the cause of it, he will on that account die an immature death; and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him; nay, will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. Consider these things in this manner, although our wickedness does now provoke thee with a just desire of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it for our father's sake; and let thy commiseration of him weigh more with thee than our wickedness. Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish, will be very lonely while he lives, and will soon die himself also. Grant this boon to the name of fathers, for thereby thou wilt honor him that begat thee, and will grant it to thyself also, who enjoyest already that denomination; thou wilt then, by that denomination, be preserved of God, the Father of all, - by showing a pious regard to which, in the case of our father, thou wilt appear to honor him who is styled by the same name; I mean, if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this consideration, how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his sons! It is thy part therefore to bestow on us what God has given us, when it is in thy power to take it away, and so to resemble him entirely in charity; for it is good to use that power, which can either give or take away, on the merciful side; and when it is in thy power to destroy, to forget that thou ever hadst that power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for preservation; and that the more any one extends this power, the greater reputation does he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our brother what he has unhappily committed, thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot think of living if he be put to death, since we dare not show ourselves alive to our father without our brother, but here must we partake of one and the same catastrophe of his life. And so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou condemnest our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with him, as partners of his crime, - for we shall not think it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves for grief of our brother's death, but so to die rather as equally guilty with him of this crime. I will only leave with thee this one consideration, and then will say no more, viz. that our brother committed this fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed wisdom in his conduct; and that men naturally forgive such young persons. I end here, without adding what more I have to say, that in case thou condemnest us, that omission may be supposed to have hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer side. But in case thou settest us free, that this may be ascribed to thy own goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest us from condemnation; and that not by barely preserving us, but by granting us such a favor as will make us appear more righteous than we really are, and by representing to thyself more motives for our deliverance than we are able to produce ourselves. If, therefore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back to his father; or if thou pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labor for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better prepared for either of those sufferings.\" So Judas, being very willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliverance of his brother, cast himself down at Joseph's feet, and earnestly labored to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also fell down before him, weeping and delivering themselves up to destruction for the preservation of the life of Benjamin.",
+                    "10. But Joseph, as overcome now with his affections, and no longer able to personate an angry man, commanded all that were present to depart, that he might make himself known to his brethren when they were alone; and when the rest were gone out, he made himself known to his brethren; and said, \"I commend you for your virtue, and your kindness to our brother: I find you better men than I could have expected from what you contrived about me. Indeed, I did all this to try your love to your brother; so I believe you were not wicked by nature in what you did in my case, but that all has happened according to God's will, who has hereby procured our enjoyment of what good things we have; and, if he continue in a favorable disposition, of what we hope for hereafter. Since, therefore, I know that our father is safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see you so well disposed to your brother, I will no longer remember what guilt you seem to have had about me, but will leave off to hate you for that your wickedness; and do rather return you my thanks, that you have concurred with the intentions of God to bring things to their present state. I would have you also rather to forget the same, since that imprudence of yours is come to such a happy conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at those your offenses. Do not, therefore, let your evil intentions, when you condemned me, and that bitter remorse which might follow, be a grief to you now, because those intentions were frustrated. Go, therefore, your way, rejoicing in what has happened by the Divine Providence, and inform your father of it, lest he should be spent with cares for you, and deprive me of the most agreeable part of my felicity; I mean, lest he should die before he comes into my sight, and enjoys the good things that we now have. Bring, therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and all your kindred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must endure five more years of famine.\" When Joseph had said this, he embraced his brethren, who were in tears and sorrow; but the generous kindness of their brother seemed to leave among them no room for fear, lest they should be punished on account of what they had consulted and acted against him; and they were then feasting. Now the king, as soon as he heard that Joseph's brethren were come to him, was exceeding glad of it, as if it had been a part of his own good fortune; and gave them wagons full of corn and gold and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now when they had received more of their brother part to be carried to their father, and part as free gifts to every one of themselves, Benjamin having still more than the rest, they departed."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Removal Of Joseph's Father With All His Family, To Him, On Account Of The Famine. </i><br>1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by his sons returning home, in what state Joseph was, that he had not only escaped death, for which yet he lived all along in mourning, but that he lived in splendor and happiness, and ruled over Egypt, jointly with the king, and had intrusted to his care almost all his affairs, he did not think any thing he was told to be incredible, considering the greatness of the works of God, and his kindness to him, although that kindness had, for some late times, been intermitted; so he immediately and zealously set out upon his journey to him.",
+                    "2. When he came to the Well of the Oath, (Beersheba,) he offered sacrifice to God; and being afraid that the happiness there was in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in love with it, and settle in it, and no more think of removing into the land of Canaan, and possessing it, as God had promised them; as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into Egypt were made without the will of God, his family might be destroyed there; out of fear, withal, lest he should depart this life before he came to the sight of Joseph; he fell asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind.",
+                    "3. But God stood by him, and called him twice by his name; and when he asked who he was, God said, \"No, sure; it is not just that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unacquainted with that God who has been ever a protector and a helper to thy forefathers, and after them to thyself: for when thy father would have deprived thee of the dominion, I gave it thee; and by my kindness it was that, when thou wast sent into Mesopotamia all alone, thou obtainedst good wives, and returnedst with many children, and much wealth. Thy whole family also has been preserved by my providence; and it was I who conducted Joseph, thy son, whom thou gavest up for lost, to the enjoyment of great prosperity. I also made him lord of Egypt, so that he differs but little from a king. Accordingly, I come now as a guide to thee in this journey; and foretell to thee, that thou shalt die in the arms of Joseph: and I inform thee, that thy posterity shall be many ages in authority and glory, and that I will settle them in the land which I have promised them.\"",
+                    "4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went on more cheerfully for Egypt with his sons, and all belonging to them. Now they were in all seventy. I once, indeed, thought it best not to set down the names of this family, especially because of their difficult pronunciation [by the Greeks]; but, upon the whole, I think it necessary to mention those names, that I may disprove such as believe that we came not originally from Mesopotamia, but are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons; of these Joseph was come thither before. We will therefore set down the names of Jacob's children and grandchildren. Reuben had four sons - Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi. Simeon had six - Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Jachin, Soar, Saul. Levi had three sons - Gersom, Caath, Merari. Judas had three sons - Sala, Phares, Zerah; and by Phares two grandchildren, Esrom and Amar. Issachar had four sons - Thola, Phua, Jasob, Samaron. Zabulon had with him three sons - Sarad, Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her daughter Dinah. These are thirty-three. Rachel had two sons, the one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also, Manasses and Ephraim. The other, Benjamin, had ten sons - Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel, Geras, Naaman, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis, Arad. These fourteen added to the thirty-three before enumerated, amount to the number forty-seven. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephtliali; which last had four sons that followed him - Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. If these be added to those before mentioned, they complete the number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the sons of Zilpha, who was the handmaid of Lea. These had with them, Gad seven - Saphoniah, Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Erocd, Ariel. Aser had a daughter, Sarah, and six male children, whose names were Jomne, Isus, Isoui, Baris, Abar and Melchiel. If we add these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the forementioned number [70] is completed (11) Jacob not being himself included in that number.",
+                    "5. When Joseph understood that his father was coming, for Judas his brother was come before him, and informed him of his approach, he went out to meet him; and they met together at Heroopolis. But Jacob almost fainted away at this unexpected and great joy; however, Joseph revived him, being yet not himself able to contain from being affected in the same manner, at the pleasure he now had; yet was he not wholly overcome with his passion, as his father was. After this, he desired Jacob to travel on slowly; but he himself took five of his brethren with him, and made haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his family were come; which was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren loved to lead, that he might give them leave to follow the same, who told him they were good shepherds, and had been used to follow no other employment but this alone. Whereby he provided for them, that they should not be separated, but live in the same place, and take care of their father; as also hereby he provided, that they might be acceptable to the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would be common to them with the Egyptians; for the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle with feeding of sheep. (12)",
+                    "6. When Jacob was come to the king, and saluted him, and wished all prosperity to his government, Pharaoh asked him how old he now was; upon whose answer, that he was a hundred and thirty years old, he admired Jacob on account of the length of his life. And when he had added, that still he had not lived so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave to live with his children in Heliopolis; for in that city the king's shepherds had their pasturage.",
+                    "7. However, the famine increased among the Egyptians, and this heavy judgment grew more oppressive to them, because neither did the river overflow the ground, for it did not rise to its former height, nor did God send rain upon it; (13) nor did they indeed make the least provision for themselves, so ignorant were they what was to be done; but Joseph sold them corn for their money. But when their money failed them, they bought corn with their cattle and their slaves; and if any of them had a small piece of land, they gave up that to purchase them food, by which means the king became the owner of all their substance; and they were removed, some to one place, and some to another, that so the possession of their country might be firmly assured to the king, excepting the lands of the priests, for their country continued still in their own possession. And indeed this sore famine made their minds, as well as their bodies, slaves; and at length compelled them to procure a sufficiency of food by such dishonorable means. But when this misery ceased, and the river overflowed the ground, and the ground brought forth its fruits plentifully, Joseph came to every city, and gathered the people thereto belonging together, and gave them back entirely the land which, by their own consent, the king might have possessed alone, and alone enjoyed the fruits of it. He also exhorted them to look on it as every one's own possession, and to fall to their husbandry with cheerfulness, and to pay as a tribute to the king, the fifth part (14) of the fruits for the land which the king, when it was his own, restored to them. These men rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly owners of their lands, and diligently observed what was enjoined them; and by this means Joseph procured to himself a greater authority among the Egyptians, and greater love to the king from them. Now this law, that they should pay the fifth part of their fruits as tribute, continued until their later kings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Death Of Jacob And Joseph. </i><br>1. Now when Jacob had lived seventeen years in Egypt, he fell into a disease, and died in the presence of his sons; but not till he made his prayers for their enjoying prosperity, and till he had foretold to them prophetically how every one of them was to dwell in the land of Canaan. But this happened many years afterward. He also enlarged upon the praises of Joseph (15) how he had not remembered the evil doings of his brethren to their disadvantage; nay, on the contrary, was kind to them, bestowing upon them so many benefits, as seldom are bestowed on men's own benefactors. He then commanded his own sons that they should admit Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasses, into their number, and divide the land of Canaan in common with them; concerning whom we shall treat hereafter. However, he made it his request that he might be buried at Hebron. So he died, when he had lived full a hundred and fifty years, three only abated, having not been behind any of his ancestors in piety towards God, and having such a recompense for it, as it was fit those should have who were so good as these were. But Joseph, by the king's permission, carried his father's dead body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a great expense. Now his brethren were at first unwilling to return back with him, because they were afraid lest, now their father was dead, he should punish them for their secret practices against him; since he was now gone, for whose sake he had been so gracious to them. But he persuaded them to fear no harm, and to entertain no suspicions of him: so he brought them along with him, and gave them great possessions, and never left off his particular concern for them.",
+                    "2. Joseph also died when he had lived a hundred and ten years; having been a man of admirable virtue, and conducting all his affairs by the rules of reason; and used his authority with moderation, which was the cause of his so great felicity among the Egyptians, even when he came from another country, and that in such ill circumstances also, as we have already described. At length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in Egypt. Now the posterity and sons of these men, after some time, carried their bodies, and buried them at Hebron: but as to the bones of Joseph, they carried them into the land of Canaan afterward, when the Hebrews went out of Egypt, for so had Joseph made them promise him upon oath. But what became of every one of these men, and by what toils they got the possession of the land of Canaan, shall be shown hereafter, when I have first explained upon what account it was that they left Egypt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Afflictions That Befell The Hebrews In Egypt, During Four Hundred Years. (16)</i><br>1. Now it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking, and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and in particular to the love of gain. They also became very ill-affected towards the Hebrews, as touched with envy at their prosperity; for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain the river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, (17) and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. And four hundred years did they spend under these afflictions; for they strove one against the other which should get the mastery, the Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites by these labors, and the Israelites desiring to hold out to the end under them.",
+                    "2. While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous for the extinction of our nation. One of those sacred scribes, (18) who are very sagacious in foretelling future events truly, told the king, that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a glory that would be remembered through all ages. Which thing was so feared by the king, that, according to this man's opinion, he commanded that they should cast every male child, which was born to the Israelites, into the river, and destroy it; that besides this, the Egyptian midwives (19) should watch the labors of the Hebrew women, and observe what is born, for those were the women who were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey him, and venture to save their male children alive, (20) they and their families should be destroyed. This was a severe affliction indeed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived of their sons, and while they were the parents themselves, they were obliged to be subservient to the destruction of their own children, but as it was to be supposed to tend to the extirpation of their nation, while upon the destruction of their children, and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity would become very hard and inconsolable to them. And this was the ill state they were in. But no one can be too hard for the purpose of God, though he contrive ten thousand subtle devices for that end; for this child, whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brought up and concealed from the observers appointed by the king; and he that foretold him did not mistake in the consequences of his preservation, which were brought to pass after the manner following: -",
+                    "3. A man whose name was Amram, one of the nobler sort of the Hebrews, was afraid for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the want of young men to be brought up hereafter, and was very uneasy at it, his wife being then with child, and he knew not what to do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and entreated him to have compassion on those men who had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their enemies' hopes of the destruction of their nation. Accordingly God had mercy on him, and was moved by his supplication. He stood by him in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despair of his future favors. He said further, that he did not forget their piety towards him, and would always reward them for it, as he had formerly granted his favor to their forefathers, and made them increase from a few to so great a multitude. He put him in mind, that when Abraham was come alone out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, he had been made happy, not only in other respects, but that when his wife was at first barren, she was afterwards by him enabled to conceive seed, and bare him sons. That he left to Ismael and to his posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his sons by Ketura, Troglodytis; and to Isaac, Canaan. That by my assistance, said he, he did great exploits in war, which, unless you be yourselves impious, you must still remember. As for Jacob, he became well known to strangers also, by the greatness of that prosperity in which he lived, and left to his sons, who came into Egypt with no more than seventy souls, while you are now become above six hundred thousand. Know therefore that I shall provide for you all in common what is for your good, and particularly for thyself what shall make thee famous; for that child, out of dread of whose nativity the Egyptians have doomed the Israelite children to destruction, shall be this child of thine, and shall be concealed from those who watch to destroy him: and when he is brought up in a surprising way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among the Hebrews, but foreigners also: - all which shall be the effect of my favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the world.",
+                    "4. When the vision had informed him of these things, Amram awaked and told it to Jochebed who was his wife. And now the fear increased upon them on account of the prediction in Amram's dream; for they were under concern, not only for the child, but on account of the great happiness that was to come to him also. However, the mother's labor was such as afforded a confirmation to what was foretold by God; for it was not known to those that watched her, by the easiness of her pains, and because the throes of her delivery did not fall upon her with violence. And now they nourished the child at home privately for three months; but after that time Amram, fearing he should be discovered, and, by falling under the king's displeasure, both he and his child should perish, and so he should make the promise of God of none effect, he determined rather to trust the safety and care of the child to God, than to depend on his own concealment of him, which he looked upon as a thing uncertain, and whereby both the child, so privately to be nourished, and himself should be in imminent danger; but he believed that God would some way for certain procure the safety of the child, in order to secure the truth of his own predictions. When they had thus determined, they made an ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a cradle, and of a bigness sufficient for an infant to be laid in, without being too straitened: they then daubed it over with slime, which would naturally keep out the water from entering between the bulrushes, and put the infant into it, and setting it afloat upon the river, they left its preservation to God; so the river received the child, and carried him along. But Miriam, the child's sister, passed along upon the bank over against him, as her mother had bid her, to see whither the ark would be carried, where God demonstrated that human wisdom was nothing, but that the Supreme Being is able to do whatsoever he pleases: that those who, in order to their own security, condemn others to destruction, and use great endeavors about it, fail of their purpose; but that others are in a surprising manner preserved, and obtain a prosperous condition almost from the very midst of their calamities; those, I mean, whose dangers arise by the appointment of God. And, indeed, such a providence was exercised in the case of this child, as showed the power of God.",
+                    "5. Thermuthis was the king's daughter. She was now diverting herself by the banks of the river; and seeing a cradle borne along by the current, she sent some that could swim, and bid them bring the cradle to her. When those that were sent on this errand came to her with the cradle, and she saw the little child, she was greatly in love with it, on account of its largeness and beauty; for God had taken such great care in the formation of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on account of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child; yet would not the child admit of her breast, but turned away from it, and did the like to many other women. Now Miriam was by when this happened, not to appear to be there on purpose, but only as staying to see the child; and she said, \"It is in vain that thou, O queen, callest for these women for the nourishing of the child, who are no way of kin to it; but still, if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women to be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast of one of its own nation.\" Now since she seemed to speak well, Thermuthis bid her procure such a one, and to bring one of those Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she had such authority given her, she came back and brought the mother, who was known to nobody there. And now the child gladly admitted the breast, and seemed to stick close to it; and so it was, that, at the queen's desire, the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted to the mother.",
+                    "6. Hereupon it was that Thermuthis imposed this name Mouses upon him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for the Egyptians call water by the name of Mo, and such as are saved out of it, by the name of Uses: so by putting these two words together, they imposed this name upon him. And he was, by the confession of all, according to God's prediction, as well for his greatness of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the best of all the Hebrews, for Abraham was his ancestor of the seventh generation. For Moses was the son of Amram, who was the son of Caath, whose father Levi was the son of Jacob, who was the son of Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. Now Moses's understanding became superior to his age, nay, far beyond that standard; and when he was taught, he discovered greater quickness of apprehension than was usual at his age, and his actions at that time promised greater, when he should come to the age of a man. God did also give him that tallness, when he was but three years old, as was wonderful. And as for his beauty, there was nobody so unpolite as, when they saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised at the beauty of his countenance; nay, it happened frequently, that those that met him as he was carried along the road, were obliged to turn again upon seeing the child; that they left what they were about, and stood still a great while to look on him; for the beauty of the child was so remarkable and natural to him on many accounts, that it detained the spectators, and made them stay longer to look upon him.",
+                    "7. Thermuthis therefore perceiving him to be so remarkable a child, adopted him for her son, having no child of her own. And when one time had carried Moses to her father, she showed him to him, and said she thought to make him her successor, if it should please God she should have no legitimate child of her own; and to him, \"I have brought up a child who is of a divine form, (21) and of a generous mind; and as I have received him from the bounty of the river, in , I thought proper to adopt him my son, and the heir of thy kingdom.\" And she had said this, she put the infant into her father's hands: so he took him, and hugged him to his breast; and on his daughter's account, in a pleasant way, put his diadem upon his head; but Moses threw it down to the ground, and, in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and trod upon his feet, which seemed to bring along with evil presage concerning the kingdom of Egypt. But when the sacred scribe saw this, (he was the person who foretold that his nativity would the dominion of that kingdom low,) he made a violent attempt to kill him; and crying out in a frightful manner, he said, \"This, O king! this child is he of whom God foretold, that if we kill him we shall be in no danger; he himself affords an attestation to the prediction of the same thing, by his trampling upon thy government, and treading upon thy diadem. Take him, therefore, out of the way, and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they are in about him; and deprive the Hebrews of the hope they have of being encouraged by him.\" But Thermuthis prevented him, and snatched the child away. And the king was not hasty to slay him, God himself, whose providence protected Moses, inclining the king to spare him. He was, therefore, educated with great care. So the Hebrews depended on him, and were of good hopes great things would be done by him; but the Egyptians were suspicious of what would follow such his education. Yet because, if Moses had been slain, there was no one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his side for pretending to the crown of Egypt, and likely to be of greater advantage to them, they abstained from killing him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Made War With The Ethiopians. </i><br>1. Moses, therefore, when he was born, and brought up in the foregoing manner, and came to the age of maturity, made his virtue manifest to the Egyptians; and showed that he was born for the bringing them down, and raising the Israelites. And the occasion he laid hold of was this: - The Ethiopians, who are next neighbors to the Egyptians, made an inroad into their country, which they seized upon, and carried off the effects of the Egyptians, who, in their rage, fought against them, and revenged the affronts they had received from them; but being overcome in battle, some of them were slain, and the rest ran away in a shameful manner, and by that means saved themselves; whereupon the Ethiopians followed after them in the pursuit, and thinking that it would be a mark of cowardice if they did not subdue all Egypt, they went on to subdue the rest with greater vehemence; and when they had tasted the sweets of the country, they never left off the prosecution of the war: and as the nearest parts had not courage enough at first to fight with them, they proceeded as far as Memphis, and the sea itself, while not one of the cities was able to oppose them. The Egyptians, under this sad oppression, betook themselves to their oracles and prophecies; and when God had given them this counsel, to make use of Moses the Hebrew, and take his assistance, the king commanded his daughter to produce him, that he might be the general (22) of their army. Upon which, when she had made him swear he would do him no harm, she delivered him to the king, and supposed his assistance would be of great advantage to them. She withal reproached the priest, who, when they had before admonished the Egyptians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own their want of his help.",
+                    "2. So Moses, at the persuasion both of Thermuthis and the king himself, cheerfully undertook the business: and the sacred scribes of both nations were glad; those of the Egyptians, that they should at once overcome their enemies by his valor, and that by the same piece of management Moses would be slain; but those of the Hebrews, that they should escape from the Egyptians, because Moses was to be their general. But Moses prevented the enemies, and took and led his army before those enemies were apprized of his attacking them; for he did not march by the river, but by land, where he gave a wonderful demonstration of his sagacity; for when the ground was difficult to be passed over, because of the multitude of serpents, (which it produces in vast numbers, and, indeed, is singular in some of those productions, which other countries do not breed, and yet such as are worse than others in power and mischief, and an unusual fierceness of sight, some of which ascend out of the ground unseen, and also fly in the air, and so come upon men at unawares, and do them a mischief,) Moses invented a wonderful stratagem to preserve the army safe, and without hurt; for he made baskets, like unto arks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes, (23) and carried them along with them; which animal is the greatest enemy to serpents imaginable, for they fly from them when they come near them; and as they fly they are caught and devoured by them, as if it were done by the harts; but the ibes are tame creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine kind: but about these ibes I say no more at present, since the Greeks themselves are not unacquainted with this sort of bird. As soon, therefore, as Moses was come to the land which was the breeder of these serpents, he let loose the ibes, and by their means repelled the serpentine kind, and used them for his assistants before the army came upon that ground. When he had therefore proceeded thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethiopians before they expected him; and, joining battle with them, he beat them, and deprived them of the hopes they had of success against the Egyptians, and went on in overthrowing their cities, and indeed made a great slaughter of these Ethiopians. Now when the Egyptian army had once tasted of this prosperous success, by the means of Moses, they did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that the Ethiopians were in danger of being reduced to slavery, and all sorts of destruction; and at length they retired to Saba, which was a royal city of Ethiopia, which Cambyses afterwards named Mero, after the name of his own sister. The place was to be besieged with very great difficulty, since it was both encompassed by the Nile quite round, and the other rivers, Astapus and Astaboras, made it a very difficult thing for such as attempted to pass over them; for the city was situate in a retired place, and was inhabited after the manner of an island, being encompassed with a strong wall, and having the rivers to guard them from their enemies, and having great ramparts between the wall and the rivers, insomuch, that when the waters come with the greatest violence, it can never be drowned; which ramparts make it next to impossible for even such as are gotten over the rivers to take the city. However, while Moses was uneasy at the army's lying idle, (for the enemies durst not come to a battle,) this accident happened: - Tharbis was the daughter of the king of the Ethiopians: she happened to see Moses as he led the army near the walls, and fought with great courage; and admiring the subtility of his undertakings, and believing him to be the author of the Egyptians' success, when they had before despaired of recovering their liberty, and to be the occasion of the great danger the Ethiopians were in, when they had before boasted of their great achievements, she fell deeply in love with him; and upon the prevalency of that passion, sent to him the most faithful of all her servants to discourse with him about their marriage. He thereupon accepted the offer, on condition she would procure the delivering up of the city; and gave her the assurance of an oath to take her to his wife; and that when he had once taken possession of the city, he would not break his oath to her. No sooner was the agreement made, but it took effect immediately; and when Moses had cut off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God, and consummated his marriage, and led the Egyptians back to their own land."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Fled Out Of Egypt Into Midian. </i><br>1. Now the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses, entertained a hatred to him, and were very eager in compassing their designs against him, as suspecting that he would take occasion, from his good success, to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into Egypt; and told the king he ought to be slain. The king had also some intentions of himself to the same purpose, and this as well out of envy at his glorious expedition at the head of his army, as out of fear of being brought low by him and being instigated by the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake to kill Moses: but when he had learned beforehand what plots there were against him, he went away privately; and because the public roads were watched, he took his flight through the deserts, and where his enemies could not suspect he would travel; and, though he was destitute of food, he went on, and despised that difficulty courageously; and when he came to the city Midian, which lay upon the Red Sea, and was so denominated from one of Abraham's sons by Keturah, he sat upon a certain well, and rested himself there after his laborious journey, and the affliction he had been in. It was not far from the city, and the time of the day was noon, where he had an occasion offered him by the custom of the country of doing what recommended his virtue, and afforded him an opportunity of bettering his circumstances.",
+                    "2. For that country having but little water, the shepherds used to seize on the wells before others came, lest their flocks should want water, and lest it should be spent by others before they came. There were now come, therefore, to this well seven sisters that were virgins, the daughters of Raguel, a priest, and one thought worthy by the people of the country of great honor. These virgins, who took care of their father's flocks, which sort of work it was customary and very familiar for women to do in the country of the Troglodytes, they came first of all, and drew water out of the well in a quantity sufficient for their flocks, into troughs, which were made for the reception of that water; but when the shepherds came upon the maidens, and drove them away, that they might have the command of the water themselves, Moses, thinking it would be a terrible reproach upon him if he overlooked the young women under unjust oppression, and should suffer the violence of the men to prevail over the right of the maidens, he drove away the men, who had a mind to more than their share, and afforded a proper assistance to the women; who, when they had received such a benefit from him, came to their father, and told him how they had been affronted by the shepherds, and assisted by a stranger, and entreated that he would not let this generous action be done in vain, nor go without a reward. Now the father took it well from his daughters that they were so desirous to reward their benefactor; and bid them bring Moses into his presence, that he might be rewarded as he deserved. And when Moses came, he told him what testimony his daughters bare to him, that he had assisted them; and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he said that Moses had bestowed such his assistance on persons not insensible of benefits, but where they were both able and willing to return the kindness, and even to exceed the measure of his generosity. So he made him his son, and gave him one of his daughters in marriage; and appointed him to be the guardian and superintendent over his cattle; for of old, all the wealth of the barbarians was in those cattle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Burning Bush And The Rod Of Moses. </i><br>1. Now Moses, when he had obtained the favor of Jethro, for that was one of the names of Raguel, staid there and fed his flock; but some time afterward, taking his station at the mountain called Sinai, he drove his flocks thither to feed them. Now this is the highest of all the mountains thereabout, and the best for pasturage, the herbage being there good; and it had not been before fed upon, because of the opinion men had that God dwelt there, the shepherds not daring to ascend up to it; and here it was that a wonderful prodigy happened to Moses; for a fire fed upon a thorn bush, yet did the green leaves and the flowers continue untouched, and the fire did not at all consume the fruit branches, although the flame was great and fierce. Moses was aftrighted at this strange sight, as it was to him; but he was still more astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and called to him by name, and spake words to him, by which it signified how bold he had been in venturing to come into a place whither no man had ever come before, because the place was divine; and advised him to remove a great way off from the flame, and to be contented with what he had seen; and though he were himself a good man, and the offspring of great men, yet that he should not pry any further; and he foretold to him, that he should have glory and honor among men, by the blessing of God upon him. He also commanded him to go away thence with confidence to Egypt, in order to his being the commander and conductor of the body of the Hebrews, and to his delivering his own people from the injuries they suffered there: \"For,\" said God, \"they shall inhabit this happy land which your forefather Abraham inhabited, and shall have the enjoyment of all good things.\" But still he enjoined them, when he brought the Hebrews out of the land of Egypt, to come to that place, and to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving there, Such were the divine oracles which were delivered out of the fire.",
+                    "2. But Moses was astonished at what he saw, and much more at what he heard; and he said, \"I think it would be an instance of too great madness, O Lord, for one of that regard I bear to thee, to distrust thy power, since I myself adore it, and know that it has been made manifest to my progenitors: but I am still in doubt how I, who am a private man, and one of no abilities, should either persuade my own countrymen to leave the country they now inhabit, and to follow me to a land whither I lead them; or, if they should be persuaded, how can I force Pharaoh to permit them to depart, since they augment their own wealth and prosperity by the labors and works they put upon them ?\"",
+                    "3. But God persuaded him to be courageous on all occasions, and promised to be with him, and to assist him in his words, when he was to persuade men; and in his deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He bid him also to take a signal of the truth of what he said, by throwing his rod upon the ground, which, when he had done, it crept along, and was become a serpent, and rolled itself round in its folds, and erected its head, as ready to revenge itself on such as should assault it; after which it become a rod again as it was before. After this God bid Moses to put his right hand into his bosom: he obeyed, and when he took it out it was white, and in color like to chalk, but afterward it returned to its wonted color again. He also, upon God's command, took some of the water that was near him, and poured it upon the ground, and saw the color was that of blood. Upon the wonder that Moses showed at these signs, God exhorted him to be of good courage, and to be assured that he would be the greatest support to him; and bid him make use of those signs, in order to obtain belief among all men, that \"thou art sent by me, and dost all things according to my commands. Accordingly I enjoin thee to make no more delays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to travel night and day, and not to draw out the time, and so make the slavery of the Hebrews and their sufferings to last the longer.\"",
+                    "4. Moses having now seen and heard these wonders that assured him of the truth of these promises of God, had no room left him to disbelieve them: he entreated him to grant him that power when he should be in Egypt; and besought him to vouchsafe him the knowledge of his own name; and since he had heard and seen him, that he would also tell him his name, that when he offered sacrifice he might invoke him by such his name in his oblations. Whereupon God declared to him his holy name, which had never been discovered to men before; concerning which it is not lawful for me to say any more (24) Now these signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but always when he prayed for them: of all which signs he attributed the firmest assent to the fire in the bush; and believing that God would be a gracious supporter to him, he hoped he should be able to deliver his own nation, and bring calamities on the Egyptians."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses And Aaron Returned Into Egypt To Pharaoh. </i><br>1. So Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt, for the benefit of his own people. And he took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Raguel, whom he had married, and the children he had by her, Gersom and Eleazer, and made haste into Egypt. Now the former of those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies that he was in a strange land; and Eleazer, that, by the assistance of the God of his fathers, he had escaped from the Egyptians. Now when they were near the borders, Aaron his brother, by the command of God, met him, to whom he declared what had befallen him at the mountain, and the commands that God had given him. But as they were going forward, the chief men among the Hebrews, having learned that they were coming, met them: to whom Moses declared the signs he had seen; and while they could not believe them, he made them see them, So they took courage at these surprising and unexpected sights, and hoped well of their entire deliverance, as believing now that God took care of their preservation.",
+                    "2. Since then Moses found that the Hebrews would be obedient to whatsoever he should direct, as they promised to be, and were in love with liberty, he came to the king, who had indeed but lately received the government, and told him how much he had done for the good of the Egyptians, when they were despised by the Ethiopians, and their country laid waste by them; and how he had been the commander of their forces, and had labored for them, as if they had been his own people and he informed him in what danger he had been during that expedition, without having any proper returns made him as he had deserved. He also informed him distinctly what things happened to him at Mount Sinai; and what God said to him; and the signs that were done by God, in order to assure him of the authority of those commands which he had given him. He also exhorted him not to disbelieve what he told him, nor to oppose the will of God.",
+                    "3. But when the king derided Moses; he made him in earnest see the signs that were done at Mount Sinai. Yet was the king very angry with him and called him an ill man, who had formerly run away from his Egyptian slavery, and came now back with deceitful tricks, and wonders, and magical arts, to astonish him. And when he had said this, he commanded the priests to let him see the same wonderful sights; as knowing that the Egyptians were skillful in this kind of learning, and that he was not the only person who knew them, and pretended them to be divine; as also he told him, that when he brought such wonderful sights before him, he would only be believed by the unlearned. Now when the priests threw down their rods, they became serpents. But Moses was not daunted at it; and said, \"O king, I do not myself despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I say that what I do is so much superior to what these do by magic arts and tricks, as Divine power exceeds the power of man: but I will demonstrate that what I do is not done by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really true, but that they appear by the providence and power of God.\" And when he had said this, he cast his rod down upon the ground, and commanded it to turn itself into a serpent. It obeyed him, and went all round, and devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed them all. It then returned to its own form, and Moses took it into his hand again.",
+                    "4. However, the king was no more moved when was done than before; and being very angry, he said that he should gain nothing by this his cunning and shrewdness against the Egyptians; - and he commanded him that was the chief taskmaster over the Hebrews, to give them no relaxation from their labors, but to compel them to submit to greater oppressions than before; and though he allowed them chaff before for making their bricks, he would allow it them no longer, but he made them to work hard at brick-making in the day-time, and to gather chaff in the night. Now when their labor was thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame upon Moses, because their labor and their misery were on his account become more severe to them. But Moses did not let his courage sink for the king's threatenings; nor did he abate of his zeal on account of the Hebrews' complaints; but he supported himself, and set his soul resolutely against them both, and used his own utmost diligence to procure liberty to his countrymen. So he went to the king, and persuaded him to let the Hebrews go to Mount Sinai, and there to sacrifice to God, because God had enjoined them so to do. He persuaded him also not to counterwork the designs of God, but to esteem his favor above all things, and to permit them to depart, lest, before he be aware, he lay an obstruction in the way of the Divine commands, and so occasion his own suffering such punishments as it was probable any one that counterworked the Divine commands should undergo, since the severest aff lictions arise from every object to those that provoke the Divine wrath against them; for such as these have neither the earth nor the air for their friends; nor are the fruits of the womb according to nature, but every thing is unfriendly and adverse towards them. He said further, that the Egyptians should know this by sad experience; and that besides, the Hebrew people should go out of their country without their consent."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Ten Plagues Which Came Upon The Egyptians. </i><br>1. But when the king despised the words of Moses, and had no regard at all to them, grievous plagues seized the Egyptians; every one of which I will describe, both because no such plagues did ever happen to any other nation as the Egyptians now felt, and because I would demonstrate that Moses did not fail in any one thing that he foretold them; and because it is for the good of mankind, that they may learn this caution - Not to do anything that may displease God, lest he be provoked to wrath, and avenge their iniquities upon them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody water at the command of God, insomuch that it could not be drunk, and they had no other spring of water neither; for the water was not only of the color of blood, but it brought upon those that ventured to drink of it, great pains and bitter torment. Such was the river to the Egyptians; but it was sweet and fit for drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different from what it naturally used to be. As the king therefore knew not what to do in these surprising circumstances, and was in fear for the Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go away; but when the plague ceased, he changed his mind again, end would not suffer them to go.",
+                    "2. But when God saw that he was ungrateful, and upon the ceasing of this calamity would not grow wiser, he sent another plague upon the Egyptians: - An innumerable multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of the ground; the river was also full of them, insomuch that those who drew water had it spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they died in, and were destroyed by, the water; and the country was full of filthy slime, as they were born, and as they died: they also spoiled their vessels in their houses which they used, and were found among what they eat and what they drank, and came in great numbers upon their beds. There was also an ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them, as they were born, and as they died therein. Now, when the Egyptians were under the oppression of these miseries, the king ordered Moses to take the Hebrews with him, and be gone. Upon which the whole multitude of the frogs vanished away; and both the land and the river returned to their former natures. But as soon as Pharaoh saw the land freed from this plague, he forgot the cause of it, and retained the Hebrews; and, as though he had a mind to try the nature of more such judgments, he would not yet suffer Moses and his people to depart, having granted that liberty rather out of fear than out of any good consideration. (35)",
+                    "3. Accordingly, God punished his falseness with another plague, added to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyptians an innumerable quantity of lice, by which, wicked as they were, they miserably perished, as not able to destroy this sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments. At which terrible judgment the king of Egypt was in disorder, upon the fear into which he reasoned himself, lest his people should be destroyed, and that the manner of this death was also reproachful, so that he was forced in part to recover himself from his wicked temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when the plague thereupon ceased, he thought it proper to require that they should leave their children and wives behind them, as pledges of their return; whereby he provoked God to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he thought to impose on his providence, and as if it were only Moses, and not God, who punished the Egyptians for the sake of the Hebrews: for he filled that country full of various sorts of pestilential creatures, with their various properties, such indeed as had never come into the sight of men before, by whose means the men perished themselves, and the land was destitute of husbandmen for its cultivation; but if any thing escaped destruction from them, it was killed by a distemper which the men underwent also.",
+                    "4. But when Pharaoh did not even then yield to the will of God, but, while he gave leave to the husbands to take their wives with them, yet insisted that the children should be left behind, God presently resolved to punish his wickedness with several sorts of calamities, and those worse than the foregoing, which yet had so generally afflicted them; for their bodies had terrible boils, breaking forth with blains, while they were already inwardly consumed; and a great part of the Egyptians perished in this manner. But when the king was not brought to reason by this plague, hail was sent down from heaven; and such hail it was, as the climate of Egypt had never suffered before, nor was it like to that which falls in other climates in winter time, (26) but was larger than that which falls in the middle of spring to those that dwell in the northern and north-western regions. This hail broke down their boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe of locusts consumed the seed which was not hurt by the hail; so that to the Egyptians all hopes of the future fruits of the ground were entirely lost.",
+                    "5. One would think the forementioned calamities might have been sufficient for one that was only foolish, without wickedness, to make him wise, and to make him Sensible what was for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so much by his folly as by his wickedness, even when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still contested with God, and willfully deserted the cause of virtue; so he bid Moses take the Hebrews away, with their wives and children, to leave their cattle behind, since their own cattle were destroyed. But when Moses said that what he desired was unjust, since they were obliged to offer sacrifices to God of those cattle, and the time being prolonged on this account, a thick darkness, without the least light, spread itself over the Egyptians, whereby their sight being obstructed, and their breathing hindered by the thickness of the air, they died miserably, and under a terror lest they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud. Besides this, when the darkness, after three days and as many nights, was dissipated, and when Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebrews go, Moses came to him and said, \"How long wilt thou be disobedient to the command of God? for he enjoins thee to let the Hebrews go; nor is there any other way of being freed from the calamities are under, unless you do so.\" But the king angry at what he said, and threatened to cut off his head if he came any more to trouble him these matters. Hereupon Moses said he not speak to him any more about them, for he himself, together with the principal men among the Egyptians, should desire the Hebrews away. So when Moses had said this, he his way.",
+                    "6. But when God had signified, that with one plague he would compel the Egyptians to let Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to tell the people that they should have a sacrifice ready, and they should prepare themselves on the tenth day of the month Xanthicus, against the fourteenth, (which month is called by the Egyptians Pharmuth, Nisan by the Hebrews; but the Macedonians call it Xanthicus,) and that he should carry the Hebrews with all they had. Accordingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for their departure, and having sorted the people into tribes, he kept them together in one place: but when the fourteenth day was come, and all were ready to depart they offered the sacrifice, and purified their houses with the blood, using bunches of hyssop for that purpose; and when they had supped, they burnt the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to depart. Whence it is that we do still offer this sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call this festival Pascha which signifies the feast of the passover; because on that day God passed us over, and sent the plague upon the Egyptians; for the destruction of the first-born came upon the Egyptians that night, so that many of the Egyptians who lived near the king's palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Moses, and bid them be gone; as supposing, that if once the Hebrews were gone out of the country, Egypt should be freed from its miseries. They also honored the Hebrews with gifts; (27) some, in order to get them to depart quickly, and others on account of their neighborhood, and the friendship they had with them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Under The Conduct Of Moses Left Egypt. </i><br>1. So the Hebrews went out of Egypt, while the Egyptians wept, and repented that they had treated them so hardly. - Now they took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that time deserted, but where Babylon was built afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt waste: but as they went away hastily, on the third day they came to a place called Beelzephon, on the Red Sea; and when they had no food out of the land, because it was a desert, they eat of loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed by a gentle heat; and this food they made use of for thirty days; for what they brought with them out of Egypt would not suffice them any longer time; and this only while they dispensed it to each person, to use so much only as would serve for necessity, but not for satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the want we were then in, we keep a feast for eight days, which is called the feast of unleavened bread. Now the entire multitude of those that went out, including the women and children, was not easy to be numbered, but those that were of an age fit for war, were six hundred thousand.",
+                    "2. They left Egypt in the month Xanthicus, on the fifteenth day of the lunar month; four hundred and thirty years after our forefather Abraham came into Canaan, but two hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob removed into Egypt. (28) It was the eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three more. They also carried out the bones of Joesph with them, as he had charged his sons to do.",
+                    "3. But the Egyptians soon repented that the Hebrews were gone; and the king also was mightily concerned that this had been procured by the magic arts of Moses; so they resolved to go after them. Accordingly they took their weapons, and other warlike furniture, and pursued after them, in order to bring them back, if once they overtook them, because they would now have no pretense to pray to God against them, since they had already been permitted to go out; and they thought they should easily overcome them, as they had no armor, and would be weary with their journey; so they made haste in their pursuit, and asked of every one they met which way they were gone. And indeed that land was difficult to be traveled over, not only by armies, but by single persons. Now Moses led the Hebrews this way, that in case the Egyptians should repent and be desirous to pursue after them, they might undergo the punishment of their wickedness, and of the breach of those promises they had made to them. As also he led them this way on account of the Philistines, who had quarreled with them, and hated them of old, that by all means they might not know of their departure, for their country is near to that of Egypt; and thence it was that Moses led them not along the road that tended to the land of the Philistines, but he was desirous that they should go through the desert, that so after a long journey, and after many afflictions, they might enter upon the land of Canaan. Another reason of this was, that God commanded him to bring the people to Mount Sinai, that there they might offer him sacrifices. Now when the Egyptians had overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to fight them, and by their multitude they drove them into a narrow place; for the number that pursued after them was six hundred chariots, with fifty thousand horsemen, and two hundred thousand foot-men, all armed. They also seized on the passages by which they imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting them up (29) between inaccessible precipices and the sea; for there was [on each side] a [ridge of] mountains that terminated at the sea, which were impassable by reason of their roughness, and obstructed their flight; wherefore they there pressed upon the Hebrews with their army, where [the ridges of] the mountains were closed with the sea; which army they placed at the chops of the mountains, that so they might deprive them of any passage into the plain.",
+                    "4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were neither able to bear up, being thus, as it were, besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor saw any possible way of escaping; and if they should have thought of fighting, they had no weapons; they expected a universal destruction, unless they delivered themselves up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame on Moses, and forgot all the signs that had been wrought by God for the recovery of their freedom; and this so far, that their incredulity prompted them to throw stones at the prophet, while he encouraged them and promised them deliverance; and they resolved that they would deliver themselves up to the Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamentation among the women and children, who had nothing but destruction before their eyes, while they were encompassed with mountains, the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no way of flying from them.",
+                    "5. But Moses, though the multitude looked fiercely at him, did not, however, give over the care of them, but despised all dangers, out of his trust in God, who, as he had afforded them the several steps already taken for the recovery of their liberty, which he had foretold them, would not now suffer them to be subdued by their enemies, to be either made slaves or be slain by them; and, standing in midst of them, he said, \"It is not just of us to distrust even men, when they have hitherto well managed our affairs, as if they would not be the same hereafter; but it is no better than madness, at this time to despair of the providence of God, by whose power all those things have been performed he promised, when you expected no such things: I mean all that I have been concerned in for deliverance and escape from slavery. Nay, when we are in the utmost distress, as you see we ought rather to hope that God will succor us, by whose operation it is that we are now this narrow place, that he may out of such difficulties as are otherwise insurmountable and out of which neither you nor your enemies expect you can be delivered, and may at once demonstrate his own power and his providence over us. Nor does God use to give his help in small difficulties to those whom he favors, but in such cases where no one can see how any hope in man can better their condition. Depend, therefore, upon such a Protector as is able to make small things great, and to show that this mighty force against you is nothing but weakness, and be not affrighted at the Egyptian army, nor do you despair of being preserved, because the sea before, and the mountains behind, afford you no opportunity for flying, for even these mountains, if God so please, may be made plain ground for you, and the sea become dry land.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Sea Was Divided Asunder For The Hebrews, When They Were Pursued By The Egyptians, And So Gave Them An Opportunity Of Escaping From Them. </i><br>1. When Moses had said this, he led them to the sea, while the Egyptians looked on; for they were within sight. Now these were so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that they thought proper to put off fighting till the next day. But when Moses was come to the sea-shore, he took his rod, and made supplication to God, and called upon him to be their helper and assistant; and said \"Thou art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond human strength and human contrivance to avoid the difficulties we are now under; but it must be thy work altogether to procure deliverance to this army, which has left Egypt at thy appointment. We despair of any other assistance or contrivance, and have recourse only to that hope we have in thee; and if there be any method that can promise us an escape by thy providence, we look up to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and manifest thy power to us; and do thou raise up this people unto good courage and hope of deliverance, who are deeply sunk into a disconsolate state of mind. We are in a helpless place, but still it is a place that thou possessest; still the sea is thine, the mountains also that enclose us are thine; so that these mountains will open themselves if thou commandest them, and the sea also, if thou commandest it, will become dry land. Nay, we might escape by a flight through the air, if thou shouldst determine we should have that way of salvation.\"",
+                    "2. When Moses had thus addressed himself to God, he smote the sea with his rod, which parted asunder at the stroke, and receiving those waters into itself, left the ground dry, as a road and a place of flight for the Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this appearance of God, and that the sea went out of its own place, and left dry land, he went first of all into it, and bid the Hebrews to follow him along that divine road, and to rejoice at the danger their enemies that followed them were in; and gave thanks to God for this so surprising a deliverance which appeared from him.",
+                    "3. Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God's presence with them, the Egyptians supposed first that they were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest destruction. But when they saw that they were going a great way without any harm, and that no obstacle or difficulty fell in their journey, they made haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse foremost, and went down themselves into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while these were putting on their armor, and therein spending their time, were beforehand with them, and escaped them, and got first over to the land on the other side without any hurt. Whence the others were encouraged, and more courageously pursued them, as hoping no harm would come to them neither: but the Egyptians were not aware that they went into a road made for the Hebrews, and not for others; that this road was made for the deliverance of those in danger, but not for those that were earnest to make use of it for the others' destruction. As soon, therefore, as ever the whole Egyptian army was within it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came down with a torrent raised by storms of wind, (30) and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers of rain also came down from the sky, and dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes of fire. Thunderbolts also were darted upon them. Nor was there any thing which used to be sent by God upon men, as indications of his wrath, which did not happen at this time, for a dark and dismal night oppressed them. And thus did all these men perish, so that there was not one man left to be a messenger of this calamity to the rest of the Egyptians.",
+                    "4. But the Hebrews were not able to contain themselves for joy at their wonderful deliverance, and destruction of their enemies; now indeed supposing themselves firmly delivered, when those that would have forced them into slavery were destroyed, and when they found they had God so evidently for their protector. And now these Hebrews having escaped the danger they were in, after this manner, and besides that, seeing their enemies punished in such a way as is never recorded of any other men whomsoever, were all the night employed in singing of hymns, and in mirth. (31) Moses also composed a song unto God, containing his praises, and a thanksgiving for his kindness, in hexameter verse. (32)",
+                    "5. As for myself, I have delivered every part of this history as I found it in the sacred books; nor let any one wonder at the strangeness of the narration if a way were discovered to those men of old time, who were free from the wickedness of the modern ages, whether it happened by the will of God or whether it happened of its own accord; - while, for the sake of those that accompanied Alexander, king of Macedonia, who yet lived, comparatively but a little while ago, the Pamphylian Sea retired and afforded them a passage (33) through itself, had no other way to go; I mean, when it was the will of God to destroy the monarchy of the Persians: and this is confessed to be true by all that have written about the actions of Alexander. But as to these events, let every one determine as he pleases.",
+                    "6. On the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the Egyptians, which were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the current of the sea, and the force of the winds resisting it; and he conjectured that this also happened by Divine Providence, that so they might not be destitute of weapons. So when he had ordered the Hebrews to arm themselves with them, he led them to Mount Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses When He Had Brought The People Out Of Egypt Led Them To Mount Sinai; But Not Till They Had Suffered Much In Their Journey. </i><br>1. When the Hebrews had obtained such a wonderful deliverance, the country was a great trouble to them, for it was entirely a desert, and without sustenance for them; and also had exceeding little water, so that it not only was not at all sufficient for the men, but not enough to feed any of the cattle, for it was parched up, and had no moisture that might afford nutriment to the vegetables; so they were forced to travel over this country, as having no other country but this to travel in. They had indeed carried water along with them from the land over which they had traveled before, as their conductor had bidden them; but when that was spent, they were obliged to draw water out of wells, with pain, by reason of the hardness of the soil. Moreover, what water they found was bitter, and not fit for drinking, and this in small quantities also; and as they thus traveled, they came late in the evening to a place called Marah, (1) which had that name from the badness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness. Thither they came afflicted both by the tediousness of their journey, and by their want of food, for it entirely failed them at that time. Now here was a well, which made them choose to stay in the place, which, although it were not sufficient to satisfy so great an army, did yet afford them some comfort, as found in such desert places; for they heard from those who had been to search, that there was nothing to be found, if they traveled on farther. Yet was this water bitter, and not fit for men to drink; and not only so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle themselves.",
+                    "2. When Moses saw how much the people were cast down, and that the occasion of it could not be contradicted, for the people were not in the nature of a complete army of men, who might oppose a manly fortitude to the necessity that distressed them; the multitude of the children, and of the women also, being of too weak capacities to be persuaded by reason, blunted the courage of the men themselves, - he was therefore in great difficulties, and made everybody's calamity his own; for they ran all of them to him, and begged of him; the women begged for their infants, and the men for the women, that he would not overlook them, but procure some way or other for their deliverance. He therefore betook himself to prayer to God, that he would change the water from its present badness, and make it fit for drinking. And when God had granted him that favor, he took the top of a stick that lay down at his feet, and divided it in the middle, and made the section lengthways. He then let it down into the well, and persuaded the Hebrews that God had hearkened to his prayers, and had promised to render the water such as they desired it to be, in case they would be subservient to him in what he should enjoin them to do, and this not after a remiss or negligent manner. And when they asked what they were to do in order to have the water changed for the better, he bid the strongest men among them that stood there, to draw up water (2) and told them, that when the greatest part was drawn up, the remainder would be fit to drink. So they labored at it till the water was so agitated and purged as to be fit to drink.",
+                    "3. And now removing from thence they came to Elim; which place looked well at a distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees; but when they came near to it, it appeared to be a bad place, for the palm-trees were no more than seventy; and they were ill-grown and creeping trees, by the want of water, for the country about was all parched, and no moisture sufficient to water them, and make them hopeful and useful, was derived to them from the fountains, which were in number twelve: they were rather a few moist places than springs, which not breaking out of the ground, nor running over, could not sufficiently water the trees. And when they dug into the sand, they met with no water; and if they took a few drops of it into their hands, they found it to be useless, on account of its mud. The trees were too weak to bear fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished and enlivened by the water. So they laid the blame on their conductor, and made heavy complaints against him; and said that this their miserable state, and the experience they had of adversity, were owing to him; for that they had then journeyed an entire thirty days, and had spent all the provisions they had brought with them; and meeting with no relief, they were in a very desponding condition. And by fixing their attention upon nothing but their present misfortunes, they were hindered from remembering what deliverances they had received from God, and those by the virtue and wisdom of Moses also; so they were very angry at their conductor, and were zealous in their attempt to stone him, as the direct occasion of their present miseries.",
+                    "4. But as for Moses himself, while the multitude were irritated and bitterly set against him, he cheerfully relied upon God, and upon his consciousness of the care he had taken of these his own people; and he came into the midst of them, even while they clamored against him, and had stones in their hands in order to despatch him. Now he was of an agreeable presence, and very able to persuade the people by his speeches; accordingly he began to mitigate their anger, and exhorted them not to be over-mindful of their present adversities, lest they should thereby suffer the benefits that had formerly been bestowed on them to slip out of their memories; and he desired them by no means, on account of their present uneasiness, to cast those great and wonderful favors and gifts, which they had obtained of God, out of their minds, but to expect deliverance out of those their present troubles which they could not free themselves from, and this by the means of that Divine Providence which watched over them. Seeing it is probable that God tries their virtue, and exercises their patience by these adversities, that it may appear what fortitude they have, and what memory they retain of his former wonderful works in their favor, and whether they will not think of them upon occasion of the miseries they now feel. He told them, it appeared they were not really good men, either in patience, or in remembering what had been successfully done for them, sometimes by contemning God and his commands, when by those commands they left the land of Egypt; and sometimes by behaving themselves ill towards him who was the servant of God, and this when he had never deceived them, either in what he said, or had ordered them to do by God's command. He also put them in mind of all that had passed; how the Egyptians were destroyed when they attempted to detain them, contrary to the command of God; and after what manner the very same river was to the others bloody, and not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet, and fit for drinking; and how they went a new road through the sea, which fled a long way from them, by which very means they were themselves preserved, but saw their enemies destroyed; and that when they were in want of weapons, God gave them plenty of them; - and so he recounted all the particular instances, how when they were, in appearance, just going to be destroyed, God had saved them in a surprising manner; and that he had still the same power; and that they ought not even now to despair of his providence over them; and accordingly he exhorted them to continue quiet, and to consider that help would not come too late, though it come not immediately, if it be present with them before they suffer any great misfortune; that they ought to reason thus: that God delays to assist them, not because he has no regard to them, but because he will first try their fortitude, and the pleasure they take in their freedom, that he may learn whether you have souls great enough to bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on its account; or whether you rather love to be slaves, as cattle are slaves to such as own them, and feed them liberally, but only in order to make them more useful in their service. That as for himself, he shall not be so much concerned for his own preservation; for if he die unjustly, he shall not reckon it any affliction, but that he is concerned for them, lest, by casting stones at him, they should be thought to condemn God himself.",
+                    "5. By this means Moses pacified the people, and restrained them from stoning him, and brought them to repent of what they were going to do. And because he thought the necessity they were under made their passion less unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply himself to God by prayer and supplication; and going up to an eminence, he requested of God for some succor for the people, and some way of deliverance from the want they were in, because in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation; and he desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the people to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to please, and very complaining under adversities. Accordingly God promised he would take care of them, and afford them the succor they were desirous of. Now when Moses had heard this from God, he came down to the multitude. But as soon as they saw him joyful at the promises he had received from God, they changed their sad countenances into gladness. So he placed himself in the midst of them, and told them he came to bring them from God a deliverance from their present distresses. Accordingly a little after came a vast number of quails, which is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian Gulf than any where else, flying over the sea, and hovered over them, till wearied with their laborious flight, and, indeed, as usual, flying very near to the earth, they fell down upon the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied their hunger with them, and supposed that this was the method whereby God meant to supply them with food. Upon which Moses returned thanks to God for affording them his assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he had promised them.",
+                    "6. But presently after this first supply of food, he sent them a second; for as Moses was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell down; and Moses, when he found it stick to his hands, supposed this was also come for food from God to them. He tasted it; and perceiving that the people knew not what it was, and thought it snowed, and that it was what usually fell at that time of the year, he informed them that this dew did not fall from heaven after the manner they imagined, but came for their preservation and sustenance. So he tasted it, and gave them some of it, that they might be satisfied about what he told them. They also imitated their conductor, and were pleased with the food, for it was like honey in sweetness and pleasant taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of the sweet spices, and in bigness equal to coriander seed. And very earnest they were in gathering it; but they were enjoined to gather it equally (3) - the measure of an omer for each one every day, because this food should not come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker might not be able to get their share, by reason of the overbearing of the strong in collecting it. However, these strong men, when they had gathered more than the measure appointed for them, had no more than others, but only tired themselves more in gathering it, for they found no more than an omer apiece; and the advantage they got by what was superfluous was none at all, it corrupting, both by the worms breeding in it, and by its bitterness. So divine and wonderful a food was this! It also supplied the want of other sorts of food to those that fed on it. And even now, in all that place, this manna comes down in rain, (4) according to what Moses then obtained of God, to send it to the people for their sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food manna: for the particle man, in our language, is the asking of a question. What is this ? So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was sent them from heaven. Now they made use of this food for forty years, or as long as they were in the wilderness.",
+                    "7. As soon as they were removed thence, they came to Rephidim, being distressed to the last degree by thirst; and while in the foregoing days they had lit on a few small fountains, but now found the earth entirely destitute of water, they were in an evil case. They again turned their anger against Moses; but he at first avoided the fury of the multitude, and then betook himself to prayer to God, beseeching him, that as he had given them food when they were in the greatest want of it, so he would give them drink, since the favor of giving them food was of no value to them while they had nothing to drink. And God did not long delay to give it them, but promised Moses that he would procure them a fountain, and plenty of water, from a place they did not expect any. So he commanded him to smite the rock which they saw lying there, (5) with his rod, and out of it to receive plenty of what they wanted; for he had taken care that drink should come to them without any labor or pains-taking. When Moses had received this command from God, he came to the people, who waited for him, and looked upon him, for they saw already that he was coming apace from his eminence. As soon as he was come, he told them that God would deliver them from their present distress, and had granted them an unexpected favor; and informed them, that a river should run for their sakes out of the rock. But they were amazed at that hearing, supposing they were of necessity to cut the rock in pieces, now they were distressed by their thirst and by their journey; while Moses only smiting the rock with his rod, opened a passage, and out of it burst water, and that in great abundance, and very clear. But they were astonished at this wonderful effect; and, as it were, quenched their thirst by the very sight of it. So they drank this pleasant, this sweet water; and such it seemed to be, as might well be expected where God was the donor. They were also in admiration how Moses was honored by God; and they made grateful returns of sacrifices to God for his providence towards them. Now that Scripture, which is laid up in the temple, (6) informs us, how God foretold to Moses, that water timid in this manner be derived out of the rock.'"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Amalekites And The Neighbouring Nations, Made War With The Hebrews And Were Beaten And Lost A Great Part Of Their Army. </i><br>1. The name of the Hebrews began already to be every where renowned, and rumors about them ran abroad. This made the inhabitants of those countries to be in no small fear. Accordingly they sent ambassadors to one another, and exhorted one another to defend themselves, and to endeavor to destroy these men. Those that induced the rest to do so, were such as inhabited Gobolitis and Petra. They were called Amalekites, and were the most warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted one another, and their neighbors, to go to this war against the Hebrews; telling them that an army of strangers, and such a one as had run away from slavery under the Egyptians, lay in wait to ruin them; which army they were not, in common prudence and regard to their own safety, to overlook, but to crush them before they gather strength, and come to be in prosperity: and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as presuming upon our indolence in not attacking them before; and that we ought to avenge ourselves of them for what they have done in the wilderness, but that this cannot be so well done when they have once laid their hands on our cities and our goods: that those who endeavor to crush a power in its first rise, are wiser than those that endeavor to put a stop to its progress when it is become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the flourishing of others, but the former do not leave any room for their enemies to become troublesome to them. After they had sent such embassages to the neighboring nations, and among one another, they resolved to attack the Hebrews in battle.",
+                    "2. These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned perplexity and trouble to Moses, who expected no such warlike preparations. And when these nations were ready to fight, and the multitude of the Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of war, they were in a mighty disorder, and in want of all necessaries, and yet were to make war with men who were thoroughly well prepared for it. Then therefore it was that Moses began to encourage them, and to exhort them to have a good heart, and rely on God's assistance by which they had been state of freedom and to hope for victory over those who were ready to fight with them, in order to deprive them of that blessing: that they were to suppose their own army to be numerous, wanting nothing, neither weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor such other conveniences as, when men are in possession of, they fight undauntedly; and that they are to judge themselves to have all these advantages in the Divine assistance. They are also to suppose the enemy's army to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as want those conveniences which they know must be wanted, when it is God's will that they shall be beaten; and how valuable God's assistance is, they had experienced in abundance of trials; and those such as were more terrible than war, for that is only against men; but these were against famine and thirst, things indeed that are in their own nature insuperable; as also against mountains, and that sea which afforded them no way for escaping; yet had all these difficulties been conquered by God's gracious kindness to them. So he exhorted them to be courageous at this time, and to look upon their entire prosperity to depend on the present conquest of their enemies.",
+                    "3. And with these words did Moses encourage the multitude, who then called together the princes of their tribes, and their chief men, both separately and conjointly. The young men he charged to obey their elders, and the elders to hearken to their leader. So the people were elevated in their minds, and ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped to be thereby at length delivered from all their miseries: nay, they desired that Moses would immediately lead them against their enemies without the least delay, that no backwardness might be a hindrance to their present resolution. So Moses sorted all that were fit for war into different troops, and set Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, over them; one that was of great courage, and patient to undergo labors; of great abilities to understand, and to speak what was proper; and very serious in the worship of God; and indeed made like another Moses, a teacher of piety towards God. He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the water, and to take care of the children, and the women, and of the entire camp. So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses called for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds such a one as a his reputation made men expect from him; and to gain glory by the present expedition, in the opinion of those under him, for his exploits in this battle. He also gave a particular exhortation to the principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before him. And when he had thus animated the army, both by his words and works, and prepared every thing, he retired to a mountain, and committed the army to God and to Joshua.",
+                    "4. So the armies joined battle; and it came to a close fight, hand to hand, both sides showing great alacrity, and encouraging one another. And indeed while Moses stretched out his hand towards heaven (7) the Hebrews were too hard for the Amalekites: but Moses not being able to sustain his hands thus stretched out, (for as often as he let down his hands, so often were his own people worsted,) he bade his brother Aaron, and Hur their sister Miriam's husband, to stand on each side of him, and take hold of his hands, and not permit his weariness to prevent it, but to assist him in the extension of his hands. When this was done, the Hebrews conquered the Amalekites by main force; and indeed they had all perished, unless the approach of the night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from killing any more. So our forefathers obtained a most signal and most seasonable victory; for they not only overcame those that fought against them, but terrified also the neighboring nations, and got great and splendid advantages, which they obtained of their enemies by their hard pains in this battle: for when they had taken the enemy's camp, they got ready booty for the public, and for their own private families, whereas till then they had not any sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The forementioned battle, when they had once got it, was also the occasion of their prosperity, not only for the present, but for the future ages also; for they not only made slaves of the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their minds also, and after this battle, became terrible to all that dwelt round about them. Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of riches; for a great deal of silver and gold was left in the enemy's camp; as also brazen vessels, which they made common use of in their families; many utensils also that were embroidered there were of both sorts, that is, of what were weaved, and what were the ornaments of their armor, and other things that served for use in the family, and for the furniture of their rooms; they got also the prey of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to follow camps, when they remove from one place to another. So the Hebrews now valued themselves upon their courage, and claimed great merit for their valor; and they perpetually inured themselves to take pains, by which they deemed every difficulty might be surmounted. Such were the consequences of this battle.",
+                    "5. On the next day, Moses stripped the dead bodies of their enemies, and gathered together the armor of those that were fled, and gave rewards to such as had signalized themselves in the action; and highly commended Joshua, their general, who was attested to by all the army, on account of the great actions he had done. Nor was any one of the Hebrews slain; but the slain of the enemy's army were too many to be enumerated. So Moses offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and built an altar, which he named The Lord the Conqueror. He also foretold that the Amalekites should utterly be destroyed; and that hereafter none of them should remain, because they fought against the Hebrews, and this when they were in the wilderness, and in their distress also. Moreover, he refreshed the army with feasting. And thus did they fight this first battle with those that ventured to oppose them, after they were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses had celebrated this festival for the victory, he permitted the Hebrews to rest for a few days, and then he brought them out after the fight, in order of battle; for they had now many soldiers in light armor. And going gradually on, he came to Mount Sinai, in three months' time after they were removed out of Egypt; at which mountain, as we have before related, the vision of the bush, and the other wonderful appearances, had happened."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Moses Kindly Received-His Father-In-Law, Jethro, When He Came To Him To Mount Sinai. </i><br>Now when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law, understood in what a prosperous condition his affairs were, he willingly came to meet him. And Moses and his children, and pleased himself with his coming. And when he had offered sacrifice, he made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush he had formerly seen; which multitude, every one according to their families, partook of the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to Him who had been the author procurer of their deliverance and their freedom. They also praised their conductor, as him by whose virtue it was that all things had succeeded with them. Raguel also, in his eucharistical oration to Moses, made great encomiums upon the whole multitude; and he could not but admire Moses for his fortitude, and that humanity he had shewn in the delivery of his friends. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Raguel Suggested To Moses To Set His People In Order, Under Their Rulers Of Thousands, And Rulers Of Hundreds, Who Lived Without Order Before; And How Moses Complied In All Things With His Father-In-Law's Admonition. </i><br>1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in the of a crowd of business for he determined the differences of those that referred them to him, every one still going to him, and supposing that they should then only obtain justice, if he were the arbitrator; and those that lost their causes thought it no harm, while they thought they lost them justly, and not by partiality. Raguel however said nothing to him at that time, as not desirous to be any hinderance to such as had a mind to make use of the virtue of their conductor. But afterward he took him to himself, and when he had him alone, he instructed him in what he ought to do; and advised him to leave the trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself to take care of the greater, and of the people's safety, for that certain others of the Hebrews might be found that were fit to determine causes, but that nobody but a Moses could take of the safety of so many ten thousands. \"Be therefore,\" says he, \"insensible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast done by ministering under God to the people's preservation. Permit, therefore, the determination of common causes to be done by others, but do thou reserve thyself to the attendance on God only, and look out for methods of preserving the multitude from their present distress. Make use of the method I suggest to you, as to human affairs; and take a review of the army, and appoint chosen rulers over tens of thousands, and then over thousands; then divide them into five hundreds, and again into hundreds, and into fifties; and set rulers over each of them, who may distinguish them into thirties, and keep them in order; and at last number them by twenties and by tens: and let there be one commander over each number, to be denominated from the number of those over whom they are rulers, but such as the whole multitude have tried, and do approve of, as being good and righteous men; (8) and let those rulers decide the controversies they have one with another. But if any great cause arise, let them bring the cognizance of it before the rulers of a higher dignity; but if any great difficulty arise that is too hard for even their determination, let them send it to thee. By these means two advantages will be gained; the Hebrews will have justice done them, and thou wilt be able to attend constantly on God, and procure him to be more favorable to the people.\"",
+                    "2. This was the admonition of Raguel; and Moses received his advice very kindly, and acted according to his suggestion. Nor did he conceal the invention of this method, nor pretend to it himself, but informed the multitude who it was that invented it: nay, he has named Raguel in the books he wrote, as the person who invented this ordering of the people, as thinking it right to give a true testimony to worthy persons, although he might have gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions of other men; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses: but of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak in other places of these books."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Ascended Up To Mount Sinai, And Received Laws From God, And Delivered Them To The Hebrews. </i><br>1. Now Moses called the multitude together, and told them that he was going from them unto mount Sinai to converse with God; to receive from him, and to bring back with him, a certain oracle; but he enjoined them to pitch their tents near the mountain, and prefer the habitation that was nearest to God, before one more remote. When he had said this, he ascended up to Mount Sinai, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in that country (9) and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men, on account of its vast altitude, but because of the sharpness of its precipices also; nay, indeed, it cannot be looked at without pain of the eyes: and besides this, it was terrible and inaccessible, on account of the rumor that passed about, that God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed their tents as Moses had bidden them, and took possession of the lowest parts of the mountain; and were elevated in their minds, in expectation that Moses would return from God with promises of the good things he had proposed to them. So they feasted and waited for their conductor, and kept themselves pure as in other respects, and not accompanying with their wives for three days, as he had before ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would favorably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and bestow some such gift upon them by which they might live well. They also lived more plentifully as to their diet; and put on their wives and children more ornamental and decent clothing than they usually wore.",
+                    "2. So they passed two days in this way of feasting; but on the third day, before the sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as none had before seen, and encompassed the place where they had pitched their tents; and while all the rest of the air was clear, there came strong winds, that raised up large showers of rain, which became a mighty tempest. There was also such lightning, as was terrible to those that saw it; and thunder, with its thunderbolts, were sent down, and declared God to be there present in a gracious way to such as Moses desired he should be gracious. Now, as to these matters, every one of my readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a necessity of relating this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sound that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious degree, for they were not such as they were accustomed to; and then the rumor that was spread abroad, how God frequented that mountain, greatly astonished their minds, so they sorrowfully contained themselves within their tents, as both supposing Moses to be destroyed by the Divine wrath, and expecting the like destruction for themselves.",
+                    "3. When they were under these apprehensions, Moses appeared as joyful and greatly exalted. When they saw him, they were freed from their fear, and admitted of more comfortable hopes as to what was to come. The air also was become clear and pure of its former disorders, upon the appearance of Moses; whereupon he called together the people to a congregation, in order to their hearing what God would say to them: and when they were gathered together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him, and said, \"God has received me graciously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done; and has suggested a happy method of living for you, and an order of political government, and is now present in the camp: I therefore charge you, for his sake and the sake of his works, and what we have done by his means, that you do not put a low value on what I am going to say, because the commands have been given by me that now deliver them to you, nor because it is the tongue of a man that delivers them to you; but if you have a due regard to the great importance of the things themselves, you will understand the greatness of Him whose institutions they are, and who has not disdained to communicate them to me for our common advantage; for it is not to be supposed that the author of these institutions is barely Moses, the son of Amram and Jochebed, but He who obliged the Nile to run bloody for your sakes, and tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by various sorts of judgments; he who provided a way through the sea fo r us; he who contrived a method of sending us food from heaven, when we were distressed for want of it; he who made the water to issue out of a rock, when we had very little of it before; he by whose means Adam was made to partake of the fruits both of the land and of the sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the deluge; he by whose means our forefather Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made the heir of the land of Canaan; he by whose means Isaac was born of parents that were very old; he by whose means Jacob was adorned with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose means Joseph became a potent lord over the Egyptians; he it is who conveys these instructions to you by me as his interpreter. And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them, you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete, as nature requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies for I have been admitted into the presence of God and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his concern for your nation, and its duration.\"",
+                    "4. When he had said this, he brought the people, with their wives and children, so near the mountain, that they might hear God himself speaking to them about the precepts which they were to practice; that the energy of what should be spoken might not be hurt by its utterance by that tongue of a man, which could but imperfectly deliver it to their understanding. And they all heard a voice that came to all of them from above, insomuch that no one of these words escaped them, which Moses wrote on two tables; which it is not lawful for us to set down directly, but their import we will declare (10)",
+                    "5. The first commandment teaches us that there is but one God, and that we ought to worship him only. The second commands us not to make the image of any living creature to worship it. The third, that we must not swear by God in a false matter. The fourth, that we must keep the seventh day, by resting from all sorts of work. The fifth, that we must honor our parents. The sixth that we must abstain from murder. The seventh that we must not commit adultery. The eighth, that we must not be guilty of theft. The ninth, that we must not bear false witness. The tenth, that we must not admit of the desire of any thing that is another's.",
+                    "6. Now when the multitude had heard God himself giving those precepts which Moses had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was said; and the congregation was dissolved: but on the following days they came to his tent, and desired him to bring them, besides, other laws from God. Accordingly he appointed such laws, and afterwards informed them in what manner they should act in all cases; which laws I shall make mention of in their proper time; but I shall reserve most of those laws for another work, (11) and make there a distinct explication of them.",
+                    "7. When matters were brought to this state, Moses went up again to Mount Sinai, of which he had told them beforehand. He made his ascent in their sight; and while he staid there so long a time, (for he was absent from them forty days,) fear seized upon the Hebrews, lest Moses should have come to any harm; nor was there any thing else so sad, and that so much troubled them, as this supposal that Moses was perished. Now there was a variety in their sentiments about it; some saying that he was fallen among wild beasts; and those that were of this opinion were chiefly such as were ill-disposed to him; but others said that he was departed, and gone to God; but the wiser sort were led by their reason to embrace neither of those opinions with any satisfaction, thinking, that as it was a thing that sometimes happens to men to fall among wild beasts and perish that way, so it was probable enough that he might depart and go to God, on account of his virtue; they therefore were quiet, and expected the event: yet were they exceeding sorry upon the supposal that they were deprived of a governor and a protector, such a one indeed as they could never recover again; nor would this suspicion give them leave to expect any comfortable event about this man, nor could they prevent their trouble and melancholy upon this occasion. However, the camp durst not remove all this while, because Moses had bidden them afore to stay there.",
+                    "8. But when the forty days, and as many nights, were over, Moses came down, having tasted nothing of food usually appointed for the nourishment of men. His appearance filled the army with gladness, and he declared to them what care God had of them, and by what manner of conduct of their lives they might live happily; telling them, that during these days of his absence he had suggested to him also that he would have a tabernacle built for him, into which he would descend when he came to them, and how we should carry it about with us when we remove from this place; and that there would be no longer any occasion for going up to Mount Sinai, but that he would himself come and pitch his tabernacle amongst us, and be present at our prayers; as also, that the tabernacle should be of such measures and construction as he had shown him, and that you are to fall to the work, and prosecute it diligently. When he had said this, he showed them the two tables, with the ten commandments engraven upon them, five upon each table; and the writing was by the hand of God."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tabernacle Which Moses Built In The Wilderness For The Honor Of God And Which Seemed To Be A Temple. </i><br>1. Hereupon the Israelites rejoiced at what they had seen and heard of their conductor, and were not wanting in diligence according to their ability; for they brought silver, and gold, and brass, and of the best sorts of wood, and such as would not at all decay by putrefaction; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins, some of them dyed of a blue color, and some of a scarlet; some brought the flower for the purple color, and others for white, with wool dyed by the flowers aforementioned; and fine linen and precious stones, which those that use costly ornaments set in ouches of gold; they brought also a great quantity of spices; for of these materials did Moses build the tabernacle, which did not at all differ from a movable and ambulatory temple. Now when these things were brought together with great diligence, (for every one was ambitious to further the work even beyond their ability,) he set architects over the works, and this by the command of God; and indeed the very same which the people themselves would have chosen, had the election been allowed to them. Now their names are set down in writing in the sacred books; and they were these: Besaleel, the son of Uri, of the tribe of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister of their conductor and Aholiab, file son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan. Now the people went on with what they had undertaken with so great alacrity, that Moses was obliged to restrain them, by making proclamation, that what had been brought was sufficient, as the artificers had informed him; so they fell to work upon the building of the tabernacle. Moses also informed them, according to the direction of God, both what the measures were to be, and its largeness; and how many vessels it ought to contain for the use of the sacrifices. The women also were ambitious to do their parts, about the garments of the priests, and about other things that would be wanted in this work, both for ornament and for the divine service itself.",
+                    "2. Now when all things were prepared, the gold, and the silver, and the brass, and what was woven, Moses, when he had appointed beforehand that there should be a festival, and that sacrifices should be offered according to every one's ability, reared up the tabernacle (12) and when he had measured the open court, fifty cubits broad and a hundred long, he set up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on each of the longer sides, and ten pillars for the breadth behind; every one of the pillars also had a ring. Their chapiters were of silver, but their bases were of brass: they resembled the sharp ends of spears, and were of brass, fixed into the ground. Cords were also put through the rings, and were tied at their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit long, which, at every pillar, were driven into the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from being shaken by the violence of winds; but a curtain of fine soft linen went round all the pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose manner from their chapiters, and enclosed the whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to a wall about it. And this was the structure of three of the sides of this enclosure; but as for the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in extent, and was the front of the whole, twenty cubits of it were for the opening of the gates, wherein stood two pillars on each side, after the resemblance of open gates. These were made wholly of silver, and polished, and that all over, excepting the bases, which were of brass. Now on each side of the gates there stood three pillars, which were inserted into the concave bases of the gates, and were suited to them; and round them was drawn a curtain of fine linen; but to the gates themselves, which were twenty cubits in extent, and five in height, the curtain was composed of purple, and scarlet, and blue, and fine linen, and embroidered with many and divers sorts of figures, excepting the figures of animals. Within these gates was the brazen laver for purification, having a basin beneath of the like matter, whence the priests might wash their hands and sprinkle their feet; and this was the ornamental construction of the enclosure about the court of the tabernacle, which was exposed to the open air.",
+                    "3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed it in the middle of that court, with its front to the east, that, when the sun arose, it might send its first rays upon it. Its length, when it was set up, was thirty cubits, and its breadth was twelve [ten] cubits. The one of its walls was on the south, and the other was exposed to the north, and on the back part of it remained the west. It was necessary that its height should be equal to its breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars made of wood, twenty on each side; they were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in breadth a cubit and a half, but the thickness was four fingers: they had thin plates of gold affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and outwardly: they had each of them two tenons belonging to them, inserted into their bases, and these were of silver, in each of which bases there was a socket to receive the tenon; but the pillars on the west wall were six. Now all these tenons and sockets accurately fitted one another, insomuch that the joints were invisible, and both seemed to be one entire and united wall. It was also covered with gold, both within and without. The number of pillars was equal on the opposite sides, and there were on each part twenty, and every one of them had the third part of a span in thickness; so that the number of thirty cubits were fully made up between them; but as to the wall behind, where the six pillars made up together only nine cubits, they made two other pillars, and cut them out of one cubit, which they placed in the corners, and made them equally fine with the other. Now every one of the pillars had rings of gold affixed to their fronts outward, as if they had taken root in the pillars, and stood one row over against another round about, through which were inserted bars gilt over with gold, each of them five cubits long, and these bound together the pillars, the head of one bar running into another, after the nature of one tenon inserted into another; but for the wall behind, there was but one row of bars that went through all the pillars, into which row ran the ends of the bars on each side of the longer walls; the male with its female being so fastened in their joints, that they held the whole firmly together; and for this reason was all this joined so fast together, that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either by the winds, or by any other means, but that it might preserve itself quiet and immovable continually.",
+                    "4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length into three partitions. At the distance of ten cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed four pillars, the workmanship of which was the very same with that of the rest; and they stood upon the like bases with them, each a small matter distant from his fellow. Now the room within those pillars was the most holy place; but the rest of the room was the tabernacle, which was open for the priests. However, this proportion of the measures of the tabernacle proved to be an imitation of the system of the world; for that third part thereof which was within the four pillars, to which the priests were not admitted, is, as it were, a heaven peculiar to God. But the space of the twenty cubits, is, as it were, sea and land, on which men live, and so this part is peculiar to the priests only. But at the front, where the entrance was made, they placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of brass, in number seven; but then they spread over the tabernacle veils of fine linen and purple, and blue, and scarlet colors, embroidered. The first veil was ten cubits every way, and this they spread over the pillars which parted the temple, and kept the most holy place concealed within; and this veil was that which made this part not visible to any. Now the whole temple was called The Holy Place: but that part which was within the four pillars, and to which none were admitted, was called The Holy of Holies. This veil was very ornamental, and embroidered with all sorts of flowers which the earth produces; and there were interwoven into it all sorts of variety that might be an ornament, excepting the forms of animals. Another veil there was which covered the five pillars that were at the entrance. It was like the former in its magnitude, and texture, and color; and at the corner of every pillar a ring retained it from the top downwards half the depth of the pillars, the other half affording an entrance for the priests, who crept under it. Over this there was a veil of linen, of the same largeness with the former: it was to be drawn this way or that way by cords, the rings of which, fixed to the texture of the veil, and to the cords also, were subservient to the drawing and undrawing of the veil, and to the fastening it at the corner, that then it might be no hinderance to the view of the sanctuary, especially on solemn days; but that on other days, and especially when the weather was inclined to snow, it might be expanded, and afford a covering to the veil of divers colors. Whence that custom of ours is derived, of having a fine linen veil, after the temple has been built, to be drawn over the entrances. But the ten other curtains were four cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in length; and had golden clasps, in order to join the one curtain to the other, which was done so exactly that they seemed to be one entire curtain. These were spread over the temple, and covered all the top and parts of the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as within one cubit of the ground. There were other curtains of the same breadth with these, but one more in number, and longer, for they were thirty cubits long; but these were woven of hair, with the like subtilty as those of wool were made, and were extended loosely down to the ground, appearing like a triangular front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh curtain being used for this very purpose. There were also other curtains made of skins above these, which afforded covering and protection to those that were woven both in hot weather and when it rained. And great was the surprise of those who viewed these curtains at a distance, for they seemed not at all to differ from the color of the sky. But those that were made of hair and of skins, reached down in the same manner as did the veil at the gates, and kept off the heat of the sun, and what injury the rains might do. And after this manner was the tabernacle reared.",
+                    "5. There was also an ark made, sacred to God, of wood that was naturally strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called Eron in our own language. Its construction was thus: its length was five spans, but its breadth and height was each of them three spans. It was covered all over with gold, both within and without, so that the wooden part was not seen. It had also a cover united to it, by golden hinges, after a wonderful manner; which cover was every way evenly fitted to it, and had no eminences to hinder its exact conjunction. There were also two golden rings belonging to each of the longer boards, and passing through the entire wood, and through them gilt bars passed along each board, that it might thereby be moved and carried about, as occasion should require; for it was not drawn in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this its cover were two images, which the Hebrews call Cherubims; they are flying creatures, but their form is not like to that of any of the creatures which men have seen, though Moses said he had seen such beings near the throne of God. In this ark he put the two tables whereon the ten commandments were written, five upon each table, and two and a half upon each side of them; and this ark he placed in the most holy place.",
+                    "6. But in the holy place he placed a table, like those at Delphi. Its length was two cubits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height three spans. It had feet also, the lower half of which were complete feet, resembling those which the Dorians put to their bedsteads; but the upper parts towards the table were wrought into a square form. The table had a hollow towards every side, having a ledge of four fingers' depth, that went round about like a spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the body of the work. Upon every one of the feet was there also inserted a ring, not far from the cover, through which went bars of wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken out upon occasion, there being a cavity where it was joined to the rings; for they were not entire rings; but before they came quite round they ended in acute points, the one of which was inserted into the prominent part of the table, and the other into the foot; and by these it was carried when they journeyed: Upon this table, which was placed on the north side of the temple, not far from the most holy place, were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread, six upon each heap, one above another: they were made of two tenth-deals of the purest flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a measure of the Hebrews, containing seven Athenian cotyloe; and above those loaves were put two vials full of frankincense. Now after seven days other loaves were brought in their stead, on the day which is by us called the Sabbath; for we call the seventh day the Sabbath. But for the occasion of this intention of placing loaves here, we will speak to it in another place.",
+                    "7. Over against this table, near the southern wall, was set a candlestick of cast gold, hollow within, being of the weight of one hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call Chinchares, if it be turned into the Greek language, it denotes a talent. It was made with its knops, and lilies, and pomegranates, and bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy in all); by which means the shaft elevated itself on high from a single base, and spread itself into as many branches as there are planets, including the sun among them. It terminated in seven heads, in one row, all standing parallel to one another; and these branches carried seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of the number of the planets. These lamps looked to the east and to the south, the candlestick being situate obliquely.",
+                    "8. Now between this candlestick and the table, which, as we said, were within the sanctuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood indeed, but of the same wood of which the foregoing vessels were made, such as was not liable to corruption; it was entirely crusted over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each side was a cubit, but the altitude double. Upon it was a grate of gold, that was extant above the altar, which had a golden crown encompassing it round about, whereto belonged rings and bars, by which the priests carried it when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle there was reared a brazen altar, but it was within made of wood, five cubits by measure on each side, but its height was but three, in like manner adorned with brass plates as bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth of network; for the ground underneath received the fire from the hearth, because it had no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay the basins, and the vials, and the censers, and the caldrons, made of gold; but the other vessels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were all of brass. And such was the construction of the tabernacle; and these were the vessels thereto belonging."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Garments Of The Priests, And Of The High Priest. </i><br>1. There were peculiar garments appointed for the priests, and for all the rest, which they call Cohanoeoe [-priestly] garments, as also for the high priests, which they call Cahanoeoe Rabbae, and denote the high priest's garments. Such was therefore the habit of the rest. But when the priest approaches the sacrifices, he purifies himself with the purification which the law prescribes; and, in the first place, he puts on that which is called Machanase, which means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a girdle, composed of fine twined linen, and is put about the privy parts, the feet being to be inserted into them in the nature of breeches, but above half of it is cut off, and it ends at the thighs, and is there tied fast.",
+                    "2. Over this he wore a linen vestment, made of fine flax doubled: it is called Chethone, and denotes linen, for we call linen by the name of Chethone. This vestment reaches down to the feet, and sits close to the body; and has sleeves that are tied fast to the arms: it is girded to the breast a little above the elbows, by a girdle often going round, four fingers broad, but so loosely woven, that you would think it were the skin of a serpent. It is embroidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple, and blue, and fine twined linen, but the warp was nothing but fine linen. The beginning of its circumvolution is at the breast; and when it has gone often round, it is there tied, and hangs loosely there down to the ankles: I mean this, all the time the priest is not about any laborious service, for in this position it appears in the most agreeable manner to the spectators; but when he is obliged to assist at the offering sacrifices, and to do the appointed service, that he may not be hindered in his operations by its motion, he throws it to the left, and bears it on his shoulder. Moses indeed calls this belt Albaneth; but we have learned from the Babylonians to call it Emia, for so it is by them called. This vestment has no loose or hollow parts any where in it, but only a narrow aperture about the neck; and it is tied with certain strings hanging down from the edge over the breast and back, and is fastened above each shoulder: it is called Massabazanes.",
+                    "3. Upon his head he wears a cap, not brought to a conic form nor encircling the whole head, but still covering more than the half of it, which is called Masnaemphthes; and its make is such that it seems to be a crown, being made of thick swathes, but the contexture is of linen; and it is doubled round many times, and sewed together; besides which, a piece of fine linen covers the whole cap from the upper part, and reaches down to the forehead, and hides the seams of the swathes, which would otherwise appear indecently: this adheres closely upon the solid part of the head, and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may not fall off during the sacred service about the sacrifices. So we have now shown you what is the habit of the generality of the priests.",
+                    "4. The high priest is indeed adorned with the same garments that we have described, without abating one; only over these he puts on a vestment of a blue color. This also is a long robe, reaching to his feet, [in our language it is called Meeir,] and is tied round with a girdle, embroidered with the same colors and flowers as the former, with a mixture of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which garment are hung fringes, in color like pomegranates, with golden bells (13) by a curious and beautiful contrivance; so that between two bells hangs a pomegranate, and between two pomegranates a bell. Now this vesture was not composed of two pieces, nor was it sewed together upon the shoulders and the sides, but it was one long vestment so woven as to have an aperture for the neck; not an oblique one, but parted all along the breast and the back. A border also was sewed to it, lest the aperture should look too indecently: it was also parted where the hands were to come out.",
+                    "5. Besides these, the high priest put on a third garment, which was called the Ephod, which resembles the Epomis of the Greeks. Its make was after this manner: it was woven to the depth of a cubit, of several colors, with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but it left the middle of the breast uncovered: it was made with sleeves also; nor did it appear to be at all differently made from a short coat. But in the void place of this garment there was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span, embroidered with gold, and the other colors of the ephod, and was called Essen, [the breastplate,] which in the Greek language signifies the Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the void space in the ephod. It was united to it by golden rings at every corner, the like rings being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband was made use of to tie them together by those rings; and that the space between the rings might not appear empty, they contrived to fill it up with stitches of blue ribands. There were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature of buttons, having each end running to the sardonyxes of gold, that they might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven the names of the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters, and in our own tongue, six on each of the stones, on either side; and the elder sons' names were on the right shoulder. Twelve stones also there were upon the breast-plate, extraordinary in largeness and beauty; and they were an ornament not to be purchased by men, because of their immense value. These stones, however, stood in three rows, by four in a row, and were inserted into the breastplate itself, and they were set in ouches of gold, that were themselves inserted in the breastplate, and were so made that they might not fall out low the first three stones were a sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second row contained a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire. The first of the third row was a ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate, being the ninth of the whole number. The first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which was the last of all. Now the names of all those sons of Jacob were engraven in these stones, whom we esteem the heads of our tribes, each stone having the honor of a name, in the order according to which they were born. And whereas the rings were too weak of themselves to bear the weight of the stones, they made two other rings of a larger size, at the edge of that part of the breastplate which reached to the neck, and inserted into the very texture of the breastplate, to receive chains finely wrought, which connected them with golden bands to the tops of the shoulders, whose extremity turned backwards, and went into the ring, on the prominent back part of the ephod; and this was for the security of the breastplate, that it might not fall out of its place. There was also a girdle sewed to the breastplate, which was of the foremen tioned colors, with gold intermixed, which, when it had gone once round, was tied again upon the seam, and hung down. There were also golden loops that admitted its fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and included them entirely.",
+                    "6. The high priest's mitre was the same that we described before, and was wrought like that of all the other priests; above which there was another, with swathes of blue embroidered, and round it was a golden crown polished, of three rows, one above another; out of which arose a cup of gold, which resembled the herb which we call Saccharus; but those Greeks that are skillful in botany call it Hyoscyamus. Now, lest any one that has seen this herb, but has not been taught its name, and is unacquainted with its nature, or, having known its name, knows not the herb when he sees it, I shall give such as these are a description of it. This herb is oftentimes in tallness above three spans, but its root is like that of a turnip (for he that should compare it thereto would not be mistaken); but its leaves are like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches it sends out a calyx, cleaving to the branch; and a coat encompasses it, which it naturally puts off when it is changing, in order to produce its fruit. This calyx is of the bigness of the bone of the little finger, but in the compass of its aperture is like a cup. This I will further describe, for the use of those that are unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be divided into two parts, round at the bottom, but having another segment that grows up to a circumference from that bottom; suppose it become narrower by degrees, and that the cavity of that part grow decently smaller, and then gradually grow wider again at the brim, such as we see in the navel of a pomegranate, with its notches. And indeed such a coat grows over this plant as renders it a hemisphere, and that, as one may say, turned accurately in a lathe, and having its notches extant above it, which, as I said, grow like a pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit is preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit is like the seed of the herb Sideritis: it sends out a flower that may seem to resemble that of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far from the hinder part of the head to each of the temples; but this Ephielis, for so this calyx may be called, did not cover the forehead, but it was covered with a golden plate, (14) which had inscribed upon it the name of God in sacred characters. And such were the ornaments of the high priest.",
+                    "7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us, and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which they pretend to honor; for if any one do but consider the fabric of the tabernacle, and take a view of the garments of the high priest, and of those vessels which we make use of in our sacred ministration, he will find that our legislator was a divine man, and that we are unjustly reproached by others; for if any one do without prejudice, and with judgment, look upon these things, he will find they were every one made in way of imitation and representation of the universe. When Moses distinguished the tabernacle into three parts, (15) and allowed two of them to the priests, as a place accessible and common, he denoted the land and the sea, these being of general access to all; but he set apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible to men. And when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the table, he denoted the year, as distinguished into so many months. By branching out the candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly intimated the Decani, or seventy divisions of the planets; and as to the seven lamps upon the candlesticks, they referred to the course of the planets, of which that is the number. The veils, too, which were composed of four things, they declared the four elements; for the fine linen was proper to signify the earth, because the flax grows out of the earth; the purple signified the sea, because that color is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish; the blue is fit to signify the air; and the scarlet will naturally be an indication of fire. Now the vestment of the high priest being made of linen, signified the earth; the blue denoted the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it showed that God had made the universe of four elements; and as for the gold interwoven, I suppose it related to the splendor by which all things are enlightened. He also appointed the breastplate to be placed in the middle of the ephod, to resemble the earth, for that has the very middle place of the world. And the girdle which encompassed the high priest round, signified the ocean, for that goes round about and includes the universe. Each of the sardonyxes declares to us the sun and the moon; those, I mean, that were in the nature of buttons on the high priest's shoulders. And for the twelve stones, whether we understand by them the months, or whether we understand the like number of the signs of that circle which the Greeks call the Zodiac, we shall not be mistaken in their meaning. And for the mitre, which was of a blue color, it seems to me to mean heaven; for how otherwise coul d the name of God be inscribed upon it? That it was also illustrated with a crown, and that of gold also, is because of that splendor with which God is pleased. Let this explication (16) suffice at present, since the course of my narration will often, and on many occasions, afford me the opportunity of enlarging upon the virtue of our legislator."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Priesthood Of Aaron. </i><br>1. When what has been described was brought to a conclusion, gifts not being yet presented, God appeared to Moses, and enjoined him to bestow the high priesthood upon Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of them all deserved to obtain that honor, on account of his virtue. And when he had gathered the multitude together, he gave them an account of Aaron's virtue, and of his good-will to them, and of the dangers he had undergone for their sakes. Upon which, when they had given testimony to him in all respects, and showed their readiness to receive him, Moses said to them, \"O you Israelites, this work is already brought to a conclusion, in a manner most acceptable to God, and according to our abilities. And now since you see that he is received into this tabernacle, we shall first of all stand in need of one that may officiate for us, and may minister to the sacrifices, and to the prayers that are to be put up for us. And indeed had the inquiry after such a person been left to me, I should have thought myself worthy of this honor, both because all men are naturally fond of themselves, and because I am conscious to myself that I have taken a great deal of pains for your deliverance; but now God himself has determined that Aaron is worthy of this honor, and has chosen him for his priest, as knowing him to be the most righteous person among you. So that he is to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself solicitous for your nation, but also because he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office.\" The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approbation to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them all the most deserving of this honor, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his brother's virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar.",
+                    "2. Now Moses commanded them to make use of all the utensils which were more than were necessary to the structure of the tabernacle, for covering the tabernacle itself, the candlestick, and altar of incense, and the other vessels, that they might not be at all hurt when they journeyed, either by the rain, or by the rising of the dust. And when he had gathered the multitude together again, he ordained that they should offer half a shekel for every man, as an oblation to God; which shekel is a piece among the Hebrews, and is equal to four Athenian drachmae. (18) Whereupon they readily obeyed what Moses had commanded; and the number of the offerers was six hundred and five thousand five hundred and fifty. Now this money that was brought by the men that were free, was given by such as were about twenty years old, but under fifty; and what was collected was spent in the uses of the tabernacle.",
+                    "3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and the priests; which purification was performed after the following manner: - He commanded them to take five hundred shekels of choice myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half the foregoing weight of cinnamon and calamus (this last is a sort of sweet spice); to beat them small, and wet them with an bin of oil of olives (an hin is our own country measure, and contains two Athenian choas, or congiuses); then mix them together, and boil them, and prepare them after the art of the apothecary, and make them into a very sweet ointment; and afterward to take it to anoint and to purify the priests themselves, and all the tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were also many, and those of various kinds, of sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle, and such as were of very great price, and were brought to the golden altar of incense; the nature of which I do not now describe, lest it should be troublesome to my readers; but incense (19) was to be offered twice a-day, both before sun-rising and at sun-setting. They were also to keep oil already purified for the lamps; three of which were to give light all day long, (20) upon the sacred candlestick, before God, and the rest were to be lighted at the evening.",
+                    "4. Now all was finished. Besaleel and Aholiab appeared to be the most skillful of the workmen; for they invented finer works than what others had done before them, and were of great abilities to gain notions of what they were formerly ignorant of; and of these, Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now the whole time they were about this work was the interval of seven months; and after this it was that was ended the first year since their departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning of the second year, on the month Xanthicus, as the Macedonians call it, but on the month Nisan, as the Hebrews call it, on the new moon, they consecrated the tabernacle, and all its vessels, which I have already described.",
+                    "5. Now God showed himself pleased with the work of the Hebrews, and did not permit their labors to be in vain; nor did he disdain to make use of what they had made, but he came and sojourned with them, and pitched his tabernacle in the holy house. And in the following manner did he come to it: - The sky was clear, but there was a mist over the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but not with such a very deep and thick cloud as is seen in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a one as men might be able to discern any thing through it, but from it there dropped a sweet dew, and such a one as showed the presence of God to those that desired and believed it.",
+                    "6. Now when Moses had bestowed such honorary presents on the workmen, as it was fit they should receive, who had wrought so well, he offered sacrifices in the open court of the tabernacle, as God commanded him; a bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we do in our sacred offices in my discourse about sacrifices; and therein shall inform men in what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt-offering, and in what cases the law permits us to partake of them as of food. And when Moses had sprinkled Aaron's vestments, himself, and his sons, with the blood of the beasts that were slain, and had purified them with spring waters and ointment, they became God's priests. After this manner did he consecrate them and their garments for seven days together. The same he did to the tabernacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, both with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the blood of bulls and of rams, slain day by day one, according to its kind. But on the eighth day he appointed a feast for the people, and commanded them to offer sacrifice according to their ability. Accordingly they contended one with another, and were ambitious to exceed each other in the sacrifices which they brought, and so fulfilled Moses's injunctions. But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar, a sudden fire was kindled from among them of its own accord, and appeared to the sight like fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed whatsoever was upon the altar.",
+                    "7. Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, considered as a man and a father, but was undergone by him with true fortitude; for he had indeed a firmness of soul in such accidents, and he thought this calamity came upon him according to God's will: for whereas he had four sons, as I said before, the two elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them bring, but which they used to offer formerly, and were burnt to death. Now when the fire rushed upon them, and began to burn them, nobody could quench it. Accordingly they died in this manner. And Moses bid their father and their brethren to take up their bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to bury them magnificently. Now the multitude lamented them, and were deeply affected at this their death, which so unexpectedly befell them. But Moses entreated their brethren and their father not to be troubled for them, and to prefer the honor of God before their grief about them; for Aaron had already put on his sacred garments.",
+                    "8. But Moses refused all that honor which he saw the multitude ready to bestow upon him, and attended to nothing else but the service of God. He went no more up to Mount Sinai; but he went into the tabernacle, and brought back answers from God for what he prayed for. His habit was also that of a private man, and in all other circumstances he behaved himself like one of the common people, and was desirous to appear without distinguishing himself from the multitude, but would have it known that he did nothing else but take care of them. He also set down in writing the form of their government, and those laws by obedience whereto they would lead their lives so as to please God, and so as to have no quarrels one among another. However, the laws he ordained were such as God suggested to him; so I shall now discourse concerning that form of government, and those laws.",
+                    "9. I will now treat of what I before omitted, the garment of the high priest: for he [Moses] left no room for the evil practices of [false] prophets; but if some of that sort should attempt to abuse the Divine authority, he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to be absent. (21) And he was willing this should be known, not to the Hebrews only, but to those foreigners also who were there. For as to those stones, (22) which we told you before, the high priest bare on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes, (and I think it needless to describe their nature, they being known to every body,) the one of them shined out when God was present at their sacrifices; I mean that which was in the nature of a button on his right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and being seen even by those that were most remote; which splendor yet was not before natural to the stone. This has appeared a wonderful thing to such as have not so far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to despise Divine revelation. Yet will I mention what is still more wonderful than this: for God declared beforehand, by those twelve stones which the high priest bare on his breast, and which were inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious in battle; for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God's being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this, called that breastplate the Oracle. Now this breastplate, and this sardonyx, left off shining two hundred years before I composed this book, God having been displeased at the transgressions of his laws. Of which things we shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now go on with my proposed narration.",
+                    "10. The tabernacle being now consecrated, and a regular order being settled for the priests, the multitude judged that God now dwelt among them, and betook themselves to sacrifices and praises to God as being now delivered from all expectation of evils and as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better times hereafter. They offered also gifts to God some as common to the whole nation, and others as peculiar to themselves, and these tribe by tribe; for the heads of the tribes combined together, two by two, and brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These amounted to six, and they carried the tabernacle when they journeyed. Besides which, each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of incense. Now the charger and the bowl were of silver, and together they weighed two hundred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than seventy shekels; and these were full of fine flour mingled with oil, such as they used on the altar about the sacrifices. They brought also a young bullock, and a ram, with a lamb of a year old, for a whole burnt-offering, as also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every one of the heads of the tribes brought also other sacrifices, called peace-offerings, for every day two bulls, and five rams, with lambs of a year old, and kids of the goats. These heads of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing, one sacrificing every day. Now Moses went no longer up to Mount Sinai, but went into the tabernacle, and learned of God what they were to do, and what laws should be made; which laws were preferable to what have been devised by human understanding, and proved to be firmly observed for all time to come, as being believed to be the gift of God, insomuch that the Hebrews did not transgress any of those laws, either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times of war by distress of affairs. But I say no more here concerning them, because I have resolved to compose another work concerning our laws."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Manner Of Our Offering Sacrifices. </i><br>1. I Will now, however, make mention of a few of our laws which belong to purifications, and the like sacred offices, since I am accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices. These sacrifices were of two sorts; of those sorts one was offered for private persons, and the other for the people in general; and they are done in two different ways. In the one case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-offering, whence that name is given to it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former. Suppose a private man offer a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter of the first year, though of bulls he is permitted to sacrifice those of a greater age; but all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When they are slain, the priests sprinkle the blood round about the altar; they then cleanse the bodies, and divide them into parts, and salt them with salt, and lay them upon the altar, while the pieces of wood are piled one upon another, and the fire is burning; they next cleanse the feet of the sacrifices, and the inwards, in an accurate manner and so lay them to the rest to be purged by the fire, while the priests receive the hides. This is the way of offering a burnt-offering.",
+                    "2. But those that offer thank-offeri ngs do indeed sacrifice the same creatures, but such as are unblemished, and above a year old; however, they may take either males or females. They also sprinkle the altar with their blood; but they lay upon the altar the kidneys and the caul, and all the fat, and the lobe of the liver, together with the rump of the lamb; then, giving the breast and the right shoulder to the priests, the offerers feast upon the remainder of the flesh for two days; and what remains they burn.",
+                    "3. The sacrifices for sins are offered in the same manner as is the thank-offering. But those who are unable to purchase complete sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves; the one of which is made a burnt-offering to God, the other they give as food to the priests. But we shall treat more accurately about the oblation of these creatures in our discourse concerning sacrifices. But if a person fall into sin by ignorance, he offers an ewe lamb, or a female kid of the goats, of the same age; and the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar, not after the former manner, but at the corners of it. They also bring the kidneys and the rest of the fat, together with the lobe of the liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away the hides and the flesh, and spend it in the holy place, on the same day; (23) for the law does not permit them to leave of it until the morning. But if any one sin, and is conscious of it himself, but hath nobody that can prove it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoining him so to do; the flesh of which the priests eat, as before, in the holy place, on the same day. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for their sins, they bring the same oblations that private men do; only they so far differ, that they are to bring for sacrifices a bull or a kid of the goats, both males.",
+                    "4. Now the law requires, both in private and public sacrifices, that the finest flour be also brought; for a lamb the measure of one tenth deal, - for a ram two, - and for a bull three. This they consecrate upon the altar, when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also brought by those that sacrifice; for a bull the half of an hin, and for a ram the third part of the same measure, and one quarter of it for a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew measure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas (or congiuses). They bring the same quantity of oil which they do of wine, and they pour the wine about the altar; but if any one does not offer a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful upon the altar as its first-fruits, while the priests take the rest for their food, either boiled or mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread. But whatsoever it be that a priest himself offers, it must of necessity be all burnt. Now the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at the same time with its dam; and, in other cases, not till the eighth day after its birth. Other sacrifices there are also appointed for escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in which meat-offerings are consumed, together with the animals that are sacrificed; of which it is not lawful to leave any part till the next day, only the priests are to take their own share."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Festivals; And How Each Day Of Such Festival Is To Be Observed. </i><br>1. The law requires, that out of the public expenses a lamb of the first year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the ending of the day; but on the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice them in the same manner. At the new moon, they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year, and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation of sins; that is, if they have sinned through ignorance.",
+                    "2. But on the seventh month, which the Macedonians call Hyperberetaeus, they make an addition to those already mentioned, and sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins.",
+                    "3. On the tenth day of the same lunar month, they fast till the evening; and this day they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And, besides these, they bring two kids of the goats; the one of which is sent alive out of the limits of the camp into the wilderness for the scapegoat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the whole multitude; but the other is brought into a place of great cleanness, within the limits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its skin, without any sort of cleansing. With this goat was burnt a bull, not brought by the people, but by the high priest, at his own charges; which, when it was slain, he brought of the blood into the holy place, together with the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled the ceiling with his finger seven times, as also its pavement, and again as often toward the most holy place, and about the golden altar: he also at last brings it into the open court, and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys, and the fat, with the lobe of the liver, upon the altar. The high priest likewise presents a ram to God as a burnt-offering.",
+                    "4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of the year is changing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that we preserve ourselves from the cold of that time of the year; as also that when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city which we should have then for our metropolis, because of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days, and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome citron: That the burnt-offering on the first of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an expiation for sins; and on the following days the same number of lambs, and of rams, with the kids of the goats; but abating one of the bulls every day till they amounted to seven only. On the eighth day all work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacrificed to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of the goats, for an expiation of sins. And this is the accustomed solemnity of the Hebrews, when they pitch their tabernacles.",
+                    "5. In the month of Xanthicus, which is by us called Nisan, and is the beginning of our year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar month, when the sun is in Aries, (for in this month it was that we were delivered from bondage under the Egyptians,) the law ordained that we should every year slay that sacrifice which I before told you we slew when we came out of Egypt, and which was called the Passover; and so we do celebrate this passover in companies, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice till the day following. The feast of unleavened bread succeeds that of the passover, and falls on the fifteenth day of the month, and continues seven days, wherein they feed on unleavened bread; on every one of which days two bulls are killed, and one ram, and seven lambs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt, besides the kid of the goats which is added to all the rest, for sins; for it is intended as a feast for the priest on every one of those days. But on the second day of unleavened bread, which is the sixteenth day of the month, they first partake of the fruits of the earth, for before that day they do not touch them. And while they suppose it proper to honor God, from whom they obtain this plentiful provision, in the first place, they offer the first-fruits of their barley, and that in the manner following: They take a handful of the ears, and dry them, then beat them small, and purge the barley from the bran; they then bring one tenth deal to the altar, to God; and, casting one handful of it upon the fire, they leave the rest for the use of the priest. And after this it is that they may publicly or privately reap their harvest. They also at this participation of the first-fruits of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offering to God.",
+                    "6. When a week of weeks has passed over after this sacrifice, (which weeks contain forty and nine days,) on the fiftieth day, which is Pentecost, but is called by the Hebrews Asartha, which signifies Pentecost, they bring to God a loaf, made of wheat flour, of two tenth deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring two lambs; and when they have only presented them to God, they are made ready for supper for the priests; nor is it permitted to leave any thing of them till the day following. They also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering, and two rams; and fourteen lambs, with two kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there anyone of the festivals but in it they offer burnt-offerings; they also allow themselves to rest on every one of them. Accordingly, the law prescribes in them all what kinds they are to sacrifice, and how they are to rest entirely, and must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon them.",
+                    "7. However, out of the common charges, baked bread [was set on the table of shew-bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth deals of flour, for so much is spent upon this bread; two heaps of these were baked, they were baked the day before the sabbath, but were brought into the holy place on the morning of the sabbath, and set upon the holy table, six on a heap, one loaf still standing over against another; where two golden cups full of frankincense were also set upon them, and there they remained till another sabbath, and then other loaves were brought in their stead, while the loaves were given to the priests for their food, and the frankincense was burnt in that sacred fire wherein all their offerings were burnt also; and so other frankincense was set upon the loaves instead of what was there before. The [high priest also, of his own charges, offered a sacrifice, and that twice every day. It was made of flour mingled with oil, and gently baked by the fire; the quantity was one tenth deal of flour; he brought the half of it to the fire in the morning, and the other half at night. The account of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately hereafter; but I think I have premised what for the present may be sufficient concerning them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Purifications. </i><br>1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi from communicating with the rest of the people, and set them apart to be a holy tribe; and purified them by water taken from perpetual springs, and with such sacrifices as were usually offered to God on the like occasions. He delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which were made for covering the tabernacle, that they might minister under the conduct of the priests, who had been already consecrated to God.",
+                    "2. He also determined concerning animals; which of them might be used for food, and which they were obliged to abstain from; which matters, when this work shall give me occasion, shall be further explained; and the causes shall be added by which he was moved to allot some of them to be our food, and enjoined us to abstain from others. However, he entirely forbade us the use of blood for food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and spirit. He also forbade us to eat the flesh of an animal that died of itself, as also the caul, and the fat of goats, and sheep, and bulls.",
+                    "3. He also ordered that those whose bodies were afflicted with leprosy, and that had a gonorrhea, should not come into the city; nay, he removed the women, when they had their natural purgations, till the seventh day; after which he looked on them as pure, and permitted them to come in again. The law permits those also who have taken care of funerals to come in after the same manner, when this number of days is over; but if any continued longer than that number of days in a state of pollution, the law appointed the offering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of which they are to purge by fire, and for the other, the priests take it for themselves. In the same manner do those sacrifice who have had the gonorrhea. But he that sheds his seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold water, has the same privilege with those that have lawfully accompanied with their wives. And for the lepers, he suffered them not to come into the city at all, nor to live with any others, as if they were in effect dead persons; but if any one had obtained by prayer to God, the recovery from that distemper, and had gained a healthful complexion again, such a one returned thanks to God, with several sorts of sacrifices; concerning which we will speak hereafter.",
+                    "4. Whence one cannot but smile at those who say that Moses was himself afflicted with the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and that he became the conductor of those who on that account left that country, and led them into the land of Canaan; for had this been true, Moses would not have made these laws to his own dishonor, which indeed it was more likely he would have opposed, if others had endeavored to introduce them; and this the rather, because there are lepers in many nations, who yet are in honor, and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been great captains of armies, and been intrusted with high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of entering into holy places and temples; so that nothing hindered, but if either Moses himself, or the multitude that was with him, had been liable to such a misfortune in the color of his skin, he might have made laws about them for their credit and advantage, and have laid no manner of difficulty upon them. Accordingly, it is a plain case, that it is out of violent prejudice only that they report these things about us. But Moses was pure from any such distemper, and lived with countrymen who were pure of it also, and thence made the laws which concerned others that had the distemper. He did this for the honor of God. But as to these matters, let every one consider them after what manner he pleases.",
+                    "5. As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade them to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she hath born a girl, the law is that she cannot be admitted before twice that number of days be over. And when after the before-mentioned time appointed for them, they perform their sacrifices, the priests distribute them before God.",
+                    "6. But if any one suspect that his wife has been guilty of adultery, he was to bring a tenth deal of barley flour; they then cast one handful to God and gave the rest of it to the priests for food. One of the priests set the woman at the gates that are turned towards the temple, and took the veil from her head, and wrote the name of God on parchment, and enjoined her to swear that she had not at all injured her husband; and to wish that, if she had violated her chastity, her right thigh might be put out of joint; that her belly might swell; and that she might die thus: but that if her husband, by the violence of his affection, and of the jealousy which arose from it, had been rashly moved to this suspicion, that she might bear a male child in the tenth month. Now when these oaths were over, the priest wiped the name of God out of the parchment, and wrung the water into a vial. He also took some dust out of the temple, if any happened to be there, and put a little of it into the vial, and gave it her to drink; whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly accused, conceived with child, and brought it to perfection in her womb: but if she had broken her faith of wedlock to her husband, and had sworn falsely before God, she died in a reproachful manner; her thigh fell off from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy. And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices, and about the purifications thereto belonging, which Moses provided for his countrymen. He also prescribed the following laws to them: -"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Several Laws. </i><br>1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it entirely, as esteeming it a happy thing that men should be wise in the affairs of wedlock; and that it was profitable both to cities and families that children should be known to be genuine. He also abhorred men's lying with their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes; and the like for lying with the father's wife, and with aunts, and sisters, and sons' wives, as all instances of abominable wickedness. He also forbade a m an to lie with his wife when she was defiled by her natural purgation: and not to come near brute beasts; nor to approve of the lying with a male, which was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on account of beauty. To those who were guilty of such insolent behavior, he ordained death for their punishment.",
+                    "2. As for the priests, he prescribed to them a double degree of purity (25) for he restrained them in the instances above, and moreover forbade them to marry harlots. He also forbade them to marry a slave, or a captive, and such as got their living by cheating trades, and by keeping inns; as also a woman parted from her husband, on any account whatsoever. Nay, he did not think it proper for the high priest to marry even the widow of one that was dead, though he allowed that to the priests; but he permitted him only to marry a virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is that the high priest is not to come near to one that is dead, although the rest are not prohibited from coming near to their brethren, or parents, or children, when they are dead; but they are to be unblemished in all respects. He ordered that the priest who had any blemish, should have his portion indeed among the priests, but he forbade him to ascend the altar, or to enter into the holy house. He also enjoined them, not only to observe purity in their sacred ministrations, but in their daily conversation, that it might be unblamable also. And on this account it is that those who wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot, and eminent for their purity and sobriety: nor are they permitted to drink wine so long as they wear those garments. (26) Moreover, they offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no defect whatsoever.",
+                    "3. And truly Moses gave them all these precepts, being such as were observed during his own lifetime; but though he lived now in the wilderness, yet did he make provision how they might observe the same laws when they should have taken the land of Canaan. He gave them rest to the land from ploughing and planting every seventh year, as he had prescribed to them to rest from working every seventh day; and ordered, that then what grew of its own accord out of the earth should in common belong to all that pleased to use it, making no distinction in that respect between their own countrymen and foreigners: and he ordained, that they should do the same after seven times seven years, which in all are fifty years; and that fiftieth year is called by the Hebrews The Jubilee, wherein debtors are freed from their debts, and slaves are set at liberty; which slaves became such, though they were of the same stock, by transgressing some of those laws the punishment of which was not capital, but they were punished by this method of slavery. This year also restores the land to its former possessors in the manner following: - When the Jubilee is come, which name denotes liberty, he that sold the land, and he that bought it, meet together, and make an estimate, on one hand, of the fruits gathered; and, on the other hand, of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits gathered come to more than the expenses laid out, he that sold it takes the land again; but if the expenses prove more than the fruits, the present possessor receives of the former owner the difference that was wanting, and leaves the land to him; and if the fruits received, and the expenses laid out, prove equal to one another, the present possessor relinquishes it to the former owners. Moses would have the same law obtain as to those houses also which were sold in villages; but he made a different law for such as were sold in a city; for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser his money again within a year, he was forced to restore it; but in case a whole year had intervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he had bought. This was the constitution of the laws which Moses learned of God when the camp lay under Mount Sinai, and this he delivered in writing to the Hebrews.",
+                    "4. Now when this settlement of laws seemed to be well over, Moses thought fit at length to take a review of the host, as thinking it proper to settle the affairs of war. So he charged the heads of the tribes, excepting the tribe of Levi, to take an exact account of the number of those that were able to go to war; for as to the Levites, they were holy, and free from all such burdens. Now when the people had been numbered, there were found six hundred thousand that were able to go to war, from twenty to fifty years of age, besides three thousand six hundred and fifty. Instead of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of Joseph, among the heads of tribes; and Ephraim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the desire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would give him his sons to be his own by adoption, as I have before related.",
+                    "5. When they set up the tabernacle, they received it into the midst of their camp, three of the tribes pitching their tents on each side of it; and roads were cut through the midst of these tents. It was like a well-appointed market; and every thing was there ready for sale in due order; and all sorts of artificers were in the shops; and it resembled nothing so much as a city that sometimes was movable, and sometimes fixed. The priests had the first places about the tabernacle; then the Levites, who, because their whole multitude was reckoned from thirty days old, were twenty-three thousand eight hundred and eighty males; and during the time that the cloud stood over the tabernacle, they thought proper to stay in the same place, as supposing that God there inhabited among them; but when that removed, they journeyed also.",
+                    "6. Moreover, Moses was the inventor of the form of their trumpet, which was made of silver. Its description is this: - In length it was little less than a cubit. It was composed of a narrow tube, somewhat thicker than a flute, but with so much breadth as was sufficient for admission of the breath of a man's mouth: it ended in the form of a bell, like common trumpets. Its sound was called in the Hebrew tongue Asosra. Two of these being made, one of them was sounded when they required the multitude to come together to congregations. When the first of them gave a signal, the heads of the tribes were to assemble, and consult about the affairs to them properly belonging; but when they gave the signal by both of them, they called the multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle was removed, it was done in this solemn order: - At the first alarm of the trumpet, those whose tents were on the east quarter prepared to remove; when the second signal was given, those that were on the south quarter did the like; in the next place, the tabernacle was taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst of six tribes that went before, and of six that followed, all the Levites assisting about the tabernacle; when the third signal was given, that part which had their tents towards the west put themselves in motion; and at the fourth signal those on the north did so likewise. They also made use of these trumpets in their sacred ministrations, when they were bringing their sacrifices to the altar as well on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival] days; and now it was that Moses offered that sacrifice which was called the Passover in the Wilderness, as the first he had offered after the departure out of Egypt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Moses Removed From Mount Sinai, And Conducted The People To The Borders Of The Canaanites. </i><br>A Little while afterwards he rose up, and went from Mount Sinai; and, having passed through several mansions, of which we will speak he came to a place called Hazeroth, where the multitude began again to be mutinous, and to Moses for the misfortunes they had suffered their travels; and that when he had persuaded to leave a good land, they at once had lost land, and instead of that happy state he had them, they were still wandering in their miserable condition, being already in want water; and if the manna should happen to fail, must then utterly perish. Yet while they spake many and sore things against the there was one of them who exhorted them to be unmindful of Moses, and of what great pains he had been at about their common safety; not to despair of assistance from God. The multitude thereupon became still more unruly, and mutinous against Moses than before. Hereupon Moses, although he was so basely abused by them encouraged them in their despairing conditioned and promised that he would procure them a quantity of flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only, but for many days. This they were not to believe; and when one of them asked, whence he could obtain such vast plenty of what he promised, he replied, \"Neither God nor I, we hear such opprobrious language from will leave off our labors for you; and this soon appear also.\" As soon as ever he had this, the whole camp was filled with quails, they stood round about them, and gathered great numbers. However, it was not long ere God punished the Hebrews for their insolence, those reproaches they had used towards him, no small number of them died; and still to this day the place retains the memory of this destruction and is named Kibrothhattaavah, which is, Graves of Lust. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Sent Some Persons To Search Out The Land Of The Canaanites, And The Largeness Of Their Cities; And Further That When Those Who Were Sent Were Returned, After Forty Days And Reported That They Should Not Be A Match For Them, And Extolled The Strengh Of The Canaanites The Multitude Were Disturbed And Fell Into Despair; And Were Resolved To Stone Moses, And To Return Back Again Into Egypt, And Serve The Egyptians. </i><br>1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away from thence to a place called Paran, which was near to the borders of the Canaanites, and a place difficult to be continued in, he gathered the multitude together to a congregation; and standing in the midst of them, he said, \"Of the two things that God determined to bestow upon us, liberty, and the possession of a Happy Country, the one of them ye already are partakers of, by the gift of God, and the other you will quickly obtain; for we now have our abode near the borders of the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the acquisition of it, when we now at last are fallen upon it: I say, not only no king nor city, but neither the whole race of mankind, if they were all gathered together, could do it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves for the work, for the Canaanites will not resign up their land to us without fighting, but it must be wrested from them by great struggles in war. Let us then send spies, who may take a view of the goodness of the land, and what strength it is of; but, above all things, let us be of one mind, and let us honor God, who above all is our helper and assister.\"",
+                    "2. When Moses had said thus, the multitude requited him with marks of respect; and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over all the land of Canaan, from the borders of Egypt, came to the city Hamath, and to Mount Lebanon; and having learned the nature of the land, and of its inhabitants, they came home, having spent forty days in the whole work. They also brought with them of the fruits which the land bare; they also showed them the excellency of those fruits, and gave an account of the great quantity of the good things that land afforded, which were motives to the multitude to go to war. But then they terrified them again with the great difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the rivers were so large and deep that they could not be passed over; and that the hills were so high that they could not travel along for them; that the cities were strong with walls, and their firm fortifications round about them. They told them also, that they found at Hebron the posterity of the giants. Accordingly these spies, who had seen the land of Canaan, when they perceived that all these difficulties were greater there than they had met with since they came out of Egypt, they were aftrighted at them themselves, and endeavored to affright the multitude also.",
+                    "3. So they supposed, from what they had heard, that it was impossible to get the possession of the country. And when the congregation was dissolved, they, their wives and children, continued their lamentation, as if God would not indeed assist them, but only promised them fair. They also again blamed Moses, and made a clamor against him and his brother Aaron, the high priest. Accordingly they passed that night very ill, and with contumelious language against them; but in the morning they ran to a congregation, intending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to return back into Egypt.",
+                    "4. But of the spies, there were Joshua the son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid of the consequence, and came into the midst of them, and stilled the multitude, and desired them to be of good courage; and neither to condemn God, as having told them lies, nor to hearken to those who had aftrighted them, by telling them what was not true concerning the Canaanites, but to those that encouraged them to hope for good success; and that they should gain possession of the happiness promised them, because neither the height of mountains, nor the depth of rivers, could hinder men of true courage from attempting them, especially while God would take care of them beforehand, and be assistant to them. \"Let us then go,\" said they, \"against our enemies, and have no suspicion of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us, and following those that are to be our leaders.\" Thus did these two exhort them, and endeavor to pacify the rage they were in. But Moses and Aaron fell on the ground, and besought God, not for their own deliverance, but that he would put a stop to what the people were unwarily doing, and would bring their minds to a quiet temper, which were now disordered by their present passion. The cloud also did now appear, and stood over the tabernacle, and declared to them the presence of God to be there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Was Displeased At This, And Foretold That God Was Angry And That They Should Continue In The Wilderness For Forty Years And Not, During That Time, Either Return Into Egypt Or Take Possession Of Canaan. </i><br>1. Moses came now boldly to the multitude, and informed them that God was moved at their abuse of him, and would inflict punishment upon them, not indeed such as they deserved for their sins, but such as parents inflict on their children, in order to their correction. For, he said, that when he was in the tabernacle, and was bewailing with ears that destruction which was coming upon them God put him in mind what things he had done for them, and what benefits they had received from him, and yet how ungrateful they had been to him that just now they had been induced, through the timorousness of the spies, to think that their words were truer than his own promise to them; and that on this account, though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; but would make them wander in the wilderness, and live without a fixed habitation, and without a city, for forty years together, as a punishment for this their transgression; but that he had promised to give that land to our children, and that he would make them the possessors of those good things which, by your ungoverned passions, you have deprived yourselves of.",
+                    "2. When Moses had discoursed thus to them according to the direction of God, the multitude, grieved, and were in affliction; and entreated Most to procure their reconciliation to God, and to permit them no longer to wander in the wilderness, but bestow cities upon them. But he replied, that God would not admit of any such trial, for that God was not moved to this determination from any human levity or anger, but that he had judicially condemned them to that punishment. Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses, who was but a single person, pacified so many ten thousands when they were in anger, and converted them to a mildness temper; for God was with him, and prepared way to his persuasions of the multitude; and as they had often been disobedient, they were now sensible that such disobedience was disadvantageous to them and that they had still thereby fallen into calamities.",
+                    "3. But this man was admirable for his virtue, and powerful in making men give credit to what he delivered, not only during the time of his natural life, but even there is still no one of the Hebrews who does not act even now as if Moses were present, and ready to punish him if he should do any thing that is indecent; nay, there is no one but is obedient to what laws he ordained, although they might be concealed in their transgressions. There are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than human, for still some there have been, who have come from the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four months, through many dangers, and at great expenses, in honor of our temple; and yet, when they had offered their oblations, could not partake of their own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had befallen them, which our ancient customs made inconsistent therewith; some of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their sacrifices in an imperfect condition; many were not able, even at first, so much as to enter the temple, but went their ways in this as preferring a submission to the laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own inclinations, they had no fear upon them that anybody could convict them, but only out of a reverence to their own conscience. Thus this legislation, which appeared to be divine, made this man to be esteemed as one superior to his own nature. Nay, further, a little before the beginning of this war, when Claudius was emperor of the Romans, and Ismael was our high priest, and when so great a famine (27) was come upon us, that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four drachmae, and when no less than seventy cori of flour were brought into the temple, at the feast of unleavened bread, (these cori are thirty-one Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian medimni,) not one of the priests was so hardy as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great a distress was upon the land; and this out of a dread of the law, and of that wrath which God retains against acts of wickedness, even when no one can accuse the actors. Whence we are not to wonder at what was then done, while to this very day the writings left by Moses have so great a force, that even those that hate us do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and that it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue; but as to these matters, let every one take them as he thinks fit."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Fight Of The Hebrews With The Canaanites Without The Consent Of Moses; And Their Defeat. </i><br>1. Now this life of the Hebrews in the wilderness was so disagreeable and troublesome to them, and they were so uneasy at it, that although God had forbidden them to meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they not be persuaded to be obedient to the words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing they should be able to beat their enemies, without his approbation, they accused him, and suspected that he made it his business to keep in a distressed condition, that they might always stand in need of his assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, not out of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because he took care of their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them their liberty, and would be assisting to them, now they were willing to take pains for it. They also said that they were possessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of their enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate God from them; that, however, it was for their advantage to be their own masters, and not so far to rejoice in their deliverance from the indignities they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves to be deluded, and live according to his pleasure, as though God did only foretell what concerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they were not all the posterity of Abraham; that God made him alone the author of all the knowledge we have, and we must still learn it from him; that it would be a piece of prudence to oppose his arrogant pretenses, and to put their confidence in God, and to resolve to take possession of that land which he had promised them, and not to give ear to him, who on this account, and under the pretense of Divine authority, forbade them so to do. Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at present, and that in those desert places they were still to expect things would be worse with them, they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only to God, their supreme Commander, and not waiting for any assistance from their legislator.",
+                    "2. When, therefore, they had come to this resolution, as being best for them, they went against their enemies; but those enemies were not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at the great multitude that made it, and received them with great courage. Many of the Hebrews were slain; and the remainder of the army, upon the disorder of their troops, were pursued, and fled, after a shameful manner, to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected misfortune made them quite despond; and they hoped for nothing that was good; as gathering from it, that this affliction came from the wrath of God, because they rashly went out to war without his approbation.",
+                    "3. But when Moses saw how deeply they were affected with this defeat, and being afraid lest the enemies should grow insolent upon this victory, and should be desirous of gaining still greater glory, and should attack them, he resolved that it was proper to withdraw the army into the wilderness to a further distance from the Canaanites: so the multitude gave themselves up again to his conduct, for they were sensible that, without his care for them, their affairs could not be in a good condition; and he caused the host to remove, and he went further into the wilderness, as intending there to let them rest, and not to permit them to fight the Canaanites before God should afford them a more favorable opportunity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Sedition Of Corah And Of The Multitude Against Moses, And Against His Brother, Concerning The Priesthood. </i><br>1. That which is usually the case of great armies, and especially upon ill success, to be hard to be pleased, and governed with difficulty, did now befall the Jews; for they being in number six hundred thousand, and by reason of their great multitude not readily subject to their governors, even in prosperity, they at this time were more than usually angry, both against one another and against their leader, because of the distress they were in, and the calamities they then endured. Such a sedition overtook them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their ruin; but, notwithstanding the indignities they had offered their legislator and the laws, and disobedience to the commandments which he had sent them by Moses, he delivered them from those terrible calamities which, without his providential care, had been brought upon them by this sedition. So I will first explain the cause whence this sedition arose, and then will give an account of the sedition itself; as also of what settlements made for their government after it was over.",
+                    "2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account, both by his family and by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity, and was at it, and envied him on that account, (he of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him,) was particularly grieved, because he thought he better deserved that honorable post on account of great riches, and not inferior to him in his birth. So he raised a clamor against him among the Levites, who were of the same tribe, and among his kindred, saying, \"That it was a very sad thing that they should overlook Moses, while hunted after and paved the way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should obtain it, under the pretense of God's command, while, contrary to laws, he had given the priesthood to Aaron, the common suffrage of the multitude, but by his own vote, as bestowing dignities in a way on whom he pleased.\" He added, \"That this concealed way of imposing on them was harder to be borne than if it had been done by an open force upon them, because he did now not only their power without their consent, but even they were unapprised of his contrivances against them; for whosoever is conscious to himself that he deserves any dignity, aims to get it by persuasion, and not by an arrogant method of violence; those that believe it impossible to obtain honors justly, make a show of goodness, and do not introduce force, but by cunning tricks grow wickedly powerful. That it was proper for the multitude to punish such men, even while they think themselves concealed in their designs, and not suffer them to gain strength till they have them for their open enemies. For what account,\" added he, \"is Moses able to give, why he has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and his sons? for if God had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest be, that of Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their great wealth also.\"",
+                    "3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a mind to appear to take care of the public welfare, but in reality he was endeavoring to procure to have that dignity transferred by the multitude to himself. Thus did he, out of a malignant design, but with discourse to those of his own tribe; when these words did gradually spread to more people, and when the hearers still added to what tended to the scandals that were cast upon the whole army was full of them. Now of those that conspired with Corah, there were two hundred and fifty, and those of the principal men also, who were eager to have the priesthood taken away from Moses's brother, and to bring him into disgrace: nay, the multitude themselves were provoked to be seditious, and attempted to stone Moses, wad gathered themselves together after an indecent manner, with confusion and disorder. And now all were, in a tumultuous manner, raising a before the tabernacle of God, to prosecute the tyrant, and to relieve the multitude from their slavery under him who, under color of the Divine laid violent injunctions upon them; for had it been God who chose one that was to the office of a priest, he would have raised person to that dignity, and would not produced such a one as was inferior to many others nor have given him that office; and that in he had judged it fit to bestow it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to the multitude to bestow it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his own brother.",
+                    "4. Now although Moses had a great while ago foreseen this calumny of Corah, and had seen the people were irritated, yet was he not affrighted at it; but being of good courage, because given them right advice about their affairs, and knowing that his brother had been made partaker of the priesthood at the command of God, and not by his own favor to him, he came to the assembly; and as for the multitude, he said not a word to them, but spake as loud to Corah as he could; and being very skillful in making speeches, and having this natural talent, among others, that he could greatly move the multitude with his discourses, he said, \"O Corah, both thou and all these with thee (pointing to the two hundred and fifty men) seem to be worthy of this honor; nor do I pretend but that this whole company may be worthy of the like dignity, although they may not be so rich or so great as you are: nor have I taken and given this office to my brother because he excelled others in riches, for thou exceedest us both in the greatness of thy wealth; (1) nor indeed because he was of an eminent family, for God, by giving us the same common ancestor, has made our families equal: nay, nor was it out of brotherly affection, which another might yet have justly done; for certainly, unless I had bestowed this honor out of regard to God, and to his laws, I had not passed by myself, and given it to another, as being nearer of kin to myself than to my brother, and having a closer intimacy with myself than I have with him; for surely it would not be a wise thing for me to expose myself to the dangers of offending, and to bestow the happy employment on this account upon another. But I am above such base practices: nor would God have overlooked this matter, and seen himself thus despised; nor would he have suffered you to be ignorant of what you were to do, in order to please him; but he hath himself chosen one that is to perform that sacred office to him, and thereby freed us from that care. So that it was not a thing that I pretend to give, but only according to the determination of God; I therefore propose it still to be contended for by such as please to put in for it, only desiring that he who has been already preferred, and has already obtained it, may be allowed now also to offer himself for a candidate. He prefers your peace, and your living without sedition, to this honorable employment, although in truth it was with your approbation that he obtained it; for though God were the donor, yet do we not offend when we think fit to accept it with your good-will; yet would it have been an instance of impiety not to have taken that honorable employment when he offered it; nay, it had been exceedingly unreasonable, when God had thought fit any one should have it for all time to come, and had made it secure and firm to him, to have refused it. However, he himself will judge again who it shall be whom he would have to offer sacrifices to him, and to have the direction of matters of religion; for it is absurd that Corah, who is ambitious of this honor, should deprive God of the power of giving it to whom he pleases. Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and disturbance on this account; and tomorrow morning do every one of you that desire the priesthood bring a censer from home, and come hither with incense and fire: and do thou, O Corah, leave the judgment to God, and await to see on which side he will give his determination upon this occasion, but do not thou make thyself greater than God. Do thou also come, that this contest about this honorable employment may receive determination. And I suppose we may admit Aaron without offense, to offer himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the same lineage with thyself, and has done nothing in his priesthood that can be liable to exception. Come ye therefore together, and offer your incense in public before all the people; and when you offer it, he whose sacrifice God shall accept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron, as if I had granted him that favor because he was my brother.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Those That Stirred Up This Sedition Were Destroyed, According To The Will Of God; And How Aaron, Moses's Brother Both He And His Posterity, Retained The Priesthood. </i><br>1. When Moses had said this, the multitude left off the turbulent behavior they had indulged, and the suspicion they had of Moses, and commended what he had said; for those proposals were good, and were so esteemed of the people. At that time therefore they dissolved the assembly. But on the next day they came to the congregation, in order to be present at the sacrifice, and at the determination that was to be made between the candidates for the priesthood. Now this congregation proved a turbulent one, and the multitude were in great suspense in expectation of what was to be done; for some of them would have been pleased if Moses had been convicted of evil practices, but the wiser sort desired that they might be delivered from the present disorder and disturbance; for they were afraid, that if this sedition went on, the good order of their settlement would rather be destroyed; but the whole body of the people do naturally delight in clamors against their governors, and, by changing their opinions upon the harangues of every speaker, disturb the public tranquillity. And now Moses sent messengers for Abiram and Dathan, and ordered them to come to the assembly, and wait there for the holy offices that were to be performed. But they answered the messenger, that they would not obey his summons; nay, would not overlook Moses's behavior, who was growing too great for them by evil practices. Now when Moses heard of this their answer, he desired the heads of the people to follow him, and he went to the faction of Dathan, not thinking it any frightful thing at all to go to these insolent people; so they made no opposition, but went along with him. But Dathan, and his associates, when they understood that Moses and the principal of the people were coming to them, came out, with their wives and children, and stood before their tents, and looked to see what Moses would do. They had also their servants about them to defend themselves, in case Moses should use force against them.",
+                    "2. But he came near, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried out with a loud voice, in order to be heard by the whole multitude, and said, \"O Lord of the creatures that are in the heaven, in the earth, and in the sea; for thou art the most authentic witness to what I have done, that it has all been done by thy appointment, and that it was thou that affordedst us assistance when we attempted any thing, and showedst mercy on the Hebrews in all their distresses; do thou come now, and hear all that I say, for no action or thought escapes thy knowledge; so that thou wilt not disdain to speak what is true, for my vindication, without any regard to the ungrateful imputations of these men. As for what was done before I was born, thou knowest best, as not learning them by report, but seeing them, and being present with them when they were done; but for what has been done of late, and which these men, although they know them well enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be thou my witness. When I lived a private quiet life, I left those good things which, by my own diligence, and by thy counsel, I enjoyed with Raguel my father-in-law; and I gave myself up to this people, and underwent many miseries on their account. I also bore great labors at first, in order to obtain liberty for them, and now in order to their preservation; and have always showed myself ready to assist them in every distress of theirs. Now, therefore, since I am suspected by those very men whose being is owing to my labors, come thou, as it is reasonable to hope thou wilt; thou, I say, who showedst me that fire at mount Sinai, and madest me to hear its voice, and to see the several wonders which that place afforded thou who commandedst me to go to Egypt, and declare thy will to this people; thou who disturbest the happy estate of the Egyptians, and gavest us the opportunity of flying away from our under them, and madest the dominion of Pharaoh inferior to my dominion; thou who didst make the sea dry land for us, when we knew not whither to go, and didst overwhelm the Egyptians with those destructive waves which had been divided for us; thou who didst bestow upon us the security of weapons when we were naked; thou who didst make the fountains that were corrupted to flow, so as to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us with water that came out of the rocks, when we were in want of it; thou who didst preserve our lives with [quails, which was] food from the sea, when the fruits of the ground failed us; thou didst send us such food from heaven as had never been seen before; thou who didst suggest to us the knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a of government, - come thou, I say, O Lord of the whole world, and that as such a Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be bribed, and show how I never admitted of any gift against justice from any of the Hebrews; and have never condemned a man that ought to have been acquitted, on account of one that was rich; and have never attempted to hurt this commonwealth. I am now and am suspected of a thing the remotest from my intentions, as if I had given the preisthood to Aaron, not at thy command, but out own favor to him; do thou at this time demonstrate that all things are administered by thy providence and that nothing happens by chance, but is governed by thy will, and thereby attains its end: as also demonstrate that thou takest care that have done good to the Hebrews; demonstrate this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and Dathan, who condemn thee as an insensible Being, and one overcome by my contrivances. This thou do by inflicting such an open punishment on these men who so madly fly in the face of thy glory, as will take them out of the world, not in an manner, but so that it may appear they do die after the manner of other men: let that ground which they tread upon open about them and consume them, with their families and goods. This will be a demonstration of thy power to all and this method of their sufferings will be an instruction of wisdom for those that entertain profane sentiments of thee. By this means I shall be a good servant, in the precepts thou hast given by me. But if the calumnies they have raised against me be true, mayst thou preserve these men from every evil accident, and bring all that destruction on me which I have imprecated upon them. And when thou hast inflicted punishment on those that have endeavored to deal unjustly with this people, bestow upon them concord and peace. Save this multitude that follow thy commandments, and preserve them free from harm, and let them not partake of the punishment of those that have sinned; for thou knowest thyself it is not just, that for the wickedness of those men the whole body of the Israelites should suffer punishment.\"",
+                    "3. When Moses had said this, with tears in his eyes, the ground was moved on a sudden; and the agitation that set it in motion was like that which the wind produces in waves of the sea. The people were all aftrighted; and the ground that was about their tents sunk down at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious into itself, who so entirely perished, that there was not the least appearance that any man had ever been seen there, the earth that had opened itself about them, closing again, and becoming entire as it was before, insomuch that such as saw it afterward did not perceive that any such accident had happened to it. Thus did these men perish, and become a demonstration of the power of God. And truly, any one would lament them, not only on account of this calamity that befell them, which yet deserves our commiseration, but also because their kindred were pleased with their sufferings; for they forgot the relation they bare to them, and at the sight of this sad accident approved of the judgment given against them; and because they looked upon the people about Dathan as pestilent men, they thought they perished as such, and did not grieve for them.",
+                    "4. And now Moses called for those that contended about the priesthood, that trial might be made who should be priest, and that he whose sacrifice God was best pleased with might be ordained to that function. There attended two hundred and fifty men, who indeed were honored by the people, not only on account of the power of their ancestors, but also on account of their own, in which they excelled the others: Aaron also and Corah came forth, and they all offered incense, in those censers of theirs which they brought with them, before the tabernacle. Hereupon so great a fire shone out as no one ever saw in any that is made by the hand of man, neither in those eruptions out of the earth that are caused by subterraneous burn-rags, nor in such fires as arise of their own accord in the woods, when the agitation is caused by the trees rubbing one against another: but this fire was very bright, and had a terrible flame, such as is kindled at the command of God; by whose irruption on them, all the company, and Corah himself, were destroyed, (2) and this so entirely, that their very bodies left no remains behind them. Aaron alone was preserved, and not at all hurt by the fire, because it was God that sent the fire to burn those only who ought to be burned. Hereupon Moses, after these men were destroyed, was desirous that the memory of this judgment might be delivered down to posterity, and that future ages might be acquainted with it; and so he commanded Eleazar, the son of Aaron, to put their censers near the brazen altar, that they might be a memorial to posterity of what these men suffered, for supposing that the power of God might be eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer esteemed to have the priesthood by the favor of Moses, but by the public judgment of God; and thus he and his children peaceably enjoyed that honor afterward."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Happened To The Hebrews During Thirty-Eight Years In The Wilderness. </i><br>1. However, this sedition was so far from ceasing upon this destruction, that it grew much stronger, and became more intolerable. And the occasion of its growing worse was of that nature, as made it likely the calamity would never cease, but last for a long time; for the men, believing already that nothing is done without the providence of God, would have it that these things came thus to pass not without God's favor to Moses; they therefore laid the blame upon him that God was so angry, and that this happened not so much because of the wickedness of those that were punished, as because Moses procured the punishment; and that these men had been destroyed without any sin of theirs, only because they were zealous about the Divine worship; as also, that he who had been the cause of this diminution of the people, by destroying so many men, and those the most excellent of them all, besides his escaping any punishment himself, had now given the priesthood to his brother so firmly, that nobody could any longer dispute it with him; for no one else, to be sure, could now put in for it, since he must have seen those that first did so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides this, the kindred of those that were destroyed made great entreaties to the multitude to abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would be safest for them so to do.",
+                    "2. Now Moses, upon his hearing for a good while that the people were tumultuous, was afraid that they would attempt some other innovation, and that some great and sad calamity would be the consequence. He called the multitude to a congregation, and patiently heard what apology they had to make for themselves, without opposing them, and this lest he should imbitter the multitude: he only desired the heads of the tribes to bring their rods, (3) with the names of their tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should receive the priesthood in whose rod God should give a sign. This was agreed to. So the rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also, who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod. These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of God. On the next day he brought out the rods, which were known from one another by those who brought them, they having distinctly noted them, as had the multitude also; and as to the rest, in the same form Moses had received them, in that they saw them still; but they also saw buds and branches grown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits upon them; they were almonds, the rod having been cut out of that tree. The people were so amazed at this strange sight, that though Moses and Aaron were before under some degree of hatred, they now laid that hatred aside, and began to admire the judgment of God concerning them; so that hereafter they applauded what God had decreed, and permitted Aaron to enjoy the priesthood peaceably. And thus God ordained him priest three several times, and he retained that honor without further disturbance. And hereby this sedition of the Hebrews, which had been a great one, and had lasted a great while, was at last composed.",
+                    "3. And now Moses, because the tribe of Levi was made free from war and warlike expeditions, and was set apart for the Divine worship, lest they should want and seek after the necessaries of life, and so neglect the temple, commanded the Hebrews, according to the will of God, that when they should gain the possession of the land of Canaan, they should assign forty-eight good and fair cities to the Levites; and permit them to enjoy their suburbs, as far as the limit of two thousand cubits would extend from the walls of the city. And besides this, he appointed that the people should pay the tithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites and to the priests. And this is what that tribe receives of the multitude; but I think it necessary to set down what is paid by all, peculiarly to the priests.",
+                    "4. Accordingly he commanded the Levites to yield up to the priests thirteen of their forty-eight cities, and to set apart for them the tenth part of the tithes which they every year receive of the people; as also, that it was but just to offer to God the first-fruits of the entire product of the ground; and that they should offer the first-born of those four-footed beasts that are appointed for sacrifices, if it be a male, to the priests, to be slain, that they and their entire families may eat them in the holy city; but that the owners of those first-born which are not appointed for sacrifices in the laws of our country, should bring a shekel and a half in their stead: but for the first-born of a man, five shekels: that they should also have the first-fruits out of the shearing of the sheep; and that when any baked bread corn, and made loaves of it, they should give somewhat of what they had baked to them. Moreover, when any have made a sacred vow, I mean those that are called Nazarites, that suffer their hair to grow long, and use no wine, when they consecrate their hair, (4) and offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot that hair for the priests [to be thrown into the fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to God, as a corban, which denotes what the Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of being freed from that ministration, are to lay down money for the priests; thirty shekels if it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man; but if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum, it shall be lawful for the priests to determine that sum as they think fit. And if any slay beasts at home for a private festival, but not for a religious one, they are obliged to bring the maw and the cheek, [or breast,] and the right shoulder of the sacrifice, to the priests. With these Moses contrived that the priests should be plentifully maintained, besides what they had out of those offerings for sins which the people gave them, as I have set it down in the foregoing book. He also ordered, that out of every thing allotted for the priests, their servants, [their sons,] their daughters, and their wives, should partake, as well as themselves, excepting what came to them out of the sacrifices that were offered for sins; for of those none but the males of the family of the priests might eat, and this in the temple also, and that the same day they were offered.",
+                    "5. When Moses had made these constitutions, after the sedition was over, he removed, together with the whole army, and came to the borders of Idumea. He then sent ambassadors to the king of the Idumeans, and desired him to give him a passage through his country; and agreed to send him what hostages he should desire, to secure him from an injury. He desired him also, that he would allow his army liberty to buy provisions; and, if he insisted upon it, he would pay down a price for the very water they should drink. But the king was not pleased with this embassage from Moses: nor did he allow a passage for the army, but brought his people armed to meet Moses, and to hinder them, in case they should endeavor to force their passage. Upon which Moses consulted God by the oracle, who would not have him begin the war first; and so he withdrew his forces, and traveled round about through the wilderness.",
+                    "6. Then it was that Miriam, the sister of Moses, came to her end, having completed her fortieth year (5) since she left Egypt, on the first (6) day of the lunar month Xanthicus. They then made a public funeral for her, at a great expense. She was buried upon a certain mountain, which they call Sin: and when they had mourned for her thirty days, Moses purified the people after this manner: He brought a heifer that had never been used to the plough or to husbandry, that was complete in all its parts, and entirely of a red color, at a little distance from the camp, into a place perfectly clean. This heifer was slain by the high priest, and her blood sprinkled with his finger seven times before the tabernacle of God; after this, the entire heifer was burnt in that state, together with its skin and entrails; and they threw cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet wool, into the midst of the fire; then a clean man gathered all her ashes together, and laid them in a place perfectly clean. When therefore any persons were defiled by a dead body, they put a little of these ashes into spring water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these ashes in it, they sprinkled them with it, both on the third day, and on the seventh, and after that they were clean. This he enjoined them to do also when the tribes should come into their own land.",
+                    "7. Now when this purification, which their leader made upon the mourning for his sister, as it has been now described, was over, he caused the army to remove and to march through the wilderness and through Arabia; and when he came to a place which the Arabians esteem their metropolis, which was formerly called Arce, but has now the name of Petra, at this place, which was encompassed with high mountains, Aaron went up one of them in the sight of the whole army, Moses having before told him that he was to die, for this place was over against them. He put off his pontifical garments, and delivered them to Eleazar his son, to whom the high priesthood belonged, because he was the elder brother; and died while the multitude looked upon him. He died in the same year wherein he lost his sister, having lived in all a hundred twenty and three years. He died on the first day of that lunar month which is called by the Athenians Hecatombaeon, by the Macedonians Lous, but by the Hebrews Abba."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Moses Conquered Sihon And Og Kings Of The Amorites, And Destroyed Their Whole Army And Then Divided Their Land By Lot To Two Tribes And A Half Of The Hebrews. </i><br>1. The people mourned for Aaron thirty days, and when this mourning was over, Moses removed the army from that place, and came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out of the mountains of Arabia, and running through all that wilderness, falls into the lake Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit between the land of the Moabites and the land of the Amorites. This land is fruitful, and sufficient to maintain a great number of men, with the good things it produces. Moses therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the king of this country, desiring that he would grant his army a passage, upon what security he should please to require; he promised that he should be no way injured, neither as to that country which Sihon governed, nor as to its inhabitants; and that he would buy his provisions at such a price as should be to their advantage, even though he should desire to sell them their very water. But Sihon refused his offer, and put his army into battle array, and was preparing every thing in order to hinder their passing over Arnon.",
+                    "2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king was disposed to enter upon hostilities with them, he thought he ought not to bear that insult; and, determining to wean the Hebrews from their indolent temper, and prevent the disorders which arose thence, which had been the occasion of their former sedition, (nor indeed were they now thoroughly easy in their minds,) he inquired of God, whether he would give him leave to fight? which when he had done, and God also promised him the victory, he was himself very courageous, and ready to proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encouraged the soldiers; and he desired of them that they would take the pleasure of fighting, now God gave them leave so to do. They then, upon the receipt of this permission, which they so much longed for, put on their whole armor, and set about the work without delay. But the Amorite king was not now like to himself when the Hebrews were ready to attack him; but both he himself was affrighted at the Hebrews, and his army, which before had showed themselves to be of good courage, were then found to be timorous: so they could not sustain the first onset, nor bear up against the Hebrews, but fled away, as thinking this would afford them a more likely way for their escape than fighting, for they depended upon their cities, which were strong, from which yet they reaped no advantage when they were forced to fly to them; for as soon as the Hebrews saw them giving ground, they immediately pursued them close; and when they had broken their ranks, they greatly terrified them, and some of them broke off from the rest, and ran away to the cities. Now the Hebrews pursued them briskly, and obstinately persevered in the labors they had already undergone; and being very skillful in slinging, and very dexterous in throwing of darts, or any thing else of that kind, and also having nothing but light armor, which made them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their enemies; and for those that were most remote, and could not be overtaken, they reached them by their slings and their bows, so that many were slain; and those that escaped the slaughter were sorely wounded, and these were more distressed with thirst than with any of those that fought against them, for it was the summer season; and when the greatest number of them were brought down to the river out of a desire to drink, as also when others fled away by troops, the Hebrews came round them, and shot at them; so that, what with darts and what with arrows, they made a slaughter of them all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the Hebrews spoiled the dead bodies, and took their prey. The land also which they took was full of abundance of fruits, and the army went all over it without fear, and fed their cattle upon it; and they took the enemies prisoners, for they could no way put a stop to them, since all the fighting men were destroyed. Such was the destruction which overtook the Amorites, who were neither sagacious in counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupon the Hebrews took possession of their land, which is a country situate between three rivers, and naturally resembled an island: the river Arnon being its southern ; the river Jabbok determining its northern side, which running into Jordan loses its own name, and takes the other; while Jordan itself runs along by it, on its western coast.",
+                    "3. When matters were come to this state, Og, the king of Gilead and Gaulanitis, fell upon the Israelites. He brought an army with him, and in haste to the assistance of his friend Sihon: but though he found him already slain, yet did he resolve still to come and fight the Hebrews, supposing he should be too hard for them, and being desirous to try their valor; but failing of his hope, he was both himself slain in the battle, and all his army was destroyed. So Moses passed over the river Jabbok, and overran the kingdom of Og. He overthrew their cities, and slew all their inhabitants, who yet exceeded in riches all the men in that part of the continent, on account of the goodness of the soil, and the great quantity of their wealth. Now Og had very few equals, either in the largeness of his body, or handsomeness of his appearance. He was also a man of great activity in the use of his hands, so that his actions were not unequal to the vast largeness and handsome appearance of his body. And men could easily guess at his strength and magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath, the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure was of iron, its breadth four cubits, and its length a cubit more than double thereto. However, his fall did not only improve the circumstances of the Hebrews for the present, but by his death he was the occasion of further good success to them; for they presently took those sixty cities, which were encompassed with excellent walls, and had been subject to him, and all got both in general and in particular a great prey."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Balaam The Prophet And What Kind Of Man He Was. </i><br>1. Now Moses, when he had brought his army to Jordan; pitched his camp in the great plain over against Jericho. This city is a very happy situation, and very fit for producing palm-trees and balsam. And now the Israelites began to be very proud of themselves, and were very eager for fighting. Moses then, after he had offered for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the people, sent a party of armed men to lay waste the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities. Now the occasion which he took for making war upon them was this that follows :--",
+                    "2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his ancestors a friendship and league with the Midianites, saw how great the Israelites were grown, he was much affrighted on account of his own and his kingdom's danger; for he was not acquainted with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle with any other country, but were to be contented with the possession of the land of Canaan, God having forbidden them to go any farther (7) So he, with more haste than wisdom, resolved to make an attempt upon them by words; but he did not judge it prudent to fight against them, after they had such prosperous successes, and even became out of ill successes more happy than before, but he thought to hinder them, if he could, from growing greater, and so he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites about them. Now these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and one that was in friendship with them, sent some of their honorable princes along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet to come to them, that he might imprecate curses to the destruction of the Israelites. So Balsam received the ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when he had supped, he inquired what was God's will, and what this matter was for which the Midianites entreated him to come to them. But when God opposed his going, he came to the ambassadors, and told them that he was himself very willing and desirous to comply with their request, but informed them that God was opposite to his intentions, even that God who had raised him to great reputation on account of the truth of his predictions; for that this army, which they entreated him to come and curse, was in the favor of God; on which account he advised them to go home again, and not to persist in their enmity against the Israelites; and when he had given them that answer, he dismissed the ambassadors.",
+                    "3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest request and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring to gratify the men, inquired again of God; but he was displeased at [second] trial (8) and bid him by no means to contradict the ambassadors. Now Balsam did not imagine that God gave this injunction in order to deceive him, so he went along with the ambassadors; but when the divine angel met him in the way, when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall on both sides, the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the walls, without regard to the stripes which Balaam, when he was hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass, upon the angel's continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which were given her, fell down, by the will of God, she made use of the voice of a man, and complained of Balaam as acting unjustly to her; that whereas he had no fault find with her in her former service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon her, as not understanding that she was hindered from serving him in what he was now going about, by the providence of God. And when he was disturbed by reason of the voice of the ass, which was that of a man, the angel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes he had given his ass; and informed him that the brute creature was not in fault, but that he was himself come to obstruct his journey, as being contrary to the will of God. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and was preparing to return back again: yet did God excite him to go on his intended journey, but added this injunction, that he should declare nothing but what he himself should suggest to his mind.",
+                    "4. When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when the king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired him to go to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of the camp of the Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain, and brought the prophet along with him, with a royal attendance. This mountain lay over their heads, and was distant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now when he saw them, he desired the king to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls and rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then slew the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offerings, that he might observe some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he, \"Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times of war. May the children of your enemies have an inclination to fight against you; and may they be so hardy as to come to arms, and to assault you in battle, for they will not return with victory, nor will their return be agreeable to their children and wives. To so great a degree of valor will you be raised by the providence of God, who is able to diminish the affluence of some, and to supply the wants of others.\"",
+                    "5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as not being in his own power, but moved to say what he did by the Divine Spirit. But then Balak was displeased, and said he had broken the contract he had made, whereby he was to come, as he and his confederates had invited him, by the promise of great presents: for whereas he came to curse their enemies, he had made an encomium upon them, and had declared that they were the happiest of men. To which Balaam replied, \"O Balak, if thou rightly considerest this whole matter, canst thou suppose that it is in our power to be silent, or to say any thing, when the Spirit of God seizes upon us? - for he puts such words as he pleases in our mouths, and such discourses as we are not ourselves conscious of. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey. It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what you desired of me; but God is more powerful than the purposes I had made to serve you; for those that take upon them to foretell the affairs of mankind, as from their own abilities, are entirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter what God suggests to them, or to offer violence to his will; for when he prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say is our own. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me: but now, because it is my desire to oblige thee thyself, as well as the Midianites, whose entreaties it is not decent for me to reject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that I may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind these men with curses.\" Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would not, even upon second sacrifices, consent to his cursing the Israelites. (9) Then fell Balaam upon his face, and foretold what calamities would befall the several kings of the nations, and the most eminent cities, some of which of old were not so much as inhabited; which events have come to pass among the several people concerned, both in the foregoing ages, and in this, till my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which completion of all these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the rest will have their completion in time to come.",
+                    "6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honor. Whereupon, when he was just upon his journey, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the Midianites, and spake thus to them: - \"O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you will obtain it by following my directions: - Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, (10) and proper to force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them, and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree able. Then do you send them to be near camp, and give them in charge, that the young men of the Hebrews desire their allow it them; and when they see they are enamored of them, let them take leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let give their consent till they have persuaded leave off their obedience to their own laws, the worship of that God who established them to worship the gods of the Midianites and for by this means God will be angry at them (11). Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested counsel to them, he went his way.",
+                    "7. So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the Hebrew men were allured by their beauty, and came with them, and besought them not to grudge them the enjoyment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation. These daughters of Midianites received their words gladly, and consented to it, and staid with them; but when they brought them to be enamored of them, and their inclinations to them were grown to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then it was that these men became greatly disconsolate at the women's departure, and they were urgent with them not to leave them, but begged they would continue there, and become their wives; and they promised them they should be owned as mistresses all they had. This they said with an oath, and called God for the arbitrator of what they promised; and this with tears in their eyes, and all such marks of concern, as might shew how miserable they thought themselves without them, and so might move their compassion for them. So the women, as soon as they perceived they had made their slaves, and had caught them with their conservation began to speak thus to them: -",
+                    "8. \"O you illustrious young men! we have of our own at home, and great plenty of good things there, together with the natural, affectionate parents and friends; nor is it out of our want of any such things that we came to discourse with you; nor did we admit of your invitation with design to prostitute the beauty of our bodies for gain; but taking you for brave and worthy men, we agreed to your request, that we might treat you with such honors as hospitality required: and now seeing you say that you have a great affection for us, and are troubled when you think we are departing, we are not averse to your entreaties; and if we may receive such assurance of your good-will as we think can be alone sufficient, we will be glad to lead our lives with you as your wives; but we are afraid that you will in time be weary of our company, and will then abuse us, and send us back to our parents, after an ignominious manner.\" And they desired that they would excuse them in their guarding against that danger. But the young men professed they would give them any assurance they should desire; nor did they at all contradict what they requested, so great was the passion they had for them. \"If then,\" said they, \"this be your resolution, since you make use of such customs and conduct of life as are entirely different from all other men, (12) insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to yourselves, and your kinds of drink not common to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if you would have us for your wives, that you do withal worship our gods. Nor can there be any other demonstration of the kindness which you say you already have, and promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the same gods that we do. For has any one reason to complain, that now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to all men, and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves.\" So they said they must either come into such methods of divine worship as all others came into, or else they must look out for another world, wherein they may live by themselves, according to their own laws.",
+                    "9. Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for these women to think they spake very well; so they gave themselves up to what they persuaded them, and transgressed their own laws, and supposing there were many gods, and resolving that they would sacrifice to them according to the laws of that country which ordained them, they both were delighted with their strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would have them do, though in contradiction to their own laws; so far indeed that this transgression was already gone through the whole army of the young men, and they fell into a sedition that was much worse than the former, and into danger of the entire abolition of their own institutions; for when once the youth had tasted of these strange customs, they went with insatiable inclinations into them; and even where some of the principal men were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they also were corrupted together with the rest.",
+                    "10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon accompanied with Cozbi, a Midianitish women, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of authority in that country; and being desired by his wife to disregard the laws of Moses, and to follow those she was used to, he complied with her, and this both by sacrificing after a manner different from his own, and by taking a stranger to wife. When things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow worse, and called the people to a congregation, but then accused nobody by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by lying concealed, might come to repentance; but he said that they did not do what was either worthy of themselves, or of their fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to the living according to his will; that it was fit they should change their courses while their affairs were still in a good state, and think that to be true fortitude which offers not violence to their laws, but that which resists their lusts. And besides that, he said it was not a reasonable thing, when they had lived soberly in the wilderness, to act madly now when they were in prosperity; and that they ought not to lose, now they have abundance, what they had gained when they had little: - and so did he endeavor, by saying this, to correct the young inert, and to bring them to repentance for what they had done.",
+                    "11. But Zimri arose up after him, and said, \"Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond of, and hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm; otherwise, if things had not been thus, thou hadst often been punished before now, and hadst known that the Hebrews are not easily put upon; but thou shalt not have me one of thy followers in thy tyrannical commands, for thou dost nothing else hitherto, but, under pretense of laws, and of God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of the sweetness of life, which consists in acting according to our own wills, and is the right of free-men, and of those that have no lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the Hebrews then were the Egyptians themselves, as pretending to punish, according to his laws, every one's acting what is most agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest to suffer punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknowledges to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion to have more force than that of all the rest; and what I now do, and think to be right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according to my own sentiments. I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a strange woman, and thou hearest what I do from myself as from one that is free, for truly I did not intend to conceal myself. I also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you do not think it fit to sacrifice; and I think it right to come at truth by inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one man; nor shall any one find cause to rejoice who declares himself to have more authority over my actions than myself.\"",
+                    "12. Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some others had wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out of fear of what might come upon them, and because they saw that their legislator was not willing to bring his insolence before the public any further, or openly to contend with him; for he avoided that, lest many should imitate the impudence of his language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the assembly was dissolved. However, the mischievous attempt had proceeded further, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came to pass on the following occasion: - Phineas, a man in other respects better than the rest of the young men, and also one that surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity of his father, (for he was the son of Eleazar the high priest, and the grandson of [Aaron] Moses's brother,) who was greatly troubled at what was done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on him, before his unworthy behavior should grow stronger by impunity, and in order to prevent this transgression from proceeding further, which would happen if the ringleaders were not punished. He was of so great magnanimity, both in strength of mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous attempt, he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire victory. So he came into Zimri's tent, and slew him with his javelin, and with it he slew Cozbi also, Upon which all those young men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas's boldness, and slew those that were found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Accordingly many of those that had transgressed perished by the magnanimous valor of these young men; and the rest all perished by a plague, which distemper God himself inflicted upon them; so that all those their kindred, who, instead of hindering them from such wicked actions, as they ought to have done, had persuaded them to go on, were esteemed by God as partners in their wickedness, and died. Accordingly there perished out of the army no fewer than fourteen (13) [twenty-four] thousand at this time.",
+                    "13. This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to destroy the Midianites, concerning which expedition we shall speak presently, when we have first related what we have omitted; for it is but just not to pass over our legislator's due encomium, on account of his conduct here, because, although this Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews, and when he was hindered from doing it by Divine Providence, did still suggest that advice to them, by making use of which our enemies had well nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them were deeply infected with their opinions; yet did he do him great honor, by setting down his prophecies in writing. And while it was in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him, and did him the honor to make mention of him on this account. But let every one think of these matters as he pleases."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Fought With The Midianites, And Overcame Them. </i><br>1. Now Moses sent an army against the land of Midian, for the causes forementioned, in all twelve thousand, taking an equal number out of every tribe, and appointed Phineas for their commander; of which Phineas we made mention a little before, as he that had guarded the laws of the Hebrews, and had inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had transgressed them. Now the Midianites perceived beforehand how the Hebrews were coming, and would suddenly be upon them: so they assembled their army together, and fortified the entrances into their country, and there awaited the enemy's coming. When they were come, and they had joined battle with them, an immense multitude of the Midianites fell; nor could they be numbered, they were so very many: and among them fell all their kings, five in number, viz. Evi, Zur, Reba, Hur, and Rekem, who was of the same name with a city, the chief and capital of all Arabia, which is still now so called by the whole Arabian nation, Arecem, from the name of the king that built it; but is by the Greeks called - Petra. Now when the enemies were discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their country, and took a great prey, and destroyed the men that were its inhabitants, together with the women; only they let the virgins alone, as Moses had commanded Phineas to do, who indeed came back, bringing with him an army that had received no harm, and a great deal of prey; fifty-two thousand beeves, seventy-five thousand six hundred sheep, sixty thousand asses, with an immense quantity of gold and silver furniture, which the Midianites made use of in their houses; for they were so wealthy, that they were very luxurious. There were also led captive about thirty-two thousand virgins. (14) So Moses parted the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth part to Eleazar and the two priests, and another fiftieth part to the Levites; and distributed the rest of the prey among the people. After which they lived happily, as having obtained an abundance of good things by their valor, and there being no misfortune that attended them, or hindered their enjoyment of that happiness.",
+                    "2. But Moses was now grown old, and appointed Joshua for his successor, both to receive directions from God as a prophet, and for a commander of the army, if they should at any time stand in need of such a one; and this was done by the command of God, that to him the care of the public should be committed. Now Joshua had been instructed in all those kinds of learning which concerned the laws and God himself, and Moses had been his instructor.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that the two tribes of Gad and Reuben, and the half tribe of Manasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as well as in all other kinds of prosperity; whence they had a meeting, and in a body came and besought Moses to give them, as their peculiar portion, that land of the Amorites which they had taken by right of war, because it was fruitful, and good for feeding of cattle; but Moses, supposing that they were afraid of fighting with the Canaanites, and invented this provision for their cattle as a handsome excuse for avoiding that war, he called them arrant cowards, and said they had only contrived a decent excuse for that cowardice; and that they had a mind to live in luxury and ease, while all the rest were laboring with great pains to obtain the land they were desirous to have; and that they were not willing to march along, and undergo the remaining hard service, whereby they were, under the Divine promise, to pass over Jordan, and overcome those our enemies which God had shown them, and so obtain their land. But these tribes, when they saw that Moses was angry with them, and when they could not deny but he had a just cause to be displeased at their petition, made an apology for themselves; and said, that it was not on account of their fear of dangers, nor on account of their laziness, that they made this request to him, but that they might leave the prey they had gotten in places of safety, and thereby might be more expedite, and ready to undergo difficulties, and to fight battles. They added this also, that when they had built cities, wherein they might preserve their children, and wives, and possessions, if he would bestow them upon them, they would go along with the rest of the army. Hereupon Moses was pleased with what they said; so he called for Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua, and the chief of the tribes, and permitted these tribes to possess the land of the Amorites; but upon this condition, that they should join with their kinsmen in the war until all things were settled. Upon which condition they took possession of the country, and built them strong cities, and put into them their children and their wives, and whatsoever else they had that might be an impediment to the labors of their future marches.",
+                    "4. Moses also now built those ten cities which were to be of the number of the forty-eight [for the Levites;]; three of which he allotted to those that slew any person involuntarily, and fled to them; and he assigned the same time for their banishment with that of the life of that high priest under whom the slaughter and flight happened; after which death of the high priest he permitted the slayer to return home. During the time of his exile, the relations of him that was slain may, by this law, kill the manslayer, if they caught him without the bounds of the city to which he fled, though this permission was not granted to any other person. Now the cities which were set apart for this flight were these: Bezer, at the borders of Arabia; Ramoth, of the land of Gilead; and Golan, in the land of Bashan. There were to be also, by Moses's command, three other cities allotted for the habitation of these fugitives out of the cities of the Levites, but not till after they should be in possession of the land of Canaan.",
+                    "5. At this time the chief men of the tribe of Manasseh came to Moses, and informed him that there was an eminent man of their tribe dead, whose name was Zelophehad, who left no male children, but left daughters; and asked him whether these daughters might inherit his land or not. He made this answer, That if they shall marry into their own tribe, they shall carry their estate along with them; but if they dispose of themselves in marriage to men of another tribe, they shall leave their inheritance in their father's tribe. And then it was that Moses ordained, that every one's inheritance should continue in his own tribe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Polity Settled By Moses; And How He Disappeared From Among Mankind. </i><br>1. When forty years were completed, within thirty days, Moses gathered the congregation together near Jordan, where the city Abila now stands, a place full of palm-trees; and all the people being come together, he spake thus to them: -",
+                    "2. \"O you Israelites and fellow soldiers, who have been partners with me in this long and uneasy journey; since it is now the will of God, and the course of old age, at a hundred and twenty, requires it that I should depart out of this life; and since God has forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to you in what remains to be done beyond Jordan; I thought it reasonable not to leave off my endeavors even now for your happiness, but to do my utmost to procure for you the eternal enjoyment of good things, and a memorial for myself, when you shall be in the fruition of great plenty and prosperity. Come, therefore, let me suggest to you by what means you may be happy, and may leave an eternal prosperous possession thereof to your children after you, and then let me thus go out of the world; and I cannot but deserve to be believed by you, both on account of the great things I have already done for you, and because, when souls are about to leave the body, they speak with the sincerest freedom. O children of Israel! there is but one source of happiness for all mankind, the favor of God (15) for he alone is able to give good things to those that deserve them, and to deprive those of them that sin against him; towards whom, if you behave yourselves according to his will, and according to what I, who well understand his mind, do exhort you to, you will both be esteemed blessed, and will be admired by all men; and will never come into misfortunes, nor cease to be happy: you will then preserve the possession of the good things you already have, and will quickly obtain those that you are at present in want of, - only do you be obedient to those whom God would have you to follow. Nor do you prefer any other constitution of government before the laws now given you; neither do you disregard that way of Divine worship which you now have, nor change it for any other form: and if you do this, you will be the most courageous of all men, in undergoing the fatigues of war, and will not be easily conquered by any of your enemies; for while God is present with you to assist you, it is to be expected that you will be able to depise the opposition of all mankind; and great rewards of virtue are proposed for you, if you preserve that virtue through your whole lives. Virtue itself is indeed the principal and the first reward, and after that it bestows abundance of others; so that your exercise of virtue towards other men will make your own lives happy, and render you more glorious than foreigners can be, and procure you an undisputed reputation with posterity. These blessings you will be able to obtain, in case you hearken to and observe those laws which, by Divine revelation, I have ordained for you; that is, in case you withal meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I am going from you myself, rejoicing in the good things you enjoy; and I recommend you to the wise conduct of your law, to the becoming order of your polity, and to the virtues of your commanders, who will take care of what is for your advantage. And that God, who has been till now your Leader, and by whose goodwill I have myself been useful to you, will not put a period now to his providence over you, but as long as you desire to have him your Protector in your pursuits after virtue, so long will you enjoy his care over you. Your high priest also Eleazar, as well as Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your tribes, will go before you, and suggest the best advices to you; by following which advices you will continue to be happy: to whom do you give ear without reluctance, as sensible that all such as know well how to be governed, will also know how to govern, if they be promoted to that authority themselves. And do not you esteem liberty to consist in opposing such directions as your governors think fit to give you for your practice, - as at present indeed you place your liberty in nothing else but abusing your benefactors; which error if you can avoid for the time to come, your affairs will be in a better condition than they have hitherto been. Nor do you ever indulge such a degree of passion in these matters, as you have oftentimes done when you have been very angry at me; for you know that I have been oftener in danger of death from you than from our enemies. What I now put you in mind of, is not done in order to reproach you; for I do not think it proper, now I am going out of the world, to bring this to your remembrance, in order to leave you offended at me, since, at the time when I underwent those hardships from you, I was not angry at you; but I do it in order to make you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that this will be for your security; I mean, that you never be injurious to those that preside over you, even when you are become rich, as you will be to a great degree when you have passed over Jordan, and are in possession of the land of Canaan. Since, when you shall have once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a contempt and disregard of virtue, you will also forfeit the favor of God; and when you have made him your enemy, you will be beaten in war, and will have the land which you possess taken away again from you by your enemies, and this with great reproaches upon your conduct. You will be scattered over the whole world, and will, as slaves, entirely fill both sea and land; and when once you have had the experience of what I now say, you will repent, and remember the laws you have broken, when it is too late. Whence I would advise you, if you intend to preserve these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive when you have conquered them, but to look upon it as for your advantage to destroy them all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste of their manners, and thereby corrupt your own proper institutions. I also do further exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and their groves, and whatsoever temples they have among them, and to burn all such, their nation, and their very memory with fire; for by this means alone the safety of your own happy constitution can be firmly secured to you. And in order to prevent your ignorance of virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature into vice, I have also ordained you laws, by Divine suggestion, and a form of government, which are so good, that if you regularly observe them, you will be esteemed of all men the most happy.\"",
+                    "3. When he had spoken thus, he gave them the laws and the constitution of government written in a book. Upon which the people fell into tears, and appeared already touched with the sense that they should have a great want of their conductor, because they remembered what a number of dangers he had passed through, and what care he had taken of their preservation: they desponded about what would come upon them after he was dead, and thought they should never have another governor like him; and feared that God would then take less care of them when Moses was gone, who used to intercede for them. They also repented of what they had said to him in the wilderness when they were angry, and were in grief on those accounts, insomuch that the whole body of the people fell into tears with such bitterness, that it was past the power of words to comfort them in their affliction. However, Moses gave them some consolation; and by calling them off the thought how worthy he was of their weeping for him, he exhorted them to keep to that form of government he had given them; and then the congregation was dissolved at that time.",
+                    "4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein. Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God's assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon.",
+                    "5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and have leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. Let there be then one city of the land of Canaan, and this situate in the most agreeable place for its goodness, and very eminent in itself, and let it be that which God shall choose for himself by prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein, and one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather together at random; which stones, when they are whited over with mortar, will have a handsome appearance, and be beautiful to the sight. Let the ascent to it be not by steps (16) but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one.",
+                    "6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an ignominious and obscure manner.",
+                    "7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together, for it is a good thing for those that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance will be maintained by thus conversing together, and by seeing and talking with one another, and so renewing the memorials of this union; for if they do not thus converse together continually, they will appear like mere strangers to one another.",
+                    "8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the donor.",
+                    "9. You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who is a harlot (17) for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses of nature; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice to God.",
+                    "10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such; (18) nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god.",
+                    "11. Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone.",
+                    "12. When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city for sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles, let the high priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; and let neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no, nor the servants neither; for it is a good thing that those laws should be engraven in their souls, and preserved in their memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out; for by this means they will not be guilty of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will have a greater authority among them, as foretelling what they will suffer if they break them; and imprinting in their souls by this hearing what they command them to do, that so there may always be within their minds that intention of the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity.",
+                    "13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice every day, both when the day begins and when the hour of sleep comes on, gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also by way of invitation of future favors. They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from God upon their doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their arms; as also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God's readiness to bless them may appear everywhere conspicuous about them. (19)",
+                    "14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, (20) and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. Let those that are chosen to judge in the several cities be had in great honor; and let none be permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among men should procure men's fear and reverence towards God. Let those that judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before all other things, otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. But if these judges be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them, (which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them.",
+                    "15. But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives. But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex (21) Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their soul; since it is probable that they may not speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed to have borne false witness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered.",
+                    "16. If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be not found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the man, and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent inquiry made after the man, and rewards proposed to any one who will discover him; but if still no information can be procured, let the magistrates and senate of those cities that lie near the place in which the murder was committed, assemble together, and measure the distance from the place where the dead body lies; then let the magistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where there is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews of the heifer; then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such horrid act may any more be done in that land. ",
+                    "17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; let him submit to the laws, and esteem God's commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare.",
+                    "18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; since this going beyond limits, and gaining ground upon others, is the occasion of wars and seditions; for those that remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws.",
+                    "19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master's use; but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases.",
+                    "20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them; but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in the union of things that are not in their own nature alike; nor are you to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller things. Nor is any thing to be allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of subversion may creep into the constitution. Nor do the laws neglect small matters, but provide that even those may be managed after an unblamable manner.",
+                    "21. Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is reaped, gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave some handfuls for those that are in want of the necessaries of life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes, let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of their own; for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude of the poor. And God will provide that the land shall more willingly produce what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others also. Nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its production, of this fruit of their labors. Nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of what you have; and this whether they be of your own country or strangers, - as being glad of the opportunity of giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. Nor let those that gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain those whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world according to God's will, and this while the season is at the height, and is hastening away as it pleases God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; for that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates to another, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great superfluities to even these foreigners also. But for him that acts contrary to this law, let him be beaten with forty stripes save one (22) by the public executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a most ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it.",
+                    "22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are to bring every third year a third tithe to be distributed to those that want; (23) to women also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. But as to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. But when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God, that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the tithes [and other dues] according to the laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him, and continue so to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow upon them.",
+                    "23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him not corrupt another man's wife, and marry her, nor grieve her former husband. Nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons themselves, to govern those their affections. And further, no one ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by these means the dispositions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free. If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications (24) to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin to her, defend her If the damsel obtain a sentence in her favor, that she had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any further power at all to put her away, unless she give him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted. But for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an impudent and rash manner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture from his father's kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double portion of his father's substance, for that double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws, - let not this be permitted; for it is unjust that he who is the elder by birth should be deprived of what is due to him, on the father's disposition of his estate, because his mother was not equally regarded by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. However, if a man light on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father of the damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. He that desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause (25) whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. If a woman's husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother's name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance, for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married to the next relation of their former husbands. But if the brother will not marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the family, and to hear him children. And when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, That the woman shall loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his face, and say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. But now, if any man take captive, either a virgin, or one that hath been married, (26) and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that were slain in the battle, that by this means she may give vent to her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath no regard to what is agreeable to her. But when thirty days are past, as the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleases, and have that privilege of a free woman.",
+                    "24. As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not pay them honor, but offer them affronts, either because they are ashamed of them or think themselves wiser than they, - in the first place, let their parents admonish them in words, (for they are by nature of authority sufficient for becoming their judges,) and let them say thus to them: - That they cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they might have children to take care of them in their old age, and might by them have what they then should want. And say further to him, \"That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought time up with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most excellent. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications Of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience.\" Now if the insolence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former errors deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to punishment. But if it happen that these words and instructions, conveyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be useless, then the offender renders the laws implacable enemies to the insolence he has offered his parents; let him therefore be brought forth (27) by these very parents out of the city, with a multitude following him, and there let him be stoned; and when he has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night. And thus it is that we bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried; nor let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment beyond what justice requires.",
+                    "25. Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither usury of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen; but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity towards him.",
+                    "26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who lent them, laying them up, as it were, in their own treasuries, and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want them again. But if they be without shame, and do not restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower's house, and take a pledge himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law. And if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again; but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally showing mercy to the poor. It is also not lawful to take a millstone, nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge, that the debtor, may not be deprived of instruments to get their food withal, and lest they be undone by their necessity.",
+                    "27. Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that is stealing something out of his house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulet is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to pay it.",
+                    "28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have a son by a woman servant in his purchaser's house, and if, on account of his good-will to his master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, let him be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with him his children and wife, and let them be free also.",
+                    "29. If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire after him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where he found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his own profit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself, and appeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another.",
+                    "30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain.",
+                    "31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know them, and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder others' advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.",
+                    "32. In like manner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb.",
+                    "33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment on him that smote him: but if when he is carried home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him not escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended during the time of his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. He that kicks a woman with child, so that the woman miscarry, (28) let him pay a fine in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let money also be given the woman's husband by him that kicked her; but if she die of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the law judging it equitable that life should go for life.",
+                    "34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison (29) that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared.",
+                    "35. He that maimeth any one, let him undergo the like himself, and be deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the other, unless he that is maimed will accept of money instead of it (30) for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of what he hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it, unless he will be more severe.",
+                    "36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn, kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occasion of the ox's having killed a man. But if the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty shekels (31) to the master of him that was slain; but if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them.",
+                    "37. Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any persons from drawing water, but that there may be no danger of falling into them. But if any one's beast fall into such a well or pit thus digged, and not shut up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the owner of the beast. Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing.",
+                    "38. Let him that has received any thing in trust for another, take care to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted it with him of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman; no, not although he or she were to gain an immense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; for it is fit that a man's own conscience, which knows what he hath, should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience be his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. After the same manner as in these trusts it is to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him. And let it be always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man of his wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what he hath labored for.",
+                    "39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commiseration, because they were born of wicked parents, than hatred, because they were born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what they have been instructed in, and this by their proud refusal of such instruction.",
+                    "40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in detestation; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to men for the increase of their kind: let such be driven away, as if they had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure them; for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate, they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals. (32)",
+                    "41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprised beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready when you want them, and may not then be obliged to go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circumstances. May you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize upon it, whereby you may do things that are contrary to your fathers, and so lose the laws which they have established. And may you continue in the observation of those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of warlike operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done out of your own borders: but when you are about to go to war, send embassages and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing to make use of words to them before you come to your weapons of war; and assure them thereby, that although you have a numerous army, with horses and weapons, and, above these, a God merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. And if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them; but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as your supreme Commander, but ordaining for a lieutenant under him one that is of the greatest courage among you; for these different commanders, besides their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a disadvantage to those that make use of them. Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also give leave to those that have lately built them houses, and have not yet lived in them a year's time; and to those that have planted them vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits, - to continue in their own country; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have such an affection for these things that they be too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoyments, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.",
+                    "42. When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do nothing that is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and want timber for the making of warlike engines, do not you render the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were made for the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were able, remove themselves into another land. When you have beaten your enemies in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but preserve the others alive, that they may pay you tribute, excepting the nation of the Canaanites; for as to that people, you must entirely destroy them.",
+                    "43, Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman.",
+                    "44. This was the form of political government which was left us by Moses. Moreover, he had already delivered laws in writing (33) in the fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt], concerning which we will discourse in another book. But now on the following days (for he called them to assemble continually) he delivered blessings to them, and curses upon those that should not live according to the laws, but should transgress the duties that were determined for them to observe. After this, he read to them a poetic song, which was composed in hexameter verse, and left it to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was to come to pass afterward; agreeably whereto all things have happened all along, and do still happen to us; and wherein he has not at all deviated from the truth. Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, (34) with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they were in the wilderness; and that when they had got possession of the land of the Canaanites, and when they had destroyed the whole multitude of its inhabitants, as they ought to do, they should erect an altar that should face the rising sun, not far from the city of Shechem, between the two mountains, that of Gerizzim, situate on the right hand, and that called Ebal, on the left; and that the army should be so divided, that six tribes should stand upon each of the two mountains, and with them the Levites and the priests. And that first, those that were upon Mount Gerizzim should pray for the best blessings upon those who were diligent about the worship of God, and the observation of his laws, and who did not reject what Moses had said to them; while the other wished them all manner of happiness also; and when these last put up the like prayers, the former praised them. After this, curses were denounced upon those that should transgress those laws, they, answering one another alternately, by way of confirmation of what had been said. Moses also wrote their blessings and their curses, that they might learn them so thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten by length of time. And when he was ready to die, he wrote these blessings and curses upon the altar, on each side of it; where he says also the people stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-offerings, though after that day they never offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was not lawful so to do. These are the constitutions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still live according to them.",
+                    "45. On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the women and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were present also, that they might engage themselves to the observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favor of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and so might transgress them. That in case any one of their own blood, or any city, should attempt to confound or dissolve their constitution of government, they should take vengeance upon them, both all in general, and each person in particular; and when they had conquered them, should overturn their city to the very foundations, and, if possible, should not leave the least footsteps of such madness: but that if they were not able to take such vengeance, they should still demonstrate that what was done was contrary to their wills. So the multitude bound themselves by oath so to do.",
+                    "46. Moses taught them also by what means their sacrifices might be the most acceptable to God; and how they should go forth to war, making use of the stones (in the high priest's breastplate) for their direction, (35) as I have before signified. Joshua also prophesied while Moses was present. And when Moses had recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the preservation of the people, both in their wars and in peace, and had composed them a body of laws, and procured them an excellent form of government, he foretold, as God had declared to him \"That if they transgressed that institution for the worship of God, they should experience the following miseries: - Their land should be full of weapons of war from their enemies, and their cities should be overthrown, and their temple should be burnt that they should be sold for slaves, to such men as would have no pity on them in their afflictions; that they would then repent, when that repentance would no way profit them under their sufferings. \"Yet,\" said he, \"will that God who founded your nation, restore your cities to your citizens, with their temple also; and you shall lose these advantages not once only, but often.\"",
+                    "47. Now when Moses had encouraged Joshua to lead out the army against the Canaanites, by telling him that God would assist him in all his undertakings, and had blessed the whole multitude, he said, \"Since I am going to my forefathers, and God has determined that this should be the day of my departure to them, I return him thanks while I am still alive and present with you, for that providence he hath exercised over you, which hath not only delivered us from the miseries we lay under, but hath bestowed a state of prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath assisted me in the pains I took, and in all the contrivances I had in my care about you, in order to better your condition, and hath on all occasions showed himself favorable to us; or rather he it was who first conducted our affairs, and brought them to a happy conclusion, by making use of me as a vicarious general under him, and as a minister in those matters wherein he was willing to do you good: on which account I think it proper to bless that Divine Power which will take care of you for the time to come, and this in order to repay that debt which I owe him, and to leave behind me a memorial that we are obliged to worship and honor him, and to keep those laws which are the most excellent gift of all those he hath already bestowed upon us, or which, if he continue favorable to us, he will bestow upon us hereafter. Certainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy when his laws are affronted, and are made to no purpose. And may you never experience that displeasure of God which will be the consequence of the neglect of these his laws, which he, who is your Creator, hath given you.\"",
+                    "48. When Moses had spoken thus at the end of his life, and had foretold what would befall to every one of their tribes (36) afterward, with the addition of a blessing to them, the multitude fell into tears, insomuch that even the women, by beating their breasts, made manifest the deep concern they had when he was about to die. The children also lamented still more, as not able to contain their grief; and thereby declared, that even at their age they were sensible of his virtue and mighty deeds; and truly there seemed to be a strife betwixt the young and the old who should most grieve for him. The old grieved because they knew what a careful protector they were to be deprived of, and so lamented their future state; but the young grieved, not only for that, but also because it so happened that they were to be left by him before they had well tasted of his virtue. Now one may make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and lamentation of the multitude, from what happened to the legislator himself; for although he was always persuaded that he ought not to be cast down at the approach of death, since the undergoing it was agreeable to the will of God and the law of nature, yet what the people did so overbore him, that he wept himself. Now as he went thence to the place where he was to vanish out of their sight, they all followed after him weeping; but Moses beckoned with his hand to those that were remote from him, and bade them stay behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that were near to him that they would not render his departure so lamentable. Whereupon they thought they ought to grant him that favor, to let him depart according as he himself desired; so they restrained themselves, though weeping still towards one another. All those who accompanied him were the senate, and Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua their commander. Now as soon as they were come to the mountain called Abarim, (which is a very high mountain, situate over against Jericho, and one that affords, to such as are upon it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of Canaan,) he dismissed the senate; and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that, because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God.",
+                    "49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third part of which time, abating one month, he was the people's ruler; and he died on the last month of the year, which is called by the Macedonians Dystrus, but by us Adar, on the first day of the month. He was one that exceeded all men that ever were in understanding, and made the best use of what that understanding suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking and addressing himself to the multitude; and as to his other qualifications, he had such a full command of his passions, as if he hardly had any such in his soul, and only knew them by their names, as rather perceiving them in other men than in himself. He was also such a general of an army as is seldom seen, as well as such a prophet as was never known, and this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pronounced, you would think you heard the voice of God himself. So the people mourned for him thirty days: nor did ever any grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this upon the death of Moses: nor were those that had experienced his conduct the only persons that desired him, but those also that perused the laws he left behind him had a strong desire after him, and by them gathered the extraordinary virtue he was master of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the manner of the death of Moses."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joshua, The Commander Of The Hebrews, Made War With The Canaanites, And Overcame Them, And Destroyed Them, And Divided Their Land By Lot To The Tribes Of Israel.</i><br>1. When Moses was taken away from among men, in the manner already described, and when all the solemnities belonging to the mourning for him were finished, and the sorrow for him was over, Joshua commanded the multitude to get themselves ready for an expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho to discover what forces they had, and what were their intentions; but he put his camp in order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan at a proper season. And calling to him the rulers of the tribe of Reuben, and the governors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half tribe of] Manasseh, for half of this tribe had been permitted to have their habitation in the country of the Amorites, which was the seventh part of the land of Canaan, (1) he put them in mind what they had promised Moses; and he exhorted them that, for the sake of the care that Moses had taken of them who had never been weary of taking pains for them no, not when he was dying, and for the sake of the public welfare, they would prepare themselves, and readily perform what they had promised; so he took fifty thousand of them who followed him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan, sixty furlongs.",
+                    "2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the spies came to him immediately, well acquainted with the whole state of the Canaanites; for at first, before they were at all discovered, they took a full view of the city of Jericho without disturbance, and saw which parts of the walls were strong, and which parts were otherwise, and indeed insecure, and which of the gates were so weak as might afford an entrance to their army. Now those that met them took no notice of them when they saw them, and supposed they were only strangers, who used to be very curious in observing everything in the city, and did not take them for enemies; but at even they retired to a certain inn that was near to the wall, whither they went to eat their supper; which supper when they had done, and were considering how to get away, information was given to the king as he was at supper, that there were some persons come from the Hebrews' camp to view the city as spies, and that they were in the inn kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that they might not be discovered. So he sent immediately some to them, and commanded to catch them, and bring them to him, that he might examine them by torture, and learn what their business was there. As soon as Rahab understood that these messengers were coming, she hid the spies under stalks of flax, which were laid to dry on the top of her house; and said to the messengers that were sent by the king, that certain unknown strangers had supped with her a little before sun-setting, and were gone away, who might easily be taken, if they were any terror to the city, or likely to bring any danger to the king. So these messengers being thus deluded by the woman, (2) and suspecting no imposition, went their ways, without so much as searching the inn; but they immediately pursued them along those roads which they most probably supposed them to have gone, and those particularly which led to the river, but could hear no tidings of them; so they left off the pains of any further pursuit. But when the tumult was over, Rahab brought the men down, and desired them as soon as they should have obtained possession of the land of Canaan, when it would be in their power to make her amends for her preservation of them, to remember what danger she had undergone for their sakes; for that if she had been caught concealing them, she could not have escaped a terrible destruction, she and all her family with her, and so bid them go home; and desired them to swear to her to preserve her and her family when they should take the city, and destroy all its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do; for so far she said she had been assured by those Divine miracles of which she had been informed. So these spies acknowledged that they owed her thanks for what she had done already, and withal swore to requite her kindness, not only in words, but in deeds. But they gave her this advice, That when she should perceive that the city was about to be taken, she should put her goods, and all her family, by way of security, in her inn, and to hang out scarlet threads before her doors, [or windows,] that the commander of the Hebrews might know her house, and take care to do her no harm; for, said they, we will inform him of this matter, because of the concern thou hast had to preserve us: but if any one of thy family fall in the battle, do not thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by whom we have sworn, not then to be displeased with us, as though we had broken our oaths. So these men, when they had made this agreement, went away, letting themselves down by a rope from the wall, and escaped, and came and told their own people whatsoever they had done in their journey to this city. Joshua also told Eleazar the hi gh priest, and the senate, what the spies had sworn to Rahab, who continued what had been sworn.",
+                    "3. Now while Joshua, the commander, was in fear about their passing over Jordan, for the river ran with a strong current, and could not be passed over with bridges, for there never had been bridges laid over it hitherto; and while he suspected, that if he should attempt to make a bridge, that their enemies would not afford him thee to perfect it, and for ferry-boats they had none, - God promised so to dispose of the river, that they might pass over it, and that by taking away the main part of its waters. So Joshua, after two days, caused the army and the whole multitude to pass over in the manner following: - The priests went first of all, having the ark with them; then went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and the vessels which belonged to the sacrifices; after which the entire multitude followed, according to their tribes, having their children and their wives in the midst of them, as being afraid for them, lest they should be borne away by the stream. But as soon as the priests had entered the river first, it appeared fordable, the depth of the water being restrained and the sand appearing at the bottom, because the current was neither so strong nor so swift as to carry it away by its force; so they all passed over the river without fear, finding it to be in the very same state as God had foretold he would put it in; but the priests stood still in the midst of the river till the multitude should be passed over, and should get to the shore in safety; and when all were gone over, the priests came out also, and permitted the current to run freely as it used to do before. Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews were come out of it, arose again presently, and came to its own proper magnitude as before.",
+                    "4. So the Hebrews went on farther fifty furlongs, and pitched their camp at the distance of ten furlongs from Jericho; but Joshua built an altar of those stones which all the heads of the tribes, at the command of the prophets, had taken out of the deep, to be afterwards a memorial of the division of the stream of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice to God; and in that place celebrated the passover, and had great plenty of all the things which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped the corn of the Canaanites, which was now ripe, and took other things as prey; for then it was that their former food, which was manna, and of which they had eaten forty years, failed them.",
+                    "5. Now while the Israelites did this, and the Canaanites did not attack them, but kept themselves quiet within their own walls, Joshua resolved to besiege them; so on the first day of the feast [of the passover], the priests carried the ark round about, with some part of the armed men to be a guard to it. These priests went forward, blowing with their seven trumpets; and exhorted the army to be of good courage, and went round about the city, with the senate following them; and when the priests had only blown with the trumpets, for they did nothing more at all, they returned to the camp. And when they had done this for six days, on the seventh Joshua gathered the armed men and all the people together, and told them these good tidings, That the city should now be taken, since God would on that day give it them, by the falling down of the walls, and this of their own accord, and without their labor. However, he charged them to kill every one they should take, and not to abstain from the slaughter of their enemies, either for weariness or for pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be thereby diverted from pursuing their enemies as they ran away; but to destroy all the animals, and to take nothing for their own peculiar advantage. He commanded them also to bring together all the silver and gold, that it might be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this glorious exploit, as having gotten them from the city they first took; only that they should save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of the oath which the spies had sworn to her.",
+                    "6. When he had said this, and had set his army in order, he brought it against the city: so they went round the city again, the ark going before them, and the priests encouraging the people to be zealous in the work; and when they had gone round it seven times, and had stood still a little, the wall fell down, while no instruments of war, nor any other force, was applied to it by the Hebrews.",
+                    "7. So they entered into Jericho, and slew all the men that were therein, while they were aftrighted at the surprising overthrow of the walls, and their courage was become useless, and they were not able to defend themselves; so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in the ways, and others as caught in their houses; nothing afforded them assistance, but they all perished, even to the women and the children; and the city was filled with dead bodies, and not one person escaped. They also burnt the whole city, and the country about it; but they saved alive Rahab, with her family, who had fled to her inn. And when she was brought to him, Joshua owned to her that they owed her thanks for her preservation of the spies: so he said he would not appear to be behind her in his benefaction to her; whereupon he gave her certain lands immediately, and had her in great esteem ever afterwards.",
+                    "8. And if any part of the city escaped the fire, he overthrew it from the foundation; and he denounced a curse (3)against its inhabitants, if any should desire to rebuild it; how, upon his laying the foundation of the walls, he should be deprived of his eldest son; and upon finishing it, he should lose his youngest son. But what happened hereupon we shall speak of hereafter.",
+                    "9. Now there was an immense quantity of silver and gold, and besides those of brass also, that was heaped together out of the city when it was taken, no one transgressing the decree, nor purloining for their own peculiar advantage; which spoils Joshua delivered to the priests, to be laid up among their treasures. And thus did Jericho perish.",
+                    "10. But there was one Achar, (4) the son [of Charmi, the son] of Zebedias, of the tribe of Judah, who finding a royal garment woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed two hundred shekels; (5) and thinking it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by running some hazard, had found, he must give away, and offer it to God, who stood in no need of it, while he that wanted it must go without it, - made a deep ditch in his own tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing he should not only be concealed from his fellow soldiers, but from God himself also.",
+                    "11. Now the place where Joshua pitched his camp was called Gilgal, which denotes liberty; (6) for since now they had passed over Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed from the miseries which they had undergone from the Egyptians, and in the wilderness.",
+                    "12. Now, a few days after the calamity that befell Jericho, Joshua sent three thousand armed men to take Ai, a city situate above Jericho; but, upon the sight of the people of Ai, with them they were driven back, and lost thirty-six of their men. When this was told the Israelites, it made them very sad, and exceeding disconsolate, not so much because of the relation the men that were destroyed bare to them, though those that were destroyed were all good men, and deserved their esteem, as by the despair it occasioned; for while they believed that they were already, in effect, in possession of the land, and should bring back the army out of the battles without loss, as God had promised beforehand, they now saw unexpectedly their enemies bold with success; so they put sackcloth over their garments, and continued in tears and lamentation all the day, without the least inquiry after food, but laid what had happened greatly to heart.",
+                    "13. When Joshua saw the army so much afflicted, and possessed with forebodings of evil as to their whole expedition, he used freedom with God, and said, \"We are not come thus far out of any rashness of our own, as though we thought ourselves able to subdue this land with our own weapons, but at the instigation of Moses thy servant for this purpose, because thou hast promised us, by many signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for a possession, and that thou wouldst make our army always superior in war to our enemies, and accordingly some success has already attended upon us agreeably to thy promises; but because we have now unexpectedly been foiled, and have lost some men out of our army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what thou hast promised us, and what Moses foretold us, cannot be depended on by us; and our future expectation troubles us the more, because we have met with such a disaster in this our first attempt. But do thou, O Lord, free us from these suspicions, for thou art able to find a cure for these disorders, by giving us victory, which will both take away the grief we are in at present, and prevent our distrust as to what is to come.\"",
+                    "14. These intercessions Joshua put up to God, as he lay prostrate on his face: whereupon God answered him, That he should rise up, and purify his host from the pollution that had got into it; that \"things consecrated to me have been impudently stolen from me,\" and that \"this has been the occasion why this defeat had happened to them;\" and that when they should search out and punish the offender, he would ever take care they should have the victory over their enemies. This Joshua told the people; and calling for Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar; and when the inquiry was made man by man, they took Achar, who, upon God's reducing him to a terrible extremity, could not deny the fact: so he confessed the theft, and produced what he had taken in the midst of them, whereupon he was immediately put to death; and attained no more than to be buried in the night in a disgraceful manner, and such as was suitable to a condemned malefactor.",
+                    "15. When Joshua had thus purified the host, he led them against Ai: and having by night laid an ambush round about the city, he attacked the enemies as soon as it was day; but as they advanced boldly against the Israelites, because of their former victory, he made them believe he retired, and by that means drew them a great way from the city, they still supposing that they were pursuing their enemies, and despised them, as though the case had been the same with that in the former battle; after which Joshua ordered his forces to turn about, and placed them against their front. He then made the signals agreed upon to those that lay in ambush, and so excited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls, nay, others of them being in perplexity, and coming to see those that were without the gates. Accordingly, these men took the city, and slew all that they met with; but Joshua forced those that came against him to come to a close fight, and discomfited them, and made them run away; and when they were driven towards the city, and thought it had not been touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and perceived it was burnt, with their wives and children, they wandered about in the fields in a scattered condition, and were no way able to defend themselves, because they had none to support them. Now when this calamity was come upon the men of Ai, there were a great number of children, and women, and servants, and an immense quantity of other furniture. The Hebrews also took herds of cattle, and a great deal of money, for this was a rich country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal, he divided all these spoils among the soldiers.",
+                    "16. But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very near to Jerusalem, when they saw what miseries had happened to the inhabitants of Jericho; and to those of Ai, and suspected that the like sore calamity would come as far as themselves, they did not think fit to ask for mercy of Joshua; for they supposed they should find little mercy from him, who made war that he might entirely destroy the nation of the Canaanites; but they invited the people of Cephirah and Kiriathjearim, who were their neighbors, to join in league with them; and told them that neither could they themselves avoid the danger they were all in, if the Israelites should prevent them, and seize upon them: so when they had persuaded them, they resolved to endeavor to escape the forces of the Israelites. Accordingly, upon their agreement to what they proposed, they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a league of friendship with him, and those such of the citizens as were best approved of, and most capable of doing what was most advantageous to the multitude. Now these ambassadors thought it dangerous to confess themselves to be Canaanites, but thought they might by this contrivance avoid the danger, namely, by saying that they bare no relation to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at a very great distance from them: and they said further, that they came a long way, on account of the reputation he had gained for his virtue; and as a mark of the truth of what they said, they showed him the habit they were in, for that their clothes were new when they came out, but were greatly worn by the length of thee they had been on their journey; for indeed they took torn garments, on purpose that they might make him believe so. So they stood in the midst of the people, and said that they were sent by the people of Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which were very remote from the land where they now were, to make such a league of friendship with them, and this on such conditions as were customary among their forefathers; for when they understood that, by the favor of God, and his gift to them, they were to have the possession of the land of Canaan bestowed upon them, they said that they were very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted into the number of their citizens. Thus did these ambassadors speak; and showing them the marks of their long journey, they entreated the Hebrews to make a league of friendship with them. Accordingly Joshua, believing what they said, that they were not of the nation of the Canaanites, entered into friendship with them; and Eleazar the high priest, with the senate, sware to them that they would esteem them their friends and associates, and would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the multitude also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. So these men, having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put upon him; but they alleged, on their own behalf, that they had no other way to save themselves but that, and were therefore forced to have recourse to it. So he called for Eleazar the high priest, and for the senate, who thought it right to make them public servants, that they might not break the oath they had made to them; and they ordained them to be so. And this was the method by which these men found safety and security under the calamity that was ready to overtake them.",
+                    "17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to heart that the Gibeonites had gone over to Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the neighboring nations to join together, and make war against them. Now when the Gibeonites saw these kings, which were four, besides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived that they had pitched their camp at a certain fountain not far from their city, and were getting ready for the siege of it, they called upon Joshua to assist them; for such was their case, as to expect to be destroyed by these Canaanites, but to suppose they should be saved by those that came for the destruction of the Canaanites, because of the league of friendship that was between them. Accordingly, Joshua made haste with his whole army to assist them, and marching day and night, in the morning he fell upon the enemies as they were going up to the siege; and when he had discomfited them, he followed them, and pursued them down the descent of the hills. The place is called Bethhoron; where he also understood that God assisted him, which he declared by thunder and thunderbolts, as also by the falling of hail larger than usual. Moreover, it happened that the day was lengthened (7) that the night might not come on too soon, and be an obstruction to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their enemies; insomuch that Joshua took the kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at Makkedah, and put them to death. Now, that the day was lengthened at this thee, and was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the books laid up in the temple. (8)",
+                    "18. These kings which made war with, and were ready to fight the Gibeonites, being thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to the mountainous parts of Canaan; and when he had made a great slaughter of the people there, and took their prey, he came to the camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great fame abroad among the neighboring people of the courage of the Hebrews; and those that heard what a number of men were destroyed, were greatly aftrighted at it: so the kings that lived about Mount Libanus, who were Canaanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in the plain country, with auxiliaries out of the land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at Beroth, a city of the Upper Galilee, not far from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in Galilee. Now the number of the whole army was three hundred thousand armed footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand chariots; so that the multitude of the enemies aftrighted both Joshua himself and the Israelites; and they, instead of being full of hopes of good success, were superstitiously timorous, with the great terror with which they were stricken. Whereupon God upbraided them with the fear they were in, and asked them whether they desired a greater help than he could afford them; and promised them that they should overcome their enemies; and withal charged them to make their enemies' horses useless, and to burn their chariots. So Joshua became full of courage upon these promises of God, and went out suddenly against the enemies; and after five days' march he came upon them, and joined battle with them, and there was a terrible fight, and such a number were slain as could not be believed by those that heard it. He also went on in the pursuit a great way, and destroyed the entire army of the enemies, few only excepted, and all the kings fell in the battle; insomuch, that when there wanted men to be killed, Joshua slew their horses, and burnt their chariots and passed all over their country without opposition, no one daring to meet him in battle; but he still went on, taking their cities by siege, and again killing whatever he took.",
+                    "19. The fifth year was now past, and there was not one of the Canaanites remained any longer, excepting some that had retired to places of great strength. So Joshua removed his camp to the mountainous country, and placed the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for that seemed a fit place for it, because of the beauty of its situation, until such thee as their affairs would permit them to build a temple; and from thence he went to Shechem, together with all the people, and raised an altar where Moses had beforehand directed; then did he divide the army, and placed one half of them on Mount Gerizzim, and the other half on Mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar was; he also placed there the tribe of Levi, and the priests. And when they had sacrificed, and denounced the [blessings and the] curses, and had left them engraven upon the altar, they returned to Shiloh.",
+                    "20. And now Joshua was old, and saw that the cities of the Canaanites were not easily to be taken, not only because they were situate in such strong places, but because of the strength of the walls themselves, which being built round about, the natural strength of the places on which the cities stood, seemed capable of repelling their enemies from besieging them, and of making those enemies despair of taking them; for when the Canaanites had learned that the Israelites came out of Egypt in order to destroy them, they were busy all that time in making their cities strong. So he gathered the people together to a congregation at Shiloh; and when they, with great zeal and haste, were come thither, he observed to them what prosperous successes they had already had, and what glorious things had been done, and those such as were worthy of that God who enabled them to do those things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws which they followed. He took notice also, that thirty-one of those kings that ventured to give them battle were overcome, and every army, how great soever it were, that confided in their own power, and fought with them, was utterly destroyed; so that not so much as any of their posterity remained. And as for the cities, since some of them were taken, but the others must be taken in length of thee, by long sieges, both on account of the strength of their walls, and of the confidence the inhabitants had in them thereby, he thought it reasonable that those tribes that came along with them from beyond Jordan, and had partaken of the dangers they had undergone, being their own kindred, should now be dismissed and sent home, and should have thanks for the pains they had taken together with them. As also, he thought it reasonable that they should send one man out of every tribe, and he such as had the testimony of extraordinary virtue, who should measure the land faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit should inform them of its real magnitude.",
+                    "21. Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken to them, found that the multitude approved of his proposal. So he sent men to measure their country, and sent with them some geometricians, who could not easily fail of knowing the truth, on account of their skill in that art. He also gave them a charge to estimate the measure of that part of the land that was most fruitful, and what was not so good: for such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that one may see large plains, and such as are exceeding fit to produce fruit, which yet, if they were compared to other parts of the country, might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet, if it be compared with the fields about Jericho, and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will appear to be of no account at all; and although it so falls out that these people have but a very little of this sort of land, and that it is, for the main, mountainous also, yet does it not come behind other parts, on account of its exceeding goodness and beauty; for which reason Joshua thought the land for the tribes should be divided by estimation of its goodness, rather than the largeness of its measure, it often happening that one acre of some sort of land was equivalent to a thousand other acres. Now the men that were sent, which were in number ten, traveled all about, and made an estimation of the land, and in the seventh month came to him to the city of Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle.",
+                    "22. So Joshua took both Eleazar and the senate, and with them the heads of the tribes, and distributed the land to the nine tribes, and to the half-tribe of Manasseh, appointing the dimensions to be according to the largeness of each tribe. So when he had cast lots, Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and its breadth extended to the Lake of Sodom. Now in the lot of this tribe there were the cities of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Simeon, which was the second, included that part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot fell so, that its length reached from the river Jordan to the sea, but in breadth it was bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel; and this lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the goodness of the land, for it included Jericho and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim had by lot the land that extended in length from the river Jordan to Gezer; but in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended at the Great Plain. The half-tribe of Manasseh had the land from Jordan to the city of Dora; but its breadth was at Bethsham, which is now called Scythopolis. And after these was Issachar, which had its limits in length, Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit in breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of Zebulon's lot included the land which lay as far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that which belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe of Aser had that part which was called the Valley, for such it was, and all that part which lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce belonged to their share, which is also named Actipus. The Naphthalites received the eastern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of that mountain; that is, out of that part of it whose limits belong to the neighboring city of Arce. The Danites' lot included all that part of the valley which respects the sun-setting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora; as also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of Judah begins.",
+                    "23. After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear the name of the sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed by the nine tribes and a half; for Moses had prevented him, and had already distributed the land of the Amorites, which itself was so called also from one of the sons of Canaan, to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown already. But the parts about Sidon, as also those that belonged to the Arkites, and the Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet regularly disposed of.",
+                    "24. But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he intended to do (as did those that succeeded him in the government, take little care of what was for the advantage of the public); so he gave it in charge to every tribe to leave no remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the land that had been divided to them by lot; that Moses had assured them beforehand, and they might rest fully satisfied about it, that their own security and their observation of their own laws depended wholly upon it. Moreover, he enjoined them to give thirty-eight cities to the Levites, for they had already received ten in the country of the Amorites; and three of these he assigned to those that fled from the man-slayers, who were to inhabit there; for he was very solicitous that nothing should be neglected which Moses had ordained. These cities were, of the tribe of Judah, Hebron; of that of Ephraim, Shechem; and of that of Naphthali, Cadesh, which is a place of the Upper Galilee. He also distributed among them the rest of the prey not yet distributed, which was very great; whereby they had an affluence of great riches, both all in general, and every one in particular; and this of gold and of vestments, and of other furniture, besides a multitude of cattle, whose number could not be told.",
+                    "25. After this was over, he gathered the army together to a congregation, and spake thus to those tribes that had their settlement in the land of the Amorites beyond Jordan, - for fifty thousand of them had armed themselves, and had gone to the war along with them: - \"Since that God, who is the Father and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for a possession, and promised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our own for ever; and since you have with alacrity offered yourselves to assist us when we wanted that assistance on all occasions, according to his command; it is but just, now all our difficulties are over, that you should be permitted to enjoy rest, and that we should trespass on your alacrity to help us no longer; that so, if we should again stand in need of it, we may readily have it on any future emergency, and not tire you out so much now as may make you slower in assisting us another thee. We, therefore, return you our thanks for the dangers you have undergone with us, and we do it not at this thee only, but we shall always be thus disposed; and be so good as to remember our friends, and to preserve in mind what advantages we have had from them; and how you have put off the enjoyments of your own happiness for our sakes, and have labored for what we have now, by the goodwill of God, obtained, and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity till you had afforded us that assistance. However, you have, by joining your labor with ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will carry home with you much prey, with gold and silver, and, what is more than all these, our good-will towards you, and a mind willingly disposed to make a requital of your kindness to us, in what case soever you shall desire it, for you have not omitted any thing which Moses beforehand required of you, nor have you despised him because he was dead and gone from you, so that there is nothing to diminish that gratitude which we owe to you. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your own inheritances; and we entreat you to suppose, that there is no limit to be set to the intimate relation that is between us; and that you will not imagine, because this river is interposed between us, that you are of a different race from us, and not Hebrews; for we are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and it is the same God that brought our forefathers and yours into the world, whose worship and form of government we are to take care of, which he has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because while you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merciful and assisting to you; but if you imitate the other nations, and forsake those laws, he will reject your nation.\" When Joshua had spoken thus, and saluted them all, both those in authority one by one, and the whole multitude in common, he himself staid where he was; but the people conducted those tribes on their journey, and that not without tears in their eyes; and indeed they hardly knew how to part one from the other.",
+                    "26. Now when the tribe of Reuben, and that of Gad, and as many of the Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a monument to posterity, and a sign of their relation to those that should inhabit on the other side. But when those on the other side heard that those who had been dismissed had built an altar, but did not hear with what intention they built it, but supposed it to be by way of innovation, and for the introduction of strange gods, they did not incline to disbelieve it; but thinking this defamatory report, as if it were built for divine worship, was credible, they appeared in arms, as though they would avenge themselves on those that built the altar; and they were about to pass over the river, and to punish them for their subversion of the laws of their country; for they did not think it fit to regard them on account of their kindred or the dignity of those that had given the occasion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner wherein he desired to be worshipped; so these men put themselves in array for war. But Joshua, and Eleazar the high priest, and the senate, restrained them; and persuaded them first to make trial by words of their intention, and afterwards, if they found that their intention was evil, then only to proceed to make war upon them. Accordingly, they sent as ambassadors to them Phineas the son of Eleazar, and ten more persons that were in esteem among the Hebrews, to learn of them what was in their mind, when, upon passing over the river, they had built an altar upon its banks. And as soon as these ambassadors were passed over, and were come to them, and a congregation was assembled, Phineas stood up and said, That the offense they had been guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or by them only to be amended for the future; yet that they did not so look at the heinousness of their transgression as to have recourse to arms, and to a battle for their punishment immediately, but that, on account of their kindred, and the probability there was that they might be reclaimed, they took this method of sending an ambassage to them: \"That when we have learned the true reasons by which you have been moved to build this altar, we may neither seem to have been too rash in assaulting you by our weapons of war, if it prove that you made the altar for justifiable reasons, and may then justly punish you if the accusation prove true; for we can hardly hardly suppose that you, have been acquainted with the will of God and have been hearers of those laws which he himself hath given us, now you are separated from us, and gone to that patrimony of yours, which you, through the grace of God, and that providence which he exercises over you, have obtained by lot, can forget him, and can leave that ark and that altar which is peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods, and imitate the wicked practices of the Canaanites. Now this will appear to have been a small crime if you repent now, and proceed no further in your madness, but pay a due reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of your country; but if you persist in your sins, we will not grudge our pains to preserve our laws; but we will pass over Jordan and defend them, and defend God also, and shall esteem of you as of men no way differing from the Canaanites, but shall destroy you in the like manner as we destroyed them; for do not you imagine that, because you are got over the river, you are got out of the reach of God's power; you are every where in places that belong to him, and impossible it is to overrun his power, and the punishment he will bring on men thereby: but if you think that your settlement here will be any obstruction to your conversion to what is good, nothing need hinder us from dividing the land anew, and leaving this old land to be for the feeding of sheep; but you will do well to return to your duty, and to leave off these new crimes; and we beseech you, by your children and wives, not to force us to punish you. Take therefore such measures in this assembly, as supposing that your own safety, and the safety of those that are dearest to you, is therein concerned, and believe that it is better for you to be conquered by words, than to continue in your purpose, and to experience deeds and war therefore.\"",
+                    "27. When Phineas had discoursed thus, the governors of the assembly, and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for themselves, concerning what they were accused of; and they said, That they neither would depart from the relation they bare to them, nor had they built the altar by way of innovation; that they owned one and the same common God with all the Hebrews, and that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which they would offer their sacrifices; that as to the altar they had raised, on account of which they were thus suspected, it was not built for worship, \"but that it might be a sign and a monument of our relation to you for ever, and a necessary caution to us to act wisely, and to continue in the laws of our country, but not a handle for transgressing them, as you suspect: and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices.\"",
+                    "28. When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended them for it, he came to Joshua, and explained before the people what answer they had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was under no necessity of setting them in array, or of leading them to shed blood, and make war against men of their own kindred; and accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the same. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly of the people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he was very old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the several cities, with those in authority, and the senate, and as many of the common people as could be present; and when they were come, he put them in mind of all the benefits God had bestowed on them, which could not but be a great many, since from a low estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory and plenty; and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of God, which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that the Deity would continue their friend by nothing else but their piety; and that it was proper for him, now that he was about to depart out of this life, to leave such an admonition to them; and he desired that they would keep in memory this his exhortation to them.",
+                    "29. So Joshua, when he had thus discoursed to them, died, having lived a hundred and ten years; forty of which he lived with Moses, in order to learn what might be for his advantage afterwards. He also became their commander after his death for twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his intentions to the people, but very eminent on both accounts. He was of great courage and magnanimity in action and in dangers, and very sagacious in procuring the peace of the people, and of great virtue at all proper seasons. He was buried in the city of Timnab, of the tribe of Ephraim (9) About the same time died Eleazar the high priest, leaving the high priesthood to his son Phineas. His monument also, and sepulcher, are in the city of Gabatha."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, After The Death Of Joshua Their Commander, The Israelites Transgressed The Laws Of Their Country, And Experienced Great Afflictions; And When There Was A Sedition Arisen, The Tribe Of Benjamin Was Destroyed Excepting Only Six Hundred Men.</i><br>1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied, (10) that according to God's will they should commit the government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition, that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.",
+                    "2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this thee in a flourishing condition, and they expected the Israelites with a great army at the city Bezek, having put the government into the hands of Adonibezek, which name denotes the Lord of Bezek, for Adoni in the Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they hoped to have been too hard for the Israelites, because Joshua was dead; but when the Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean the two tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in the pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his fingers and toes were cut off by them, said, \"Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie concealed from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have not been ashamed to do the same to seventy-two kings.\" (11) So they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and when he was dead, they buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the cities: and when they had taken the greatest part of them, they besieged Jerusalem; and when they had taken the lower city, which was not under a considerable time, they slew all the inhabitants; but the upper city was not to be taken without great difficulty, through the strength of its walls, and the nature of the place.",
+                    "3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and countenances so entirely different from other men, that they were surprising to the sight, and terrible to the hearing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any credible relations of other men. Now they gave this city to the Levites as an extraordinary reward, with the suburbs of two thousand cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of the spies which Moses sent into the land of Canaan. They also gave land for habitation to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to Moses; for they had left their own country, and followed them, and accompanied them in the wilderness.",
+                    "4. Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were in the mountainous part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of those that lay near the sea; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat country, and having a great number of chariots, sorely galled those that attacked them. So these tribes, when they were grown very rich by this war, retired to their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of war.",
+                    "5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill, and the other to expose themselves to danger, and had time to cultivate the ground. The rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin, and did the same; and, contenting themselves with the tributes that were paid them, permitted the Canaanites to live in peace.",
+                    "6. However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they spent, and of the pains they took about that siege; yet did they persist in it, still sitting down before the city, though they endured great trouble thereby: but, after some time, they caught one of the citizens that came to them to get necessaries, and they gave him some assurances that, if he would deliver up the city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so he aware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their hands. Accordingly, he that, thus betrayed the city was preserved with his family; and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city for themselves.",
+                    "7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more against their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the regular disposition of their settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged to their political government: whereupon God was provoked to anger, and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions, they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportunity served, used them very barbarously. But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion: -",
+                    "8. There was a Levite (12) a man of a vulgar family, that belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like return of affection from her, for she was averse to him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they quarreled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being very uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and lived with them there four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his wife's parents were loath to part with their daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; and when they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to take up their lodgings some where, lest some misfortune should befall them if they traveled in the night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that season often giving reason for suspicion of dangers from even such as are friends; but the husband was not pleased with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired rather to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Benjamin, when it was just dark; and while no one that lived in the market-place invited him t o lodge with him, there came an old man out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper when it was dark? To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus accidentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the old man, came to the doors, as contemning the weakness and fewness of the old man's family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to yield them up the strange woman, and then he should have no harm done to him: and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kindred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. When they no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let her go about daybreak. So she came to the place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered, and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: but her husband supposed that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened, endeavored to raise her up, resolving to speak comfortably to her, since she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men's lust, but was forced away to their house; but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would admit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his wife's death, and of the violence they had offered to her.",
+                    "9. Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw, and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembling in a great congregation before the tabernacle, they immediately resolved to take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of Gibeah as enemies; but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not: and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms against them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite's wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done; but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men's demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force.",
+                    "10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the Canaanites; and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while the Benjamites' army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred; five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left hands, insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; so the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. So they came to Bethel, (13) a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas.",
+                    "11. When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by night, while the other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, till both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush, who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Levite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own soldiers.",
+                    "12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that account, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for their offense against the laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These had seated themselves on a certain rock called Rimmon, which was in the wilderness. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this destruction of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it patiently; and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, \"We give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you are able to carry away with you.\" So these men with sorrow confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives; but as to the remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; and whereas they had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in danger of perishing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention. But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, \"That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: let then the Benjamites be allowed to steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while we will neither incite them nor forbid them; and when their parents take it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will tell them, that they were themselves the cause of what had happened, by neglecting to guard their daughters, and that they ought not to be over angry at the Benjamites, since that anger was permitted to rise too high already.\" So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them: by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing, saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Israelites After This Misfortune Grew Wicked And Served The Assyrians; And How God Delivered Them By Othniel, Who Ruled Over The Forty Years.</i><br>1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion following: - When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Canaanites despised them, and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in their own cities the more securely; they prepared therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together, and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least portion of the plain country to set their foot on. Since then these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land enough to sustain them, they sent five of their men into the midland country, to seek for a land to which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighborhood of Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey from the city; and when they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name with the son of Jacob, and of the same name with their own tribe.",
+                    "2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their contempt of the Divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force; nay, there were some who, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of oppression for eight years; after which thee they were freed from them in the following manner: -",
+                    "3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribe of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from God not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured some to assist him in this dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who, either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) he first of all destroyed that garrison which Chushan had set over them; but when it was perceived that he had not failed in his first attempt, more of the people came to his assistance; so they joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before them, and compelled them to pass over Euphrates. Hereupon Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valor, received from the multitude authority tojudge the people; and when he had ruled over them forty years, he died."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Our People Served The Moabites Eighteen Years, And Were Then Delivered From Slavery By One Ehud Who Retained The Dominion Eighty Years.</i><br>1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. And when he had built him a royal palace at Jericho, (14) he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner; -",
+                    "2. There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him: it was then summer thee, and the middle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound; so he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the king's servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams' horns; for it was our custom to call the people together by them. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the multitude of the Israelites came upon them, so that some of them were slain immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands; and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years (15) He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Canaanites Brought The Israelites Under Slavery For Twenty Years; After Which They Were Delivered By Barak And Deborah, Who Ruled Over Them For Forty Years.</i><br>1. And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worshipping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the Moabites; for this Jabin out of Hazor, a city that was situate over the Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, with fewer than three thousand chariots. Sisera was commander of all his army, and was the principal person in the king's favor. He so sorely beat the Israelites when they fought with him, that he ordered them to pay tribute.",
+                    "2. So they continued to that hardship for twenty years, as not good enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and ingratitude towards himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them, (which name in the Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee,) to pray to God to take pity on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites. So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning.",
+                    "3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number was sufficient, and promised them victory. But when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he said 'Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do not reject it!\" So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command, Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and Barak himself, were so aftrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah retained them, and commanded them to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God would be their assistance.",
+                    "4. So the battle began; and when they were come to a close fight, there came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quantity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so darkened their eyes, that their arrows and slings were of no advantage to them, nor would the coldness of the air permit the soldiers to make use of their swords; while this storm did not so much incommode the Israelites, because it came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the apprehension that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the very midst of their enemies, and slew a great number of them; so that some of them fell by the Israelites, some fell by their own horses, which were put into disorder, and not a few were killed by their own chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw himself beaten, fled away, and came to a woman whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who received him, when he desired to be concealed; and when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, of which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his temples into the floor; and when Barak came a little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the ground: and thus was this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah had foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Midianites And Other Nations Fought Against The Israelites And Beat Them, And Afflicted Their Country For Seven Years, How They Were Delivered By Gideon, Who Ruled Over The Multitude For Forty Years.</i><br>1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against them; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they carried off the prey. Now when they had done this for three years, the multitude of the Israelites retired to the mountains, and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows under ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had escaped their enemies; for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permitted them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their supplications to God, and besought him to save them.",
+                    "2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a young man, and told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he immediately replied, \"A mighty indication of God's favor to me, that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!\" But the appearance exhorted him to be of good courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered, that it was impossible for him to recover it, because the tribe to which he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other promised him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and would afford the Israelites victory under his conduct.",
+                    "3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men, they believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told him that mankind were too fond of themselves, and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they were a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, but might confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out of fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And when Gideon had done as God had suggested to him, there were found three hundred men that took water with their hands tumultuously; so God bid him take these men, and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it.",
+                    "4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near to the Midianites' tents, for that he should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered that those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was telling to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so plainly that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this: - He thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers. Now the other soldier explained this vision to mean the destruction of the army; and told them what his reason was which made him so conjecture, viz. That the seed called barley was all of it allowed to be of the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israelites were known to be the vilest of all the people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of barley, and that what seemed to look big among the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that was with him; \"and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the victory over us to Gideon.\"",
+                    "5. When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came upon him; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and told them of this vision of their enemies. They also took courage at what was told them, and were ready to perform what he should enjoin them. So Gideon divided his army into three parts, and brought it out about the fourth watch of the night, each part containing a hundred men: they all bare empty pitchers and lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be discovered by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram's horn in his right hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. The enemy's camp took up a large space of ground, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into different nations, so they were all contained in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand, upon their approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded with their rams' horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their enemies with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, \"Victory to Gideon, by God's assistance,\" a disorder and a fright seized upon the other men while they were half asleep, for it was night-time, as God would have it; so that a few of them were slain by their enemies, but the greatest part by their own soldiers, on account of the diversity of their language; and when they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great slaughter made. And as the report of Gideon's victory came to the Israelites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents, a place which these could not get over; so they encompassed them, and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and Zeeb. But the remaining captains led those soldiers that were left, which were about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off the Israelites. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but pursued them with all his army, and joining battle with them, cut off the whole enemies' army, and took the other leaders, Zeba and Zalmuna, and made them captives. Now there were slain in this battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arabians, about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Midianites.",
+                    "6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so displeased at the good success of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him, accusing him because he did not tell them of his expedition against their enemies. But Gideon, as a man of temper, and that excelled in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the result of his own authority or reasoning, that made him attack the enemy without them; but that it was the command of God, and still the victory belonged to them as well as those in the army. And by this method of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage to the Hebrews, than by the success he had against these enemies, for he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe afterwards suffer the punishment of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will give an account in due time.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was over-persuaded to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and distributed justice to them, as the people came to him in their differences; and what he determined was esteemed valid by all. And when he died, he was buried in his own country of Ophrah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That The Judges Who Succeeded Gideon Made War With The Adjoining Nations For A Long Time.</i><br>1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had many wives; but he had also one that was spurious, by his concubine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech, who, after his father's death, retired to Shechem to his mother's relations, for they were of that place: and when he had got money of such of them as were eminent for many instances of injustice, he came with them to his father's house, and slew all his brethren, except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and constituted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against those that were the patrons of justice.",
+                    "2. Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at Shechem, and all the multitude was there gathered together, Jotham his brother, whose escape we before related, went up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard by the multitude, who were attentive to him. He desired they would consider what he was going to say to them: so when silence was made, he said, That when the trees had a human voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honor which belonged peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine; but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree had used before, and excused itself from accepting the government: and when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier, whom the trees had desired to take the kingdom, (it is a sort of wood good for firing,) it promised to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit down under its shadow, and if they should plot against it to destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter; for that when they had experienced many blessings from Gideon, they overlooked Abimelech, when he overruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren; and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when he had said this, he went away, and lived privately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of Abimelech.",
+                    "3. A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abimelech away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might distress their city. Now at the season of vintage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man of authority, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the head of his soldiery. So they gathered their fruit with safety; and when they were at supper in several companies, they then ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech's followers, and destroyed them.",
+                    "4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to be revenged on him; and when that was once done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; but the other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and said, They were not shadows, but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, \"Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?\" So Gaal, being in disorder, joined battle with Abimelech, and some of his men fell; whereupon he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But Zebul managed his matters so in the city, that he procured them to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by accusing him of cowardice in this action with the soldiers of Ahimelech. But Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were again coming out to gather their grapes, placed ambushes before the city, and when they were coming out, the third part of his army took possession of the gates, to hinder the citizens from returning in again, while the rest pursued those that were scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter every where; and when he had overthrown the city to the very foundations, for it was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were slain. As for those that were scattered about the country, and so escaped the danger, they were gathered together unto a certain strong rock, and settled themselves upon it, and prepared to build a wall about it: and when Abimelech knew their intentions, he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces, and laid faggots of dry woo d round the place, he himself bringing some of them, and by his example encouraging the soldiers to do the same. And when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots, they set them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised, and nobody could fly away from the rock, but every man perished, with their wives and children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and the rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity which fell upon the Shechemites; and men's grief on their account had been greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief on a person who had so well deserved of them, and had they not themselves esteemed this as a punishment for the same.",
+                    "5. Now Abimelech, when he had aftrighted the Israelites with the miseries he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed openly to affect greater authority than he now had, and appeared to set no bounds to his violence, unless it were with the destruction of all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took the city on the sudden; and there being a great tower therein, whereunto the whole multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege it. Now as he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell down, and desired his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death should be thought to be the work of a woman: - who did what he was bid to do. So he underwent this death as a punishment for the wickedness he had perpetrated against his brethren, and his insolent barbarity to the Shechemites. Now the calamity that happened to those Shechemites was according to the prediction of Jotham, However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered abroad, and went to their own homes.",
+                    "6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite, (16) of the tribe of Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other respects also, but particularly in his children, who were of a good character. They were thirty in number, and very skillful in riding on horses, and were intrusted with the government of the cities of Gilead. He kept the government twenty-two years, and died an old man; and he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead.",
+                    "7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly, and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest. But the Hebrews, being now amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him, beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them.",
+                    "8. When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father's virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was a potent man: the Israelites therefore sent to him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; for they cast him off, as not having the same mother with the rest, but born of a strange mother, that was introduced among them by his father's fondness; and this they did out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate himself]. So he dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called, and received all that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid them wages. However, when they pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware they would grant him the government over them all his life, he led them to the war.",
+                    "9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he placed his army at the city Mizpeh, and sent a message to the Ammonite [king], complaining of his unjust possession of their land. But that king sent a contrary message; and complained of the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desired him to go out of the land of the Amorites, and yield it up to him, as at first his paternal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this answer: That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the land of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left the land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken it also; and that neither would he recede from that land of their own, which God had obtained for them, and they had now inhabited [above] three hundred years, but would fight with them about it.",
+                    "10. And when he had given them this answer, he sent the ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living creature soever should first meet him, (17) he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his pursuit slew the enemies all along as far as the city of Minnith. He then passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had undergone for eighteen years. But as he came back, he fell into a calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter that came to meet him; she was also an only child and a virgin: upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his affliction, and blamed his daughter for being so forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God. However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she should die upon occasion of her father's victory, and the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth with her fellow citizens; and then she agreed, that at the forementioned thee he might do with her according to his vow. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice.",
+                    "11. Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did not take them along with him in his expedition against the Ammonites, but because he alone had the prey, and the glory of what was done to himself. As to which he said, first, that they were not ignorant how his kindred had fought against him, and that when they were invited, they did not come to his assistance, whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before they were invited. And in the next place, that they were going to act unjustly; for while they had not courage enough to fight their enemies, they came hastily against their own kindred: and he threatened them that, with God's assistance, he would inflict a punishment upon them, unless they would grow wiser. But when he could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter among them; and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the passages of Jordan by a part of his army which he had sent before, and slew about forty-two thousand of them.",
+                    "12. So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried in his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead.",
+                    "13. Now when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being of the tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom he left alive behind him, giving the daughters in marriage to husbands, and taking wives for his sons. He did nothing in the seven years of his administration that was worth recording, or deserved a memorial. So he died an old man, and was buried in his own country.",
+                    "14. When Ibzan was dead after this manner, neither did Helon, who succeeded him in the government, and kept it ten years, do any thing remarkable: he was of the tribe of Zebulon.",
+                    "15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyrathon, was ordained their supreme governor after Helon. He is only recorded to have been happy in his children; for the public affairs were then so peaceable, and in such security, that neither did he perform any glorious action. He had forty sons, and by them left thirty grandchildren; and he marched in state with these seventy, who were all very skillful in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He died an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Fortitude Of Samson, And What Mischiefs He Brought Upon The Philistines.</i><br>1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were delivered after this manner: -",
+                    "2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contemporaries. He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that intent he came constantly into the suburbs (18) together with his wife; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. Now he was fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young man beautiful and tall, and bro ught her the good news that she should have a son, born by God's providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength; by whom, when he was grown up to man's estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God.",
+                    "3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration of the beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by that passion: but she was desirous of having her husband's unreasonable sorrow taken away; accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again, that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the favor of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was alone without her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then requested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return him thanks, and give him a present. He replied that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing. And when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as while he brought him one mark of his hospitality; so he slew a kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock; which when they had done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some danger would come to them from this sight of God; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit.",
+                    "4. So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson, which name signifies one that is strong. So the child grew apace; and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet, (19) both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow.",
+                    "5. Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to procure her to be espoused to him. And as he was continually coming to her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset, and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road.",
+                    "6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion; and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents, to the damsel. Now the people of Timhath, out of a dread of the young man's strength, gave him during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt to give them any disturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such times, Come, if I propose you a riddle, and you can expound it in these seven days' thee, I will give you every one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom.\" So they being very ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains, desired him to propose his riddle. He, \"That a devourer produced sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable.\" And when they were not able, in three days' time, to find out the meaning of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her husband, and tell it them; and they threatened to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the damsel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it; but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his breast, and carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to expound the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, \"Nothing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it, and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it.\" To which Samson made this rejoinder: \"Nothing is more deceitful than a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation to you.\" Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his companion, who made the former match between them.",
+                    "7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time, and the fruits of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and joining lighted torches to their tails, he sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the fields perished. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson's doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortunes.",
+                    "8. Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an expedition against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting punishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of Samson's offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power. So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves, came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they desired him to bear this willingly. Accordingly, when he had received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies' hands, he came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of his countrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and lead him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; and when they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder.",
+                    "9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the assistance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell and the rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; but when a great thirst came upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. Accordingly God was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone, (20) and so it is called to this day.",
+                    "10. After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being perceived; but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron, and there laid them down.",
+                    "11. However, he at length (21) transgressed the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was a harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived with her. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson what was the cause of that his strength, by which he became unconquerable to his enemies. Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together, she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others in strength. Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were bound with seven such green withs of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. The woman said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with the withs; and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the people were upon him; but he broke the withs, and endeavored to defend himself, as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Samson had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she knew it was for his interest to have concealed. However, he deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when, upon doing this, she gained nothing, he told her the third thee, that his hair should be woven into a web; but when, upon doing this, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah's prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was born by his providence, and that \"thence it is that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase and continuance of my hair.\" When she had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had him led about among them.",
+                    "12. But in process of time Samson's hair grew again. And there was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and those of the most eminent character, were feasting together; (now the room wherein they were had its roof supported by two pillars;) so they sent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast, that they might insult him in their cups. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the boy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself, and desired he would bring him near the pillars; and as soon as he came to them, he rushed with force against them, and overthrew the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the Israelites twenty years. And indeed this man deserves to be admired for his courage and strength, and magnanimity at his death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak to resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat his own country, with the rest of his family."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Under Eli's Government Of The Israelites Booz Married Ruth, From Whom Came Obed The Grandfather Of David.</i><br>1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove.",
+                    "2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, \"You might more truly call me Mara.\" Now Naomi signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. It was now reaping thee; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz's field; and after some thee Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, who kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; and when the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz's maidservants.",
+                    "3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was; - and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done that was ill. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here, - \"He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law.\"",
+                    "4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; and when he was come, he said, \"Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?\" He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, \"Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.\" So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; so Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year's time. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for one and twenty generations. I was therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such mean parents."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Birth Of Samuel; And How He Foretold The Calamity That Befell The Sons Of Eli.</i><br>1. And now upon the ill state of the affairs of the Hebrews, they made war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli, the high priest, had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety towards God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable employment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God at the tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than tyranny. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli's sons, which he did both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for his sons' destruction.",
+                    "2. I will first despatch what I have to say about the prophet Samuel, and after that will proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the miseries they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, although she was barren. Now Elcanah came with his wives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice, for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed, as we have formerly said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed at that festival portions of the flesh to his wives and children, and when Hannah saw the other wife's children sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lonesomeness; and suffering her grief to prevail over her husband's consolations to her, she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she should bear to the service of God, and this in such a way, that his manner of living should not be like that of ordinary men. And as she continued at her prayers a long time, Eli, the high priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid her go away, thinking she had been disordered with wine; but when she said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of children, and was beseeching God for them, he bid her be of good cheer, and told her that God would send her children.",
+                    "3. So she came to her husband full of hope, and ate her meal with gladness. And when they had returned to their own country she found herself with child, and they had a son born to them, to whom they gave the name of Samuel, which may be styled one that was asked of God. They therefore came to the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought their tithes with them; but the woman remembered the vows she had made concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters.",
+                    "4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he, supposing he had been called by the high priest, came to him: but when the high priest said he did not call him, God did so thrice. Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said to him, \"Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as before: it is God that calls thee; do thou therefore signify it to him, and say, I am here ready.\" So when he heard God speak again, he desired him to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he would not fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should make use of him in; - to which God replied, \"Since thou art here ready, learn what miseries are coming upon the Israelites, - such indeed as words cannot declare, nor faith believe; for the sons of Eli shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall be transferred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli hath loved his sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree as is not for their advantage.\" Which message Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict him by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure expectation of the perdition of his sons; but the glory of Samuel increased more and more, it being found by experience that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly. (22)"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herein Is Declared What Befell The Sons Of Eli, The Ark, And The People And How Eli Himself Died Miserably.</i><br>1. About this time it was that the Philistines made war against the Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now when the Israelites had expected them a little while, the very next day they joined battle, and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew above four thousand of the Hebrews, and pursued the rest of their multitude to their camp.",
+                    "2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark came to be honored. So the ark came, and the sons of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their father, that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark, they should come no more into his presence, for Phineas officiated already as high priest, his father having resigned his office to him, by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews were full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark's coming to the Israelites: however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the expectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined, that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high priest; but the ark was carried away by the enemies.",
+                    "3. When the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark, (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who was in the action, came as a messenger thither,) the whole city was full of lamentations. And Eli, the high priest, who sat upon a high throne at one of the gates, heard their mournful cries, and supposed that some strange thing had befallen his family. So he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or what was told him withal about the army, as having beforehand known by Divine revelation that those things would happen, and having himself declared them beforehand, - for what sad things come unexpectedly they distress men the most; but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried captive by their enemies, he was very much grieved at it, because it fell out quite differently from what he expected; so he fell down from his throne and died, having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the government forty.",
+                    "4. On the same day his son Phineas's wife died also, as not able to survive the misfortune of her husband; for they told her of her husband's death as she was in labor. However, she bare a son at seven months, who lived, and to whom they gave the name of Icabod, which name signifies disgrace, - and this because the army received a disgrace at this thee.",
+                    "5. Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son of Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar officiated as high priest at first, the son still receiving that honor from the father which Eleazar bequeathed to his son Phineas; after whom Abiezer his son took the honor, and delivered it to his son, whose name was Bukki, from whom his son Ozi received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking, had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the thee of Solomon's reign; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Destruction That Came Upon The Philistines, And Upon Their Land, By The Wrath Of God On Account Of Their Having Carried The Ark Away Captive; And After What Manner They Sent It Back To The Hebrews. </i><br>1. When the Philistines had taken the ark of the Hebrews captive, as I said a little before, they carried it to the city of Ashdod, and put it by their own god, who was called Dagon, (1) as one of their spoils; but when they went into his temple the next morning to worship their god, they found him paying the same worship to the ark, for he lay along, as having fallen down from the basis whereon he had stood: so they took him up, and set him on his basis again, and were much troubled at what had happened; and as they frequently came to Dagon and found him still lying along, in a posture of adoration to the ark, they were in very great distress and confusion. At length God sent a very destructive disease upon the city and country of Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or flux, a sore distemper, that brought death upon them very suddenly; for before the soul could, as usual in easy deaths, be well loosed from the body, they brought up their entrails, and vomited up what they had eaten, and what was entirely corrupted by the disease. And as to the fruits of their country, a great multitude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt them, and spared neither the plants nor the fruits. Now while the people of Ashdod were under these misfortunes, and were not able to support themselves under their calamities, they perceived that they suffered thus because of the ark, and that the victory they had gotten, and their having taken the ark captive, had not happened for their good; they therefore sent to the people of Askelon, and desired that they would receive the ark among them. This desire of the people of Ashdod was not disagreeable to those of Askelon, so they granted them that favor. But when they had gotten the ark, they were in the same miserable condition; for the ark carried along with it the disasters that the people of Ashdod had suffered, to those who received it from them. Those of Askelon also sent it away from themselves to others: nor did it stay among those others neither; for since they were pursued by the same disasters, they still sent it to the neighboring cities; so that the ark went round, after this manner, to the five cities of the Philistines, as though it exacted these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for its coming among them.",
+                    "2. When those that had experienced these miseries were tired out with them, and when those that heard of them were taught thereby not to admit the ark among them, since they paid so dear a tribute for it, at length they sought for some contrivance and method how they might get free from it: so the governors of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and Askelon, as also of Gaza, and Ashclod, met together, and considered what was fit to be done; and at first they thought proper to send the ark back to its own people, as allowing that God had avenged its cause; that the miseries they had undergone came along with it, and that these were sent on their cities upon its account, and together with it. However, there were those that said they should not do so, nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascribing the cause of their miseries to it, because it could not have such power and force upon them; for, had God had such a regard to it, it would not have been delivered into the hands of men. So they exhorted them to be quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen them, and to suppose there was no other cause of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions of time, produces such mutations in the bodies of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all things that grow out of the earth. But the counsel that prevailed over those already described, was that of certain men, who were believed to have distinguished themselves in former times for their understanding and prudence, and who, in their present circumstances, seemed above all the rest to speak properly. These men said it was not right either to send the ark away, or to retain it, but to dedicate five golden images, one for every city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of his having taken care of their preservation, and having kept them alive when their lives were likely to be taken away by such distempers as they were not able to bear up against. They also would have them make five golden mice like to those that devoured and destroyed their country (2) to put them in a bag, and lay them upon the ark; to make them a new cart also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it (3) but to shut up their calves, and keep them from them, lest, by following after them, they should prove a hinderance to their dams, and that the dams might return the faster out of a desire of those calves; then to drive these milch kine that carried the ark, and leave it at a place where three ways met, and So leave it to the kine to go along which of those ways they pleased; that in case they went the way to the Hebrews, and ascended to their country, they should suppose that the ark was the cause of their misfortunes; but if they turned into another road, they said, \"We will pursue after it, and conclude that it has no such force in it.\"",
+                    "3. So they determined that these men spake well; and they immediately confirmed their opinion by doing accordingly. And when they had done as has been already described, they brought the cart to a place where three ways met, and left it there and went their ways; but the kine went the right way, and as if some persons had driven them, while the rulers of the Philistines followed after them, as desirous to know where they would stand still, and to whom they would go. Now there was a certain village of the tribe of Judah, the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to that village did the kine go; and though there was a great and good plain before them to proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped the cart there. This was a sight to those of that village, and they were very glad; for it being then summer-time, and all the inhabitants being then in the fields gathering in their fruits, they left off the labors of their hands for joy, as soon as they saw the ark, and ran to the cart, and taking the ark down, and the vessel that had the images in it, and the mice, they set them upon a certain rock which was in the plain; and when they had offered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feasted, they offered the cart and the kine as a burnt-offering: and when the lords of the Philistines saw this, they returned back.",
+                    "4. But now it was that the wrath of God overtook them, and struck seventy persons of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not being priests, and so not worthy to touch the ark, had approached to it. Those of that village wept for these that had thus suffered, and made such a lamentation as was naturally to be expected on so great a misfo rtune that was sent from God; and every one mourned for his own relation. And since they acknowledged themselves unworthy of the ark's abode with them, they sent to the public senate of the Israelites, and informed them that the ark was restored by the Philistines; which when they knew, they brought it away to Kirjathjearim, a city in the neighborhood of Bethshemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab, by birth a Levite, and who was greatly commended for his righteous and religious course of life; so they brought the ark to his house, as to a place fit for God himself to abide in, since therein did inhabit a righteous man. His sons also ministered to the Divine service at the ark, and were the principal curators of it for twenty years; for so many years it continued in Kirjathjearim, having been but four months with the Philistines."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Expedition Of The Philistines Against The Hebrews And The Hebrews' Victory Under The Conduct Of Samuel The Prophet, Who Was Their General. </i><br>1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had the ark with them, the whole body of the people betook themselves all that time to offer prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared greatly concerned and zealous about his worship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how ready they were to do their duty, thought this a proper time to speak to them, while they were in this good disposition, about the recovery of their liberty, and of the blessings that accompanied the same. Accordingly he used such words to them as he thought were most likely to excite that inclination, and to persuade them to attempt it: \"O you Israelites,\" said he, \"to whom the Philistines are still grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to be gracious, it behooves you not only to be desirous of liberty, but to take the proper methods to obtain it. Nor are you to be contented with an inclination to get clear of your lords and masters, while you still do what will procure your continuance under them. Be righteous then, and cast wickedness out of your souls, and by your worship supplicate the Divine Majesty with all your hearts, and persevere in the honor you pay to him; for if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity; you will be freed from your slavery, and will get the victory over your enemies: which blessings it is not possible you should attain, either by weapons of war, or by the strength of your bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants; for God has not promised to grant these blessings by those means, but by being good and righteous men; and if you will be such, I will be security to you for the performance of God's promises.\" When Samuel had said thus, the multitude applauded his discourse, and were pleased with his exhortation to them, and gave their consent to resign themselves up to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel gathered them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies a watch-tower; there they drew water, and poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and betook themselves to their prayers.",
+                    "2. This their assembly did not escape the notice of the Philistines: so when they had learned that so large a company had met together, they fell upon the Hebrews with a great army and mighty forces, as hoping to assault them when they did not expect it, nor were prepared for it. This thing affrighted the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and terror; so they came running to Samuel, and said that their souls were sunk by their fears, and by the former defeat they had received, and \"that thence it was that we lay still, lest we should excite the power of our enemies against us. Now while thou hast brought us hither to offer up our prayers and sacrifices, and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies are making an expedition against us, while we are naked and unarmed; wherefore we have no other hope of deliverance but that by thy means, and by the assistance God shall afford us upon thy prayers to him, we shall obtain deliverance from the Philistines.\" Hereupon Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and promised them that God would assist them; and taking a sucking lamb, he sacrificed it for the multitude, and besought God to hold his protecting hand over them when they should fight with the Philistines, and not to overlook them, nor suffer them to come under a second misfortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a gracious intention, and such as was disposed to assist them, he granted them victory and power over their enemies. Now while the altar had the sacrifice of God upon it, and had not yet consumed it wholly by its sacred fire, the enemy's army marched out of their camp, and was put in order of battle, and this in hope that they should be conquerors, since the Jews (5) were caught in distressed circumstances, as neither having their weapons with them, nor being assembled there in order to fight. But things so fell out, that they would hardly have been credited though they had been foretold by anybody: for, in the first place, God disturbed their enemies with an earthquake, and moved the ground under them to such a degree, that he caused it to tremble, and made them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling, he made some unable to keep their feet, and made them fall down, and by opening its chasms, he caused that others should be hurried down into them; after which he caused such a noise of thunder to come among them, and made fiery lightning shine so terribly round about them, that it was ready to burn their faces; and he so suddenly shook their weapons out of their hands, that he made them fly and return home naked. So Samuel with the multitude pursued them to Bethcar, a place so called; and there he set up a stone as a boundary of their victory and their enemies' flight, and called it the Stone of Power, as a signal of that power God had given them against their enemies.",
+                    "3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made no more expeditions against the Israelites, but lay still out of fear, and out of remembrance of what had befallen them; and what courage the Philistines had formerly against the Hebrews, that, after this victory, was transferred to the Hebrews. Samuel also made an expedition against the Philistines, and slew many of them, and entirely humbled their proud hearts, and took from them that country, which, when they were formerly conquerors in battle, they had cut off from the Jews, which was the country that extended from the borders of Gath to the city of Ekron: but the remains of the Canaanites were at this time in friendship with the Israelites."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Samuel When He Was So Infirm With Old Age That He Could Not Take Care Of The Public Affairs Intrusted Them To His Sons; And How Upon The Evil Administration Of The Government By Them The Multitude Were So Angry, That They Required To Have A King To Govern Them, Although Samuel Was Much Displeased Thereat. </i><br>1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had ordered the affairs of the people after a convenient manner, and had appointed a city for every district of them, he commanded them to come to such cities, to have the controversies that they had one with another determined in them, he himself going over those cities twice in a year, and doing them justice; and by that means he kept them in very good order for a long time.",
+                    "2. But afterwards he found himself oppressed with old age, and not able to do what he used to do, so he committed the government and the care of the multitude to his sons, - the elder of whom was called Joel, and the name of the younger was Abiah. He also enjoined them to reside and judge the people, the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at Beersheba, and divided the people into districts that should be under the jurisdiction of each of them. Now these men afford us an evident example and demonstration how some children are not of the like dispositions with their parents; but sometimes perhaps good and moderate, though born of wicked parents; and sometimes showing themselves to be wicked, though born of good parents: for these men turning aside from their father's good courses, and taking a course that was contrary to them, perverted justice for the 'filthy lucre of gifts and bribes, and made their determinations not according to truth, but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a costly way of living; so that as, in the first place, they practiced what was contrary to the will of God, so did they, in the second place, what was contrary to the will of the prophet their father, who had taken a great deal of care, and made a very careful provision that the multitude should be righteous.",
+                    "3. But the people, upon these injuries offered to their former constitution and government by the prophet's sons, were very uneasy at their actions, and came running to the prophet, who then lived at the city Ramah, and informed him of the transgressions of his sons; and said, That as he was himself old already, and too infirm by that age of his to oversee their affairs in the manner he used to do, so they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition; nor could he either think of eating or sleeping, out of his concern and torment of mind at what they had said, but all the night long did he continue awake and revolved these notions in his mind.",
+                    "4. While he was thus disposed, God appeared to him, and comforted him, saying, That he ought not to be uneasy at what the multitude desired, because it was not he, but Himself whom they so insolently despised, and would not have to be alone their king; that they had been contriving these things from the very day that they came out of Egypt; that however in no long time they would sorely repent of what they did, which repentance yet could not undo what was thus done for futurity; that they would be sufficiently rebuked for their contempt, and the ungrateful conduct they have used towards me, and towards thy prophetic office. \"So I command thee to ordain them such a one as I shall name beforehand to be their king, when thou hast first described what mischiefs kingly government will bring upon them, and openly testified before them into what a great change of affairs they are hasting.\"",
+                    "5. When Samuel had heard this, he called the Jews early in the morning, and confessed to them that he was to ordain them a king; but he said that he was first to describe to them what would follow, what treatment they would receive from their kings, and with how many mischiefs they must struggle. \"For know ye,\" said he, \"that, in the first place, they will take your sons away from you, and they will command some of them to be drivers of their chariots, and some to be their horsemen, and the guards of their body, and others of them to be runners before them, and captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds; they will also make them their artificers, makers of armor, and of chariots, and of instruments; they will make them their husbandmen also, and the curators of their own fields, and the diggers of their own vineyards; nor will there be any thing which they will not do at their commands, as if they were slaves bought with money. They will also appoint your daughters to be confectioners, and cooks, and bakers; and these will be obliged to do all sorts of work which women slaves, that are in fear of stripes and torments, submit to. They will, besides this, take away your possessions, and bestow them upon their eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies, and will give the herds of your cattle to their own servants: and to say briefly all at once, you, and all that is yours, will be servants to your king, and will become no way superior to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you will thereby be put in mind of what I now say. And when you repent of what you have done, you will beseech God to have mercy upon you, and to grant you a quick deliverance from your kings; but he will not accept your prayers, but will neglect you, and permit you to suffer the punishment your evil conduct has deserved.\"",
+                    "6. But the multitude was still so foolish as to be deaf to these predictions of what would befall them; and too peevish to suffer a determination which they had injudiciously once made, to be taken out of their mind; for they could not be turned from their purpose, nor did they regard the words of Samuel, but peremptorily insisted on their resolution, and desired him to ordain them a king immediately, and not trouble himself with fears of what would happen hereafter, for that it was necessary they should have with them one to fight their battles, and to avenge them of their enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when their neighbors were under kingly government, that they should have the same form of government also. So when Samuel saw that what he had said had not diverted them from their purpose, but that they continued resolute, he said, \"Go you every one home for the present; when it is fit I will send for you, as soon as I shall have learned from God who it is that he will give you for your king.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Appointment Of A King Over The Israelites, Whose Name Was Saul; And This By The Command Of God. </i><br>1. Ther was one of the tribe of Benjamin, a man of a good family, and of a virtuous disposition; his name was Kish. He had a son, a young man of a comely countenance, and of a tall body, but his understanding and his mind were preferable to what was visible in him: they called him Saul. Now this Kish had some fine she-asses that were wandered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for he was more delighted with these than with any other cattle he had; so he sent out his son, and one servant with him, to search for the beasts; but when he had gone over his own tribe in search after the asses, he went to other tribes, and when he found them not there neither, he determined to go his way home, lest he should occasion any concern to his father about himself. But when his servant that followed him told him as they were near the city of Ramah, that there was a true prophet in that city, and advised him to go to him, for that by him they should know the upshot of the affair of their asses, he replied, That if they should go to him, they had nothing to give him as a reward for his prophecy, for their subsistence money was spent. The servant answered, that he had still the fourth part of a shekel, and he would present him with that; for they were mistaken out of ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet received no such reward (6) So they went to him; and when they were before the gates, they lit upon certain maidens that were going to fetch water, and they asked them which was the prophet's house. They showed them which it was; and bid them make haste before he sat down to supper, for he had invited many guests to a feast, and that he used to sit down before those that were invited. Now Samuel had then gathered many together to feast with him on this very account; for while he every day prayed to God to tell him beforehand whom he would make king, he had informed him of this man the day before, for that he would send him a certain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin about this hour of the day; and he sat on the top of the house in expectation of that time's being come. And when the time was completed, he came down and went to supper; so he met with Saul, and God discovered to him that this was he who should rule over them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and saluted him, and desired him to inform him which was the prophet's house; for he said he was a stranger and did not know it. When Samuel had told him that he himself was the person, he led him in to supper, and assured him that the asses were found which he had been to seek, and that the greatest of good things were assured to him: he replied, \"I am too inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and of a tribe to small to have kings made out of it, and of a family smaller than several other families; but thou tellest me this in jest, and makest me an object of laughter, when thou discoursest with me of greater matters than what I stand in need of.\" However, the prophet led him in to the feast, and made him sit down, him and his servant that followed him, above the other guests that were invited, which were seventy in number (7) and he gave orders to the servants to set the royal portion before Saul. And when the time of going to bed was come, the rest rose up, and every one of them went home; but Saul staid with the prophet, he and his servant, and slept with him.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised up Saul out of his bed, and conducted him homeward; and when he was out of the city, he desired him to cause his servant to go before, but to stay behind himself, for that he had somewhat to say to him when nobody else was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away his servant that followed him; then did the prophet take a vessel of oil, and poured it upon the head of the young man, and kissed him, and said, \"Be thou a king, by the ordination of God, against the Philistines, and for avenging the Hebrews for what they have suffered by them; of this thou shalt have a sign, which I would have thee take notice of: - As soon as thou art departed hence, thou will find three men upon the road, going to worship God at Bethel; the first of whom thou wilt see carrying three loaves of bread, the second carrying a kid of the goats, and the third will follow them carrying a bottle of wine. These three men will salute thee, and speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And thence thou shalt come to a place called Rachel's Monument, where thou shalt meet with those that will tell thee thy asses are found; after this, when thou comest to Gabatha, thou shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou shalt be seized with the Divine Spirit, (8) and prophesy along with them, till every one that sees thee shall be astonished, and wonder, and say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has arrived at this degree of happiness? And when these signs have happened to thee, know that God is with thee; then do thou salute thy father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may offer thank-offerings to God for these blessings.\" When Samuel had said this, and foretold these things, he sent the young man away. Now all things fell out to Saul according to the prophecy of Samuel.",
+                    "3. But as soon as Saul came into the house of his kinsman Abner, whom indeed he loved better than the rest of his relations, he was asked by him concerning his journey, and what accidents happened to him therein; and he concealed none of the other things from him, no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor how he told him the asses were found; but he said nothing to him about the kingdom, and what belonged thereto, which he thought would procure him envy, and when such things are heard, they are not easily believed; nor did he think it prudent to tell those things to him, although he appeared very friendly to him, and one whom he loved above the rest of his relations, considering, I suppose, what human nature really is, that no one is a firm friend, neither among our intimates, nor of our kindred; nor do they preserve that kind disposition when God advances men to great prosperity, but they are still ill-natured and envious at those that are in eminent stations.",
+                    "4. Then Samuel called the people together to the city Mizpeh, and spake to them in the words following, which he said he was to speak by the command of God: - That when he had granted them a state of liberty, and brought their enemies into subjection, they were become unmindful of his benefits, and rejected God that he should not be their King, as not considering that it would be most for their advantage to be presided over by the best of beings, for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for their king; while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to the violence of their own wills and inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the lust of power, but will not endeavor so to preserve the race of mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which, for that very reason, God would take cake of. \"But since you have come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and scepters, and cast lots.\"",
+                    "5. When the Hebrews had so done, the lot fell upon the tribe of Benjamin; and when the lot was cast for the families of this tribe, that which was called Matri was taken; and when the lot was cast for the single persons of that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken for their king. When the young man knew this, he prevented [their sending for him], and immediately went away and hid himself. I suppose that it was because he would not have it thought that he willingly took the government upon him; nay, he showed such a degree of command over himself, and of modesty, that while the greatest part are not able to contain their joy, even in the gaining of small advantages, but presently show themselves publicly to all men, this man did not only show nothing of that nature, when he was appointed to be the lord of so many and so great tribes, but crept away and concealed himself out of the sight of those he was to reign over, and made them seek him, and that with a good deal of trouble. So when the people were at a loss, and solicitous, because Saul disappeared, the prophet besought God to show where the young man was, and to produce him before them. So when they had learned of God the place where Saul was hidden, they sent men to bring him; and when he was come, they set him in the midst of the multitude. Now he was taller than any of them, and his stature was very majestic.",
+                    "6. Then said the prophet, God gives you this man to be your king: see how he is higher than any of the people, and worthy of this dominion.\" So as soon as the people had made acclamation, God save the king, the prophet wrote down what would come to pass in a book, and read it in the hearing of the king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle of God, to be a witness to future generations of what he had foretold. So when Samuel had finished this matter, he dismissed the multitude, and came himself to the city Rainah, for it was his own country. Saul also went away to Gibeah, where he was born; and many good men there were who paid him the respect that was due to him; but the greater part were ill men, who despised him and derided the others, who neither did bring him presents, nor did they in affection, or even in words, regard to please him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul's Expedition Against The Nation Of The Ammonites And Victory Over Them And The Spoils He Took From Them. </i><br>1. After one month, the war which Saul had with Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, obtained him respect from all the people; for this Nahash had done a great deal of mischief to the Jews that lived beyond Jordan by the expedition he had made against them with a great and warlike army. He also reduced their cities into slavery, and that not only by subduing them for the present, which he did by force and violence, but by weakening them by subtlety and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to get clear of the slavery they were under to him; for he put out the right eyes (9) of those that either delivered themselves to him upon terms, or were taken by him in war; and this he did, that when their left eyes were covered by their shields, they might be wholly useless in war. Now when the king of the Ammonites had served those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led his army against those that were called Gileadites, and having pitched his camp at the metropolis of his enemies, which was the city of Jabesh, he sent ambassadors to them, commanding them either to deliver themselves up, on condition to have their right eyes plucked out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their cities overthrown. He gave them their choice, whether they would cut off a small member of their body, or universally perish. However, the Gileadites were so affrighted at these offers, that they had not courage to say any thing to either of them, neither that they would deliver themselves up, nor that they would fight him. But they desired that he would give them seven days' respite, that they might send ambassadors to their countrymen, and entreat their assistance; and if they came to assist them, they would fight; but if that assistance were impossible to be obtained from them, they said they would deliver themselves up to suffer whatever he pleased to inflict upon them.",
+                    "2. So Nabash, contemning the multitude of the Gileadites and the answer they gave, allowed them a respite, and gave them leave to send to whomsoever they pleased for assistance. So they immediately sent to the Israelites, city by city, and informed them what Nabash had threatened to do to them, and what great distress they were in. Now the people fell into tears and grief at the hearing of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said; and the terror they were in permitted them to do nothing more. But when the messengers were come to the city of king Saul, and declared the dangers in which the inhabitants of Jabesh were, the people were in the same affliction as those in the other cities, for they lamented the calamity of those related to them. And when Saul was returned from his husbandry into the city, he found his fellow citizens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he had learned the cause of the confusion and sadness they were in, he was seized with a divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors from the inhabitants of Jabesh, and promised them to come to their assistance on the third day, and to beat their enemies before sun-rising, that the sun upon its rising might see that they had already conquered, and were freed from the fears they were under: but he bid some of them stay to conduct them the right way to Jabesh.",
+                    "3. So being desirous to turn the people to this war against the Ammonites by fear of the losses they should otherwise undergo, and that they might the more suddenly be gathered together, he cut the sinews of his oxen, and threatened to do the same to all such as did not come with their armor to Jordan the next day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever they should lead them. So they came together, out of fear of the losses they were threatened with, at the appointed time. And the multitude were numbered at the city Bezek. And he found the number of those that were gathered together, besides that of the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred thousand, while those of that tribe were seventy thousand. So he passed over Jordan, and proceeded in marching all that night, thirty furlongs, and came to Jabesh before sun-rising. So he divided the army into three companies; and fell upon their enemies on every side on the sudden, and when they expected no such thing; and joining battle with them, they slew a great many of the Ammonites, as also their king Nabash. This glorious action was done by Saul, and was related with great commendation of him to all the Hebrews; and he thence gained a wonderful reputation for his valor: for although there were some of them that contemned him before, they now changed their minds, and honored him, and esteemed him as the best of men: for he did not content himself with having saved the inhabitants of Jabesh only, but he made an expedition into the country of the Ammonites, and laid it all waste, and took a large prey, and so returned to his own country most gloriously. So the people were greatly pleased at these excellent performances of Saul, and rejoiced that they had constituted him their king. They also made a clamor against those that pretended he would be of no advantage to their affairs; and they said, Where now are these men? - let them be brought to punishment, with all the like things that multitudes usually say when they are elevated with prosperity, against those that lately had despised the authors of it. But Saul, although he took the good-will and the affection of these men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would not see any of his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix this victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter of those that were of the same lineage with themselves; and that it was more agreeable to be men of a friendly disposition, and so to betake themselves to feasting.",
+                    "4. And when Samuel had told them that he ought to confirm the kingdom to Saul by a second ordination of him, they all came together to the city of Gilgal, for thither did he command them to come. So the prophet anointed Saul with the holy oil in the sight of the multitude, and declared him to be king the second time. And so the government of the Hebrews was changed into a regal government; for in the days of Moses, and his disciple Joshua, who was their general, they continued under an aristocracy; but after the death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the multitude had no settled form of government, but were in an anarchy; after which they returned to their former government, they then permitting themselves to be judged by him who appeared to be the best warrior and most courageous, whence it was that they called this interval of their government the Judges.",
+                    "5. Then did Samuel the prophet call another assembly also, and said to them,\" I solemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who brought those excellent brethren, I mean Moses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the slavery they endured under them, that you will not speak what you say to gratify me, nor suppress any thing out of fear of me, nor be overborne by any other passion, but say, What have I ever done that was cruel or unjust? or what have I done out of lucre or covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear witness against me, if I have taken an ox or a sheep, or any such thing, which yet when they are taken to support men, it is esteemed blameless; or have I taken an ass for mine own use of any one to his grief? - lay some one such crime to my charge, now we are in your king's presence.\" But they cried out, that no such thing had been done by him, but that he had presided over the nation after a holy and righteous manner.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Samuel, when such a testimony had been given him by them all, said, \"Since you grant that you are not able to lay any ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on now, and do you hearken while I speak with great freedom to you. You have been guilty of great impiety against God, in asking you a king. It behoves you to remember that our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt, by reason of a famine, with seventy souls only of our family, and that their posterity multiplied there to many ten thousands, whom the Egyptians brought into slavery and hard oppression; that God himself, upon the prayers of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who were brethren, and gave them power to deliver the multitude out of their distress, and this without a king. These brought us into this very land which you now possess: and when you enjoyed these advantages from God, you betrayed his worship and religion; nay, moreover, when you were brought under the hands of your enemies, he delivered you, first by rendering you superior to the Assyrians and their forces, he then made you to overcome the Ammonites and the Moabites, and last of all the Philistines; and these things have been achieved under the conduct of Jephtha and Gideon. What madness therefore possessed you to fly from God, and to desire to be under a king? - yet have I ordained him for king whom he chose for you. However, that I may make it plain to you that God is angry and displeased at your choice of kingly government, I will so dispose him that he shall declare this very plainly to you by strange signals; for what none of you ever saw here before, I mean a winter storm in the midst of harvest, (10) I will entreat of God, and will make it visible to you.\" Now, as soon as he had said this, God gave such great signals by thunder and lightning, and the descent of hail, as attested the truth of all that the prophet had said, insomuch that they were amazed and terrified, and confessed they had sinned, and had fallen into that sin through ignorance; and besought the prophet, as one that was a tender and gentle father to them, to render God so merciful as to forgive this their sin, which they had added to those other offenses whereby they had affronted him and transgressed against him. So he promised them that he would beseech God, and persuade him to forgive them these their sins. However, he advised them to be righteous, and to be good, and ever to remember the miseries that had befallen them on account of their departure from virtue: as also to remember the strange signs God had shown them, and the body of laws that Moses had given them, if they had any desire of being preserved and made happy with their king. But he said, that if they should grow careless of these things, great judgments would come from God upon them, and upon their king. And when Samuel had thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he dismissed them to their own homes, having confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews And Were Beaten. </i><br>1. Now Saul chose out of the multitude about three thousand men, and he took two thousand of them to be the guards of his own body, and abode in the city Bethel, but he gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to be the guards of his body; and sent him to Gibeah, where he besieged and took a certain garrison of the Philistines, not far from Gilgal; for the Philistines of Gibeah had beaten the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and had put garrisons into the strongest places of the country, and had forbidden them to carry any instrument of iron, or at all to make use of any iron in any case whatsoever. And on account of this prohibition it was that the husbandmen, if they had occasion to sharpen any of their tools, whether it were the coulter or the spade, or any instrument of husbandry, they came to the Philistines to do it. Now as soon as the Philistines heard of this slaughter of their garrison, they were in a rage about it, and, looking on this contempt as a terrible affront offered them, they made war against the Jews, with three hundred thousand footmen, and thirty thousand chariots, and six thousand horses; and they pitched their camp at the city Michmash. When Saul, the king of the Hebrews, was informed of this, he went down to the city Gilgal, and made proclamation over all the country, that they should try to regain their liberty; and called them to the war against the Philistines, diminishing their forces, and despising them as not very considerable, and as not so great but they might hazard a battle with them. But when the people about Saul observed how numerous the Philistines were, they were under a great consternation; and some of them hid themselves in caves and in dens under ground, but the greater part fled into the land beyond Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.",
+                    "2. But Saul sent to the prophet, and called him to consult with him about the war and the public affairs; so he commanded him to stay there for him, and to prepare sacrifices, for he would come to him within seven days, that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh day, and might then join battle with their enemies. So he waited (11) as the prophet sent to him to do; yet did not he, however, observe the command that was given him, but when he saw that the prophet tarried longer than he expected, and that he was deserted by the soldiers, he took the sacrifices and offered them; and when he heard that Samuel was come, he went out to meet him. But the prophet said he had not done well in disobeying the injunctions he had sent to him, and had not staid till his coming, which being appointed according to the will of God, he had prevented him in offering up those prayers and those sacrifices that he should have made for the multitude, and that he therefore had performed Divine offices in an ill manner, and had been rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul made an apology for himself, and said that he had waited as many days as Samuel had appointed him; that he had been so quick in offering his sacrifices, upon account of the necessity he was in, and because his soldiers were departing from him, out of their fear of the enemy's camp at Michmash, the report being gone abroad that they were coming down upon him of Gilgal. To which Samuel replied, \"Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righteous man, (12) and hadst not disobeyed me, nor slighted the commands which God suggested to me concerning the present state of affairs, and hadst not acted more hastily than the present circumstances required, thou wouldst have been permitted to reign a long time, and thy posterity after thee.\" So Samuel, being grieved at what happened, returned home; but Saul came to the city Gibeah, with his son Jonathan, having only six hundred men with him; and of these the greater part had no weapons, because of the scarcity of iron in that country, as well as of those that could make such weapons; for, as we showed a little before, the Philistines had not suffered them to have such iron or such workmen. Now the Philistines divided their army into three companies, and took as many roads, and laid waste the country of the Hebrews, while king Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done, but were not able to defend the land, having no more than six hundred men with them. But as he, and his son, and Abiah the high priest, who was of the posterity of Eli the high priest, were sitting upon a pretty high hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they were mightily disturbed at it. Now Saul's son agreed with his armor-bearer, that they would go privately to the enemy's camp, and make a tumult and a disturbance among them. And when the armor-bearer had readily promised to follow him whithersoever he should lead him, though he should be obliged to die in the attempt, Jonathan made use of the young man's assistance, and descended from the hill, and went to their enemies. Now the enemy's camp was upon a precipice which had three tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long extremity, while there was a rock that surrounded them, like lines made to prevent the attacks of an enemy. There it so happened, that the out-guards of the camp were neglected, because of the security that here arose from the situation of the place, and because they thought it altogether impossible, not only to ascend up to the camp on that quarter, but so much as to come near it. As soon, therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan encouraged his armor-bearer, and said to him, \"Let us attack our enemies; and if, when they see us, they bid us come up to them, take that for a signal of victory; but if they say nothing, as not intending to invite us to come up, let us return back again.\" So when they were approaching to the enemy's camp, just after break of day, and the Philistines saw them, they said one to another, \"The Hebrews come out of their dens and caves:\" and they said to Jonathan and to his armor-bearer, \"Come on, ascend up to us, that we may inflict a just punishment upon you, for your rash attempt upon us.\" So Saul's son accepted of that invitation, as what signified to him victory, and he immediately came out of the place whence they were seen by their enemies: so he changed his place, and came to the rock, which had none to guard it, because of its own strength; from thence they crept up with great labor and difficulty, and so far overcame by force the nature of the place, till they were able to fight with their enemies. So they fell upon them as they were asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and thereby filled them with disorder and surprise, insomuch that some of them threw away their entire armor and fled; but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because they were of different nations, suspected one another to be enemies, (for they did not imagine there were only two of the Hebrews that came up,) and so they fought one against another; and some of them died in the battle, and some, as they were flying away, were thrown down from the rock headlong.",
+                    "3. Now Saul's watchmen told the king that the camp of the Philistines was in confusion; then he inquired whether any body was gone away from the army; and when he heard that his son, and with him his armor-bearer, were absent, he bade the high priest take the garments of his high priesthood, and prophesy to him what success they should have; who said that they should get the victory, and prevail against their enemies. So he went out after the Philistines, and set upon them as they were slaying one another. Those also who had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that Saul was gaining a victory, came running to him. When, therefore, the number of the Hebrews that came to Saul amounted to about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy, who were scattered all over the country; but then he fell into an action, which was a very unhappy one, and liable to be very much blamed; for, whether out of ignorance or whether out of joy for a victory gained so strangely, (for it frequently happens that persons so fortunate are not then able to use their reason consistently,) as he was desirous to avenge himself, and to exact a due punishment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse (13) upon the Hebrews: That if any one put a stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and fell on eating, and left off the slaughter or the pursuit before the night came on, and obliged them so to do, he should be accursed. Now after Saul had denounced this curse, since they were now in a wood belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees, Saul's son, who did not hear his father denounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation the multitude gave to it, broke off a piece of a honey-comb, and ate part of it. But, in the mean time, he was informed with what a curse his father had forbidden them to taste any thing before sun-setting: so he left off eating, and said his father had not done well in this prohibition, because, had they taken some food, they had pursued the enemy with greater rigor and alacrity, and had both taken and slain many more of their enemies.",
+                    "4. When, therefore, they had slain many ten thousands of the Philistines, they fell upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but not till late in the evening. They also took a great deal of prey and cattle, and killed them, and ate them with their blood. This was told to the king by the scribes, that the multitude were sinning against God as they sacrificed, and were eating before the blood was well washed away, and the flesh was made clean. Then did Saul give order that a great stone should be rolled into the midst of them, and he made proclamation that they should kill their sacrifices upon it, and not feed upon the flesh with the blood, for that was not acceptable to God. And when all the people did as the king commanded them, Saul erected an altar there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to God (14) This was the first altar that Saul built.",
+                    "5. So when Saul was desirous of leading his men to the enemy's camp before it was day, in order to plunder it, and when the soldiers were not unwilling to follow him, but indeed showed great readiness to do as he commanded them, the king called Ahitub the high priest, and enjoined him to know of God whether he would grant them the favor and permission to go against the enemy's camp, in order to destroy those that were in it. And when the priest said that God did not give any answer, Saul replied, \"And not without some cause does God refuse to answer what we inquire of him, while yet a little while ago he declared to us all that we desired beforehand, and even prevented us in his answer. To be sure there is some sin against him that is concealed from us, which is the occasion of his silence. Now I swear by him himself, that though he that hath committed this sin should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I will slay him, and by that means will appease the anger of God against us, and that in the very same manner as if I were to punish a stranger, and one not at all related to me, for the same offense.\" So when the multitude cried out to him so to do, he presently set all the rest on one side, and he and his son stood on the other side, and he sought to discover the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared to fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was asked by his father what sin he had been guilty of, and what he was conscious of in the course of his life that might be esteemed instances of guilt or profaneness, his answer was this, \"O father, I have done nothing more than that yesterday, without knowing of the curse and oath thou hadst denounced, while I was in pursuit of the enemy, I tasted of a honey-comb.\" But Saul sware that he would slay him, and prefer the observation of his oath before all the ties of birth and of nature. And Jonathan was not dismayed at this threatening of death, but, offering himself to it generously and undauntedly, he said, \"Nor do I desire you, father, to spare me: death will be to me very acceptable, when it proceeds from thy piety, and after a glorious victory; for it is the greatest consolation to me that I leave the Hebrews victorious over the Philistines.\" Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and greatly afflicted for Jonathan; and they sware that they would not overlook Jonathan, and see him die, who was the author of their victory. By which means they snatched him out of the danger he was in from his father's curse, while they made their prayers to God also for the young man, that he would remit his sin.",
+                    "6. So Saul, having slain about sixty thousand of the enemy, returned home to his own city, and reigned happily: and he also fought against the neighboring nations, and subdued the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines, and Edomites, and Amalekites, as also the king of Zobah. He had three male children, Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with Merab and Michal his daughters. He had also Abner, his uncle's son, for the captain of his host: that uncle's name was Ner. Now Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were brothers. Saul had also a great many chariots and horsemen, and against whomsoever he made war he returned conqueror, and advanced the affairs of the Hebrews to a great degree of success and prosperity, and made them superior to other nations; and he made such of the young men as were remarkable for tallness and comeliness the guards of his body."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul's War With The Amalekites, And Conquest Of Them. </i><br>1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said to him, that he was sent by God to put him in mind that God had preferred him before all others, and ordained him king; that he therefore ought to be obedient to him, and to submit to his authority, as considering, that though he had the dominion over the other tribes, yet that God had the dominion over him, and over all things. That accordingly God said to him, that \"because the Amalekites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief while they were in the wilderness, and when, upon their coming out of Egypt, they were making their way to that country which is now their own, I enjoin thee to punish the Amalekites, by making war upon them; and when thou hast subdued them, to leave none of them alive, but to pursue them through every age, and to slay them, beginning with the women and the infants, and to require this as a punishment to be inflicted upon them for the mischief they did to our forefathers; to spare nothing, neither asses nor other beasts, nor to reserve any of them for your own advantage and possession, but to devote them universally to God, and, in obedience to the commands of Moses, to blot out the name of Amalek entirely.\" (15)",
+                    "2. So Saul promised to do what he was commanded; and supposing that his obedience to God would be shown, not only in making war against the Amalekites, but more fully in the readiness and quickness of his proceedings, he made no delay, but immediately gathered together all his forces; and when he had numbered them in Gilgal, he found them to be about four hundred thousand of the Israelites, besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe contained by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly, Saul made an irruption into the country of the Amalekites, and set many men in several parties in ambush at the river, that so he might not only do them a mischief by open fighting, but might fall upon them unexpectedly in the ways, and might thereby compass them round about, and kill them. And when he had joined battle with the enemy, he beat them; and pursuing them as they fled, he destroyed them all. And when that undertaking had succeeded, according as God had foretold, he set upon the cities of the Amalekites; he besieged them, and took them by force, partly by warlike machines, partly by mines dug under ground, and partly by building walls on the outsides. Some they starved out with famine, and some they gained by other methods; and after all, he betook himself to slay the women and the children, and thought he did not act therein either barbarously or inhumanly; first, because they were enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next place, because it was done by the command of God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He also took Agag, the enemies' king, captive, - the beauty and tallness of whose body he admired so much, that he thought him worthy of preservation. Yet was not this done however according to the will of God, but by giving way to human passions, and suffering himself to be moved with an unseasonable commiseration, in a point where it was not safe for him to indulge it; for God hated the nation of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he commanded Saul to have no pity on even those infants which we by nature chiefly compassionate; but Saul preserved their king and governor from the miseries which the Hebrews brought on the people, as if he preferred the fine appearance of the enemy to the memory of what God had sent him about. The multitude were also guilty, together with Saul; for they spared the herds and the flocks, and took them for a prey, when God had commanded they should not spare them. They also carried off with them the rest of their wealth and riches; but if there were any thing that was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed.",
+                    "3. But when Saul had conquered all these Amalekites that reached from Pelusium of Egypt to the Red Sea, he laid waste all the rest of the enemy's country: but for the nation of the Shechemites, he did not touch them, although they dwelt in the very middle of the country of Midian; for before the battle, Saul had sent to them, and charged them to depart thence, lest they should be partakers of the miseries of the Amalekites; for he had a just occasion for saving them, since they were of the kindred of Raguel, Moses's father-in-law.",
+                    "4. Hereupon Saul returned home with joy, for the glorious things he had done, and for the conquest of his enemies, as though he had not neglected any thing which the prophet had enjoined him to do when he was going to make war with the Amalekites, and as though he had exactly observed all that he ought to have done. But God was grieved that the king of the Amalekites was preserved alive, and that the multitude had seized on the cattle for a prey, because these things were done without his permission; for he thought it an intolerable thing that they should conquer and overcome their enemies by that power which he gave them, and then that he himself should be so grossly despised and disobeyed by them, that a mere man that was a king would not bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet, that he repented that he had made Saul king, while he did nothing that he had commanded him, but indulged his own inclinations. When Samuel heard that, he was in confusion, and began to beseech God all that night to be reconciled to Saul, and not to be angry with him; but he did not grant that forgiveness to Saul which the prophet asked for, as not deeming it a fit thing to grant forgiveness of [such] sins at his entreaties, since injuries do not otherwise grow so great as by the easy tempers of those that are injured; or while they hunt after the glory of being thought gentle and good-natured, before they are aware they produce other sins. As soon therefore as God had rejected the intercession of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he would not change his mind, at break of day Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When the king saw him, he ran to him, and embraced him, and said, \"I return thanks to God, who hath given me the victory, for I have performed every thing that he hath commanded me.\" To which Samuel replied, \"How is it then that I hear the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the greater cattle in the camp?\" Saul made answer, That the people had reserved them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed, as he had received it in command to see done, and that no one man was left; but that he had saved alive the king alone, and brought him to him, concerning whom, he said, they would advise together what should be done with him.\" But the prophet said, \"God is not delighted with sacrifices, but with good and with righteous men, who are such as follow his will and his laws, and never think that any thing is well done by them but when they do it as God had commanded them; that he then looks upon himself as affronted, not when any one does not sacrifice, but when any one appears to be disobedient to him. But that from those who do not obey him, nor pay him that duty which is the alone true and acceptable worship, he will not kindly accept their oblations, be those they offer ever so many and so fat, and be the presents they make him ever so ornamental, nay, though they were made of gold and silver themselves, but he will reject them, and esteem them instances of wickedness, and not of piety. And that he is delighted with those that still bear in mind this one thing, and this only, how to do that, whatsoever it be, which God pronounces or commands for them to do, and to choose rather to die than to transgress any of those commands; nor does he require so much as a sacrifice from them. And when these do sacrifice, though it be a mean oblation, he better accepts of it as the honor of poverty, than such oblations as come from the richest men that offer them to him. Wherefore take notice, that thou art under the wrath of God, for thou hast despised and neglected what he commanded thee. How dost thou then suppose that he will respect a sacrifice out of such things as he hath doomed to destruction? unless perhaps thou dost imagine that it is almost all one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to destroy it. Do thou therefore expect that thy kingdom will be taken from thee, and that authority which thou hast abused by such insolent behavior, as to neglect that God who bestowed it upon thee.\" Then did Saul confess that he had acted unjustly, and did not deny that he had sinned, because he had transgressed the injunctions of the prophet; but he said that it was out of a dread and fear of the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and restrain them when they seized on the prey. \"But forgive me,\" said he, \"and be merciful to me, for I will be cautious how I offend for the time to come.\" He also entreated the prophet to go back with him, that he might offer his thank-offerings to God; but Samuel went home, because he saw that God would not be reconciled to him.",
+                    "5. But then Saul was so desirous to retain Samuel, that he took hold of his cloak, and because the vehemence of Samuel's departure made the motion to be violent, the cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet said, that after the same manner should the kingdom be rent from him, and that a good and a just man should take it; that God persevered in what he had decreed about him; that to be mutable and changeable in what is determined, is agreeable to human passions only, but is not agreeable to the Divine Power. Hereupon Saul said that he had been wicked, but that what was done could not be undone: he therefore desired him to honor him so far, that the multitude might see that he would accompany him in worshipping God. So Samuel granted him that favor, and went with him and worshipped God. Agag also, the king of the Amalekites, was brought to him; and when the king asked, How bitter death was? Samuel said, \"As thou hast made many of the Hebrew mothers to lament and bewail the loss of their children, so shalt thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to lament thee also.\" Accordingly, he gave order to slay him immediately at Gilgal, and then went away to the city Ramah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Saul's Transgression Of The Prophet's Commands, Samuel Ordained Another Person To Be King Privately, Whose Name Was David, As God Commanded Him. </i><br>1. Now Saul being sensible of the miserable condition he had brought himself into, and that he had made God to be his enemy, he went up to his royal palace at Gibeah, which name denotes a hill, and after that day he came no more into the presence of the prophet. And when Samuel mourned for him, God bid him leave off his concern for him, and to take the holy oil, and go to Bethlehem, to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such of his sons as he should show him for their future king. But Samuel said, he was afraid lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should kill him, either by some private method or even openly. But upon God's suggesting to him a safe way of going thither, he came to the forementioned city; and when they all saluted him, and asked what was the occasion of his coming, he told them he came to sacrifice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten the sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his sons to partake of those sacrifices; and when he saw his eldest son to be a tall and handsome man, he guessed by his comeliness that he was the person who was to be their future king. But he was mistaken in judging about God's providence; for when Samuel inquired of God whether he should anoint this youth, whom he so admired, and esteemed worthy of the kingdom, God said, \"Men do not see as God seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to the fine appearance of this youth, and thence esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while I propose the kingdom as a reward, not of the beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls, and I inquire after one that is perfectly comely in that respect; I mean one who is beautiful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude, and obedience, for in them consists the comeliness of the soul.\" When God had said this, Samuel bade Jesse to show him all his sons. So he made five others of his sons to come to him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest, Aminadab the second, Shammall the third, Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw that these were no way inferior to the eldest in their countenances, he inquired of God which of them it was whom he chose for their king. And when God said it was none of them, he asked Jesse whether he had not some other sons besides these; and when he said that he had one more, named David, but that he was a shepherd, and took care of the flocks, Samuel bade them call him immediately, for that till he was come they could not possibly sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his father had sent for David, and he was come, he appeared to be of a yellow complexion, of a sharp sight, and a comely person in other respects also. This is he, said Samuel privately to himself, whom it pleases God to make our king. So he sat down to the feast, and placed the youth under him, and Jesse also, with his other sons; after which he took oil in the presence of David, and anointed him, and whispered him in the ear, and acquainted him that God chose him to be their king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and obedient to his commands, for that by this means his kingdom would continue for a long time, and that his house should be of great splendor, and celebrated in the world; that he should overthrow the Philistines; and that against what nations soever he should make war, he should be the conqueror, and survive the fight; and that while he lived he should enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name to his posterity also.",
+                    "2. So Samuel, when he had given him these admonitions, went away. But the Divine Power departed from Saul, and removed to David; who, upon this removal of the Divine Spirit to him, began to prophesy. But as for Saul, some strange and demoniacal disorders came upon him, and brought upon him such suffocations as were ready to choke him; for which the physicians could find no other remedy but this, That if any person could charm those passions by singing, and playing upon the harp, they advised them to inquire for such a one, and to observe when these demons came upon him and disturbed him, and to take care that such a person might stand over him, and play upon the harp, and recite hymns to him. (16) Accordingly Saul did not delay, but commanded them to seek out such a man. And when a certain stander-by said that he had seen in the city of Bethlehem a son of Jesse, who was yet no more than a child in age, but comely and beautiful, and in other respects one that was deserving of great regard, who was skillful in playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns, [and an excellent soldier in war,] he sent to Jesse, and desired him to take David away from the flocks, and send him to him, for he had a mind to see him, as having heard an advantageous character of his comeliness and his valor. So Jesse sent his son, and gave him presents to carry to Saul. And when he was come, Saul was pleased with him, and made him his armor-bearer, and had him in very great esteem; for he charmed his passion, and was the only physician against the trouble he had from the demons, whensoever it was that it came upon him, and this by reciting of hymns, and playing upon the harp, and bringing Saul to his right mind again. However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the child, and desired him to permit David to stay with him, for that he was delighted with his sight and company; which stay, that he might not contradict Saul, he granted."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Philistines Made Another Expedition Against The Hebrews Under The Reign Of Saul; And How They Were Overcome By David's Slaying Goliath In Single Combat. </i><br>1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves together again no very long time afterward; and having gotten together a great army, they made war against the Israelites; and having seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah, they there pitched their camp. Saul also drew out his army to oppose them; and by pitching his own camp on a certain hill, he forced the Philistines to leave their former camp, and to encamp themselves upon such another hill, over-against that on which Saul's army lay, so that a valley, which was between the two hills on which they lay, divided their camps asunder. Now there came down a man out of the camp of the Philistines, whose name was Goliath, of the city of Gath, a man of vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a span in tallness, and had about him weapons suitable to the largeness of his body, for he had a breastplate on that weighed five thousand shekels: he had also a helmet and greaves of brass, as large as you would naturally suppose might cover the limbs of so vast a body. His spear was also such as was not carried like a light thing in his right hand, but he carried it as lying on his shoulders. He had also a lance of six hundred shekels; and many followed him to carry his armor. Wherefore this Goliath stood between the two armies, as they were in battle array, and sent out aloud voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, \"I will free you from fighting and from dangers; for what necessity is there that your army should fall and be afflicted? Give me a man of you that will fight with me, and he that conquers shall have the reward of the conqueror and determine the war; for these shall serve those others to whom the conqueror shall belong; and certainly it is much better, and more prudent, to gain what you desire by the hazard of one man than of all.\" When he had said this, he retired to his own camp; but the next day he came again, and used the same words, and did not leave off for forty days together, to challenge the enemy in the same words, till Saul and his army were therewith terrified, while they put themselves in array as if they would fight, but did not come to a close battle.",
+                    "2. Now while this war between the Hebrews and the Philistines was going on, Saul sent away David to his father Jesse, and contented himself with those three sons of his whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be partners in the dangers of the war: and at first David returned to feed his sheep and his flocks; but after no long time he came to the camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his father, to carry provisions to his brethren, and to know what they were doing. While Goliath came again, and challenged them, and reproached them, that they had no man of valor among them that durst come down to fight him; and as David was talking with his brethren about the business for which his father had sent him, he heard the Philistine reproaching and abusing the army, and had indignation at it, and said to his brethren, \"I am ready to fight a single combat with this adversary.\" Whereupon Eliab, his eldest brother, reproved him, and said that he spoke too rashly and improperly for one of his age, and bid him go to his flocks, and to his father. So he was abashed at his brother's words, and went away, but still he spake to some of the soldiers that he was willing to fight with him that challenged them. And when they had informed Saul what was the resolution of the young man, the king sent for him to come to him: and when the king asked what he had to say, he replied, \"O king, be not cast down, nor afraid, for I will depress the insolence of this adversary, and will go down and fight with him, and will bring him under me, as tall and as great as he is, till he shall be sufficiently laughed at, and thy army shall get great glory, when he shall be slain by one that is not yet of man's estate, neither fit for fighting, nor capable of being intrusted with the marshalling an army, or ordering a battle, but by one that looks like a child, and is really no elder in age than a child.\"",
+                    "3. Now Saul wondered at the boldness and alacrity of David, but durst not presume on his ability, by reason of his age; but said he must on that account be too weak to fight with one that was skilled in the art of war. \"I undertake this enterprise,\" said David, \"in dependence on God's being with me, for I have had experience already of his assistance; for I once pursued after and caught a lion that assaulted my flocks, and took away a lamb from them; and I snatched the lamb out of the wild beast's mouth, and when he leaped upon me with violence, I took him by the tail, and dashed him against the ground. In the same manner did I avenge myself on a bear also; and let this adversary of ours be esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since he has a long while reproached our army, and blasphemed our God, who yet will reduce him under my power.\"",
+                    "4. However, Saul prayed that the end might be, by God's assistance, not disagreeable to the alacrity and boldness of the child; and said, \"Go thy way to the fight.\" So he put about him his breastplate, and girded on his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head, and sent him away. But David was burdened with his armor, for he had not been exercised to it, nor had he learned to walk with it; so he said, \"Let this armor be thine, O king, who art able to bear it; but give me leave to fight as thy servant, and as I myself desire.\" Accordingly he laid by the armor, and taking his staff with him, and putting five stones out of the brook into a shepherd's bag, and having a sling in his right hand, he went towards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him come in such a manner, disdained him, and jested upon him, as if he had not such weapons with him as are usual when one man fights against another, but such as are used in driving away and avoiding of dogs; and said, \"Dost thou take me not for a man, but a dog?\" To which he replied, \"No, not for a dog, but for a creature worse than a dog.\" This provoked Goliath to anger, who thereupon cursed him by the name of God, and threatened to give his flesh to the beasts of the earth, and to the fowls of the air, to be torn in pieces by them. To whom David answered, Thou comest to me with a sword, and with a spear, and with a breastplate; but I have God for my armor in coming against thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army by my hands for I will this day cut off thy head, and cast the other parts of thy body to the dogs, and all men shall learn that God is the protector of the Hebrews, and that our armor and our strength is in his providence; and that without God's assistance, all other warlike preparations and power are useless.\" So the Philistine being retarded by the weight of his armor, when he attempted to meet David in haste, came on but slowly, as despising him, and depending upon it that he should slay him, who was both unarmed and a child also, without any trouble at all.",
+                    "5. But the youth met his antagonist, being accompanied with an invisible assistant, who was no other than God himself. And taking one of the stones that he had out of the brook, and had put into his shepherd's bag, and fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the Philistine. This stone fell upon his forehead, and sank into his brain, insomuch that Goliath was stunned, and fell upon his face. So David ran, and stood upon his adversary as he lay down, and cut off his head with his own sword; for he had no sword himself. And upon the fall of Goliath the Philistines were beaten, and fled; for when they saw their champion prostrate on the ground, they were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs, and resolved not to stay any longer, but committed themselves to an ignominious and indecent flight, and thereby endeavored to save themselves from the dangers they were in. But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews made a shout, and rushed upon them, and slew a great number of them, and pursued the rest to the borders of Garb, and to the gates of Ekron; so that there were slain of the Philistines thirty thousand, and twice as many wounded. But Saul returned to their camp, and pulled their fortification to pieces, and burnt it; but David carried the head of Goliath into his own tent, but dedicated his sword to God [at the tabernacle]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Saul Envies David For His Glorious Success, And Takes An Occasion Of Entrapping Him, From The Promise He Made Him Of Giving Him His Daughter In Marriage; But This Upon Condition Of His Bringing Him Six Hundred Heads Of The Philistines. </i><br>1. Now the women were an occasion of Saul's envy and hatred to David; for they came to meet their victorious army with cymbals, and drums, and all demonstrations of joy, and sang thus: The wives said, that \"Saul had slain his many thousands of the Philistines.\" The virgins replied, that \"David had slain his ten thousands.\" Now, when the king heard them singing thus, and that he had himself the smallest share in their commendations, and the greater number, the ten thousands, were ascribed to the young man; and when he considered with himself that there was nothing more wanting to David, after such a mighty applause, but the kingdom; he began to be afraid and suspicious of David. Accordingly he removed him from the station he was in before, for he was his armor-bearer, which, out of fear, seemed to him much too near a station for him; and so he made him captain over a thousand, and bestowed on him a post better indeed in itself, but, as he thought, more for his own security; for he had a mind to send him against the enemy, and into battles, as hoping he would be slain in such dangerous conflicts.",
+                    "2. But David had God going along with him whithersoever he went, and accordingly he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and it was visible that he had mighty success, insomuch that Saul's daughter, who was still a virgin, fell in love with him; and her affection so far prevailed over her, that it could not be concealed, and her father became acquainted with it. Now Saul heard this gladly, as intending to make use of it for a snare against David, and he hoped that it would prove the cause of destruction and of hazard to him; so he told those that informed him of his daughter's affection, that he would willingly give David the virgin in marriage, and said, \"I engage myself to marry my daughter to him if he will bring me six hundred heads of my enemies (17) supposing that when a reward so ample was proposed to him, and when he should aim to get him great glory, by undertaking a thing so dangerous and incredible, he would immediately set about it, and so perish by the Philistines; and my designs about him will succeed finely to my mind, for I shall be freed from him, and get him slain, not by myself, but by another man.\" So he gave order to his servants to try how David would relish this proposal of marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they began to speak thus to him: That king Saul loved him, as well as did all the people, and that he was desirous of his affinity by the marriage of this damsel. To which he gave this answer: - \"Seemeth it to you a light thing to be made the king's son-in-law? It does not seem so to me, especially when I am one of a family that is low, and without any glory or honor.\" Now when Saul was informed by his servants what answer David had made, he said, - \"Tell him that I do not want any money nor dowry from him, which would be rather to set my daughter to sale than to give her in marriage; but I desire only such a son-in-law as hath in him fortitude, and all other kinds of virtue,\" of which he saw David was possessed, and that his desire was to receive of him, on account of his marrying his daughter, neither gold nor silver, nor that he should bring such wealth out of his father's house, but only some revenge on the Philistines, and indeed six hundred of their heads, than which a more desirable or a more glorious present could not be brought him, and that he had much rather obtain this, than any of the accustomed dowries for his daughter, viz. that she should be married to a man of that character, and to one who had a testimony as having conquered his enemies.",
+                    "3. When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased with them, and supposed that Saul was really desirous of this affinity with him; so that without bearing to deliberate any longer, or casting about in his mind whether what was proposed was possible, or was difficult or not, he and his companions immediately set upon the enemy, and went about doing what was proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly, because it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he slew many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hundred of them, and came to the king, and by showing him these heads of the Philistines, required that he might have his daughter in marriage. Accordingly, Saul having no way of getting off his engagements, as thinking it a base thing either to seem a liar when he promised him this marriage, or to appear to have acted treacherously by him, in putting him upon what was in a manner impossible, in order to have him slain, he gave him his daughter in marriage: her name was Michal."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, Upon Saul's Laying Snares For Him, Did Yet Escape The Dangers He Was In By The Affection And Care Of Jonathan And The Contrivances Of His Wife Michal: And How He Came To Samuel The Prophet. </i><br>1. However, Saul was not disposed to persevere long in the state wherein he was, for when he saw that David was in great esteem, both with God and with the multitude, he was afraid; and being not able to conceal his fear as concerning great things, his kingdom and his life, to be deprived of either of which was a very great calamity, he resolved to have David slain, and commanded his son Jonathan and his most faithful servants to kill him: but Jonathan wondered at his father's change with relation to David, that it should be made to so great a degree, from showing him no small good-will, to contrive how to have him killed. Now, because he loved the young man, and reverenced him for his virtue, he informed him of the secret charge his father had given, and what his intentions were concerning him. However, he advised him to take care and be absent the next day, for that he would salute his father, and, if he met with a favorable opportunity, he would discourse with him about him, and learn the cause of his disgust, and show how little ground there was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill a man that had done so many good things to the multitude, and had been a benefactor to himself, on account of which he ought in reason to obtain pardon, had he been guilty of the greatest crimes; and \"I will then inform thee of my father's resolution.\" Accordingly David complied with such an advantageous advice, and kept himself then out of the king's sight.",
+                    "2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul, as soon as he saw him in a cheerful and joyful disposition, and began to introduce a discourse about David: \"What unjust action, O father, either little or great, hast thou found so exceptionable in David, as to induce thee to order us to slay a man who hath been of great advantage to thy own preservation, and of still greater to the punishment of the Philistines? A man who hath delivered the people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the challen ge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our enemies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in marriage; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before she can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. Consider these things, and change your mind to a more merciful temper, and do no mischief to a man, who, in the first place, hath done us the greatest kindness of preserving thee; for when an evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee, he cast them out, and procured rest to thy soul from their incursions: and, in the second place, hath avenged us of our enemies; for it is a base thing to forget such benefits.\" So Saul was pacified with these words, and sware to his son that he would do David no harm, for a righteous discourse proved too hard for the king's anger and fear. So Jonathan sent for David, and brought him good news from his father, that he was to be preserved. He also brought him to his father; and David continued with the king as formerly.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that, upon the Philistines making a new expedition against the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army to fight with them; and joining battle with them he slew many of them, and after his victory he returned to the king. But his reception by Saul was not as he expected upon such success, for he was grieved at his prosperity, because he thought he would be more dangerous to him by having acted so gloriously: but when the demoniacal spirit came upon him, and put him into disorder, and disturbed him, he called for David into his bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having a spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm him with playing on his harp, and with singing hymns; which when David did at his command, he with great force threw the spear at him; but David was aware of it before it came, and avoided it, and fled to his own house, and abode there all that day.",
+                    "4. But at night the king sent officers, and commanded that he should be watched till the morning, lest he should get quite away, that he might come into the judgment-hall, and so might be delivered up, and condemned and slain. But when Michal, David's wife, the king's daughter, understood what her father designed, she came to her husband, as having small hopes of his deliverance, and as greatly concerned about her own life also, for she could not bear to live in case she were deprived of him; and she said, \"Let not the sun find thee here when it rises, for if it do, that will be the last time it will see thee: fly away then while the night may afford thee opportunity, and may God lengthen it for thy sake; for know this, that if my father find thee, thou art a dead man.\" So she let him down by a cord out of the window, and saved him: and after she had done so, she fitted up a bed for him as if he were sick, and put under the bed-clothes a goat's liver (18) and when her father, as soon as it was day, sent to seize David, she said to those that were there, That he had not been well that night, and showed them the bed covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the liver, which caused the bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed like one that was asthmatic. So when those that were sent told Saul that David had not been well in the night he ordered him to be brought in that condition, for he intended to kill him. Now when they came and uncovered the bed, and found out the woman's contrivance, they told it to the king; and when her father complained of her that she had saved his enemy, and had put a trick upon himself, she invented this plausible defense for herself, and said, That when he had threatened to kill her, she lent him her assistance for his preservation, out of fear; for which her assistance she ought to be forgiven, because it was not done of her own free choice, but out of necessity: \"For,\" said she, \"I do not suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved.\" Accordingly Saul forgave the damsel; but David, when he had escaped this danger, came to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told him what snares the king had laid for him, and how he was very near to death by Saul's throwing a spear at him, although he had been no way guilty with relation to him, nor had he been cowardly in his battles with his enemies, but had succeeded well in them all, by God's assistance; which thing was indeed the cause of Saul's hatred to David.",
+                    "5. When the prophet was made acquainted with the unjust proceedings of the king, he left the city Ramah, and took David with him, to a certain place called Naioth, and there he abode with him. But when it was told Saul that David was with the prophet, he sent soldiers to him, and ordered them to take him, and bring him to him: and when they came to Samuel, and found there a congregation of prophets, they became partakers of the Divine Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when Saul heard of, he sent others to David, who prophesying in like manner as did the first, he again sent others; which third sort prophesying also, at last he was angry, and went thither in great haste himself; and when he was just by the place, Samuel, before he saw him, made him prophesy also. And when Saul came to him, he was disordered in mind (19) and under the vehement agitation of a spirit; and, putting off his garments, (20) he fell down, and lay on the ground all that day and night, in the presence of Samuel and David.",
+                    "6. And David went thence, and came to Jonathan, the son of Saul, and lamented to him what snares were laid for him by his father; and said, that though he had been guilty of no evil, nor had offended against him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed. Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give credit to such his own suspicions, nor to the calumnies of those that raised those reports, if there were any that did so, but to depend on him, and take courage; for that his father had no such intention, since he would have acquainted him with that matter, and have taken his advice, had it been so, as he used to consult with him in common when he acted in other affairs. But David sware to him that so it was; and he desired him rather to believe him, and to provide for his safety, than to despise what he, with great sincerity, told him: that he would believe what he said, when he should either see him killed himself, or learn it upon inquiry from others: and that the reason why his father did not tell him of these things, was this, that he knew of the friendship and affection that he bore towards him.",
+                    "7. Hereupon, when Jonathan found that this intention of Saul was so well attested, he asked him what he would have him do for him. To which David replied, \"I am sensible that thou art willing to gratify me in every thing, and procure me what I desire. Now tomorrow is the new moon, and I was accustomed to sit down then with the king at supper: now, if it seem good to thee, I will go out of the city, and conceal myself privately there; and if Saul inquire why I am absent, tell him that I am gone to my own city Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own tribe; and add this also, that thou gavest me leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually said in the case of friends that are gone abroad, It is well that he went, then assure thyself that no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at his hand; but if he answer otherwise, that will be a sure sign that he hath some designs against me, Accordingly thou shalt inform me of thy father's inclinations; and that out of pity to my case and out of thy friendship for me, as instances of which friendship thou hast vouchsafed to accept of the assurances of my love to thee, and to give the like assurances to me, that is, those of a master to his servant; but if thou discoverest any wickedness in me, do thou prevent thy father, and kill me thyself.\"",
+                    "8. But Jonathan heard these last words with indignation, and promised to do what he desired of him, and to inform him if his father's answers implied any thing of a melancholy nature, and any enmity against him. And that he might the more firmly depend upon him, he took him out into the open field, into the pure air, and sware that he would neglect nothing that might tend to the preservation of David; and he said, \"I appeal to that God, who, as thou seest, is diffused every where, and knoweth this intention of mine, before I explain it in words, as the witness of this my covenant with thee, that I will not leave off to make frequent trims of the purpose of my father till I learn whether there be any lurking distemper in the most secret parts of his soul; and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal it from thee, but will discover it to thee, whether he be gently or peevishly disposed; for this God himself knows, that I pray he may always be with thee, for he is with thee now, and will not forsake thee, and will make thee superior to thine enemies, whether my father be one of them, or whether I myself be such. Do thou only remember what we now do; and if it fall out that I die, preserve my children alive, and requite what kindness thou hast now received to them.\" When he had thus sworn, he dismissed David, bidding him go to a certain place of that plain wherein he used to perform his exercises; for that, as soon as he knew the mind of his father, he would come thither to him, with one servant only; \"and if,\" says he, \"I shoot three darts at the mark, and then bid my servant to carry these three darts away, for they are before him, know thou that there is no mischief to be feared from my father; but if thou hearest me say the contrary, expect the contrary from the king. However, thou shalt gain security by my means, and shalt by no means suffer any harm; but see thou dost not forget what I have desired of thee in the time of thy prosperity, and be serviceable to my children.\" Now David, when he had received these assurances from Jonathan, went his way to the place appointed.",
+                    "9. But on the next day, which was the new moon, the king, when he had purified himself, as the custom was, came to supper; and when there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right hand, and Abner, the captain of his host, on the other hand, he saw David's seat was empty, but said nothing, supposing that he had not purified himself since he had accompanied with his wife, and so could not be present; but when he saw that he was not there the second day of the month neither, he inquired of his son Jonathan why the son of Jesse did not come to the supper and the feast, neither the day before nor that day. So Jonathan said, That he was gone, according to the agreement between them, to his own city, where his tribe kept a festival, and that by his permission: that he also invited him to come to their sacrifice; \"and,\" says Jonathan, \"if thou wilt give me leave, I Will go thither, for thou knowest the good-will that I bear him.\" And then it was that Jonathan understood his father's hatred to David, and plainly saw his entire disposition; for Saul could not restrain his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called him the son of a runagate, and an enemy; and said he was a partner with David, and his assistant, and that by his behavior he showed he had no regard to himself, or to his mother, and would not be persuaded of this, - that while David is alive, their kingdom was not secure to them; yet did he bid him send for him, that he might be punished. And when Jonathan said, in answer, \"What hath he done that thou wilt punish him?\" Saul no longer contented himself to express his anger in bare words, but snatched up his spear, and leaped upon him, and was desirous to kill him. He did not indeed do what he intended, because he was hindered by his friends; but it appeared plainly to his son that he hated David, and greatly desired to despatch him, insomuch that he had almost slain his son with his own hands on his account.",
+                    "10. And then it was that the king's son rose hastily from supper; and being unable to admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he wept all night, both because he had himself been near destruction, and because the death of David was determined: but as soon as it was day, he went out into the plain that was before the city, as going to perform his exercises, but in reality to inform his friend what disposition his father was in towards him, as he had agreed with him to do; and when Jonathan had done what had been thus agreed, he dismissed his servant that followed him, to return to the city; but he himself went into the desert, and came into his presence, and communed with him. So David appeared and fell at Jonathan's feet, and bowed down to him, and called him the preserver of his soul; but he lifted him up from the earth, and they mutually embraced one another, and made a long greeting, and that not without tears. They also lamented their age, and that familiarity which envy would deprive them of, and that separation which must now be expected, which seemed to them no better than death itself. So recollecting themselves at length from their lamentation, and exhorting one another to be mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each other, they parted asunder."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Fled To Ahimelech And Afterwards To The Kings Of The Philistines And Of The Moabites, And How Saul Slew Ahimelech And His Family. </i><br>1. But David fled from the king, and that death he was in danger of by him, and came to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest, who, when he saw him coming all alone, and neither a friend nor a servant with him, he wondered at it, and desired to learn of him the cause why there was nobody with him. To which David answered, That the king had commanded him to do a certain thing that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had a mind to know so much, he had no occasion for any one to accompany him; \"however, I have ordered my servants to meet me at such and such a place.\" So he desired him to let him have somewhat to eat; and that in case he would supply him, he would act the part of a friend, and be assisting to the business he was now about: and when he had obtained what he desired, he also asked him whether he had any weapons with him, either sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name was Doeg, one that kept the king's mules. The high priest said that he had no such weapons; but, he added, \"Here is the sword of Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God.\"",
+                    "2. When David had received the sword, he fled out of the country of the Hebrews into that of the Philistines, over which Achish reigned; and when the king's servants knew him, and he was made known to the king himself, the servants informing him that he was that David who had killed many ten thousands of the Philistines, David was afraid lest the king should put him to death, and that he should experience that danger from him which he had escaped from Saul; so he pretended to be distracted and mad, so that his spittle ran out of his mouth; and he did other the like actions before the king of Gath, which might make him believe that they proceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly the king was very angry at his servants that they had brought him a madman, and he gave orders that they should eject David immediately [out of the city].",
+                    "3. So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his brethren, and informed them where he was, who then came to him with all their kindred, and as many others as were either in want or in fear of king Saul, came and made a body together, and told him they were ready to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred. Whereupon he took courage, now such a force and assistance was come to him; so he removed thence and came to the king of the Moabites, and desired him to entertain his parents in his country, while the issue of his affairs were in such an uncertain condition. The king granted him this favor, and paid great respect to David's parents all the time they were with him.",
+                    "4. As for himself, upon the prophet's commanding him to leave the desert, and to go into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and abide there, he complied therewith; and coming to the city Hareth, which was in that tribe, he remained there. Now when Saul heard that David had been seen with a multitude about him, he fell into no small disturbance and trouble; but as he knew that David was a bold and courageous man, he suspected that somewhat extraordinary would appear from him, and that openly also, which would make him weep and put him into distress; so he called together to him his friends, and his commanders, and the tribe from which he was himself derived, to the hill where his palace was; and sitting upon a place called Aroura, his courtiers that were in dignities, and the guards of his body, being with him, he spake thus to them: - \"You that are men of my own tribe, I conclude that you remember the benefits that I have bestowed upon you, and that I have made some of you owners of land, and made you commanders, and bestowed posts of honor upon you, and set some of you over the common people, and others over the soldiers; I ask you, therefore, whether you expect greater and more donations from the son of Jesse? for I know that you are all inclinable to him; (even my own son Jonathan himself is of that opinion, and persuades you to be of the same); for I am not unacquainted with the oaths and the covenants that are between him and David, and that Jonathan is a counselor and an assistant to those that conspire against me, and none of you are concerned about these things, but you keep silence and watch, to see what will be the upshot of these things.\" When the king had made this speech, not one of the rest of those that were present made any answer; but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said, that he saw David when he came to the city Nob to Ahimelech the high priest, and that he learned future events by his prophesying; that he received food from him, and the sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him with security to such as he desired to go to.",
+                    "5. Saul therefore sent for the high priest, and for all his kindred; and said to them, \"What terrible or ungrateful tiring hast thou suffered from me, that thou hast received the son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both food and weapons, when he was contriving to get the kingdom? And further, why didst thou deliver oracles to him concerning futurities? For thou couldst not be unacquainted that he was fled away from me, and that he hated my family.\" But the high priest did not betake himself to deny what he had done, but confessed boldly that he had supplied him with these things, not to gratify David, but Saul himself: and he said, \"I did not know that he was thy adversary, but a servant of thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and, what is more than these, thy son-in-law, and kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such favors on their adversaries, but on those who are esteemed to bear the highest good-will and respect to them. Nor is this the first time that I prophesied for him, but I have done it often, and at other times as well as now. And when he told me that he was sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, if I had furnished him with nothing that he desired I should have thought that it was rather in contradiction to thee than to him; wherefore do not thou entertain any ill opinion of me, nor do thou have a suspicion of what I then thought an act of humanity, from what is now told thee of David's attempts against thee, for I did then to him as to thy friend and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand, and not as to thine adversary.\"",
+                    "6. When the high priest had spoken thus, he did not persuade Saul, his fear was so prevalent, that he could not give credit to an apology that was very just. So he commanded his armed men that stood about him to kill him, and all his kindred; but as they durst not touch the high priest, but were more afraid of disobeying God than the king, he ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill them. Accordingly, he took to his assistance such wicked men as were like himself, and slew Ahimelech and all his family, who were in all three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also sent to Nob, (21) the city of the priests, and slew all that were there, without sparing either women or children, or any other age, and burnt it; only there was one son of Ahimelech, whose name was Abiathar, who escaped. However, these things came to pass as God had foretold to Eli the high priest, when he said that his posterity should be destroyed, on account of the transgression of his two sons.",
+                    "7. (22) Now this king Saul, by perpetrating so barbarous a crime, and murdering the whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by having no pity of the infants, nor reverence for the aged, and by overthrowing the city which God had chosen for the property, and for the support of the priests and prophets which were there, and had ordained as the only city allotted for the education of such men, gives all to understand and consider the disposition of men, that while they are private persons, and in a low condition, because it is not in their power to indulge nature, nor to venture upon what they wish for, they are equitable and moderate, and pursue nothing but what is just, and bend their whole minds and labors that way; then it is that they have this belief about God, that he is present to all the actions of their lives, and that he does not only see the actions that are done, but clearly knows those their thoughts also, whence those actions do arise. But when once they are advanced into power and authority, then they put off all such notions, and, as if they were no other than actors upon a theater, they lay aside their disguised parts and manners, and take up boldness, insolence, and a contempt of both human and Divine laws, and this at a time when they especially stand in need of piety and righteousness, because they are then most of all exposed to envy, and all they think, and all they say, are in the view of all men; then it is that they become so insolent in their actions, as though God saw them no longer, or were afraid of them because of their power: and whatsoever it is that they either are afraid of by the rumors they hear, or they hate by inclination, or they love without reason, these seem to them to be authentic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to men and to God; but as to what will come hereafter, they have not the least regard to it. They raise those to honor indeed who have been at a great deal of pains for them, and after that honor they envy them; and when they have brought them into high dignity, they do not only deprive them of what they had obtained, but also, on that very account, of their lives also, and that on wicked accusations, and such as on account of their extravagant nature, are incredible. They also punish men for their actions, not such as deserve condemnation, but from calumnies and accusations without examination; and this extends not only to such as deserve to be punished, but to as many as they are able to kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned after our aristocracy and government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple [tabernacle] destitute both of priests and prophets, which endeavor he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to them to remain, that so others might succeed them.",
+                    "8. But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, who alone could be saved out of the family of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and informed him of the calamity that had befallen their family, and of the slaughter of his father; who hereupon said, He was not unapprised of what would follow with relation to them when he saw Doeg there; for he had then a suspicion that the high priest would be falsely accused by him to the king, and he blamed himself as having been the cause of this misfortune. But he desired him to stay there, and abide with him, as in a place where he might be better concealed than any where else."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, When He Had Twice The Opportunity Of Killing Saul Did Not Kill Him. Also Concerning The Death Of Samuel And Nabal. </i><br>1. About this time it was that David heard how the Philistines had made an inroad into the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so he offered himself to fight against them, if God, when he should be consulted by the prophet, would grant him the victory. And when the prophet said that God gave a signal of victory, he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines with his companions, and he shed a great deal of their blood, and carried off their prey, and staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had securely gathered in their corn and their fruits. However, it was told Saul the king that David was with the men of Keilah; for what had been done and the great success that had attended him, were not confined among the people where the things were done, but the fame of it went all abroad, and came to the hearing of others, and both the fact as it stood, and the author of the fact, were carried to the king's ears. Then was Saul glad when he heard David was in Keilah; and he said, \"God hath now put him into my hands, since he hath obliged him to come into a city that hath walls, and gates, and bars.\" So he commanded all the people suddenly, and when they had besieged and taken it to kill David. But when David perceived this, and learned of God that if he staid there the men of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul, he took his four hundred men and retired into a desert that was over against a city called Engedi. So that when the king heard he was fled away from the men of Keilah, he left off his expedition against him.",
+                    "2. Then David removed thence, and came to a certain place called the New Place, belonging to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and exhorted him to be of good courage, and to hope well as to his condition hereafter, and not to despond at his present circumstances, for that he should be king, and have all the forces of the Hebrews under him: he told him that such happiness uses to come with great labor and pains: they also took oaths, that they would, all their lives long, continue in good-will and fidelity one to another; and he called God to witness, as to what execrations he had made upon himself if he should transgress his covenant, and should change to a contrary behavior. So Jonathan left him there, having rendered his cares and fears somewhat lighter, and returned home. Now the men of Ziph, to gratify Saul, informed him that David abode with them, and [assured him] that if he would come to them, they would deliver him up, for that if the king would seize on the Straits of Ziph, David would not escape to any other people. So the king commended them, and confessed that he had reason to thank them, because they had given him information of his enemy; and he promised them, that it should not be long ere he would requite their kindness. He also sent men to seek for David, and to search the wilderness wherein he was; and he promised that he himself would follow them. Accordingly they went before the king, to hunt for and to catch David, and used endeavors, not only to show their good-will to Saul, by informing him where his enemy was, but to evidence the same more plainly by delivering him up into his power. But these men failed of those their unjust and wicked desires, who, while they underwent no hazard by not discovering such an ambition of revealing this to Saul, yet did they falsely accuse and promise to deliver up a man beloved of God, and one that was unjustly sought after to be put to death, and one that might otherwise have lain concealed, and this out of flattery, and expectation of gain from the king; for when David was apprized of the malignant intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and fled to the great rock that was in the wilderness of Maon.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue him thither; for, as he was marching, he learned that David was gone away from the Straits of Ziph, and Saul removed to the other side of the rock. But the report that the Philistines had again made an incursion into the country of the Hebrews, called Saul another way from the pursuit of David, when he was ready to be caught; for he returned back again to oppose those Philistines, who were naturally their enemies, as judging it more necessary to avenge himself of them, than to take a great deal of pains to catch an enemy of his own, and to overlook the ravage that was made in the land.",
+                    "4. And by this means David unexpectedly escaped out of the danger he was in, and came to the Straits of Engedi; and when Saul had driven the Philistines out of the land, there came some messengers, who told him that David abode within the bounds of Engedi: so he took three thousand chosen men that were armed, and made haste to him; and when he was not far from those places, he saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side; it was open to a great length and breadth, and there it was that David with his four hundred men were concealed. When therefore he had occasion to ease nature, he entered into it by himself alone; and being seen by one of David's companions, and he that saw him saying to him, that he had now, by God's providence, an opportunity of avenging himself of his adversary; and advising him to cut off his head, and so deliver himself out of that tedious, wandering condition, and the distress he was in; he rose up, and only cut off the skirt of that garment which Saul had on: but he soon repented of what he had done; and said it was not right to kill him that was his master, and one whom God had thought worthy of the kingdom; \"for that although he were wickedly disposed towards us, yet does it not behoove me to be so disposed towards him.\" But when Saul had left the cave, David came near and cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him; whereupon the king turned his face back, and David, according to custom, fell down on his face before the king, and bowed to him; and said, \"O king, thou oughtest not to hearken to wicked men, nor to such as forge calumnies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of such as are your best friends, but to judge of the dispositions of all men by their actions; for calumny deludes men, but men's own actions are a clear demonstration of their kindness. Words indeed, in their own nature, may be either true or false, but men's actions expose their intentions nakedly to our view. By these, therefore it will be well for thee to believe me, as to my regard to thee and to thy house, and not to believe those that frame such accusations against me as never came into my mind, nor are possible to be executed, and do this further by pursuing after my life, and have no concern either day or night, but how to compass my life and to murder me, which thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute; for how comes it about, that thou hast embraced this false opinion about me, as if I had a desire to kill thee? Or how canst thou escape the crime of impiety towards God, when thou wishest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine adversary, a man who had it in his power this day to avenge himself, and to punish thee, but would not do it? nor make use of such an opportunity, which, if it had fallen out to thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for when I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I could have done the same to thy head.\" So he showed him the piece of his garment, and thereby made him agree to what he said to be true; and added, \"I, for certain, have abstained from taking a just revenge upon thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute me with unjust hatred. (23) May God do justice, and determine about each of our dispositions.\" - But Saul was amazed at the strange delivery he had received; and being greatly affected with the moderation and the disposition of the young man, he groaned; and when David had done the same, the king answered that he had the justest occasion to groan, \"for thou hast been the author of good to me, as I have been the author of calamity to thee; and thou hast demonstrated this day, that thou possessest the righteousness of the ancients, who determined that men ought to save their enemies, though they caught them in a desert place. I am now persuaded that God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon oath, That thou wilt not root out my family, nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and preserve my house.\" So David sware as he desired, and sent back Saul to his own kingdom; but he, and those that were with him, went up the Straits of Mastheroth.",
+                    "5. About this time Samuel the prophet died. He was a man whom the Hebrews honored in an extraordinary degree: for that lamentation which the people made for him, and this during a long time, manifested his virtue, and the affection which the people bore for him; as also did the solemnity and concern that appeared about his funeral, and about the complete observation of all his funeral rites. They buried him in his own city of Ramah; and wept for him a very great number of days, not looking on it as a sorrow for the death of another man, but as that in which they were every one themselves concerned. He was a righteous man, and gentle in his nature; and on that account he was very dear to God. Now he governed and presided over the people alone, after the death of Eli the high priest, twelve years, and eighteen years together with Saul the king. And thus we have finished the history of Samuel.",
+                    "6. There was a man that was a Ziphite, of the city of Maon, who was rich, and had a vast number of cattle; for he fed a flock of three thousand sheep, and another flock of a thousand goats. Now David had charged his associates to keep these flocks without hurt and without damage, and to do them no mischief, neither out of covetousness, nor because they were in want, nor because they were in the wilderness, and so could not easily be discovered, but to esteem freedom from injustice above all other motives, and to look upon the touching of what belonged to another man as a horrible crime, and contrary to the will of God. These were the instructions he gave, thinking that the favors he granted this man were granted to a good man, and one that deserved to have such care taken of his affairs. This man was Nabal, for that was his name, - a harsh man, and of a very wicked life, being like a cynic in the course of his behavior, but still had obtained for his wife a woman of a good character, wise and handsome. To this Nabal, therefore, David sent ten men of his attendants at the time when he sheared his sheep, and by them saluted him; and also wished he might do what he now did for many years to come, but desired him to make him a present of what he was able to give him, since he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds that we had done them no injury, but had been their guardians a long time together, while we continued in the wilderness; and he assured him he should never repent of giving any thing to David. When the messengers had carried this message to Nabal, he accosted them after an inhuman and rough manner; for he asked them who David was? and when he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said, \"Now is the time that fugitives grow insolent, and make a figure, and leave their masters.\" When they told David this, he was wroth, and commanded four hundred armed men to follow him, and left two hundred to take care of the stuff, (for he had already six hundred, (24)) and went against Nabal: he also swore that he would that night utterly destroy the whole house and possessions of Nabal; for that he was grieved, not only that he had proved ungrateful to them, without making any return for the humanity they had shown him, but that he had also reproached them, and used ill language to them, when he had received no cause of disgust from them.",
+                    "7. Hereupon one of those that kept the flocks of Nabal, said to his mistress, Nabal's wife, that when David sent to her husband he had received no civil answer at all from him; but that her husband had moreover added very reproachful language, while yet David had taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks from harm, and that what had passed would prove very pernicious to his master. When the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was his wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded them with all sorts of presents; and, without telling her husband any thing of what she was about, (for he was not sensible on account of his drunkenness,) she went to David. She was then met by David as she was descending a hill, who was coming against Nabal with four hundred men. When the woman saw David, she leaped down from her ass, and fell on her face, and bowed down to the ground; and entreated him not to bear in mind the words of Nabal, since he knew that he resembled his name. Now Nabal, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies folly. So she made her apology, that she did not see the messengers whom he sent. \"Forgive me, therefore,\" said she, \"and thank God, who hath hindered thee from shedding human blood; for so long as thou keepest thyself innocent, he will avenge thee of wicked men, (25) for what miseries await Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine enemies. Be thou gracious to me, and think me so far worthy as to accept of these presents from me; and, out of regard to me, remit that wrath and that anger which thou hast against my husband and his house, for mildness and humanity become thee, especially as thou art to be our king.\" Accordingly, David accepted her presents, and said, \"Nay, but, O woman, it was no other than God's mercy which brought thee to us today, for, otherwise, thou hadst never seen another day, I having sworn to destroy Nabal's house this very night, and to leave alive not one of you who belonged to a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me and my companions; but now hast thou prevented me, and seasonably mollified my anger, as being thyself under the care of God's providence: but as for Nabal, although for thy sake he now escape punishment, he will not always avoid justice; for his evil conduct, on some other occasion, will be his ruin.\"",
+                    "8. When David had said this, he dismissed the woman. But when she came home and found her husband feasting with a great company, and oppressed with wine, she said nothing to him then about what had happened; but on the next day, when he was sober, she told him all the particulars, and made his whole body to appear like that of a dead man by her words, and by that grief which arose from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and no more, and then died. And when David heard of his death, he said that God had justly avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had died by his own wickedness, and had suffered punishment on his account, while he had kept his own hands clean. At which time he understood that the wicked are prosecuted by God; that he does not overlook any man, but bestows on the good what is suitable to them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on the wicked. So he sent to Nabal's wife, and invited her to come to him, to live with him, and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied to those that came, that she was not worthy to touch his feet; however, she came, with all her servants, and became his wife, having received that honor on account of her wise and righteous course of life. She also obtained the same honor partly on account of her beauty. Now David had a wife before, whom he married from the city Abesar; for as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who had been David's wife, her father had given her in marriage to Phalti, the son of Laish, who was of the city of Gallim.",
+                    "9. After this came certain of the Ziphites, and told Saul that David was come again into their country, and if he would afford them his assistance, they could catch him. So he came to them with three thousand armed men; and upon the approach of night, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Hachilah. But when David heard that Saul was coming against him, he sent spies, and bid them let him know to what place of the country Saul was already come; and when they told him that he was at Hachilah, he concealed his going away from his companions, and came to Saul's camp, having taken with him Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son, and Ahimelech the Hittite. Now Saul was asleep, and the armed men, with Abner their commander, lay round about him in a circle. Hereupon David entered into the king's tent; but he did neither kill Saul, though he knew where he lay, by the spear that was stuck down by him, nor did he give leave to Abishai, who would have killed him, and was earnestly bent upon it so to do; for he said it was a horrid crime to kill one that was ordained king by God, although he was a wicked man; for that he who gave him the dominion would in time inflict punishment upon him. So he restrained his eagerness; but that it might appear to have been in his power to have killed him when he refrained from it, he took his spear, and the cruse of water which stood by Saul as he lay asleep, without being perceived by any in the camp, who were all asleep, and went securely away, having performed every thing among the king's attendants that the opportunity afforded, and his boldness encouraged him to do. So when he had passed over a brook, and was gotten up to the top of a hill, whence he might be sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul's soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and awaked them out of their sleep, and called both to him and to the people. Hereupon the commander heard him, and asked who it was that called him. To whom David replied, \"It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you make a vagabond. But what is the matter? Dost thou, that art a man of so great dignity, and of the first rank in the king's court, take so little care of thy master's body? and is sleep of more consequence to thee than his preservation, and thy care of him? This negligence of yours deserves death, and punishment to be inflicted on you, who never perceived when, a little while ago, some of us entered into your camp, nay, as far as to the king himself, and to all the rest of you. If thou look for the king's spear and his cruse of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty misfortune was ready to overtake you in your very camp without your knowing it.\" Now when Saul knew David's voice, and understood that when he had him in his power while he was asleep, and his guards took no care of him, yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when he might justly have cut him off, he said that he owed him thanks for his preservation; and exhorted him to be of good courage, and not be afraid of suffering any mischief from him any more, and to return to his own home, for he was now persuaded that he did not love himself so well as he was loved by him: that he had driven away him that could guard him, and had given many demonstrations of his good-will to him: that he had forced him to live so long in a state of banishment, and in great fears of his life, destitute of his friends and his kindred, while still he was often saved by him, and frequently received his life again when it was evidently in danger of perishing. So David bade them send for the spear and the cruse of water, and take them back; adding this withal, That God would be the judge of both their dispositions, and of the actions that flowed from the same, \"who knows that then it was this day in my power to have killed thee I abstained from it.\"",
+                    "10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands of David twice, he went his way to his royal palace, and his own city: but David was afraid, that if he staid there he should be caught by Saul; so he thought it better to go up into the land of the Philistines, and abide there. Accordingly, he came with the six hundred men that were with him to Achish, the king of Gath, which was one of their five cities. Now the king received both him and his men, and gave them a place to inhabit in. He had with him also his two wives, Ahinoam and Abigail, and he dwelt in Gath. But when Saul heard this, he took no further care about sending to him, or going after him, because he had been twice, in a manner, caught by him, while he was himself endeavoring to catch him. However, David had no mind to continue in the city of Gath, but desired the king, that since he had received him with such humanity, that he would grant him another favor, and bestow upon him some place of that country for his habitation, for he was ashamed, by living in the city, to be grievous and burdensome to him. So Achish gave him a certain village called Ziklag; which place David and his sons were fond of when he was king, and reckoned it to be their peculiar inheritance. But about those matters we shall give the reader further information elsewhere. Now the time that David dwelt in Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines, was four months and twenty days. And now he privately attacked those Geshurites and Amalekites that were neighbors to the Philistines, and laid waste their country, and took much prey of their beasts and camels, and then returned home; but David abstained from the men, as fearing they should discover him to king Achish; yet did he send part of the prey to him as a free gift. And when the king inquired whom they had attacked when they brought away the prey, he said, those that lay to the south of the Jews, and inhabited in the plain; whereby he persuaded Achish to approve of what he had done, for he hoped that David had fought against his own nation, and that now he should have him for his servant all his life long, and that he would stay in his country."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Now Saul Upon God's Not Answering Him Concerning The Fight With The Philistines Desired A Necromantic Woman To Raise Up The Soul Of Samuel To Him; And How He Died, With His Sons Upon The Overthrow Of The Hebrews In Battle. </i><br>1. About the same time the Philistines resolved to make war against the Israelites, and sent to all their confederates that they would go along with them to the war to Reggan, [near the city Shunem,] whence they might gather themselves together, and suddenly attack the Hebrews. Then did Achish, the king of Gath, desire David to assist them with his armed men against the Hebrews. This he readily promised; and said that the time was now come wherein he might requite him for his kindness and hospitality. So the king promised to make him the keeper of his body, after the victory, supposing that the battle with the enemy succeeded to their mind; which promise of honor and confidence he made on purpose to increase his zeal for his service.",
+                    "2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had cast out of the country the fortune-tellers, and the necromancers, and all such as exercised the like arts, excepting the prophets. But when he heard that the Philistines were already come, and had pitched their camp near the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made haste to oppose them with his forces; and when he was come to a certain mountain called Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against the enemy; but when he saw the enemy's army he was greatly troubled, because it appeared to him to be numerous, and superior to his own; and he inquired of God by the prophets concerning the battle, that he might know beforehand what would be the event of it. And when God did not answer him, Saul was under a still greater dread, and his courage fell, foreseeing, as was but reasonable to suppose, that mischief would befall him, now God was not there to assist him; yet did he bid his servants to inquire out for him some woman that was a necromancer and called up the souls of the dead, that So he might know whether his affairs would succeed to his mind; for this sort of necromantic women that bring up the souls of the dead, do by them foretell future events to such as desire them. And one of his servants told him that there was such a woman in the city Endor, but was known to nobody in the camp; hereupon Saul put off his royal apparel, and took two of those his servants with him, whom he knew to be most faithful to him, and came to Endor to the woman, and entreated her to act the part of a fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to him as he should name to her. But when the woman opposed his motion, and said she did not despise the king, who had banished this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did not do well himself, when she had done him no harm, to endeavor to lay a snare for her, and to discover that she exercised a forbidden art, in order to procure her to be punished, he sware that nobody should know what she did; and that he would not tell any one else what she foretold, but that she should incur no danger. As soon as he had induced her by this oath to fear no harm, he bid her bring up to him the soul of Samuel. She, not knowing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades. When he appeared, and the woman saw one that was venerable, and of a divine form, she was in disorder; and being astonished at the sight, she said, \"Art not thou king Saul?\" for Samuel had informed her who he was. When he had owned that to be true, and had asked her whence her disorder arose, she said that she saw a certain person ascend, who in his form was like to a god. And when he bid her tell him what he resembled, in what habit he appeared, and of what age he was, she told him he was an old man already, and of a glorious personage, and had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king discovered by these signs that he was Samuel; and he fell down upon the ground, and saluted and worshipped him. And when the soul of Samuel asked him why he had disturbed him, and caused him to be brought up, he lamented the necessity he was under; for he said, that his enemies pressed heavily upon him; that he was in distress what to do in his present circumstances; that he was forsaken of God, and could obtain no prediction of what was coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams; and that \"these were the reasons why I have recourse to time, who always took great care of me.\" But (27) Samuel, seeing that the end of Saul's life was come, said, \"It is in vain for thee to desire to learn of me any thing future, when God hath forsaken thee: however, hear what I say, that David is to be king, and to finish this war with good success; and thou art to lose thy dominion and thy life, because thou didst not obey God in the war with the Amalekites, and hast not kept his commandments, as I foretold thee while I was alive. Know, therefore, that the people shall be made subject to their enemies, and that thou, with thy sons, shall fall in the battle tomorrow, and thou shalt then be with me [in Hades].\"",
+                    "3. When Saul heard this, he could not speak for grief, and fell down on the floor, whether it were from the sorrow that arose upon what Samuel had said, or from his emptiness, for he had taken no food the foregoing day nor night, he easily fell quite down: and when with difficulty he had recovered himself, the woman would force him to eat, begging this of him as a favor on account of her concern in that dangerous instance of fortune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to have done, because of the fear she was under of the king, while she knew not who he was, yet did she undertake it, and go through with it; on which account she entreated him to admit that a table and food might be set before him, that he might recover his strength, and so get safe to his own camp. And when he opposed her motion, and entirely rejected it, by reason of his anxiety, she forced him, and at last persuaded him to it. Now she had one calf that she was very fond of, and one that she took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself; for she was a woman that got her living by the labor of her own hands, and had no other possession but that one calf; this she killed, and made ready its flesh, and set it before his servants and himself. So Saul came to the camp while it was yet night.",
+                    "4. Now it is but just to recommend the generosity of this woman, (28) because when the king had forbidden her to use that art whence her circumstances were bettered and improved, and when she had never seen the king before, she still did not remember to his disadvantage that he had condemned her sort of learning, and did not refuse him as a stranger, and one that she had had no acquaintance with; but she had compassion upon him, and comforted him, and exhorted him to do what he was greatly averse to, and offered him the only creature she had, as a poor woman, and that earnestly, and with great humanity, while she had no requital made her for her kindness, nor hunted after any future favor from him, for she knew he was to die; whereas men are naturally either ambitious to please those that bestow benefits upon them, or are very ready to serve those from whom they may receive some advantage. It would be well therefore to imitate the example and to do kindnesses to all such as are in want and to think that nothing is better, nor more becoming mankind, than such a general beneficence, nor what will sooner render God favorable, and ready to bestow good things upon us. And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. But I shall speak further upon another subject, which will afford me all opportunity of discoursing on what is for the advantage of cities, and people, and nations, and suited to the taste of good men, and will encourage them all in the prosecution of virtue; and is capable of showing them the of acquiring glory, and an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in the kings of nations, and the rulers of cities, great inclination and diligence of doing well; as also of encouraging them to undergo dangers, and to die for their countries, and of instructing them how to despise all the most terrible adversities: and I have a fair occasion offered me to enter on such a discourse by Saul the king of the Hebrews; for although he knew what was coming upon him, and that he was to die immediately, by the prediction of the prophet, he did not resolve to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the love of life as to betray his own people to the enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his royal dignity; but exposing himself, as well as all his family and children, to dangers, he thought it a brave thing to fall together with them, as he was fighting for his subjects, and that it was better his sons should die thus, showing their courage, than to leave them to their uncertain conduct afterward, while, instead of succession and posterity, they gained commendation and a lasting name. Such a one alone seems to me to be a just, a courageous, and a prudent man; and when any one has arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereafter arrive at them, he is the man that ought to be by all honored with the testimony of a virtuous or courageous man: for as to those that go out to war with hopes of success, and that they shall return safe, supposing they should have performed some glorious action, I think those do not do well who call these valiant men, as so many historians and other writers who treat of them are wont to do, although I confess those do justly deserve some commendation also; but those only may be styled courageous and bold in great undertakings, and despisers of adversities, who imitate Saul: for as for those that do not know what the event of war will be as to themselves, and though they do not faint in it, but deliver themselves up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this way and that way, this is not so very eminent an instance of a generous mind, although they happen to perform many great exploits; but when men's minds expect no good event, but they know beforehand they must die, and that they must undergo that death in the battle also, after this neither to be aftrighted, nor to be astonished at the terrible fate that is coming, but to go directly upon it, when they know it beforehand, this it is that I esteem the character of a man truly courageous. Accordingly this Saul did, and thereby demonstrated that all men who desire fame after they are dead are so to act as they may obtain the same: this especially concerns kings, who ought not to think it enough in their high stations that they are not wicked in the government of their subjects, but to be no more than moderately good to them. I could say more than this about Saul and his courage, the subject affording matter sufficient; but that I may not appear to run out improperly in his commendation, I return again to that history from which I made this digression.",
+                    "5. Now when the Philistines, as I said before, had pitched their camp, and had taken an account of their forces, according to their nations, and kingdoms, and governments, king Achish came last of all with his own army; after whom came David with his six hundred armed men. And when the commanders of the Philistines saw him, they asked the king whence these Hebrews came, and at whose invitation. He answered that it was David, who was fled away from his master Saul, and that he had entertained him when he came to him, and that now he was willing to make him this requital for his favors, and to avenge himself upon Saul, and so was become his confederate. The commanders complained of this, that he had taken him for a confederate who was an enemy; and gave him counsel to send him away, lest he should unawares do his friends a great deal of mischief by entertaining him, for that he afforded him an opportunity of being reconciled to his master by doing a mischief to our army. They thereupon desired him, out of a prudent foresight of this, to send him away, with his six hundred armed men, to the place he had given him for his habitation; for that this was that David whom the virgins celebrated in their hymns, as having destroyed many ten thousands of the Philistines. When the king of Gath heard this, he thought they spake well; so he called David, and said to him, \"As for myself, I can bear witness that thou hast shown great diligence and kindness about me, and on that account it was that I took thee for my confederate; however, what I have done does not please the commanders of the Philistines; go therefore within a day's time to the place I have given thee, without suspecting any harm, and there keep my country, lest any of our enemies should make an incursion upon it, which will be one part of that assistance which I expect from thee.\" So David came to Ziklag, as the king of Gath bade him; but it happened, that while he was gone to the assistance of the Philistines, the Amalekites had made an incursion, and taken Ziklag before, and had burnt it; and when they had taken a great deal of other prey out of that place, and out of the other parts of the Philistines' country, they departed.",
+                    "6. Now when David found that Ziklag was laid waste, and that it was all spoiled, and that as well his own wives, who were two, as the wives of his companions, with their children, were made captives, he presently rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting, together with his friends; and indeed he was so cast down with these misfortunes, that at length tears themselves failed him. He was also in danger of being stoned to death by his companions, who were greatly afflicted at the captivity of their wives and children, for they laid the blame upon him of what had happened. But when he had recovered himself out of his grief, and had raised up his mind to God, he desired the high priest Abiathar to put on his sacerdotal garments, and to inquire of God, and to prophesy to him, whether God would grant; that if he pursued after the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and save their wives and their children, and avenge himself on the enemies. And when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all gave him sustenance, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came. Whereupon the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was left behind by his master, because he was so sick and weak that he could not follow him. He also informed him that he was one of those who had burnt and plundered, not only other parts of Judea, but Ziklag itself also. So David made use of him as a guide to find out the Amalekites; and when he had overtaken them, as they lay scattered about on the ground, some at dinner, some disordered, and entirely drunk with wine, and in the fruition of their spoils and their prey, he fell upon them on the sudden, and made a great slaughter among them; for they were naked, and expected no such thing, but had betaken themselves to drinking and feasting; and so they were all easily destroyed. Now some of them that were overtaken as they lay at the table were slain in that posture, and their blood brought up with it their meat and their drink. They slew others of them as they were drinking to one another in their cups, and some of them when their full bellies had made them fall asleep; and for so many as had time to put on their armor, they slew them with the sword, with no less case than they did those that were naked; and for the partisans of David, they continued also the slaughter from the first hour of the day to the evening, so that there were, not above four hundred of the Amalekites left; and they only escaped by getting upon their dromedaries and camels. Accordingly David recovered not only all the other spoils which the enemy had carried away, but his wives also, and the wives of his companions. But when they were come to the place where they had left the two hundred men, which were not able to follow them, but were left to take care of the stuff, the four hundred men did not think fit to divide among them any other parts of what they had gotten, or of the prey, since they did not accompany them, but pretended to be feeble, and did not follow them in pursuit of the enemy, but said they should be contented to have safely recovered their wives; yet did David pronounce that this opinion of theirs was evil and unjust, and that when God had granted them such a favor, that they had avenged themselves on their enemies, and had recovered all that belonged to themselves, they should make an equal distribution of what they had gott en to all, because the rest had tarried behind to guard their stuff; and from that time this law obtained among them, that those who guarded the stuff, should receive an equal share with those that fought in the battle. Now when David was come to Ziklag, he sent portions of the spoils to all that had been familiar with him, and to his friends in the tribe of Judah. And thus ended the affairs of the plundering of Ziklag, and of the slaughter of the Amalekites.",
+                    "7. Now upon the Philistines joining battle, there followed a sharp engagement, and the Philistine, became the conquerors, and slew a great number of their enemies; but Saul the king of Israel, and his sons, fought courageously, and with the utmost alacrity, as knowing that their entire glory lay in nothing else but dying honorably, and exposing themselves to the utmost danger from the enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for); so they brought upon themselves the whole power of the enemy, till they were encompassed round and slain, but not before they had killed many of the Philistines Now the sons of Saul were Jonathan, and Abinadab, and Malchisua; and when these were slain the multitude of the Hebrews were put to flight, and all was disorder, and confusion, and slaughter, upon the Philistines pressing in upon them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong body of soldiers about him; and upon the Philistines sending after them those that threw javelins and shot arrows, he lost all his company except a few. As for himself, he fought with great bravery; and when he had received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up nor to oppose any longer, and yet was not able to kill himself, he bade his armor-bearer draw his sword, and run him through, before the enemy should take him alive. But his armor-bearer not daring to kill his master, he drew his own sword, and placing himself over against its point, he threw himself upon it; and when he could neither run it through him, nor, by leaning against it, make the sword pass through him, he turned him round, and asked a certain young man that stood by who he was; and when he understood that he was an Amalekite, he desired him to force the sword through him, because he was not able to do it with his own hands, and thereby to procure him such a death as he desired. This the young man did accordingly; and he took the golden bracelet that was on Saul's arm, and his royal crown that was on his head, and ran away. And when Saul's armor-bearer saw that he was slain, he killed himself; nor did any of the king's guards escape, but they all fell upon the mountain called Gilboa. But when those Hebrews that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan, and those who had their cities in the plain, heard that Saul and his sons were fallen, and that the multitude about them were destroyed, they left their own cities, and fled to such as were the best fortified and fenced; and the Philistines, finding those cities deserted, came and dwelt in them.",
+                    "8. On the next day, when the Philistines came to strip their enemies that were slain, they got the bodies of Saul and of his sons, and stripped them, and cut off their heads; and they sent messengers all about their country, to acquaint them that their enemies were fallen; and they dedicated their armor in the temple of Astarte, but hung their bodies on crosses at the walls of the city Bethshun, which is now called Scythepolls. But when the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard that they had dismembered the dead bodies of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so horrid a thing to overlook this barbarity, and to suffer them to be without funeral rites, that the most courageous and hardy among them (and indeed that city had in it men that were very stout both in body and mind) journeyed all night, and came to Bethshun, and approached to the enemy's wall, and taking down the bodies of Saul and of his sons, they carried them to Jabesh, while the enemy were not able enough nor bold enough to hinder them, because of their great courage. So the people of Jabesh wept all in general, and buried their bodies in the best place of their country, which was named Areurn; and they observed a public mourning for them seven days, with their wives and children, beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his sons, without either tasting meat or drink (29) [till the evening.]",
+                    "9. To this his end did Saul come, according to the prophecy of Samuel, because he disobeyed the commands of God about the Amalekites, and on the account of his destroying the family of Ahimelech the high priest, with Ahimelech himself, and the city of the high priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and after his death two [and twenty], ended his life in this manner."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Reigned Over One Tribe At Hebron While The Son Of Saul Reigned Over The Rest Of The Multitude; And How, In The Civil War Which Then Arose Asahel And Abner Were Slain. </i><br>1. This fight proved to be on the same day whereon David was come back to Ziklag, after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now when he had been already two days at Ziklag, there came to him the man who slew Saul, which was the third day after the fight. He had escaped out of the battle which the Israelites had with the Philistines, and had his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head. And when he made his obeisance to David, he inquired of him whence he came. He replied, from the battle of the Israelites; and he informed him that the end of it was unfortunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites having been cut off, and Saul, together with his sons, slain. He also said that he could well give him this information, because he was present at the victory gained over the Hebrews, and was with the king when he fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself slain the king, when he was ready to be taken by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him to do it, because, when he was fallen on his sword, his great wounds had made him so weak that he was not able to kill himself. He also produced demonstrations that the king was slain, which were the golden bracelets that had been on the king's arms, and his crown, which he had taken away from Saul's dead body, and had brought them to him. So David having no longer any room to call in question the truth of what he said, but seeing most evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his garments, and continued all that day with his companions in weeping and lamentation. This grief was augmented by the consideration of Jonathan; the son of Saul, who had been his most faithful friend, and the occasion of his own deliverance. He also demonstrated himself to have such great virtue, and such great kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death to heart, though he had been frequently in danger of losing his life by his means, but to punish him that slew him; for when David had said to him that he was become his own accuser, as the very man who had slain the king, and when he had understood that he was the son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to be slain. He also committed to writing some lamentations and funeral commendations of Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to my own age.",
+                    "2. Now when David had paid these honors to the king, he left off his mourning, and inquired of God by the prophet which of the cities of the tribe of Judah he would bestow upon him to dwell in; who answered that he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he left Ziklag, and came to Hebron, and took with him his wives, who were in number two, and his armed men; whereupon all the people of the forementioned tribe came to him, and ordained him their king. But when he heard that the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead had buried Saul and his sons [honorably], he sent to them and commended them, and took what they had done kindly, and promised to make them amends for their care of those that were dead; and at the same time he informed them that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for their king.",
+                    "3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner, who was general of Saul's army, and a very active man, and good-natured, knew that the king, and Jonathan, and his two other sons, were fallen in the battle, he made haste into the camp; and taking away with him the remaining son of Saul, whose name was Ishbosheth, he passed over to the land beyond Jordan, and ordained him the king of the whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Judah; and made his royal seat in a place called in our own language Mahanaim, but in the language of the Grecians, The Camps; from whence Abner made haste with a select body of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry that this tribe had set up David for their king. But Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mother Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general of David's army, met him, according to David's appointment. He had with him his brethren, Abistiai and Asahel, as also all David's armed men. Now when he met Abner at a certain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepared to fight. And when Abner said to him, that he had a mind to know which of them had the more valiant soldiers, it was agreed between them that twelve soldiers of each side should fight together. So those that were chosen out by both the generals for this fight came between the two armies, and throwing their lances one against the other, they drew their swords, and catching one another by the head, they held one another fast, and ran each other's swords into their sides and groins, until they all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished together. When these were fallen down dead, the rest of the army came to a sore battle, and Abner's men were beaten; and when they were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing them, but he pressed upon them, and excited the soldiers to follow them close, and not to grow weary of killing them. His brethren also pursued them with great alacrity, especially the younger, Asahel, who was the most eminent of them. He was very famous for his swiftness of foot, for he could not only be too hard for men, but is reported to have overrun a horse, when they had a race together. This Asahel ran violently after Abner, and would not turn in the least out of the straight way, either to the one side or to the other. Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he bade him leave off the pursuit, and take the armor of one of his soldiers; and sometimes, when he could not persuade him so to do, he exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to pursue him any longer, lest he should force him to kill him, and he should then not be able to look his brother in the face: but when Asahel would not admit of any persuasions, but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote him with his spear, as he held it in his flight, and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a deadly wound, so that he died immediately; but those that were with him pursuing Abner, when they came to the place where Asahel lay, they stood round about the dead body, and left off the pursuit of the enemy. However, both Joab (1) himself, and his brother Abishai, ran past the dead corpse, and making their anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of greater zeal against Abner, they went on with incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued Abner to a certain place called Ammah: it was about sun-set. Then did Joab ascend a certain hill, as he stood at that place, having the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he took a view of them, and of Abner also. Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that it was not fit that they should irritate men of the same nation to fight so bitterly one against another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was himself in the wrong, when he would not be advised by him not to pursue him any farther, which was the occasion of his wounding and death. So Joab consented to what he said, and accepted these his words as an excuse [about Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their retreat, and thereby put a stop to any further pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp there that night; but Abner marched all that night, and passed over the river Jordan, and came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim. On the next day Joab counted the dead men, and took care of all their funerals. Now there were slain of Abner's soldiers about three hundred and sixty; but of those of David nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and Abishai carried to Bethlehem; and when they had buried him in the sepulcher of their fathers, they came to David to Hebron. From this time therefore there began an intestine war, which lasted a great while, in which the followers of David grew stronger in the dangers they underwent, and the servants and subjects of Saul's sons did almost every day become weaker.",
+                    "4. About this time David was become the father of six sons, born of as many mothers. The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called Arenon; the second was Daniel, by his wife Abigail; the name of the third was Absalom, by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur; the fourth he named Adonijah, by his wife Haggith; the fifth was Shephatiah, by Abital; the sixth he called Ithream, by Eglah. Now while this intestine war went on, and the subjects of the two kings came frequently to action and to fighting, it was Abner, the general of the host of Saul's son, who, by his prudence, and the great interest he had among the multitude, made them all continue with Ishbosheth; and indeed it was a considerable time that they continued of his party; but afterwards Abner was blamed, and an accusation was laid against him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine: her name was Rispah, the daughter of Aiah. So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth, he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he had not justice done him by Ishbosheth, to whom he had shown the greatest kindness; whereupon he threatened to transfer the kingdom to David, and demonstrate that he did not rule over the people beyond Jordan by his own abilities and wisdom, but by his warlike conduct and fidelity in leading his army. So he sent ambassadors to Hebron to David, and desired that he would give him security upon oath that he would esteem him his companion and his friend, upon condition that he should persuade the people to leave Saul's son, and choose him king of the whole country; and when David had made that league with Abner, for he was pleased with his message to him, he desired that he would give this as the first mark of performance of the present league, that he might have his wife Michal restored to him, as her whom he had purchased with great hazards, and with those six hundred heads of the Philistines which he had brought to Saul her father. So Abner took Michal from Phaltiel, who was then her husband, and sent her to David, Ishbosheth himself affording him his assistance, for David had written to him that of right he ought to have this his wife restored to him. Abner also called together the elders of the multitude, the commanders and captains of thousands, and spake thus to them: That he had formerly dissuaded them from their own resolution, when they were ready to forsake Ishbosheth, and to join themselves to David; that, however, he now gave them leave so to do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew that God had appointed David to be king of all the Hebrews by Samuel the prophet; and had foretold that he should punish the Philistines, and overcome them, and bring them under. Now when the elders and rulers heard this, and understood that Abner was come over to those sentiments about the public affairs which they were of before, they changed their measures, and came in to David. When these men had agreed to Abner's proposal, he called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all of that tribe were the guards of Ishbosheth's body, and he spake to them to the same purpose. And when he saw that they did not in the least oppose what he said, but resigned themselves up to his opinion, he took about twenty of his friends and came to David, in order to receive himself security upon oath from him; for we may justly esteem those things to be firmer which every one of us do by ourselves, than those which we do by another. He also gave him an account of what he had said to the rulers, and to the whole tribe of Benjamin; and when David had received him in a courteous manner, and had treated him with great hospitality for many days, Abner, when he was dismissed, desired him to bring the multitude with him, that he might deliver up the government to him, when David himself was present, and a spectator of what was done.",
+                    "5. When David had sent Abner away, Joab, the of his army, came immediately to Hebron; he had understood that Abner had been with David, and had parted with him a little before under leagues and agreements that the government should be delivered up to David, he feared lest David should place Abner, who had assisted him to gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity, especially since he was a shrewd man in other respects, in understanding affairs, and in managing them artfully, as proper seasons should require, and that he should himself be put lower, and be deprived of the command of the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked course. In the first place, he endeavored to calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him to have a care of him, and not to give attention to what he had engaged to do for him, because all he did tended to confirm the government to Saul's son; that he came to him deceitfully and with guile, and was gone away in hopes of gaining his purpose by this management: but when he could not thus persuade David, nor saw him at all exasperated, he betook himself to a project bolder than the former: - he determined to kill Abner; and in order thereto, he sent some messengers after him, to whom he gave in charge, that when they should overtake him they should recall him in David's name, and tell him that he had somewhat to say to him about his affairs, which he had not remembered to speak of when he was with him. Now when Abner heard what the messengers said, (for they overtook him in a certain place called Besira, which was distant from Hebron twenty furlongs,) he suspected none of the mischief  which was befalling him, and came back. Hereupon Joab met him in the gate, and received him in the kindest manner, as if he were Abner's most benevolent acquaintance and friend; for such as undertake the vilest actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of any private mischief intended, do frequently make the greatest pretenses to what really good men sincerely do. So he took him aside from his own followers, as if he would speak with him in private, and brought him into a void place of the gate, having himself nobody with him but his brother Abishai; then he drew his sword, and smote him in the groin; upon which Abner died by this treachery of Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the way of punishment for his brother Asahel, whom Abner smote and slew as he was pursuing after him in the battle of Hebron, but as the truth was, out of his fear of losing his command of the army, and his dignity with the king, and lest he should be deprived of those advantages, and Abner should obtain the first rank in David's court. By these examples any one may learn how many and how great instances of wickedness men will venture upon for the sake of getting money and authority, and that they may not fail of either of them; for as when they are desirous of obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten thousand evil practices; so when they are afraid of losing them, they get them confirmed to them by practices much worse than the former, as if no other calamity so terrible could befall them as the failure of acquiring so exalted an authority; and when they have acquired it, and by long custom found the sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since this last would be the heaviest of all afflictions they all of them contrive and venture upon the most difficult actions, out of the fear of losing the same. But let it suffice that I have made these short reflections upon that subject.",
+                    "6. When David heard that Abner was slain, it grieved his soul; and he called all men to witness, with stretching out his hands to God, and crying out that he was not a partaker in the murder of Abner, and that his death was not procured by his command or approbation. He also wished the heaviest curses might light upon him that slew him and upon his whole house; and he devoted those that had assisted him in this murder to the same penalties on its account; for he took care not to appear to have had any hand in this murder, contrary to the assurances he had given and the oaths he had taken to Abner. However, he commanded all the people to weep and lament this man, and to honor his dead body with the usual solemnities; that is, by rending their garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that things should be the habit in which they should go before the bier; after which he followed it himself, with the elders and those that were rulers, lamenting Abner, and by his tears demonstrating his good-will to him while he was alive, and his sorrow for him now he was dead, and that he was not taken off with his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in a magnificent manner, and indited funeral elegies for him; he also stood first over the monument weeping, and caused others to do the same; nay, so deeply did the death of Abner disorder him, that his companions could by no means force him to take any food, but he affirmed with an oath that he would taste nothing till the sun was set. This procedure gained him the good-will of the multitude; for such as had an affection for Abner were mightily satisfied with the respect he paid him when he was dead, and the observation of that faith he had plighted to him, which was shown in his vouchsafing him all the usual ceremonies, as if he had been his kinsman and his friend, and not suffering him to be neglected and injured with a dishonorable burial, as if he had been his enemy; insomuch that the entire nation rejoiced at the king's gentleness and mildness of disposition, every one being ready to suppose that the king would have taken the same care of them in the like circumstances, which they saw be showed in the burial of the dead body of Abner. And indeed David principally intended to gain a good reputation, and therefore he took care to do what was proper in this case, whence none had any suspicion that he was the author of Abner's death. He also said this to the multitude, that he was greatly troubled at the death of so good a man; and that the affairs of the Hebrews had suffered great detriment by being deprived of him, who was of so great abilities to preserve them by his excellent advice, and by the strength of his hands in war. But he added, that \"God, who hath a regard to all men's actions, will not suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged; but know ye, that I am not able to do any thing to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab and Abishai, who have more power than I have; but God will requite their insolent attempts upon their own heads.\" And this was the fatal conclusion of the life of Abner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Upon The Slaughter Of Ishbosheth By The Treachery Of His Friends, David Received The Whole Kingdom. </i><br>1. When Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, had heard of the death of Abner, he took it to heart to be deprived of a man that was of his kindred, and had indeed given him the kingdom, but was greatly afflicted, and Abner's death very much troubled him; nor did he himself outlive any long time, but was treacherously set upon by the sons of Rimmon, (Baanah and Rechab were their names,) and was slain by them; for these being of a family of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if they should slay Ishbosheth, they should obtain large presents from David, and be made commanders by him, or, however, should have some other trust committed to them. So when they once found him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper room, when none of his guards were there, and when the woman that kept the door was not watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on account of the labor she had undergone, and partly on account of the heat of the day, these men went into the room in which Ishbosheth, Saul's son, lay asleep, and slew him; they also cut off his head, and took their journey all that night, and the next day, as supposing themselves flying away from those they had injured, to one that would accept of this action as a favor, and would afford them security. So they came to Hebron, and showed David the head of Ishbosheth, and presented themselves to him as his well-wishers, and such as had killed one that was his enemy and antagonist. Yet David did not relish what they had done as they expected, but said to them, \"You vile wretches, you shall immediately receive the punishment you deserve. Did not you know what vengeance I executed on him that murdered Saul, and brought me his crown of gold, and this while he who made this slaughter did it as a favor to him, that he might not be caught by his enemies? Or do you imagine that I am altered in my disposition, and suppose that I am not the same man I then was, but am pleased with men that are wicked doers, and esteem your vile actions, when you are become murderers of your master, as grateful to me, when you have slain a righteous man upon his bed, who never did evil to any body, and treated you with great good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall suffer the punishment due on his account, and the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for killing Ishbosheth, and for supposing that I should take his death kindly at your hands; for you could not lay a greater blot on my honor, than by making such a supposal.\" When David had said this, he tormented them with all sorts of torments, and then put them to death; and he bestowed all accustomed rites on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and laid it in the grave of Abner.",
+                    "2. When these things were brought to this conclusion, all the principal men of the Hebrew people came to David to Hebron, with the heads of thousands, and other rulers, and delivered themselves up to him, putting him in mind of the good-will they had borne to him in Saul's lifetime, and the respect they then had not ceased to pay him when he was captain of a thousand, as also that he was chosen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and his sons; (2) and declaring besides, how God had given him power to save the land of the Hebrews, and to overcome the Philistines. Whereupon he received kindly this their alacrity on his account; and exhorted them to continue in it, for that they should have no reason to repent of being thus disposed to him. So when he had feasted them, and treated them kindly, he sent them out to bring all the people to him; upon which came to him about six thousand and eight hundred armed men of the tribe of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their weapons, for these had [till now] continued with Saul's son, when the rest of the tribe of Judah had ordained David for their king. There came also seven thousand and one hundred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the tribe of Levi came four thousand and seven hundred, having Jehoiada for their leader. After these came Zadok the high priest, with twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out of the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were four thousand; but the rest of the tribe continued, still expecting that some one of the house of Saul should reign over them. Those of the tribe of Ephraim were twenty thousand and eight hundred, and these mighty men of valor, and eminent for their strength. Out of the half tribe of Manasseh came eighteen thousand, of the most potent men. Out of the tribe of Issachar came two hundred, who foreknew what was to come hereafter, (3) but of armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe of Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This was the only tribe that came universally in to David, and all these had the same weapons with the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of Naphtali the eminent men and rulers were one thousand, whose weapons were shields and spears, and the tribe itself followed after, being (in a manner) innumerable [thirty-seven thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan there were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand and six hundred. Out of the tribe of Asher were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the tribe of Manasseh, such as used shields, and spears, and head-pieces, and swords, were a hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of the tribes also made use of swords. This multitude came together to Hebron to David, with a great quantity of corn, and wine, and all other sorts of food, and established David in his kingdom with one consent. And when the people had rejoiced for three days in Hebron, David and all the people removed and came to Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Laid Siege To Jerusalem; And When He Had Taken The City, He Cast The Canaanites Out Of It, And Brought In The Jews To Inhabit Therein. </i><br>1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the blind, and the lame, and all their maimed persons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the king, and said that the very lame themselves would hinder his entrance into it. This they did out of contempt of his power, and as depending on the strength of their walls. David was hereby enraged, and began the siege of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost diligence and alacrity therein, as intending by the taking of this place to demonstrate his power, and to intimidate all others that might be of the like [evil] disposition towards him. So he took the lower city by force, but the citadel held out still; (4) whence it was that the king, knowing that the proposal of dignities and rewards would encourage the soldiers to greater actions, promised that he who should first go over the ditches that were beneath the citadel, and should ascend to the citadel itself and take it, should have the command of the entire people conferred upon him. So they all were ambitious to ascend, and thought no pains too great in order to ascend thither, out of their desire of the chief command. However, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the rest; and as soon as he was got up to the citadel, cried out to the king, and claimed the chief command.",
+                    "2. When David had cast the Jebusites out of the citadel, he also rebuilt Jerusalem, and named it The City of David, and abode there all the time of his reign; but for the time that he reigned over the tribe of Judah only in Hebron, it was seven years and six months. Now when he had chosen Jerusalem to be his royal city, his affairs did more and more prosper, by the providence of God, who took care that they should improve and be augmented. Hiram also, the king of the Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and made a league of mutual friendship and assistance with him. He also sent him presents, cedar-trees, and mechanics, and men skillful in building and architecture, that they might build him a royal palace at Jerusalem. Now David made buildings round about the lower city: he also joined the citadel to it, and made it one body; and when he had encompassed all with walls, he appointed Joab to take care of them. It was David, therefore, who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called it by his own name, The City of David: for under our forefather Abraham it was called (Salem, or) Solyma; (5) but after that time, some say that Homer mentions it by that name of Solyma, [for he named the temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew language, which denotes security.] Now the whole time from the warfare under Joshua our general against the Canaanites, and from that war in which he overcame them, and distributed the land among the Hebrews, (nor could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites out of Jerusalem until this time, when David took it by siege,) this whole time was five hundred and fifteen years.",
+                    "3. I shall now make mention of Araunah, who was a wealthy man among the Jebusites, but was not slain by David in the siege of Jerusalem, because of the good-will he bore to the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and affection which he had to the king himself; which I shall take a more seasonable opportunity to speak of a little afterwards. Now David married other wives over and above those which he had before: he had also concubines. The sons whom he had were in number eleven, whose names were Amnon, Emnos, Eban, Nathan, Solomon, Jeban, Elien, Phalna, Ennaphen, Jenae, Eliphale; and a daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born of legitimate wives, but the two last-named of concubines; and Tamar had the same mother with Absalom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When David Had Conquered The Philistines Who Made War Against Him At Jerusalem, He Removed The Ark To Jerusalem And Had A Mind To Build A Temple. </i><br>1. When the Philistines understood that David was made king of the Hebrews, they made war against him at Jerusalem; and when they had seized upon that valley which is called The Valley of the Giants, and is a place not far from the city, they pitched their camp therein; but the king of the Jews, who never permitted himself to do any thing without prophecy, (6) and the command of God and without depending on him as a security for the time to come, bade the high priest to foretell to him what was the will of God, and what would be the event of this battle. And when he foretold that he should gain the victory and the dominion, he led out his army against the Philistines; and when the battle was joined, he came himself behind, and fell upon the enemy on the sudden, and slew some of them, and put the rest to flight. And let no one suppose that it was a small army of the Philistines that came against the Hebrews, as guessing so from the suddenness of their defeat, and from their having performed no great action, or that was worth recording, from the slowness of their march, and want of courage; but let him know that all Syria and Phoenicia, with many other nations besides them, and those warlike nations also, came to their assistance, and had a share in this war, which thing was the only cause why, when they had been so often conquered, and had lost so many ten thousands of their men, they still came upon the Hebrews with greater armies; nay, indeed, when they had so often failed of their purpose in these battles, they came upon David with an army three times as numerous as before, and pitched their camp on the same spot of ground as before. The king of Israel therefore inquired of God again concerning the event of the battle; and the high priest prophesied to him, that he should keep his army in the groves, called the Groves of Weeping, which were not far from the enemy's camp, and that he should not move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the grove should be in motion without the wind's blowing; but as soon as these trees moved, and the time foretold to him by God was come, he should, without delay, go out to gain what was an already prepared and evident victory; for the several ranks of the enemy's army did not sustain him, but retreated at the first onset, whom he closely followed, and slew them as he went along, and pursued them to the city Gaza (which is the limit of their country): after this he spoiled their camp, in which he found great riches; and he destroyed their gods.",
+                    "2. When this had proved the event of the battle, David thought it proper, upon a consultation with the elders, and rulers, and captains of thousands, to send for those that were in the flower of their age out of all his countrymen, and out of the whole land, and withal for the priests and the Levites, in order to their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the ark of God out of that city, and to carry it to Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and offer before it those sacrifices and those other honors with which God used to be well-pleased; for had they done thus in the reign of Saul, they had not undergone any great misfortunes at all. So when the whole body of the people were come together, as they had resolved to do, the king came to the ark, which the priest brought out of the house of Aminadab, and laid it upon a new cart, and permitted their brethren and their children to draw it, together with the oxen. Before it went the king, and the whole multitude of the people with him, singing hymns to God, and making use of all sorts of songs usual among them, with variety of the sounds of musical instruments, and with dancing and singing of psalms, as also with the sounds of trumpets and of cymbals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem. But as they were come to the threshing-floor of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah was slain by the anger of God; for as the oxen shook the ark, he stretched out his hand, and would needs take hold of it. Now, because he was not a priest (7) and yet touched the ark, God struck him dead. Hereupon both the king and the people were displeased at the death of Uzzah; and the place where he died is still called the Breach of Uzzah unto this day. So David was afraid; and supposing that if he received the ark to himself into the city, he might suffer in the like manner as Uzzah had suffered, who, upon his bare putting out his hand to the ark, died in the manner already mentioned, he did not receive it to himself into the city, but he took it aside unto a certain place belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom, who was by his family a Levite, and deposited the ark with him; and it remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of Obededom, and conferred many blessings upon it. And when the king heard what had befallen Obededom, how he was become, of a poor man in a low estate, exceeding happy, and the object of envy to all those that saw or inquired after his house, he took courage, and, hoping that he should meet with no misfortune thereby, he transferred the ark to his own house; the priests carrying it, while seven companies of singers, who were set in that order by the king, went before it, and while he himself played upon the harp, and joined in the music, insomuch, that when his wife Michal, the daughter of Saul, who was our first king, saw him so doing, she laughed at him. But when they had brought in the ark, they placed it under the tabernacle which David had pitched for it, and he offered costly sacrifices and peace-offerings, and treated the whole multitude, and dealt both to the women, and the men, and the infants a loaf of bread and a cake, and another cake baked in a pan, with the portion of the sacrifice. So when he had thus feasted the people, he sent them away, and he himself returned to his own house.",
+                    "3. But when Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul, came and stood by him, she wished him all other happiness, and entreated that whatsoever he should further desire, to the utmost possibility, might be given him by God, and that he might be favorable to him; yet did she blame him, that so great a king as he was should dance after an unseemly manner, and in his dancing, uncover himself among the servants and the handmaidens. But he replied, that he was not ashamed to do what was acceptable to God, who had preferred him before her father, and before all others; that he would play frequently, and dance, without any regard to what the handmaidens and she herself thought of it. So this Michal, who was David's wife, had no children; however, when she was afterward married to him to whom Saul her father had given her, (for at this time David had taken her away from him, and had her himself,) she bare five children. But concerning those matters I shall discourse in a proper place.",
+                    "4. Now when the king saw that his affairs grew better almost every day, by the will of God, he thought he should offend him, if, while he himself continued in houses made of cedar, such as were of a great height, and had the most curious works of architecture in them, he should overlook the ark while it was laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build a temple to God, as Moses had predicted such a temple should be built. (8) And when he had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about these things, and had been encouraged by him to do whatsoever he had a mind to do, as having God with him, and his helper in all things, he was thereupon the more ready to set about that building. But God appeared to Nathan that very night, and commanded him to say to David, (9) that he took his purpose and his desires kindly, since nobody had before now taken it into their head to build him a temple, although upon his having such a notion he would not permit him to build him that temple, because he had made many wars, and was defiled with the slaughter of his enemies; that, however, after his death, in his old age, and when he had lived a long life, there should be a temple built by a son of his, who should take the kingdom after him, and should be called Solomon, whom he promised to provide for, as a father provides for his son, by preserving the kingdom for his son's posterity, and delivering it to them; but that he would still punish him, if he sinned, with diseases and barrenness of land. When David understood this from the prophet, and was overjoyful at this knowledge of the sure continuance of the dominion to his posterity, and that his house should be splendid, and very famous, he came to the ark, and fell down on his face, and began to adore God, and to return thanks to him for all his benefits, as well for those that he had already bestowed upon him in raising him from a low state, and from the employment of a shepherd, to so great dignity of dominion and glory; as for those also which he had promised to his posterity; and besides, for that providence which he had exercised over the Hebrews in procuring them the liberty they enjoyed. And when he had said thus, and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he went his way."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Brought Under The Philistines, And The Moabites, And The Kings Of Sophene And Of Damascus, And Of The Syrians As Also The Idumeans, In War; And How He Made A League With The King Of Hamath; And Was Mindful Of The Friendship That Jonathan, The Son Of Saul, Had Borne Him. </i><br>1. A Litlle while after this, he considered that he ought to make war against the Philistines, and not to see any idleness or laziness permitted in his management, that so it might prove, as God had foretold to him, that when he had overthrown his enemies, he should leave his posterity to reign in peace afterward: so he called together his army again, and when he had charged them to be ready and prepared for war, and when he thought that all things in his army were in a good state, he removed from Jerusalem, and came against the Philistines; and when he had overcome them in battle, and had cut off a great part of their country, and adjoined it to the country of the Hebrews, he transferred the war to the Moabites; and when he had overcome two parts of their army in battle, he took the remaining part captive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be paid annually. He then made war against Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of Sophene; (10) and when he had joined battle with him at 'the river Euphrates, he destroyed twenty thousand of his footmen, and about seven thousand of his horsemen. He also took a thousand of his chariots, and destroyed the greatest part of them, and ordered that no more than one hundred should be kept. (11)",
+                    "2. Now when Hadad, king of Damascus and of Syria, heard that David fought against Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes to rescue him; and when he had joined battle with David at the river Euphrates, he failed of his purpose, and lost in the battle a great number of his soldiers; for there were slain of the army of Hadad twenty thousand, and all the rest fled. Nicelens also [of Damascus] makes mention of this king in the fourth book of his histories; where he speaks thus: \"A great while after these things had happened, there was one of that country whose name was Hadad, who was become very potent; he reigned over Damascus, and, the other parts of Syria, excepting Phoenicia. He made war against David, the king of Judea, and tried his fortune in many battles, and particularly in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he was beaten. He seemed to have been the most excellent of all their kings in strength and manhood,\" Nay, besides this, he says of his posterity, that \"they succeeded one another in his kingdom, and in his name;\" where he thus speaks: \"When Hadad was dead, his posterity reigned for ten generations, each of his successors receiving from his father that his dominion, and this his name; as did the Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the most powerful of them all, and was willing to avenge the defeat his forefather had received; so he made an expedition against the Jews, and laid waste the city which is now called Samaria.\" Nor did he err from the truth; for this is that Hadad who made the expedition against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, concerning whom we shall speak in due place hereafter.",
+                    "3. Now when David had made an expedition against Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, and had brought it all into subjection, and had placed garrisons in the country, and appointed that they should pay tribute, he returned home. He also dedicated to God at Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire armor which the guards of Hadad used to wear; which Shishak, the king of Egypt, took away when he fought with David's grandson, Rehoboam, with a great deal of other wealth which he carried out of Jerusalem. However, these things will come to be explained in their proper places hereafter. Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was assisted by God, who gave him great success in his wars, and he made all expedition against the best cities of Hadadezer, Betah and Machen; so he took them by force, and laid them waste. Therein was found a very great quantity of gold and silver, besides that sort of brass which is said to be more valuable than gold; of which brass Solomon made that large vessel which was called The [Brazen] Sea, and those most curious lavers, when he built the temple for God.",
+                    "4. But when the king of Hamath was informed of the ill success of Hadadezer, and had heard of the ruin of his army, he was afraid on his own account, and resolved to make a league of friendship and fidelity with David before he should come against him; so he sent to him his son Joram, and professed that he owed him thanks for fighting against Hadadezer, who was his enemy, and made a league with him of mutual assistance and friendship. He also sent him presents, vessels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of silver, and of brass. So when David had made this league of mutual assistance with Toi, (for that was the name of the king of Hamath,) and had received the presents he sent him, he dismissed his son with that respect which was due on both sides; but then David brought those presents that were sent by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver which he had taken of the cities whom he had conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor did God give victory and success to him only when he went to the battle himself, and led his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai, the brother of Joab, general of his forces, over the Idumeans, (12) and by him to David, when he sent him with an army into Idumea: for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of them in the battle; whereupon the king [of Israel] placed garrisons through all Idumea, and received the tribute of the country, and of every head among them. Now David was in his nature just, and made his determination with regard to truth. He had for the general of his whole army Joab; and he made Jehoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder. He also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phinehas, to be high priest, together with Abiathar, for he was his friend. He also made Seisan the scribe, and committed the command over the guards of his body to Benaiah; the son of Jehoiada. His elder sons were near his body, and had the care of it also.",
+                    "5. He also called to mind the covenants and the oaths he had made with Jonathan, the son of Saul, and the friendship and affection Jonathan had for him; for besides all the rest of his excellent qualities with which he was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful of such as had at other times bestowed benefits upon him. He therefore gave order that inquiry should be made, whether any of Jonathan's lineage were living, to whom he might make return of that familiar acquaintance which Jonathan had had with him, and for which he was still debtor. And when one of Saul's freed men was brought to him, who was acquainted with those of his family that were still living, he asked him whether he could tell him of any one belonging to Jonathan that was now alive, and capable of a requital of the benefits which he had received from Jonathan. And he said, that a son of his was remaining, whose name was Mephibosheth, but that he was lame of his feet; for that when his nurse heard that the father and grandfather of the child were fallen in the battle, she snatched him up, and fled away, and let him fall from her shoulders, and his feet were lamed. So when he had learned where and by whom he was brought up, he sent messengers to Machir, to the city of Lodebar, for with him was the son of Jonathan brought up, and sent for him to come to him. So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he fell on his face and worshipped him; but David encouraged him, bade him be of good cheer, and expect better times. So he gave him his father's house, and all the estate which his grandfather Saul was in possession of, and bade him come and diet with him at his own table, and never to be absent one day from that table. And when the youth had worshipped him on account of his words and gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told him that he had given the youth his father's house, and all Saul's estate. He also ordered that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take care of it, and bring him the profits of all to Jerusalem. Accordingly, David brought him to his table every day, and bestowed upon the youth, Ziba and his sons, who were in number fifteen, and his servants, who were in number twenty. When the king had made these appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him, and promised to do all that he had bidden him, he went his way; so that this son of Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the king's table, and had the same care that a son could claim taken of him. He also had himself a son, whom he named Micha."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The War Was Waged Against The Ammonites And Happily Concluded. </i><br>1. This were the honors that such as were left of Saul's and Jonathan's lineage received from David. About this time died Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, who was a friend of David's; and when his son had succeeded his father in the kingdom, David sent ambassadors to him to comfort him; and exhorted him to take his father's death patiently, and to expect that he would continue the same kindness to himself which he had shown to his father. But the princes of the Ammonites took this message in evil part, and not as David's kind dispositions gave reason to take it; and they excited the king to resent it; and said that David had sent men to spy out the country, and what strength it had, under the pretense of humanity and kindness. They further advised him to have a care, and not to give heed to David's words, lest he should be deluded by him, and so fall into an inconsolable calamity. Accordingly Nahash's [son], the king of the Ammonites, thought these princes spake what was more probable than the truth would admit, and so abused the ambassadors after a very harsh manner; for he shaved the one half of their beards, and cut off one half of their garments, and sent his answer, not in words, but in deeds. When the king of Israel saw this, he had indignation at it, and showed openly that he would not overlook this injurious and contumelious treatment, but would make war with the Ammonites, and would avenge this wicked treatment of his ambassadors on their king. So that king's intimate friends and commanders, understanding that they had violated their league, and were liable to be punished for the same, made preparations for war; they also sent a thousand talents to the Syrian king of Mesopotamia, and endeavored to prevail with him to assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now these kings had twenty thousand footmen. They also hired the king of the country called Maacah, and a fourth king, by name Ishtob; which last had twelve thousand armed men.",
+                    "2. But David was under no consternation at this confederacy, nor at the forces of the Ammonites; and putting his trust in God, because he was going to war in a just cause, on account of the injurious treatment he had met with, he immediately sent Joab, the captain of his host, against them, and gave him the flower of his army, who pitched his camp by Rabbah, the metropolis of the Ammonites; whereupon the enemy came out, and set themselves in array, not all of them together, but in two bodies; for the auxiliaries were set in array in the plain by themselves, but the army of the Ammonites at the gates over against the Hebrews. When Joab saw this, he opposed one stratagem against another, and chose out the most hardy part of his men, and set them in opposition to the king of Syria, and the kings that were with him, and gave the other part to his brother Abishai, and bid him set them in opposition to the Ammonites; and said to him, that in case he should see that the Syrians distressed him, and were too hard for him, he should order his troops to turn about and assist him; and he said that he himself would do the same to him, if he saw him in the like distress from the Ammonites. So he sent his brother before, and encouraged him to do every thing courageously and with alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid of disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he dismissed him to fight with the Ammonites, while he fell upon the Syrians. And though they made a strong opposition for a while, Joab slew many of them, but compelled the rest to betake themselves to flight; which, when the Ammonites saw, and were withal afraid of Abishai and his army, they staid no longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and fled to the city. So Joab, when he had thus overcome the enemy, returned with great joy to Jerusalem to the king.",
+                    "3. This defeat did not still induce the Ammonites to be quiet, nor to own those that were superior to them to be so, and be still, but they sent to Chalaman, the king of the Syrians, beyond Euphrates, and hired him for an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the captain of his host, with eighty thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the king of the Hebrews understood that the Ammonites had again gathered so great an army together, he determined to make war with them no longer by his generals, but he passed over the river Jordan himself with all his army; and when he met them he joined battle with them, and overcame them, and slew forty thousand of their footmen, and seven thousand of their horsemen. He also wounded Shobach, the general of Chalaman's forces, who died of that stroke; but the people of Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of the battle, delivered themselves up to David, and sent him presents, who at winter time returned to Jerusalem. But at the beginning of the spring he sent Joab, the captain of his host, to fight against the Ammonites, who overran all their country, and laid it waste, and shut them up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged them therein."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David Fell In Love With Bathsheba, And Slew Her Husband Uriah, For Which He Is Reproved By Nathan. </i><br>1. But David fell now into a very grievous sin, though he were otherwise naturally a righteous and a religious man, and one that firmly observed the laws of our fathers; for when late in an evening he took a view round him from the roof of his royal palace, where he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman washing herself in her own house: she was one of extraordinary beauty, and therein surpassed all other women; her name was Bathsheba. So he was overcome by that woman's beauty, and was not able to restrain his desires, but sent for her, and lay with her. Hereupon she conceived with child, and sent to the king, that he should contrive some way for concealing her sin (for, according to the laws of their fathers, she who had been guilty of adultery ought to be put to death). So the king sent for Joab's armor-bearer from the siege, who was the woman's husband, and his name was Uriah. And when he was come, the king inquired of him about the army, and about the siege; and when he had made answer that all their affairs went according to their wishes, the king took some portions of meat from his supper, and gave them to him, and bade him go home to his wife, and take his rest with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept near the king with the rest of his armor-bearers. When the king was informed of this, he asked him why he did not go home to his house, and to his wife, after so long an absence; which is the natural custom of all men, when they come from a long journey. He replied, that it was not right, while his fellow soldiers, and the general of the army, slept upon the ground, in the camp, and in an enemy's country, that he should go and take his rest, and solace himself with his wife. So when he had thus replied, the king ordered him to stay there that night, that he might dismiss him the next day to the general. So the king invited Uriah to supper, and after a cunning and dexterous manlier plied him with drink at supper, till he was thereby disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at the king's gates without any inclination to go to his wife. Upon this the king was very angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and commanded him to punish Uriah, for he told him that he had offended him; and he suggested to him the manner in which he would have him punished, that it might not be discovered that he was himself the author of this his punishment; for he charged him to set him over against that part of the enemy's army where the attack would be most hazardous, and where he might be deserted, and be in the greatest jeopardy, for he bade him order his fellow soldiers to retire out of the fight. When he had written thus to him, and sealed the letter with his own seal, he gave it to Uriah to carry to Joab. When Joab had received it, and upon reading it understood the king's purpose, he set Uriah in that place where he knew the enemy would be most troublesome to them; and gave him for his partners some of the best soldiers in the army; and said that he would also come to their assistance with the whole army, that if possible they might break down some part of the wall, and enter the city. And he desired him to be glad of the opportunity of exposing himself to such great pains, and not to be displeased at it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a great reputation for his valor, both with the king and with his countrymen. And when Uriah undertook the work he was set upon with alacrity, he gave private orders to those who were to be his companions, that when they saw the enemy make a sally, they should leave him. When, therefore, the Hebrews made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites were afraid that the enemy might prevent them, and get up into the city, and this at the very place whither Uriah was ordered; so they exposed their best soldiers to be in the forefront, and opened their gates suddenly, and fell upon the enemy with great vehemence, and ran violently upon them. When those that were with Uriah saw this, they all retreated backward, as Joab had directed them beforehand; but Uriah, as ashamed to run away and leave his post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the violence of their onset, he slew many of them; but being encompassed round, and caught in the midst of them, he was slain, and some other of his companions were slain with him.",
+                    "2. When this was done, Joab sent messengers to the king, and ordered them to tell him that he did what he could to take the city soon; but that, as they made an assault on the wall, they had been forced to retire with great loss; and bade them, if they saw the king was angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain also. When the king had heard this of the messengers, he took it heinously, and said that they did wrong when they assaulted the wall, whereas they ought, by undermining and other stratagems of war, to endeavor the taking of rite city, especially when they had before their eyes the example of Abimelech, the son of Gideon, who would needs take the tower in Thebes by force, and was killed by a large stone thrown at him by an old woman; and although he was a man of great prowess, he died ignominiously by the dangerous manner of his assault: that they should remember this accident, and not come near the enemy's wall, for that the best method of making war with success was to call to mind the accidents of former wars, and what good or bad success had attended them in the like dangerous cases, that so they might imitate the one, and avoid the other. But when the king was in this disposition, the messenger told him that Uriah was slain also; whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the messenger go back to Joab and tell him that this misfortune is no other than what is common among mankind, and that such is the nature, and such the accidents of war, insomuch that sometimes the enemy will have success therein, and sometimes others; but that he ordered him to go on still in his care about the siege, that no ill accident might befall him in it hereafter; that they should raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging the city; and when they have gotten it, to overturn its very foundations, and to destroy all those that are in it. Accordingly the messenger carried the king's message with which he was charged, and made haste to Joab. But Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she was informed of the death of her husband, mourned for his death many days; and when her mourning was over, and the tears which she shed for Uriah were dried up, the king took her to wife presently; and a son was born to him by her.",
+                    "3. With this marriage God was not well pleased, but was thereupon angry at David; and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in his sleep, and complained of the king. Now Nathan was a fair and prudent man; and considering that kings, when they fall into a passion, are guided more by that passion than they are by justice, he resolved to conceal the threatenings that proceeded from God, and made a good-natured discourse to him, and this after the manner following: - He desired that the king would give him his opinion in the following case: - There were,\" said he, \"two men inhabiting the same city, the one of them was rich, and [the other poor]. The rich man had a great many flocks of cattle, of sheep, and of kine; but the poor man had but one ewe lamb. This he brought up with his children, and let her eat her food with them; and he had the same natural affection for her which any one might have for a daughter. Now upon the coming of a stranger to the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill any of his own flocks, and thence feast his friend; but he sent for the poor man's lamb, and took her away from him, and made her ready for food, and thence feasted the stranger.\" This discourse troubled the king exceedingly; and he denounced to Nathan, that \"this man was a wicked man who could dare to do such a thing; and that it was but just that he should restore the lamb fourfold, and be punished with death for it also.\" Upon this Nathan immediately said that he was himself the man who ought to suffer those punishments, and that by his own sentence; and that it was he who had perpetrated this 'great and horrid crime. He also revealed to him, and laid before him, the anger of God against him, who had made him king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord of all the nations, and those many and great nations round about him; who had formerly delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and had given him such wives as he had justly and legally married; and now this God was despised by him, and affronted by his impiety, when he had married, and now had, another man's wife; and by exposing her husband to the enemy, had really slain him; 'that God would inflict punishments upon him on account of those instances of wickedness; that his own wives should be forced by one of his sons; and that he should be treacherously supplanted by the same son; and that although he had perpetrated his wickedness secretly, yet should that punishment which he was to undergo be inflicted publicly upon him; \"that, moreover,\" said he, \"the child which was born to thee of her shall soon die.\" When the king was troubled at these messages, and sufficiently confounded, and said with tears and sorrow that he had sinned, (for he was without controversy a pious man, and guilty of no sin at all in his whole life, excepting those in the matter of Uriah,) God had compassion on him, and was reconciled to him, and promised that he would preserve to him both his life and his kingdom; for he said that, seeing he repented of the things he had done, he was no longer displeased with him. So Nathan, when he had delivered this prophecy to the king, returned home.",
+                    "4. However, God sent a dangerous distemper upon the child that was born to David of the wife of Uriah, at which the king was troubled, and did not take any food for seven days, although his servants almost forced him to take it; but he clothed himself in a black garment, and fell down, and lay upon the ground in sackcloth, entrusting God for the recovery of the child, for he vehemently loved the child's mother; but when, on the seventh day, the child was dead, the king's servants durst not tell him of it, as supposing that when he knew it, he would still less admit of food, and other care of himself, by reason of his grief at the death of his son, since when the child was only sick, he so greatly afflicted himself, and grieved for him: but when the king perceived that his servants were in disorder, and seemed to be affected, as those who are very desirous to conceal something, he understood that the child was dead; and when he had called one of his servants to him, and discovered that so it was, he arose up and washed himself, and took a white garment, and came into the tabernacle of God. He also commanded them to set supper before him, and thereby greatly surprised his kindred and servants, while he did nothing of this when the child was sick, but did it all when he was dead. Whereupon having first begged leave to ask him a question, they besought him to tell them the reason of this his conduct; he then called them unskillful people, and instructed them how he had hopes of the recovery of the child while it was alive, and accordingly did all that was proper for him to do, as thinking by such means to render God propitious to him; but that when the child was dead, there was no longer any occasion for grief, which was then to no purpose. When he had said this, they commended the king's wisdom and understanding. He then went in unto Bathsheba his wife, and she conceived and bare a son; and by the command of Nathan the prophet called his name Solomon.",
+                    "5. But Joab sorely distressed the Ammonites in the siege, by cutting off their waters, and depriving them of other means of subsistence, till they were in the greatest want of meat and drink, for they depended only on one small well of water, and this they durst not drink of too freely, lest the fountain should entirely fail them. So he wrote to the king, and informed him thereof; and persuaded him to come himself to take the city, that he might have the honor of the victory. Upon this letter of Joab's, the king accepted of his good-will and fidelity, and took with him his army, and came to the destruction of Rabbah; and when he had taken it by force, he gave it to his soldiers to plunder it; but he himself took the king of the Ammonites' crown, whose weight was a talent of gold; (13) and it had in its middle a precious stone called a sardonyx; which crown David ever after wore on his own head. He also found many other vessels in the city, and those both splendid and of great price; but as for the men, he tormented them, (14) and then destroyed them; and when he had taken the other cities of the Ammonites by force, he treated them after the same manner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Absalom Murdered Amnon, Who Had Forced His Own Sister; And How He Was Banished And Afterwards Recalled By David. </i><br>1. When the king was returned to Jerusalem, a sad misfortune befell his house, on the occasion following: He had a daughter, who was yet a virgin, and very handsome, insomuch that she surpassed all the most beautiful women; her name was Tamar; she had the same mother with Absalom. Now Amnon, David's eldest son, fell in love with her, and being not able to obtain his desires, on account of her virginity, and the custody she was under, was so much out of order, nay, his grief so eat up his body, that he grew lean, and his color was changed. Now there was one Jenadab, a kinsman and friend of his, who discovered this his passion, for he was an extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every morning Amnon was not in body as he ought to be, he came to him, and desired him to tell him what was the cause of it: however, he said that he guessed that it arose from the passion of love. Amnon confessed his passion, that he was in love with a sister of his, who had the same father with himself. So Jenadab suggested to him by what method and contrivance he might obtain his desires; for he persuaded him to pretend sickness, and bade him, when his father should come to him, to beg of him that his sister might come and minister to him; for if that were done, he should be better, and should quickly recover from his distemper. So Amnon lay down on his bed, and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab had suggested. When his father came, and inquired how he did, he begged of him to send his sister to him. Accordingly, he presently ordered her to be brought to him; and when she was come, Amnon bade her make cakes for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it all with her own hands, because he should take them better from her hand [than from any one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the sight of her brother, and made him cakes, and baked them in a pan, and brought them to him; but at that time he would not taste them, but gave order to his servants to send all that were there out of his chamber, because he had a mind to repose himself, free from tumult and disturbance. As soon as what he had commanded was done, he desired his sister to bring his supper to him into the inner parlor; which, when the damsel had done, he took hold of her, and endeavored to persuade her to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried out, and said, \"Nay, brother, do not force me, nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws, and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion. Curb this thy unrighteous and impure lust, from which our house will get nothing but reproach and disgrace.\" She also advised him to speak to his father about this affair; for he would permit him [to marry her]. This she said, as desirous to avoid her brother's violent passion at present. But he would not yield to her; but, inflamed with love and blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he forced his sister: but as soon as Amnon had satisfied his lust, he hated her immediately, and giving her reproachful words, bade her rise up and be gone. And when she said that this was a more injurious treatment than the former, if, now he had forced her, he would not let her stay with him till the evening, but bid her go away in the day-time, and while it was light, that she might meet with people that would be witnesses of her shame, - he commanded his servant to turn her out of his house. Whereupon she was sorely grieved at the injury and violence that had been offered to her, and rent her loose coat, (for the virgins of old time wore such loose coats tied at the hands, and let down to the ankles, that the inner coats might not be seen,) and sprinkled ashes on her head; and went up the middle of the city, crying out and lamenting for the violence that had been offered her. Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet her, and asked her what sad thing had befallen her, that she was in that plight; and when she had told him what injury had been offered her, he comforted her, and desired her to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not to esteem her being corrupted by her brother as an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and left off her crying out, and discovering the force offered her to the multitude; and she continued as a widow with her brother Absalom a long time.",
+                    "2. When David his father knew this, he was grieved at the actions of Amnon; but because he had an extraordinary affection for him, for he was his eldest son, he was compelled not to afflict him; but Absalom watched for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime upon him, for he thoroughly hated him. Now the second year after this wicked affair about his sister was over, and Absalom was about to go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor, which is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he besought his father, as well as his brethren, to come and feast with him: but when David excused himself, as not being willing to be burdensome to him, Absalom desired he would however send his brethren; whom he did send accordingly. Then Absalom charged his own servants, that when they should see Amnon disordered and drowsy with wine, and he should give them a signal, they should fear nobody, but kill him.",
+                    "3. When they had done as they were commanded, the rest of his brethren were astonished and disturbed, and were afraid for themselves, so they immediately got on horseback, and rode away to their father; but somebody there was who prevented them, and told their father they were all slain by Absalom; whereupon he was overcome with sorrow, as for so many of his sons that were destroyed at once, and that by their brother also; and by this consideration, that it was their brother that appeared to have slain them, he aggravated his sorrow for them. So he neither inquired what was the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear any thing else, which yet it was but reasonable to have done, when so very great, and by that greatness so incredible, a misfortune was related to him: he rent his clothes and threw himself upon the ground, and there lay lamenting the loss of all his sons, both those who, as he was informed, were slain, and of him who slew them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother Shemeah, entreated him not to indulge his sorrow so far, for as to the rest of his sons he did not believe that they were slain, for he found no cause for such a suspicion; but he said it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon, for it was not unlikely that Absalom might venture to kill him on account of the injury he had offered to Tamar. In the mean time, a great noise of horses, and a tumult of some people that were coming, turned their attention to them; they were the king's sons, who were fled away from the feast. So their father met them as they were in their grief, and he himself grieved with them; but it was more than he expected to see those his sons again, whom he had a little before heard to have perished. However, their were tears on both sides; they lamenting their brother who was killed, and the king lamenting his son, who was killed also; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his grandfather by his mother's side, who was king of that country, and he remained with him three whole years.",
+                    "4. Now David had a design to send to Absalom, not that he should come to be punished, but that he might be with him, for the effects of his anger were abated by length of time. It was Joab, the captain of his host, that chiefly persuaded him so to do; for he suborned an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age, to go to the king in mourning apparel, who said thus to him: - That two of her sons, in a coarse way, had some difference between them, and that in the progress of that difference they came to an open quarrel, and that one was smitten by the other, and was dead; and she desired him to interpose in this case, and to do her the favor to save this her son from her kindred, who were very zealous to have him that had slain his brother put to death, that so she might not be further deprived of the hopes she had of being taken care of in her old age by him; and that if he would hinder this slaughter of her son by those that wished for it, he would do her a great favor, because the kindred would not be restrained from their purpose by any thing else than by the fear of him. And when the king had given his consent to what the woman had begged of him, she made this reply to him: - \"I owe thee thanks for thy benignity to me in pitying my old age, and preventing the loss of my only remaining child; but in order to assure me of this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine own son, and cease to be angry with him; for how shall I persuade myself that thou hast really bestowed this favor upon me, while thou thyself continuest after the like manner in thy wrath to thine own son? for it is a foolish thing to add willfully another to thy dead son, while the death of the other was brought about without thy consent.\" And now the king perceived that this pretended story was a subornation derived from Joab, and was of his contrivance; and when, upon inquiry of the old woman, he understood it to be so in reality, he called for Joab, and told him he had obtained what he requested according to his own mind; and he bid him bring Absalom back, for he was not now displeased, but had already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab bowed himself down to the king, and took his words kindly, and went immediately to Geshur, and took Absalom with him, and came to Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. However, the king sent a message to his son beforehand, as he was coming, and commanded him to retire to his own house, for he was not yet in such a disposition as to think fit at present to see him. Accordingly, upon the father's command, he avoided coming into his presence, and contented himself with the respects paid him by his own family only. Now his beauty was not impaired, either by the grief he had been under, or by the want of such care as was proper to be taken of a king's son, for he still surpassed and excelled all men in the tallness of his body, and was more eminent [in a fine appearance] than those that dieted the most luxuriously; and indeed such was the thickness of the hair of his head, that it was with difficulty that he was polled every eighth day; and his hair weighed two hundred shekels (15) which are five pounds. However, he dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became the father of three sons, and one daughter; which daughter was of very great beauty, and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, took to wife afterward, and had by her a son named Abijah. But Absalom sent to Joab, and desired him to pacify his father entirely towards him; and to beseech him to give him leave to come to him to see him, and speak with him. But when Joab neglected so to do, he sent some of his own servants, and set fire to the field adjoining to him; which, when Joab understood, he came to Absalom, and accused him of what he had done; and asked him the reason why he did so. To which Absalom replied, that \"I have found out this stratagem that might bring thee to us, while thou hast taken no care to perform the injunction I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile my father to me; and I really beg it of thee, now thou art here, to pacify my father as to me, since I esteem my coming hither to be more grievous than my banishment, while my father's wrath against me continues.\" Hereby Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress that Absalom was in, and became an intercessor with the king for him. And when he had discoursed with his father, he soon brought him to that amicable disposition towards Absalom, that he presently sent for him to come to him; and when he had cast himself down upon the ground, and had begged for the forgiveness of his offenses, the king raised him up, and promised him to forget what he had formerly done."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Insurrection Of Absalom Against David And Concerning Ahithophel And Hushai; And Concerning Ziba And Shimei; And How Ahithophel Hanged Himself. </i><br>1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with the king, procured to himself a great many horses, and many chariots, and that in a little time also. He had moreover fifty armor-bearers that were about him; and he came early every day to the king's palace, and spake what was agreeable to such as came for justice and lost their causes, as if that happened for want of good counselors about the king, or perhaps because the judges mistook in that unjust sentence they gave; whereby he gained the good-will of them all. He told them, that had he but such authority committed to him, he would distribute justice to them in a most equitable manner. When he had made himself so popular among the multitude, he thought he had already the good-will of the people secured to him; but when four years (16) had passed since his father's reconciliation to him, he came to him, and besought him to give him leave to go to Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because he vowed it to him when he fled out of the country. So when David had granted his request, he went thither, and great multitudes came running together to him, for he had sent to a great number so to do.",
+                    "2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gilonite, a counsellor of David's, and two hundred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew not his intentions, but were sent for as to a sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all of them, which he obtained by this stratagem. As soon as this news was brought to David, and he was informed of what he did not expect from his son, he was aftrighted at this his impious and bold undertaking, and wondered that he was so far from remembering how his offense had been so lately forgiven him, that he undertook much worse and more wicked enterprises; first, to deprive him of that kingdom which was given him of God; and secondly, to take away his own father's life. He therefore resolved to fly to the parts beyond Jordan: so he called his most intimate friends together, and communicated to them all that he had heard of his son's madness. He committed himself to God, to judge between them about all their actions; and left the care of his royal palace to his ten concubines, and went away from Jerusalem, being willingly accompanied by the rest of the multitude, who went hastily away with him, and particularly by those six hundred armed men, who had been with him from his first flight in the days of Saul. But he persuaded Abiathar and Zadok, the high priests, who had determined to go away with him, as also all the Levites, who were with the ark, to stay behind, as hoping that God would deliver him without its removal; but he charged them to let him know privately how all things went on; and he had their sons, Ahimmaz the son of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar, for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai the Gitrite went out with him whether David would let him or not, for he would have persuaded him to stay, and on that account he appeared the more friendly to him. But as he was ascending the Mount of Olives barefooted, and all his company were in tears, it was told him that Ahithophel was with Absalom, and was of his side. This hearing augmented his grief; and he besought God earnestly to alienate the mind of Absalom from Ahithophel, for he was afraid that he should persuade him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he was a prudent man, and very sharp in seeing what was advantageous. When David was gotten upon the top of the mountain, he took a view of the city; and prayed to God with abundance of tears, as having already lost his kingdom; and here it was that a faithful friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met him. When David saw him with his clothes rent, and having ashes all over his head, and in lamentation for the great change of affairs, he comforted him, and exhorted him to leave off grieving; nay, at length he besought him to go back to Absalom, and appear as one of his party, and to fish out the secretest counsels of his mind, and to contradict the counsels of Ahithophel, for that he could not do him so much good by being with him as he might by being with Absalom. So he was prevailed on by David, and left him, and came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom himself came also a little while afterward.",
+                    "3. When David was gone a little farther, there met him Ziba, the servant of Mephibosheth, (whom he had sent to take care of the possessions which had been given him, as the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul,) with a couple of asses, loaden with provisions, and desired him to take as much of them as he and his followers stood in need of. And when the king asked him where he had left Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in Jerusalem, expecting to be chosen king in the present confusions, in remembrance of the benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At this the king had great indignation, and gave to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed on Mephibosheth; for he determined that it was much fitter that he should have them than the other; at which Ziba greatly rejoiced.",
+                    "4. When David was at Bahurim, a place so called, there came out a kinsman of Saul's, whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at him, and gave him reproachful words; and as his friends stood about the king and protected him, he persevered still more in his reproaches, and called him a bloody man, and the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade him also go out of the land as an impure and accursed wretch; and he thanked God for depriving him of his kingdom, and causing him to be punished for what injuries he had done to his master [Saul], and this by the means of his own son. Now when they were all provoked against him, and angry at bin;, and particularly Abishai, who had a mind to kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. \"Let us not,\" said he, \"bring upon ourselves another fresh misfortune to those we have already, for truly I have not the least regard nor concern for this dog that raves at me: I submit myself to God, by whose permission this man treats me in such a wild manner; nor is it any wonder that I am obliged to undergo these abuses from him, while I experience the like from an impious son of my own; but perhaps God will have some commiseration upon us; if it be his will we shall overcome them.\" So he went on his way without troubling himself with Shimei, who ran along the other side of the mountain, and threw out his abusive language plentifully. But when David was come to Jordan, he allowed those that were with him to refresh themselves; for they were weary.",
+                    "5. But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his counselor, were come to Jerusalem, with all the people, David's friend, Hushai, came to them; and when he had worshipped Absalom, he withal wished that his kingdom might last a long time, and continue for all ages. But when Absalom said to him, \"How comes this, that he who was so intimate a friend of my father's, and appeared faithful to him in all things, is not with him now, but hath left him, and is come over to me?\" Hushai's answer was very pertinent and prudent; for he said, \"We ought to follow God and the multitude of the people; while these, therefore, my lord and master, are with thee, it is fit that I should follow them, for thou hast received the kingdom from God. I will therefore, if thou believest me to be thy friend, show the same fidelity and kindness to thee, which thou knowest I have shown to thy father; nor is there any reason to be in the least dissatisfied with the present state of affairs, for the kingdom is not transferred into another, but remains still in the same family, by the son's receiving it after his father.\" This speech persuaded Absalom, who before suspected Hushai. And now he called Ahithophel, and consulted with him what he ought to do: he persuaded him to go in unto his father's concubines; for he said that \"by this action the people would believe that thy difference with thy father is irreconcilable, and will thence fight with great alacrity against thy father, for hitherto they are afraid of taking up open enmity against him, out of an expectation that you will be reconciled again.\" Accordingly, Absalom was prevailed on by this advice, and commanded his servants to pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal palace, in the sight of the multitude; and he went in and lay with his father's concubines. Now this came to pass according to the prediction of Nathan, when he prophesied and signified to him that his son would rise up in rebellion against him.",
+                    "6. And when Absalom had done what he was advised to by Ahithophel, he desired his advice, in the second place, about the war against his father. Now Ahithophel only asked him to let him have ten thousand chosen men, and he promised he would slay his father, and bring the soldiers back again in safety; and he said that then the kingdom would be firm to him when David was dead [but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased with this advice, and called for Hushai, David's friend (for so did he style him); and informing him of the opinion of Ahithophel, he asked, further, what was his opinion concerning that matter. Now he was sensible that if Ahithophel's counsel were followed, David would be in danger of being seized on, and slain; so he attempted to introduce a contrary opinion, and said, Thou art not unacquainted, O king, with the valor of thy father, and of those that are now with him; that he hath made many wars, and hath always come off with victory, though probably he now abides in the camp, for he is very skiliful in stratagems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of his enemies; yet will he leave his own soldiers in the evening, and will either hide himself in some valley, or will place an ambush at some rock; so that when our army joins battle with him, his soldiers will retire for a little while, but will come upon us again, as encouraged by the king's being near them; and in the mean time your father will show himself suddenly in the time of the battle, and will infuse courage into his own people when they are in danger, but bring consternation to thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and reason upon it, and if thou canst not but acknowledge it to be the best, reject the opinion of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of the Hebrews, and order them to come and fight with thy father; and do thou thyself take the army, and be thine own general in this war, and do not trust its management to another; then expect to conquer him with ease, when thou overtakest him openly with his few partisans, but hast thyself many ten thousands, who will be desirous to demonstrate to thee their diligence and alacrity. And if thy father shall shut himself up in some city, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that city with machines of war, and by undermining it.\" When Hushai had said this, he obtained his point against Ahithophel, for his opinion was preferred by Absalom before the other's: however, it was no other than God (17) who made the counsel of Hushai appear best to the mind of Absalom.",
+                    "7. So Hushai made haste to the high priests, Zadok and Abiathar, and told them the opinion of Ahithophel, and his own, and that the resolution was taken to follow this latter advice. He therefore bade them send to David, and tell him of it, and to inform him of the counsels that had been taken; and to desire him further to pass quickly over Jordan, lest his son should change his mind, and make haste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and seize upon him before he be in safety. Now the high priests had their sons concealed in a proper place out of the city, that they might carry news to David of what was transacted. Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant, whom they could trust, to them, to carry the news of Absalom's counsels, and ordered them to signify the same to David with all speed. So they made no excuse nor delay, but taking along with them their fathers' injunctions, because pious and faithful ministers, and judging that quickness and suddenness was the best mark of faithful service, they made haste to meet with David. But certain horsemen saw them when they were two furlongs from the city, and informed Absalom of them, who immediately sent some to take them; but when the sons of the high priest perceived this, they went out of the road, and betook themselves to a certain village; that village was called Bahurim; there they desired a certain woman to hide them, and afford them security. Accordingly she let the young men down by a rope into a well, and laid fleeces of wool over them; and when those that pursued them came to her, and asked her whether she saw them, she did not deny that she had seen them, for that they staid with her some time, but she said they then went their ways; and she foretold that, however, if they would follow them directly, they would catch them; but when after a long pursuit they could not catch them, they came back again; and when the woman saw those men were returned, and that there was no longer any fear of the young men's being caught by them, she drew them up by the rope, and bade them go on their journey accordingly, they used great diligence in the prosecution of that journey, and came to David, and informed him accurately of all the counsels of Absalom. So he commanded those that were with him to pass over Jordan while it was night, and not to delay at all on that account.",
+                    "8. But Ahithophel, on rejection of his advice, got upon his ass, and rode away to his own country, Gilon; and, calling his family together, he told them distinctly what advice he had given Absalom; and since he had not been persuaded by it, he said he would evidently perish, and this in no long time, and that David would overcome him, and return to his kingdom again; so he said it was better that he should take his own life away with freedom and magnanimity, than expose himself to be punished by David, in opposition to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom. When he had discoursed thus to them, he went into the inmost room of his house, and hanged himself; and thus was the death of Ahithophel, who was self-condemned; and when his relations had taken him down from the halter, they took care of his funeral. Now, as for David, he passed over Jordan, as we have said already, and came to Mahanaim, every fine and very strong city; and all the chief men of the country received him with great pleasure, both out of the shame they had that he should be forced to flee away [from Jerusalem], and out of the respect they bare him while he was in his former prosperity. These were Barzillai the Gileadite, and Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites, and Machir the principal man of Gilead; and these furnished him with plentiful provisions for himself and his followers, insomuch that they wanted no beds nor blankets for them, nor loaves of bread, nor wine; nay, they brought them a great many cattle for slaughter, and afforded them what furniture they wanted for their refreshment when they were weary, and for food, with plenty of other necessaries."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, When Absalom Was Beaten, He Was Caught In A Tree By His Hair And Was Slain </i><br>1. And this was the state of David and his followers: but Absalom got together a vast army of the Hebrews to oppose his father, and passed therewith over the river Jordan, and sat down not far off Mahanaim, in the country of Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be captain of all his host, instead of Joab his kinsman: his father was Ithra and his mother Abigail: now she and Zeruiah, the mother of Joab, were David's sisters. But when David had numbered his followers, and found them to be about four thousand, he resolved not to tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over his men captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and divided his army into three parts; the one part he committed to Joab, the next to Abishai, Joab's brother, and the third to Ittai, David's companion and friend, but one that came from the city Gath; and when he was desirous of fighting himself among them, his friends would not let him: and this refusal of theirs was founded upon very wise reasons: \"For,\" said they, \"if we be conquered when he is with us, we have lost all good hopes of recovering ourselves; but if we should be beaten in one part of our army, the other parts may retire to him, and may thereby prepare a greater force, while the enemy will naturally suppose that he hath another army with him.\" So David was pleased with this their advice, and resolved himself to tarry at Mahanaim; and as he sent his friends and commanders to the battle, he desired them to show all possible alacrity and fidelity, and to bear in mind what advantages they had received from him, which, though they had not been very great, yet had they not been quite inconsiderable; and he begged of them to spare the young man Absalom, lest some mischief should befall himself, if he should be killed; and thus did he send out his army to the battle, and wished them victory therein.",
+                    "2. Then did Joab put his army in battle-array over against the enemy in the Great Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Absalom also brought his army into the field to oppose him. Upon the joining of the battle, both sides showed great actions with their hands and their boldness; the one side exposing themselves to the greatest hazards, and using their utmost alacrity, that David might recover his kingdom; and the other being no way deficient, either in doing or suffering, that Absalom might not be deprived of that kingdom, and be brought to punishment by his father for his impudent attempt against him. Those also that were the most numerous were solicitous that they might not be conquered by those few that were with Joab, and with the other commanders, because that would be the greater disgrace to them; while David's soldiers strove greatly to overcome so many ten thousands as the enemy had with them. Now David's men were conquerors, as superior in strength and skill in war; so they followed the others as they fled away through the forests and valleys; some they took prisoners, and many they slew, and more in the flight than in the battle for there fell about twenty thousand that day. But all David's men ran violently upon Absalom, for he was easily known by his beauty and tallness. He was himself also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him, so he got upon the king's mule, and fled; but as he was carried with violence, and noise, and a great motion, as being himself light, he entangled his hair greatly in the large boughs of a knotty tree that spread a great way, and there he hung, after a surprising manner; and as for the beast, it went on farther, and that swiftly, as if his master had been still upon his back; but he, hanging in the air upon the boughs, was taken by his enemies. Now when one of David's soldiers saw this, he informed Joab of it; and when the general said, that if he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would have given him fifty shekels, - he replied, \"I would not have killed my master's son if thou wouldst have given me a thousand shekels, especially when he desired that the young man might be spared in the hearing of us all.\" But Joab bade him show him where it was that he saw Absalom hang; whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew him, and Joab's armor-bearers stood round the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and cast it into a great chasm that was out of sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till the cavity was filled up, and had both the appearance and the bigness of a grave. Then Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own soldiers from pursuing the enemy's army, in order to spare their countrymen.",
+                    "3. Now Absalom had erected for himself a marble pillar in the king's dale, two furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which he named Absalom's Hand, saying, that if his children were killed, his name would remain by that pillar; for he had three sons and one daughter, named Tamar, as we said before, who when she was married to David's grandson, Rehoboam, bare a son, Abijah by name, who succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of these we shall speak in a part of our history which will be more proper. After the death of Absalom, they returned every one to their own homes respectively.",
+                    "4. But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the high priest, went to Joab, and desired he would permit him to go and tell David of this victory, and to bring him the good news that God had afforded his assistance and his providence to him. However, he did not grant his request, but said to him, \"Wilt thou, who hast always been the messenger of good news, now go and acquaint the king that his son is dead?\" So he desired him to desist. He then called Cushi, and committed the business to him, that he should tell the king what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again desired him to let him go as a messenger, and assured him that he would only relate what concerned the victory, but not concerning the death of Absalom, he gave him leave to go to David. Now he took a nearer road than the former did, for nobody knew it but himself, and he came before Cushi. Now as David was sitting between the gates, (18) and waiting to see when somebody would come to him from the battle, and tell him how it went, one of the watchmen saw Ahimaaz running, and before he could discern who he was, he told David that he saw somebody coming to him, who said he was a good messenger. A little while after, he informed him that another messenger followed him; whereupon the king said that he also was a good messenger: but when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that he was already very near, he gave the king notice that it was the son of Zadok the high priest who came running. So David was very glad, and said he was a messenger of good tidings, and brought him some such news from the battle as he desired to hear.",
+                    "5. While the king was saying thus, Ahimaaz appeared, and worshipped the king. And when the king inquired of him about the battle, he said he brought him the good news of victory and dominion. And when he inquired what he had to say concerning his son, he said that he came away on the sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated, but that he heard a great noise of those that pursued Absalom, and that he could learn no more, because of the haste he made when Joab sent him to inform him of the victory. But when Cushi was come, and had worshipped him, and informed him of the victory, he asked him about his son, who replied, \"May the like misfortune befall thine enemies as hath befallen Absalom.\" That word did not permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice for the victory, though it was a very great one; but David went up to the highest part of the city, (19) and wept for his son, and beat his breast, tearing [the hair of] his head, tormenting himself all manner of ways, and crying out, \"O my son! I wish that I had died myself, and ended my days with thee!\" for he was of a tender natural affection, and had extraordinary compassion for this son in particular. But when the army and Joab heard that the king mourned for his son, they were ashamed to enter the city in the habit of conquerors, but they all came in as cast down, and in tears, as if they had been beaten. Now while the king covered himself, and grievously lamented his son, Joab went in to him, and comforted him, and said, \"O my lord the king, thou art not aware that thou layest a blot on thyself by what thou now doest; for thou seemest to hate those that love thee, and undergo dangers for thee nay, to hate thyself and thy family, and to love those that are thy bitter enemies, and to desire the company of those that are no more, and who have been justly slain; for had Absalom gotten the victory, and firmly settled himself in the kingdom, there had been none of us left alive, but all of us, beginning with thyself and thy children, had miserably perished, while our enemies had not wept for his, but rejoiced over us, and punished even those that pitied us in our misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do this in the case of one that has been thy bitter enemy, who, while he was thine own son hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave off, therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come abroad and be seen of thy soldiers, and return them thanks for the alacrity they showed in the fight; for I myself will this day persuade the people to leave thee, and to give the kingdom to another, if thou continuest to do thus; and then I shall make thee to grieve bitterly and in earnest.\" Upon Joab's speaking thus to him, he made the king leave off his sorrow, and brought him to the consideration of his affairs. So David changed his habit, and exposed himself in a manner fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat at the gates; whereupon all the people heard of it, and ran together to him, and saluted him. And this was the present state of David's affairs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How David, When He Had Recovered His Kingdom, Was Reconciled To Shimei, And To Ziba; And Showed A Great Affection To Barzillai; And How, Upon The Rise Of A Sedition, He Made Amasa Captain Of His Host, In Order To Pursue Seba; Which Amasa Was Slain By Joab. </i><br>1. Now those Hebrews that had been With Absalom, and had retired out of the battle, when they were all returned home, sent messengers to every city to put them in mind of what benefits David had bestowed upon them, and of that liberty which he had procured them, by delivering them from many and great wars. But they complained, that whereas they had ejected him out of his kingdom, and committed it to another governor, which other governor, whom they had set up, was already dead, they did not now beseech David to leave off his anger at them, and to become friends with them, and, as he used to do, to resume the care of their affairs, and take the kingdom again. This was often told to David. And, this notwithstanding, David sent to Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, that they should speak to the rulers of the tribe of Judah after the manner following: That it would be a reproach upon them to permit the other tribes to choose David for their king before their tribe, \"and this,\" said he, \"while you are akin to him, and of the same common blood.\" He commanded them also to say the same to Amasa the captain of their forces, That whereas he was his sister's son, he had not persuaded the multitude to restore the kingdom to David; that he might expect from him not only a reconciliation, for that was already granted, but that supreme command of the army also which Absalom had bestowed upon him. Accordingly the high priests, when they had discoursed with the rulers of the tribe, and said what the king had ordered them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to send immediately ambassadors to him, to beseech him to return to his own kingdom. The same did all the Israelites, at the like persuasion of Amasa.",
+                    "2. When the ambassadors came to him, he came to Jerusalem; and the tribe of Judah was the first that came to meet the king at the river Jordan. And Shimei, the son of Gera, came with a thousand men, which he brought with him out of the tribe of Benjamin; and Ziba, the freed-man of Saul, with his sons, fifteen in number, and with his twenty servants. All these, as well as the tribe of Judah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river, that the king, and those that were with him, might with ease pass over it. Now as soon as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah saluted him. Shimei also came upon the bridge, and took hold of his feet, and prayed him to forgive him what he had offended, and not to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit to make him the first example of severity under his new authority; but to consider that he had repented of his failure of duty, and had taken care to come first of all to him. While he was thus entreating the king, and moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab's brother, said, \"And shall not this man die for this, that he hath cursed that king whom God hath appointed to reign over us?\" But David turned himself to him, and said, \"Will you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do not you, I pray, raise new troubles and seditions among us, now the former are over; for I would not have you ignorant that I this day begin my reign, and therefore swear to remit to all offenders their punishments, and not to animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be thou, therefore,\" said he, \"O Shimei, of good courage, and do not at all fear being put to death.\" So he worshipped him, and went on before him.",
+                    "3. Mephibosheth also, Saul's grandson, met David, clothed in a sordid garment, and having his hair thick and neglected; for after David was fled away, he was in such grief that he had not polled his head, nor had he washed his clothes, as dooming himself to undergo such hardships upon occasion of the change-of the king's affairs. Now he had been unjustly calumniated to the king by Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the king, and worshipped him, the king began to ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem with him, and accompany him during his flight. He replied, that this piece of injustice was owing to Ziba; because, when he was ordered to get things ready for his going out with him, he took no care of it, but regarded him no more than if he had been a slave; \"and, indeed, had I had my feet sound and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I could then have made use of them in my flight: but this is not all the injury that Ziba has done me, as to my duty to thee, my lord and master, but he hath calumniated me besides, and told lies about me of his own invention; but I know thy mind will not admit of such calumnies, but is righteously disposed, and a lover of truth, which it is also the will of God should prevail. For when thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering by my grandfather, and when, on that account, our whole family might justly have been destroyed, thou wast moderate and merciful, and didst then especially forget all those injuries, when, if thou hadst remembered them, thou hadst the power of punishing us for them; but thou hast judged me to be thy friend, and hast set me every day at thine own table; nor have I wanted any thing which one of thine own kinsmen, of greatest esteem with thee, could have expected.\" When he had said this, David resolved neither to punish Mephibosheth, nor to condemn Ziba, as having belied his master; but said to him, that as he had [before] granted all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come along with him, so he [now] promised to forgive him, and ordered that the one half of his estate should be restored to him. (20) Whereupon Mephibosheth said, \"Nay, let Ziba take all; it suffices me that thou hast recovered thy kingdom.\"",
+                    "4. But David desired Barzillai the Gileadite, that great and good man, and one that had made a plentiful provision for him at Mahanaim, and had conducted him as far as Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for he promised to treat him in his old age with all manner of respect - to take care of him, and provide for him. But Barzillai was so desirous to live at home, that he entreated him to excuse him from attendance on him; and said that his age was too great to enjoy the pleasures [of a court,] since he was fourscore years old, and was therefore making provision for his death and burial: so he desired him to gratify him in this request, and dismiss him; for he had no relish of his meat, or his drink, by reason of his age; and that his ears were too much shut up to hear the sound of pipes, or the melody of other musical instruments, such as all those that live with kings delight in. When he entreated for this so earnestly, the king said, \"I dismiss thee, but thou shalt grant me thy son Chimham, and upon him I will bestow all sorts of good things.\" So Barzillai left his son with him, and worshipped the king, and wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his affairs according to his own mind, and then returned home; but David came to Gilgal, having about him half the people [of Israel], and the [whole] tribe of Judah.",
+                    "5. Now the principal men of the country came to Gilgal to him with a great multitude, and complained of the tribe of Judah, that they had come to him in a private manner; whereas they ought all conjointly, and with one and the same intention, to have given him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe of Judah desired them not to be displeased, if they had been prevented by them; for, said they, \"We are David's kinsmen, and on that account we the rather took care of him, and loved him, and so came first to him;\" yet had they not, by their early coming, received any gifts from him, which might give them who came last any uneasiness. When the rulers of the tribe of Judah had said this, the rulers of the other tribes were not quiet, but said further, \"O brethren, we cannot but wonder at you when you call the king your kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received from God the power over all of us in common ought to be esteemed a kinsman to us all; for which reason the whole people have eleven parts in him, and you but one part (21) we are also elder than you; wherefore you have not done justly in coming to the king in this private and concealed manner.\"",
+                    "6. While these rulers were thus disputing one with another, a certain wicked man, who took a pleasure in seditious practices, (his name was Sheba, the son of Bichri, of the tribe of Benjamin,) stood up in the midst of the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus to them: \"We have no part in David, nor inheritance in the son of Jesse.\" And when he had used those words, he blew with a trumpet, and declared war against the king; and they all left David, and followed him; the tribe of Judah alone staid with him, and settled him in his royal palace at Jerusalem. But as for his concubines, with whom Absalom his son had accompanied, truly he removed them to another house, and ordered those that had the care of them to make a plentiful provision for them, but he came not near them any more. He also appointed Amass for the captain of his forces, and gave him the same high office which Joab before had; and he commanded him to gather together, out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as he could, and come to him within three days, that he might deliver to him his entire army, and might send him to fight against [Sheba] the son of Bichri. Now while Amass was gone out, and made some delay in gathering the army together, and so was not yet returned, on the third day the king said to Joab, \"It is not fit we should make any delay in this affair of Sheba, lest he get a numerous army about him, and be the occasion of greater mischief, and hurt our affairs more than did Absalom himself; do not thou therefore wait any longer, but take such forces as thou hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hundred men, and thy brother Abishai, with thee, and pursue after our enemy, and endeavor to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake him. Make haste to prevent him, lest he seize upon some fenced cities, and cause us great labor and pains before we take him.\"",
+                    "7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but taking with him his brother, and those six hundred men, and giving orders that the rest of the army which was at Jerusalem should follow him, he marched with great speed against Sheba; and when he was come to Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great army with him, and met Joab. Now Joab was girded with a sword, and his breastplate on; and when Amasa came near him to salute him, he took particular care that his sword should fall out, as it were, of its own accord: so he took it up from the ground, and while he approached Amasa, who was then near him, as though he would kiss him, he took hold of Amasa's beard with his other hand, and he smote him in his belly when he did not foresee it, and slew him. This impious and altogether profane action Joab did to a good young man, and his kinsman, and one that had done him no injury, and this out of jealousy that he would obtain the chief command of the army, and be in equal dignity with himself about the king; and for the same cause it was that he killed Abner. But as to that former wicked action, the death of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to revenge, afforded him a decent pretense, and made that crime a pardonable one; but in this murder of Amasa there was no such covering for it. Now when Joab had killed this general, he pursued after Sheba, having left a man with the dead body, who was ordered to proclaim aloud to the army, that Amasa was justly slain, and deservedly punished. \"But,\" said he, \"if you be for the king, follow Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab's brother:\" but because the body lay on the road, and all the multitude came running to it, and, as is usual with the multitude, stood wondering a great while at it, he that guarded it removed it thence, and carried it to a certain place that was very remote from the road, and there laid it, and covered it with his garment. When this was done, all the people followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba through all the country of Israel, one told him that he was in a strong city, called Abelbeth-maachah. Hereupon Joab went thither, and set about it with his army, and cast up a bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls, and to overthrow them; and since the people in the city did not admit him, he was greatly displeased at them.",
+                    "8. Now there was a woman of small account, and yet both wise and intelligent, who seeing her native city lying at the last extremity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means of the armed men, called for Joab; and when he came to her, she began to say, That \"God ordained kings and generals of armies, that they might cut off the enemies of the Hebrews, and introduce a universal peace among them; but thou art endeavoring to overthrow and depopulate a metropolis of the Israelites, which hath been guilty of no offense.\" But he replied, \"God continue to be merciful unto me: I am disposed to avoid killing any one of the people, much less would I destroy such a city as this; and if they will deliver me up Sheba, the son of Bichri, who hath rebelled against the king, I will leave off the siege, and withdraw the army from the place.\" Now as soon as the woman heard what Joab said, she desired him to intermit the siege for a little while, for that he should have the head of his enemy thrown out to him presently. So she went down to the citizens, and said to them, \"Will you be so wicked as to perish miserably, with your children and wives, for the sake of a vile fellow, and one whom nobody knows who he is? And will you have him for your king instead of David, who hath been so great a benefactor to you, and oppose your city alone to such a mighty and strong army?\" So she prevailed with them, and they cut off the head of Sheba, and threw it into Joab's army. When this was done, the king's general sounded a retreat, and raised the siege. And when he was come to Jerusalem, he was again appointed to be general of all the people. The king also constituted Benaiah captain of the guards, and of the six hundred men. He also set Adoram over the tribute, and Sabathes and Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva the scribe, and appointed Zadok and Abiathar the high priests."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Hebrews Were Delivered From A Famine When The Gibeonites Had Caused Punishment To Be Inflicted For Those Of Them That Had Been Slain: As Also, What Great Actions Were Performed Against The Philistines By David, And The Men Of Valor About Him. </i><br>1. After this, when the country was greatly afflicted with a famine, David besought God to have mercy on the people, and to discover to him what was the cause of it, and how a remedy might be found for that distemper. And when the prophets answered, that God would have the Gibeonites avenged whom Saul the king was so wicked as to betray to slaughter, and had not observed the oath which Joshua the general and the senate had sworn to them: If, therefore, said God, the king would permit such vengeance to be taken for those that were slain as the Gibeonites should desire, he promised that he would be reconciled to them, and free the multitude from their miseries. As soon therefore as the king understood that this it was which God sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked them what it was they should have; and when they desired to have seven sons of Saul delivered to them to be punished, he delivered them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son of Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had received the men, they punished them as they pleased; upon which God began to send rain, and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruits as usual, and to free it from the foregoing drought, so that the country of the Hebrews flourished again. A little afterward the king made war against the Philistines; and when he had joined battle with them, and put them to flight, he was left alone, as he was in pursuit of them; and when he was quite tired down, he was seen by one of the enemy, his name was Achmon, the son of Araph, he was one of the sons of the giants. He had a spear, the handle of which weighed three hundred shekels, and a breastplate of chain-work, and a sword. He turned back, and ran violently to slay [David] their enemy's king, for he was quite tired out with labor; but Abishai, Joab's brother, appeared on the sudden, and protected the king with his shield, as he lay down, and slew the enemy. Now the multitude were very uneasy at these dangers of the king, and that he was very near to be slain; and the rulers made him swear that he would no more go out with them to battle, lest he should come to some great misfortune by his courage and boldness, and thereby deprive the people of the benefits they now enjoyed by his means, and of those that they might hereafter enjoy by his living a long time among them.",
+                    "2. When the king heard that the Philistines were gathered together at the city Gazara, he sent an army against them, when Sibbechai the Hittite, one of David's most courageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve great commendation, for he slew many of those that bragged they were the posterity of the giants, and vaunted themselves highly on that account, and thereby was the occasion of victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat, the Philistines made war again; and when David had sent an army against them, Nephan his kinsman fought in a single combat with the stoutest of all the Philistines, and slew him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them also were slain in the fight. Now a little while after this, the Philistines pitched their camp at a city which lay not far off the bounds of the country of the Hebrews. They had a man who was six cubits tall, and had on each of his feet and hands one more toe and finger than men naturally have. Now the person who was sent against them by David out of his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea, who fought this man in a single combat, and slew him; and as he was the person who gave the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest reputation for courage therein. This man also vaunted himself to be of the sons of the giants. But after this fight the Philistines made war no more against the Israelites.",
+                    "3. And now David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying for the future a profound peace, (22) composed songs and hymns to God of several sorts of metre; some of those which he made were trimeters, and some were pentameters. He also made instruments of music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to God, both on that called the sabbath day, and on other festivals. Now the construction of the instruments was thus: The viol was an instrument of ten strings, it was played upon with a bow; the psaltery had twelve musical notes, and was played upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad and large instruments, and were made of brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken by us about these instruments, that the readers may not be wholly unacquainted with their nature.",
+                    "4. Now all the men that were about David were men of courage. Those that were most illustrious and famous of them for their actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I will only relate the performances, for these will suffice to make manifest the virtues of the others also; for these were powerful enough to subdue countries, and conquer great nations. First, therefore, was Jessai, the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped upon the troops of the enemy, and did not leave off fighting till he overthrew nine hundred of them. After him was Eleazar, the son of Dodo, who was with the king at Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites were under a consternation at the multitude of the Philistines, and were running away, stood alone, and fell upon the enemy, and slew many of them, till his sword clung to his hand by the blood he had shed, and till the Israelites, seeing the Philistines retire by his means, came down from the mountains and pursued them, and at that time won a surprising and a famous victory, while Eleazar slew the men, and the multitude followed and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man, when, in the wars against the Philistines, they pitched their camp at a place called Lehi, and when the Hebrews were again afraid of their army, and did not stay, he stood still alone, as an army and a body of men; and some of them he overthrew, and some who were not able to abide his strength and force he pursued. These are the works of the hands, and of fighting, which these three performed. Now at the time when the king was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the Philistines came upon him to fight him, David went up to the top of the citadel, as we have already said, to inquire of God concerning the battle, while the enemy's camp lay in the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem, which is twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Now David said to his companions, \"We have excellent water in my own city, especially that which is in the pit near the gate,\" wondering if any one would bring him some of it to drink; but he said that he would rather have it than a great deal of money. When these three men heard what he said, they ran away immediately, and burst through the midst of their enemy's camp, and came to Bethlehem; and when they had drawn the water, they returned again through the enemy's camp to the king, insomuch that the Philistines were so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that they were quiet, and did nothing against them, as if they despised their small number. But when the water was brought to the king, he would not drink it, saying, that it was brought by the danger and the blood of men, and that it was not proper on that account to drink it. But he poured it out to God, and gave him thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to these was Abishai, Joab's brother; for he in one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being challenged by [two] eminent men in the country of Moab, he overcame them by his valor, Moreover, there was a man, by nation an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and challenged him, yet did he, when he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he threw at him; for he caught him by force, and took away his weapons while he was alive and fighting, and slew him with his own weapons. One may also add this to the forementioned actions of the same man, either as the principal of them in alacrity, or as resembling the rest. When God sent a snow, there was a lion who slipped and fell into a certain pit, and because the pit's mouth was narrow it was evident he would perish, being enclosed with the snow; so when he saw no way to get out and save himself, he roared. When Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went towards him, and coming at the noise he made, he went down into the mouth of the pit and smote him, as he struggled, with a stake that lay there, and immediately slew him. The other thirty-three were like these in valor also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That When David Had Numbered the People, They Were Punished; and How the Divine Compassion Restrained That Punishment. </i><br>1. Now king David was desirous to know how many ten thousands there were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses, (23) who told them beforehand, that if the multitude were numbered, they should pay half a shekel to God for every head. Accordingly the king commanded Joab, the captain of his host, to go and number the whole multitude; but when he said there was no necessity for such a numeration, he was not persuaded [to countermand it], but he enjoined him to make no delay, but to go about the numbering of the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with him the heads of the tribes, and the scribes, and went over the country of the Israelites, and took notice how numerous the multitude were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king, after nine months and twenty days; and he gave in to the king the number of the people, without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not yet numbered that tribe, no more than the tribe of Levi, for the king repented of his having sinned against God. Now the number of the rest of the Israelites was nine hundred thousand men, who were able to bear arms and go to war; but the tribe of Judah, by itself, was four hundred thousand men.",
+                    "2. Now when the prophets had signified to David that God was angry at him, he began to entreat him, and to desire he would be merciful to him, and forgive his sin. But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to propose to him the election of three things, that he might choose which he liked best: Whether he would have famine come upon the country for seven years, or would have a war, and be subdued three months by his enemies? or, whether God should send a pestilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for three days? But as he was fallen to a fatal choice of great miseries, he was in trouble, and sorely confounded; and when the prophet had said that he must of necessity make his choice, and had ordered him to answer quickly, that he might declare what he had chosen to God, the king reasoned with himself, that in case he should ask for famine, he would appear to do it for others, and without danger to himself, since he had a great deal of corn hoarded up, but to the harm of others; that in case he should choose to be overcome [by his enemies] for three months, he would appear to have chosen war, because he had valiant men about him, and strong holds, and that therefore he feared nothing therefrom: so he chose that affliction which is common to kings and to their subjects, and in which the fear was equal on all sides; and said this beforehand, that it was much better to fall into the hands of God, than into those of his enemies.",
+                    "3. When the prophet had heard this, he declared it to God; who thereupon sent a pestilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews; nor did they die after one and the same manner, nor so that it was easy to know what the distemper was. Now the miserable disease was one indeed, but it carried them off by ten thousand causes and occasions, which those that were afflicted could not understand; for one died upon the neck of another, and the terrible malady seized them before they were aware, and brought them to their end suddenly, some giving up the ghost immediately with very great pains and bitter grief, and some were worn away by their distempers, and had nothing remaining to be buried, but as soon as ever they fell were entirely macerated; some were choked, and greatly lamented their case, as being also stricken with a sudden darkness; some there were who, as they were burying a relation, fell down dead, without finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there perished of this disease, which began with the morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner, seventy thousand. Nay, the angel stretched out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending this terrible judgment upon it. But David had put on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, entreating God, and begging that the distemper might now cease, and that he would be satisfied with those that had already perished. And when the king looked up into the air, and saw the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem, with his sword drawn, he said to God, that he might justly be punished, who was their shepherd, but that the sheep ought to be preserved, as not having sinned at all; and he implored God that he would send his wrath upon him, and upon all his family, but spare the people.",
+                    "4. When God heard his supplication, he caused the pestilence to cease, and sent Gad the prophet to him, and commanded him to go up immediately to the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there to God, and offer sacrifices. When David heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but made haste to the place appointed him. Now Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he ran before, and came to him and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a Jebusite, but a particular friend of David's; and for that cause it was that, when he overthrew the city, he did him no harm, as we informed the reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired, \"Wherefore is my lord come to his servant?\" He answered, to buy of him the thrashing-floor, that he might therein build an altar to God, and offer a sacrifice. He replied, that he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt-offering; and he besought God graciously to accept his sacrifice. But the king made answer, that he took his generosity and magnanimity loudly, and accepted his good-will, but he desired him to take the price of them all, for that it was not just to offer a sacrifice that cost nothing. And when Araunah said he would do as he pleased, he bought the thrashing-floor of him for fifty shekels. And when he had built an altar, he performed Divine service, and brought a burnt-offering, and offered peace-offerings also. With these God was pacified, and became gracious to them again. Now it happened that Abraham (24)came and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering at that very place; and when the youth was ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared on a sudden, standing by the altar, which Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son, as we have before related. Now when king David saw that God had heard his prayer, and had graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he resolved to call that entire place The Altar of all the People, and to build a temple to God there; which words he uttered very appositely to what was to be done afterward; for God sent the prophet to him, and told him that there should his son build him an altar, that son who was to take the kingdom after him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That David Made Great Preparations For The House Of God; And That, Upon Adonijah's Attempt To Gain The Kingdom, He Appointed Solomon To Reign. </i><br>1. After the delivery of this prophecy, the king commanded the strangers to be numbered; and they were found to be one hundred and eighty thousand; of these he appointed fourscore thousand to be hewers of stone, and the rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of them he set over the workmen three thousand and five hundred. He also prepared a great quantity of iron and brass for the work, with many (and those exceeding large) cedar trees; the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to him, for he had sent to them for a supply of those trees. And he told his friends that these things were now prepared, that he might leave materials ready for the building of the temple to his son, who was to reign after him, and that he might not have them to seek then, when he was very young, and by reason of his age unskillful in such matters, but might have them lying by him, and so might the more readily complete the work.",
+                    "2. So David called his son Solomon, and charged him, when he had received the kingdom, to build a temple to God, and said, \"!I was willing to build God a temple myself, but he prohibited me, because I was polluted with blood and wars; but he hath foretold that Solomon, my youngest son, should build him a temple, and should be called by that name; over whom he hath promised to take the like care as a father takes over his son; and that he would make the country of the Hebrews happy under him, and that, not only in other respects, but by giving it peace and freedom from wars, and from internal seditions, which are the greatest of all blessings. Since, therefore,\" says he, \"thou wast ordained king by God himself before thou wast born, endeavor to render thyself worthy of this his providence, as in other instances, so particularly in being religious, and righteous, and courageous. Keep thou also his commands and his laws, which he hath given us by Moses, and do not permit others to break them. Be zealous also to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath chosen to be built under thy reign; nor be thou aftrighted by the vastness of the work, nor set about it timorously, for I will make all things ready before I die: and take notice, that there are already ten thousand talents of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver (25) collected together. I have also laid together brass and iron without number, and an immense quantity of timber and of stones. Moreover, thou hast many ten thousand stone-cutters and carpenters; and if thou shalt want any thing further, do thou add somewhat of thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have him for thy patron.\" David also further exhorted the rulers of the people to assist his son in this building, and to attend to the Divine service, when they should be free from all their misfortunes, for that they by this means should enjoy, instead of them, peace and a happy settlement, with which blessings God rewards such men as are religious and righteous. He also gave orders, that when the temple should be once built, they should put the ark therein, with the holy vessels; and he assured them that they ought to have had a temple long ago, if their fathers had not been negligent of God's commands, who had given it in charge, that when they had got the possession of this land, they should build him a temple. Thus did David discourse to the governors, and to his son.",
+                    "3. David was now in years, and his body, by length of time, was become cold, and benumbed, insomuch that he could get no heat by covering himself with many clothes; and when the physicians came together, they agreed to this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen out of the whole country, should sleep by the king's side, and that this damsel would communicate heat to him, and be a remedy against his numbness. Now there was found in the city one woman, of a superior beauty to all other women, (her name was Abishag,) who, sleeping with the king, did no more than communicate warmth to him, for he was so old that he could not know her as a husband knows his wife. But of this woman we shall speak more presently.",
+                    "4. Now the fourth son of David was a beautiful young man, and tall, born to him of Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah, and was in his disposition like to Absalom; and exalted himself as hoping to be king, and told his friends that he ought to take the government upon him. He also prepared many chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him. When his father saw this, he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for his assistants Joab the captain of the army, and Abiathar the high priest; and the only persons that opposed him were Zadok the high priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah, who was captain of the guards, and Shimei, David's friend, with all the other most mighty men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper out of the city, near the fountain that was in the king's paradise, and had invited all his brethren except Solomon, and had taken with him Joab the captain of the army, and: Abiathar, and the rulers of the tribe of Judah, but had not invited to this feast either Zadok the high priest, or Nathan the prophet, or Benaiah the captain of the guards, nor any of those of the contrary party. This matter was told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and that David knew nothing of it; and he advised her to save herself and her son Solomon, and to go by herself to David, and say to him, that he had indeed sworn that Solomon should reign after him, but that in the mean time Adonijah had already taken the kingdom. He said that he, the prophet himself, would come after her, and when she had spoken thus to the king, would confirm what she had said. Accordingly Bathsheba agreed with Nathan, and went in to the king and worshipped him, and when she had desired leave to speak with him, she told him all things in the manner that Nathan had suggested to her; and related what a supper Adonijah had made, and who they were whom he had invited; Abiathar the and Joab the general, and David's sons, excepting Solomon and his intimate friends. She also said that all the people had their eyes upon him, to know whom he would choose for their king. She desired him also to consider how, after his departure, Adonijah, if he were king, would slay her and her son Solomon.",
+                    "5. Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the keeper of the king's chambers told him that Nathan desired to see him. And when the king had commanded that he should be admitted, he came in, and asked him whether he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and delivered the government to him, or not; for that he had made a splendid supper, and invited all his sons, except Solomon; as also that he had invited Joab, the captain of his host, [and Abiathar the high priest,] who are feasting with applauses, and many joyful sounds of instruments, and wish that his kingdom may last for ever; but he hath not invited me, nor Zadok the high priest, nor Benaiah the captain of the guards; and it is but fit that all should know whether this be done by thy approbation or not. When Nathan had said thus, the king commanded that they should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone out of the room when the prophet came. And when Bathsheba was come, David said, \"I swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solomon shall certainly he king, as I formerly swore; and that he shall sit upon my throne, and that this very day also.\" So Bathsheba worshipped him, and wished him a long life; and the king sent for Zadok the high priest, and Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when they were come, he ordered them to take with them Nathan the prophet, and all the armed men about the palace, and to set his son Solomon upon the king's mule, and to carry him out of the city to the fountain called Gihon, and to anoint him there with the holy oil, and to make him king. This he charged Zadok the high priest, and Nathan the prophet, to do, and commanded them to follow Solomon through the midst of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and wish aloud that Solomon the king may sit upon the royal throne for ever, that so all the people may know that he is ordained king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge concerning his government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. And when Benaiah had prayed to God to be favorable to Solomon, without any delay they set Solomon upon the mule, and brought him out of the city to the fountain, and anointed him with oil, and brought him into the city again, with acclamations and wishes that his kingdom might continue a long time: and when they had introduced him into the king's house, they set him upon the throne; whereupon all the people betook themselves to make merry, and to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting themselves with musical pipes, till both the earth and the air echoed with the multitude of the instruments of music.",
+                    "6. Now when Adonijah and his guests perceived this noise, they were in disorder; and Joab the captain of the host said he was not pleased with these echoes, and the sound of these trumpets. And when supper was set before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were all very thoughtful what would be the matter. Then Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high priest, came running to them; and when Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said to him that he was a good messenger, he declared to them the whole matter about Solomon, and the determination of king David: hereupon both Adonijah and all the guests rose hastily from the feast, and every one fled to their own homes. Adonijah also, as afraid of the king for what he had done, became a supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns of the altar, which were prominent. It was also told Solomon that he had so done; and that he desired to receive assurances from him that he would not remember the injury he had done, and not inflict any severe punishment for it. Solomon answered very mildly and prudently, that he forgave him this his offense; but said withal, that if he were found out in any attempt for new innovations, that he would be the author of his own punishment. So he sent to him, and raised him up from the place of his supplication. And when he was come to the king, and had worshipped him, the king bid him go away to his own house, and have no suspicion of any harm; and desired him to show himself a worthy man, as what would tend to his own advantage.",
+                    "7. But David, being desirous of ordaining his son king of all the people, called together their rulers to Jerusalem, with the priests and the Levites; and having first numbered the Levites, he found them to be thirty-eight thousand, from thirty years old to fifty; out of which he appointed twenty-three thousand to take care of the building of the temple, and out of the same, six thousand to be judges of the people and scribes, four thousand for porters to the house of God, and as many for singers, to sing to the instruments which David had prepared, as we have said already. He divided them also into courses: and when he had separated the priests from them, he found of these priests twenty-four courses, sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of that of Ithamar; and he ordained that one course should minister to God eight days, from sabbath to sabbath. And thus were the courses distributed by lot, in the presence of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, and of all the rulers; and that course which came up first was written down as the first, and accordingly the second, and so on to the twenty-fourth; and this partition hath remained to this day. He also made twenty-four parts of the tribe of Levi; and when they cast lots, they came up in the same manner for their courses of eight days. He also honored the posterity of Moses, and made them the keepers of the treasures of God, and of the donations which the kings dedicated. He also ordained that all the tribe of Levi, as well as the priests, should serve God night and day, as Moses had enjoined them.",
+                    "8. After this he parted the entire army into twelve parts, with their leaders [and captains of hundreds] and commanders. Now every part had twenty-four thousand, which were ordered to wait on Solomon, by thirty days at a time, from the first day till the last, with the captains of thousands and captains of hundreds. He also set rulers over every part, such as he knew to be good and righteous men. He set others also to take charge of the treasures, and of the villages, and of the fields, and of the beasts, whose names I do not think it necessary to mention. When David had ordered all these officers after the manner before mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews, and their heads of tribes, and the officers over the several divisions, and those that were appointed over every work, and every possession; and standing upon a high pulpit, he said to the multitude as follows: \"My brethren and my people, I would have you know that I intended to build a house for God, and prepared a large quantity of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver; but God prohibited me by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars I had on your account, and because my right hand was polluted with the slaughter of our enemies; but he commanded that my son, who was to succeed me in the kingdom, should build a temple for him. Now therefore, since you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob our forefather had Judah was appointed to be king, and that I was preferred before my six brethren, and received the government from God, and that none of them were uneasy at it, so do I also desire that my sons be not seditious one against another, now Solomon has received the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for their lord, as knowing that God hath chosen him; for it is not a grievous thing to obey even a foreigner as a ruler, if it be God's will, but it is fit to rejoice when a brother hath obtained that dignity, since the rest partake of it with him. And I pray that the promises of God may be fulfilled; and that this happiness which he hath promised to bestow upon king Solomon, over all the country, may continue therein for all time to come. And these promises O son, will be firm, and come to a happy end, if thou showest thyself to be a religious and a righteous man, and an observer of the laws of thy country; but if not, expect adversity upon thy disobedience to them.\"",
+                    "9. Now when the king had said this, he left off; but gave the description and pattern of the building of the temple in the sight of them all to Solomon: of the foundations and of the chambers, inferior and superior; how many they were to be, and how large in height and in breadth; as also he determined the weight of the golden and silver vessels: moreover, he earnestly excited them with his words to use the utmost alacrity about the work; he exhorted the rulers also, and particularly the tribe of Levi, to assist him, both because of his youth, and because God had chosen him to take care of the building of the temple, and of the government of the kingdom. He also declared to them that the work would be easy, and not very laborious to them, because he had prepared for it many talents of gold, and more of silver, with timber, and a great many carpenters and stone-cutters, and a large quantity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious stones; and he said, that even now he would give of the proper goods of his own dominion two hundred talents, and three hundred other talents of pure gold, for the most holy place, and for the chariot of God, the cherubim, which are to stand over and cover the ark. Now when David had done speaking, there appeared great alacrity among the rulers, and the priests, and the Levites, who now contributed and made great and splendid promises for a future Contribution; for they undertook to bring of gold five thousand talents, and ten thousand drams, and of silver ten thousand talents, and many ten thousand talents of iron; and if any one had a precious stone he brought it, and bequeathed it to be put among the treasures; of which Jachiel, one of the posterity of Moses, had the care.",
+                    "10. Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular did David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers, and the priests, and of all the rest; and he began to bless God with a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, with which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom which he hath given his son. Besides this, he prayed for happiness to all the people; and to Solomon his son, a sound and a righteous mind, and confirmed in all sorts of virtue; and then he commanded the multitude to bless God; upon which they all fell down upon the ground and worshipped him. They also gave thanks to David, on account of all the blessings which they had received ever since he had taken the kingdom. On the next day he presented sacrifices to God, a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs, which they offered for burnt-offerings. They also offered peace-offerings, and slew many ten thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted all day, together with all the people; and they anointed Solomon a second time with the oil, and appointed him to be king, and Zadok to be the high priest of the whole multitude. And when they had brought Solomon to the royal palace, and had set him upon his father's throne, they were obedient to him from that day."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Charge David Gave To his Son Solomon At The Approach Of His Death, And How Many Things He Left Him For The Building Of The Temple. </i><br>1. A Little afterward David also fell into a distemper, by reason of his age; and perceiving that he was near to death, he called his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus: \"I am now, O my son, going to my grave, and to my fathers, which is the common way which all men that now are, or shall be hereafter, must go; from which way it is no longer possible to return, and to know any thing that is done in this world. On which account I exhort thee, while I am still alive, though already very near to death, in the same manner as I have formerly said in my advice to thee, to be righteous towards thy subjects, and religious towards God, that hath given thee thy kingdom; to observe his commands and his laws, which he hath sent us by Moses; and neither do thou out of favor nor flattery allow any lust or other passion to weigh with thee to disregard them; for if thou transgressest his laws, thou wilt lose the favor of God, and thou wilt turn away his providence from thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so as it behooves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou wilt preserve our kingdom to our family, and no other house will bear rule over the Hebrews but we ourselves for all ages. Be thou also mindful of the transgressions of Joab, (26) the captain of the host, who hath slain two generals out of envy, and those righteous and good men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa the son of Jether; whose death do thou avenge as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath been too hard for me, and more potent than myself, and so hath escaped punishment hitherto. I also commit to thee the son of Barzillai the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify me, thou shalt have in great honor, and take great care of; for we have not done good to him first, but we only repay that debt which we owe to his father for what he did to me in my flight. There is also Shimei the son of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after he had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in my flight, I was going to Mahanaim, met me at Jordan, and received assurances that he should then suffer nothing. Do thou now seek out for some just occasion, and punish him.\"",
+                    "2. When David had given these admonitions to his son about public affairs, and about his friends, and about those whom he knew to deserve punishment, he died, having lived seventy years, and reigned seven years and six months in Hebron over the tribe of Judah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem over all the country. This man was of an excellent character, and was endowed with all virtues that were desirable in a king, and in one that had the preservation of so many tribes committed to him; for he was a man of valor in a very extraordinary degree, and went readily and first of all into dangers, when he was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the soldiers to action by his own labors, and fighting for them, and not by commanding them in a despotic way. He was also of very great abilities in understanding, and apprehension of present and future circumstances, when he was to manage any affairs. He was prudent and moderate, and kind to such as were under any calamities; he was righteous and humane, which are good qualities, peculiarly fit for kings; nor was he guilty of any offense in the exercise of so great an authority, but in the business of the wife of Uriah. He also left behind him greater wealth than any other king, either of the Hebrews or, of other nations, ever did.",
+                    "3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and with all the other funeral pomp which kings used to be buried with; moreover, he had great and immense wealth buried with him, the vastness of which may be easily conjectured at by what I shall now say; for a thousand and three hundred years afterward Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged by Antiochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius, and was desirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege and draw off his army, and having no other method of compassing the money, opened one room of David's sepulcher, and took out three thousand talents, and gave part of that sum to Antiochus; and by this means caused the siege to be raised, as we have informed the reader elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon, When He Had Received The Kingdom Took Off His Enemies. </i><br>1. We have already treated of David, and his virtue, and of the benefits he was the author of to his countrymen; of his wars also and battles, which he managed with success, and then died an old man, in the foregoing book. And when Solomon his son, who was but a youth in age, had taken the kingdom, and whom David had declared, while he was alive, the lord of that people, according to God's will; when he sat upon the throne, the whole body of the people made joyful acclamations to him, as is usual at the beginning of a reign; and wished that all his affairs might come to a blessed conclusion; and that he might arrive at a great age, and at the most happy state of affairs possible.",
+                    "2. But Adonijah, who, while his father was living, attempted to gain possession of the government, came to the king's mother Bathsheba, and saluted her with great civility; and when she asked him, whether he came to her as desiring her assistance in any thing or not, and bade him tell her if that were the case, for that she would cheerfully afford it him; he began to say, that she knew herself that the kingdom was his, both on account of his elder age, and of the disposition of the multitude, and that yet it was transferred to Solomon her son, according to the will of God. He also said that he was contented to be a servant under him, and was pleased with the present settlement; but he desired her to be a means of obtaining a favor from his brother to him, and to persuade him to bestow on him in marriage Abishag, who had indeed slept by his father, but, because his father was too old, he did not lie with her, and she was still a virgin. So Bathsheba promised him to afford him her assistance very earnestly, and to bring this marriage about, because the king would be willing to gratify him in such a thing, and because she would press it to him very earnestly. Accordingly he went away in hopes of succeeding in this match. So Solomon's mother went presently to her son, to speak to him about what she had promised, upon Adonijah's supplication to her. And when her son came forward to meet her, and embraced her, and when he had brought her into the house where his royal throne was set, he sat thereon, and bid them set another throne on the right hand for his mother. When Bathsheba was set down, she said, \"O my son, grant me one request that I desire of thee, and do not any thing to me that is disagreeable or ungrateful, which thou wilt do if thou deniest me.\" And when Solomon bid her to lay her commands upon him, because it was agreeable to his duty to grant her every thing she should ask, and complained that she did not at first begin her discourse with a firm expectation of obtaining what she desired, but had some suspicion of a denial, she entreated him to grant that his brother Adonijah might marry Abishag.",
+                    "3. But the king was greatly offended at these words, and sent away his mother, and said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and that he wondered that she did not desire him to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder brother, since she desired that he might marry Abishag; and that he had potent friends, Joab the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest. So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the guards, and ordered him to slay his brother Adonijah. He also called for Abiathar the priest, and said to him, \"I will not put thee to death because of those other hardships which thou hast endured with my father, and because of the ark which thou hast borne along with him; but I inflict this following punishment upon thee, because thou wast among Adonijah's followers, and wast of his party. Do not thou continue here, nor come any more into my sight, but go to thine own town, and live on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life; for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not just that thou shouldst retain thy dignity any longer.\" For the forementioned cause, therefore, it was that the house of Ithamar was deprived of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had foretold to Eli, the grandfather of Abiathar. So it was transferred to the family of Phineas, to Zadok. Now those that were of the family of Phineas, but lived privately during the time that the high priesthood was transferred to the house of Ithamar, (of which family Eli was the first that received it,)were these that follow: Bukki, the son of Abishua the high priest; his son was Joatham; Joatham's son was Meraioth; Meraioth's son was Arophseus; Aropheus's son was Ahitub; and Ahitub's son was Zadok, who was first made high priest in the reign of David.",
+                    "4. Now when Joab the captain of the host heard of the slaughter of Adonijah, he was greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend to him than to Solomon; and suspecting, not without reason, that he was in danger, on account of his favor to Adonijah, he fled to the altar, and supposed he might procure safety thereby to himself, because of the king's piety towards God. But when some told the king what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah, and commanded him to raise him up from the altar, and bring him to the judgment-seat, in order to make his defense. However, Joab said he would not leave the altar, but would die there rather than in another place. And when Benaiah had reported his answer to the king, Solomon commanded him to cut off his head there (1) and let him take that as a punishment for those two captains of the host whom he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body, that his sins might never leave his family, but that himself and his father, by Joab's death, might be guiltless. And when Benaiah had done what he was commanded to do, he was himself appointed to be captain of the whole army. The king also made Zadok to be alone the high priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom he had removed.",
+                    "5. But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded that he should build him a house, and stay at Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should not have authority to go over the brook Cedron; and that if he disobeyed that command, death should be his punishment. He also threatened him so terribly, that he compelled him to take all oath that he would obey. Accordingly Shimei said that he had reason to thank Solomon for giving him such an injunction; and added an oath, that he would do as he bade him; and leaving his own country, he made his abode in Jerusalem. But three years afterwards, when he heard that two of his servants were run away from him, and were in Gath, he went for his servants in haste; and when he was come back with them, the king perceived it, and was much displeased that he had contemned his commands, and, what was more, had no regard to the oaths he had sworn to God; so he called him, and said to him, \"Didst not thou swear never to leave me, nor to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt not therefore escape punishment for thy perjury, but I will punish thee, thou wicked wretch, both for this crime, and for those wherewith thou didst abuse my father when he was in his flight, that thou mayst know that wicked men gain nothing at last, although they be not punished immediately upon their unjust practices; but that in all the time wherein they think themselves secure, because they have yet suffered nothing, their punishment increases, and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater degree than if they had been punished immediately upon the commission of their crimes.\" So Benaiah, on the king's command, slew Shimei."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Wife Of Solomon; Concerning His Wisdom And Riches; And Concerning What He Obtained Of Hiram For The Building Of The Temple. </i><br>1. Solomon having already settled himself firmly in his kingdom, and having brought his enemies to punishment, he married the daughter of Pharaoh king of Egypt, and built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and stronger than those that had been before, (2) and thenceforward he managed public affairs very peaceably. Nor was his youth any hinderance in the exercise of justice, or in the observation of the laws, or in the remembrance of what charges his father had given him at his death; but he discharged every duty with great accuracy, that might have been expected from such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence. He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacrifice to God upon the brazen altar that was built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there burnt-offerings, in number a thousand; and when he had done this, he thought he had paid great honor to God; for as he was asleep that very night God appeared to him, and commanded him to ask of him some gifts which he was ready to give him as a reward for his piety. So Solomon asked of God what was most excellent, and of the greatest worth in itself, what God would bestow with the greatest joy, and what it was most profitable for man to receive; for he did not desire to have bestowed upon him either gold or silver, or any other riches, as a man and a youth might naturally have done, for these are the things that generally are esteemed by most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and the best gifts of God; but, said he, \"Give me, O Lord, a sound mind, and a good understanding, whereby I may speak and judge the people according to truth and righteousness.\" With these petitions God was well pleased; and promised to give him all those things that he had not mentioned in his option, riches, glory, victory over his enemies; and, in the first place, understanding and wisdom, and this in such a degree as no other mortal man, neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had. He also promised to preserve the kingdom to his posterity for a very long time, if he continued righteous and obedient to him, and imitated his father in those things wherein he excelled. When Solomon heard this from God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and when he had worshipped him, he returned to Jerusalem; and after he had offered great sacrifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all his own family.",
+                    "2. In these days a hard cause came before him in judgment, which it was very difficult to find any end of; and I think it necessary to explain the fact about which the contest was, that such as light upon my writings may know what a difficult cause Solomon was to determine, and those that are concerned in such matters may take this sagacity of the king for a pattern, that they may the more easily give sentence about such questions. There were two women, who were harlots in the course of their lives, that came to him; of whom she that seemed to be injured began to speak first, and said, \"O king, I and this other woman dwell together in one room. Now it came to pass that we both bore a son at the same hour of the same day; and on the third day this woman overlaid her son, and killed it, and then took my son out of my bosom, and removed him to herself, and as I was asleep she laid her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the morning I was desirous to give the breast to the child, I did not find my own, but saw the woman's dead child lying by me; for I considered it exactly, and found it so to be. Hence it was that I demanded my son, and when I could not obtain him, I have recourse, my lord, to thy assistance; for since we were alone, and there was nobody there that could convict her, she cares for nothing, but perseveres in the stout denial of the fact.\" When this woman had told this her story, the king asked the other woman what she had to say in contradiction to that story. But when she denied that she had done what was charged upon her, and said that it was her child that was living, and that it was her antagonist's child that was dead, and when no one could devise what judgment could be given, and the whole court were blind in their understanding, and could not tell how to find out this riddle, the king alone invented the following way how to discover it. He bade them bring in both the dead child and the living child; and sent one of his guards, and commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw it, and to cut both the children into two pieces, that each of the women might have half the living and half the dead child. Hereupon all the people privately laughed at the king, as no more than a youth. But, in the mean time, she that was the real mother of the living child cried out that he should not do so, but deliver that child to the other woman as her own, for she would be satisfied with the life of the child, and with the sight of it, although it were esteemed the other's child; but the other woman was ready to see the child divided, and was desirous, moreover, that the first woman should be tormented. When the king understood that both their words proceeded from the truth of their passions, he adjudged the child to her that cried out to save it, for that she was the real mother of it; and he condemned the other as a wicked woman, who had not only killed her own child, but was endeavoring to see her friend's child destroyed also. Now the multitude looked on this determination as a great sign and demonstration of the king's sagacity and wisdom, and after that day attended to him as to one that had a divine mind.",
+                    "3. Now the captains of his armies, and officers appointed over the whole country, were these: over the lot of Ephraim was Ures; over the toparchy of Bethlehem was Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon's daughter, had the region of Dora and the sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was under Benaiah, the son of Achilus; he also governed all the country as far as Jordan; Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulanitis, and had under him the sixty great and fenced cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the affairs of all Galilee as far as Sidon, and had himself also married a daughter of Solomon's, whose name was Basima; Banacates had the seacoast about Arce; as had Shaphat Mount Tabor, and Carmel, and [the Lower] Galilee, as far as the river Jordan; one man was appointed over all this country; Shimei was intrusted with the lot of Benjamin; and Gabares had the country beyond Jordan, over whom there was again one governor appointed. Now the people of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, received a wonderful increase when they betook themselves to husbandry, and the cultivation of their grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and were not distracted with wars and troubles, and having, besides, an abundant fruition of the most desirable liberty, every one was busy in augmenting the product of their own lands, and making them worth more than they had formerly been.",
+                    "4. The king had also other rulers, who were over the land of Syria and of the Philistines, which reached from the river Euphrates to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of the nations. Now these contributed to the king's table, and to his supper every day (3) thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of meal; as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs; all these were besides what were taken by hunting harts and buffaloes, and birds and fishes, which were brought to the king by foreigners day by day. Solomon had also so great a number of chariots, that the stalls of his horses for those chariots were forty thousand; and besides these he had twelve thousand horsemen, the one half of which waited upon the king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dispersed abroad, and dwelt in the royal villages; but the same officer who provided for the king's expenses supplied also the fodder for the horses, and still carried it to the place where the king abode at that time.",
+                    "5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon was so great, that he exceeded the ancients; insomuch that he was no way inferior to the Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is evident that their sagacity was very much inferior to that of the king's. He also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom above those who were most eminent among the Hebrews at that time for shrewdness; those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of Mahol. He also composed books of odes and songs a thousand and five, of parables and similitudes three thousand; for he spake a parable upon every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar; and in like manner also about beasts, about all sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of their natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described them all like a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of their several properties. God also enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons, (4) which is a science useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations also by which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the manner of using exorcisms, by which they drive away demons, so that they never return; and this method of cure is of great force unto this day; for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were demoniacal in the presence of Vespasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the whole multitude of his soldiers. The manner of the cure was this: He put a ring that had a root of one of those sorts mentioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which he drew out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell down immediately, he abjured him to return into him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed. And when Eleazar would persuade and demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he set a little way off a cup or basin full of water, and commanded the demon, as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators know that he had left the man; and when this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solomon was shown very manifestly: for which reason it is, that all men may know the vastness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was beloved of God, and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this king was endowed may not be unknown to any people under the sun for this reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely of these matters.",
+                    "6. Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when he had heard that Solonion succeeded to his father's kingdom, was very glad of it, for he was a friend of David's. So he sent ambassadors to him, and saluted him, and congratulated him on the present happy state of his affairs. Upon which Solomon sent him an epistle, the contents of which here follow: Solomon To King Hiram. \"(5)Know thou that my father would have built a temple to God, but was hindered by wars, and continual expeditions; for he did not leave off to overthrow his enemies till he made them all subject to tribute. But I give thanks to God for the peace I at present enjoy, and on that account I am at leisure, and design to build a house to God, for God foretold to my father that such a house should be built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send some of thy subjects with mine to Mount Lebanon to cut down timber, for the Sidonians are more skillful than our people in cutting of wood. As for wages to the hewers of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou shalt determine.\"",
+                    "7. When Hiram had read this epistle, he was pleased with it; and wrote back this answer to Solomon. Hiram To King Solomon. \"It is fit to bless God that he hath committed thy father's government to thee, who art a wise man, and endowed with all virtues. As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou art in, and will be subservient to thee in all that thou sendest to me about; for when by my subjects I have cut down many and large trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send them to sea, and will order my subjects to make floats of them, and to sail to what place soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and leave them there, after which thy subjects may carry them to Jerusalem. But do thou take care to procure us corn for this timber, which we stand in need of, because we inhabit in an island.\"  ",
+                    "8. The copies of these epistles remain at this day, and are preserved not only in our books, but among the Tyrians also; insomuch that if any one would know the certainty about them, he may desire of the keepers of the public records of Tyre to show him them, and he will find what is there set down to agree with what we have said. I have said so much out of a desire that my readers may know that we speak nothing but the truth, and do not compose a history out of some plausible relations, which deceive men and please them at the same time, nor attempt to avoid examination, nor desire men to believe us immediately; nor are we at liberty to depart from speaking truth, which is the proper commendation of an historian, and yet be blameless: but we insist upon no admission of what we say, unless we be able to manifest its truth by demonstration, and the strongest vouchers.",
+                    "9. Now king Solomon, as soon as this epistle of the king of Tyre was brought him, commended the readiness and good-will he declared therein, and repaid him in what he desired, and sent him yearly twenty thousand cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil: now the bath is able to contain seventy-two sextaries. He also sent him the same measure of wine. So the friendship between Hiram and Solomon hereby increased more and more; and they swore to continue it for ever. And the king appointed a tribute to be laid on all the people, of thirty thousand laborers, whose work he rendered easy to them by prudently dividing it among them; for he made ten thousand cut timber in Mount Lebanon for one month; and then to come home, and rest two months, until the time when the other twenty thousand had finished their task at the appointed time; and so afterward it came to pass that the first ten thousand returned to their work every fourth month: and it was Adoram who was over this tribute. There were also of the strangers who were left by David, who were to carry the stones and other materials, seventy thousand; and of those that cut the stones, eighty thousand. Of these three thousand and three hundred were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined them to cut out large stones for the foundations of the temple, and that they should fit them and unite them together in the mountain, and so bring them to the city. This was done not only by our own country workmen, but by those workmen whom Hiram sent also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The Building Of This Temple </i><br>1. Solomon began to build the temple in the fourth year of his reign, on the second month, which the Macedonians call Artemisius, and the Hebrews Jur, five hundred and ninety-two years after the Exodus out of Egypt; but one thousand and twenty years from Abraham's coming out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, and after the deluge one thousand four hundred and forty years; and from Adam, the first man who was created, until Solomon built the temple, there had passed in all three thousand one hundred and two years. Now that year on which the temple began to be built was already the eleventh year of the reign of Hiram; but from the building of Tyre to the building of the temple, there had passed two hundred and forty years.",
+                    "2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foundations of the temple very deep in the ground, and the materials were strong stones, and such as would resist the force of time; these were to unite themselves with the earth, and become a basis and a sure foundation for that superstructure which was to be erected over it; they were to be so strong, in order to sustain with ease those vast superstructures and precious ornaments, whose own weight was to be not less than the weight of those other high and heavy buildings which the king designed to be very ornamental and magnificent. They erected its entire body, quite up to the roof, of white stone; its height was sixty cubits, and its length was the same, and its breadth twenty. There was another building erected over it, equal to it in its measures; so that the entire altitude of the temple was a hundred and twenty cubits. Its front was to the east. As to the porch, they built it before the temple; its length was twenty cubits, and it was so ordered that it might agree with the breadth of the house; and it had twelve cubits in latitude, and its height was raised as high as a hundred and twenty cubits. He also built round about the temple thirty small rooms, which might include the whole temple, by their closeness one to another, and by their number and outward position round it. He also made passages through them, that they might come into on through another. Every one of these rooms had five cubits in breadth, (7) and the same in length, but in height twenty. Above these there were other rooms, and others above them, equal, both in their measures and number; so that these reached to a height equal to the lower part of the house; for the upper part had no buildings about it. The roof that was over the house was of cedar; and truly every one of these rooms had a roof of their own, that was not connected with the other rooms; but for the other parts, there was a covered roof common to them all, and built with very long beams, that passed through the rest, and rough the whole building, that so the middle walls, being strengthened by the same beams of timber, might be thereby made firmer: but as for that part of the roof that was under the beams, it was made of the same materials, and was all made smooth, and had ornaments proper for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon them. And as he enclosed the walls with boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plates of gold, which had sculptures upon them; so that the whole temple shined, and dazzled the eyes of such as entered, by the splendor of the gold that was on every side of them, Now the whole structure of the temple was made with great skill of polished stones, and those laid together so very harmoniously and smoothly, that there appeared to the spectators no sign of any hammer, or other instrument of architecture; but as if, without any use of them, the entire materials had naturally united themselves together, that the agreement of one part with another seemed rather to have been natural, than to have arisen from the force of tools upon them. The king also had a fine contrivance for an ascent to the upper room over the temple, and that was by steps in the thickness of its wall; for it had no large door on the east end, as the lower house had, but the entrances were by the sides, through very small doors. He also overlaid the temple, both within and without, with boards of cedar, that were kept close together by thick chains, so that this contrivance was in the nature of a support and a strength to the building.",
+                    "3. Now when the king had divided the temple into two parts, he made the inner house of twenty cubits [every way], to be the most secret chamber, but he appointed that of forty cubits to be the sanctuary; and when he had cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein doors of Cedar, and overlaid them with a great deal of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He also had veils of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and the brightest and softest linen, with the most curious flowers wrought upon them, which were to be drawn before those doors. He also dedicated for the most secret place, whose breadth was twenty cubits, and length the same, two cherubims of solid gold; the height of each of them was five cubits (8) they had each of them two wings stretched out as far as five cubits; wherefore Solomon set them up not far from each other, that with one wing they might touch the southern wall of the secret place, and with another the northern: their other wings, which joined to each other, were a covering to the ark, which was set between them; but nobody can tell, or even conjecture, what was the shape of these cherubims. He also laid the floor of the temple with plates of gold; and he added doors to the gate of the temple, agreeable to the measure of the height of the wall, but in breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued gold plates. And, to say all in one word, he left no part of the temple, neither internal nor external, but what was covered with gold. He also had curtains drawn over these doors in like manner as they were drawn over the inner doors of the most holy place; but the porch of the temple had nothing of that sort.",
+                    "4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram; he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's side, (for she was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This man was skillful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, and silver, and brass; by whom were made all the mechanical works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon. Moreover, this Hiram made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were of brass, and the thickness of the brass was four fingers' breadth, and the height of the pillars was eighteen cubits and their circumference twelve cubits; but there was cast with each of their chapiters lily-work that stood upon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits, round about which there was net-work interwoven with small palms, made of brass, and covered the lily-work. To this also were hung two hundred pomegranates, in two rows. The one of these pillars he set at the entrance of the porch on the right hand, and called it Jachin (9) and the other at the left hand, and called it Booz.",
+                    "5. Solomon also cast a brazen sea, whose figure was that of a hemisphere. This brazen vessel was called a sea for its largeness, for the laver was ten feet in diameter, and cast of the thickness of a palm. Its middle part rested on a short pillar that had ten spirals round it, and that pillar was ten cubits in diameter. There stood round about it twelve oxen, that looked to the four winds of heaven, three to each wind, having their hinder parts depressed, that so the hemispherical vessel might rest upon them, which itself was also depressed round about inwardly. Now this sea contained three thousand baths.",
+                    "6. He also made ten brazen bases for so many quadrangular lavers; the length of every one of these bases was five cubits, and the breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits. This vessel was partly turned, and was thus contrived: There were four small quadrangular pillars that stood one at each corner; these had the sides of the base fitted to them on each quarter; they were parted into three parts; every interval had a border fitted to support [the laver]; upon which was engraven, in one place a lion, and in another place a bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had the same animals engraven that were engraven on the sides. The whole work was elevated, and stood upon four wheels, which were also cast, which had also naves and felloes, and were a foot and a half in diameter. Any one who saw the spokes of the wheels, how exactly they were turned, and united to the sides of the bases, and with what harmony they agreed to the felloes, would wonder at them. However, their structure was this: Certain shoulders of hands stretched out held the corners above, upon which rested a short spiral pillar, that lay under the hollow part of the laver, resting upon the fore part of the eagle and the lion, which were adapted to them, insomuch that those who viewed them would think they were of one piece: between these were engravings of palm trees. This was the construction of the ten bases. He also made ten large round brass vessels, which were the lavers themselves, each of which contained forty baths; (10) for it had its height four cubits, and its edges were as much distant from each other. He also placed these lavers upon the ten bases that were called Mechonoth; and he set five of the lavers on the left side of the temple (11) which was that side towards the north wind, and as many on the right side, towards the south, but looking towards the east; the same [eastern] way he also set the sea Now he appointed the sea to be for washing the hands and the feet of the priests, when they entered into the temple and were to ascend the altar, but the lavers to cleanse the entrails of the beasts that were to be burnt-offerings, with their feet also.",
+                    "7. He also made a brazen altar, whose length was twenty cubits, and its breadth the same, and its height ten, for the burnt-offerings. He also made all its vessels of brass, the pots, and the shovels, and the basons; and besides these, the snuffers and the tongs, and all its other vessels, he made of brass, and such brass as was in splendor and beauty like gold. The king also dedicated a great number of tables, but one that was large and made of gold, upon which they set the loaves of God; and he made ten thousand more that resembled them, but were done after another manner, upon which lay the vials and the cups; those of gold were twenty thousand, those of silver were forty thousand. He also made ten thousand candlesticks, according to the command of Moses, one of which he dedicated for the temple, that it might burn in the day time, according to the law; and one table with loaves upon it, on the north side of the temple, over against the candlestick; for this he set on the south side, but the golden altar stood between them. All these vessels were contained in that part of the holy house, which was forty cubits long, and were before the veil of that most secret place wherein the ark was to be set.",
+                    "8. The king also made pouring vessels, in number eighty thousand, and a hundred thousand golden vials, and twice as many silver vials: of golden dishes, in order therein to offer kneaded fine flour at the altar, there were eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver. Of large basons also, wherein they mixed fine flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. Of the measures like those which Moses called the Hin and the Assaron, (a tenth deal,) there were twenty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. The golden censers, in which they carried the incense to the altar, were twenty thousand; the other censers, in which they carried fire from the great altar to the little altar, within the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacerdotal garments which belonged to the high priest, with the long robes, and the oracle, and the precious stones, were a thousand. But the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name of God],]was only one, and hath remained to this very day. He also made ten thousand sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple girdles for every priest; and two hundred thousand trumpets, according to the command of Moses; also two hundred thousand garments of fine linen for the singers, that were Levites. And he made musical instruments, and such as were invented for singing of hymns, called Nablee and Cindree, [psalteries and harps,] which were made of electrum, [the finest brass,] forty thousand.",
+                    "9. Solomon made all these things for the honor of God, with great variety and magnificence, sparing no cost, but using all possible liberality in adorning the temple; and these things he dedicated to the treasures of God. He also placed a partition round about the temple, which in our tongue we call Gison, but it is called Thrigcos by the Greeks, and he raised it up to the height of three cubits; and it was for the exclusion of the multitude from coming into the temple, and showing that it was a place that was free and open only for the priests. He also built beyond this court a temple, whose figure was that of a quadrangle, and erected for it great and broad cloisters; this was entered into by very high gates, each of which had its front exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were shut by golden doors. Into this temple all the people entered that were distinguished from the rest by being pure and observant of the laws. But he made that temple which was beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such as exceeds all description in words; nay, if I may so say, is hardly believed upon sight; for when he had filled up great valleys with earth, which, on account of their immense depth, could not be looked on, when you bended down to see them, without pain, and had elevated the ground four hundred cubits, he made it to be on a level with the top of the mountain, on which the temple was built, and by this means the outmost temple, which was exposed to the air, was even with the temple itself. He encompassed this also with a building of a double row of cloisters, which stood on high upon pillars of native stone, while the roofs were of cedar, and were polished in a manner proper for such high roofs; but he made all the doors of this temple of silver."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Removed The Ark Into The Temple How He Made Supplication To God, And Offered Public Sacrifices To Him. </i><br>1. When king Solomon had finished these works, these large and beautiful buildings, and had laid up his donations in the temple, and all this in the interval of seven years, and had given a demonstration of his riches and alacrity therein, insomuch that any one who saw it would have thought it must have been an immense time ere it could have been finished; and would be surprised that so much should be finished in so short a time; short, I mean, if compared with the greatness of the work: he also wrote to the rulers and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the people to gather themselves together to Jerusalem, both to see the temple which he had built, and to remove the ark of God into it; and when this invitation of the whole body of the people to come to Jerusalem was every where carried abroad, it was the seventh month before they came together; which month is by our countrymen called Thisri, but by the Macedonians Hyperberetoets. The feast of tabernacles happened to fall at the same time, which was celebrated by the Hebrews as a most holy and most eminent feast. So they carried the ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitched, and all the vessels that were for ministration, to the sacrifices of God, and removed them to the temple. (13) The king himself, and all the people and the Levites, went before, rendering the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink-offerings, and the blood of a great number of oblations, and burning an immense quantity of incense, and this till the very air itself every where round about was so full of these odors, that it met, in a most agreeable manner, persons at a great distance, and was an indication of God's presence; and, as men's opinion was, of his habitation with them in this newly built and consecrated place, for they did not grow weary, either of singing hymns or of dancing, until they came to the temple; and in this manner did they carry the ark. But when they should transfer it into the most secret place, the rest of the multitude went away, and only those priests that carried it set it between the two cherubims, which embracing it with their wings, (for so were they framed by the artificer,) they covered it, as under a tent, or a cupola. Now the ark contained nothing else but those two tables of stone that preserved the ten commandments, which God spake to Moses in Mount Sinai, and which were engraved upon them; but they set the candlestick, and the table, and the golden altar in the temple, before the most secret place, in the very same places wherein they stood till that time in the tabernacle. So they offered up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over against the door, that when the door was opened, it might be exposed to sight, and the sacred solemnities, and the richness of the sacrifices, might be thence seen; and all the rest of the vessels they gathered together, and put them within the temple.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as the priests had put all things in order about the ark, and were gone out, there cane down a thick cloud, and stood there, and spread itself, after a gentle manner, into the temple; such a cloud it was as was diffused and temperate, not such a rough one as we see full of rain in the winter season. This cloud so darkened the place, that one priest could not discern another, but it afforded to the minds of all a visible image and glorious appearance of God's having descended into this temple, and of his having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein. So these men were intent upon this thought. But Solomon rose up, (for he was sitting before,) and used such words to God as he thought agreeable to the Divine nature to receive, and fit for him to give; for he said, \"Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord, and such a one as thou hast created for thyself out of thine own works; we know it to be the heaven, and the air, and the earth, and the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou contained within their limits. I have indeed built this temple to thee, and thy name, that from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform sacred operations, we may send our prayers up into the air, and may constantly believe that thou art present, and art not remote from what is thine own; for neither when thou seest all things, and hearest all things, nor now, when it pleases thee to dwell here, dost thou leave the care of all men, but rather thou art very near to them all, but especially thou art present to those that address themselves to thee, whether by night or by day.\" When he had thus solemnly addressed himself to God, he converted his discourse to the multitude, and strongly represented the power and providence of God to them; - how he had shown all things that were come to pass to David his father, as many of those things had already come to pass, and the rest would certainly come to pass hereafter; and how he had given him his name, and told to David what he should be called before he was born; and foretold, that when he should be king after his father's death, he should build him a temple, which since they saw accomplished, according to his prediction, he required them to bless God, and by believing him, from the sight of what they had seen accomplished, never to despair of any thing that he had promised for the future, in order to their happiness, or suspect that it would not come to pass.",
+                    "3. When the king had thus discoursed to the multitude, he looked again towards the temple, and lifting up his right hand to the multitude, he said,\" It is not possible by what men can do to return sufficient thanks to God for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the Deity stands in need of nothing, and is above any such requital; but so far as we have been made superior, O Lord, to other animals by thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and it is necessary for us to return thee thanks for what thou hast bestowed upon our house, and on the Hebrew people; for with what other instrument can we better appease thee when thou art angry at us, or more properly preserve thy favor, than with our voice? which, as we have it from the air, so do we know that by that air it ascends upwards [towards thee]. I therefore ought myself to return thee thanks thereby, in the first place, concerning my father, whom thou hast raised from obscurity unto so great joy; and, in the next place, concerning myself, since thou hast performed all that thou hast promised unto this very day. And I beseech thee for the time to come to afford us whatsoever thou, O God, hast power to bestow on such as thou dost esteem; and to augment our house for all ages, as thou hast promised to David my father to do, both in his lifetime and at his death, that our kingdom shall continue, and that his posterity should successively receive it to ten thousand generations. Do not thou therefore fail to give us these blessings, and to bestow on my children that virtue in which thou delightest. And besides all this, I humbly beseech thee that thou wilt let some portion of thy Spirit come down and inhabit in this temple, that thou mayst appear to be with us upon earth. As to thyself, the entire heavens, and the immensity of the things that are therein, are but a small habitation for thee, much more is this poor temple so; but I entreat thee to keep it as thine own house, from being destroyed by our enemies for ever, and to take care of it as thine own possession: but if this people be found to have sinned, and be thereupon afflicted by thee with any plague, because of their sin, as with dearth or pestilence, or any other affliction which thou usest to inflict on those that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if they fly all of them to this temple, beseeching thee, and begging of time to deliver them, then do thou hear their prayers, as being within thine house, and have mercy upon them, and deliver them from their afflictions. Nay, moreover, this help is what I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatsoever, and shall return from their sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear their prayer. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself wast pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies to such as are not of our own people; but are willing that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits bestowed upon them.\"",
+                    "4. When Solomon had said this, and had cast himself upon the ground, and worshipped a long time, he rose up, and brought sacrifices to the altar; and when he had filled it with unblemished victims, he most evidently discovered that God had with pleasure accepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for there came a fire running out of the air, and rushed with violence upon the altar, in the sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed the sacrifices. Now when this Divine appearance was seen, the people supposed it to be a demonstration of God's abode in the temple, and were pleased with it, and fell down upon the ground and worshipped. Upon which the king began to bless God, and exhorted the multitude to do the same, as now having sufficient indications of God's favorable disposition to them; and to pray that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness and religious worship, and that they might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations among all mankind. He exhorted them also to be mindful, that by what methods they had attained their present good things, by the same they must preserve them sure to themselves, and make them greater and more than they were at present; for that it was not sufficient for them to suppose they had received them on account of their piety and righteousness, but that they had no other way of preserving them for the time to come; for that it is not so great a thing for men to acquire somewhat which they want, as to preserve what they have acquired, and to be guilty of no sin whereby it may be hurt.",
+                    "5. So when the king had spoken thus to the multitude, he dissolved the congregation, but not till he had completed his oblations, both for himself and for the Hebrews, insomuch that he sacrificed twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep; for then it was that the temple did first of all taste of the victims, and all the Hebrews, with their wives and children, feasted therein: nay, besides this, the king then observed splendidly and magnificently the feast which is called the Feast of Tabernacles, before the temple, for twice seven days; and he then feasted together with all the people.",
+                    "6. When all these solemnities were abundantly satisfied, and nothing was omitted that concerned the Divine worship, the king dismissed them; and they every one went to their own homes, giving thanks to the king for the care he had taken of them, and the works he had done for them; and praying to God to preserve Solomon to be their king for a long time. They also took their journey home with rejoicing, and making merry, and singing hymns to God. And indeed the pleasure they enjoyed took away the sense of the pains they all underwent in their journey home. So when they had brought the ark into the temple, and had seen its greatness, and how fine it was, and had been partakers of the many sacrifices that had been offered, and of the festivals that had been solemnized, they every one returned to their own cities. But a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep informed him that God had heard his prayers; and that he would not only preserve the temple, but would always abide in it; that is, in case his posterity and the whole multitude would be righteous. And for himself, it said, that if he continued according to the admonitions of his father, he would advance him to an immense degree of dignity and happiness, and that then his posterity should be kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah, for ever; but that still, if he should be found a betrayer of the ordinances of the law, and forget them, and turn away to the worship of strange gods, he would cut him off by the roots, and would neither suffer any remainder of his family to continue, nor would overlook the people of Israel, or preserve them any longer from afflictions, but would utterly destroy them with ten thousand wars and misfortunes; would cast them out of the land which he had given their fathers, and make them sojourners in strange lands; and deliver that temple which was now built to be burnt and spoiled by their enemies, and that city to be utterly overthrown by the hands of their enemies; and make their miseries deserve to be a proverb, and such as should very hardly be credited for their stupendous magnitude, till their neighbors, when they should hear of them, should wonder at their calamities, and very earnestly inquire for the occasion, why the Hebrews, who had been so far advanced by God to such glory and wealth, should be then so hated by him? and that the answer that should be made by the remainder of the people should be, by confessing their sins, and their transgression of the laws of their country. Accordingly we have it transmitted to us in writing, that thus did God speak to Solomon in his sleep."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Built Himself A Royal Palace, Very Costly And Splendid; And How He Solved The Riddles Which Were Sent Him By Hiram. </i><br>1. After the building of the temple, which, as we have before said, was finished in seven years, the king laid the foundation of his palace, which he did not finish under thirteen years, for he was not equally zealous in the building of this palace as he had been about the temple; for as to that, though it was a great work, and required wonderful and surprising application, yet God, for whom it was made, so far co-operated therewith, that it was finished in the forementioned number of years: but the palace, which was a building much inferior in dignity to the temple, both on account that its materials had not been so long beforehand gotten ready, nor had been so zealously prepared, and on account that this was only a habitation for kings, and not for God, it was longer in finishing. However, this building was raised so magnificently, as suited the happy state of the Hebrews, and of the king thereof. But it is necessary that I describe the entire structure and disposition of the parts, that so those that light upon this book may thereby make a conjecture, and, as it were, have a prospect of its magnitude.",
+                    "2. This house was a large and curious building, and was supported by many pillars, which Solomon built to contain a multitnde for hearing causes, and taking cognizance of suits. It was sufficiently capacious to contain a great body of men, who would come together to have their causes determined. It was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad, and thirty high, supported by quadrangular pillars, which were all of cedar; but its roof was according to the Corinthian order, (14) with folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of equal magnitude, each fluted with three cavities; which building as at once firm, and very ornamental. There was also another house so ordered, that its entire breadth was placed in the middle; it was quadrangular, and its breadth was thirty cubits, having a temple over against it, raised upon massy pillars; in which temple there was a large and very glorious room, wherein the king sat in judgment. To this was joined another house that was built for his queen. There were other smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep, after public matters were over; and these were all floored with boards of cedar. Some of these Solomon built with stones of ten cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other stones that were sawed, and were of great value, such as are dug out of the earth for the ornaments of temples, and to make fine prospects in royal palaces, and which make the mines whence they are dug famous. Now the contexture of the curious workmanship of these stones was in three rows, but the fourth row would make one admire its sculptures, whereby were represented trees, and all sorts of plants; with the shades that arose from their branches, and leaves that hung down from them. Those trees anti plants covered the stone that was beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so prodigious thin and subtile, that you would think they were in motion; but the other part up to the roof, was plastered over, and, as it were, embroidered with colors and pictures. He, moreover, built other edifices for pleasure; as also very long cloisters, and those situate in an agreeable place of the palace; and among them a most glorious dining room, for feastings and compotations, and full of gold, and such other furniture as so fine a room ought to have for the conveniency of the guests, and where all the vessels were made of gold. Now it is very hard to reckon up the magnitude and the variety of the royal apartments; how many rooms there were of the largest sort, how many of a bigness inferior to those, and how many that were subterraneous and invisible; the curiosity of those that enjoyed the fresh air; and the groves for the most delightful prospect, for the avoiding the heat, and covering of their bodies. And, to say all in brief, Solomon made the whole building entirely of white stone, and cedar wood, and gold, and silver. He also adorned the roofs and walls with stones set in gold, and beautified them thereby in the same manner as he had beautified the temple of God with the like stones. He also made himself a throne of prodigious bigness, of ivory, constructed as a seat of justice, and having six steps to it; on every one of which stood, on each end of the step two lions, two other lions standing above also; but at the sitting place of the throne hands came out and received the king; and when he sat backward, he rested on half a bullock, that looked towards his back; but still all was fastened together with gold.",
+                    "3. When Solomon had completed all this in twenty years' time, because Hiram king of Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold, and more silver to these buildings, as also cedar wood and pine wood, he also rewarded Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him also year by year, and wine and oil, which were the principal things that he stood in need of, because he inhabited an island, as we have already said. And besides these, he granted him certain cities of Galilee, twenty in number, that lay not far from Tyre; which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and did not like the gift, he sent word to Solomon that he did not want such cities as they were; and after that time these cities were called the land of Cabul; which name, if it be interpreted according to the language of the Phoenicians, denotes what does not please. Moreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and desired he would solve them, and free them from the ambiguity that was in them. Now so sagacious and understanding was Solomon, that none of these problems were too hard for him; but he conquered them all by his reasonings, and discovered their hidden meaning, and brought it to light. Menander also, one who translated the Tyrian archives out of the dialect of the Phoenicians into the Greek language, makes mention of these two kings, where he says thus: \"When Abibalus was dead,. his son Hiram received the kingdom from him, who, when he had lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank in the large place, and dedicated the golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple. He also went and cut down materials of timber out of the mountain called Libanus, for the roof of temples; and when he had pulled down the ancient temples, he both built the temple of Hercules and that of Astarte; and he first set up the temple of Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made an expedition against the Euchii, or Titii, who did not pay their tribute, and when he had subdued them to himself he returned. Under this king there was Abdemon, a very youth in age, who always conquered the difficult problems which Solomon, king of Jerusalem, commanded him to explain. Dius also makes mention of him, where he says thus: \"When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram reigned. He raised the eastern parts of the city higher, and made the city itself larger. He also joined the temple of Jupiter, which before stood by itself, to the city, by raising a bank in the middle between them; and he adorned it with donations of gold. Moreover, he went up to Mount Libanus, and cut down materials of wood for the building of the temples.\" He says also, that Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hiram, and desired to receive the like from him, but that he who could not solve them should pay money to them that did solve them, and that Hiram accepted the conditions; and when he was not able to solve the riddles proposed by Solomon, he paid a great deal of money for his fine; but that he afterward did solve the proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that Hiram proposed other riddles, which, when Solomon could not solve, he paid back a great deal of money to Hiram.\" This it is which Dius wrote."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Fortified The City Of Jerusalem, And Built Great Cities; And How He Brought Some Of The Canaanites Into Subjection, And Entertained The Queen Of Egypt And Of Ethiopia. </i><br>1. Now when the king saw that the walls of Jerusalem stood in need of being better secured, and made stronger, (for he thought the walls that encompassed Jerusalem ought to correspond to the dignity of the city,) he both repaired them, and made them higher, with great towers upon them; he also built cities which might be counted among the strongest, Hazor and Megiddo, and the third Gezer, which had indeed belonged to the Philistines; but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made an expedition against it, and besieged it, and taken it by force; and when he had slain all its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and gave it as a present to his daughter, who had been married to Solomon; for which reason the king rebuilt it, as a city that was naturally strong, and might be useful in wars, and the mutations of affairs that sometimes happen. Moreover, he built two other cities not far from it, Beth-horon was the name of one of them, and Baalath of the other. He also built other cities that lay conveniently for these, in order to the enjoyment of pleasures and delicacies in them, such as were naturally of a good temperature of the air, and agreeable for fruits ripe in their proper seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay, Solomon went as far as the desert above Syria, and possessed himself of it, and built there a very great city, which was distant two days' journey from Upper Syria, and one day's journey from Euphrates, and six long days' journey from Babylon the Great. Now the reason why this city lay so remote from the parts of Syria that are inhabited is this, that below there is no water to be had, and that it is in that place only that there are springs and pits of water. When he had therefore built this city, and encompassed it with very strong walls, he gave it the name of Tadmor, and that is the name it is still called by at this day among the Syrians, but the Greeks name it Palmyra.",
+                    "2. Now Solomon the king was at this time engaged in building these cities. But if any inquire why all the kings of Egypt from Menes, who built Memphis, and was many years earlier than our forefather Abraham, until Solomon, where the interval was more than one thousand three hundred years, were called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pharaoh that lived after the kings of that interval, I think it necessary to inform them of it, and this in order to cure their ignorance, and to make the occasion of that name manifest. Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a king (15) but I suppose they made use of other names from their childhood; but when they were made kings, they changed them into the name which in their own tongue denoted their authority; for thus it was also that the kings of Alexandria, who were called formerly by other names, when they took the kingdom, were named Ptolemies, from their first king. The Roman emperors also were from their nativity called by other names, but are styled Caesars, their empire and their dignity imposing that name upon them, and not suffering them to continue in those names which their fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodotus of Halicarnassus, when he said there were three hundred and thirty kings of Egypt after Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore not tell us their names, because they were in common called Pharaohs; for when after their death there was a queen reigned, he calls her by her name Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while the kings were of the male line, and so admitted of the same nature, while a woman did not admit the same, he did therefore set down that her name, which she could not naturally have. As for myself, I have discovered from our own books, that after Pharaoh, the father-in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt did any longer use that name; and that it was after that time when the forenamed queen of Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, concerning whom we shall inform the reader presently; but I have now made mention of these things, that I may prove that our books and those of the Egyptians agree together in many things.",
+                    "3. But king Solomon subdued to himself the remnant of the Canaanites that had not before submitted to him; those I mean that dwelt in Mount Lebanon, and as far as the city Hamath; and ordered them to pay tribute. He also chose out of them every year such as were to serve him in the meanest offices, and to do his domestic works, and to follow husbandry; for none of the Hebrews were servants [in such low employments]: nor was it reasonable, that when God had brought so many nations under their power, they should depress their own people to such mean offices of life, rather than those nations; while all the Israelites were concerned in warlike affairs, and were in armor; and were set over the chariots and the horses, rather than leading the life of slaves. He appointed also five hundred and fifty rulers over those Canaanites who were reduced to such domestic slavery, who received the entire care of them from the king, and instructed them in those labors and operations wherein he wanted their assistance.",
+                    "4. Moreover, the king built many ships in the Egyptian Bay of the Red Sea, in a certain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth. This country belonged formerly to the Jews, and became useful for shipping from the donations of Hiram king of Tyre; for he sent a sufficient number of men thither for pilots, and such as were skillful in navigation, to whom Solomon gave this command: That they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was of old called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs to India, to fetch him gold. And when they had gathered four hundred talents together, they returned to the king again.",
+                    "5. There was then a woman queen of Egypt and Ethiopia; (16) she was inquisitive into philosophy, and one that on other accounts also was to be admired. When this queen heard of the virtue and prudence of Solomon, she had a great mind to see him; and the reports that went every day abroad induced her to come to him, she being desirous to be satisfied by her own experience, and not by a bare hearing; (for reports thus heard are likely enough to comply with a false opinion, while they wholly depend on the credit of the relators;) so she resolved to come to him, and that especially in order to have a trial of his wisdom, while she proposed questions of very great difficulty, and entreated that he would solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly she came to Jerusalem with great splendor and rich furniture; for she brought with her camels laden with gold, with several sorts of sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now, upon the king's kind reception of her, he both showed a great desire to please her, and easily comprehending in his mind the meaning of the curious questions she propounded to him, he resolved them sooner than any body could have expected. So she was amazed at the wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it was more excellent upon trial than what she had heard by report beforehand; and especially she was surprised at the fineness and largeness of his royal palace, and not less so at the good order of the apartments, for she observed that the king had therein shown great wisdom; but she was beyond measure astonished at the house which was called the Forest of Lebanon, as also at the magnificence of his daily table, and the circumstances of its preparation and ministration, with the apparel of his servants that waited, and the skillful and decent management of their attendance: nor was she less affected with those daily sacrifices which were offered to God, and the careful management which the priests and Levites used about them. When she saw this done every day, she was in the greatest admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was not able to contain the surprise she was in, but openly confessed how wonderfully she was affected; for she proceeded to discourse with the king, and thereby owned that she was overcome with admiration at the things before related; and said, \"All things indeed, O king, that came to our knowledge by report, came with uncertainty as to our belief of them; but as to those good things that to thee appertain, both such as thou thyself possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence, and the happiness thou hast from thy kingdom, certainly the same that came to us was no falsity; it was not only a true report, but it related thy happiness after a much lower manner than I now see it to be before my eyes. For as for the report, it only attempted to persuade our hearing, but did not so make known the dignity of the things themselves as does the sight of them, and being present among them. I indeed, who did not believe what was reported, by reason of the multitude and grandeur of the things I inquired about, do see them to be much more numerous than they were reported to be. Accordingly I esteem the Hebrew people, as well as thy servants and friends, to be happy, who enjoy thy presence and hear thy wisdom every day continually. One would therefore bless God, who hath so loved this country, and those that inhabit therein, as to make thee king over them.\"",
+                    "6. Now when the queen had thus demonstrated in words how deeply the king had affected her, her disposition was known by certain presents, for she gave him twenty talents of gold, and an immense quantity of spices and precious stones. (They say also that we possess the root of that balsam which our country still bears by this woman's gift.) (17) Solomon also repaid her with many good things, and principally by bestowing upon her what she chose of her own inclination, for there was nothing that she desired which he denied her; and as he was very generous and liberal in his own temper, so did he show the greatness of his soul in bestowing on her what she herself desired of him. So when this queen of Ethiopia had obtained what we have already given an account of, and had again communicated to the king what she brought with her, she returned to her own kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Solomon Grew Rich, And Fell Desperately In Love With Women And How God, Being Incensed At It, Raised Up Ader And Jeroboam Against Him. Concerning The Death Of Solomon. </i><br>1. About the same time there were brought to the king from the Aurea Chersonesus, a country so called, precious stones, and pine trees, and these trees he made use of for supporting the temple and the palace, as also for the materials of musical instruments, the harps and the psalteries, that the Levites might make use of them in their hymns to God. The wood which was brought to him at this time was larger and finer than any that had ever been brought before; but let no one imagine that these pine trees were like those which are now so named, and which take that their denomination from the merchants, who so call them, that they may procure them to be admired by those that purchase them; for those we speak of were to the sight like the wood of the fig tree, but were whiter, and more shining. Now we have said thus much, that nobody may be ignorant of the difference between these sorts of wood, nor unacquainted with the nature of the genuine pine tree; and we thought it both a seasonable and humane thing, when we mentioned it, and the uses the king made of it, to explain this difference so far as we have done.",
+                    "2. Now the weight of gold that was brought him was six hundred and sixty-six talents, not including in that sum what was brought by the merchants, nor what the toparchs and kings of Arabia gave him in presents. He also cast two hundred targets of gold, each of them weighing six hundred shekels. He also made three hundred shields, every one weighing three pounds of gold, and he had them carried and put into that house which was called The Forest of Lebanon. He also made cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for the entertainment of his guests, and had them adorned in the most artificial manner; and he contrived that all his other furniture of vessels should be of gold, for there was nothing then to be sold or bought for silver; for the king had many ships which lay upon the sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to carry out all sorts of merchandise unto the remotest nations, by the sale of which silver and gold were brought to the king, and a great quantity of ivory, and Ethiopians, and apes; and they finished their voyage, going and returning, in three years' time.",
+                    "3. Accordingly there went a great fame all around the neighboring countries, which proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solomon, insomuch that all the kings every where were desirous to see him, as not giving credit to what was reported, on account of its being almost incredible: they also demonstrated the regard they had for him by the presents they made him; for they sent him vessels of gold, and silver, and purple garments, and many sorts of spices, and horses, and chariots, and as many mules for his carriages as they could find proper to please the king's eyes, by their strength and beauty. This addition that he made to those chariots and horses which he had before from those that were sent him, augmented the number of his chariots by above four hundred, for he had a thousand before, and augmented the number of his horses by two thousand, for he had twenty thousand before. These horses also were so much exercised, in order to their making a fine appearance, and running swiftly, that no others could, upon the comparison, appear either finer or swifter; but they were at once the most beautiful of all others, and their swiftness was incomparable also. Their riders also were a further ornament to them, being, in the first place, young men in the most delightful flower of their age, and being eminent for their largeness, and far taller than other men. They had also very long heads of hair hanging down, and were clothed in garments of Tyrian purple. They had also dust of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so that their heads sparkled with the reflection of the sun-beams from the gold. The king himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of these men, who were still in armor, and had their bows fitted to them. He had on a white garment, and used to take his progress out of the city in the morning. There was a certain place about fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which is called Etham, very pleasant it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivulets of water; (18) thither did he use to go out in the morning, sitting on high [in his chariot.]",
+                    "4. Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in all things, and was very diligent and studious to have things done after an elegant manner; so he did not neglect the care of the ways, but he laid a causeway of black stone along the roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the royal city, both to render them easy for travelers, and to manifest the grandeur of his riches and government. He also parted his chariots, and set them in a regular order, that a certain number of them should be in every city, still keeping a few about him; and those cities he called the cities of his chariots. And the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusalem as stones in the street; and so multiplied cedar trees in the plains of Judea, which did not grow there before, that they were like the multitude of common sycamore trees. He also ordained the Egyptian merchants that brought him their merchandise to sell him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six hundred drachmae of silver, and he sent them to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that were beyond Euphrates.",
+                    "5. But although Solomon was become the most glorious of kings, and the best beloved by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and riches those that had been rulers of the Hebrews before him, yet did not he persevere in this happy state till he died. Nay, he forsook the observation of the laws of his fathers, and came to an end no way suitable to our foregoing history of him. He grew mad in his love of women, and laid no restraint on himself in his lusts; nor was he satisfied with the women of his country alone, but he married many wives out of foreign nations; Sidontans, and Tyrians, and Ammonites, and Edomites; and he transgressed the laws of Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but those that were of their own people. He also began to worship their gods, which he did in order to the gratification of his wives, and out of his affection for them. This very thing our legislator suspected, and so admonished us beforehand, that we should not marry women of other countries, lest we should be entangled with foreign customs, and apostatize from our own; lest we should leave off to honor our own God, and should worship their gods. But Solomon was fallen headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and regarded not those admonitions; for when he had married seven hundred wives, (19) the daughters of princes and of eminent persons, and three hundred concubines, and those besides the king of Egypt's daughter, he soon was governed by them, till he came to imitate their practices. He was forced to give them this demonstration of his kindness and affection to them, to live according to the laws of their countries. And as he grew into years, and his reason became weaker by length of time, it was not sufficient to recall to his mind the institutions of his own country; so he still more and more contemned his own God, and continued to regard the gods that his marriages had introduced nay, before this happened, he sinned, and fell into an error about the observation of the laws, when he made the images of brazen oxen that supported the brazen sea, (20) and the images of lions about his own throne; for these he made, although it was not agreeable to piety so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding that he had his father as a most excellent and domestic pattern of virtue, and knew what a glorious character he had left behind him, because of his piety towards God. Nor did he imitate David, although God had twice appeared to him in his sleep, and exhorted him to imitate his father. So he died ingloriously. There came therefore a prophet to him, who was sent by God, and told him that his wicked actions were not concealed from God; and threatened him that he should not long rejoice in what he had done; that, indeed, the kingdom should not be taken from him while he was alive, because God had promised to his father David that he would make him his successor, but that he would take care that this should befall his son when he was dead; not that he would withdraw all the people from him, but that he would give ten tribes to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes to David's grandson for his sake, because he loved God, and for the sake of the city of Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.",
+                    "6. When Solomon heard this he was grieved, and greatly confounded, upon this change of almost all that happiness which had made him to be admired, into so bad a state; nor had there much time passed after the prophet had foretold what was coming before God raised up an enemy against him, whose name was Ader, who took the following occasion of his enmity to him. He was a child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and when Joab, the captain of David's host, laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed all that were men grown, and able to bear arms, for six months' time, this Hadad fled away, and came to Pharaoh the king of Egypt, who received him kindly, and assigned him a house to dwell in, and a country to supply him with food; and when he was grown up he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was Tahpenes, to wife, by whom he had a son; who was brought up with the king's children. When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh, and desired that he would permit him to go to his own country; upon which the king asked what it was that he wanted, and what hardship he had met with, that he was so desirous to leave him. And when he was often troublesome to him, and entreated him to dismiss him, he did not then do it; but at the time when Solomon's affairs began to grow worse, on account of his forementioned transgressions (21) and God's anger against him for the same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission, came to Edom; and when he was not able to make the people forsake Solomon, for it was kept under by many garrisons, and an innovation was not to be made with safety, he removed thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted upon one Rezon, who had run away from Hadadezer, king of Zobah, his master, and was become a robber in that country, and joined friendship with him, who had already a band of robbers about him. So he went up, and seized upon that part of Syria, and was made king thereof. He also made incursions into the land of Israel, and did it no small mischief, and spoiled it, and that in the lifetime of Solomon. And this was the calamity which the Hebrews suffered by Hadad.",
+                    "7. There was also one of Solomon's own nation that made an attempt against him, Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an expectation of rising, from a prophecy that had been made to him long before. He was left a child by his father, and brought up by his mother; and when Solomon saw that he was of an active and bold disposition, he made him the curator of the walls which he built round about Jerusalem; and he took such care of those works, that the king approved of his behavior, and gave him, as a reward for the same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And when about that time Jeroboam was once going out of Jerusalem, a prophet of the city Shilo, whose name was Ahijah, met him and saluted him; and when he had taken him a little aside to a place out of the way, where there was not one other person present, he rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces, and bid Jeroboam take ten of them; and told him beforehand, that \"this is the will of God; he will part the dominion of Solomon, and give one tribe, with that which is next it, to his son, because of the promise made to David for his succession, and will have ten tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned against him, and delivered up himself to women, and to their gods. Seeing therefore thou knowest the cause for which God hath changed his mind, and is alienated from Solomon, be thou",
+                    "8. So Jeroboam was elevated by these words of the prophet; and being a young man, (22) of a warm temper, and ambitious of greatness, he could not be quiet; and when he had so great a charge in the government, and called to mind what had been revealed to him by Ahijah, he endeavored to persuade the people to forsake Solomon, to make a disturbance, and to bring the government over to himself. But when Solomon understood his intention and treachery, he sought to catch him and kill him; but Jeroboam was informed of it beforehand, and fled to Shishak, the king of Egypt, and there abode till the death of Solomon; by which means he gained these two advantages to suffer no harm from Solomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom. So Solomon died when he was already an old man, having reigned eighty years, and lived ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem, having been superior to all other kings in happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting that when he was growing into years he was deluded by women, and transgressed the law; concerning which transgressions, and the miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby, I think proper to discourse at another opportunity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon The Death Of Solomon The People Forsook His Son Rehoboam, And Ordained Jeroboam King Over The Ten Tribes. </i><br>1. Now when Solomon was dead, and his son Rehoboam (who was born of an Amntonite wife; whose name was Naamah) had succeeded him in the kingdom, the rulers of the multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and called back Jeroboam; and when he was come to them, to the city Shethem, Rehoboam came to it also, for he had resolved to declare himself king to the Israelites while they were there gathered together. So the rulers of the people, as well as Jeroboam, came to him, and besought him, and said that he ought to relax, and to be gentler than his father, in the servitude he had imposed on them, because they had borne a heavy yoke, and that then they should be better affected to him, and be well contented to serve him under his moderate government, and should do it more out of love than fear. But Rehoboam told them they should come to him again in three days' time, when he would give an answer to their request. This delay gave occasion to a present suspicion, since he had not given them a favorable answer to their mind immediately; for they thought that he should have given them a humane answer off-hand, especially since he was but young. However, they thought that this consultation about it, and that he did not presently give them a denial, afforded them some good hope of success.",
+                    "2. Rehoboam now called his father's friends, and advised with them what sort of answer he ought to give to the multitude; upon which they gave him the advice which became friends, and those that knew the temper of such a multitude. They advised him to speak in a way more popular than suited the grandeur of a king, because he would thereby oblige them to submit to him with goodwill, it being most agreeable to subjects that their kings should be almost upon the level with them. But Rehoboam rejected this so good, and in general so profitable, advice, (it was such, at least, at that time when he was to be made king,) God himself, I suppose, causing what was most advantageous to be condemned by him. So he called for the young men who were brought up with him, and told them what advice the elders had given him, and bade them speak what they thought he ought to do. They advised him to give the following answer to the people (for neither their youth nor God himself suffered them to discern what was best): That his little finger should be thicker than his father's loins; and if they had met with hard usage from his father, they should experience much rougher treatment from him; and if his father had chastised them with whips, they must expect that he would do it with scorpions. (23) The king was pleased with this advice, and thought it agreeable to the dignity of his government to give them such an answer. Accordingly, when the multitude was come together to hear his answer on the third day, all the people were in great expectation, and very intent to hear what the king would say to them, and supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind nature; but he passed by his friends, and answered as the young men had given him counsel. Now this was done according to the will of God, that what Ahijah had foretold might come to pass.",
+                    "3. By these words the people were struck as it were by all iron hammer, and were so grieved at the words, as if they had already felt the effects of them; and they had great indignation at the king; and all cried out aloud, and said, \"We will have no longer any relation to David or his posterity after this day.\" And they said further, \"We only leave to Rehoboam the temple which his father built;\" and they threatened to forsake him. Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their wrath so long, that when he sent Adoram, which was over the tribute, that he might pacify them, and render them milder, and persuade them to forgive him, if he had said any thing that was rash or grievous to them in his youth, they would not hear it, but threw stones at him, and killed him. When Rehoboam saw this, he thought himself aimed at by those stones with which they had killed his servant, and feared lest he should undergo the last of punishments in earnest; so he got immediately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem, where the tribe of Judah and that of Benjamin ordained him king; but the rest of the multitude forsook the sons of David from that day, and appointed Jeroboam to be the ruler of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam, Solomon's son, assembled a great congregation of those two tribes that submitted to him, and was ready to take a hundred and eighty thousand chosen men out of the army, to make an expedition against Jeroboam and his people, that he might force them by war to be his servants; but he was forbidden of God by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war, for that it was not just that brethren of the same contry should fight one against another. He also said that this defection of the multitude was according to the purpose of God. So he did not proceed in this expedition. And now I will relate first the actions of Jeroboam the king of Israel, after which we will relate what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good order of the history entire.",
+                    "4. When therefore Jeroboam had built him a palace in the city Shechem, he dwelt there. He also built him another at Penuel, a city so called. And now the feast of tabernacles was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam considered, that if he should permit the multitude to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there to celebrate the festival, they would probably repent of what they had done, and be enticed by the temple, and by the worship of God there performed, and would leave him, and return to their first kings; and if so, he should run the risk of losing his own life; so he invented this contrivance; He made two golden heifers, and built two little temples for them, the one in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, which last was at the fountains of the Lesser Jordan (24) and he put the heifers into both the little temples, in the forementioned cities. And when he had called those ten tribes together over whom he ruled, he made a speech to the people in these words: \"I suppose, my countrymen, that you know this, that every place hath God in it; nor is there any one determinate place in which he is, but he every where hears and sees those that worship him; on which account I do not think it right for you to go so long a journey to Jerusalem, which is an enemy's city, to worship him. It was a man that built the temple: I have also made two golden heifers, dedicated to the same God; and the one of them I have consecrated in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that those of you that dwell nearest those cities may go to them, and worship God there; and I will ordain for you certain priests and Levites from among yourselves, that you may have no want of the tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron; but let him that is desirous among you of being a priest, bring to God a bullock and a ram, which they say Aaron the first priest brought also.\" When Jeroboam had said this, he deluded the people, and made them to revolt from the worship of their forefathers, and to transgress their laws. This was the beginning of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause why they were overcome in war by foreigners, and so fell into captivity. But we shall relate those things in their proper places hereafter.",
+                    "5. When the feast [of tabernacles] was just approaching, Jeroboam was desirous to celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly he built an altar before the heifer, and undertook to be high priest himself. So he went up to the altar, with his own priests about him; but when he was going to offer the sacrifices and the burnt-offerings, in the sight of all the people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was sent by God, and came to him from Jerusalem, who stood in the midst of the multitude, and in the 'hearing of' the king, and directing his discourse to the altar, said thus: God foretells that there shall be a certain man of the family of David, Josiah by name, who shall slay upon thee those false priests that shall live at that time, and upon thee shall burn the bones of those deceivers of the people, those impostors' and wicked wretches. However, that this people may believe that these things shall so come to pass, I foretell a sign to them that shall also come to pass. This altar shall be broken to pieces immediately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that is upon it shall be poured upon the ground.\" When the prophet had said this, Jeroboam fell into a passion, and stretched out his hand, and bid them lay hold of him; but that hand which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he was not able to pull it in again to him, for it was become withered, and hung down, as if it were a dead hand. The altar also was broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was poured out, as the prophet had foretold should come to pass. So the king understood that he was a man of veracity, and had a Divine foreknowledge; and entreated him to pray to God that he would restore his right hand. Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to grant him that request. So the king, having his hand recovered to its natural state, rejoiced at it, and invited the prophet to sup with him; but Jadon said that he could not endure to come into his house, nor to taste of bread or water in this city, for that was a thing God had forbidden him to do; as also to go back by the same way which he came, but he said he was to return by another way. So the king wondered at the abstinence of the man, but was himself in fear, as suspecting a change of his affairs for the worse, from what had been said to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jadon The Prophet Was Persuaded By Another Lying Prophet And Returned [To Bethel,] And Was Afterwards Slain By A Lion. As Also What Words The Wicked Prophet Made Use Of To Persuade The King, And Thereby Alienated His Mind From God. </i><br>1. Now there was a certain wicked man in that city, who was a false prophet, whom Jeroboam had in great esteem, but was deceived by him and his flattering words. This man was bedrid, by reason or the infirmities of old age: however, he was informed by his sons concerning the prophet that was come from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs done by him; and how, when Jeroboam's right hand had been enfeebled, at the prophet's prayer he had it revived again. Whereupon he was afraid that this stranger and prophet should be in better esteem with the king than himself, and obtain greater honor from him: and he gave orders to his sons to saddle his ass presently, and make all ready that he might go out. Accordingly they made haste to do what they were commanded, and he got upon the ass and followed after the prophet.; and when he had overtaken him, as he was resting himself under a very large oak tree that was thick and shady, he at first saluted him, but presently he complained of him, because he had not come into his house, and partaken of his hospitality. And when the other said that God had forbidden him to taste of any one's provision in that city, he replied, that \"for certain God had not forbidden that I should set food before thee, for I am a prophet as thou art, and worship God in the same manner that thou dost; and I am now come as sent by him, in order to bring thee into my house, and make thee my guest.\" Now Jadon gave credit to this lying prophet, and returned back with him. But when they were at dinner, and merry together, God appeared to Jadon, and said that he should suffer punishment for transgressing his commands, - and he told him what that punishment should be for he said that he should meet with a lion as he was going on his way, by which lion he should be torn in pieces, and be deprived of burial in the sepulchers of his fathers; which things came to pass, as I suppose, according to the will of God, that so Jeroboam might not give heed to the words of Jadon as of one that had been convicted of lying. However, as Jadon was again going to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted him, and pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew him; yet did he not at all hurt the ass, but sat by him, and kept him, as also the prophet's body. This continued till some travelers that saw it came and told it in the city to the false prophet, who sent his sons, and brought the body unto the city, and made a funeral for him at great expense. He also charged his sons to bury himself with him and said that all which he had foretold against that city, and the altar, and priests, and false prophets, would prove true; and that if he were buried with him, he should receive no injurious treatment after his death, the bones not being then to be distinguished asunder. But now, when he had performed those funeral rites to the prophet, and had given that charge to his sons, as he was a wicked and an impious man, he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, \"And wherefore is it now that thou art disturbed at the words of this silly fellow?\" And when the king had related to him what had happened about the altar, and about his own hand, and gave him the names of divine man, and an excellent prophet, he endeavored by a wicked trick to weaken that his opinion; and by using plausible words concerning what had happened, he aimed to injure the truth that was in them; for he attempted to persuade him that his hand was enfeebled by the labor it had undergone in supporting the sacrifices, and that upon its resting awhile it returned to its former nature again; and that as to the altar, it was but new, and had borne abundance of sacrifices, and those large ones too, and was accordingly broken to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of what had been laid upon it. He also informed him of the death of him that had foretold those things, and how he perished; [whence he concluded that] he had not any thing in him of a prophet, nor spake any thing like one. When he had thus spoken, he persuaded the king, and entirely alienated his mind from God, and from doing works that were righteous and holy, and encouraged him to go on in his impious practices (25) and accordingly he was to that degree injurious to God, and so great a transgressor, that he sought for nothing else every day but how he might be guilty of some new instances of wickedness, and such as should be more detestable than what he had been so insolent as to do before. And so much shall at present suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Rehoboam, And How God Inflicted Punishment Upon Him For His Impiety By Shishak [King Of Egypt]. </i><br>1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who, as we said before, was king of the two tribes, built strong and large cities, Bethlehem, and Etare, and Tekoa, and Bethzur, and Shoco, and Adullam, and Ipan, and Maresha, and Ziph, and Adorlam, and Lachlsh, and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and Hebron; these he built first of all in the tribe of Judah. He also built other large cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled them about, and put garrisons in them all, and captains, and a great deal of corn, and wine, and oil, and he furnished every one of them plentifully with other provisions that were necessary for sustenance; moreover, he put therein shields and spears for many ten thousand men. The priests also that were in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there were any of the multitude that were good and righteous men, they gathered themselves together to him, having left their own cities, that they might worship God in Jerusalem; for they were not willing to be forced to worship the heifers which Jeroboam had made; and they augmented the kingdom of Rehoboam for three years. And after he had married a woman of his own kindred, and had by her three children born to him, he married also another of his own kindred, who was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose name was Maachah, and by her he had a son, whom he named Abijah. He had moreover many other children by other wives, but he loved Maachah above them all. Now he had eighteen legitimate wives, and thirty concubines; and he had born to him twenty-eight sons and threescore daughters; but he appointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah, to be his successor in the kingdom, and intrusted him already with the treasures and the strongest cities.",
+                    "2. Now I cannot but think that the greatness of a kingdom, and its change into prosperity, often become the occasion of mischief and of transgression to men; for when Rehoboam saw that his kingdom was so much increased, he went out of the right way unto unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he despised the worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his wicked actions: for so it usually happens, that the manners of subjects are corrupted at the same time with those of their governors, which subjects then lay aside their own sober way of living, as a reproof of their governors' intemperate courses, and follow their wickedness as if it were virtue; for it is not possible to show that men approve of the actions of their kings, unless they do the same actions with them. Agreeable whereto it now happened to the subjects of Rehoboam; for when he was grown impious, and a transgressor himself, they endeavored not to offend him by resolving still to be righteous. But God sent Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them for their unjust behavior towards him, concerning whom Herodotus was mistaken, and applied his actions to Sesostris; for this Shishak, (26) in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam, made an expedition [into Judea] with many ten thousand men; for he had one thousand two hundred chariots in number that followed him, and threescore thousand horsemen, and four hundred thousand footmen. These he brought with him, and they were the greatest part of them Libyans and Ethiopians. Now therefore when he fell upon the country of the Hebrews, he took the strongest cities of Rehoboam's kingdom without fighting; and when he had put garrisons in them, he came last of all to Jerusalem.",
+                    "3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multitude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem by the means of the army of Shishak, and when they besought God to give them victory and deliverance, they could not persuade God to be on their side. But Shemaiah the prophet told them, that God threatened to forsake them, as they had themselves forsaken his worship. When they heard this, they were immediately in a consternation of mind; and seeing no way of deliverance, they all earnestly set themselves to confess that God might justly overlook them, since they had been guilty of impiety towards him, and had let his laws lie in confusion. So when God saw them in that disposition, and that they acknowledge their sins, he told the prophet that he would not destroy them, but that he would, however, make them servants to the Egyptians, that they may learn whether they will suffer less by serving men or God. So when Shishak had taken the city without fighting, because Rehoboam was afraid, and received him into it, yet did not Shishak stand to the covenants he had made, but he spoiled the temple, and emptied the treasures of God, and those of the king, and carried off innumerable ten thousands of gold and silver, and left nothing at all behind him. He also took away the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which Solomon the king had made; nay, he did not leave the golden quivers which David had taken from the king of Zobah, and had dedicated to God; and when he had thus done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions this expedition, having only mistaken the king's name; and [in saying that] he made war upon many other nations also, and brought Syria of Palestine into subjection, and took the men that were therein prisoners without fighting. Now it is manifest that he intended to declare that our nation was subdued by him; for he saith that he left behind him pillars in the land of those that delivered themselves up to him without fighting, and engraved upon them the secret parts of women. Now our king Rehoboam delivered up our city without fighting. He says withal (27) that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy parts from the Egyptians, with this addition, that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in Palestine confess that they learned it of the Egyptians. Yet it is evident that no other of the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are circumcised. But as to such matters, let every one speak what is agreeable to his own opinion.",
+                    "4. When Shishak was gone away, king Rehoboam made bucklers and shields of brass, instead of those of gold, and delivered the same number of them to the keepers of the king's palace. So, instead of warlike expeditions, and that glory which results from those public actions, he reigned in great quietness, though not without fear, as being always an enemy to Jeroboam, and he died when he had lived fifty-seven years, and reigned seventeen. He was in his disposition a proud and a foolish man, and lost [part of his] dominions by not hearkening to his father's friends. He was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchers of the kings; and his son Abijah succeeded him in the kingdom, and this in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam's reign over the ten tribes; and this was the conclusion of these affairs. It must be now our business to relate the affairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life; for he ceased not nor rested to be injurious to God, but every day raised up altars upon high mountains, and went on making priests out of the multitude."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of A Son Of Jeroboam. How Jeroboam Was Beaten By Abijah Who Died A Little Afterward And Was Succeeded In His Kingdom By Asa. And Also How, After The Death Of Jeroboam Baasha Destroyed His Son Nadab And All The House Of Jeroboam. </i><br>1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam's wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon the heads of all his house. And whereas a son of his lay sick at that time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the garments belonging to a private person, and to go to Ahijah the prophet, for that he was a wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it having been he who told me that I should be king. He also enjoined her, when she came to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she were a stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as her husband bade her, and changed her habit, and came to the city Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live. And as she was going into his house, his eyes being then dim with age, God appeared to him, and informed him of two things; that the wife of Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly, as the woman was coming into the house like a private person and a stranger, he cried out, \"Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam! Why concealest thou thyself? Thou art not concealed from God, who hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and hath given me in command what I shall say to thee.\" So he said that she should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus: \"Since I made thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent the kingdom from the house of David, and gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful of these benefits, hast left off my worship, hast made thee molten gods and honored them, I will in like manner cast thee down again, and will destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the fowls; for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all this people, who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam remaining. The multitude also shall themselves partake of the same punishment, and shall be cast out of this good land, and shall be scattered into the places beyond Euphrates, because they have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have worshipped the gods that he made, and forsaken my sacrifices. But do thou, O woman, make haste back to thy husband, and tell him this message; but thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall depart this life; yet shall he be buried with the lamentation of all the multitude, and honored with a general mourning, for he was the only person of goodness of Jeroboam's family.\" When the prophet had foretold these events, the woman went hastily away with a disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the death of the forenamed child. So she was in lamentation as she went along the road, and mourned for the death of her son, that was just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable condition at the unavoidable misery of his death, and went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate, because of her son: for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner see her son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste on account of her husband. Accordingly, when she was come back, she found that the child had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said; and she related all the circumstances to the king.",
+                    "2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he brought together a very numerous army, and made a warlike expedition against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father in the kingdom of the two tribes; for he despised him because of his age. But when he heard of the expedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of a courageous temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the hopes of his enemy; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and met Jeroboam at a place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched his camp near the other, and prepared everything necessary for the fight. His army consisted of four hundred thousand, but the army of Jeroboam was double to it. Now as the armies stood in array, ready for action and dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and beckoning with his hand, he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence what he had to say. And when silence was made, he began to speak, and told them, - \"God had consented that David and his posterity should be their rulers for all time to come, and this you yourselves are not unacquainted with; but I cannot but wonder how you should forsake my father, and join yourselves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight against those who, by God's own determination, are to reign, and to deprive them of that dominion which they have still retained; for as to the greater part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it. However, I do not suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but when he hath suffered that punishment which God thinks due to him for what is past, he will leave off the transgressions he hath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath offered to him, and which he hath still continued to offer and hath persuaded you to do the same: yet when you were not any further unjustly treated by my father, than that he did not speak to you so as to please you, and this only in compliance with the advice of wicked men, you in anger forsook him, as you pretended, but, in reality, you withdrew yourselves from God, and from his laws, although it had been right for you to have forgiven a man that was young in age, and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words, but if his youth and unskilfulness in affairs had led him into some unfortunate actions, and that for the sake of his father Solomon, and the benefits you received from him; for men ought to excuse the sins of posterity on account of the benefactions of parent; but you considered nothing of all this then, neither do you consider it now, but come with so great an army against us. And what is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon these golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places, which are demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious worship? Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army which gives you such good hopes? Yet certainly there is no strength at all in an army of many ten thousands, when the war is unjust; for we ought to place our surest hopes of success against our enemies in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which hope we justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of corruptible matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude; but who is his own workmanship, (28) and the beginning and end of all things. I therefore give you counsel even now to repent, and to take better advice, and to leave off the prosecution of the war; to call to mind the laws of your country, and to reflect what it hath been that hath advanced you to so happy a state as you are now in.\"",
+                    "3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But while he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers privately to encompass Abijab round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thus within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed by the enemy. So they all at once implored the Divine assistance, while the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they made a shout, and fell upon their enemies, and God brake the courage and cast down the force of their enemies, and made Ahijah's army superior to them; for God vouchsafed to grant them a wonderful and very famous victory; and such a slaughter was now made of Jeroboam's army (29) as is never recorded to have happened in any other war, whether it were of the Greeks or of the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five hundred thousand of their enemies, and they took their strongest cities by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. And after this defeat Jeroboam never recovered himself during the life of Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he reigned but three years, and was buried in Jerusalem in the sepulchers of his forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons, and sixteen daughters; and he had also those children by fourteen wives; and Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man's mother was Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten years.",
+                    "4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his history hath come down to us. But Jeroboam, the king of the ten tribes, died when he had governed them two and twenty years; whose son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's son governed two years, and resembled his father in impiety and wickedness. In these two years he made an expedition against Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he was conspired against while he was there by a friend of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of Ahijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the kingdom after the other's death, and destroyed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also came to pass, according as God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died in the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs, and that others of them that died in the fields were torn and devoured by the fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment of his impiety, and of his wicked actions."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Zerah, King Of The Ethiopians, Was Beaten By Asa; And How Asa, Upon Baasha's Making War Against Him, Invited The King Of The Damascens To Assist Him; And How, On The Destruction Of The House Of Baasha Zimri Got The Kingdom As Did His Son Ahab After Him. </i><br>1. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was of an excellent character, and had a regard to God, and neither did nor designed any thing but what had relation to the observation of the laws. He made a reformation of his kingdom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked therein, and purified it from every impurity. Now he had an army of chosen men that were armed with targets and spears; out of the tribe of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of the tribe of Benjamin, that bore shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty thousand. But when he had already reigned ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia, (30) made an expedition against him, with a great army, of nine hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand horsemen, and three hundred chariots, and came as far as Mareshah, a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah. Now when Zerah had passed so far with his own army, Asa met him, and put his army in array over against him, in a valley called Zephathah, not far from the city; and when he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he cried out, and besought God to give him the victory, and that he might kill many ten thousands of the enemy: \"For,\" said he, (31) \"I depend on nothing else but that assistance which I expect from thee, which is able to make the fewer superior to the more numerous, and the weaker to the stronger; and thence it is alone that I venture to meet Zerah, and fight him.\"",
+                    "2. While Asa was saying this, God gave him a signal of victory, and joining battle cheerfully on account of what God had foretold about it, he slew a great many of the Ethiopians; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them to the country of Gerar; and when they left off killing their enemies, they betook themselves to spoiling them, (for the city Gerar was already taken,) and to spoiling their camp, so that they carried off much gold, and much silver, and a great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accordingly, when Asa and his army had obtained such a victory, and such wealth from God, they returned to Jerusalem. Now as they were coming, a prophet, whose name was Azariah, met them on the road, and bade them stop their journey a little; and began to say to them thus: That the reason why they had obtained this victory from God was this, that they had showed themselves righteous and religious men, and had done every thing according to the will of God; that therefore, he said, if they persevered therein, God would grant that they should always overcome their enemies, and live happily; but that if they left off his worship, all things shall fall out on the contrary; and a time should come, wherein no true prophet shall be left in your whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deliver you a true answer from the oracle; but your cities shall be overthrown, and your nation scattered over the whole earth, and live the life of strangers and wanderers. So he advised them, while they had time, to be good, and not to deprive themselves of the favor of God. When the king and the people heard this, they rejoiced; and all in common, and every one in particular, took great care to behave themselves righteously. The king also sent some to take care that those in the country should observe the laws also.",
+                    "3. And this was the state of Asa, king of the two tribes. I now return to Baasha, the king of the multitude of the Israelites, who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and retained the government. He dwelt in the city Tirzah, having made that his habitation, and reigned twenty-four years. He became more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or his son. He did a great deal of mischief to the multitude, and was injurious to God, who sent the prophet Jehu, and told him beforehand that his whole family should be destroyed, and that he would bring the same miseries on his house which had brought that of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had been made king by him, he had not requited his kindness, by governing the multitude righteously and religiously; which things, in the first place, tended to their own happiness, and, in the next place, were pleasing to God: that he had imitated this very wicked king Jeroboam; and although that man's soul had perished, yet did he express to the life his wickedness; and he said that he should therefore justly experience the like calamity with him, since he had been guilty of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though he heard beforehand what miseries would befall him and his whole family for their insolent behavior, yet did not he leave off his wicked practices for the time to come, nor did he care to appear other than worse and worse till he died; nor did he then repent of his past actions, nor endeavor to obtain pardon of God for them, but did as those do who have rewards proposed to them, when they have once in earnest set about their work, they do not leave off their labors; for thus did Baasha, when the prophet foretold to him what would come to pass, grow worse, as if what were threatened, the perdition of his family, and the destruction of his house, (which are really among the greatest of evils,) were good things; and, as if he were a combatant for wickedness, he every day took more and more pains for it: and at last he took his army and assaulted a certain considerable city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; and when he had taken it, he fortified it, having determined beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they might thence make excursions, and do mischief to the kingdom of Asa.",
+                    "4. Whereupon Asa was afraid of the attempts the enemy might make upon him; and considering with himself how many mischiefs this army that was left in Ramah might do to the country over which he reigned, he sent ambassadors to the king of the Damascenes, with gold and silver, desiring his assistance, and putting him in mind that we have had a friendship together from the times of our forefathers. So he gladly received that sum of money, and made a league with him, and broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and sent the commanders of his own forces unto the cities that were under Baasha's dominion, and ordered them to do them mischief. So they went and burnt some of them, and spoiled others; Ijon, and Dan, and Abelmain (32) and many others. Now when the king of Israel heard this, he left off building and fortifying Ramah, and returned presently to assist his own people under the distresses they were in; but Asa made use of the materials that were prepared for building that city, for building in the same place two strong cities, the one of which was called Geba, and the other Mizpah; so that after this Baasha had no leisure to make expeditions against Asa, for he was prevented by death, and was buried in the city Tirzah; and Elah his son took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when he was at Arza, his steward's house, he persuaded some of the horsemen that were under him to assault Elah, and by that means he slew him when he was without his armed men and his captains, for they were all busied in the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines.",
+                    "5. When Zimri, the captain of the army, had killed Elah, he took the kingdom himself, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew all the house of Baasha; for it came to pass that Baasha's house utterly perished, on account of his impiety, in the same manner as we have already described the destruction of the house of Jeroboam. But the army that was besieging. Gibbethon, when they heard what had befallen the king, and that when Zimri had killed him, he had gained the kingdom, they made Omri their general king, who drew off his army from Gibbethon, and came to Tirzah, where the royal palace was, and assaulted the city, and took it by force. But when Zimri saw that the city had none to defend it, he fled into the inmost part of the palace, and set it on fire, and burnt himself with it, when he had reigned only seven days. Upon which the people of Israel were presently divided, and part of them would have Tibni to be king, and part Omri; but when those that were for Omri's ruling had beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over all the multitude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of the reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve years; six of these years he reigned in the city Tirzah, and the rest in the city called Semareon, but named by the Greeks Samaria; but he himself called it Semareon, from Semer, who sold him the mountain whereon he built it. Now Omri was no way different from those kings that reigned before him, but that he grew worse than they, for they all sought how they might turn the people away from God by their daily wicked practices; and oil that account it was that God made one of them to be slain by another, and that no one person of their families should remain. This Omri also died in Samaria and Ahab his son succeeded him.",
+                    "6. Now by these events we may learn what concern God hath for the affairs of mankind, and how he loves good men, and hates the wicked, and destroys them root and branch; for many of these kings of Israel, they and their families, were miserably destroyed, and taken away one by another, in a short time, for their transgression and wickedness; but Asa, who was king of Jerusalem, and of the two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a long and a blessed old age, for his piety and righteousness, and died happily, when he had reigned forty and one years; and when he was dead, his son Jehoshaphat succeeded him in the government. He was born of Asa's wife Azubah. And all men allowed that he followed the works of David his forefather, and this both in courage and piety; but we are not obliged now to speak any more of the affairs of this king."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ahab WHen He Had Taken Jezebel To Wife Became More Wicked Than All The Kings That Had Been Before Him; Of The Actions Of The Prophet Elijah, And What Befell Naboth. </i><br>1. Now Ahab the king of Israel dwelt in Samaria, and held the government for twenty-two years; and made no alteration in the conduct of the kings that were his predecessors, but only in such things as were of his own invention for the worse, and in his most gross wickedness. He imitated them in their wicked courses, and in their injurious behavior towards God, and more especially he imitated the transgression of Jeroboam; for he worshipped the heifers that he had made; and he contrived other absurd objects of worship besides those heifers: he also took to wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jezebel, of whom he learned to worship her own gods. This woman was active and bold, and fell into so great a degree of impurity and madness, that she built a temple to the god of the Tyrians, Which they call Belus, and planted a grove of all sorts of trees; she also appointed priests and false prophets to this god. The king also himself had many such about him, and so exceeded in madness and wickedness all [the kings] that went before him.",
+                    "2. There was now a prophet of God Almighty, of Thesbon, a country in Gilead, that came to Ahab, and said to him, that God foretold he would not send rain nor dew in those years upon the country but when he should appear. And when he had confirmed this by an oath, he departed into the southern parts, and made his abode by a brook, out of which he had water to drink; for as for his food, ravens brought it to him every day: but when that river was dried up for want of rain, he came to Zarephath, a city not far from Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the command of God, for [God told him] that he should there find a woman who was a widow that should give him sustenance. So when he was not far off the city, he saw a woman that labored with her own hands, gathering of sticks: so God informed him that this was the woman who was to give him sustenance. So he came and saluted her, and desired her to bring him some water to drink; but as she was going so to do, he called to her, and would have her to bring him a loaf of bread also; whereupon she affirmed upon oath that she had at home nothing more than one handful of meal, and a little oil, and that she was going to gather some sticks, that she might knead it, and make bread for herself and her son; after which, she said, they must perish, and be consumed by the famine, for they had nothing for themselves any longer. Hereupon he said, \"Go on with good courage, and hope for better things; and first of all make me a little cake, and bring it to me, for I foretell to thee that this vessel of meal and this cruse of oil shall not fail until God send rain.\" When the prophet had said this, she came to him, and made him the before-named cake; of which she had part for herself, and gave the rest to her son, and to the prophet also; nor did any thing of this fall until the drought ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought in his account of the acts of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians; where he says thus: \"Under him there was a want of rain from the month Hyperberetmus till the month Hyperberetmus of the year following; but when he made supplications, there came great thunders. This Ethbaal built the city Botrys in Phoenicia, and the city Auza in Libya.\" By these words he designed the want of rain that was in the days of Ahab, for at that time it was that Ethbaal also reigned over the Tyrians, as Menander informs us.",
+                    "3. Now this woman, of whom we spake before, that sustained the prophet, when her son was fallen into a distemper till he gave up the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came to the prophet weeping, and beating her breasts with her hands, and sending out such expressions as her passions dictated to her, and complained to him that he had come to her to reproach her for her sins, and that on this account it was that her son was dead. But he bid her be of good cheer, and deliver her son to him, for that he would deliver him again to her alive. So when she had delivered her son up to him, he carried him into an upper room, where he himself lodged, and laid him down upon the bed, and cried unto God, and said, that God had not done well, in rewarding the woman who had entertained him and sustained him, by taking away her son; and he prayed that he would send again the soul of the child into him, and bring him to life again. Accordingly God took pity on the mother, and was willing to gratify the prophet, that he might not seem to have come to her to do her a mischief, and the child, beyond all expectation, came to life again. So the mother returned the prophet thanks, and said she was then clearly satisfied that God did converse with him.",
+                    "4. After a little while Elijah came to king Ahab, according to God's will, to inform him that rain was coming. Now the famine had seized upon the whole country, and there was a great want of what was necessary for sustenance, insomuch that it was after the recovery of the widow's son of Sarepta, God sent not only men that wanted it, but the earth itself also, which did not produce enough for the horse and the other beasts of what was useful for them to feed on, by reason of the drought. So the king called for Obadiah, who was steward over his cattle, and said to him, that he would have him go to the fountains of water, and to the brooks, that if any herbs could be found for them, they might mow it down, and reserve it for the beasts. And when he had sent persons all over the habitable earth (33) to discover the prophet Elijah, and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah accompany him. So it was resolved they should make a progress, and divide the ways between them; and Obadiah took one road, and the king another. Now it happened that the same time when queen Jezebel slew the prophets, that this Obadiah had hidden a hundred prophets, and had fed them with nothing but bread and water. But when Obadiah was alone, and absent from the king, the prophet Elijah met him; and Obadiah asked him who he was; and when he had learned it from him, he worshipped him. Elijah then bid him go to the king, and tell him that I am here ready to wait on him. But Obadiah replied, \"What evil have I done to thee, that thou sendest me to one who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over all the earth for thee? Or was he so ignorant as not to know that the king had left no place untouched unto which he had not sent persons to bring him back, in order, if they could take him, to have him put to death?\" For he told him he was afraid lest God should appear to him again, and he should go away into another place; and that when the king should send him for Elijah, and he should miss of him, and not be able to find him any where upon earth, he should be put to death. He desired him therefore to take care of his preservation; and told him how diligently he had provided for those of his own profession, and had saved a hundred prophets, when Jezebel slew the rest of them, and had kept them concealed, and that they had been sustained by him. But Elijah bade him fear nothing, but go to the king; and he assured him upon oath that he would certainly show himself to Ahab that very day.",
+                    "5. So when Obadiah had informed the king that Elijah was there, Ahab met him, and asked him, in anger, if he were the man that afflicted the people of the Hebrews, and was the occasion of the drought they lay under? But Elijah, without any flattery, said that he was himself the man, he and his house, which brought such sad afflictions upon them, and that by introducing strange gods into their country, and worshipping them, and by leaving their own, who was the only true God, and having no manner of regard to him. However, he bade him go his way, and gather together all the people to him to Mount Carmel, with his own prophets, and those of his wife, telling him how many there were of them, as also the prophets of the groves, about four hundred in number. And as all the men whom Ahab sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain, the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them, and said, \"How long will you live thus in uncertainty of mind and opinion?\" He also exhorted them, that in case they esteemed their own country God to be the true and the only God, they would follow him and his commandments; but in case they esteemed him to be nothing, but had an opinion of the strange gods, and that they ought to worship them, his counsel was, that they should follow them. And when the multitude made no answer to what he said, Elijah desired that, for a trial of the power of the strange gods, and of their own God, he, who was his only prophet, while they had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill it as a sacrifice, and lay it upon pieces of wood, and not kindle any fire, and that they should do the same things, and call upon their own gods to set the wood on fire; for if that were done, they would thence learn the nature of the true God. This proposal pleased the people. So Elijah bade the prophets to choose out a heifer first, and kill it, and to call on their gods. But when there appeared no effect of the prayer or invocation of the prophets upon their sacrifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them call upon their gods with a loud voice, for they might either be on a journey, or asleep; and when these prophets had done so from morning till noon, and cut themselves with swords and lances, (34) according to the customs of their country, and he was about to offer his sacrifice, he bade [the prophets] go away, but bade [the people] come near and observe what he did, lest he should privately hide fire among the pieces of wood. So, upon the approach of the multitude, he took twelve stones, one for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews, and built an altar with them, and dug a very deep trench; and when he had laid the pieces of wood upon the altar, and upon them had laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered them to fill four barrels with the water of the fountain, and to pour it upon the altar, till it ran over it, and till the trench was filled with the water poured into it. When he had done this, he began to pray to God, and to invocate him to make manifest his power to a people that had already been in an error a long time; upon which words a fire came on a sudden from heaven in the sight of the multitude, and fell upon the altar, and consumed the sacrifice, till the very water was set on fire, and the place was become dry.",
+                    "6. Now when the Israelites saw this, they fell down upon the ground, and worshipped one God, and called him The great and the only true God; but they called the others mere names, framed by the evil and vile opinions of men. So they caught their prophets, and, at the command of Elijah, slew them. Elijah also said to the king, that he should go to dinner without any further concern, for that in a little time he would see God send them rain. Accordingly Ahab went his way. But Elijah went up to the highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down upon the ground, and leaned his head upon his knees, and bade his servant go up to a certain elevated place, and look towards the sea, and when he should see a cloud rising any where, he should give him notice of it, for till that time the air had been clear. When the Servant had gone up, and had said many times that he saw nothing, at the seventh time of his going up, he said that he saw a small black thing in the sky, not larger than a man's foot. When Elijah heard that, he sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to the city before the rain came down. So he came to the city Jezreel; and in a little time the air was all obscured, and covered with clouds, and a vehement storm of wind came upon the earth, and with it a great deal of rain; and the prophet was under a Divine fury, and ran along with the king's chariot unto Jezreel a city of Izar (35) [Issaachar].",
+                    "7. When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, understood what signs Elijah had wrought, and how he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and sent messengers to him, and by them threatened to kill him, as he had destroyed her prophets. At this Elijah was affrighted, and fled to the city called Beersheba, which is situate at the utmost limits of the country belonging to the tribe of Judah, towards the land of Edom; and there he left his servant, and went away into the desert. He prayed also that he might die, for that he was not better than his fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live, when they were dead; and he lay and slept under a certain tree; and when somebody awakened him, and he was risen up, he found food set by him and water: so when he had eaten, and recovered his strength by that his food, he came to that mountain which is called Sinai, where it is related that Moses received his laws from God; and finding there a certain hollow cave, he entered into it, and continued to make his abode in it. But when a certain voice came to him, but from whence he knew not, and asked him, why he was come thither, and had left the city? he said, that because he had slain the prophets of the foreign gods, and had persuaded the people that he alone whom they had worshipped from the beginning was God, he was sought for by the king's wife to be punished for so doing. And when he had heard another voice, telling him that he should come out the next day into the open air, and should thereby know what he was to do, he came out of the cave the next day accordingly, When he both heard an earthquake, and saw the bright splendor of a fire; and after a silence made, a Divine voice exhorted him not to be disturbed with the circumstances he was in, for that none of his enemies should have power over him. The voice also commanded him to return home, and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be king over their own multitude; and Hazael, of Damascus, to be over the Syrians; and Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in his stead; and that of the impious multitude, some should be slain by Hazael, and others by Jehu. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge, returned into the land of the Hebrews. And when he found Elisha, the son of Shaphat, ploughing, and certain others with him, driving twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and cast his own garment upon him; upon which Elisha began to prophesy presently, and leaving his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when he desired leave to salute his parents, Elijah gave him leave so to do; and when he had taken his leave of them, he followed him, and became the disciple and the servant of Elijah all the days of his life. And thus have I despatched the affairs in which this prophet was concerned.",
+                    "8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city Izar, [Jezreel,] who had a field adjoining to that of the king: the king would have persuaded him to sell him that his field, which lay so near to his own lands, at what price he pleased, that he might join them together, and make them one farm; and if he would not accept of money for it, he gave him leave to choose any of his other fi elds in its stead. But Naboth said he would not do so, but would keep the possession of that land of his own, which he had by inheritance from his father. Upon this the king was grieved, as if he had received an injury, when he could not get another man's possession, and he would neither wash himself, nor take any food: and when Jezebel asked him what it was that troubled him, and why he would neither wash himself, nor eat either dinner or supper, he related to her the perverseness of Naboth, and how, when he had made use of gentle words to him, and such as were beneath the royal authority, he had been affronted, and had not obtained what he desired. However, she persuaded him not to be cast down at this accident, but to leave off his grief, and return to the usual care of his body, for that she would take care to have Naboth punished; and she immediately sent letters to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in Ahab's name, and commanded them to fast and to assemble a congregation, and to set Naboth at the head of them, because he was of an illustrious family, and to have three bold men ready to bear witness that he had blasphemed God and the king, and then to stone him, and slay him in that manner. Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus testified against, as the queen had written to them, that he had blasphemed against God and Ahab the king, she desired him to take possession of Naboth's vineyard on free cost. So Ahab was glad at what had been done, and rose up immediately from the bed whereon he lay to go to see Naboth's vineyard; but God had great indignation at it, and sent Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to speak to Ahab, and to say to him, that he had slain the true owner of that field unjustly. And as soon as he came to him, and the king had said that he might do with him what he pleased, (for he thought it a reproach to him to be thus caught in his sin,) Elijah said, that in that very place in which the dead body of Naboth was eaten by dogs both his own blood and that of his wife's should be shed, and that all his family should perish, because he had been so insolently wicked, and had slain a citizen unjustly, and contrary to the laws of his country. Hereupon Ahab began to be sorry for the things he had done, and to repent of them; and he put on sackcloth, and went barefoot (36) and would not touch any food; he also confessed his sins, and endeavored thus to appease God. But God said to the prophet, that while Ahab was living he would put off the punishment of his family, because he repented of those insolent crimes he had been guilty of, but that still he would fulfill his threatening under Ahab's son; which message the prophet delivered to the king."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hadad King Of Damascus And Of Syria, Made Two Expeditions Against Ahab And Was Beaten. </i><br>1. When the affairs of Ahab were thus, at that very time the son of Hadad, [Benhadad,] who was king of the Syrians and of Damascus, got together an army out of all his country, and procured thirty-two kings beyond Euphrates to be his auxiliaries: so he made an expedition against Ahab; but because Ahab's army was not like that of Benhadad, he did not set it in array to fight him, but having shut up every thing that was in the country in the strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria himself, for the walls about it were very strong, and it appeared to be not easily to be taken in other respects also. So the king of Syria took his army with him, and came to Samaria, and placed his army round about the city, and besieged it. He also sent a herald to Ahab, and desired he would admit the ambassadors he would send him, by whom he would let him know his pleasure. So, upon the king of Israel's permission for him to send, those ambassador's came, and by their king's command spake thus: That Ahab's riches, and his children, and his wives were Benhadad's, and if he would make an agreement, and give him leave to take as much of what he had as he pleased, he would withdraw his army, and leave off the siege. Upon this Ahab bade the ambassadors to go back, and tell their king, that both he himself and all that he hath are his possessions. And when these ambassadors had told this to Benhadad, he sent to him again, and desired, since he confessed that all he had was his, that he would admit those servants of his which he should send the next day; and he commanded him to deliver to those whom he should send whatsoever, upon their searching his palace, and the houses of his friends and kindred, they should find to be excellent in its kind, but that what did not please them they should leave to him. At this second embassage of the king of Syria, Ahab was surprised, and gathered together the multitude to a congregation, and told them that, for himself, he was ready, for their safety and peace, to give up his own wives and children to the enemy, and to yield to him all his own possessions, for that was what the Syrian king required at his first embassage; but that now he desires to send his servants to search all their houses, and in them to leave nothing that is excellent in its kind, seeking an occasion of fighting against him, \"as knowing that I would not spare what is mine own for your sakes, but taking a handle from the disagreeable terms he offers concerning you to bring a war upon us; however, I will do what you shall resolve is fit to be done.\" But the multitude advised him to hearken to none of his proposals, but to despise him, and be in readiness to fight him. Accordingly, when he had given the ambassadors this answer to be reported, that he still continued in the mind to comply with what terms he at first desired, for the safety of the citizens; but as for his second desires, he cannot submit to them, - he dismissed them.",
+                    "2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had indignation, and sent ambassadors to Ahab the third time, and threatened that his army would raise a bank higher than those walls, in confidence of whose strength he despised him, and that by only each man of his army taking a handful of earth; hereby making a show of the great number of his army, and aiming to affright him. Ahab answered, that he ought not to vaunt himself when he had only put on his armor, but when he should have conquered his enemies in the battle. So the ambassadors came back, and found the king at supper with his thirty-two kings, and informed him of Ahab's answer; who then immediately gave order for proceeding thus: To make lines round the city, and raise a bulwark, and to prosecute the siege all manner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab was in a great agony, and all his people with him; but he took courage, and was freed from his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to him, and saying to him, that God had promised to subdue so many ten thousands of his enemies under him. And when he inquired by whose means the victory was to be obtained, he said,\" By the sons of the princes; but under thy conduct as their leader, by reason of their unskilfulness [in war].\" Upon which he called for the sons of the princes, and found them to be two hundred and thirty-two persons. So when he was informed that the king of Syria had betaken himself to feasting and repose, he opened the gates, and sent out the princes' sons. Now when the sentinels told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet them, and commanded them, that if these men were come out for fighting, they should bind them, and bring them to him; and that if they came out peaceably, they should do the same. Now Ahab had another army ready within the walls, but the sons of the princes fell upon the out-guard, and slew many of them, and pursued the rest of them to the camp; and when the king of Israel saw that these had the upper hand, he sent out all the rest of his army, which, falling suddenly upon the Syrians, beat them, for they did not think they would have come out; on which account it was that they assaulted them when they were naked (37) and drunk, insomuch that they left all their armor behind them when they fled out of the camp, and the king himself escaped with difficulty, by fleeing away on horseback. But Ahab went a great way in pursuit of the Syrians; and when he had spoiled their camp, which contained a great deal of wealth, and moreover a large quantity of gold and silver, he took Benhadad's chariots and horses, and returned to the city; but as the prophet told him he ought to have his army ready, because the Syrian king would make another expedition against him the next year, Ahab was busy in making provision for it accordingly.",
+                    "3. Now Benhadad, when he had saved himself, and as much of his army as he could, out of the battle, he consulted with his friends how he might make another expedition against the Israelites. Now those friends advised him not to fight with them on the hills, because their God was potent in such places, and thence it had come to pass that they had very lately been beaten; but they said, that if they joined battle with them in the plain, they should beat them. They also gave him this further advice, to send home those kings whom he had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain their army, and to set captains over it instead of the kings, and to raise an army out of their country, and let them be in the place of the former who perished in the battle, together with horses and chariots. So he judged their counsel to be good, and acted according to it in the management of the army.",
+                    "4. At the beginning of the spring, Benhadad took his army with him, and led it against the Hebrews; and when he was come to a certain city which was called Aphek, he pitched his camp in the great plain. Ahab also went to meet him with his army, and pitched his camp over against him, although his army was a very small one, if it were compared with the enemy's; but the prophet came again to him, and told him, that God would give him the victory, that he might demonstrate his own power to be, not only on the mountains, but on the plains also; which it seems was contrary to the opinion of the Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp seven days; but on the last of those days, when the enemies came out of their camp, and put themselves in array in order to fight, Ahab also brought out his own army; and when the battle was joined, and they fought valiantly, he put the enemy to flight, and pursued them, and pressed upon them, and slew them; nay, they were destroyed by their own chariots, and by one another; nor could any more than a few of them escape to their own city Aphek, who were also killed by the walls falling upon them, being in number twenty-seven thousand. (38) Now there were slain in this battle a hundred thousand more; but Benhadad, the king of the Syrians, fled away, with certain others of his most faithful servants, and hid himself in a cellar under ground; and when these told him that the kings of Israel were humane and merciful men, and that they might make use of the usual manner of supplication, and obtain deliverance from Ahab, in case he would give them leave to go to him, he gave them leave accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed in sackcloth, with ropes about their heads, (for this was the ancient manner of supplication among the Syrians,) (39) and said, that Benhadad desired he would save him, and that he would ever be a servant to him for that favor. Ahab replied he was glad that he was alive, and not hurt in the battle; and he further promised him the same honor and kindness that a man would show to his brother. So they received assurances upon oath from him, that when he came to him he should receive no harm from him, and then went and brought him out of the cellar wherein he was hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in his chariot. So Benhadad worshipped him; and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him come up to him into his chariot, and kissed him, and bid him be of good cheer, and not to expect that any mischief should be done to him. So Benhadad returned him thanks, and professed that he would remember his kindness to him all the days of his life; and promised he would restore those cities of the Israelites which the former kings had taken from them, and grant that he should have leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed their covenant by oaths, and Ahab made him many presents, and sent him back to his own kingdom. And this was the conclusion of the war that Benhadad made against Ahab and the Israelites.",
+                    "5. But a certain prophet, whose name was Micaiah, (40) came to one of the Israelites, and bid him smite him on the head, for by so doing he would please God; but when he would not do so, he foretold to him, that since he disobeyed the commands of God, he should meet with a lion, and be destroyed by him. When that sad accident had befallen the man, the prophet came again to another, and gave him the same injunction; so he smote him, and wounded his skull; upon which he bound up his head, and came to the king, and told him that he had been a soldier of his, and had the custody of one of the prisoners committed to him by an officer, and that the prisoner being run away, he was in danger of losing his own life by the means of that officer, who had threatened him, that if the prisoner escaped he would kill him. And when Ahab had said that he would justly die, he took off the binding about his head, and was known by the king to be Micaiah the prophet, who made use of this artifice as a prelude to his following words; for he said that God would punish him who had suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him, to escape punishment; and that he would so bring it about, that he should die by the other's means (41) and his people by the other's army. Upon which Ahab was very angry at the prophet, and gave commandment that he should be put in prison, and there kept; but for himself, he was in confusion at the words of Micaiah, and returned to his own house."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jehoshaphat The King Of Jerusalem And How Ahab Made An Expedition Against The Syrians And Was Assisted Therein By Jehoshaphat, But Was Himself Overcome In Battle And Perished Therein. </i><br>1. And these were the circumstances in which Ahab was. But I now return to Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when he had augmented his kingdom, had set garrisons in the cities of the countries belonging to his subjects, and had put such garrisons no less into those cities which were taken out of the tribe of Ephraim by his grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned over the ten tribes [than he did into the other]. But then he had God favorable and assisting to him, as being both righteous and religious, and seeking to do somewhat every day that should be agreeable and acceptable to God. The kings also that were round about him honored him with the presents they made him, till the riches that he had acquired were immensely great, and the glory he had gained was of a most exalted nature.",
+                    "2. Now, in the third year of this reign, he called together the rulers of the country, and the priests, and commanded them to go round the land, and teach all the people that were under him, city by city, the laws of Moses, and to keep them, and to be diligent in the worship of God. With this the whole multitude was so pleased, that they were not so eagerly set upon or affected with any thing so much as the observation of the laws. The neighboring nations also continued to love Jehoshaphat, and to be at peace with him. The Philistines paid their appointed tribute, and the Arabians supplied him every year with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as many kids of the goats. He also fortified the great cities, which were many in number, and of great consequence. He prepared also a mighty army of soldiers and weapons against their enemies. Now the army of men that wore their armor, was three hundred thousand of the tribe of Judah, of whom Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of two hundred thousand. The same man was chief of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hundred thousand archers under him. There was another chief, whose name was Jehozabad, who had a hundred and fourscore thousand armed men. This multitude was distributed to be ready for the king's service, besides those whom he sent to the best fortified cities.",
+                    "3. Jehoshaphat took for his son Jehoram to wife the daughter of Ahab, the king of the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah. And when, after some time, he went to Samaria, Ahab received him courteously, and treated the army that followed him in a splendid manner, with great plenty of corn and wine, and of slain beasts; and desired that he would join with him in his war against the king of Syria, that he might recover from him the city Ramoth, in Gilead; for though it had belonged to his father, yet had the king of Syria's father taken it away from him; and upon Jehoshaphat's promise to afford him his assistance, (for indeed his army was not inferior to the other,) and his sending for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the two kings went out of the city, and each of them sat on his own throne, and each gave their orders to their several armies. Now Jehoshaphat bid them call some of the prophets, if there were any there, and inquire of them concerning this expedition against the king of Syria, whether they would give them counsel to make that expedition at this time, for there was peace at that time between Ahab and the king of Syria, which had lasted three years, from the time he had taken him captive till that day.",
+                    "4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being in number about four hundred, and bid them inquire of God whether he would grant him the victory, if he made an expedition against Benhadad, and enable him to overthrow that city, for whose sake it was that he was going to war. Now these prophets gave their counsel for making this expedition, and said that he would beat the king of Syria, and, as formerly, would reduce him under his power. But Jehoshaphat, understanding by their words that they were false prophets, asked Ahab whether there were not some other prophet, and he belonging to the true God, that we may have surer information concerning futurities. Hereupon Ahab said there was indeed such a one, but that he hated him, as having prophesied evil to him, and having foretold that he should be overcome and slain by the king of Syria, and that for this cause he had him now in prison, and that his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah. But upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch, who brought Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had informed him by the way, that all the other prophets had foretold that the king should gain the victory; but he said, that it was not lawful for him to lie against God, but that he must speak what he should say to him about the king, whatsoever it were. When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured him upon oath to speak the truth to him, he said that God had shown to him the Israelites running away, and pursued by the Syrians, and dispersed upon the mountains by them, as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their shepherd is slain. He said further, that God signified to him, that those Israelites should return in peace to their own home, and that he only should fall in the battle. When Micaiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, \"I told thee a little while ago the disposition of the man with regard to me, and that he uses to prophesy evil to me.\" Upon which Micaiah replied, that he ought to hear all, whatsoever it be, that God foretells; and that in particular, they were false prophets that encouraged him to make this war in hope of victory, whereas he must fight and be killed. Whereupon the king was in suspense with himself: but Zedekiah, one of those false prophets, came near, and exhorted him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not at all speak truth; as a demonstration of which he instanced in what Elijah had said, who was a better prophet in foretelling futurities than Micaiah (42) for he foretold that the dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jezreel, in the field of Naboth, as they licked the blood of Naboth, who by his means was there stoned to death by the multitude; that therefore it was plain that this Micaiah was a liar, as contradicting a greater prophet than himself, and saying that he should be slain at three days' journey distance: \"and [said he] you shall soon know whether he be a true prophet, and hath the power of the Divine Spirit; for I will smite him, and let him then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand of Jeroboam the king to wither when he would have caught him; for I suppose thou hast certainly heard of that accident.\" So when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm happened to him, Ahab took courage, and readily led his army against the king of Syria; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for him, and made him believe that the false prophets spake truer than the true one, that it might take an occasion of bringing him to his end. However, Zedekiah made horns of iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those horns signals, that by them he should overthrow all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that Zedekiah, in a few days, should go from one secret chamber to another to hide himself, that he might escape the punishment of his lying. Then did the king give orders that they should take Micaiah away, and guard him to Amon, the governor of the city, and to give him nothing but bread and water.",
+                    "5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem, take their forces, and marched to Ramoth a city of Gilead; and when the king of Syria heard of this expedition, he brought out his army to oppose them, and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth. Now Ahalx and Jehoshaphat had agreed that Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but that the king of Jerusalem should put on his [Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the army, in order to disprove, by this artifice, what Micaiah had foretold. (43) But Ahab's fate found him out without his robes; for Benhadad, the king of Assyria, had charged his army, by the means of their commanders, to kill nobody else but only the king of Israel. So when the Syrians, upon their joining battle with the Israelites, saw Jehoshaphat stand before the army, and conjectured that he was Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and encompassed him round; but when they were near, and knew that it was not he, they all returned back; and while the fight lasted from the morning till late in the evening, and the Syrians were conquerors, they killed nobody, as their king had commanded them. And when they sought to kill Ahab alone, but could not find him, there was a young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad, whose name was Naaman; he drew his bow against the enemy, and wounded the king through his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon this Ahab resolved not to make his mischance known to his army, lest they should run away; but he bid the driver of his chariot to turn it back, and carry him out of the battle, because he was sorely and mortally wounded. However, he sat in his chariot and endured the pain till sunset, and then he fainted away and died.",
+                    "6. And now the Syrian army, upon the coming on of the night, retired to their camp; and when the herald belonging to the camp notice that Ahab was dead, they returned home; and they took the dead body of Ahab to Samaria, and buried it there; but when they had washed his chariot in the fountain of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead body of the king, they acknowledged that the prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs licked his blood, and the harlots continued afterwards to wash themselves in that fountain; but still he died at Ramoth, as Micaiah had foretold. And as what things were foretold should happen to Ahab by the two prophets came to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of God, and every where to honor and worship him, and never to suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy of belief before what is true, and to esteem nothing more advantageous than the gift of prophecy (44) and that foreknowledge of future events which is derived from it, since God shows men thereby what we ought to avoid. We may also guess, from what happened to this king, and have reason to consider the power of fate; that there is no way of avoiding it, even when we know it. It creeps upon human souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the place where it will be too hard for them. Accordingly Ahab appears to have been deceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that foretold his defeat; but, by giving credit to such as foretold what was grateful to him, was slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jehoshaphat Again; How He Constituted Judges And, By God's Assistance Overcame His Enemies. </i><br>1. When Jehoshaphat the king was come to Jerusalem, from the assistance he had afforded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he fought with Benhadad, king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him, and accused him for assisting Ahab, a man both impious and wicked; and said to him, that God was displeased with him for so doing, but that he delivered him from the enemy, notwithstanding he had sinned, because of his own proper disposition, which was good. Whereupon the king betook himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices to God; after which he presently went over all that country which he ruled round about, and taught the people, as well the laws which God gave them by Moses, as that religious worship that was due to him. He also constituted judges in every one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have regard to nothing so much in judging the multitude as to do justice, and not to be moved by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either their riches or their high birth, but to distribute justice equally to all, as knowing that God is conscious of every secret action of theirs. When he had himself instructed them thus, and gone over every city of the two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. He there also constituted judges out of the priests and the Levites, and principal persons of the multitude, and admonished them to pass all their sentences with care and justice (1) And that if any of the people of his country had differences of great consequence, they should send them out of the other cities to these judges, who would be obliged to give righteous sentences concerning such causes; and this with the greater care, because it is proper that the sentences which are given in that city wherein the temple of God is, and wherein the king dwells, be given with great care and the utmost justice. Now he set over them Amariah the priest, and Zebadiah, [both] of the tribe of Judah; and after this manner it was that the king ordered these affairs.",
+                    "2. About the same time the Moabites and Ammonites made an expedition against Jehoshaphat, and took with them a great body of Arabians, and pitched their camp at Engedi, a city that is situate at the lake Asphaltiris, and distant three hundred furlongs from Jerusalem. In that place grows the best kind of palm-trees, and the opobalsamum. (2) Now Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had passed over the lake, and had made an irruption into that country which belonged to his kingdom; at which news he was aftrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a congregation in the temple, and standing over against the temple itself, he called upon God to afford him power and strength, so as to inflict punishment on those that made this expedition against them (for that those who built this his temple had prayed, that he would protect that city, and take vengeance on those that were so bold as to come against it); for they are come to take from us that land which thou hast given us for a possession. When he had prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude, together with their wives and children, made their supplications also: upon which a certain prophet, Jahaziel by name, came into the midst of the assembly, and cried out, and spake both to the multitude and to the king, that God heard their prayers, and promised to fight against their enemies. He also gave order that the king should draw his forces out the next day, for that he should find them between Jerusalem and the ascent of Engedi, at a place called The Eminence, and that he should not fight against them, but only stand still, and see how God would fight against them. When the prophet had said this, both the king and the multitude fell upon their faces, and gave thanks to God, and worshipped him; and the Levites continued singing hymns to God with their instruments of music.",
+                    "3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come into that wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, \"that they ought to give credit to what the prophet had said, and not to set themselves in array for fighting; but to set the priests with their trumpets, and the Levites with the singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having already delivered our country from our enemies.\" This opinion of the king pleased [the people], and they did what he advised them to do. So God caused a terror and a commotion to arise among the Ammonites, who thought one another to be enemies, and slew one another, insomuch that not one man out of so great an army escaped; and when Jehoshaphat looked upon that valley wherein their enemies had been encamped, and saw it full of dead men, he rejoiced at so surprising an event, as was this assistance of God, while he himself by his own power, and without their labor, had given them the victory. He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the enemy's camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and indeed so they did for three days together, till they were weary, so great was the number of the slain; and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered together unto a certain hollow place or valley, and blessed God for his power and assistance, from which the place had this name given it, the Valley of [Berachah, or] Blessing.",
+                    "4. And when the king had brought his army back to Jerusalem, he betook himself to celebrate festivals, and offer sacrifices, and this for many days. And indeed, after this destruction of their enemies, and when it came to the ears of the foreign nations, they were all greatly aftrighted, as supposing that God would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat from that time lived in great glory and splendor, on account of his righteousness and his piety towards God. He was also in friendship with Ahab's son, who was king of Israel; and he joined with him in the building of ships that were to sail to Pontus, and the traffic cities of Thrace (3) but he failed of his gains, for the ships were destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy]; on which account he was no longer concerned about shipping. And this is the history of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Ahaziah; The King Of Israel; And Again Concerning The Prophet Elijah. </i><br>1. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, and made his abode in Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all respects like to both his parents and to Jeroboam, who first of all transgressed, and began to deceive the people. In the second year of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he before paid to his father Ahab. Now it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming down from the top of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness sent to the Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for that was this god's name, to inquire about his recovery (4) but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elijah the prophet, and commanded him to go and meet the messengers that were sent, and to ask them, whether the people of Israel had not a God of their own, that the king sent to a foreign god to inquire about his recovery? and to bid them return and tell the king that he would not escape this disease. And when Elijah had performed what God had commanded him, and the messengers had heard what he said, they returned to the king immediately; and when the king wondered how they could return so soon, and asked them the reason of it, they said that a certain man met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; but to return and tell thee, from the command of the God of Israel, that this disease will have a bad end. And when the king bid them describe the man that said this to them, they replied that he was a hairy man, and was girt about with a girdle of leather. So the king understood by this that the man who was described by the messengers was Elijah; whereupon he sent a captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah to him; and when the captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and to come to the king, for so had he enjoined; but that in case he refused, they would carry him by force. Elijah said to him, \"That you may have a trial whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that fire may fall from heaven, and destroy both the soldiers and yourself.\" (5) So he prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from heaven], and destroyed the captain, and those that were with him. And when the king was informed of the destruction of these men, he was very angry, and sent another captain with the like number of armed men that were sent before. And when this captain also threatened the prophet, that unless he came down of his own accord, he would take him and carry him away, upon his prayer against him, the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well the other. And when, upon inquiry, the king was informed of what happened to him, he sent out a third captain. But when this captain, who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to him; and said that he knew that it was without his own consent, and only in submission to the king's command that he came to him; and that those that came before did not come willingly, but on the same account; - he therefore desired him to have pity on those armed men that were with him, and that he would come down and follow him to the king. So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous behavior, and came down and followed him. And when he came to the king, he prophesied to him and told him that God said, \"Since thou hast despised him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this thy distemper, know this, that thou shalt die.\"",
+                    "2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died, as Elijah had foretold; but Jehoram his brother succeeded him in the kingdom, for he died without children: but for this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years, indulging himself in all sorts of wickedness and impiety towards God, for, leaving off his worship, he worshipped foreign gods; but in other respects he was an active man. Now at this time it was that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of his death to this very day; but he left behind him his disciple Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was before the deluge, it is written in the sacred books that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew that they died."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joram And Jehoshaphat Made An Expedition Against The Moabites; As Also Concerning The Wonders Of Elisha; And The Death Of Jehoshaphat. </i><br>1. When Joram had taken upon him the kingdom, he determined to make an expedition against the king of Moab, whose name was Mesha; for, as we told you before, he was departed from his obedience to his brother [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their fleeces of wool. When therefore he had gathered his own army together, he sent also to Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he had from the beginning been a friend to his father, he would assist him in the war that he was entering into against the Moabites, who had departed from their obedience, who not only himself promised to assist him, but would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under his authority, to make the same expedition also. When Joram had received these assurances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him, and came to Jerusalem; and when he had been sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was resolved upon by them to take their march against their enemies through the wilderness of Edom. And when they had taken a compass of seven days' journey, they were in distress for want of water for the cattle, and for the army, from the mistake of their roads by the guides that conducted them, insomuch that they were all in an agony, especially Joram; and cried to God, by reason of their sorrow, and [desired to know] what wickedness had been committed by them that induced him to deliver three kings together, without fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a righteous man, encouraged him, and bade him send to the camp, and know whether any prophet of God was come along with them, that we might by him learn from God what we should do. And when one of the servants of Joram said that he had seen there Elisha, the son of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went to him, at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and when they were come at the prophet's tent, which tent was pitched out of the camp, they asked him what would become of the army? and Joram was particularly very pressing with him about it. And when he replied to him, that he should not trouble him, but go to his father's and mother's prophets, for they [to be sure] were true prophets, he still desired him to prophesy, and to save them. So he swore by God that he would not answer him, unless it were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was a holy and righteous man; and when, at his desire, they brought him a man that could play on the psaltery, the Divine Spirit came upon him as the music played, and he commanded them to dig many trenches in the valley; for, said he, \"though there appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this river full of water, till the army and the cattle be saved for you by drinking of it. Nor will this be all the favor that you shall receive from God, but you shall also overcome your enemies, and take the best and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you shall cut down their fruit trees, (6) and lay waste their country, and stop up their fountains and rivers.\"",
+                    "2. When the prophet had said this, the next day, before the sun-rising, a great torrent ran strongly; for God had caused it to rain very plentifully at the distance of three days' journey into Edom, so that the army and the cattle found water to drink in abundance. But when the Moabites heard that the three kings were coming upon them, and made their approach through the wilderness, the king of Moab gathered his army together presently, and commanded them to pitch their camp upon the mountains, that when the enemies should attempt to enter their country, they might not be concealed from them. But when at the rising of the sun they saw the water in the torrent, for it was not far from the land of Moab, and that it was of the color of blood, for at such a time the water especially looks red, by the shining of the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of the state of their enemies, as if they had slain one another for thirst; and that the river ran with their blood. However, supposing that this was the case, they desired their king would send them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon they all went in haste, as to an advantage already gained, and came to the enemy's camp, as supposing them destroyed already. But their hope deceived them; for as their enemies stood round about them, some of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were dispersed, and fled to their own country. And when the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew the cities that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred them, filling them with stones out of the brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew their walls to their foundations. But the king of Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege; and seeing his city in danger of being overthrown by force, made a sally, and went out with seven hundred men, in order to break through the enemy's camp with his horsemen, on that side where the watch seemed to be kept most negligently; and when, upon trial, he could not get away, for he lighted upon a place that was carefully watched, he returned into the city, and did a thing that showed despair and the utmost distress; for he took his eldest son, who was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon the wall, that he might be visible to all the enemies, he offered him as a whole burnt-offering to God, whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the distress that was the occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of humanity and pity, that they raised the siege, and every one returned to his own house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and continued in peace there, and outlived this expedition but a little time, and then died, having lived in all sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He was buried in a magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for he had imitated the actions of David."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Jehoram Succeeds Jehoshaphat; How Joram, His Namesake, King Of Israel, Fought With The Syrians; And What Wonders Were Done By The Prophet Elisha. </i><br>1. Jehoshapat had a good number of children; but he appointed his eldest son Jehoram to be his successor, who had the same name with his mother's brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of the land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him Elisha the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over particularly, for they were illustrious, and worthy to be related, as we have them set down in the sacred books.",
+                    "2. For they say that the widow of Obadiah (7) Ahab's steward, came to him, and said, that he was not ignorant how her husband had preserved the prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the wife of Ahab; for she said that he hid a hundred of them, and had borrowed money for their maintenance, and that, after her husband's death, she and her children were carried away to be made slaves by the creditors; and she desired of him to have mercy upon her on account of what her husband did, and afford her some assistance. And when he asked her what she had in the house, she said, \"Nothing but a very small quantity of oil in a cruse.\" So the prophet bid her go away, and borrow a great many empty vessels of her neighbors, and when she had shut her chamber door, to pour the oil into them all; for that God would fill them full. And when the woman had done what she was commanded to do, and bade her children bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled, and not one left empty, she came to the prophet, and told him that they were all full; upon which he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors what was owing them, for that there would be some surplus of the price of the oil, which she might make use of for the maintenance of her children. And thus did Elisha discharge the woman's debts, and free her from the vexation of her creditors.",
+                    "3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Joram, (8) and exhorted him to take care of that place, for that therein were some Syrians lying in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going a hunting. And when Benhadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush, he was wroth with his own servants, as if they had betrayed his ambushment to Joram; and he sent for them, and said they were the betrayers of his secret counsels; and he threatened that he would put them to death, since such their practice was evident, because he had intrusted this secret to none but them, and yet it was made known to his enemy. And one that was present said that he should not mistake himself, nor suspect that they had discovered to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but that he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who discovered all to him, and laid open all his counsels. So he gave order that they should send some to learn in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those that were sent brought word that he was in Dothan; wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha: so they encompassed the city round about by night, and kept him therein confined; but when the prophet's servant in the morning perceived this, and that his enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running, and crying out after a disordered manner to him, and told him of it; but he encouraged him, and bid him not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust in the assistance of God, and was himself without fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his servant his power and presence, so far as was possible, in order to the inspiring him with hope and courage. Accordingly God heard the prayer of the prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside his fear, and his courage revived at the sight of what he supposed was come to their assistance. After this Elisha did further entreat God, that he would dim the eyes of their enemies, and cast a mist before them, whereby they might not discern him. When this was done, he went into the midst of his enemies, and asked them who it was that they came to seek; and when they replied, \"The prophet Elisha,\" he promised he would deliver him to them, if they would follow him to the city where he was. So these men were so darkened by God in their sight and in their mind, that they followed him very diligently; and when Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he ordered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to place his own army round about them; and prayed to God to clear the eyes of these their enemies, and take the mist from before them. Accordingly, when they were freed from the obscurity they had been in, they saw themselves in the midst of their enemies; and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and distressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so Divine and surprising, and as king Joram asked the prophet if he would give him leave to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to do; and said, that \"it is just to kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men had done the country no harm, but, without knowing it, were come thither by the Divine Power:\" - so that his counsel was to treat them in a hospitable manner at his table, and then send them away without hurting them. (9) Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet; and when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benhadad their king.",
+                    "4. Now when these men were come back, and had showed Benhadad how strange an accident had befallen them, and what an appearance and power they had experienced of the God of Israel, he wondered at it, as also at that prophet with whom God was so evidently present; so he determined to make no more secret attempts upon the king of Israel, out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make open war with them, as supposing he could be too hard for his enemies by the multitude of his army and power. So he made an expedition with a great army against Joram, who, not thinking himself a match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad supposed he should take the city, if not by his engines of war, yet that he should overcome the Samaritans by famine, and the want of necessaries, and brought his army upon them, and besieged the city; and the plenty of necessaries was brought so low with Joram, that from the extremity of want an ass's head was sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver, and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dore's dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the city to the enemy, by reason of the famine, and went every day round the walls and the guards to see whether any such were concealed among them; and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he deprived them of the opportunity of contriving any such thing; and if they had a mind to do it, he, by this means, prevented them: but upon a certain woman's crying out, \"Have pity on me, my lord,\" while he thought that she was about to ask for somewhat to eat, he imprecated God's curse upon her, and said he had neither thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence he might give her any thing at her petition. Upon which she said she did not desire his aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about food, but desired that he would do her justice as to another woman. And when he bade her say on, and let him know what she desired, she said she had made an agreement with the other woman who was her neighbor and her friend, that because the famine and want was intolerable, they should kill their children, each of them having a son of their own, and we will live upon them ourselves for two days, the one day upon one son, and the other day upon the other; and,\" said she, I have killed my son the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday; but this other woman will not do the same thing, but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her son.\" This story mightily grieved Joram when he heard it; so he rent his garment, and cried out with a loud voice, and conceived great wrath against Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide them some exit and way of escape out of the miseries with which they were surrounded; and sent one away immediately to cut off his head, who made haste to kill the prophet. But Elisha was not unacquainted with the wrath of the king against him; for as he sat in his house by himself, with none but his disciples about him, he told them that Joram, (10) who was the son of a murderer, had sent one to take away his head; \"but,\" said he, \"when he that is commanded to do this comes, take care that you do not let him come in, but press the door against him, and hold him fast there, for the king himself will follow him, and come to me, having altered his mind.\" Accordingly, they did as they were bidden, when he that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came. But Joram repented of his wrath against the prophet; and for fear he that was commanded to kill him should have done it before he came, he made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet: and when he came to him, he accused him that he did not pray to God for their deliverance from the miseries they now lay under, but saw them so sadly destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised, that the very next day, at the very same hour in which the king came to him, they should have great plenty of food, and that two seahs of barley should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour should be sold for a shekel. This prediction made Joram, and those that were present, very joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the prophet said, on account of the experience they had of the truth of his former predictions; and the expectation of plenty made the want they were in that day, with the uneasiness that accompanied it, appear a light thing to them: but the captain of the third band, who was a friend of the king, and on whose hand the king leaned, said, \"Thou talkest of incredible things, O prophet! for as it is impossible for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine flour, out of heaven, so is it impossible that what thou sayest should come to pass.\" To which the prophet made this reply,\" Thou shalt see these things come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a partaker of them.\"",
+                    "5. Now what Elisha had thus foretold came to pass in the manner following: There was a law at Samaria (11) that those that had the leprosy, and whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should abide without the city: and there were four men that on this account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of the famine; and as they were prohibited from entering into the city by the law, and they considered that if they were permitted to enter, they should miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, - they resolved to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them, they should live; but if they should be killed, that would be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their resolution, they came by night to the enemy's camp. Now God had begun to affright and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots and armor to their ears, as though an army were coming upon them, and had made them suspect that it was coming nearer and nearer to them In short, they were in such a dread of this army, that they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad, and said that Joram the king of Israel had hired for auxiliaries both the king of Egypt and the king of the Islands, and led them against them for they heard the noise of them as they were coming. And Benhadad believed what they said (for there came the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs); so they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and left their horses and beasts in their camp, with immense riches also, and betook themselves to flight. And those lepers who had departed from Samaria, and were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom we made mention a little before, when they were in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and silence: accordingly they entered into it, and went hastily into one of their tents; and when they saw nobody there, they eat and drank, and carried garments, and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out of the camp; after which they went into another tent, and carried off what was in it, as they did at the former, and this did they for several times, without the least interruption from any body. So they gathered thereby that the enemies were departed; whereupon they reproached themselves that they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it. So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state the enemies were, as did these tell the king's guards, by whose means Joram came to know of it; who then sent for his friends, and the captains of his host, and said to them, that he suspected that this departure of the king of Syria was by way of ambush and treachery, and that out of despair of ruining you by famine, when you imagine them to be fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a sudden, and may both kill you, and take the city without fighting; whence it is that I exhort you to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go out of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as though they were really gone away.\" And when a certain person said that he did very well and wisely to admit such a suspicion, but that he still advised him to send a couple of horsemen to search all the country as far as Jordan, that \"if they were seized by an ambush of the enemy, they might be a security to your army, that they may not go out as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like misfortune; and,\" said he, \"those horsemen may be numbered among those that have died by the famine, supposing they be caught and destroyed by the enemy.\" So the king was pleased with this opinion, and sent such as might search out the truth, who performed their journey over a road that was without any enemies, but found it full of provisions, and of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away, and left behind them, in order to their being light and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of the camp; which gains of theirs were not of things of small value, but they took a great quantity of gold, and a great quantity of silver, and flocks of all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves of [so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and barley, as they never in the least dreamed of; and were not only freed from their former miseries, but had such plenty, that two seahs of barley were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour for a shekel, according to the prophecy of Elisha. Now a seah is equal to an Italian modius and a half. The captain of the third band was the only man that received no benefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed by the king to oversee the gate, that he might prevent the too great crowd of the multitude, and they might not endanger one another to perish, by treading on one another in the press, he suffered himself in that very way, and died in that very manner, as Elisha had foretold such his death, when he alone of them all disbelieved what he said concerning that plenty of provisions which they should soon have.",
+                    "6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, had escaped to Damascus, and understood that it was God himself that cast all his army into this fear and disorder, and that it did not arise from the invasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distemper. Now it happened that Elisha the prophet, at that time, was gone out of his own country to Damascus, of which Benhadad was informed: he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants, to meet him, and to carry him presents, and bade him inquire of him about his distemper, and whether he should escape the danger that it threatened. So Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels, that carried the best and most precious fruits that the country of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the king's palace supplied. He saluted him kindly, and said that he was sent to him by king Benhadad, and brought presents with him, in order to inquire concerning his distemper, whether he should recover from it or not. Whereupon the prophet bid him tell the king no melancholy news; but still he said he would die. So the king's servant was troubled to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries his people would undergo after the death of Benhadad. And when Hazael asked him what was the occasion of this confusion he was in, he said that he wept out of his commiseration for the multitude of the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they will suffer by thee; \"for thou wilt slay the strongest of them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and wilt destroy their children, and dash them against the stones, and wilt rip up their women with child.\" And when Hazael said, \"How can it be that I should have power enough to do such things ?\" the prophet replied, that God had informed him that he should be king of Syria. So when Hazael was come to Benhadad, he told him good news concerning his distemper (12) but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature of a net, over him, and strangled him, and took his dominion. He was an active man, and had the good-will of the Syrians, and of the people of Damascus, to a great degree; by whom both Benhadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him, are honored to this day as gods, by reason of their benefactions, and their building them temples by which they adorned the city of the Damascenes. They also every day do with great pomp pay their worship to these kings, (13) and value themselves upon their antiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much later than they imagine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred years old. Now when Joram, the king of Israel, heard that Benhadad was dead, he recovered out of the terror and dread he had been in on his account, and was very glad to live in peace."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Wickedness Of Jehoram King O Jerusalem; His Defeat And Death. </i><br>1. Now Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we have said before that he had the same name with the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the government upon him, betook himself to the slaughter of his brethren, and his father's friends, who were governors under him, and thence made a beginning and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he at all better than those kings of Israel who at first transgressed against the laws of their country, and of the Hebrews, and against God's worship. And it was Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, whom he had married, who taught him to be a bad man in other respects, and also to worship foreign gods. Now God would not quite root out this family, because of the promise he had made to David. However, Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of new sorts of customs to the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin of the customs of his own country. And when the Edomites about that time had revolted from him, and slain their former king, who was in subjection to his father, and had set up one of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land of Edom, with the horsemen that were about him, and the chariots, by night, and destroyed those that lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed further. However, this expedition did him no service, for they all revolted from him, with those that dwelt in the country of Libnah. He was indeed so mad as to compel the people to go up to the high places of the mountains, and worship foreign gods.",
+                    "2. As he was doing this, and had entirely cast his own country laws out of his mind, there was brought him an epistle from Elijah the prophet (14) which declared that God would execute great judgments upon him, because he had not imitated his own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses of the kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe of Judah, and the citizens of Jerusalem, to leave the holy worship of their own God, and to worship idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, and because he had slain his brethren, and the men that were good and righteous. And the prophet gave him notice in this epistle what punishment he should undergo for these crimes, namely, the destruction of his people, with the corruption of the king's own wives and children; and that he should himself die of a distemper in his bowels, with long torments, those his bowels falling out by the violence of the inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch that, though he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to help himself, but shall die in that manner. This it was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle.",
+                    "3. It was not long after this that an army of those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia, and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the king's house. Moreover, they slew his sons and his wives: one only of his sons was left him, who escaped the enemy; his name was Ahaziah; after which calamity, he himself fell into that disease which was foretold by the prophet, and lasted a great while, (for God inflicted this punishment upon him in his belly, out of his wrath against him,) and so he died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall out. The people also abused his dead body; I suppose it was because they thought that such his death came upon him by the wrath of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accordingly, they neither buried him in the sepulchers of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any honors, but buried him like a private man, and this when he had lived forty years, and reigned eight. And the people of Jerusalem delivered the government to his son Ahaziah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jehu Was Anointed King, And Slew Both Joram And Ahaziah; As Also What He Did For The Punishment Of The Wicked. </i><br>1. Now Joram, the king of Israel, after the death of Benhadad, hoped that he might now take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Syrians. Accordingly he made an expedition against it, with a great army; but as he was besieging it, an arrow was shot at him by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal. So he returned to have his wound healed in Jezreel, but left his whole army in Ramorb, and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general; for he had already taken the city by force; and he proposed, after he was healed,: to make war with the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell him that God had chosen him to be their king. He also sent him to say other things to him, and bid him to take his journey as if he fled, that when he came away he might escape the knowledge of all men. So when he was come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should find him. So he came up to him, and said that he desired to speak with him about certain matters; and when he was arisen, and had followed him into an inward chamber, the young man took the oil, and poured it on his head, and said that God ordained him to be king, in order to his destroying the house of Ahab, and that he might revenge the blood of the prophets that were unjustly slain by Jezebel, that so their house might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and of Baasha, had perished for their wickedness, and no seed might remain of Ahab's family. So when he had said this, he went away hastily out of the chamber, and endeavored not to be seen by any of the army.",
+                    "2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat with the captains; and when they asked him, and desired him to tell them, wherefore it was that this young man came to him, and added withal that he was mad, he replied, - \"You guess right, for the words he spake were the words of a madman;\" and when they were eager about the matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered, that God had said he had chosen him to be king over the multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put off his garment, (15) and strewed it under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the army together, he was preparing to set out immediately against Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he was healing of the wound which he had received in the siege of Ramoth. It happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as we have said already, to see how he did after his wound, and this upon account of their kindred; but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram, and those with him, on the sudden, he desired that none of the soldiers might run away and tell to Joram what had happened, for that this would be an evident demonstration of their kindness to him, and would show that their real inclinations were to make him king.",
+                    "3. So they were pleased with what he did, and guarded the roads, lest somebody should privately tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel. Now Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and went on for Jezreel; and when he was come near, the watchman whom Joram had set there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that he saw a troop of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immediately gave orders, that one of his horsemen should be sent out to meet them, and to know who it was that was coming. So when the horseman came up to Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army was, for that the king wanted to know it; but Jehu bid him not at all to meddle with such matters, but to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he told Joram that the horseman had mingled himself among the company, and came along with them. And when the king had sent a second messenger, Jehu commanded him to do as the former did; and as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had been wounded, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly, (16) and in good order; and when Joram met him in the field of Naboth, he asked him if all things were well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him bitterly, and ventured to call his mother a witch and a harlot. Upon this the king, fearing what he intended, and suspecting he had no good meaning, turned his chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, \"We are fought against by deceit and treachery.\" But Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to Bidkar, the captain of the third part of his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into the field of Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father, when he had slain Naboth, that both he and his family should perish in that place; for that as they sat behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say so, and that it was now come to pass according to his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his own life, and turned his chariot into another road, supposing he should not be seen by Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him at a certain acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded him; so he left his chariot, and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu to Megiddo; and though he was under cure, in a little time he died of that wound, and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked man, and worse than his father.",
+                    "4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel adorned herself and stood upon a tower, and said, he was a fine servant that had killed his master! And when he looked up to her, he asked who she was, and commanded her to come down to him. At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down from the tower; and being thrown down, she be-sprinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden upon by the horses, and so died. When this was done, Jehu came to the palace with his friends, and took some refreshment after his journey, both with other things, and by eating a meal. He also bid his servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because of the nobility of her blood, for she was descended from kings; but those that were appointed to bury her found nothing else remaining but the extreme parts of her body, for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this manner at Jezreel.",
+                    "5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the one to them that brought up the children, the other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that they should set up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for that they had abundance of chariots, and horses, and armor, and a great army, and fenced cities, and that by so doing they might avenge the murder of Ahab. This he wrote to try the intentions of those of Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those that had brought up the children, had read the letter, they were afraid; and considering that they were not at all able to oppose him, who had already subdued two very great kings, they returned him this answer: That they owned him for their lord, and would do whatsoever he bade them. So he wrote back to them such a reply as enjoined them to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the heads of Ahab's sons, and send them to him. Accordingly the rulers sent for those that brought up the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay them, to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So they did whatsoever they were commanded, without omitting any thing at all, and put them up in wicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel. And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab's' sons were brought, he ordered them to make two heaps of them, one before each of the gates; and in the morning he went out to take a view of them, and when he saw them, he began to say to the people that were present, that he did himself make an expedition against his master [Joram], and slew him, but that it was not he that slew all these; and he desired them to take notice, that as to Ahab's family, all things had come to pass according to God's prophecy, and his house was perished, according as Elijah had foretold. And when he had further destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked them whither they were going? they replied, that they came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they knew not that he had slain them both. So Jehu gave orders that they should catch these, and kill them, being in number forty-two persons.",
+                    "6. After these, there met him a good and a righteous man, whose name was Jehonadab, and who had been his friend of old. He saluted Jehu, and began to commend him, because he had done every thing according to the will of God, in extirpating the house of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria; and told him that he would not spare one wicked man, but would punish the false prophets, and false priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and persuaded them to leave the worship of God Almighty, and to worship foreign gods; and that it was a most excellent and most pleasing sight to a good and a righteous man to see the wicked punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by these arguments, and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that none of the false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab's god, might escape punishment, he caught them deceitfully by this wile; for he gathered all the people together, and said that he would worship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that his priests, and prophets, and servants might be present, because he would offer costly and great sacrifices to Ahab's god; and that if any of his priests were wanting, they should be punished with death. Now Ahab's god was called Baal; and when he had appointed a day on which he would offer those sacrifices, he sent messengers through all the country of the Israelites, that they might bring the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded to give all the priests vestments; and when they had received them, he went into the house [of Baal], with his friend Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search whether there were not any foreigner or stranger among them, for he would have no one of a different religion to mix among their sacred offices. And when they said that there was no stranger there, and they were beginning their sacrifices, he set fourscore men without, they being such of his soldiers as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bid them slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of their country, which had been a long time in disesteem. He also threatened, that if any one of them escaped, their own lives should go for them. So they slew them all with the sword, and burnt the house of Baal, and by that means purged Samaria of foreign customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him in Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and worshipped him with all sorts of worship, although, when this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the Israelites to worship the golden heifers. However, because he had done thus, and taken care to punish the wicked, God foretold by his prophet that his sons should reign over Israel for four generations. And in this condition was Jehu at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Athaliah Reigned Over Jerusalem For Five [Six] Years When Jehoiada The High Priest Slew Her And Made Jehoash, The Son Of Ahaziah, King. </i><br>1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, heard of the death of her brother Joram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she endeavored that none of the house of David might be left alive, but that the whole family might be exterminated, that no king might arise out of it afterward; and, as she thought, she had actually done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons was preserved, who escaped death after the manner following: Ahaziah had a sister by the same father, whose name was Jehosheba, and she was married to the high priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace, and found Jehoash, for that was the little child's name, who was not above a year old, among those that were slain, but concealed with his nurse; so she took him with her into a secret bed-chamber, and shut him up there, and she and her husband Jehoiada brought him up privately in the temple six years, during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem and the two tribes.",
+                    "2. Now, on the Seventh year, Jehoiada communicated the matter to certain of the captains of hundreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be assisting to what attempts he was making against Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the kingdom to the child. He also received such oaths from them as are proper to secure those that assist one another from the fear of discovery; and he was then of good hope that they should depose Athaliah. Now those men whom Jehoiada the priest had taken to be his partners went into all the country, and gathered together the priests and the Levites, and the heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought them to Jerusalem to the high priest. So he demanded the security of an oath of them, to keep private whatsoever he should discover to them, which required both their silence and their assistance. So when they had taken the oath, and had thereby made it safe for him to speak, he produced the child that he had brought up of the family of David, and said to them, \"This is your king, of that house which you know God hath foretold should reign over you for all time to come. I exhort you therefore that one-third part of you guard him in the temple, and that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of the temple, and that the next part of you keep guard at the gate which opens and leads to the king's palace, and let the rest of the multitude be unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person go into the temple, but the priest only.\" He also gave them this order besides, \"That a part of the priests and the Levites should be about the king himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever he be, that should be so bold as to enter armed into the temple; and bid them be afraid of nobody, but persevere in guarding the king.\" So these men obeyed what the high priest advised them to, and declared the reality of their resolution by their actions. Jehoiada also opened that armory which David had made in the temple, and distributed to the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and Levites, all the spears and quivers, and what kind of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed in a circle round about the temple, so as to touch one another's hands, and by that means excluding those from entering that ought not to enter. So they brought the child into the midst of them, and put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with the oil, and made him king; and the multitude rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, \"God save the king!\"",
+                    "3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult and the acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in her mind, and suddenly issued out of the royal palace with her own army; and when she was come to the temple, the priests received her; but as for those that stood round about the temple, as they were ordered by the high priest to do, they hindered the armed inert that followed her from going in. But when Athaliah saw the child standing upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon his head, she rent her clothes, and cried out vehemently, and commanded [her guards] to kill him that had laid snares for her, and endeavored to deprive her of the government. But Jehoiada called for the captains of hundreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he would not have the temple defiled with the punishments of this pernicious woman; and he gave order, that if any one came near to help her, he should be slain also; wherefore those that had the charge of her slaughter took hold of her, and led her to the gate of the king's mules, and slew her there.",
+                    "4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was by this stratagem, after this manner, despatched, Jehoiada called together the people and the armed men into the temple, and made them take an oath that they would be obedient to the king, and take care of his safety, and of the safety of his government; after which he obliged the king to give security [upon oath] that he would worship God, and not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her husband Jehoram had built, to the dishonor of the God of their fathers, and to the honor of Ahab, and demolished it, and slew Mattan, that had his priesthood. But Jehoiada intrusted the care and custody of the temple to the priests and Levites, according to the appointment of king David, and enjoined them to bring their regular burnt-offerings twice a day, and to offer incense according to the law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that no one that was defiled might come there.",
+                    "5. And when Jehoiada had set these things in order, he, with the captains of hundreds, and the rulers, and all the people, took Jehoash out of the temple into the king's palace; and when he had set him upon the king's throne, the people shouted for joy, and betook themselves to feasting, and kept a festival for many days; but the city was quiet upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jehoash was seven years old when he took the kingdom. His mother's name was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the time that Jehoiada lived Jehoash was careful that the laws should be kept, and very zealous in the worship of God; and when he was of age, he married two wives, who were given to him by the high priest, by whom were born to him both sons and daughters. And thus much shall suffice to have related concerning king Jehoash, how he escaped the treachery of Athaliah, and how he received the kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Hazael Makes An Expedition Against The People Of Israel And The Inhabitants Of Jerusalem. Jehu Dies, And Jehoahaz Succeeds In The Government. Jehoash The King Of Jerusalem At First Is Careful About The Worship Of God But Afterwards Becomes Impious And Commands Zechariah To Be Stoned. When Jehoash [King Of Judah] Was Dead, Amaziah Succeeds Him In The Kingdom. </i><br>1. Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought against the Israelites and their king Jehu, and spoiled the eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan, which belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, burning, and spoiling, and offering violence to all that he laid his hands on, and this without impeachment from Jehu, who made no haste to defend the country when it was under this distress; nay, he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser of holiness, and of the laws, and died when he had reigned over the Israelites twenty-seven years. He was buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son his successor in the government.",
+                    "2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an inclination to repair the temple of God; so he called Jehoiada, and bid him send the Levites and priests through all the country, to require half a shekel of silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay by Jehoram, and Athaliah and her sons. But the high priest did not do this, as concluding that no one would willingly pay that money; but in the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king sent for him and the Levites, and complained that they had not obeyed what he enjoined them, and still commanded them to take care of the rebuilding the temple, he used this stratagem for collecting the money, with which the multitude was pleased. He made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all sides, but opened one hole in it; he then set it in the temple beside the altar, and desired every one to cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased, for the repair of the temple. This contrivance was acceptable to the people, and they strove one with another, and brought in jointly large quantities of silver and gold; and when the scribe and the priest that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest, and counted the money in the king's presence, they then set it in its former place, and thus did they every day. But when the multitude appeared to have cast in as much as was wanted, the high priest Jehoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons and carpenters, and to buy large pieces of timber, and of the most curious sort; and when they had repaired the temple, they made use of the remaining gold and silver, which was not a little, for bowls, and basons, and cups, and other vessels, and they went on to make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of great value. And these things were taken suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived.",
+                    "3. But as soon as he was dead (which was when he had lived one hundred and thirty years, having been a righteous, and in every respect a very good man, and was buried in the king's sepulchers at Jerusalem, because he had recovered the kingdom to the family of David) king Jehoash betrayed his [want of] care about God. The principal men of the people were corrupted also together with him, and offended against their duty, and what their constitution determined to be most for their good. Hereupon God was displeased with the change that was made on the king, and on the rest of the people, and sent prophets to testify to them what their actions were, and to bring them to leave off their wickedness; but they had gotten such a strong affection and so violent an inclination to it, that neither could the examples of those that had offered affronts to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they and their entire families, nor could the fear of what the prophets now foretold, bring them to repentance, and turn them back from their course of transgression to their former duty. But the king commanded that Zechariah, the son of the high priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple, and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his father; for when God had appointed him to prophesy, he stood in the midst of the multitude, and gave this counsel to them and to the king: That they should act righteously; and foretold to them, that if they would not hearken to his admonitions, they should suffer a heavy punishment. But as Zechariah was ready to die, he appealed to God as a witness of what he suffered for the good counsel he had given them, and how he perished after a most severe and violent manner for the good deeds his father had done to Jehoash.",
+                    "4. However, it was not long before the king suffered punishment for his transgression; for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into his country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem; upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the treasures of God and of the kings [before him], and took down the gifts that had been dedicated [in the temple], and sent them to the king of Syria, and procured so much by them, that he was not besieged, nor his kingdom quite endangered; but Hazael was induced by the greatness of the sum of money not to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet Jehoash fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by his friends, in order to revenge the death of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king, and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal sepulchers of his forefathers, because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven years, and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom.",
+                    "5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the government of the Israelites in Samaria, and held it seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as those that first had God in contempt: but the king of Syria brought him low, and by an expedition against him did so greatly reduce his forces, that there remained no more of so great an army than ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He also took away from him his great cities, and many of them also, and destroyed his army. And these were the things that the people of Israel suffered, according to the prophecy of Elisha, when he foretold that Hazael should kill his master, and reign over the Syrians and Damcenes. But when Jehoahaz was under such unavoidable miseries, he had recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and besought him to deliver him out of the hands of Hazael, and not overlook him, and give him up into his hands. Accordingly God accepted of his repentance instead of virtue; and being desirous rather to admonish those that might repent, and not to determine that they should be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliverance from war and dangers. So the country having obtained peace, returned again to its former condition, and flourished as before.",
+                    "6. Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his son Joash took the kingdom, in the thirty-seventh year of Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judah. This Joash then took the kingdom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same name with the king of Jerusalem, and he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a good man, (17) and in his disposition was not at all like his father. Now at this time it was that when Elisha the prophet, who was already very old, and was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel came to visit him; and when he found him very near death, he began to weep in his sight, and lament, to call him his father, and his weapons, because it was by his means that he never made use of his weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame his own adversaries by his prophecies, without fighting; and that he was now departing this life, and leaving him to the Syrians, that were already armed, and to other enemies of his that were under their power; so he said it was not safe for him to live any longer, but that it would be well for him to hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with him. As the king was thus bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him, and bid the king bend a bow that was brought him; and when the king had fitted the bow for shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands and bid him shoot; and when he had shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha said, \"If thou hadst shot more arrows, thou hadst cut the kingdom of Syria up by the roots; but since thou hast been satisfied with shooting three times only, thou shalt fight and beat the Syrians no more times than three, that thou mayst recover that country which they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of thy father.\" So when the king had heard that, he departed; and a little while after the prophet died. He was a man celebrated for righteousness, and in eminent favor with God. He also performed wonderful and surprising works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously preserved in memory by the Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as it was fit a person so beloved of God should have. It also happened, that at that time certain robbers cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's grave, and upon his dead body coming close to Elisha's body, it revived again. And thus far have we enlarged about the actions of Elisha the prophet, both such as he did while he was alive, and how he had a Divine power after his death also.",
+                    "7. Now, upon the death of Hazael, the king of Syria, that kingdom came to Adad his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made war; and when he had beaten him in three battles, he took from him all that country, and all those cities and villages, which his father Hazael had taken from the kingdom of Israel, which came to pass, however, according to the prophecy of Elisha. But when Joash happened to die, he was buried in Samaria, and the government devolved on his son Jeroboam."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Amaziah Made An Expedition Against The Edomites And Amalekites And Conquered Them; But When He Afterwards Made War Against Joash, He Was Beaten And Not Long After Was Slain, And Uzziah Succeeded In The Government. </i><br>1. Now, in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding careful of doing what was right, and this when he was very young; but when he came to the management of affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he ought first of all to avenge his father Je-hoash, and to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands upon him: so he seized upon them all, and put them to death; yet did he execute no severity on their children, but acted therein according to the laws of Moses, who did not think it just to punish children for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him an army out of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin, of such as were in the flower of their age, and about twenty years old; and when he had collected about three hundred thousand of them together, he set captains of hundreds over them. He also sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hundred thousand of his soldiers for a hundred talents of silver, for he had resolved to make an expedition against the nations of the Amatekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites: but as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready to go out to the war, a prophet gave him counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites, because they were bad men, and because God foretold that he should be beaten, if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but that he should overcome his enemies, though he had but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when the king grudged at his having already paid the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him to do what God would have him, because he should thereby obtain much wealth from God. So he dismissed them, and said that he still freely gave them their pay, and went himself with his own army, and made war with the nations before mentioned; and when he had beaten them in battle, he slew of them ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive, whom he brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and threw them down from it headlong. He also brought away a great deal of prey and vast riches from those nations. But while Amaziah was engaged in this expedition, those Israelites whom he had hired, and then dismissed, were very uneasy at it, and taking their dismission for an affront, (as supposing that this would not have been done to them but out of contempt,) they fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much cattle, and slew three thousand men.",
+                    "2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had gotten, and the great acts he had done, he was puffed up, and began to overlook God, who had given him the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a prophet came to him, and said, that he wondered how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been of no advantage to their own people who paid them honors, nor had delivered them from his hands, but had overlooked the destruction of many of them, and had suffered themselves to be carried captive, for that they had been carried to Jerusalem in the same manner as any one might have taken some of the enemy alive, and led them thither. This reproof provoked the king to anger, and he commanded the prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish him if he meddled with his conduct. So he replied, that he should indeed hold his peace; but foretold withal, that God would not overlook his attempts for innovation. But Amaziah was not able to contain himself under that prosperity which God had given him, although he had affronted God thereupon; but in a vein of insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Israel, and commanded that he and all his people should be obedient to him, as they had formerly been obedient to his progenitors, David and Solomon; and he let him know, that if he would not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he must fight for his dominion. To which message Joash returned this answer in writing: \"King Joash to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cypress tree in Mount Lebanon, as also a thistle; this thistle sent to the cypress tree to give the cypress tree's daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as the thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and trod down the thistle: and this may be a lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to have a care, lest upon thy good success in the fight against the Amalekites thou growest so proud, as to bring dangers upon thyself and upon thy kingdom.\"",
+                    "3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he was more eager upon this expedition, which, I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that he might be punished for his offense against him. But as soon as he led out his army against Joash, and they were going to join battle with him, there came such a fear and consternation upon the army of Amaziah, as God, when he is displeased, sends upon men, and discomfited them, even before they came to a close fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered about by the terror that was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the enemy; whereupon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he would persuade the people of Jerusalem to open their gates to him, and receive him and his army into the city. Accordingly Amaziah was so distressed, and in such fear of his life, that he made his enemy to be received into the city. So Joash over threw a part of the wall, of the length of four hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah captive along with him; by which means he became master of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of God, and carried off all the gold and silver that was in the king's palace, and then freed the king from captivity, and returned to Samaria. Now these things happened to the people of Jerusalem in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends, and fled to the city Lachish, and was there slain by the conspirators, who sent men thither to kill him. So they took up his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral for him. This was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his innovations in religion, and his contempt of God, when he had lived fifty-four years, and had reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose name was Uzziah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jeroboam King Of Israel And Jonah The Prophet; And How After The Death Of Jeroboam His Son Zachariah Took The Government. How Uzziah, King Of Jerusalem, Subdued The Nations That Were Round About Him; And What Befell Him When He Attempted To Offer Incense To God. </i><br>1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, Jeroboam the son of Joash reigned over Israel in Samaria forty years. This king was guilty of contumely against God, (18) and became very wicked in worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of ten thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel. Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him that he should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their army, and enlarge the bounds of his kingdom on the northern parts to the city Hamath, and on the southern to the lake Asphaltitis; for the bounds of the Canaanites originally were these, as Joshua their general had determined them. So Jeroboam made an expedition against the Syrians, and overran all their country, as Jonah had foretold.",
+                    "2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, who have promised to give an accurate account of our affairs, to describe the actions of this prophet, so far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew books. Jonah had been commanded by God to go to the kingdom of Nineveh; and when he was there, to publish it in that city, how it should lose the dominion it had over the nations. But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went into it, and sailed to Tarsus, in Cilicia (19) and upon the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea: but Jonah lay still and covered [in the ship,] without imitating any thing that the others did; but as the waves grew greater, and the sea became more violent by the winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that some one of the persons that sailed with them was the occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover by lot which of them it was. When they had cast lots, (21) the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was upon them. Now at the first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a man who was a stranger, and who had committed his life to them, into such manifest perdition; but at last, when their misfortune overbore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and when they were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; upon which the sea became calm. It is also reported that Jonah was swallowed down by a whale, and that when he had been there three days, and as many nights, he was vomited out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and without any hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be heard, and preached, that in a very little time they should lose the dominion of Asia. And when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given this account about him as I found it written [in our books.]",
+                    "3. When Jeroboam the king had passed his life in great happiness, and had ruled forty years, he died, and was buried in Samaria, and his son Zachariah took the kingdom. After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem. He was a good man, and by nature righteous and magnanimous, and very laborious in taking care of the affairs of his kingdom. He made an expedition also against the Philistines, and overcame them in battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and brake down their walls; after which expedition he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red Sea, and put a garrison into it. He, after this, overthrew the Ammonites, and appointed that they should pay tribute. He also overcame all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt, and then began to take care of Jerusalem itself for the rest of his life; for he rebuilt and repaired all those parts of the wall which had either fallen down by length of time, or by the carelessness of the kings, his predecessors, as well as all that part which had been thrown down by the king of Israel, when he took his father Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him into the city. Moreover, he built a great many towers, of one hundred and fifty cubits high, and built walled towns in desert places, and put garrisons into them, and dug many channels for conveyance of water. He had also many beasts for labor, and an immense number of cattle; for his country was fit for pasturage. He was also given to husbandry, and took care to cultivate the ground, and planted it with all sorts of plants, and sowed it with all sorts of seeds. He had also about him an army composed of chosen men, in number three hundred and seventy thousand, who were governed by general officers and captains of thousands, who were men of valor, and of unconquerable strength, in number two thousand. He also divided his whole army into bands, and armed them, giving every one a sword, with brazen bucklers and breastplates, with bows and slings; and besides these, he made for them many engines of war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones and darts, with grapplers, and other instruments of that sort.",
+                    "4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making preparation [for futurity], he was corrupted in his mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on account of that abundance which he had of things that will soon perish, and despised that power which is of eternal duration (which consisted in piety towards God, and in the observation of the laws); so he fell by occasion of the good success of his affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins of his father, which the splendor of that prosperity he enjoyed, and the glorious actions he had done, led him into, while he was not able to govern himself well about them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day was come, and a general festival was to be celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and went into the temple to offer incense to God upon the golden altar, which he was prohibited to do by Azariah the high priest, who had fourscore priests with him, and who told him that it was not lawful for him to offer sacrifice, and that \"none besides the posterity of Aaron were permitted so to do.\" And when they cried out that he must go out of the temple, and not transgress against God, he was wroth at them, and threatened to kill them, unless they would hold their peace. In the mean time a great earthquake shook the ground (26) and a rent was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the sun shone through it, and fell upon the king's face, insomuch that the leprosy seized upon him immediately. And before the city, at a place called Eroge, half the mountain broke off from the rest on the west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood still at the east mountain, till the roads, as well as the king's gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now, as soon as the priests saw that the king's face was infected with the leprosy, they told him of the calamity he was under, and commanded that he should go out of the city as a polluted person. Hereupon he was so confounded at the sad distemper, and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict, that he did as he was commanded, and underwent this miserable and terrible punishment for an intention beyond what befitted a man to have, and for that impiety against God which was implied therein. So he abode out of the city for some time, and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took the government; after which he died with grief and anxiety at what had happened to him, when he had lived sixty-eight years, and reigned of them fifty-two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Zachariah Shallum, Menahem Pekahiah And Pekah Took The Government Over The Israelites ; And How Pul And Tiglath-Pileser Made An Expedition Against The Israelites. How Jotham, The Son Of Uzziah Reigned Over The Tribe Of Judah; And What Things Nahum Prophesied Against The Assyrians. </i><br>1. Now when Zachariah, the son of Jeroboam, had reigned six months over Israel, he was slain by the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose name was Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty days; for Menahem, the general of his army, who was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of what had befallen Zachariah, removed thereupon with all his forces to Samaria, and joining battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made himself king, he went thence, and came to the city Tiphsah; but the citizens that were in it shut their gates, and barred them against the king, and would not admit him: but in order to be avenged on them, he burnt the country round about it, and took the city by force, upon a siege; and being very much displeased at what the inhabitants of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and spared not so much as the infants, without omitting the utmost instances of cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity upon his own countrymen, as would not be pardonable with regard to strangers who had been conquered by him. And after this manner it was that this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and barbarity for ten years. But when Pul, king of Assyria, had made an expedition against him, he did not think meet to fight or engage in battle with the Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an end to the war. This sum the multitude collected for Menahem, by exacting fifty drachme as poll-money for every head; (23) after which he died, and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity of his father, and so ruled but two years only, after which he was slain with his friends at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the general of his horse, and the son of Remaliah, who laid snares for him. Now this Pekah held the government twenty years, and proved a wicked man and a transgressor. But the king of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expedition against the Israelites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is called Galilee, and Kadesh, and Hazor, he made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplanted them into his own kingdom. And so much shall suffice to have related here concerning the king of Assyria.",
+                    "2. Now Jotham the son of Uzziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha. This king was not defective in any virtue, but was religious towards God, and righteous towards men, and careful of the good of the city (for what part soever wanted to be repaired or adorned he magnificently repaired and adorned them). He also took care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple, and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and built very great towers, and such as were almost impregnable; and if any thing else in his kingdom had been neglected, he took great care of it. He also made an expedition against the Ammonites, and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a hundred talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat, and as many of barley, every year, and so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies could not despise it, and his own people lived happily.",
+                    "3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose name was Nahum, who spake after this manner concerning the overthrow of the Assyrians and of Nineveh: \"Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion (23) so shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and go away by flight, while they say one to another, Stand, stand still, seize their gold and silver, for there shall be no one to wish them well, for they will rather save their lives than their money; for a terrible contention shall possess them one with another, and lamentation, and loosing of the members, and their countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And there will be the den of the lions, and the mother of the young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh, that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no longer go out from thee to give laws to the world.\" And indeed this prophet prophesied many other things besides these concerning Nineveh, which I do not think necessary to repeat, and I here omit them, that I may not appear troublesome to my readers; all which thing happened about Nineveh a hundred and fifteen years afterward: so this may suffice to have spoken of these matters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Death Of Jotham, Ahaz Reigned In His Stead; Against Whom Rezin, King Of Syria And Pekah King Of Israel, Made War; And How Tiglath-Pileser, King Of Assyria Came To The Assistance Of Ahaz, And Laid Syria Waste And Removing The Damascenes Into Media Placed Other Nations In Their Room. </i><br>1. Now Jotham died when he had lived forty-one years, and of them reigned sixteen, and was buried in the sepulchers of the kings; and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon them to idols; to which also he offered his own son as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the same sort. Now as he was going on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Syria and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of Israel, who were now at amity one with another, made war with him; and when they had driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that city a long while, making but a small progress, on account of the strength of its walls; and when the king of Syria had taken the city Elath, upon the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians; and when he had slain those in the [other] garrisons, and the Jews in their neighborhood, and had driven away much prey, he returned with his army back to Damascus. Now when the king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians were returned home, he, supposing himself a match for the king of Israel, drew out his army against him, and joining battle with him was beaten; and this happened because God was angry with him, on account of his many and great enormities. Accordingly there were slain by the Israelites one hundred and twenty thousand of his men that day, whose general, Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son, in his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also carried Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also carried the women and children of the tribe of Benjamin captives; and when they had gotten a great deal of prey, they returned to Samaria.",
+                    "2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet at that time in Samaria; he met the army before the city walls, and with a loud voice told them that they had gotten the victory not by their own strength, but by reason of the anger God had against king Ahaz. And he complained that they were not satisfied with the good success they had had against him, but were so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to let them go home without doing them any harm, for that if they did not obey God herein, they should be punished. So the people of Israel came together to their assembly, and considered of these matters, when a man whose name was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation in the government, stood up, and the others with him, and said, \"We will not suffer the citizens to bring these prisoners into the city, lest we be all destroyed by God; we have sins enough of our own that we have committed against him, as the prophets assure us; nor ought we therefore to introduce the practice of new crimes.\" When the soldiers heard that, they permitted them to do what they thought best. So the forenamed men took the captives, and let them go, and took care of them, and gave them provisions, and sent them to their own country, without doing them any harm. However, these four went along with them, and conducted them as far as Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and returned to Samaria.",
+                    "3. Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so thoroughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance from him in his war against the Israelites, and Syrians, and Damascenes, with a promise to send him much money; he sent him also great presents at the same time. Now this king, upon the reception of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and transplanted the people of Damascus into the Upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians, and planted them in Damascus. He also afflicted the land of Israel, and took many captives out of it. While he was doing thus with the Syrians, king Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treasures, and the silver, and what was in the temple of God, and what precious gifts were there, and he carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agreement. So he confessed that he owed him thanks for all he had done for him, and returned to Jerusalem. Now this king was so sottish and thoughtless of what was for his own good, that he would not leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was beaten by them, but he went on in worshipping them, as though they would procure him the victory; and when he was beaten again, he began to honor the gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous to honor any other gods than his own paternal and true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat; nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in the appointed sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had been given to it. And when he had offered these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left his son Hezekiah for his successor."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pekah Died By The Treachery Of Hoshea Who Was A Little After Subdued By Shalmaneser; And How Hezekiah Reigned Instead Of Ahaz; And What Actions Of Piety And Justice He Did. </i><br>1. About the same time Pekah, the king of Israel, died by the treachery of a friend of his, whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom nine years' time, but was a wicked man, and a despiser of the Divine worship; and Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, made an expedition against him, and overcame him, (which must have been because he had not God favorable nor assistant to him,) and brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay an appointed tribute. Now, in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name was Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was good, and righteous, and religious; for when he came to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was prior, or more necessary, or more advantageous to himself, and to his subjects, than to worship God. Accordingly, he called the people together, and the priests, and the Levites, and made a speech to them, and said, \"You are not ignorant how, by the sins of my father, who transgressed that sacred honor which was due to God, you have had experience of many and great miseries, while you were corrupted in your mind by him, and were induced to worship those which he supposed to be gods; I exhort you, therefore, who have learned by sad experience how dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that immediately out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from your former pollutions, and to open the temple to these priests and Levites who are here convened, and to cleanse it with the accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all to the ancient honor which our fathers paid to it; for by this means we may render God favorable, and he will remit the anger he hath had to us.\"",
+                    "2. When the king had said this, the priests opened the temple; and when they had set in order the vessels of God, and east out what was impure, they laid the accustomed sacrifices upon the altar. The king also sent to the country that was under him, and called the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long time, on account of the wickedness of the forementioned kings. He also sent to the Israelites, and exhorted them to leave off their present way of living, and return to their ancient practices, and to worship God, for that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, all in one body, the feast of unleavened bread; and this he said was by way of invitation only, and to be done of their own good-will, and for their own advantage, and not out of obedience to him, because it would make them happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming of the ambassadors, and upon their laying before them what they had in charge from their own king, were so far from complying therewith, that they laughed the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them as fools: as also they affronted the prophets, which gave them the same exhortations, and foretold what they would suffer if they did not return to the worship of God, insomuch that at length they caught them, and slew them; nor did this degree of transgressing suffice them, but they had more wicked contrivances than what have been described: nor did they leave off, before God, as a punishment for their impiety, brought them under their enemies: but of that more hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who were obedient to what the prophets exhorted them to do, and returned to the worship of God. Now all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that they might worship God [there].",
+                    "3. When these men were come, king Hezekiah went up into the temple, with the rulers and all the people, and offered for himself seven bulls, and as many rams, with seven lambs, and as many kids of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers, laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and permitted the priests to complete the sacred offices about them. So they both slew the sacrifices, and burnt the burnt-offerings, while the Levites stood round about them, with their musical instruments, and sang hymns to God, and played on their psalteries, as they were instructed by David to do, and this while the rest of the priests returned the music, and sounded the trumpets which they had in their hands; and when this was done, the king and the multitude threw themselves down upon their face, and worshipped God. He also sacrificed seventy bulls, one hundred rams, and two hundred lambs. He also granted the multitude sacrifices to feast upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other cattle; and the priests performed all things according to the law. Now the king was so pleased herewith, that he feasted with the people, and returned thanks to God; but as the feast of unleavened bread was now come, when they had offered that sacrifice which is called the passover, they after that offered other sacrifices for seven days. When the king had bestowed on the multitude, besides what they sanctified of themselves, two thousand bulls, and seven thousand other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers; for they gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand and forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been so well observed from the days of king Solomon, as it was now first observed with great splendor and magnificence; and when the festival was ended, they went out into the country and purged it, and cleansed the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king also gave order that the daily sacrifices should be offered, at his own charges, and according to the law; and appointed that the tithes and the first-fruits should be given by the multitude to the priests and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon Divine service, and never be taken off from the worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought together all sorts of their fruits to the priests and the Levites. The king also made garners and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every one of the priests and Levites, and to their children and wives; and thus did they return to their old form of Divine worship. Now when the king had settled these matters after the manner already described, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat them, and possessed himself of all the enemy's cities, from Gaza to Gath; but the king of Assyria sent to him, and threatened to overturn all his dominions, unless he would pay him the tribute which his father paid him formerly; but king Hezekiah was not concerned at his threatenings, but depended on his piety towards God, and upon Isaiah the prophet, by whom he inquired and accurately knew all future events. And thus much shall suffice for the present concerning this king Hezekiah."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Shalmaneser Took Samaria By Force And How He Transplanted The Ten Tribes Into Media, And Brought The Nation Of The Cutheans Into Their Country [In Their Room]. </i><br>1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had it told him, that [Hoshea] the king of Israel had sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring his assistance against him, he was very angry, and made an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not admitted [into the city] by the king, (24) he besieged Samaria three years, and took it by force in the ninth year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh year of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, and quite demolished the government of the Israelites, and transplanted all the people into Media and Persia among whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when he had removed these people out of this their land he transplanted other nations out of Cuthah, a place so called, (for there is [still] a river of that name in Persia,) into Samaria, and into the country of the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites were removed out of Judea nine hundred and forty-seven years after their forefathers were come out of the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of the country, but eight hundred years after Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have already observed, two hundred and forty years, seven months, and seven days after they had revolted from Rehoboam, the grandson of David, and had given the kingdom to Jeroboam. And such a conclusion overtook the Israelites, when they had transgressed the laws, and would not hearken to the prophets, who foretold that this calamity would come upon them, if they would not leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to these evil doings, was that sedition which they raised against Rehoboam, the grandson of David, when they set up Jeroboam his servant to be their king, when, by sinning against God, and bringing them to imitate his bad example, made God to be their enemy, while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which he justly deserved.",
+                    "2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria and Phoenicia in a hostile manner. The name of this king is also set down in the archives of Tyre, for he made an expedition against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus; and Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote his Chronology, and translated the archives of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the following history: \"One whose name was Eluleus reigned thirty-six years; this king, upon the revolt of the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again to a submission. Against these did the king of Assyria send an army, and in a hostile manner overrun all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with them all, and returned back; but Sidon, and Ace, and Palsetyrus revolted; and many other cities there were which delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Accordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king returned, and fell upon them again, while the Phoenicians had furnished him with threescore ships, and eight hundred men to row them; and when the Tyrians had come upon them in twelve ships, and the enemy's ships were dispersed, they took five hundred men prisoners, and the reputation of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby increased; but the king of Assyria returned, and placed guards at their rivers and aqueducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This continued for five years; and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and drank of the water they had out of the wells they dug.\" And this is what is written in the Tyrian archives concerning Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria.",
+                    "3. But now the Cutheans, who removed into Samaria, (for that is the name they have been called by to this time, because they were brought out of the country called Cuthah, which is a country of Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it,) each of them, according to their nations, which were in number five, brought their own gods into Samaria, and by worshipping them, as was the custom of their own countries, they provoked Almighty God to be angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized upon them, by which they were destroyed; and when they found no cure for their miseries, they learned by the oracle that they ought to worship Almighty God, as the method for their deliverance. So they sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired him to send them some of those priests of the Israelites whom he had taken captive. And when he thereupon sent them, and the people were by them taught the laws, and the holy worship of God, they worshipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague ceased immediately; and indeed they continue to make use of the very same customs to this very time, and are called in the Hebrew tongue Cutlans, but in the Greek tongue Samaritans. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition, they say they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from other countries. But of these we shall have a more seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Sennacherib Made An Expedition Against Hezekiah; What Threatenings Rabshakeh Made To Hezekiah When Sennacherib Was Gone Against The Egyptians; How Isaiah The Prophet Encouraged Him; How Sennacherib Having Failed Of Success In Egypt, Returned Thence To Jerusalem; And How Upon His Finding His Army Destroyed, He Returned Home; And What Befell Him A Little Afterward. </i><br>1. It was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib, made an expedition against him with a great army, and took all the cities of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to bring his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassadors to him beforehand, and promised to submit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the proposals that were made him; and if he might receive three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would then do him no harm, but go away as he came. So Hezekiah submitted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should be freed from his enemy, and from any further distress about his kingdom. Accordingly, the Assyrian king took it, and yet had no regard to what he had promised; but while he himself went to the war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders, with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak with him; but he did not himself come out to them for fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends; the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So these men came out, and stood over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; and when Rabshakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to Hezekiah in the manner following: That Sennacherib, the great king, (1) desires to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in flying from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army would be beaten by them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this be what he expects, he is a foolish man, and like one who leans on a broken reed; while such a one will not only fall down, but will have his hand pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the will of God, who hath granted this favor to him, that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner he shall destroy those that are his subjects also. When Rabshakeh had made this speech in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skillful in that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude that heard him should be disturbed; so he desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue. But the general, understanding what he meant, and perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer with a greater and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said, that \"since they all heard what were the king's commands, they would consult their own advantage in delivering up themselves to us; for it is plain the both you and your king dissuade the people from submitting by vain hopes, and so induce them to resist; but if you be courageous, and think to drive our forces away, I am ready to deliver to you two thousand of these horses that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on their backs, and show your strength; but what you have not you cannot produce. Why therefore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a superior force, who can take you without your consent? although it will be safer for you to deliver yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and will bring further calamities upon you.\"",
+                    "3. When the people, as well as the ambassadors, heard what the Assyrian commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his royal apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of a mourner, and, after the manner of his country, he fell upon his face, and besought God, and entreated him to assist them, now they had no other hope of relief. He also sent some of his friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put up supplications to him, that he would have indignation at the expectations of their enemies, and have mercy upon his people. And when the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends that were about him; and foretold that their enemies should be beaten without fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner, and not with that insolence which they now show, for that God would take care that they should be destroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he came home he should perish by the sword.",
+                    "4. About the same time also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man, in supposing that he should escape from being his servant, since he had already brought under many and great nations; and he threatened, that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, unless he now opened the gates, and willingly received his army into Jerusalem. When he read this epistle, he despised it, on account of the trust that he had in God; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid it up within the temple. And as he made his further prayers to God for the city, and for the preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah said that God had heard his prayer, and that he should not be besieged at this time by the king of Assyria (2) that for the future he might be secure of not being at all disturbed by him; and that the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other affairs. But after a little while the king of Assyria, when he had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, returned home without success, on the following occasion: He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium; and when the banks that he had raised over against the walls were of a great height, and when he was ready to make an immediate assault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved to march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the Assyrians, this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I said before, left Pelusium, and returned back without success. Now concerning this Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the second book of his histories, how \"this king came against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and that as he was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following occasion: This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king.\" But in this Herodotus was mistaken, when he called this king not king of the Assyrians, but of the Arabians; for he saith that \"a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one night both the bows and the rest of the armor of the Assyrians, and that it was on that account that the king, when he had no bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium.\" And Herodotus does indeed give us this history; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assyrians, and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and says thus:",
+                    "5. \"Now when Sennacherib was returning from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in danger [by a plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper upon his army; and on the very first night of the siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with their captains and generals, were destroyed. So the king was in a great dread and in a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great fear for his whole army, he fled with the rest of his forces to his own kingdom, and to his city Nineveh; and when he had abode there a little while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his elder sons, (3) Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in his own temple, which was called Araske. Now these sons of his were driven away on account of the murder of their father by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennacherib.\" And this proved to be the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hezekiah Was Sick, And Ready To Die; And How God Bestowed Upon Him Fifteen Years Longer Life, [And Secured That Promise] By The Going Back Of The Shadow Ten Degrees. </i><br>1. Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after a surprising manner, from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with all his people, because nothing else had destroyed some of their enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate that they departed from Jerusalem, but that Divine assistance. Yet, while he was very zealous and diligent about the worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe distemper, insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and expected no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and besides the distemper (4) itself, there was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered the king, which was the consideration that he was childless, and was going to die, and leave his house and his government without a successor of his own body; so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of God that he would prolong his life for a little while till he had some children, and not suffer him to depart this life before he was become a father. Hereupon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of his supplication, because the trouble he was under at his supposed death was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom, nor did he on that account pray that he might have a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons, that might receive the government after him. And God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah, that within three days' time he should get clear of his distemper, and should survive it fifteen years, and that he should have children also. Now, upon the prophet's saying this, as God had commanded him, he could hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was under, which was very sore, and by reason of the surprising nature of what was told him; so he desired that Isaiah would give him some sign or wonder, that he might believe him in what he had said, and be sensible that he came from God; for things that are beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes, are made credible by actions of the like nature. And when Isaiah had asked him what sign he desired to be exhibited, he desired that he would make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to return again to the same place, (5) and to make it as it was before. And when the prophet prayed to God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what he desired to see, and was freed from his distemper, and went up to the temple, where he worshipped God, and made vows to him.",
+                    "2. At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes; (6) but of these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose name was Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired he would be his ally and his friend. So he received the ambassadors gladly, and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his armory, and the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious stones and in gold, and gave them presents to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back to him. Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and inquired of him whence those ambassadors came; to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from the king; and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of his riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and be able to inform the king of it. But the prophet rejoined, and said, \"Know thou, that, after a little while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that God foretold such things would come to pass.\" Upon which words Hezekiah was troubled, and said that he was himself unwilling that his nation should fall into such calamities; yet since it is not possible to alter what God had determined, he prayed that there might be peace while he lived. Berosus also makes mention of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, Whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these we shall speak hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Manasseh Reigned After Hezekiah; And How When He Was In Captivity He Returned To God And  Was Restored To His Kingdom And Left It To [His Son] Amon. </i><br>1. When king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already mentioned, and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Manasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he departed from the conduct of his father, and fell into a course of life quite contrary thereto, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in all respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the commission of which against God they had been destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple of God, and the city, and the whole country; for, by setting out from a contempt of God, he barbarously slew all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews; nor would he spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So God was angry at these proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by whom he threatened the very same calamities to them which their brethren the Israelites, upon the like affronts offered to God, were now under. But these men would not believe their words, by which belief they might have reaped the advantage of escaping all those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn that what the prophets had told them was true.",
+                    "2. And when they persevered in the same course of life, God raised up war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the country; and caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him to be brought to him, and had him under his power to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him. But then it was that Manasseh perceived what a miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself the cause of all, he besought God to render his enemy humane and merciful to him. Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what he prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in; and when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavored, if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a very religious life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder of his days he was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for his deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his life long. He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having very nearly experienced what a calamity he was fallen into by a contrary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded. And when he had re-established what concerned the Divine worship, as it ought to be, he took care of the security of Jerusalem: he did not only repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall to the former. He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned places before the city he strengthened, not only in other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that they wanted. And indeed, when he had changed his former course, he so led his life for the time to come, that from the time of his return to piety towards God he was deemed a happy man, and a pattern for imitation. When therefore he had lived sixty-seven years, he departed this life, having reigned fifty-five years, and was buried in his own garden; and the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother's name was Meshulemeth, of the city of Jotbath."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Amon Reigned Instead Of Manasseh; And After Amon Reigned Josiah; He Was Both Righteous And Religious. As Also Concerning Huldah The Prophetess. </i><br>1. This Amon imitated those works of his father which he insolently did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made against him by his own servants, and was slain in his own house, when he had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned two. But the multitude punished those that slew Amon, and buried him with his father, and gave the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath, and her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a pattern and a rule to him in the whole conduct of his life. And when he was twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his religious and righteous behavior; for he brought the people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave off the opinion they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but to worship their own God. And by repeating on the actions of his progenitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a very elderly man, and like one abundantly able to understand what was fit to be done; and what he found they had well done, he observed all the country over, and imitated the same. And thus he acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and in compliance with the advice and instruction of the elders; for by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the order of his government, and in piety with regard to the Divine worship. And this happened because the transgressions of the former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away; for the king went about the city, and the whole country, and cut down the groves which were devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their altars; and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by his forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them down; and by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that they might order the matters to them severally belonging, and have regard to justice above all things, and distribute it with the same concern they would have about their own soul. He also sent over all the country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, according to every one's inclinations and abilities. And when the money was brought in, he made one Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joab the recorder, and Eliakim the high priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges contributed thereto; who made no delay, nor put the work off at all, but prepared architects, and whatsoever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about the work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a public demonstration of the king's piety.",
+                    "2. But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high priest, and gave order, that out of what money was overplus, he should cast cups, and dishes, and vials, for ministration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should bring all the gold or silver which was among the treasures, and expend that also in making cups and the like vessels. But as the high priest was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the holy books of Moses that were laid up in the temple; and when he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to the king, and informed him that all was finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the books to him, who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment, and called for Eliakim the high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for certain [other] of his most particular friends, and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent family,) and bid them go to her, and say that [he desired] she would appease God, and endeavor to render him propitious to them, for that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the transgression of the laws of Moses by their forefathers, they should be in peril of going into captivity, and of being cast out of their own country; lest they should be in want of all things, and so end their days miserably. When the prophetess had heard this from the messengers that were sent to her by the king, she bid them go back to the king, and say that \"God had already given sentence against them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and deprive them of all the happiness they enjoyed; which sentence none could set aside by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on account of their transgressions of the laws, and of their not having repented in so long a time, while the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishment that would ensue on their impious practices; which threatening God would certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded that he is God, and had not deceived them in any respect as to what he had denounced by his prophets; that yet, because Josiah was a righteous man, he would at present delay those calamities, but that after his death he would send on the multitude what miseries he had determined for them.",
+                    "3. So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people every where, and ordered that the priests and the Levites should come together to Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age should be present also. And when they had gathered together, he first read to them the holy books; after which he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant, with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep the laws of Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent willingly, and undertook to do what the king had recommended to them. So they immediately offered sacrifices, and that after an acceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious and merciful to them. He also enjoined the high priest, that if there remained in the temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast it out. So when a great number of such vessels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the priests of the idols that were not of the family of Aaron.",
+                    "4. And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he came into the country, and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam, in honor of strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam first built; and, as the prophet [Jadon], who came to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and when all the people heard him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here mentioned. And it happened that those predictions took effect after three hundred and sixty-one years.",
+                    "5. After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and persuaded them to desist from their impious practices, and to leave off the honors they paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. He also searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities, out of a suspicion that somebody might have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of the sun] that were set up in his royal palace, (7) which his predecessors had framed, and what thing soever there was besides which they worshipped as a god. And when he had thus purged all the country, he called the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of unleavened bread, and that called the passover. He also gave the people for paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thousand oxen for burnt-offerings. The principal of the priests also gave to the priests against the passover two thousand and six hundred lambs; the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs, and five hundred oxen, by which means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while every priest explained the matter, and ministered to the multitude. And indeed there had been no other festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacrifices now was the occasion that all things were performed according to the laws, and according to the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had after this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also, among all men, he ended his life in the manner following."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Josiah Fought With Neco [King Of Egypt.] And Was Wounded And Died In A Little Time Afterward; As Also How Neco Carried Jehoahaz, Who Had Been Made King Into Egypt And Delivered The Kingdom To Jehoiakim; And [Lastly] Concerning Jeremiah And Ezekiel. </i><br>1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had overthrown the dominion of the Assyrians, (8) for he had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him from passing through his own country, in his expedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a herald to Josiah, and told him that he did not make this expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and desired that he would not provoke him to fight against him, because he obstructed his march to the place whither he had resolved to go. But Josiah did not admit of this advice of Neco, but put himself into a posture to hinder him from his intended march. I suppose it was fate that pushed him on this conduct, that it might take an occasion against him; for as he was setting his army in array, (9) and rode about in his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his eagerness of fighting; for being sorely wounded, he command a retreat to be sounded for his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of that wound; and was magnificently buried in the sepulcher of his fathers, when he had lived thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him, (10) which is extant till tills time also. Moreover, this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in writing a description of that destruction of our nation which has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and left behind him in writing two books concerning these events. Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place.",
+                    "2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-three years old. He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hamutal, of the city Libhah. He was an impious man, and impure in his course of life; but as the king of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him, to the city called Hamath (11) which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put him in bands, and delivered the kingdom to a brother of his, by the father's side, whose name was Eliakim, and changed his name to Jehoiakim and laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold; and this sum of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute; but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he had reigned three months and ten days. Now Jehoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief; nor was he either religions towards God, or good-natured towards men."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Nebuchadnezzar, When He Had Conquered The King Of Egypt Made An Expedition Against The Jews, And Slew Jehoiakim, And Made Jeholachin His Son King. </i><br>1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians, who at the same time went up with a great army to the city Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken to fight with Neco king of Egypt, under whom all Syria then was. And when Neco understood the intention of the king of Babylon, and that this expedition was made against him, he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men to Euphrates to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Babylon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reigned four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened upon his refusal to make war against him. He was aftrighted at his threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for three years.",
+                    "2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute; yet was he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim the king would be subdued by him. But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, because there were none that should escape; for both the multitude and the rulers, when they heard him, had no concern about what they heard; but being displeased at what was said, as if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they accused Jeremiah, and bringing him before the court, they required that a sentence and a punishment might be given against him. Now all the rest gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who prudently sent away the prophet from the court of [the prison], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah no harm; for they said that he was not the only person who foretold what would come to the city, but that Micah signified the same before him, as well as many others, none of which suffered any thing of the kings that then reigned, but were honored as the prophets of God. So they mollified the multitude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah from the punishment to which he was condemned. Now when this prophet had written all his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had composed of his predictions of what was to befall the city, and the temple, and the multitude. And when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they carried the book, and gave it to the king; so he gave order, in the presence of his friends, that his scribe should take it, and read it. When the king heard what it contained, he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was consumed. He also commanded that they should seek for Jeremiah, and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished. However, they escaped his anger.",
+                    "3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he received [into the city], and this out of fear of the foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing he should suffer nothing that was terrible, because he neither shut the gates, nor fought against him; yet when he was come into the city, he did not observe the covenants he had made, but he slew such as were in the flower of their age, and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their king Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls, without any burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the country, and of the city: he also took the principal persons in dignity for captives, three thousand in number, and led them away to Babylon; among which was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then but young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Nehushta; she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That The King Of Babylon Repented Of Making Jehoiachin King, And Took Him Away To Babylon And Delivered The Kingdom To Zedekiah. This King Would Not Relieve What Was Predicted By Jeremiah And Ezekiel But Joined Himself To The Egyptians; Who When They Came Into Judea, Were Vanquished By The King Of Babylon; As Also What Befell Jeremiah. </i><br>1. But a terror seized on the king of Babylon, who had given the kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that immediately; he was afraid that he should bear him a grudge, because of his killing his father, and thereupon should make the country revolt from him; wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did not desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his mother and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that neither should they suffer any harm, nor the city; which agreement they did not observe for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all that were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring them bound to him; their number was ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends. And when these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin's uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of friendship with the Egyptians.",
+                    "2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one year's old when he took the government; and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a despiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of the same age with him were wicked about him, and the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent things they pleased; for which reason the prophet Jeremiah came often to him, and protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his impieties and transgressions, and take care of what was right, and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom were wicked men,) nor give credit to their false prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Babylon would make no more war against them, and as if the Egyptians would make war against him, and conquer him, since what they said was not true, and the events would not prove such [as they expected]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard the prophet speak, he believed him, and agreed to every thing as true, and supposed it was for his advantage; but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him to do what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people, which when he heard, he sent accounts of them unto Jerusalem. But Zedekiah did not believe their prophecies, for the reason following: It happened that the two prophets agreed with one another in what they said as in all other things, that the city should be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said that Zedekiah should not see Babylon, while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds. A nd be-",
+                    "3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of overcoming the Babylonians. When the king of Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city Jerusalem itself to besiege it. But when the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege; upon which the king of Babylon departed from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle with them, and beat them; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove them out of all Syria. Now as soon as the king of Babylon was departed from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that the king of Babylon would not any more make war against him or his people, nor remove them out of their own country into Babylon; and that those then in captivity would return, with all those vessels of the temple of which the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied what contradicted those predictions, and what proved to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; that the Egyptians would be of no advantage to them, but that the king of Babylon would renew the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and would destroy the people by famine, and carry away those that remained into captivity, and would take away what they had as spoils, and would carry off those riches that were in the temple; nay, that, besides this, he would burn it, and utterly overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his posterity seventy years; that then the Persians and the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and overthrow the Babylonians; \"and that we shall be dismissed, and return to this land, and rebuild the temple, and restore Jerusalem.\" When Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him; but the rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to go elsewhere, to his own country, which was called Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; (12) and as he was going, one of the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and accused him falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians; but Jeremiah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was only going to his own country; but the other would not believe him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, and was reserved to be punished; and this was the condition he was in for some time, while he suffered what I have already described unjustly.",
+                    "4. Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second expedition against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months, and besieged it with the utmost application. There came upon them also two of the greatest calamities at the same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential distemper, and made great havoc of them. And though the prophet Jeremiah was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the multitude to open their gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that if they did so, they should be preserved, and their whole families; but if they did not so, they should be destroyed; and he foretold, that if any one staid in the city, he should certainly perish by one of these ways, - either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy's sword; but that if he would flee to the enemy, he should escape death. Yet did not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they were in the midst of their sore calamities; but they came to the king, and in their anger informed him what Jeremiah had said, and accused him, and complained of the prophet as of a madman, and one that disheartened their minds, and by the denunciation of miseries weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for their country, while he, in a way of threatening, warned them to flee to the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly be taken, and be utterly destroyed.",
+                    "5. But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he might not be engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, by opposing what they intended, he let them do with the prophet whatsoever they would; whereupon, when the king had granted them such a permission, they presently came into the prison, and took him, and let him down with a cord into a pit full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So he stood up to the neck in the mire which was all about him, and so continued; but there was one of the king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. When the king heard this, he repented of his having delivered up the prophet to the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king's guards, and cords with them, and whatsoever else they understood to be necessary for the prophet's preservation, and to draw him up immediately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was ordered to take, and drew up the prophet out of the mire, and left him at liberty [in the prison].",
+                    "6. But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired what he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his present circumstances, and desired him to inform him of it, Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat to say; but he said withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; \"for,\" said he, \"thy friends have determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some wickedness; and where are now those men who deceived us, and said that the king of Babylon would not come and fight against us any more? but I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me to die.\" And when the king had assured him upon oath, that he would neither himself put him to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance that was given him, and gave him this advice: That he should deliver the city up to the Babylonians; and he said that it was God who prophesied this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be preserved, and escape out of the danger he was in, and that then neither should the city fall to the ground, nor should the temple be burned; but that [if he disobeyed] he would be the cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens, and of the calamity that would befall his whole house. When the king heard this, he said that he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, and what he declared would be to his advantage, but that he was afraid of those of his own country that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be punished. But the prophet encouraged him, and said he had no cause to fear such punishment, for that he should not have the experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the Babylonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives, and that the temple should then continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah had said this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray what they had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they should have learned that he had been sent for, and should inquire of him what it was that he was sent for, and what he had said to him; but to pretend to them that he besought him that he might not be kept in bonds and in prison. And indeed he said so to them; for they came to the prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came to give the king relating to them. And thus I have finished what concerns this matter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The King Of Babylon Took Jerusalem And Burnt The Temple And Removed The People Of Jerusalem And Zedekiah To Babylon. As Also, Who They Were That Had Succeeded In The High Priesthood Under The Kings. </i><br>1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem; and he erected towers upon great banks of earth, and from them repelled those that stood upon the walls; he also made a great number of such banks round about the whole city, whose height was equal to those walls. However, those that were within bore the siege with courage and alacrity, for they were not discouraged, either by the famine, or by the pestilential distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prosecution of the war, although those miseries within oppressed them also, and they did not suffer themselves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of the enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived still different engines to oppose all the other withal, till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, which had the greater sagacity and skill; the former party supposing they should be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the enemy's engines were useless to them. And this siege they endured for eighteen months, until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which the enemy threw at them from the towers.",
+                    "2. Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care of the siege, for he abode himself in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one desire to know them, were these: Nergal Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sorsechim, and Rabmag. And when the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy's generals were entered into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his wives, and his children, and his captains, and his friends, and with them fled out of the city, through the fortified ditch, and through the desert; and when certain of the deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at break of day, they made haste to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city with him, when they saw their enemies near them, they left him, and dispersed themselves, some one way, and some another, and every one resolved to save himself; so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with his children and his wives, and brought him to the king. When he was come, Nebuchadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten his former words, when he promised to keep the country for him. He also reproached him for his ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and given it to him, he had made use of the power he gave him against him that gave it; \"but,\" said he, \"God is great, who hated that conduct of thine, and hath brought thee under us.\" And when he had used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons and his friends to be slain, while Zedekiah and the rest of the captains looked on; after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him, and carried him to Babylon. And these things happened to him, (13) as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah prophesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel.",
+                    "3. We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many different ways, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their proper season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid the experience of those calamities.",
+                    "4. And after this manner have the kings of David's race ended their lives, being in number twenty-one, until the last king, who all together reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first king, retained the government twenty years, though he was not of the same tribe with the rest.",
+                    "5. And now it was that the king of Babylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, who had it also in command to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay the city even with the ground, and to transplant the people into Babylon. Accordingly, he came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried out the vessels of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that large laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden tables and the candlesticks; and when he had carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar: he also burnt the palace, and overthrew the city. Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six months, and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty-two years, six months, and ten days from the departure out of Egypt; and from the deluge to the destruction of the temple, the whole interval was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days; but from the generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days; so great was the number of years hereto belonging. And what actions were done during these years we have particularly related. But the general of the Babylonian king now overthrew the city to the very foundations, and removed all the people, and took for prisoners the high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch who was over the armed men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers; all which, together with the vessels which they had pillaged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off there; but he himself led all the captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we just now related.",
+                    "6. And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the kings, and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set down the names of the high priests, and who they were that succeeded one another in the high priesthood under the Kings. The first high priest then at the temple which Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity; after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's son was Isus; after him was Axioramus; his son was Phidens, and Phideas's son was Sudeas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Juelus's son was Jotham, and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias, and Nerias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallumus, and Sallumus's son was Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, (14) and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive to Babylon. All these received the high priesthood by succession, the sons from their father.",
+                    "7. When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the people in the country of Babylon, but freed the high priest from his bonds."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Nebuzaradan Set Gedaliah Over The Jews That Were Left In Judea Which Gedaliah Was A Little Afterward Slain By Ishmael; And How Johanan After Ishmael Was Driven Away Went Down Into Egypt With The People Which People Nebuchadnezzar When He Made An Expedition Against The Egyptians Took Captive And Brought Them Away To Babylon. </i><br>1. Now the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, when he had carried the people of the Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted, in the country, and made one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle and righteous disposition. He also commanded them that they should cultivate the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon, for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; and if he did not like to do so, he desired him to inform him where he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same to the king. But the prophet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell any where else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable remains of it. When the general understood what his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he left behind, to take all possible care of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he wanted. So when he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, which was called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his disciple Baruch, the son of Neriah, one of a very eminent family, and exceeding skillful in the language of his country.",
+                    "2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon. But as to those that fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scattered over the country, when they heard that the Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were to cultivate the same, they came together from all parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah, and Jezaniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of the royal family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, and abode with him during that time; and Gedaliah persuaded them, now they were there, to stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready to defend them. He also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one of them pleased; and that they would send men along with his own servants, and rebuild their houses upon the old foundations, and dwell there; and he admonished them beforehand, that they should make preparation, while the season lasted, of corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed during the winter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them, that every one might dwell in what place of the country he pleased.",
+                    "3. Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him, after they had fled away, upon this [only] condition, that they should pay tribute to the king of Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the country. And when Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, observed the country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secretly, that he might have the dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal family; and they said that he might deliver himself from this treacherous design, if he would give them leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for they told him they were afraid that, when he was killed by the other, the entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would ensue. But he professed that he did not believe what they said, when they told him of such a treacherous design, in a man that had been well treated by him; because it was not probable that one who, under such a want of all things, had failed of nothing that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an in stance of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted by others, to endeavor, and that earnestly, to kill him with his own hands: that, however, if he ought to suppose this information to be true, it was better for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy a man who fled to him for refuge, and intrusted his own safety to him, and committed himself to his disposal.",
+                    "4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away. But after the interval of thirty days was over, Ishmael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with him; and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those that were with him, in a splendid manner at his table, and had given them presents, he became disordered in drink, while he endeavored to be very merry with them; and when Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups to the degree of insensibility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sudden, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah, and those that were with him at the feast; and when he had slain them, he went out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in the city, and those soldiers also which were left therein by the Babylonians. But the next day fourscore men came out of the country with presents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might not be seen; but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that entreated him not to kill them, till they had delivered up to him what riches they had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furniture, and garments, and corn: but he took captive the people that were in Mispah, with their wives and children; among whom were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah. And when he had done this, he came to the king of the Ammonites.",
+                    "5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at it, and every one of them took his own armed men, and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron. And when those that were carried away captives by Ishmael saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad, and looked upon them as coming to their assistance; so they left him that had carried them captives, and came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the Ammonites; but Johanan took those whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and children, and came to a certain place called Mandra, and there they abode that day, for they had determined to remove from thence and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Babylonians should slay them, in case they continued in the country, and that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for governor.",
+                    "6. Now while they were under this deliberation, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and desired that he would pray to God, that because they were at an utter loss about what they ought to do, he would discover it to them, and they sware that they would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to them. And when the prophet said he would be their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that after ten days God appeared to him, and said that he should inform Johanan, and the other rulers, and all the people, that he would be with them while they continued in that country, and take care of them, and keep them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of whom they were afraid; but that he would desert them if they went into Egypt, and, out of this wrath against them, would inflict the same punishments upon them which they knew their brethren had already endured. So when the prophet had informed Johanan and the people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed, when he said that God commanded them to continue in the country; but they imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and belied God, and that he persuaded them to stay there, that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of God, which he gave them by the prophet, and removed into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Baruch along with him.",
+                    "7. And when they were there, God signified to the prophet that the king of Babylon was about making an expedition against the Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt should be taken, and the king of Babylon should slay some of them and, should take others captive, and bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition against Celesyria; and when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the Ammonites and Moabites; and when he had brought all these nations under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew the king that then reigned (15) and set up another; and he took those Jews that were there captives, and led them away to Babylon. And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites out of their country, and placed therein the nation of the Cutheans, who had formerly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then called Samaritans, by taking the name of the country to which they were removed; but the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes, (16) placed no other nation in their country, by which means all Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to be a desert for seventy years; but the entire interval of time which passed from the captivity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty years, six months, and ten days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Daniel And What Befell Him At Babylon. </i><br>1. But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, took some of the most noble of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the comeliness of their countenances, and delivered them into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to be made by them. He also made some of them to be eunuchs; which course he took also with those of other nations whom he had taken in the flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from his own table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now exercised themselves sufficiently in that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply themselves to. Now among these there were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias; and the king of Babylon changed their names, and commanded that they should make use of other names. Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their application to learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom.",
+                    "2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen had resolved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the king's table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all living creatures. So he came to Ashpenaz, who was that eunuch to whom the care of them was committed, (17) and desired him to take and spend what was brought for them from the king, but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides the flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for that their inclinations were to that sort of food, and that they despised the other. He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what they desired, but he suspected that they would be discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies, and the alteration of their countenances, because it could not be avoided but their bodies and colors must be changed with their diet, especially while they would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other children, who would fare better, and thus they should bring him into danger, and occasion him to be punished; yet did they persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful, to give them what food they desired for ten days, by way of trial; and in case the habit of their bodies were not altered, to go on in the same way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should reduce them to their former diet. Now when it appeared that they were so far from becoming worse by the use of this food, that they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came from the king's table seemed less plump and full, while those that were with Daniel looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury. Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the king sent every day from his supper, according to custom, to the children, but gave them the forementioned diet, while they had their souls in some measure more pure, and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had their bodies in better tune for hard labor; for they neither had the former oppressed and heavy with variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on the same account; so they readily understood all the learning that was among the Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being already sufficiently skillful in wisdom, was very busy about the interpretation of dreams; and God manifested himself to him.",
+                    "3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment. So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he had seen a dream, and informed them that he had forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what the dream was, and what was its signification; and they said that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream; and he gave command to have them all put to death, since they confessed they could not do what they were commanded to do. Now when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all the wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was captain of the king's guards, and desired to know of him what was the reason why the king had given command that all the wise men, and Chaldeans, and magicians should be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired. So the king bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel's promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand by him its signification also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying. So when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had seen the night before.",
+                    "4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, \"God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof; for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them what was only the work of God. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream: Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings; but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass.\" Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king (18) but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings.",
+                    "5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee; and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God, and gave command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the name, of his own god upon him, [Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended the king upon the occasion following: he made an image of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that was under his dominions, and commanded them, in the first place, that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet, they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that those who did not so, should be cast into a fiery furnace. When therefore all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped the image, they relate that Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, because they would not transgress the laws of their country. So these men were convicted, and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did not touch them; and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore it was too weak to burn the young men when they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they continued in great esteem with him.",
+                    "6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision; how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he halt lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, (19) he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magicians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them to tell him what it signified; but when none of them could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel was the only person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it. But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature, as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point, or complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own, or taking any thing away from there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Nebuchadnezzar And His Successors And How Their Government Was Dissolved By The Persians; And What Things Befell DanieL In Media; And What Prophecies He Delivered There. </i><br>1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, (20) he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: \"When his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him. So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years; (21) and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. So he took upon him the management of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia; but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round about the inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before his father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast height and immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days. (22) He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things like her own country, she having been bred up in the palaces of Media.\" Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavors to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in fortitude, and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia. Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both of India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this king.",
+                    "2. But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents, and made him honorable above the rest of the kings that were in Babylon; for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before. When Evil-Merodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Niglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar, (23) who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; against him did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had with him his concubines and his friends; whereupon he came to a resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own temple, should be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming against God. In the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables; at which sight, being disturbed, he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all that sort of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him. But when the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind, and under great trouble at this surprising accident; so he caused it to be proclaimed through all the country, and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea, and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions. When this proclamation was made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of the writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before. Now when the king's grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, (24) she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted. She therefore desired that he would send for him, and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness of those that could not find their meaning, and this, although what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy nature.",
+                    "3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; and when he had discoursed to him what he had learned concerning him and his wisdom, and how a Divine Spirit was with him, and that he alone was fully capable of finding out what others would never have thought of, he desired him to declare to him what this writing meant; that if he did so, he would give him leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would bestow on him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw him, and who inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honors. But Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom and of Divine revelation admits of no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners freely; but that still he would explain the writing to him; which denoted that he should soon die, and this because he had not learnt to honor God, and not to admit things above human nature, by what punishments his progenitor had undergone for the injuries he had offered to God; and because he had quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was removed to feed among wild beasts for his impieties, and did not recover his former life among men and his kingdom, but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplications and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his life, as one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God, and had made use of his vessels amongst his concubines; that therefore God saw this, and was angry with him, and declared by this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion of his life he should come to. And he explained the writing thus:\" MANEH. This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a Number, because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for thy government, and that there remains but a small portion. THEKEL This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already.--PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment,. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians.\"",
+                    "4. When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and affliction, as was to be expected, when the interpretation was so heavy upon him. However, he did not refuse what he had promised Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon him; as reasoning thus, that what he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and a just man to give what he had promised, although the events were of a melancholy nature. Accordingly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was taken by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years old. He was the son of Astyages, and had another name among the Greeks. Moreover, he took Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into Media, and honored him very greatly, and kept him with him; for he was one of the three presidents whom he set over his three hundred and sixty provinces, for into so many did Darius part them.",
+                    "5. However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great favor with Darius, and was alone intrusted with every thing by him, a having somewhat divine in him, he was envied by the rest; for those that see others in greater honor than themselves with kings envy them; and when those that were grieved at the great favor Daniel was in with Darius sought for an occasion against him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above all the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it might be justly given him; he afforded those that envied him not the least handle for an accusation. So when they could find nothing for which they might calumniate him to the king, nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and thereby deprive him of the honor he was in with him, they sought for some other method whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had gotten an occasion by which they might ruin him; so they came to Darius and told him that the princes and governors had thought proper to allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that no one might offer a petition or prayer either to himself or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress this decree shall be cast into the den of lions, and there perish.\"",
+                    "6. Whereupon the king, not being acquainted with their wicked design, nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel, said he was pleased with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm what they desired; he also published an edict to promulgate to the people that decree which the princes had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of them all; but the princes having met with the occasion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came presently to the king, and accused him, that Daniel was the only person that transgressed the decree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their gods. This discovery they made, not because of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and observed him out of envy; for supposing that Darius did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready to grant him pardon for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more honorable to him, but desired he might be cast into the den of lions according to the law. So Darius, hoping that God would deliver him, and that he would undergo nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts, bid him bear this accident cheerfully. And when he was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way, but he passed all the night without food and without sleep, being in great distress for Daniel; but when it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and found the seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive. And as soon as he heard the king's voice, and said that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den. Now when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which was terrible, they would not own that he was preserved by God, and by his providence; but they said that the lions had been filled full with food, and on that account it was, as they supposed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him; and this they alleged to the king. But the king, out of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order that they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions; and when they had filled themselves, he gave further order that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den, that he might learn whether the lions, now they were full, would touch them or not. And it appeared plain to Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel (25) for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very hungry, and wanted food. I suppose therefore it was not their hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to destroy the princes]; for if it so please God, that wickedness might, by even those irrational creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for their punishment.",
+                    "7. When therefore those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all the country, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that he was the only true God, and had all power. He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and made him the principal of his friends. Now when Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, and it is still remaining, and preserved to this day; and to such as see it, it appears to have been lately built, and to have been no older than that very day when any one looks upon it, it is so fresh (26) flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time; for buildings suffer the same as men do, they grow old as well as they, and by numbers of years their strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Now they bury the kings of Media, of Persia, and Parthia in this tower to this day, and he who was entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest; which thing is also observed to this day. But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, for the several books that he wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this time; and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of future events, as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their accomplishment. And while prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the accomplishment of them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations. He also related, that when he stood up, he was shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the air from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon him: that afterward he saw a very great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple worship to confusion, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this vision after the following manner: He said that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that the last horn signified the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings in riches and glory: that the he-goat signified that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should receive his entire dominion: that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them, and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should reign over the habitable earth for many years; and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years' time. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Cyrus, King Of The Persians, Delivered The Jews Out Of Babylon And Suffered Them To Return To Their Own Country And To Build Their Temple, For Which Work He Gave Them Money. </i><br>1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus (1) which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and calamity of these poor people, according as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the destruction of the city, that after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity. And these things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him write this throughout all Asia: \"Thus saith Cyrus the king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea.\"",
+                    "2. This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said that God had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: \"My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple.\" This was foretold by Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the Divine power, an earnest desire and ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild their city Jerusalem, (2) and the temple of God, for that he would be their assistant, and that he would write to the rulers and governors that were in the neighborhood of their country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and silver for the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts for their sacrifices.",
+                    "3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave their possessions; and when they were come thither, all the king's friends assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, some gold, and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and the revival of the ancient practices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and had carried to Babylon. So he committed these things to Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built; and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here follow:",
+                    "\"King Cyrus To Sisinnes And Sathrabuzanes Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place where it was before. I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God. I require also that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as follows: Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring [the drink-offerings], and three hundred of silver; thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. (3) I permit them to have the same honor which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachme; and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and when they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king's treasury.\" And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Death Of Cyrus The Jews Were Hindered In Building Of The Temple By The Cutheans, And The Neighboring Governors; And How Cambyses Entirely Forbade The Jews To Do Any Such Thing. </i><br>1. When the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the Jews were very zealous about building it, the neighboring nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought out of Persia and Media, and had planted in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel captives, besought the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs, that they would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city, and in the building of their temple. Now as these men were corrupted by them with money, they sold the Cutheans their interest for rendering this building a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this; and it so happened, that when he had led his army against the Massagetae, he ended his life. (4) But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries of Amlnon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were as follow: \"To our lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greeting. It is fit, O king, that thou shouldst know that those Jews which were carried to Babylon are come into our country, and are building that rebellious and wicked city, and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and raising up the temple; know therefore, that when these things are finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule over others than be ruled over themselves. We therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O king, while the works about the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou mayst search into the books of thy fathers, for thou wilt find in them that the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. We thought proper also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayst otherwise perhaps be ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia.\"",
+                    "2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they told him, and wrote back to them as follows: \"Cambyses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Phoenicia, after this manner: I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched into, and it is there found that this city hath always been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia. Wherefore I gave order, that the Jews shall not be permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented.\" When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple. Accordingly, these works were hindered from going on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at Damascus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How After The Death Of Cambyses And The Slaughter Of The Magi But Under The Reign Of Darius, Zorobabel Was Superior To The Rest In The Solution Of Problems And Thereby Obtained This Favor Of The King, That The Temple Should Be Built. </i><br>1. After the slaughter of file Magi, who, upon the death of Cambyses, attained the government of the Persians for a year, those families which were called the seven families of the Persians appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to God, that if he came to be king, he would send all the vessels of God that were in Babylon to the temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem; for there had been an old friendship between him and the king. He was also, with two others, thought worthy to be guard of the king's body; and obtained that honor which he hoped for.",
+                    "2. Now, in the first year of the king's reign, Darius feasted those that were about him, and those born in his house, with the rulers of the Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces. But when they had eaten and drunk to satiety, and abundantly, they every one departed to go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went to bed; but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not being able to sleep any more, he fell into conversation with the three guards of his body, and promised, that to him who should make an oration about points that he should inquire of, such as should be most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wisdom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of gold, and a head tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck, and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom; \"and,\" says he, \"he shall be called my cousin.\" Now when he had promised to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them, \"Whether wine was not the strongest?\"--the second, \"Whether kings were not such?\" - and the third, \"Whether women were not such? or whether truth was not the strongest of all?\" When he had proposed that they should make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest; but in the morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place where he used to give audience, and bid each of the guards of his body to declare what they thought proper concerning the proposed questions, in the hearing of them all.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength of wine, and demonstrated it thus: \"When,\" said he,\" I am to give my opinion of wine, O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing, by the following indications: It deceives the mind of those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to the same state with that of the orphan, and he who stands in need of a tutor; and erects that of the slave to the boldness of him that is free; and that of the needy becomes like that of the rich man, for it changes and renews the souls of men when it gets into them; and it quenches the sorrow of those that are under calamities, and makes men forget the debts they owe to others, and makes them think themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes them talk of no small things, but of talents, and such other names as become wealthy men only; nay more, it makes them insensible of their commanders, and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance of their friends and companions, for it arms men even against those that are dearest to them, and makes them appear the greatest strangers to them; and when they are become sober, and they have slept out their wine in the night, they arise without knowing any thing they have done in their cups. I take these for signs of power, and by them discover that wine is the strongest and most insuperable of all things.\"",
+                    "4. As soon as the first had given the forementioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he left off; and the next to him began to speak about the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it was the strongest of all, and more powerful than any thing else that appears to have any force or wisdom. He began his demonstration after the following manner; and said,\" They are men who govern all things; they force the earth and the sea to become profitable to them in what they desire, and over these men do kings rule, and over them they have authority. Now those who rule over that animal which is of all the strongest and most powerful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable in power and force. For example, when these kings command their subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened to; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is so great that they are obeyed. They command men to level mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay, when they are commanded to be killed and to kill, they submit to it, that they may not appear to transgress the king's commands; and when they have conquered, they bring what they have gained in the war to the king. Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the ground, and plough it, and when, after they have endured the labor and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to the king; and whatsoever it is which the king says or commands, it is done of necessity, and that without any delay, while he in the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch, and such as are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear; for no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away and take care of his own affairs; but he esteems this one thing the only work of necessity, to guard the king, and accordingly to this he wholly addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, while so great a multitude obeys his injunctions?\"",
+                    "5. Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about truth, who said thus: \"Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men obey, but women are superior to them in power; for it was a woman that brought the king into the world; and for those that plant the vines and make the wine, they are women who bear them, and bring them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we do not receive from them; for these women weave garments for us, and our household affairs are by their means taken care of, and preserved in safety; nor can we live separate from women. And when we have gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and any other thing that is of great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave all these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure it to ourselves. We also leave father, and mother, and the earth that nourishes us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them. But what will chiefly make you take notice of the strength of women is this that follows: Do not we take pains, and endure a great deal of trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our labors, do not we bring them to the women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so many people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem taken away from him, and put upon her own head, while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad; and according to the change of her passions, he flattered his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great humiliation of himself to her, if at my time he saw her displeased at him.\"",
+                    "6. And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he began to speak about truth; and he said, \"I have already demonstrated how powerful women are; but both these women themselves, and the king himself, are weaker than truth; for although the earth be large, and the heaven high, and the course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved according to the will of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that what is unrighteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all things else that have any strength are mortal and short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal and eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as will wither away by time, nor such riches as may be taken away by fortune, but righteous rules and laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous to rebuke.\" (5)",
+                    "7. So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it was truth alone that had immutable strength, and such as never would wax old, the king commanded that he should ask for somewhat over and above what he had promised, for that he would give it him because of his wisdom, and that prudence wherein he exceeded the rest; \"and thou shalt sit with me,\" said the king, \"and shalt be called my cousin.\" When he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the vow he had made in case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was, \"to rebuild Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God; as also to restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And this,\" said he, \"is that request which thou now permittest me to make, on account that I have been judged to be wise and understanding.\"",
+                    "8. So the king was pleased with what he had said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote to the toparchs and governors, and enjoined them to conduct Zorobabel and those that were going with him to build the temple. He also sent letters to those rulers that were in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building the city. He also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to Judea should be free; and he prohibited his deputies and governors to lay any king's taxes upon the Jews; he also permitted that they should have all that land which they could possess themselves of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to restore those villages which they had taken from the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty talents should be given them for the building of the temple. He also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices, and that whatsoever the high priest and the priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made at his own charges; and that the musical instruments which the Levites used in singing hymns to God should be given them. Moreover, he charged them, that portions of land should be given to those that guarded the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance; and withal he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do before him relating to the restoration of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained should be done accordingly.",
+                    "9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he went out of the palace, and looking up to heaven, he began to return thanks to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the victory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of Darius himself; for, said he, \"I had not been thought worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favorable to me.\" When therefore he had returned these thanks to God for the present circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to afford him the like favor for the time to come, he came to Babylon, and brought the good news to his countrymen of what grants he had procured for them from the king; who, when they heard the same, gave thanks also to God that he restored the land of their forefathers to them again. So they betook themselves to drinking and eating, and for seven days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and children, and cattle, who traveled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also besides accompanied them with rejoicing.",
+                    "10. And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number out of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite particularly the names of those families, that I may not take off the mind of my readers from the connexion of the historical facts, and make it hard for them to follow the coherence of my narrations; but the sum of those that went up, above the age of twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand (6) the Levites were seventy-four; the number of the women and children mixed together was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two; and besides these, there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-two; there were also others besides these, who said they were of the Israelites, but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two: some there were also who were expelled out of the number and honor of the priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could not produce, nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; they were about five hundred and twenty-five: the multitude also of servants that followed those that went up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred and forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the beasts used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and twenty-five; and the governors of all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of Josedek the high priest; and besides these there were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were distinguished from the multitude, and were rulers, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of silver. By this means therefore the priests and the Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned every one to their own countries."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Temple Was Built While The Cutheans Endeavored In Vain To Obstruct The Work. </i><br>1. Now in the seventh month after they were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest, and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every way round about, and gathered those that were in the country together to Jerusalem universally, who came very gladly thither. He then built the altar on the same place it had formerly been built, that they might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, according to the laws of Moses. But while they did this, they did not please the neighboring nations, who all of them bare an ill-will to them. They also celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concerning it; and after they offered sacrifices, and what were called the daily sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month. They also began to build the temple, and gave a great deal of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and what was necessary for the maintenance of the workmen. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them together, and to make a united float of them, and to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was now done at the command of Darius.",
+                    "2. In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews were there in the second month, the building of the temple went on apace; and when they had laid its foundations on the first day of the second month of that second year, they set, as overseers of the work, such Levites as were full twenty years old; and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel the brother of Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons; and the temple, by the great diligence of those that had the care of it, was finished sooner than any one would have expected. And when the temple was finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed garments, stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, according as David first of all appointed them to bless God. Now the priests and Levites, and the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves how much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing that now made how much inferior it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had been built of old, considered with themselves how much their happy state was sunk below what it had been of old, as well as their temple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts; but the people in general were contented with their present condition; and because they were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor indeed at all tormented themselves with the comparison of that and the former temple, as if this were below their expectations; but the wailing of the old men and of the priests, on account of the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that which had been demolished, overcame the sounds of the trumpets and the rejoicing of the people.",
+                    "3. But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came running together, and desired to know what was the occasion of this tumult; and when they perceived that it was from the Jews, who had been carried captive to Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the families, and desired that they would give them leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with them in building it; for they said, \"We worship their God, and especially pray to him, and are desirous of their religious settlement, and this ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us out of Cuthah and Media to this place.\" When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest, and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was impossible for them to permit them to be their partners, whilst they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful for them to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them nothing but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship God there.",
+                    "4. When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation, they had indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same manner as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews in their zeal about it. Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was that they built the temple in this manner, since it was more like to a citadel than a temple? and for what reason it was that they built cloisters and walls, and those strong ones too, about the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest replied, that they were the servants of God Almighty; that this temple was built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it continued a long time, but that because of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took their city by force, and destroyed it, and pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and transplanted the people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon; that Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote to them to build the temple, and committed the gifts and vessels, and whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the treasurer; and gave order to have them carried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their own temple, when it was built; for he had sent to them to have that done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem, and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon receiving that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid its foundations; \"and although it hath been in building from that time to this, it hath not yet been finished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies. If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath consulted the records of the kings, he may find that we have told you nothing that is false about this matter.\"",
+                    "5. When Zorobabel and the high priest had made this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder the building, until they had informed king Darius of all this. So they immediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest the king should change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem and of the temple, there were two prophets at that time among them, Haggai and Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So, in dependence on those prophets, they applied themselves earnestly to building, and did not intermit one day.",
+                    "6. Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in their epistle had accused the Jews, how they fortified the city, and built the temple more like to a citadel than to a temple; and said, that their doings were not expedient for the king's affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of Cambyses, wherein he forbade them to build the temple: and when Darius thereby understood that the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were with him, he gave order that what concerned these matters should be sought for among the royal records. Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was in Media, wherein was written as follows: \"Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign, commanded that the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in height threescore cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their own country; and he ordained that the expenses of it should be paid out of the king's revenue. He also commanded that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people of Jerusalem; and that the care of these things should belong to Sanabassar, the governor and president of Syria and Phoenicia, and his associates, that they may not meddle with that place, but may permit the servants of God, the Jews and their rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that they should assist them in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the country where they were governors, on account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the goats, and fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things that the priests should suggest to them; and that they should pray for the preservation of the king, and of the Persians; and that for such as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to them, he commanded that they should be caught, and hung upon a cross, and their substance confiscated to the king's use. He also prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder the building of the temple, God would strike him dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness.\"",
+                    "7. When Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose contents were these: \"King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it you; and I will that all things be done as is therein written. Fare ye well.\" So when Sisinnes, and those that were with him, understood the intention of the king, they resolved to follow his directions entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and the princes of the Sanhedrim; and the structure of the temple was with great diligence brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, according to God's commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was built in seven years' time. And in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is by us called Adar, but by the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests, and Levites, and the other multitude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of their former prosperity after their captivity, and because they had now the temple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes, (for so many are the tribes of the Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every tribe. The priests also and the Levites set the porters at every gate, according to the laws of Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple that were round about the temple itself.",
+                    "8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month, which, according to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but according to us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having purified themselves, with their wives and children, according to the law of their country; and they offered the sacrifice which was called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same month, and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of the king of Persia favorable to them. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; for before their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days; but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses, and of Joshua their commander. And this is the account I had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were delivered from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius.",
+                    "9. (7) But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came; and whatsoever it was that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it. They had also the governors favorable to them, and assisting them for that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves or by others, as far as they were able. So the Jews determined to send an embassage to king Darius, in favor of the people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse the Samaritans. The ambassadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers; and as soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations and complaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria; the contents of which epistle were these: \"King Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sainaritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow servants that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in the building of the temple, and do not supply them with the expenses which I commanded you to do for the offering their sacrifices. My will therefore is this, That upon the reading of this epistle, you supply them with whatsoever they want for their sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that they may not leave off offering their daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the Persians.\" And these were the contents of that epistle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Xerxes The Son Of Darius Was Well Disposed To The Jews; As Also Concerning Esdras And Nehemiah. </i><br>1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom, who, as he inherited his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God, and honor of him; for he did all things suitably to his father relating to Divine worship, and he was exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high priest. Moreover, there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a great reputation among the multitude. He was the principal priest of the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skillful in the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had determined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some of those Jews that were in Babylon; and he desired that the king would give him an epistle to the governors of Syria, by which they might know who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the following epistle to those governors: \"Xerxes, king of kings, to Esdras the priest, and reader of the Divine law, greeting. I think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given command for that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counselors, and this in order to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them those presents which I and my friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest. Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make, and shall take the expenses out of the king's treasury. I have, moreover, written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that God may not be at all angry with me, or with my children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or scribes of the temple. And do thou, O Esdras, appoint judges according to the wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as understand the law, that they may judge in all Syria and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant of it, that if any one of thy countrymen transgress the law of God, or that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be punished by death, or by paying fines. Farewell.\"",
+                    "2. When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and began to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cause of the king's great favor to him, and that for the same reason he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there; but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it to all those of his own nation that were in Media. And when these Jews had understood what piety the king had towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleased; nay, many of them took their effects with them, and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that country; wherefore there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Iomans, while the ten tribes are beyond Euphrates till now, and are an immense multitude, and not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants to Esdras. So he gathered those that were in the captivity together beyond Euphrates, and staid there three days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might make their prayers to God for their preservation, that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way, either from their enemies, or from any other ill accident; for Esdras had said beforehand that he had told the king how God would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request that he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had finished their prayers, they removed from Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money to the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six hundred and fifty talents, vessels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more precious than gold, (8) twelve talents by weight; for these Presents had been made by the king and his counselors, and by all the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sacrifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the common preservation of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, for the remission of sins. He also delivered the king's epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors of Celesyria and Phoenicia; and as they were under a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they honored our nation, and were assistant to them in all their necessities.",
+                    "3. Now these things were truly done under the conduct of Esdras; and he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the success of his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteousness. But some time afterward there came some persons to him, and brought an accusation against certain of the multitude, and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into confusion. These persons desired him to support the laws, lest God should take up a general anger against them all, and reduce them to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent his garment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off the hair of his head and beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because this crime had reached the principal men among the people; and considering that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives, and the children they had by them, he should not be hearkener to, he continued lying upon the ground. However, all the better sort came running to him, who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief he was under for what had been done. So Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands towards heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it, because of the sins which the people had committed, while they had cast out of their memories what their fathers had undergone on account of their wickedness; and he besought God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and to their own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to have compassion on them, that he would also forgive them their sins they had now committed, which, though they deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the punishment due to them.",
+                    "4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all those that came to him with their wives and children were under lamentation, one whose name was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came to him, and said that they had sinned in marrying strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them all to cast those wives out, and the children born of them, and that those should be punished who would not obey the law. So Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those wives and children, according to the advice of Jechonias. And when he had received their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that day. And when proclamation was made, that all those of the captivity should gather themselves together to Jerusalem, and those that did not meet there in two or three days should be banished from the multitude, and that their substance should b appropriated to the uses of the temple, according to the sentence of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews, is called Tebeth, and according to the Macedonians, Apelleius. Now as they were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the elders also were present, but were uneasy because of the cold, Esdras stood up and accused them, and told them that they had sinned in marrying wives that were not of their own nation; but that now they would do a thing both pleasing to God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away. Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That, however, the multitude was great, and that the season of the year was winter, and that this work would require more than one or two days. \"Let their rulers, therefore, [said they,] and those that have married strange wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders of every place, that are in common to estimate the number of those that have thus married, are to be there also.\" Accordingly, this was resolved on by them, and they began the inquiry after those that had married strange wives on the first day of the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first day of the next month, and found a great many of the posterity of Jeshua the high priest, and of the priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a greater regard to the observation of the law than to their natural affection, (9) and immediately cast out their wives, and the children which were born of them. And in order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew rams, as oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of these men. So when Esdras had reformed this sin about the marriages of the forementioned persons, he reduced that practice to purity, so that it continued in that state for the time to come.",
+                    "5. Now when they kept the feast of tabernacles in the seventh month (10) and almost all the people were come together to it, they went up to the open part of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be read to them. Accordingly, he stood in the midst of the multitude and read them; and this he did from morning to noon. Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were instructed to be righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for their past offenses, they were displeased at themselves, and proceeded to shed tears on their account, as considering with themselves that if they had kept the law, they had endured none of these miseries which they had experienced. But when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he bade them go home, and not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to do. (11) He exhorted them rather to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to let their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security and a guard to them, that they fell no more into the like offenses. So upon Esdras's exhortation they began to feast; and when they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they departed to their own homes, singing hymns to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what corruptions had been introduced into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after he had obtained this reputation among the people, he died an old man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it happened also that Joacim, the high priest, died; and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood. ",
+                    "6. Now there was one of those Jews that had been carried captive who was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he heard some strangers that were entering the city, after a long journey, speaking to one another in the Hebrew tongue; so he went to them, and asked them whence they came. And when their answer was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire of them again in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Jerusalem was; and when they replied that they were in a bad state (12) for that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the neighboring nations did a great deal of mischief to the Jews, while in the day time they overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the night did them mischief, insomuch that not a few were led away captive out of the country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the day time found full of dead men. Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said, \"How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it suffers so great miseries, and while we are made the prey and spoil of all men?\" And while he staid at the gate, and lamented thus, one told him that the king was going to sit down to supper; so he made haste, and went as he was, without wishing himself, to minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer. But as the king was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful than usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and seeing him look sad, he asked him why he was sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favor, and afford him the power of persuading by his words, and said, \"How can I, O king, appear otherwise than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepulchers of my fathers, are thrown down to the ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire? But do thou grant me the favor to go and build its wall, and to finish the building of the temple.\" Accordingly, the king gave him a signal that he freely granted him what he asked; and told him that he should carry an epistle to the governors, that they might pay him due honor, and afford him whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. \"Leave off thy sorrow then,\" said the king, \"and be cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter.\" So Nehemiah worshipped God, and gave the king thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from the king's promises. Accordingly, the king called for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to pay due honor to Nehemiah, and to supply him with what he wanted for his building.",
+                    "7. Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many of his countrymen, who voluntarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. And when he had shown the epistles to God (13) he gave them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple, and made the following speech to them: \"You know, O Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually, and for the sake of their righteousness hath not left off the care of you. Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this authority of the king to raise up our wall, and finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you, therefore who well know the ill-will our neighboring nations bear to us, and that when once they are made sensible that we are in earnest about building, they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of obstructing our works, that you will, in the first place, put your trust in God, as in him that will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit building neither night nor day, but to use all diligence, and to hasten on the work, now we have this especial opportunity for it.\" When he had said this, he gave order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work of it among the people, according to their villages and cities, as every one's ability should require. And when he had added this promise, that he himself, with his servants, would assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared for the work: that is the name they are called by from the day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first to these places, and thence both they and the country gained that appellation.",
+                    "8. But now when the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Celesyria, heard that the building went on apace, they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, and to hinder their intentions. They also slew many of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy Nehemiah himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad rumors, as if many nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building. But none of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent about the work; he only set a number of men about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect this work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast, take care of his own safety; not that he feared death, but of this persuasion, that if he were dead, the walls for his citizens would never be raised. He also gave orders that the builders should keep their ranks, and have their armor on while they were building. Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well as he that brought the materials for building. He also appointed that their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their enemies appeared, they should give notice of it to the people, that they might fight in their armor, and their enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also went about the compass of the city by night, being never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity. And this trouble he underwent for two years and four months; (14) for in so long a time was the wall built, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of them, and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it. But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and he built them houses at his own expenses; and he commanded that part of the people which were employed in cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually, might not leave the Divine worship; who willingly hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than it was before. So when Nehemiah had done many other excellent things, and things worthy of commendation, in a glorious manner, he came to a great age, and then died. He was a man of a good and righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make his own nation happy; and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. Now this was done in the days of Xerxes."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Esther And Mordecai And Haman; And How In The Reign Of Artaxerxes The Whole Nation Of The Jews Was In Danger Of Perishing. </i><br>1. After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus, whom  the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this man had obtained the government over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, (15) with their wives and children, were in danger of perishing; the occasion whereof we shall declare in a little time; for it is proper, in the first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry a Jewish wife, who was herself of the royal family also, and who is related to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for their governors, such a one as was proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make a public demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days; after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered after the manner following: He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. The cups with which the waiters ministered were of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order to the servants that they should not force them to drink, by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to enjoy himself according to his own inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers through the country, and gave order that they should have a remission of their labors, and should keep a festival many days, on account of his kingdom. In like manner did Vashti the queen gather her guests together, and made them a feast in the palace. Now the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded all other women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and he sent some to command her to come to his feast. But she, out of regard to the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by strangers, did not go to the king (16) and though he oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless stay away, and refused to come, till the king was so much irritated, that he brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those seven who had the interpretation of the laws committed to them, and accused his wife, and said that he had been affronted by her, because that when she was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not obey him once. He therefore gave order that they should inform him what could be done by the law against her. So one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that this affront was offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, if they must be thus despised by them; for that none of their wives would have any reverence for their husbands, if they had\" such an example of arrogance in the queen towards thee, who rulest over all.\" Accordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a severe manner; and when he had so done, to publish to the nations what had been decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to put Vashti away, and to give her dignity to another woman.",
+                    "2. But the king having been fond of her, did not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he could not admit of a reconciliation; so he was under trouble, as not having it in his power to do what he desired to do. But when his friends saw him so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and to take her whom he should best like for his wife, because his passion for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction of another, and the kindness he had for Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to certain persons to choose out of the virgins that were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the most comely. So when a great number of these virgins were gathered together, there was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was of the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beautiful of all the rest, and that the grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally upon her. So she was committed to one of the eunuchs to take the care of her; and she was very exactly provided with sweet odors, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as her body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for six months by the virgins, who were in number four hundred. And when the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently purified, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he sent one to be with the king ever day. So when he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the eunuch; and when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful wife, and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth month of the seventh year of his reign, which was called Adar. He also sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head. And thus was Esther married, without making known to the king what nation she was derived from. Her uncle also removed from Babylon to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been his own daughter.",
+                    "3. Now the king had made a law, (17) that none of his own people should approach him unless he were called, when he sat upon his throne and men, with axes in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order to punish such as approached to him without being called. However, the king sat with a golden scepter in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of those that approached to him without being called, and he who touched it was free from danger. But of this matter we have discoursed sufficiently.",
+                    "4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen's uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king. This troubled the king; but he discovered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no reward ]: to Mordecai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. He only bid the scribes to set down his name in the records, and bid him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend of the king.",
+                    "5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him; but Mordecai was so wise, and so observant of his own country's laws, that he would not worship the man (18) When Haman observed this, he inquired whence he came; and when he understood that he was a Jew, he had indignation at him, and said within himself, that whereas the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man, who was no better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so. And when he desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them. Accordingly he came to the king, and accused them, saying, \"There is a certain wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable earth the was under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable, neither admitting the same sort of Divine worship that others do, nor using laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and with all men, both in their manners and practices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them utterly, and not leave the least remains of them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves or for captives.\" But that the king might not be damnified by the loss of the tributes which the Jews paid him, Haman promised to give him out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and he said he would pay this money very willingly, that the kingdom might be freed from such a misfortune.",
+                    "6. When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him the money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman, having gained what he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the contents whereof were these: \"Artaxerxes, the great king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained the dominions  of all the habitable earth, according to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but have showed myself mild and gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings for all time to come. And whereas I have been kindly informed by Haman, who, on account of his prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dignity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there is an ill-natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that is averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious to our affairs, I give order that all these men, of whom Haman our second father hath informed us, be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of them be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before obedience to this decree. And this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this present year, that so when all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this in one day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in peace hereafter.\" Now when this decree was brought to the cities, and to the country, all were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their time in feasting together with good cheer and wine, but the city was in disorder.",
+                    "7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about the city, crying out, that \"a nation that had been injurious to no man was to be destroyed.\" And he went on saying thus as far as to the king's palace, and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him to go into it in that habit. The same thing was done by all the Jews that were in the several cities wherein this decree was published, with lamentation and mourning, on account of the calamities denounced against them. But as soon as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report, and sent out such as should change his garments; but when he could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident had befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put off the habit he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai inform the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning, and of the decree which was sent by the king into all the country, and of the promise of money whereby Haman brought the destruction of their nation. He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition the king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonorable thing in her to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was only inferior to that of the king, had accused the Jews, and had irritated the king against them. When she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called by the king, and that he who goes in to him without being called, is to be slain, unless when he is willing to save any one, he holds out his golden scepter to him; but that to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without being called, that person is so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved. Now when the eunuch carried this message from Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only provide for her own preservation, but for the common preservation of her nation, for that if she now neglected this opportunity, there would certainly arise help to them from God some other way, but she and her father's house would be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But Esther sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know that] she with her maidens would do the same: and then she promised that she would go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse it.",
+                    "8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made the people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to overlook his nation, particularly at this time, when it was going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often before provided for them, and forgiven, when they had sinned, so he would now deliver them from that destruction which was denounced against them; for although it was not all the nation that had offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of Haman, \"Because,\" said he, \"I did not worship him, nor could I endure to pay that honor to him which I used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he contrived this present mischief against those that have not transgressed thy laws.\" The same supplications did the multitude put up, and entreated that God would provide for their deliverance, and free the Israelites that were in all the earth from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for they had it before their eyes, and expected its coming. Accordingly, Esther made supplication to God after the manner of her country, by casting herself down upon the earth, and putting on her mourning garments, and bidding farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' time; and she entreated God to have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive to the king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was before, that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for the averting of the king's anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, and for the consolation of those of her own country, now they were in the utmost danger of perishing; as also that he would excite a hatred in the king against the enemies of the Jews, and those that had contrived their future destruction, if they proved to be contemned by him.",
+                    "9. When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put off those garments, and changed her habit, and adorned herself as became a queen, and took two of her handmaids with her, the one of which supported her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the other followed after, and lifted up her large train (which swept along the ground) with the extremities of her fingers. And thus she came to the king, having a blushing redness in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her behavior; yet did she go in to him with fear; and as soon as she was come over against him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which was a garment interwoven with gold and precious stones, which made him seem to her more terrible, especially when he looked at her somewhat severely, and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon her, and he leaped from his throne, and took her in his arms, and recovered her , by embracing her, and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any thing that was sad on account of her coming to him without being called, because that law was made for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well as he a king, might be entirely secure; and as he said this, he put the scepter into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the law; and so freed her from her fear. And after she had recovered herself by these encouragements, she said, \"My lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit departed from me, and I had no soul left in me.\" And while it was with difficulty, and in a low voice, that she could say thus much, the king was in a great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to grant her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Esther desired that he and his friend Haman would come to her to a banquet, for she said she had prepared a supper for him. He consented to it; and when they were there, as they were drinking, he bid Esther to let him know what she desired; for that she should not be disappointed though she should desire the half of his kingdom. But she put off the discovery of her petition till the next day, if he would come again, together with Haman, to her banquet.",
+                    "10. Now when the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very glad, because he alone had the honor of supping with the king at Esther's banquet, and because no one else partook of the same honor with kings but himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was very much displeased, for he paid him no manner of respect when he saw him. So he went home and called for his wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were come, he showed them what honor he enjoyed not only from the king, but from the queen also, for as he alone had that day supped with her, together with the king, so was he also invited again for the next day; yet,\" said he, \"am I not pleased to see Mordecai the Jew in the court.\" Hereupon his wife Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the morning he should ask it of the king that Mordecai might be hanged thereon. So he commended her advice, and gave order to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly prepared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that night he took away the king's sleep; and as the king was not willing to lose the time of his lying awake, but to spend it in something that might be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former kings, and the records of his own actions; and when he had brought them, and was reading them, one was found to have received a country on account of his excellent management on a certain occasion, and the name of the country was set down; another was found to have had a present made him on account of his fidelity: then the scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had discovered; and when the scribe said no more but that, and was going on to another history, the king stopped him, and inquired \"whether it was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?\" and when he said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he inquired of those that were appointed for that purpose, what hour of the night it was; and when he was informed that it was already day, he gave order, that if they found any one of his friends already come, and standing before the court, they should tell him. Now it happened that Haman was found there, for he was come sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have Mordecai put to death; and when the servants said that Haman was before the court, he bid them call him in; and when he was come in, he said, \"Because I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire thee to give me advice how I may honor one that I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable to my magnificence.\" Now Haman reasoned with himself, that what opinion he should give it would be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought of all other the best; for he said, \"If thou wouldst truly honor a man whom thou sayest thou dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with the same garment on which thou wearest, and with a gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through the whole city, that whosoever the king honoreth obtaineth this mark of his honor.\" This was the advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that such a reward would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the advice, and said, \"Go thou therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those things, and go before his horse and proclaim accordingly; for thou art,\" said he, \"my intimate friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life.\" When he heard this order, which was entirely unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to do. However, he went out and led the horse, and took the purple garment, and the golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him put that garment off, and put the purple garment on. But Mordecai, not knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery, said, \"O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost thou thus laugh at our calamities?\" But when he was satisfied that the king bestowed this honor upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him when he convicted the eunuchs who had conspired against him, he put on that purple garment which the king always wore, and put the chain about his neck, and got on horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before and proclaimed, \"This shall be the reward which the king will bestow on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honor.\" And when they had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to the king; but Haman went home, out of shame, and informed his wife and friends of what had happened, and this with tears; who said, that he would never be able to be revenged of Mordecai, for that God was with him.",
+                    "11. Now while these men were thus talking one to another, Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away to come to supper; but one of the eunuchs, named Sabuchadas, saw the gallows that was fixed in Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants for what purpose they had prepared it. So he knew that it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king that he might be punished; but at present he held his peace. Now when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him what gifts she desired to obtain, and assured her that she should have whatsoever she had a mind to. She then lamented the danger her people were in; and said that \"she and her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that she, on that account, made this her petition; that she would not have troubled him if he had only given order that they should be sold into bitter servitude, for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable; but she desired that they might be delivered from such destruction.\" And when the king inquired of her whom was the author of this misery to them, she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, that he had been the wicked instrument of this, and had formed this plot against them. When the king was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet into the gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that he was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen's bed, and was making supplication to her, the king came in, and being still more provoked at what he saw, \"O thou wretch,\" said he, \"thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force in wife?\" And when Haman was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in and accused Haman, and said,\" He found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that the servant told him so much upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call him to supper.\" He said further, that the gallows was fifty cubits high: which, when the king heard, he determined that Haman should be punished after no other manner than that which had been devised by him against Mordecai; so he gave order immediately that he should be hung upon those gallows, and be put to death after that manner. And from hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, that he should undergo the very same punishment which he had contrived for another; as also because thereby he teaches others this lesson, that what mischiefs any one prepares against another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against himself.",
+                    "12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman. The queen also gave Haman's estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of death, and showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman the son of Ammedatha; for that if her country were destroyed, and her countrymen were to perish, she could not bear to live herself any longer. So the king promised her that he would not do any thing that should be disagreeable to her, nor contradict what she desired; but he bid her write what she pleased about the Jews, in the king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles whose authority is secured by having the king's seal to them, would no way contradict what was written therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be sent for, and to write to the nations, on the Jews' behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that were over his hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle were these: \"The great king Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects, sendeth greeting. (19) Many men there are who, on account of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on them, and because of the honor which they have obtained from the wonderful kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their inferiors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that have been their benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude from among men, and by their insolent abuse of such benefits as they never expected, they turn the abundance they have against those that are the authors of it, and suppose they shall lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance which comes from him. Some of these men, when they have had the management of affairs committed to them by their friends, and bearing private malice of their own against some others, by deceiving those that have the power, persuade them to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till they are in danger of perishing, and this by laying accusations and calumnies: nor is this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of such impudent attempts under our own eyes; so that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others, but to determine what any one knows of himself to have been really done, and to punish what justly deserves it, and to grant favors to such as are innocent. This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against me and my life, who gave him his authority, by endeavoring to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and my savior, and by basely and treacherously requiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought to destruction; for he contrived by this means to deprive me of my faithful friends, and transfer the government to others: (20) but since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from the punishment which the former epistle, which was sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to which if you refuse obedience, you shall do well; but I will that they have all honor paid to them. Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that contrived such things against them, with his family, before the gates of Shushan; that punishment being sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And I give you in charge, that you publicly propose a copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that the Jews may be permitted peaceably to use their own laws, and that you assist them, that at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong, they may defend themselves the very same day from unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar; for God hath made that day a day of salvation instead of a day of destruction to them; and may it be a good day to those that wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the conspirators against us: and I will that you take notice, that every city, and every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let this epistle be published through all the country that is under our obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means, be ready against the day before mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon their enemies.\"",
+                    "13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the epistles proceeded on the ways which they were to go with speed: but as for Mordecai, as soon as he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he went forth in a public procession; and when the Jews who were at Shushan saw him in so great honor with the king, they thought his good fortune was common to themselves also, and joy and a beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the cities, and those that were in the countries, upon the publication of the king's letters, insomuch that many even of other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they might procure safety to themselves thereby; for on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which according to the Hebrews is called Adar, but according to the Macedonians, Dystrus, those that carried the king's epistle gave them notice, that the same day wherein their danger was to have been, on that very day should they destroy their enemies. But now the rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai forced them to act with discretion. Now when the royal decree was come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hundred of their enemies; and when the king had told Esther the number of those that were slain in that city, but did not well know what had been done in the provinces, he asked her whether she would have any thing further done against them, for that it should be done accordingly: upon which she desired that the Jews might be permitted to treat their remaining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also that they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. So they gathered themselves together again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew about three hundred of their enemies, but touched nothing of what riches they had. Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept as a festival. In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these days festival, and send portions to one another. Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver them down to posterity, that this festival might continue for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in oblivion; for since they were about to be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to observe those days, and give thanks to God on them; for which cause the Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them days of Phurim [or Purim.] (21) And Mordecai became a great and illustrious person with the king, and assisted him in the government of the people. He also lived with the queen; so that the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they could ever have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews under the reign of Artaxerxes."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How John Slew His Brother Jesus In The Temple; And How Bagoses Offered Many Injuries To The Jews; And What Sanballat Did. </i><br>1. When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes's army, (22) polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to procure him the high priesthood. In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. However, God did not neglect its punishment, but the people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes's army, knew that John, the high priest of the Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them,\" Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?\" And as he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them,\" Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?\" And when he had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretense, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus.",
+                    "2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Sanballat And Manasseh, And The Temple Which They Built On Mount Gerizzim; As Also How Alexander Made His Entry Into The City Jerusalem, And What Benefits He Bestowed On The Jews. </i><br>1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius's army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.",
+                    "2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; for they esteemed this man's marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent all epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses.",
+                    "4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; that it would be for the king's advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter's children should have that dignity; but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.",
+                    "5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king's displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, \"I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the Divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.\" And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest's direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him (23) wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreared him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.",
+                    "6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did but sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, \"It was to the Jews,\" said he, \"that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.\" And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country.",
+                    "7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common (24) or of having broken the sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ptolemy The Son Of Lagus Took Jerusalem And Judea By Deceit And Treachery, And Carried Many Thence, And Planted Them In Egypt. </i><br>1. Now when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned manner, he ended his life. And as his government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia, Seleucus Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt. And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices (1) he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: \"There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition.\" This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt, (2) and settled them there. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covenants; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. However, there were disoders among their posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon contended one with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple was holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ptolemy Philadelphus Procured The Laws Of The Jews To Be Translated Into The Greek Tongue And Set Many Captives Free, And Dedicated Many Gifts To God. </i><br>1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king's library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; (3) that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.",
+                    "2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king's most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: \"It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of GREEK, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.\"",
+                    "3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, \"How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?\" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said,\" A few more than ten times ten thousand.\" The king made answer, \"And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?\" But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas (4) for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its contents were as follows: \"Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither, - be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose that they were made captives without our father's consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king's treasury.\" When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king's ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave.",
+                    "4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king's inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection. On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: \"Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayst write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire.\"",
+                    "5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just (5) because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following: \"King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians. And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me.\"",
+                    "6. When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: \"Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, (6) and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell.\"",
+                    "7. This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read this history.",
+                    "8. And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king's mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it. And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials. And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation.",
+                    "9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of  the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expeses bestowed upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So that this gift, by the king's great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was.",
+                    "10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin, while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner. And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work.",
+                    "11. And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters (7) he put questions to them concerning those books; and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows. And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life; for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city.",
+                    "12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was priest, and desired him to say grace; (8) who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question (9) and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated; and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.",
+                    "13. And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men's words, they then left off asking any more such questions. But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself. But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, (10) and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever.",
+                    "14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, \"How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it.\" Demetrius made answer, \"that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were Divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God.\" He also told him, that \"Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer], as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause.\" Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about Divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction.",
+                    "15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Kings Of Asia Honored The Nation Of The Jews And Made Them Citizens Of Those Cities Which They Built. </i><br>1. The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very day: an argument for which you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, (11) they receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mucianus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did not obtain their request in which behavior any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans, (12) especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at a great deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were exasperated against them, because they did not deliver up their weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last, yet did not they take away any of their forementioned privileges belonging to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield to them, neither out of their favor to these people, nor out of their old grudge at those whose wicked opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient favors granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment already, and that it was not just to deprive those that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed.",
+                    "2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. But one may well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and Titus, that after so great wars and contests which they had from us, they should use such moderation. But I will now return to that part of my history whence I made the present digression.",
+                    "3. Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed; for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus's prosperity and its change to adversity. But at length, when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea; and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation; which when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus overcame Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army. But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas had gotten into his possession, and Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accord, went over to him, and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he besieged the garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought it but just to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his service. So he wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good behavior of the Jews towards him, and informed them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for that their behavior. I will set down presently the epistles themselves which he wrote to the generals concerning them, but will first produce the testimony of Polybius of Megalopolis; for thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history: \"Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the superior parts of the country, and in the winter time overthrew the nation of the Jews?' He also saith, in the same book, that \"when Seopas was conquered by Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea, and Samaria, and Abila, and Gadara; and that, a while afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near that temple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which, although I have more to say, and particularly concerning the presence of God about that temple, yet do I put off that history till another opportunity.\" This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return to the series of the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus. <br>King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. \"Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. And, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperheretus. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.\" ",
+                    "4. And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which contained what follows: \"It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified themselves. Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver.\" Moreover, this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis, the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of our nation out of Babylon into Phrygia. The epistle was this:",
+                    "King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; for I am persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread corn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one.\" Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antiochus Made A League With Ptolemy And How Onias Provoked Ptolemy Euergetes To Anger; And How Joseph Brought All Things Right Again, And Entered Into Friendship With Him; And What Other Things Were Done By Joseph, And His Son Hyrcanus. </i><br>1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry. And upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men framed the taxes of their several countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias was high priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just: which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of things nature made him ashamed.",
+                    "2. There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him of the coming of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning at a village named Phicol, (13) where he was born. Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and had been made high priest; but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded. Onias's answer was this: That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation. He replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the multitude together to a congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor aftrighted, because of his uncle Onias's carelessness, but desired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he promised them that he would be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong. And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy's ambassador in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him, and told him that he would soon follow him; for he was now more willing to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his deportment.",
+                    "3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him to excuse the multitude, as not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time all the principal men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every city. So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with him; which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good and generous a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of the management of Onias: to which he answered, \"Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to complain.\" With this good humor and pleasantry of the young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the king's palace, and be a guest at his own table every day. But when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much offended at it.",
+                    "4. And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dignity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together, of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria, [as they were bidden for,] came to eight thousand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them: but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole substance; for this privilege was sold together with the taxes themselves. The king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked him this question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, \"I will give such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you shall have no reason to distrust.\" And when he bid him name them who they were, he replied, \"I give thee no other persons, O king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security for both parties.\" So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes without any sureties. This procedure was a sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame.",
+                    "5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king's friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him what he had done. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and having before them a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects to the king. By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and he made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he was already possessed of, for he privately sent many presents to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself.",
+                    "6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was become the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius's daughter, whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along with him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king, and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and so lay with his brother's daughter; and this did he many times, and loved her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that he loved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him]. But his brother bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook him, and see him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son, whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above them, and such a one as they might well envy, Joseph had once a mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. After them he sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together. When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yokes with him, he contenmed the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than his own; for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the laborers, and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him. And when he was come back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it.",
+                    "7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him, were to keep a festival, on account of the child's birthday, and went away in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be willing to go to the king. And when the elder sons excused themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation, and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to the king, and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. And upon his promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's prudence. After a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most excellent and most precious. So he thinking that the expense of ten talents would be enough for presents to be made the king, and commending his son, as giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that managed all his money matters at Alexandria; which money was not less than three thousand talents on his account, for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to pay them. So when the son had asked his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king's friends, that they should destroy him.",
+                    "8. But when he was come to Alexaudria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said he wanted a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to live extravagantly; and he let him know how his father had gathered together his estate by painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he would give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the king also. The son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with her,) Cleopatra informed the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done. And they report that the answer he made to the king's messenger was this: That \"there was a law of his that forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning he did not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to make to him, as to one who had been his father's benefactor; and that he had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered not Whether a master was little or great: so that unless we punish such as these, thou thyself mayst also expect to be despised by thy subjects.\" Upon hearing this his answer he fell a laughing, and wondered at the great soul of the child.",
+                    "9. When Arion was apprized that this was the king's disposition, and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants privately, and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other. And when he was invited to feast with the king among the principal men in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one according to their dignity. Now when all those that sat with him had laid the bones Of the several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where he sat was filled full with them, Trypho, who was the king's jester, and was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, \"Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou mayst conjecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones.\" And the king laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones before him? he replied,\" Very rightfully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the hones, as I, who am also a man, have now done.\" Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one. On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's friends, and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on his son's birthday; and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every one give according to the quantity of their riches, he pretended to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents. And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters; and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came, the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry, and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleopatra; every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus's brethren had written to destroy him. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man's magnanimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father and brethren about him. So when the king had paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away. But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of their father; for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus's brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes.",
+                    "10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrcanus's father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great magnanimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high priesthood to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows:",
+                    "\"Areus, King Of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. ",
+                    "\"We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abraham (14) It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about any of your concerns as you please. We will also do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four-square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his claws.\"",
+                    "11. And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of Joseph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons. For whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives. He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a rock that was over against him; and then he made large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very delightful and ornamental in the court. But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a good one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parts for seven years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kingdom. Ptolemy also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer, and the youngest Physcon. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon The Quarrels One Against Another About The High Priesthood Antiochus Made An Expedition Against Jerusalem, Took The City And Pillaged The Temples. And Distressed The Jews' As Also How Many Of The Jews Forsook The Laws Of Their Country; And How The Samaritans Followed The Customs Of The Greeks And Named Their Temple At Mount Gerizzim The Temple Of Jupiter Hellenius. </i><br>1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. This Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living. Wherefore they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. (15) And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other nations.",
+                    "2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence; so he came with great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis; and when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, who reigned there. But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly declared. I will now give a particular account of what concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now thought it necessary to go over that history again, and that with great accuracy.",
+                    "3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt (16) for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him. And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a great deal of money, he returned to Antioch.",
+                    "4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by treachery; at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand. He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, (17) for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. And when the king had built an idol altar upon God's altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day. He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king's commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; for they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified, while they were still alive, and breathed. They also strangled those women and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had appointed, hanging their sons about their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if there were any sacred book of the law found, it was destroyed, and those with whom they were found miserably perished also.",
+                    "5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: \"To king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. (18) And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records. We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee.\" When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: \"King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial enclosed. When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius.\" He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Antiochus's Prohibition To The Jews To Make Use Of The Laws Of Their Country Mattathias, The Son Of Asamoneus, Alone Despised The King, And Overcame The Generals Of Antiochus's Army; As Also Concerning The Death Of Mattathias, And The Succession Of Judas. </i><br>1. Now at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who dwelt at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called Maccabeus, (19) and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the multitude were under; and he told them that it was better for them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so ingloriously as they then did.",
+                    "2. But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among them, both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of children, would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because such a procedure would make him honored by the king. But Mattathias said he would not do it; and that if all the other nations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of their country. But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out, \"If\", said he, \"any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me.\" And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on sabbath days. So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision.",
+                    "3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, \"O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for your laws; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs. Your bodies are mortal, and subject to fate; but they receive a sort of immortality, by the remembrance of what actions they have done. And I would have you so in love with this immortality, that you may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives. I exhort you, especially, to agree one with another; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of every one's own virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels be gives you. Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power.\"",
+                    "4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year; and thus, by the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified the land of all the pollutions that were in it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Judas Overthrew The Forces Of Apollonius And Seron And Killed The Generals Of Their Armies Themselves; And How When, A Little While Afterwards Lysias And Gorgias Were Beaten He Went Up To Jerusalem And Purified The Temple. </i><br>1. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp, and went his way. But when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had about him an army sufficient for fighting, and for making war, he determined to make an expedition against him, as thinking it became him to endeavor to punish those that transgressed the king's injunctions. He then got together an army, as large as he was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village of Judea, and there pitched his camp; upon which Judas met him; and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety towards God; and that they had the plainest instances in their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws, and their own children, had frequently conquered many ten thousands, - for innocence is the strongest army. By this speech he induced his men to contenm the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred of the enemy; but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to the sea.",
+                    "2. When king Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry at what had happened; so he got together all his own army, with many mercenaries, whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and prepared to break into Judea about the beginning of the spring. But when, upon his mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of the seditions there had been among the nations he having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes of that country. Hereupon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of his forces, and of his elephants, and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until he came back; and that he should conquer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation. And when king Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia; and in the hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces.",
+                    "3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends, and delivered to them forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain country. There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country round about; as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives, (having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners,) with that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price. And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies. So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech, which he made to them: \"O my fellow soldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present for courage and contempt of dangers; for if you now fight manfully, you may recover your liberty, which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men, so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such circumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws, and the customs of our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious sufferings; nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore manfully; and suppose that you must die, though you do not fight; but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is day tomorrow morning.\"",
+                    "4. And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided. When they had therefore supped in good time, and had left many fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that were at Emmaus. So that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected that they were retired, and had hidden themselves among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek them wheresoever they were. But about break of day Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when he saw the enemy very well and skillfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged the Jews, and told them that they ought to fight, though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such as were more in number, and were armed also, out of regard to their great courage. So he commanded the trumpeters to sound for the battle; and by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia; and of these there fell about three thousand. Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were with him; but that when they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others. And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias's men looked down into that army which they left in their camp, and saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burnt; for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off, what had happened. When therefore those that were with Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight; but then Judas, as though he had already beaten Gorgias's soldiers without fighting, returned and seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of gold, and silver, and purple, and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of their liberty.",
+                    "5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand chosen men. He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there, where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and when he saw the great number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them, and slew about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of them. Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with a greater army.",
+                    "6. When therefore the generals of Antiochus's armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them, that after these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple; so he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-offering], and built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not of such as were hewn with iron tools. So on the five and twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Macedonians call Apeliens, they lighted the lamps that were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense], and laid the loaves upon the table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offerings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Now it so fell out, that these things were done on the very same day on which their Divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years' time; for so it was, that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for three years. This desolation happened to the temple in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apeliens, and on the hundred fifty and third olympiad: but it was dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apeliens, on the hundred and forty-eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad. And this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time].",
+                    "7. Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon; but he feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honored God, and delighted them by hymns and psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the revival of their customs, when, after a long time of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a festival, on account of the restoration of their temple worship, for eight days. And from that time to this we celebrate this festival, and call it Lights. I suppose the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that thence was the name given to that festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses that might come from our enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Judas Subdued The Nations Round About; And How Simon Beat The People Of Tyre And Ptolemais; And How Judas Overcame Timotheus, And Forced Him To Fly Away, And Did Many Other Things After Joseph And Azarias Had Been Beaten </i><br>1. When these things were over, the nations round about the Jews were very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up together, and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them, and making secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men, and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon the Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them, and besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men [that were in them]. After this he went thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous army, of which Timotheus was the commander. And when he had subdued them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their children captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea. But when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavoring to take the place whither they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten together.",
+                    "2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother should take three thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles with any persons whomsoever until his return. Accordingly, Simon-went into Galilee, and fought the enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them, and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home.",
+                    "3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan; and when they had gone three days journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably, and who told them how the affairs of those in the land of Gilead stood; and how many of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into the cities of Galilee; and exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned to the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round the place with his army. And Judas came upon the city in the morning; and when he found that the enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought ladders, on which they might get upon those walls, and that others brought engines [to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies. But when Timotheus's men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good success in war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they were put to flight; but Judas followed them with his army, and slew about eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the land of Gilead.",
+                    "4. But not long after this, Timotheus prepared a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and came with his army beyond the brook, over against the city Raphon; and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder their passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that \"if they come over it, we shall be beaten.\" And when Judas heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army, and went in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him, whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly; and some of them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called the Temple of Camaim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves; but Judas took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used several ways of destroying his enemies.",
+                    "5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with their children and wives, and the substance that belonged to them, and was going to bring them back into Judea; but as soon as he was come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron, that lay upon the road, (and it was not possible for him to go any other way, so he was not willing to go back again,) he then sent to the inhabitants, and desired that they would open their gates, and permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and cut off their passage through it. And when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and, lying round it by day and night, took the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it; and the multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, and arrived at the great plain, over against which is situate the city Bethshah, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis. (20) And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these battles.(21)",
+                    "6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army, (22) and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. And this misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides the rest of Judas's sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Death Of Antiochus Epiphane. How Antiochus Eupator Fought Against Juda And Besieged Him In The Temple And Afterwards Made Peace With Him And Departed; Of Alcimus And Onias. </i><br>1. About this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going over the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry, he found had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia. And being incited by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and pursued after him, insomuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and lost a great many of his army. And when he was grieving for this disappointment, some persons told him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had left behind him to fight against Judea, and what strength the Jews had already gotten. When this concern about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while he plundered their temple, and contemned their God; and when he had said this, he gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder at Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man, yet saith that \"Antiochus died because he had a purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;\" for the purposing to do a thing, (23) but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But if Polybius could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegious plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with those who may think that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.",
+                    "2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him. (24) This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth year; but it was Lysias that declared his death to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and called him Eupator.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews; for the soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out upon the sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this citadel adjoined to and overlooked the temple. When these misfortunes had often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon he got all the people together, and vigorously besieged those that were in the citadel. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidse. So he made engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on to take the citadel. But there were not a few of the runagates who were in the place that went out by night into the country, and got together some other wicked men like themselves, and went to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not suffer them to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay upon them from those of their own nation; and this because their sufferings were occasioned on his father's account, while they left the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred that which he had commanded them to follow: that there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by the king, should be taken by Judas, and those that were with him, unless he would send them succors. When Antiochus, who was but a child, heard this, he was angry, and sent for his captains and his friends, and gave order that they should get an army of mercenaries together, with such men also of his own kingdom as were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants.",
+                    "4. So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went up to the city Bethsnra, a city that was strong, and not to be taken without great difficulty. He set about this city, and besieged it. And while the inhabitants of Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent in the siege. But when Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched his camp in certain straits, at a place called Bethzachriah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array, and made his elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because they could not be set sideways by one another. Now round about every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them]. And he also made the rest of his army to go up the mountains, and put his friends before the rest; and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious splendor was sent from them; and when they shouted the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was not terrified, but received the enemy with great courage, and slew about six hundred of the first ranks. But when his brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the elephants armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that the king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and bravery. He also slew many of those that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest, and then went under the belly of the elephant, and smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. And thus did this man come to his end, when he had first courageously destroyed manyof his enemies.",
+                    "5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he came against Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of Bethsura were terrified at his strength; and seeing that their provisions grew scarce, they delivered themselves up on the security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no other harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a garrison of his own in the city. But as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long time, while they within bravely defended it; for what engines soever the king set against them, they set other engines again to oppose them. But then their provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground they had laid up were spent and the land being not ploughed that year, continued unsowed, because it was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are obliged to let it lay uncultivated. And withal, so many of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that but a few only were left in the temple.",
+                    "6. And these happened to be the circumstances of such as were besieged in the temple. But then, because Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon them out of Persia, and was endeavoring to get the management of public affairs to himself, they came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste to go against Philip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers or to the officers: but the king commanded Lysias to speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very long; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted regulation; and that it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to become friends to their whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution.",
+                    "7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged with them, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make use of, and live according to, the laws of their fathers; and they gladly received his proposals; and when they had gained security upon oath for their performance, they went out of the temple. But when Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with him Onias the high priest, who was also called Menelaus; for Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers. So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest. But when king Antiochus found that Philip had already possessed himself of the government, he made war against him, and subdued him, and took him, and slew him. Now as to Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Bacchides, The General Of Demetrius's Army, Made An Expedition Against Judea, And Returned Without Success; And How Nicanor Was Sent A Little Afterward Against Judas And Perished, Together With His Army; As Also Concerning The Death Of Alcimus And The Succession Of Judas. </i><br>1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him. And when they had taken Antiochus the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which were immediately put to death by the command of Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have already elsewhere related. But there were now many of the wicked Jewish runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus the high priest, who accused the whole nation, and particularly Judas and his brethren; and said that they had slain all his friends, and that those in his kingdom that were of his party, and waited for his return, were by them put to death; that these men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would send some one of his own friends, and know from him what mischief Judas's party had done.",
+                    "2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, (25) a good man, and one that had been intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antioch with his army; and when he was come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with them about a league of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to take him by treachery. But Judas did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great an army as men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war. However, some of the people acquiesced in what Bacchides caused to be proclaimed; and supposing they should undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman, they went over to them; and when they had received oaths from both of them, that neither they themselves, nor those of the same sentiments, should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves with them. But Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he had taken, but slew threescore of them, although, by not keeping his faith with those that first went over, he deterred all the rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing it. But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at the village called Bethzetho, he sent out, and caught many of the deserters, and some of the people also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, with some part of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep the country in obedience and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius.",
+                    "3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly assured to him; and understanding that, if he could bring it about that the multitude should be his friends, he should govern with greater security, he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to each of them after an agreeable and pleasant manner; by which means he quickly had a great body of men and an army about him, although the greater part of them were of the wicked, and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he went all over the country, and slew all that he could find of Judas's party. But when Judas saw that Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed many of the good and holy men of the country, he also went all over the country, and destroyed those that were of the other party. But when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king Demetrius for his assistance; so he came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a great many miseries by his means, and that he would do more mischief unless he were prevented, and brought to punishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force against him.",
+                    "4. So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faithful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas withal, and bid him not to spare the nation at all. When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to get him into his power by treachery; so he sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king Demetrius's intentions were, and what opinion he had of their nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brethren complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friendship, and received Nicanor and his army; but while he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together, he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon which they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them. So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his army together, and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining battle with him at a certain village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas, (26) and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. And when Nicanor came down from the citadel unto the temple, some of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him; and showed him the sacrifices which they offered to God for the king: upon which he blasphemed, and threatened them, that unless the people would deliver up Judas to him, upon his return he would pull down their temple. And when he had thus threatened them, he departed from Jerusalem. But the priests fell into tears out of grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them from their enemies But now for Nicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having joined him. And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa, another village, which was thirty furlongs distant from Bethoron, having no more than one thousand soldiers. And when he had encouraged them not to be dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to consider who they themselves were, and for what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out to fight, and joining battle with Nicanor, which proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell: - upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy; which, when the inhabitants heard, they put on their armor hastily, and met their enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them, insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle, who were in number nine thousand This victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that month which by the Jews is called Adar and by the Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon celebrate this victory every year, and esteem it as a festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but afterward they returned into their former state of wars and hazards.",
+                    "6. But now as the high priest Alcimus, was resolving to pull down the wall of the sanctuary, which had been there of old time, and had been built by the holy prophets, he was smitten suddenly by God, and fell down. (27) This stroke made him fall down speechless upon the ground; and undergoing torments for many days, he at length died, when he had been high priest four years. And when he was dead, the people bestowed the high priesthood on Judas; who hearing of the power of the Romans, and that they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Libya; and that, besides these, they had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and Philip, and Antiochus the Great also; he resolved to enter into a league of friendship with them. He therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the Romans that they would assist them, and be their friends, and would write to Demetrius that he would not fight against the Jews. So the senate received the ambassadors that came from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand on which they came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They also made a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. The decree itself was this: \"The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money; and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist them, as far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind to add to, or to take away any thing from, this league of assistance, that shall be done with the common consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition shall thus be made, it shall be of force.\" This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Eleazar, (28) when Judas was high priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general of the army. And this was the first league that the Romans made with the Jews, and was managed after this manner."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Bacchides Was Again Sent Out Against Judas; And How Judas Fell As He Was Courageously Fighting. </i><br>1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army into Judea, who marched out of Antioch, and came into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Galilee; and having besieged and taken those that were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem. And when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain village whose name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him: they were twenty thousand foot-men, and two thousand horsemen. Now Judas had no more soldiers than one thousand. (29) When these saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they were afraid, and left their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no time to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight with Bacchides's army, though he had but eight hundred men with him; so he exhorted these men to undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged them to attack the enemy. And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army, and advised that they should retire now, and save themselves and that when he had gathered his own men together, then he should fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer was this: \"Let not the sun ever see such a thing, that I should show my back to the enemy and although this be the time that will bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me, than by now running away bring reproach upon my former great actions, or tarnish their glory.\" This was the speech he made to those that remained with him, whereby he encouraged them to attack the enemy.",
+                    "2. But Bacchldes drew his army out of their camp, and put them in array for the battle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole army, but he was himself on the right wing. And when he had thus put his army in order of battle, and was going to join battle with the enemy, he commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of battle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the enemy. And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them; and as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till sun-set, Judas saw that Bacehides and the strongest part of the army was in the right wing, and thereupon took the most courageous men with him, and ran upon that part of the army, and fell upon those that were there, and broke their ranks, and drove them into the middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza: but when those of the left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they encompassed Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took him into the middle of their army; so being not able to fly, but encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his former famous actions. When Judas was dead, those that were with him had no one whom they could regard [as their commander]; but when they saw themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But Simon and Jonathan, Judas's brethren, received his dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried it to the village of Modin, where their father had been buried, and there buried him; while the multitude lamented him many days, and performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valor and a great warrior, and mindful of the commands of their father Matrathins; and had undergone all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen. And when his character was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. And when he had retained the high priesthood three years, he died."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jonathan Took The Government After His Brother Judas; And How He, Together With His Brother Simon, Waged War Against Bacchides. </i><br>1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles, and how great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing book; but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them, and distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their want of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and their enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had apostatized from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbors, and committed the care of the country to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he had, in the first place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure, he, by that means, at length killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews was become so great, as they had never had experience of the like since their return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be without a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was. And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of the Jewish army.",
+                    "2. When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might be very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery. But this intention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his brother Simon; but when these two were apprized of it, they took all their companions, and presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city; and when they were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that Bacchides was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, and plundered all that they had with them. They also slew John, and all his companions. However, they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's brethren, as we shall relate presently.",
+                    "3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp among the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day came, and then assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not fight because of the law for resting on that day]: but he exhorted his companions [to fight]; and told them that their lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by the river, and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed upon them from before, and the river was behind them. So after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, and by that means escaped beyond Jordan while the enemies did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned presently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army. He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus, and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed them with strong walls, that were very large also, and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.",
+                    "4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp, and splendor, and much riches: so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother, and that they had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from them for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and lay in wait among the mountains for the coming of their enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends with them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush, and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that then followed them, and so returned, and received this satisfaction for their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and children that followed them, perished, being in number about four hundred.",
+                    "5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years. But when the deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were with him lived in the country very quietly, by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send Bacchides to seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done without any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if they fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides, who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and when, upon all their endeavors, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as having imposed upon him, and upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon Jonathan, with his brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days; but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother Simon knew also of this his falling upon them, because he perceived that the enemies were slain by him; so he sallied out upon them, and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and made a great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them before and some behind him, he fell into despair and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill success of this siege. However, he vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for him so to do, and then to return home.",
+                    "6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they might restore those they had taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more make war one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and after this his departure, he never came into Judea again. Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the city Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and punished the wicked and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander [Bala] In His War With Demetrius, Granted Jonathan Many Advantages And Appointed Him To Be High Priest And Persuaded Him To Assist Him Although Demetrius Promised Him Greater Advantages On The Other Side. Concerning The Death Of Demetrius. </i><br>1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, (1) came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed it to him; for they were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in a palace of his that had four towers which he had built himself, not far from Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere already related. When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the other should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him; and this he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise an army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those hostages of the Jewish nation whom Baechides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter in the audience of the people, and of those that kept the citadel. When these were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the hostages. So he delivered every one of them to his own parents. And thus did Jonathan make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more secure from their enemies. And when those that kept the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver up their garrisons.",
+                    "2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the general of Demetrius's army, he told his friends that he could not at present find any one else that might afford him better assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things against him. If therefore they were of opinion that they should make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for their advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another time. It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: \"King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like manner respect us also.\"",
+                    "3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, (2) four years after the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had been made. So he raised great forces, and had abundance of armor got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius when he heard of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However, he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents whereof are these: \"King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us; for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me (3) and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Peres, that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition. In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in my court. I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses.\"",
+                    "4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being killed; for when his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now on foot, fought bravely. But at length he received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius came to, when he had reigned eleven years, (4) as we have elsewhere related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Friendship That Was Between Onias And Ptolemy Philometor; And How Onias Built A Temple In Egypt Like To That At Jerusalem. </i><br>1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: \"Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about Divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; for the prophet Isaiah foretold that \"there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God; (5) and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place.\"",
+                    "2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: \"King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.\"",
+                    "3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed Divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.",
+                    "4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, (6) and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander Honored Jonathan After An Extraordinary Manner; And How Demetrius, The Son Of Demetrius, Overcame Alexander And Made A League Of Friendship With Jonathan. </i><br>1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God's providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his having received the principality of his forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give.",
+                    "2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them both. Alexander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any disturbance. And when the captains had thus done, those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king's order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends.",
+                    "3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come. He also left Apollonius Daus (7) governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king. \"Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. However, take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten may fly.\"",
+                    "4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put there by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of victory principally in them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind; and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so that the enemy's horsemen, while they threw their darts till they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden button, (8) which it is the custom to give the king's kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for his own inheritance.",
+                    "5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.",
+                    "6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him. Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter. But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius had done them; yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being naturally a good and a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured them that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he should be now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius.",
+                    "8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight; and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not able either to understand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding, on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related.",
+                    "9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, (9) had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that was between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexandria; but Demetrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel was besieged; who was irritated with what he heard, and took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby pacified the king's anger. So he was honored by him, and received from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And when the Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows: \"King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents. \"King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherims, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances; as also what the kings my predecessors received from those that offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of this epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent place of their holy temple.'\" And these were the contents of this writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every where, and that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no others than such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other islands. However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers; on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings before him used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that they might have their good-will, and that they might be very ready to undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should require it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Trypho After He Had Beaten Demetrius Delivered The Kingdom To Antiochus The Son Of Alexander, And Gained Jonathan For His Assistant; And Concerning The Actions And Embassies Of Jonathan. </i><br>1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took notice the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father. Malchus at the first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's intentions and entreaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in.",
+                    "2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish deserters, and wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made answer, that after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not only grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired he would send him some assistance, and informed him that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.",
+                    "3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them; so they watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon him. And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their weapons immediately, and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary soldiers which he had with them, and those Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went up to the top of the palace, and shot at them from thence; and because they were so remote from them by their height, that they suffered nothing on their side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood. So the Antiochians, when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one house to the top of another, and pursued them after that manner, it thence happened that the pursuit was so very surprising. But when the king saw that the Antiochians were were busy in saving their children and their wives, and so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages, and fought them, and slew a great many of them, till at last they were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So he forgave them this their insolent behavior, and put an end to the sedition; and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises he had made; and he threatened that he would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done, if Trypho had not hindered him, and diverted his preparations against Jonathan to a concern for his own preservation; for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants and the city Antioch.",
+                    "4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the child Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the high priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden button, and styled him one of his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed himself to be their friend and confederate, and said he would join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for that when he had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had requited him with further injuries.",
+                    "5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius's generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his hands. And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus; and, in assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius for what offenses he had been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut their gates against him; and although they had deserted Demetrius, they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the people of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but what should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to leave off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they find themselves under such afflictions, they then change their minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till after they have suffered such damages. However, he made a league of friendship with them, and took from them hostages for their performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus.",
+                    "6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were come to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed they should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook the Galileans, who were his own people, when war was made upon them, he went to meet them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as he was able out of the country, and then sat down before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already related. But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of Simon by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no harm from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.",
+                    "7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there. When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day beforehand that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain; which army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was able; but those that were laid in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst between two bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage they daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands they put them to flight. And when those soldiers of Jonathan that had retired saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their flight, and pursued them with great violence; and this did they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.",
+                    "8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation had with them formerly. He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship. The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; a copy of which here follows: \"Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were satisfied about it from the sacred writings (10) yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that friendship which is between us. You will therefore do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according to your desires.\" So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to them.",
+                    "9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essens. Now for the Pharisees, (11) they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.",
+                    "10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus apprized beforehand, provided for his security, and placed watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to have their minds prepared to fight in the night time, if they should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy's designs should seem concealed from them. But when Demetrius's commanders were informed that Jonathan knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered, and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their intentions; nor did they expect to overcome them any other way, now they had failed in the snares they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle, they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw them they might suppose they were there still, they retired. When Jonathan came to give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted, and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not overtake them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went into Arabia, and fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and there sold off what he had taken. About the same time it was that Simon his brother went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds; and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius's generals.",
+                    "11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together, and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the places adjoining stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to build another wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that were in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before. And when these things were approved of by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the building that belonged to the city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses in the country more secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain that country still, as well as Babylon; and when he should have obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation for recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist him in fighting against Arsaces, (12) the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Jonathan Was Slain By Treachery; And How Thereupon The Jews Made Simon Their General And High Priest: What Courageous Actions He Also Performed Especially Against Trypho. </i><br>1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him, and then take possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his design relating to Antiochus; but he judging it best to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment, and gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means was desirous to give assurance of his good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded. He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occasion for bringing it with him when there was no war, but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were in the country under his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very designs.",
+                    "2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management, but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness, and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no more than three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in Galilee; and he himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to Ptolemais. But when the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them; but those men having heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execution; and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they covered themselves with their armor, and went away out of the country. Now when those that were sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them no disturbance, but returned back to Trypho.",
+                    "3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by every body, and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest, now they were deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making war with them, should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews as now destitute of a governor and Trypho himself got an army together, and had intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabitants. But when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified at the circumstances they were in, he desired to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people together into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them: \"O my countrymen, you are not ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty; since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws, and our Divine worship, there shall no terror be so great as to banish this resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honorable of all things, - I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will therefore give such proper demonstrations as will show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all with your wives and children from the injuries they intend against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your temple from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you in contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence are encouraged to make war against you.\"",
+                    "4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage; and as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the people cried out all at once that Simon should be their leader; and that instead of Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have the government over them; and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever he should command them. So he got together immediately all his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made their governor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by deceit and trencher, and desired, if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although he knew that if he gave him the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would not set his brother free and withal should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among the multitude as the cause of his brother's death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army together, and told them what offers Trypho had made; and added this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet that it was more eligible to send the money and Jonathan's sons, than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received them, he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against him with his army, and all along pitched his own camp over against his.",
+                    "6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made them so deep, that there was no passing, especially for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and buried them in their own city Modin; and all the people made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected a very large monument for his father and his brethren, of white and polished stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece; a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which were made very surprising, both for their largeness and beauty, and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four years (13) and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that concerned his death.",
+                    "7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and seventy years (14) of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, \"in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;\" for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them; for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamhis. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Simon Confederated Himself With Antiochus Pius, And Made War Against Trypho, And A Little Afterward, Against Cendebeus, The General Of Antiochus's Army; As Also How Simon Was Murdered By His Son-In-Law Ptolemy, And That By Treachery. </i><br>1. (15) Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, (16) the son of Alexander, who was also called The God, (17) and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he would give them a great deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's brother Antiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any further dissimulation, and was the true Trypho; which behavior made his enemies superior to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.",
+                    "2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; who readily accepted of the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when he had reigned three years.",
+                    "3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also himself make a league with the Romans.",
+                    "4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them, (18) and made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already admitted Hyrcanus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Hyrcanus Receives The High Priesthood, And Ejects Ptolemy Out Of The Country. Antiochus Makes War Against Hyrcanus And Afterwards Makes A League With Him. </i><br>1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the high priesthood that had been his father's before, and in the first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place, in other points he was too hard for him, but was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother and brethren, and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, (19) he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia.",
+                    "2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. (20) And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades (21) However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of men in the city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city, and retained that part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the wails, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, (23) by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said. But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer. But the Jews, although they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city. And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.",
+                    "4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity, and marched along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians; of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his history writes thus: \"When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel.\" And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day (24) But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly related elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, After The Death Of Antiochus, Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Syria, And Made A League With The Romans. Concerning The Death Of King Demetrius And Alexander. </i><br>1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, (25) and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.",
+                    "2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following: \"Fanius, the son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate together on the eighth day before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was, that the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews (26) Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them; and that it might not be lawful for the king's troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void; and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people.\" But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety.",
+                    "3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family at Seleueus, in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Upon The Quarrel Between Antiochus Grypus And Antiochus Cyzicenus About The Kingdom of samaria Hyrcanus Took, And Utterly Demolished It; And How Hyrcanus Joined Himself To The Sect Of The Sadducees, And Left That Of The Pharisees. </i><br>1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; for after the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, (27) nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both.",
+                    "2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time to help them, who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.",
+                    "3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year's siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.",
+                    "4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, \"Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favor with the queen.\" These are the words of Strabo.",
+                    "5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, (28) who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they would call him back and correct him. On which occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose name was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said,\" Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,\" And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, \"We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. (29)\" This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.",
+                    "6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essens, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.",
+                    "7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years, and then died, (30) leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the greatest privileges, - the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and to foretell this in particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that we may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their father's happiness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus, When He Had Taken The Government First Of All Put A Diadem On His Head, And Was Most Barbarously Cruel To His Mother And His Brethren; And How, After He Had Slain Antigonus, He Himself Died. </i><br>1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. This Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison, because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,] it happened that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers for the recovery of his brother, when some wicked persons, who had a great mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were not like those of a private person; that these actions were indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favor that he was honored with a lower dignity by his brother.",
+                    "2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark; (he himself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that he would come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct contrary: how his brother had heard that he had made himself a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him to come to him in that armor, that he might see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no treachery, but depending on the good-will of his brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used to be, with his entire armor, in order to show it to him; but when he was come to a place which was called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essens, (31) and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come?\" That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold he should die at the place called Strato's Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.\" As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder.",
+                    "3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus's blood, there slain, still remaining; and when there was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect that what is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his threatening, and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which arose from his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan, and said, \"I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now, O thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?\" In saying which last words he died, having reigned a year. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: \"This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander When He Had Taken The Government Made An Expedition Against Ptolemais, And Then Raised The Siege Out Of Fear Of Ptolemy Lathyrus; And How Ptolemy Made War Against Him, Because He Had Sent To Cleopatra To Persuade Her To Make War Against Ptolemy, And Yet Pretended To Be In Friendship With Him, When He Beat The Jews In The Battle. </i><br>1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, (for Aristobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said already,) and made Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This child happened to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted to come into his father's sight till he died. (32) The occasion of which hatred is thus reported: when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; for after the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and one of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other, who chose to live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.",
+                    "2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them; but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves deficient in. strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.",
+                    "3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt; for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern.",
+                    "4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand (33) He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey.",
+                    "5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was between their camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they could not flee out of the battle: in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country.",
+                    "6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexander, upon the League of Mutual Defense Which Cleopatra Had Agreed with Him, Made an Expedition Against Coelesyria, and Utterly Overthrew the City of Gaza; and How He Slew Many Ten Thousands of Jews That Rebelled Against Him. Also Concerning Antiochus Grypus, Seleucus Antiochus Cyziceius, and Antiochus Pius, and Others. </i><br>1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ananias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos (34) Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came to Ptolemais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.",
+                    "2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. But Ananias's counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; \"for (said he) I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what in justice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies. This desire of Ananias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.",
+                    "3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Coelesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Areathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander's baggage. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance; but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege.",
+                    "4. About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died (35) His death was caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he had lived forty-five years, and had reigned twenty-nine. (36) His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with Antiochus, his father's brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him. But after a while Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria. But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestin had indignation at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and slew him, together with his friends. But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, (37) the brother of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was overcome, and destroyed, he and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria; but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, (38) when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.",
+                    "5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidie and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus (39) durst not fight with him; but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadurn, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Demetrius Eucerus Overcame Alexander And Yet In A Little Time Retired Out Of The Country For Fear; As Also How Alexander Slew Many Of The Jews And Thereby Got Clear Of His Troubles. Concerning The Death Of Demetrius. </i><br>1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides, - Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius's soldiers were slain also.",
+                    "2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; and when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be cut before their eyes. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews (40) whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.",
+                    "3. But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. However Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon, the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great number of forces, and besieging Demetrius in his encampment, into which they had driven them with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they took a great many spoils out of that country, and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was then king of Parthis; but as to those whom they took captives of the people of Antioch, they restored them to the Antiochians without any reward. Now Mithridates, the king of Parthis, had Demetrius in great honor, till Demetrius ended his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antiochus, Who Was Called Dionysus, And After Him Aretas Made Expeditions Into Judea; As Also How Alexander Took Many Cities And Then Returned To Jerusalem, And After A Sickness Of Three Years Died; And What Counsel He Gave To Alexandra. </i><br>1. After this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, (41) and was Philip's brother, aspired to the dominion, and came to Damascus, and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he was making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it, and came to Damascus, where Milesius, who had been left governor of the citadel, and the Damascens themselves, delivered up the city to him; yet because Philip was become ungrateful to him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof he had received him into the city, but had a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the kindness of Milesius, and because he had not rewarded him as he ought to have done, he became suspected by him, and so he was obliged to leave Damascus again; for Milesius caught him marching out into the Hippodrome, and shut him up in it, and kept Damascus for Antiochus [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, and made an expedition against Judea, with eight thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horsemen. So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which part only his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall, and erected wooden towers, and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coming of Antiochus; but he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten the victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in distress, he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them perished by famine.",
+                    "2. After him (42) Arems reigned over Celesyria, being called to the government by those that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on between them, retire out of Judea.",
+                    "3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success.",
+                    "4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamhis, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adorn, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zorn, the valley of the Cilices, and Pollo; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. (43) The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.",
+                    "5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with is army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, \"To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?\" But he gave her the following advice: That she need but follow what he would suggest to her, in order to retain the kingdom securely, with her children: that she should conceal his death from the soldiers till she should have taken that place; after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. \"Do thou, therefore,\" said he, \"when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious Funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.\" (44) So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Alexandra By Gaining The Good-Will Of The Pharisees, Retained The Kingdom Nine Years, And Then, Having Done Many Glorious Actions Died. </i><br>1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against Alexander, and made them bear goodwill and friendship to him; who then came among the multitude, and made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and told them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than had any of the kings before him. Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but committed the kingdom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and for this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because she seemed displeased at the offenses her husband had been guilty of.",
+                    "2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them: and the country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one after another, till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had recieved the greatest marks of favor from him; and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever. They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them. And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her husband's enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible; but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander's house, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in a private station there.",
+                    "3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander's ghost for commiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the bystanders brake out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,] \"Nay, indeed, the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over them, when there were sons in the flower of their age fitter for it.\" So Alexandra, not knowing what to do with any decency, committed the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania, and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where her principal treasures were. After a little while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad neighbor to the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and so returned home.",
+                    "4. About this time news was brought that Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred thousand soldiers, (45) and was coming against Judea. This news, as may well be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Accordingly, they sent him many and very valuable presents, as also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais; for Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with him, and entreated him that he would determine nothing that was severe about their queen or nation. He commended them for the respects they paid him at so great a distance, and gave them good hopes of his favor. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia, and besieging its cities. Now when Tigranes knew this, he returned home.",
+                    "5. After this, when the queen was fallen into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt the seizing of the government; so he stole away secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and went to the fortresses, wherein his friends, that were such from the days of his father, were settled; for as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole family should be under the power of the Pharisees; for he saw the inability of his brother, who was to succeed in the government; nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent men before mentioned, and was received by him. When it was day, the queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time she supposed that his departure was not in order to make any innovation; but when messengers came one after another with the news that he had secured the first place, the second place, and all the places, for as soon as one had begun they all submitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly in the government. What they were principally afraid of was this, that he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment his house had had from them. So they resolved to take his wife and children into custody, and keep them in the fortress that was over the temple. (46) Now there was a mighty conflux of people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about him; for in a little more than fifteen days he got twenty-two strong places, which gave him the opportunity of raising an army from Libanus and Trachonitis, and the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and easily submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him their assistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well as he, should have the advantages that would come by his being king, because they had been the occasion of his gaining the kingdom. Now the elders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many strong holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no long time. But she bid them do what they thought proper to be done; that they had many circumstances in their favor still remaining, a nation in good heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries; for that she had small concern about public affairs now, when the strength of her body already failed her.",
+                    "6. Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by her doings at once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent mistakes they make in point of government; for she always preferred the present to futurity, and preferred the power of an imperious dominion above all things, and in comparison of that had no regard to what was good, or what was right. However, she brought the affairs of her house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that authority from it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had obtained by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her sentiments with those that bare ill-will to their family, and by leaving the administration destitute of a proper support of great men; and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The War Between Aristobulus And Hyrcanus About The Kingdom; And How They Made An agreement That Aristobulus Should Be King, And Hyrcanus Live A Private Life; As Also How Hyrcanus A Little Afterward Was Persuaded By Antipater To Fly To Aretas. </i><br>1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of.",
+                    "2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.",
+                    "3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolaus of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous soul.",
+                    "4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aretas And Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Aristobulus And Besieged Jerusalem; And How Scaurus The Roman General Raised The Siege. Concerning The Death Of Onias. </i><br>1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyracanus, and assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said, \"O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those.\" Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.",
+                    "2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.",
+                    "3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the brother of Antipater."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus And Hyrcanus Came To Pompey In Order To Argue Who Ought To Have The Kingdom; And How Upon The Plight Of Aristobulus To The Fortress Alexandrium Pompey Led His Army Against Him And Ordered Him To Deliver Up The Fortresses Whereof He Was Possessed. </i><br>1. A Little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine (3) of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: \"There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, 'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it.\"",
+                    "2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, - the one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he had before. And when Pompey had ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in a pompous procession.",
+                    "3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.",
+                    "4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pompey When The Citizens Of Jerusalem Shut Their Gates Against Him Besieged The City And Took It By Force; As Also What Other Things He Did In Judea. </i><br>1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence like a juice,) (4) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city (5) and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.",
+                    "2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else.",
+                    "3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. (7)",
+                    "4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, (8) on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9) which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.",
+                    "5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Scaurus Made A League Of Mutual Assistance With Aretas; And What Gabinius Did In Judea, After He Had Conquered Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus. </i><br>1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as at the desire of Aretas.",
+                    "2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.",
+                    "3. At which time Gabinius (10) came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.",
+                    "4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Gabinius Caught Aristobulus After He Had Fled From Rome, And Sent Him Back To Rome Again; And Now The Same Gabinius As He Returned Out Of Egypt Overcame Alexander And The Nabateans In Battle. </i><br>1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.",
+                    "2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also been related elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.",
+                    "3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.",
+                    "4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything new which is not in the other."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Crassus Came Into Judea, And Pillaged The Temple; And Then Marched Against The Parthians And Perished, With His Army. Also How Cassius Obtained Syria, And Put A Stop To The Parthians And Then Went Up To Judea. </i><br>1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.",
+                    "2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: \"Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.\" Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: \"There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was formerly under the same government.\" And this is what Strabo says.",
+                    "3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros, (12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been related by others.",
+                    "4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and continued to take care of her brethren."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Become Confederates With Caesar When He Fought Against Egypt. The Glorious Actions Of Antipater, And His Friendship With Caesar. The Honors Which The Jews Received From The Romans And Athenians. </i><br>1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Pergainus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.",
+                    "2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements.",
+                    "3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Aslnius: \"After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews.\" Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that \"Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition.\" This is what Strabo says.",
+                    "4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.",
+                    "5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows: (13) \"Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.\" Hyrcanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows \"Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city.\" And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Committed The Care Of Galilee To Herod, And That Of Jerusalem To Phasaelus; As Also How Herod Upon The Jews' Envy At Antipater Was Accused Before Hyrcanus. </i><br>1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.",
+                    "2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.",
+                    "3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, \"How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee.\"",
+                    "4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16) a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, \"O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.\" Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands: - which things will be related by us in their proper places.",
+                    "5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it - and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Honors That Were Paid The Jews; And The Leagues That Were Made By The Romans And Other Nations, With Them. </i><br>1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.",
+                    "2. \"Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17) with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.\"",
+                    "3. \"The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.\"",
+                    "4. \"Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.\"",
+                    "5. \"Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.\"",
+                    "6. \"Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.\"",
+                    "7. \"Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.\"",
+                    "8. \"Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.\"",
+                    "9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:",
+                    "10. \"The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.\"",
+                    "11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:",
+                    "12. \"When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; - I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.\"",
+                    "13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree ran thus: \"I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance.\"",
+                    "14. The decree of the Delians. \"The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.\" And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.",
+                    "15. \"Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.\"",
+                    "16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: \"I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.\"",
+                    "17. \"Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.\"",
+                    "18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: \"We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.\"",
+                    "19. \"In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.\"",
+                    "20. \"The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.\"",
+                    "21. \"Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.\"",
+                    "22. The decree of those of Pergamus. \"When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate's decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.\"",
+                    "23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. \"When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.\"",
+                    "24. The decree of the Sardians. \"This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.\"",
+                    "25. The decree of the Ephesians. \"When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.\"",
+                    "26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans (20) and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Marcus, Succeeded Sextus When He Had Been Slain By Bassus's Treachery; And How, After The Death Of Caesar, Cassius Came Into Syria, And Distressed Judea; As Also How Malichus Slew Antipater And Was Himself Slain By Herod. </i><br>1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Ceasar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Ceasar's generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus (21) came from Rome to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere.",
+                    "2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.",
+                    "3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.",
+                    "4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.",
+                    "5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.",
+                    "6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father's death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus; and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.",
+                    "7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; for Malichus's brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Ejects Antigonus, The Son Of Aristobulus Out Of Judea, And Gains The Friendship Of Antony, Who Was Now Come Into Syria, By Sending Him Much Money; On Which Account He Would Not Admit Of Those That Would Have Accused Herod: And What It Was That Antony Wrote To The Tyrians In Behalf . </i><br>1. Now (22) Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cussiris was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three male and two female children. He had also married before this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.",
+                    "2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose.",
+                    "3. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was that the sun turned away his light from us, (23) as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.\"",
+                    "4. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own; but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates.\"",
+                    "5. \"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment.\"",
+                    "6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antony Made Herod And Phasaelus Tetrarchs, After They Had Been Accused To No Purpose; And How The Parthians When They Brought Antigonus Into Judea Took Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Captives. Herod's Flight; And What Afflictions Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Endured. </i><br>1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod's father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best. He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.",
+                    "2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them if they went on with their accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.",
+                    "3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the houses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number of them.",
+                    "4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered together about the temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city.",
+                    "5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover, there was one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them. But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.",
+                    "6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest, who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said; for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great wisdom.",
+                    "7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to be done; for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt upon a person of his character; and while they put off the determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy nature.",
+                    "8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same distresses also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all.",
+                    "9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa.",
+                    "10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward: but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire (25) But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge his death, and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Got Away From The King Of Arabia And Made Haste To Go Into Egypt And Thence Went Away In Haste Also To Rome; And How, By Promising A Great Deal Of Money To Antony He Obtained Of The Senate And Of Caesar To Be Made King Of The Jews. </i><br>1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had committed to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his coming thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest importance.",
+                    "2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malchus soon repented of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.",
+                    "3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.",
+                    "4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod's condition; (26) and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.",
+                    "5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].",
+                    "6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of might be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come again and defend him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Sailed Out Of Italy To Judea, And Fought With Antigonus And What Other Things Happened In Judea About That Time. </i><br>1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but as he was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.",
+                    "2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.",
+                    "3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty, he immediately went out into the country, and left not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.",
+                    "4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.",
+                    "5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.",
+                    "6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them, and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.",
+                    "7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant. But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.",
+                    "8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their savior and protector.",
+                    "9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army.",
+                    "10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].",
+                    "11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance, those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.",
+                    "12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men, (29) and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away and leave the city.",
+                    "13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting out of the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that slew him with his own hand.",
+                    "14. When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; and as he removed his camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the city; and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay before the city, he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod, When He Had Married Mariamne Took Jerusalem With The Assistance Of Sosius By Force; And How The Government Of Heasamoneans Was Put An End To </i><br>1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the Senate.",
+                    "2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get its; yet did not those within discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They also erected new works when the former were ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody.",
+                    "3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the king, thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them. He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his citizens'; and when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away full of money.",
+                    "4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome (30) on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account of the family they were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Pollio And Sameas. Herod Slays The Principal Of Antigonus's Friends, And Spoils The City Of Its Wealth. Antony Beheads Antigonus.</i><br>1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book. We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his enemies. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken.",
+                    "2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: \"Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead; for by no torments could they he forced to call him king, so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred they bare to Herod.\" Thus far Strabo."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Hyrcanus Was Set At Liberty By The Parthians, And Returned To Herod; And What Alexandra Did When She Heard That Ananelus Was Made High Priest.</i><br>1. Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again, and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first made high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother, Phasaelus captives, and were taken away into Parthis. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related.",
+                    "2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, (1) where there were Jews in great numbers. These Jews honored Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to his satisfaction. But when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jew that came often to him with great affection; but they endeavored to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons, the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them.",
+                    "3. Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were there, that they should not grudge him the royal authority, which he should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. But this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he compassed afterward.",
+                    "4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous design against him. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, (2) he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.",
+                    "5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son.",
+                    "6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius (3) came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariarune, the king's wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them.",
+                    "7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony's means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Upon His Making Aristobulus High Priest Took Care That He Should Be Murdered In A Little Time; And What Apology He Made To Antony About Aristobulus; As Also Concerning Joseph And Mariamne.</i><br>1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high priests (4) and had been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that had once been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead.",
+                    "2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; so he gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her out of patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies and put herself into one, and her son into the other and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and been esteemed one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery would change Herod's hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagem of Alexandra: whereupon be suffered her to proceed to the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact; but still he passed by her offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he fully proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means or other; but he thought he might in probability be better concealed in doing it, if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately happened.",
+                    "3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it; for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, (5) he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family he was sprung from, - a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho (6) with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot day. At first they were only spectators of Herod's servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years, (7) and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.",
+                    "4. When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain. But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow; and she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed; nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe that the child's death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child's countenance so young and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security. So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and received in this way some consolation.",
+                    "5. However, no such things could overcome Alexandra's grief; but the remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child's murder; for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality. Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other man: but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.",
+                    "6. But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod's kindness, and great affection towards her; and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous to demonstrate the kings inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live without her; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but of his severe usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women's severe suspicions about him afterwards.",
+                    "7. At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among Herod's enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report, as is natural, disturbed those that were about the palace, but chiefly the women; upon which Alexandra endeavored to persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and fly away with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which then lay encamped about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of Julius; for that by this means, if any disturbance should happen about the palace, they should be in greater security, as having the Romans favorable to them; and that besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable for them to hope for, because of their royal extraction.",
+                    "8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of what they before expected; for when he was come to Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made him, which he had brought with him from Jerusalem; and he soon induced him, upon discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force than the arguments and presents he brought to regain his friendship; for Antony said that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote an account of these things, and enlarged upon the other honors which he had received from Antony; how he sat by him at his hearing causes, and took his diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favors from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a great desire of his country, and earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her, labored with her utmost diligence to have him out of the way; but that he still found Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his return, with a firmer additional assurance of his favor to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs; and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her.",
+                    "9. When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way against the Partnians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph; but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own defense; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, and professed the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one another with a most tender affection. But as the king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to a like confidence in him, Marianme said, Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?\" When these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own hands, and said, that \"now he had an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation with his wife; for that he would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity and firm confidence between them. And while he was in this passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he restrained this his passion, though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of mind. However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Cleopatra, When She Had Gotten From Antony Some Parts Of Judea And Arabia Came Into Judea; And How Herod Gave Her Many Presents And Conducted Her On Her Way Back To Egypt.</i><br>1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra's constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions; for she persuaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections. She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus; for if there were but any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the covetous humor of this wicked creature: yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded him to. That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors, and gave them to her. Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also.",
+                    "2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him. Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: which considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.",
+                    "3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archclaus and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.",
+                    "4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Made War With The King Of Arabia, And After They Had Fought Many Battles, At Length Conquered Him, And Was Chosen By The Arabs To Be Governor Of That Nation; As Also Concerning A Great Earthquake.</i><br>1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony. But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them. And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks: whereupon a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this man was Cleopatra's general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than themselves. And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's army: whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.",
+                    "2. At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod (8) and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy's country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in the manner following:",
+                    "3. \"You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends. And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it: is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. (9) And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage. But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy. But then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath aftrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened all indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you. Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in valor.\"",
+                    "4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law (10) made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and retreated. This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy's army was disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water. The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from running away.",
+                    "5. When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress; but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five days' time the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them, after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod's warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Slew Hyrcanus And Then Hasted Away To Caesar, And Obtained The Kingdom From Him Also; And How A Little Time Afterward, He Entertained Caesar In A Most Honorable Manner.</i><br>1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at that time both Herod's enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.",
+                    "2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.",
+                    "3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.",
+                    "4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine years; and when, after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.",
+                    "5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.",
+                    "6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; \"for if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee. Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee.\"",
+                    "7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; by which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Slew Sohemus And Mariamne And Afterward Alexandra And Costobarus, And His Most Intimate Friends, And At Last The Sons Of Babbas Also.</i><br>1. However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy; for as they supposed (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy; and Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was but hypocritical, and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well apprized how all was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king's injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority he had before; so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they would be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign themselves, or be very near to him that should reign. He had a further ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was under from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar], and esteemed it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer; and this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her resentment.",
+                    "2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had been between them, and saluted her; but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction. This much troubled him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and thus was he entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself at the same time.",
+                    "3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to wrath by telling him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believed them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill passions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against her. But when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in their present state. However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government; upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower.",
+                    "4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at another's disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly, which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion as was now offered; for as the king was one day about noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her company, she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her brother to be slain. (11) And when he took this injury very unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate manner, the king's sister Salome, observing that he was more than ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion for him; and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech. So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this moved the king, he said that this love potion was a composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself and for the king. When Herod heard what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without him. And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say nothing concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohemus had said to her. Now as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with Mariamne. So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation against her for this love potion and composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom: but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution.",
+                    "5. When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner; for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter in the hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common benefactor. And when she had for some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul discover her concern for her mother's offense, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her; but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the last moments of her life.",
+                    "6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation; and thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by the king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he could do any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most afflicted her was, what he had done to her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments.",
+                    "7. But when she was once dead, the king's affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage; but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as looked like Divine vengeance upon him for the taking away her life; for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice; he therefore laid aside the administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still hear them. And when he was in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This circumstance affected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself: he had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length brought him to despair. All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.",
+                    "8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the fortified places that were about the city, which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under their power, for without the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that Divine worship which they have been wont to pay unto God. Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him than those of his own family. These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Cadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion.",
+                    "9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra's government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his attempt.",
+                    "10. But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce (12) and dis solved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife; if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another, unless her former husband put her away. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had ordered them to be slain]. Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him. Now the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the government to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own advantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary regard to his own preservation also. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister's information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod's own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Ten Men Of The Citizens [Of Jerusalem] Made A Conspiracy Against Herod, For The Foreign Practices He Had Introduced, Which Was A Transgression Of The Laws Of Their Country. Concerning The Building Of Sebaste And Cesarea, And Other Edifices Of Herod.</i><br>1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his grandeur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself; nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. (13) It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.",
+                    "2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be; and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision.",
+                    "3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers.",
+                    "4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater. So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names; and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior, for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king's guards that stood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; yet did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion.",
+                    "5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day's journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato's Tower, but was by him named Cesarea. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellow citizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference. Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Famine That Happened In Judea And Syria; And How Herod, After He Had Married Another Wife, Rebuilt Cesarea, And Other Grecian Cities.</i><br>1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time (14) for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that surived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year. (15) This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern.",
+                    "2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had. And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, the bakers should make their bread ready for them. He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature, as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be.",
+                    "3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus (16) led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there. When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them; for one apartment was called Caesar's, another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this his marriage was as follows: There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter].",
+                    "4. When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a further height by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a woman's breast. It is encompassed with circular towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for security and for beauty. About the bottom there are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle.",
+                    "5. And now, when all Herod's designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when they were under their distresses. But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples, - not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof (17) The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them.",
+                    "6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato's Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people; and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Cesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; (18) during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Sent His Sons To Rome; How Also He Was Accused By Zenodorus And The Gadarens, But Was Cleared Of What They Accused Him Of And Withal Gained To Himself The Good-Will Of Caesar. Concerning The Pharisees, The Essens And Manahem.</i><br>1. When Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had already re-edified Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to enjoy the company of Caesar; who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, (19) who was very fond of Herod's friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: One Zenodorus (20) had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions. But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod's government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprized of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults.",
+                    "3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to Caesar's province. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus's belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod besides Caesar. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy (21) for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus's country, near the place called Panlure. This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar.",
+                    "4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met together; nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government: and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Satneas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essens in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essens.",
+                    "5. Now there was one of these Essens, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said,\" However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.\" Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, \"Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;\" but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essens. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essens have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of Divine revelations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Rebuilt The Temple And Raised It Higher And Made It More Magnificent Than It Was Before; As Also Concerning That Tower Which He Called Antonia.</i><br>1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, (22) and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them: \"I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before; and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; but since I am now, by God's will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.\"",
+                    "2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech aftrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. But while they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them, but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.",
+                    "3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations (23) fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve; and the whole structure, as also the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over against them, and those that approached to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and pillars interwoven; and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done. He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an elevated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by Divine revelation, encompassed with a wall; it was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and till both the largeness of the square edifice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all future times. When this work [for the foundation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and in compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length a furlong: but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many kings in former times; and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken from the Arabians.",
+                    "4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod kept in that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower of Antonia, for that they ought to have them in their power, as they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give it them accordingly. Before that time they were kept under the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the vestments; and again, when the festival was over, they brought it to the same place, and showed the captain of the temple guards their seal, which corresponded with his seal, and reposited them there. And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.",
+                    "5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it should reach any farther: and this cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above into the depth, this further vastly high elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked down from the top of the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was built of stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole. These four rows of pillars included three intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; two of which walks were made parallel to each other, and were contrived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side; but the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing many sorts of figures. The middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone, insomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclosure. In the midst of which, and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death. Now this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant one from another; but on the east quarter , towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate, through which such as were pure came in, together with their wives; but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of these three did king Herod enter, (24) for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. However, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight years.",
+                    "6. But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest every one according to his ability; the number of which sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we should truly relate it; for at the same time with this celebration for the work about the temple fell also the day of the king's inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other, which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious.",
+                    "7. There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led from Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might be made by the people against their kings. It is also reported, (25) that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>A Law Of Herod's About, Thieves. Salome And Pheroras Calumniate Alexander And Aristobulus, Upon Their Return From Rome For Whom Yet Herod Provides Wives. </i><br>1. As king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of injustice which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose house-breakers to be ejected out of his kingdom; which punishment was not only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution of the customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offense against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original laws; for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of the hatred he lay under.",
+                    "2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out that they were not pleased with their father's company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother's murderer. Now, by carrying these stories; that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Twice Sailed To Agrippa; And How Upon The Complaint In Ionia Against The Greeks Agrippa Confirmed The Laws To Them. </i><br>1. When Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend. This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.",
+                    "2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore; so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance, and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar's procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according as their several necessities required.",
+                    "3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: \"It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing '. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, (1) we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.\"",
+                    "4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod's good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Great Disturbances Arose In Herods Family On His Preferring Antipater His Eldest Son Before The Rest, Till Alexander Took That Injury Very Heinously. </i><br>1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne]; and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed; and they cast reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their father, though it were by despatching him with their own hands. At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers, and to be partakers with them.",
+                    "2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fill words immediately as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother's death upon him. They also added another circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind; for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.",
+                    "3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which from various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young men themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years' government in Asia. (2) Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar's friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father's favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How During Antipater's Abode At Rome, Herod Brought Alexander And Aristobulus Before Caesar And Accused Them. Alexander's Defense Of Himself Before Caesar And Reconciliation To His Father. </i><br>1. And now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself: and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei (3) so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language, while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time, and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was necessary that all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.",
+                    "2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent; but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular; and they moved their father's affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.",
+                    "3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said, \"O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all, for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt. And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former; but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him; but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government, and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee (4) But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us.\"",
+                    "4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion which was spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children; and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw. (5)",
+                    "5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes; and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his sons.",
+                    "6. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became kings to make, From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar's kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Celebrated The Games That Were To Return Every Fifth Year Upon The Building Of Cesarea; And How He Built And Adorned Many Other Places After A Magnificent Manner; And Did Many Other Actions Gloriously </i><br>1. About this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad. There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.",
+                    "2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.",
+                    "3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; (6) and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.",
+                    "4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>An Embassage In Cyrene And Asia To Caesar, Concerning The Complaints They Had To Make Against The Greeks; With Copies Of The Epistles Which Caesar And Agrippa Wrote To The Cities For Them. </i><br>1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.",
+                    "2. \"Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father (7) Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. (8) But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.\" This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.",
+                    "3. \"Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.\" These were the decrees of Caesar.",
+                    "4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: \"Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath day.\"",
+                    "5. \"Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place.\"",
+                    "6. \"Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.\"",
+                    "7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. \"To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.\"",
+                    "8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs (9) there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How, Upon Herod's Going Down Into David's Sepulcher, The Sedition In His Family Greatly Increased. </i><br>1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David's sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly aftrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. And even Nicolaus (10) his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign, and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod's posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing.",
+                    "2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David's sepulcher; whether Divine vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.",
+                    "3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the king's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king's anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other wives country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.",
+                    "4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod's obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, \"Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy of.\"",
+                    "5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said that \"it was Salome who was the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her.\" But as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present there were more plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king's daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial to be believed; but the peverseness of her manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome's reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king's wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.",
+                    "6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow, he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together. Now the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another; who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus; which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred talents."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod Took Up Alexander And Bound Him; Whom Yet Archelaus King Of Cappadocia Reconciled To His Father Herod Again. </i><br>1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king's son with great sums of money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father; but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was; but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom under him, for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.",
+                    "2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now make an open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last his domestics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.",
+                    "3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint on himself on their account; for at this time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.",
+                    "4. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer mark of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them which he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.",
+                    "5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as fiattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them to him, that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him by night, and that she lay with him whether he would or not; and that all men were come to be of one mind, to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get clear of the continual fear they were in from him. Among these were accused Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the king. And what more can be said, but that those who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, while there was no room for defense or refutation, in order to the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction; so that some lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put to death, and others lamented that they were in expectation of the same miseries; and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse to that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life also was entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expectation of further misery; for he often fancied in his imagination that his son had fallen upon him, or stood by him with a sword in his hand; and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if he were under a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in.",
+                    "6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young man [her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his friend, on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on purpose to compose their differences; and when he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and by still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more irritated: he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man, that he had not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter's marriage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and, for the main, took Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown into a passion; but when Archclaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve his son's marriage, and became not so angry as before for his offenses. So when Archclaus had brought him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends; and said it must be owing to them that so young a man, and one unacquainted with malice, was corrupted; and he supposed that there was more reason to suspect the brother than the soft. Upon which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one that could make a reconciliation between him and his brother. So when he saw that Archclaus had the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon this Archclaus did not overlook the intercession he made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change the king's disposition towards him immediately; and he said that it was better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all; that this would make the king's anger not to be extravagant towards him, and that then he would be present to assist him. When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Archclaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable person to Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest presents, as tokens of his respects to him; and being on other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archclaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Revolt Of The Trachonites; How Sylleus Accused Herod Before Caesar; And How Herod, When Caesar Was Angry At Him, Resolved To Send Nicolaus To Rome. </i><br>1. When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following: The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the country away from Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not like; and when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob, and so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their neighbors, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care. But when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's protection, the Trachonites spread a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and betook themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing their neighbors; at which time the king's commanders subdued them during his absence; but about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had been taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not only Judea, but all Celesyria also, and carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places of protection and quietness during their wicked practices. But when Herod came back from Rome, he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered by them; and since he could not reach the robbers themselves, because of the secure retreat they had in that country, and which the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the injuries they had done him, he went all over Trachonitis, and slew their relations; whereupon these robbers were more angry than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion with impunity. Then did he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and Volumnius, and required that they should be punished; upon which occasion they still the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became more numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for the robbers were now become about a thousand; - at which Herod was sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as the money which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him; but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. (11) At last he, by their means, agreed, that within thirty days' time Herod should be paid his money, and that each of them should deliver up the other's subjects reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the robbers amongst them.",
+                    "2. When this day appointed for payment of the money was past, without Sylleus's performing any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the payment of the money, and that the robbers that were in Arabia should be delivered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were refractory. He took an army that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in three days' time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any others. But as the Arabians came to their assistance, under Naceb their captain, there ensued a battle, wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to flight. So when he had brought these to punishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.",
+                    "3. However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing. Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace; and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed his habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's laying it waste with his army; and he said, with tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his familiar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present. When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously, that he would not himself have come out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would have provided that they should all have peace one with another, and that, had he been there, he would have taken care that the war should not have been to Herod's advantage; Caesar was provoked when this was said, and asked no more than this one question, both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his own friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army thither? And when they were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should now use him as his subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians, who were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money that was due; they retained those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without paying their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low condition, by reason of Caesar's anger at him. Those of Trachonitis also made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean garrison, and followed the same way of robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.",
+                    "4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being quite gone with which Caesar's favor used to inspire him; for Caesar would not admit so much as an embassage from him to 'make an apology for him; and when they came again, he sent them away without success. So he was cast into sadness and fear; and Sylleus's circumstances grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead; and Aeneas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas, (12) took the government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before he took the kingdom; yet did Aeneas send an epistle and presents to Caesar, and a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased; and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself: yet did not Caesar give heed to these accusations, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiving any of his presents. But in the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly because of the anarchy they were under, and partly because, as bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them; for of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to restrain the evil-doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered him. At length, when he saw no end of the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to Caesar himself; and the ambassador he sent thither was Nicolans of Damascus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Eurycles Falsely Accused Herod's Sons; And How Their Father Bound Them, And Wrote To Caesar About Them. Of Sylleus And How He Was Accused By Nicolaus. </i><br>1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen before-hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and most insupportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note there, but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to Herod, and made him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending to him that he was in great favor with Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in an occult manner cultivated a friendship with them all; but always attending to what was said and done, that he might be furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short, he behaved himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being any where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him that he might open his grievances to him with assurance and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated from him. He related to him also the affairs of his mother, and of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate them; and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him; and these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being overcome by his kindness, the great importance of the thing obliged him to do it; and he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So when he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby brought the king to that pass, turning him about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his hatred to him and made him implacable, which he showed at that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him, and told him that he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country.",
+                    "2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them; but he was now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander; which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news imaginable.",
+                    "3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may say, one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for the king's preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body, who were in great esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on them. Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those men, had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run through with his own spear, for that he had once such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where there was money hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted the king's chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alexander's command.",
+                    "4. After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king's which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came ill, and said it was so, and delivered up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents were these: \"When we have finished, by God's help, all that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors, as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress.\" After this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death for it.",
+                    "5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death; and when they were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the reproach and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those of condemned criminals: and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he said to her, \"Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Sylleus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to him?\" But she immediately carried these words to her brother. Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down the ill things they had done against their father, and bring the writings to him, So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this, that they had laid no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in, their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.",
+                    "6. About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, and asked him again concerning his fight, whether and how they had resolved to retire Alexander replied, To Archclaus, who had promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked nor mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was true; and that their desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends among the multitude [for that purpose].",
+                    "7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod? Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a great consternation gave a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were not able to say or to do anything; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, \"How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?\" Upon which she cried out that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she would confess it all. Alexander replied, \"There is no such wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from thence to Rome.\" Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son's treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar was no longer displeased at him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which he had ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made his defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men, because it was both for their own and their father's advantage so to do, lest some too severe procedure should be gone upon in that anger and disorder they were in on occasion of the present suspicions; but that still he had not promised to send them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to the young men that could show any ill-will to him.",
+                    "8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they found him reconciled to Herod; for the circumstances of Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows: As soon as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them left Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men left Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his own point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Reinan women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities. When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him from going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod, and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: \"I shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have been still more angry at Herod.\" At this strange assertion Caesar was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written, that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his country. \"As for the pretended army,\" he said, \"it was no army, but a party sent out to require the just payment of the money; that this was not sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by thy fortune, (13) that he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their permission to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this is all the war which these men so tragically describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery; yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as could not conceal themselves. And thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy indignation; for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.\"",
+                    "9. This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers. The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE An Assembly Of Judges At Berytus; And What Tero Suffered For Using A Boundless And Military Liberty Of Speech. Concerning Also The Death Of The Young Men And Their Burial At Alexandrium. </i><br>1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, (14) which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archclaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.",
+                    "2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called, he might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At last he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar's grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons' means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].",
+                    "3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble; and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he had three sons that followed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. His answer was, \"That what they had determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also.\" Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.",
+                    "4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod's sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent yet was there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.",
+                    "5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: \"Since I am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,' and to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this matter.\" These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.",
+                    "6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive great rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries.",
+                    "7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.",
+                    "8. (15) And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory, that they would take no one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her; wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which is evil. And this temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Was Hated By All The Nation [Of The Jews] For The Slaughter Of His Brethren; And How, For That Reason He Got Into Peculiar Favor With His Friends At Rome, By Giving Them Many Presents; As He Did Also With Saturninus, The President Of Syria And The Governors Who Were Under Him; And Concerning Herod's Wives And Children. </i><br>1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation against him on that account was become very great; and besides this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren. However, he governed the nation jointly with his father, being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was the accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts against Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his enemy. And on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped to gain the favor of Saturninus's brother with the large presents he bestowed on him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had married one of Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate. But he could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time, and was a woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although Antipater's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been Alexander's wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about it.",
+                    "2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall these who were their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education. He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter; for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time. Now the king made these espousals for the children, out of commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had borne to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them provoked his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archelaus, a king, would support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was this, that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out, since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren. He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's daughter, and Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without the king's real approbation.",
+                    "3. Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's daughter; which two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias; which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome. Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son. And this was the posterity of Herod."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Zamaris, The Babylonian Jew; Concerning The Plots Laid By Antipater Against His Father; And Somewhat About The Pharisees. </i><br>1. And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent for this man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him tax-free.",
+                    "2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people, by reason of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history. (2)",
+                    "3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And when Jacim was dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than any of his contemporaries; on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.",
+                    "4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described, all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such, that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his father's concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked designs were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encompassed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother, and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for the indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear them, and nothing was to be done without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things, insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by his mother; for these four women, (3) said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all their affairs, and was apprized that this their friendship was made in order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of it. And since these people knew that their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was there that would tell him: but still their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private. And this was the course they took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance, when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been open and public. But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will never leave off their friendship, but will fight against those from whom they conceal their designs. And thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies. For there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees, who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by Divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the kingdom should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented to what the Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Enmity Between Herod And Pheroras; How Herod Sent Antipater To Caesar; And Of The Death Of Pheroras. </i><br>1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the dishonor she had brought upon them: that she had studiously introduced a quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been done without her; \"for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me.\" Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,) that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the women; which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion served, and both Pheroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings. The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.",
+                    "2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would immediately send Antipater to Caesar; which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater thither, and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter should succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturinus, upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.",
+                    "3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and swore many oaths that he would not come again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath, that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before had, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent for; and when he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning for him. This [death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes, although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Pheroras's Wife Is Accused By His Freedmen, As Guilty Of Poisoning Him; And How Herod, Upon Examining; Of The Matter By Torture Found The Poison; But So That It Had Been Prepared For Himself By His Son Antipater; And Upon An Inquiry By Torture He Discovered The Dangerous Designs Of Antipater. </i><br>1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he was moved with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skillful in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the places where she lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back and brought it with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon the king was provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that were free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures, till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret assemblies, and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's (4) women. (Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what hatred he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long his father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure; and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children, bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all which made his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should himself not live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred, not on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy. (5)",
+                    "2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as himself, bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents, and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women. But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured, among other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father during his absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends, brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Thendion, the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means came to Pheroras's wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And when the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means, when the king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would speak out every thing, and tell after what manner every thing was done; and said what many took to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured it; and that\" when Thendion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras's committing it to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion, (since my brother appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries.\" Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.",
+                    "3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man, came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater's friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater; for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater's Navigation From Rome To His Father; And How He Was Accused By Nicolaus Of Damascus And Condemned To Die By His Father, And By Quintilius Varus, Who Was Then President Of Syria; And How He Was Then Bound Till Caesar Should Be Informed Of His Cause. </i><br>1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had promised him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information. But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence. He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brethren.",
+                    "2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.",
+                    "3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father's feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires; none of which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.",
+                    "4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king's friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character, should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father; and that even the contentions there were in the king's family were indications that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.",
+                    "5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely cried up the king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding. \"Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw. For thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy father's determination, and the security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father's various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow conspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself.\"",
+                    "6. Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras's women; the examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence. For those men who were not acquainted with Antipater's practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting for his father's preservation.",
+                    "7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds. But what were Varus's discourses to Herod was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now at this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: \"I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair.\" These were the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these: \"Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?' Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this: \"Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life.\" Now Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar's wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt.",
+                    "8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted Caesar's own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Disease That Herod Fell Into And The Sedition Which The Jews Raised Thereupon; With The Punishment Of The Seditious. </i><br>1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar's wife, to Caesar's children, and friends and freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.",
+                    "2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod's rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images (6) or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.",
+                    "3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, \"Yes, (said they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion.\" And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account, and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.",
+                    "4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his stead. Now it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a fast. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, (7) to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of the moon. (8)",
+                    "5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety; yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltiris. And when the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, (9) and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: \"I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king's death. For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God that it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands.",
+                    "6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which savored of no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Has Thoughts Of Killing Himself With His Own Hand; And A Little Afterwards He Orders Antipater To Be Slain.  </i><br>1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater's wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out of the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son; but as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult was made, as if the king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in question. But the jailer did not only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried out, and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded them to kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Herod's Death, And Testament, And Burial. </i><br>1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind; for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus. He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus (10) by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae] of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife; and to certain others, five millions. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven. (11) A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; yet was he favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a very old age. But then, as to the affairs of his family and children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.",
+                    "2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit. And now the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was, they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will. After which Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.",
+                    "3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulcher should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war, and as they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and centurions; these were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went eight furlongs (12) to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus did Herod end his life.",
+                    "4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him; and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present from the name of king, and that he should have the honor of that dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his acceptance of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many, and had been put there at several times; others of them required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The People Raised A Sedition Against Archelaus, And How He Sailed To Rome. </i><br>1. At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning, out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people assembled together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus, although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Caesar's determination about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions, and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends was according to the law; and to represent to them that their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity until such time as he should be established in the government by the consent of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions; but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious persons.",
+                    "2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the people; but they made a clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have all their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors; thinking it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should lose those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs after a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred; and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations; and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast upon them.",
+                    "3. Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast is called the Passover (13) and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices in number than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude came thither out of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the whole multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met with Archclaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Cesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar.",
+                    "4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.",
+                    "5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater, Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person.",
+                    "6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, \"That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclination to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarity acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination, while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition, which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar's determination.\"",
+                    "7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to support them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Sedition Against Sabinus; And How Varus Brought The Authors Of It To Punishment. </i><br>1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt of the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antiocli, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.",
+                    "2. But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: - some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces; while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death. (14) So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire (15) being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were destitute of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents.",
+                    "3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Ruffis, which itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side not to be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country's ancient liberty; and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege.",
+                    "4. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them; but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.",
+                    "5. There was also Judas, (16) the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great dificulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.",
+                    "6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king's houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs.",
+                    "7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king's forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king's forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod's government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were aftrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other's misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward.",
+                    "8. And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.",
+                    "9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus's writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen; and when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter. Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather than having any inclination to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went to the sea-side.",
+                    "10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand. After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whom Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to justice, fought against their own kindred."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>An Embassage To Caesar; And How Caesar Confirmed Herod's Testament. </i><br>1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following: for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. (17) Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, (18) which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's opinion to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred. Philip (19) also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus was his great friend: but still so, that if there should any change happen in the form of government, (which Varus suspected there would,) and if any distribution should be made on account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his share in it.",
+                    "2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations; and that whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they that survived were far more miserable than those that suffered under him; not only by the anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards them, but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by him. That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the annual impositions which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or silver for it. That they would say nothing of the corruption of the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent and inhuman manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered them. That Herod had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast would not have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us; and that although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of government, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation; that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that they had joined with him in the mourning for his father, in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with any degree of moderation from him; but that he seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's own son; and so, without any delay, he immediately let the nation understand his meaning, and this before his dominion was well established, since the power of disposing of it belonged to Caesar, who could either give it to him or not, as he pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration he would govern them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his own citizens, and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three thousand of his own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his authority? Now the main thing they desired was this: That they might be delivered from kingly and the like forms of government, (20) and might be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents of theirs as should be sent to them; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any sort of moderation set over them.",
+                    "3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings from those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that might have accused him of lesser crimes than those now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead. He also attributed the actions of Archelaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered them from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done, made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their attempts for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said.",
+                    "4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Peres and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, (21) while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, (22) paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.",
+                    "5. And so much came to Herod's sons from their father's inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Archelaus's government. The rest also of the king's relations received what his testament allotted them. Moreover, Caesar made a present to each of Herod's two virgin daughters, besides what their father left them, of two hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married them to Pheroras's sons: he also granted all that was bequeathed to himself to the king's sons, which was one thousand five hundred talents, excepting a few of the vessels, which he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable to him, not so much for the great value they were of, as because they were memorials of the king to him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning A Spurious Alexander. </i><br>1. When these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an incitement to him to endeavor to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assistant a man of his own country, (one that was well acquainted with the affairs of the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of causing great disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other,) and declared himself to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus. Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he has so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.",
+                    "2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the multitude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been put to and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who (it seems) was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he said that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them; and when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him, \"If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be undertaken by one of thy age.\" Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Archelaus Upon A Second Accusation, Was Banished To Vienna. </i><br>1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to water those palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers (23) and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living.",
+                    "2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus's steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him.",
+                    "3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus's government was over. And thus did this man expound the dream. Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, came hither also.",
+                    "4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Lybia; and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affection for this Glphyra; who, during her marriage to him, saw the following dream: She thought she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and embraced him with great affection; but that he complained o her, and said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me? and wast not thou married to me when thou wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bare to thee, out of a desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in an indecent and imprudent manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to Archelaus, thy husband and my brother. However, I will not forget thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast. When she had related this to her female companions, in a few days' time she departed this life.",
+                    "5. Now I did not think these histories improper for the present discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirmation of the immortality of the soul, as of the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any one does not believe such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encourage himself in virtue. So Archelaus's country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people's effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW CYRENIUS WAS SENT BY CAESAR TO MAKE A TAXATION OF SYRIA AND JUDEA; AND HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; CONCERNING JUDAS OF GALILEE AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT WERE AMONG THE JEWS.</small><br>1. NOW Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-pesuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since St. Luke once, Acts 5:37, and Josephus four several times, once here, sect. 6; and B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2; Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 1; and ch. 17. sect. 8, calls this Judas, who was the pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here (sect. 1) Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of Gamala; it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether in Galilee on the west side, or in Gaulonitis on the east side, of the river Jordan; while, in the place just now cited out of the Antiquities, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2, he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added to his story, \"as I have signified in the books that go before these,\" as if he had still called him a Galilean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that particular place, as Dean Aldrich observes, Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should here call him a Gaulonite, when in the 6th sect. following here, as well as twice Of the War, he still calls him a Galilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas was derived, it determines nothing, since there were two of that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the other in Galilee. See Reland on the city or town of that name.</i> of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It seems not very improbable to me that this Sadduc, the Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Rabbins speak, as the unhappy, but undesigning, occasion of the impiety or infidelity of the Sadducees; nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till this very time, though they were a distinct sect long before. See the note on B. XIII. ch. 10. sect 5; and Dean Prideaux, as there quoted. Nor do we, that I know of, find the least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these Sadducees before this time, the Recognitions assuring us that they began about the days of John the Baptist; B. 1. ch. 54. See note above.</i> a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.",
+                    "2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.",
+                    "3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason's dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.",
+                    "4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.",
+                    "5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It seems by what Josephus says here, and Philo himself elsewhere, Op. p. 679, that these Essens did not use to go to the Jewish festivals at Jerusalem, or to offer sacrifices there, which may be one great occasion why they are never mentioned in the ordinary books of the New Testament; though, in the Apostolical Constitutions, they are mentioned as those that observed the customs of their forefathers, and that without any such ill character laid upon them as is there laid upon the other sects among that people.</i> because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Who these Polistae in Josephus, or in Strabo. among the Pythagoric Dacae, were, it is not easy to determine. Scaliger offers no improbable conjecture, that some of these Dacae lived alone, like monks, in tents or caves; but that others of them lived together in built cities, and thence were called by such names as implied the same.</i> [dwellers in cities].",
+                    "6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain. And it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>NOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL CITIES IN HONOR OF CAESAR. CONCERNING THE SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PROCURATORS; AS ALSO WHAT BEFELL PHRAATES AND THE PARTHIANS.</small><br>1. WHEN Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor's wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter.",
+                    "2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men's bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia, [Caesar's wife,] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.",
+                    "3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel parts of the books Of the War, B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1, that after the death of Herod the Great, and the succession of Archclaus, Josephus is very brief in his accounts of Judea, till near his own time. I suppose the reason is, that after the large history of Nicolaus of Damascus, including the life of Herod, and probably the succession and first actions of his sons, he had but few good histories of those times before him.</i> whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Numbers 19:11-14.</i>",
+                    "4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father's donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died. But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose]. But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,) he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.",
+                    "5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This citation is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS PILATE. CONCERNING CHRIST, AND WHAT BEFELL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT ROME,</small><br>1. BUT now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar's effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea.",
+                    "2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These Jews, as they are here called, whose blood Pilate shed on this occasion, may very well be those very Galilean Jews, \"whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices,\" Luke 13:1, 2; these tumults being usually excited at some of the Jews' great festivals, when they slew abundance of sacrifices, and the Galileans being commonly much more busy in such tumults than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn from the history of Archelaus, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 3 and ch. 10. sect. 2, 9; though, indeed, Josephus's present copies say not one word of \"those eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and slew them,\" which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter of St. Luke informs us of. But since our gospel teaches us, Luke 23:6, 7, that \"when Pilate heard of Galilee, he asked whether Jesus were a Galilean. And as soon as he knew that he belonged to Herod's jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod ;\" and ver. 12, \"The same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together for before they had been at enmity between themselves;\" take the very probable key of this matter in the words of the learned Noldius, de Herod. No. 219: \"The cause of the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he) seems to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the tetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Galilean subjects, Luke 13:1; and, as he was willing to correct that error, he sent Christ to Herod at this time.\"</i> were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.",
+                    "3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> A.D. 33, April 3.</i> those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> April 5.</i> as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.",
+                    "4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night's lodging; and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man's resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: She went to some of Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, \"Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.\" When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.",
+                    "5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of the banishment of these four thousand Jews into Sardinia by Tiberius, see Suetonlus in Tiber. sect. 36. But as for Mr. Reland's note here, which supposes that Jews could not, consistently with their laws, be soldiers, it is contradicted by one branch of the history before us, and contrary to innumerable instances of their fighting, and proving excellent soldiers in war; and indeed many of the best of them, and even under heathen kings themselves, did so; those, I mean, who allowed them their rest on the sabbath day, and other solemn festivals, and let them live according to their own laws, as Alexander the Great and the Ptolemies of Egypt did. It is true, they could not always obtain those privileges, and then they got executed as well as they could, or sometimes absolutely refused to fight, which seems to have been the case here, as to the major part of the Jews now banished, but nothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in their favor as to such matters, B. XIV. ch. 10.</i> Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THE SAMARITANS MADE A TUMULT AND PILATE DESTROYED MANY OF THEM; HOW PILATE WAS ACCUSED AND WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS RELATING TO THE JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS.</small><br>1. BUT the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Since Moses never came himself beyond Jordan, nor particularly to Mount Gerizzim, and since these Samaritans have a tradition among them, related here by Dr. Hudson, from Reland, who was very skillful in Jewish and Samaritan learning, that in the days of Uzzi or Ozis the high priest, 1 Chronicles 6:6; the ark and other sacred vessels were, by God's command, laid up or hidden in Mount Gerizzim, it is highly probable that this was the foolish foundation the present Samaritans went upon, in the sedition here described.</i> So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together; but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.",
+                    "2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.",
+                    "3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest's vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments; the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before a festival<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This mention of the high priest's sacred garments received seven days before a festival, and purified in those days against a festival, as having been polluted by being in the custody of heathens, in Josephus, agrees well with the traditions of the Talmudists, as Reland here observes. Nor is there any question but the three feasts here mentioned were the passover, pentecost, and feast of tabernacles; and the fast so called by way of distinction, as Acts 27:9, was the great day of expiation.</i> they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.",
+                    "4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthis was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king's son also himself fell in these wars, together with. many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.",
+                    "5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates, and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant. After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of. But when Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.",
+                    "6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod's ' brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies, is exactly right; for since Herod died about September, in the fourth year before the Christian era, and Tiberius began, as is well known, Aug. 19, A.D. 14, it is evident that the thirty-seventh year of Philip, reckoned from his father's death, was the twentieth of Tiberius, or near the end of A.D. 33, [the very year of our Savior's death also,] or, however, in the beginning of the next year, A.D. 34. This Philip the tetrarch seems to have been the best of all the posterity of Herod, for his love of peace, and his love of justice. An excellent example this.</i> after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HEROD THE TETRARCH MAKES WAR WITH ARETAS, THE KING OF ARABIA, AND IS BEATEN BY HIM AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. HOW VITELLIUS WENT UP TO JERUSALEM; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRIPPA AND OF THE POSTERITY OF HEROD THE GREAT.</small><br>1. ABOUT this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Herod seems to have had the additional name of Philip, as Antipus was named Herod-Antipas: and as Antipus and Antipater seem to be in a manner the very same name, yet were the names of two sons of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod-Philip be two different sons of the same father, all which Grotias observes on Matthew 14:3. Nor was it, as I with Grotias and others of the Philip the tetrarch, but this Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod the tetrarch had married, and that in her first husband's lifetime, and when her first husband had issue by her-; for which adulterous and incestuous marriage John the Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch, and for which reproof Salome, the daughter of Herodias by her first husband Herod-Philip, who was still alive, occasioned him to be unjustly beheaded.</i> who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh's daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter. So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas's army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and when they had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas's army. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.",
+                    "2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist: for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God's displeasure to him.",
+                    "3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along",
+                    "the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius's could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other's desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Whether this sudden extinction of almost the entire lineage of Herod the Great, which was very numerous, as we are both here and in the next section informed, was not in part as a punishment for the gross incests they were frequently guilty of, in marrying their own nephews and nieces, well deserves to be considered. See Leviticus 18:6, 7; 21:10; and Noldius, De Herod, No. 269, 270.</i> One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.",
+                    "4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariarune, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty; but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> There are coins still extant of this Eraess, as Spanheim informs us. Spanheim also informs us of a coin still extant of this Jotape, daughter of the king of Commageus.</i> the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>OF THE NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO ROME, TO TIBERIUS CAESAR; AND NOW UPON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN FREED-MAN, HE WAS BOUND; HOW ALSO HE, WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER TIBERIUS’S DEATH AND WAS MADE KING OF THE TETRARCHY OF PHILIP.</small><br>1. A LITTLE before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.",
+                    "2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Spanheim observes, that we have here an instance of the Attic quantity of use-money, which was the eighth part of the original sum, or 12 per cent., for such is the proportion of 2500 to 20,000.</i> less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar's treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The governor of the Jews there.</i> to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.",
+                    "4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius's friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius's education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Tiberius, junior of Germanicus.</i> and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.",
+                    "5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, be replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him; but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, \"If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.\" And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; \"but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.\"",
+                    "6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's wife, and from her eminent chastity;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This high commendation of Antonia for marrying but once, given here, and supported elsewhere; Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 13. sect. 4, and this, notwithstanding the strongest temptations, shows how honorable single marriages were both among the Jews and Romans, in the days of Josephus and of the apostles, and takes away much of that surprise which the modern Protestants have at those laws of the apostles, where no widows, but those who had been the wives of one husband only, are taken into the church list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons are allowed to marry more than once, without leaving off to officiate as clergymen any longer. See Luke 2:36; 1 Timothy 5:11, 12; 3:2, 12; Titus 1:10; Constit. Apost. B. II. sect. 1, 2; B. VI. sect. 17; Can. B. XVII,; Grot. in Luc. ii. 36; and Resports. ad Consult. Cassand. p. 44; and Cotelet. in Constit. B. VI. sect. 17. And note, that Tertullian owns this law against second marriages of the clergy had been once at least executed in his time; and heavily complains elsewhere, that the breach thereof had not been always punished by the catholics, as it ought to have been. Jerome, speaking of the ill reputation of marrying twice, says, that no such person could be chosen into the clergy in his days; which Augustine testifies also; and for Epiphanius, rather earlier, he is clear and full to the same purpose, and says that law obtained over the whole catholic church in his days,--as the places in the forecited authors inform us.</i> for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's friend, and who had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus's malice; for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, \"If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.\" Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, \"O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.\" When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, \"O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.\" Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, \"Bind this man.\" But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: \"For certain,\" said he, \"Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;\" and when he still asked, \"Which of these is to be bound?\" he said \"Agrippa.\" Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, \"O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.\" Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.",
+                    "7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others,. who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epistle V. that this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple the prisoner and the soldier that guarded him together in the same chain.</i> to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: \"This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.\" So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they, also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's condition for six months' time, and in this case were his affairs.",
+                    "8. But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Tiberius his own grandson, and Caius his brother Drusus's grandson.</i> to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> So I correct Josephus's copy, which calls Germanicus his brother, who was his brother's son.</i> of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.",
+                    "9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, \"Thy father calls thee,\" and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This is a known thing among the Roman historians and poets, that Tiberius was greatly given to astrology and divination.</i> and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son's son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: \"O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.\" This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.",
+                    "10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, \"The lion<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This name of a lion is often given to tyrants, especially by the such Agrippa, and probably his freed-man Marsyas, in effect were, Ezekiel 19:1, 9; Esther 4:9 2 Timothy 4:17. They are also sometimes compared to or represented by wild beasts, of which the lion is the principal, Daniel 7:3, 8; Apoc. 13:1, 2.</i> is dead;\" who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, \"Nay,\" said he, \"but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.\" Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, \"Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?\" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy of Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred upon him till the reign of Claudius, as we learn, Antiq. B. XIX, ch. 5. sect. 1.</i> and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.",
+                    "11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the emperor's permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as asking, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW HEROD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHED.</small><br>1. BUT Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his; for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life. \"But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should he in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.\"",
+                    "2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king; and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn, which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor's magnificence; the place, also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men's luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius's and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa's kingdom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband. But she made this reply: \"Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.\" Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed public affairs with great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO CAIUS;</small><sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Regarding instances of the interpositions of Providence, as have been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations, but of old very many among the posterity of Abraham, the worshippers of the true God; nor do these seem much inferior to those in the Old Testament, which are the more remarkable, because, among all their other follies and vices, the Jews were not at this time idolaters; and the deliverances here mentioned were done in order to prevent their relapse into that idolatry.</i><small> AND HOW CAIUS SENT PETRONIUS INTO SYRIA TO MAKE WAR AGAINST THE JEWS, UNLESS THEY WOULD RECEIVE HIS STATUE.</small><br>1. THERE was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here assures us that the ambassadors from Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than three in number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles, which are but six in all; whereas Philo, who was the principal ambassador from the Jews, as Josephus here confesses, (as was Apion for the Gentiles,) says, the Jews' ambassadors were themselves no fewer than live, towards the end of his legation to Caius; which, if there be no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the truth; nor, in that case, would Josephus have contradicted so authentic a witness, had he seen that account of Philo's; which that he ever did does not appear.</i> who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the Jews, at Alexandria, and brother to Philo, is supposed by Bishop Pearson, in Act. Apost. p. 41,42, to be the same with that Alexander who is mentioned by St. Luke, as of the kindred of the high priests, Acts 4:6.</i> and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius's words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers; \"but if,\" said they, \"thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers' determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.\" But Petronius was angry at them, and said, \"If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.\" Then the Jews replied, \"Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.\"",
+                    "3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence, and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, \"Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?\" They replied, \"We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.\" So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain; and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What Josephus here, and sect. 6, relates as done by the Jews seed time, is in Philo, \"not far off the time when the corn was ripe,\" who, as Le Clerc notes, differ here one from the other. This is another indication that Josephus, when he wrote this account, had not seen Philo's Legat. ad Caiurn, otherwise he would hardly trove herein differed from him.</i> Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.",
+                    "4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother, and Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left of the tillage off their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land's continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; and that Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">32</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This. Publius Petronius was after this still president of Syria, under Cladius, and, at the desire of Agrippa, published a severe decree against the inhabitants of Dora, who, in a sort of intitation of Caius, had set op a statue of Claudius in a Jewish synagogue there. This decree is extant, B. XIX. ch. 6. sect. 3, and greatly confirms the present accounts of Josephus, as do the other decrees of Claudius, relating to the like Jewish affairs, B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 2, 3, to which I refer the inquisitive reader.</i> partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.",
+                    "5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — “yet,\" said he, \"I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.\"",
+                    "6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed rite assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament words, the presence and appearance of God, for the extraordinary manifestation of his power and providence to Petronius, by sending rain in a time of distress, immediately upon the resolution he had taken to preserve the temple unpolluted, at the hazard of his own life, without any other miraculous appearance at all in that case; which well deserves to be taken notice of here, and greatly illustrates several texts, both in the Old and New Testament.</i> for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.",
+                    "7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly. to make all agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: \"I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient; for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This behavior of Caius to Agrippa is very like that of Herod Antipas, his uncle, to Herodias, Agrippa's sister, about it John the Baptist, Matthew 14:6--11.</i> And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities. But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, \"Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.\"",
+                    "8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa's obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said, and because he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. \"If therefore,\" said' he,\" thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.\" And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: \"Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.\"",
+                    "9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them; for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius's death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT BEFELL THE JEWS THAT WERE IN BABYLON ON OCCASION OF ASINEUS AND ANILEUS, TWO BRETHREN,</small><br>1. A VERY sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them. There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and a large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the wails that were built about it. There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed, disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes; but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief; for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.",
+                    "2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together. He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, \"Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.\" And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that \"neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day].\" But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight.",
+                    "3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them: \"That king Artsbanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The joining of the right hands was esteemed among the Peoians [and Parthians] in particular a most inviolable obligation to fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes, and refers to the commentary on Justin, B. XI. ch. 15., for its confirmation. We often meet with the like use of it in Josephus.</i> and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you.\" Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted to the king's presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him; and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them; for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him. Now this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them. He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.",
+                    "4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to him the king's good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artsbanus, who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus's courage in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war, and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, \"I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods. But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity.\" Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, \"It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation. I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me.\" When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.",
+                    "5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her. As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it was the custom<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">36</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their household gods along with them wherever they traveled is as old as the days of Jacob, when Rachel his wife did the same, Genesis 31:19, 30-35; nor is it to pass here unobserved, what great miseries came on these Jews, because they suffered one of their leaders to marry an idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of which matter see the note on B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 3.</i> of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband's days; upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God's blessing, he had arrived at. But when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies; upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus, and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus's food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.",
+                    "6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus's daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men's condition happy. Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unaprrized what they should do; so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">37</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This custom, in Syria and Mesopotamia, of setting men upon an ass, by way of disgrace, is still kept up at Damascus in Syria; where, in order to show their despite against the Christians, the Turks will not suffer them to hire horses, but asses only, when they go abroad to see the country, as Mr. Maundrell assures us, p. 128.</i> which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible. And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him; but that if be were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; \"to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him.\" By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it, but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.",
+                    "7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army, and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers. But when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war; however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them. So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.",
+                    "8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there; and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men's habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account which I am going to relate immediately.",
+                    "9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion. Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them. Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the king's honor. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews; so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How Caius Was Slain by Cherea.</i><br>1. Now this Caius did not demonstrate his madness in offering injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all the earth and sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history relates. But Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be any way more honorable than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens, but especially the senate, and particularly the nobility, and such as had been dignified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after all ignominious manner, and removed them out of his way, while they were at once slain, and their wealth plundered, because he slew men generally in order to seize on their riches. He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors to be paid him by his subjects than are due to mankind. He also frequented that temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most holy of all their temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And other pranks he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city upon the sea-side, from one promontory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs, as measured over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that, as he was a god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be brought to him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he traveled all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It was also reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such mighty prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it down, and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having done what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had put him to death.",
+                    "2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and determined that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers were the greatest he left undetermined; and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although he did not succeed to his mind. But when he had filled the whole habitable world which he governed with false accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters, who indeed in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots now laid against him; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge themselves, on account of the miseries they had already undergone from him; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great influence upon the public welfare; and this happened most happily for our nation in particular, which had almost utterly perished if he had not been suddenly slain. And I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly, because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort to those that are under afflictions, and wise caution to those who think their happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.",
+                    "3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another conspiracy there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of the Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of great consequence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions of these men's several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these: Regulus had indignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity and vigor: Minucianus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of all the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of himself, since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike: and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. These men proposed this attempt to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered them, and were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve themselves to so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be partakers with them in their design for the delivery of the city and of the government, even at the hazard of their own lives. But still Cherea was the most zealous of them all, both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and also by reason of his access to Caius's presence with less danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore the more easily kill him.",
+                    "4. Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games]; the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but readily and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat of the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent soldiers some one way and some another, and gave order that they should lay hold on those that made the clamors, and without any more ado bring them out, and put them to death. These were Caius's commands, and those who were commanded executed the same; and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they left off clamoring, because they saw with their own eyes that this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their money, brought immediate death upon them. These things made Cherea more resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this barbarity of Caius against men. He then at several times thought to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet did he restrain himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt on him about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might certainly gain his purpose.",
+                    "5. Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not pleased with conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to Caesar's treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring them, because those burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged his own mild disposition than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, be provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words, and those of a nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the author of. Now although he had sometimes put on women's clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things, in order to make the company mistake him for a woman; yet did he, by way of reproach, object the like womanish behavior to Cherea. But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he had indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of it to others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords when he was about to take the watchword from Caesar, and would thereby make him ridiculous; on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now there was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented the theater, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. Now this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters, and those that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the rack, trod upon the foot of one of her associates, and let him know that he might be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures, for that she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least moved at what she had suffered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honorable amends, and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she had suffered, and for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments.",
+                    "6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men, which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to Clement and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was general of the army, and Papinius was a tribune,) \"To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself pitied them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!\" Clement held his peace, but showed the shame he was under in obeying Caius's orders, both by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while he thought it by no means right to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the dangers that were before him, and discoursed largely of the sore calamities under which the city and the government then labored, and said, \"We may indeed pretend in words that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent; for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who hath so terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in mischief, and his executioners instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman government, but only for his preservation, who hath enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as also because when abundance more have been killed, (for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bid him hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance; that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any attempt in that case. \"However, although perhaps I could suggest what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet trow is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy reputation?\" So Clement went his way home, with deep reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself one of the tribunes, and whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of public affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what had been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides looking upon delays and puttings off to be the next to desisting from the enterprise.",
+                    "8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally without Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of a person to whom he could safely communicate that design; so having now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had already opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that no delay might be made therein. Accordingly they went to Minucianus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as themselves, and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that they were under; for Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad part towards each of them in particular, and towards all of: them in general; and these men were afraid of one another, while they were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they might be in thereby, although they perceived by other means their mutual hatred against Caius, and on that account were not averse to a mutual kindness one towards another.",
+                    "9. When Minuetanus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another, (as they had been used on former conversations to give the upper hand to Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men, especially when he made speeches to them,) Minuetanus began first, and asked Cherea, What was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for the affront which was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the city. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such confidence in him as to discourse with him. \"But do thou,\" said he, \"give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my thanks that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary manner; nor do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both thou and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this before we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow thee; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one another, and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to be successful. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure to consider the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs over all men, by the means of Caius. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that thou mayst esteem me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion, and there is herein no difference between us.\"",
+                    "10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold attempt, commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his good wishes; and some affirm that he thereby confirmed Minuclanus in the prosecution of what had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered into the court, the report runs, that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which bid him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence afforded; and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was caught, but at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation. Whether somebody<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Just such a voice as this is related to be came, and from an unknown original also, to the famous Polycarp, as he was going to martyrdom, bidding him \"play the man;\" as the church of Smyrna assures us in their account of that his martyrdom, sect. 9.</i> that was conscious of what he was about, gave a signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his design, is uncertain. The plot was now communicated to a great many, and they were all in their armor; some of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for there was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill Caius; and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these virtuous designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the only man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under him, - such a power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant himself, by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches he had acquired; for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed injuries without bounds, and was more extravagant in the use of his power in unjust proceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least of them; on which account he privately ingratiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government should come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation for his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Claudius good offices in his promotion. He had also the boldness to pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But it seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put it off; nor if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master, had he escaped immediate punishment; while Claudius was preserved from the madness of Caius by a certain Divine providence, and Callistus pretended to such a piece of merit as he no way deserved.",
+                    "11. However, the execution of Cherea's designs was put off from day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves; as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top of the palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time; for he was then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and was free from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take away his life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to despatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was Chorea angry at his fellow conspirators, for fear they should suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; and they were themselves sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disappointment they might meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success, while he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them; that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and not Julius Caesar, who first changed the Roman commonwealth into a monarchy; for these shows were in honor of Augustus, as we shall learn in the next section.</i> who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator; and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance.",
+                    "12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: \"So much time passed away without effort is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come.\" Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, \"O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? As for myself, I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?\"",
+                    "13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that were present were astonished at it. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, \"Know then,\" said Vatinius, \"that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this dav.\" But Cluvius replied \"O brave comrade hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale.\" And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them: and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. It was also confessed that this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theater. And now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution; but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him, \"O brave man! whither art thou going?\" Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately.",
+                    "14. So Cherea's associates placed themselves in order, as the time would permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that the place which was appointed them should not be left by them; but they had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh hour of the day, the ninth. The series of the narration favors Josephus.</i> hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and of those of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of such as might perish at the same time. And as they were just going back into the entrance to the theater, word was brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretense as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as also Valellus of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to put out of their places, the reverence to their dignity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left the direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in waiting, and by which road Claudius had gone out before, Caius turned aside into a private narrow passage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met him, and asked him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him one of his ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword, and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. And although there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea, that Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely by a multitude of wounds; yet does this story appear to me incredible, because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates from the dangers they were in, because there might many things still happen for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius, as to the affliction himself and his friends were in, while it was in his power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius's defenders, and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he please about this matter. However, Caius was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hindered by the first bone of the breast from proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry out, (in such astonishment was he,) nor did he call out for any of his friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he endured, and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon his knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare for it, and was the first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it, he got the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice, showed himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery, and labors of the hands of Cherea.",
+                    "15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates, upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they were under; for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing an emperor, who was honored and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius's attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor's guard that day; whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and those parts bare the names of those that built them or the name of him who had begun to build its parts). So they got away from the insults of the multitude, and then were for the present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was not known. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius's guard, and carried the name of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion. The men of that country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the temper of some other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to consider much about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon their enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they perform great exploits. When, therefore, these German guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it, because they did not use their reason in judging about public affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves received, Caius being beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by which he had purchased their kindness to him; so they drew their swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous actions of his pro genitors, for he bad been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the houses in quest of Caesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to pieces, because he was the first man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of and could show many generals of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his dignity; yet was he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great number of assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds which they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who was of the same name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty, and those that were not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons slain. ",
+                    "16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater, they were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some that entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous of its happening than almost any other faction that could come to them, were under such a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also those who greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they thought no man could possibly so much power as to kill Caius. These were the women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order to gain honors and advantages to themselves; but for the women and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting of the gladiators, and certain distributions of flesh-meat among them, which things them pretense were designed for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to satiate the barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was very easy in believing them against their masters, even when they the city, accused them falsely; and if they would discover what money their masters had, they might soon obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because the reward of these informers was the eighth<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The rewards proposed by the Roman laws to informers was sometimes an eigth partm as Spanheim assures us, from the criminal's goods, as here, and sometimes a fourth part.</i> part of the criminal's substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot beforehand, or because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any thing at all about it. These last acted so out of the fear they had, that if the report proved false, they should be punished, for having so soon let men know their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because they were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all still more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should prove to be alive, they might be informed against, and punished. And another report went about, that although Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market-place, and, bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these were the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced according to the real intention with which they went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers and of the judges.",
+                    "17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater with their swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but death, and at every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut in pieces immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither having courage enough to go out of the theater, nor believing themselves safe from dangers if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was so great, that the theater rang again with the entreaties of the spectators to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious contrivances, and that if there were any sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus did these people appeal to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears, and beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger and the utmost concern for their lives could dictate to them. This brake the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar; at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it was that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto any firm assurance of surviving.",
+                    "18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into the most mournful habit he could, although he had a greater hatred against Caius than any one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught him so to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure; so he put on such a mournful dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest friends in the world; this man came into the theater, and informed them of the death of Caius, and by this means put an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Arruntius also went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that Caius was dead. And this proclamation it was plainly which saved those that were collected together in the theater, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstained from no sort of mischief; and such an abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape from so sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. But they now left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by the senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries; that is, in case the authority of the supreme governor should revert to them. And thus at length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death.",
+                    "19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should light upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went and spike to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have been slain. And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and, with many other of the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended the virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to execute it; and said that \"tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not however go happily out of the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy; insomuch that although in common discourse these conspirators were those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own self.\"",
+                    "20. Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from their seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance; the cause of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting away. There was also one Aleyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to cure those that were wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that were with him to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those wounded persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present dangers they were in. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also assembled together in the accustomed form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in appearance only; for there was present Valerius of Asia, one that had been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in disorder, and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, \"I wish I had been the man.\" The consuls<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These consuls are named in the War of the Jews, B. II. ch. 11. sect; 1, Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, as Spanheim notes here. The speech of the former of them is set down in the next chapter, sect. 2.</i> also published an edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home; and gave the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do, and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon them; for there was reason to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable behavior, if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance, and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the administration of the public affairs were already devolved upon them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE THE DEMOCRACY; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY, CONCERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS'S WIFE AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS'S MORALS.</small><br>1. WHEN the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting together; and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should be set up, it would not be for their advantage; and in case any one of those already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not assisting to him in this advancement; that it would therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior dignity and worth to every one of those that were assembled together in the senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired in his education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Claudius was therefore seized upon suddenly by the soldiery. But Cnaeus Sentius Saturninus, although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for men of freedom and generosity, and spake thus:",
+                    "2. \"Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those that are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable only to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as this country once flourished under. As for myself, I cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were born and bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves who have given us a taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might continue to all ages. However, this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort, what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our liberty; for as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations of others; but as to our later state, during my lifetime, I have known it by experience, and learned thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this commonwealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and proving the teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humor of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into his head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right and justice, and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is no kind of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city; while all those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute of such citizens as were of generous principles, because they thought it tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue, but to resolve upon. their utter destruction. Of all which emperors, who have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against the gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring both upon men's estates and their wives; but they look upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their enemies; while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these men, and how magnanimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another, (which form of government affords us the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city in good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular, to make provision for his own, and in general for the public utility: or, on the contrary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have been proposed, and this without any hazard of danger to come upon them, because they have now no lord set over them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had an uncontrollable power to take off those that freely declared their opinions. Nor has any thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned to live like slaves; and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors we are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and by his actions, been the procurer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties; but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare that he from the beginning acted with our approbation. And certainly it is a very excellent thing, and what becomes free-men, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foundations of sedition and civil wars in our city; but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny.\" <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see the great value virtuous men put upon public liberty, and the sad misery they underwent, while they were tyrannized over by such emperors as Caius. See Josephus's own short but pithy reflection at the end of the chapter: \"So difficult,\" says he, \"it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control.\"</i>",
+                    "3. And this was the purport of Sentius's oration,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturninus, the sovereign authority of the consuls and senate had been taken away just a hundred years before the death of Caius, A.D. 41, or in the sixtieth year before the Christian saga, when the first triumvirate began under Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus.</i> which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took off Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken immediately. But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watchword, who gave him this word, Liberty. These facts were the subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was a hundred years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this giving the watchword returned to the consuls; for before the city was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers. But when Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it to those who were on the senate's side, which were four regiments, who esteemed the government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. So these went away with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and were no longer under an emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem with them.",
+                    "4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker with those that were first in their designs against him. Yet did this action appear to some of the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it was that the city was in so desperate a condition with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed. But others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nay, they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted, was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and that habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it was determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the people. So when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which also lay down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows to the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband's wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand; which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted according to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted that she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him as he had used them. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to put them all to death, and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he was too slow and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation and tears; and as she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached her in order to execute some design disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one that utterly despaired of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received her death's wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to inform Cherea of what he had done.",
+                    "5. This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years, within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolene and got his wealth by murder and injustice. He labored to appear above regarding either what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he esteemed more honorable than what was virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends, how intimate soever, and though they were persons of the highest character; and if he was once angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the smallest occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction to his inclinations; whence it was that he had criminal conversation with his own sister;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Spanheim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Caius's sister with whom he was guilty of incest, was Drusilla and that Suetonius adds, he was guilty of the same crime with all his sisters also. He notes further, that Suetonius omits the mention of the haven for ships, which our author esteems the only public work for the good of the present and future ages which Caius left behind him, though in an imperfect condition.</i> from which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort of incest not having been known of a long time; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. And for any great or royal work that he ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can name any such, but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him, but was the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application to it; the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no one's benefit but his own, he could not exert his liberality in things that were undeniably of great consequence. Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions made by others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skillful in persuading others to very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and pains-taking; for as he was the grandson<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Caius was the son of that excellent person Germanicus, who was the son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius the emperor.</i> of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens. But the advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. At the first he got himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous application to the learning and to the glorious actions of the best men; but when he became insolent towards them, they laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; from which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and wherein he perished."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>How Claudius Was Seized Upon and Brought Out of His House and Brought to the Camp; And How the Senate Sent an Embassage to Him.</small><br>1. NOW Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save himself, and was found to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The first place Claudius came to was inhabited, and called Herincure, as Spanheim here informs us from Suetonius, in Claud. ch. 10.</i> though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the dignity of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself with moderation, and was contented with his present fortune, applying himself to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks, and keeping himself entirely clear from every thing that might bring on any disturbance. But as at this time the multitude were under a consternation, and the whole palace was full of the soldiers' madness, and the very emperor's guards seemed under the like fear and disorder with private persons, the band called pretorian, which was the purest part of the army, was in consultation what was to be done at this juncture. Now all those that were at this consultation had little regard to the punishment Caius had suffered, because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they were rather considering their own circumstances, how they might take the best care of themselves, especially while the Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good of the public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid of his own safety, and this particularly because he saw the heads of Asprenas and his partners carried about. His station had been on a certain elevated place, whither a few steps led him, and whither he had retired in the dark by himself. But when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that belonged to the palace, saw him, but did not well know by his countenance who he was, because it was dark, though he could well judge that it was a man who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to him; and when Claudius desired that he would retire, be discovered who he was, and owned him to be Claudius. So he said to his followers, \"This is a Germanicus;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Drusus was the father of Germanicus, could be here himself called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he assures us that, by a decree of the senate, the surname of Germanicus was bestowed upon Drusus, and his posterity also.--In Claud. ch. 1.</i> come on, let us choose him for our emperor.\" But when Claudius saw they were making preparations for taking him away by force, and was afraid they would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to spare him, putting them in mind how quietly he had demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right hand, and said, \"Leave off, sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself, while you ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire, which the gods, out of their concern for the habitable world, by taking Caius out of the way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne of thy ancestors.\" So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him.",
+                    "2. Now there was already gathered together about Gratus a great number of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off, they looked with a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to execution for the mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought him a man who never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that had met with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of these matters; and as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their Lord's preservation. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same.",
+                    "3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; that he who was a single person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius's death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country.",
+                    "4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>What Things King Agrippa Did For Claudius; And How Claudius When He Had Taken the Government Commanded the Murderers of Caius to be Slain.</small><br>1. NOW Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius's body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate's sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them; for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty, - Agrippa made answer, \"O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.\"",
+                    "2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only he their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This number of drachmae to be distributed to each private soldier, five thousand drachmae, equal to twenty thousand sesterces, or one hundred and sixty-one pounds sterling, seems much too large, and directly contradicts Suetonius, ch. 10., who makes them in all but fifteen sesterces, or two shillings and four pence. Yet might Josephus have this number from Agrippa, junior, though I doubt the thousands, or at least the hundreds, have been added by the transcribers, of which we have had several examples already in Josephus.</i> drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.",
+                    "3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons.",
+                    "4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thing to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it.",
+                    "5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. :But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time to come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; for when Lupus laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus agrees well to the time of the year when Claudius began his reign; it being for certain about the months of November, December, or January, and most probably a few days after January the twenty-fourth, and a few days before the Roman Parentalia.</i> he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the murders of the vilest tyrants, who yet highly deserved to die, when those murderers were under oaths, or other the like obligations of fidelity to them, were usually revenged, and the murderers were cut off themselves, and that after a remarkable manner; and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very persons who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by them. The examples are very numerous, both in sacred and profane histories, and seem generally indications of Divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruel manner, and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty, which was the case here, ch. 1. sect. 14, and ch. 2. sect. 4, as justly deserved the Divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to have been the case of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose slaughter he had a commission from God, without any such commission, any justice or commiseration, he killed Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings 10:11-14. See Hosea 1:4. I do not mean here to condemn Ehud or Judith, or the like executioners of God's vengeance on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly oppressed God's own people under their theocracy; who, as they appear still to have had no selfish designs nor intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a Divine commission, or a Divine impulse, which was their commission for what they did, Judges 3:15, 19, 20; Judith 9:2; Test. Levi. sect. 5, in Authent. Rec. p. 312. See also page 432.</i> So he was happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done].",
+                    "6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellow confederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Claudius Restored to Agrippa His Grandfather's Kingdoms and Augmented His Dominions; And How He Published an Edict in Behalf.</i><br>1. NOW when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he reforms us, ch. 3:1, that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Abila; as he is further confirmed by Ptolemy, the great geographer, which Spanheim here observes, when he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4; and Prid. at the years 36 and 22. I esteem this principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally, to have been the burying-place of Abel, and referred to as such, Matthew 23:35; Luke 11:51. See Authent. Rec. Part. II. p. 883--885.</i> of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.",
+                    "2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: \"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.\"",
+                    "3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: \"Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr. Hudson here tells us from the great Selden, that it used to be thus represented at the bottom of their edicts by the initial letters only, U. D. P. R. L. P, Unde De Plano Recte Lege Possit; \"Whence it may be plainly read from the ground.\"</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS RETURNED BACK INTO JUDEA; AND WHAT IT WAS THAT PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS OF DORIS, IN BEHALF</small><br>1. NOW Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now lie returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus shows, both here and ch. 7. sect. 3, that he had a much greater opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned Rabbi, than the people of Cesarea and Sebaste, ch. 7. sect. 4; and ch. 9. sect. 1; and indeed than his double-dealing between the senate and Claudius, ch. 4. sect. 2, than his slaughter of James the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter, or his vain-glorious behavior before he died, both in Acts 12:13; and here, ch. 4. sect. 1, will justify or allow. Josephus's character was probably taken from his son Agrippa, junior.</i> on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very same in which our Savior taught, and where the people offered their charity money for the repairs or other uses of the temple, Mark 12:41, etc.; Luke 22:1; John 8:20.</i> that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again.",
+                    "2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the Divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book.",
+                    "3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: \"Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar, - to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves, - I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus's edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, 'that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to treat after who encourage such doings; while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. And that it may be more publicly known what Augustus hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.\"",
+                    "4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again, and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity. So he refused it, and said, \"O king! I rejoice in the honor that thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them on after a more holy manner than I should now receive them again. But if thou desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity.\" So the king was pleased with these words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius, as president of Syria."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING SILAS AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY AT HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOMPASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL; AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS OF BERYTUS.</small><br>1. NOW Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been faithful to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a partaker with him in any of his dangers, but had oftentimes undergone the most hazardous dangers for him, was full of assurance, and thought he might expect a sort of equality with the king, on account of the firmness of the friendship he had showed to him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as his superior, and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he became troublesome to the king, when they were merry together, extolling himself beyond measure, and oft putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate What zeal he had showed in his service; and was continually harping upon this string, what pains he had taken for him, and much enlarged still upon that subject. The repetition of this so frequently seemed to reproach the king, insomuch that he took this ungovernable liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when men have been under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done him. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which he could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to them, \"What honor is this the king invites me to, which I conclude will soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original marks of the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but he hath plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many misfortunes I have been delivered from; how many labors I have undergone for him, whereby I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I have borne the hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never forget this usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account.\" This was the clamor he made, and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison.",
+                    "2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.",
+                    "3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money; with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places he erected temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was in like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice.",
+                    "4. However, there was a certain man of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, \"What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?\" But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him.",
+                    "5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a theater for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in Sumptuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheater, built at vast expenses; and besides these, he built them baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators; and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight with seven hundred other men<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> A strange number of condemned criminals to be under the sentence of death at once; no fewer, it seems, than one thousand four hundred!</i> and allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER HE DIED.</small><br>1. WHEN Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commalena, Sampsigeratnus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead.",
+                    "2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him; and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, \"Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.\" Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as the great Eusebius had on purpose falsified this account of Josephus, so as to make it agree with the parallel account in the Acts of the Apostles, because the present copies of his citation of it, Hist. Eceles. B. II. ch. 10., omit the words an owl--on a certain rope, which Josephus's present copies retain, and only have the explicatory word or angel; as if he meant that angel of the Lord which St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod, Acts 12:23, and not that owl which Josephus called an angel or messenger, formerly of good, but now of bad news, to Agrippa. This accusation is a somewhat strange one in the case of the great Eusebius, who is known to have so accurately and faithfully produced a vast number of other ancient records, and particularly not a few out of our Josephus also, without any suspicion of prevarication. Now, not to allege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies of the fourth century were just like the present in this clause, which we have no distinct evidence of, the following words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any such exposition: \"This [bird] (says Eusebius) Agrippa presently perceived to be the cause of ill fortune, as it was once of good fortune, to him;\" which can only belong to that bird, the owl, which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliverance from imprisonment, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 6. sect. 7, so was it then foretold to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death in five days' time. If the improper words signifying cause, be changed for Josephus's proper word angel or messenger, and the foregoing words, be inserted, Esuebius's text will truly represent that in Josephus. Had this imperfection been in some heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics, they would have readily corrected these as barely errors in the copies; but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well relished by many of those critics, nothing will serve but the ill-grounded supposal of willful corruption and prevarication.</i> sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, \"I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.\" When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were over Philip's tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it; and he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar; in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea added to them, as well as Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachme.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This sum of twelve millions of drachmae, which is equal to three millions of shekels, i.e. at 2s. 10d. a shekel, equal to four hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about three quarters of his grandfather Herod's income; he having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, ch. 6. sect. 3, and was not so tyrannical as Herod had been to the Jews. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. A large sum this! but not, it seems, sufficient for his extravagant expenses.</i> Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Josephus omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa to the Tyrians and Sidoninus, by the means of Blastus the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts 12:20. Nor is there any history in the world so complete, as to omit nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to it.</i>",
+                    "3. But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's being expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the master of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful servants, and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by the king's own command."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH OF AGRIPPA; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFULNESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS FADUS TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM.</small><br>1. AND thus did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left behind him a son, Agrippa by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of his age, and three daughters; one of which, Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's brother, and was sixteen years old; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins; the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these his daughters were thus espoused by their father; Marlatone to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies; for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which were a great number, went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Photius, who made an extract out of this section, says they were not the statues or images, but the ladies themselves, who were thus basely abused by the soldiers.</i> of this king's daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses, and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent to be related. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and libations to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the king was expired. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended his liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also, who had himself rebuilt their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses.",
+                    "2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be reasonable. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to the deceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his daughters that were still alive; and that he should remove that body of soldiers that were at Caesarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments, into Pontus, that they might do their military duty there; and that he should choose an equal number of soldiers out of the Roman legions that were in Syria, to supply their place. Yet were not those that had such orders actually removed; for by sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified him, and got leave to abide in Judea still; and these were the very men that became the source of very great calamities to the Jews in after-times, and sowed the seeds of that war which began under Florus; whence it was that when Vespasian had subdued the country, he removed them out of his province, as we shall relate hereafter."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>A Sedition of the Philadelphians Against the Jews; and also Concerning the Vestments of the High Priest.</i><br>1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the foregoing book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while be was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea, and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon three of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar. Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the emperor, and admonished them that they should lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contradict what he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel,) that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition him that they may have the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that their request. So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behavior]. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when, upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came, (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them that he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them: \"Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa, my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power, - I grant their request, as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me. And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character. Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Ruffis and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls.\"",
+                    "3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for. So that after that time this authority continued among all his descendants till the end of the war<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus; for the power of appointing high priests, after Herod king of Chalcis was dead, and Agrippa, junior, was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to him; and he exercised the same all along till Jerusalem was destroyed, as Josephus elsewhere informs us, ch. 8. sect. , 11; ch. 9. sect. 1, 4, 6, 7.</i> Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called Cimtheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Cantos."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW HELENA THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE AND HER SON IZATES, EMBRACED THE JEWISH RELIGION; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED THE POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE WAS A GREAT FAMINE AT JERUSALEM.</small><br>1. ABOUT this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife's belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God's providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus here uses the word monogene, an only begotten son, for no other than one best beloved, as does both the Old and New Testament, I mean where there were one or more sons besides, Genesis 22:2; Hebrew 11:17. See the note on B. I. ch. 13. sect. 1.</i> son Izates, which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son's preservation to him. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.",
+                    "2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah's ark were believed to he still in being in the days of Josephus. See the note on B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5.</i> Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: \"I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.\" This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king's determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates's father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates's brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father's ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him.",
+                    "3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions.",
+                    "4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not he thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Ananias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king's instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Ananias. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, \"Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.\" When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Ananias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Josephus is very full and express in these three chapters, 3., 4., and 5., in observing how carefully Divine Providence preserved this Izates, king of Adiabene, and his sons, while he did what he thought was his bounden duty, notwithstanding the strongest political motives to the contrary.</i> But these events we shall relate hereafter.",
+                    "5. But as to Helena, the king's mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates's kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God's providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This further account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here promises is, I think, no where performed by him in his present works. But of this terrible famine itself in Judea, take Dr. Hudson's note here: — \"This ( says he ) is that famine foretold by Agabus, Acts 11:28, which happened when Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second time, and Cesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p. 174.\" Now when Josephus had said a little afterward, ch. 5. sect. 2, that \"Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as procurator,\" he immediately subjoins, that\" under these procurators there happened a great famine in Judea.\" Whence it is plain that this famine continued for many years, on account of its duration under these two procurators. Now Fadus was not sent into Judea till after the death of king Agrippa, i.e. towards the latter end of the 4th year of Claudius; so that this famine foretold by Agabus happened upon the 5th, 6th, and 7th years of Claudius, as says Valesius on Euseb. II. 12. Of this famine also, and queen Helena's supplies, and her monument, see Moses Churenensis, p. 144, 145, where it is observed in the notes that Pausanias mentions that her monument also.</i> he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW ARTABANUS, THE KING OF PARTHIA OUT OF FEAR OF THE SECRET CONTRIVANCES OF HIS SUBJECTS AGAINST HIM, WENT TO IZATES, AND WAS BY HIM REINSTATED IN HIS GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO HOW BARDANES HIS SON DENOUNCED WAR AGAINST IZATES.</small><br>1. BUT now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return to his own dominions. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, \"O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to he taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also.\" And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countenance. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus's name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, and said to him, \"Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own.\"",
+                    "2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse again, and go before him. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus.",
+                    "3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This privilege of wearing the tiara upright, or with the tip of the cone erect, is known to have been of old peculiar to great kings, from Xenophon and others, as Dr. Hudson observes here.</i> and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.",
+                    "4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes's intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW IZATES WAS BETRAYED BY HIS OWN SUBJECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST BY THE ARABIANS AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, WAS DELIVERED OUT OF THEIR HANDS.</small><br>1. NOW when the king's brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates's subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies, and forced all the rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side, he slew himself.",
+                    "2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king's hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media, - Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king's subjects; he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king's hands. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia's power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This conduct of Izates is a sign that he was become either a Jew, or an Ebionite Christian, who indeed differed not much from proper Jews. See ch. 6. sect. 1. However, his supplications were heard, and he was providentially delivered from that imminent danger he was in.</i> Then he called upon God, and said, \"O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee.\" Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthis waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God.",
+                    "3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father's death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son's death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen of Adiabene, near Jerusalem, three in number, are mentioned by Eusebius, in his Eccles. Hist. B. II. ch. 12, for which Dr. Hudson refers us to Valesius's notes upon that place.--They are also mentioned by Pausanias, as hath been already noted, ch. 2. sect. 6. Reland guesses that that now called Absalom's Pillar may be one of them.</i> which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life. we will relate them hereafter.-"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING THEUDAS AND THE SONS OF JUDAS THE GALILEAN; AS ALSO WHAT CALAMITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE DAY OF THE PASSOVER.</small><br>1. NOW it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procurator, about A.D. 45 or 46, could not be that Thendas who arose in the days of the taxing, under Cyrenius, or about A.D. 7, Acts v. 36, 37. Who that earlier Theudas was, see the note on B. XVII. ch. 10. sect. 5.</i> persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus's government.",
+                    "2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Ananias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother's daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior.",
+                    "3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived. When that feast which is called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any such should begin; and this was no more than what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals. But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to approach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him, which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival. But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which overlooked the temple; but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This and. many more tumults and seditions which arose at the Jewish festivals, in Josephus, illustrate the cautious procedure of the Jewish governors, when they said, Matthew 26:5, \"Let us not take Jesus on the feast-day, lest there be an up roar among the people;\" as Reland well observes on tins place. Josephus also takes notice of the same thing, Of the War, B. I. ch. 4. sect. 3.</i>",
+                    "4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him; which things when Cureanus heard of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him. Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility; which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Cesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be kindled a second time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIFFERENCES.</small><br>1. NOW there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This constant passage of the Galileans through the country of Samaria, as they went to Judea and Jerusalem, illustrates several passages in the Gospels to the same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly observes. See Luke 17:11; John 4:4. See also Josephus in his own Life, sect. 52, where that journey is determined to three days.</i> and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them. But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Our Savior had foretold that the Jews' rejection of his gospel would bring upon them, among other miseries, these three, which they themselves here show they expected would be the consequences of their present tumults and seditions: the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children See Luke 21:6-24.</i> which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies.",
+                    "2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby showed the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence; - which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Ananias the high priest, and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch.",
+                    "3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. But now Caesar's freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government: - whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cumanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>FELIX IS MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; AS ALSO CONCERNING AGRIPPA, JUNIOR AND HIS SISTERS.</small><br>1. SO Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise. He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.",
+                    "2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, born in Cyprus, though he pretended to be a magician, and seems to have been wicked enough, could hardly be that famous Simon the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles, 8:9, etc., as some are ready to suppose. This Simon mentioned in the Acts was not properly a Jew, but a Samaritan, of the town of Gittae, in the country of Samaria, as the Apostolical Constitutions, VI. 7, the Recognitions of Clement, II. 6, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of Samaria, Apology, I. 34, inform us. He was also the author, not of any ancient Jewish, but of the first Gentile heresies, as the forementioned authors assure us. So I suppose him a different person from the other. I mean this only upon the hypothesis that Josephus was not misinformed as to his being a Cypriot Jew; for otherwise the time, the name, the profession, and the wickedness of them both would strongly incline one to believe them the very same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, junior, as Josephus informs us here, and a Jewess, as St. Luke informs us, Acts 24:24, whom this Simon mentioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former husband, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice, and to marry Felix, the heathen procurator of Judea, Tacitus, Hist. V. 9, supposes her to be a heathen; and the grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary both to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived somewhat too remote, both as to time and place, to be compared with either of those Jewish writers, in a matter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own days, and concerning a sister of Agrippa, junior, with which Agrippa Josephus was himself so well acquainted. It is probable that Tacitus may say true, when he informs us that this Felix (who had in all three wives, or queens, as Suetonius in Claudius, sect. 28, assures us) did once marry such a grandchild of Antonius and Cleopatra; and finding the name of one of them to have been Drusilla, he mistook her for that other wife, whose name he did not know.</i> one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice's envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest we have in history. See Bianchini's curious and important observations on this Vesuvius, and its seven several great eruptions, with their remains vitrified, and still existing, in so many different strata under ground, till the diggers came to the antediluvian waters, with their proportionable interstices, implying the deluge to have been above two thousand five hundred years before the Christian era, according to our exactest chronology.</i> in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This is now wanting.</i>",
+                    "3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion; and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This also is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>After What Manner Upon the Death of Claudius, Nero Succeeded in the Government; as also What Barbarous Things He Did. Concerning the Robbers, Murderers and Imposters that Arose While Felix and Festus Were Procurators of Judea.</i><br>1. NOW Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This duration of the reign of Claudius agrees with Dio, as Dr. Hudson here remarks; as he also remarks that Nero's name, which was at first L. Domitius Aenobarbus, after Claudius had adopted him was Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus. This Soleus as [own Life, sect. 11, as also] by Dio Cassius andTaeims, as Dr. Hudson informs us.</i> and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome; after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia; their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son.",
+                    "2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man's estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius. Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor. And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted against him.",
+                    "3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly deserve to be condemned. Nor do I wonder at such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them. But as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they take delight: but as to ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs.",
+                    "4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This agrees with Josephus's frequent accounts elsewhere in his own Life, that Tibetans, and Taricheae, and Gamala were under this Agrippa, junior, till Justus, the son of Pistus, seized for the Jews, upon the breaking out of the war.</i> and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.",
+                    "5. Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude. Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and sent him to Rome. Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This treacherous and barbarous murder of the good high priest Jonathan, by the contrivance of this wicked procurator, Felix, was the immediate occasion of the ensuing murders by the Sicarii or ruffians, and one great cause of the following horrid cruelties and miseries of the Jewish nation, as Josephus here supposes; whose excellent reflection on the gross wickedness of that nation, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is well worthy the attention of every Jewish and of every Christian reader. And since we are soon coming to the catalogue of the Jewish high priests, it may not be amiss, with Reland, to insert this Jonathan among them, and to transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty-eight high priests, taken out of Josephus, and begin with Ananelus, who was made by Herod the Great. See Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 4, and the note there. Ananelus. Aristobulus. Jesus, the son of Fabus. Simon, the son of Boethus. Marthias, the son of Theophiltu. Joazar, the son of Boethus. Eleazar, the son of Boethus. Jesus, the son of Sic. [Annas, or] Ananus, the son of Seth. Ismael, the son of Fabus. Eleazar, the son of Ananus. Simon, the son of Camithus. Josephus Caiaphas, the son-in-law to Ananus. Jonathan, the son of Ananus. Theophilus, his brother, and son of Ananus. Simon, the son of Boethus. Matthias, the brother of Jonathan, and son of Ananus. Aljoneus. Josephus, the son of Camydus. Ananias, the son of Nebedeus. Jonathas. Ismael, the son of Fabi. Joseph Cabi, the son of Simon. Ananus, the son of Artanus. Jesus, the son of Damnetas. Jesus, the son of Gamaliel. Matthias, the son of Theophilus. Phannias, the son of Samuel. As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned about the middle of this catalogue, they are no other than those Annas and Caiaphas so often mentioned in the four Gospels; and that Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, was that high priest before whom St. Paul pleaded his own cause, Acts 24.</i> and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men's wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.",
+                    "6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. Moreover, there came out of Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with many other circumstances and miseries of the Jews, till their utter destruction, foretold by our Savior, see Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 58-75. Of this Egyptian impostor, and the number of his followers, in Josephus, see Acts 21:38.</i> about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them.",
+                    "7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Cesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Cesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Cesarea was formerly called Strato's Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Cesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so.",
+                    "8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. And such was the impudence<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> The wickedness here was very peculiar and extraordinary, that the high priests should so oppress their brethren the priests, as to starve the poorest of them to death. See the like presently, ch. 9. sect. 2. Such fatal crimes are covetousness and tyranny in the clergy, as well as in the laity, in all ages.</i> and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice.",
+                    "9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him. Two of the principal Syrians in Cesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Cesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.",
+                    "10. Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them. And then it was that the sicarii, as they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, [or sickles,] as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many; for they mingled themselves among the multitude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them on fire. So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also.",
+                    "11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus. and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple; which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west, which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals. At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished; and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> We have here one eminent example of Nero's mildness and goodness in his government towards the Jews, during the first five years of his reign, so famous in antiquity; we have perhaps another in Josephus's own Life, sect. 3; and a third, though of a very different nature here, in sect. 9, just before. However, both the generous acts of kindness were obtained of Nero by his queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and perhaps privately a Jewish proselyte, and so were not owing entirely to Nero's own goodness.</i> them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero's wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>CONCERNING ALBINUS UNDER WHOSE PROCURATORSHIP JAMES WAS SLAIN; AS ALSO WHAT EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA.</small><br>1. AND now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus. Now the report goes that this eldest Ananus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests. But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might be high priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sadducees were usually very severe and inexorable judges, while the Pharisees were much milder, and more merciful, as appears by Reland's instances in his note on this place, and on Josephus's Life, sect. 31, and those taken from the New Testament, from Josephus himself, and from the Rabbins; nor do we meet with any Sadducees later than this high priest in all Josephus.</i> who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its causes, as also that he did not die till long afterwards, see Prim. Christ. Revived, vol. III. ch. 43-46. The sanhedrim condemned our Savior, but could not put him to death without the approbation of the Roman procurator; nor could therefore Ananias and his sanhedrim do more here, since they never had Albinus's approbation for the putting this James to death.</i> Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.",
+                    "2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii. But as for the high priest, Ananias<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This Ananias was not the son of Nebedeus, as I take it, but he who was called Annas or Ananus the elder, the ninth in the catalogue, and who had been esteemed high priest for a long time; and, besides Caiaphas, his son-in-law, had five of his own sons high priests after him, which were those of numbers 11, 14, 15, 17, 24, in the foregoing catalogue. Nor ought we to pass slightly over what Josephus here says of Annas, or Ananias, that he was high priest a long time before his children were so; he was the son of Seth, and is set down first for high priest in the foregoing catalogue, under number 9. He was made by Quirinus, and continued till Ismael, the 10th in number, for about twenty-three years, which long duration of his high priesthood, joined to the successions of his son-in-law, and five children of his own, made him a sort of perpetual high priest, and was perhaps the occasion that former high priests kept their titles ever afterwards; for I believe it is hardly met with be fore him.</i> he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the threshing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.",
+                    "3. But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus [Ananias] the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them; after which they sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Ananias's servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country.",
+                    "4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Cesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronlas. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae]; he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city. And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Ananias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us.",
+                    "5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers.",
+                    "6. Now as many of the Levites,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> This insolent petition of some of the Levites, to wear the sacerdotal garments when they sung hymns to God in the temple, was very probably owing to the great depression and contempt the haughty high priests had now brought their brethren the priests into; of which see ch. 8. sect. 8, and ch. 9, sect. 2.</i> which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing. Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.",
+                    "7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> Of these cloisters of Solomon, see the description of the temple, ch. 13. They seem, by Josephus's words, to have been built from the bottom of the valley.</i> who first of all built the entire temple. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews' war with the Romans took its beginning."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH PRIESTS.</small><br>1. AND now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war. In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been continued down from them all to their posterity. Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood. Accordingly, the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three; of whom thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to God; for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal Now the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve. After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest, captive; the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal government. But after the term of seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years; and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son [of Onias the third], put Jaeimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of that family of Onias. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest. But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years. And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood; and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus, whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year. And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should he high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God. But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; and when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariamne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod's son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward. Accordingly, the number of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when Titus took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years. Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Florus the Procurator, Who Necessitated the Jews to Take Up Arms Against the Romans. The Conclusion.</i><br>1. NOW Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of Clazomene, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Poppea, Nero's wife, he obtained this government,) who was no way different from him in wickedness. This Florus was so wicked, and so violent in the use of his authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have been [comparatively] their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs that he brought upon them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and was careful that it might not be discovered to all men; but Gessius Florus, as though he bad been sent on purpose to show his crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation of them to our nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any unjust sort of punishment; for he was not to be moved by pity, and never was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way; nor had he any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but became a partner with the robbers themselves. For a great many fell then into that practice without fear, as having him for their security, and depending on him, that he would save them harmless in their particular robberies; so that there were no bounds set to the nation's miseries; but the unhappy Jews, when they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers made among them, were all under a necessity of leaving their own habitations, and of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily any where else in the world among foreigners [than in their own country]. And what need I say any more upon this head? since it was this Florus who necessitated us to take up arms against the Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at once, than by little and little. Now this war began in the second year of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. But then what actions we were forced to do, or what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may be accurately known by such as will peruse those books which I have written about the Jewish war.",
+                    "2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of which events, I began to write that account of the war; and these Antiquities contain what hath been delivered down to us from the original creation of man, until the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in Palestine, and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the Romans, have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things. I have attempted to enumerate those high priests that we have had during the interval of two thousand years; I have also carried down the succession of our kings, and related their actions, and political administration, without [considerable] errors, as also the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written in our sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the beginning of this history. And I am so bold as to say, now I have so completely perfected the work I proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether he were a Jew or foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it, could so accurately deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books. For those of my own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in the learning belonging to Jews; I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the elements of the Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness; for our nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts of free-men, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning; on which account, as there have been many who have done their endeavors with great patience to obtain this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their pains.",
+                    "3. And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own family, and of the actions of my own life<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> See the Life at the beginning of the volume.</i> while there are still living such as can either prove what I say to be false, or can attest that it is true; with which accounts I shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand verses. And if God permit me, I will briefly run over this war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\"> What Josephus here declares his intention to do, if God permitted, to give the public again an abridgement of the Jewish War hear of it elsewhere, whether he performed what he now intended or not. Some of the reasons of this design of his might possibly be, his observation of the many errors he had been guilty of in the two first of those seven books of the War, which were written when he was comparatively young, and less acquainted with the Jewish antiquities than he now was, and in which abridgement we might have hoped to find those many passages which himself, as well as those several passages which others refer to, as written by him, but which are not extant in his present works. However, since many of his own references to what he had written elsewhere, as well as most of his own errors, belong to such early times as could not well come into this abridgement of the Jewish War; and since none of those that quote things not now extant in his works, including himself as well as others, ever cite any such abridgement; I am forced rather to suppose that he never did publish any such work at all; I mean, as distinct from his own Life, written by himself, for an appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least seven years after these Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed does it appear to me that Josephus ever published that other work here mentioned, as intended by him for the public also: I mean the three or four books concerning God and his essence, and concerning the Jewish laws; why, according to them, some things were permitted the Jews, and others prohibited; which last seems to be the same work which Josephus had also promised, if God permitted, at the conclusion of his preface to these Antiquities; nor do I suppose that he ever published any of them. The death of all his friends at court, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, and the coming of those he had no acquaintance with to the crown, I mean Nerva and Trajan, together with his removal from Rome to Judea, with what followed it, might easily interrupt such his intentions, and prevent his publication of those works.</i> and to add what befell them further to that very day, the 13th of Domitian, or A.D. 03, is not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of by any one; nor do we ever again, with what befell us therein to this very day, which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domitian, and the fifty-sixth year of my own life. I have also an intention to write three books concerning our Jewish opinions about God and his essence, and about our laws; why, according to them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are prohibited."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "The Antiquities of the Jews, translated by William Whiston, 1825",
+            "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Antiquities_of_the_Jews"
+        ],
+        [
+            "(Russian) Иудейские древности — перевод Г. Г. Генкеля, 1900 г.",
+            "https://ru.wikisource.org/wiki/%D0%98%D1%83%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%B9%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B8%D0%B5_%D0%B4%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%BE%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8_(%D0%98%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%B8%D1%84_%D0%A4%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%B9;_%D0%93%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BA%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C)/%D0%9F%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B4%D0%B8%D1%81%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%B5_%D0%B0%D0%B2%D1%82%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%B0"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "key": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/Yemei am olam, trans. Kalman Schulman. Vilna, 1886.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/Yemei am olam, trans. Kalman Schulman. Vilna, 1886.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..cae71655fee33c4cda743c70f9e91d47e371fe34
--- /dev/null
+++ b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/Yemei am olam, trans. Kalman Schulman. Vilna, 1886.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,166 @@
+{
+    "language": "he",
+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/he/books/NNL_ALEPH001934004&context=L",
+    "versionTitle": "Yemei am olam, trans. Kalman Schulman. Vilna, 1886",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "he",
+    "languageFamilyName": "hebrew",
+    "isBaseText": true,
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "rtl",
+    "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<b>מעשה בראשית.</b><br>בראשית ברא אלהים שמים וארץ, והארץ היתה מעֻלפת בערפל, חבושה בחשֵכה ורוח אלהים מרחפת על פניה, וַיְצַו אלהים: יהי אור; ויהי אור, וירא אלהים (לאור הזה) את כל מסתרי הַחֹמֶר הֲרַת עולם,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וועלט מאטעריע. ועל דרך זה אמרו חז״ל במסכת חגיגה (יב.) אמר ר׳ אלעזר אור שברא הקב״ה ביום ראשון, אדם צופה בו מסוף העולם ועד סופו כו׳ וכן אמר ר׳ יעקב כי באור ההוא היה אדם צופה ורואה ומביט מסוף העולם ועד סופו.</i> ויבדל בין האור ובין החשך, ויקרא לאור יום ולחשך קרא לילה, ולראשית הלילה והמנוחה קרא ערב, ולראשית האור והעבודה קרא בקר, ויהי ערב ויהי בֹקר יום ראשון. אך בתורת משה כתוב יום אחד תחת יום ראשון, ופשר הדבר אין מקומו פה בספר דברי הימים, ושמתי לו מקום בספר אשר יעדתיו לבאר בו הליכות ספרי קדשנו וטעמי מצות התורה.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וזה לשון המבאר לספר נתיבות השלום (בראשית א׳, ה׳): ואמר יום אחד ולא יום ראשון, לפי שאין ראשון בלי שני דעדיין לא נעשה השני, כי הראשון קודם להשני במנין או במעלה אבל שניהם נמצאים והוא ממאמר הנקרא מבעלי ההגיון מאמר המצטרף אבל האחד לא יורה על שני.</i> ביום השני רָקע אלהים את רקיע השמים וימתחהו מעל כל יצורי התבל, וייסדהו בספירים וַיְקָרֵהו בחשרת מים ואגלי טל להשקות את האדמה ולהצמיחה. ביום השלישי יָסד את הארץ על מכוניה וּלְמֵזַח תמיד חגר אותה במים רבים, וביום ההוא הִדְשיא את הארץ דשא עשב מזריע זרע וַיִטַע כל עץ מאכל וכל נטעי נעמנים. ביום הרביעי פֵאַר וַיַעַד את רקיע השמים בַּעֲדִי השמש, הירח וכל כוכבי אור וישם חק למסלוליהם ותקופותיהם להיות לאותות ולמועדים לימים ושנים. ביום החמישי ברא אלהים את בעלי סנפיר וקשקשת וכל נפש החיה אשר שרצו המים למיניהם, גם כל בעלי כנפים המעופפים תחת רקיע השמים, ויטע בהם התשוקה לדבקה איש באשתו להחיות זרע ולפרות ולרבות בארץ. ביום הששי יצר אלהים את חית הארץ למינה ואת הבהמה למינה ואת כל רמש האדמה למינהו, זכר ונקבה ברא אותם, ולאחרונה ברא את האדם בצלמו כדמותו, ואז כֻּלוּ השמים והארץ וכל צבאם, ויכל אלהים את כל מעשה בראשית וישבות ביום השביעי מכל מלאכתו אשר פעל ועשה, ויברך את יום השביעי ויקדשהו, ועל כן צוה ה׳ גם אותנו לשבות ביום השביעי ולקדש אותו, ושמרו בני ישראל את השבת לדורות עולם וישבתו וינָפשו בו כמצֻוה עליהם מפי ה׳ ביד משה.",
+                    "אחרי אשר הודיעה תורתנו את דבר יום השביעי (יום השבת) אשר בו שבת אלהים מכל מלאכתו, תשוב להודיענו את סוד יצירת האדם בפרט אחרי אשר הודיעה את זאת בכלל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכלל הגדול הזה בתורה, הורה אותנו גם ר״א בנו של ר׳ יוסי הגלילי בל״ב מדות שהתורה נדרשת בהן, והוא מכלל שאחריו מעשה ואינו אלא פרטו של ראשון. ויברא את האדם זה הוא כלל, סתם ברייתו וסתם מעשיו, וחזר ופירש ויצר ה׳ אלהים את האדם וגו׳ ויצמח לו גן בעדן ויניחהו בגן עדן ויפל עליו תרדמה, השומע סבור שהוא מעשה אחר ואינו אלא פרטו של ראשון כו׳ ע״ש במדה י״ג והכלל הזה ידע גם יוסף בן מתתיהו אשר היה למוד ה׳ בתורה הכתובה והמסורה.</i> וְתוֹדיענו כי ה׳ אלהים יָצר את האדם עפר מן האדמה ויפח באפיו רוח ונשמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה לא נזכר רוח רק נשמת חיים ונפש חיה (בראשית ה׳ ו׳).</i> ויהי האדם לנפש חַיָה, וזה שְׁמוֹ אשר פי ה׳ יִקֳבנו: אדם על שם האדמה האדֻמה אשר ממנה יְצָרוֹ יוֹצְרוֹ, כי מראה הָאֹדֶם הוא מראה האדמה בהיותה עוד בבתוליה וראש עפרות תבל. אחרי כן הביא ה׳ את כל חית השדה ואת כל עוף השמים לראות מה יקרא להם האדם, והאדם קרא להם שמות לפי תכונותיהם, ובשמות ההם הם נקראים עד היום הזה. כראות אלהים כי לא טוב היות האדם לבדו בלא עזר כנגדו, וגם האדם התעצב אל לבו בראותו כי כל בעלי החיים יִלָווּ איש איש אל אשתו ורק הוא נופל מהם בדבר הזה, אז הפיל ה׳ אלהים תרדמה על האדם ויישן ויקח צלע אחת מצלעותיו ויבן אותה לאשה ויביאה אל האדם ויאמר האדם זאת היא עצם מעצמי ובשר מבשרי ויקרא לה בשם אשה כי מאיש לֻקחה, אך אחרי כן קרא לה בשם חוה כי היא היתה אם כל חי.",
+                    "ויטע ה׳ אלהים גן בעדן מקדם ויצמח שם כל עצי פרי נחמדים למראה וטובים למאכל גם עץ הדעת טוב ורע ועץ החיים נטע בתוך הגן, וישם שם את האדם ואת אשתו לעבוד את הגן ולשמרו, ונהר יוצא מעדן להשקות את הגן ומשם יפרד והיה לארבעה ראשים , שם האחד פישון, כי פשו מימיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אודות ארבעה ראשים ההם, הרבו חכמים רבים לחקור מימי קדם עד הימים האלה, ולא זה המקום להאריך בחקירות כאלה, ורק בדברים קצרים נעיר בזה כי פישון הוא משרש פוש ענינו רבוי והתעצמות המתרבה מעצמו ונתוסף בכמותו, כמו ופשו פרשיו (חבקוק א׳, ח׳) (פיל זיין), פרה ורבה תרגם פשו, כי הפרני ארי אפשני וכן נפיש בארמית לשון הרבה, וכן בתלמוד נפישי גמלי סבי וכו׳ והראב״ע פירשו התפשטות (זיך אויסברייטען) שוה לשרש פשה (ע׳ אוה״ש שורש פוש ושרש פשה) גם הוראת שם פרת לדעת המחבר הוא בהוראת שם פישון, אך ההבדל ביניהם כי מי פישון רבים הם ועצומים רק במקומם , ומי פרת מתפשטים גם למקומות אחרים בעלותם על גדותם כטבע הנהר הזה. אך לא אדע לכוין הוראת שם פרת להוראת פרח, גם לא אבין איך החליף המחבר שם חדקל העברי לשם דגלת הארמי והכשדי, גם שם דגלת לא יורה על דבר חד וצר. ואולי דעת המחבר בשם דגלת כדעת בעל מחקרי ארץ כי הוא שם חדקל בעצמו בשנוי ההברה, כי לפעמים ישתנו קצת גם השמות הפרטים מלשון אל לשון, והחי״ת בשם חדקל הוא נוסף כחיתי״ן אשר בשמות חבצלת, חנמל, חשמנים, יתכן שלזאת כונו חז״ל באמרם: לה נקרא שמו חדקל, (ר״ל בתוספת החי״ת) לפי שמימיו חדים וקלים, ואולם דקל (הוא דגל) שמו. ולפי זה יצדק המחבר באמרו כי נהר טיגריס יקרא בשם דגלת בשפת עברית, אולם תחת חד וצר צ״ל חד וקל, והמעתיק את דברי המחבר טעה בהעתקתו—.</i>, והוא ההולך אל ארץ הוֹדוּ (אינדיען) והיונים קראו לו בשם גאנגעסי, ושם ישתפך אל ים ההודי. ושֵׁם הנהר השני גיחון, והיונים יקראו לו נילוס, והוא יגיח מארץ הקדם לארץ מצרים. שֵׁם הנהר השלישי חִדֶקֶל , פתרונו בלשון עברית חַד, כי מימיו חדים, והיונים קראו לו טיגריס. ושֵׁם הנהר הרביעי פרת, שם המורה בלשון עֵבר על הִתְפַּשֵׁט לארך ולרחב, או הוראתו כהוראת שֵׁם פרח, ושני הנהרות האלה (חדקל ופרת) נופלים אל ים האדום.",
+                    "אחרי אשר שָׂם ה׳ את האדם ואת אשתו בגן עדן צוה אותם לאמר: מכל עץ הגן אָכֹל תאכלו, אך מעץ הדעת טוב ורע לא תאכלו ממנו, כי ביום אכלכם ממנו תֶאשָׁמוּ ורעה תבוא עליכם (המות). והנה בעת הַמְאֻשָׁרָה ההיא היה שלום ואחוה בין חַיְתוֹ ארץ, [וגר זאב עם כבש ונמר עם גדי רבץ, ועגל וכפיר ומריא רעו באחו], לא הרעו ולא השחיתו בכל רחבי ארץ, ואהבה נאמנה היתה גם ביניהם ובין האדם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקלל ה׳ את הנחש, אמר: ואיבה אשית בינך ובין האשה ובין זרעך ובין זרעה וגו׳ (בראשית ג׳, ט״ו), מכלל שעד העת ההיא היה שלום ואהבה בין הנחש ובין האדם גם בין כל החיות ובין האדם—.</i>. רק הנחש היה ערום מכל חית השדה, ויקנא בהצלחת האדם ואשתו וברוב טוּבָם בעֵדן גן אלהים, ויתנכל בעָרמתו לָשׂוּם מוקשים לרגליהם ולהפילם במהמורות, ובדעתו כי בעברם את מצות האלהים יבֻלע להם וילכו מדחי אל דחי, השיא את האשה (כי דעתה קלה) לאכול מפרי עץ הדעת למרות פי ה׳, ובחלקת לשונו דבר אליה כי רק מאשר יודע אלהים כי ביום אכלם ממנו תפקחנה עיניהם ויהיו כאלהים יודעי טוב ורע, רק בעבור זאת צוה אותם לבלתי אכל ממנו, ובפה חנף ושפתי חלקות הִדִיחַ את האשה ותקח מפרי עץ הדעת ותאכל ותתענג על טובם ותשמח על נעמם ותתן גם לאישה עמה ויאכל גם הוא, ותפקחנה עיני שניהם וידעו ויבינו כי עירומים הם ויתבוששו — כי בעץ ההוא הטביע ה׳ סגלה נפלאה לתת מזִמה ויתרון דעת לאוכל מפריו — ויתפרו עלה תאנה ויעשו להם חגורות לכסות את ערותם, וַיְדַמוּ בנפשם כי טוב להם עתה מאז ומאֻשרים הם בפקוח עיניהם ובהשכילם למַלאות את מחסוריהם—. אך בשמעם את קול ה׳ אלהים מתהלך בגן, התחבאו תחת עצי הגן, כי ידעו את עַוָתָתָם ולא נועזו להרים פניהם אליו. ויקרא ה׳ אלהים אל האדם וישאלהו על מה זה יתחמק ויחבא מפניו תחת אשר עד כה ראה פניו בששון ובשמחת לבב? וידם האדם, כי לא מצא מענה לשון. אז דבר ה׳ אליו באפו, ויאמר: ידעתי כי לא על צדקותיך נאלמת ולא תפתח פיך — ידעתי כי מרית את פי ותאכל מן העץ אשר צויתיך לבלתי אֲכָל ממנו, ועתה הנך ברעתך — לוּא הקשבת למצותי, כי אז היית מאשר בארץ ודאגה וְחֹסֶר לא לחצו לבך, כי אז נתתי שמחת עולם בלבך וענג ושעשועים ונעימות נצח בנפשך, ויהי כחול ימיך, וזקנה ושיבה לא כפפו קומתך—. אז התודה האדם על עֲוֹנוֹ, ויתנפל ויתחנן אל ה׳ לסלוח לו, וישיא עֲוֹן אשמתו על אשתו, ויאמר: האשה אשר נתת עמדי היא נתנה לי מן העץ וָאֹכֵל. והאשה השיאה עון האשמה על הנחש, ותאמר: הנחש הערום והנוכל השיאני ואכל. ויאמר ה׳ אלהים אל הנחש: כי עשית זאת ארור אתה מכל הבהמה ומכל חית השדה , לשונך תהי נאלמה בפיך והדבר יחדל ממך לעולם, ותחת זאת אשים חמת מות ורעל תחת לשונך, ואיבה אשית בינך ובין האשה ובין זרעך ובין זרעה, הוא ישופך ראש (כי ממנו נפתחה רעת האדם והאדם ישלם גמולך בראשך) ואתה תשופנו עקב, על גחונך תלך, כי מקצץ אני רגליך, ועפר תאכל כל ימי חייך בהיותך זוחל עפר—. אל האשה, אמר: יען אשר שמעת בקול הנחש ותחטאו וגם את אישך החטאת, הרבה ארבה עצבונך והרונך, בעצב תלדי בנים ואל אישך תשוקתך והוא ימשל בך. ולאדם אמר: כי שמעת בקול אשתך והפרת את מצותי, ארורה האדמה בעבורך, בזעת אפיך תעבוד אותה, והיא לא תוסיף תת כחה לך, וגם אחרי עבודה קשה לא תוציא רק מעט צמח אשר יעשה קמח, ואכלת את עשב השדה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב את הס׳ הזה בעבור חכמי העמים, והם לא יקבלו את דברי חז״ל (במס׳ ברכות ס״א, בב״ר פרשה כ׳ ובספרא שמיני סי׳ כ״ח) בגדולה מתחילין מן הגדול ובקללה מן הקטן שעל כן נתקלל הנחש תחלה ואח״כ חוה ולבסוף נתקלל אדם, ועל כן הפך המחבר בגוף הספר את הסדר וכתב שבתחלה נתקלל אדם ואח״כ חוה ולבסוף הנחש.</i>. ואחרי אשר הרביץ אלהים את הקללות האלה על האדם ואשתו, גרש אותם מגן עדן לעבוד את האדמה אשר לֻקחו משם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תולדות בני האדם ועשרה הדורות אחריו עד המבול.</b><br>והאדם ידע את חוה אשתו ותהר ותלד את קין ותאמר קניתי איש את ה׳, ותוסף ללדת בן ותקרא את שמו הבל באמרה הֶבל ימינו ואֵבל על הארץ. גם בנות ילדה חוה לאדם אישה. וקין והבל נפרדו איש מאחיו במחשבותיהם ומעשיהם, הבל הצעיר היה רעה צאן וַיְשַׁו ה׳ לנגדו תמיד וילך בדרכיו, וקין היה עבד אדמה ואין פחד אלהים לנגד עיניו. ויהי מקץ ימים וַיִוָעֲדוּ שניהם להביא מנחה לה׳, קין הביא את מנחתו מפרי האדמה ומפרי העץ, והבל הביא מחלב צאנו ומבכריהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפני המחבר היה הנוסח מבכורות צאנו ומֵחֲלָבֵיהֶן תחת וּמֵחֶלְבֵהֶן (בראשית ד׳ ד׳ וע״ש בבאור).</i>, וישע ה׳ אל הבל ואל מנחתו אשר הביא מצאצאי הטבע ברוח נדיבה, ואל קין הַכֵּלַי וצר העין ואל מנחתו אשר הוציא בחזקת היד מן הארץ, לא שעה. ויחר לקין מאד בראותו כי יתר שאת להבל אחיו ממנו, ויהי בהיותם בשדה ויקם קין אל הבל אחיו ויהרגהו, ואת גויתו הסתיר בבור ויכס בעפר, ויחשוב כי בזאת יסתר גם עונו, אך ה׳ אלהים אשר אין נסתר מנגד עיניו, ראה את אשר עשה וישאלהו: אי הבל אחיך? הלא שבת אחים ישבתם תמיד יחדו וזה ימים אחדים הנך יושב לבדד, ויחרד קין וידם. אך עד מהרה הרהיב בנפשו עז ויען ויאמר: גם בעיני יפלא הדבר — וכאשר האיץ בו ה׳ להגיד לו אי הבל, חרה לקין ויען עַזוּת: גם אנכי לא ידעתי איהו! השומר אחי אנכי או אֹמְנוֹ ומלמדו אשר מספר צעדיו אדע? אז דבר אליו ה׳ באפו: התדמה בנפשך כי ממני יפלא דבר? או אם יסתר פועל רע במסתרים אני לא אראה פעלו? הנה קול דמי אחיך צעקים אלי מן האדמה לקחת נקם מיד שופכם! ועתה כי עשית זאת ארור אתה מן האדמה אשר פצתה את פיה לקחת את דמי אחיך מידך! כי תעבוד את האדמה לא תסף תת כחה לך, נע ונד תהיה בארץ, אז יכנע לבב קין הערל ויחל את פני ה׳ בזבח ומנחה, גם התודה על עונו ויאמר: אהה גדול עוני מנשוא! ויאמר אליו ה׳: לא תמות — אך פקד אפקוד עונך עד דור השביעי—. ויגרש אותו ואת אשתו וַיַרְגִיזֵם ממנוחתם להיות נעים ונדים בארץ. ויירא קין מפני החיות הטורפות השואפות לדמים, ויאמר: הה ה׳! הן גרשת אותי היום ממקום מנוחתי להתנודד ברחבי ארץ, והיה כל חיה רעה אשר תמצאני אהי טרף לְשִׁנֶיהָ. וישם ה׳ לקין אות להיות מוראו וחתיתו על כל חיתו טרף, וישלחהו להתנודד בארץ מבלי מצוא מנוח לנפשו העשוקה בדמי הבל אחיו. אמנם אחרי התנודדו ימים רבים בארץ, הניח לו ה׳ מרגזו ויתנהו לשבת בארץ נוד, ושם בנה לו קין בית לשבתו ויולד בנים ובנות. אך גם אז לא היטיב את דרכיו ואת מעלליו, ויוסף עוד הרע, ויתמכר לשרירות לבו הרע, עָשַׁק עֹשֶק ויחמוס ויגזול ויעש כל תועבות ה׳ אשר שנא, גם הסית את רעיו לפלס חמס ידיהם בארץ, ולהנזר לתענוגות בשרים וחמדות נְמִבְזוֹת, ויעזור להם בכל דבר פשע וחטאה. הוא היה הראשון אשר הפריע את נעימות חיי הַתֹּם והיושר אשר היו בני האדם עד הימים ההם, בהמציאו את דרכי המדות והמשקולת למדוד ולשקול כל דבר מאכל אשר יאכל, ובלמדו את בני האדם אהבת בצע מעשקות וזמה ועגבים. הוא היה הראשון אשר הציב גבולות לשדות וגנים ואשר בנה עיר מושב מוקפת חומה. בעיר ההיא הושיב בחזקת היד בני חוֹרִים ויכניעם תחת ידו, ואת שם העיר קרא כשם בנו בכורו חנוך. וחנוך ילד את עירד, ועירד ילד את מחויאל, ומחייאל ילד את מתושאל, ומתושאל ילד את למך, ולמך היה הראשון אשר לקח לו שתי נשים, שם האחת עדה ושם השנית צלה, ושתיהן ילדו לו שבעה ושבעים בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מאין לקח המחבר את הדבר הזה, נעלם ממני ולא נדע, ובלי ספק שאב את הדיעה הזאת ממקור נאמן מספר עתיק ימים אשר אבד ממנו כספרים רבים כאלה ורמז לזה ולמך שבעים ושבעה—.</i> מבני עדה מהֻלל שֵׁם יָבָל אבי כל יושב אהל ומקנה, ושם יוּבָל אבי כל תופש כנור ועוגב. ומבני צלה היה תובל קין<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר יקרא את תובל בשם טבאל.</i> אשר גבר על אחיו בכח ידיו ואמץ זרועו ויהי אבי כל חרש ברזל ומוציא כלי קרב למעשיהם, ובכחו וגבורתו גם בכח כלי המשחית אשר המציא, הפיל אימתו ופחדו על כל סביביו ולא נבצרה ממנו כל מזמה אשר יזם לעשות. ולמך אשר ידע דעת עליון, ידע גם את האָלה ואת נקמת שדי הרובצת עוד עליו ועל בניו עד דור השביעי בגלל קין אשר שפך את דמי הבל אחיו, ויספר זאת גם לעדה וצלה נשיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע״פ הספור הזה נראה אור בשני כתובים סתומים וחתומים בס׳ בראשית (ד׳ כ״ג, כ״ד) ויאמר למך לנשיו וגו׳ כי איש הרגתי לפצעי וילד לחברתי. כי שבעתים יקם קין ולמך שבעים ושבעה, כי הנה כאשר ספר למך לנשיו כי נקמת דמי הבל אשר שפך קין רובצת עוד עליו (כי הוא היה דור הששי לקין) ועל בניו, המתיקו הנשים עצה להרוג אותו לכפר בדמו את דמי הבל, ואז תסור נקמת שדי מעל בניהן—. ובהודע עצתן הרעה ללמך הוכיח להן בדברים נמרצים כי בעשותן זאת תוספנה עוד רעה לבניהן ונקמת ה׳ תרבץ על בניהן יתר הרבה עוד. כי הן גם את דמי קין המרצח ינקום ה׳ מיד שופכם, והנקמה ההיא תמשך שבעה דורות, אף כי ההורג אותו (את למך) אשר ידיו לא שפכו את דמי הבל, הלא תרבץ נקמת ה׳ עד שבעים ושבעה דור, ובזה רמז להן גם על שבעים ושבעה בניהן אשר ילדו לו—. וזאת היא כונת דברי למך לנשיו: עדה וצלה שמען קולי וגו׳ כי האיש הרגתי לפצעי וילד לחבורתי, ר״ל הכי אנכי הרגתי את האיש הבל בעשותי בו פצעים פצעים, וילד (כי הבל היה עוד צעיר לימים) בחבורות חבורות (כאשר ארז״ל במס׳ סנהדרין ל״ז ע״ב כי קין עשה בהבל אחיו חבורות חבורות פציעות פציעות שלא היה יודע מהיכן נשמה יוצאת), ולפצעי ולחבורתי הוא כמו בפצעי ובחבורתי אשר עשיתי להבל (ע׳ מכלול לרד״ק שער דקדוק הפעלים דף מ״ה ע״ב דפוס ליק), הן כל הורג קין תרבץ נקמת שדי עליו שבעה דורות, הלא ההורג את למך יקם עד שבעים ושבעה דורות—. ובדברים נמרצים האלה הפחיד את נשיו לבל יהרגוהו.</i>--.",
+                    "ובני קין הרבו הָרֵעַ וישחיתו דרכם על הארץ לַמְרוֹת פי ה׳ גם בעוד אשר היה אדם אביהם בחיים חיתו ומה גם אחרי מותו. כי הם היו זרע מרעים ויתחרו אך להרע ויגורו מלחמות כל היום וידיהם דמים מלאו, ואם לפעמים השיב אחד מהם את ידיו מרצח וְשֶׁפֶך דם, התעיב לעומת זה עלילה בחמס וגזל ובחמדות נתעבות שכם אחד על אחיו המרצחים.",
+                    "והנה כאשר הרבו בני קין לעשות הרע בעיני ה', כן הרבו בני שת לעשות הטוב והישר בעיני אלהים. כי אחרי אשר נרצח הבל ואחרי אשר גֹרַשׁ קין מעל פני האדמה, נשאר האדם ערירי, ויתעצב מאד אל לבו, ויכסוף להוליד בנים אחרים אשר ירשו את הארץ אחריו, ואז היה בן שלשים ומאת שנה ויולד בדמותו כצלמו ויקרא את שמו שת, באמרו כי שת לי אלהים זרע אחר תחת הבל כי הרגו קין, ויהיו ימי אדם אחרי הולידו את שת שמונה מאות שנה ויולד בנים ובנות. ואנחנו לא נספר בזה תולדות כל הבנים ההם, כי יארכו מאד הדברים, ורק אדות שת בחיר הבנים ההמה, נטיף בזה אמרים קצרים; שת היה איש צדיק תמים בדורותיו, מימי עלומיו הלך במעגלי צדק, ועד יומו האחרון התהלך את האלהים, וגם את בניו הדריך בדרכי ה׳ הישרים, וילמדם לעשות אך טוב וחסד. והבנים אשר הקשיבו למצותיו ישבו שאננים בארץ מולדתם ויתענגו על רוב שלום כל ימי חייהם הם היו אבות כל יודעי חקות השמים והליכות הכוכבים והמזלות, ומדאגה בדבר פן תשכחנה הידיעות הנכבדות ההנה בדורות הבאים — כי אדם הראשון נִבָּא כבר כי בחרות אף ה׳ על רֹעַ מעללי בני דורות הבאים, יביא עליהם מבול מים מבול אש לכלותם מעל פני האדמה — על כן הקימו בני שת שני עמודים גדולים, האחד עמוד לבנים והאחד עמוד אבנים, ויחרתו עליהם את דברי החכמות והמדעים אשר המציאו ברוחב לבבם, באמרם אם יביא ה׳ מבול מים על הארץ וימח את עמוד הלבנים, והיה עמוד האבן לפליטה ודורות יולדו יראו את הרשום עליו בכתב אמת ויביאו לבב חכמה. ועל עמוד האבן חצבו בעט ברזל ועופרת ויודיעו כי הציבו גם עמוד לבנים כדמותו וכצלמו, ואם לא ימצא עוד בארץ, ידעו כי שטף מי המבול גרפו—. ועמוד אבן ההוא נצב עוד בארץ ארם (סוריא) עד היום הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>המבול. נח ובניו בבקעת שנער אחר המבול.</b><br>בני שת התהלכו במסלות ישרים ומעגלי צדק שבעה דורות, וה׳ האיר פניו אליהם וירק להם ברכות עד בלי די. אך דור השמיני סרו מארחות אבותיהם הטובים ויעשו הרע בעיני אלהים ואדם, ויתמכרו ללכת בדרכי לבם, וינזרו לְבֹשֶת וישחיתו דרכם על הארץ, עד כי חרה בם אף ה׳ עד להשחית. גם מלאכי אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר יבאר את שם ״בני האלהים״ (בראשית ו׳, ב׳-ד׳) כמו ״מלאכי אלהים״ (ענגעל גאטטעס), אך לדעת כל המפרשים הוא תאר לבני שת והוא ע״ד אני אמרתי אלהים אתם ובני עליון כלכם (תהלים פ״ב , ו׳) ועוד רבות כאלה בתנ״ך.</i> הרעו אז לעשות, כי גם הם חמדו את יפי בנות האדם בלבבם, ויקחו להם נשים מכל אשר בחרו, ויולידו בנים סוררים ומורים, אשר בטחו בכח ידיהם וזרוע עֻזם, ויבוזו לכל ארחות צדק, ויעשו אך הרע בעיני ה׳ והם דומים להנפילים אשר פי היוָנים יקבם בשם גינאנטים (גיגאנטען).",
+                    "ונח ראה את רעה בני האדם, וירע לו רעה גדולה מאד ויפלו פניו, וימַלא פיו תוכחות ויוכיחם על דרכיהם הרעים ומעלליהם הנשחתים, אך כל עמלו נשאר מָעַל, כי הם בזו לו לעגו לו, ולא הקשיבו אל כל דבריו. אז ירא נח פן יבער כמעט אף הרשעים ההם ויהרגו אותו ואת אשתו ובניו וכל אנשי ביתו, וישם על לבו לעזוב את הארץ ההיא ולהרחיק נדוד לארצות נכריות. ונח מצא חן בעיני ה׳, כי היה איש צדיק תמים בדורותיו, ויהי מָגֵן לו ולא מִגֵן אותו בידי צוררי נפשו, אך באנשי רשע ההם חרה אפו ויאמר להשחיתם ואתם יחד את כל האדם, ולהקים תחתיהם אנשים טובים וישרים, ועל כן היתה ראשית מעשהו להקציר את ימי חיי האדם עד מאה ועשרים שנה, תחת אשר עד הימים ההם היו ימי חייהם כאלף שנים, ואחרי כן הביא עליהם מבול מים וימח את כל היקום, ורק את נח הציל ממי המבול, ויצוהו לעשות לו תבה בעלת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב תחתים שנים ושלישים תעשה ועי׳ ב״ר פ׳ נח וברש״י שם.</i> ארבע מכפלות, שלש מאות אמה ארך דחבה, חמשים אמה רחבה ושלשים אמה קומתה, גם צוהו להביא אתו אל התבה מכל מאכל אשר נאכל, ומכל החי שבעה שבעה זכר ונקבה לחיות זרע על פני האדמה אחר המבול. כתלי התבה היו חזקים ומוצקים, גם מכסה התבה חזקה מאד לבל יגיע שטף מי המבול אל תוכה, ויעש נח ככל אשר צוהו ה׳, ויבא הוא ושם וחם ויפת בניו ואשתו ושלשת נשי בניו אל התבה, המה וכל החיה והבהמה וכל הרמש וכל העוף כאשר צוה ה׳, ויסגור ה׳ בעדם. נח היה הדור העשירי לאדם הראשון, כי הוא היה בן למך, בן מתושלח, בן חנוך, בן ירד, בן מהללאל, בן קינן, בן אנוש, בן שת, בן אדם.",
+                    "בשנת שש מאות שנה לחיי נח היה המבול על הארץ, בחדש השני אשר המקדונים יקראו לו בשם דְיוֹם והעברים בשם מרחשון, כי כן חלקו המצרים את חדשי השנה, ועל פי המחלקה הזאת יחשב החדש הזה לחדש השני בשנה, אך על פי תורת משה יחשב חדש אייר לחדש השני בשנה כי החדש הראשון הוא ניסן, החדש אשר היונים יקראו אותו בשם קסאנטינוס (Xantinus), יען כי בו יצאו בני ישראל ממצרים, ורֻבי המצות בעניני עבודת אלהים תעשינה על פי החשבון הזה לחדשי השנה, אולם בכל דברי ממכר וקנין ובבל הנהגות המדינה, נחשוב את חדש תשרי להחדש הראשון בשנה, ולפי החשבון הזה חדש מרחשון הוא החדש השני <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במסכת ר״ה (דף י״א ע״ב) נחלקו חכמי ישראל אדות החדש השני אשר בו החל המבול (בראשית ז׳, י״א) ר׳ אליעזר אומר זה מרחשון ור׳ יהושע אומר זה אייר (ע׳ רא״ם), ויוסף הכהן סובר כר׳ אליעזר—.</i>—. ובעדות תורת משה הוחל המבול בשבעה עשר יום לחדש הזה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר בשבעה ועשרים.</i>. מיום ברוא ה׳ את האדם עד המבול עברו <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי חשבון המחבר עברו שני אלפים ושש מאות ונ״ו שנים.</i> אלף ושש מאות וחמשים ושש שנים. החשבון הזה נמצא בתורת משה אם נחשוב את שני חיי האנשים הַמְצֻיָנִים והמהֻללים אשר היו בדורות עולמים ההם. והחשבון ההוא נחשוב מראשית עד אחרית ימי חייהם על הארץ. ",
+                    "כי אדם הראשון אשר חי תשע מאות ושלשים שנה, הוליד את שת בהיותו בן שלשים ומאת שנה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאתים ושלשים.</i>, ושת היה בן חמש שנים ומאת שנה בהולידו את אנוש <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאתים וחמשים שנה.</i>, ואנוש אשר חי חמש שנים ותשע מאות שנה, הוליד בהיותו בן תשעים שנה את קינן <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה ושמונים.</i> ויתן את ממשלתו בידו. קינן חי תשע מאות ועשר שנה, ובהיותו בן שבעים שנה הוליד את מהללאל <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה ושבעים.</i>. מהללאל חי חמש ותשעים שנה ושמונה מאות שנה, ובהיותו בן חמש שנים וששים שנה הוליד את ירד <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה וששים ושתים. על אודות כל השנוים האלה הרבו כבר חכמים וסופרים רבים לחקור ולדרוש, והדברים ארוכים מאד, ואין פה מקומם.</i>. ירד חי שתים וששים שנה ותשע מאות שנה, ובהיותו בן מאה וששים ושתים שנים הוליד את חנוך. וחנוך היה בו חמש וששים שנה ושלש מאות שנה ויקחהו אלהים ולא נדע עוד ממנו דבר, ובהיותו בן חמש וששים שנה הוליד את מתושלח, ומתושלח בהיותו בן מאה ושמנים ושבע שנים הוליד את למך ויתן את ממשלתו בידו אחרי מָשְׁלוֹ הוא לבדו תשע וששים שנה ותשע מאות שנה. ולמך משל על בני האדם שבע ושבעים שנה ושבע מאות שנה, ואז נתן את ממשלתו ביד נח בנו אשר נולד לו בהיותו בן שתים ושמנים שנה ומאת שנה, וְנֹחַ משל תשע מאות וחמשים שנה. ואם נחשוב את שנות הדורות ההם באופן הזה אשר יֵצא כאור מספר השנים מאדם עד המבול, הלא הוא <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי חשבון המחבר אלפים ותרנ״ו.</i> אלף ושש מאות וחמשים ושש שנים, אך אין לנו לחקור ולחפש אחרי אחרית בני הדורות ההם (אשר ימי חייהם נמשכו עד שִלֵשים ועד רִבֵּעִים) רק לחשוב ראשית ימי חייהם ומתי נולדו—.",
+                    "אחרי תת ה׳ אותות לבני האדם כי ישובו מדרכיהם ומהחמס אשר בכפיהם, ולא שבו, המטיר ה׳ מטרות עז מן השמים ארבעים יום וארבעים לילה מבלי הפוגה, עד אשר גברו המים חמש עשרה אמה על הארץ, ויגוע כל האדם וימח כל היקום אשר על פני האדמה. חמשים ומאת יום גברו המים, ולתקופת השנה בחדש השביעי בשבעה עשר לחדש <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר בשבעה לחדש.</i> הלכו המים הָלוֹך וחסור, ותנח התבה על אחד ההרים בארץ ארמיניה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה נקראו ההרים ההם בשם הרי אררט. וע׳ בתרגום יונתן.</i>, ויפתח נח את חלון התבה וירא כי במקומות אחדים חרבו מעט פני האדמה, ותחי רוחו. ואחרי ימים מעטים שלח את הָעֹרב מן התבה לראות אם המצא תמצא יבשת ארץ אשר יוכל לשבת בה. אך העֹרב ראה כי המים יכסו עוד את פני הארץ וישב אל נח לתוך התבה, ויחל נח שבעת ימים וישלח את היונה לראות הקלו המים מעל הארץ, ותשב גם היא אליו, כי לא מצאה מנוח לכף רגלה כי מים על פני כל הארץ, ויחל עוד שבעת ימים ויוסף שלח את היונה, ותבוא אליו לעת ערב טבולה בַבוֹץ וענף עץ זית בפיה, וידע נח כי קלו המים מעל הארץ, וייחל עוד שבעת ימים אחרים ויוצא את כל החיה אשר אתו בתבה החוצה, ואחרי כן יצא גם הוא ואשתו ובניו ונשיהם מן התבה; אך לפני צאתו ממנה, הביא קרבן לה׳, ויאכל הוא ובניו מבשר הזבח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי אחרי צאתו מן התבה בנה מזבח לה׳ ויקח מכל הבהמה הטהורה ומכל העוף הטהור ויעל עולות במזבח—.</i>. המקום אשר נחה עליו תבת נח יקראו הארמינים בשם אפובאטעריון, ופתרונו מוצא (אויסגאנג), כי שם יצא נח וכל אשר אתו מן התבה, ואנשי המקום יַרְאוֹ עד היום את שארית הפליטה אשר נשארה שם מתבת נח.",
+                    "זולת תורת משה יספרו גם סופרי העמים את דבר המבול והתבה איש איש בלשון עמו; בין הסופרים ההם, יכתוב בעראסוס הכשדי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עי׳ בספר בירוסי הכשדי להרה״ח דר׳ שלמה ראבין ווין תרמ״ב.</i> אדות המבול כדברים האלה: ״רבים אומרים כי על הרי קודרו בארץ ארמיניה יִמָצְאו עוד קרשים אחדים מקרשי התבה אשר עשה נח, ואנשי המקום יקחו מהם כֹּפר (האַרץ) לרפאות חליים רבים ושונים״. גם הירונימוס המצרי אשר כתב דברי ימי הצוֹרים, גם מנאַזעס ועוד סופרים רבים כתבו את דבר המבול והתבה ככל הכתוב בספר תורת משה. גם הסופר הנודע ניקולויס הדמשקי יכתוב בחלק התשעים וששה מספרו הגדול כדברים האלה: ״ממעל לנפת מיליאַס יתנשא בארץ ארמיניה הר גבוה אשר יִקָרֵא בשם באַריס, ואשר על פי הגדה עתיקה ברחו שם אנשים רבים בימי המבול וימלטו ממות; ואיש אחד עלה בתבה על ראש ההר ההוא וינצל ממי המבול, ושרידים מהתבה ההיא נמצאו שם ימים רבים, ואולי הוא האיש נח כפי המסֻפר בספר תורת משה״.",
+                    "ונח בצאתו מן התבה היה ירא פן יוסיף ה׳ להביא מבול על הארץ מדי שנה בשנה, ויבן מזבח לה׳ ויעל עליו עֹלֹת ויחל את פני ה׳ לבל ישוב לשחת עוד את האדם, ובפקדו אפו על הרשעים לא יספה גם את הצדיקים אתם יחד, ואז תכון תבל והאדמה תעבד ותזרע, גם יִבָּנוּ בתים ובני האדם יחַדשו ימיהם כקדם ויחיו חיי נעם כבשנים קדמוניות לפני המבול, גם יאריכו ימים על הארץ כימי אבותיהם הראשונים. ",
+                    "וישע ה׳ אל נח ואל קרבנו, וישמע בקול תפלתו, ויבטיחהו למלאות את שאלתו, כי מצא חן בעיניו בגלל צדקתו ותֹם לבבו. גם גלה את אזנו כי הוא לא יחפוץ במות הרשע כי אם בשובו מדרכיו וחיה, ולא ברצונו הביא את המבול לשחת כל בשר, רק בני האדם בחמס ידיהם ורע מעלליהם הֵסַבּוּ בנפשותם וכגמול ידם נעשה להם. ולו חפץ להשיב אנוש עד דכא ולכלותם מעל פני האדמה בשנאתו אותם, כי אז לא ברא אותם, כי טוב לבלתי תת חיים להאדם מאשר לשוב ולקחת ממנו מהר את החיים אשר נתן לו. אך יען כי נאץ נאצוני האנשים ההם, הוסיף ה׳ דבר אל נח, ויכעיסוני ברעתם וזדונם, הִמריצוני לעשות בהם שפטים ולהשיב גמול להם. אולם מעתה ועד עולם לא אוסיף עוד להכות את כל חי כאשר עשיתי, כי יצר לב האדם רע מנעוריו, ואני רחום וחנון, ורחמי על כל מעשי, גם נעתרתי אל תפלתך אשר התפללת בעד בני האדם, ולמענך למענך לא אשוב עוד להשחיתם. ואם אביא לפעמים סער מתחולל וגשם שוטף על הארץ, אל יפֹּל לב האדם, כי לא אביא עוד מבול למחות את כל היקום מתחת השמים. אך אתם אל תוסיפו לשפוך עוד דמי אדם, ואם יזיד אנוש לשפוך דם אדם, גם דמו ישפך. ולעומת זאת אתיר את ידכם לשפוך דמי חיה בהמה ועוף ולאכול את בשרם, וכל רמש אשר הוא חי נתתי לכם לאכלה, כירק עשב לפנים נתתי לכם עתה את כל, אפס כי לא תאכלו עם בשרם גם את דמם, כי הדם הוא הנפש בכל בעלי החיים. ומוראכם וחתכם יהיה על כל חית הארץ ועל כל עוף השמים ודגי הים, כי כל שַׁתִּי תחת רגליכם. ולאות ברית ביני וביניכם לבל יכרת כל בשר עוד ממי המבול, נתתי את קשתי בענן (הקשת היא בעיני היהודים כלי נשק האלהים וקשת גבורתו), והיה בענני ענן עם סער ומטר סוחף על הארץ, ונראתה הקשת בענן, וזכרתי את בריתי אשר ביני וביניכם ובין כל נפש חיה, ולא יהיה עוד המים למבול לשחת כל בשר. אחרי הדברים האלה, נעלה כבוד ה׳ מעל נח.",
+                    "ויחי נח אחר המבול שלש מאות שנה וחמשים שנה, וַיְכַל בטוב ימיו ושנותיו בנעימים, ויהי כל ימי נח תשע מאות שנה וחמשים שנה וימת. והנה מקום אתי להזהיר את הקורא לבל יעוז לפסוח על שתי הסעפים בדבר מספר שנות אבותינו הראשונים אשר חיו עד תשע מאות וששים שנה תחת אשר ימי שנותינו על הארץ רק שבעים שנה ואם בגבורות שמונים שנה, כי תורת ה׳ תמימה היא וכל דבריה אמת ואמונה, ובאמונה אֹמֶן האריכו הדורות ההם ימים ככל אשר תספר תורתנו, יען כי מצאו חן בעיני האלהים בהתהלכם לפניו בתם לבבם וצדקת נפשם, גם יען אשר הם לא התגאלו במאכל תאוה ומשקה שכרון, כי מאכלם בריאה וְשִׁקוּיָם מים חיים. אף לזאת האריך ה׳ את ימי חייהם לבעבור ילמדו עשות משפט וצדקה בארץ, ולבעבור תהי לאל ידם להתחקות על שרשי רגלי החכמות והמדעים, ולהוציא לאור את חקרי לבבם בהליכות הספירות וחקות צבא השמים, אשר לא היתה לאל ידם לבוא עד תכליתם אם לא האריכו ימים עד תשע מאות שנה למצער. גם סופרי היונים ויתר העמים יעידו כי בני הדורות הקדמונים האריכו ימים מאד ככל הכתוב בתורה, וכן יעיד גם מאַנעטאָ אשר כתב דברי ימי המצרים, גם בעראזוס אשר כתב דברי ימי הכשדים, גם הסופר מאכוס והסופר העסטיאֶאוס, גם הסופר היראָנימוס המצרי אשר כתב דברי ימי הצורים. והסופרים הנודעים העזיאס, העקאטאאוס העלאניקוס, אקוזילאאוס, עפארוס וניקולויס יכתבו כי בני הדורות ההם האריכו ימים יותר עוד מאשר כתוב בתורה, כי לפי דבריהם חיו עד אלף שנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>דור הפלגה ופלגות הלשונות</b><br>שֵׁם, יפת וחם בני נח אשר נולדו מאה שנה לפני המבול, היו הראשונים אשר הרהיבו בנפשם עז לרדת אחר המבול מראשי ההרים אל הבקעות, גם חזקו את ידי יתר האנשים לעשות כאשר עשו הם, הבקעה הראשונה אשר אִווּ למושב להם, היא הבקעה הגדולה אשר בארץ שנער. אך ה׳ החפץ בטובת האדם, צוה אותם לבל ישבו צפופים במקום ההוא, רק יפוצו ברחבי תבל וישבו ברחבה, כי בשבתם איש אצל אחיו במקום אחד, תהי מריבה ביניהם, ואיש את אחיו ידחקון, כי לא ישא אותם, המקום לשבת יחדו, ובהפרדם במרחבי התבל תפרוץ גם עבודת האדמה בכל מקומות מושבותיהם, ינוב חילם ודגנם ותירושם ירבו להחיות עמים רבים, אולם האנשים ההם היו חסרי לב ולא האזינו למצות ה׳, ועל כן באה עליהם רעה כפי רֹע מעלליהם. ויהי כאשר החלו לָרֹב בבקעה ההיא ומספרם הלך הָלֹך וגדול, צוה אותם ה׳ שנית ללכת למרחבי ארץ ולבקש להם משכנות מבטחים, אך הם לא שמעו בקולו גם בפעם הזאת. כי הם נואלו ולא האמינו כי כל טובם בא להם מיד האל הטוב המטיב לכל, ויתאמרו כי בכחם ועצם ידם עשו להם חיל, ותחת עבוד אלהים על כל הטוב אשר היטיב עמהם, הכעיסוהו עוד במזמות רֶשַׁע כֶּסֶל, ויחשבו מחשבת אָוֶן כי רק בשנאתו אותם יחפוץ להפיצם בארצות רבות, לבעבור יקל לו אז להנחֵת ידו עליהם ולדכאם תחת רגליו.",
+                    "למחשבת רעה וחטאת מרי כזאת הדיח עוד אותם נמרוד נכד חם, ביתר עָז, כי בהיותו עז נפש וגבור עריץ, פתה אותם להאמין כי לא יד ה׳ רק ידם עשתה להם כל החיל אשר להם, כי ה׳ אויב ומתנקם הוא לבני האדם, וכל מחשבות לבו רק רע עליהם כל הימים. גם הבטיח להם כי הוא (נמרוד) יהי זרֹעם לבקרים ויצילם מיד ה׳ בכל עת אשר יחפוץ להרע להם ולהשחיתם, באמרו כי הוא יבנה להם מגדל רם ונשא אשר שיאו יניע עד לב השמים ומי המבול לא יגיעו עד מְרוֹם קצו, ואז יקח נקם מאת ה׳ על אשר המית את אבותיהם וישחיתם במי המבול.",
+                    "וכל עם הארץ נפתו לדברי נמרוד ויתמכרו לבנות את המגדל ולהתגרות באלהים, ובהיות מספרם רב ועצום מאד, לא נבצרה מהם את אשר יזמו לעשות, ובימים לא כבירים התנשא המגדל ושיאו לעב הגיע. אך בהיותו רחב במאד מאד, לא נכר גבהו וְשִׂיא חָסנו ורומו למראה עינים. המגדל נבנה מלבנים שרופות אשר נָטוֹחוּ בַּכֹּפֶר אשה אל אחותה עד כי שטף מים רבים לא יכלו לגעת בו לרעה, וירא ה׳ את מעשיהם וינאץ, ואף כי היה להם משפט מות על הכעיסם את ה' ולא לקחו מוסר מאבותיהם אשר נִמחו במי המבול, בכל זאת לא אבה ה׳ השחיתם, רק בלל את שפתם עד כי לא שמעו איש את שפת רעהו. המקום אשר בנו שם את המגדל, יקרא כעת בשם בבל, כי שם בלל ה׳ את שפת כל הארץ. בנין המגדל ופלגות הלשונות, נזכרו גם בדברי הנביאה לגוים הנקובה בשם סיבילה, הלא כה דבריה: בהיות כל הארץ שפה אחת, בנו בני האדם מגדל גבוה מאד לעלות בו אל השמים. אך האלהים הטיל סער גדול וחזק בארץ, ויהרוס את המגדל, גם ברא לכל אחד מבוני המגדל ניב שפתים שונה מניב שפת רעהו, ועל כן נקראה גם העיר אשר נבנתה על המקום ההוא בשם בבל, כי שם בלל אלהים את שפת הארץ ויפלג את לשונות בני האדם. בקעת שנער נזכרה גם בדברי הספר העסטיאאוס, ואלה דבריו: רבים אומרים כי הכהנים אשר נשארו עוד בחיים, לקחו את קדשי צעאוס ענאליוס ויביאום אל שנער בארץ בבל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תפוצות בני נח ברחבי התבל.</b><br>אחרי אשר בלל ה׳ את שפת בני האדם, נפוצו מבבל על פני כל הארץ, איש איש אל המקום אשר היתה שם רוח ה׳ להושיבם שם, עד כי מלאו את יבשת הארץ (פעסטלאנד), את ארץ הבינים (ביננענלאנד) ואת ארץ החוף (אופערלאנד), ורבים חרפו נפשם לעבור באניות בימים ויאחזו באיי הים. עמים אחדים לא שנו את שמם הקדמוני עד היום הזה, ואחדים שנו אותו כטוב וכישר בעיניהם, ואחרים הסבו את שמותיהם לשמות ידועים לעמי הארצות הקרובות אל מקומות מושבותיהם, גם היונים קראו לעמים אחדים שמות חדשים בלשון עמם, והדבר הזה נחשב בעיניהם לכבוד ולתפארת, ואחרי כן הכבידו את ידיהם עליהם ללכת בחקותיהם כאלו חֻצבו מצור היונים מאז ומעולם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>שמות העמים כשמות בני נח.</b><br>בני נח הולידו בנים אשר שמותיהם נקראו על העמים בארצות מושבותיהם אחרי תפוצות בני האדם, כי האנשים ההם היו מהֻללים ויקרים בעיני כל העמים ולכבודם קראו את ארצות מושבותיהם כשמותם. יפת בן נח הוליד שבעה בנים, הלא הם: גֹמֶר ומגוג ומדי ויון ותֻבל ומשך ותירס. ומושבם מהרי טוירוס ואמאנוס עד נהר טוירוס בארץ אזיה, ובארץ איירופא היה מושבם ער ארץ גאדירא אשר לא ישב שם אדם עד הימים ההם; ועל כן נקראו גם העמים היושבים בארצות ההם כשמות בני יפת, כי העם אשר פי היונים יקבנו כעת בשם גאלאטים (גאלאטער), נקראו לפנים בשם גֹמרים (גאמארענזער) על שם גֹמר בן יפת. העם אשר היונים יקראו לו בשם סקיטים, נקרא בימי קדם בשם מגוגים (מאגאגענזער) על שם מגוג בן יפת. העם הנודע בפי היונים בשם מדים (מעדער), נקרא כן גם בדורות הראשונים על שם מדי בן יפת אביהם. בני היאנים והגריכים נקראו על שם יון בן יפת אביהם. העם הנקרא בשם תובלים (טהאבעלער) הם בני תֻבל בן יפת, וכעת יכנו בשם עִבֶּרִים (איבעריער). המאסאָכים (מאסאָכענער) נקראים על שם משך בן יפת, ואף כי בימים האלה הם נקראים בשם קאפאדאצים (קאפאדאציער), בכל זאת נודעו בתוכם עד היום עקבות שמם הראשון, כי בארצם בנויה עיר מַסַקָה אשר כל יודעי מחקרי הלשונות ידעו ויבינו כרגע כי בשם הזה נקראו יושביה בימים הקדמונים, והוא על שם משך אביהם. תירס בן יפת קרא את העמים אשר משל בם בשם תירסים (טהירער) על שמו, והיונים הסבו את שם תירסים לשם טְראַסים (טהראציער). אלה הם העמים צאצאי יפת בן נח. בני גמר אשכנז וריפת ותוגרמה, בני אשכנז הם האשכנזים אשר היונים יקראו להם רעגינים (רהעגינער). בני ריפת הם הריפתים (ריפאטאער) הנקובים כעת בשם פאפלאגאנים (פאפלאגאניער). ובני תוגרמה הם התוגרמים (טהארגאמאער), והיונים יקראו להם פריגים (פריגער). בני יון אלישה ותרשיש וכתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי בני יון הם ארבעה, שלשה הנקובים גם בזה בשמותם והרביעי הוא דדנים (בראשית י׳, ד׳).</i>. בני האלישים (עליזאער) נקראו על שם אלישה, וכעת הם נקראים בשם עאלים (עאלער). התרשישים נקראו על שם תרשיש, וכיום הם נקראים בשם קיליקים, כי קיליקיא נקראה לפנים בשם תרשיש, ועד נאמן על זה הוא שם עיר הבירה והמהללה בארץ קיליקיא הנקראת בשם תרשיש עד היום הזה. כתים ירש את האי כתים (כעתימה) אשר יקרא כיום בשם ציפערן. ועל כן יקראו היהודים את כל האיים והנפות אשר על הים בשם איי או ארץ כתים כשם האי ההוא. ועד היום נמצאת עיר אחת בארץ כתים (ציפרוס) הנקראת בשם כתים ובפי היונים כִּתְּיוּם. אלה הם העמים צאצאי יפת.",
+                    "ובני חם כוש ומצרים ופוט וכנען, ובניהם אחריהם ישבו בארץ ארם (סוריא) ובהר אמאניוס והר הלבנון עד הים, וגבולם עד ים אוקינוס (אצעאן). שמות העמים צאצאי חם נשכחו קצתם מפי יושבי הארץ, וקצתם נשחתו בפי עם הארץ עד כי לא נכיר עוד מוצאותיהם מקדם, ורק שמות אחדים נשארו עוד עד היום הזה. אך שֵׁם כוש, אחד מארבעה בני חם, נשאר על מתכונתו ולא נגעה בו יד העת לשנותו, כי בני עטיאפיע, אשר כוש בן חם מלך עליהם, נקראים בפי כל יושבי אזיה בשם כושים עד היום הזה. גם שם מצרים בן חם נשאר על מכונו, כי יושבי ארצנו (ארץ יהודה) יקראו את ארץ עגיפטען בשם ארץ מצרים ואת יושביה בשם מצרים. פוט בן חם כונן מוצאות (קאלאניען) בארץ לוב (לוביען) ויקרא את יושבי הארץ פוטים על שמו. גם בארץ מוריטאניה ימצא נהר אחד אשר שמו פוט, והנהר הזה גם הארץ אשר אצלו הנקראת כשמו, נזכרים פעמים רבות בפי סופרי היונים. בימים האלה תקרא ארץ לוב (ליביען) על שם להבים אחד מבני מצרים. אך מדוע תקרא הארץ הזאת גם בשם אפריקא, יראה הקורא במרוצת דברי הספר הזה. כנען בן חם ישב בארץ הנודעת כעת בשם ארץ יהודה, ולפנים נקראה ארץ כנען על שמו. כוש הוליד ששה בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טעות המעתיק יש בזה וצ״ל חמשה בנים, והם סבא וחוילה וסבתה ורעמה וסבתכא (בראשית י׳, ז׳). ולפי הנראה חשב יוזיפוס גם את נמרוד בן כוש (שם ח׳) ואין בזה טעות.</i>. ומהם סְבָא אבי הסבאים (סאבאער), חוילה הוא אבי משפחת החוילי (עווילאער) הנקובים כעת בשם גאטולים. סבתה אבי הַסַבְתִּינִים אשר היונים יקראו להם אסטאבארים. סבתכא אבי הסבתכנים. רעמה אבי הרעמונים. ובני רעמה שבא ודדן. דדן הוא אבי הדודנים היושבים בין הכושים בארץ מבוא השמש, ושבא הוא אבי השבאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלכי שבא וסבא נזכרו בספר תהלים (ע״ב י׳), מלכת שבא. (מ״א ז׳ א׳), ומכרום לשבאים (יואל ד׳, ח׳), ותפל שבא ותקחם (איוב א׳, ט״ו).</i>. נמרוד בן כוש ישב בין הבבלים ויהי עליהם למלך. מצרים הוליד שמונה בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אולי חשב גם את פלשתים (בראשית י׳, י״ד)—.</i>, ומושבם מעזה עד קצה ארץ מצרים, ובבל זאת נקרא חבל הארץ הזאת בשם פלשתים, והיונים יקראו חלק אחד ממנה בשם פלישתני. מיתר משפחות בני מצרים, הלא הם לודים, ענמים ולהבים (אשר כונן מוצאות בארץ ליביען ויקרא לה בשמו), נפתוחים, פתרוסים, כסלוחים וכפתורים לא ידענו כמעט מאומה בלתי אם שמותיהם, יען כי במלחמת עטיאָפּיען, אשר נדבר על אֹדותיה הלאה, נהרסו עריהם עד היסוד ולא נדע מה היה להם. וכנען ילד את צידון בכורו, אשר בנה עיר בארץ פיניציה ויקרא לה צידון כשמו, וזה שמה בפי היונים עד היום הזה. גם ילד את החמתי היושב בחמת, והיא עיר בנויה גם בימים האלה ויושביה יקראו לה חמת, אך המקרונים יכנוה בשם עפיפאניה כשם מלכה הקדמון; את הָאַרְוָדִי היושב באי ארוד (אראדוס); ואת הערקי היושב בעיר ערקי (Arce) בהר הלבנון. מיתר שבעת בני כנען, הלא הם: חת, יבוסי, אמורי, גרגשי, חוי, סיני וצמרי לא הודיעה לנו תורתנו הקדושה רק את שמותיהם, יען כי העברים הרסו את עריהם כליל ויכחידום מן הארץ. ",
+                    "על פי הנסבה הזאת כאשר שבה הארץ אחר המבול לאיתנה הראשון, החל נח לעבוד את האדמה ולנטוע כרמים, ובימי בציר ענבים שתה מן היין אחרי אשר הביא קרבן לה׳, וישכר ויישן שנת תרדמה על הארץ ויתגל בתוך אָהֳלֹה. וירא חם אבי כנען את ערות אביו, ובבוז וקלון ולצון הגיד זאת לאחיו, והם כסו את ערות אביהם, ובהודע זאת לנח בצאת היין מאתו, ברך את שם ויפת ויקלל את כנען בן חם, כי את חם לא אבה לקלל בהיותו בנו היוצא מחלציו, ויקלל את כנען ואת כל בניו קללה נצחת, והקללה ההיא רבצת כל ימי עולם על בני כנען, ובהשחיתם עוד את דרכם על הארץ, נתנם ה׳ בידי העברים (צאצאי שֵׁם) לעשות בהם שפטים, כאשר נספר זאת במרוצת דברינו בספר הזה.",
+                    "בני שם עילם ואשור וארפכשד ולוד וארם, ומושבם בארץ אזיה מנהר פרת עד ים הודו. עילם הוא אבי העילמים (עלאמאער) אשר מהם יצאו הפרסים. אשור בנה את נינוה העיר הגדולה, וילכוד את העמים אשר ישבו בארץ ההיא ויקרא להם אשורים כשמו. ארפכשד רדד תחתיו את העם הנודע כיום בשם כשדים (כאלדאער) ויקרא את שמו עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארפכשד מרכב משם ארף ומשם כשד, ועל שם כשד קרא את העם ההוא כשדים, ורק ע״פ הדבר הזה נבין את כונת המחבר בזה.</i> וימשל בם. ארם הוליד ארבעה בנים: עוץ וחול וגתר וָמש. עוץ בנה את טרכוֹניטוּס ואת דמשק אשר בין פלישתיני (ארץ ישראל) ובין חול־סוריא (Cölesyrien). עוץ משל בארמיניה, גתר בבאקטריה, וָמש מלך על המשים (מעסאנאער) אשר בגבול ארצם ימצא כעת הנוף Spasinu Charax.",
+                    "ארפכשר הוליד את שלח, ושלח ילד את עבר אשר על שמו נקראו היהודים בראשונה בשם עברים. ולעבר יֻלד שני בנים, שם האחד פלג, כי נולד בעת אשר נפלגה הארץ למספר יושביה, ושם השני יקטן. ויקטן ילד את אלמודד ואת שלף, ואת חצרמות ואת ירח, ואת הדורם ואת אוזל ואת דקלה, ואת עובל ואת אבימאל ואת שבא, ואת אופיר ואת חוילה ואת יובב. ויהי מושבם על נהר קאפענע בארץ הודו גם בארץ אריה הסמוכה לה. כל אלה בני שם. ועתה נדבר דברים מעטים על תולדות העברים. פלג בן עבר הוליד את רעו, ורעו הוליד את שרוג, ושרוג הוליד את נחור, ונחור הוליד את תרח, ותרח הוליד את אברהם, ועשרה דורות עברו מנח עד אברהם, ונולד מאתים ותשעים ושתים שנה אחר המבול, כי תרח היה בן שבעים שנה בהולידו את אברהם, נחור היה בן מאה ועשרים שנה בהולידו את תרח <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי נחור היה בן תשע ועשרים שנה בהולידו את תרח (בראשית י״א, כ״ד).</i>, ושרוג היה בן מאה ושלשים ושתים בהולידו את נחור <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב שלשים שנה (שם כ״ב).</i>, ורעו היה בן מאה ושלשים בהולידו את שרוג <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שתים ושלשים שנה (שם כ׳).</i>, גם פלג היה בן מאה ושלשים בהולידו את רעו <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שלשים שנה (שם י״ח).</i>; ועבר הוליד את פלג בהיותו בן מאה ושלשים וארבע שנים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארבע ושלשים שנה (שם י״ז).</i>. ארפכשד הוליד את שלח בהיותו בן מאה ושלשים וחמש שנים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חמש ושלשים שנה (שם י״ב).</i>, אך ארפכשד בן שם נולד בשנת שתים עשרה אחר המבול <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנתים אחר המבול (שם י׳). והנה כל המספרים האלה סותרים את מספר השנים אשר בתורה, וסותרים לפעמים גם את דברי עצמו, כי פעם יאמר כי אברהם נולד מאתים ותשעים שנה אחר המבול, ופעם אחרת נראה מחשבונו כי הוא נולד תשע מאות ותשעים ושלש שנים אחר המבול. ואנחנו לא נדע מה היה ליוזיפוס בכל השנוים והסתירות האלה, ואולי היתה יד המעתיק הראשון במעל הזה.</i>. ולאברהם היו שני אחים, שם האחד נחור ושם השני הרן, והרן הוליד את לוט בנו גם שתי בנות, האחת שרי ושם השנית מִלכה; וימת הרן על פני תרח אביו בעיר אוּר בארץ כשדים, וקברו נמצא שם עד היום הזה. ואברהם ונחור לקחו להם את בנות הרן אחיהם לנשים, אברהם לקח את שרי, ונחור את מִלכה. ויתאבל תרח על הרן בנו אשר נקטף בלי יומו, ויקץ בחייו ולא יכול לשבת עוד בארץ כשדים, ארץ אשר בה מת בנו מחמל נפשו, ויקח את אברם בנו ואת לוט בן הרן בן בנו ואת שרי כלתו אשת אברם ויצאו מאור כשדים ויבואו עד חרן בארץ ארם נהרים וישבו שם, ושם מת תרח בן חמש שנים ומאתים שנה, כי בימים ההם לא האריכו עוד בני האדם ימים על הארץ כבני הדורות הראשונים אשר היו לפני המבול, ובדור משה לא חיו בני האדם רק עד מאה ועשרים שנה, וגם הוא (משה) לא האריך ימים יותר ממאה ועשרים שנה, ומאז והלאה הקציר ה׳ עוד את ימי חיי האדם על הארץ כיום הזה. מִלכה ילדה לנחור שמונה בנים: את עוץ ואת בוז, ואת קמואל ואת כשד ואת חזו, ואת פלדש ואת ידלף ואת בתואל. ופילגשו ושמה ראומה ילדה לו את טבח ואת גחם ואת תחש ואת מעכה, ובתואל בן נחור יָלד את רבקה ואת לבן."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מסעי אברהם מכשדים לארץ כנען.</b><br>ואברהם הלך ערירי אין לו בן, ויקח לו את לוט בן הרן אחיו ואחי שרי אשתו ויאמצהו לו לְבֵן. ובהיותו בן חמש ושבעים שנה צוה אותו ה' לצאת מארץ כשדים ארצה כנען, ויעש כאשר צוהו ה׳ וישב בארץ כנען גם הוריש אותה לבניו אחריו. אברהם היה חכם לבב ורב תבונות, בעל שפת נאמנים ולשון למודים מאין כמוהו. וברֹחב לבבו התחקה על הליכות אֵל עולם. בצדקתו וישרתו עשה לו שם גדול בארץ, ויקו כי באה העת לפקוח עיני בני האדם לראות כי כל אלהי העמים אלילים, הבל ומעשה תעתועים, וישנו רק אל אחד, אֵל אמת קונה שמים וארץ המחיה את הכל ובטובו נחיה כלנו. והוא היה הראשון אשר ערב את לבבו להוכיח לכל כי אליליהם אפס ותהו, הבל ואין בהם מועיל, ורק ה׳ אלהים, אל אחד, הוא אלהים אמת ומלך עולם. דעת אלהים באה בלבבו בהתבוננו על הים ועל היבשה, על השמש והירח ועל כל צבא מרום וחליפות הליכותיהם ומסלוליהם, כי חשב למשפט: אם היו כל אלה אלהים אדירים וזרֹעם מֹשְלָה להם לעשות בשמים ובארץ כטוב וכישר בעיניהם, כי אז לא היו חליפות למו ולא שִׁנו את משטריהם כפעם בפעם, אין זאת כי אם עבדים הם ויד אל אחד שלטת בם לשמור את החקים אשר נתן להם. וממוצא דבר נדע ונשכיל כי הם לא ייטיבו לבני האדם בכחם ואילותם, כי נתונים נתונים הם בידי אל שדי המושל בם כרצונו, ורק לו יאות הכבוד וההוד, כל רנה כל תפלה וקול תודה. אך הכשדים גם הארמים נִחֲרוּ בו וירדפוהו תחת רָדפוֹ טוב, על כן יצא מארץ כשדים ויסע על פי ה' ארצה כנען, וה' ברכו בכל ובארץ ההיא בנה אברהם מזבח ויעל עֹלות ויקרא שם בשֵׁם ה'.",
+                    "הסופר בעראזוס הכשדי יכתוב אֹדות אברהם אבינו, מבלי הזכיר את שמו, כדברים האלה: בדור העשירי אחר המבול חי איש צדיק אשר ידיו רב לו בחכמת תולדות השמים וצבאם. והסופר היקאטאֶאוּס כתב אדות אברהם ספר מיוחד. והסופר ניקולויס מדמשק כתב בספר הרביעי מספרו דברי ימי עולם, לאמר: ״אברהם בא עם אנשי חילו מארץ כשדים אשר ממעל לארץ בבל, לעיר דמשק לגור בה וימלוך בתוכה, ואחרי ימים לא כבירים נסע יצא גם מדמשק וילך לארץ כנען הנקראת כעת ארץ יהודה, ושם פרץ מאד הוא ומשפחתו כאשר אספר במקום אחר״. ועד היום הזה גדול ומהלל מאד שם אברהם בפי יושבי דמשק, ובארץ דמשק יִמָצֵא כפר אחד הנקרא בשם מצודת אברהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>רעב בארץ כנען. אברהם ירד מצרימה. תשובתו לכנען.</b><br>ויהי רעב בארץ כנען, וירד אברהם מצרימה, לבעבור ישבע מטובה בימי רעבון, גם לבעבור לַמֵד דעת אלקים אמת את כהני מצרים הנצמדים ללא־אלהים, אך מדעתו את המצרים כי רודפי זמה הם ולבם בוער לאהבת נשים, על כן ירא פן יהרגהו מלך מצרים על דבר אשתו היפה בנשים, ויבקש את אשתו כי תאמר אחותו היא, למען ייטב לשניהם. ויהי כבוא אברהם מצרימה ויראו שרי פרעה את שרה כי יפה היא מאד, ויהללו אותה אל פרעה, ותֻּקח האשה בית פרעה, ותבער בלבו אש החשק. אך ה׳ מנע אותו מנגוע בה, וינגע אותו ואת ביתו נגעים גדולים ויפל עליהם מהומה ובלהות. וישאל פרעה את פי הכֹּהנים מדוע חרה בו אף האלהים ובמה יכפר פניהם? ויאמרו לו כי על דבר אשת האיש אשר לקח יחרה בו אף האלהים, כי היא בעולת בעל, ויירא פרעה מאד וישאל את פי שרה מי היא ומי האיש ההולך עמה? ותגד לו שרה כי היא אשתו והוא אישה. ויקרא פרעה לאברהם ויאמר מה זאת עשית לי? למה לא הגדת לי כי אשתך היא? כי לו ידעתי זאת, לא לקחתי אותה אל ביתי, כי באָמרך אחותך היא, היתה את נפשי לקחתה לי לאשה, ועתה הנה אשתך קח ולך. ויתן לאברהם מתנות רבות כיד המלך, גם נתן לו רשיון לבוא בסוד כהני מצרים וחכמיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פה מקום אתי להעיר אוזן הקורא אדות דבר נפלא אשר יספר המחבר בספר מלחמות היהודים (ספר חמישי, פרק תשיעי), כי הוא בתוך דבריו אשר דבר על לבות גבורי ירושלים להכנע תחת יד טיטוס לבל ירע וישחית את עיר ה׳ ואת בית מקדשו, אמור יאמר כדברים האלה: ״פרעה נכו, מלך מצרים לפנים, התנפל באלפי גבוריו על ארצנו (ארץ יהודה) ויקח בחזק יד את שרה המלכה אם ישרון. ומה עשה אז אברהם אבינו? הלקח ממנו נקם בחרב ובחנית? לא! כי אף בהיות לו שלש מאות ושמונה עשר פחות הסרים אל משמעתו, אשר לכל אחד מהם היה חיל רב אין מספר, בכל זאת לא בטח בגבורות כל גבוריו ההם רק בשם ה׳ אלהיו, וישא את ידיו הטהורות אל המקום הקדוש הזה אשר אתם (הקנאים) מחללים אותו, ויתפלל אל ה׳ והוא לחם לו את פרעה נכו. כי בערב השני השיב פרעה את המלכה אל אברהם אישה מבלי אשר נגע בה, ויתפלל אל המקום הזה אשר אתם שופכים בו דמי אחיכם, כי בעתוהו חלומות וחזיונות לילה חתתוהו, וינס מהמקום הנורא הזה ויתן כסף רב וזהב כביר להעברים אהובי ה׳, עד כה דבריו. ומי לא יתפלא על הספור הזה? הלא תורתנו הנאמנה תספר כי ברדת אברהם מצרימה מפני הרעב אשר בארץ כנען, רק שם לקחה שרה בית פרעה, אך פרעה לא התנפל בארץ יהודה וישדוד שם את שרה. פרעה ההוא לא היה פרעה נכו, כידוע לכל, מדוע כנה את שרה אמנו בשם מלכה? (ע׳ מ״ר פרשה לך, י״ג ה׳ — גם המחבר יכתוב בשם ניקולויס הדמשקי כי אברהם היה מלך בדמשק, ובגלל זה יכנה את שרה בשם מלכה.) לא מצינו כי היו לאברהם שלש מאות ושמונה עשר פחות סרים אל משמעתו ולכל אחד מהם אנשי חיל אין מספר — וכל היודע למצוא פשר דבר בספור הזה, יודוהו כל החפצים צדקת יוזיפוס—.</i>. ושם אברהם נשמע בכל ארץ מצרים, וכל יושבי הארץ נתנו לו כבוד והדר בגלל חכמתו הגדולה. ",
+                    "ובימים ההם נפלגו המצרים במדותיהם ובעבודות אלהיהם לפלגות רבות ושונות, וכל אחת מהן התאמצה להבזות את מדות רעותה ועבודת אלהיה ומלחמה ארוכה היתה ביניהן כל הימים. ואברהם בהיותו במצרים התוכח עם כל פלגה ופלגה ויוכח בחכמתו הרבה כי כלן יחד תועות בתהו לא דרך, וכל היסודות לעבודות אלהיהם ישא רוח יקח הבל, ויתמהו כל חכמי מצרים על חכמת לבבו ועל רחב בינתו, וכל העם האמינו כי רוח אלהים בקרבו וציר ממרום הוא לבשר קֹשְט אמרי אמת ודעת אלהים בארץ. וראשית דרכו היתה ללמד את המצרים דרכי החשבון (אריטמעטיק) וחכמת התכונה (אסטראנאמיע) אשר עד הימים ההם כמו זר נחשבו בארץ מצרים. ואחרי אשר קבלו המצרים את החכמות ההן מפי אברהם, שבו וילמדו אותן להיונים.",
+                    "בשוב אברהם ארצה כנען, נפרד מעל לוט, כי לא נשא אותם הארץ לשבת יחדו, ויהי ריב בין רֹעי מקנה אברהם ובין רעי מקנה לוט על דבר מקומות המרעה לעדריהם, ואברהם נתן יד ללוט לבחור לו את הארץ הטובה והישרה בעיניו, ואז בחר אברהם בארץ הררי אשר בז לוט, ואוה את עיר חברון למושב לו, וחברון נבנתה שבע שנים לפני עיר צוען (טאניס)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וכן העתיקו גם שבעים הזקנים (בספר במדבר י״ג, כ״ב. ישעיה י״ט, י״א — י״ג. שם ל׳, ד׳. יחזקאל ל׳, י״ד. תהלים ע״ח מ״ג), והוא נכון, כי הטי״ת והצד״י מתחלפות בלשונות המזרחיות, כידוע, וכן תרגם גם אונקלוס ויונתן טאניס דמצרים. וע׳ בספר מחקרי ארץ בשם צען.</i> אשר בארץ מצרים, ולוט בחר בבקעה אשר על הירדן, בקרבת סדום אשר היתה אז בימי הצלחתה ואשר אחרי כן נהפכה בעֶברת ה׳ צבאות עד כי גם עקבותיה לא נודעו עוד, כאשר נספר במרוצת דברינו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מפלת סדום בידי האשורים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויהי בימי אמרפל מלך שנער, אריוך מלך אלסר, כדרלעמר מלך עילם ותדעל מלך גוים (בראשית י״ד , א׳), ויוזיפיס יקרא להם אשורים, ולפי זה מלכו המלכים ההם בארץ אשור—.</i>.</b><br>בימים ההם מלכו האשורים באזיה, ואנשי סדום ישבו בטח ושלות השקט להם מסביב, הון ועשר בביתם וחילם ינוב מיום ליום, ובחורים גבורי כח רבים ועצומים עמדו לימינם ויהיו עליהם סִתרה, חמשה מלכים מלכו עליהם: ברע בסדום, בִּרשע בעמורה, שנאב באַדְמָה, שמאבר בצבוים, גם מלך אחד בעיר בלע היא צוער. ובימים ההם עלו עליהם האשורים למלחמה ויחלקו לארבע מחנות ועל כל מחנה שר צבא אחד, ויערכו על אנשי סדום מלחמה ויכום וישימו עליהם מס. שתים עשרה שנה עבדו מלכי סדום את האשורים ושלש עשרה שנה מרדו ובארבע עשרה שנה עלו האשורים שנית להלחם בהם. שמות מלכי האשורים ההם היו אמרפל, אריוך, כדרלעמר ותדעל. המלכים ההם בזוו תחלה את כל ארץ ארם ויכו את הענקים, ואחרי בן באו ארצה סדום ויחנו בעמק הנקרא בשם עמק בארות הזפת (פעכברוננענטהאל)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ״בעמק השדים״ (בראשית י״ד, ח׳).</i>, כי בעת ההיא היו בעמק ההוא בארות (זפת) במספר רב, אך אחרי מהפכת סדום נהפך כל הככר ההוא לים הנקרא כעת בשם ים הכֹּפר (אספאלטישעס זעע)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה נקרא הים הזה בשם ים המלח או ים הערבה, ובפי סופרי חול בשם ים המת גם ים סדום.</i>, אשר נדבר עוד על אדותיו בספר הזה. במלחמה ההיא נפלו עם רב מאנשי סדום בחרב ורבים לקחו בשביה, ובין השבוים. היה גם לוט בן אחי אברהם אשר בא לעזרת סדום במלחמה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>אברהם הכה את האשורים ויצל את לוט ואת אנשי סדום.</b><br>ויבא אחד מפליטי המלחמה ויגד לאברהם כי נגפו הסדומים במלחמה וכי נשבה לוט בן אחיו, ויצר לו מאד, וירק את חניכיו ילידי ביתו וירדוף אחרי האשורים וישיגם בלילה החמישי אצל דן (הוא מעין מים הנקרא בשם הזה), ויפל עליהם פתאֹם ויך אחדים מהם בעודם ישנים לבטח, ורבים מהם אשר היו שכורי יין, החריד וינוסו מפניו. וביום המחרת רדף אחריהם עד עיר חובה אשר בגבול דמשק, וַיָשֶׁב את כל הרכוש, וגם את לוט ואת רכושו השיב, וגם את הנשים ואת העם אשר לקחו האשורים בשביה. במלחמה ההיא הוכיח אברהם לעיני כל כי לא ברוב אנשי חיל יתגבר תמיד הלוחם במלחמה, רק במהירות ובאמץ רוח יצליח הגבור גם במתי מעט. כי אברהם התגבר על ארבעת מלכי אשור ההם רק בשלש מאות ושמונה עשר איש אשר ברגליו ושלשה אוהביו ענר אשכל וממרא. ופליטי מחנה האשורים שבו בבושת פנים לארצם.",
+                    "אחרי אשר הציל אברהם את אנשי סדום ואת לוט בן אחיו, שב אל מקומו בשלום. ויצא מלך סדום לקראתו עד המקום הנקרא בשם שדה המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויצא מלך סדום לקראתו וגו׳ אל עמק שוה הוא עמק המלך (בראשית י״ד, י״ז).</i>, ושם קדם גם מלכי־צדק מלך שלם את פניו. ומלכי־צדק היה איש צדיק וכשמו כן הוא, ועל כן נבחר מאת אנשי המקום למלך גם לכהן לאל עליון. ושלם נקראה אחרי כן בשם ירושלים. מלכי־צדק הוציא לחם ויין רב לאנשי החיל אשר לאברהם, ובעת אשר אכלו לחם הִלַל את אברהם על גבורתו ואמץ לבו, ויודה לה׳ על אשר מגן צריו בידו, ואברהם נתן למלכי־צדק מעשר מכל השלל אשר בידו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ויתן לו מעשר מכל (שם כ׳) ר״ל אברהם נתן למלכי צדק מעשר מכל השלל אשר בידו משלל ארבעת המלכים.</i>. ומלך סדום אמר לאברהם תן לי את האנשים אשר הצלת אותם מידי שוביהם ואת כל הרכוש והשלל קח לך, אך אברהם נשבע בשם ה׳ כי לא יקח מחוט ועד שרוך נעל מכל הרכוש אשר השיב, רק אשר אכלו הנערים וחלק שלשת מרעיו אשר הלכו אתו במלחמה, והם ענר אשכל וממרא, הם יקחו את חלקם.",
+                    "המעשה הטוב הזה אשר עשה אברהם, מצא חן בעיני ה׳, ויבטיחהו שכר רב ורב טוב על צדקתו ותֹם לבבו. אך אברהם דבר במר נפשו: ה׳ אלהים ומה תתן לי ואנכי הולך ערירי ובן משק ביתי יורש אותי — והנה דבר ה׳ אליו: לא יירשך זה כי אם אשר יצא ממעיך הוא יירשך, והיה זרעך ככוכבי השמים אשר לא יוכל איש לספור אותם. ואברהם הקריב קרבן לה׳ על הבטחתו הנאמנה, והקרבן ההוא היה על פי ה׳ אשר צוהו כי יקח לו עגלה משלשת ועז משלשת ואיל משֻלש ותור וגוזל, ויבתר אותם אברהם בַּתָּוֶך כאשר צוהו ה׳, אך את הצפור (התור והגוזל) לא בתר. ובטרם הֻקם המזבח עופפו הצפרים הטורפות סביבות הפגרים לשתות את דמיהם, והנה קול קורא אל אברהם: ידֹע תדע כי גר יהיה זרעך בארץ מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה לא נזכרה פה ארץ מצרים רק בארץ לא להם (בראשית ט״ו , י״ג), גם כל דברי ברית בין הבתרים כתב יוזיפוס בקצרה רק לקוראי ספרו (היונים והרומאים) ולא לנו בני ישראל—.</i> ועבדום וענו אותם, ואחרי כן יתגברו על אויביהם גם יכניעו את הכנענים תחת ידיהם ויירשו את ארצם ואת עריהם.",
+                    "בימים ההם ישב אברהם אצל האֵלה (אייכע) הנקוב בשם אגיגעס:<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לא אדע פשר הדבר.</i> (הוא מקום בארץ כנען בקרבת עיר חברון), ודאגה שברה לבו כי עודנו הולך ערירי, ויתפלל תמיד אל ה׳ לברך אותו בבן אשר יירשנו, ויענהו ה׳ ויבטיחהו שנית כי הבן אשר יצא מחלציו הוא יירשהו וִיהִי מאֻשר בארץ כל הימים. ושרה אשת אברהם לקחה על פי ה׳ את שפחתה הגר המצרית ותתן אותה לאישה למען תלד לו בנים ולא ילך עוד ערירי וְתִבָּנֶה גם היא ממנה. ויבא אברהם אל הגר ותהר, ותרא כי הרתה ותקל גברתה בעיניה, בתקותה כי בנה אשר תלד יירש את אברהם אביו, והשפחה תירש גברתה. וירע הדבר בעיני שרה, ותתאונן באזני אברהם על שפחתה, ויאמר אברהם אליה הנה שפחתך בידך עשי לה הטוב בעיניך, ותענה שרה ותברח מפניה ותצעק אל ה׳ לרחם עליה. ובהיותה תעה במדבר וימצאה מלאך ה׳ ויצוה לשוב אל גברתה ולהתענות תחת ידיה, גם לתת לה כבוד כבתחלה ותקל ידה מעליה, כי הרעה אשר מצאה אותה, היא רק על אשר שכחה את הטוב אשר עשתה שרה עמה בתתה אותה בחיק אישה, ותגמול לה עוד רעה והמירה את כבודה בקלון, ואם תמרה את פי ה׳ ולא תשוב אל גברתה, תלך לאבדון במדבר ההוא ותשחית את נפשה, אך אם תשוב אל גברתה, תלד בן אשר בימים הבאים יפרוץ מאד ויירש ארץ רחבת ידים וזרעו לא יספר מרב. ותשמע הגר בקול מלאך ה׳ ותשב אל בית אברהם, ושרה לא יספה עוד לענותה, ואחרי ימים מעטים ילדה בן, ויקרא אברהם את שמו ישמעאל, כי שמע האל בעני הגר—. ",
+                    "ואברהם בן שמונים שנה ושש שנים בלדת הגר את ישמעאל. ובהיותו בן תשעים ותשע שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר כתוב בן תשעים שנה.</i>, נראה אליו ה׳ ויבטיחהו כי שרה אשתו תלד לו בן ויקרא את שמו יצחק, גם הבטיחהו כי מחלצי הבן ההוא יצאו עמים גדולים ומלכים אדירים אשר ירשו בחרבם ובקשתם את כל ארץ כנען מצידון עד מצרים. ואז צוהו לבל יתחתנו בניו בגויי הארצות ולהִמול להם כל זכר בן שמונת ימים. הטעם למצות מילה אכתוב במקום אחר בספר הזה. ואברהם שאל את פי ה׳ על ישמעאל בנו מה יהי גורלו בתבל, ויענהו ה׳ כי יברך גם אותו ויפרהו וירבהו במאד מאד ויתנהו לגוי גדול. ויודה אברהם לה׳ על חסדו ואמתו, ובהיותו בן תשעים ותשע שנה מל את ערלת בשרו, וימול גם את ישמעאל בנו בן שלש עשרה שנה גם כל אנשי ביתו יליד בית ומקנת כסף מאת בן נכר נמולו אתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מהפכת סדום.</b><br>בעת ההיא התגאו אנשי סדום בעשרם ורכושם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יחזקאל ט״ז, מ״ט.</i> ויהיו רעים וחטאים לאלהים ואדם, וישכחו כי כל טוּבם בא אליהם מאת ה׳. את ידי האורחים העניים הבאים אליהם מארצות אחרות, לא החזיקו ולא נתנו להם חנינה, ואת האנשים אשר באו לגור בתוכם, עשו אשר לא כדת. על כן חרה בהם אף ה׳ ויחרוץ עליהם כליון עולם: להרוס את סדום ובנותיה ולהשחית גם את ארצם עד כי לא תצמיח עשב ולא תשא כל פרי.",
+                    "ובטרם עֲשות האלהים את משפטו החרוץ על החטאים בנפשותם ההם, נראה אל אברהם מראות אלהים בשבתו פתח האהל באלני ממרא כחם היום, וישא אברהם את עיניו וירא והנה שלשה אנשים נצבים עליו, והם היו מלאכי אלהים מתחפשים מדמות אנשים. ואברהם לא ידע עוד כי מלאכים הם, ובראותו אותם קם מפניהם ויברכם ויחל את פניהם לאכל לחם, ויעתרו לו וישבו תחת העץ, והוא מִהַר ויכרה להם כרה גדולה: עֻגות קמח סלת, חמאה וחלב ובן בקר רך וטוב צלי אש, ויתן לפניהם ויתראו כאוכלים וסעדים לבם, וישאלו איה שרה אשתו, ויאמר הנה היא באהל, ויאמרו לו כי שוב ישובו אליו לתקופת השנה והנה בן לשרה אשתו. ותצחק שרה בקרבה לאמר: האחרי בלותי תהיה לי עדנה? הלא בת תשעים שנה אנכי, ואברהם גם הוא זקן בן מאה שנה; אז הסירו המלאכים את דמות בני אדם מעליהם הופיעו כמלאכי ה׳ לעיני אברהם, ויודיעו לו כי אחד מהם שלח במַלְאֲכות ה׳ לבשר לשרה כי תלד בן, ושנים מהם שֻׁלחו להפוך את סדום—. ",
+                    "ויתעצב אברהם מאד על אנשי סדום שכניו, ויעמוד ויתפלל אל ה׳ לבל ימית צדיק עם רשע, ויענהו ה׳ כי לא נמצאו צדיקים בכל אנשי סדום, וְלוּ היו ביניהם רק עשרה צדיקים כי אז נשא גם להרשעים בעבורם ולא עשה בהם חרון אפו. אז חדל אברהם מהתפלל עוד בעדם, והמלאכים באו סדומה בערב, ולוט אשר למד את מעשה אברהם להכניס אורחים ולנהלם בלהם ובכל המחסורים אשר יחסרו להם, קם לקראתם (כי נדמו לו באנשים) וישתחו אפים ארצה ויפצר בם מאד לָסוּר אל ביתו וללון שם, ויסורו אליו ויבואו אל ביתו. ואנשי העיר אנשי סדום בראותם כי בחורי חֶמד יפי תאר ויפי מראה באו ביתה לוט, נסבו על הבית ויאיצו בלוט להוציא אליהם את הבחורים היפים ההם לעשות להם תועבה. ויתחנן אליהם לוט לבל יעשו קלון כזה להאורחים אשר באו לחסות בצל קורתו, גם אמר להם להוציא אליהם את שתי בנותיו הבתולות לעשות להן כטוב בעיניהם אם לא יוכלו לעצור ביצר לבבם. אך הם לא אבו ולא שמעו לו ויפחידוהו כי ירעו לו יותר עוד מלאנשים ההם, ויגשו לשבור את הדלת. ",
+                    "אז חרה בם אף האלהים ויך אותם בסנורים עד כי נלאו למצוא הפתח, ויגזר אמר להשחית את סדום וכל יושביה. ולוט אשר הזהירו ה׳ למהר ולעזוב את סדום, כי משחית הוא אותה מפני רעת יושביה, יצא מן העיר הוא ואשתו ושתי בנותיו הבתולות, כי החתנים (ברייטיגאמע) אשר בנותיו ארוסות להם, צחקו לדבריו וילעגו לו באמרו אליהם כי יהפוך ה׳ את סדום ולא יצאו אתו מן העיר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנה יוזיפוס יפרש את הכתוב ויצא לוט וידבר אל חתניו לוקחי בנותיו (בראשית י״ט, י״ד) לפי פשוטו כי לא היו ללוט רק שתי בנות אשר היו ארוסות לשני אנשים מאנשי סדום, כי חתן יקרא גם טרם הנשואין בעודנו ארוס, וכן תרגם אונקלוס סתם כלשון המקרא ״נסבי״, בלשון בינוני, (וכן תרגם הרמבמ״ן) בל״א דיא זיינע טאכטער נעהמען זאללטען. אמנם רש״י פי׳ ע״פ המ״ר כי חתניו הם בעלי שני בנותיו שהיו נשואות כבר, ולוקחי בנותיו הן שאותן שבבית ארוסות להם, ולדבריו תחסר וי״ו העטוף, כאלו כתוב חתניו ולוקחי בנותיו. (באור הרש״ד, וע״ש יתר דבריו).</i>. ויהי כצאת לוט מן העיר המטיר ה׳ אש וגפרית על סדום ועל עמורה, ויהפוך את הערים האל ואת כל הככר ואת כל יושבי הערים וצמח האדמה. ואשת לוט הביטה מאחריה למרות פי ה' ותהי נציב מלח, ואנכי ראיתי עוד בעיני את נציב מלח ההוא הנצב שם עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע׳ ברכות (נד.) ומשם נראה כי גם בימי חז״ל נצב עוד נציב מלח ההוא.</i>. אך לוט ובנותיו נמלטו לעיר צוער אשר נשארה מכל ערי הככר ולא נגעה בה יד האש, והיא נקראת צוער על כי היא עיר מצער, ושם ישב לוט ימים רבים ויחי חיי צער ולחץ.",
+                    "ובנות לוט האמינו כי נכחד כל היקום תחת השמש ואיש אין בארץ לבוא עליהן כדרך כל הארץ, ובאותן להחיות זרע אדם ולבנות את התבל כמקדם, השקו את אביהן יין ותשכבנה אתו, ותהרין לו ותלדנה שני בנים, הבכירה קראה את שם בנה מואב, כי מאביה הוא, הוא אבי עם מואב, עם גדול ורב עד היום הזה, והצעירה קראה את שם בנה בן־עמי, הוא אבי בני־עמון עד היום. ושני העמים ההם יושבים בחול־סוריא (חאליזיריען)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>ישמעאל ובניו הערביאים</b><br>ואברהם נסע משם ארצה הנגב ויגר בגרר בארץ פלשתים, ויאמר על שרה אשתו כי אחותו היא כאשר עשה כן ברדתו מצרימה, כי ירא מפני אבימלך מלך גרר פן יהרגהו על דבר אשתו. ואבימלך חָמַד את יְפִי שרה בלבבו וישלח וַיִקָחֶהָ אליו. אך ה׳ מְנָעוֹ מִקְרוֹב אליה, כי הוכיחו במכאוב אנוש מאד וכל הרופאים אמרו לו נואש. ואז בא אליו אלהים בחלום הלילה ויאמר לו הנך מֵת על האשה אשר לקחת, כי היא בעֻלת בעל. ויהי בבקר וישלח אבימלך ויקרא לאוהביו ומיודעיו ויספר להם את חלומו, והם יעצוהו גם האיצו בו למהר ולהיטיב את רעתו, ועל פיהם קרא לאברהם וידבר על לבו לבל ידאג עוד לאשתו, כי אלהים מגן בעדה ולא אנה אליה כל רע. אחרי כן הצטדק לפני אברהם ויאמר עד ה׳ גם שרה יודעת זאת כי לו ידעתי מראש כי היא בעלת בעל, אז לא עלה על לבי לשאת עיני אליה, אך בהאמיני כי אחותך היא, עשיתי זאת בתם לבבי ובנקיון כפי, ועתה הנה אשתך קח ולך. גם חִלה את פניו לסלוח לו ולהתפלל בעדו אל ה׳, ואם יאבה לשבת בארצו, טוב הארץ יאכֵל, ואם יאבה לנסוע לארץ אחרת, ישלח אתו אנשים לשלחו בדרך, גם ימלא כל המחסורים אשר יחסרו לו, גם אברהם הצטדק לפני אבימלך על אשר אמר על שרה אשתו אחותו היא, כי ירא פן יהרג על דבר אשתו, וגם אמנה אחותו היא בת אחיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב אחותי בת אבי היא (בראשית כ, י״ב) כי בני בנים הרי הם כבנים, והיא היתה בת הרן בן תרח. וכן קרא אברהם ללוט אח: כי אנשים אחים אנחנו (בראשית י״ג ח׳), ולפי דעת יוזיפוס תקרא גם בת האח בשם אחות—.</i>. ועל אדות מחלת המלך הצטדק כי הוא לא הביאה עליו רק ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ובתורה כתוב כי התפלל אברהם אל האלהים וירפא אלהים את אבימלך וגו׳ (בראשית ב׳ י״ז-י״ח).</i>. ואם יש את לבב המלך להיטיב עמו, ישב בארצו במקום אשר יבחר, ויקח אבימלך צאן ובקר ועבדים ושפחות, ויתן לאברהם, וישב לו את שרה אשתו, ויאמר לו הנה ארצי לפניך, בטוב בעיניך שב. גם כרתו ברית יחדו לשבת שבת רֵעִים וידידים נאמנים. הברית ההיא כרתו על הבאר הנקראת באר שבע, כי שם נשבעו שניהם ברית אהבה ורעות, והבאר ההיא תקרא בשם באר שבע עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע׳ בבאור טעם השם באר שבע (שם כ״א, ל״א).</i>.",
+                    "אחרי ימים מעטים ילדה שרה לאברהם בן לזקניו למועד אשר דבר אותו אלהים, ויקרא אברהם את שמו יצחק, על דבר הצחוק אשר צחקה שרה בְּבַשֵׂר לה האלהים כי תלד בן. ואברהם היה בן מאת שנה בהולד לו יצחק בנו, וימל אותו בן שמונת ימים, ועל כן ימֹלו כל זרע אברהם את בניהם לשמונת ימים, והוא חק עולם לדורותם, והערביאים יִמֹלו את בניהם לשלש עשרה שנה, כי ישמעאל אביהם נִמֹל גם הוא בהיותו שלש עשרה שנה.",
+                    "והנה בתחלה אהבה שרה את ישמעאל בן הגר שפחתה ותחשבהו כבנה, אך כאשר ילדה את יצחק, מאנה כי יגדל ישמעאל עם בנה יחד, מדאגה בדבר פן ימרה ישמעאל את חיי יצחק אחרי מות אברהם אם יירש פי שנים בהיותו הבכור, ותאמר לאברהם גרש את האמה הזאת ואת בנה, כי לא אבה כי יירש בן האמה עם בני עם יצחק, וירע הדבר מאד בעיני אברהם וימאן לגרש ילד קטן ואשה עניה מביתו על לא חמס עשו, אך באמור אליו ה׳ אל ירע בעיניך על הנער ועל אמתך, כל אשר תאמר אליך שרה שמע בקולה, אז השכים בבקר ויקח לחם וחמת מים ויתן אל הגר, ואת הילד אשר אין בו כח ללכת בדרך רחוקה שם על שכמה, וישלחה ללכת באשר תתהלך. ותלך ותתע במדבר עד תם הלחם מצלחתה, ותצר לה מאד, ובכלות גם המים מן החמת ולשון בנה בצמא נָשָׁתָּה וכל עוד נפשו בו, השליכה אותו תחת אחד עצי הברושים (טאננענבוים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב תחת אחד השיחים (בראשית כ״א, ט״ז).</i>), ותלך ותשב מרחוק לבל תראה במות הילד, ותשא את קולה ותבך, אז נראה אליה מלאך אלהים וַיַרְאֶהָ באר מים בקרבת המקום ההוא, ויצו אותה לשאת את בנה ולהחזיק בו, כי בשלומו וטובו גם לה שלום ורב טוב, הדברים האלה החיו את רוחה, ותלך ותמלא את החמת מים ותשק את בנה, גם רעים טובי לב מצאה במדבר ההוא, והם נהלו אותה ואת הילד בלחם. ",
+                    "ויגדל ישמעאל ותקח לו אמו אשה מארץ מצרים, ארץ מולדתה, והאשה ההיא ילדה לו שנים עשר בנים. ואלה שמותם. נביות וקדר ואדבאל ומבשם ומשמע ודומה ומשא, חדד ותימא, יטור נפיש וקדמה. וישכנו בכל הארץ אשר מנהר פרת עד ים האדום הנקראת בשם ארץ נביות (נאבאטענערלאנד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: וישכנו מחוילה וגו׳ (שם כ״ה, י״ח).</i>). ולכבוד אנשי שם וגבורי חיל ההם, גם לכבוד אברהם אביהם, נקראו בשמותם שבטי הערביאים עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: אלה בני ישמעאל ואלה שמותם בחצריהם ובטירותם, שנים עשר נשיאים לאמתם (שם ט״ז).</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>עקדת יצחק.</b><br>אברהם אהב את יצחק בנו אהבה בלי־מצרים, כי בן זקונים הוא לו גם בן משביל דורש אלהים ומכבדו בכל לבב ושומע בקול אביו לכל אשר יצוהו, ויתחשב אברהם למאשר בארץ בדעתו כי בן יקיר כזה יירשהו וימלא מקומו אחריו. והאלהים נסה את אברהם וירא אליו ויספור וימנה לו את כל החסדים אשר עשה עמו מעודו, ואשר מגן צריו בידו, ויתן לו בן חכם לעת זקנתו, ובגלל כל חסדיו הנאמנים ההם הוא דורש ממנו להעלות לו את יצחק בנו לעולה, ויצוהו ללכת אל ארץ המוריה ולבנות שם מזבח על אחד ההרים ולהקריב עליו את בנו קרבן עולה לה׳, ואז ידע כי ירא אלהים הוא באמת ונותן יתר שאת לחפץ ה׳ על חיי בנו יחידו מחמל נפשו. ",
+                    "וישמע אברהם בקול ה׳, ובכל נפשו עתד את יצחק לעולה כליל לה׳, ויחשוב למשפט כי חטא משפט מות הוא למרות את פי ה׳ אשר הוא מקור החיים ובטובו הוא מחיה כל החיים. אך לשרה אשתו לא הגיד זאת, גם לא גלה את אזן אחד מעבדיו את אשר בלבבו לעשות, לבל יתיצב לו איש לשטן בדרך. וישכם בבקר ויחבש את חמורו ויקח את שני נעריו אתו ואת יצחק בנו וילך אל המקום אשר אמר לו האלהים, וישם על החמור את עצי העולה ואת יתר הדברים הדרושים לחפץ הזה. ביום השלישי נשא אברהם את עיניו. וירא את הר המוריה מרחוק, ויאמר אל נעריו שבו לכם פה עם החמור ואני והנער נלכה עד כה ונשתחוה ונשובה אליכם. ויקח אברהם את עצי העולה מעל החמור וישם על יצחק בנו ויקח בידו את האש ואת המאכלת וילכו שניהם יחדו. ויצחק היה אז בן עשרים וחמש שנים, ואחרי אשר נבנה המזבח, שאל את פי אברהם איה השה לעולה? ויענהו כי אלהים יראה לו השה לעולה, כי בידו לתת לכל איש ואיש את אשר יחסר לו, גם לשוב ולקחת את אשר נתן לו אם יתאמר כי כחו ועצם ידו עשה לו חיל—.",
+                    "אחרי ערוך אברהם את העצים על המזבח, פנה אל יצחק בנו ויאמר: הה בני! אלפי פעמים שאלתיך מאת ה׳, ובשמעו את שאלתי ויתן לי בן יקיר כמוך, לא חָשכתי מכל עמל ותלאה נפשי לשמור עליך, טפחתיך ורביתיך, וכל ישעי וכל חפצי היו רק לראותך בתור אדם המעלה ולהוריש לך את כל אשר לי. אולם יען כי ברצון ה׳ הייתי אב לבן נחמד כמוך, עלי החובה לעשות גם את רצונו, ועתה ירצה ה׳ כי אשיב לו את הבן אשר נתן לי, על כן חזק ואמץ להעלות על המזבח לעולה כליל לה'. ואני בכל חפץ לבבי הנני נותן אותך לה׳, יען כי חפץ הוא בזה חלף כל הטובות והחסדים אשר עשה עמדי מעודי ועד היום הזה. הה בני! בבואך אל התבל על פי ה׳, כן הפרד עתה ממנה על פי ה׳; הפרד נא איפוא בני מחיי התבל לא ככל בני האדם, רק כקרבן עולה תמימה מיד אביך אל תחת יד האלהים. ואני הנני מאמין כי לכבוד ולתפארת הוא לך, כי נכבדת מאד בעיני ה׳ לבל תמות כמות כל האדם על ידי מחלה ומכאובים, על ידי מלחמה או כל אסון וכל פגע רע, רק בתור קרבן ועולה כליל לה׳, וה׳ אשר בידו נפש כל חי, יקבל באהבה וברצון את נפשך בעלות הלהב מעל המזבח ותפלה זַכָּה מלבב אביך. ואז בני יחידי! אז היה נא עלי למלאך מליץ ותחלה את פני ה׳ כי יכלכל את שיבתי תחת בני אשר הפקדתיו בידו—.״ ",
+                    "ככל הדברים האלה דבר אברהם על לב יצחק בנו, ויצחק הצדיק והתמים כאביהו, שמע את דבריו בשמחת לבב, ויען ויאמר: לוּ הפרתי את עצת ה׳ ועצת אבי, כי אז לא היה לי כל צדקה לראות אור החיים בתבל, ואם רק אתה אבי לבדך חפצת להעלות אותי לעולה, גם אז לא מריתי את פיך, ומה גם עתה אשר גם ה׳ חפץ בזה—.״ ובשמחה ובטוב לב נגש יצחק אל המזבח, ויעקד אותו אברהם וישם אותו על המובח ממעל לעצים, ויקח את המאכלת לשחוט את בנו — אך קול ה׳ קרא בַכֹח: אברהם! אברהם! אל תשלח ידך אל הנער ואל תעש לו מאומה! כי קרבן אדם תועבת נפשי הוא, ורק לנסותך באתי הפעם, ועתה ידעתי כי ירא אלהים אתה ולא חשכת את בנך את יחידך ממני, ועל כן ברך אברכך והרבה ארבה את זרעך ככוכבי השמים וכחול אשר על שפת הים וירש זרעך את שער אויביו, ושֵׁם אברהם יגדל עד אפסי ארץ וזִכרו לברכה עד העולם.\" אחרי הדברים האלה הראה ה׳ אַיִל אחד לאברהם אשר לא ראהו עד כה, ויקח אברהם את האיל ויעלהו לעולה תחת בנו. ואברהם ויצחק אשר התבשרו רוב שלום ורב טוב מאת ה׳, התרפקו ויחבקו זה את זה בשמחות וגיל, וישובו לביתם, ויחיו חיים מאשרים, וכל אשר עשו הצליח ה׳ בידיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות שרה וקבורתה.</b><br>אחרי ימים מעטים מתה שרה בת מאה ועשרים ושבע שנים, ותקבר בחברון. ואף כי הכנענים חפצו לתת לאברהם אחזת קבר בתוכם בלי מחיר ובלי כסף, לא חפץ אברהם בזה, רק קנה מאת אפרים (עפרון) אחד מתושבי חברון שדה קבורה בחמשים שקל כסף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: ארבע מאות שקל כסף (בראשית כ״ג, ט״ו), ואולי ידע המחבר כי השקלים בימי אברהם היו קטנים מהשקלים אשר היו בימיו עד כי עלו ד׳ מאות לחמשים. —</i>, והשדה ההוא (והמערה אשר בו) קם לאברהם לאחזת־קבר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>אברהם לקח את קטורה לאשה. ובני קטורה.</b><br>אחרי מות שרה לקח לו אברהם אשה ושמה קטורה ותלד לו ששה בנים גבורים וכבירי שכל, ושמותיהם: זמרן, יקשן, מדן, מדין, ישבק ושוח. ושוח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב יקשן (בראשית כ״ה, ג׳), והמעתיק שגה בזה וכתב שוח תחת יקשן.</i> הוליד את שבא ואת דדן. ובני דדן אשורים ולטושים ולאומים. ומדין הוליד את עיפה ועפר וחנוך ואבידע ואלדעה. ואברהם כונן להם מוצאות (קאלאניען) בארץ הטראגלאדיטיס ובחבל ארץ ערב המאשרה עד ים האדום. רבים אומרים כי עפר נסע בחיל כבד לארץ ליביען וילכדה, ובניו נושבו בה ויקראו לה אפריקא על שם עפר אביהם. ועד נאמן על זה הוא הסופר אלכסנדר פאליהיסטאר אשר יכתוב כדברים האלה: קלעאדעמוס החוזה הנקרא גם בשם מלכות, אשר כתב בספר את דברי ימי היהודים כמשה מחוקקם, יספר כי אברהם הוליד מקטורה בנים רבים, ואחרי אשר קרא שלשה מהם בשמות עפרה (עיפה) אשור ואופיר (עפר), הוסיף לספר כי האשורים נקראו על שם אשור, ועל שם עפרה ואופיר נקראו עיר עפרה וארץ אפריקא. גם יספר עוד כי בני קטורה ההם באו לעזור להערקולעס בהצותו את ליביען ואנטאאוס, והערקולעס לקח את בת עפרה לו לאשה ותלד לו את דיאדארוס, ומבני דיאדארוס היה זאפאנעס אשר על שמו נקרא שבט הזאפאקים בפי העמים הברברים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>יצחק לקח את רבקה.</b><br>בהיות יצחק כבן ארבעים שנה, אמר אברהם לקחת לו את רבקה בת נחור אחיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא נכדת נחור בת בתואל, אך בת הבן נקראת גם כן בשם בת.</i> לאשה, וישלח את עבדו זקן ביתו ארצה ארם נהרים לקחת משם את רבקה ליצחק, אך בראשונה השביע אותו לקים את דבריו ולעשות כאשר צֻוָה. והשבועה בימים ההם היתה באופן הזה: המשביע והמשבע שמו את ידיהם איש תחת ירך אחיו ויעידו את ה׳ לעד נאמן ביניהם לבל יסור המשבע מדברי המשביע על ימין או על שמאל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רק הנשבע שם ידו תחת ירך המשביע.</i>. ויקח העבד עשרה גמלים מגמלי אדוניו וכל טוב אדוניו בידו ויקם וילך אל ארם נהרים אל עיר נחור. ימים רבים הלך העבד עד הגיעו למחוז חפצו, כי בארץ ארם נהרים חתחתים בדרך ויכבד מאד על הולכי ארחות, בחרף בגלל הטיט והרפש, ובקיץ בגלל חֹסר המים גם בגלל השודדים הרבים הרובצים על הדרכים ואורבים לכל הֵלֶך, והאיש אשר איננו אמיץ לב וגדל כח, לא ימלט מידם אם לא ישים עיניו על כל מדרך כף רגלו.",
+                    "בהיות העבד קרוב לעיר חרן, הבריך את הגמלים אל באר המים לעת ערב לעת צאת השואבות, ויתפלל אל ה׳ כי יקרה לפניו את הנערה אשר הוכיח ליצחק בן אדוניו על פי האות הזה: כי תשקהו מים מכדה אחרי אשר יתר הנערות תמנענה ממנו הדבר הזה. ויקרב אל הבאר וישאל מאת הנערות להשקותו מים, ואחרי אשר לא אבו הנערות למלאות את שאלתו, באמרן אליו כי כבד להן מאד לשאוב המים מהבאר גם בעד נפשות אנשי ביתן, שמע כי אחת מהנה גערה בהן על אשר תמנענה מעט מים מאיש אורח, ותמהר ותרד כדה על ידה ותשקהו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">את דבר הגמלים אשר השקתה רבקה, לא זכר יוזיפוס—.</i>. ויודה לה העבד על טובה ועל חסדה, ואחרי כן שאל אותה מי הם אבותיה, ויברך אותם כי יַקְרֶה ה׳ לפני בתם בעל נעורים כטוב וכישר בעיניה, ויראו בנים ובני בנים לבת יקרה כזאת. ותען הנערה ותאמר: שמי רבקה, ושם אבי בתואל אשר כבר מת ולבן אחי מנהל את ביתו ומכלכל את אמי ואותי. וישמח העבד בשמעו את דבריה, ויאמן כי הצליח ה׳ את דרכו. ויקח רביד זהב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח האיש נזם זהב וגו׳ (בראשית כ״ד, כ״ב).</i> ועוד עדי עדיים ויתן להנערה ויבקש אותה לקחת אותם חלף טובת לבבה להשקותו מים גם לאות כי מכבד הוא אותה, כי לה אשר עלתה עלי רבות בנות ביקרת רוחה נאוו העדיים ההם. גם שאל את פיה אם יש בבית אביה מקום ללון, כי רד היום ולא יוכל ללכת הלאה, ואף גם זאת כי בידו עדיי נשים יקרי הערך ולא יאבה לסור רק אל בית אנשים ישרים אשר לא יגעו בכל אשר לרעיהם, והיא (רבקה) לעדה בעיניו כי גם אמה וגם אחיה ישרי לב המה כמוה. גם לא יהיה עליהם למשא, כי שלם ישלם במיטב כספו בעד המלון ומפתו אשר הביא אתו יאכל. ותשמח הנערה בשמעה כי מכבד הוא את אמה ואחיה, ותאמר אליו גם תבן גם מספוא רב עמנו וגם מקום ללון, ולא נקח מידך מאומה בעד כל אלה, ובכל זאת ארוצה נא ואגיד לבית אמי כדברים האלה, ואחרי כן אנהגך אביאך אל בית אמי.",
+                    "אחרי הדברים האלה הביאה אותו רבקה הביתה, ועבדי לבן פתחו את הגמלים וינהלום במספוא, ולבן קרא את העבד לאכול אתו לחם. אחרי אכלם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויאמר לא אוכל עד אם דברתי דברי (שם ל״ג).</i> ערך העבד דבריו אל לבן ואל אם רבקה ויאמר: עבד אברהם אנכי — ואברהם בן תרח הלא הוא שארכם הקרוב אליכם, כי נחור אבי אבי בניך, אשה אהובה: היה אחי אברהם בני אב אחד ואם אחת -ואברהם שלח אותי אליכם לקחת את הנערה הזאת ליצחק בנו לאשה, ויצחק הוא בנו יחידו אשר יירש את כל הון ביתו הרב והעצום. ואף כי אין מעצור לו לבחור מבנות ארצו אשה לבנו, אשר לה עֹשֶר ונכסים וכל טוב הארץ, אך הוא לא יחפוץ לתת את בנו לאחת מבנות הארץ ההיא כי אם מבית אביו וממשפחתו. ואתם אל תמנעו את חפץ אדוני, כי מה׳ יצא הדבר, והוא נתן לי אות ומופת על זה, כי זולת אשר נחני בדרך וישמרני מכל ארב ומכל מכשול, הראני עוד אות נאמן כי חפץ אדוני הצליח בידו: כי כבואי היום אל העין התפללתי אליו כי יקרה לפני מכל בנות העיר את הנערה אשר הוכיח לבן אדוני, והוא הקרה אותה לפני—. ועתה הלא תעשו את אשר יחפוץ ה׳ ותתנו על ידי את הנערה הזאת אשר למענה חרד אדוני את כל החרדה הגדולה הזאת.\" ותען אם הנערה ולבן אחיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויען לבן ובתואל (בראשית כ״ד, נ׳) אם כן היה עוד בתואל בחיים חיתו, ולפי דברי יוזיפוס אמרה רבקה כי הוא מת כבר, ורק על פסוק ויאמר אחיה ואמה (שם נ״ה) פרש״י (ע״פ חז״ל) ובתואל היכן היה? רוצה היה לעכב ובא מלאך והמיתו, וגם לפ״ז מת רק אז ולא קודם לזה—.</i>: מה׳ יצא הדבר, לא נוכל דבר אליך רע או טוב, הנה רבקה לפניך קח ולך ותהי אשה לבן אדוניך כאשר דבר ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האותות אשר הראה ה׳ להעבד הרי הם כדבר ה׳—.</i>. ויקח יצחק את רבקה, ויהי אדון לכל בית אביו, כי הבנים אשר ילדה קטורה לאברהם, לא ירשו מאומה בבית אביהם, יען כי כבר נסעו הלכו לארצות אחרות וישבו בהן כל הימים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">**)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ולבני הפלגשים וגו׳ נתן אברהם מתנות וישלחם מעל יצחק בנו בעודנו חי קדמה אל ארץ קדם (בראשית כ״ה, ו׳).</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות אברהם וקבורתו.</b><br>אחרי ימים מעטים גוע וימת אברהם בשיבה טובה בהיותו מאת שנה ושבעים שנה וחמש שנים. הוא היה איש צדיק תמים מאין כמוהו, וה׳ אהבו ויברכהו בכל. ויקברו אותו יצחק וישמעאל בניו בחברון אל מערת המכפלה אל שדה עפרון החתי אשר על פני ממרא, על יד שרה אשתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תולדות יעקב ועשו בני יצחק.</b><br>אחרי מות אברהם, פקד ה׳ את רבקה אשת יצחק ותהר, ויתרוצצו הבנים בקרבה, וַתֵּלַהּ לשאת את עצבונה ואת הֵרונה, ויתעצב יצחק אל לבו אדות אשתו, וילך לדרוש את ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי לא יצחק רק רבקה הלכה לדרוש את ה׳, ולה אמר ה׳ שני גוים בבטנך וגו׳ (בראשית כ״ה, כ״ב-כ״ג).</i> ויאמר ה׳ לו, שני בנים בבטן רבקה ומהם יצאו שני גוים אשר יקראו על שמם, והבן אשר לפי ראות עינים הוא הקטן, יגדל מהבן הגדול. וימלאו ימי רבקה ללדת והנה תומים בבטנה כדבר ה׳, ויצא הראשון אדמוני כלו, ומכף רגלו ועד ראשו מכֻסה בשער כאדרת שער, ואחרי כן יצא אחיו וידו אחזת בעקב אחיו הבכור. ויגדלו הנערים ויאהב יצחק את הבכור הנקרא בשם עשו או שעיר על כי היה איש שעיר, ורבקה אוהבת את הבן הצעיר הנקרא בשם יעקב על אשר אחז בעקב אחיו בהולדו.",
+                    "ויהי רעב בארץ, ויחפוץ יצחק לרדת מצרימה לגור שם בימי רעבון, אך ה׳ נראה אליו ויאמר אל תרד מצרימה, גור בעיר גרר בארץ פלשתים ואהיה עמך ואברכך. ובבואו גררה קדם אבימלך מלך גרר את פניו באהבה ובכבוד, ויזכור לו את אהבתו לאברהם אביו, ויעש עמו אך טוב וחסד. אפס כי ברבות הימים הפך לבו לשנוא אותו בקנאתו אשר קנא בו בראותו כי ינוב חילו וכל אשר יעשה יצליח; והקנאה העזה ההיא הסבה כי לאחרונה גרש אותו מארצו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוזיפוס יחריש ולא יספר מאומה על אודות רבקה אשר אמר יצחק עליה כי אחותי היא (בראשית כ״ו, ז׳-י״א).</i>. וילך משם יצחק ויחן במקום הנקרא בשם נחל, לא רחוק מעיר גרר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נחל גרר (שם י״ז).</i>. ויהי כי החל לחפור שם באר, ויתנפלו עליו רֹעי אבימלך להלחם בו ולא נתנו אותו לבצע את מעשה הבאר; אך הוא לא אבה להתיצב לפניהם בחזקת היד, ויאמינו הרֹעים כי ידם רמה. ויעתק יצחק משם ויחפור באר אחרת, אך רֹעים אחרים נקבצו ובאו ויריבו גם עליה, ויעזוב גם את המקום ההוא, כי לא אבה להיות איש ריב ואיש מדון, ויעתק משם ויחפור באר אחרת ולא רבו עוד עליה, ויקרא שמה רחֹבות, ויאמר כי עתה הרחיב ה׳ לנו. ואת הבארות אשר חפר תחלה קרא לאחת מהן עֵשֶׂק, כי התעשקו עמו עליה, ואת השנית בשם שטנה, כי רֹעי אבימלך נצבו לשטן לו על אדותיה.",
+                    "ויצחק הלך הלוך וגדול, ויהי איש מצליח מאד, ויירא אבימלך פן יפקוד עליו יצחק את הרעה אשר עשה לו חנם, ויקח ממנו נקם בהיות לאל ידו לעשות זאת, וילך אליו מגרר עם פיכל שר צבאו לכרות עמו ברית שלום ולחדש את אהבתם כקדם. ויצחק הצדיק והטוב לכל, סלח לו על הרעה אשר עשה לו, ויזכור לו אהבתו הראשונה, וימלא את כל משאלות לבו, וילך אבימלך מאתו בשלום.",
+                    "ועשו אהוב יצחק אביו, לקח אשה בהיותו בן ארבעים שנה ושמה עדה בת אֵילֹן, ואת אהליבמה בת צבעון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח (עשו) אשה את יהודית בת בארי החתי ואת בשמת בת אילן החתי (בראשית כ״ו, ל״ד). אמנם להלן (שם ל״ו, ב׳, ג׳) כתוב: עשו לקח את נשיו מבנות כנען את עדה בת אילון החתי ואת אהליבמה בת ענה בת צבעון החוי וע״ש בבאור, כי אין פה המקום להאריך.</i>, בנות שני כנענים עשירים ובעלי נכסים רבים, ואת פי אביו לא שאל, כי לוּ שאל את פיהו, כי אז לא נתנו לקחת מבנות ארץ כנען, כי לא אבה להתחתן את הכנענים. אך בכל זאת לא עצב את רוח בנו ולא צוהו לגרש את נשיו—.",
+                    "ויהי כי זקן יצחק ותכהיןָ עיניו מראות, ויקרא את עשו בנו הגדול ויתאונן באזניו כי ימי הזקנה ועורון עיניו לא יתנוהו לעבוד את ה׳ כבימי קדם, גם צוהו לצאת השדה ולצוד לו ציד ולעשות לו מטעמים כאשר אהב, ואחרי אכלו מצידו יתפלל אל ה׳ בעדו כי יסתירהו בסתר כנפיו וישמרהו כל ימי חייו על הארץ, ויען כי איננו יודע את יום מותו, נכספה נפשו להתפלל בעדו אל ה׳ ולברכהו בטרם ימות. ",
+                    "וילך עשו השדה לצוד ציד להביא, ורבקה אשר ידעה כי ברכת הצדיק יאתה יותר ליעקב מאשר לעשו, צותה אותו, (מבלי אשר ידע זאת יצחק) לקחת שני גדיי עזים ולעשות אותם מטעמים לאביו כאשר אהב, ויעש יעקב כאשר צִוַתּוֹ אמו. ויהי כאשר הוכן האכל, ויקח יעקב את עֹרות גדיי העזים וילבשם על ידיו ועל חלקת צואריו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ותקח רבקה וגו׳ ואת עורות גדיי העזים הלבישה על ידיו ועל חלקת צואריו (בראשית כ״ז, ט״ו-ט״ז).</i>, (כי זולת היות יעקב איש חלק, נדמה מאד בקומתו ובדי עורו לעשו אחיו בהיותם תאמים), ואז הביא את המטעמים אל יצחק אביו, אך לבו היה חרד פן יודע לאביו עָרְמָתו ויקצוף עליו ויבא עליו קללה תחת ברכה. אולם יצחק אף כי הכיר כי הקול קול יעקב, קרא אותו לגשת אליו וימשש אותו והנה ידיו שעירות כידי עשו, ויאמר: הקול קול יעקב, אך הידים ידי עשו, ומבלי חקור עוד יותר, התפלל אל ה׳ אחרי אכלו את המטעמים, ויאמר: ״ה׳ אלהים אשר מלכותך מלכות כל העולמים ואשר עשית את השמים ואת הארץ וכל צבאם, אתה הבטחת לאברהם אבי להיטיב עמו ועם בניו אחריו, ובידך מלאת את הבטחתך, כי ברכת אותו בכל, וגם אותי הבטחת להיטיב לזרעי אחרי ולברכם ביתר שאת עוד. אנא ה׳! עשה נא עתה כאשר הבטחתני, ואל תבישני מִשִׂברי לעת זקנתי ככלות כחי כי אם לא תסעדני עתה, ונחשבתי כיורדי בור. אנא ה׳! הושיעה נא לבני זה, בן עבדך, הפלה נא חסדך לו, שמרהו מכל רע, ברכהו נא בחיים מאֻשרים כידך המלאה, יחתו יריביו וינוסו משנאיו מפניו, אך מברכיו יברכו, וחפצי שלומו ישליו ויתענגו על רוב שלום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נפלאת זאת בעיני כי תחת ברכת יצחק הנפלאה והנשגבה (בראשית כ״ח, ל׳) שם יוזיפוס בפי יצחק תפלה נופלת מאד בערכה מהברכה ההיא ואין זכר לה בתורה—.</i>.",
+                    "כה התפלל יצחק אל ה׳ בהאמינו כי הוא מתפלל בעד עשו בנו. אך כמעט אשר כלה את תפלתו, שב עשו הביתה מצידו, אז ידע יצחק כי ערם הערים יעקב, אך ישב במנוחה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי יצחק חרד חרדה גדולה עד מאד (שם ל״ג).</i>. אולם עשו חִלה את פניו כי יברך גם אותו כאשר ברך את אחיו. וימאן יצחק לברכו באמרו כל ברכותי נתתי ליעקב, ולכה איפוא מה אעשה בני? ויתאונן עשו על מרמת יעקב ויצעק צעקה גדולה ומרה, וישא את קולו ויבך, ויאץ באביהו לברך גם אותו. אז נעתר יצחק אליו, ויאמר: ״על חרבך תחיה, והיית גבור ציד ואיש מלחמה ותעש לך שֵׁם בארץ, גם בניך אחריך יהיו גבורי כח ואנשי חיל ושמם יודע בגוים, אך בכל זאת תעבוד את אחיך.\" ",
+                    "ויירא יעקב פן יהרגהו אחיו על אשר לקח את ברכתו, גם רבקה יראה מאד פן יקום עליו עשו ויהרגהו, ותקרא ליעקב ותיעצהו לברוח אל לבן אחיה חרנה, ותדבר גם על לב יצחק לשלח את יעקב שמה לבעבור יקח לו שם אשה מבנות לבן. כי עשו הוסיף עוד לקחת אשה על נשיו למֹרת רוח יצחק, שם האשה ההיא בשמת בת ישמעאל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב מחלת בת ישמעאל (שם כ״ח, ט׳).</i>. כי יצחק לא אבה להתחתן את הכנענים, ויחר לו על אשר לקח עשו את בשמת לו לאשה ויאהבה מאד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בשמת היתה בת ישמעאל ולא מבנות הכנענים, ועשו לקח אותה רק בגלל אשר רעות בנות כנען בעיני יצחק (שם)—.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>יעקב ברח חרנה. ויקח שם אשה ויולד שנים עשר בנים, ואחרי כן שב ארצה כנען.</b><br>ויצא יעקב מבאר שבע על פי עצת רבקה אמו, וילך לארץ ארם נהרים, לקחת שם את בת לבן לו לאשה, אחרי אשר גם יצחק התרצה לדבר הזה. ובלכתו דרך ארץ כנען, לא אבה לסור אל אחד מבתי הכנענים, וילן תחת כפת הרקיע, ויקח מאבני המקום וישם מראשותיו, ויחלום חלום נפלא מאד: והנה סלם מצב ארצה וראשו מגיע השמימה, והנה מלאכי אלהים יורדים בו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עולים ויורדים בו (בראשית י״ב).</i>, ועל ראש הסלם נצב ה׳, ויקרא לו בשמו ויאמר אליו: ",
+                    "אל תירא יעקב ואל תחת, כי אנכי אהיה עמך ושמרתיך בכל אשר תלך, למען יצחק אביך היקר, גם למען אברהם אבי אביך אשר היה צדיק בכל דרכיו. תחזקנה איפוא ידיך, כי אנכי מגן לך וברכתיך בכל טוב הארץ והשיבותיך אל האדמה הזאת, כי גם את אברהם הבאתי מארם נהרים הנה אחרי אשר גרשוהו קרוביו וגואליו מארצם, וברכתיהו והגדלתי את שמו, וגם את אביך ברכתי, גדלתי ורוממתי ונתתי לו עז ועצמה, ולמען אבותיך אברך גם אותך והיית איש מצליח כמוהם. לך לך איפוא בשמחה לדרכך, וקוה אלי תמיד. והיה זרעך כעפר הארץ, ופרצת ימה וקדמה וצפונה ונגבה, וירשו את הארץ הזאת, לך לדרכך בשלום ואל תירא מכל עמל ותלאה, ואנכי אהיה עמך בכל מקום ובכל עת ובכל שעה.\"",
+                    "ככל החזיון הזה חָזה יעקב במקום ההוא, וייקץ משנתו וישמח במאד מאד ויגל ברעדה על החזיון ההוא ועל הדברים ההם אשר דבר אליו ה׳, ויצק שמן על האבנים אשר עליהם נגלה אליו ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח את האבן אשר שם מראשותיו וישם אותה מצבה ויצק שמן על ראשה (בראשית כ״ח, י״ח).</i>, גם נָדַר נֶדֶר לאמר אם אשוב בשלום אל בית אבי אקריב בזה קרבן לה׳, וכל אשר יתן לי ה׳ עשר אעשרנו לו. ויקרא שם המקום ההוא בית אל, באמרו אין זה כי אם בית אלהים וזה שער השמים.",
+                    "אחרי כן נשא יעקב את רגליו וילך ארצה ארם נהרים מחוז חפצו, ויבוא עד עיר חרן, וירא והנה באר בשדה ורֹעים עם עדריהם, נערים ונערות, יושבים על יד הבאר. ויגש יעקב אל הרעים, כי היה צמא למים, ויאמר אליהם: אחי מאין אתם? ויאמרו מחרן אנחנו, ויאמר להם הידעתם את לבן בן נחור? ויאמרו ידענו, ומי לא יֵדע את איש גדול כמוהו, ובתו היא רֹעה אתנו את צאן אביה, ולפלא בעינינו כי לא באה עוד עם הצאן הנה, ובבואה הגיד לך את אשר אתה מבקש. עודם מדברים והנה רחל בת לבן באה עם הצאן, ויאמרו הרעים ליעקב הנה בת לבן, ולרחל אמרו כי האיש האורח בא לדרוש בשלום אביה. ותקרב רחל אל יעקב בפנים צהלים ותשאלהו מי הוא ומאין הוא בא ומדוע בא שָׁמָה. ותבטיחהו כי תפיק לו נפשה ותמלא כל משאלות לבו. ",
+                    "ויתפלא יעקב על טוּבָה וחסדה ויותר עוד על יפיה וחמדת פניה, כי היא היתה היפה בבנות הארץ, ויאהבה בלבו מרגע הראשון אשר ראה אותה, ויאמר אליה: אם בת לבן את, הנך שארת בשרי, כי אברהם והרן ונחור אחים הם בני תרח, ובתואל אבי אביך הוא בן נחור, ויצחק אבי הוא בן אברהם ושרה בת הרן, ובימים האחרונים יספנו להתחתן עוד, כי רבקה אמי היא אחות אביך. ואני באתי הנה לשאול לשלומכם ולחדש ימי אהבתנו כקדם. אז זכרה רחל כי ככל דבריו שמעה גם מפי אביה, ותשמח מאד עד כי בכתה מרוב שמחתה, ותחבק את יעקב ותשקהו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי יעקב נשק לרחל וישא את קולו ויבך (בראשית כ״ט, י״א) ומדוע הפך יוזיפוס את הדבר הזה?</i>, ותאמר: אבי וכל ביתו ישמחו מאד לקראת בואך, כי אבי ישא תמיד את שם רבקה על שפתיו, וידעתי כי ישמח גם לקראת בנה. ",
+                    "אחרי כן בקשה אותו ללכת אתה אל בית אביה ולשמחהו מהר במראה פניו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רחל רצה ותגד לאביה, ולבן רץ לקראת יעקב ויחבקהו וינשקהו ויביאהו אל ביתו (שם י״ב, י״ג).</i>. ויהי בבוא יעקב ביתה לבן, קבלהו לבן בשמחה ובכל אותות אהבה, ואחרי ימים מעטים אמר אליו לבן: אמנם כי שמחתני מאד בבואך, בכל זאת חפצתי לדעת מדוע עזבת את אביך ואת אמך לעת זקנתם. ותחת כלכל את שיבתם באת הנה, והיה אם אדע שרש הדבר ומה שאלתך וחפצך בביתי, עשה אעשה עמך אך טוב ככל אשר תשיג ידי? ויספר לו יעקב בתם לבבו את כל אשר בלבבו, ויודיעהו כי יש לו אח ושמו עשו, והוא מתנכל להמיתו על קחתו ממנו את ברכת אביו בעצת רבקה אמו, כי חרה לו עד מות על אשר לקח ממנו את הברכה וְאִתָּהּ יחד את המשרה ואת הממשלה — ועל כן ברח מבית אביו, וגם זאת בעצת אמו. הן אמנם, הוסיף יעקב לדבר, כי יש לנו קרובים וגואלים גם ממשפחת אבי, אך אתה קרוב לי מהם בהיותך אחי אמי, ואקו כי אלהי אבותי ישמרני מכל רע, וגם אתה תהי עלי סתרה. ",
+                    "אז הבטיח אותו לבן לעשות עמו אך טוב וחסד בעבור אבותיו ומה גם בעבור רבקה אמו אשר נפשו קשורה בנפשה גם בהיותה רחוקה מעיניו. ויאמר לשימהו לאביר הרעים אשר לו, ובכל עת אשר יכסוף לשוב אל ארצו ואל מולדתו, העניק יעניק לו מכל טוב ביתו וישלחהו בכבוד כיאות לשארו הקרוב אליו כמוהו. על הדברים האלה ענהו יעקב: אעבדך בכל עבודה אשר תעמוס עלי אם אך תתן לי את רחל בתך הקטנה לאשה. וישמח לבן על הדבר הזה ויאמר: ״טוב תתי אותה לך בן אחותי מתתי אותה לאיש אחר, אך בכל זאת לא אוכל תת אותה לך, עד אשר תשב בביתי שנים אחדות ואראה את דרכיך ואת פעליך, גם אין את נפשי לתת את בתי לנסוע אל ארץ רחוקה אחרי אשר נחמתי כבר כי נתתי את רבקה אחותי ללכת ארצה כנען לבית אישה—.\" ויתרצה יעקב גם לדבר הזה, ויעבוד שבע שנים ברחל, ולתקופת השנים אסף לבן את כל אנשי המקום ההוא ויעש משתה החתונה, ויהי בערב ויקח את לאה בתו ויבא אותה אל יעקב ויבא אליה, כי מטעם היין ומחשכת הלילה לא ידע כי לאה היא, ויהי בבקר ויאמר אל לבן למה רמיתני? הלא ברחל עבדתי עמך באהבתי אותה, ולמה נתת לי את לאה אשר לא מצאה חן בעיני? ויצטדק לבן על מעשהו, ויאמר: לא יעשה כן במקומנו לתת את הצעירה לפני הבכירה, ועתה אם באמת ובתמים תאהב את רחל, אתן לך גם אותה אחרי אשר תעבוד עמדי עוד שבע שנים אחרות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: מלא שבוע זאת ונתנה לך גם את זאת (בראשית כ״ט, כ״ז), ולפי דברי כל המפרשים כונת הפסוק כי מיד לאחר שבעת ימי המשתה יתן לו גם את רחל (ע׳ בבאור הרמבמ״ן), אך יוזיפוס יפרש ״מלא שבוע זאת״ מלא שבע שנים אחרות בשביל רחל, ולתקופת השנים אתן גם אותה לך — ולפי זה יפרש מלת ״שבוע״ כמלת ״שמטה״ שהיא שבע שנים, כי ״שבוע״ הוא שת״ז אם להיקף זמן שבעה ימים או שבע שנים, כמו שבוע אחד (דניאל ט׳ , כ״ז) שפי' שבע שנים (ע׳ אוצר השרשים).</i>. ויתרצה יעקב גם לדבר הזה באהבתו העזה אשר אהב את רחל, ואחרי עבור גם שבע שנים האחרות, נתן לו לבן גם את רחל לאשה, ואת בלהה שפחתו נתן לה לשרת אותה, ואת זלפה שפחתו נתן כבר ללאה. ",
+                    "ולאה התעצבה מאד בראותה כי יעקב אוהב מאד את רחל, רק קותה כי אם תלד לו בנים, יאהב גם אותו, ותתפלל אל ה׳ לפקוד אותה, ויעתר לה ה׳ ותהר ותלד בן ותקרא לו בשם ראובן, יען כי ברחמי ה׳ נתן לה הבן, כי זה הוא פתרון השם הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה בזה כי ה׳ ברחמיו ראה בעניה ויחן לה בן ככתוב בס׳ בראשית ל״ב מ״ט. וראובן הוא ראו בן, ולפי חז״ל במס׳ ברכות (דף ז׳:) הוא רמז גם לראו מה בין בני לבן חמי, וע׳ בס׳ היחש להרה״ח ר״י בכרך נ״י צד י״ד ע״א בהערה.</i>. ומאז והלאה החל יעקב לחן גם אותה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וזה הוא כי עתה יאהבני אישי (בראשית מ״ט ל״ב), ר״ל כי מעתה יחל אישי לאהוב אותי.</i>. ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא שמו שמעון, כי שמע ה׳ בקולה. ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא את שמו לוי, באמרה כי הפעם ילוה אישה אליה, ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא שמו יהודה, באמרה הפעם אודה את ה׳. ותקנא רחל באחותה, ותדאג פן לא יוסיף עוד יעקב לאהוב אותה כבראשונה, כי עקרה היא, ותתן את בלהה שפחתה ליעקב למען תבנה גם היא ממנה, ותהר בלהה ותלד ליעקב בן, ותאמר רחל דנני אלהים וגם שמע בקולי, ותקרא שמו דן. ותהר עוד ותלד בלהה בן שני ליעקב, ותקרא רחל את שמו נפתלי, פתרונו ערמה גם התחרות (וועטטאייפער), כי על פי ערמת רחל לתת את שפחתה לאישה, התחרה את לאה אחותה גם יכלה לה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ועפ״ז נבין כונת הפסוק: ותאמר רחל נפתולי אלהים נפתלתי עם אחותי גם יכולתי ותקרא שמו נפתלי (בראשית ל׳, ח׳), כי נפתלי הוא מלשון עקש ופתלתול (דברים ל״ב, ה׳), שפי׳ ערמה (ליסט), גם עוד הוראה אחרת למלת נפתולי והיא לשון התחרות (וועטטאייפערן) כאדם המתחרה לנצח את חברו בהאבקו עמו ויפתל ויעקש את גוו — ולשתי הוראות האלה כונה לאה בשם נפתלי, וזה הוא שאמרה נפתולי אלהים ר״ל ערמה חזקה (כי שם אלהים הוא לחיזוק הפעולה כידוע, וע׳ בבאור) נפתלתי, הערמתי ואתחר עם אחותי בתתי את שפחתי לאישי, גם יכולתי, ועתה תצא לאור כונת יוזיפוס בזה.</i>. אך גם לאה הערימה כאחותה ותתן גם היא את זלפה שפחתה ליעקב, ותהר גם היא ותלד בן, ותקרא לאה את שמו גד, פתרונו מקרה (צופאלל)(?). ותהר עוד ותלד בן שני ליעקב, ותקרא לאה את שמו אשר, פתרונו אֹשֶר (גליק), כי על ידו יגדל עוד אָשרה מקדם. ויהי היום וילך ראובן השדה ויבא ללאה אמו תפוחי הצמח הנקרא בשם מאנדראגארא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע' בבאור הרמבמ״ן על אודות הדודאים אשר מצא ראובן.</i>, ותתאו רחל התפוחים ההם, ותבקש מאת לאה לתת גם לה תפוחים אחדים, ותמאן לאה ותאמר המעט קחתך את אישי ולקחת גם את תפוחי בני. ותאמר רחל לכן ישכב עמך הלילה. וישכב יעקב עמה בלילה ההוא ותהר ותלד ליעקב בן חמישי ותקרא את שמו יששכר, באמרה נתן אלהים שכרי אשר נתתי שפחתי לאישי. ותהר עוד לאה ותלד בן ששי ליעקב והקרא את שמו זבלון, באמרה הפעם יזבלני אישי כי ילדתי לו ששה בנים. גם בת אחת ילדה ליעקב ותקרא את שמה דינה. אז פקד ה׳ גם אח רחל ותהר ותלד ליעקב בן ותקרא את שמו יוסף, לאמר יוסף לי ה׳ בן אחר.",
+                    "ויהי כאשר ילדה רחל את יוסף, ויאמר יעקב אל לבן: זה עשרים שנה עבדתיך בכל כחי ואוני, ועתה שלחני נא ואלכה אל מקומי ולארצי, אך לבן חבל תחבולות שונות ולא נתנו ללכת, על כן חשב יעקב מחשבות לגנוב את לב לבן ולמצוא עת רצון לברוח מביתו ולשוב אל ארצו ואל מולדתו. וישאל את פי רחל ולאה אם יש גם את לבבן ללכת אתו אל בית אביו, וכאשר התרצו גם הן ללכת אתו, לקח את מקנהו ואת כל רכושו אשר רכש בפדן ארם, ויברח עם נשיו ובניו וכל אשר לו לבוא אל יצחק אביו ארצה כנען. ורחל גנבה את התרפים אשר לאביה, לא בגלל אשר היו נכבדים בעיניה, כי יעקב לִמד אותה לדעת כי התרפים דברו און ומעשה תעתועים הם, רק עשתה זאת לכפר בהם את פני אביה, כי אם ירדוף אחריה וישיגה, אז תשיבם אליו ובזה תשוב חמתו ממנה. ",
+                    "ויגד ללבן ביום השלישי כי ברח יעקב, ויחר לו מאד, ויקח עמו אנשי חיל וירדוף אחרי יעקב דרך שבעת ימים וידבק אותו. אך אז רד היום מאד ולא יכול לעשות מלחמה ביעקב, ובחלום הלילה בא אליו אלהים ויאמר לו: ״הִשָׁמֶר לך מִדַּבר עם יעקב קשות ומחרות אפך בבנותיך, רק תכרות עם יעקב ברית שלום ותדבר טובות עם נשיו. אולם אם תעוז להתגרות מלחמה ביעקב אשר עוזריו רק מתי מעט מול אנשי חילך הרבים, ידע תדע כי אנכי מגן לו ואמגנך בידו לעשות בך כטוב וכישר בעיניו.\" למחרת קרא לבן ליעקב ויאמר אליו כי ידבר אתו דברי שלום, יען כי אלהי אבותיו הזהיר אותו אֶמֶשׁ לעשות כן, אך בכל זאת דבר אתו משפטים לאמר: הלא בחסר כל באת אלי, ואני חמלתי עליך ואספתיך אל ביתי גם נתתי את בנותי לך לנשים, וקויתי כי בזאת תוסד ידידותנו לעולם, אך אתה גמלתני רעה תחת טובה, לא זכרת כי אחי אמך אנכי ושארך הקרוב אליך, לא שמת לבך על בנותי אשר נתתי לך ועל בניך אשר אני אבי אמותיהם, ותנהגם כשבויי חרב, את רכושי גזלת ואת הוני עשקת, את בנותי פתית לברוח מביתי, גם גנבת את אלהי אשר קדושים הם בעיני כבעיני אבותי ואבות אבותי, ואת אשר לא יעשה אויב לאויבו עשית אתה לי, אתה שארי בן אחותי בעל בנותי, אוכל לחמי ובן משק ביתי! על הדברים האלה השיב יעקב אמרים כי האהבה לארץ מולדת נטע ה׳ לא רק בלבבו כי אם בלבות כל בני האדם, והאהבה הזאת המריצה אותי לשוב אל ארצי אחרי אשר עזבתי אותה עשרים שנה. אך על דבר האשמה אשר תאשימני, הוסיף יעקב לדבר, כי אנכי לא עשקתיך, יוכיחו נא שופטי צדק בינינו אם לא נהפוך הוא, כי אתה עשקת אותי וכל דברי ריבותיך אל חיקך ישובו. הלא אנכי עבדתיך בתם לבבי, שמרתי את צאנך באמונה, והגדלתי והוספתי את רכושך, ואתה תחת תת לי תודה כעל כל תגמולי עליך, תרע עוד עינך בקחתי חלק קטן מכל הרכוש אשר רכשתי לך, חלף עבודתי הכבדה אשר עבדתיך זה שנים רבות. ועל דבר בנותיך ידע תדע כי לא משנאתן אותך עזבוך ללכת אחרי, כי אם מאהבתן אותי, ומעשותן את אשר נטל על כל אשה לעשות לבעלה, ומה גם כי לא יכלו לעזוב את בניהן ההולכים עמי. כדברים האלה השיב יעקב ללבן להוכיח את צדקת נפשו, ואז מלא פיו תוכחות על כל הרעות אשר עשה לו לבן בהעבידו אותו בפרך עשרים שנה רצופות מבלי השב על לב כי בן אחיו הוא ובעל בנותיו; ראשית דרכו עמו היתה לרמות אותו ולתת לו את לאה תחת רחל, והמרמה הזאת אשר שברה את לבו היתה עוד נקלה מול הרעות הרבות אשר הפגיע בו אחרי כן, רעות אשר לא יעשה כמוהן רק אויב ומתנקם. ובאמת הרע לבן מאד ליעקב, כי בראותו כי ה׳ עמו וכל אשר יעשה יצליח, הבטיח לתת לו נקֻדים, וכאשר ילדו כל הצאן נקֻדים, השיב את הבטחתו אחור ויאמר עקדים יהיה שכרך, וכאשר ילדו כל הצאן עקדים, נחם עוד הפעם על הבטחתו, ויחלף את משכרתו עשרת מנים, כי קנא בו קנאה גדולה בראותו כי מקנהו פרץ בארץ וכל אשר הוא עושה ה׳ מצליח בידו. ",
+                    "ועל אדות התרפים אמר לו יעקב כי יחפש אותם בכל אהליו, כי לא ידע כי רחל גנבתם, ויהי בהודע לרחל כי אביה מחפש את התרפים, מהרה ותקחם ותשימם בכר הגמל ותשב עליהם, ותאמר אל אביה אל יחר בעיני אדוני כי לא אוכל לקום מפניך, כי דרך נשים לי, ואז חדל לבן מחפש עוד אחריהם, בהאמינו כי רחל בתו לא תגע באלהיו בימי נדת דותה—. אחרי כן נשבע לבן ליעקב כי לא יזכור לו עוד את אשר עשה לו, ויעקב הבטיחוהו כי לא יענה את בנותיו ולא יקח לו נשים על בנותיו. ויכרתו שניהם ברית על אחד ההרים ויקימו שם גל אבנים ומצבה בתבנית מזבח, ועל כן נקרא ההר ההוא בשם גלעד וכל הארץ ההיא בשם ארץ הגלעד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על שם הגל אשר יעקב קרא לו גלעד (בראשית ל״א, מ״ז).</i>. אחרי הברית ההיא אכלו שניהם וייטיבו את לבם, וישכם לבן בבקר ויברך את בניו ואת בנותיו וילך וישב למקומו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תשובת יעקב לארץ כנען.</b><br>ויעקב הלך לדרכו ויראו אליו מלאכי אלהים ויבטיחוהו רב טוב לימים יֻצָרוּ, ויקרא יעקב שם המקום ההוא מחנה אלהים (מחנים). אך בטרם בואו ארצה כנען, חפץ לדעת אם שב אף עשו אחיו ממנו, וישלח מרגלים אל עשו ארצה שעיר לחקור ולדרוש אם הוא שונא לו כמלפנים, ויצו את המרגלים להגיד לעשו כי ברצון נפשו עזב את ארץ מולדתו, לבל ישב בארץ אחת עם אחיו אשר חרה אפו בו, אך עתה אחרי עבור שנים רבות יקוה כי שב אפו ממנו ויואיל לשבת אתו שבת אחים, ועל כן הוא שב לארצו ויפקיד ביד אחיו את נפשו ואת נפשות נשיו ובניו וכל רכושו אשר רכש בעמל ידו, ולהצלחה גדולה מאד תחשב לו אם יואיל אחיו לחלק עמו כל הונו ורכושו.. כשמוע עשו את דברי המרגלים, שמח שמחה רבה וילך לקראת יעקב עם ארבע מאות אנשים נושקי נשק. אך יעקב ירא מאד בהודע לו כי עשו הולך אליו עם אנשי חיל מזֻינים, ובכל זאת בטח בה׳ וישען עליו כי ישמרהו מכל רע, ובין כה וכה עשה תחבולות להציל ממות נפשות אנשי ביתו, ויחץ את העם אשר אתו לשני מחנות, האחת תסע לראשונה, והשניה לאחרונה, באמרו כי אם יתנפלו אנשי חיל ההם בחרב על המחנה האחת להכותה, תחיש מנוס ומפלט לה אל המחנה השנית. אחרי כן שלח ביד עבדיו מנחה לעשו אחיו מן הבקר והצאן ומן הגמלים והאתונות והעירים אשר האמין כי ייטבו בעיני עשו בגלל יקרתם וחין ערכם, ויתן אותם ביד עבדיו עדר עדר לבדו, ויצום לשום רוח בין עדר לעדר, למען הגדל את המנחה בעיני עשו, ויקו כי במנחה הזאת יכפר את פני אחיו אם לא שב עוד אפו ממנו. גם צוה את העבדים ההם לדבר דברי שלום ודברי אהבה וידידות עם עשו בפגשם אותו.",
+                    "אחרי עשותו את התחבולות ההן, קם יעקב בלילה ההוא ויעבר את נשיו וילדיו את מעבר יבק, גם העביר את כל אשר לו, ויותר הוא לבדו וישא את עיניו וירא והנה מראה כדמות אדם הולך הלוך וקרוב אליו להאבק עמו, אך בהאבקם יחד גבר יעקב וינצחהו. אז גלה האיש ההוא את אזן יעקב כי לא בן אדם התאבק עמו כי אם מלאך אלהים, ובהתגברו עליו אות ומופת הוא לו כי יחילו דרכיו בימים הבאים וכל אשר יעשה יצליח, גם בניו ילכו מחיל אל חיל ולא יכלו לנצח, וכל רב ושליט תחת כל השמים לא יעצר כח לכלותם מעל פני האדמה. ויוסף עוד לדבר ויאמר לא יעקב יאמר עוד שמך, כי אם ישראל, כי שרית עם מלאך אלהים ותוכל לו. כדברים האלה נבא המלאך ליעקב, כי בהודע ליעקב כי מלאך ה׳ נצב עליו, האיץ בו לגלות לו את אשר יקרה אותו בימים הבאים אחרי הדברים האלה נעלם המראה מעיני יעקב, ויעקב שמח בלבו על המראה הגדול הזה ויקרא שם המקום פניאל, כי ראיתי אלהים פנים אל פנים, ויעקב היה צולע על ירכו כי נגע המלאך בכף ירך יעקב בגיד הנשה בהאבקו עמו, על כן לא אכל עוד יעקב את גיד הנשה אשר על כף הירך, וגם אנחנו לא נאכל ממנו עד היום הזה. ",
+                    "ויהי כשמוע יעקב כי עשו לא רחוק עוד ממנו, מהר ויחץ את הילדים על לאה ועל רחל ועל שתי השפחות, וישם את השפחות ואת ילדיהן ראשונה, ואת לאה וילדיה אחרונים, ואת רחל ואת יוסף אחרונים, והוא עם אנשיו עברו לפניהן, לבעבור הרחק את נשיו וילדיו ממקום המלחמה אשר ילחמו הגברים אם יתנפל עליו עשו בחרב. אך בגשתו אל אחיו, אשר לבו שלם עמו, השתחוה לפניו ארצה, וירץ עשו לקראתו ויחבקהו ויפל על צואריו וישקהו, ויבכו. ואחרי אשר ראה עשו את נשי יעקב ואת ילדיו, ואחרי שמעו את כל הקורות אותו, חפץ לשלח אותו ואת כל אשר לו ולהביאם אל יצחק אביהם. אך יעקב אמר אליו כי הילדים רכים והצאן והבקר עלות, ועל כן עליו להתנהל לאט עד אשר יבוא אל אחיו שעירה, וישב ביום ההוא עשו לדרכו אל הר שעיר אשר ירש אותו בחרבו ובקשתו ואשר נקרא על שמו בהיותו איש שָׂעִיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>שכם ענה את דינה, מות רחל, יעקב ובניו באו אל עיר חברון.</b><br>ויעקב בא אל המקום הנקרא בשם סכות עד היום הזה, ומשם נסע לעיר שכם, עיר אחת מערי הכנענים. ואנשי שכם חגו או יום חג, ותצא דינה בת יעקב העירה לראות את עדי הנשים במקום ההוא, וירא אותה שכם בן חמור מלך הארץ ויקח אותה וישכב עמה ויענה. ותדבק נפשו בה ויאהבה, ויאמר אל אביו אותה קח לי לאשה כי ישרה היא בעיני, וילך חמור אל יעקב וידבר אתו לאמר שכם בני חשקה נפשו בדינה בתך, ועתה תנה נא אותה לו לאשה. ויצר ליעקב מאד, כי ירא למרות את פי מלך עז כזה, גם לא אבה לתת את בתו לאיש נכרי, ויבקש את פני חמור להרפות ממנו עד אשר יתיעץ אֹדות הדבר הזה, וישב המלך לביתו ויקו כי תאות בנו לא תאחר לבוא ויעקב שלח אל בניו השדה ויודיעם את הנבלה אשר עשה שכם לדינה, ואת אשר דבר אליו חמור. ויצום להמתיק עצה איכה יעשה. ויהי בהודע להם הדבר הרע הזה, ויבהלו ויחרישו ויהיו אֹבְדֵי עצות. אך שמעון ולוי אחי דינה גם מאם אחת, חשבו מזמה לעשות נקמות בשכם וחמור ובכל אנשי העיר, וביום אשר חגו יושבי העיר חג גדול ויעשו הלולים, התנפלו באשון ליל על שומרי העיר בעת אשר נתנו שנת לעיניהם ויהרגו אותם בחרב, ואחרי כן התפרצו העירה ויהרגו בה כל זכר, גם את המלך ואת שכם בנו, רק את הנשים לא הרגו, ויקחו את דינה אחותם וישובו אל אביהם אשר לא ידע מאומה מכל אשר עשו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר לא ספר בזה את ערמת בני יעקב ככל הכתוב בתורה (בראשית ל״ד:י״ג), כי הוא כתב את ספרו בגלל היונים והרומאים ויחפוץ להסתיר הדבר מעיניהם—.</i>. ",
+                    "וכשמעו את מעשיהם, רגז ויקצוף מאד עליהם, וידבר אתם משפטים על הדבר הרע הזה אשר עשו. אך אז הופיע אליו ה׳ ויחזק את ידיו ויצוהו לטהר את אהליו מכל טומאה ולהביא אליו את הקרבנות אשר נדר לו בברחו אל ארם נהרים אחרי ראותו את מראות אלהים בחלום הלילה. ויהי בקדש יעקב את בניו ואת אהליו, מצא את התרפים אשר גנבה רחל מאת לבן אביה, ויטמון אותם תחת האלה אשר עם שכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וע״פ זה נבין את הכתוב ויאמר יעקב וגו׳ הסירו את אלהי הנכר אשר בתוככם (שם ל״ה, ב׳), כי עד העת ההיא היו עוד התרפים. אלהי לבן באהלי יעקב—.</i>. ואז נסע משם בית אל ויעש שם מזבח במקום אשר ראה את מראות אלהים בחזיון ליל בלכתו ארם נהרים. ",
+                    "משם נסע אפרתה ושמה קבר את רחל אשר מתה עליו בהקשותה בלדתה, והיא היתה האחת מבית אברהם אשר לא נקברה בחברון במערת המכפלה. ואחרי אשר ספד יעקב לרחל ויבך בכי תמרורים, קרא את שם הבן אשר ילדה לו, בנימין, יען כי הוא בן אונה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רחל קראה לו בן אוני (שם י״ח).</i>—. אלה הם בני יעקב, שנים עשר בנים ובת אחת; שמונה מהם בני הגבירות, ששה ילדה לו לאה ושנים ילדה לו רחל, וארבעה היו בני השפחות, וכל אחת ילדה לו שנים, שמותיהם הזכרנו כבר בספר הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות יצחק וקבורתו.</b><br>ויעקב נסע לעיר חברון בארץ כנען, אשר שם ישב יצחק אביו. אך אחרי ימים מעטים גוע יצחק ויאסף אל עמיו (ורבקה מתה בטרם שוב יעקב אל ארצו), ויעקב ועשו קברו אותו בחברון אשר שם קבורים אבותיו. יצחק היה אהוב מאד בעיני ה׳, ואחרי מות אברהם אביו ברך אותו בַכֹּל עד כי התברכו בו כל יודעי שמו, גם האריך את ימיו ושנותיו, כי ימי חייו היו מאה ושמונים וחמש שנים, וכל הימים היה מאֻשר בארץ ויתהלך את האלהים."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "key": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..22aec95d6c8104023d15ecc0d77b5063d2ed9d57
--- /dev/null
+++ b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The Antiquities of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,164 @@
+{
+    "title": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+    "language": "he",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/The_Antiquities_of_the_Jews",
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<b>מעשה בראשית.</b><br>בראשית ברא אלהים שמים וארץ, והארץ היתה מעֻלפת בערפל, חבושה בחשֵכה ורוח אלהים מרחפת על פניה, וַיְצַו אלהים: יהי אור; ויהי אור, וירא אלהים (לאור הזה) את כל מסתרי הַחֹמֶר הֲרַת עולם,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וועלט מאטעריע. ועל דרך זה אמרו חז״ל במסכת חגיגה (יב.) אמר ר׳ אלעזר אור שברא הקב״ה ביום ראשון, אדם צופה בו מסוף העולם ועד סופו כו׳ וכן אמר ר׳ יעקב כי באור ההוא היה אדם צופה ורואה ומביט מסוף העולם ועד סופו.</i> ויבדל בין האור ובין החשך, ויקרא לאור יום ולחשך קרא לילה, ולראשית הלילה והמנוחה קרא ערב, ולראשית האור והעבודה קרא בקר, ויהי ערב ויהי בֹקר יום ראשון. אך בתורת משה כתוב יום אחד תחת יום ראשון, ופשר הדבר אין מקומו פה בספר דברי הימים, ושמתי לו מקום בספר אשר יעדתיו לבאר בו הליכות ספרי קדשנו וטעמי מצות התורה.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וזה לשון המבאר לספר נתיבות השלום (בראשית א׳, ה׳): ואמר יום אחד ולא יום ראשון, לפי שאין ראשון בלי שני דעדיין לא נעשה השני, כי הראשון קודם להשני במנין או במעלה אבל שניהם נמצאים והוא ממאמר הנקרא מבעלי ההגיון מאמר המצטרף אבל האחד לא יורה על שני.</i> ביום השני רָקע אלהים את רקיע השמים וימתחהו מעל כל יצורי התבל, וייסדהו בספירים וַיְקָרֵהו בחשרת מים ואגלי טל להשקות את האדמה ולהצמיחה. ביום השלישי יָסד את הארץ על מכוניה וּלְמֵזַח תמיד חגר אותה במים רבים, וביום ההוא הִדְשיא את הארץ דשא עשב מזריע זרע וַיִטַע כל עץ מאכל וכל נטעי נעמנים. ביום הרביעי פֵאַר וַיַעַד את רקיע השמים בַּעֲדִי השמש, הירח וכל כוכבי אור וישם חק למסלוליהם ותקופותיהם להיות לאותות ולמועדים לימים ושנים. ביום החמישי ברא אלהים את בעלי סנפיר וקשקשת וכל נפש החיה אשר שרצו המים למיניהם, גם כל בעלי כנפים המעופפים תחת רקיע השמים, ויטע בהם התשוקה לדבקה איש באשתו להחיות זרע ולפרות ולרבות בארץ. ביום הששי יצר אלהים את חית הארץ למינה ואת הבהמה למינה ואת כל רמש האדמה למינהו, זכר ונקבה ברא אותם, ולאחרונה ברא את האדם בצלמו כדמותו, ואז כֻּלוּ השמים והארץ וכל צבאם, ויכל אלהים את כל מעשה בראשית וישבות ביום השביעי מכל מלאכתו אשר פעל ועשה, ויברך את יום השביעי ויקדשהו, ועל כן צוה ה׳ גם אותנו לשבות ביום השביעי ולקדש אותו, ושמרו בני ישראל את השבת לדורות עולם וישבתו וינָפשו בו כמצֻוה עליהם מפי ה׳ ביד משה.",
+                    "אחרי אשר הודיעה תורתנו את דבר יום השביעי (יום השבת) אשר בו שבת אלהים מכל מלאכתו, תשוב להודיענו את סוד יצירת האדם בפרט אחרי אשר הודיעה את זאת בכלל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכלל הגדול הזה בתורה, הורה אותנו גם ר״א בנו של ר׳ יוסי הגלילי בל״ב מדות שהתורה נדרשת בהן, והוא מכלל שאחריו מעשה ואינו אלא פרטו של ראשון. ויברא את האדם זה הוא כלל, סתם ברייתו וסתם מעשיו, וחזר ופירש ויצר ה׳ אלהים את האדם וגו׳ ויצמח לו גן בעדן ויניחהו בגן עדן ויפל עליו תרדמה, השומע סבור שהוא מעשה אחר ואינו אלא פרטו של ראשון כו׳ ע״ש במדה י״ג והכלל הזה ידע גם יוסף בן מתתיהו אשר היה למוד ה׳ בתורה הכתובה והמסורה.</i> וְתוֹדיענו כי ה׳ אלהים יָצר את האדם עפר מן האדמה ויפח באפיו רוח ונשמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה לא נזכר רוח רק נשמת חיים ונפש חיה (בראשית ה׳ ו׳).</i> ויהי האדם לנפש חַיָה, וזה שְׁמוֹ אשר פי ה׳ יִקֳבנו: אדם על שם האדמה האדֻמה אשר ממנה יְצָרוֹ יוֹצְרוֹ, כי מראה הָאֹדֶם הוא מראה האדמה בהיותה עוד בבתוליה וראש עפרות תבל. אחרי כן הביא ה׳ את כל חית השדה ואת כל עוף השמים לראות מה יקרא להם האדם, והאדם קרא להם שמות לפי תכונותיהם, ובשמות ההם הם נקראים עד היום הזה. כראות אלהים כי לא טוב היות האדם לבדו בלא עזר כנגדו, וגם האדם התעצב אל לבו בראותו כי כל בעלי החיים יִלָווּ איש איש אל אשתו ורק הוא נופל מהם בדבר הזה, אז הפיל ה׳ אלהים תרדמה על האדם ויישן ויקח צלע אחת מצלעותיו ויבן אותה לאשה ויביאה אל האדם ויאמר האדם זאת היא עצם מעצמי ובשר מבשרי ויקרא לה בשם אשה כי מאיש לֻקחה, אך אחרי כן קרא לה בשם חוה כי היא היתה אם כל חי.",
+                    "ויטע ה׳ אלהים גן בעדן מקדם ויצמח שם כל עצי פרי נחמדים למראה וטובים למאכל גם עץ הדעת טוב ורע ועץ החיים נטע בתוך הגן, וישם שם את האדם ואת אשתו לעבוד את הגן ולשמרו, ונהר יוצא מעדן להשקות את הגן ומשם יפרד והיה לארבעה ראשים , שם האחד פישון, כי פשו מימיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אודות ארבעה ראשים ההם, הרבו חכמים רבים לחקור מימי קדם עד הימים האלה, ולא זה המקום להאריך בחקירות כאלה, ורק בדברים קצרים נעיר בזה כי פישון הוא משרש פוש ענינו רבוי והתעצמות המתרבה מעצמו ונתוסף בכמותו, כמו ופשו פרשיו (חבקוק א׳, ח׳) (פיל זיין), פרה ורבה תרגם פשו, כי הפרני ארי אפשני וכן נפיש בארמית לשון הרבה, וכן בתלמוד נפישי גמלי סבי וכו׳ והראב״ע פירשו התפשטות (זיך אויסברייטען) שוה לשרש פשה (ע׳ אוה״ש שורש פוש ושרש פשה) גם הוראת שם פרת לדעת המחבר הוא בהוראת שם פישון, אך ההבדל ביניהם כי מי פישון רבים הם ועצומים רק במקומם , ומי פרת מתפשטים גם למקומות אחרים בעלותם על גדותם כטבע הנהר הזה. אך לא אדע לכוין הוראת שם פרת להוראת פרח, גם לא אבין איך החליף המחבר שם חדקל העברי לשם דגלת הארמי והכשדי, גם שם דגלת לא יורה על דבר חד וצר. ואולי דעת המחבר בשם דגלת כדעת בעל מחקרי ארץ כי הוא שם חדקל בעצמו בשנוי ההברה, כי לפעמים ישתנו קצת גם השמות הפרטים מלשון אל לשון, והחי״ת בשם חדקל הוא נוסף כחיתי״ן אשר בשמות חבצלת, חנמל, חשמנים, יתכן שלזאת כונו חז״ל באמרם: לה נקרא שמו חדקל, (ר״ל בתוספת החי״ת) לפי שמימיו חדים וקלים, ואולם דקל (הוא דגל) שמו. ולפי זה יצדק המחבר באמרו כי נהר טיגריס יקרא בשם דגלת בשפת עברית, אולם תחת חד וצר צ״ל חד וקל, והמעתיק את דברי המחבר טעה בהעתקתו—.</i>, והוא ההולך אל ארץ הוֹדוּ (אינדיען) והיונים קראו לו בשם גאנגעסי, ושם ישתפך אל ים ההודי. ושֵׁם הנהר השני גיחון, והיונים יקראו לו נילוס, והוא יגיח מארץ הקדם לארץ מצרים. שֵׁם הנהר השלישי חִדֶקֶל , פתרונו בלשון עברית חַד, כי מימיו חדים, והיונים קראו לו טיגריס. ושֵׁם הנהר הרביעי פרת, שם המורה בלשון עֵבר על הִתְפַּשֵׁט לארך ולרחב, או הוראתו כהוראת שֵׁם פרח, ושני הנהרות האלה (חדקל ופרת) נופלים אל ים האדום.",
+                    "אחרי אשר שָׂם ה׳ את האדם ואת אשתו בגן עדן צוה אותם לאמר: מכל עץ הגן אָכֹל תאכלו, אך מעץ הדעת טוב ורע לא תאכלו ממנו, כי ביום אכלכם ממנו תֶאשָׁמוּ ורעה תבוא עליכם (המות). והנה בעת הַמְאֻשָׁרָה ההיא היה שלום ואחוה בין חַיְתוֹ ארץ, [וגר זאב עם כבש ונמר עם גדי רבץ, ועגל וכפיר ומריא רעו באחו], לא הרעו ולא השחיתו בכל רחבי ארץ, ואהבה נאמנה היתה גם ביניהם ובין האדם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקלל ה׳ את הנחש, אמר: ואיבה אשית בינך ובין האשה ובין זרעך ובין זרעה וגו׳ (בראשית ג׳, ט״ו), מכלל שעד העת ההיא היה שלום ואהבה בין הנחש ובין האדם גם בין כל החיות ובין האדם—.</i>. רק הנחש היה ערום מכל חית השדה, ויקנא בהצלחת האדם ואשתו וברוב טוּבָם בעֵדן גן אלהים, ויתנכל בעָרמתו לָשׂוּם מוקשים לרגליהם ולהפילם במהמורות, ובדעתו כי בעברם את מצות האלהים יבֻלע להם וילכו מדחי אל דחי, השיא את האשה (כי דעתה קלה) לאכול מפרי עץ הדעת למרות פי ה׳, ובחלקת לשונו דבר אליה כי רק מאשר יודע אלהים כי ביום אכלם ממנו תפקחנה עיניהם ויהיו כאלהים יודעי טוב ורע, רק בעבור זאת צוה אותם לבלתי אכל ממנו, ובפה חנף ושפתי חלקות הִדִיחַ את האשה ותקח מפרי עץ הדעת ותאכל ותתענג על טובם ותשמח על נעמם ותתן גם לאישה עמה ויאכל גם הוא, ותפקחנה עיני שניהם וידעו ויבינו כי עירומים הם ויתבוששו — כי בעץ ההוא הטביע ה׳ סגלה נפלאה לתת מזִמה ויתרון דעת לאוכל מפריו — ויתפרו עלה תאנה ויעשו להם חגורות לכסות את ערותם, וַיְדַמוּ בנפשם כי טוב להם עתה מאז ומאֻשרים הם בפקוח עיניהם ובהשכילם למַלאות את מחסוריהם—. אך בשמעם את קול ה׳ אלהים מתהלך בגן, התחבאו תחת עצי הגן, כי ידעו את עַוָתָתָם ולא נועזו להרים פניהם אליו. ויקרא ה׳ אלהים אל האדם וישאלהו על מה זה יתחמק ויחבא מפניו תחת אשר עד כה ראה פניו בששון ובשמחת לבב? וידם האדם, כי לא מצא מענה לשון. אז דבר ה׳ אליו באפו, ויאמר: ידעתי כי לא על צדקותיך נאלמת ולא תפתח פיך — ידעתי כי מרית את פי ותאכל מן העץ אשר צויתיך לבלתי אֲכָל ממנו, ועתה הנך ברעתך — לוּא הקשבת למצותי, כי אז היית מאשר בארץ ודאגה וְחֹסֶר לא לחצו לבך, כי אז נתתי שמחת עולם בלבך וענג ושעשועים ונעימות נצח בנפשך, ויהי כחול ימיך, וזקנה ושיבה לא כפפו קומתך—. אז התודה האדם על עֲוֹנוֹ, ויתנפל ויתחנן אל ה׳ לסלוח לו, וישיא עֲוֹן אשמתו על אשתו, ויאמר: האשה אשר נתת עמדי היא נתנה לי מן העץ וָאֹכֵל. והאשה השיאה עון האשמה על הנחש, ותאמר: הנחש הערום והנוכל השיאני ואכל. ויאמר ה׳ אלהים אל הנחש: כי עשית זאת ארור אתה מכל הבהמה ומכל חית השדה , לשונך תהי נאלמה בפיך והדבר יחדל ממך לעולם, ותחת זאת אשים חמת מות ורעל תחת לשונך, ואיבה אשית בינך ובין האשה ובין זרעך ובין זרעה, הוא ישופך ראש (כי ממנו נפתחה רעת האדם והאדם ישלם גמולך בראשך) ואתה תשופנו עקב, על גחונך תלך, כי מקצץ אני רגליך, ועפר תאכל כל ימי חייך בהיותך זוחל עפר—. אל האשה, אמר: יען אשר שמעת בקול הנחש ותחטאו וגם את אישך החטאת, הרבה ארבה עצבונך והרונך, בעצב תלדי בנים ואל אישך תשוקתך והוא ימשל בך. ולאדם אמר: כי שמעת בקול אשתך והפרת את מצותי, ארורה האדמה בעבורך, בזעת אפיך תעבוד אותה, והיא לא תוסיף תת כחה לך, וגם אחרי עבודה קשה לא תוציא רק מעט צמח אשר יעשה קמח, ואכלת את עשב השדה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב את הס׳ הזה בעבור חכמי העמים, והם לא יקבלו את דברי חז״ל (במס׳ ברכות ס״א, בב״ר פרשה כ׳ ובספרא שמיני סי׳ כ״ח) בגדולה מתחילין מן הגדול ובקללה מן הקטן שעל כן נתקלל הנחש תחלה ואח״כ חוה ולבסוף נתקלל אדם, ועל כן הפך המחבר בגוף הספר את הסדר וכתב שבתחלה נתקלל אדם ואח״כ חוה ולבסוף הנחש.</i>. ואחרי אשר הרביץ אלהים את הקללות האלה על האדם ואשתו, גרש אותם מגן עדן לעבוד את האדמה אשר לֻקחו משם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תולדות בני האדם ועשרה הדורות אחריו עד המבול.</b><br>והאדם ידע את חוה אשתו ותהר ותלד את קין ותאמר קניתי איש את ה׳, ותוסף ללדת בן ותקרא את שמו הבל באמרה הֶבל ימינו ואֵבל על הארץ. גם בנות ילדה חוה לאדם אישה. וקין והבל נפרדו איש מאחיו במחשבותיהם ומעשיהם, הבל הצעיר היה רעה צאן וַיְשַׁו ה׳ לנגדו תמיד וילך בדרכיו, וקין היה עבד אדמה ואין פחד אלהים לנגד עיניו. ויהי מקץ ימים וַיִוָעֲדוּ שניהם להביא מנחה לה׳, קין הביא את מנחתו מפרי האדמה ומפרי העץ, והבל הביא מחלב צאנו ומבכריהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפני המחבר היה הנוסח מבכורות צאנו ומֵחֲלָבֵיהֶן תחת וּמֵחֶלְבֵהֶן (בראשית ד׳ ד׳ וע״ש בבאור).</i>, וישע ה׳ אל הבל ואל מנחתו אשר הביא מצאצאי הטבע ברוח נדיבה, ואל קין הַכֵּלַי וצר העין ואל מנחתו אשר הוציא בחזקת היד מן הארץ, לא שעה. ויחר לקין מאד בראותו כי יתר שאת להבל אחיו ממנו, ויהי בהיותם בשדה ויקם קין אל הבל אחיו ויהרגהו, ואת גויתו הסתיר בבור ויכס בעפר, ויחשוב כי בזאת יסתר גם עונו, אך ה׳ אלהים אשר אין נסתר מנגד עיניו, ראה את אשר עשה וישאלהו: אי הבל אחיך? הלא שבת אחים ישבתם תמיד יחדו וזה ימים אחדים הנך יושב לבדד, ויחרד קין וידם. אך עד מהרה הרהיב בנפשו עז ויען ויאמר: גם בעיני יפלא הדבר — וכאשר האיץ בו ה׳ להגיד לו אי הבל, חרה לקין ויען עַזוּת: גם אנכי לא ידעתי איהו! השומר אחי אנכי או אֹמְנוֹ ומלמדו אשר מספר צעדיו אדע? אז דבר אליו ה׳ באפו: התדמה בנפשך כי ממני יפלא דבר? או אם יסתר פועל רע במסתרים אני לא אראה פעלו? הנה קול דמי אחיך צעקים אלי מן האדמה לקחת נקם מיד שופכם! ועתה כי עשית זאת ארור אתה מן האדמה אשר פצתה את פיה לקחת את דמי אחיך מידך! כי תעבוד את האדמה לא תסף תת כחה לך, נע ונד תהיה בארץ, אז יכנע לבב קין הערל ויחל את פני ה׳ בזבח ומנחה, גם התודה על עונו ויאמר: אהה גדול עוני מנשוא! ויאמר אליו ה׳: לא תמות — אך פקד אפקוד עונך עד דור השביעי—. ויגרש אותו ואת אשתו וַיַרְגִיזֵם ממנוחתם להיות נעים ונדים בארץ. ויירא קין מפני החיות הטורפות השואפות לדמים, ויאמר: הה ה׳! הן גרשת אותי היום ממקום מנוחתי להתנודד ברחבי ארץ, והיה כל חיה רעה אשר תמצאני אהי טרף לְשִׁנֶיהָ. וישם ה׳ לקין אות להיות מוראו וחתיתו על כל חיתו טרף, וישלחהו להתנודד בארץ מבלי מצוא מנוח לנפשו העשוקה בדמי הבל אחיו. אמנם אחרי התנודדו ימים רבים בארץ, הניח לו ה׳ מרגזו ויתנהו לשבת בארץ נוד, ושם בנה לו קין בית לשבתו ויולד בנים ובנות. אך גם אז לא היטיב את דרכיו ואת מעלליו, ויוסף עוד הרע, ויתמכר לשרירות לבו הרע, עָשַׁק עֹשֶק ויחמוס ויגזול ויעש כל תועבות ה׳ אשר שנא, גם הסית את רעיו לפלס חמס ידיהם בארץ, ולהנזר לתענוגות בשרים וחמדות נְמִבְזוֹת, ויעזור להם בכל דבר פשע וחטאה. הוא היה הראשון אשר הפריע את נעימות חיי הַתֹּם והיושר אשר היו בני האדם עד הימים ההם, בהמציאו את דרכי המדות והמשקולת למדוד ולשקול כל דבר מאכל אשר יאכל, ובלמדו את בני האדם אהבת בצע מעשקות וזמה ועגבים. הוא היה הראשון אשר הציב גבולות לשדות וגנים ואשר בנה עיר מושב מוקפת חומה. בעיר ההיא הושיב בחזקת היד בני חוֹרִים ויכניעם תחת ידו, ואת שם העיר קרא כשם בנו בכורו חנוך. וחנוך ילד את עירד, ועירד ילד את מחויאל, ומחייאל ילד את מתושאל, ומתושאל ילד את למך, ולמך היה הראשון אשר לקח לו שתי נשים, שם האחת עדה ושם השנית צלה, ושתיהן ילדו לו שבעה ושבעים בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מאין לקח המחבר את הדבר הזה, נעלם ממני ולא נדע, ובלי ספק שאב את הדיעה הזאת ממקור נאמן מספר עתיק ימים אשר אבד ממנו כספרים רבים כאלה ורמז לזה ולמך שבעים ושבעה—.</i> מבני עדה מהֻלל שֵׁם יָבָל אבי כל יושב אהל ומקנה, ושם יוּבָל אבי כל תופש כנור ועוגב. ומבני צלה היה תובל קין<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר יקרא את תובל בשם טבאל.</i> אשר גבר על אחיו בכח ידיו ואמץ זרועו ויהי אבי כל חרש ברזל ומוציא כלי קרב למעשיהם, ובכחו וגבורתו גם בכח כלי המשחית אשר המציא, הפיל אימתו ופחדו על כל סביביו ולא נבצרה ממנו כל מזמה אשר יזם לעשות. ולמך אשר ידע דעת עליון, ידע גם את האָלה ואת נקמת שדי הרובצת עוד עליו ועל בניו עד דור השביעי בגלל קין אשר שפך את דמי הבל אחיו, ויספר זאת גם לעדה וצלה נשיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע״פ הספור הזה נראה אור בשני כתובים סתומים וחתומים בס׳ בראשית (ד׳ כ״ג, כ״ד) ויאמר למך לנשיו וגו׳ כי איש הרגתי לפצעי וילד לחברתי. כי שבעתים יקם קין ולמך שבעים ושבעה, כי הנה כאשר ספר למך לנשיו כי נקמת דמי הבל אשר שפך קין רובצת עוד עליו (כי הוא היה דור הששי לקין) ועל בניו, המתיקו הנשים עצה להרוג אותו לכפר בדמו את דמי הבל, ואז תסור נקמת שדי מעל בניהן—. ובהודע עצתן הרעה ללמך הוכיח להן בדברים נמרצים כי בעשותן זאת תוספנה עוד רעה לבניהן ונקמת ה׳ תרבץ על בניהן יתר הרבה עוד. כי הן גם את דמי קין המרצח ינקום ה׳ מיד שופכם, והנקמה ההיא תמשך שבעה דורות, אף כי ההורג אותו (את למך) אשר ידיו לא שפכו את דמי הבל, הלא תרבץ נקמת ה׳ עד שבעים ושבעה דור, ובזה רמז להן גם על שבעים ושבעה בניהן אשר ילדו לו—. וזאת היא כונת דברי למך לנשיו: עדה וצלה שמען קולי וגו׳ כי האיש הרגתי לפצעי וילד לחבורתי, ר״ל הכי אנכי הרגתי את האיש הבל בעשותי בו פצעים פצעים, וילד (כי הבל היה עוד צעיר לימים) בחבורות חבורות (כאשר ארז״ל במס׳ סנהדרין ל״ז ע״ב כי קין עשה בהבל אחיו חבורות חבורות פציעות פציעות שלא היה יודע מהיכן נשמה יוצאת), ולפצעי ולחבורתי הוא כמו בפצעי ובחבורתי אשר עשיתי להבל (ע׳ מכלול לרד״ק שער דקדוק הפעלים דף מ״ה ע״ב דפוס ליק), הן כל הורג קין תרבץ נקמת שדי עליו שבעה דורות, הלא ההורג את למך יקם עד שבעים ושבעה דורות—. ובדברים נמרצים האלה הפחיד את נשיו לבל יהרגוהו.</i>--.",
+                    "ובני קין הרבו הָרֵעַ וישחיתו דרכם על הארץ לַמְרוֹת פי ה׳ גם בעוד אשר היה אדם אביהם בחיים חיתו ומה גם אחרי מותו. כי הם היו זרע מרעים ויתחרו אך להרע ויגורו מלחמות כל היום וידיהם דמים מלאו, ואם לפעמים השיב אחד מהם את ידיו מרצח וְשֶׁפֶך דם, התעיב לעומת זה עלילה בחמס וגזל ובחמדות נתעבות שכם אחד על אחיו המרצחים.",
+                    "והנה כאשר הרבו בני קין לעשות הרע בעיני ה', כן הרבו בני שת לעשות הטוב והישר בעיני אלהים. כי אחרי אשר נרצח הבל ואחרי אשר גֹרַשׁ קין מעל פני האדמה, נשאר האדם ערירי, ויתעצב מאד אל לבו, ויכסוף להוליד בנים אחרים אשר ירשו את הארץ אחריו, ואז היה בן שלשים ומאת שנה ויולד בדמותו כצלמו ויקרא את שמו שת, באמרו כי שת לי אלהים זרע אחר תחת הבל כי הרגו קין, ויהיו ימי אדם אחרי הולידו את שת שמונה מאות שנה ויולד בנים ובנות. ואנחנו לא נספר בזה תולדות כל הבנים ההם, כי יארכו מאד הדברים, ורק אדות שת בחיר הבנים ההמה, נטיף בזה אמרים קצרים; שת היה איש צדיק תמים בדורותיו, מימי עלומיו הלך במעגלי צדק, ועד יומו האחרון התהלך את האלהים, וגם את בניו הדריך בדרכי ה׳ הישרים, וילמדם לעשות אך טוב וחסד. והבנים אשר הקשיבו למצותיו ישבו שאננים בארץ מולדתם ויתענגו על רוב שלום כל ימי חייהם הם היו אבות כל יודעי חקות השמים והליכות הכוכבים והמזלות, ומדאגה בדבר פן תשכחנה הידיעות הנכבדות ההנה בדורות הבאים — כי אדם הראשון נִבָּא כבר כי בחרות אף ה׳ על רֹעַ מעללי בני דורות הבאים, יביא עליהם מבול מים מבול אש לכלותם מעל פני האדמה — על כן הקימו בני שת שני עמודים גדולים, האחד עמוד לבנים והאחד עמוד אבנים, ויחרתו עליהם את דברי החכמות והמדעים אשר המציאו ברוחב לבבם, באמרם אם יביא ה׳ מבול מים על הארץ וימח את עמוד הלבנים, והיה עמוד האבן לפליטה ודורות יולדו יראו את הרשום עליו בכתב אמת ויביאו לבב חכמה. ועל עמוד האבן חצבו בעט ברזל ועופרת ויודיעו כי הציבו גם עמוד לבנים כדמותו וכצלמו, ואם לא ימצא עוד בארץ, ידעו כי שטף מי המבול גרפו—. ועמוד אבן ההוא נצב עוד בארץ ארם (סוריא) עד היום הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>המבול. נח ובניו בבקעת שנער אחר המבול.</b><br>בני שת התהלכו במסלות ישרים ומעגלי צדק שבעה דורות, וה׳ האיר פניו אליהם וירק להם ברכות עד בלי די. אך דור השמיני סרו מארחות אבותיהם הטובים ויעשו הרע בעיני אלהים ואדם, ויתמכרו ללכת בדרכי לבם, וינזרו לְבֹשֶת וישחיתו דרכם על הארץ, עד כי חרה בם אף ה׳ עד להשחית. גם מלאכי אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר יבאר את שם ״בני האלהים״ (בראשית ו׳, ב׳-ד׳) כמו ״מלאכי אלהים״ (ענגעל גאטטעס), אך לדעת כל המפרשים הוא תאר לבני שת והוא ע״ד אני אמרתי אלהים אתם ובני עליון כלכם (תהלים פ״ב , ו׳) ועוד רבות כאלה בתנ״ך.</i> הרעו אז לעשות, כי גם הם חמדו את יפי בנות האדם בלבבם, ויקחו להם נשים מכל אשר בחרו, ויולידו בנים סוררים ומורים, אשר בטחו בכח ידיהם וזרוע עֻזם, ויבוזו לכל ארחות צדק, ויעשו אך הרע בעיני ה׳ והם דומים להנפילים אשר פי היוָנים יקבם בשם גינאנטים (גיגאנטען).",
+                    "ונח ראה את רעה בני האדם, וירע לו רעה גדולה מאד ויפלו פניו, וימַלא פיו תוכחות ויוכיחם על דרכיהם הרעים ומעלליהם הנשחתים, אך כל עמלו נשאר מָעַל, כי הם בזו לו לעגו לו, ולא הקשיבו אל כל דבריו. אז ירא נח פן יבער כמעט אף הרשעים ההם ויהרגו אותו ואת אשתו ובניו וכל אנשי ביתו, וישם על לבו לעזוב את הארץ ההיא ולהרחיק נדוד לארצות נכריות. ונח מצא חן בעיני ה׳, כי היה איש צדיק תמים בדורותיו, ויהי מָגֵן לו ולא מִגֵן אותו בידי צוררי נפשו, אך באנשי רשע ההם חרה אפו ויאמר להשחיתם ואתם יחד את כל האדם, ולהקים תחתיהם אנשים טובים וישרים, ועל כן היתה ראשית מעשהו להקציר את ימי חיי האדם עד מאה ועשרים שנה, תחת אשר עד הימים ההם היו ימי חייהם כאלף שנים, ואחרי כן הביא עליהם מבול מים וימח את כל היקום, ורק את נח הציל ממי המבול, ויצוהו לעשות לו תבה בעלת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב תחתים שנים ושלישים תעשה ועי׳ ב״ר פ׳ נח וברש״י שם.</i> ארבע מכפלות, שלש מאות אמה ארך דחבה, חמשים אמה רחבה ושלשים אמה קומתה, גם צוהו להביא אתו אל התבה מכל מאכל אשר נאכל, ומכל החי שבעה שבעה זכר ונקבה לחיות זרע על פני האדמה אחר המבול. כתלי התבה היו חזקים ומוצקים, גם מכסה התבה חזקה מאד לבל יגיע שטף מי המבול אל תוכה, ויעש נח ככל אשר צוהו ה׳, ויבא הוא ושם וחם ויפת בניו ואשתו ושלשת נשי בניו אל התבה, המה וכל החיה והבהמה וכל הרמש וכל העוף כאשר צוה ה׳, ויסגור ה׳ בעדם. נח היה הדור העשירי לאדם הראשון, כי הוא היה בן למך, בן מתושלח, בן חנוך, בן ירד, בן מהללאל, בן קינן, בן אנוש, בן שת, בן אדם.",
+                    "בשנת שש מאות שנה לחיי נח היה המבול על הארץ, בחדש השני אשר המקדונים יקראו לו בשם דְיוֹם והעברים בשם מרחשון, כי כן חלקו המצרים את חדשי השנה, ועל פי המחלקה הזאת יחשב החדש הזה לחדש השני בשנה, אך על פי תורת משה יחשב חדש אייר לחדש השני בשנה כי החדש הראשון הוא ניסן, החדש אשר היונים יקראו אותו בשם קסאנטינוס (Xantinus), יען כי בו יצאו בני ישראל ממצרים, ורֻבי המצות בעניני עבודת אלהים תעשינה על פי החשבון הזה לחדשי השנה, אולם בכל דברי ממכר וקנין ובבל הנהגות המדינה, נחשוב את חדש תשרי להחדש הראשון בשנה, ולפי החשבון הזה חדש מרחשון הוא החדש השני <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במסכת ר״ה (דף י״א ע״ב) נחלקו חכמי ישראל אדות החדש השני אשר בו החל המבול (בראשית ז׳, י״א) ר׳ אליעזר אומר זה מרחשון ור׳ יהושע אומר זה אייר (ע׳ רא״ם), ויוסף הכהן סובר כר׳ אליעזר—.</i>—. ובעדות תורת משה הוחל המבול בשבעה עשר יום לחדש הזה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר בשבעה ועשרים.</i>. מיום ברוא ה׳ את האדם עד המבול עברו <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי חשבון המחבר עברו שני אלפים ושש מאות ונ״ו שנים.</i> אלף ושש מאות וחמשים ושש שנים. החשבון הזה נמצא בתורת משה אם נחשוב את שני חיי האנשים הַמְצֻיָנִים והמהֻללים אשר היו בדורות עולמים ההם. והחשבון ההוא נחשוב מראשית עד אחרית ימי חייהם על הארץ. ",
+                    "כי אדם הראשון אשר חי תשע מאות ושלשים שנה, הוליד את שת בהיותו בן שלשים ומאת שנה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאתים ושלשים.</i>, ושת היה בן חמש שנים ומאת שנה בהולידו את אנוש <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאתים וחמשים שנה.</i>, ואנוש אשר חי חמש שנים ותשע מאות שנה, הוליד בהיותו בן תשעים שנה את קינן <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה ושמונים.</i> ויתן את ממשלתו בידו. קינן חי תשע מאות ועשר שנה, ובהיותו בן שבעים שנה הוליד את מהללאל <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה ושבעים.</i>. מהללאל חי חמש ותשעים שנה ושמונה מאות שנה, ובהיותו בן חמש שנים וששים שנה הוליד את ירד <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר מאה וששים ושתים. על אודות כל השנוים האלה הרבו כבר חכמים וסופרים רבים לחקור ולדרוש, והדברים ארוכים מאד, ואין פה מקומם.</i>. ירד חי שתים וששים שנה ותשע מאות שנה, ובהיותו בן מאה וששים ושתים שנים הוליד את חנוך. וחנוך היה בו חמש וששים שנה ושלש מאות שנה ויקחהו אלהים ולא נדע עוד ממנו דבר, ובהיותו בן חמש וששים שנה הוליד את מתושלח, ומתושלח בהיותו בן מאה ושמנים ושבע שנים הוליד את למך ויתן את ממשלתו בידו אחרי מָשְׁלוֹ הוא לבדו תשע וששים שנה ותשע מאות שנה. ולמך משל על בני האדם שבע ושבעים שנה ושבע מאות שנה, ואז נתן את ממשלתו ביד נח בנו אשר נולד לו בהיותו בן שתים ושמנים שנה ומאת שנה, וְנֹחַ משל תשע מאות וחמשים שנה. ואם נחשוב את שנות הדורות ההם באופן הזה אשר יֵצא כאור מספר השנים מאדם עד המבול, הלא הוא <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי חשבון המחבר אלפים ותרנ״ו.</i> אלף ושש מאות וחמשים ושש שנים, אך אין לנו לחקור ולחפש אחרי אחרית בני הדורות ההם (אשר ימי חייהם נמשכו עד שִלֵשים ועד רִבֵּעִים) רק לחשוב ראשית ימי חייהם ומתי נולדו—.",
+                    "אחרי תת ה׳ אותות לבני האדם כי ישובו מדרכיהם ומהחמס אשר בכפיהם, ולא שבו, המטיר ה׳ מטרות עז מן השמים ארבעים יום וארבעים לילה מבלי הפוגה, עד אשר גברו המים חמש עשרה אמה על הארץ, ויגוע כל האדם וימח כל היקום אשר על פני האדמה. חמשים ומאת יום גברו המים, ולתקופת השנה בחדש השביעי בשבעה עשר לחדש <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר בשבעה לחדש.</i> הלכו המים הָלוֹך וחסור, ותנח התבה על אחד ההרים בארץ ארמיניה <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה נקראו ההרים ההם בשם הרי אררט. וע׳ בתרגום יונתן.</i>, ויפתח נח את חלון התבה וירא כי במקומות אחדים חרבו מעט פני האדמה, ותחי רוחו. ואחרי ימים מעטים שלח את הָעֹרב מן התבה לראות אם המצא תמצא יבשת ארץ אשר יוכל לשבת בה. אך העֹרב ראה כי המים יכסו עוד את פני הארץ וישב אל נח לתוך התבה, ויחל נח שבעת ימים וישלח את היונה לראות הקלו המים מעל הארץ, ותשב גם היא אליו, כי לא מצאה מנוח לכף רגלה כי מים על פני כל הארץ, ויחל עוד שבעת ימים ויוסף שלח את היונה, ותבוא אליו לעת ערב טבולה בַבוֹץ וענף עץ זית בפיה, וידע נח כי קלו המים מעל הארץ, וייחל עוד שבעת ימים אחרים ויוצא את כל החיה אשר אתו בתבה החוצה, ואחרי כן יצא גם הוא ואשתו ובניו ונשיהם מן התבה; אך לפני צאתו ממנה, הביא קרבן לה׳, ויאכל הוא ובניו מבשר הזבח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי אחרי צאתו מן התבה בנה מזבח לה׳ ויקח מכל הבהמה הטהורה ומכל העוף הטהור ויעל עולות במזבח—.</i>. המקום אשר נחה עליו תבת נח יקראו הארמינים בשם אפובאטעריון, ופתרונו מוצא (אויסגאנג), כי שם יצא נח וכל אשר אתו מן התבה, ואנשי המקום יַרְאוֹ עד היום את שארית הפליטה אשר נשארה שם מתבת נח.",
+                    "זולת תורת משה יספרו גם סופרי העמים את דבר המבול והתבה איש איש בלשון עמו; בין הסופרים ההם, יכתוב בעראסוס הכשדי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עי׳ בספר בירוסי הכשדי להרה״ח דר׳ שלמה ראבין ווין תרמ״ב.</i> אדות המבול כדברים האלה: ״רבים אומרים כי על הרי קודרו בארץ ארמיניה יִמָצְאו עוד קרשים אחדים מקרשי התבה אשר עשה נח, ואנשי המקום יקחו מהם כֹּפר (האַרץ) לרפאות חליים רבים ושונים״. גם הירונימוס המצרי אשר כתב דברי ימי הצוֹרים, גם מנאַזעס ועוד סופרים רבים כתבו את דבר המבול והתבה ככל הכתוב בספר תורת משה. גם הסופר הנודע ניקולויס הדמשקי יכתוב בחלק התשעים וששה מספרו הגדול כדברים האלה: ״ממעל לנפת מיליאַס יתנשא בארץ ארמיניה הר גבוה אשר יִקָרֵא בשם באַריס, ואשר על פי הגדה עתיקה ברחו שם אנשים רבים בימי המבול וימלטו ממות; ואיש אחד עלה בתבה על ראש ההר ההוא וינצל ממי המבול, ושרידים מהתבה ההיא נמצאו שם ימים רבים, ואולי הוא האיש נח כפי המסֻפר בספר תורת משה״.",
+                    "ונח בצאתו מן התבה היה ירא פן יוסיף ה׳ להביא מבול על הארץ מדי שנה בשנה, ויבן מזבח לה׳ ויעל עליו עֹלֹת ויחל את פני ה׳ לבל ישוב לשחת עוד את האדם, ובפקדו אפו על הרשעים לא יספה גם את הצדיקים אתם יחד, ואז תכון תבל והאדמה תעבד ותזרע, גם יִבָּנוּ בתים ובני האדם יחַדשו ימיהם כקדם ויחיו חיי נעם כבשנים קדמוניות לפני המבול, גם יאריכו ימים על הארץ כימי אבותיהם הראשונים. ",
+                    "וישע ה׳ אל נח ואל קרבנו, וישמע בקול תפלתו, ויבטיחהו למלאות את שאלתו, כי מצא חן בעיניו בגלל צדקתו ותֹם לבבו. גם גלה את אזנו כי הוא לא יחפוץ במות הרשע כי אם בשובו מדרכיו וחיה, ולא ברצונו הביא את המבול לשחת כל בשר, רק בני האדם בחמס ידיהם ורע מעלליהם הֵסַבּוּ בנפשותם וכגמול ידם נעשה להם. ולו חפץ להשיב אנוש עד דכא ולכלותם מעל פני האדמה בשנאתו אותם, כי אז לא ברא אותם, כי טוב לבלתי תת חיים להאדם מאשר לשוב ולקחת ממנו מהר את החיים אשר נתן לו. אך יען כי נאץ נאצוני האנשים ההם, הוסיף ה׳ דבר אל נח, ויכעיסוני ברעתם וזדונם, הִמריצוני לעשות בהם שפטים ולהשיב גמול להם. אולם מעתה ועד עולם לא אוסיף עוד להכות את כל חי כאשר עשיתי, כי יצר לב האדם רע מנעוריו, ואני רחום וחנון, ורחמי על כל מעשי, גם נעתרתי אל תפלתך אשר התפללת בעד בני האדם, ולמענך למענך לא אשוב עוד להשחיתם. ואם אביא לפעמים סער מתחולל וגשם שוטף על הארץ, אל יפֹּל לב האדם, כי לא אביא עוד מבול למחות את כל היקום מתחת השמים. אך אתם אל תוסיפו לשפוך עוד דמי אדם, ואם יזיד אנוש לשפוך דם אדם, גם דמו ישפך. ולעומת זאת אתיר את ידכם לשפוך דמי חיה בהמה ועוף ולאכול את בשרם, וכל רמש אשר הוא חי נתתי לכם לאכלה, כירק עשב לפנים נתתי לכם עתה את כל, אפס כי לא תאכלו עם בשרם גם את דמם, כי הדם הוא הנפש בכל בעלי החיים. ומוראכם וחתכם יהיה על כל חית הארץ ועל כל עוף השמים ודגי הים, כי כל שַׁתִּי תחת רגליכם. ולאות ברית ביני וביניכם לבל יכרת כל בשר עוד ממי המבול, נתתי את קשתי בענן (הקשת היא בעיני היהודים כלי נשק האלהים וקשת גבורתו), והיה בענני ענן עם סער ומטר סוחף על הארץ, ונראתה הקשת בענן, וזכרתי את בריתי אשר ביני וביניכם ובין כל נפש חיה, ולא יהיה עוד המים למבול לשחת כל בשר. אחרי הדברים האלה, נעלה כבוד ה׳ מעל נח.",
+                    "ויחי נח אחר המבול שלש מאות שנה וחמשים שנה, וַיְכַל בטוב ימיו ושנותיו בנעימים, ויהי כל ימי נח תשע מאות שנה וחמשים שנה וימת. והנה מקום אתי להזהיר את הקורא לבל יעוז לפסוח על שתי הסעפים בדבר מספר שנות אבותינו הראשונים אשר חיו עד תשע מאות וששים שנה תחת אשר ימי שנותינו על הארץ רק שבעים שנה ואם בגבורות שמונים שנה, כי תורת ה׳ תמימה היא וכל דבריה אמת ואמונה, ובאמונה אֹמֶן האריכו הדורות ההם ימים ככל אשר תספר תורתנו, יען כי מצאו חן בעיני האלהים בהתהלכם לפניו בתם לבבם וצדקת נפשם, גם יען אשר הם לא התגאלו במאכל תאוה ומשקה שכרון, כי מאכלם בריאה וְשִׁקוּיָם מים חיים. אף לזאת האריך ה׳ את ימי חייהם לבעבור ילמדו עשות משפט וצדקה בארץ, ולבעבור תהי לאל ידם להתחקות על שרשי רגלי החכמות והמדעים, ולהוציא לאור את חקרי לבבם בהליכות הספירות וחקות צבא השמים, אשר לא היתה לאל ידם לבוא עד תכליתם אם לא האריכו ימים עד תשע מאות שנה למצער. גם סופרי היונים ויתר העמים יעידו כי בני הדורות הקדמונים האריכו ימים מאד ככל הכתוב בתורה, וכן יעיד גם מאַנעטאָ אשר כתב דברי ימי המצרים, גם בעראזוס אשר כתב דברי ימי הכשדים, גם הסופר מאכוס והסופר העסטיאֶאוס, גם הסופר היראָנימוס המצרי אשר כתב דברי ימי הצורים. והסופרים הנודעים העזיאס, העקאטאאוס העלאניקוס, אקוזילאאוס, עפארוס וניקולויס יכתבו כי בני הדורות ההם האריכו ימים יותר עוד מאשר כתוב בתורה, כי לפי דבריהם חיו עד אלף שנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>דור הפלגה ופלגות הלשונות</b><br>שֵׁם, יפת וחם בני נח אשר נולדו מאה שנה לפני המבול, היו הראשונים אשר הרהיבו בנפשם עז לרדת אחר המבול מראשי ההרים אל הבקעות, גם חזקו את ידי יתר האנשים לעשות כאשר עשו הם, הבקעה הראשונה אשר אִווּ למושב להם, היא הבקעה הגדולה אשר בארץ שנער. אך ה׳ החפץ בטובת האדם, צוה אותם לבל ישבו צפופים במקום ההוא, רק יפוצו ברחבי תבל וישבו ברחבה, כי בשבתם איש אצל אחיו במקום אחד, תהי מריבה ביניהם, ואיש את אחיו ידחקון, כי לא ישא אותם, המקום לשבת יחדו, ובהפרדם במרחבי התבל תפרוץ גם עבודת האדמה בכל מקומות מושבותיהם, ינוב חילם ודגנם ותירושם ירבו להחיות עמים רבים, אולם האנשים ההם היו חסרי לב ולא האזינו למצות ה׳, ועל כן באה עליהם רעה כפי רֹע מעלליהם. ויהי כאשר החלו לָרֹב בבקעה ההיא ומספרם הלך הָלֹך וגדול, צוה אותם ה׳ שנית ללכת למרחבי ארץ ולבקש להם משכנות מבטחים, אך הם לא שמעו בקולו גם בפעם הזאת. כי הם נואלו ולא האמינו כי כל טובם בא להם מיד האל הטוב המטיב לכל, ויתאמרו כי בכחם ועצם ידם עשו להם חיל, ותחת עבוד אלהים על כל הטוב אשר היטיב עמהם, הכעיסוהו עוד במזמות רֶשַׁע כֶּסֶל, ויחשבו מחשבת אָוֶן כי רק בשנאתו אותם יחפוץ להפיצם בארצות רבות, לבעבור יקל לו אז להנחֵת ידו עליהם ולדכאם תחת רגליו.",
+                    "למחשבת רעה וחטאת מרי כזאת הדיח עוד אותם נמרוד נכד חם, ביתר עָז, כי בהיותו עז נפש וגבור עריץ, פתה אותם להאמין כי לא יד ה׳ רק ידם עשתה להם כל החיל אשר להם, כי ה׳ אויב ומתנקם הוא לבני האדם, וכל מחשבות לבו רק רע עליהם כל הימים. גם הבטיח להם כי הוא (נמרוד) יהי זרֹעם לבקרים ויצילם מיד ה׳ בכל עת אשר יחפוץ להרע להם ולהשחיתם, באמרו כי הוא יבנה להם מגדל רם ונשא אשר שיאו יניע עד לב השמים ומי המבול לא יגיעו עד מְרוֹם קצו, ואז יקח נקם מאת ה׳ על אשר המית את אבותיהם וישחיתם במי המבול.",
+                    "וכל עם הארץ נפתו לדברי נמרוד ויתמכרו לבנות את המגדל ולהתגרות באלהים, ובהיות מספרם רב ועצום מאד, לא נבצרה מהם את אשר יזמו לעשות, ובימים לא כבירים התנשא המגדל ושיאו לעב הגיע. אך בהיותו רחב במאד מאד, לא נכר גבהו וְשִׂיא חָסנו ורומו למראה עינים. המגדל נבנה מלבנים שרופות אשר נָטוֹחוּ בַּכֹּפֶר אשה אל אחותה עד כי שטף מים רבים לא יכלו לגעת בו לרעה, וירא ה׳ את מעשיהם וינאץ, ואף כי היה להם משפט מות על הכעיסם את ה' ולא לקחו מוסר מאבותיהם אשר נִמחו במי המבול, בכל זאת לא אבה ה׳ השחיתם, רק בלל את שפתם עד כי לא שמעו איש את שפת רעהו. המקום אשר בנו שם את המגדל, יקרא כעת בשם בבל, כי שם בלל ה׳ את שפת כל הארץ. בנין המגדל ופלגות הלשונות, נזכרו גם בדברי הנביאה לגוים הנקובה בשם סיבילה, הלא כה דבריה: בהיות כל הארץ שפה אחת, בנו בני האדם מגדל גבוה מאד לעלות בו אל השמים. אך האלהים הטיל סער גדול וחזק בארץ, ויהרוס את המגדל, גם ברא לכל אחד מבוני המגדל ניב שפתים שונה מניב שפת רעהו, ועל כן נקראה גם העיר אשר נבנתה על המקום ההוא בשם בבל, כי שם בלל אלהים את שפת הארץ ויפלג את לשונות בני האדם. בקעת שנער נזכרה גם בדברי הספר העסטיאאוס, ואלה דבריו: רבים אומרים כי הכהנים אשר נשארו עוד בחיים, לקחו את קדשי צעאוס ענאליוס ויביאום אל שנער בארץ בבל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תפוצות בני נח ברחבי התבל.</b><br>אחרי אשר בלל ה׳ את שפת בני האדם, נפוצו מבבל על פני כל הארץ, איש איש אל המקום אשר היתה שם רוח ה׳ להושיבם שם, עד כי מלאו את יבשת הארץ (פעסטלאנד), את ארץ הבינים (ביננענלאנד) ואת ארץ החוף (אופערלאנד), ורבים חרפו נפשם לעבור באניות בימים ויאחזו באיי הים. עמים אחדים לא שנו את שמם הקדמוני עד היום הזה, ואחדים שנו אותו כטוב וכישר בעיניהם, ואחרים הסבו את שמותיהם לשמות ידועים לעמי הארצות הקרובות אל מקומות מושבותיהם, גם היונים קראו לעמים אחדים שמות חדשים בלשון עמם, והדבר הזה נחשב בעיניהם לכבוד ולתפארת, ואחרי כן הכבידו את ידיהם עליהם ללכת בחקותיהם כאלו חֻצבו מצור היונים מאז ומעולם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>שמות העמים כשמות בני נח.</b><br>בני נח הולידו בנים אשר שמותיהם נקראו על העמים בארצות מושבותיהם אחרי תפוצות בני האדם, כי האנשים ההם היו מהֻללים ויקרים בעיני כל העמים ולכבודם קראו את ארצות מושבותיהם כשמותם. יפת בן נח הוליד שבעה בנים, הלא הם: גֹמֶר ומגוג ומדי ויון ותֻבל ומשך ותירס. ומושבם מהרי טוירוס ואמאנוס עד נהר טוירוס בארץ אזיה, ובארץ איירופא היה מושבם ער ארץ גאדירא אשר לא ישב שם אדם עד הימים ההם; ועל כן נקראו גם העמים היושבים בארצות ההם כשמות בני יפת, כי העם אשר פי היונים יקבנו כעת בשם גאלאטים (גאלאטער), נקראו לפנים בשם גֹמרים (גאמארענזער) על שם גֹמר בן יפת. העם אשר היונים יקראו לו בשם סקיטים, נקרא בימי קדם בשם מגוגים (מאגאגענזער) על שם מגוג בן יפת. העם הנודע בפי היונים בשם מדים (מעדער), נקרא כן גם בדורות הראשונים על שם מדי בן יפת אביהם. בני היאנים והגריכים נקראו על שם יון בן יפת אביהם. העם הנקרא בשם תובלים (טהאבעלער) הם בני תֻבל בן יפת, וכעת יכנו בשם עִבֶּרִים (איבעריער). המאסאָכים (מאסאָכענער) נקראים על שם משך בן יפת, ואף כי בימים האלה הם נקראים בשם קאפאדאצים (קאפאדאציער), בכל זאת נודעו בתוכם עד היום עקבות שמם הראשון, כי בארצם בנויה עיר מַסַקָה אשר כל יודעי מחקרי הלשונות ידעו ויבינו כרגע כי בשם הזה נקראו יושביה בימים הקדמונים, והוא על שם משך אביהם. תירס בן יפת קרא את העמים אשר משל בם בשם תירסים (טהירער) על שמו, והיונים הסבו את שם תירסים לשם טְראַסים (טהראציער). אלה הם העמים צאצאי יפת בן נח. בני גמר אשכנז וריפת ותוגרמה, בני אשכנז הם האשכנזים אשר היונים יקראו להם רעגינים (רהעגינער). בני ריפת הם הריפתים (ריפאטאער) הנקובים כעת בשם פאפלאגאנים (פאפלאגאניער). ובני תוגרמה הם התוגרמים (טהארגאמאער), והיונים יקראו להם פריגים (פריגער). בני יון אלישה ותרשיש וכתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי בני יון הם ארבעה, שלשה הנקובים גם בזה בשמותם והרביעי הוא דדנים (בראשית י׳, ד׳).</i>. בני האלישים (עליזאער) נקראו על שם אלישה, וכעת הם נקראים בשם עאלים (עאלער). התרשישים נקראו על שם תרשיש, וכיום הם נקראים בשם קיליקים, כי קיליקיא נקראה לפנים בשם תרשיש, ועד נאמן על זה הוא שם עיר הבירה והמהללה בארץ קיליקיא הנקראת בשם תרשיש עד היום הזה. כתים ירש את האי כתים (כעתימה) אשר יקרא כיום בשם ציפערן. ועל כן יקראו היהודים את כל האיים והנפות אשר על הים בשם איי או ארץ כתים כשם האי ההוא. ועד היום נמצאת עיר אחת בארץ כתים (ציפרוס) הנקראת בשם כתים ובפי היונים כִּתְּיוּם. אלה הם העמים צאצאי יפת.",
+                    "ובני חם כוש ומצרים ופוט וכנען, ובניהם אחריהם ישבו בארץ ארם (סוריא) ובהר אמאניוס והר הלבנון עד הים, וגבולם עד ים אוקינוס (אצעאן). שמות העמים צאצאי חם נשכחו קצתם מפי יושבי הארץ, וקצתם נשחתו בפי עם הארץ עד כי לא נכיר עוד מוצאותיהם מקדם, ורק שמות אחדים נשארו עוד עד היום הזה. אך שֵׁם כוש, אחד מארבעה בני חם, נשאר על מתכונתו ולא נגעה בו יד העת לשנותו, כי בני עטיאפיע, אשר כוש בן חם מלך עליהם, נקראים בפי כל יושבי אזיה בשם כושים עד היום הזה. גם שם מצרים בן חם נשאר על מכונו, כי יושבי ארצנו (ארץ יהודה) יקראו את ארץ עגיפטען בשם ארץ מצרים ואת יושביה בשם מצרים. פוט בן חם כונן מוצאות (קאלאניען) בארץ לוב (לוביען) ויקרא את יושבי הארץ פוטים על שמו. גם בארץ מוריטאניה ימצא נהר אחד אשר שמו פוט, והנהר הזה גם הארץ אשר אצלו הנקראת כשמו, נזכרים פעמים רבות בפי סופרי היונים. בימים האלה תקרא ארץ לוב (ליביען) על שם להבים אחד מבני מצרים. אך מדוע תקרא הארץ הזאת גם בשם אפריקא, יראה הקורא במרוצת דברי הספר הזה. כנען בן חם ישב בארץ הנודעת כעת בשם ארץ יהודה, ולפנים נקראה ארץ כנען על שמו. כוש הוליד ששה בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טעות המעתיק יש בזה וצ״ל חמשה בנים, והם סבא וחוילה וסבתה ורעמה וסבתכא (בראשית י׳, ז׳). ולפי הנראה חשב יוזיפוס גם את נמרוד בן כוש (שם ח׳) ואין בזה טעות.</i>. ומהם סְבָא אבי הסבאים (סאבאער), חוילה הוא אבי משפחת החוילי (עווילאער) הנקובים כעת בשם גאטולים. סבתה אבי הַסַבְתִּינִים אשר היונים יקראו להם אסטאבארים. סבתכא אבי הסבתכנים. רעמה אבי הרעמונים. ובני רעמה שבא ודדן. דדן הוא אבי הדודנים היושבים בין הכושים בארץ מבוא השמש, ושבא הוא אבי השבאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלכי שבא וסבא נזכרו בספר תהלים (ע״ב י׳), מלכת שבא. (מ״א ז׳ א׳), ומכרום לשבאים (יואל ד׳, ח׳), ותפל שבא ותקחם (איוב א׳, ט״ו).</i>. נמרוד בן כוש ישב בין הבבלים ויהי עליהם למלך. מצרים הוליד שמונה בנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אולי חשב גם את פלשתים (בראשית י׳, י״ד)—.</i>, ומושבם מעזה עד קצה ארץ מצרים, ובבל זאת נקרא חבל הארץ הזאת בשם פלשתים, והיונים יקראו חלק אחד ממנה בשם פלישתני. מיתר משפחות בני מצרים, הלא הם לודים, ענמים ולהבים (אשר כונן מוצאות בארץ ליביען ויקרא לה בשמו), נפתוחים, פתרוסים, כסלוחים וכפתורים לא ידענו כמעט מאומה בלתי אם שמותיהם, יען כי במלחמת עטיאָפּיען, אשר נדבר על אֹדותיה הלאה, נהרסו עריהם עד היסוד ולא נדע מה היה להם. וכנען ילד את צידון בכורו, אשר בנה עיר בארץ פיניציה ויקרא לה צידון כשמו, וזה שמה בפי היונים עד היום הזה. גם ילד את החמתי היושב בחמת, והיא עיר בנויה גם בימים האלה ויושביה יקראו לה חמת, אך המקרונים יכנוה בשם עפיפאניה כשם מלכה הקדמון; את הָאַרְוָדִי היושב באי ארוד (אראדוס); ואת הערקי היושב בעיר ערקי (Arce) בהר הלבנון. מיתר שבעת בני כנען, הלא הם: חת, יבוסי, אמורי, גרגשי, חוי, סיני וצמרי לא הודיעה לנו תורתנו הקדושה רק את שמותיהם, יען כי העברים הרסו את עריהם כליל ויכחידום מן הארץ. ",
+                    "על פי הנסבה הזאת כאשר שבה הארץ אחר המבול לאיתנה הראשון, החל נח לעבוד את האדמה ולנטוע כרמים, ובימי בציר ענבים שתה מן היין אחרי אשר הביא קרבן לה׳, וישכר ויישן שנת תרדמה על הארץ ויתגל בתוך אָהֳלֹה. וירא חם אבי כנען את ערות אביו, ובבוז וקלון ולצון הגיד זאת לאחיו, והם כסו את ערות אביהם, ובהודע זאת לנח בצאת היין מאתו, ברך את שם ויפת ויקלל את כנען בן חם, כי את חם לא אבה לקלל בהיותו בנו היוצא מחלציו, ויקלל את כנען ואת כל בניו קללה נצחת, והקללה ההיא רבצת כל ימי עולם על בני כנען, ובהשחיתם עוד את דרכם על הארץ, נתנם ה׳ בידי העברים (צאצאי שֵׁם) לעשות בהם שפטים, כאשר נספר זאת במרוצת דברינו בספר הזה.",
+                    "בני שם עילם ואשור וארפכשד ולוד וארם, ומושבם בארץ אזיה מנהר פרת עד ים הודו. עילם הוא אבי העילמים (עלאמאער) אשר מהם יצאו הפרסים. אשור בנה את נינוה העיר הגדולה, וילכוד את העמים אשר ישבו בארץ ההיא ויקרא להם אשורים כשמו. ארפכשד רדד תחתיו את העם הנודע כיום בשם כשדים (כאלדאער) ויקרא את שמו עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארפכשד מרכב משם ארף ומשם כשד, ועל שם כשד קרא את העם ההוא כשדים, ורק ע״פ הדבר הזה נבין את כונת המחבר בזה.</i> וימשל בם. ארם הוליד ארבעה בנים: עוץ וחול וגתר וָמש. עוץ בנה את טרכוֹניטוּס ואת דמשק אשר בין פלישתיני (ארץ ישראל) ובין חול־סוריא (Cölesyrien). עוץ משל בארמיניה, גתר בבאקטריה, וָמש מלך על המשים (מעסאנאער) אשר בגבול ארצם ימצא כעת הנוף Spasinu Charax.",
+                    "ארפכשר הוליד את שלח, ושלח ילד את עבר אשר על שמו נקראו היהודים בראשונה בשם עברים. ולעבר יֻלד שני בנים, שם האחד פלג, כי נולד בעת אשר נפלגה הארץ למספר יושביה, ושם השני יקטן. ויקטן ילד את אלמודד ואת שלף, ואת חצרמות ואת ירח, ואת הדורם ואת אוזל ואת דקלה, ואת עובל ואת אבימאל ואת שבא, ואת אופיר ואת חוילה ואת יובב. ויהי מושבם על נהר קאפענע בארץ הודו גם בארץ אריה הסמוכה לה. כל אלה בני שם. ועתה נדבר דברים מעטים על תולדות העברים. פלג בן עבר הוליד את רעו, ורעו הוליד את שרוג, ושרוג הוליד את נחור, ונחור הוליד את תרח, ותרח הוליד את אברהם, ועשרה דורות עברו מנח עד אברהם, ונולד מאתים ותשעים ושתים שנה אחר המבול, כי תרח היה בן שבעים שנה בהולידו את אברהם, נחור היה בן מאה ועשרים שנה בהולידו את תרח <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי נחור היה בן תשע ועשרים שנה בהולידו את תרח (בראשית י״א, כ״ד).</i>, ושרוג היה בן מאה ושלשים ושתים בהולידו את נחור <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב שלשים שנה (שם כ״ב).</i>, ורעו היה בן מאה ושלשים בהולידו את שרוג <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שתים ושלשים שנה (שם כ׳).</i>, גם פלג היה בן מאה ושלשים בהולידו את רעו <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שלשים שנה (שם י״ח).</i>; ועבר הוליד את פלג בהיותו בן מאה ושלשים וארבע שנים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארבע ושלשים שנה (שם י״ז).</i>. ארפכשד הוליד את שלח בהיותו בן מאה ושלשים וחמש שנים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חמש ושלשים שנה (שם י״ב).</i>, אך ארפכשד בן שם נולד בשנת שתים עשרה אחר המבול <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנתים אחר המבול (שם י׳). והנה כל המספרים האלה סותרים את מספר השנים אשר בתורה, וסותרים לפעמים גם את דברי עצמו, כי פעם יאמר כי אברהם נולד מאתים ותשעים שנה אחר המבול, ופעם אחרת נראה מחשבונו כי הוא נולד תשע מאות ותשעים ושלש שנים אחר המבול. ואנחנו לא נדע מה היה ליוזיפוס בכל השנוים והסתירות האלה, ואולי היתה יד המעתיק הראשון במעל הזה.</i>. ולאברהם היו שני אחים, שם האחד נחור ושם השני הרן, והרן הוליד את לוט בנו גם שתי בנות, האחת שרי ושם השנית מִלכה; וימת הרן על פני תרח אביו בעיר אוּר בארץ כשדים, וקברו נמצא שם עד היום הזה. ואברהם ונחור לקחו להם את בנות הרן אחיהם לנשים, אברהם לקח את שרי, ונחור את מִלכה. ויתאבל תרח על הרן בנו אשר נקטף בלי יומו, ויקץ בחייו ולא יכול לשבת עוד בארץ כשדים, ארץ אשר בה מת בנו מחמל נפשו, ויקח את אברם בנו ואת לוט בן הרן בן בנו ואת שרי כלתו אשת אברם ויצאו מאור כשדים ויבואו עד חרן בארץ ארם נהרים וישבו שם, ושם מת תרח בן חמש שנים ומאתים שנה, כי בימים ההם לא האריכו עוד בני האדם ימים על הארץ כבני הדורות הראשונים אשר היו לפני המבול, ובדור משה לא חיו בני האדם רק עד מאה ועשרים שנה, וגם הוא (משה) לא האריך ימים יותר ממאה ועשרים שנה, ומאז והלאה הקציר ה׳ עוד את ימי חיי האדם על הארץ כיום הזה. מִלכה ילדה לנחור שמונה בנים: את עוץ ואת בוז, ואת קמואל ואת כשד ואת חזו, ואת פלדש ואת ידלף ואת בתואל. ופילגשו ושמה ראומה ילדה לו את טבח ואת גחם ואת תחש ואת מעכה, ובתואל בן נחור יָלד את רבקה ואת לבן."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מסעי אברהם מכשדים לארץ כנען.</b><br>ואברהם הלך ערירי אין לו בן, ויקח לו את לוט בן הרן אחיו ואחי שרי אשתו ויאמצהו לו לְבֵן. ובהיותו בן חמש ושבעים שנה צוה אותו ה' לצאת מארץ כשדים ארצה כנען, ויעש כאשר צוהו ה׳ וישב בארץ כנען גם הוריש אותה לבניו אחריו. אברהם היה חכם לבב ורב תבונות, בעל שפת נאמנים ולשון למודים מאין כמוהו. וברֹחב לבבו התחקה על הליכות אֵל עולם. בצדקתו וישרתו עשה לו שם גדול בארץ, ויקו כי באה העת לפקוח עיני בני האדם לראות כי כל אלהי העמים אלילים, הבל ומעשה תעתועים, וישנו רק אל אחד, אֵל אמת קונה שמים וארץ המחיה את הכל ובטובו נחיה כלנו. והוא היה הראשון אשר ערב את לבבו להוכיח לכל כי אליליהם אפס ותהו, הבל ואין בהם מועיל, ורק ה׳ אלהים, אל אחד, הוא אלהים אמת ומלך עולם. דעת אלהים באה בלבבו בהתבוננו על הים ועל היבשה, על השמש והירח ועל כל צבא מרום וחליפות הליכותיהם ומסלוליהם, כי חשב למשפט: אם היו כל אלה אלהים אדירים וזרֹעם מֹשְלָה להם לעשות בשמים ובארץ כטוב וכישר בעיניהם, כי אז לא היו חליפות למו ולא שִׁנו את משטריהם כפעם בפעם, אין זאת כי אם עבדים הם ויד אל אחד שלטת בם לשמור את החקים אשר נתן להם. וממוצא דבר נדע ונשכיל כי הם לא ייטיבו לבני האדם בכחם ואילותם, כי נתונים נתונים הם בידי אל שדי המושל בם כרצונו, ורק לו יאות הכבוד וההוד, כל רנה כל תפלה וקול תודה. אך הכשדים גם הארמים נִחֲרוּ בו וירדפוהו תחת רָדפוֹ טוב, על כן יצא מארץ כשדים ויסע על פי ה' ארצה כנען, וה' ברכו בכל ובארץ ההיא בנה אברהם מזבח ויעל עֹלות ויקרא שם בשֵׁם ה'.",
+                    "הסופר בעראזוס הכשדי יכתוב אֹדות אברהם אבינו, מבלי הזכיר את שמו, כדברים האלה: בדור העשירי אחר המבול חי איש צדיק אשר ידיו רב לו בחכמת תולדות השמים וצבאם. והסופר היקאטאֶאוּס כתב אדות אברהם ספר מיוחד. והסופר ניקולויס מדמשק כתב בספר הרביעי מספרו דברי ימי עולם, לאמר: ״אברהם בא עם אנשי חילו מארץ כשדים אשר ממעל לארץ בבל, לעיר דמשק לגור בה וימלוך בתוכה, ואחרי ימים לא כבירים נסע יצא גם מדמשק וילך לארץ כנען הנקראת כעת ארץ יהודה, ושם פרץ מאד הוא ומשפחתו כאשר אספר במקום אחר״. ועד היום הזה גדול ומהלל מאד שם אברהם בפי יושבי דמשק, ובארץ דמשק יִמָצֵא כפר אחד הנקרא בשם מצודת אברהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>רעב בארץ כנען. אברהם ירד מצרימה. תשובתו לכנען.</b><br>ויהי רעב בארץ כנען, וירד אברהם מצרימה, לבעבור ישבע מטובה בימי רעבון, גם לבעבור לַמֵד דעת אלקים אמת את כהני מצרים הנצמדים ללא־אלהים, אך מדעתו את המצרים כי רודפי זמה הם ולבם בוער לאהבת נשים, על כן ירא פן יהרגהו מלך מצרים על דבר אשתו היפה בנשים, ויבקש את אשתו כי תאמר אחותו היא, למען ייטב לשניהם. ויהי כבוא אברהם מצרימה ויראו שרי פרעה את שרה כי יפה היא מאד, ויהללו אותה אל פרעה, ותֻּקח האשה בית פרעה, ותבער בלבו אש החשק. אך ה׳ מנע אותו מנגוע בה, וינגע אותו ואת ביתו נגעים גדולים ויפל עליהם מהומה ובלהות. וישאל פרעה את פי הכֹּהנים מדוע חרה בו אף האלהים ובמה יכפר פניהם? ויאמרו לו כי על דבר אשת האיש אשר לקח יחרה בו אף האלהים, כי היא בעולת בעל, ויירא פרעה מאד וישאל את פי שרה מי היא ומי האיש ההולך עמה? ותגד לו שרה כי היא אשתו והוא אישה. ויקרא פרעה לאברהם ויאמר מה זאת עשית לי? למה לא הגדת לי כי אשתך היא? כי לו ידעתי זאת, לא לקחתי אותה אל ביתי, כי באָמרך אחותך היא, היתה את נפשי לקחתה לי לאשה, ועתה הנה אשתך קח ולך. ויתן לאברהם מתנות רבות כיד המלך, גם נתן לו רשיון לבוא בסוד כהני מצרים וחכמיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פה מקום אתי להעיר אוזן הקורא אדות דבר נפלא אשר יספר המחבר בספר מלחמות היהודים (ספר חמישי, פרק תשיעי), כי הוא בתוך דבריו אשר דבר על לבות גבורי ירושלים להכנע תחת יד טיטוס לבל ירע וישחית את עיר ה׳ ואת בית מקדשו, אמור יאמר כדברים האלה: ״פרעה נכו, מלך מצרים לפנים, התנפל באלפי גבוריו על ארצנו (ארץ יהודה) ויקח בחזק יד את שרה המלכה אם ישרון. ומה עשה אז אברהם אבינו? הלקח ממנו נקם בחרב ובחנית? לא! כי אף בהיות לו שלש מאות ושמונה עשר פחות הסרים אל משמעתו, אשר לכל אחד מהם היה חיל רב אין מספר, בכל זאת לא בטח בגבורות כל גבוריו ההם רק בשם ה׳ אלהיו, וישא את ידיו הטהורות אל המקום הקדוש הזה אשר אתם (הקנאים) מחללים אותו, ויתפלל אל ה׳ והוא לחם לו את פרעה נכו. כי בערב השני השיב פרעה את המלכה אל אברהם אישה מבלי אשר נגע בה, ויתפלל אל המקום הזה אשר אתם שופכים בו דמי אחיכם, כי בעתוהו חלומות וחזיונות לילה חתתוהו, וינס מהמקום הנורא הזה ויתן כסף רב וזהב כביר להעברים אהובי ה׳, עד כה דבריו. ומי לא יתפלא על הספור הזה? הלא תורתנו הנאמנה תספר כי ברדת אברהם מצרימה מפני הרעב אשר בארץ כנען, רק שם לקחה שרה בית פרעה, אך פרעה לא התנפל בארץ יהודה וישדוד שם את שרה. פרעה ההוא לא היה פרעה נכו, כידוע לכל, מדוע כנה את שרה אמנו בשם מלכה? (ע׳ מ״ר פרשה לך, י״ג ה׳ — גם המחבר יכתוב בשם ניקולויס הדמשקי כי אברהם היה מלך בדמשק, ובגלל זה יכנה את שרה בשם מלכה.) לא מצינו כי היו לאברהם שלש מאות ושמונה עשר פחות סרים אל משמעתו ולכל אחד מהם אנשי חיל אין מספר — וכל היודע למצוא פשר דבר בספור הזה, יודוהו כל החפצים צדקת יוזיפוס—.</i>. ושם אברהם נשמע בכל ארץ מצרים, וכל יושבי הארץ נתנו לו כבוד והדר בגלל חכמתו הגדולה. ",
+                    "ובימים ההם נפלגו המצרים במדותיהם ובעבודות אלהיהם לפלגות רבות ושונות, וכל אחת מהן התאמצה להבזות את מדות רעותה ועבודת אלהיה ומלחמה ארוכה היתה ביניהן כל הימים. ואברהם בהיותו במצרים התוכח עם כל פלגה ופלגה ויוכח בחכמתו הרבה כי כלן יחד תועות בתהו לא דרך, וכל היסודות לעבודות אלהיהם ישא רוח יקח הבל, ויתמהו כל חכמי מצרים על חכמת לבבו ועל רחב בינתו, וכל העם האמינו כי רוח אלהים בקרבו וציר ממרום הוא לבשר קֹשְט אמרי אמת ודעת אלהים בארץ. וראשית דרכו היתה ללמד את המצרים דרכי החשבון (אריטמעטיק) וחכמת התכונה (אסטראנאמיע) אשר עד הימים ההם כמו זר נחשבו בארץ מצרים. ואחרי אשר קבלו המצרים את החכמות ההן מפי אברהם, שבו וילמדו אותן להיונים.",
+                    "בשוב אברהם ארצה כנען, נפרד מעל לוט, כי לא נשא אותם הארץ לשבת יחדו, ויהי ריב בין רֹעי מקנה אברהם ובין רעי מקנה לוט על דבר מקומות המרעה לעדריהם, ואברהם נתן יד ללוט לבחור לו את הארץ הטובה והישרה בעיניו, ואז בחר אברהם בארץ הררי אשר בז לוט, ואוה את עיר חברון למושב לו, וחברון נבנתה שבע שנים לפני עיר צוען (טאניס)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וכן העתיקו גם שבעים הזקנים (בספר במדבר י״ג, כ״ב. ישעיה י״ט, י״א — י״ג. שם ל׳, ד׳. יחזקאל ל׳, י״ד. תהלים ע״ח מ״ג), והוא נכון, כי הטי״ת והצד״י מתחלפות בלשונות המזרחיות, כידוע, וכן תרגם גם אונקלוס ויונתן טאניס דמצרים. וע׳ בספר מחקרי ארץ בשם צען.</i> אשר בארץ מצרים, ולוט בחר בבקעה אשר על הירדן, בקרבת סדום אשר היתה אז בימי הצלחתה ואשר אחרי כן נהפכה בעֶברת ה׳ צבאות עד כי גם עקבותיה לא נודעו עוד, כאשר נספר במרוצת דברינו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מפלת סדום בידי האשורים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויהי בימי אמרפל מלך שנער, אריוך מלך אלסר, כדרלעמר מלך עילם ותדעל מלך גוים (בראשית י״ד , א׳), ויוזיפיס יקרא להם אשורים, ולפי זה מלכו המלכים ההם בארץ אשור—.</i>.</b><br>בימים ההם מלכו האשורים באזיה, ואנשי סדום ישבו בטח ושלות השקט להם מסביב, הון ועשר בביתם וחילם ינוב מיום ליום, ובחורים גבורי כח רבים ועצומים עמדו לימינם ויהיו עליהם סִתרה, חמשה מלכים מלכו עליהם: ברע בסדום, בִּרשע בעמורה, שנאב באַדְמָה, שמאבר בצבוים, גם מלך אחד בעיר בלע היא צוער. ובימים ההם עלו עליהם האשורים למלחמה ויחלקו לארבע מחנות ועל כל מחנה שר צבא אחד, ויערכו על אנשי סדום מלחמה ויכום וישימו עליהם מס. שתים עשרה שנה עבדו מלכי סדום את האשורים ושלש עשרה שנה מרדו ובארבע עשרה שנה עלו האשורים שנית להלחם בהם. שמות מלכי האשורים ההם היו אמרפל, אריוך, כדרלעמר ותדעל. המלכים ההם בזוו תחלה את כל ארץ ארם ויכו את הענקים, ואחרי בן באו ארצה סדום ויחנו בעמק הנקרא בשם עמק בארות הזפת (פעכברוננענטהאל)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ״בעמק השדים״ (בראשית י״ד, ח׳).</i>, כי בעת ההיא היו בעמק ההוא בארות (זפת) במספר רב, אך אחרי מהפכת סדום נהפך כל הככר ההוא לים הנקרא כעת בשם ים הכֹּפר (אספאלטישעס זעע)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה נקרא הים הזה בשם ים המלח או ים הערבה, ובפי סופרי חול בשם ים המת גם ים סדום.</i>, אשר נדבר עוד על אדותיו בספר הזה. במלחמה ההיא נפלו עם רב מאנשי סדום בחרב ורבים לקחו בשביה, ובין השבוים. היה גם לוט בן אחי אברהם אשר בא לעזרת סדום במלחמה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>אברהם הכה את האשורים ויצל את לוט ואת אנשי סדום.</b><br>ויבא אחד מפליטי המלחמה ויגד לאברהם כי נגפו הסדומים במלחמה וכי נשבה לוט בן אחיו, ויצר לו מאד, וירק את חניכיו ילידי ביתו וירדוף אחרי האשורים וישיגם בלילה החמישי אצל דן (הוא מעין מים הנקרא בשם הזה), ויפל עליהם פתאֹם ויך אחדים מהם בעודם ישנים לבטח, ורבים מהם אשר היו שכורי יין, החריד וינוסו מפניו. וביום המחרת רדף אחריהם עד עיר חובה אשר בגבול דמשק, וַיָשֶׁב את כל הרכוש, וגם את לוט ואת רכושו השיב, וגם את הנשים ואת העם אשר לקחו האשורים בשביה. במלחמה ההיא הוכיח אברהם לעיני כל כי לא ברוב אנשי חיל יתגבר תמיד הלוחם במלחמה, רק במהירות ובאמץ רוח יצליח הגבור גם במתי מעט. כי אברהם התגבר על ארבעת מלכי אשור ההם רק בשלש מאות ושמונה עשר איש אשר ברגליו ושלשה אוהביו ענר אשכל וממרא. ופליטי מחנה האשורים שבו בבושת פנים לארצם.",
+                    "אחרי אשר הציל אברהם את אנשי סדום ואת לוט בן אחיו, שב אל מקומו בשלום. ויצא מלך סדום לקראתו עד המקום הנקרא בשם שדה המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויצא מלך סדום לקראתו וגו׳ אל עמק שוה הוא עמק המלך (בראשית י״ד, י״ז).</i>, ושם קדם גם מלכי־צדק מלך שלם את פניו. ומלכי־צדק היה איש צדיק וכשמו כן הוא, ועל כן נבחר מאת אנשי המקום למלך גם לכהן לאל עליון. ושלם נקראה אחרי כן בשם ירושלים. מלכי־צדק הוציא לחם ויין רב לאנשי החיל אשר לאברהם, ובעת אשר אכלו לחם הִלַל את אברהם על גבורתו ואמץ לבו, ויודה לה׳ על אשר מגן צריו בידו, ואברהם נתן למלכי־צדק מעשר מכל השלל אשר בידו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ויתן לו מעשר מכל (שם כ׳) ר״ל אברהם נתן למלכי צדק מעשר מכל השלל אשר בידו משלל ארבעת המלכים.</i>. ומלך סדום אמר לאברהם תן לי את האנשים אשר הצלת אותם מידי שוביהם ואת כל הרכוש והשלל קח לך, אך אברהם נשבע בשם ה׳ כי לא יקח מחוט ועד שרוך נעל מכל הרכוש אשר השיב, רק אשר אכלו הנערים וחלק שלשת מרעיו אשר הלכו אתו במלחמה, והם ענר אשכל וממרא, הם יקחו את חלקם.",
+                    "המעשה הטוב הזה אשר עשה אברהם, מצא חן בעיני ה׳, ויבטיחהו שכר רב ורב טוב על צדקתו ותֹם לבבו. אך אברהם דבר במר נפשו: ה׳ אלהים ומה תתן לי ואנכי הולך ערירי ובן משק ביתי יורש אותי — והנה דבר ה׳ אליו: לא יירשך זה כי אם אשר יצא ממעיך הוא יירשך, והיה זרעך ככוכבי השמים אשר לא יוכל איש לספור אותם. ואברהם הקריב קרבן לה׳ על הבטחתו הנאמנה, והקרבן ההוא היה על פי ה׳ אשר צוהו כי יקח לו עגלה משלשת ועז משלשת ואיל משֻלש ותור וגוזל, ויבתר אותם אברהם בַּתָּוֶך כאשר צוהו ה׳, אך את הצפור (התור והגוזל) לא בתר. ובטרם הֻקם המזבח עופפו הצפרים הטורפות סביבות הפגרים לשתות את דמיהם, והנה קול קורא אל אברהם: ידֹע תדע כי גר יהיה זרעך בארץ מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה לא נזכרה פה ארץ מצרים רק בארץ לא להם (בראשית ט״ו , י״ג), גם כל דברי ברית בין הבתרים כתב יוזיפוס בקצרה רק לקוראי ספרו (היונים והרומאים) ולא לנו בני ישראל—.</i> ועבדום וענו אותם, ואחרי כן יתגברו על אויביהם גם יכניעו את הכנענים תחת ידיהם ויירשו את ארצם ואת עריהם.",
+                    "בימים ההם ישב אברהם אצל האֵלה (אייכע) הנקוב בשם אגיגעס:<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לא אדע פשר הדבר.</i> (הוא מקום בארץ כנען בקרבת עיר חברון), ודאגה שברה לבו כי עודנו הולך ערירי, ויתפלל תמיד אל ה׳ לברך אותו בבן אשר יירשנו, ויענהו ה׳ ויבטיחהו שנית כי הבן אשר יצא מחלציו הוא יירשהו וִיהִי מאֻשר בארץ כל הימים. ושרה אשת אברהם לקחה על פי ה׳ את שפחתה הגר המצרית ותתן אותה לאישה למען תלד לו בנים ולא ילך עוד ערירי וְתִבָּנֶה גם היא ממנה. ויבא אברהם אל הגר ותהר, ותרא כי הרתה ותקל גברתה בעיניה, בתקותה כי בנה אשר תלד יירש את אברהם אביו, והשפחה תירש גברתה. וירע הדבר בעיני שרה, ותתאונן באזני אברהם על שפחתה, ויאמר אברהם אליה הנה שפחתך בידך עשי לה הטוב בעיניך, ותענה שרה ותברח מפניה ותצעק אל ה׳ לרחם עליה. ובהיותה תעה במדבר וימצאה מלאך ה׳ ויצוה לשוב אל גברתה ולהתענות תחת ידיה, גם לתת לה כבוד כבתחלה ותקל ידה מעליה, כי הרעה אשר מצאה אותה, היא רק על אשר שכחה את הטוב אשר עשתה שרה עמה בתתה אותה בחיק אישה, ותגמול לה עוד רעה והמירה את כבודה בקלון, ואם תמרה את פי ה׳ ולא תשוב אל גברתה, תלך לאבדון במדבר ההוא ותשחית את נפשה, אך אם תשוב אל גברתה, תלד בן אשר בימים הבאים יפרוץ מאד ויירש ארץ רחבת ידים וזרעו לא יספר מרב. ותשמע הגר בקול מלאך ה׳ ותשב אל בית אברהם, ושרה לא יספה עוד לענותה, ואחרי ימים מעטים ילדה בן, ויקרא אברהם את שמו ישמעאל, כי שמע האל בעני הגר—. ",
+                    "ואברהם בן שמונים שנה ושש שנים בלדת הגר את ישמעאל. ובהיותו בן תשעים ותשע שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגוף הספר כתוב בן תשעים שנה.</i>, נראה אליו ה׳ ויבטיחהו כי שרה אשתו תלד לו בן ויקרא את שמו יצחק, גם הבטיחהו כי מחלצי הבן ההוא יצאו עמים גדולים ומלכים אדירים אשר ירשו בחרבם ובקשתם את כל ארץ כנען מצידון עד מצרים. ואז צוהו לבל יתחתנו בניו בגויי הארצות ולהִמול להם כל זכר בן שמונת ימים. הטעם למצות מילה אכתוב במקום אחר בספר הזה. ואברהם שאל את פי ה׳ על ישמעאל בנו מה יהי גורלו בתבל, ויענהו ה׳ כי יברך גם אותו ויפרהו וירבהו במאד מאד ויתנהו לגוי גדול. ויודה אברהם לה׳ על חסדו ואמתו, ובהיותו בן תשעים ותשע שנה מל את ערלת בשרו, וימול גם את ישמעאל בנו בן שלש עשרה שנה גם כל אנשי ביתו יליד בית ומקנת כסף מאת בן נכר נמולו אתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מהפכת סדום.</b><br>בעת ההיא התגאו אנשי סדום בעשרם ורכושם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יחזקאל ט״ז, מ״ט.</i> ויהיו רעים וחטאים לאלהים ואדם, וישכחו כי כל טוּבם בא אליהם מאת ה׳. את ידי האורחים העניים הבאים אליהם מארצות אחרות, לא החזיקו ולא נתנו להם חנינה, ואת האנשים אשר באו לגור בתוכם, עשו אשר לא כדת. על כן חרה בהם אף ה׳ ויחרוץ עליהם כליון עולם: להרוס את סדום ובנותיה ולהשחית גם את ארצם עד כי לא תצמיח עשב ולא תשא כל פרי.",
+                    "ובטרם עֲשות האלהים את משפטו החרוץ על החטאים בנפשותם ההם, נראה אל אברהם מראות אלהים בשבתו פתח האהל באלני ממרא כחם היום, וישא אברהם את עיניו וירא והנה שלשה אנשים נצבים עליו, והם היו מלאכי אלהים מתחפשים מדמות אנשים. ואברהם לא ידע עוד כי מלאכים הם, ובראותו אותם קם מפניהם ויברכם ויחל את פניהם לאכל לחם, ויעתרו לו וישבו תחת העץ, והוא מִהַר ויכרה להם כרה גדולה: עֻגות קמח סלת, חמאה וחלב ובן בקר רך וטוב צלי אש, ויתן לפניהם ויתראו כאוכלים וסעדים לבם, וישאלו איה שרה אשתו, ויאמר הנה היא באהל, ויאמרו לו כי שוב ישובו אליו לתקופת השנה והנה בן לשרה אשתו. ותצחק שרה בקרבה לאמר: האחרי בלותי תהיה לי עדנה? הלא בת תשעים שנה אנכי, ואברהם גם הוא זקן בן מאה שנה; אז הסירו המלאכים את דמות בני אדם מעליהם הופיעו כמלאכי ה׳ לעיני אברהם, ויודיעו לו כי אחד מהם שלח במַלְאֲכות ה׳ לבשר לשרה כי תלד בן, ושנים מהם שֻׁלחו להפוך את סדום—. ",
+                    "ויתעצב אברהם מאד על אנשי סדום שכניו, ויעמוד ויתפלל אל ה׳ לבל ימית צדיק עם רשע, ויענהו ה׳ כי לא נמצאו צדיקים בכל אנשי סדום, וְלוּ היו ביניהם רק עשרה צדיקים כי אז נשא גם להרשעים בעבורם ולא עשה בהם חרון אפו. אז חדל אברהם מהתפלל עוד בעדם, והמלאכים באו סדומה בערב, ולוט אשר למד את מעשה אברהם להכניס אורחים ולנהלם בלהם ובכל המחסורים אשר יחסרו להם, קם לקראתם (כי נדמו לו באנשים) וישתחו אפים ארצה ויפצר בם מאד לָסוּר אל ביתו וללון שם, ויסורו אליו ויבואו אל ביתו. ואנשי העיר אנשי סדום בראותם כי בחורי חֶמד יפי תאר ויפי מראה באו ביתה לוט, נסבו על הבית ויאיצו בלוט להוציא אליהם את הבחורים היפים ההם לעשות להם תועבה. ויתחנן אליהם לוט לבל יעשו קלון כזה להאורחים אשר באו לחסות בצל קורתו, גם אמר להם להוציא אליהם את שתי בנותיו הבתולות לעשות להן כטוב בעיניהם אם לא יוכלו לעצור ביצר לבבם. אך הם לא אבו ולא שמעו לו ויפחידוהו כי ירעו לו יותר עוד מלאנשים ההם, ויגשו לשבור את הדלת. ",
+                    "אז חרה בם אף האלהים ויך אותם בסנורים עד כי נלאו למצוא הפתח, ויגזר אמר להשחית את סדום וכל יושביה. ולוט אשר הזהירו ה׳ למהר ולעזוב את סדום, כי משחית הוא אותה מפני רעת יושביה, יצא מן העיר הוא ואשתו ושתי בנותיו הבתולות, כי החתנים (ברייטיגאמע) אשר בנותיו ארוסות להם, צחקו לדבריו וילעגו לו באמרו אליהם כי יהפוך ה׳ את סדום ולא יצאו אתו מן העיר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנה יוזיפוס יפרש את הכתוב ויצא לוט וידבר אל חתניו לוקחי בנותיו (בראשית י״ט, י״ד) לפי פשוטו כי לא היו ללוט רק שתי בנות אשר היו ארוסות לשני אנשים מאנשי סדום, כי חתן יקרא גם טרם הנשואין בעודנו ארוס, וכן תרגם אונקלוס סתם כלשון המקרא ״נסבי״, בלשון בינוני, (וכן תרגם הרמבמ״ן) בל״א דיא זיינע טאכטער נעהמען זאללטען. אמנם רש״י פי׳ ע״פ המ״ר כי חתניו הם בעלי שני בנותיו שהיו נשואות כבר, ולוקחי בנותיו הן שאותן שבבית ארוסות להם, ולדבריו תחסר וי״ו העטוף, כאלו כתוב חתניו ולוקחי בנותיו. (באור הרש״ד, וע״ש יתר דבריו).</i>. ויהי כצאת לוט מן העיר המטיר ה׳ אש וגפרית על סדום ועל עמורה, ויהפוך את הערים האל ואת כל הככר ואת כל יושבי הערים וצמח האדמה. ואשת לוט הביטה מאחריה למרות פי ה' ותהי נציב מלח, ואנכי ראיתי עוד בעיני את נציב מלח ההוא הנצב שם עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע׳ ברכות (נד.) ומשם נראה כי גם בימי חז״ל נצב עוד נציב מלח ההוא.</i>. אך לוט ובנותיו נמלטו לעיר צוער אשר נשארה מכל ערי הככר ולא נגעה בה יד האש, והיא נקראת צוער על כי היא עיר מצער, ושם ישב לוט ימים רבים ויחי חיי צער ולחץ.",
+                    "ובנות לוט האמינו כי נכחד כל היקום תחת השמש ואיש אין בארץ לבוא עליהן כדרך כל הארץ, ובאותן להחיות זרע אדם ולבנות את התבל כמקדם, השקו את אביהן יין ותשכבנה אתו, ותהרין לו ותלדנה שני בנים, הבכירה קראה את שם בנה מואב, כי מאביה הוא, הוא אבי עם מואב, עם גדול ורב עד היום הזה, והצעירה קראה את שם בנה בן־עמי, הוא אבי בני־עמון עד היום. ושני העמים ההם יושבים בחול־סוריא (חאליזיריען)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>ישמעאל ובניו הערביאים</b><br>ואברהם נסע משם ארצה הנגב ויגר בגרר בארץ פלשתים, ויאמר על שרה אשתו כי אחותו היא כאשר עשה כן ברדתו מצרימה, כי ירא מפני אבימלך מלך גרר פן יהרגהו על דבר אשתו. ואבימלך חָמַד את יְפִי שרה בלבבו וישלח וַיִקָחֶהָ אליו. אך ה׳ מְנָעוֹ מִקְרוֹב אליה, כי הוכיחו במכאוב אנוש מאד וכל הרופאים אמרו לו נואש. ואז בא אליו אלהים בחלום הלילה ויאמר לו הנך מֵת על האשה אשר לקחת, כי היא בעֻלת בעל. ויהי בבקר וישלח אבימלך ויקרא לאוהביו ומיודעיו ויספר להם את חלומו, והם יעצוהו גם האיצו בו למהר ולהיטיב את רעתו, ועל פיהם קרא לאברהם וידבר על לבו לבל ידאג עוד לאשתו, כי אלהים מגן בעדה ולא אנה אליה כל רע. אחרי כן הצטדק לפני אברהם ויאמר עד ה׳ גם שרה יודעת זאת כי לו ידעתי מראש כי היא בעלת בעל, אז לא עלה על לבי לשאת עיני אליה, אך בהאמיני כי אחותך היא, עשיתי זאת בתם לבבי ובנקיון כפי, ועתה הנה אשתך קח ולך. גם חִלה את פניו לסלוח לו ולהתפלל בעדו אל ה׳, ואם יאבה לשבת בארצו, טוב הארץ יאכֵל, ואם יאבה לנסוע לארץ אחרת, ישלח אתו אנשים לשלחו בדרך, גם ימלא כל המחסורים אשר יחסרו לו, גם אברהם הצטדק לפני אבימלך על אשר אמר על שרה אשתו אחותו היא, כי ירא פן יהרג על דבר אשתו, וגם אמנה אחותו היא בת אחיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב אחותי בת אבי היא (בראשית כ, י״ב) כי בני בנים הרי הם כבנים, והיא היתה בת הרן בן תרח. וכן קרא אברהם ללוט אח: כי אנשים אחים אנחנו (בראשית י״ג ח׳), ולפי דעת יוזיפוס תקרא גם בת האח בשם אחות—.</i>. ועל אדות מחלת המלך הצטדק כי הוא לא הביאה עליו רק ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ובתורה כתוב כי התפלל אברהם אל האלהים וירפא אלהים את אבימלך וגו׳ (בראשית ב׳ י״ז-י״ח).</i>. ואם יש את לבב המלך להיטיב עמו, ישב בארצו במקום אשר יבחר, ויקח אבימלך צאן ובקר ועבדים ושפחות, ויתן לאברהם, וישב לו את שרה אשתו, ויאמר לו הנה ארצי לפניך, בטוב בעיניך שב. גם כרתו ברית יחדו לשבת שבת רֵעִים וידידים נאמנים. הברית ההיא כרתו על הבאר הנקראת באר שבע, כי שם נשבעו שניהם ברית אהבה ורעות, והבאר ההיא תקרא בשם באר שבע עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע׳ בבאור טעם השם באר שבע (שם כ״א, ל״א).</i>.",
+                    "אחרי ימים מעטים ילדה שרה לאברהם בן לזקניו למועד אשר דבר אותו אלהים, ויקרא אברהם את שמו יצחק, על דבר הצחוק אשר צחקה שרה בְּבַשֵׂר לה האלהים כי תלד בן. ואברהם היה בן מאת שנה בהולד לו יצחק בנו, וימל אותו בן שמונת ימים, ועל כן ימֹלו כל זרע אברהם את בניהם לשמונת ימים, והוא חק עולם לדורותם, והערביאים יִמֹלו את בניהם לשלש עשרה שנה, כי ישמעאל אביהם נִמֹל גם הוא בהיותו שלש עשרה שנה.",
+                    "והנה בתחלה אהבה שרה את ישמעאל בן הגר שפחתה ותחשבהו כבנה, אך כאשר ילדה את יצחק, מאנה כי יגדל ישמעאל עם בנה יחד, מדאגה בדבר פן ימרה ישמעאל את חיי יצחק אחרי מות אברהם אם יירש פי שנים בהיותו הבכור, ותאמר לאברהם גרש את האמה הזאת ואת בנה, כי לא אבה כי יירש בן האמה עם בני עם יצחק, וירע הדבר מאד בעיני אברהם וימאן לגרש ילד קטן ואשה עניה מביתו על לא חמס עשו, אך באמור אליו ה׳ אל ירע בעיניך על הנער ועל אמתך, כל אשר תאמר אליך שרה שמע בקולה, אז השכים בבקר ויקח לחם וחמת מים ויתן אל הגר, ואת הילד אשר אין בו כח ללכת בדרך רחוקה שם על שכמה, וישלחה ללכת באשר תתהלך. ותלך ותתע במדבר עד תם הלחם מצלחתה, ותצר לה מאד, ובכלות גם המים מן החמת ולשון בנה בצמא נָשָׁתָּה וכל עוד נפשו בו, השליכה אותו תחת אחד עצי הברושים (טאננענבוים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב תחת אחד השיחים (בראשית כ״א, ט״ז).</i>), ותלך ותשב מרחוק לבל תראה במות הילד, ותשא את קולה ותבך, אז נראה אליה מלאך אלהים וַיַרְאֶהָ באר מים בקרבת המקום ההוא, ויצו אותה לשאת את בנה ולהחזיק בו, כי בשלומו וטובו גם לה שלום ורב טוב, הדברים האלה החיו את רוחה, ותלך ותמלא את החמת מים ותשק את בנה, גם רעים טובי לב מצאה במדבר ההוא, והם נהלו אותה ואת הילד בלחם. ",
+                    "ויגדל ישמעאל ותקח לו אמו אשה מארץ מצרים, ארץ מולדתה, והאשה ההיא ילדה לו שנים עשר בנים. ואלה שמותם. נביות וקדר ואדבאל ומבשם ומשמע ודומה ומשא, חדד ותימא, יטור נפיש וקדמה. וישכנו בכל הארץ אשר מנהר פרת עד ים האדום הנקראת בשם ארץ נביות (נאבאטענערלאנד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: וישכנו מחוילה וגו׳ (שם כ״ה, י״ח).</i>). ולכבוד אנשי שם וגבורי חיל ההם, גם לכבוד אברהם אביהם, נקראו בשמותם שבטי הערביאים עד היום הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: אלה בני ישמעאל ואלה שמותם בחצריהם ובטירותם, שנים עשר נשיאים לאמתם (שם ט״ז).</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>עקדת יצחק.</b><br>אברהם אהב את יצחק בנו אהבה בלי־מצרים, כי בן זקונים הוא לו גם בן משביל דורש אלהים ומכבדו בכל לבב ושומע בקול אביו לכל אשר יצוהו, ויתחשב אברהם למאשר בארץ בדעתו כי בן יקיר כזה יירשהו וימלא מקומו אחריו. והאלהים נסה את אברהם וירא אליו ויספור וימנה לו את כל החסדים אשר עשה עמו מעודו, ואשר מגן צריו בידו, ויתן לו בן חכם לעת זקנתו, ובגלל כל חסדיו הנאמנים ההם הוא דורש ממנו להעלות לו את יצחק בנו לעולה, ויצוהו ללכת אל ארץ המוריה ולבנות שם מזבח על אחד ההרים ולהקריב עליו את בנו קרבן עולה לה׳, ואז ידע כי ירא אלהים הוא באמת ונותן יתר שאת לחפץ ה׳ על חיי בנו יחידו מחמל נפשו. ",
+                    "וישמע אברהם בקול ה׳, ובכל נפשו עתד את יצחק לעולה כליל לה׳, ויחשוב למשפט כי חטא משפט מות הוא למרות את פי ה׳ אשר הוא מקור החיים ובטובו הוא מחיה כל החיים. אך לשרה אשתו לא הגיד זאת, גם לא גלה את אזן אחד מעבדיו את אשר בלבבו לעשות, לבל יתיצב לו איש לשטן בדרך. וישכם בבקר ויחבש את חמורו ויקח את שני נעריו אתו ואת יצחק בנו וילך אל המקום אשר אמר לו האלהים, וישם על החמור את עצי העולה ואת יתר הדברים הדרושים לחפץ הזה. ביום השלישי נשא אברהם את עיניו. וירא את הר המוריה מרחוק, ויאמר אל נעריו שבו לכם פה עם החמור ואני והנער נלכה עד כה ונשתחוה ונשובה אליכם. ויקח אברהם את עצי העולה מעל החמור וישם על יצחק בנו ויקח בידו את האש ואת המאכלת וילכו שניהם יחדו. ויצחק היה אז בן עשרים וחמש שנים, ואחרי אשר נבנה המזבח, שאל את פי אברהם איה השה לעולה? ויענהו כי אלהים יראה לו השה לעולה, כי בידו לתת לכל איש ואיש את אשר יחסר לו, גם לשוב ולקחת את אשר נתן לו אם יתאמר כי כחו ועצם ידו עשה לו חיל—.",
+                    "אחרי ערוך אברהם את העצים על המזבח, פנה אל יצחק בנו ויאמר: הה בני! אלפי פעמים שאלתיך מאת ה׳, ובשמעו את שאלתי ויתן לי בן יקיר כמוך, לא חָשכתי מכל עמל ותלאה נפשי לשמור עליך, טפחתיך ורביתיך, וכל ישעי וכל חפצי היו רק לראותך בתור אדם המעלה ולהוריש לך את כל אשר לי. אולם יען כי ברצון ה׳ הייתי אב לבן נחמד כמוך, עלי החובה לעשות גם את רצונו, ועתה ירצה ה׳ כי אשיב לו את הבן אשר נתן לי, על כן חזק ואמץ להעלות על המזבח לעולה כליל לה'. ואני בכל חפץ לבבי הנני נותן אותך לה׳, יען כי חפץ הוא בזה חלף כל הטובות והחסדים אשר עשה עמדי מעודי ועד היום הזה. הה בני! בבואך אל התבל על פי ה׳, כן הפרד עתה ממנה על פי ה׳; הפרד נא איפוא בני מחיי התבל לא ככל בני האדם, רק כקרבן עולה תמימה מיד אביך אל תחת יד האלהים. ואני הנני מאמין כי לכבוד ולתפארת הוא לך, כי נכבדת מאד בעיני ה׳ לבל תמות כמות כל האדם על ידי מחלה ומכאובים, על ידי מלחמה או כל אסון וכל פגע רע, רק בתור קרבן ועולה כליל לה׳, וה׳ אשר בידו נפש כל חי, יקבל באהבה וברצון את נפשך בעלות הלהב מעל המזבח ותפלה זַכָּה מלבב אביך. ואז בני יחידי! אז היה נא עלי למלאך מליץ ותחלה את פני ה׳ כי יכלכל את שיבתי תחת בני אשר הפקדתיו בידו—.״ ",
+                    "ככל הדברים האלה דבר אברהם על לב יצחק בנו, ויצחק הצדיק והתמים כאביהו, שמע את דבריו בשמחת לבב, ויען ויאמר: לוּ הפרתי את עצת ה׳ ועצת אבי, כי אז לא היה לי כל צדקה לראות אור החיים בתבל, ואם רק אתה אבי לבדך חפצת להעלות אותי לעולה, גם אז לא מריתי את פיך, ומה גם עתה אשר גם ה׳ חפץ בזה—.״ ובשמחה ובטוב לב נגש יצחק אל המזבח, ויעקד אותו אברהם וישם אותו על המובח ממעל לעצים, ויקח את המאכלת לשחוט את בנו — אך קול ה׳ קרא בַכֹח: אברהם! אברהם! אל תשלח ידך אל הנער ואל תעש לו מאומה! כי קרבן אדם תועבת נפשי הוא, ורק לנסותך באתי הפעם, ועתה ידעתי כי ירא אלהים אתה ולא חשכת את בנך את יחידך ממני, ועל כן ברך אברכך והרבה ארבה את זרעך ככוכבי השמים וכחול אשר על שפת הים וירש זרעך את שער אויביו, ושֵׁם אברהם יגדל עד אפסי ארץ וזִכרו לברכה עד העולם.\" אחרי הדברים האלה הראה ה׳ אַיִל אחד לאברהם אשר לא ראהו עד כה, ויקח אברהם את האיל ויעלהו לעולה תחת בנו. ואברהם ויצחק אשר התבשרו רוב שלום ורב טוב מאת ה׳, התרפקו ויחבקו זה את זה בשמחות וגיל, וישובו לביתם, ויחיו חיים מאשרים, וכל אשר עשו הצליח ה׳ בידיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות שרה וקבורתה.</b><br>אחרי ימים מעטים מתה שרה בת מאה ועשרים ושבע שנים, ותקבר בחברון. ואף כי הכנענים חפצו לתת לאברהם אחזת קבר בתוכם בלי מחיר ובלי כסף, לא חפץ אברהם בזה, רק קנה מאת אפרים (עפרון) אחד מתושבי חברון שדה קבורה בחמשים שקל כסף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: ארבע מאות שקל כסף (בראשית כ״ג, ט״ו), ואולי ידע המחבר כי השקלים בימי אברהם היו קטנים מהשקלים אשר היו בימיו עד כי עלו ד׳ מאות לחמשים. —</i>, והשדה ההוא (והמערה אשר בו) קם לאברהם לאחזת־קבר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>אברהם לקח את קטורה לאשה. ובני קטורה.</b><br>אחרי מות שרה לקח לו אברהם אשה ושמה קטורה ותלד לו ששה בנים גבורים וכבירי שכל, ושמותיהם: זמרן, יקשן, מדן, מדין, ישבק ושוח. ושוח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב יקשן (בראשית כ״ה, ג׳), והמעתיק שגה בזה וכתב שוח תחת יקשן.</i> הוליד את שבא ואת דדן. ובני דדן אשורים ולטושים ולאומים. ומדין הוליד את עיפה ועפר וחנוך ואבידע ואלדעה. ואברהם כונן להם מוצאות (קאלאניען) בארץ הטראגלאדיטיס ובחבל ארץ ערב המאשרה עד ים האדום. רבים אומרים כי עפר נסע בחיל כבד לארץ ליביען וילכדה, ובניו נושבו בה ויקראו לה אפריקא על שם עפר אביהם. ועד נאמן על זה הוא הסופר אלכסנדר פאליהיסטאר אשר יכתוב כדברים האלה: קלעאדעמוס החוזה הנקרא גם בשם מלכות, אשר כתב בספר את דברי ימי היהודים כמשה מחוקקם, יספר כי אברהם הוליד מקטורה בנים רבים, ואחרי אשר קרא שלשה מהם בשמות עפרה (עיפה) אשור ואופיר (עפר), הוסיף לספר כי האשורים נקראו על שם אשור, ועל שם עפרה ואופיר נקראו עיר עפרה וארץ אפריקא. גם יספר עוד כי בני קטורה ההם באו לעזור להערקולעס בהצותו את ליביען ואנטאאוס, והערקולעס לקח את בת עפרה לו לאשה ותלד לו את דיאדארוס, ומבני דיאדארוס היה זאפאנעס אשר על שמו נקרא שבט הזאפאקים בפי העמים הברברים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>יצחק לקח את רבקה.</b><br>בהיות יצחק כבן ארבעים שנה, אמר אברהם לקחת לו את רבקה בת נחור אחיו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא נכדת נחור בת בתואל, אך בת הבן נקראת גם כן בשם בת.</i> לאשה, וישלח את עבדו זקן ביתו ארצה ארם נהרים לקחת משם את רבקה ליצחק, אך בראשונה השביע אותו לקים את דבריו ולעשות כאשר צֻוָה. והשבועה בימים ההם היתה באופן הזה: המשביע והמשבע שמו את ידיהם איש תחת ירך אחיו ויעידו את ה׳ לעד נאמן ביניהם לבל יסור המשבע מדברי המשביע על ימין או על שמאל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רק הנשבע שם ידו תחת ירך המשביע.</i>. ויקח העבד עשרה גמלים מגמלי אדוניו וכל טוב אדוניו בידו ויקם וילך אל ארם נהרים אל עיר נחור. ימים רבים הלך העבד עד הגיעו למחוז חפצו, כי בארץ ארם נהרים חתחתים בדרך ויכבד מאד על הולכי ארחות, בחרף בגלל הטיט והרפש, ובקיץ בגלל חֹסר המים גם בגלל השודדים הרבים הרובצים על הדרכים ואורבים לכל הֵלֶך, והאיש אשר איננו אמיץ לב וגדל כח, לא ימלט מידם אם לא ישים עיניו על כל מדרך כף רגלו.",
+                    "בהיות העבד קרוב לעיר חרן, הבריך את הגמלים אל באר המים לעת ערב לעת צאת השואבות, ויתפלל אל ה׳ כי יקרה לפניו את הנערה אשר הוכיח ליצחק בן אדוניו על פי האות הזה: כי תשקהו מים מכדה אחרי אשר יתר הנערות תמנענה ממנו הדבר הזה. ויקרב אל הבאר וישאל מאת הנערות להשקותו מים, ואחרי אשר לא אבו הנערות למלאות את שאלתו, באמרן אליו כי כבד להן מאד לשאוב המים מהבאר גם בעד נפשות אנשי ביתן, שמע כי אחת מהנה גערה בהן על אשר תמנענה מעט מים מאיש אורח, ותמהר ותרד כדה על ידה ותשקהו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">את דבר הגמלים אשר השקתה רבקה, לא זכר יוזיפוס—.</i>. ויודה לה העבד על טובה ועל חסדה, ואחרי כן שאל אותה מי הם אבותיה, ויברך אותם כי יַקְרֶה ה׳ לפני בתם בעל נעורים כטוב וכישר בעיניה, ויראו בנים ובני בנים לבת יקרה כזאת. ותען הנערה ותאמר: שמי רבקה, ושם אבי בתואל אשר כבר מת ולבן אחי מנהל את ביתו ומכלכל את אמי ואותי. וישמח העבד בשמעו את דבריה, ויאמן כי הצליח ה׳ את דרכו. ויקח רביד זהב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח האיש נזם זהב וגו׳ (בראשית כ״ד, כ״ב).</i> ועוד עדי עדיים ויתן להנערה ויבקש אותה לקחת אותם חלף טובת לבבה להשקותו מים גם לאות כי מכבד הוא אותה, כי לה אשר עלתה עלי רבות בנות ביקרת רוחה נאוו העדיים ההם. גם שאל את פיה אם יש בבית אביה מקום ללון, כי רד היום ולא יוכל ללכת הלאה, ואף גם זאת כי בידו עדיי נשים יקרי הערך ולא יאבה לסור רק אל בית אנשים ישרים אשר לא יגעו בכל אשר לרעיהם, והיא (רבקה) לעדה בעיניו כי גם אמה וגם אחיה ישרי לב המה כמוה. גם לא יהיה עליהם למשא, כי שלם ישלם במיטב כספו בעד המלון ומפתו אשר הביא אתו יאכל. ותשמח הנערה בשמעה כי מכבד הוא את אמה ואחיה, ותאמר אליו גם תבן גם מספוא רב עמנו וגם מקום ללון, ולא נקח מידך מאומה בעד כל אלה, ובכל זאת ארוצה נא ואגיד לבית אמי כדברים האלה, ואחרי כן אנהגך אביאך אל בית אמי.",
+                    "אחרי הדברים האלה הביאה אותו רבקה הביתה, ועבדי לבן פתחו את הגמלים וינהלום במספוא, ולבן קרא את העבד לאכול אתו לחם. אחרי אכלם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויאמר לא אוכל עד אם דברתי דברי (שם ל״ג).</i> ערך העבד דבריו אל לבן ואל אם רבקה ויאמר: עבד אברהם אנכי — ואברהם בן תרח הלא הוא שארכם הקרוב אליכם, כי נחור אבי אבי בניך, אשה אהובה: היה אחי אברהם בני אב אחד ואם אחת -ואברהם שלח אותי אליכם לקחת את הנערה הזאת ליצחק בנו לאשה, ויצחק הוא בנו יחידו אשר יירש את כל הון ביתו הרב והעצום. ואף כי אין מעצור לו לבחור מבנות ארצו אשה לבנו, אשר לה עֹשֶר ונכסים וכל טוב הארץ, אך הוא לא יחפוץ לתת את בנו לאחת מבנות הארץ ההיא כי אם מבית אביו וממשפחתו. ואתם אל תמנעו את חפץ אדוני, כי מה׳ יצא הדבר, והוא נתן לי אות ומופת על זה, כי זולת אשר נחני בדרך וישמרני מכל ארב ומכל מכשול, הראני עוד אות נאמן כי חפץ אדוני הצליח בידו: כי כבואי היום אל העין התפללתי אליו כי יקרה לפני מכל בנות העיר את הנערה אשר הוכיח לבן אדוני, והוא הקרה אותה לפני—. ועתה הלא תעשו את אשר יחפוץ ה׳ ותתנו על ידי את הנערה הזאת אשר למענה חרד אדוני את כל החרדה הגדולה הזאת.\" ותען אם הנערה ולבן אחיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויען לבן ובתואל (בראשית כ״ד, נ׳) אם כן היה עוד בתואל בחיים חיתו, ולפי דברי יוזיפוס אמרה רבקה כי הוא מת כבר, ורק על פסוק ויאמר אחיה ואמה (שם נ״ה) פרש״י (ע״פ חז״ל) ובתואל היכן היה? רוצה היה לעכב ובא מלאך והמיתו, וגם לפ״ז מת רק אז ולא קודם לזה—.</i>: מה׳ יצא הדבר, לא נוכל דבר אליך רע או טוב, הנה רבקה לפניך קח ולך ותהי אשה לבן אדוניך כאשר דבר ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האותות אשר הראה ה׳ להעבד הרי הם כדבר ה׳—.</i>. ויקח יצחק את רבקה, ויהי אדון לכל בית אביו, כי הבנים אשר ילדה קטורה לאברהם, לא ירשו מאומה בבית אביהם, יען כי כבר נסעו הלכו לארצות אחרות וישבו בהן כל הימים <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">**)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ולבני הפלגשים וגו׳ נתן אברהם מתנות וישלחם מעל יצחק בנו בעודנו חי קדמה אל ארץ קדם (בראשית כ״ה, ו׳).</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות אברהם וקבורתו.</b><br>אחרי ימים מעטים גוע וימת אברהם בשיבה טובה בהיותו מאת שנה ושבעים שנה וחמש שנים. הוא היה איש צדיק תמים מאין כמוהו, וה׳ אהבו ויברכהו בכל. ויקברו אותו יצחק וישמעאל בניו בחברון אל מערת המכפלה אל שדה עפרון החתי אשר על פני ממרא, על יד שרה אשתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תולדות יעקב ועשו בני יצחק.</b><br>אחרי מות אברהם, פקד ה׳ את רבקה אשת יצחק ותהר, ויתרוצצו הבנים בקרבה, וַתֵּלַהּ לשאת את עצבונה ואת הֵרונה, ויתעצב יצחק אל לבו אדות אשתו, וילך לדרוש את ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי לא יצחק רק רבקה הלכה לדרוש את ה׳, ולה אמר ה׳ שני גוים בבטנך וגו׳ (בראשית כ״ה, כ״ב-כ״ג).</i> ויאמר ה׳ לו, שני בנים בבטן רבקה ומהם יצאו שני גוים אשר יקראו על שמם, והבן אשר לפי ראות עינים הוא הקטן, יגדל מהבן הגדול. וימלאו ימי רבקה ללדת והנה תומים בבטנה כדבר ה׳, ויצא הראשון אדמוני כלו, ומכף רגלו ועד ראשו מכֻסה בשער כאדרת שער, ואחרי כן יצא אחיו וידו אחזת בעקב אחיו הבכור. ויגדלו הנערים ויאהב יצחק את הבכור הנקרא בשם עשו או שעיר על כי היה איש שעיר, ורבקה אוהבת את הבן הצעיר הנקרא בשם יעקב על אשר אחז בעקב אחיו בהולדו.",
+                    "ויהי רעב בארץ, ויחפוץ יצחק לרדת מצרימה לגור שם בימי רעבון, אך ה׳ נראה אליו ויאמר אל תרד מצרימה, גור בעיר גרר בארץ פלשתים ואהיה עמך ואברכך. ובבואו גררה קדם אבימלך מלך גרר את פניו באהבה ובכבוד, ויזכור לו את אהבתו לאברהם אביו, ויעש עמו אך טוב וחסד. אפס כי ברבות הימים הפך לבו לשנוא אותו בקנאתו אשר קנא בו בראותו כי ינוב חילו וכל אשר יעשה יצליח; והקנאה העזה ההיא הסבה כי לאחרונה גרש אותו מארצו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוזיפוס יחריש ולא יספר מאומה על אודות רבקה אשר אמר יצחק עליה כי אחותי היא (בראשית כ״ו, ז׳-י״א).</i>. וילך משם יצחק ויחן במקום הנקרא בשם נחל, לא רחוק מעיר גרר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נחל גרר (שם י״ז).</i>. ויהי כי החל לחפור שם באר, ויתנפלו עליו רֹעי אבימלך להלחם בו ולא נתנו אותו לבצע את מעשה הבאר; אך הוא לא אבה להתיצב לפניהם בחזקת היד, ויאמינו הרֹעים כי ידם רמה. ויעתק יצחק משם ויחפור באר אחרת, אך רֹעים אחרים נקבצו ובאו ויריבו גם עליה, ויעזוב גם את המקום ההוא, כי לא אבה להיות איש ריב ואיש מדון, ויעתק משם ויחפור באר אחרת ולא רבו עוד עליה, ויקרא שמה רחֹבות, ויאמר כי עתה הרחיב ה׳ לנו. ואת הבארות אשר חפר תחלה קרא לאחת מהן עֵשֶׂק, כי התעשקו עמו עליה, ואת השנית בשם שטנה, כי רֹעי אבימלך נצבו לשטן לו על אדותיה.",
+                    "ויצחק הלך הלוך וגדול, ויהי איש מצליח מאד, ויירא אבימלך פן יפקוד עליו יצחק את הרעה אשר עשה לו חנם, ויקח ממנו נקם בהיות לאל ידו לעשות זאת, וילך אליו מגרר עם פיכל שר צבאו לכרות עמו ברית שלום ולחדש את אהבתם כקדם. ויצחק הצדיק והטוב לכל, סלח לו על הרעה אשר עשה לו, ויזכור לו אהבתו הראשונה, וימלא את כל משאלות לבו, וילך אבימלך מאתו בשלום.",
+                    "ועשו אהוב יצחק אביו, לקח אשה בהיותו בן ארבעים שנה ושמה עדה בת אֵילֹן, ואת אהליבמה בת צבעון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח (עשו) אשה את יהודית בת בארי החתי ואת בשמת בת אילן החתי (בראשית כ״ו, ל״ד). אמנם להלן (שם ל״ו, ב׳, ג׳) כתוב: עשו לקח את נשיו מבנות כנען את עדה בת אילון החתי ואת אהליבמה בת ענה בת צבעון החוי וע״ש בבאור, כי אין פה המקום להאריך.</i>, בנות שני כנענים עשירים ובעלי נכסים רבים, ואת פי אביו לא שאל, כי לוּ שאל את פיהו, כי אז לא נתנו לקחת מבנות ארץ כנען, כי לא אבה להתחתן את הכנענים. אך בכל זאת לא עצב את רוח בנו ולא צוהו לגרש את נשיו—.",
+                    "ויהי כי זקן יצחק ותכהיןָ עיניו מראות, ויקרא את עשו בנו הגדול ויתאונן באזניו כי ימי הזקנה ועורון עיניו לא יתנוהו לעבוד את ה׳ כבימי קדם, גם צוהו לצאת השדה ולצוד לו ציד ולעשות לו מטעמים כאשר אהב, ואחרי אכלו מצידו יתפלל אל ה׳ בעדו כי יסתירהו בסתר כנפיו וישמרהו כל ימי חייו על הארץ, ויען כי איננו יודע את יום מותו, נכספה נפשו להתפלל בעדו אל ה׳ ולברכהו בטרם ימות. ",
+                    "וילך עשו השדה לצוד ציד להביא, ורבקה אשר ידעה כי ברכת הצדיק יאתה יותר ליעקב מאשר לעשו, צותה אותו, (מבלי אשר ידע זאת יצחק) לקחת שני גדיי עזים ולעשות אותם מטעמים לאביו כאשר אהב, ויעש יעקב כאשר צִוַתּוֹ אמו. ויהי כאשר הוכן האכל, ויקח יעקב את עֹרות גדיי העזים וילבשם על ידיו ועל חלקת צואריו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ותקח רבקה וגו׳ ואת עורות גדיי העזים הלבישה על ידיו ועל חלקת צואריו (בראשית כ״ז, ט״ו-ט״ז).</i>, (כי זולת היות יעקב איש חלק, נדמה מאד בקומתו ובדי עורו לעשו אחיו בהיותם תאמים), ואז הביא את המטעמים אל יצחק אביו, אך לבו היה חרד פן יודע לאביו עָרְמָתו ויקצוף עליו ויבא עליו קללה תחת ברכה. אולם יצחק אף כי הכיר כי הקול קול יעקב, קרא אותו לגשת אליו וימשש אותו והנה ידיו שעירות כידי עשו, ויאמר: הקול קול יעקב, אך הידים ידי עשו, ומבלי חקור עוד יותר, התפלל אל ה׳ אחרי אכלו את המטעמים, ויאמר: ״ה׳ אלהים אשר מלכותך מלכות כל העולמים ואשר עשית את השמים ואת הארץ וכל צבאם, אתה הבטחת לאברהם אבי להיטיב עמו ועם בניו אחריו, ובידך מלאת את הבטחתך, כי ברכת אותו בכל, וגם אותי הבטחת להיטיב לזרעי אחרי ולברכם ביתר שאת עוד. אנא ה׳! עשה נא עתה כאשר הבטחתני, ואל תבישני מִשִׂברי לעת זקנתי ככלות כחי כי אם לא תסעדני עתה, ונחשבתי כיורדי בור. אנא ה׳! הושיעה נא לבני זה, בן עבדך, הפלה נא חסדך לו, שמרהו מכל רע, ברכהו נא בחיים מאֻשרים כידך המלאה, יחתו יריביו וינוסו משנאיו מפניו, אך מברכיו יברכו, וחפצי שלומו ישליו ויתענגו על רוב שלום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נפלאת זאת בעיני כי תחת ברכת יצחק הנפלאה והנשגבה (בראשית כ״ח, ל׳) שם יוזיפוס בפי יצחק תפלה נופלת מאד בערכה מהברכה ההיא ואין זכר לה בתורה—.</i>.",
+                    "כה התפלל יצחק אל ה׳ בהאמינו כי הוא מתפלל בעד עשו בנו. אך כמעט אשר כלה את תפלתו, שב עשו הביתה מצידו, אז ידע יצחק כי ערם הערים יעקב, אך ישב במנוחה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי יצחק חרד חרדה גדולה עד מאד (שם ל״ג).</i>. אולם עשו חִלה את פניו כי יברך גם אותו כאשר ברך את אחיו. וימאן יצחק לברכו באמרו כל ברכותי נתתי ליעקב, ולכה איפוא מה אעשה בני? ויתאונן עשו על מרמת יעקב ויצעק צעקה גדולה ומרה, וישא את קולו ויבך, ויאץ באביהו לברך גם אותו. אז נעתר יצחק אליו, ויאמר: ״על חרבך תחיה, והיית גבור ציד ואיש מלחמה ותעש לך שֵׁם בארץ, גם בניך אחריך יהיו גבורי כח ואנשי חיל ושמם יודע בגוים, אך בכל זאת תעבוד את אחיך.\" ",
+                    "ויירא יעקב פן יהרגהו אחיו על אשר לקח את ברכתו, גם רבקה יראה מאד פן יקום עליו עשו ויהרגהו, ותקרא ליעקב ותיעצהו לברוח אל לבן אחיה חרנה, ותדבר גם על לב יצחק לשלח את יעקב שמה לבעבור יקח לו שם אשה מבנות לבן. כי עשו הוסיף עוד לקחת אשה על נשיו למֹרת רוח יצחק, שם האשה ההיא בשמת בת ישמעאל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב מחלת בת ישמעאל (שם כ״ח, ט׳).</i>. כי יצחק לא אבה להתחתן את הכנענים, ויחר לו על אשר לקח עשו את בשמת לו לאשה ויאהבה מאד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בשמת היתה בת ישמעאל ולא מבנות הכנענים, ועשו לקח אותה רק בגלל אשר רעות בנות כנען בעיני יצחק (שם)—.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>יעקב ברח חרנה. ויקח שם אשה ויולד שנים עשר בנים, ואחרי כן שב ארצה כנען.</b><br>ויצא יעקב מבאר שבע על פי עצת רבקה אמו, וילך לארץ ארם נהרים, לקחת שם את בת לבן לו לאשה, אחרי אשר גם יצחק התרצה לדבר הזה. ובלכתו דרך ארץ כנען, לא אבה לסור אל אחד מבתי הכנענים, וילן תחת כפת הרקיע, ויקח מאבני המקום וישם מראשותיו, ויחלום חלום נפלא מאד: והנה סלם מצב ארצה וראשו מגיע השמימה, והנה מלאכי אלהים יורדים בו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עולים ויורדים בו (בראשית י״ב).</i>, ועל ראש הסלם נצב ה׳, ויקרא לו בשמו ויאמר אליו: ",
+                    "אל תירא יעקב ואל תחת, כי אנכי אהיה עמך ושמרתיך בכל אשר תלך, למען יצחק אביך היקר, גם למען אברהם אבי אביך אשר היה צדיק בכל דרכיו. תחזקנה איפוא ידיך, כי אנכי מגן לך וברכתיך בכל טוב הארץ והשיבותיך אל האדמה הזאת, כי גם את אברהם הבאתי מארם נהרים הנה אחרי אשר גרשוהו קרוביו וגואליו מארצם, וברכתיהו והגדלתי את שמו, וגם את אביך ברכתי, גדלתי ורוממתי ונתתי לו עז ועצמה, ולמען אבותיך אברך גם אותך והיית איש מצליח כמוהם. לך לך איפוא בשמחה לדרכך, וקוה אלי תמיד. והיה זרעך כעפר הארץ, ופרצת ימה וקדמה וצפונה ונגבה, וירשו את הארץ הזאת, לך לדרכך בשלום ואל תירא מכל עמל ותלאה, ואנכי אהיה עמך בכל מקום ובכל עת ובכל שעה.\"",
+                    "ככל החזיון הזה חָזה יעקב במקום ההוא, וייקץ משנתו וישמח במאד מאד ויגל ברעדה על החזיון ההוא ועל הדברים ההם אשר דבר אליו ה׳, ויצק שמן על האבנים אשר עליהם נגלה אליו ה׳<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב ויקח את האבן אשר שם מראשותיו וישם אותה מצבה ויצק שמן על ראשה (בראשית כ״ח, י״ח).</i>, גם נָדַר נֶדֶר לאמר אם אשוב בשלום אל בית אבי אקריב בזה קרבן לה׳, וכל אשר יתן לי ה׳ עשר אעשרנו לו. ויקרא שם המקום ההוא בית אל, באמרו אין זה כי אם בית אלהים וזה שער השמים.",
+                    "אחרי כן נשא יעקב את רגליו וילך ארצה ארם נהרים מחוז חפצו, ויבוא עד עיר חרן, וירא והנה באר בשדה ורֹעים עם עדריהם, נערים ונערות, יושבים על יד הבאר. ויגש יעקב אל הרעים, כי היה צמא למים, ויאמר אליהם: אחי מאין אתם? ויאמרו מחרן אנחנו, ויאמר להם הידעתם את לבן בן נחור? ויאמרו ידענו, ומי לא יֵדע את איש גדול כמוהו, ובתו היא רֹעה אתנו את צאן אביה, ולפלא בעינינו כי לא באה עוד עם הצאן הנה, ובבואה הגיד לך את אשר אתה מבקש. עודם מדברים והנה רחל בת לבן באה עם הצאן, ויאמרו הרעים ליעקב הנה בת לבן, ולרחל אמרו כי האיש האורח בא לדרוש בשלום אביה. ותקרב רחל אל יעקב בפנים צהלים ותשאלהו מי הוא ומאין הוא בא ומדוע בא שָׁמָה. ותבטיחהו כי תפיק לו נפשה ותמלא כל משאלות לבו. ",
+                    "ויתפלא יעקב על טוּבָה וחסדה ויותר עוד על יפיה וחמדת פניה, כי היא היתה היפה בבנות הארץ, ויאהבה בלבו מרגע הראשון אשר ראה אותה, ויאמר אליה: אם בת לבן את, הנך שארת בשרי, כי אברהם והרן ונחור אחים הם בני תרח, ובתואל אבי אביך הוא בן נחור, ויצחק אבי הוא בן אברהם ושרה בת הרן, ובימים האחרונים יספנו להתחתן עוד, כי רבקה אמי היא אחות אביך. ואני באתי הנה לשאול לשלומכם ולחדש ימי אהבתנו כקדם. אז זכרה רחל כי ככל דבריו שמעה גם מפי אביה, ותשמח מאד עד כי בכתה מרוב שמחתה, ותחבק את יעקב ותשקהו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי יעקב נשק לרחל וישא את קולו ויבך (בראשית כ״ט, י״א) ומדוע הפך יוזיפוס את הדבר הזה?</i>, ותאמר: אבי וכל ביתו ישמחו מאד לקראת בואך, כי אבי ישא תמיד את שם רבקה על שפתיו, וידעתי כי ישמח גם לקראת בנה. ",
+                    "אחרי כן בקשה אותו ללכת אתה אל בית אביה ולשמחהו מהר במראה פניו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רחל רצה ותגד לאביה, ולבן רץ לקראת יעקב ויחבקהו וינשקהו ויביאהו אל ביתו (שם י״ב, י״ג).</i>. ויהי בבוא יעקב ביתה לבן, קבלהו לבן בשמחה ובכל אותות אהבה, ואחרי ימים מעטים אמר אליו לבן: אמנם כי שמחתני מאד בבואך, בכל זאת חפצתי לדעת מדוע עזבת את אביך ואת אמך לעת זקנתם. ותחת כלכל את שיבתם באת הנה, והיה אם אדע שרש הדבר ומה שאלתך וחפצך בביתי, עשה אעשה עמך אך טוב ככל אשר תשיג ידי? ויספר לו יעקב בתם לבבו את כל אשר בלבבו, ויודיעהו כי יש לו אח ושמו עשו, והוא מתנכל להמיתו על קחתו ממנו את ברכת אביו בעצת רבקה אמו, כי חרה לו עד מות על אשר לקח ממנו את הברכה וְאִתָּהּ יחד את המשרה ואת הממשלה — ועל כן ברח מבית אביו, וגם זאת בעצת אמו. הן אמנם, הוסיף יעקב לדבר, כי יש לנו קרובים וגואלים גם ממשפחת אבי, אך אתה קרוב לי מהם בהיותך אחי אמי, ואקו כי אלהי אבותי ישמרני מכל רע, וגם אתה תהי עלי סתרה. ",
+                    "אז הבטיח אותו לבן לעשות עמו אך טוב וחסד בעבור אבותיו ומה גם בעבור רבקה אמו אשר נפשו קשורה בנפשה גם בהיותה רחוקה מעיניו. ויאמר לשימהו לאביר הרעים אשר לו, ובכל עת אשר יכסוף לשוב אל ארצו ואל מולדתו, העניק יעניק לו מכל טוב ביתו וישלחהו בכבוד כיאות לשארו הקרוב אליו כמוהו. על הדברים האלה ענהו יעקב: אעבדך בכל עבודה אשר תעמוס עלי אם אך תתן לי את רחל בתך הקטנה לאשה. וישמח לבן על הדבר הזה ויאמר: ״טוב תתי אותה לך בן אחותי מתתי אותה לאיש אחר, אך בכל זאת לא אוכל תת אותה לך, עד אשר תשב בביתי שנים אחדות ואראה את דרכיך ואת פעליך, גם אין את נפשי לתת את בתי לנסוע אל ארץ רחוקה אחרי אשר נחמתי כבר כי נתתי את רבקה אחותי ללכת ארצה כנען לבית אישה—.\" ויתרצה יעקב גם לדבר הזה, ויעבוד שבע שנים ברחל, ולתקופת השנים אסף לבן את כל אנשי המקום ההוא ויעש משתה החתונה, ויהי בערב ויקח את לאה בתו ויבא אותה אל יעקב ויבא אליה, כי מטעם היין ומחשכת הלילה לא ידע כי לאה היא, ויהי בבקר ויאמר אל לבן למה רמיתני? הלא ברחל עבדתי עמך באהבתי אותה, ולמה נתת לי את לאה אשר לא מצאה חן בעיני? ויצטדק לבן על מעשהו, ויאמר: לא יעשה כן במקומנו לתת את הצעירה לפני הבכירה, ועתה אם באמת ובתמים תאהב את רחל, אתן לך גם אותה אחרי אשר תעבוד עמדי עוד שבע שנים אחרות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב: מלא שבוע זאת ונתנה לך גם את זאת (בראשית כ״ט, כ״ז), ולפי דברי כל המפרשים כונת הפסוק כי מיד לאחר שבעת ימי המשתה יתן לו גם את רחל (ע׳ בבאור הרמבמ״ן), אך יוזיפוס יפרש ״מלא שבוע זאת״ מלא שבע שנים אחרות בשביל רחל, ולתקופת השנים אתן גם אותה לך — ולפי זה יפרש מלת ״שבוע״ כמלת ״שמטה״ שהיא שבע שנים, כי ״שבוע״ הוא שת״ז אם להיקף זמן שבעה ימים או שבע שנים, כמו שבוע אחד (דניאל ט׳ , כ״ז) שפי' שבע שנים (ע׳ אוצר השרשים).</i>. ויתרצה יעקב גם לדבר הזה באהבתו העזה אשר אהב את רחל, ואחרי עבור גם שבע שנים האחרות, נתן לו לבן גם את רחל לאשה, ואת בלהה שפחתו נתן לה לשרת אותה, ואת זלפה שפחתו נתן כבר ללאה. ",
+                    "ולאה התעצבה מאד בראותה כי יעקב אוהב מאד את רחל, רק קותה כי אם תלד לו בנים, יאהב גם אותו, ותתפלל אל ה׳ לפקוד אותה, ויעתר לה ה׳ ותהר ותלד בן ותקרא לו בשם ראובן, יען כי ברחמי ה׳ נתן לה הבן, כי זה הוא פתרון השם הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה בזה כי ה׳ ברחמיו ראה בעניה ויחן לה בן ככתוב בס׳ בראשית ל״ב מ״ט. וראובן הוא ראו בן, ולפי חז״ל במס׳ ברכות (דף ז׳:) הוא רמז גם לראו מה בין בני לבן חמי, וע׳ בס׳ היחש להרה״ח ר״י בכרך נ״י צד י״ד ע״א בהערה.</i>. ומאז והלאה החל יעקב לחן גם אותה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וזה הוא כי עתה יאהבני אישי (בראשית מ״ט ל״ב), ר״ל כי מעתה יחל אישי לאהוב אותי.</i>. ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא שמו שמעון, כי שמע ה׳ בקולה. ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא את שמו לוי, באמרה כי הפעם ילוה אישה אליה, ותהר עוד ותלד בן ותקרא שמו יהודה, באמרה הפעם אודה את ה׳. ותקנא רחל באחותה, ותדאג פן לא יוסיף עוד יעקב לאהוב אותה כבראשונה, כי עקרה היא, ותתן את בלהה שפחתה ליעקב למען תבנה גם היא ממנה, ותהר בלהה ותלד ליעקב בן, ותאמר רחל דנני אלהים וגם שמע בקולי, ותקרא שמו דן. ותהר עוד ותלד בלהה בן שני ליעקב, ותקרא רחל את שמו נפתלי, פתרונו ערמה גם התחרות (וועטטאייפער), כי על פי ערמת רחל לתת את שפחתה לאישה, התחרה את לאה אחותה גם יכלה לה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ועפ״ז נבין כונת הפסוק: ותאמר רחל נפתולי אלהים נפתלתי עם אחותי גם יכולתי ותקרא שמו נפתלי (בראשית ל׳, ח׳), כי נפתלי הוא מלשון עקש ופתלתול (דברים ל״ב, ה׳), שפי׳ ערמה (ליסט), גם עוד הוראה אחרת למלת נפתולי והיא לשון התחרות (וועטטאייפערן) כאדם המתחרה לנצח את חברו בהאבקו עמו ויפתל ויעקש את גוו — ולשתי הוראות האלה כונה לאה בשם נפתלי, וזה הוא שאמרה נפתולי אלהים ר״ל ערמה חזקה (כי שם אלהים הוא לחיזוק הפעולה כידוע, וע׳ בבאור) נפתלתי, הערמתי ואתחר עם אחותי בתתי את שפחתי לאישי, גם יכולתי, ועתה תצא לאור כונת יוזיפוס בזה.</i>. אך גם לאה הערימה כאחותה ותתן גם היא את זלפה שפחתה ליעקב, ותהר גם היא ותלד בן, ותקרא לאה את שמו גד, פתרונו מקרה (צופאלל)(?). ותהר עוד ותלד בן שני ליעקב, ותקרא לאה את שמו אשר, פתרונו אֹשֶר (גליק), כי על ידו יגדל עוד אָשרה מקדם. ויהי היום וילך ראובן השדה ויבא ללאה אמו תפוחי הצמח הנקרא בשם מאנדראגארא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ע' בבאור הרמבמ״ן על אודות הדודאים אשר מצא ראובן.</i>, ותתאו רחל התפוחים ההם, ותבקש מאת לאה לתת גם לה תפוחים אחדים, ותמאן לאה ותאמר המעט קחתך את אישי ולקחת גם את תפוחי בני. ותאמר רחל לכן ישכב עמך הלילה. וישכב יעקב עמה בלילה ההוא ותהר ותלד ליעקב בן חמישי ותקרא את שמו יששכר, באמרה נתן אלהים שכרי אשר נתתי שפחתי לאישי. ותהר עוד לאה ותלד בן ששי ליעקב והקרא את שמו זבלון, באמרה הפעם יזבלני אישי כי ילדתי לו ששה בנים. גם בת אחת ילדה ליעקב ותקרא את שמה דינה. אז פקד ה׳ גם אח רחל ותהר ותלד ליעקב בן ותקרא את שמו יוסף, לאמר יוסף לי ה׳ בן אחר.",
+                    "ויהי כאשר ילדה רחל את יוסף, ויאמר יעקב אל לבן: זה עשרים שנה עבדתיך בכל כחי ואוני, ועתה שלחני נא ואלכה אל מקומי ולארצי, אך לבן חבל תחבולות שונות ולא נתנו ללכת, על כן חשב יעקב מחשבות לגנוב את לב לבן ולמצוא עת רצון לברוח מביתו ולשוב אל ארצו ואל מולדתו. וישאל את פי רחל ולאה אם יש גם את לבבן ללכת אתו אל בית אביו, וכאשר התרצו גם הן ללכת אתו, לקח את מקנהו ואת כל רכושו אשר רכש בפדן ארם, ויברח עם נשיו ובניו וכל אשר לו לבוא אל יצחק אביו ארצה כנען. ורחל גנבה את התרפים אשר לאביה, לא בגלל אשר היו נכבדים בעיניה, כי יעקב לִמד אותה לדעת כי התרפים דברו און ומעשה תעתועים הם, רק עשתה זאת לכפר בהם את פני אביה, כי אם ירדוף אחריה וישיגה, אז תשיבם אליו ובזה תשוב חמתו ממנה. ",
+                    "ויגד ללבן ביום השלישי כי ברח יעקב, ויחר לו מאד, ויקח עמו אנשי חיל וירדוף אחרי יעקב דרך שבעת ימים וידבק אותו. אך אז רד היום מאד ולא יכול לעשות מלחמה ביעקב, ובחלום הלילה בא אליו אלהים ויאמר לו: ״הִשָׁמֶר לך מִדַּבר עם יעקב קשות ומחרות אפך בבנותיך, רק תכרות עם יעקב ברית שלום ותדבר טובות עם נשיו. אולם אם תעוז להתגרות מלחמה ביעקב אשר עוזריו רק מתי מעט מול אנשי חילך הרבים, ידע תדע כי אנכי מגן לו ואמגנך בידו לעשות בך כטוב וכישר בעיניו.\" למחרת קרא לבן ליעקב ויאמר אליו כי ידבר אתו דברי שלום, יען כי אלהי אבותיו הזהיר אותו אֶמֶשׁ לעשות כן, אך בכל זאת דבר אתו משפטים לאמר: הלא בחסר כל באת אלי, ואני חמלתי עליך ואספתיך אל ביתי גם נתתי את בנותי לך לנשים, וקויתי כי בזאת תוסד ידידותנו לעולם, אך אתה גמלתני רעה תחת טובה, לא זכרת כי אחי אמך אנכי ושארך הקרוב אליך, לא שמת לבך על בנותי אשר נתתי לך ועל בניך אשר אני אבי אמותיהם, ותנהגם כשבויי חרב, את רכושי גזלת ואת הוני עשקת, את בנותי פתית לברוח מביתי, גם גנבת את אלהי אשר קדושים הם בעיני כבעיני אבותי ואבות אבותי, ואת אשר לא יעשה אויב לאויבו עשית אתה לי, אתה שארי בן אחותי בעל בנותי, אוכל לחמי ובן משק ביתי! על הדברים האלה השיב יעקב אמרים כי האהבה לארץ מולדת נטע ה׳ לא רק בלבבו כי אם בלבות כל בני האדם, והאהבה הזאת המריצה אותי לשוב אל ארצי אחרי אשר עזבתי אותה עשרים שנה. אך על דבר האשמה אשר תאשימני, הוסיף יעקב לדבר, כי אנכי לא עשקתיך, יוכיחו נא שופטי צדק בינינו אם לא נהפוך הוא, כי אתה עשקת אותי וכל דברי ריבותיך אל חיקך ישובו. הלא אנכי עבדתיך בתם לבבי, שמרתי את צאנך באמונה, והגדלתי והוספתי את רכושך, ואתה תחת תת לי תודה כעל כל תגמולי עליך, תרע עוד עינך בקחתי חלק קטן מכל הרכוש אשר רכשתי לך, חלף עבודתי הכבדה אשר עבדתיך זה שנים רבות. ועל דבר בנותיך ידע תדע כי לא משנאתן אותך עזבוך ללכת אחרי, כי אם מאהבתן אותי, ומעשותן את אשר נטל על כל אשה לעשות לבעלה, ומה גם כי לא יכלו לעזוב את בניהן ההולכים עמי. כדברים האלה השיב יעקב ללבן להוכיח את צדקת נפשו, ואז מלא פיו תוכחות על כל הרעות אשר עשה לו לבן בהעבידו אותו בפרך עשרים שנה רצופות מבלי השב על לב כי בן אחיו הוא ובעל בנותיו; ראשית דרכו עמו היתה לרמות אותו ולתת לו את לאה תחת רחל, והמרמה הזאת אשר שברה את לבו היתה עוד נקלה מול הרעות הרבות אשר הפגיע בו אחרי כן, רעות אשר לא יעשה כמוהן רק אויב ומתנקם. ובאמת הרע לבן מאד ליעקב, כי בראותו כי ה׳ עמו וכל אשר יעשה יצליח, הבטיח לתת לו נקֻדים, וכאשר ילדו כל הצאן נקֻדים, השיב את הבטחתו אחור ויאמר עקדים יהיה שכרך, וכאשר ילדו כל הצאן עקדים, נחם עוד הפעם על הבטחתו, ויחלף את משכרתו עשרת מנים, כי קנא בו קנאה גדולה בראותו כי מקנהו פרץ בארץ וכל אשר הוא עושה ה׳ מצליח בידו. ",
+                    "ועל אדות התרפים אמר לו יעקב כי יחפש אותם בכל אהליו, כי לא ידע כי רחל גנבתם, ויהי בהודע לרחל כי אביה מחפש את התרפים, מהרה ותקחם ותשימם בכר הגמל ותשב עליהם, ותאמר אל אביה אל יחר בעיני אדוני כי לא אוכל לקום מפניך, כי דרך נשים לי, ואז חדל לבן מחפש עוד אחריהם, בהאמינו כי רחל בתו לא תגע באלהיו בימי נדת דותה—. אחרי כן נשבע לבן ליעקב כי לא יזכור לו עוד את אשר עשה לו, ויעקב הבטיחוהו כי לא יענה את בנותיו ולא יקח לו נשים על בנותיו. ויכרתו שניהם ברית על אחד ההרים ויקימו שם גל אבנים ומצבה בתבנית מזבח, ועל כן נקרא ההר ההוא בשם גלעד וכל הארץ ההיא בשם ארץ הגלעד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על שם הגל אשר יעקב קרא לו גלעד (בראשית ל״א, מ״ז).</i>. אחרי הברית ההיא אכלו שניהם וייטיבו את לבם, וישכם לבן בבקר ויברך את בניו ואת בנותיו וילך וישב למקומו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>תשובת יעקב לארץ כנען.</b><br>ויעקב הלך לדרכו ויראו אליו מלאכי אלהים ויבטיחוהו רב טוב לימים יֻצָרוּ, ויקרא יעקב שם המקום ההוא מחנה אלהים (מחנים). אך בטרם בואו ארצה כנען, חפץ לדעת אם שב אף עשו אחיו ממנו, וישלח מרגלים אל עשו ארצה שעיר לחקור ולדרוש אם הוא שונא לו כמלפנים, ויצו את המרגלים להגיד לעשו כי ברצון נפשו עזב את ארץ מולדתו, לבל ישב בארץ אחת עם אחיו אשר חרה אפו בו, אך עתה אחרי עבור שנים רבות יקוה כי שב אפו ממנו ויואיל לשבת אתו שבת אחים, ועל כן הוא שב לארצו ויפקיד ביד אחיו את נפשו ואת נפשות נשיו ובניו וכל רכושו אשר רכש בעמל ידו, ולהצלחה גדולה מאד תחשב לו אם יואיל אחיו לחלק עמו כל הונו ורכושו.. כשמוע עשו את דברי המרגלים, שמח שמחה רבה וילך לקראת יעקב עם ארבע מאות אנשים נושקי נשק. אך יעקב ירא מאד בהודע לו כי עשו הולך אליו עם אנשי חיל מזֻינים, ובכל זאת בטח בה׳ וישען עליו כי ישמרהו מכל רע, ובין כה וכה עשה תחבולות להציל ממות נפשות אנשי ביתו, ויחץ את העם אשר אתו לשני מחנות, האחת תסע לראשונה, והשניה לאחרונה, באמרו כי אם יתנפלו אנשי חיל ההם בחרב על המחנה האחת להכותה, תחיש מנוס ומפלט לה אל המחנה השנית. אחרי כן שלח ביד עבדיו מנחה לעשו אחיו מן הבקר והצאן ומן הגמלים והאתונות והעירים אשר האמין כי ייטבו בעיני עשו בגלל יקרתם וחין ערכם, ויתן אותם ביד עבדיו עדר עדר לבדו, ויצום לשום רוח בין עדר לעדר, למען הגדל את המנחה בעיני עשו, ויקו כי במנחה הזאת יכפר את פני אחיו אם לא שב עוד אפו ממנו. גם צוה את העבדים ההם לדבר דברי שלום ודברי אהבה וידידות עם עשו בפגשם אותו.",
+                    "אחרי עשותו את התחבולות ההן, קם יעקב בלילה ההוא ויעבר את נשיו וילדיו את מעבר יבק, גם העביר את כל אשר לו, ויותר הוא לבדו וישא את עיניו וירא והנה מראה כדמות אדם הולך הלוך וקרוב אליו להאבק עמו, אך בהאבקם יחד גבר יעקב וינצחהו. אז גלה האיש ההוא את אזן יעקב כי לא בן אדם התאבק עמו כי אם מלאך אלהים, ובהתגברו עליו אות ומופת הוא לו כי יחילו דרכיו בימים הבאים וכל אשר יעשה יצליח, גם בניו ילכו מחיל אל חיל ולא יכלו לנצח, וכל רב ושליט תחת כל השמים לא יעצר כח לכלותם מעל פני האדמה. ויוסף עוד לדבר ויאמר לא יעקב יאמר עוד שמך, כי אם ישראל, כי שרית עם מלאך אלהים ותוכל לו. כדברים האלה נבא המלאך ליעקב, כי בהודע ליעקב כי מלאך ה׳ נצב עליו, האיץ בו לגלות לו את אשר יקרה אותו בימים הבאים אחרי הדברים האלה נעלם המראה מעיני יעקב, ויעקב שמח בלבו על המראה הגדול הזה ויקרא שם המקום פניאל, כי ראיתי אלהים פנים אל פנים, ויעקב היה צולע על ירכו כי נגע המלאך בכף ירך יעקב בגיד הנשה בהאבקו עמו, על כן לא אכל עוד יעקב את גיד הנשה אשר על כף הירך, וגם אנחנו לא נאכל ממנו עד היום הזה. ",
+                    "ויהי כשמוע יעקב כי עשו לא רחוק עוד ממנו, מהר ויחץ את הילדים על לאה ועל רחל ועל שתי השפחות, וישם את השפחות ואת ילדיהן ראשונה, ואת לאה וילדיה אחרונים, ואת רחל ואת יוסף אחרונים, והוא עם אנשיו עברו לפניהן, לבעבור הרחק את נשיו וילדיו ממקום המלחמה אשר ילחמו הגברים אם יתנפל עליו עשו בחרב. אך בגשתו אל אחיו, אשר לבו שלם עמו, השתחוה לפניו ארצה, וירץ עשו לקראתו ויחבקהו ויפל על צואריו וישקהו, ויבכו. ואחרי אשר ראה עשו את נשי יעקב ואת ילדיו, ואחרי שמעו את כל הקורות אותו, חפץ לשלח אותו ואת כל אשר לו ולהביאם אל יצחק אביהם. אך יעקב אמר אליו כי הילדים רכים והצאן והבקר עלות, ועל כן עליו להתנהל לאט עד אשר יבוא אל אחיו שעירה, וישב ביום ההוא עשו לדרכו אל הר שעיר אשר ירש אותו בחרבו ובקשתו ואשר נקרא על שמו בהיותו איש שָׂעִיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>שכם ענה את דינה, מות רחל, יעקב ובניו באו אל עיר חברון.</b><br>ויעקב בא אל המקום הנקרא בשם סכות עד היום הזה, ומשם נסע לעיר שכם, עיר אחת מערי הכנענים. ואנשי שכם חגו או יום חג, ותצא דינה בת יעקב העירה לראות את עדי הנשים במקום ההוא, וירא אותה שכם בן חמור מלך הארץ ויקח אותה וישכב עמה ויענה. ותדבק נפשו בה ויאהבה, ויאמר אל אביו אותה קח לי לאשה כי ישרה היא בעיני, וילך חמור אל יעקב וידבר אתו לאמר שכם בני חשקה נפשו בדינה בתך, ועתה תנה נא אותה לו לאשה. ויצר ליעקב מאד, כי ירא למרות את פי מלך עז כזה, גם לא אבה לתת את בתו לאיש נכרי, ויבקש את פני חמור להרפות ממנו עד אשר יתיעץ אֹדות הדבר הזה, וישב המלך לביתו ויקו כי תאות בנו לא תאחר לבוא ויעקב שלח אל בניו השדה ויודיעם את הנבלה אשר עשה שכם לדינה, ואת אשר דבר אליו חמור. ויצום להמתיק עצה איכה יעשה. ויהי בהודע להם הדבר הרע הזה, ויבהלו ויחרישו ויהיו אֹבְדֵי עצות. אך שמעון ולוי אחי דינה גם מאם אחת, חשבו מזמה לעשות נקמות בשכם וחמור ובכל אנשי העיר, וביום אשר חגו יושבי העיר חג גדול ויעשו הלולים, התנפלו באשון ליל על שומרי העיר בעת אשר נתנו שנת לעיניהם ויהרגו אותם בחרב, ואחרי כן התפרצו העירה ויהרגו בה כל זכר, גם את המלך ואת שכם בנו, רק את הנשים לא הרגו, ויקחו את דינה אחותם וישובו אל אביהם אשר לא ידע מאומה מכל אשר עשו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר לא ספר בזה את ערמת בני יעקב ככל הכתוב בתורה (בראשית ל״ד:י״ג), כי הוא כתב את ספרו בגלל היונים והרומאים ויחפוץ להסתיר הדבר מעיניהם—.</i>. ",
+                    "וכשמעו את מעשיהם, רגז ויקצוף מאד עליהם, וידבר אתם משפטים על הדבר הרע הזה אשר עשו. אך אז הופיע אליו ה׳ ויחזק את ידיו ויצוהו לטהר את אהליו מכל טומאה ולהביא אליו את הקרבנות אשר נדר לו בברחו אל ארם נהרים אחרי ראותו את מראות אלהים בחלום הלילה. ויהי בקדש יעקב את בניו ואת אהליו, מצא את התרפים אשר גנבה רחל מאת לבן אביה, ויטמון אותם תחת האלה אשר עם שכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">וע״פ זה נבין את הכתוב ויאמר יעקב וגו׳ הסירו את אלהי הנכר אשר בתוככם (שם ל״ה, ב׳), כי עד העת ההיא היו עוד התרפים. אלהי לבן באהלי יעקב—.</i>. ואז נסע משם בית אל ויעש שם מזבח במקום אשר ראה את מראות אלהים בחזיון ליל בלכתו ארם נהרים. ",
+                    "משם נסע אפרתה ושמה קבר את רחל אשר מתה עליו בהקשותה בלדתה, והיא היתה האחת מבית אברהם אשר לא נקברה בחברון במערת המכפלה. ואחרי אשר ספד יעקב לרחל ויבך בכי תמרורים, קרא את שם הבן אשר ילדה לו, בנימין, יען כי הוא בן אונה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">*)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתורה כתוב כי רחל קראה לו בן אוני (שם י״ח).</i>—. אלה הם בני יעקב, שנים עשר בנים ובת אחת; שמונה מהם בני הגבירות, ששה ילדה לו לאה ושנים ילדה לו רחל, וארבעה היו בני השפחות, וכל אחת ילדה לו שנים, שמותיהם הזכרנו כבר בספר הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<b>מות יצחק וקבורתו.</b><br>ויעקב נסע לעיר חברון בארץ כנען, אשר שם ישב יצחק אביו. אך אחרי ימים מעטים גוע יצחק ויאסף אל עמיו (ורבקה מתה בטרם שוב יעקב אל ארצו), ויעקב ועשו קברו אותו בחברון אשר שם קבורים אבותיו. יצחק היה אהוב מאד בעיני ה׳, ואחרי מות אברהם אביו ברך אותו בַכֹּל עד כי התברכו בו כל יודעי שמו, גם האריך את ימיו ושנותיו, כי ימי חייו היו מאה ושמונים וחמש שנים, וכל הימים היה מאֻשר בארץ ויתהלך את האלהים."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Yemei am olam, trans. Kalman Schulman. Vilna, 1886",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/he/books/NNL_ALEPH001934004&context=L"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "קדמוניות היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "key": "The Antiquities of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/English/The War of the Jews, translated by William Whiston.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/English/The War of the Jews, translated by William Whiston.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..5daa815d0d96e08f5fe14f64e886f7a06253ff58
--- /dev/null
+++ b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/English/The War of the Jews, translated by William Whiston.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,980 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "The War of the Jews",
+    "versionSource": "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_War_of_the_Jews",
+    "versionTitle": "The War of the Jews, translated by William Whiston",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isBaseText": false,
+    "isSource": false,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "1. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I have already observed more than once, that this History of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and published about A.D. 75, when he was but thirty-eight years of age; and that when he wrote it, he was not thoroughly acquainted with several circumstances of history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with which it begins, till near his own times, contained in the first and former part of the second book, and so committed many involuntary errors therein. That he published his Antiquities eighteen years afterward, in the thirteenth year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he was much more completely acquainted with those ancient times, and after he had perused those most authentic histories, the First Book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, etc. That accordingly he then reviewed those parts of this work, and gave the public a more faithful, complete, and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly corrected the errors he bad before run into.</i> Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea, were, Josephus himself will inform us, sect. 2, viz. the Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [of the Jews among them]; besides the Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence we also learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remotest Arabians, [or at least the Jews among them,] as also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather Chaldaic, books of The Jewish War, before they were put into the Greek language.</i> Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].",
+            "2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.",
+            "3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.",
+            "4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple, Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That these calamities of the Jews, who were our Savior's murderers, were to be the greatest that had ever been since the beginning of the world, our Savior had directly foretold, Matthew 24:21; Mark 13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and that they proved to be such accordingly, Josephus is here a most authentic witness.</i> are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.",
+            "5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.",
+            "6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.",
+            "7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war.",
+            "8. As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Titus.</i> made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them. For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.",
+            "9. After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.",
+            "10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of their festivals, and seven purifications of purity,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These seven, or rather five, degrees of purity, or purification, are enumerated hereafter, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6. The Rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Reland there informs us.</i> and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known truth of things.",
+            "11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed. Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph.]",
+            "12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged [By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Also Concerning The Actions Of The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Concerning The Death Of Judas.</i><br><br>1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I see little difference in the several accounts in Josephus about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which large complaints are made by his commentators. Onias, it seems, hoped to have :made it very like that at Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions; and so he appears to have really done, as far as he was able and thought proper. Of this temple, see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1--3, and Of the War, B. VII. ch. 10. sect. 8.</i> concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.",
+                    "2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge themselves. ",
+                    "3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.",
+                    "4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.",
+                    "5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops, he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria.",
+                    "6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Successors Of Judas, Who Were Jonathan And Simon, And John Hyrcanus.</i><br><br>1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.",
+                    "2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].",
+                    "3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Why this John, the son of Simon, the high priest and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Josephus no where informs us; nor is he called other than John at the end of the First Book of the Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he gives us an epitome of the Greek version of the book here abridged by Josephus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then extant, assures us that he was called Hyrcanus from his conquest of one of that name. See Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 207. But of this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich's note here.</i> But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother and brethren.",
+                    "4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.",
+                    "5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.",
+                    "6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa. ",
+                    "7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.",
+                    "8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world, - the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death, Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.</i><br><br>1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him; for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in prison.",
+                    "2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.",
+                    "3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.",
+                    "4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark passage which is called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually.",
+                    "5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars,) \"O strange!\" said he, \"it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.\" And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's disorder.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, \"So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them.\" As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Actions Were Done By Alexander Janneus, Who Reigned Twenty-Seven Years.</i><br><br>1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.",
+                    "2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.",
+                    "3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.",
+                    "4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.",
+                    "5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.",
+                    "6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.",
+                    "7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidse.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus here calls this Antiochus the last of the Seleucidae, although there remained still a shadow of another king of that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus, who reigned, or rather lay hid, till Pompey quite turned him out, as Dean Aldrich here notes from Appian and Justin.</i> Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.",
+                    "8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Alexandra Reigns Nine Years, During Which Time The Pharisees Were The Real Rulers Of The Nation.</i><br><br>1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper.",
+                    "2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. Now Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740, relates, that this Selene Cleopatra was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais, as here, but after she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a citadel in Mesopotamia; and adds, that when he had kept her a while in prison, he put her to death. Dean Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts Josephus, which does not appear to me; for although Josephus says both here and in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptolemais, and that he took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does he no where intimate that he now took the queen herself; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus may still be true notwithstanding.</i> by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.",
+                    "4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Hyrcanus Who Was Alexander's Heir, Receded From His Claim To The Crown Aristobulus Is Made King; And Afterward The Same Hyrcanus By The Means Of Antipater, Is Brought Back By Abetas. At Last Pompey Is Made The Arbitrator Of The Dispute Between The Brothers.</i><br><br>1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus's wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That this Antipater, the father of Herod the Great was an Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. </i>",
+                    "It is somewhat probable, as Hapercamp supposes, and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin is here the truest; that Pompey did him Hyrcanus, as he would have done the others from Aristobulus, sect. 6, although his remarkable abstinence from the 2000 talents that were in the Jewish temple, when he took it a little afterward, ch. 7. sect. 6, and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, will to Greek all which agree he did not take them. whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.",
+                    "3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.",
+                    "4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis.",
+                    "5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.",
+                    "6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of the famous palm trees and balsam about Jericho and Engaddl, see the notes in Havercamp's edition, both here and B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1. They are somewhat too long to be transcribed in this place.</i> besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so aftrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pompey Had The City Of Jerusalem Delivered Up To Him But Took The Temple By Force. How He Went Into The Holy Of Holies; As Also What Were His Other Exploits In Judea.</i><br><br>1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.",
+                    "2. Now as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance.",
+                    "3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was oil the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.",
+                    "4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.",
+                    "5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.",
+                    "6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Thus says Tacitus: Cn. Pompelna first of all subdued the Jews, and went into their temple, by right of conquest, Hist. B. V. ch. 9. Nor did he touch any of its riches, as has been observed on the parallel place of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, out of Cicero himself.</i> whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollatlon; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.",
+                    "7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date from this era, is a certain evidence of this its rebuilding by Pompey, as Spanheim here assures us.</i> that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country, such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus, Who Ran Away From Pompey, Makes An Expedition Against Hyrcanus; But Being Overcome By Gabinius He Delivers Up The Fortresses To Him. After This Aristobulus Escapes From Rome And Gathers An Army Together; But Being Beaten By The Romans, He Is Brought Back To Rome; With Other Things Relating To Gabinius, Crassus And Cassius.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the like attestation to the truth of this submission of Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the Roman general, in the words of Dean Aldrich. \"Hence (says he) is derived that old and famous Denarius belonging to the Emillian family [represented in Havercamp's edition], wherein Aretas appears in a posture of supplication, and taking hold of a camel's bridle with his left hand, and with his right hand presenting a branch of the frankincense tree, with this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX S.C.; and beneath, REX ARETAS.\"</i> ",
+                    "2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Machorus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.",
+                    "3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Oabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.",
+                    "4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.",
+                    "5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.",
+                    "6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus break through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus; and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.",
+                    "7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,) and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.",
+                    "8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely].",
+                    "9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This citation is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Aristobulus Is Taken Off By Pompey's Friends, As Is His Son Alexander By Scipio. Antipater Cultivates A Friendship With Caesar, After Pompey's Death; He Also Performs Great Actions In That War, Wherein He Assisted Mithridates.</i><br><br>1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchers.",
+                    "2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister. ",
+                    "3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him.",
+                    "4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.",
+                    "5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Caesar Makes Antipater Procurator Of Judea; As Does Antipater Appoint Phasaelus To Be Governor Of Jerusalem, And Herod Governor Of Galilee; Who, In Some Time, Was Called To Answer For Himself [Before The Sanhedrim], Where He Is Acquitted. Sextus Caesar Is Treacherously Killed By Bassus And Is Succeeded By Marcus.</i><br><br>1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.",
+                    "3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that this grant of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was made by Julius Caesar, not as here to Antipater, but to Hyrcanas, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 5, has hardly an appearance of a contradiction; Antipater being now perhaps considered only as Hyrcanus's deputy and minister; although he afterwards made a cipher of Hyrcanus, and, under great decency of behavior to him, took the real authority to himself.</i> those walls of his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater. ",
+                    "4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Or twenty-five years of age. See note on Antiq. B. I. ch. 12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 2; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725. Many writers of the Roman history give an account of this murder of Sextus Caesar, and of the war of Apamia upon that occasion. They are cited in Dean Aldrich's note.</i> with equal authority into Galilee.",
+                    "5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.",
+                    "6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.",
+                    "7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.",
+                    "8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army.",
+                    "9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.",
+                    "10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Is Made Procurator Of All Syria; Malichus Is Afraid Of Him, And Takes Antipater Off By Poison; Whereupon The Tribunes Of The Soldiers Are Prevailed With To Kill Him.</i><br><br>1. There, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, the duration of the reign of Julius Caesar is three years six months; but here three years seven months, beginning nightly, says Dean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship. It is probable the real duration might be three years and between six and seven months.</i> Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.",
+                    "2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It appears evidently by Josephus's accounts, both here and in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 2, that this Cassius, one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter oppressor, and exactor of tribute in Judea. These seven hundred talents amount to about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly revenues of king Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid no more than one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the entire sum to be levied in all the country.</i>",
+                    "3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.",
+                    "4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.",
+                    "5. However, Malichus, when lie was suspected ef poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father.",
+                    "6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malichus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about. ",
+                    "7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.",
+                    "8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately aftrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius,\" Then,\" said he, \"Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both.\" Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Phasaelus Is Too Hard For Felix; Herod Also Overcomes Antigonus In Rattle; And The Jews Accuse Both Herod And Phasaelus But Antonius Acquits Them, And Makes Them Tetrarchs.</i><br><br>1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada.",
+                    "2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we see that Cassius set tyrants over all Syria; so that his assisting to destroy Caesar does not seem to have proceeded from his true zeal for public liberty, but from a desire to be a tyrant himself.</i> and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.",
+                    "3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.",
+                    "4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time.",
+                    "5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Phasaelus and Herod.</i> But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.",
+                    "6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs. ",
+                    "7. But before this Herod, and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in bonds also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Parthians Bring Antigonus Back Into Judea, And Cast Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Into Prison. The Flight Of Herod, And The Taking Of Jerusalem And What Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Suffered.</i><br><br>1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance.",
+                    "2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging to Carmel, called apago by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the Old Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I Strabo, B. XVI. p. 758, as both Aldrich and Spanheim here remark very pertinently.</i>] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them.",
+                    "3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These accounts, both here and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horseback, and that only some few of their soldiers were free-men, perfectly agree with Trogus Pompeius, in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean Aldrich well observes on this place.</i> left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.",
+                    "4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them.",
+                    "5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.",
+                    "6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Mariamac here, in the copies.</i> the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.",
+                    "7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.",
+                    "8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.",
+                    "9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his. hands, in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.",
+                    "10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, \"I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies.\"",
+                    "11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Herod Is Rejected In Arabia, He Makes Haste To Rome Where Antony And Caesar Join Their Interest To Make Him King .</i><br><br>1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself,: - that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.",
+                    "2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor, who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither aftrighted at the height of that storm which. then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.",
+                    "3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Brentesium or Brundusium has coin still preserved, on which is written, as Spanheim informs us.</i> and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.",
+                    "4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antigonus Besieges Those That Were In Masada, Whom Herod Frees From Confinement When He Came Back From Rome, And Presently Marches To Jerusalem Where He Finds Silo Corrupted By Bribes.</i><br><br>1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod; and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away. ",
+                    "2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus;, and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.",
+                    "3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Dellius is famous, or rather infamous, in the history of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich here note, from the coins, from Plutarch and Dio.</i> a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress. ",
+                    "4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power.",
+                    "5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.",
+                    "6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria (which city had joined itself to him) to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of this, be sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Takes Sepphoris And Subdues The Robbers That Were In The Caves ; He After That Avenges Himself Upon Macheras, As Upon An Enemy Of His And Goes To Antony As He Was Besieging Samosata.</i><br><br>1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. ",
+                    "2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Sepphoris, the metropolis of Galilee, so often mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, as Spanheim here informs us.</i> in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This way of speaking, \"after forty days,\" is interpreted by Josephus himself, \"on the fortieth day,\" Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 4. In like manner, when Josephus says, ch. 33. sect. 8, that Herod lived \"after\" he had ordered Antipater to be slain \"five days;\" this is by himself interpreted, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, that he died \"on the fifth day afterward.\" So also what is in this book, ch. 13. sect. 1, \"after two years,\" is, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 3, \"on the second year.\" And Dean Aldrich here notes that this way of speaking is familiar to Josephus.</i> with the rest of his forces Yet were not the enemy aftrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. ",
+                    "3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. ",
+                    "4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them.",
+                    "5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country.",
+                    "6. By this time (the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain) Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of maladministration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanheim here assures us. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus here notes, that Herod was a great means of taking the city by Antony, and that from Plutarch and Dio.</i> with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Death Of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been Signified To Herod In Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice After A Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off The Head Of Pappus, Who Was The Murderer Of His Brother And Sends That Head To [His Other Brother] Pheroras, And In No Long Time He Besieges Jerusalem And Marries Mariamne.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macheras sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war. ",
+                    "2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously; for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's, that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Macheras was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.",
+                    "3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were aftrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the night time.",
+                    "4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.",
+                    "5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Macheras; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his head-quarters were at the village called Cana.",
+                    "6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while; but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city.",
+                    "7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.",
+                    "8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already.",
+                    "9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod's assistance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod And Sosius Took Jerusalem By Force; And What Death Antigonus Came To. Also Concerning Cleopatra's Avaricious Temper.</i><br><br>1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines under ground. ",
+                    "2. Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That is, a woman, not, a man.</i> Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody.",
+                    "3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert, - and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and. Straho; the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here observes.</i> who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.",
+                    "4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.",
+                    "5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, taken notice of by Josephus, both here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 1, is confirmed by the testimony of Sirabe, B. XVI. p. 757, as Dean Aldrich remarks; although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted but a little while longer, when Augtus took it away from them.</i> excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antony At The Persuasion Of Cleopatra Sent Herod To Fight Against The Arabians; And Now After Several Battles, He At Length Got The Victory. As Also Concerning A Great Earthquake.</i><br><br>1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other.",
+                    "2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it. ",
+                    "3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest or death of Antigonus], with the great earthquake in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the fight at Actium, between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September, in the thirty-first year before the Christian era, determines the chronology of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, viz. that he began in the year 37, beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice, that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the thirty-first before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a Sabbatic year, on which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great earthquake happened in Judea.</i> year of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them:",
+                    "4. \"The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being aftrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus, here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, to the very same purpose, but by no means in the same words; whence it appears that the sense was Herod's, but the composition Josephus's.</i>",
+                    "5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear, - so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory. ",
+                    "6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Is Confirmed In His Kingdom By Caesar, And Cultivates A Friendship With The Emperor By Magnificent Presents; While Caesar Returns His Kindness By Bestowing On Him That Part Of His Kingdom Which Had Been Taken Away From It By Cleopatra With The Addition Of Zenodoruss Country Also.</i><br><br>1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spike thus before his face: \"O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been.\"",
+                    "2. Caesar replied to him thus: \"Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony.\"",
+                    "3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city, among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had made Costobarus a governor of it before, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 9, Hardain has some pretense for saying that Josephus here contradicted himself. But perhaps Herod thought he had sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza, after he was made tetrarch or king, in times of war, before the city was entirely delivered into his hands by Augustus.</i> and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them.",
+                    "4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And Erected From The Very Foundations; As Also Of Those Other Edifices That Were Erected By Him; And What Magnificence He Showed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was In All Things Favorable To Him.</i><br><br>1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends.",
+                    "2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. ",
+                    "3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.",
+                    "4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.",
+                    "5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was much decayed, (its name was Strato's Tower,) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That Josephus speaks truth, when he assures us that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not less, nay rather larger, than that famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecum, will appear, says Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the descriptions of that at Athens in Thucydides and Pausanias, with this of Cesarea in Josephus here, and in the Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6, and B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1.</i> [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].",
+                    "6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. ",
+                    "7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These buildings of cities by the name of Caesar, and institution of solemn games in honor of Augustus Caesar, as here, and in the Antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus, the Roman historians attest to, as things then frequent in the provinces of that empire, as Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter.</i> and named it Cesarea accordingly.",
+                    "8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.",
+                    "9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.",
+                    "10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium, in Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus, not only here, but Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of the War, B. I. ch. 13. sect. 8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One of them was two hundred, and the other sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as Dean Aldrich observes here.</i> and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.",
+                    "11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length.",
+                    "12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.",
+                    "13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild beasts:<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">36</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here seems to be a small defect in the copies, which describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a certain country by Herod, without naming any such country at all.</i> that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then, besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Murder Of Aristobulus And Hyrcanus, The High Priests, As Also Of Mariamne The Queen.</i><br><br>1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to lierod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this, - not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. ",
+                    "2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a pool till he was drowned.",
+                    "3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed; which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.",
+                    "4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her, - \" Yes,\" says she, \"thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him to kill me.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">37</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here is either a defect or a great mistake in Josephus's present copies or memory; for Mariamne did not now reproach Herod with this his first injunction to Joseph to kill her, if he himself were slain by Antony, but that he had given the like command a second time to Soemus also, when he was afraid of being slain by Augustus. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.</i>",
+                    "5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Calumnies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris Preferred Before Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And Herod Is Reconciled To Them.</i><br><br>1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.",
+                    "2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.",
+                    "3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and. charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.",
+                    "4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">38</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste, near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archclaus, king of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus of Byzantiam also calls it \"an island of Cilicia, which is now Sebaste;\" both whose testimonies are pertinently cited here by Dr. Hudson. See the same history, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.</i> where Archclaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.",
+                    "5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself, -\" and which I will render still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons' side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you, - continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another.\" When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy On Glaphyras Account. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew To Make Mischief Among Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.</i><br><br>1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander's acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was this, - to lay a plot, and to make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did Antipater's apologies for him.",
+                    "2. By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction, as particularly did Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a step-mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore already pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], he having given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this, - that he might fetch back any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with the calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife, and irritating her against them. Moreover, Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's side from Temenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes. She also frequently reproached Herod's sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives, and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches.",
+                    "3. Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra's reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law There was also another calumny that ran abroad and inflamed the king's mind; for he heard that these sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe theft in no better than hair-cloth.",
+                    "4. Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come. But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.",
+                    "5. When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterward; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife's sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son of his, [Joseph,] who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant.",
+                    "6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's own friends; none of which did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.",
+                    "7. But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him. Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they were deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him.",
+                    "8. These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death, insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for every body forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short. He also proceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually he spake harshly. But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately, and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome. These accusations though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Procures A Reconciliation Between Alexander Pheroras, And Herod.</i><br><br>1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie with her in the night time, whether he would or no. These books were put into Herod's hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to execute what he had threatened; for when he was come to him, he cried out, \"Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted. And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee and by dignity, I had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion.\"",
+                    "2. When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archelaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to he in earnest], he said, \"We must consider whether the young man be not himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned.\"",
+                    "3. Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honorable method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus, who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able. ",
+                    "4. With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and this by using certain domestical examples; for that when he had suffered much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he prefered the obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body's weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.",
+                    "5. Upon Archelaus's saying this, and much more to the same purpose, Herod's displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage, that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved. And when the king said that his son would take it for a great favor to him, if he would not dissolve that marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men's attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their affections at home. So Archelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.",
+                    "6. Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Eurycles Calumniated The Sons Of Mariamne; And How Euaratus Of Cos Apology For Them Had No Effect.</i><br><br>1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Archelaus's stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod's blind side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">41</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the preceding note.</i>",
+                    "2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus. And when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater, because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him in the most complete manner. Nor was his advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Antipater's behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing any thing from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him. He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod, and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been long whetted, and Alexander's right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design: how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow Antipater: - that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed: that many things happen every day to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him; for that if any mention be made of nobility of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he commends any body, they take it in way of jest. That they always find their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to this day; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors; that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.",
+                    "3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other's plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; yet did not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king's secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting any one's hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested. ",
+                    "4. However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty. He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.",
+                    "5. But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was only disposed and most ready to hearken to what made against them, and every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty, and showed their indignation at them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod By Caesars Direction Accuses His Sons At Eurytus. They Are Not Produced Before The Courts But Yet Are Condemned; And In A Little Time They Are Sent To Sebaste, And Strangled There.</i><br><br>1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent to her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's enemy; and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. Now as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king's letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; so he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.",
+                    "2. With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a suspicion of him, because he was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of; but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.",
+                    "3. So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one's sentence, which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod; but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Cesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer.",
+                    "4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, \"Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly.\" Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.",
+                    "5. At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, \"This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing.\" When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true.",
+                    "6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Is Hated Of All Men; And How The King Espouses The Sons Of Those That Had Been Slain To His Kindred;But That Antipater Made Him Change Them For Other Women. Of Herod's Marriages, And Children.</i><br><br>1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into the favor of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang from them.",
+                    "2. Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: \"It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon their fathers.\"",
+                    "3. While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's fight hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's lifetime, and that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.",
+                    "4. Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">42</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine wives of Herod were alive at the same time; and that if the celebrated Mariamne, who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives were in all ten. Yet it is remarkable that he had no more than fifteen children by them all.</i> and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">43</sup><i class=\"footnote\">To prevent confusion, it may not be amiss, with Dean Aldrich, to distinguish between four Josephs in the history of Herod. 1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second] husband of his sister Salome, slain by Herod, on account of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's quaestor, or treasurer, slain on the same account. 3. Joseph, Herod's brother, slain in battle against Antigonus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of Olympias, mentioned in this place.</i> son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages.",
+                    "5. When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater; so that at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's daughter.",
+                    "6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do, - even what Salome in the like circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, and who, by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Becomes Intolerable. He Is Sent To Rome, And Carries Herod's Testament With Him; Pheroras Leaves His Brother, That He May Keep His Wife. He Dies At Home.</i><br><br>1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">44</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife affronted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who were born to him of his two wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's genealogy, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 1. sect. 3.</i> on which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others: there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.",
+                    "2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his wife? Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings; and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him, - wherein Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariarmne, the high priest's daughter.",
+                    "3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.",
+                    "4. However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">45</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly desired it, as also that wife's admission to the counsels of the other great court ladies, together with Herod's own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and other marriage, all so remarkable here, or in the Antiquities XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. be well accounted for, but on the supposal that Pheroras believed, and Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' prediction, as if the crown of Judea should be translated from Herod to Pheroras's posterity and that most probably to Pheroras's posterity by this his wife, also would prove true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. sect. 1.</i> yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod's death; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward. Now though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Herod Made Inquiry About Pheroras's Death A Discovery Was Made That Antipater Had Prepared A Poisonous Draught For Him. Herod Casts Doris And Her Accomplices, As Also Mariamne, Out Of The Palace And Blots Her Son Herod Out Of His Testament.</i><br><br>1. But now the punishment was transferred unto the original author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.",
+                    "2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which cried out in her agonies, \"May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish this author of all these our miseries, Antipater's mother!\" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of the matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.",
+                    "3. Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every one by themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able: - and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm? Antipater replied, \"I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men.\"",
+                    "4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person untortured.",
+                    "5. And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her, (for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall,) and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part. of it to be buried.",
+                    "6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, \"Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that he called me to him, and said, My dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world.\" This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee.\"",
+                    "7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his treament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Is Convicted By Bathyllus ; But He Still Returns From Rome Without Knowing It. Herod Brings Him To His Trial.</i><br><br>1. After these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater's designs; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.",
+                    "2. Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which was file law-suit he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return, so great was the hatred which they all bore to him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.",
+                    "3. Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace. However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">46</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Tarentum has coins still extant, as Reland informs us here in his note.</i> and made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends which were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country, than to Antipater's safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account only. Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.",
+                    "4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while ever body avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread men were in at the king's anger made men keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance.",
+                    "5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, \"Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself.\" And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Is Accused Before Varus, And Is Convicted Of Laying A Plot [Against His Father] By The Strongest Evidence. Herod Puts Off His Punishment Till He Should Be Recovered, And In The Mean Time Alters His Testament.</i><br><br>1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son: \"Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar.\" When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father's feet, he said, \"Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent.\"",
+                    "2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus: \"I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and' when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's deliverer. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about lest any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons.\"",
+                    "3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head, (for he lay on the ground before his father's feet,) and cried out aloud, \"Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object of envy. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">47</sup><i class=\"footnote\">A lover of his father.</i> Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture.\" Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.",
+                    "4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.",
+                    "5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in silence, and said no more but this, \"God is my witness that I am entirely innocent.\" So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes. ",
+                    "6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her good-will to him. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him: \"As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised when all is accomplished.\"",
+                    "7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent all account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome; he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archclaus and Philip, because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Barbarity When He Was Ready To Die. He Attempts To Kill Himself. He Commands Antipater To Be Slain. He Survives Him Five Days And Then Dies.</i><br><br>1. Now Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already seventy years of age, and had been brought by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put to death now not at random, but as soon as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].",
+                    "2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.",
+                    "3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">48</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since in these two sections we have an evident account of the Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus, about a future happy state, and the resurrection of the dead, as in the New Testament, John 11:24, I shall here refer to the other places in Josephus, before he became a catholic Christian, which concern the same matters. Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8. sect. 4; B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7; Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30; where we may observe, that none of these passages are in his Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the use of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not proper to insist on topics so much out of their way as these were. Nor is this observation to be omitted here, especially on account of the sensible difference we have now before us in Josephus's reason of the used by the Rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the vindication of God's law against images, by Moses, as well as of the answers those scholars made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to die for the same; I mean as compared with the parallel arguments and answers represented in the Antiquities, B. XVII. ch. 6. sect, 2, 3. A like difference between Jewish and Gentile notions the reader will find in my notes on Antiquities, B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. See the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 5; and compared with this in his Wars of the Jews, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 2-14. Nor does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles at Athens, Acts 17:16-34, as he does to Jews in his Epistles.</i>",
+                    "4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them.",
+                    "5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical turnouts about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them.",
+                    "6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: \"I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no.\"",
+                    "7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing; on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein made Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.",
+                    "8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to his successor; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also been commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament.",
+                    "9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a secptre in his right hand; and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans. also and Gauls, all accounted as if they were going to war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Makes A Funeral Feast For The People, On The Account Of Herod. After Which A Great Tumult Is Raised By The Multitude And He Sends The Soldiers Out Upon Them, Who Destroy About Three Thousand Of Them.</i><br><br>1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Hear Dean Aldrich's note on this place: \"The law or Custom of the Jews (says he) requires seven days' mourning for the dead, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 4; whence the author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, ch. 22:12, assigns seven days as the proper time of mourning for the dead, and, ch. 38:17, enjoins men to mourn for the dead, that they may not be evil spoken of; for, as Josephus says presently, if any one omits this mourning [funeral feast], he is not esteemed a holy person. How it is certain that such a seven days' mourning has been customary from times of the greatest antiquity, Genesis 1:10. Funeral feasts are also mentioned as of considerable antiquity, Ezekiel 24:17; Jeremiah 16:7; Prey. 31:6; Deuteronomy 26:14; Josephus, Of the War B. III. ch. 9. sect. 5.</i> and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude, (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if any one omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person,) he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father's funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and good-will to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father.",
+                    "2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the good-will of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was.",
+                    "3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say any thing to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. And indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to he celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition. At this Archelaus was aftrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain, who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Goes To Rome With A Great Number Of His Kindred. He Is There Accused Before Caesar By Antipater; But Is Superior To His Accusers In Judgment By The Means Of That Defense Which Nicolaus Made For Him.</i><br><br>1. Archelaus went down now to the sea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king's brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple. ",
+                    "2. But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father's money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.",
+                    "3. In the mean time, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The inclinations also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king.",
+                    "4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar's hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's ring, and his father's accounts. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together, (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat,) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.",
+                    "5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater, (who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,) and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession, and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities; that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the day time, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion. That, however, if any one should suppose Herod's judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it! ",
+                    "6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus's kingdom, only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. He also demonstrated that Archelaus's accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor.",
+                    "7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise; - upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod's successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Fight A Great Battle With Sabinus's Soldiers, And A Great Destruction Is Made At Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not he at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost, (i. e. the 50th day,) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had ['at the present state of affairs']. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.",
+                    "2. Now Sabinus was aftrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others' want of skill, in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.",
+                    "3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastere by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers.",
+                    "4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to deploy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same, (Gratus having the foot of the king's party under him, and Rufus the horse,) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews in the siege, and tried to break down walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Tumultuous. The Robberies Of Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Take The Name Of King Upon Them.</i><br><br>1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers got together, and armed and fought against those of the king's party; against whom Achiabus, the king's first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and brake open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion.",
+                    "2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs; and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king's party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Varus Composes The Tumults In Judea And Crucifies About Two Thousand Of The Seditious.</i><br><br>1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais; having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian, (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot,) Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Aras. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and blood-shed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. Emnaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arias.",
+                    "2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand.",
+                    "3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Greatly Complain Of Archelaus And Desire That They May Be Made Subject To Roman Governors. But When Caesar Had Heard What They Had To Say, He Distributed Herod's Dominions Among His Sons According To His Own Pleasure.</i><br><br>1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus's permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo's<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This holding a council in the temple of Apollo, in the emperor's palace at Rome, by Augustus, and even the building of this temple magnificently by himself in that palace, are exactly agreeable to Augustus, in his elder years, as Aldrich and from Suttonius and Propertius.</i> temple, that was in the palace, (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense,) the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus's side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Besides these, there were present Archelaus's brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it.",
+                    "2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of their law, and said that be was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people that were out of their bounds; that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have a strong confirmation that it was Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes, under whom the main part of the Jews returned out of the Babylonian captivity, i.e. in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same thing is in the Antiquities, B. XI. ch.6</i> that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.",
+                    "3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno's house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato's Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. And for the rest of Herod's offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished And Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them Had Been Showed Them In Dreams.</i><br><br>1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father's friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countenance procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges.",
+                    "2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander's face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him, \"I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories.\" So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account.",
+                    "3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar's treasury. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essens, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.",
+                    "4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, ,and married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her; \"Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or no.\" Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced Into A [Roman] Province. The Sedition Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.</i><br><br>1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders.",
+                    "2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essens. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. These Essens reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man.",
+                    "3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there any one to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order, - insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one's possessions are intermingled with every other's possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. They think that oil is a defilement; and if any one of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the uses of them all.",
+                    "4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of or of shoes till be first torn to pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they either buy or sell any thing to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please.",
+                    "5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for any one to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them.",
+                    "6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone's own free-will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers.",
+                    "7. But now if any one hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use for a year, while he continues excluded'; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God's assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal any thing from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This mention of the \"names of angels,\" so particularly preserved by the Essens, (if it means more than those \"messengers\" which were employed to bring, them the peculiar books of their Sect,) looks like a prelude to that \"worshipping of angels,\" blamed by St. Paul, as superstitious and unlawful, in some such sort of people as these Essens were, Colossians 2:8; as is the prayer to or towards the sun for his rising every morning, mentioned before, sect. 5, very like those not much later observances made mention of in the preaching of Peter, Authent. Rec. Part II. p. 669, and regarding a kind of worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon, and not celebrating the new moons, or other festivals, unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed, seems to me the earliest mention of any regard to the phases in fixing the Jewish calendar, of which the Talmud and later Rabbins talk so much, and upon so very little ancient foundation.</i> [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves.",
+                    "8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of.",
+                    "9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom if any one blaspheme he is punished capitally. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them.",
+                    "10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They contemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again.",
+                    "11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue for ever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue and dehortations from wickedness collected; whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essens<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of these Jewish or Essene (and indeed Christian) doctrines concerning souls, both good and bad, in Hades, see that excellent discourse, or homily, of our Josephus concerning Hades, at the end of the volume.</i> about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy.",
+                    "12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Dean Aldrich reckons up three examples of this gift of prophecy in several of these Essens out of Josephus himself, viz. in the History of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5, Judas foretold the death of Antigonus at Strato's Tower; B. II. ch. 7. sect. 3, Simon foretold that Archelaus should reign but nine or ten years; and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 10. sect. 4, 5, Menuhem foretold that Herod should be king, and should reign tyrannically, and that for more than twenty or even thirty years. All which came to pass accordingly.</i> by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.",
+                    "13. Moreover, there is another order of Essens,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There is so much more here about the Essens than is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and yet so much less about the Pharisees and Sadducees, the two other Jewish sects, than would naturally be expected in proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay, than seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that one is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written less of the one, and more of the two others, than his present copies afford us; as also, that, by some unknown accident, our present copies are here made up of the larger edition in the first case, and of the smaller in the second. See the note in Havercamp's edition. However, what Josephus says in the name of the Pharisees, that only the souls of good men go out of one body into another, although all souls be immortal, and still the souls of the bad are liable to eternal punishment; as also what he says afterwards, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 3, that the soul's vigor is immortal, and that under the earth they receive rewards or punishments according as their lives have been virtuous or vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allotted an eternal prison, but that the good are permitted to live again in this world; are nearly agreeable to the doctrines of Christianity. Only Josephus's rejection of the return of the wicked into other bodies, or into this world, which he grants to the good, looks somewhat like a contradiction to St. Paul's account of the doctrine of the Jews, that they \"themselves allowed that there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust,\" Acts 24:15. Yet because Josephus's account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Patti's that of the Jews in general, and of himself the contradiction is not very certain.</i> who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essens.",
+                    "14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned, the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does co-operate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies, - but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men's own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Death Of Salome. The Cities Which Herod And Philip Built. Pilate Occasions Disturbances. Tiberius Puts Agrippa Into Bonds But Caius Frees Him From Them, And Makes Him King. Herod Antipas Is Banished.</i><br><br>1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamriga, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Cesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberius in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias.",
+                    "2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden under foot; for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable; but upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell down prostrate upon the ground, and continued immovable in that posture for five days and as many nights.",
+                    "3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal, in the open market-place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers, that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons; so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Caesar's images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their naked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently carried out of Jerusalem.",
+                    "4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This use of corban, or oblation, as here applied to the sacred money dedicated to God in the treasury of the temple, illustrates our Savior's words, Mark 7:11, 12.</i> upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. Now when he was apprized aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace.",
+                    "5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to accuse Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa's domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.",
+                    "6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Caius Commands That His Statue Should Be Set Up In The Temple Itself; And What Petronius Did Thereupon.</i><br><br>1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Tacitus owns that Caius commanded the Jews to place his effigies in their temple, though he be mistaken when he adds that the Jews thereupon took arms.</i> and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.",
+                    "2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This account of a place near the mouth of the river Belus in Phoenicia, whence came that sand out of which the ancients made their glass, is a known thing in history, particularly in Tacitus and Strabo, and more largely in Pliny.</i> runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Menmon's monument,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Memnon had several monuments, and one of them appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to have been in Syria, and not improbably in this very place.</i> and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.",
+                    "3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers with their wives and children into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and the statues at Ptolemais, and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods, for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.",
+                    "4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, \"And am not I also,\" said he, \"bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.\" Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, \"Will you then make war against Caesar?\" The Jews said, \"We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;\" but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.",
+                    "5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined]. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage; (for it was about seed time that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle;) so he at last got them together, and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; \"for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.\" Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronins received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Government Of Claudius, And The Reign Of Agrippa. Concerning The Deaths Of Agrippa And Of Herod And What Children They Both Left Behind Them.</i><br><br>1. Now when Caius had reigned three year's and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him; but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentis Saturninns, and Pomponins Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.",
+                    "2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him, who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were: that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added further, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station. ",
+                    "3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.",
+                    "4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, \"O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government]; and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight.\" When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa ran before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert.",
+                    "5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.",
+                    "6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquillity. Now after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice; their names were Bernie Janus and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape: and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as for Alexander's posterity, they reigned in Armenia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Many Tumults Under Cumanus, Which Were Composed By Quadratus. Felix Is Procurator Of Judea. Agrippa Is Advanced From Chalcis To A Greater Kingdom.</i><br><br>1 Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews' ruin came on; for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple, (for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make,) one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented their own relations. ",
+                    "2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road at Beth-boron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. Upon this Cureanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland notes here, that the Talmud in recounting ten sad accidents for which the Jews ought to rend their garments, reckons this for one, \"When they hear that the law of God is burnt.\"</i> Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.",
+                    "3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situate in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success.",
+                    "4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were ill the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. ",
+                    "5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Cesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their head, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Ummidius, or Numidius, or, as Tacitus calls him, Vinidius Quadratus, is mentioned in an ancient inscription, still preserved, as Spanhelm here informs us, which calls him Urnmidius Quadratus.</i> the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder.",
+                    "6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, as also Artanus the son of this Ananias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. He also ordered that Cumanus[the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch.",
+                    "7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say, (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus,) he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded.",
+                    "8. After this Caesar sent Felix,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the character of this Felix (who is well known from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly from his trembling when St. Paul discoursed of \"righteousness, chastity, and judgment to come,\" Acts 24:5; and no wonder, when we have elsewhere seen that he lived in adultery with Drusilla, another man's wife, (Antiq. B. XX. ch. 7. sect. 1) in the words of Tacitus, produced here by Dean Aldrich: \"Felix exercised,\" says Tacitas, \"the authority of a king, with the disposition of a slave, and relying upon the great power of his brother Pallas at court, thought he might safely be guilty of all kinds of wicked practices.\" Observe also the time when he was made procurator, A.D. 52; that when St. Paul pleaded his cause before him, A.D. 58, he might have been \"many years a judge unto that nation,\" as St. Paul says he had then been, Acts 24:10. But as to what Tacitus here says, that before the death of Cumanus, Felix was procurator over Samaria only, does not well agree with St. Paul's words, who would hardly have called Samaria a Jewish nation. In short, since what Tacitus here says is about countries very remote from Rome, where he lived; since what he says of two Roman procurators, the one over Galilee, the other over Samaria at the same time, is without example elsewhere; and since Josephus, who lived at that very time in Judea, appears to have known nothing of this procuratorship of Felix, before the death of Cumanus; I much suspect the story itself as nothing better than a mistake of Tacitus, especially when it seems not only omitted, but contradicted by Josephus; as any one may find that compares their histories together. Possibly Felix might have been a subordinate judge among the Jews some time before under Cumanus, but that he was in earnest a procurator of Samaria before I do not believe. Bishop Pearson, as well as Bishop Lloyd, quote this account, but with a doubtful clause: confides Tacito, \"If we may believe Tacitus.\" Pears. Anhal. Paulin. p. 8; Marshall's Tables, at A.D. 49.</i> the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Nero Adds Four Cities To Agrippas Kingdom; But The Other Parts Of Judea Were Under Felix. The Disturbances Which Were Raised By The Sicarii The Magicians And An Egyptian False Prophet. The Jews And Syrians Have A Contest At Cesarea.</i><br><br>1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater, - I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects every where; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned.",
+                    "2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod's son,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">i.e. Herod king of Chalcis.</i> and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of the robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated.",
+                    "3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the day time, and in the midst of the city; this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; and while every body expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.",
+                    "4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them.",
+                    "5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.",
+                    "6. Now when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war.",
+                    "7. There was also another disturbance at Cesarea, - those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there rising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bands. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once into the market-place, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Festus Succeeds Felix Who Is Succeeded By Albinus As He Is By Florus; Who By The Barbarity Of His Government Forces The Jews Into The War.</i><br><br>1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one's substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and no body remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; and every one of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the Whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction.",
+                    "2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Not long after this beginning of Florus, the wickedest of all the Roman procurators of Judea, and the immediate occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth year of Nero, and the seventeenth of Agrippa, or A.D. 66, the history in the twenty books of Josephus's Antiquities ends, although Josephus did not finish these books till the thirteenth of Domitian, or A.D. 93, twenty-seven years afterward; as he did not finish their Appendix, containing an account of his own life, till Agrippa was dead, which happened in the third year of Trajan, or A. D. 100, as I have several times observed before.</i> who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompons manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could any one outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could any one contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. ",
+                    "3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we may note, that three millions of the Jews were present at the passover, A.D. 65; which confirms what Josephus elsewhere informs us of, that at a passover a little later they counted two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred paschal lambs, which, at twelve to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, come to three millions and seventy-eight thousand. See B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3.</i> these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. Florus also conducted him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.",
+                    "4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Cesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisins [Jyar.] Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made working-shops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out.",
+                    "5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditions also among the Gentiles of Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him;] so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take here Dr. Hudson's very pertinent note. \"By this action,\" says he, \"the killing of a bird over an earthen vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leprous people; for that was to be done by the law in the cleansing of a leper, Leviticus 14. It is also known that the Gentiles reproached the Jews as subject to the leprosy, and believed that they were driven out of Egypt on that account. This that eminent person Mr. Reland suggested to me.\"</i> he was overcome by the violence of the people of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon, and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Cesarea.",
+                    "6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; and instead of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.",
+                    "7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. ",
+                    "8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. ",
+                    "9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children, (for they did not spare even the infants themselves,) was about three thousand and six hundred. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have examples of native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans, and so ought never to have been whipped or crucified, according to the Roman laws. See almost the like case in St. Paul himself, Acts 22:25-29.</i> and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Bernice's Petition To Florus, To Spare The Jews, But In Vain; As Also How, After The Seditious Flame Was Quenched, It Was Kindled Again By Florus.</i><br><br>1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; nay, this violence of the soldiers brake out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself.",
+                    "2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Market-place, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; at which the men of power were aftrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries.",
+                    "3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this, that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews' salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action.",
+                    "4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; saying, \"What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.\"",
+                    "5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, an broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjoining to the north side of the temple, whereon was the hospital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath which was the sheep pool of Bethesda; into which an angel or messenger, at a certain season, descended, and where he or they who were the \"first put into the pool\" were cured, John 5:1 etc. This situation of Bezetha, in Josephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off the tower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of the same pool at this day; only the remaining cloisters are but three. See Maundrel, p. 106. The entire buildings seem to have been called the New City, and this part, where was the hospital, peculiarly Bezetha or Bethesda. See ch. 19. sect. 4.</i> as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia;] but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace.",
+                    "6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Cesarea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Cestius Sends Neopolitanus The Tribune To See In What Condition The Affairs Of The Jews Were. Agrippa Makes A Speech To The People Of The Jews That He May Divert Them From Their Intentions Of Making War With The Romans.</i><br><br>1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errands he was sent.",
+                    "2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the market-place was made desolate, and the houses plundered. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.",
+                    "3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasions of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them, (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery,) and spake to them as follows:",
+                    "4. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In this speech of king Agrippa we have an authentic account of the extent and strength of the Roman empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech with other circumstances in Josephus, demonstrate how wise and how great a person Agrippa was, and why Josephus elsewhere calls him a most wonderful or admirable man, Contr. Ap. I. 9. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul,\" Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian,\" Acts 26;28; and of whom St. Paul said, \"He was expert in all the customs and questions of the Jews,\" yet. 3. See another intimation of the limits of the same Roman empire, Of the War, B. III. ch. 5. sect. 7. But what seems to me very remarkable here is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, for whose use he wrote his Antiquities, did himself frequently he into their they appear, by the politeness of their composition, and their flights of oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons concerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own elegant composure, the speech before us is of another nature, full of undeniable facts, and composed in a plain and unartful, but moving way; so it appears to be king Agrippa's own speech, and to have been given Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus had the greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's constant doctrine here, that this vast Roman empire was raised and supported by Divine Providence, and that therefore it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to think of destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take notice of Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels here used; the like appeals to which we have in St. Paul, 1 Timothy 5:22, and by the apostles in general, in the form of the ordination of bishops, Constitut. Apost. VIII. 4.</i> \" Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight, I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaint against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one, to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue for ever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae. and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. Those Macedonians also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Henlochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but arc now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days' journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrlans, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Daeians. And for the Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. Moreover, if eat advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. Now although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives every where; yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, an subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the [continent of this] habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large all island And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. Now when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridite, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. And as for the third part of the habitable earth, [Akica,] whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven millions five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance; but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do; for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God's providence. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observations of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? and if you do observe the custom of the sabbath days, and will not be revealed on to do any thing thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without fore-seeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back any thing that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge four passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.\"",
+                    "5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; \"for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Julius Caesar had decreed that the Jews of Jerusalem should pay an annual tribute to the Romans, excepting the city Joppa, and for the sabbatical year; as Spanheim observes from the Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 6.</i> and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The War Of The Jews With The Romans Began, And Concerning Manahem.</i><br><br>1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom.",
+                    "2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.",
+                    "3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked toward the sun-rising. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations; and that they had been so far from rejecting any person's sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety,) that they had themselves placed those donation about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time; that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. And if such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbid even their oblations to be received also; that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they have offered foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured.",
+                    "4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king's kindred; and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the seditious before it should be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.",
+                    "5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion;] for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power; so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts continually on both sides; and sometimes it happened that they made incursions by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness, but the king's soldiers in skill. These last strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar, besides what they had already, labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days' time; but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized on.",
+                    "6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning). Upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people, (that was the name for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae,) they grew bolder, and carried their undertaking further; insomuch that the king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves, while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further.",
+                    "7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; after which they marched to the palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day, while the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food, and those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the siege.",
+                    "8. In the mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean, (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans,) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and left it; and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they provided themselves of another fortification; which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king's soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not depend upon it; so they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers, - that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].",
+                    "9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers should escape. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; but Eleazar and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set some one over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to any one rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple; for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.",
+                    "10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would. give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Calamities And Slaughters That Came Upon The Jews.</i><br><br>1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste [Samaria] or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.",
+                    "2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; so the day time was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear, which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was every where greater than what had been already perpetrated.",
+                    "3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jew that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the night time, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families to a neighboring grove; and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had.",
+                    "4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army's conquering. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner, and said, \"O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.\" Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); so, in the first place, he caught his father by his grey hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; so when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.",
+                    "5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they were afraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; only the Antiochtans the Sidontans, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, and would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As for the Gerasans, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached.",
+                    "6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this Sohemus we have mention made by Tacitus. We also learn from Dio that his father was king of the Arabians of Iturea, [which Iturea is mentioned by St. Luke, ch. 3:1.] both whose testimonies are quoted here by Dr. Hudson. See Noldius, No. 371.</i> Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the king's armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Machorus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and deliver it up to them. These Romans being in great fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions; and when they had obtained the security they desired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of Macherus put a garrison for their own security, and held it in their own power.",
+                    "7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; which honorary reward continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater; but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive; but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing.",
+                    "8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city that was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not be-taken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies.",
+                    "9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms; so he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand horsemen; Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did he march to Ptolemais. There were also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country, and a director what was fit to be done; so Cestius took part of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Ptolemais from our nation; this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things; those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. After this he overran all the country, and seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But when the Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews pulled up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and destroyed about two thousand of them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim notes on the place, that this later Antiochus, who was called Epiphaues, is mentioned by Dio, LIX. p. 645, and that he is mentioned by Josephus elsewhere twice also, B.V. ch. 11. sect. 3; and Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 8. sect. I.</i>",
+                    "10. And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea; but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa, and gave order, that if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them, that they then should stay for him, and for the rest of the army. So some of them made a brisk march by the sea-side, and some by land, and so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for a flight, nor had gotten any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the city. The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their villages.",
+                    "11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. He was received by the strongest city of Galilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy; which wise conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet; while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against them; but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans, they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their approaches, and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had gone round the mountains, and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten; nor could they who had only light armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over; nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemies' horsemen; insomuch that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to be come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in number, were slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Cestius Did Against The Jews; And How, Upon His Besieging Jerusalem, He Retreated From The City Without Any Just Occasion In The World. As Also What Severe Calamities He Under Went From The Jews In His Retreat.</i><br><br>1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his army to Cesarea: but Cestius removed with his whole army, and marched to Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them; but this party dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole multitude<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have an eminent example of that Jewish language, which Dr. Wail truly observes, we several times find used in the sacred writings; I mean, where the words \"all\" or\" whole multitude,\"etc. are used for much the greatest part only; but not so as to include every person, without exception; for when Josephus had said that \"the whole multitude\" [all the males] of Lydda were gone to the feast of tabernacles, he immediately adds, that, however, no fewer than fifty of them appeared, and were slain by the Romans. Other examples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in Josephus, but, as I think, none so remarkable as this. See Wall's Critical Observations on the Old Testament, p. 49, 50.</i> were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles; yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched forwards; and ascending by Betboron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem.",
+                    "2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We have also, in this and the next section, two eminent facts to be observed, viz. the first example, that I remember, in Josephus, of the onset of the Jews' enemies upon their country when their males were gone up to Jerusalem to one of their three sacred festivals; which, during the theocracy, God had promised to preserve them from, Exodus 34:24. The second fact is this, the breach of the sabbath by the seditions Jews in an offensive fight, contrary to the universal doctrine and practice of their nation in these ages, and even contrary to what they themselves afterward practiced in the rest of this war. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4.</i> was the day to which they had the greatest regard; but that rage which made them forget the religious observation [of the sabbath] made them too hard for their enemies in the fight: with such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went, insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. When the front of the Jewish army had been cut off, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans, as they were ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried off many of the beasts that carded the weapons of war, and led Shem into the city. But as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march.",
+                    "3. And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party. So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the persons of his party that were the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand, to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over to them; but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors; accordingly they slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove them before them into the city.",
+                    "4. But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus, [or watch-tower,] which was distant seven furlongs from the city; yet did not he assault them in three days' time, out of expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little; and in the mean time he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighboring villages, to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] when he had put his army in array, he brought it into the city. Now for the people, they were kept under by the seditious; but the seditious themselves were greatly affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the temple. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is called Cenopolis, [or the new city,] on fire; as he did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace; and had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once; but Tyrannius Priseus, the muster-master of the army, and a great number of the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted him from that his attempt; and that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such incurable calamities.",
+                    "5. In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him; but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no purpose. But on the next day Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it; but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire; but the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off without doing them any harm; so the soldiers undermined the wall, without being themselves hurt, and got all things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple.",
+                    "6. And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the seditious, insomuch that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately; but the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did they come, in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius as their benefactor, who, had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city; but it was, I suppose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary, that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day.",
+                    "7. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world. But when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen; and now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus; and as he went off farther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still fell upon the hindmost, and destroyed them; they also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the multitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and because they saw the Jews were light, and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being able to revenge themselves upon their enemies; so they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain; among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, and Longinus, the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their baggage. There it was that Cestius staid two days, and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances; but when on the third day he saw a still much greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him.",
+                    "8. That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might hinder his army's march; so they killed the mules and other creatures, excepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoron. Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places; but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did some of them get before, and hindered them from getting out of them; and others of them thrust the hinder-most down into the lower places; and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelted, that they could not march along the road in their ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy; the precipices also and valleys into which they frequently fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their defense; till the distress they were at last in was so great, that they betook themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost despair: the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out [in the morning].",
+                    "9. And then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he might best run away; and when he had selected four hundred of the most courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications, and gave order, that when they went up to the morning guard, they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him, and marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs. But when the Jews perceived, in the morning, that the camp was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them, and immediately threw their darts at them, and slew them; and then pursued after Cestius. But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when it was day; insomuch that the soldiers, through the astonishment and fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war. So the Jews went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis; while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Cestius Sends Ambassadors To Nero. The People Of Damascus Slay Those Jews That Lived With Them. The People Of Jerusalem After They Had [Left Off] Pursuing Cestius, Return To The City And Get Things Ready For Its Defense And Make A Great Many Generals For, Their Armies And Particularly Josephus The Writer Of These Books. Some Account Of His Administration.</i><br><br>1. After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa's forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. But then how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not fly away with them, was afterward slain by the seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him of the great distress they were in, and to lay the blame of their kindling the war upon Florus, as hoping to alleviate his own danger, by provoking his indignation against Florus.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them; and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour's time, without any body to disturb them.",
+                    "3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some them persuaded [by en-treaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. Joseph also, the son of Gorion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">From this name of Joseph the son of Gorion, or Gorion the son of Joseph, as B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 9, one of the governors of Jerusalem, who was slain at the beginning of the tumults by the zealots, B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 1, the much later Jewish author of a history of that nation takes his title, and yet personates our true Josephus, the son of Matthias; but the cheat is too gross to be put upon the learned world.</i> and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. However, the want they were in of Eleazar's money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs.",
+                    "4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Ananias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">32</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We may observe here, that the Idumeans, as having been proselytes of justice since the days of John Hyrcanus, during about one hundred and ninety-five years, were now esteemed as part of the Jewish nation, and these provided of a Jewish commander accordingly. See the note upon Antiq. B. XIII.. ch. 9. sect. 1.</i> who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those fore-named commanders. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Esscue, to the toparchy of Thamna; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. But John, the son of Matthias, was made governor of the toparchies of Gophnitica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command.",
+                    "5. So every one of the other commanders administered the affairs of his portion with that alacrity and prudence they were masters of; but as to Josephus, when he came into Galilee, his first care was to gain the good-will of the people of that country, as sensible that he should thereby have in general good success, although he should fail in other points. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We see here, and in Josephus's account of his own life, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his legislator Moses, or perhaps only obeyed what he took to be his perpetual law, in appointing seven lesser judges, for smaller causes, in particular cities, and perhaps for the first hearing of greater causes, with the liberty of an appeal to seventy-one supreme judges, especially in those causes where life and death were concerned; as Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 14; and of his Life, sect. 14. See also Of the War, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4. Moreover, we find, sect. 7, that he imitated Moses, as well as the Romans, in the number and distribution of the subaltern officers of his army, as Exodus 18:25; Deuteronomy 1:15; and in his charge against the offenses common among soldiers, as Denteronomy 13:9; in all which he showed his great wisdom and piety, and skillful conduct in martial affairs. Yet may we discern in his very high character of Artanus the high priest, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 2, who seems to have been the same who condemned St. James, bishop of Jerusalem, to be stoned, under Albinus the procurator, that when he wrote these books of the War, he was not so much as an Ebionite Christian; otherwise he would not have failed, according to his usual custom, to have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a just punishment upon him for that his cruelty to the chief, or rather only Christian bishop of the circumcision. Nor, had he been then a Christian, could he immediately have spoken so movingly of the causes of the destruction of Jerusalem, without one word of either the condemnation of James, or crucifixion of Christ, as he did when he was become a Christian afterward.</i> elders.",
+                    "6. Josephus also, when he had settled these rules for determining causes by the law, with regard to the people's dealings one with another, betook himself to make provisions for their safety against external violence; and as he knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he built walls in proper places about Jotapata, and Bersabee, and Selamis; and besides these, about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and what they call Mount Tabor, and Tarichee, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about the caves near the lake of Gennesar, which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the same he did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well as to the rock called the Rock of the Achabari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth; and in Gaulonitis he fortified Seleucia, and Sogane, and Gamala; but as to those of Sepphoris, they were the only people to whom he gave leave to build their own walls, and this because he perceived they were rich and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without standing in need of any injunctions for that purpose. The case was the same with Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi himself, but with the consent of Josephus; but for the building of the rest of the fortresses, he labored together with all the other builders, and was present to give all the necessary orders for that purpose. He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of which he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them.",
+                    "7. And when he had considered that the Roman power became invincible, chiefly by their readiness in obeying orders, and the constant exercise of their arms, he despaired of teaching these his men the use of their arms, which was to be obtained by experience; but observing that their readiness in obeying orders was owing to the multitude of their officers, he made his partitions in his army more after the Roman manner, and appointed a great many subalterns. He also distributed the soldiers into various classes, whom he put under captains of tens, and captains of hundreds, and then under captains of thousands; and besides these, he had commanders of larger bodies of men. He also taught them to give the signals one to another, and to call and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how to expand the wings of an army, and make them wheel about; and when one wing hath had success, to turn again and assist those that were hard set, and to join in the defense of what had most suffered. He also continually instructed them ill what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth. He told them that he should make trial of the good order they would observe in war, even before it came to any battle, in case they would abstain from the crimes they used to indulge themselves in, such as theft, and robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding their own countrymen, and never to esteem the harm done to those that were so near of kin to them to be any advantage to themselves; for that wars are then managed the best when the warriors preserve a good conscience; but that such as are ill men in private life will not only have those for enemies which attack them, but God himself also for their antagonist.",
+                    "8. And thus did he continue to admonish them. Now he chose for the war such an army as was sufficient, i.e. sixty thousand footmen, and two hundred and fifty horsemen;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I should think that an army of sixty thousand footmen should require many more than two hundred and fifty horsemen; and we find Josephus had more horsemen under his command than two hundred and fifty in his future history. I suppose the number of the thousands is dropped in our present copies.</i> and besides these, on which he put the greatest trust, there were about four thousand five hundred mercenaries; he had also six hundred men as guards of his body. Now the cities easily maintained the rest of his army, excepting the mercenaries, for every one of the cities enumerated above sent out half their men to the army, and retained the other half at home, in order to get provisions for them; insomuch that the one part went to the war, and the other part to their work, and so those that sent out their corn were paid for it by those that were in arms, by that security which they enjoyed from them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning John Of Gischala. Josephus Uses Stratagems Against The Plots John Laid Against Him And Recovers Certain Cities Which Had Revolted From Him.</i><br><br>1. Now as Josephus was thus engaged in the administration of the affairs of Galilee, there arose a treacherous person, a man of Gischala, the son of Levi, \"whose name was John. His character was that of a very cunning and very knavish person, beyond the ordinary rate of the other men of eminence there, and for wicked practices he had not his fellow any where. Poor he was at first, and for a long time his wants were a hinderance to him in his wicked designs. He was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gaining credit to his fictions: he thought it a point of virtue to delude people, and would delude even such as were the dearest to him. He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity, but where he had hopes of gain, he spared not the shedding of blood: his desires were ever carried to great things, and he encouraged his hopes from those mean wicked tricks which he was the author of. He had a peculiar knack at thieving; but in some time he got certain companions in his impudent practices; at first they were but few, but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they became still more and more numerous. He took care that none of his partners should be easily caught in their rogueries, but chose such out of the rest as had the strongest constitutions of body, and the greatest courage of soul, together with great skill in martial affairs; as he got together a band of four hundred men, who came principally out of the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that had run away from its villages; and by the means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and irritated a considerable number, who were in great expectation of a war then suddenly to arise among them.",
+                    "2. However, John's want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, [Gischala,] in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. He after that contrived a very shrewd trick, and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in Syria were obliged to make use of oil that was made by others than those of their own nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send oil to their borders; so he bought four amphorae with such Tyrian money as was of the value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price. And as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was peculiarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately used to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege; and, as he supposed, that if he could once overthrow Josephus, he should himself obtain the government of Galilee; so he gave orders to the robbers that were under his command to be more zealous in their thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many that desired innovations in the country, he might either catch their general in his snares, as he came to the country's assistance, and then kill him; or if he should overlook the robbers, he might accuse him for his negligence to the people of the country. He also spread abroad a report far and near that Josephus was delivering up the administration of affairs to the Romans; and many such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.",
+                    "3. Now at the same time that certain young men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard in the Great Plain laid snares for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward, and took from him all that he had with him; among which things there were a great many costly garments, and no small number of silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold; yet were they not able to conceal what they had stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Tarichee. Hereupon he blamed them for the violence they had offered to the king and queen, and deposited what they brought to him with Eneas, the most potent man of Taricheae, with an intention of sending the things back to the owners at a proper time; which act of Josephus brought him into the greatest danger; for those that had stolen the things had an indignation at him, both because they gained no share of it for themselves, and because they perceived beforehand what was Josephus's intention, and that he would freely deliver up what had cost them so much pains to the king and queen. These ran away by night to their several villages, and declared to all men that Josephus was going to betray them: they also raised great disorders in all the neighboring cities, insomuch that in the morning a hundred thousand armed men came running together; which multitude was crowded together in the hippodrome at Taricheae, and made a very peevish clamor against him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn him. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus's friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multitude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awaked him, as the people were going to set fire to the house. And although those four that remained with him persuaded him to run away, he was neither surprised at his being himself deserted, nor at the great multitude that came against him, but leaped out to them with his clothes rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him, and his sword hanging at his neck. At this sight his friends, especially those of Tarichae, commiserated his condition; but those that came out of the country, and those in their neighborhood, to whom his government seemed burdensome, reproached him, and bid him produce the money which belonged to them all immediately, and to confess the agreement he had made to betray them; for they imagined, from the habit in which he appeared, that he would deny nothing of what they suspected concerning him, and that it was in order to obtain pardon that he had put himself entirely into so pitiable a posture. But this humble appearance was only designed as preparatory to a stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to set those that were so angry at him at variance one with another about the things they were angry at. However, he promised he would confess all: hereupon he was permitted to speak, when he said,\" I did neither intend to send this money back to Agrippa, nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor did I look upon what would tend to your disadvantage to be my advantage. But, O you people of Tariehete, I saw that your city stood in more need than others of fortifications for your security, and that it wanted money in order for the building it a wall. I was also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and other cities should lay a plot to seize upon these spoils, and therefore it was that I intended to retain this money privately, that I might encompass you with a wall. But if this does not please you, I will produce what was brought me, and leave it to you to plunder it; but if I have conducted myself so well as to please you, you may if you please punish your benefactor.\" ",
+                    "4. Hereupon the people of Taricheae loudly commended him; but those of Tiberias, with the rest of the company, gave him hard names, and threatened what they would do to him; so both sides left off quarrelling with Josephus, and fell on quarrelling with one another. So he grew bold upon the dependence he had on his friends, which were the people of Taricheae, and about forty thousand in number, and spake more freely to the whole multitude, and reproached them greatly for their rashness; and told them, that with this money he would build walls about Taricheae, and would put the other cities in a state of security also; for that they should not want money, if they would but agree for whose benefit it was to be procured, and would not suffer themselves to be irritated against him who procured it for them.",
+                    "5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armor; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him. On which occasion Josephus again used a second stratagem to escape them; for he got upon the top of his house, and with his right hand desired them to be silent, and said to them, \"I cannot tell what you would have, nor can hear what you say, for the confused noise you make;\" but he said that he would comply with all their demands, in case they would but send some of their number in to him that might talk with him about it. And when the principal of them, with their leaders, heard this, they came into the house. He then drew them to the most retired part of the house, and shut the door of that hall where he put them, and then had them whipped till every one of their inward parts appeared naked. In the mean time the multitude stood round the house, and supposed that he had a long discourse with those that were gone in about what they claimed of him. He had then the doors set open immediately, and sent the men out all bloody, which so terribly aftrighted those that had before threatened him, that they threw away their arms and ran away.",
+                    "6. But as for John, his envy grew greater [upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed a new plot against him; he pretended to be sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus would give him leave to use the hot baths that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John's plots against him, wrote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries for John; which favors, when he had made use of, in two days' time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus. This Silas, who was appointed guardian of the city by Josephus, wrote to him immediately, and informed him of the plot against him; which epistle when Josephus had received, he marched with great diligence all night, and came early in the morning to Tiberias; at which time the rest of the multitude met him. But John, who suspected that his coming was not for his advantage, sent however one of his friends, and pretended that he was sick, and that being confined to his bed, he could not come to pay him his respects. But as soon as Josephus had got the people of Tiberias together in the stadium, and tried to discourse with them about the letters that he had received, John privately sent some armed men, and gave them orders to slay him. But when the people saw that the armed men were about to draw their swords, they cried out; at which cry Josephus turned himself about, and when he saw that the swords were just at his throat, he marched away in great haste to the sea-shore, and left off that speech which he was going to make to the people, upon an elevation of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with two of his guards, and fled away into the midst of the lake.",
+                    "7. But now the soldiers he had with him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them, that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded [of disorder]. Accordingly, these men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but the people of the neighboring country, when they were informed of this plot, and of the plotter, they got together in great multitudes to oppose John. But he prevented their attempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native city, while the Galileans came running out of their several cities to Josephus; and as they were now become many ten thousands of armed men, they cried out, that they were come against John the common plotter against their interest, and would at the same time burn him, and that city which had received him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he took their good-will to him kindly, but still he restrained their fury, and intended to subdue his enemies by prudent conduct, rather than by slaying them; so he excepted those of every city which had joined in this revolt with John, by name, who had readily been shown him by these that came from every city, and caused public proclamation to be made, that he would seize upon the effects of those that did not forsake John within five days' time, and would burn both their houses and their families with fire. Whereupon three thousand of John's party left him immediately, who came to Josephus, and threw their arms down at his feet. John then betook himself, together with his two thousand Syrian runagates, from open attempts, to more secret ways of treachery. Accordingly, he privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Josephus, as having to great power, and to let them know that he would soon come as a tyrant to their metropolis, unless they prevented him. This accusation the people were aware of beforehand, but had no regard to it. However, some of the grandees, out of envy, and some of the rulers also, sent money to John privately, that he might be able to get together mercenary soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they also made a decree of themselves, and this for recalling him from his government, yet did they not think that decree sufficient; so they sent withal two thousand five hundred armed men, and four persons of the highest rank amongst them; Joazar the son of Nomicus, and Ananias the son of Sadduk, as also Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan, all very able men in speaking, that these persons might withdraw the good-will of the people from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if he would voluntarily come away, they should permit him to [come and] give an account of his conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon continuing in his government, they should treat him as an enemy. Now Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was coming against him, but they gave him no notice beforehand what the reason of their coming was, that being only known among some secret councils of his enemies; and by this means it was that four cities revolted from him immediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gischala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem; and the people [of Galilee] had great indignation at them, and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not only these forces, but those that sent them also, had not these forces prevented it by running away.",
+                    "8. Now John was detained afterward within the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias revolted again, the people within it inviting king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of his authority there]. And when he did not come at the time appointed, and when a few Roman horsemen appeared that day, they expelled Josephus out of the city. Now this revolt of theirs was presently known at Taricheae; and as Josephus had sent out all the soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he knew not how either to march out alone against the revolters, or to stay where he was, because he was afraid the king's soldiers might prevent him if he tarried, and might get into the city; for he did not intend to do any thing on the next day, because it was the sabbath day, and would hinder his proceeding. So he contrived to circumvent the revolters by a stratagem; and in the first place he ordered the gates of Taricheae to be shut, that nobody might go out and inform [those of Tiberias], for whom it was intended, what stratagem he was about; he then got together all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of them he put no more than four mariners. So he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at such a distance from the city, that it was not easy for the people to see the vessels, and ordered that the empty vessels should float up and down there, while himself, who had but seven of his guards with him, and those unarmed also, went so near as to be seen; but when his adversaries, who were still reproaching him, saw him from the walls, they were so astonished that they supposed all the ships were full of armed men, and threw down their arms, and by signals of intercession they besought him to spare the city.",
+                    "9. Upon this Josephus threatened them terribly, and reproached them, that when they were the first that took up arms against the Romans, they should spend their force beforehand in civil dissensions, and do what their enemies desired above all things; and that besides they should endeavor so hastily to seize upon him, who took care of their safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against him that built their walls; that, however, he would admit of any intercessors from them that might make some excuse for them, and with whom he would make such agreements as might be for the city's security. Hereupon ten of the most potent men of Tiberias came down to him presently; and when he had taken them into one of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried a great way off from the city. He then commanded that fifty others of their senate, such as were men of the greatest eminence, should come to him, that they also might give him some security on their behalf. After which, under one new pretense or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them. He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled to sail away immediately for Taricheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I cannot but think this stratagem of Josephus, which is related both here and in his Life, sect. 32, 33, to be one of the finest that ever was invented and executed by any warrior whatsoever.</i>",
+                    "10. And when the rest of the people cried out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief author of this revolt, they desired him to spend his anger upon him [only]; but Josephus, whose intention it was to slay nobody, commanded one Levius, belonging to his guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to cut off both Clitus's hands; yet was Levius afraid to go out by himself alone to such a large body of enemies, and refused to go. Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of it, in order to execute the punishment himself; he begged therefore from the shore, that he would leave him one of his hands; which Josephus agreed to, upon condition that he would himself cutoff the other hand; accordingly he drew his sword, and with his right hand cut off his left, so great was the fear he was in of Josephus himself. And thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners, and recovered the city again with empty ships and seven of his guard. Moreover, a few days afterward he retook Gischala, which had revolted with the people of Sepphoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder it; yet did he get all the plunder together, and restored it to the inhabitants; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and Tiberias. For when he had subdued those cities, he had a mind, by letting them be plundered, to give them some good instruction, while at the same time he regained their good-will by restoring them their money again."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Make All Ready For The War; And Simon, The Son Of Gioras, Falls To Plundering.</i><br><br>1. And thus were the disturbances of Galilee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to prosecute their civil dissensions, they betook themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the high priest Ananus, and do as many of the men of power as were not in the interest of the Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a great many warlike instruments, insomuch that in all parts of the city darts and all sorts of armor were upon the anvil. Although the multitude of the young men were engaged in exercises, without any regularity, and all places were full of tumultuous doings; yet the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and a great many there were who, out of the prospect they had of the calamities that were coming upon them, made great lamentations. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. However, Ananus's concern was this, to lay aside, for a while, the preparations for the war, and to persuade the seditious to consult their own interest, and to restrain the madness of those that had the name of zealots; but their violence was too hard for him; and what end he came to we shall relate hereafter.",
+                    "2. But as for the Acrabbene toparchy, Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of those that were fond of innovations together, and betook himself to ravage the country; nor did he only harass the rich men's houses, but tormented their bodies, and appeared openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in his government. And when an army was sent against him by Artanus, and the other rulers, he and his band retired to the robbers that were at Masada, and staid there, and plundered the country of Idumea with them, till both Ananus and his other adversaries were slain; and until the rulers of that country were so afflicted with the multitude of those that were slain, and with the continual ravage of what they had, that they raised an army, and put garrisons into the villages, to secure them from those insults. And in this state were the affairs of Judea at that time."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Vespasian Is Sent Into Syria By Nero In Order To Make War With The Jews.</i><br><br>1. When Nero was informed of the Romans' ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again].",
+                    "2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also, - he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, which had been little known before<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the confirmation of this in the words of Suetonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson: \"In the reign of Claudius,\" says he, \"Vespasian, for the sake of Narcissus, was sent as a lieutenant of a legion into Germany. Thence he removed into Britain \" battles with the enemy.\" In Vesp. sect. 4. We may also here note from Josephus, that Claudius the emperor, who triumphed for the conquest of Britain, was enabled so to do by Vespasian's conduct and bravery, and that he is here styled \"the father of Vespasian.\"</i> whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own.",
+                    "3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian's age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father's prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian's being himself emperor afterwards. Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and the tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Great Slaughter About Ascalon. Vespasian Comes To Ptolemais.</i><br><br>1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius, were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune, carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they presently got together a great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Persite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Antonius.",
+                    "2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it; but Antonius, who was not unapprized of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. Now the Jews were unskillful in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did every thing they were bidden upon the least intimation. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy's cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell upon their own party's weapons, and became one another's enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen; which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows; and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multitude. And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas, and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle.",
+                    "3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction; so when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon. But their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war; for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain; so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedeh However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on fire; and as the tower was burning, the Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral; and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God's providence to be their commander for the time to come.",
+                    "4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch, (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim and Reland both agree, that the two cities here esteemed greater than Antioch, the metropolis of Syria, were Rome and Alexandria; nor is there any occasion for doubt in so plain a case.</i> both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity,) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans. These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gallus before Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of his right hand, and had received a Roman garrison; and at this time withal they received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that they would assist him against their own countrymen. Now the general delivered them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should come against them. And indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation's [fidelity to the Romans]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Op Galilee, Samaria, And Judea.</i><br><br>1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded toward the sun-setting, with the borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod the king dwelt therein; they are bounded on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippeae and Gadaris, and also with Ganlonitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor; its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan.",
+                    "2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are every where so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.",
+                    "3. In short, if any one will suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is every where fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil [in other parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa.",
+                    "4. Now as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea; for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no want; and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceeding sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people.",
+                    "5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais: it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulonitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. This [last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians. And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that lie round about it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Josephus Makes An Attempt Upon Sepphoris But Is Repelled. Titus Comes With A Great Army To Ptolemais.</i><br><br>1. Now the auxiliaries which were sent to assist the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain. The foot were put into the city to be a guard to it, but the horse lodged abroad in the camp. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city's liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. On this account it was that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the Galileans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it; by which means he proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to the forcing the place, and as to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him. By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off, either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity; so that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood; nor was it exempted from any kind of misery or calamity, for the only refuge they had was this, that when they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by Josephus.",
+                    "2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his father, together with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most eminent legions of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion which was with his father; eighteen cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horsemen, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen apiece, with a hundred and twenty horsemen. There were also a considerable number of auxiliaries got together, that came from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohemus, each of them contributing one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Arabia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the greatest part of which were archers; so that the whole army, including the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen, when all were united together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, as they followed in vast numbers, so because they had been trained up in war with the rest, ought not to be distinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in their masters' service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Of The Roman Armies And Roman Camps And Of Other Particulars For Which The Romans Are Commended.</i><br><br>1. Now here one cannot but admire at the precaution of the Romans, in providing themselves of such household servants, as might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might also be of advantage to them in their wars. And, indeed, if any one does but attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to confess that their obtaining so large a dominion hath been the acquisition of their valor, and not the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin to use their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them; for their military exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily; for neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear affright them out of it, nor can labor tire them; which firmness of conduct makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness; nor would he be mistaken that should call those their exercises unbloody battles, and their battles bloody exercises. Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an enemy's land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about; nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide ill it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it happens that the ground is uneven, it is first leveled: their camp is also four-square by measure, and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect their buildings for them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This description of the exact symmetry and regularity of the Roman army, and of the Roman encampments, with the sounding their trumpets, etc. and order of war, described in this and the next chapter, is so very like to the symmetry and regularity of the people of Israel in the wilderness, (see Description of the Temples, ch. 9.,) that one cannot well avoid the supposal, that the one was the ultimate pattern of the other, and that the tactics of the ancients were taken from the rules given by God to Moses. And it is thought by some skillful in these matters, that these accounts of Josephus, as to the Roman camp and armor, and conduct in war, are preferable to those in the Roman authors themselves.</i>",
+                    "2. As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances, where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general's own tent, in the nature of a temple, insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its market-place, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined. The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude and the skill of the laborers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal.",
+                    "3. When they have thus secured themselves, they live together by companies, with quietness and decency, as are all their other affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood, and their corn, and their water brought them, when they stand in need of them; for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising are notified beforehand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any thing done without such a signal; and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and these centurions to their tribunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior officers go to the general of the whole army, who then gives them of course the watchword and other orders, to be by them cared to all that are under their command; which is also observed when they go to fight, and thereby they turn themselves about on the sudden, when there is occasion for making sallies, as they come back when they are recalled in crowds also.",
+                    "4. Now when they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going out; then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march; then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of burden, and stand, as at the place of starting, ready to march; when also they set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their enemies. Then do the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out, in order to excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank when the army marches. Then does the crier stand at the general's right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready to go out to war or not? To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful voice, saying, \"We are ready.\" And this they do almost before the question is asked them: they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and at the same time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also.",
+                    "5. When, after this, they are gone out of their camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with breastplates and head-pieces, and have swords on each side; but the sword which is upon their left side is much longer than the other, for that on the right side is not longer than a span. Those foot-men also that are chosen out from the rest to be about the general himself have a lance and a buckler, but the rest of the foot soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a pick-axe and an axe, a thong of leather and a hook, with provisions for three days, so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, axed a long pole in their hand; a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and not smaller than spears. They have also head-pieces and breastplates, in like manner as have all the footmen. And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their armor no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he always leads the legions forth to whom the lot assigns that employment.",
+                    "6. This is the manner of the marching and resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use. But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done off-hand, but counsel is ever first taken before any work is begun, and what hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently; for which reason they seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they easily correct those mistakes. They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; but for the advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them; and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them, that they had however taken the best consultations they could to prevent them.",
+                    "7. Now they so manage their preparatory exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their souls may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear; for their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers running away from the ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser degree; as are their generals more severe than their laws, for they prevent any imputation of cruelty toward those under condemnation, by the great rewards they bestow on the valiant soldiers; and the readiness of obeying their commanders is so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle, the whole army is but one body, so well coupled together are their ranks, so sudden are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nimble are their hands when they set to work; whereby it comes to pass that what they do is done quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we find any examples where they have been conquered in battle, when they came to a close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for their victories have been surer to them than fortune could have granted them. In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the limits of this empire? One might well say that the Roman possessions are not inferior to the Romans themselves.",
+                    "8. This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that have been conquered by them, and for the deterring others from attempting innovations under their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Placidus Attempts To Take Jotapata And Is Beaten Off. Vespasian Marches Into Galilee.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian, with his son Titus, had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when Placidus, who had overrun Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom he had caught, (which were only the weaker part of the Galileans, and such as were of timorous souls,) saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign; because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so aftrighted as to surrender themselves. But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprized of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and their children to be in danger, and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I cannot but here observe an Eastern way of speaking, frequent among them, but not usual among us, where the word \"only\" or \"alone\" is not set down, but perhaps some way supplied in the pronunciation. Thus Josephus here says, that those of Jotapata slew seven of the Romans as they were marching off, because the Romans' retreat was regular, their bodies were covered over with their armor, and the Jews fought at some distance; his meaning is clear, that these were the reasons why they slew only, or no more than seven. I have met with many the like examples in the Scriptures, in Josephus, etc.; but did not note down the particular places. This observation ought to be borne in mind upon many occasions.</i> because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armor on, while the others were completely armed. However, three men of the Jews' side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the city, ran away.",
+                    "2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall upon Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, having put his army into that order wherein the Romans used to march. He ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these followed that part of the Romans which was completely armed, both footmen ,and horsemen. Next to these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms, and what was necessary to measure out a camp withal; and after them, such as were to make the road even and straight, and if it were any where rough and hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march. Behind these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their security. After these he marched himself, having with him a select body of footmen, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his own legion, for there were a hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion. Next to these came the mules that carried the engines for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature. After these came the commanders of the cohorts and tribunes, having about them soldiers chosen out of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompassing the eagle, which is at the head of every Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all birds, which seems to them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom they march; these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest. As for the servants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers, which was borne by the mules and other beasts of burden. But behind all the legions carne the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armor also, with a great number of horsemen.",
+                    "3. And thus did Vespasian march with his army, and came to the bounds of Galilee, where he pitched his camp and restrained his soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time he got things ready for besieging their strong minds. And indeed this sight of the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a consternation; for those that were in Josephus's camp, which was at the city called Garis, not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war was come near them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed themselves and fled, not only before they came to a battle, but before the enemy ever came in sight, while Josephus and a few others were left behind; and as he saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if they might be credited, he already despaired of the success of the whole war, and determined to get as far as he possibly could out of danger; so he took those that staid along with him, and fled to Tiberias."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Vespasian, When He Had Taken The City Gadara Marches To Jotapata. After A Long Siege The City Is Betrayed By A Deserter, And Taken By Vespasian.</i><br><br>1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of men grown up and fit for war. He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been guilty of in the affair of Cestius. He also set fire not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity.",
+                    "2. As to Josephus, his retiring to that city which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the people of Tiberias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had entirely despaired of the success of the war. And indeed, as to that point, they were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the Jews would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and that was by repentance. However, although he expected that the Romans would forgive him, yet did he chose to die many times over, rather than to betray his country, and to dishonor that supreme command of the army which had been intrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to give an exact account of affairs to the principal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating that their power beneath the truth, might encourage them to stand out when they were perhaps disposed to repentance. He also sent them word, that if they thought of coming to terms, they must suddenly write him an answer; or if they resolved upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.",
+                    "3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both foot-men and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days' time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, (Jyar,) Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.",
+                    "4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata; and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city, and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation; which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall. Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; which thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity.",
+                    "5. Now when the next day an assault was made by the Romans, the Jews at first staid out of the walls and opposed them, and met them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls. But when Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jewish multitude with him; these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews' side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded.",
+                    "6. On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate battle with them titan before. For they were now become more courageous than formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; for a sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus did the Romans try to make an impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city.",
+                    "7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built on a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata.",
+                    "8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage. And when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, while others pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen.",
+                    "9. Vespasian then set the engines for throwing stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall. At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only not come upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines; for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines. Yet did not the others lie still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles, till at length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were of disadvantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for assaulting the Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one part of the army to the other, which prevented the private excursions of the Jews.",
+                    "10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city's preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, fill it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus's contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city.",
+                    "11. And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapata; for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties, together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works; and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender, as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they should perish by famine: and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard against their coming out of the city.",
+                    "12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of all necessaries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely, for Josephus seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure; but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them.",
+                    "13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst.",
+                    "14. However, Josephus contrived another stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted. There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance; he enjoined them also to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheep-skins as had their wool upon them, that if any one should spy them out in the night time, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough place about themselves.",
+                    "15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended on him, and him alone; for that there was still hope of the city's deliverance, if he would stay with them, because every body would undertake any pains with great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they should be taken: that it became him neither to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm; for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided.",
+                    "16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would go out of the city for their sakes; for that if he staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief; for that he would then immediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war. That he did not see what advantge he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their fortune; and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them.",
+                    "17. Now Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations had much broken that his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved to stay, and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, \"Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity.\" Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works. And this was the manner in which he never left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights.",
+                    "18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies, (though they were ashamed to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city,) ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not fight it out with men under desperation, while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; and that it was proper for the Romans to gain their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines. Now the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring another by turns, when it was tired down.",
+                    "19. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram. This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it, in the nature of a cross. When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent. Nor is there any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last. This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet. So these Romans brought the several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall. This brought matters to such a pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in the tipper part was secured by skins that covered it, and this both for the security of themselves and of the engine. Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken.",
+                    "20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff. This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, because, let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks. Now when the battering ram thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal; whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Romans themselves; nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews' boldness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the fire caught hold of every thing immediately, and what cost the Romans a great deal of pains was in one hour consumed.",
+                    "21. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar, and was born at Saab, in Galilee. This man took up a stone of a vast bigness, and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force, that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down, and took up the head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern carried it to the top of the wall, and this while he stood as a fit mark to he pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts; nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness; after which he drew himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down together with the head of the ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their assaults.",
+                    "22. After these men's performances, Josephus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground. However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before; where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans; for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general; and before them all came Titus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son's fear, and to the disorder the army was under, for being superior to his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now every body was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily to the walls.",
+                    "23. But still Josephus and those with him, although they fell down dead one upon another by the darts and stones which the engines threw upon them, yet did not they desert the wall, but fell upon those who managed the ram, under the protection of the hurdles, with fire, and iron weapons, and stones; and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, for the light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the day time, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided; for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers; for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones. And any one may learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of those that stood round about Josephus was near the wall, his head was carried away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. In the day time also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half a furlong, so great was the force of that engine. The noise of the instruments themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them was so also; of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain; while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses; the mountains also contributed to increase the noise by their echoes; nor was there on that night any thing of terror wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight: yet did a great part of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully, as were a great part of them wounded. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city.",
+                    "24. In the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city [by storm], after a little recreation upon the hard pains they had been at the night before; and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken; and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to have their darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines, and bid them to take up other ladders, and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city.",
+                    "25. But Josephus, understanding the meaning of Vespasian's contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger. He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy's darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers; but that When the Romans should lay their instruments for ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed; and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors.",
+                    "26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army, (for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed,) when they also saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually come upon them already. But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was; for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming.",
+                    "27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so last, that they intercepted the light. However, Josephus's men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts; and as to the engines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them. And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them; nor did they leave struggling with the Romans till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. But the Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enough to come in their places, and succor them; while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men still succeeded those that were tired; and still new men soon got upon the machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were a protection to them, they became a body of men not to be broken; and as this band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they began already to get upon the wall.",
+                    "28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress, (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair,) and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains, for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; and as the men were cooped up in their head-pieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them.",
+                    "29. However, in this ill success of the Romans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself; and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down; by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised, and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them. So the general called off those soldiers in the evening that had suffered so sorely, of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried off wounded. This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan].",
+                    "30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting somewhat to do than any further exhortations, he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. These towers he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them. And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to themselves.",
+                    "31. About this time it was that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen. When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely, that they fell in together with them: but when the Jews were endeavoring to get again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them. It was certainly God therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies; for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications; for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the second, so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own friends, which quite broke their spirits; and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thousand. So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. Vespasian hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. Then did Titus's men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them; for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, and sustained a fight with them for six hours' time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity; so that the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the former fight, was fifteen thousand, and the captives were two thousand one hundred and thirty. This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan.]",
+                    "32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon file mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; he therefore sent I thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat, (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries,) insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time.",
+                    "33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out manfully, and bore up tinder their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were become higher than the wall; on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian, and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were, and that they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and as perpetual fighting, that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they might he taken by stratagem, if any one would attack them; for that about the last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep; accordingly his advice was, that they should make their attack at that hour. But Vespasian had a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how faithful the Jews were to one another, and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. However, the probability there was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter told them, and they thought he might probably speak truth. However, Vespasian thought they should be no great sufferers if the report was a sham; so he commanded them to keep the man in custody, and prepared the army for taking the city.",
+                    "34. According to which resolution they marched without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall; and it was Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him. So they cut the throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were tinder them. Now when the citadel was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city, and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those that held it; for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up from distinctly seeing the case they were in, till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were slaying, they perceived the city was taken. And for the Romans, they so well remembered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew them as they drove them down; at which time the difficulties of the place hindered those that were still able to fight from defending themselves; for as they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure along the precipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came fighting them down from the citadel. This provoked a great many, even of those chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands; for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers in the utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves.",
+                    "35. However, such of the watch as at the first perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one of the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude of enemies, they tried to use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheerfully offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them. And the Romans might have boasted that the conclusion of that siege was without blood [on their side] if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain at the taking of the city. His death was occasioned by the following treachery; for there was one of those that were fled into the caverns, which were a great number, who desired that this Antonius would reach him his right hand for his security, and would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him his assistance in getting up out of the cavern; accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right hand, when the other man prevented him, and stabbed him under his loins with a spear, and killed him immediately.",
+                    "36. And on this day it was that the Romans slew all the multitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched the hiding-places, and fell upon those that were under ground, and in the caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the infants and the women, and of these there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they were numbered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian gave order that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Josephus Was Discovered By A Woman, And Was Willing To Deliver Himself Up To The Romans; And What Discourse He Had With His Own Men, When They Endeavored To Hinder Him; And What He Said To Vespasian, When He Was Brought To Him; And After What Manner Vespasian Used Him Afterward.</i><br><br>1. And now the Romans searched for Josephus, both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the greatest part of the war would be over. They then searched among the dead, and looked into the most concealed recesses of the city; but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground; and there he met with forty persons of eminency that had concealed themselves, and with provisions enough to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the day time he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the night time he got up out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch; but as all places were guarded every where on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up.",
+                    "2. So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not prevail with him; for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him; that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage. He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him.",
+                    "3. Now as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the night time, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, and said, \"Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.\"",
+                    "4. When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor's invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out, \"Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. O Josephus! art thou still fond of life? and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for liberty! Thou hast therefore had a false reputation for manhood, and a like false reputation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for preservation from those against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art however willing to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest. But although the good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care that the glory of our forefathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our right hand and a sword; and if thou wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them.\" As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans.",
+                    "5. Upon this Josephus was afraid of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God, if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in, when he said thus to them: \"O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? Can any one pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us. I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. Now self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator; nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if any one destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if any one cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it? Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their master shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not guilty of impeity? Do not you know that those who depart out of this life according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame; that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolutions of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity? for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator. Accordingly, our laws determine that the bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of other nations also enjoin such men's hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. For nay part, I will not run over to our enemies' quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself.\"",
+                    "6. Now these and many the like motives did Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves; but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him; but he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions, (as he well might in the great distress he was then in,) he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those that last touched them. Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite him with their swords, they were not thoroughly either willing or able to do it.",
+                    "7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]: \"And now,\" said he, \"since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself.\" This proposal appeared to them to be very just; and when he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for himself also. He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately; for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than life; yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself.",
+                    "8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian. But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near; but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his fortune. Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him. Above all the rest, Titus's own valor, and Josephus's own patience under his afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure; for which reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight in persuading his father to preserve him. However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little time send him to Nero.",
+                    "9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, \"Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case, and how it becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero's successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm any thing of God.\" When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs fore-showing his advancement. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, \"I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.\" To which Josephus replied, \"I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.\" Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his hands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest ill the honors that were done him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joppa Was Taken, And Tiberias Delivered Up.</i><br><br>1. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus, [Tamus] and from thence he came to Cesarea, which lay by the sea-side. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the greatest part inhabited by Greeks: the citizens here received both the Roman army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this partly out of the good-will they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death. But Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, as offered by the injudicious multitude, with a bare silence. Two of the legions also he placed at Cesarea, that they might there take their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he might not distress Cesarea with the entire army. This place was warm even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summer time, by reason of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee].",
+                    "2. In the mean time, there were gathered together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge; and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea. They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was unguarded in the night time; however, those that were in it perceived that they should be attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they not endeavor to keep the Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach of their darts.",
+                    "3. Now Joppa is not naturally a haven, for it ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable. But the north wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the country they had deserted. Now as those people of Joppa were floating about in this sea, in the morning there fell a violent wind upon them; it is called by those that sail there \"the black north wind,\" and there dashed their ships one against another, and dashed some of them against the rocks, and carried many of them by force, while they strove against the opposite waves, into the main sea; for the shore was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid to come to land; nay, the waves rose so very high, that they drowned them; nor was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves; while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid where they were, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against one another, and a terrible noise when they were broken to pieces; and some of the multitude that were in them were covered with waves, and so perished, and a great many were embarrassed with shipwrecks. But some of them thought that to die by their own swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they were drowned; although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and dashed to pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way, and the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them; and the number of the bodies that were thus thrown out of the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly demolished it.",
+                    "4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans in a little time; but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body of horse in it, with a few footmen, that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities. So these troops overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and laid desolate the whole region.",
+                    "5. But now, when the fate of Jotapata was related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eye-witness to attest the truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a messenger of that news, but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about. However, the truth was known by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true. Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city, which piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for the commander was a public one; and some mourned for those that had lived with them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their brethren, but all mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the lamentation did not cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners, with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them.",
+                    "6. But as the truth came out in time, it appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood; yet was it found that the death of Josephus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had showed their good-will before, when he appeared to have been dead. He was also abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill success; and what usually becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean affliction, became a spur to them to venture on further calamities, and the end of one misery became still the beginning of another; they therefore resolved to fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolving to be revenged on him in revenging themselves on the Romans. And this was the state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which now came upon it.",
+                    "7. But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do, (partly in order to his treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in his government,) he removed from that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Cesarea Philippi<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this Cesarea Philippi there are coins still extant, Spanheim here informs us.</i> and there he refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa, where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in his undertakings. But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of innovations, and that Tarichere had revolted, both which cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Jews were every where perverted [from their obedience to their governors], he thought it seasonable to make an expedition against these cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason. So he sent away his son Titus to [the other] Cesarea, that he might bring the army that lay there to Seythopous, which is the largest city of Decapolis, and in the neighborhood of Tiberias, whither he came, and where he waited for his son. He then came with three legions, and pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias, at a certain station easily seen by the innovators; it is named Sennabris. He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he had heard that the people were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them. When Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his horse, and made those that were with him to do the same, that they might not be thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse one with another, the most potent men among the seditious made a sally upon them armed; their leader was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the principal head of a band of robbers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to fight contrary to the commands of the general, though he were secure of a victory, and knowing that it was a very hazardous undertaking for a few to fight with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready, and being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle, and not by treachery.",
+                    "8. Now the seniors of the people, and such as were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this matter, fled to the camp of the Romans; they then took their king along with them, and fell down before Vespasian, to supplicate his favor, and besought him not to overlook them, nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city, to spare a people that have been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who had hitherto so watched them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same. With these supplications the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole city about the carrying off his horses, and this because he saw that Agrippa was under a great concern for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of their right hands by way of security, Jesus and his party thought it not safe for them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away to Tarichete. The next day Vespasian sent Trajan before with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whether they were all disposed for peace; and as soon as he knew that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took his army, and went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him with acclamations of joy, and called him their savior and benefactor. But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance. However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful to the Romans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a quiet state, after it had been grievously afflicted by the sedition."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Taricheae Was Taken. A Description Of The River Jordan, And Of The Country Of Gennesareth.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews' revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Tarichese partook only the remains of that liberality, Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesu and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered any thing themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them.",
+                    "2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, \"My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow wealthy under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not for ever desert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory, and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.\"",
+                    "3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city.",
+                    "4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out,\" Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? Those that have escaped our hands are ill an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city:\"",
+                    "5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst any one venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone aboard. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus's giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also.",
+                    "7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining to it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Paninto, where the ancients thought the fountain-head of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters]. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. Now Jordan's visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis.",
+                    "8. The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts, particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men's expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I do not know where to find the law of Moses here mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards by Eleazar, 13. VII. ch. 8. sect. 7, and almost implied in B. I. ch. 13. sect. 10, by Josephus's commendation of Phasaelus for doing so; I mean, whereby Jewish generals and people were obliged to kill themselves, rather than go into slavery under heathens. I doubt this would have been no better than \"self-murder;\" and I believe it was rather some vain doctrine, or interpretation, of the rigid Pharisees, or Essens, or Herodiaus, than a just consequence from any law of God delivered by Moses.</i> and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place.",
+                    "9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies' hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian's vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the ether, and were drowned, they and their ships together. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; and indeed they were destroyed after various manners every where, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred.",
+                    "10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would he able to compel such as they fled to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul]."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Siege And Taking Of Gamala.</i><br><br>1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; Gamala also, which is a city ever against Tarichem, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay Upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the Lower; while Selcucia was situated at the lake Semechouitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have the exact situation of of Jeroboam's \"at the exit of Little Jordan into Great Jordan, near the place called Daphne, but of old Dan. See the note in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. But Reland suspects flint here we should read Dan instead of there being no where else mention of a place called Daphne.</i> where it is sent into Great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately. Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south, and its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.",
+                    "2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines under ground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.",
+                    "3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias, (now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be rendered \"a warm bath,\" for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing,) and came to Gamala; yet was its situation such that he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon the mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the valleys. Now at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavoring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers; he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king's account, and by their fear on their own account, as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who where so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.",
+                    "4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries. However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armor, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going any further, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans were so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies' houses, which were low; but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them. By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them. Now the very ruins afforded them stones enow; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies' side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to despatch such as were only half dead; nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner; nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.",
+                    "5. Those therefore that were able to find the ways out of the city retired. But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus. However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor, and bore up against the enemy's attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but every where, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against the Romans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians). So he got up in the night time, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.",
+                    "6. And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned himself, he avoided to say any thing, that he might by no means seem to complain of it; but he said that \"we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and this, by considering what the nature of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side; for there stands about us that fortune which is of its own nature mutable; that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate; and as it is the part of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the part of cowards to be too much aftrighted at that which is ill; for the change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides; and he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue in that temper, and cheerfully recover what had been lost formerly; and as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy, nor to the valor of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion of their advantage, and of our disappointment. Upon reflecting on which matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled battle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon victory, you took no care of your safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. We ought therefore to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune, and let every one seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this means he will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them. For myself, I will endeavor, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement, and to be the last that retires from it.\"",
+                    "7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while, upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when they considered with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflecting upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage failed them; yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city. And as the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.",
+                    "8. And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These numbers in Josephus of thirty furlongs' ascent to the top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate it by winding and gradual, or by the perpendicular altitude, and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top, as also fifteen furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with Geminus's perpendicular altitude of almost fourteen furlongs, here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of' them agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrell, an eye-witness, p. 112, who says he was not an hour in getting up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and that the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in length, and one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote three furlongs for the ascent or altitude, instead of thirty; and six furlongs for the circumference at the top, instead of twenty-six,--since a mountain of only three furlongs perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour's ascent, and the circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity is near six furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as twenty-six furlongs, or three miles and a quarter, at that height be encompassed with a wall, including a trench and other fortifications, (perhaps those still remaining, ibid.) in the small interval of forty days, as Josephus here says they were by himself.</i> and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water. As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither. Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware of it: however, Placidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when the Jews began to fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way along the plain, and then made his horsemen turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew a great number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hindered their return. So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus.",
+                    "9. But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled away and hid themselves, while the more infirm perished by famine; but the men of war sustained the siege till the two and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetmus, [Tisri,] when three soldiers of the fifteenth legion, about the morning watch, got under a high tower that was near them, and undermined it, without making any noise; nor when they either came to it, which was in the night time, nor when they were under it, did those that guarded it perceive them. These soldiers then upon their coming avoided making a noise, and when they had rolled away five of its strongest stones, they went away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with a very great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those that kept guard at other places were under such disturbance, that they ran away; the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to oppose them, among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away over that part of the wall that was broken down: but as those that were in the city were greatly aftrighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither, and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the physician's hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing to make his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans so well remembered their former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and twentieth day of the forementioned month.",
+                    "10. At which time Titus, who was now returned, out of the indignation he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent, took two hundred chosen horsemen and some footmen with him, and entered without noise into the city. Now as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great every where, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with him; now this upper part of the city was every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevated to a vast altitude, and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices, whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy's darts could hardly reach them. However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them; nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon, nor could they see those that were ascending up to them; so the Romans got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now; a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so it happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had thrown themselves down was found to be five thousand: nor did any one escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa's army; and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the rage of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel. And thus was Gamala taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetens, [Tisri,] whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Surrender Of Gischala; While John Flies Away From It To Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Now no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to every body that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to a surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array. Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to Cesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards; for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them; for which reason he took care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking.",
+                    "2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them, That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them, especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have intrusted themselves to the security of the Romans' right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives.",
+                    "3. Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who were also the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from going out, in order to propose terms of submission, and from receiving any of the horsemen into the city. But John returned Titus this answer: That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he would either persuade or force those that refused them. Yet he said that Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant them leave to celebrate that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which it was unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace also; and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should any body think of doing any thing in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation.",
+                    "4. Now, in the night time, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that where about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. And indeed there was a miserable destruction made of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations, to stay for them; but John's exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that run thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another.",
+                    "5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; they also informed him of John's flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. So he entered the city in the midst of acclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fears, that to destroy with him any one that did not deserve it; for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. However, he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were peaceably disposed in greater security. And thus was all Galilee taken, but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could be taken by them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning John Of Gischala. Concerning The Zealots And The High Priest Ananus; As Also How The Jews Raise Seditions One Against Another [In Jerusalem].</i><br><br>1. Now upon John's entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad, when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard; for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight; and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also. But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls.",
+                    "2. These harangues of John's corrupted a great part of the young men, and puffed them up for the war; but as to the more prudent part, and those in years, there was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and made lamentation on that account, as if the city was already undone; and in this confusion were the people. But then it must be observed, that the multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jerusalem sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala to Cesates, and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous for peace. At the first this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and every one associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another; so that seditions arose every where, while those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men. And, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.",
+                    "3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became a band of wickedness, and all together crept into Jerusalem, which was now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received without distinction all that belonged to their nation; and these they then received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the city came out of kindness, and for their assistance, although these very men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause of the city's destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand which might otherwise have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing on of the war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine therein.",
+                    "4. There were besides these other robbers that came out of the country, and came into the city, and joining to them those that were worse than themselves, omitted no kind of barbarity; for they did not measure their courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but preceded as far as murdering men; and this not in the night time or privately, or with regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in the day time, and began with the most eminent persons in the city; for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the whole city, insomuch that the public treasures were committed to his care; him they took and confined; as they did in the next place to Levias, a person of great note, with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both which were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country. This caused a terrible consternation among the people, and everyone contented himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in war.",
+                    "5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put the men forementioned; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody long, since they were men very powerful, and had numerous families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved to have them slain accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that execution: this man was also called \"the son of Dorcas,\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac, as Acts 9:36. Accordingly, some of the manuscripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the context in Josephus be made out by supposing the reading to have been this: \"The son of Tabitha; which, in the language of our country, denotes Dorcas\" [or a doe].</i> in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that were in custody there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans for a surrender of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain only such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the benefactors and saviors of the city.",
+                    "6. Now the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and these robbers to that degree of madness, that these last took upon them to appoint high priests.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we may discover the utter disgrace and ruin of the high priesthood among the Jews, when undeserving, ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to that holy office by the seditious; which sort of high priests, as Josephus well remarks here, were thereupon obliged to comply with and assist those that advanced them in their impious practices. The names of these high priests, or rather ridiculous and profane persons, were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that prodigious ignoramus Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we shall meet with in Josephus's future history of this war; nor do we meet with any other so much as pretended high priest after Phannias, till Jerusalem was taken and destroyed.</i> So when they had disannulled the succession, according to those families out of which the high priests used to be made, they ordained certain unknown and ignoble persons for that office, that they might have their assistance in their wicked undertakings; for such as obtained this highest of all honors, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed it on them. They also set the principal men at variance one with another, by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have obstructed their measures; till at length, when they were satiated with the unjust actions they had done towards men, they transferred their contumelious behavior to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet.",
+                    "7. And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have escaped the hands of those that plotted against him. These men made the temple of God a strong hold for them, and a place whither they might resort, in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable than what they did; for in order to try what surprise the people would be under, and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the high priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already, it was to descend by succession in a family. The pretense they made for this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolution of an undeniable law, and a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government, derived from those that presumed to appoint governors as they themselves pleased.",
+                    "8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called Eniachim,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This tribe or course of the high priests, or priests, here called Eniachim, seems to the learned Mr. Lowth, one well versed in Josephus, to be that 1 Chronicles 24:12, \"the course of Jakim,\" where some copies have\" the course of Eliakim;\" and I think this to be by no means an improbable conjecture.</i> and cast lots which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but that did not well know what the high priesthood was, such a mere rustic was he yet did they hail this man, without his own consent, out of the country, as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit thee; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness was sport and pastime with them, but occasioned the other priests, who at a distance saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity.",
+                    "9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny; and indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned as the president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish Rabbins, as Reland observes on this place. He also tells us that those Rabbins mention one Jesus the son of Gamala, as once a high priest, but this long before the destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the same person with this Jesus the son of Gamala, Josephus, he must have lived to be very old, or they have been very bad chronologers.</i> who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots; for that was the name they went by, as if they were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others.",
+                    "10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them, (the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,) Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, \"Certainly it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations, or these sacred places, that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give up my life, and that alone for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to live among a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you are silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to have then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you have betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not say how many and of what characters those men were whom they thus served; but certainly they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since nobody succored them when they were put into bonds, the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation. Will you bear, therefore, will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to overthrow any thing greater than the sanctuary. They have seized upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is therefore that most honorable and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with those that lord it over us, as if we had received that principle of subjection from our ancestors; yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans? (I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or not.) What pretense is there for it? Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent. However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably; it is this, that though we should be taken by them, (God forbid the event should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temple, while we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves would have abstained? to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at a distance those sacred walls; while some that have been born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides, can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that these overthrowers of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can so much as devise a punishment that they have not deserved by what they have done, and that you are all provoked against them by those their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps many of you are aftrighted at the multitude of those zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than we are; for these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man's running away to those that are like to themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition of their reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance before them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing of my body neither.\"",
+                    "11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those their enormities. However, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out to him, to lead them on against those whom he had described in his exhortation to them, and every one of them was most readily disposed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account.",
+                    "12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got information of his undertaking, (for there were some who went to them, and told them all that the people were doing,) and were irritated at it, and leaping out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for fighting; but the alacrity that every body showed supplied all their defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple more forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their passions; and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance; but when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were wounded, he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but the populace grew very angry, and became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries, and the robbers could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time together with them. This horribly affrighted the robbers, because it deprived them of the first court; so they fled into the inner court immediately, and shut the gates. Now Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates, although the other threw their stones and darts at them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to introduce the multitude into that court before they were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such guards one after another, and every one was forced to attend in his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those that then took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.",
+                    "13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted the great men every day, and in the night time also when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots, and every thing that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves. And by way of contrivance how he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance every where, even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived that they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their consultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to suspect of that discovery as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his good-will upon oath; accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people's side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without further suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommodation; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain therein.",
+                    "14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows: That he had run many hazards on, their accounts, and in order to let them know of every thing that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his party; but that both he and they should be cast into the most imminent danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them; for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there; that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Artanus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they were unarmed; that they ought to choose one of these two methods, either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled to them; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying plots against them; and that a large body of people were very angry on account of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that although some part might commiserate them, those would be quite overborne by the majority."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Idumeans Being Sent For By The Zealots, Came Immediately To Jerusalem; And When They Were Excluded Out Of The City, They Lay All Night There. Jesus One Of The High Priests Makes A Speech To Them; And Simon The Idumean Makes A Reply To It.</i><br><br>1. Now, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them. These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plausible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests. Now when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves; and besides, how Artanus and his party, in order to secure their own dominion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie; they hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened; because the people were prepared to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off all their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty; that there was but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should themselves be soon in the power of Artanus, and the city would be in the power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now there were two active men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot; for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every motion, delighting in mutations; and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast. There was indeed occasion for quick despatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans.",
+                    "2. Now these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and every body caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.",
+                    "3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or to the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high priests next to Artanus, stood upon the tower that was over against them, and said thus: \"Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her fortune as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and this after a manner very extraordinary; for I see that you are come to support the vilest of men against us, and this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly put on the like, in case our metropolis had called you to her assistance against barbarians. And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; for the very rascality and offscouring of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as it would become them to be had their metropolis called them to her assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly; because certainly you would not take on your armor on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing. But we have an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that account the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by framing a tale as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that calumny is raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of both parties; for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not to have revolted from them at the first, or when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighboring countries were not yet laid waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent; and to endeavor to please them at the time when they are so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death. As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them. But further, whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to manage this treachery. Hath any one been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters? How could we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city. Is this the first time that they are become sensible how they ought to be punished for their insolent actions? For while these men were free from the fear they are now under, there was no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors. But if they lay this charge against the people, this must have been done at a public consultation, and not one of the people must have dissented from the rest of the assembly; in which case the public fame of this matter would have come to you sooner than any particular indication. But how could that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that was ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretense of such men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be betrayed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse us falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they become traitors. And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms, it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join with us in cutting off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong; for they have seized upon men of great eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the market-place, and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them. You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; for that is now made their receptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honored by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves. They now triumph in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; I mean, for having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if you have some regard to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies, and so become judges in this case. However, consider what these men will gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against their metropolis; for though you should have ever so great a suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if, after all, none of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you.\"",
+                    "4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomsoever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests might hear him, and said as follows: \"I can no longer wonder that the patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that shut the gates of our common city<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This appellation of Jerusalem given it here by Simon, the general of the Idumeans, \"the common city\" of the Idumeans, who were proselytes of justice, as well as of the original native Jews, greatly confirms that maxim of the Rabbins, here set down by Reland, that \"Jerusalem was not assigned, or appropriated, to the tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe had equal right to it [at their coming to worship there at the several festivals].\" See a little before, ch. 3. sect. 3, or \"worldly worship,\" as the author to the Hebrews calls the sanctuary, \"a worldly sanctuary.\"</i> to their own nation, and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation of its liberty. And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after an ignominious manner, and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used to be open to even all foreigners that came to worship there. We have indeed come in great haste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen; and the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray. You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected together the like plausible pretenses against them also that you make use of against us; after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this your abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions, unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of your metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country? One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within. Here will we abide before the walls in our armor, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or you become friends to liberty, and repent of what you have done against it.\"",
+                    "5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said; but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides. Nor indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many of them repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would attend them in case they returned without doing any thing at all, so far overcame that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall, though in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a prodigious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake. These things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder; and any one would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.",
+                    "6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting, and that God acted as a general for them; but truly they proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of them; for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked about them to see whether they could devise any means of assisting them. The hotter sort of them thought it best to force their guards with their arms, and after that to fall into the midst of the city, and publicly open the gates to those that came to their assistance; as supposing the guards would be in disorder, and give way at such an unexpected attempt of theirs, especially as the greater part of them were unarmed and unskilled in the affairs of war; and that besides the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard in their undertaking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves, rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed that Ananus would be every where, and visit the guards every hour; which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces. The noise of the wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire with their designs, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the others.",
+                    "7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves, which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword, in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they were that came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time; but as they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not to overlook those for whose sakes they were come, in the midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater danger; for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city; but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards, because as soon as they should perceive they were there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into the temple."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Cruelty Of The Idumeans When They Were Gotten Into The Temple During The Storm; And Of The Zealots. Concerning The Slaughter Of Ananus, And Jesus, And Zacharias; And How The Idumeans Retired Home.</i><br><br>1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing themselves among the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately, and betook themselves to their own defense; and so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the Idumeans were got in; and the greatest part of them laid aside their arms, together with their courage, and betook themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while protected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come to their assistance, only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also, and every one of the guards were in danger of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare any body; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple. Now there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and the murderers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a voluntary one. And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.",
+                    "2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them; and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and well-wishers, while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men's case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus.",
+                    "3. Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats; and for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party; but not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against their own country. But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favor to be slain. Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners; and the terror that was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or to bury him; but those that were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them; for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the night time they would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose themselves to danger would do it in the day time: and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who perished in this manner.",
+                    "4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and judicatures for that purpose; and as they intended to have Zacharias the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, so what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also to get rid of a mall that had great power to destroy them. So they called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but they affirmed themselves that they were well persuaded that so it was, and desired that such their affirmation might he taken for sufficient evidence. Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that despair of his life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public affairs to: in the mean time, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges brought in their verdict that the person accused was not guilty, as choosing rather to die themselves with him, than to have his death laid at their doors; hereupon there arose a great clamor of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges for not understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead, they bantered him, and said, \"Thou hast also our verdict, and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other.\" They also threw him down from the temple immediately into the valley beneath it. Moreover, they struck the judges with the backs of their swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other design than that, when they were dispersed among the people in the city, they might become their messengers, to let them know they were no better than slaves.",
+                    "5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were displeased at what had been done; and when they were assembled together by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction with those that invited them, and gave a particular account of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis. He said that they had taken arms, as though the high priests were betraying their metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such treachery; but that they had succored those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of war and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed their business to have hindered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting the laws of their forefathers; for that if any had taken it ill that the gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed in one night's time. That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them; that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the eyes of those that had supported them, and that their wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or separates himself from the same wicked action; that they therefore ought to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny, and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the city was secured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellowship with these bad men, to make some excuse for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Zealots When They Were Freed From The Idumeans, Slew A Great Many More Of The Citizens; And How Vespasian Dissuaded The Romans When They Were Very Earnest To March Against The Jews From Proceeding In The War At That Time.</i><br><br>1. The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first place, they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, one whom we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem, and went home; which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties; for the people, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies, while the zealots grew more insolent not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and plot some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than any one could imagine. But their thirst was chiefly after the blood of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his free speaking. Nor did Niger of Peres escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried]. Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward. they tasted of their own madness in their mutual seditions one against another. So when this Niger was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them; for some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with some of them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace, they watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against them; and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only punishment of crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death. Nor could any one escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune.",
+                    "2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that \"the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another; that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings.\" But Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering, what was for their advantage, and for their security; for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, they shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height, against themselves. But if they stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be consumed in this sedition: that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another. But if any one imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious success, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle; for we ought to esteem these that do what is agreeable to temperance and prudence no less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labors they had undergone. However, that this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves the glory of victory; for that the Jews are not now employed in making of armor or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were once taken, could be inflicted on them by us. Whether therefore any one hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition.\"",
+                    "3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given. And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled away from the zealots, although their flight was very difficult, since they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the Romans; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain. Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them. But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay along the roads; but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the Divinity itself also, they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such as buried any as to those that deserted, which was no other than death; while he that granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand in need of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead to the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men, therefore, trampled upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws of God; and for the oracles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers; yet did these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging to their own country; for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God. Now while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made themselves the instruments of their accomplishment."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How John Tyrannized Over The Rest; And What Mischiefs The Zealots Did At Masada. How Also Vespasian Took Gadara; And What Actions Were Performed By Placidus.</i><br><br>1. By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke off from the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, in a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical power. Now some submitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out of their good-will to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both by deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought they should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great many. His activity was so great, and that both in action and in counsel, that he had not a few guards about him; yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when he was first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thing whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their quarrels; but they fought earnestly against the people, and contended one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison, that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the Romans which they despaired to obtain among their own people.",
+                    "2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, and for the preservation of their bodies at the same time. It was called Masada. Those that were called Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly, but at this time they overran the neighboring countries, aiming only to procure to themselves necessaries; for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages. But when once they were informed that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews were divided between sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters; and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi:--in which expedition they prevented those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves, and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city. As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they had carried every thing out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day, from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves. At that time all the other regions of Judea that had hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body, if the principal part be inflamed, all the members are subject to the same distemper; so, by means of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis,. had the wicked men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert; yet were these men that now got together, and joined in the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">By these hiera, or \"holy places,\" as distinct from cities, must be meant \"proseuchae,\" or \"houses of prayer,\" out of cities; of which we find mention made in the New Testament and other authors. See Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life, sect. 51. \"In qua te quero proseucha?\" Juvenal Sat. III. yet. 296. They were situated sometimes by the sides of rivers, Acts 16:13, or by the sea-side, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. So did the seventy-two interpreters go to pray every morning by the sea-side before they went to their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.</i> and the cities; yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment as do robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condition, as well as its most eminent city also.",
+                    "3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed themselves, and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to their city's assistance, and save the remainder of the people; informing him withal, that it was upon account of the people's good-will to the Romans that many of them were already slain, and the survivors in danger of the same treatment. Vespasian did indeed already pity the calamities these men were in, and arose, in appearance, as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem, but in reality to deliver them from a [worse] siege they were already under. However, he was obliged first to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and entered that city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had sent an embassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about a surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men. This embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired of keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors of this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus, (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy,) and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. And as now the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled it down before the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind, they could not now make war against them.",
+                    "4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village, which was called Bethennabris, where finding a great multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent, partly by force, they rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him. These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice them further off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place fit for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw their darts at them. So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugitives, while the foot terribly destroyed those that fought against them; for those Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with their entire armor, they were not able to find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks, while they were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others' swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' swords upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen.",
+                    "5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting into the village; and causing his horse to march continually on that side of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time his men made use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that were the nearest to them, as they made those that were further off turn back by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those horsemen and fled to the wall of the village. And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do; for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that were among them; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came to pass accordingly; for as they were crowding together at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession of the wall, and of the people that were in the city, when the useless multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great fear on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the river-side, where they were stopped by the current, (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable,) he put his soldiers in array over against them; so the necessity the others were in provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the banks of the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them, as well as the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of them, and pushed them into the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodigious. There were besides two thousand and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.",
+                    "6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it really was; and this, because not only the whole country through which they fled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltiris was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river. And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as Macherus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i> Made Haste To Finish The Jewish War. A Description Of. Jericho, And Of The Great Plain; With An Account Besides Of The Lake Asphaltitis.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall, and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere. This report, thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger; and he thought, if he could first reduce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste; but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighboring villages. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strong holds all about Idumea; and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapoils, (or Sichem,) but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Desius [Sivan]; and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.",
+                    "2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltiris, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness: there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not to be here written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a manner have it, (for the place meant by Josephus seems to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and Gomorrha,) cannot now be certainly determined, but seems by no means improbable.</i> which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis; its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up in summer time, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.",
+                    "3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication, That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to he righteous. To these prayers Elisha<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our copies, 2 Kings 2:21, 22, though it be referred to also in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., and the success of it is mentioned in them all.</i> joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it do but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the must excellent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it, what is here sown comes up in such clusters; the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summer time. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; and if the water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. But so much shall suffice to have said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.",
+                    "4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls; and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men's bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Vespasian, After He Had Taken Gadara Made Preparation For The Siege Of Jerusalem; But That, Upon His Hearing Of The Death Of Nero, He Changed His Intentions. As Also Concerning Simon Of Geras.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen. So when he had taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had not prevented him by flying away; but he took their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city; for as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides.",
+                    "2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. Bnt as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men; and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freed-men, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, here only touched upon by Josephus, see Tacitus, Suelonius, and Dio, more largely. However, we may observe with Ottius, that Josephus writes the name of the second of them not Otto, with many others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.</i> and returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the market-place at Rome, and Otho was made emperor; with his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war; I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connexion of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they were in for their own country.",
+                    "3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gisehala], who had already seized upon the city, but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. At the first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding-place; but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, he left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters.",
+                    "4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then overran the Acrabattene toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party's security; and at the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose; these he made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by rapine; and many of his partizans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders, where they fought him, and continued the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him, or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; so he died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon's power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they hazarded a battle with them.",
+                    "6. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him; upon which account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting. And as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed also; for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted; hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multitude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own home.",
+                    "7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years. They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time showed in that small city; the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove, an oak others, a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been very famous in all the past ages, and is so, I suppose, at this day; and that particularly for an eminent mart or meeting of merchants there every year, as the travelers inform us.</i> and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world. Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumen, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste the whole country; for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and as one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts, after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being.",
+                    "8. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants; whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he would lay down his arms, and make supplication to them for his wife; but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him; when he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shedding.",
+                    "9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman market-place; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first day, but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory; and after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Puetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his reign. In Anthon. See the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.</i> Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to Rome with his army. But in the mean time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deasius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives; but Cerealis, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Caphatabira, and laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When Cerealis had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous country not far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the city; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodlum, and Masada, and Macherus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.",
+                    "10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; for these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made them suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means; for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith; while they decked their hair, and put on women's garments, and were besmeared over with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel-house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions; nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men, and became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every body through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two; and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates, so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do.",
+                    "11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him, and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene; the Idumeans fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves to plunder John's effects; for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them (because they were themselves better soldiers than they) as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and the high priests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city; which resolution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come ill to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver; but when he was come in, with his army, he took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invitation was intended.",
+                    "12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city, (for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had,) were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies; but having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places, one at the north-east corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This beginning and ending the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or sabbath, with a priest's blowing of a trumpet, is remarkable, and no where else mentioned, that I know of. Nor is Reland's conjecture here improbable, that this was the very place that has puzzled our commentators so long, called \"Musach Sabbati,\" the \"Covert of the Sabbath,\" if that be the true reading, 2 Kings 16:18, because here the proper priest stood dry, under a \"covering,\" to proclaim the beginning and ending of every Jewish sabbath.</i> at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again. These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Soldiers, Both In Judea And Egypt, Proclaimed Vespasian Emperor;And How Vespasian Released Josephus From His Bonds.</i><br><br>1. Now about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men; which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy at that time.",
+                    "2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native country was laid waste; but then, as much as his passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his distance therefrom; because fortune might prevent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was at this time.",
+                    "3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and consulted openly about changing the public affairs; and, out of their indignation, cried out, how \"at Rome there are soldiers that live delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many labors, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much juster reasons for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Roman authors that now remain say Vitellius had children, whereas Josephus introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not. Spanheim thinks he hath given a peculiar reason for calling Vitellius \"childless,\" though he really had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650; to which it appears very difficult to give our assent.</i> to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men's own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian, or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so they as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius informs us, in Vitell. sect. 15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also named by Josephus presently ch. 11. sect; 4.</i> and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have in contempt.\"",
+                    "4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present copies must be correct text, when they both say that he was first proclaimed in Egypt, and that on the calends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed in Judea. I suppose the month they there intended was June, and not July, as the copies now have it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. See Essay on the Revelation, p. 136.</i> and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.",
+                    "5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying of corn [to Rome]; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food); and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and circumstances of Egypt, in the days of Vespasian and Titus.</i> is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Siene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther, The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from a straight direction: its left side is blocked up by works made by men's hands on both sides; on its right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the night time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which, when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous; yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, as also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth.",
+                    "6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the people of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him.",
+                    "7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes every where, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many every where, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent exaltation of the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5:6 or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty, and honorably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the command of Nebuchadnezzar, on account of his having foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; so was our Josephus set at liberty, and honorably treated, on account of his having foretold the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All these are most eminent instances of the interposition of Divine Providence. and of the certainty of Divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four monarchies. Several such-like examples there are, both in the sacred and other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt. and of Jaddua the high priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, etc.</i> which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. \"It is a shameful thing (said he) that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner.\" So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, froth this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father, and said, \"O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all.\" For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Upon The Conquest And Slaughter Of Vitellius Vespasian Hastened His Journey To Rome; But Titus His Son Returned To Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power justly,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his success, and establish his government at first, distributed his offices and places upon the foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best fit for them. Which wise conduct in a mere heathen ought to put those rulers and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and destruction.</i> and according to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted without their assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it.",
+                    "3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it; so the soldiers did not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted; hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred: he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.",
+                    "4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night time seized upon the capitol; and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The numbers in Josephus, ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, for Galba seven months seven days, for Otho three months two days, and here for Vitellius eight months five days, do not agree with any Roman historians, who also disagree among themselves. And, indeed, Sealiger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on ch. 9. sect. 2, that this period is very confused and uncertain in the ancient authors. They were probably some of them contemporary together for some time; one of the best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as if they did not all together reign one whole year, nor had a single Thoth, or new-year's day, (which then fell upon August 6,) in their entire reigns. Dio also, who says that Vitellius reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more than one year, one month, and two days.</i> and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself; so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.",
+                    "5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Tumuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant.</i> and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Seditions At Jerusalem And What Terrible Miseries Afflicted The City By Their Means.</i><br><br>1. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.",
+                    "2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made everyday upon the people; for this man never left off murdering; but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This appears to be the first time that the zealots ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple, which was the court of the priests, wherein the temple itself and the altar stood. So that the conjecture of those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was slain \"between the temple and the altar\" several months before, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4, as if he were slain there by these zealots, is groundless, as I have noted on that place already.</i> and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court. And because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled every where with murders.",
+                    "3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw their darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition; for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Levites.</i> that were about the sacred offices; insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves. And now, \"O must wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! 'For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulcher for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction.\" But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestical lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This is an excellent reflection of Josephus, including his hopes of the restoration of the Jews upon their repentance, See Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, which is the grand \"Hope of Israel,\" as Manasseh-ben-Israel, the famous Jewish Rabbi, styles it, in his small but remarkable treatise on that subject, of which the Jewish prophets are every where full. See the principal of those prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on the Revelation, p. 822, etc.</i>",
+                    "4. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred first-fruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war. And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This destruction of such a vast quantity of corn and other provisions, as was sufficient for many years. was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which consumed incredible numbers of Jews in Jerusalem during its siege. Nor probably could the Romans have taken this city, after all, had not these seditious Jews been so infatuated as thus madly to destroy, what Josephus here justly styles, \"The nerves of their power.\"</i> The same thing was done by Simon, when, upon the other's retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.",
+                    "5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them, were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open their lips in groans. :Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every one despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious had no great desires of any thing, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious themselves, they fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon any thing, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This timber, we see, was designed for the rebuilding those twenty additional cubits of the holy house above the hundred, which had fallen down some years before. See the note on Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3.</i> and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness; but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that thought him from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them ; whereas the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.",
+                    "6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before he had reared any of his towers; for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest; besides whom, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus; who were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates; as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Marched To Jerusalem, And How He Was In Danger As He Was Taking A View O The City Of The Place Also Where He Pitched His Camp</i><br><br>1. Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them; after whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the commander's baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed to support them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to that legion. All these came before the engines; and after these engines came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep; the servants belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers; and when he had lodged there one night, he marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day's march, he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue, call \"the Valley of Thorns,\" near a certain village called Gabaothsath, which signifies \"the Hill of Saul,\" being distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There being no gate on the west, and only on the west, side of the court of the priests, and so no steps there, this was the only side that the seditious, under this John of Gischala, could bring their engines close to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of that temple, in the description of the temples hereto belonging.</i> There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and before they came to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and submit; for he had been informed what was really true, that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the rest, they lay still.",
+                    "2. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but when he went out of that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at the towers called the \"Women's Towers,\" through that gate which was over against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse; and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with a few other. Now it was here impossible for him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall, to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges; and to return back to his own men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies, in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that kings are in, are under the providence of God; for while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his head-piece on, nor his breastplate, (for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but to view the city,) none of them touched his body, but went aside without hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The enemy indeed made a shout at the boldness of Caesar, and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away, and go off from him in great numbers; while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them. Now there were two of those that were with him, but at some distance; the one of which the enemy compassed round, and slew him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest, and came safe to the camp. So this success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave them an ill-grounded hope; and this short inclination of fortune, on their side, made them very courageous for the future.",
+                    "3. But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place called Seopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter of the city, and joining thereto, was a plain, and very properly named Scopus, [the prospect,] and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther distance behind them, for the fifth legion; for he thought that, by marching in the night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves; and as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already come to the place, where a certain party of armed men had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the Mount of Olives<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This situation of the Mount of Olives, on the east of Jerusalem, at about the distance of five or six furlongs, with the valley of Cedron interposed between that mountain and the city, are things well known both in the Old and New Testament, in Josephus elsewhere, and in all the descriptions of Palestine.</i> which lies over against the city on the east side, and is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron.",
+                    "4. Now when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly come upon them after a violent manner, put the first stop to their contentions one against another; and as the seditious now saw with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, \"What do we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armor laid by, as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it seems, (so did they cry out,) only courageous against ourselves, while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition.\" Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together, and took their armor immediately, and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a prodigious shout, as they were fortifying their camp. These Romans were caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms; for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them; and had they been disposed so to do, they supposed their sedition would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly; when some of hem left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more and more in number, as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack; and while they had such good fortune, they seemed both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really were. The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been constantly used to fight skillfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them. Now when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet when they did not take care enough of themselves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded by them; but as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the Romans were at length brought into confusion, and put to fight, and ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away, and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley, so when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood over against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there fought with them. Thus did they continue the fight till noon; but when it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify their camp.",
+                    "5. This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight; and as the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts. To say the truth, none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if they had been cast out of an engine, they brake the enemies' ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain; none but Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the acclivity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him; to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly; and this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and when he had forced them to go back, he slew them: he also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward; while those men were so amazed at his courage and his strength, that they could not fly directly to the city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that fled up the hill; yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a disorder and a terror fell again upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their seeing those beneath them running away; insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight; because they took it for granted, that, if he had staid, the rest would never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way, and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and being under great concern for him, they loudly proclaimed the danger he was in to the entire legion; and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away, by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them on heaps into the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them; but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him, and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing further mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add any thing out of flattery, nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Sedition Was Again Revived Within Jerusalem And Yet The Jews Contrived Snares For The Romans. How Titus Also Threatened His Soldiers For Their Ungovernable Rashness.</i><br><br>1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when it is believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the] temple, and admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we see the true occasion of those vast numbers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege by Titus, and perished therein; that the siege began at the feast of the passover, when such prodigious multitudes of Jews and proselytes of the gate were come from all parts of Judea, and from other countries, in order to celebrate that great festival. See the note B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the number of men, women, and children in Jerusalem, when it was besieged by the Romans, as he had been informed. This information must have been taken from the Romans: for Josephus never recounts the numbers of those that were besieged, only he lets us know, that of the vulgar, carried dead out of the gates, and buried at the public charges, was the like number of 600,000, ch. viii. sect. 7. However, when Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Tacitus is no way disagreeable to Josephus's history, though they were become much more numerous when Titus encompassed the city at the passover. As to the number that perished during this siege, Josephus assures us, as we shall see hereafter, they were 1,100,000, besides 97,000 captives. But Tacitus's history of the last part of this siege is not now extant; so we cannot compare his parallel numbers with those of Josephus.</i> But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to seize upon it; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away, and presently appeared in their armor. Upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house; while the people, who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought it was made against themselves only. So these left off guarding the gates any longer, and leaped down from their battlements before they came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple; while the people that stood trembling at the altar, and about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy. Such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were opposite to the seditious; and all those that had formerly offended any of these plotters were now known, and were now led away to the slaughter; and when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that came cut of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple, and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which had been divided into three factions, was now reduced to two.",
+                    "2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance, as far as the wall of the city. So they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them and the wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow places and the chasms, and demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments; and thereby made all the place level from Scopus to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to the pool called the Serpent's Pool.",
+                    "3. Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the Women's Towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans, and were in fear of one another; while those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans, promising to open the gates to them; and as they cried out after that manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would drive them away from the gates. These also pretended that they were excluded by force, and that they petitioned those that were within to let them in; and rushing upon the Romans perpetually, with violence, they then came back, and seemed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly. But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion; for whereas he had invited them to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates; whereupon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed them round, and fell upon them behind, while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable number, and wounded many more; for it was not easy for the Romans to escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which, the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake; wherefore they fought with their spears a great while, and received many blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again, and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed them, and threw darts at them as far as the monuments of queen Helena.",
+                    "4. After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans for being deluded by the trick they bad put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful exclamations; while these soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers, and with indignation by Caesar himself, [who spake to them thus]: These Jews, who are only conducted by their madness, do every thing with care and circumspection; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another; while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill success by their contrary behavior, and by not being able to restrain their hands from action, they have been caught; and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders, in the very presence of Caesar. \"Truly,\" says Titus, \"the laws of war cannot but groan heavily, as will my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that hath been given us, since he who is grown old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace.\" When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned; so these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came round about Titus, and entreated his favor to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest; and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault, by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come.",
+                    "5. So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no further than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem. And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep, with the foot-men placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews were prohibited, by so great a body of men, from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the multitude, marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it where was the corner<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Perhaps, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate, called the \"Gate of the Corner,\" in 2 Chronicles 26:9. See ch. 4. sect. 2</i> and over against that tower which was called Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended, and extended itself over against the west; but the other part of the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner, by two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Description Of Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the \"Citadel,\" by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the \"Upper Market-place.\" But the other hill, which was called \"Acra,\" and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned; over against this there was a third hill, but naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad valley. However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are every where unpassable.",
+                    "2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called \"Hippicus,\" and extended as far as the \"Xistus,\" a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called \"Bethso,\" to the gate of the Essens; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon's pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called \"Ophlas,\" where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called \"Gennath,\" which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the \"Monument of the Fuller,\" and joined to the old wall at the valley called the \"Valley of Cedron.\" It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called \"Bezetha,\" to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called \"Bezetha,\" in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called \"the New City.\" Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this, it was erected with great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits.",
+                    "3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad: of these towers then the third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent; for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon, and over against it was the tower Hipplicus, and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms, and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other; its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits.",
+                    "4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood; for that very old wall wherein they were was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones, nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white marble, cut out of the rock; each stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally, and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their joints or connexion appear. low as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it; for it was so very curious as to want no cost nor skill in its construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds for a hundred guests a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments. The number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air every where green. There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These dove-courts in Josephus, built by Herod the Great, are, in the opinion of Reland, the very same that are mentioned by the Talmudists, and named by them \"Herod's dove courts.\" Nor is there any reason to suppose otherwise, since in both accounts they were expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them.</i> of tame pigeons about the canals. But indeed it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Of The Temple.</i><br><br>1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice; but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new banks,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the description of the temples hereto belonging, ch. 15. But note, that what Josephus here says of the original scantiness of this Mount Moriah, that it was quite too little for the temple, and that at first it held only one cloister or court of Solomon's building, and that the foundations were forced to be added long afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the cloisters for the other courts, etc., is without all foundation in the Scriptures, and not at all confirmed by his exacter account in the Antiquities. All that is or can be true here is this, that when the court of the Gentiles was long afterward to be encompassed with cloisters, the southern foundation for these cloisters was found not to be large or firm enough, and was raised, and that additional foundation supported by great pillars and arches under ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewhere, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel saw, and describes, p. 100, as extant under ground at this day.</i> and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire temple. And when they had built walls on three sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for, (in which work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were sent to God from the whole habitable earth,) they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city; wherein they made use of stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection.",
+                    "2. Now for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble; and the roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver. The cloisters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts. When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that \"no foreigner should go within that sanctuary\" for that second [court of the] temple was called \"the Sanctuary,\" and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the first court. This court was four-square, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What Josephus seems here to mean is this: that these pillars, supporting the cloisters in the second court, had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor of the first or lowest court; but that so far of those lowest parts as were equal to the elevation of the upper floor above the lowest were, and must be, hidden on the inside by the ground or rock itself, on which that upper court was built; so that forty cubits visible below were reduced to twenty-five visible above, and implies the difference of their heights to be fifteen cubits. The main difficulty lies here, how fourteen or fifteen steps should give an ascent of fifteen cubits, half a cubit seeming sufficient for a single step. Possibly there were fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition wall, and fourteen or fifteen more thence into the court itself, which would bring the whole near to the just proportion. See sect. 3, infra. But I determine nothing.</i> was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these thirteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain; whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a-piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally. The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court.",
+                    "3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without the [inward court of the] holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter.",
+                    "4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits further. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's height. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures.",
+                    "5. When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits: but still that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense. Now the seven lamps signified the seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of the zodiac and the year; but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple. But the superior part of the temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits.",
+                    "6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men's minds or their eyes; for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun's own rays. But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time. There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests. Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also.",
+                    "7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration. The high priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened. When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringe work, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also. The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them: on the other part there hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned names of the tribes. A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels. However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God. And thus much concerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for there remain a great many things thereto relating which have not been here touched upon.",
+                    "8. Now as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great precipice; it was the work of king Herod, wherein he demonstrated his natural magnanimity. In the first place, the rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its foundation, both for ornament, and that any one who would either try to get up or to go down it might not be able to hold his feet upon it. Next to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits. The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace. And as the entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty cubits high; whereas that which lay upon the southeast corner was seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed; but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages down to them both, through which the guard (for there always lay in this tower a Roman legion) went several ways among the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations; for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards of those three<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These three guards that lay in the tower of Antonia must be those that guarded the city, the temple, and the tower of Antonia.</i>. There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the upper city, which was Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it was divided from the tower Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that hill on which the tower of Antonia stood was the highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered the sight of the temple on the north. And this shall suffice at present to have spoken about the city and the walls about it, because I have proposed to myself to make a more accurate description of it elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tyrants Simon And John. How Also As Titus Was Going Round The Wall Of This City Nicanor Was Wounded By A Dart; Which Accident Provoked Titus To Press On The Siege.</i><br><br>1. Now the warlike men that were in the city, and the multitude of the seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was supreme. The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob the son of Sosas, and Simon the son of Cathlas. Jotre, who had seized upon the temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty commanders; the zealots also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon the son of Arinus. Now, while these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey on both sides, as we have said already; and that part of the people who would not join with them in their wicked practices were plundered by both factions. Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east, and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held that fountain, and the Acra, which was no other than the lower city; he also held all that reached to the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus. But John held the temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called \"the Valley of Cedron;\" and when the parts that were interposed between their possessions were burnt by them, they left a space wherein they might fight with each other; for this internal sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their very wall. But although they had grown wiser at the first onset the Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they returned to their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out, and did everything that the besiegers could desire them to do; for they never suffered any thing that was worse from the Romans than they made each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after these men's actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a greater kindness for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides.",
+                    "2. Now when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the walls; but as he was in doubt where he could possibly make an attack on any side, (for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were, and on the other side the first wall appeared too strong to be shaken by the engines,) he thereupon thought it best to make his assault upon the monument of John the high priest; for there it was that the first fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the builders neglecting to build strong where the new city was not much inhabited; here also was an easy passage to the third wall, through which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of Antonia, the temple itself But at this time, as he was going round about the city, one of his friends, whose name was Nicanor, was wounded with a dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Josephus, too near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them. On this account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehemence, that they would not hear even such as approached them to persuade them to what tended to their own preservation, was provoked to press on the siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and raise banks against the city; and when he had parted his army into three parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising; before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able to obstruct them. So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews were not, however, quiet; and it happened that the people of Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage, and supposed they should have a breathing time, while the others were very busy in opposing their enemies without the city, and that they should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory.",
+                    "3. However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he brought his engines of war, and disposed of them at due distances upon the wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower Antonia. But though they had these engines in their possession, they had so little skill in using them, that they were in great measure useless to them; but a few there were who had been taught by deserters how to use them, which they did use, though after an awkward manner. So they cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them. Now those that were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their banks, and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions. The engines, that all the legions had ready prepared for them, were admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones were more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the walls also. Now the stones that were cast were of the weight of a talent, and were carried two furlongs and further. The blow they gave was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood first in the way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space. As for the Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a white color, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness; accordingly the watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when the engine was let go, and the stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in their own country language, The Stone Cometh<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What should be the meaning of this signal or watchword, when the watchmen saw a stone coming from the engine, \"The Stone Cometh,\" or what mistake there is in the reading, I cannot tell. The MSS., both Greek and Latin, all agree in this reading; and I cannot approve of any groundless conjectural alteration of the text from ro to lop, that not the son or a stone, but that the arrow or dart cometh; as hath been made by Dr. Hudson, and not corrected by Havercamp. Had Josephus written even his first edition of these books of the war in pure Hebrew, or had the Jews then used the pure Hebrew at Jerusalem, the Hebrew word for a son is so like that for a stone, ben and eben, that such a correction might have been more easily admitted. But Josephus wrote his former edition for the use of the Jews beyond Euphrates, and so in the Chaldee language, as he did this second edition in the Greek language; and bar was the Chaldee word for son, instead of the Hebrew ben, and was used not only in Chaldea, etc. but in Judea also, as the New Testament informs us. Dio lets us know that the very Romans at Rome pronounced the name of Simon the son of Giora, Bar Poras for Bar Gioras, as we learn from Xiphiline, p. 217. Reland takes notice, \"that many will here look for a mystery, as though the meaning were, that the Son of God came now to take vengeance on the sins of the Jewish nation;\" which is indeed the truth of the fact, but hardly what the Jews could now mean; unless possibly by way of derision of Christ's threatening so often made, that he would come at the head of the Roman army for their destruction. But even this interpretation has but a very small degree of probability. If I were to make an emendation by mere conjecture, I would read instead of, though the likeness be not so great as in lo; because that is the word used by Josephus just before, as has been already noted on this very occasion, while, an arrow or dart, is only a poetical word, and never used by Josephus elsewhere, and is indeed no way suitable to the occasion, this engine not throwing arrows or darts, but great stones, at this time.</i> so those that were in its way stood off, and threw themselves down upon the ground; by which means, and by their thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down and did them no harm. But the Romans contrived how to prevent that by blacking the stone, who then could aim at them with success, when the stone was not discerned beforehand, as it had been till then; and so they destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet did not the Jews, under all this distress, permit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet; but they shrewdly and boldly exerted themselves, and repelled them both by night and by day.",
+                    "4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the wall, they brought them thither. Then did Titus set his engines at proper distances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not be able to repel them, and gave orders they should go to work; and when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and that on the sudden there was a great noise made by the citizens that were within the city, and no less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in, contrived to make a like defense. So those of different factions cried out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave, by proclamation, to go upon the wall; John also himself, though he could not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on both sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and formed themselves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and having a vast number of torches with them, they threw them at the machines, and shot darts perpetually upon those that impelled those engines which battered the wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their attacks. However, Titus himself still sent assistance to those that were the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the fire to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest; yet did not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering ram of the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself continued unhurt; for the wall was not presently in the same danger with the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself together with it.",
+                    "5. And now the Jews intermitted their sallies for a while; but when they observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their several camps, (for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness and fear,) they all at once made a sally at the tower Hippicus, through an obscure gate, and at the same time brought fire to burn the works, and went boldly up to the Romans, and to their very fortifications themselves, where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came presently to their assistance, and those farther off came running after them; and here the boldness of the Jews was too hard for the good order of the Romans; and as they beat those whom they first fell upon, so they pressed upon those that were now gotten together. So this fight about the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them on fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a confused cry made, and many of those in the forefront of the battle were slain. However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold of the works, and both all those works, and the engines themselves, had been in danger of being burnt, had not many of these select soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not behaved themselves with greater courage than they themselves supposed they could have done; for they outdid those in this fight that had greater reputation than themselves before. This was the state of things till Caesar took the stoutest of his horsemen, and attacked the enemy, while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the forefront of the Jews; which death of these men, when the rest of the multitude saw, they gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, and saved the works from the fire. Now it happened at this fight that a certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus's order, was crucified before the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be aftrighted, and abate of their obstinacy. But after the Jews were retired, John, who was commander of the Idumeans, and was talking to a certain soldier of his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamentation to the Jews, and sorrow to the seditious. For he was a man of great eminence, both for his actions and his conduct also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How One Of The Towers Erected By The Romans Fell Down Of Its Own Accord; And How The Romans After Great Slaughter Had Been Made Got Possession Of The First Wall. How Also Titus Made His Assaults Upon The Second Wall; As Also Concerning Longinus The Roman, And Castor The Jew.</i><br><br>1. Now, on the next night, a surprising disturbance fell upon the Romans; for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, that by setting men upon them at every bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight; and as its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they, supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions, and as nobody could tell what had happened, they went on after a disconsolate manner; and seeing no enemy appear, they were afraid one of another, and every one demanded of his neighbor the watchword with great earnestness, as though the Jews had invaded their camp. And now were they like people under a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it; and then, though with some difficulty, they got clear of the disturbance they had been under.",
+                    "2. Now these towers were very troublesome to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the Romans very courageously; for they shot at them out of their lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw darts, and the archers, and those that flung stones. For neither could the Jews reach those that were over them, by reason of their height; and it was not practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of iron. So they retired out of the reach of the darts, and did no longer endeavor to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually beating upon the wall, did gradually prevail against it; so that the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name did the Jews themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conquered all things. And now they were for a long while grown weary of fighting, and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the night time at a distance from the wall. It was on other accounts also thought by them to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being besides that two other fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their counsels having been ill concerted on all occasions; so a great many grew lazy and retired. Then the Romans mounted the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the Romans get possession of this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.",
+                    "3. And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which was called \"the Camp of the Assyrians,\" having seized upon all that lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews' darts. He then presently began his attacks, upon which the Jews divided themselves into several bodies, and courageously defended that wall; while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the monuments of king Alexander; and Sireoh's army also took for their share the spot of ground that was near John's monument, and fortified it as far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus. However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when they were pursued all together to the wall, they were beaten in those fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them from the walls, they were too hard for them; the Romans being encouraged by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by their hopes of subduing them in a little time. Nor did either side grow weary; but attacks and rightings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies out in bodies, were there all the day long; nor were there any sort of warlike engagements that were not then put in use. And the night itself had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay, the night itself was passed without sleep on both sides, and was more uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon their camps; both sides also lay in their armor during the night time, and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the battle. Now among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were very ready to kill themselves with their own hands. What made the Romans so courageous was their usual custom of conquering and disuse of being defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief encouragement -Titus who was present every where with them all; for it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Caesar was there, and fought bravely as well as they did, and was himself at once an eye-witness of such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he who was to reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present to have any one's valor known by Caesar; on which account many of them appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it. And now, as the Jews were about this time standing in array before the wall, and that in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts at each other, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the Jews; and as they dispersed themselves upon the attack, he slew two of their men of the greatest courage; one of them he struck in his mouth as he was coming to meet him, the other was slain by him by that very dart which he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man through his side as he was running away from him; and when he had done this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his enemies to his own side. So this man signalized himself for his valor, and many there were who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation. And now the Jews were unconcerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were only solicitous about what mischief they could do them; and death itself seemed a small matter to them, if at the same time they could but kill any one of their enemies. But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said that inconsiderate violence was madness, and that this alone was the true courage that was joined with good conduct. He therefore commanded his men to take care, when they fought their enemies, that they received no harm from them at the same time, and thereby show themselves to be truly valiant men.",
+                    "4. And now Titus brought one of his engines to the middle tower of the north part of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew, whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with ten others like himself, the rest being fled away by reason of the archers. These men lay still for a while, as in great fear, under their breastplates; but when the tower was shaken, they arose, and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compassion, and begged of him to have mercy upon them; and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the battering ram, and forbade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say to him. He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right hand for his security. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased with such his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all the Jews would be of his mind, and that he was ready to give the like security to the city. Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest cried out aloud that they would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die in a state of freedom. Now while these men were quarrelling for a long while, the attack was delayed; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable time. And at the same time that he sent thus to him, he appeared openly to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for their security; but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked swords upon the breast-works, and struck themselves upon their breast, and fell down as if they had been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with him, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude, and pitied their calamity. During this interval, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and wounded him in his nose; whereupon he presently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Titus, and complained that this was unfair treatment; so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart, and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to give his right hand to Castor. But Josephus said that he would not go to him, because these pretended petitioners meant nothing that was good; he also restrained those friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one Eneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him. Castor also called to them, that somebody should come and receive the money which he had with him; this made Eneas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom open. Then did Castor take up a great stone, and threw it at him, which missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded another soldier that was coining to him. When Caesar understood that this was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing, because such cunning tricks have less place under the exercise of greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him. But Castor and his companions set the tower on fire when it began to give way, and leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it, which made the Romans further suppose that they were men of great courage, as having cast themselves into the fire."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Romans Took The Second Wall Twice, And Got All Ready For Taking The Third Wall.</i><br><br>1. Now Caesar took this wall there on the fifth day after he had taken the first; and when the Jews had fled from him, he entered into it with a thousand armed men, and those of his choice troops, and this at a place where were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market for cloth, and where the narrow streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore, if Titus had either demolished a larger part of the wall immediately, or had come in, and, according to the law of war, had laid waste what was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have been mixed with any loss to himself. But now, out of the hope he had that he should make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by not being willing, when he was able, to afflict them more than he needed to do, he did not widen the breach of the wall, in order to make a safer retreat upon occasion; for he did not think they would lay snares for him that did them such a kindness. When therefore he came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill any of those they caught, nor to set fire to their houses neither; nay, he gave leave to the seditious, if they had a mind, to fight without any harm to the people, and promised to restore the people's effects to them; for he was very desirous to preserve the city for his own sake, and the temple for the sake of the city. As to the people, he had them of a long time ready to comply with his proposals; but as to the fighting men, this humanity of his seemed a mark of his weakness, and they imagined that he made these proposals because he was not able to take the rest of the city. They also threatened death to the people, if they should any one of them say a word about a surrender. They moreover cut the throats of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked those Romans that were come within the wall. Some of them they met in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they made a sudden sally out at the upper gates, and assaulted such Romans as were beyond the wall, till those that guarded the wall were so aftrighted, that they leaped down from their towers, and retired to their several camps: upon which a great noise was made by the Romans that were within, because they were encompassed round on every side by their enemies; as also by them that were without, because they were in fear for those that were left in the city. Thus did the Jews grow more numerous perpetually, and had great advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out of the city. Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best resistance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them succors; for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow lakes, and he stood himself where was the greatest multitude of his enemies, and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domitius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus did Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the city.",
+                    "2. And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success, and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city any more; and that if they kept within it themselves, they should not be any more conquered. For God had blinded their minds for the transgressions they had been guilty of, nor could they see how much greater forces the Romans had than those that were now expelled, no more than they could discern how a famine was creeping upon them; for hitherto they had fed themselves out of the public miseries, and drank the blood of the city. But now poverty had for a long time seized upon the better part, and a great many had died already for want of necessaries; although the seditious indeed supposed the destruction of the people to be an easement to themselves; for they desired that none others might be preserved but such as were against a peace with the Romans, and were resolved to live in opposition to them, and they were pleased when the multitude of those of a contrary opinion were consumed, as being then freed from a heavy burden. And this was their disposition of mind with regard to those that were within the city, while they covered themselves with their armor, and prevented the Romans, when they were trying to get into the city again, and made a wall of their own bodies over against that part of the wall that was cast down. Thus did they valiantly defend themselves for three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the vehement assaults of Titus but were compelled by force to fly whither they had fled before; so he quietly possessed himself again of that wall, and demolished it entirely. And when he had put a garrison into the towers that were on the south parts of the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Titus When The Jews Were Not At All Mollified By His Leaving Off The Siege For A While, Set Himself Again To Prosecute The Same; But Soon Sent Josephus To Discourse With His Own Countrymen About Peace.</i><br><br>1. A Resolution was now taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to afford the seditious an interval for consideration, and to see whether the demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant, or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of this relaxation in order to compass his own designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must distribute subsistence money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the army into battle-array, in the face of the enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers their pay. So the soldiers, according to custom, opened the cases wherein their arms before lay covered, and marched with their breastplates on, as did the horsemen lead their horses in their fine trappings. Then did the places that were before the city shine very splendidly for a great way; nor was there any thing so grateful to Titus's own men, or so terrible to the enemy, as that sight. For the whole old wall, and the north side of the temple, were full of spectators, and one might see the houses full of such as looked at them; nor was there any part of the city which was not covered over with their multitudes; nay, a very great consternation seized upon the hardiest of the Jews themselves, when they saw all the army in the same place, together with the fineness of their arms, and the good order of their men. And I cannot but think that the seditious would have changed their minds at that sight, unless the crimes they had committed against the people had been so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness from the Romans; but as they believed death with torments must be their punishment, if they did not go on in the defense of the city, they thought it much better to die in war. Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the innocent were to perish with the guilty, and the city was to be destroyed with the seditious that were in it.",
+                    "2. Thus did the Romans spend four days in bringing this subsistence-money to the several legions. But on the fifth day, when no signs of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and at John's monument. Now his designs were to take the upper city at that monument, and the temple at the tower of Antonia; for if the temple were not taken, it would be dangerous to keep the city itself; so at each of these parts he raised him banks, each legion raising one. As for those that wrought at John's monument, the Idumeans, and those that were in arms with Simon, made sallies upon them, and put some stop to them; while John's party, and the multitude of zealots with them, did the like to those that were before the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now too hard for the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they stood upon the higher ground, but because they had now learned to use their own engines; for their continual use of them one day after another did by degrees improve their skill about them; for of one sort of engines for darts they had three hundred, and forty for stones; by the means of which they made it more tedious for the Romans to raise their banks. But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance; so he mixed good counsel with his works for the siege. And being sensible that exhortations are frequently more effectual than arms, he persuaded them to surrender the city, now in a manner already taken, and thereby to save themselves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language; for he imagined they might yield to the persuasion of a countryman of their own.",
+                    "3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to stiffer those to have the dominion who are too hard for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save any of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them.",
+                    "4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, and cried out aloud, \"O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God's assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus supposes, in this his admirable speech to the Jews, that not Abraham only, but Pharaoh king of Egypt, prayed towards a temple at Jerusalem, or towards Jerusalem itself, in which were Mount Sion and Mount Moriah, on which the tabernacle and temple did afterwards stand; and this long before either the Jewish tabernacle or temple were built. Nor is the famous command given by God to Abraham, to go two or three days' journey, on purpose to offer up his son Isaac there, unfavorable to such a notion.</i> which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening? - while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Note here, that Josephus, in this his same admirable speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even the Philistines, on the most south part of Syria, Assyrians; which Reland observes as what was common among the ancient writers. Note also, that Josephus might well put the Jews in mind, as he does here more than once, of their wonderful and truly miraculous deliverance from Sennacherib, king of Assyria, while the Roman army, and himself with them, were now encamped upon and beyond that very spot of ground where the Assyrian army lay seven hundred and eighty years before, and which retained the very name of the Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. See chap. 7. sect. 3, and chap. 12. sect. 2.</i> when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred ears together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God! Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? as did their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; but for you, (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves,) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people's offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarrelling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve our holy laws inviolate to you. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to this city; although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This drying up of the Jerusalem fountain of Siloam when the Jews wanted it, and its flowing abundantly when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these both in the days of Zedekiah and of Titus, (and this last as a certain event well known by the Jews at that time, as Josephus here tells them openly to their faces,) are very remarkable instances of a Divine Providence for the punishment of the Jewish nation, when they were grown very wicked, at both those times of the destruction of Jerusalem.</i> since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. Now even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? Now what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How A Great Many Of The People Earnestly Endeavored To Desert To The Romans; As Also What Intolerable Things Those That Staid Behind Suffered By Famine, And The Sad Consequences Thereof.</i><br><br>1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a loud voice, the seditious would neither yield to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for them to alter their conduct; but as for the people, they had a great inclination to desert to the Romans; accordingly, some of them sold what they had, and even the most precious things that had been laid up as treasures by them, for every small matter, and swallowed down pieces of gold, that they might not be found out by the robbers; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewithal to provide plentifully for themselves; for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country, whither they pleased. And the main reasons why they were so ready to desert were these: That now they should be freed from those miseries which they had endured in that city, and yet should not be in slavery to the Romans: however, John and Simon, with their factions, did more carefully watch these men's going out than they did the coming in of the Romans; and if any one did but afford the least shadow of suspicion of such an intention, his throat was cut immediately.",
+                    "2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city, or attempted to get out of it; for they were equally destroyed in both cases; for every such person was put to death under this pretense, that they were going to desert, but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more; for there was no corn which any where appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men's private houses; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any; and if they found none, they tormented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it. The indication they made use of whether they had any or not was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in good case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, they walked off without searching any further; nor did they think it proper to kill such as these, because they saw they would very soon die of themselves for want of food. Many there were indeed who sold what they had for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; some did it without grinding it, by reason of the extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as necessity and fear dictated to them: a table was no where laid for a distinct meal, but they snatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked, and ate it very hastily.",
+                    "3. It was now a miserable case, and a sight that would justly bring tears into our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting [for want of it.] But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised; insomuch that children pulled the very morsels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was still more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their infants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under their hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives: and while they ate after this manner, yet were they not concealed in so doing; but the seditious every where came upon them immediately, and snatched away from them what they had gotten from others; for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force: the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten; and if the women hid what they had within their hands, their hair was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to the infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor. But still they were more barbarously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right. They also invented terrible methods of torments to discover where any food was, and they were these to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments; and a man was forced to bear what it is terrible even to hear, in order to make him confess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley-meal that was concealed; and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as making preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days. These men went also to meet those that had crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to gather some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought with them, even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they had brought; though these would not give them the least crumb, and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time.",
+                    "4. These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these tyrants' guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were carried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treacherous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm that they were resolved to desert to the enemy. And he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by Jotre, Simon got what remained; insomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the dead bodies of the poor creatures between them; so that although, on account of their ambition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he got by the miseries of others to the other tyrant seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communicated to him grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity.",
+                    "5. It is therefore impossible to go distinctly over every instance of these men's iniquity. I shall therefore speak my mind here at once briefly: - That neither did any other city ever suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever breed a generation more fruitful in wickedness than this was, from the beginning of the world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, while they overthrew the city themselves, and forced the Romans, whether they would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation, by acting gloriously against them, and did almost draw that fire upon the temple, which they seemed to think came too slowly; and indeed when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they were neither troubled at it, nor did they shed any tears on that account, while yet these passions were discovered among the Romans themselves; which circumstances we shall speak of hereafter in their proper place, when we come to treat of such matters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Jews Were Crucified Before The Walls Of The City Concerning Antiochus Epiphanes; And How The Jews Overthrew The Banks That Had Been Raised By The Romans,</i><br><br>1. So now Titus's banks were advanced a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had been very much distressed from the wall. He then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered they should lay ambushes for those that went out into the valleys to gather food. Some of these were indeed fighting men, who were not contented with what they got by rapine; but the greater part of them were poor people, who were deterred from deserting by the concern they were under for their own relations; for they could not hope to escape away, together with their wives and children, without the knowledge of the seditious; nor could they think of leaving these relations to be slain by the robbers on their account; nay, the severity of the famine made them bold in thus going out; so nothing remained but that, when they were concealed from the robbers, they should be taken by the enemy; and when they were going to be taken, they were forced to defend themselves for fear of being punished; as after they had fought, they thought it too late to make any supplications for mercy; so they were first whipped, and then tormented with all sorts of tortures, before they died, and were then crucified before the wall of the city. This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as great deal them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers, out of the wrath and hatred they bore the Jews, nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crosses, by way of jest, when their multitude was so great, that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland very properly takes notice here, how justly this judgment came upon the Jews, when they were crucified in such multitudes together, that the Romans wanted room for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies of these Jews, since they had brought this judgment on themselves by the crucifixion of their Messiah.</i>",
+                    "2. But so far were the seditious from repenting at this sad sight, that, on the contrary, they made the rest of the multitude believe otherwise; for they brought the relations of those that had deserted upon the wall, with such of the populace as were very eager to go over upon the security offered them, and showed them what miseries those underwent who fled to the Romans; and told them that those who were caught were supplicants to them, and not such as were taken prisoners. This sight kept many of those within the city who were so eager to desert, till the truth was known; yet did some of them run away immediately as unto certain punishment, esteeming death from their enemies to be a quiet departure, if compared with that by famine. So Titus commanded that the hands of many of those that were caught should be cut off, that they might not be thought deserters, and might be credited on account of the calamity they were under, and sent them in to John and Simon, with this exhortation, that they would now at length leave off [their madness], and not force him to destroy the city, whereby they would have those advantages of repentance, even in their utmost distress, that they would preserve their own lives, and so find a city of their own, and that temple which was their peculiar. He then went round about the banks that were cast up, and hastened them, in order to show that his words should in no long time be followed by his deeds. In answer to which the seditious cast reproaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out, with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this. That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore laugh at all his threatenings, which would come to nothing, because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamor.",
+                    "3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; for it had so happened, that the king of Commagene had flourished more than any other kings that were under the power of the Romans, till a change happened in his condition; and when he was become an old man, he declared plainly that we ought not to call any man happy before he is dead. But this son of his, who was then come thither before his father was decaying, said that he could not but wonder what made the Romans so tardy in making their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a warlike man, and naturally bold in exposing himself to dangers; he was also so strong a man, that his boldness seldom failed of having success. Upon this Titus smiled, and said he would share the pains of an attack with him. However, Antiochus went as he then was, and with his Macedonians made a sudden assault upon the wall; and, indeed, for his own part, his strength and skill were so great, that he guarded himself from the Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them, while yet the young men with him were almost all sorely galled; for they had so great a regard to the promises that had been made of their courage, that they would needs persevere in their fighting, and at length many of them retired, but not till they were wounded; and then they perceived that true Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, must have Alexander's good fortune also.",
+                    "4. Now as the Romans began to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] so had they much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after they had labored hard for seventeen days continually. For there were now four great banks raised, one of which was at the tower Antonia; this was raised by the fifth legion, over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the distance of about twenty cubits from the other. But the labors of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these, were on the north quarter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high priest's monument. And now, when the engines were brought, John had from within undermined the space that was over against the tower of Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and had supported the ground over the mine with beams laid across one another, whereby the Roman works stood upon an uncertain foundation. Then did he order such materials to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and bitumen, and set them on fire; and as the cross beams that supported the banks were burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden, and the banks were shaken down, and fell into the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now at the first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of the bank; but as the suffocated materials were now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake out; on which sudden appearance of the flame a consternation fell upon the Romans, and the shrewdness of the contrivance discouraged them; and indeed this accident coming upon them at a time when they thought they had already gained their point, cooled their hopes for the time to come. They also thought it would be to no purpose to take the pains to extinguish the fire, since if it were extinguished, the banks were swallowed up already [and become useless to them].",
+                    "5. Two days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the other banks; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began already to make the wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne's servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying \"a lame man,\" snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines. Nor were there during this war any men that ever sallied out of the city who were their superiors, either in their boldness, or in the terror they struck into their enemies. For they ran out upon the Romans, not as if they were enemies, but friends, without fear or delay; nor did they leave their enemies till they had rushed violently through the midst of them, and set their machines on fire. And though they had darts thrown at them on every side, and were on every side assaulted with their enemies' swords, yet did they not withdraw themselves out of the dangers they were in, till the fire had caught hold of the instruments; but when the flame went up, the Romans came running from their camp to save their engines. Then did the Jews hinder their succors from the wall, and fought with those that endeavored to quench the fire, without any regard to the danger their bodies were in. So the Romans pulled the engines out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered them were on fire; but the Jews caught hold of the battering rams through the flame itself, and held them fast, although the iron upon them was become red hot; and now the fire spread itself from the engines to the banks, and prevented those that came to defend them; and all this while the Romans were encompassed round about with the flame; and, despairing of saying their works from it, they retired to their camp. Then did the Jews become still more and more in number by the coming of those that were within the city to their assistance; and as they were very bold upon the good success they had had, their violent assaults were almost irresistible; nay, they proceeded as far as the fortifications of the enemies' camp, and fought with their guards. Now there stood a body of soldiers in array before that camp, which succeeded one another by turns in their armor; and as to those, the law of the Romans was terrible, that he who left his post there, let the occasion be whatsoever it might be, he was to die for it; so that body of soldiers, preferring rather to die in fighting courageously, than as a punishment for their cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity these men were in of standing to it, many of the others that had run away, out of shame, turned back again; and when they had set the engines against the wall, they put the multitude from coming more of them out of the city, [which they could the more easily do] because they had made no provision for preserving or guarding their bodies at this time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand with all that came in their way, and, without any caution, fell against the points of their enemies' spears, and attacked them bodies against bodies; for they were now too hard for the Romans, not so much by their other warlike actions, as by these courageous assaults they made upon them; and the Romans gave way more to their boldness than they did to the sense of the harm they had received from them.",
+                    "6. And now Titus was come from the tower of Antonia, whither he was gone to look out for a place for raising other banks, and reproached the soldiers greatly for permitting their own walls to be in danger, when they had taken the wails of their enemies, and sustained the fortune of men besieged, while the Jews were allowed to sally out against them, though they were already in a sort of prison. He then went round about the enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon their flank himself; so the Jews, who had been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled about to Titus, and continued the fight. The armies also were now mixed one among another, and the dust that was raised so far hindered them from seeing one another, and the noise that was made so far hindered them from hearing one another, that neither side could discern an enemy from a friend. However, the Jews did not flinch, though not so much from their real strength, as from their despair of deliverance. The Romans also would not yield, by reason of the regard they had to glory, and to their reputation in war, and because Caesar himself went into the danger before them; insomuch that I cannot but think the Romans would in the conclusion have now taken even the whole multitude of the Jews, so very angry were they at them, had these not prevented the upshot of the battle, and retired into the city. However, seeing the banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much east down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour's time. And many indeed despaired of taking the city with their usual engines of war only."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Titus Thought Fit To Encompass The City Round With A Wall; After Which The Famine Consumed The People By Whole Houses And Families Together.</i><br><br>1. And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall; for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they would not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts. But of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying provisions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fighting with them; for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desirous to die by the sword, while a more terrible misery than that is reserved for them. However, Titus did not think it fit for so great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet it was in vain to fight with those that would be destroyed one by another; he also showed them how impracticable it was to cast up any more banks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews coming out still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the difficulty of the situation, and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might make out of the city. For although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed. He also owned that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his success; for though it be true that length of time will perfect every thing, yet that to do what we do in a little time is still necessary to the gaining reputation. That therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall round about the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had further weakened them; for that besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at rest afterward, but would take care then to have banks raised again, when those that would oppose them were become weaker. But that if any one should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not fit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing whatsoever.",
+                    "2. These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, so that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only one legion strive with another, but the lesser divisions of the army did the same; insomuch that each soldier was ambitious to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Caesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those commanders; for he went round about the works many times every day, and took a view of what was done. Titus began the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched, and drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it went along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives; it then bent towards the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next it, and is over the valley which reaches to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain, beyond which it went up again at the monument of Ananus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp, it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called \"The House of the Erebinthi;\" after which it encompassed Herod's monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus's own camp, where it began. Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together, amounted to ten furlongs; the whole was completed in three days; so that what would naturally have required some months was done in so short an interval as is incredible. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, be went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the night time, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons.",
+                    "3. So all hope of escaping was now cut off from the Jews, together with their liberty of going out of the city. Then did the famine widen its progress, and devoured the people by whole houses and families; the upper rooms were full of women and children that were dying by famine, and the lanes of the city were full of the dead bodies of the aged; the children also and the young men wandered about the market-places like shadows, all swelled with the famine, and fell down dead, wheresoever their misery seized them. As for burying them, those that were sick themselves were not able to do it; and those that were hearty and well were deterred from doing it by the great multitude of those dead bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how soon they should die themselves; for many died as they were burying others, and many went to their coffins before that fatal hour was come. Nor was there any lamentations made under these calamities, nor were heard any mournful complaints; but the famine confounded all natural passions; for those who were just going to die looked upon those that were gone to rest before them with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence also, and a kind of deadly night, had seized upon the city; while yet the robbers were still more terrible than these miseries were themselves; for they brake open those houses which were no other than graves of dead bodies, and plundered them of what they had; and carrying off the coverings of their bodies, went out laughing, and tried the points of their swords in their dead bodies; and, in order to prove what metal they were made of they thrust some of those through that still lay alive upon the ground; but for those that entreated them to lend them their right hand and their sword to despatch them, they were too proud to grant their requests, and left them to be consumed by the famine. Now every one of these died with their eyes fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious alive behind them. Now the seditious at first gave orders that the dead should be buried out of the public treasury, as not enduring the stench of their dead bodies. But afterwards, when they could not do that, they had them cast down from the walls into the valleys beneath.",
+                    "4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing; and such was the sad case of the city itself. But the Romans were very joyful, since none of the seditious could now make sallies out of the city, because they were themselves disconsolate, and the famine already touched them also. These Romans besides had great plenty of corn and other necessaries out of Syria, and out of the neighboring provinces; many of whom would stand near to the wall of the city, and show the people what great quantities of provisions they had, and so make the enemy more sensible of their famine, by the great plenty, even to satiety, which they had themselves. However, when the seditious still showed no inclinations of yielding, Titus, out of his commiseration of the people that remained, and out of his earnest desire of rescuing what was still left out of these miseries, began to raise his banks again, although materials for them were hard to he come at; for all the trees that were about the city had been already cut down for the making of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers bring with them other materials from the distance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised banks in four parts, much greater than the former, though this was done only at the tower of Antonia. So Caesar went his rounds through the legions, and hastened on the works, and showed the robbers that they were now in his hands. But these men, and these only, were incapable of repenting of the wickednesses they had been guilty of; and separating their souls from their bodies, they used them both as if they belonged to other folks, and not to themselves. For no gentle affection could touch their souls, nor could any pain affect their bodies, since they could still tear the dead bodies of the people as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those that were sick."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Great Slaughters And Sacrilege That Were In Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them; he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots, among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected any thing that was evil from him. But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only; so he had him then brought before him, and condemned to die for being on the side of the Romans, without giving him leave to make his defense. He condemned also his three sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he prevented him by running away to Titus before. And when he begged for this, that he might be slain before his sons, and that as a favor, on account that he had procured the gates of the city to be opened to him, he gave order that he should be slain the last of them all; so he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Artanus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most barbarous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over would send him any succors or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Ananias, the son of Masambalus, a person of eminency, as also Aristens, the scribe of the sanhedrim, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. They also kept Josephus's father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, for fear he should betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any further examination.",
+                    "2. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who was one of Simon's under officers, and a person intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw this procedure of Simon, he called together ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him, (perhaps this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death, but principally in order to provide for his own safety,) and spoke thus to them: \"How long shall we bear these miseries? or what hopes have we of deliverance by thus continuing faithful to such wicked wretches? Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? and is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliverance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on.\" Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under him, some one way, and some another, that no discovery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly, he called to the Romans from the tower about the third hour; but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, though the greatest number delayed the matter, as believing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard. But when Titus was just coming thither with his armed men, Simon was acquainted with the matter before he came, and presently took the tower into his own custody, before it was surrendered, and seized upon these men, and put them to death in the sight of the Romans themselves; and when he had mangled their dead bodies, he threw them down before the wall of the city.",
+                    "3. In the mean time, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans. But when Josephus's mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would be slain,] and she should never enjoy him alive any more. She also made great lamentation privately to the maid-servants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them. This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious.",
+                    "4. Hereupon some of the deserters, having no other way, leaped down from the wall immediately, while others of them went out of the city with stones, as if they would fight them; but thereupon they fled away to the Romans. But here a worse fate accompanied these than what they had found within the city; and they met with a quicker despatch from the too great abundance they had among the Romans, than they could have done from the famine among the Jews; for when they came first to the Romans, they were puffed up by the famine, and swelled like men in a dropsy; after which they all on the sudden overfilled those bodies that were before empty, and so burst asunder, excepting such only as were skillful enough to restrain their appetites, and by degrees took in their food into bodies unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another plague seize upon those that were thus preserved; for there was found among the Syrian deserters a certain person who was caught gathering pieces of gold out of the excrements of the Jews' bellies; for the deserters used to swallow such pieces of gold, as we told you before, when they came out, and for these did the seditious search them all; for there was a great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch that as much was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold before for twenty-five. But when this contrivance was discovered in one instance, the fame of it filled their several camps, that the deserters came to them full of gold. So the multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians, cut up those that came as supplicants, and searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to me that any misery befell the Jews that was more terrible than this, since in one night's time about two thousand of these deserters were thus dissected.",
+                    "5. When Titus came to the knowledge of this wicked practice, he had like to have surrounded those that had been guilty of it with his horse, and have shot them dead; and he had done it, had not their number been so very great, and those that were liable to this punishment would have been manifold more than those whom they had slain. However, he called together the commanders of the auxiliary troops he had with him, as well as the commanders of the Roman legions, (for some of his own soldiers had been also guilty herein, as he had been informed,) and had great indignation against both sorts of them, and said to them, \"What! have any of my own soldiers done such things as this out of the uncertain hope of gain, without regarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold? Moreover, do the Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to govern themselves as they please, and to indulge their appetites in a foreign war, and then, out of their barbarity in murdering men, and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it ascribed to the Romans?\" for this infamous practice was said to be spread among some of his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened that he would put such men to death, if any of them were discovered to be so insolent as to do so again; moreover, he gave it in charge to the legions, that they should make a search after such as were suspected, and should bring them to him. But it appeared that the love of money was too hard for all their dread of punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is natural to men, and no passion is so venturesome as covetousness; otherwise such passions have certain bounds, and are subordinate to fear. But in reality it was God who condemned the whole nation, and turned every course that was taken for their preservation to their destruction. This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Roman spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels; which money was still found in a few of them, while yet a great many were destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus getting by them, which miserable treatment made many that were deserting to return back again into the city.",
+                    "6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouring vessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife; for the Roman emperors did ever both honor and adorn this temple; whereas this man, who was a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of foreigners, and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use Divine things, while they were fighting for the Divinity, without fear, and that such whose warfare is for the temple should live of the temple; on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them. And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, that the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus, both here and before, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4, esteems the land of Sodom, not as part of the lake Asphaltiris, or under its waters, but near it only, as Tacitus also took the same notion from him, Hist. V. ch. 6. 7, which the great Reland takes to be the very truth, both in his note on this place, and in his Palestina, tom. I. p. 254-258; though I rather suppose part of that region of Pentapolis to be now under the waters of the south part of that sea, but perhaps not the whole country.</i> perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed.",
+                    "7. And, indeed, why do I relate these particular calamities? while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through that one gate, which was intrusted to his care, no fewer than a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthieus, [Nisan,] when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a prodigious multitude; and though this man was not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet was he appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying these bodies out, and so was obliged of necessity to number them, while the rest were buried by their relations; though all their burial was but this, to bring them away, and cast them out of the city. After this man there ran away to Titus many of the eminent citizens, and told him the entire number of the poor that were dead, and that no fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown out at the gates, though still the number of the rest could not be discovered; and they told him further, that when they were no longer able to carry out the dead bodies of the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in very large houses, and shut them up therein; as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold for a talent; and that when, a while afterward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by reason the city was all walled about, some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common sewers and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see they now used for food. When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but suffered the same distress to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by that fate which was already coming upon the city, and upon themselves also."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>That the Miseries Still Grew Worse; and how the Romans Made an Assault upon the Tower of Antonia.</i><br><br>1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem grow worse and worse every day, and the seditious were still more irritated by the calamities they were under, even while the famine preyed upon themselves, after it had preyed upon the people. And indeed the multitude of carcasses that lay in heaps one upon another was a horrible sight, and produced a pestilential stench, which was a hinderance to those that would make sallies out of the city, and fight the enemy: but as those were to go in battle-array, who had been already used to ten thousand murders, and must tread upon those dead bodies as they marched along, so were not they terrified, nor did they pity men as they marched over them; nor did they deem this affront offered to the deceased to be any ill omen to themselves; but as they had their right hands already polluted with the murders of their own countrymen, and in that condition ran out to fight with foreigners, they seem to me to have cast a reproach upon God himself, as if he were too slow in punishing them; for the war was not now gone on with as if they had any hope of victory; for they gloried after a brutish manner in that despair of deliverance they were already in. And now the Romans, although they were greatly distressed in getting together their materials, raised their banks in one and twenty days, after they had cut down all the trees that were in the country that adjoined to the city, and that for ninety furlongs round about, as I have already related. And truly the very view itself of the country was a melancholy thing; for those places which were before adorned with trees and pleasant gardens were now become a desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down: nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change: for the war had laid all the signs of beauty quite waste: nor if any one that had known the place before, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again; but though he were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it notwithstanding.",
+                    "2. And now the banks were finished, they afforded a foundation for fear both to the Romans and to the Jews; for the Jews expected that the city would be taken, unless they could burn those banks, as did the Romans expect that, if these were once burnt down, they should never be able to take it; for there was a mighty scarcity of materials, and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail with such hard labors, as did their souls faint with so many instances of ill success; nay, the very calamities themselves that were in the city proved a greater discouragement to the Romans than those within the city; for they found the fighting men of the Jews to be not at all mollified among such their sore afflictions, while they had themselves perpetually less and less hopes of success, and their banks were forced to yield to the stratagems of the enemy, their engines to the firmness of their wall, and their closest fights to the boldness of their attack; and, what was their greatest discouragement of all, they found the Jews' courageous souls to be superior to the multitude of the miseries they were under, by their sedition, their famine, and the war itself; insomuch that they were ready to imagine that the violence of their attacks was invincible, and that the alacrity they showed would not be discouraged by their calamities; for what would not those be able to bear if they should be fortunate, who turned their very misfortunes to the improvement of their valor! These considerations made the Romans to keep a stronger guard about their banks than they formerly had done.",
+                    "3. But now John and his party took care for securing themselves afterward, even in case this wall should be thrown down, and fell to their work before the battering rams were brought against them. Yet did they not compass what they endeavored to do, but as they were gone out with their torches, they came back under great discouragement before they came near to the banks; and the reasons were these: that, in the first place, their conduct did not seem to be unanimous, but they went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner, and timorously, and, to say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it; but they now went out in a more languid manner than usual, and at the same time found the Romans set in array, and more courageous than ordinary, and that they guarded their banks both with their bodies and their entire armor, and this to such a degree on all sides, that they left no room for the fire to get among them, and that every one of their souls was in such good courage, that they would sooner die than desert their ranks; for besides their notion that all their hopes were cut off, in case these their works were once burnt, the soldiers were greatly ashamed that subtlety should quite be too hard for courage, madness for armor, multitude for skill, and Jews for Romans. The Romans had now also another advantage, in that their engines for sieges co-operated with them in throwing darts and stones as far as the Jews, when they were coming out of the city; whereby the man that fell became an impediment to him that was next to him, as did the danger of going farther make them less zealous in their attempts; and for those that had run under the darts, some of them were terrified by the good order and closeness of the enemies' ranks before they came to a close fight, and others were pricked with their spears, and turned back again; at length they reproached one another for their cowardice, and retired without doing any thing. This attack was made upon the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz.] So when the Jews were retreated, the Romans brought their engines, although they had all the while stones thrown at them from the tower of Antonia, and were assaulted by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts, which necessity afforded the Jews to make use of; for although these had great dependence on their own wall, and a contempt of the Roman engines, yet did they endeavor to hinder the Romans from bringing them. Now these Romans struggled hard, on the contrary, to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of the Jews was in order to avoid any impression to be made on the tower of Antonia, because its wall was but weak, and its foundations rotten. However, that tower did not yield to the blows given it from the engines; yet did the Romans bear the impressions made by the enemies' darts which were perpetually cast at them, and did not give way to any of those dangers that came upon them from above, and so they brought their engines to bear. But then, as they were beneath the other, and were sadly wounded by the stones thrown down upon them, some of them threw their shields over their bodies, and partly with their hands, and partly with their bodies, and partly with crows, they undermined its foundations, and with great pains they removed four of its stones. Then night came upon both sides, and put an end to this struggle for the present; however, that night the wall was so shaken by the battering rams in that place where John had used his stratagem before, and had undermined their banks, that the ground then gave way, and the wall fell down suddenly.",
+                    "4. When this accident had unexpectedly happened, the minds of both parties were variously affected; for though one would expect that the Jews would be discouraged, because this fall of their wall was unexpected by them, and they had made no provision in that case, yet did they pull up their courage, because the tower of Antonia itself was still standing; as was the unexpected joy of the Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched by the sight they had of another wall, which John and his party had built within it. However, the attack of this second wall appeared to be easier than that of the former, because it seemed a thing of greater facility to get up to it through the parts of the former wall that were now thrown down. This new wall appeared also to be much weaker than the tower of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans imagined that it had been erected so much on the sudden, that they should soon overthrow it: yet did not any body venture now to go up to this wall; for that such as first ventured so to do must certainly be killed.",
+                    "5. And now Titus, upon consideration that the alacrity of soldiers in war is chiefly excited by hopes and by good words, and that exhortations and promises do frequently make men to forget the hazards they run, nay, sometimes to despise death itself, got together the most courageous part of his army, and tried what he could do with his men by these methods. \"O fellow soldiers,\" said he, \"to make an exhortation to men to do what hath no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious to such to whom that exhortation is made; and indeed so it is in him that makes the exhortation, an argument of his own cowardice also. I therefore think that such exhortations ought then only to be made use of when affairs are in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy of being attempted by every one themselves; accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion with you, that it is a difficult task to go up this wall; but that it is proper for those that desire reputation for their valor to struggle with difficulties in such cases will then appear, when I have particularly shown that it is a brave thing to die with glory, and that the courage here necessary shall not go unrewarded in those that first begin the attempt. And let my first argument to move you to it be taken from what probably some would think reasonable to dissuade you, I mean the constancy and patience of these Jews, even under their ill successes; for it is unbecoming you, who are Romans and my soldiers, who have in peace been taught how to make wars, and who have also been used to conquer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews, either in action of the hand, or in courage of the soul, and this especially when you are at the conclusion of your victory, and are assisted by God himself; for as to our misfortunes, they have been owing to the madness of the Jews, while their sufferings have been owing to your valor, and to the assistance God hath afforded you; for as to the seditions they have been in, and the famine they are under, and the siege they now endure, and the fall of their walls without our engines, what can they all be but demonstrations of God's anger against them, and of his assistance afforded us? It will not therefore be proper for you, either to show yourselves inferior to those to whom you are really superior, or to betray that Divine assistance which is afforded you. And, indeed, how can it be esteemed otherwise than a base and unworthy thing, that while the Jews, who need not be much ashamed if they be deserted, because they have long learned to be slaves to others, do yet despise death, that they may be so no longer; and do make sallies into the very midst of us frequently, no in hopes of conquering us, but merely for a demonstration of their courage; we, who have gotten possession of almost all the world that belongs to either land or sea, to whom it will be a great shame if we do not conquer them, do not once undertake any attempt against our enemies wherein there is much danger, but sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have, and only wait till the famine and fortune do our business themselves, and this when we have it in our power, with some small hazard, to gain all that we desire! For if we go up to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city; for if there should be any more occasion for fighting against those within the city, which I do not suppose there will, since we shall then be upon the top of the hill<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland notes here, very pertinently, that the tower of Antonia stood higher than the floor of the temple or court adjoining to it; and that accordingly they descended thence into the temple, as Josephus elsewhere speaks also. See Book VI. ch. 2. sect. 5.</i> and be upon our enemies before they can have taken breath, these advantages promise us no less than a certain and sudden victory. As for myself, I shall at present wave any commendation of those who die in war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In this speech of Titus we may clearly see the notions which the Romans then had of death, and of the happy state of those who died bravely in war, and the contrary estate of those who died ignobly in their beds by sickness. Reland here also produces two parallel passages, the one out of Atonia Janus Marcellinus, concerning the Alani, lib. 31, that \"they judged that man happy who laid down his life in battle ;\" the other of Valerius Maximus, lib. 11. ch. 6, who says, \"that the Cimbri and Celtiberi exulted for joy in the army, as being to go out of the world gloriously and happily.\"</i> and omit to speak of the immortality of those men who are slain in the midst of their martial bravery; yet cannot I forbear to imprecate upon those who are of a contrary disposition, that they may die in time of peace, by some distemper or other, since their souls are condemned to the grave, together with their bodies. For what man of virtue is there who does not know, that those souls which are severed from their fleshly bodies in battles by the sword are received by the ether, that purest of elements, and joined to that company which are placed among the stars; that they become good demons, and propitious heroes, and show themselves as such to their posterity afterwards? while upon those souls that wear away in and with their distempered bodies comes a subterranean night to dissolve them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take away all the remembrance of them, and this notwithstanding they be clean from all spots and defilements of this world; so that, in this ease, the soul at the same time comes to the utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and of its memorial also. But since he hath determined that death is to come of necessity upon all men, a sword is a better instrument for that purpose than any disease whatsoever. Why is it not then a very mean thing for us not to yield up that to the public benefit which we must yield up to fate? And this discourse have I made, upon the supposition that those who at first attempt to go upon this wall must needs be killed in the attempt, though still men of true courage have a chance to escape even in the most hazardous undertakings. For, in the first place, that part of the former wall that is thrown down is easily to be ascended; and for the new-built wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, therefore, many of you, pull up your courage, and set about this work, and do you mutually encourage and assist one another; and this your bravery will soon break the hearts of your enemies; and perhaps such a glorious undertaking as yours is may be accomplished without bloodshed. For although it be justly to be supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you at your first beginning to go up to them; yet when you have once concealed yourselves from them, and driven them away by force, they will not be able to sustain your efforts against them any longer, though but a few of you prevent them, and get over the wall. As for that person who first mounts the wall, I should blush for shame if I did not make him to be envied of others, by those rewards I would bestow upon him. If such a one escape with his life, he shall have the command of others that are now but his equals; although it be true also that the greatest rewards will accrue to such as die in the attempt.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the note on p. 809.</i>",
+                    "6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were afrighted at so great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; although any body would have thought, before he came to his work, that he was of such a weak constitution of body, that he was not fit to be a soldier; for his color was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay close together; but there was a certain heroic soul that dwelt in this small body, which body was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar courage which was in him. Accordingly he was the first that rose up, when he thus spake: \"I readily surrender up myself to thee, O Caesar; I first ascend the wall, and I heartily wish that my fortune may follow my courage and my resolution And if some ill fortune grudge me the success of my undertaking, take notice that my ill success will not be unexpected, but that I choose death voluntarily for thy sake.\" When he had said this, and had spread out his shield over his head with his left hand, and hill, with his right hand, drawn his sword, he marched up to the wall, just about the sixth hour of the day. There followed him eleven others, and no more, that resolved to imitate his bravery; but still this was the principal person of them all, and went first, as excited by a divine fury. Now those that guarded the wall shot at them from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon them from every side; they also rolled very large stones upon them, which overthrew some of those eleven that were with him. But as for Sabinus himself, he met the darts that were cast at him and though he was overwhelmed with them, yet did he not leave off the violence of his attack before he had gotten up on the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to flight. For as the Jews were astonished at his great strength, and the bravery of his soul, and as, withal, they imagined more of them had got upon the wall than really had, they were put to flight. And now one cannot but complain here of fortune, as still envious at virtue, and always hindering the performance of glorious achievements: this was the case of the man before us, when he had just obtained his purpose; for he then stumbled at a certain large stone, and fell down upon it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon which the Jews turned back, and when they saw him to be alone, and fallen down also, they threw darts at him from every side. However. be got upon his knee, and covered himself with his shield, and at the first defended himself against them, and wounded many of those that came near him; but he was soon forced to relax his right hand, by the multitude of the wounds that had been given him, till at length he was quite covered over with darts before he gave up the ghost. He was one who deserved a better fate, by reason of his bravery; but, as might be expected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed three of them to pieces with stones, and slew them as they were gotten up to the top of the wall; the other eight being wounded, were pulled down, and carried back to the camp. These things were done upon the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].",
+                    "7. Now two days afterward twelve of those men that were on the forefront, and kept watch upon the banks, got together, and called to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, and two others of a troop of horsemen, and one trumpeter; these went without noise, about the ninth hour of the night, through the ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they had cut the throats of the first guards of the place, as they were asleep, they got possession of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter to sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away, before any body could see how many they were that were gotten up; for, partly from the fear they were in, and partly from the sound of the trumpet which they heard, they imagined a great number of the enemy were gotten up. But as soon as Caesar heard the signal, he ordered the army to put on their armor immediately, and came thither with his commanders, and first of all ascended, as did the chosen men that were with him. And as the Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell into that mine which John had dug under the Roman banks. Then did the seditious of both the bodies of the Jewish army, as well that belonging to John as that belonging to Simon, drive them away; and indeed were no way wanting as to the highest degree of force and alacrity; for they esteemed themselves entirely ruined if once the Romans got into the temple, as did the Romans look upon the same thing as the beginning of their entire conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at the entrance of the temple, while the Romans were forcing their way, in order to get possession of that temple, and the Jews were driving them back to the tower of Antonia; in which battle the darts were on both sides useless, as well as the spears, and both sides drew their swords, and fought it out hand to hand. Now during this struggle the positions of the men were undistinguished on both sides, and they fought at random, the men being intermixed one with another, and confounded, by reason of the narrowness of the place; while the noise that was made fell on the ear after an indistinct manner, because it was so very loud. Great slaughter was now made on both sides, and the combatants trod upon the bodies and the armor of those that were dead, and dashed them to pieces. Accordingly, to which side soever the battle inclined, those that had the advantage exhorted one another to go on, as did those that were beaten make great lamentation. But still there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit, but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while the armies were intermixed one with another; but those that were in the first ranks were under the necessity of killing or being killed, without any way for escaping; for those on both sides that came behind forced those before them to go on, without leaving any space between the armies. At length the Jews' violent zeal was too hard for the Romans' skill, and the battle already inclined entirely that way; for the fight had lasted from the ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour of the day, While the Jews came on in crowds, and had the danger the temple was in for their motive; the Romans having no more here than a part of their army; for those legions, on which the soldiers on that side depended, were not come up to them. So it was at present thought sufficient by the Romans to take possession of the tower of Antonia.",
+                    "8. But there was one Julian, a centurion, that came from Eithynia, a man he was of great reputation, whom I had formerly seen in that war, and one of the highest fame, both for his skill in war, his strength of body, and the courage of his soul. This man, seeing the Romans giving ground, and ill a sad condition, (for he stood by Titus at the tower of Antonia,) leaped out, and of himself alone put the Jews to flight, when they were already conquerors, and made them retire as far as the corner of the inner court of the temple; from him the multitude fled away in crowds, as supposing that neither his strength nor his violent attacks could be those of a mere man. Accordingly, he rushed through the midst of the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad, and killed those that he caught. Nor, indeed, was there any sight that appeared more wonderful in the eyes of Caesar, or more terrible to others, than this. However, he was himself pursued by fate, which it all not possible that he, who was but a mortal man, should escape; for as he had shoes all full of thick and sharp nails<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">No wonder that this Julian, who had so many nails in his shoes, slipped upon the pavement of the temple, which was smooth, and laid with marble of different colors.</i> as had every one of the other soldiers, so when he ran on the pavement of the temple, he slipped, and fell down upon his back with a very great noise, which was made by his armor. This made those that were running away to turn back; whereupon those Romans that were in the tower of Antonia set up a great shout, as they were in fear for the man. But the Jews got about him in crowds, and struck at him with their spears and with their swords on all sides. Now he received a great many of the strokes of these iron weapons upon his shield, and often attempted to get up again, but was thrown down by those that struck at him; yet did he, as he lay along, stab many of them with his sword. Nor was he soon killed, as being covered with his helmet and his breastplate in all those parts of his body where he might be mortally wounded; he also pulled his neck close to his body, till all his other limbs were shattered, and nobody durst come to defend him, and then he yielded to his fate. Now Caesar was deeply affected on account of this man of so great fortitude, and especially as he was killed in the sight of so many people; he was desirous himself to come to his assistance, but the place would not give him leave, while such as could have done it were too much terrified to attempt it. Thus when Julian had struggled with death a great while, and had let but few of those that had given him his mortal wound go off unhurt, he had at last his throat cut, though not without some difficulty, and left behind him a very great fame, not only among the Romans, and with Caesar himself, but among his enemies also; then did the Jews catch up his dead body, and put the Romans to flight again, and shut them up in the tower of Antonia. Now those that most signalized themselves, and fought most zealously in this battle of the Jewish side, were one Alexas and Gyphtheus, of John's party, and of Simon's party were Malachias, and Judas the son of Merto, and James the son of Sosas, the commander of the Idumeans; and of the zealots, two brethren, Simon and Judas, the sons of Jairus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Gave Orders To Demolish The Tower Of Antonia And Then Persuaded Josephus To Exhort The Jews Again [To A Surrender].</i><br><br>1. And now Titus gave orders to his soldiers that were with him to dig up the foundations of the tower of Antonia, and make him a ready passage for his army to come up; while he himself had Josephus brought to him, (for he had been informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This was a remarkable day indeed, the seventeenth of Paneruns. [Tamuz,] A.D. 70, when, according to Daniel's prediction, six hundred and six years before, the Romans \"in half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease,\" Daniel 9:27. For from the month of February, A.D. 66, about which time Vespasian entered on this war, to this very time, was just three years and a half. See Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Marshall, on this year. Nor is it to be omitted, what year nearly confirms this duration of the war, that four years before the war begun was somewhat above seven years five months before the destruction of Jerusalem, ch. 5. sect. 3.</i>of Panemus, [Tamuz,] the sacrifice called \"the Daily Sacrifice\" had failed, and had not been offered to God, for want of men to offer it, and that the people were grievously troubled at it,) and commanded him to say the same things to John that he had said before, that if he had any malicious inclination for fighting, he might come out with as many of his men as he pleased, in order to fight, without the danger of destroying either his city or temple; but that he desired he would not defile the temple, nor thereby offend against God. That he might, if he pleased, offer the sacrifices which were now discontinuned by any of the Jews whom he should pitch upon. Upon this Josephus stood in such a place where he might be heard, not by John only, but by many more, and then declared to them what Caesar had given him in charge, and this in the Hebrew language.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The same that in the New Testament is always so called, and was then the common language of the Jews in Judea, which was the Syriac dialect.</i> So he earnestly prayed them to spare their own city, and to prevent that fire which was just ready to seize upon the temple, and to offer their usual sacrifices to God therein. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God's own city. In answer to which Josephus said thus with a loud voice: \"To be sure thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God's sake; the temple also continues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of ally impiety against him for whose assistance thou hopest! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices! Vile wretch that thou art! if any one should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an enemy to thee; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship; and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted! Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city? since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned; while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others. But still, John, it is never dishonorable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in Jechoniah,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Our present copies of the Old Testament want this encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which it seems was in Josephus's copy.</i> the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did of his own accord go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire; on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger, and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. And take notice that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will become thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence I am derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such slavery, as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast indignation at me again, and makest a clamor at me, and reproachest me; indeed I cannot deny but I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposition to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavor to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them, - and particularly that oracle which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city? For they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen. And are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and temple by means of the Romans, and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions.\"",
+                    "2. As Josephus spoke these words, with groans and tears in his eyes, his voice was intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans could not but pity the affliction he was under, and wonder at his conduct. But for John, and those that were with him, they were but the more exasperated against the Romans on this account, and were desirous to get Josephus also into their power: yet did that discourse influence a great many of the better sort; and truly some of them were so afraid of the guards set by the seditious, that they tarried where they were, but still were satisfied that both they and the city were doomed to destruction. Some also there were who, watching a proper opportunity when they might quietly get away, fled to the Romans, of whom were the high priests Joseph and Jesus, and of the sons of high priests three, whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also one son of the other Matthias, who ran away after his father's death,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus had before told us, B. V. ch. 13. sect. 1, that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to the Romans \"before\" his father's and brethren's slaughter, and not \"after\" it, as here. The former account is, in all probability, the truest; for had not that fourth son escaped before the others were caught and put to death, he had been caught and put to death with them. This last account, therefore, looks like an instance of a small inadvertence of Josephus in the place before us.</i> and whose father was slain by Simon the son of Gioras, with three of his sons, as I have already related; many also of the other nobility went over to the Romans, together with the high priests. Now Caesar not only received these men very kindly in other respects, but, knowing they would not willingly live after the customs of other nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired them to remain there for the present, and told them, that when he was gotten clear of this war, he would restore each of them to their possessions again; so they cheerfully retired to that small city which was allotted them, without fear of any danger. But as they did not appear, the seditious gave out again that these deserters were slain by the Romans, which was done in order to deter the rest from running away, by fear of the like treatment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for a while, as did the like trick before; for the rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by fear of the like treatment.",
+                    "3. However, when Titus had recalled those men from Gophna, he gave orders that they should go round the wall, together with Josephus, and show themselves to the people; upon which a great many fled to the Romans. These men also got in a great number together, and stood before the Romans, and besought the seditious, with groans and tears in their eyes, in the first place to receive the Romans entirely into the city, and save that their own place of residence again; but that, if they would not agree to such a proposal, they would at least depart out of the temple, and save the holy house for their own use; for that the Romans would not venture to set the sanctuary on fire but under the most pressing necessity. Yet did the seditious still more and more contradict them; and while they cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these deserters, they also set their engines for throwing of darts, and javelins, and stones upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due distances from one another, insomuch that all the space round about within the temple might be compared to a burying-ground, so great was the number of the dead bodies therein; as might the holy house itself be compared to a citadel. Accordingly, these men rushed upon these holy places in their armor, that were otherwise unapproachable, and that while their hands were yet warm with the blood of their own people which they had shed; nay, they proceeded to such great transgressions, that the very same indignation which Jews would naturally have against Romans, had they been guilty of such abuses against them, the Romans now had against Jews, for their impiety in regard to their own religious customs. Nay, indeed, there were none of the Roman soldiers who did not look with a sacred horror upon the holy house, and adored it, and wished that the robbers would repent before their miseries became incurable.",
+                    "4. Now Titus was deeply affected with this state of things, and reproached John and his party, and said to them, \"Have not you, vile wretches that you are, by our permission, put up this partition-wall before your sanctuary? Have not you been allowed to put up the pillars thereto belonging, at due distances, and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner should go beyond that wall.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this partition-wall separating Jews and Gentiles, with its pillars and inscription, see the description of the temples, ch. 15.</i> Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood of both foreigners and Jews themselves? I appeal to the gods of my own country, and to every god that ever had any regard to this place; (for I do not suppose it to be now regarded by any of them;) I also appeal to my own army, and to those Jews that are now with me, and even to yourselves, that I do not force you to defile this your sanctuary; and if you will but change the place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall either come near your sanctuary, or offer any affront to it; nay, I will endeavor to preserve you your holy house, whether you will or not.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That these seditious Jews were the direct occasions of their own destruction, and of the conflagration of their city and temple, and that Titus earnestly and constantly labored to save both, is here and every where most evident in Josephus.</i>",
+                    "5. As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus's fear, and not from his good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it. But when Titus saw that these men were neither to be moved by commiseration towards themselves, nor had any concern upon them to have the holy house spared, he proceeded unwillingly to go on again with the war against them. He could not indeed bring all his army against them, the place was so narrow; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most valiant out of every hundred, and committing a thousand to each tribune, and making Cerealis their commander-in-chief, he gave orders that they should attack the guards of the temple about the ninth hour of that night. But as he was now in his armor, and preparing to go down with them, his friends would not let him go, by reason of the greatness of the danger, and what the commanders suggested to them; for they said that he would do more by sitting above in the tower of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight, than by coming down and hazarding his own person in the forefront of them; for that they would all fight stoutly while Caesar looked upon them. With this advice Caesar complied, and said that the only reason he had for such compliance with the soldiers was this, that he might be able to judge of their courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier might lie concealed, and miss of his reward, and no cowardly soldier might go unpunished; but that he might himself be an eye-witness, and able to give evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and rewards to them. So he sent the soldiers about their work at the hour forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place in the tower of Antonia, whence he might see what was done, and there waited with impatience to see the event.",
+                    "6. However, the soldiers that were sent did not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they hoped to have done; but were obliged to fight with them immediately hand to hand, as they rushed with violence upon them with a great shout. Now as soon as the rest within the temple heard that shout of those that were upon the watch, they ran out in troops upon them. Then did the Romans receive the onset of those that came first upon them; but those that followed them fell upon their own troops, and many of them treated their own soldiers as if they had been enemies; for the great confused noise that was made on both sides hindered them from distinguishing one another's voices, as did the darkness of the night hinder them from the like distinction by the sight, besides that blindness which arose otherwise also from the passion and the fear they were in at the same time; for which reason it was all one to the soldiers who it was they struck at. However, this ignorance did less harm to the Romans than to the Jews, because they were joined together under their shields, and made their sallies more regularly than the others did, and each of them remembered their watch-word; while the Jews were perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their attacks and retreats at random, and so did frequently seem to one another to be enemies; for every one of them received those of their own men that came back in the dark as Romans, and made an assault upon them; so that more of them were wounded by their own men than by the enemy, till, upon the coming on of the day, the nature of the right was discerned by the eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle-array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts regularly, and regularly defended themselves; nor did either side yield or grow weary. The Romans contended with each other who should fight the most strenuously, both single men and entire regiments, as being under the eye of Titus; and every one concluded that this day would begin his promotion if he fought bravely. What were the great encouragements of the Jews to act vigorously were, their fear for themselves and for the temple, and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted some, and beat and threatened others, to act courageously. Now, it so happened, that this fight was for the most part a stationary one, wherein the soldiers went on and came back in a short time, and suddenly; for there was no long space of ground for either of their flights or pursuits. But still there was a tumultuous noise among the Romans from the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out upon all occasions to their own men to press on courageously, when they were too hard for the Jews, and to stay when they were retiring backward; so that here was a kind of theater of war; for what was done in this fight could not be concealed either from Titus, or from those that were about him. At length it appeared that this fight, which began at the ninth hour of the night, was not over till past the fifth hour of the day; and that, in the same place where the battle began, neither party could say they had made the other to retire; but both the armies left the victory almost in uncertainty between them; wherein those that signalized themselves on the Roman side were a great many, but on the Jewish side, and of those that were with Simon, Judas the son of Merto, and Simon the son of Josas; of the Idumeans, James and Simon, the latter of whom was the son of Cathlas, and James was the son of Sosas; of those that were with John, Gyphtheus and Alexas; and of the zealots, Simon the son of Jairus.",
+                    "7. In the mean time, the rest of the Roman army had, in seven days' time, overthrown [some] foundations of the tower of Antonia, and had made a ready and broad way to the temple. Then did the legions come near the first court,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Court of the Gentiles.</i> and began to raise their banks. The one bank was over against the north-west corner of the inner temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Court of Israel.</i> another was at that northern edifice which was between the two gates; and of the other two, one was at the western cloister of the outer court of the temple; the other against its northern cloister. However, these works were thus far advanced by the Romans, not without great pains and difficulty, and particularly by being obliged to bring their materials from the distance of a hundred furlongs. They had further difficulties also upon them; sometimes by their over-great security they were in that they should overcome the Jewish snares laid for them, and by that boldness of the Jews which their despair of escaping had inspired them withal; for some of their horsemen, when they went out to gather wood or hay, let their horses feed without having their bridles on during the time of foraging; upon which horses the Jews sallied out in whole bodies, and seized them. And when this was continually done, and Caesar believed what the truth was, that the horses were stolen more by the negligence of his own men than by the valor of the Jews, he determined to use greater severity to oblige the rest to take care of their horses; so he commanded that one of those soldiers who had lost their horses should be capitally punished; whereby he so terrified the rest, that they preserved their horses for the time to come; for they did not any longer let them go from them to feed by themselves, but, as if they had grown to them, they went always along with them when they wanted necessaries. Thus did the Romans still continue to make war against the temple, and to raise their banks against it.",
+                    "8. Now after one day had been interposed since the Romans ascended the breach, many of the seditious were so pressed by the famine, upon the present failure of their ravages, that they got together, and made an attack on those Roman guards that were upon the Mount of Olives, and this about the eleventh hour of the day, as supposing, first, that they would not expect such an onset, and, in the next place, that they were then taking care of their bodies, and that therefore they should easily beat them. But the Romans were apprized of their coming to attack them beforehand, and, running together from the neighboring camps on the sudden, prevented them from getting over their fortification, or forcing the wall that was built about them. Upon this came on a sharp fight, and here many great actions were performed on both sides; while the Romans showed both their courage and their skill in war, as did the Jews come on them with immoderate violence and intolerable passion. The one part were urged on by shame, and the other by necessity; for it seemed a very shameful thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now they were taken in a kind of net; while the Jews had but one hope of saving themselves, and that was in case they could by violence break through the Roman wall; and one whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a party of horsemen, when the Jews were already beaten and forced down into the valley together, spurred his horse on their flank with great vehemence, and caught up a certain young man belonging to the enemy by his ankle, as he was running away; the man was, however, of a robust body, and in his armor; so low did Pedanius bend himself downward from his horse, even as he was galloping away, and so great was the strength of his right hand, and of the rest of his body, as also such skill had he in horsemanship. So this man seized upon that his prey, as upon a precious treasure, and carried him as his captive to Caesar; whereupon Titus admired the man that had seized the other for his great strength, and ordered the man that was caught to be punished [with death] for his attempt against the Roman wall, but betook himself to the siege of the temple, and to pressing on the raising of the banks.",
+                    "9. In the mean time, the Jews were so distressed by the fights they had been in, as the war advanced higher and higher, and creeping up to the holy house itself, that they, as it were, cut off those limbs of their body which were infected, in order to prevent the distemper's spreading further; for they set the north-west cloister, which was joined to the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister, and thereby made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month, [Panemus or Tamuz,] the Romans set fire to the cloister that joined to the other, when the fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews, in like manner, cut off its roof; nor did they entirely leave off what they were about till the tower of Antonia was parted from the temple, even when it was in their power to have stopped the fire; nay, they lay still while the temple was first set on fire, and deemed this spreading of the fire to be for their own advantage. However, the armies were still fighting one against another about the temple, and the war was managed by continual sallies of particular parties against one another.",
+                    "10. Now there was at this time a man among the Jews, low of stature he was, and of a despicable appearance; of no character either as to his family, or in other respects: his flame was Jonathan. He went out at the high priest John's monument, and uttered many other insolent things to the Romans, a challenged the best of them all to a single combat.But many of those that stood there in the army huffed him, and many of them (as they might well be) were afraid of him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and that justly enough: that it was not fit to fight with a man that desired to die, because those that utterly despaired of deliverance had, besides other passions, a violence in attacking men that could not be opposed, and had no regard to God himself; and that to hazard oneself with a person, whom, if you overcome, you do no great matter, and by whom it is hazardous that you may be taken prisoner, would be an instance, not of manly courage, but of unmanly rashness. So there being nobody that came out to accept the man's challenge, and the Jew cutting them with a great number of reproaches, as cowards, (for he was a very haughty man in himself, and a great despiser of the Romans,) one whose name was Pudens, of the body of horsemen, out of his abomination of the other's words, and of his impudence withal, and perhaps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on account of the other's lowness of stature, ran out to him, and was too hard for him in other respects, but was betrayed by his ill fortune; for he fell down, and as he was down, Jonathan came running to him, and cut his throat, and then, standing upon his dead body, he brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and shook his shield with his left hand, and made many acclamations to the Roman army, and exulted over the dead man, and jested upon the Romans; till at length one Priscus, a centurion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping and playing the fool with himself, and thereby pierced him through; upon which a shout was set up both by the Jews and the Romans, though on different accounts. So Jonathan grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and fell down upon the body of his adversary, as a plain instance how suddenly vengeance may come upon men that have success in war, without any just deserving the same."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning A Stratagem That Was Devised By The Jews, By Which They Burnt Many Of The Romans; With Another Description Of The Terrible Famine That Was In The City.</i><br><br>1. But now the seditious that were in the temple did every day openly endeavor to beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks, and on the twenty-seventh day of the forenamed month [Panemus or Tamuz] contrived such a stratagem as this: They filled that part of the western cloister<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of the court of the Gentiles.</i> which was between the beams, and the roof under them, with dry materials, as also with bitumen and pitch, and then retired from that place, as though they were tired with the pains they had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many of the most inconsiderate among the Romans, who were carried away with violent passions, followed hard after them as they were retiring, and applied ladders to the cloister, and got up to it suddenly; but the prudent part of them, when they understood this unaccountable retreat of the Jews, stood still where they were before. However, the cloister was full of those that were gone up the ladders; at which time the Jews set it all on fire; and as the flame burst out every where on the sudden, the Romans that were out of the danger were seized with a very great consternation, as were those that were in the midst of the danger in the utmost distress. So when they perceived themselves surrounded with the flames, some of them threw themselves down backwards into the city, and some among their enemies [in the temple]; as did many leap down to their own men, and broke their limbs to pieces; but a great number of those that were going to take these violent methods were prevented by the fire; though some prevented the fire by their own swords. However, the fire was on the sudden carried so far as to surround those who would have otherwise perished. As for Caesar himself, he could not, however, but commiserate those that thus perished, although they got up thither without any order for so doing, since there was no way of giving the many relief. Yet was this some comfort to those that were destroyed, that every body might see that person grieve, for whose sake they came to their end; for he cried out openly to them, and leaped up, and exhorted those that were about him to do their utmost to relieve them; So every one of them died cheerfully, as carrying along with him these words and this intention of Caesar as a sepulchral monument. Some there were indeed who retired into the wall of the cloister, which was broad, and were preserved out of the fire, but were then surrounded by the Jews; and although they made resistance against the Jews for a long time, yet were they wounded by them, and at length they all fell down dead.",
+                    "2. At the last a young man among them, whose name was Longus, became a decoration to this sad affair, and while every one of them that perished were worthy of a memorial, this man appeared to deserve it beyond all the rest. Now the Jews admired this man for his courage, and were further desirous of having him slain; so they persuaded him to come down to them, upon security given him for his life. But Cornelius his brother persuaded him on the contrary, not to tarnish his own glory, nor that of the Roman army. He complied with this last advice, and lifting up his sword before both armies, he slew himself. Yet there was one Artorius among those surrounded by the fire who escaped by his subtlety; for when he had with a loud voice called to him Lucius, one of his fellow soldiers that lay with him in the same tent, and said to him, \"I do leave thee heir of all I have, if thou wilt come and receive me.\" Upon this he came running to receive him readily; Artorius then threw himself down upon him, and saved his own life, while he that received him was dashed so vehemently against the stone pavement by the other's weight, that he died immediately. This melancholy accident made the Romans sad for a while, but still it made them more upon their guard for the future, and was of advantage to them against the delusions of the Jews, by which they were greatly damaged through their unacquaintedness with the places, and with the nature of the inhabitants. Now this cloister was burnt down as far as John's tower, which he built in the war he made against Simon over the gates that led to the Xystus. The Jews also cut off the rest of that cloister from the temple, after they had destroyed those that got up to it. But the next day the Romans burnt down the northern cloister entirely, as far as the east cloister, whose common angle joined to the valley that was called Cedron, and was built over it; on which account the depth was frightful. And this was the state of the temple at that time.",
+                    "3. Now of those that perished by famine in the city, the number was prodigious, and the miseries they underwent were unspeakable; for if so much as the shadow of any kind of food did any where appear, a war was commenced presently, and the dearest friends fell a fighting one with another about it, snatching from each other the most miserable supports of life. Nor would men believe that those who were dying had no food, but the robbers would search them when they were expiring, lest any one should have concealed food in their bosoms, and counterfeited dying; nay, these robbers gaped for want, and ran about stumbling and staggering along like mad dogs, and reeling against the doors of the houses like drunken men; they would also, in the great distress they were in, rush into the very same houses two or three times in one and the same day. Moreover, their hunger was so intolerable, that it obliged them to chew every thing, while they gathered such things as the most sordid animals would not touch, and endured to eat them; nor did they at length abstain from girdles and shoes; and the very leather which belonged to their shields they pulled off and gnawed: the very wisps of old hay became food to some; and some gathered up fibres, and sold a very small weight of them for four Attic [drachmae]. But why do I describe the shameless impudence that the famine brought on men in their eating inanimate things, while I am going to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no history relates,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What Josephus observes here, that no parallel examples had been recorded before this time of such sieges, wherein mothers were forced by extremity of famine to eat their own children, as had been threatened to the Jews in the law of Moses, upon obstinate disobedience, and more than once fulfilled, (see my Boyle's Lectures, p. 210-214,) is by Dr. Hudson supposed to have had two or three parallel examples in later ages. He might have had more examples, I suppose, of persons on ship-board, or in a desert island, casting lots for each others' bodies; but all this was only in cases where they knew of no possible way to avoid death themselves but by killing and eating others. Whether such examples come up to the present case may be doubted. The Romans were not only willing, but very desirous, to grant those Jews in Jerusalem both their lives and their liberties, and to save both their city and their temple. But the zealots, the rubbers, and the seditious would hearken to no terms of submission. They voluntarily chose to reduce the citizens to that extremity, as to force mothers to this unnatural barbarity, which, in all its circumstances, has not, I still suppose, been hitherto paralleled among the rest of mankind.</i> either among the Greeks or Barbarians? It is horrible to speak of it, and incredible when heard. I had indeed willingly omitted this calamity of ours, that I might not seem to deliver what is so portentous to posterity, but that I have innumerable witnesses to it in my own age; and besides, my country would have had little reason to thank me for suppressing the miseries that she underwent at this time.",
+                    "4. There was a certain woman that dwelt beyond Jordan, her name was Mary; her father was Eleazar, of the village Bethezob, which signifies the house of Hyssop. She was eminent for her family and her wealth, and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest of the multitude, and was with them besieged therein at this time. The other effects of this woman had been already seized upon, such I mean as she had brought with her out of Perea, and removed to the city. What she had treasured up besides, as also what food she had contrived to save, had been also carried off by the rapacious guards, who came every day running into her house for that purpose. This put the poor woman into a very great passion, and by the frequent reproaches and imprecations she east at these rapacious villains, she had provoked them to anger against her; but none of them, either out of the indignation she had raised against herself, or out of commiseration of her case, would take away her life; and if she found any food, she perceived her labors were for others, and not for herself; and it was now become impossible for her any way to find any more food, while the famine pierced through her very bowels and marrow, when also her passion was fired to a degree beyond the famine itself; nor did she consult with any thing but with her passion and the necessity she was in. She then attempted a most unnatural thing; and snatching up her son, who was a child sucking at her breast, she said, \"O thou miserable infant! for whom shall I preserve thee in this war, this famine, and this sedition? As to the war with the Romans, if they preserve our lives, we must be slaves. This famine also will destroy us, even before that slavery comes upon us. Yet are these seditious rogues more terrible than both the other. Come on; be thou my food, and be thou a fury to these seditious varlets, and a by-word to the world, which is all that is now wanting to complete the calamities of us Jews.\" As soon as she had said this, she slew her son, and then roasted him, and eat the one half of him, and kept the other half by her concealed. Upon this the seditious came in presently, and smelling the horrid scent of this food, they threatened her that they would cut her throat immediately if she did not show them what food she had gotten ready. She replied that she had saved a very fine portion of it for them, and withal uncovered what was left of her son. Hereupon they were seized with a horror and amazement of mind, and stood astonished at the sight, when she said to them, \"This is mine own son, and what hath been done was mine own doing! Come, eat of this food; for I have eaten of it myself! Do not you pretend to be either more tender than a woman, or more compassionate than a mother; but if you be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my sacrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the rest be reserved for me also.\" After which those men went out trembling, being never so much aftrighted at any thing as they were at this, and with some difficulty they left the rest of that meat to the mother. Upon which the whole city was full of this horrid action immediately; and while every body laid this miserable case before their own eyes, they trembled, as if this unheard of action had been done by themselves. So those that were thus distressed by the famine were very desirous to die, and those already dead were esteemed happy, because they had not lived long enough either to hear or to see such miseries.",
+                    "5. This sad instance was quickly told to the Romans, some of whom could not believe it, and others pitied the distress which the Jews were under; but there were many of them who were hereby induced to a more bitter hatred than ordinary against our nation. But for Caesar, he excused himself before God as to this matter, and said that he had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews, as well as an oblivion of all their former insolent practices; but that they, instead of concord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace, war; and before satiety and abundance, a famine. That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. That, however, this horrid action of eating an own child ought to be covered with the overthrow of their very country itself, and men ought not to leave such a city upon the habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein mothers are thus fed, although such food be fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to eat of, since it is they that continue still in a state of war against us, after they have undergone such miseries as these. And at the same time that he said this, he reflected on the desperate condition these men must be in; nor could he expect that such men could be recovered to sobriety of mind, after they had endured those very sufferings, for the avoiding whereof it only was probable they might have repented."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When The Banks Were Completed And The Battering Rams Brought, And Could Do Nothing, Titus Gave Orders To Set Fire To The Gates Of The Temple; In No Long Time After Which The Holy House Itself Was Burnt Down, Even Against His Consent.</i><br><br>1. And now two of the legions had completed their banks on the eighth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave orders that the battering rams should be brought, and set over against the western edifice of the inner temple; for before these were brought, the firmest of all the other engines had battered the wall for six days together without ceasing, without making any impression upon it; but the vast largeness and strong connexion of the stones were superior to that engine, and to the other battering rams also. Other Romans did indeed undermine the foundations of the northern gate, and after a world of pains removed the outermost stones, yet was the gate still upheld by the inner stones, and stood still unhurt; till the workmen, despairing of all such attempts by engines and crows, brought their ladders to the cloisters. Now the Jews did not interrupt them in so doing; but when they were gotten up, they fell upon them, and fought with them; some of them they thrust down, and threw them backwards headlong; others of them they met and slew; they also beat many of those that went down the ladders again, and slew them with their swords before they could bring their shields to protect them; nay, some of the ladders they threw down from above when they were full of armed men; a great slaughter was made of the Jews also at the same time, while those that bare the ensigns fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible thing, and what would tend to their great shame, if they permitted them to be stolen away. Yet did the Jews at length get possession of these engines, and destroyed those that had gone up the ladders, while the rest were so intimidated by what those suffered who were slain, that they retired; although none of the Romans died without having done good service before his death. Of the seditious, those that had fought bravely in the former battles did the like now, as besides them did Eleazar, the brother's son of Simon the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that his endeavors to spare a foreign temple turned to the damage of his soldiers, and then be killed, he gave order to set the gates on fire.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, there deserted to him Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most bloody of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus, the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time when they were the conquerors. Titus objected this to these men, as a cunning trick of theirs; and as he had been informed of their other barbarities towards the Jews, he was going in all haste to have them both slain. He told them that they were only driven to this desertion because of the utmost distress they were in, and did not come away of their own good disposition; and that those did not deserve to be preserved, by whom their own city was already set on fire, out of which fire they now hurried themselves away. However, the security he had promised deserters overcame his resentments, and he dismissed them accordingly, though he did not give them the same privileges that he had afforded to others. And now the soldiers had already put fire to the gates, and the silver that was over them quickly carried the flames to the wood that was within it, whence it spread itself all on the sudden, and caught hold on the cloisters. Upon the Jews seeing this fire all about them, their spirits sunk together with their bodies, and they were under such astonishment, that not one of them made any haste, either to defend himself or to quench the fire, but they stood as mute spectators of it only. However, they did not so grieve at the loss of what was now burning, as to grow wiser thereby for the time to come; but as though the holy house itself had been on fire already, they whetted their passions against the Romans. This fire prevailed during that day and the next also; for the soldiers were not able to burn all the cloisters that were round about together at one time, but only by pieces.",
+                    "3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. Of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. Now some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced this to be done, and not to them. But Titus said, that \"although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are inanimate, instead of the men themselves;\" and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire.",
+                    "4. Now it is true that on this day the Jews were so weary, and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the forefront, many of the rest were put to flight. But as the Romans were going off, the Jews turned upon them, and fought them; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner [court of the] temple.",
+                    "5. So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his whole army, and to encamp round about the holy house. But as for that house, God had, for certain, long ago doomed it to the fire; and now that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages; it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,] upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon; although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them; for upon Titus's retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning the inner [court of the] temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. As the flames went upward, the Jews made a great clamor, such as so mighty an affliction required, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, nor suffered any thing to restrain their force, since that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it.",
+                    "6. And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench the fire. But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dimmed by a greater noise another way; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could restrain their violence, but each one's own passion was his commander at this time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way with those whom they had conquered; and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar's orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to afford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were every where slain, and every where beaten; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another, as at the steps<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These steps to the altar of burnt-offering seem here either an improper and inaccurate expression of Josephus, since it was unlawful to make ladder steps; (see description of the temples, ch. 13., and note on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5;) or else those steps or stairs we now use were invented before the days of Herod the Great, and had been here built by him; though the later Jews always deny it, and say that even Herod's altar was ascended to by an acclivity only.</i> going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down.",
+                    "7. And now, since Caesar was no way able to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers, and the fire proceeded on more and more, he went into the holy place of the temple, with his commanders, and saw it, with what was in it, which he found to be far superior to what the relations of foreigners contained, and not inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and believed about it. But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was, that the house itself might yet he saved, he came in haste and endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them; yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold. And besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar's approbation.",
+                    "8. Now although any one would justly lament the destruction of such a work as this was, since it was the most admirable of all the works that we have seen or heard of, both for its curious structure and its magnitude, and also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as well as for the glorious reputation it had for its holiness; yet might such a one comfort himself with this thought, that it was fate that decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both as to living creatures, and as to works and places also. However, one cannot but wonder at the accuracy of this period thereto relating; for the same month and day were now observed, as I said before, wherein the holy house was burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now the number of years that passed from its first foundation, which was laid by king Solomon, till this its destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, are collected to be one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days; and from the second building of it, which was done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus the king, till its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and forty-five days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Great Distress The Jews Were In Upon The Conflagration Of The Holy House. Concerning A False Prophet, And The Signs That Preceded This Destruction.</i><br><br>1. While the holy house was on fire, every thing was plundered that came to hand, and ten thousand of those that were caught were slain; nor was there a commiseration of any age, or any reverence of gravity, but children, and old men, and profane persons, and priests were all slain in the same manner; so that this war went round all sorts of men, and brought them to destruction, and as well those that made supplication for their lives, as those that defended themselves by fighting. The flame was also carried a long way, and made an echo, together with the groans of those that were slain; and because this hill was high, and the works at the temple were very great, one would have thought the whole city had been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thing either greater or more terrible than this noise; for there was at once a shout of the Roman legions, who were marching all together, and a sad clamor of the seditious, who were now surrounded with fire and sword. The people also that were left above were beaten back upon the enemy, and under a great consternation, and made sad moans at the calamity they were under; the multitude also that was in the city joined in this outcry with those that were upon the hill. And besides, many of those that were worn away by the famine, and their mouths almost closed, when they saw the fire of the holy house, they exerted their utmost strength, and brake out into groans and outcries again: Pera<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Perea, if the word be not mistaken in the copies, cannot well be that Perea which was beyond Jordan, whose mountains were at a considerable distance from Jordan, and much too remote from Jerusalem to join in this echo at the conflagration of the temple; but Perea must be rather some mountains beyond the brook Cedron, as was the Mount of Olives, or some others about such a distance from Jerusalem; which observation is so obvious, that it is a wonder our commentators here take no notice of it.</i> did also return the echo, as well as the mountains round about [the city,] and augmented the force of the entire noise. Yet was the misery itself more terrible than this disorder; for one would have thought that the hill itself, on which the temple stood, was seething hot, as full of fire on every part of it, that the blood was larger in quantity than the fire, and those that were slain more in number than those that slew them; for the ground did no where appear visible, for the dead bodies that lay on it; but the soldiers went over heaps of those bodies, as they ran upon such as fled from them. And now it was that the multitude of the robbers were thrust out [of the inner court of the temple by the Romans,] and had much ado to get into the outward court, and from thence into the city, while the remainder of the populace fled into the cloister of that outer court. As for the priests, some of them plucked up from the holy house the spikes<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland I think here judges well, when he interprets these spikes (of those that stood on the top of the holy house) with sharp points; they were fixed into lead, to prevent the birds from sitting there, and defiling the holy house; for such spikes there were now upon it, as Josephus himself hath already assured us, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6.</i> that were upon it, with their bases, which were made of lead, and shot them at the Romans instead of darts. But then as they gained nothing by so doing, and as the fire burst out upon them, they retired to the wall that was eight cubits broad, and there they tarried; yet did two of these of eminence among them, who might have saved themselves by going over to the Romans, or have borne up with courage, and taken their fortune with the others, throw themselves into the fire, and were burnt together with the holy house; their names were Meirus the son of Belgas, and Joseph the son of Daleus.",
+                    "2. And now the Romans, judging that it was in vain to spare what was round about the holy house, burnt all those places, as also the remains of the cloisters and the gates, two excepted; the one on the east side, and the other on the south; both which, however, they burnt afterward. They also burnt down the treasury chambers, in which was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number of garments, and other precious goods there reposited; and, to speak all in a few words, there it was that the entire riches of the Jews were heaped up together, while the rich people had there built themselves chambers [to contain such furniture]. The soldiers also came to the rest of the cloisters that were in the outer [court of the] temple, whither the women and children, and a great mixed multitude of the people, fled, in number about six thousand. But before Caesar had determined any thing about these people, or given the commanders any orders relating to them, the soldiers were in such a rage, that they set that cloister on fire; by which means it came to pass that some of these were destroyed by throwing themselves down headlong, and some were burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did any one of them escape with his life. A false prophet<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland here takes notice, that these Jews, who had despised the true Prophet, were deservedly abused and deluded by these false ones.</i> was the occasion of these people's destruction, who had made a public proclamation in the city that very day, that God commanded them to get upon the temple, and that there they should receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. Now there was then a great number of false prophets suborned by the tyrants to impose on the people, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. Now a man that is in adversity does easily comply with such promises; for when such a seducer makes him believe that he shall be delivered from those miseries which oppress him, then it is that the patient is full of hopes of such his deliverance.",
+                    "3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while they did not attend nor give credit to the signs that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation, but, like men infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. Thus there was a star<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Whether Josephus means that this star was different from that comet which lasted a whole year, I cannot certainly determine. His words most favor their being different one from another.</i> resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that continued a whole year. Thus also before the Jews' rebellion, and before those commotions which preceded the war, when the people were come in great crowds to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the month Xanthicus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus still uses the Syro-Macedonian month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this eighth, or, as Nicephorus reads it, this ninth of Xanthicus or Nisan was almost a week before the passover, on the fourteenth; about which time we learn from St. John that many used to go \"out of the country to Jerusalem to purify themselves,\" John 11:55, with 12:1; in agreement with Josephus also, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1. And it might well be, that in the sight of these this extraordinary light might appear.</i> [Nisan,] and at the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone round the altar and the holy house, that it appeared to be bright day time; which lasted for half an hour. This light seemed to be a good sign to the unskillful, but was so interpreted by the sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it. At the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led by the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This here seems to be the court of the priests.</i> [court of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. Now those that kept watch in the temple came hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then came up thither, and not without great difficulty was able to shut the gate again. This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. So these publicly declared that the signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them. Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one and twentieth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] a certain prodigious and incredible phenomenon appeared: I suppose the account of it would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, and were not the events that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such signals; for, before sun-setting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their armor were seen running about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover, at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the priests were going by night into the inner [court of the temple,] as their custom was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place, they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise, and after that they heard a sound as of a great multitude, saying, \"Let us remove hence.\" But, what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom for every one to make tabernacles to God in the temple,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Both Reland and Havercamp in this place alter the natural punctuation and sense of Josephus, and this contrary to the opinion of Valesilus and Dr. Hudson, lest Josephus should say that the Jews built booths or tents within the temple at the feast of tabernacles; which the later Rabbins will not allow to have been the ancient practice: but then, since it is expressly told us in Nehemiah, ch. 8:16, that in still elder times \"the Jews made booths in the courts of the house of God\" at that festival, Josephus may well be permitted to say the same. And indeed the modern Rabbins are of very small authority in all such matters of remote antiquity.</i> began on a sudden to cry aloud, \"A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people!\" This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say any thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to those that chastised him, but still went on with the same words which he cried before. Hereupon our rulers, supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman procurator, where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his answer was, \"Woe, woe to Jerusalem!\" And when Albinus (for he was then our procurator) asked him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, \"Woe, woe to Jerusalem!\" Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, \"Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house!\" And just as he added at the last, \"Woe, woe to myself also!\" there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave up the ghost.",
+                    "4. Now if any one consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but that men perish by those miseries which they madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; for the Jews, by demolishing the tower of Antonia, had made their temple four-square, while at the same time they had it written in their sacred oracles, \"That then should their city be taken, as well as their holy house, when once their temple should become four-square.\" But now, what did the most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an ambiguous oracle that was also found in their sacred writings, how,\" about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth.\" The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. But these men interpreted some of these signals according to their own pleasure, and some of them they utterly despised, until their madness was demonstrated, both by the taking of their city and their own destruction."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Romans Carried Their Ensigns To The Temple, And Made Joyful Acclamations To Titus. The Speech That Titus Made To The Jews When They Made Supplication For Mercy. What Reply They Made Thereto; And How That Reply Moved Titus's Indignation Against Them.</i><br><br>1. And now the Romans, upon the flight of the seditious into the city, and upon the burning of the holy house itself, and of all the buildings round about it, brought their ensigns to the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take Havercamp's note here: \"This (says he) is a remarkable place; and Tertullian truly says in his Apologetic, ch. 16. p. 162, that the entire religion of the Roman camp almost consisted in worshipping the ensigns, in swearing by the ensigns, and in preferring the ensigns before all the [other] gods.\" See what Havercamp says upon that place of Tertullian.</i> and set them over against its eastern gate; and there did they offer sacrifices to them, and there did they make Titus imperator<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This declaring Titus imperator by the soldiers, upon such signal success, and the slaughter of such a vast number of enemies, was according to the usual practice of the Romans in like cases, as Reland assures us on this place.</i> with the greatest acclamations of joy. And now all the soldiers had such vast quantities of the spoils which they had gotten by plunder, that in Syria a pound weight of gold was sold for half its former value. But as for those priests that kept themselves still upon the wall of the holy house,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Jews of later times agree with Josephus, that there were hiding-places or secret chambers about the holy house, as Reland here informs us, where he thinks he has found these very walls described by them.</i> there was a boy that, out of the thirst he was in, desired some of the Roman guards to give him their right hands as a security for his life, and confessed he was very thirsty. These guards commiserated his age, and the distress he was in, and gave him their right hands accordingly. So he came down himself, and drank some water, and filled the vessel he had with him when he came to them with water, and then went off, and fled away to his own friends; nor could any of those guards overtake him; but still they reproached him for his perfidiousness. To which he made this answer: \"I have not broken the agreement; for the security I had given me was not in order to my staying with you, but only in order to my coming down safely, and taking up some water; both which things I have performed, and thereupon think myself to have been faithful to my engagement.\" Hereupon those whom the child had imposed upon admired at his cunning, and that on account of his age. On the fifth day afterward, the priests that were pined with the famine came down, and when they were brought to Titus by the guards, they begged for their lives; but he replied, that the time of pardon was over as to them, and that this very holy house, on whose account only they could justly hope to be preserved, was destroyed; and that it was agreeable to their office that priests should perish with the house itself to which they belonged. So he ordered them to be put to death.",
+                    "2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and those that were with them, when they found that they were encompassed on every side, and, as it were, walled round, without any method of escaping, they desired to treat with Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such was the kindness of his nature, and his desire of preserving the city from destruction, joined to the advice of his friends, who now thought the robbers were come to a temper, that he placed himself on the western side of the outer [court of the] temple; for there were gates on that side above the Xystus, and a bridge that connected the upper city to the temple. This bridge it was that lay between the tyrants and Caesar, and parted them; while the multitude stood on each side; those of the Jewish nation about Sinran and John, with great hopes of pardon; and the Romans about Caesar, in great expectation how Titus would receive their supplication. So Titus charged his soldiers to restrain their rage, and to let their darts alone, and appointed an interpreter between them, which was a sign that he was the conqueror, and first began the discourse, and said, \"I hope you, sirs, are now satiated with the miseries of your country, who have not bad any just notions, either of our great power, or of your own great weakness, but have, like madmen, after a violent and inconsiderate manner, made such attempts, as have brought your people, your city, and your holy house to destruction. You have been the men that have never left off rebelling since Pompey first conquered you, and have, since that time, made open war with the Romans. Have you depended on your multitude, while a very small part of the Roman soldiery have been strong enough for you? Have you relied on the fidelity of your confederates? And what nations are there, out of the limits of our dominion, that would choose to assist the Jews before the Romans? Are your bodies stronger than ours? nay, you know that the [strong] Germans themselves are our servants. Have you stronger walls than we have? Pray, what greater obstacle is there than the wall of the ocean, with which the Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore the arms of the Romans. Do you exceed us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of your commanders? Nay, indeed, you cannot but know that the very Carthaginians have been conquered by us. It can therefore be nothing certainly but the kindness of us Romans which hath excited you against us; who, in the first place, have given you this land to possess; and, in the next place, have set over you kings of your own nation; and, in the third place, have preserved the laws of your forefathers to you, and have withal permitted you to live, either by yourselves, or among others, as it should please you: and, what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim notes here, that the Romans used to permit the Jews to collect their sacred tribute, and send it to Jerusalem; of which we have had abundant evidence in Josephus already on other occasions.</i> with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; nay, after all, when you were in the enjoyment of all these advantages, you turned your too great plenty against those that gave it you, and, like merciless serpents, have thrown out your poison against those that treated you kindly. I suppose, therefore, that you might despise the slothfulness of Nero, and, like limbs of the body that are broken or dislocated, you did then lie quiet, waiting for some other time, though still with a malicious intention, and have now showed your distemper to be greater than ever, and have extended your desires as far as your impudent and immense hopes would enable you to do it. At this time my father came into this country, not with a design to punish you for what you had done under Cestius, but to admonish you; for had he come to overthrow your nation, he had run directly to your fountain-head, and had immediately laid this city waste; whereas he went and burnt Galilee and the neighboring parts, and thereby gave you time for repentance; which instance of humanity you took for an argument of his weakness, and nourished up your impudence by our mildness. When Nero was gone out of the world, you did as the wickedest wretches would have done, and encouraged yourselves to act against us by our civil dissensions, and abused that time, when both I and my father were gone away to Egypt, to make preparations for this war. Nor were you ashamed to raise disturbances against us when we were made emperors, and this while you had experienced how mild we had been, when we were no more than generals of the army. But when the government was devolved upon us, and all other people did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign nations sent embassies, and congratulated our access to the government, then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates to assist you in your raising disturbances; new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose, and one tyrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you; such indeed as became none but so wicked a people as you are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly sent by my father, and received melancholy injunctions from him. When I heard that the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced at it; I exhorted you to leave off these proceedings before I began this war; I spared you even when you had fought against me a great while; I gave my right hand as security to the deserters; I observed what I had promised faithfully. When they fled to me, I had compassion on many of those that I had taken captive; I tortured those that were eager for war, in order to restrain them. It was unwillingly that I brought my engines of war against your walls; I always prohibited my soldiers, when they were set upon your slaughter, from their severity against you. After every victory I persuaded you to peace, as though I had been myself conquered. When I came near your temple, I again departed from the laws of war, and exhorted you to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you a quiet exit out of it, and security for your preservation; nay, if you had a mind, I gave you leave to fight in another place. Yet have you still despised every one of my proposals, and have set fire to your holy house with your own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you desire to treat with me by word of mouth? To what purpose is it that you would save such a holy house as this was, which is now destroyed? What preservation can you now desire after the destruction of your temple? Yet do you stand still at this very time in your armor; nor can you bring yourselves so much as to pretend to be supplicants even in this your utmost extremity. O miserable creatures! what is it you depend on? Are not your people dead? is not your holy house gone? is not your city in my power? and are not your own very lives in my hands? And do you still deem it a part of valor to die? However, I will not imitate your madness. If you throw down your arms, and deliver up your bodies to me, I grant you your lives; and I will act like a mild master of a family; what cannot be healed shall be punished, and the rest I will preserve for my own use.\"",
+                    "3. To that offer of Titus they made this reply: That they could not accept of it, because they had sworn never to do so; but they desired they might have leave to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and children; for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him, as if they had been conquerors. So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any further security; for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them with his whole army; and that they must save themselves as well as they could; for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city; who did nothing indeed that day; but on the next day they set fire to the repository of the archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to the place called Ophlas; at which time the fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen Helena, which was in the middle of Acra; the lanes also were burnt down, as were also those houses that were full of the dead bodies of such as were destroyed by famine.",
+                    "4. On the same day it was that the sons and brethren of Izates the king, together with many others of the eminent men of the populace, got together there, and besought Caesar to give them his right hand for their security; upon which, though he was very angry at all that were now remaining, yet did he not lay aside his old moderation, but received these men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all in custody, but still bound the king's sons and kinsmen, and led them with him to Rome, in order to make them hostages for their country's fidelity to the Romans."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Afterward Befell The Seditious When They Had Done A Great Deal Of Mischief, And Suffered Many Misfortunes; As Also How Caesar Became Master Of The Upper City,</i><br><br>1. And now the seditious rushed into the royal palace, into which many had put their effects, because it was so strong, and drove the Romans away from it. They also slew all the people that had crowded into it, who were in number about eight thousand four hundred, and plundered them of what they had. They also took two of the Romans alive; the one was a horseman, and the other a footman. They then cut the throat of the footman, and immediately had him drawn through the whole city, as revenging themselves upon the whole body of the Romans by this one instance. But the horseman said he had somewhat to suggest to them in order to their preservation; whereupon he was brought before Simon; but he having nothing to say when he was there, he was delivered to Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be punished, who bound his hands behind him, and put a riband over his eyes, and then brought him out over against the Romans, as intending to cut off his head. But the man prevented that execution, and ran away to the Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner was drawing out his sword. Now when he was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could not think of putting him to death; but because he deemed him unworthy of being a Roman soldier any longer, on account that he had been taken alive by the enemy, he took away his arms, and ejected him out of the legion whereto he had belonged; which, to one that had a sense of shame, was a penalty severer than death itself.",
+                    "2. On the next day the Romans drove the robbers out of the lower city, and set all on fire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But they missed the plunder, because the seditious had carried off all their effects, and were retired into the upper city; for they did not yet at all repent of the mischiefs they had done, but were insolent, as if they had done well; for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared cheerful, and put on joyful countenances, in expectation, as they said, of death to end their miseries. Accordingly, as the people were now slain, the holy house was burnt down, and the city was on fire, there was nothing further left for the enemy to do. Yet did not Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost extremity, to beg of them to spare what was left of the city; he spake largely to them about their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his advice in order to their escape; though he gained nothing thereby more than to be laughed at by them; and as they could not think of surrendering themselves up, because of the oath they had taken, nor were strong enough to fight with the Romans any longer upon the square, as being surrounded on all sides, and a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so accustomed to kill people, that they could not restrain their right hands from acting accordingly. So they dispersed themselves before the city, and laid themselves in ambush among its ruins, to catch those that attempted to desert to the Romans; accordingly many such deserters were caught by them, and were all slain; for these were too weak, by reason of their want of food, to fly away from them; so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs. Now every other sort of death was thought more tolerable than the famine, insomuch that, though the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would they fly to the Romans, and would themselves, even of their own accord, fall among the murderous rebels also. Nor was there any place in the city that had no dead bodies in it, but what was entirely covered with those that were killed either by the famine or the rebellion; and all was full of the dead bodies of such as had perished, either by that sedition or by that famine.",
+                    "3. So now the last hope which supported the tyrants, and that crew of robbers who were with them, was in the caves and caverns under ground; whither, if they could once fly, they did not expect to be searched for; but endeavored, that after the whole city should be destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they might come out again, and escape from them. This was no better than a dream of theirs; for they were not able to lie hid either from God or from the Romans. However, they depended on these under-ground subterfuges, and set more places on fire than did the Romans themselves; and those that fled out of their houses thus set on fire into the ditches, they killed without mercy, and pillaged them also; and if they discovered food belonging to any one, they seized upon it and swallowed it down, together with their blood also; nay, they were now come to fight one with another about their plunder; and I cannot but think that, had not their destruction prevented it, their barbarity would have made them taste of even the dead bodies themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Caesar Raised Banks Round About The Upper City [Mount Zion] And When They Were Completed, Gave Orders That The Machines Should Be Brought. He Then Possessed Himself Of The Whole City.</i><br><br>1. Now when Caesar perceived that the upper city was so steep that it could not possibly be taken without raising banks against it, he distributed the several parts of that work among his army, and this on the twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Now the carriage of the materials was a difficult task, since all the trees, as I have already told you, that were about the city, within the distance of a hundred furlongs, had their branches cut off already, in order to make the former banks. The works that belonged to the four legions were erected on the west side of the city, over against the royal palace; but the whole body of the auxiliary troops, with the rest of the multitude that were with them, [erected their banks] at the Xystus, whence they reached to the bridge, and that tower of Simon which he had built as a citadel for himself against John, when they were at war one with another.",
+                    "2. It was at this time that the commanders of the Idumeans got together privately, and took counsel about surrendering up themselves to the Romans. Accordingly, they sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to give them his right hand for their security. So Titus thinking that the tyrants would yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great part of the war depended, were once withdrawn from them, after some reluctancy and delay, complied with them, and gave them security for their lives, and sent the five men back. But as these Idumeans were preparing to march out, Simon perceived it, and immediately slew the five men that had gone to Titus, and took their commanders, and put them in prison, of whom the most eminent was Jacob, the son of Sosas; but as for the multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all know what to do, now their commanders were taken from them, he had them watched, and secured the walls by a more numerous garrison, Yet could not that garrison resist those that were deserting; for although a great number of them were slain, yet were the deserters many more in number. They were all received by the Romans, because Titus himself grew negligent as to his former orders for killing them, and because the very soldiers grew weary of killing them, and because they hoped to get some money by sparing them; for they left only the populace, and sold the rest of the multitude,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This innumerable multitude of Jews that were \"sold\" by the Romans was an eminent completion of God's ancient threatening by Moses, that if they apostatized from the obedience to his laws, they should be \"sold unto their enemies for bond-men and bond-women,\" Deuteronomy 28;68. See more especially the note on ch. 9. sect. 2. But one thing is here peculiarly remarkable, that Moses adds, Though they should be \"sold\" for slaves, yet \"no man should buy them;\" i.e. either they should have none to redeem them from this sale into slavery; or rather, that the slaves to be sold should be more than were the purchasers for them, and so they should be sold for little or nothing; which is what Josephus here affirms to have been the case at this time.</i> with their wives and children, and every one of them at a very low price, and that because such as were sold were very many, and the buyers were few: and although Titus had made proclamation beforehand, that no deserter should come alone by himself, that so they might bring out their families with them, yet did he receive such as these also. However, he set over them such as were to distinguish some from others, in order to see if any of them deserved to be punished. And indeed the number of those that were sold was immense; but of the populace above forty thousand were saved, whom Caesar let go whither every one of them pleased.",
+                    "3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What became of these spoils of the temple that escaped the fire, see Josephus himself hereafter, B. VII. ch. 5. sect. 5, and Reland de Spoliis Templi, p. 129-138.</i> came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with the precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Titus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These various sorts of spices, even more than those four which Moses prescribed, Exodus 31:34, we see were used in their public worship under Herod's temple, particularly cinnamon and cassia; which Reland takes particular notice of, as agreeing with the latter testimony of the Talmudists.</i> which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus obtained of him for this man the same pardon that he had allowed to such as deserted of their own accord.",
+                    "4. And now were the banks finished on the seventh day of the month Gorpieus, [Elul,] in eighteen days' time, when the Romans brought their machines against the wall. But for the seditious, some of them, as despairing of saving the city, retired from the wall to the citadel; others of them went down into the subterranean vaults, though still a great many of them defended themselves against those that brought the engines for the battery; yet did the Romans overcome them by their number and by their strength; and, what was the principal thing of all, by going cheerfully about their work, while the Jews were quite dejected, and become weak. Now as soon as a part of the wall was battered down, and certain of the towers yielded to the impression of the battering rams, those that opposed themselves fled away, and such a terror fell upon the tyrants, as was much greater than the occasion required; for before the enemy got over the breach they were quite stunned, and were immediately for flying away. And now one might see these men, who had hitherto been so insolent and arrogant in their wicked practices, to be cast down and to tremble, insomuch that it would pity one's heart to observe the change that was made in those vile persons. Accordingly, they ran with great violence upon the Roman wall that encompassed them, in order to force away those that guarded it, and to break through it, and get away. But when they saw that those who had formerly been faithful to them had gone away, (as indeed they were fled whithersoever the great distress they were in persuaded them to flee,) as also when those that came running before the rest told them that the western wall was entirely overthrown, while others said the Romans were gotten in, and others that they were near, and looking out for them, which were only the dictates of their fear, which imposed upon their sight, they fell upon their face, and greatly lamented their own mad conduct; and their nerves were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee away. And here one may chiefly reflect on the power of God exercised upon these wicked wretches, and on the good fortune of the Romans; for these tyrants did now wholly deprive themselves of the security they had in their own power, and came down from those very towers of their own accord, wherein they could have never been taken by force, nor indeed by any other way than by famine. And thus did the Romans, when they had taken such great pains about weaker walls, get by good fortune what they could never have gotten by their engines; for three of these towers were too strong for all mechanical engines whatsoever, concerning which we have treated above.",
+                    "5. So they now left these towers of themselves, or rather they were ejected out of them by God himself, and fled immediately to that valley which was under Siloam, where they again recovered themselves out of the dread they were in for a while, and ran violently against that part of the Roman wall which lay on that side; but as their courage was too much depressed to make their attacks with sufficient force, and their power was now broken with fear and affliction, they were repulsed by the guards, and dispersing themselves at distances from each other, went down into the subterranean caverns. So the Romans being now become masters of the walls, they both placed their ensigns upon the towers, and made joyful acclamations for the victory they had gained, as having found the end of this war much lighter than its beginning; for when they had gotten upon the last wall, without any bloodshed, they could hardly believe what they found to be true; but seeing nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt what such an unusual solitude could mean. But when they went in numbers into the lanes of the city with their swords drawn, they slew those whom they overtook without and set fire to the houses whither the Jews were fled, and burnt every soul in them, and laid waste a great many of the rest; and when they were come to the houses to plunder them, they found in them entire families of dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead corpses, that is, of such as died by the famine; they then stood in a horror at this sight, and went out without touching any thing. But although they had this commiseration for such as were destroyed in that manner, yet had they not the same for those that were still alive, but they ran every one through whom they met with, and obstructed the very lanes with their dead bodies, and made the whole city run down with blood, to such a degree indeed that the fire of many of the houses was quenched with these men's blood. And truly so it happened, that though the slayers left off at the evening, yet did the fire greatly prevail in the night; and as all was burning, came that eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul] upon Jerusalem, a city that had been liable to so many miseries during this siege, that, had it always enjoyed as much happiness from its first foundation, it would certainly have been the envy of the world. Nor did it on any other account so much deserve these sore misfortunes, as by producing such a generation of men as were the occasions of this its overthrow."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Injunctions Caesar Gave When He Was Come Within The City. The Number Of The Captives And Of Those That Perished In The Siege; As Also Concerning Those That Had Escaped Into The Subterranean Caverns, Among Whom Were The Tyrants Simon And John Themselves.</i><br><br>1. Now when Titus was come into this [upper] city, he admired not only some other places of strength in it, but particularly those strong towers which the tyrants in their mad conduct had relinquished; for when he saw their solid altitude, and the largeness of their several stones, and the exactness of their joints, as also how great was their breadth, and how extensive their length, he expressed himself after the manner following: \"We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications; for what could the hands of men or any machines do towards overthrowing these towers?\" At which time he had many such discourses to his friends; he also let such go free as had been bound by the tyrants, and were left in the prisons. To conclude, when he entirely demolished the rest of the city, and overthrew its walls, he left these towers as a monument of his good fortune, which had proved his auxiliaries, and enabled him to take what could not otherwise have been taken by him.",
+                    "2. And now, since his soldiers were already quite tired with killing men, and yet there appeared to be a vast multitude still remaining alive, Caesar gave orders that they should kill none but those that were in arms, and opposed them, but should take the rest alive. But, together with those whom they had orders to slay, they slew the aged and the infirm; but for those that were in their flourishing age, and who might be useful to them, they drove them together into the temple, and shut them up within the walls of the court of the women; over which Caesar set one of his freed-men, as also Fronto, one of his own friends; which last was to determine every one's fate, according to his merits. So this Fronto slew all those that had been seditious and robbers, who were impeached one by another; but of the young men he chose out the tallest and most beautiful, and reserved them for the triumph; and as for the rest of the multitude that were above seventeen years old, he put them into bonds, and sent them to the Egyptian mines<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the several predictions that the Jews, if they became obstinate in their idolatry and wickedness, should be sent again or sold into Egypt for their punishment, Deuteronomy 28:68; Jeremiah 44:7; Hosea 8:13; 9:3; 9:4, 5; 2 Samuel 15:10-13; with Authentic Records, Part I. p. 49, 121; and Reland Painest And, tom. II. p. 715.</i> Titus also sent a great number into the provinces, as a present to them, that they might be destroyed upon their theatres, by the sword and by the wild beasts; but those that were under seventeen years of age were sold for slaves. Now during the days wherein Fronto was distinguishing these men, there perished, for want of food, eleven thousand; some of whom did not taste any food, through the hatred their guards bore to them; and others would not take in any when it was given them. The multitude also was so very great, that they were in want even of corn for their sustenance.",
+                    "3. Now the number of those that were carried captive during this whole war was collected to be ninety-seven thousand; as was the number of those that perished during the whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the greater part of whom were indeed of the same nation [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but not belonging to the city itself; for they were come up from all the country to the feast of unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut up by an army, which, at the very first, occasioned so great a straitness among them, that there came a pestilential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly. And that this city could contain so many people in it, is manifest by that number of them which was taken under Cestius, who being desirous of informing Nero of the power of the city, who otherwise was disposed to contemn that nation, entreated the high priests, if the thing were possible, to take the number of their whole multitude. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten belong to every sacrifice, (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves,) and many of us are twenty in a company, found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two millions seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; for as to those that have the leprosy, or the gonorrhea, or women that have their monthly courses, or such as are otherwise polluted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreigners neither, who come hither to worship.",
+                    "4. Now this vast multitude is indeed collected out of remote places, but the entire nation was now shut up by fate as in prison, and the Roman army encompassed the city when it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly, the multitude of those that therein perished exceeded all the destructions that either men or God ever brought upon the world; for, to speak only of what was publicly known, the Romans slew some of them, some they carried captives, and others they made a search for under ground, and when they found where they were, they broke up the ground and slew all they met with. There were also found slain there above two thousand persons, partly by their own hands, and partly by one another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine; but then the ill savor of the dead bodies was most offensive to those that lighted upon them, insomuch that some were obliged to get away immediately, while others were so greedy of gain, that they would go in among the dead bodies that lay on heaps, and tread upon them; for a great deal of treasure was found in these caverns, and the hope of gain made every way of getting it to be esteemed lawful. Many also of those that had been put in prison by the tyrants were now brought out; for they did not leave off their barbarous cruelty at the very last: yet did God avenge himself upon them both, in a manner agreeable to justice. As for John, he wanted food, together with his brethren, in these caverns, and begged that the Romans would now give him their right hand for his security, which he had often proudly rejected before; but for Simon, he struggled hard with the distress he was in, fill he was forced to surrender himself, as we shall relate hereafter; so he was reserved for the triumph, and to be then slain; as was John condemned to perpetual imprisonment. And now the Romans set fire to the extreme parts of the city, and burnt them down, and entirely demolished its walls."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Whereas The City Of Jerusalem Had Been Five Times Taken Formerly, This Was The Second Time Of Its Desolation. A Brief Account Of Its History.</i><br><br>1. And thus was Jerusalem taken, in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul]. It had been taken five times before, though this was the second time of its desolation; for Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and after them Sosius and Herod, took the city, but still preserved it; but before all these, the king of Babylon conquered it, and made it desolate, one thousand four hundred and sixty-eight years and six months after it was built. But he who first built it. Was a potent man among the Canaanites, and is in our own tongue called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for such he really was; on which account he was [there] the first priest of God, and first built a temple [there], and called the city Jerusalem, which was formerly called Salem. However, David, the king of the Jews, ejected the Canaanites, and set-tied his own people therein. It was demolished entirely by the Babylonians, four hundred and seventy-seven years and six months after him. And from king David, who was the first of the Jews who reigned therein, to this destruction under Titus, were one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine years; but from its first building, till this last destruction, were two thousand one hundred and seventy-seven years; yet hath not its great antiquity, nor its vast riches, nor the diffusion of its nation over all the habitable earth, nor the greatness of the veneration paid to it on a religious account, been sufficient to preserve it from being destroyed. And thus ended the siege of Jerusalem."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Entire City Of Jerusalem Was Demolished, Excepting Three Towers; And How Titus Commended His Soldiers In A Speech Made To Them, And Distributed Rewards To Them And Then Dismissed Many Of Them.</i><br><br>1. Now as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury, (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work to be done,) Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Why the great Bochart should say, (De Phoenic. Colon. B. II. ch. iv.,) that\" there are in this clause of Josephus as many mistakes as words,\" I do by no means understand. Josephus thought Melchisedek first built, or rather rebuilt and adorned, this city, and that it was then called Salem, as Psalm 76:2; afterwards came to be called Jerusalem; and that Melchisedek, being a priest as well as a king, built to the true God therein a temple, or place for public Divine worship and sacrifice; all which things may be very true for aught we know to the contrary. And for the word, or temple, as if it must needs belong to the great temple built by Solomon long afterward, Josephus himself uses, for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. B. III. ch. 6. sect. 4; see also Antiq. B. lit. ch. 6. sect. 1; as he here presently uses, for a large and splendid synagogue of the Jews at Antioch, B. VII. ch. 3. sect. 3.</i>",
+                    "2. But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves therein. He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the midst of the place where he had formerly encamped, and stood upon it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to be heard by the whole arrmy in the manner following: That he returned them abundance of thanks for their good-will which they had showed to him: he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited in this whole war, which obedience had appeared in the many and great dangers which they had courageously undergone; as also for that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves their country's power, and had made it evident to all men, that neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get clear of the Roman valor, although some of them may have fortune in many respects on their side. He said further, that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war, now it had lasted so long, for that they had nothing better to wish for when they entered into it; and that this happened more favorably for them, and more for their glory, that all the Romans had willingly accepted of those for their governors, and the curators of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent into their own country for that purpose, which still continued under the management of those whom they had pitched on, and were thankful to them for pitching upon them. That accordingly, although he did both admire and tenderly regard them all, because he knew that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave; yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another should miss of a just retribution for the same; for that he had been exceeding careful about this matter, and that the more, because he had much rather reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than punish such as had offended.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose business it was to read the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war, whom he called to him by their names, and commended them before the company, and rejoiced in them in the same manner as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks, and gave them long spears of gold,. and ensigns that were made of silver, and removed every one of them to a higher rank; and besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the spoils, and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and garments. So when they had all these honors bestowed on them, according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had wished all sorts of happiness to the whole army, he came down, among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then betook himself to offer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on. And when he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before. And as he remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to the Jews, under Cestius their general, he expelled them out of all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Meletine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of Armenia and Cappadocia; he also thought fit that two of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt. He then went down with his army to that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and gave order that the captives should he kept there; for the winter season hindered him then from sailing into Italy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Exhibited All Sorts Of Shows At Cesarea Philippi. Concerning Simon The Tyrant How He Was Taken, And Reserved For The Triumph.</i><br><br>1. Now at the same time that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchantship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away ,in ships with three rows of oars; and as he touched at several cities that lay in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed over from Ionia into Greece; whence he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land. But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that which is named Cesarea Philippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there. And here a great number of the captives were destroyed, some being thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, as if they were their enemies. And here it was that Titus was informed of the seizure of Simon the son of Gioras, which was made after the manner following:",
+                    "This Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman army was gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste, he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions as would suffice them for a long time, and let himself and all them down into a certain subterraneous cavern that was not visible above ground. Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went onward along it without disturbance; but where they met with solid earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground in a safe place, and by that means escape. But when they came to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope; for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty also; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed them by measure, began to fail them. And now Simon, thinking he might be able to astonish and elude the Romans, put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been. At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished, and stood still where they were; but afterward they came nearer to him, and asked him who he was. Now Simon would not tell them, but bid them call for their captain; and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Tereutius Rufus, as Reland in part observes here, is the same person whom the Talmudists call Turnus Rufus; of whom they relate, that \"he ploughed up Sion as a field, and made Jerusalem become as heaps, and the mountain of the house as the high Idaces of a forest;\" which was long before foretold by the prophet Micah, ch. 3:12, and quoted from him in the prophecies of Jeremiah, ch. 26:18.</i> who was left to command the army there, came to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him in bonds, and let Caesar know that he was taken. Thus did God bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny he had exercised against his countrymen by those who were his worst enemies; and this while he was not subdued by violence, but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and that on the very same account that he had laid false accusations against many Jews, as if they were falling away to the Romans, and had barbarously slain them for wicked actions do not escape the Divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders, but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punishments upon the wicked in a manner, so much more severe, as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished immediately.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See Ecclesiastes 8:11.</i> Simon was made sensible of this by falling under the indignation of the Romans. This rise of his out of the ground did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others Of the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves under ground. But for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was come back to that Cesarea which was on the seaside, who gave orders that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Upon The Celebration Of His Brothers And Fathers Birthdays Had Many Of The Jews Slain. Concerning The Danger The Jews Were In At Antioch, By Means Of The Transgression And Impiety Of One Antiochus, A Jew.</i><br><br>1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his brother Domitian after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him; for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts. After this Caesar came to Berytus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Berytus was certainly a Roman colony, and has coins extant that witness the same, as Hudson and Spanheim inform us. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI: ch. 11. sect. 1.</i> which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman colony, and staid there a longer time, and exhibited a still more pompous solemnity about his father's birthday, both in the magnificence of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his devices thereto belonging; so that a great multitude of the captives were here destroyed after the same manner as before.",
+                    "2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians; and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before; which I am obliged to describe without fail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of future actions with those that went before.",
+                    "3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves; and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby after a sort brought them to be a portion of their own body. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Jews at Antioch and Alexandria, the two principal cities in all the East, had allowed them, both by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a governor of their own, who was exempt from the jurisdiction of the other civil governors. He was called sometimes barely \"governor,\" sometimes \"ethnarch,\" and [at Alexandria] \"alabarch,\" as Dr. Hudson takes notice on this place out of Fuller's Miscellanies. They had the like governor or governors allowed them at Babylon under their captivity there, as the history of Susanna implies.</i> came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, arm of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. As for Ailtiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time.",
+                    "4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we premised the account foregoing; for upon this accident, whereby the four-square market-place was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces, (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city,) Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill-will at the Jews before, to believe this man's accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the market-place, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Vespasian Was Received At Rome; As Also How The Germans Revolted From The Romans, But Were Subdued. That The Sarmatians Overran Mysia, But Were Compelled To Retire To Their Own Country Again.</i><br><br>1. And now Titus Caesar, upon the news that was brought him concerning his father, that his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that Rome especially received him with great alacrity and splendor, betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most agreeable manner. For all men that were in Italy showed their respects to him in their minds before he came thither, as if he were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had of him to be his real presence, on account of the great desires they had to see him, and because the good-will they bore him was entirely free and unconstrained; for it was, desirable thing to the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to be governed. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprized of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be free from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to them. And as this good-will to Vespasian was universal, those that enjoyed any remarkable dignities could not have patience enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him at a very great distance from it; nay, indeed, none of the rest could endure the delay of seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in such crowds, and were so universally possessed with the opinion that it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there, that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within were fewer than those that went out. But as soon as the news was come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first related with what good humor he received every one that came to him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and waited for him there; and for those whom he passed by, they made all sorts of acclamations, on account of the joy they had to see him, and the pleasantness of his countenance, and styled him their Benefactor and Savior, and the only person who was worthy to be ruler of the city of Rome. And now the city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet odors; nor was it easy for him to come to the royal palace, for the multitude of the people that stood about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgiving to his household gods for his safe return to the city. The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition. And this was the manner in which Rome so joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew immediately into a state of great prosperity.",
+                    "2. But before this time, and while Vespasian was about Alexandria, and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multitude of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their neighborhood joined with them, they conspired together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they should free themselves from the dominion of the Romans. The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature [of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes; in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now offered itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that couldd afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans was so ill. Classicus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Classicus, and Civilis, and Cerealis are names well known in Tacitus; the two former as moving sedition against the Romans, and the last as sent to repress them by Vespasian, just as they are here described in Josephus; which is the case also of Fontellis Agrippa and Rubrius Gallup, i, sect. 3. But as to the very favorable account presently given of Domitian, particularly as to his designs in this his Gallic and German expedition, it is not a little contrary to that in Suetonius, Vesp. sect. 7. Nor are the reasons unobvious that might occasion this great diversity: Domitian was one of Josephus's patrons, and when he published these books of the Jewish war, was very young, and had hardly begun those wicked practices which rendered him so infamous afterward; while Suetonius seems to have been too young, and too low in life, to receive any remarkable favors from him; as Domitian was certainly very lewd and cruel, and generally hated, when Puetonius wrote about him.</i> also, and Vitellius, two of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes. These had for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and were induced by the present opportunity to venture upon the declaration of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready; and when these men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was gladly received by them. So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the government of Britain; so he went whither he was ordered to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put his army in battle-array, and slew a great number of them in the fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place, it had not been long ere they would however have been brought to punishment; for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was come to Rome, and Caesar Domitian was made acquainted with it, he made no delay, even at that his age, when he was exceeding young, but undertook this weighty affair. He had a courageous mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians immediately; whereupon their hearts failed them at the very rumor of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear, and thought it a happy thing that they were brought under their old yoke again without suffering any further mischiefs. When therefore Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such good order, that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned to Rome with honor and glory, as having performed such exploits as were above his own age, but worthy of so great a father.",
+                    "3. At the very same time with the forementioned revolt of the Germans did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans occur; for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence, and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers; and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them, and fought courageously against them, he was slain by them. They then overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and rending every thing that fell in their way. But when Vespasian was informed of what had happened, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians; by whose means many of them perished in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped fled with fear to their own country. So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more. And thus had this war in Mysia a sudden conclusion."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Sabbatic River Which Titus Saw As He Was Journeying Through Syria; And How The People Of Antioch Came With A Petition To Titus Against The Jews But Were Rejected By Him; As Also Concerning Titus's And Vespasian's Triumph.</i><br><br>1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history; it runs in the middle between Arcea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea. It hath somewhat very peculiar in it; for when it runs, its current is strong, and has plenty of water; after which its springs fail for six days together, and leave its channel dry, as any one may see; after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before, and as though it had undergone no change at all; it hath also been observed to keep this order perpetually and exactly; whence it is that they call it the Sabbatic River<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since in these latter ages this Sabbatic River, once so famous, which, by Josephus's account here, ran every seventh day, and rested on six, but according to Pliny, Nat. Hist. 31. II, ran perpetually on six days, and rested every seventh, (though it no way appears by either of their accounts that the seventh day of this river was the Jewish seventh day or sabbath,) is quite vanished, I shall add no more about it: only see Dr. Hudson's note. In Varenius's Geography, i, 17, the reader will find several instances of such periodical fountains and. rivers, though none of their periods were that of a just week as of old this appears to have been.</i> that name being taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.",
+                    "2. But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting; nay, they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that intention. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women also with their children did the same; and when they saw him coming up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of acclamations to him, and turned back together with him. They also, among all the acclamations they made to him, besought him all the way they went to eject the Jews out of their city; yet did not Titus at all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was, and what he would do to them. For Titus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses king of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he had gained over the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the king's messengers, and then came back to Antioch. And when the senate and people of Antioch earnestly entreated him to come upon their theater, where their whole multitude was assembled, and expected him, he complied with great humanity; but when they pressed him with much earnestness, and continually begged of him that he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very pertinent answer: How can this be done, since that country of theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no place will receive them besides?\" Whereupon the people of Antioch, when they had failed of success in this their first request, made him a second; for they desired that he would order those tables of brass to be removed on which the Jews' privileges were engraven. However, Titus would not grant that neither, but permitted the Jews of Antioch to continue to enjoy the very same privileges in that city which they had before, and then departed for Egypt; and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared the melancholy condition he saw it then in, with the ancient glory of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as well as its ancient splendor, he could not but pity the destruction of the city, so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly a city as that was had been by him taken by force; nay, he frequently cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had brought such a punishment upon the city; insomuch that it openly appeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment of theirs amounted to should be a demonstration of his courage. Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in that city still found among its ruins, a great deal of which the Romans dug up; but the greatest part was discovered by those who were captives, and so they carried it away; I mean the gold and the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up under ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.",
+                    "3. So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence they had before come; the fifth he sent to Mysia, and the fifteenth to Pannonia: as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph. So when he had had a prosperous voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception, and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus's opinion was, when his father met him, and received him; but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Vespasian and his two sons, Titus and Domitian.</i> as they did at this time; nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. So when notice had been given beforehand of the day appointed for this pompous solemnity to be made, on account of their victories, not one of the immense multitude was left in the city, but every body went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand, and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it.",
+                    "4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the night time, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. And as soon as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family, and then went as far as Octavian's Walks; for there it was that the senate, and the principal rulers, and those that had been recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them. Now a tribunal had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon the soldiery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and all gave them attestations of their valor; while they were themselves without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned with laurel: then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs; but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations, he gave them a signal of silence. And when every body entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers; the like prayers did Titus put up also; after which prayers Vespasian made a short speech to all the people, and then sent away the soldiers to a dinner prepared for them by the emperors. Then did he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp, because pompous shows do always go through that gate; there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes.",
+                    "5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piece-meal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the representations of these Jewish vessels as they still stand on Titus's triumphal arch at Rome, in Reland's very curious book de Spoliis Ternpli, throughout. But what, things are chiefly to be noted are these: (1.) That Josephus says the candlestick here carried in this triumph was not thoroughly like that which was used in the temple, which appears in the number of the little knobs and flowers in that on the triumphal arch not well agreeing with Moses's description, Exodus 25:31-36. (2.) The smallness of the branches in Josephus compared with the thickness of those on that arch. (3.) That the Law or Pentateuch does not appear on that arch at all, though Josephus, an eye-witness, assures us that it was carried in this procession. All which things deserve the consideration of the inquisitive reader.</i> they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration.",
+                    "6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans' ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had set up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for feasting at home; for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.",
+                    "7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; he also laid up therein those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple, as ensigns of his glory. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Macherus, And How Lucilius Bassus Took That Citadel, And Other Places.</i><br><br>1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellianus, and took that citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it; after which he got together all the soldiery that was there, (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties,) with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus; for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength; for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it; for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very hard to he subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended; for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth. For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same side it was also that Macherus had the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest. But then for the valleys that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them; and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against Macherus, with which it is bounded.",
+                    "2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristobulus. But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country; he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high; in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get every thing thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants' security, under the longest siege possible.",
+                    "3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim observes here, that in Graceia Major and Sicily they had rue prodigiously great and durable, like this rue at Macherus,</i> that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness; and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterward. But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This strange account of the place and root Baaras seems to have been taken from the magicians, and the root to have been made use of in the days of Josephus, in that superstitious way of casting out demons, supposed by him to have been derived from king Solomon; of which we have already seen he had a great opinion, Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 2. sect. 5. We also may hence learn the true notion Josephus had of demons and demoniacs, exactly like that of the Jews and Christians in the New Testament, and the first four centuries. See Antiq. B. I. ch. 8. sect. 2; B. XI, ch. 2. sect. 3.</i> its color is like to that of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless any one take and hang the root itself down from his hand, and so carry it away. It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need any one be afraid of taking it into their hands. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them. Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet. Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their fountains near one another, but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent; above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulfur and alum.",
+                    "4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved to besiege it, by filling up the valley that lay on the east side; so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy. As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers, while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and this both on account of its strength, and to provide for their own safety. They also supposed they might obtain their pardon, in case they should [at last] surrender the citadel. However, they were willing to make trial, in the first place, whether the hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to any thing; with which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those that met them; in which conflicts they were many of them slain, as they therein slew many of the Romans. But still it was the opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the Romans, when, upon the others' sallies against their banks, they foresaw their coming, and were upon their lard when they received them. But the conclusion of this siege did not depend upon these bickerings; but a certain surprising accident, relating to what was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel. There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness, and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar; he greatly signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mischief when they came to fighting; he so managed matters, that those who sallied out made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and this by still bringing up the rear himself. Now it happened that, on a certain time, when the fight was over, and both sides were parted, and retired home, he, in way of contempt of the enemy, and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they said. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose lame was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while, in the mean time, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. So the general of the Romans ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city to be seen, and sorely whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad accident that befell the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded, and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of a single person. When Bassus perceived that, he began to think of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope; for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just going to hang Eleazar upon it immediately; the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among those that were in the citadel, and they groaned vehemently, and cried out that they could not bear to see him thus destroyed. Whereupon Eleazar besought them not to disregard him, now he was going to suffer a most miserable death, and exhorted them to save themselves, by yielding to the Roman power and good fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them. These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family; so they now yielded to their passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly, they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar along with them. Then did the Romans and their general accept of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away privately in the night time; but as soon as they had opened their gates, those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it; whether it were that they envied the others' deliverance, or whether it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against them upon their escape, is uncertain. The most courageous, therefore, of those men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away, and fled for it; but for those men that were caught within they",
+                    "5. When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he had heard that a great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Macherus formerly were there gotten together. When he was therefore come to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake, he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horsemen, that such of the Jews as had boldness enough to try to break through might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation of these horsemen; and for the footmen, he ordered them to cut down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled. So the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit, and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since they might perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with a great shout fell upon those that surrounded them, who received them with great courage; and so while the one side fought desperately, and the others would not yield, the fight was prolonged on that account. But the event of the battle did not answer the expectation of the assailants; for so it happened, that no more than twelve fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, but they were all killed, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand, together with Judas, the son of Jairus, their general, concerning whom we have before spoken, that he had been a captain of a certain band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down into a certain vault under ground, had privately made his escape.",
+                    "6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It is very remarkable that Titus did not people this now desolate country of Judea, but ordered it to be all sold; nor indeed is it properly peopled at this day, but lies ready for its old inhabitants the Jews, at their future restoration. See Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77.</i> for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That the city Emmaus, or Areindus, in Josephus and others which was the place of the government of Julius Africanus were slain, to the number of one thousand seven hundred, as were the women and the children made slaves. But as Bassus thought he must perform the covenant he had made with those that had surrendered the citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them, in the beginning of the third century, and which he then procured to be rebuilt, and after which rebuilding it was called Nicopolis, is entirely different from that Emmaus which is mentioned by St. Luke 24;13; see Reland's Paleestina, lib. II. p. 429, and under the name Ammaus also. But he justly thinks that that in St. Luke may well be the same with his Ammaus before us, especially since the Greek copies here usually make it sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, as does St. Luke, though the Latin copies say only thirty. The place also allotted for these eight hundred soldiers, as for a Roman garrison, in this place, would most naturally be not so remote from Jerusalem as was the other Emmaus, or Nicopolis.</i> and is distant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Calamity That Befell Antiochus, King Of Commagene. As Also Concerning The Alans And What Great Mischiefs They Did To The Medes And Armenians.</i><br><br>1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus, (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered,) sent an epistle to Caesar, and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; for Samoseta, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents.",
+                    "2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosate, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do any thing in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthie, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity.",
+                    "3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.",
+                    "4. Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly mentioned some where as being Scythians and inhabiting at the lake Meotis. This nation about this time laid a design of falling upon Media, and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them; with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great] shut up with iron gates. This king gave them leave to come through them; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their country, which they found full of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while nobody durst make any resistance against them; for Paeorus, the king of the country, had fled away for fear into places where they could not easily come at him, and had yielded up every thing he had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made captives, by giving them a hundred talents for their ransom. These Alans therefore plundered the country without opposition, and with great ease, and proceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste before them. Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them, and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the battle; for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance, and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it. So the Alans, being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the country, and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them, and then retreated back to their own country."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Masada And Those Sicarii Who Kept It; And How Silva Betook Himself To Form The Siege Of That Citadel. Eleazar's Speeches To The Besieged.</i><br><br>1. When Bassus was dead in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded him as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only strong hold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together that lay in different places, and made an expedition against it. This fortress was called Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one; for then it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their houses; for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners, by betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freedom which Jews thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by owning that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention. Now this was in reality no better than a pretense and a cloak for the barbarity which was made use of by them, and to color over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by their own actions; for those that were partners with them in their rebellion joined also with them in the war against the Romans, and went further lengths with them in their impudent undertakings against them; and when they were again convicted of dissembling in such their pretenses, they still more abused those that justly reproached them for their wickedness. And indeed that was a time most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds were then left undone; nor could any one so much as devise any bad thing that was new, so deeply were they all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity, and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbors; the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly laboring to destroy the men of power. The one part were desirous of tyrannizing over others, and the rest of offering violence to others, and of plundering such as were richer than themselves. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do; for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God. might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment; for all such miseries have been sent upon them as man's nature is capable of undergoing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment; yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished according to their deserving. But to make a lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men's barbarity, this is not a proper place for it; - I therefore now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.",
+                    "2. For now it was that the Roman general came, and led his army against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masada together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently gained it, and put garrisons into the most proper places of it; he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none of the besieged might easily escape; he also set his men to guard the several parts of it; he also pitched his camp in such an agreeable place as he had chosen for the siege, and at which place the rock belonging to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the neighboring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for getting plenty of provisions; for it was not only food that was to be brought from a great distance [to the army], and this with a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because the place afforded no fountain that was near it. When therefore Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which I will now describe.",
+                    "3. There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though not without difficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltiris, towards the sun-rising, and another on the west, where the ascent is easier: the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward; and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of every body by the terror it infuses into the mind. When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill - not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain. Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree; he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there. Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it; and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.",
+                    "4. As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was still more wonderful on account of its splendor and long continuance; for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance, with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up together; all which Eleazar found there, when he and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in, although they were little short of a hundred years<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Pliny and others confirm this strange paradox, that provisions laid up against sieges will continue good for a hundred ears, as Spanheim notes upon this place.</i> from the laying in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession ofthose fruits that were left, they found them not corrupted all that while; nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here the cause of their enduring so long; this fortress being so high, and so free from the mixture of all terrain and muddy particles of matter. There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts of weapons of war, which had been treasured up by that king, and were sufficient for ten thousand men; there was east iron, and brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have all things here ready for the greatest occasions; for the report goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account, as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the multitude of the Jews, lest they should depose him, and restore their former kings to the government; the other danger was greater and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra queen of Egypt, who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon her. And certainly it is a great wonder that Antony did never comply with her commands in this point, as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should any one have been surprised if she had been gratified in such her request. So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada, and thereby leave it for the finishing stroke of the Romans in this Jewish war.",
+                    "5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent any one of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise; for behind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west; there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly, he got upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height. The other machines that were now got ready were like to those that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva ordered that great battering ram which he had made to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall, and quite overthrew it. However, the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows that affected the other. It was framed after the following manner: They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid other beams over cross them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like a real edifice; and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before. When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it: accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very beginning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered.",
+                    "6. However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor would he permit any one else to do so; but when he saw their wall burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain. Now as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course by a speech<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The speeches in this and the next section, as introduced under the person of this Eleazar, are exceeding remarkable, and oil the noblest subjects, the contempt of death, and the dignity and immortality of the soul; and that not only among the Jews, but among the Indians themselves also; and are highly worthy the perusal of all the curious. It seems as if that philosophic lady who survived, ch. 9. sect. 1, 2, remembered the substance of these discourses, as spoken by Eleazar, and so Josephus clothed them in his own words: at the lowest they contain the Jewish notions on these heads, as understood then by our Josephus, and cannot but deserve a suitable regard from us.</i> which he made to them in the manner following: \"Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day's time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God's anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fall of our wealth also; and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.\"",
+                    "7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously; so he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus: \"Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice; for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied clown to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go every where, and foretell many futurities beforehand. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal! We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die. Yet, if we do stand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy; for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but every one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends [that are dead], so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other world]. So when these men have heard all such commands that were to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and, in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body in the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations made to them; for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who at the same time weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings. Are not we, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indians? and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all mankind? But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in ought to he an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is by the will of God, and by necessity, that we are to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make a due use of. For do not you ascribe the occasion of our present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us. What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews at Cesarea were slain? On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Cesarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them. But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them. What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. Wherefore you see how little our good-will and fidelity to them profiled us, while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us; for you cannot but know that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves; nay, even those of Damascus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See B. II. ch. 20. sect. 2, where the number of the slain is but 10,000.</i> when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children. And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those indeed being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory? For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans. But then these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries; for all we had hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them? Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies; and such of those as are alive still are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which vas fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that hath destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins; some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach. Now who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger? Who is there so much his country's enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive? And I cannot but wish that we had all died before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a manner. But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives while it is in our own power to show pity to them; for we were born to die,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland here sets down a parallel aphorism of one of the Jewish Rabbins, \"We are born that we may die, and die that we may live.'</i> as well as those were whom we have begotten; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it. But for abuses, and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on account of their own cowardice. We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments! miserable also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain! One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son implore help of his father, when his hands are bound. But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them; let them then be subservient to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves under our eneimies, and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is that our laws command us to do this it is that our wives and children crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid lest any of us should die before we are taken. Let us therefore make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure, as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The People That Were In The Fortress Were Prevailed On By The Words Of Eleazar, Two Women And Five Children Only Excepted And All Submitted To Be Killed By One Another.</i><br><br>1. Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they all cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full of an unconquerable ardor of mind, and moved with a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavoring to be before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the last class; so great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives and children, and themselves also! Nor indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one might imagine it would have done, but they then held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every one of them still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their families, because the reasoning they went upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to them; for the husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed by the hands of strangers; and they had nothing else for their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution, to avoid that prospect they had of the miseries they were to suffer from their enemies. Nor was there at length any one of these men found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution, but every one of them despatched his dearest relations. Miserable men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the shortest space of time after them, they presently laid all they had upon a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot out of them to slay all the rest; every one of whom laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those who by lot executed that melancholy office; and when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for themselves, that he whose lot it was should first kill the other nine, and after all should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another in doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be quite despatched, and when he perceived that they were all slain, he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near to his own relations. So these people died with this intention, that they would not leave so much as one soul among them all alive to be subject to the Romans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in prudence and learning, with five children, who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included in that computation. This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].",
+                    "2. Now for the Romans, they expected that they should be fought in the morning, when, accordingly, they put on their armor, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to make an assault upon the fortress, which they did; but saw nobody as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the battering ram, to try whether they could bring any one out that was within; the women heard this noise, and came out of their under-ground cavern, and informed the Romans what had been done, as it was done; and the second of them clearly described all both what was said and what was done, and this manner of it; yet did they not easily give their attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe it could be as they said; they also attempted to put the fire out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, they came within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain, but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and the immovable contempt of death which so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with such an action as that was."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Many Of The Sicarii Fled To Alexandria Also And What Dangers They Were In There; On Which Account That Temple Which Had Formerly Been Built By Onias The High Priest Was Destroyed.</i><br><br>1. When Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Cesarea; for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea; for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria in Egypt; for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans; but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. They said also that \"these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins.\" Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them; who being thus apprized of the greatness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus here informs us that some of these Sicarii, or ruffians, went from Alexandria (which was itself in Egypt, in a large sense) into Egypt, and Thebes there situated, Reland well observes, from Vossius, that Egypt sometimes denotes Proper or Upper Egypt, as distinct from the Delta, and the lower parts near Palestine. Accordingly, as he adds, those that say it never rains in Egypt must mean the Proper or Upper Egypt, because it does sometimes rain in the other parts. See the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 7, and B. III. ch. 1. sect. 6.</i> and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back, whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, every body was amazed at. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weakness of the body.",
+                    "2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this temple of Onias's building in Egypt, see the notes on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1. But whereas it is elsewhere, both of the War, B. I. ch. 1. sect. 1, and in the Antiquities as now quoted, said that this temple was like to that at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like it, but like a tower, sect. 3, there is some reason to suspect the reading here, and that either the negative particle is here to be blotted out, or the word entirely added.</i> and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple some where in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater good-will; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him.",
+                    "3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We must observe, that Josephus here speaks of Antiochus who profaned the temple as now alive, when Onias had leave given them by Philometer to build his temple; whereas it seems not to have been actually built till about fifteen years afterwards. Yet, because it is said in the Antiquities that Onias went to Philometer, B. XII. ch. 9. sect. 7, during the lifetime of that Antiochus, it is probable he petitioned, and perhaps obtained his leave then, though it were not actually built or finished till fifteen years afterward.</i> That Nomos was called the Nomos of Hellopolls, where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.",
+                    "4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinns succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jonathan, One Of The Sicarii, That Stirred Up A Sedition In Cyrene, And Was A False Accuser [Of The Innocent].</i><br><br>1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cyrene; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to give ear to him; he also led them into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs and apparitions. And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them, because they were unarmed men; of these many were slain in the fight, but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the head of this plot, he fled away at that time; but upon a great and very diligent search, which was made all the country over for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief; for he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that they had put him upon what he did.",
+                    "2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations, that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war. But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely. He bid this Jonathan, therefore, to name one Alexander, a Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed that he hated him); he also got him to name his wife Bernice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand. This he thought he might do safely, because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Caesar's revenues.",
+                    "3. Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of his villainy, he extended his false accusations further, and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character both at Alexandria and at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. However, this plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should have had no further inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his government, or by his means; yet did Vespasian suspect the matter and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus's concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.",
+                    "4. But as to Catullus, the emperors Were so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not long before he fell into a complicated and almost incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other; for he was terribly disturbed, and continually cried out that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him. Where upon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men.",
+                    "5. And here we shall put an end to this our history; wherein we formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. Of which history, how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the readers; but as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what I have alone aimed at through its entire composition."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The War of the Jews",
+        "key": "The War of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+{
+    "title": "The War of the Jews",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/The_War_of_the_Jews",
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "1. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I have already observed more than once, that this History of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and published about A.D. 75, when he was but thirty-eight years of age; and that when he wrote it, he was not thoroughly acquainted with several circumstances of history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with which it begins, till near his own times, contained in the first and former part of the second book, and so committed many involuntary errors therein. That he published his Antiquities eighteen years afterward, in the thirteenth year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he was much more completely acquainted with those ancient times, and after he had perused those most authentic histories, the First Book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, etc. That accordingly he then reviewed those parts of this work, and gave the public a more faithful, complete, and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly corrected the errors he bad before run into.</i> Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea, were, Josephus himself will inform us, sect. 2, viz. the Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [of the Jews among them]; besides the Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence we also learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remotest Arabians, [or at least the Jews among them,] as also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather Chaldaic, books of The Jewish War, before they were put into the Greek language.</i> Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].",
+            "2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.",
+            "3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.",
+            "4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple, Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That these calamities of the Jews, who were our Savior's murderers, were to be the greatest that had ever been since the beginning of the world, our Savior had directly foretold, Matthew 24:21; Mark 13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and that they proved to be such accordingly, Josephus is here a most authentic witness.</i> are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.",
+            "5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.",
+            "6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.",
+            "7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war.",
+            "8. As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Titus.</i> made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them. For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.",
+            "9. After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.",
+            "10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of their festivals, and seven purifications of purity,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These seven, or rather five, degrees of purity, or purification, are enumerated hereafter, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6. The Rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Reland there informs us.</i> and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known truth of things.",
+            "11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed. Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph.]",
+            "12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged [By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Also Concerning The Actions Of The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Concerning The Death Of Judas.</i><br><br>1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I see little difference in the several accounts in Josephus about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which large complaints are made by his commentators. Onias, it seems, hoped to have :made it very like that at Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions; and so he appears to have really done, as far as he was able and thought proper. Of this temple, see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1--3, and Of the War, B. VII. ch. 10. sect. 8.</i> concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.",
+                    "2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge themselves. ",
+                    "3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.",
+                    "4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.",
+                    "5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops, he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria.",
+                    "6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Successors Of Judas, Who Were Jonathan And Simon, And John Hyrcanus.</i><br><br>1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.",
+                    "2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].",
+                    "3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Why this John, the son of Simon, the high priest and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Josephus no where informs us; nor is he called other than John at the end of the First Book of the Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he gives us an epitome of the Greek version of the book here abridged by Josephus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then extant, assures us that he was called Hyrcanus from his conquest of one of that name. See Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 207. But of this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich's note here.</i> But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother and brethren.",
+                    "4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.",
+                    "5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.",
+                    "6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa. ",
+                    "7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.",
+                    "8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world, - the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death, Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.</i><br><br>1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him; for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in prison.",
+                    "2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.",
+                    "3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.",
+                    "4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark passage which is called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually.",
+                    "5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars,) \"O strange!\" said he, \"it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.\" And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's disorder.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, \"So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them.\" As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Actions Were Done By Alexander Janneus, Who Reigned Twenty-Seven Years.</i><br><br>1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.",
+                    "2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.",
+                    "3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.",
+                    "4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.",
+                    "5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.",
+                    "6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.",
+                    "7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidse.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus here calls this Antiochus the last of the Seleucidae, although there remained still a shadow of another king of that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus, who reigned, or rather lay hid, till Pompey quite turned him out, as Dean Aldrich here notes from Appian and Justin.</i> Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.",
+                    "8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Alexandra Reigns Nine Years, During Which Time The Pharisees Were The Real Rulers Of The Nation.</i><br><br>1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper.",
+                    "2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. Now Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.",
+                    "3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740, relates, that this Selene Cleopatra was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais, as here, but after she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a citadel in Mesopotamia; and adds, that when he had kept her a while in prison, he put her to death. Dean Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts Josephus, which does not appear to me; for although Josephus says both here and in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptolemais, and that he took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does he no where intimate that he now took the queen herself; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus may still be true notwithstanding.</i> by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.",
+                    "4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Hyrcanus Who Was Alexander's Heir, Receded From His Claim To The Crown Aristobulus Is Made King; And Afterward The Same Hyrcanus By The Means Of Antipater, Is Brought Back By Abetas. At Last Pompey Is Made The Arbitrator Of The Dispute Between The Brothers.</i><br><br>1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus's wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That this Antipater, the father of Herod the Great was an Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. </i>",
+                    "It is somewhat probable, as Hapercamp supposes, and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin is here the truest; that Pompey did him Hyrcanus, as he would have done the others from Aristobulus, sect. 6, although his remarkable abstinence from the 2000 talents that were in the Jewish temple, when he took it a little afterward, ch. 7. sect. 6, and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, will to Greek all which agree he did not take them. whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.",
+                    "3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.",
+                    "4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis.",
+                    "5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.",
+                    "6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of the famous palm trees and balsam about Jericho and Engaddl, see the notes in Havercamp's edition, both here and B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1. They are somewhat too long to be transcribed in this place.</i> besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so aftrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Pompey Had The City Of Jerusalem Delivered Up To Him But Took The Temple By Force. How He Went Into The Holy Of Holies; As Also What Were His Other Exploits In Judea.</i><br><br>1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.",
+                    "2. Now as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance.",
+                    "3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was oil the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.",
+                    "4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.",
+                    "5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.",
+                    "6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Thus says Tacitus: Cn. Pompelna first of all subdued the Jews, and went into their temple, by right of conquest, Hist. B. V. ch. 9. Nor did he touch any of its riches, as has been observed on the parallel place of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, out of Cicero himself.</i> whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollatlon; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.",
+                    "7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date from this era, is a certain evidence of this its rebuilding by Pompey, as Spanheim here assures us.</i> that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country, such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus, Who Ran Away From Pompey, Makes An Expedition Against Hyrcanus; But Being Overcome By Gabinius He Delivers Up The Fortresses To Him. After This Aristobulus Escapes From Rome And Gathers An Army Together; But Being Beaten By The Romans, He Is Brought Back To Rome; With Other Things Relating To Gabinius, Crassus And Cassius.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the like attestation to the truth of this submission of Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the Roman general, in the words of Dean Aldrich. \"Hence (says he) is derived that old and famous Denarius belonging to the Emillian family [represented in Havercamp's edition], wherein Aretas appears in a posture of supplication, and taking hold of a camel's bridle with his left hand, and with his right hand presenting a branch of the frankincense tree, with this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX S.C.; and beneath, REX ARETAS.\"</i> ",
+                    "2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Machorus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.",
+                    "3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Oabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.",
+                    "4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.",
+                    "5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.",
+                    "6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus break through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus; and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.",
+                    "7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,) and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.",
+                    "8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely].",
+                    "9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This citation is now wanting.</i>"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Aristobulus Is Taken Off By Pompey's Friends, As Is His Son Alexander By Scipio. Antipater Cultivates A Friendship With Caesar, After Pompey's Death; He Also Performs Great Actions In That War, Wherein He Assisted Mithridates.</i><br><br>1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchers.",
+                    "2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister. ",
+                    "3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him.",
+                    "4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.",
+                    "5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Caesar Makes Antipater Procurator Of Judea; As Does Antipater Appoint Phasaelus To Be Governor Of Jerusalem, And Herod Governor Of Galilee; Who, In Some Time, Was Called To Answer For Himself [Before The Sanhedrim], Where He Is Acquitted. Sextus Caesar Is Treacherously Killed By Bassus And Is Succeeded By Marcus.</i><br><br>1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.",
+                    "2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.",
+                    "3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that this grant of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was made by Julius Caesar, not as here to Antipater, but to Hyrcanas, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 5, has hardly an appearance of a contradiction; Antipater being now perhaps considered only as Hyrcanus's deputy and minister; although he afterwards made a cipher of Hyrcanus, and, under great decency of behavior to him, took the real authority to himself.</i> those walls of his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater. ",
+                    "4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Or twenty-five years of age. See note on Antiq. B. I. ch. 12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 2; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725. Many writers of the Roman history give an account of this murder of Sextus Caesar, and of the war of Apamia upon that occasion. They are cited in Dean Aldrich's note.</i> with equal authority into Galilee.",
+                    "5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.",
+                    "6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.",
+                    "7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.",
+                    "8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army.",
+                    "9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.",
+                    "10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Is Made Procurator Of All Syria; Malichus Is Afraid Of Him, And Takes Antipater Off By Poison; Whereupon The Tribunes Of The Soldiers Are Prevailed With To Kill Him.</i><br><br>1. There, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, the duration of the reign of Julius Caesar is three years six months; but here three years seven months, beginning nightly, says Dean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship. It is probable the real duration might be three years and between six and seven months.</i> Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.",
+                    "2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It appears evidently by Josephus's accounts, both here and in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 2, that this Cassius, one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter oppressor, and exactor of tribute in Judea. These seven hundred talents amount to about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly revenues of king Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid no more than one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the entire sum to be levied in all the country.</i>",
+                    "3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.",
+                    "4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.",
+                    "5. However, Malichus, when lie was suspected ef poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father.",
+                    "6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malichus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about. ",
+                    "7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.",
+                    "8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately aftrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius,\" Then,\" said he, \"Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both.\" Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Phasaelus Is Too Hard For Felix; Herod Also Overcomes Antigonus In Rattle; And The Jews Accuse Both Herod And Phasaelus But Antonius Acquits Them, And Makes Them Tetrarchs.</i><br><br>1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada.",
+                    "2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we see that Cassius set tyrants over all Syria; so that his assisting to destroy Caesar does not seem to have proceeded from his true zeal for public liberty, but from a desire to be a tyrant himself.</i> and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.",
+                    "3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.",
+                    "4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time.",
+                    "5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Phasaelus and Herod.</i> But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.",
+                    "6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs. ",
+                    "7. But before this Herod, and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in bonds also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Parthians Bring Antigonus Back Into Judea, And Cast Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Into Prison. The Flight Of Herod, And The Taking Of Jerusalem And What Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Suffered.</i><br><br>1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance.",
+                    "2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging to Carmel, called apago by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the Old Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I Strabo, B. XVI. p. 758, as both Aldrich and Spanheim here remark very pertinently.</i>] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them.",
+                    "3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These accounts, both here and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horseback, and that only some few of their soldiers were free-men, perfectly agree with Trogus Pompeius, in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean Aldrich well observes on this place.</i> left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.",
+                    "4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them.",
+                    "5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.",
+                    "6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Mariamac here, in the copies.</i> the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.",
+                    "7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.",
+                    "8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.",
+                    "9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his. hands, in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.",
+                    "10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, \"I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies.\"",
+                    "11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Herod Is Rejected In Arabia, He Makes Haste To Rome Where Antony And Caesar Join Their Interest To Make Him King .</i><br><br>1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself,: - that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.",
+                    "2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor, who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither aftrighted at the height of that storm which. then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.",
+                    "3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Brentesium or Brundusium has coin still preserved, on which is written, as Spanheim informs us.</i> and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.",
+                    "4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antigonus Besieges Those That Were In Masada, Whom Herod Frees From Confinement When He Came Back From Rome, And Presently Marches To Jerusalem Where He Finds Silo Corrupted By Bribes.</i><br><br>1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod; and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away. ",
+                    "2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus;, and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.",
+                    "3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Dellius is famous, or rather infamous, in the history of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich here note, from the coins, from Plutarch and Dio.</i> a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress. ",
+                    "4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power.",
+                    "5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.",
+                    "6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria (which city had joined itself to him) to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of this, be sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Takes Sepphoris And Subdues The Robbers That Were In The Caves ; He After That Avenges Himself Upon Macheras, As Upon An Enemy Of His And Goes To Antony As He Was Besieging Samosata.</i><br><br>1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. ",
+                    "2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Sepphoris, the metropolis of Galilee, so often mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, as Spanheim here informs us.</i> in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This way of speaking, \"after forty days,\" is interpreted by Josephus himself, \"on the fortieth day,\" Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 4. In like manner, when Josephus says, ch. 33. sect. 8, that Herod lived \"after\" he had ordered Antipater to be slain \"five days;\" this is by himself interpreted, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, that he died \"on the fifth day afterward.\" So also what is in this book, ch. 13. sect. 1, \"after two years,\" is, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 3, \"on the second year.\" And Dean Aldrich here notes that this way of speaking is familiar to Josephus.</i> with the rest of his forces Yet were not the enemy aftrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. ",
+                    "3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. ",
+                    "4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them.",
+                    "5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country.",
+                    "6. By this time (the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain) Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.",
+                    "7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of maladministration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanheim here assures us. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus here notes, that Herod was a great means of taking the city by Antony, and that from Plutarch and Dio.</i> with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Death Of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been Signified To Herod In Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice After A Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off The Head Of Pappus, Who Was The Murderer Of His Brother And Sends That Head To [His Other Brother] Pheroras, And In No Long Time He Besieges Jerusalem And Marries Mariamne.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macheras sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war. ",
+                    "2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously; for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's, that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Macheras was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.",
+                    "3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were aftrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the night time.",
+                    "4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.",
+                    "5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Macheras; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his head-quarters were at the village called Cana.",
+                    "6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while; but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city.",
+                    "7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.",
+                    "8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already.",
+                    "9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod's assistance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Herod And Sosius Took Jerusalem By Force; And What Death Antigonus Came To. Also Concerning Cleopatra's Avaricious Temper.</i><br><br>1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines under ground. ",
+                    "2. Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That is, a woman, not, a man.</i> Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody.",
+                    "3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert, - and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and. Straho; the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here observes.</i> who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.",
+                    "4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.",
+                    "5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, taken notice of by Josephus, both here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 1, is confirmed by the testimony of Sirabe, B. XVI. p. 757, as Dean Aldrich remarks; although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted but a little while longer, when Augtus took it away from them.</i> excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antony At The Persuasion Of Cleopatra Sent Herod To Fight Against The Arabians; And Now After Several Battles, He At Length Got The Victory. As Also Concerning A Great Earthquake.</i><br><br>1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other.",
+                    "2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it. ",
+                    "3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest or death of Antigonus], with the great earthquake in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the fight at Actium, between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September, in the thirty-first year before the Christian era, determines the chronology of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, viz. that he began in the year 37, beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice, that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the thirty-first before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a Sabbatic year, on which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great earthquake happened in Judea.</i> year of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them:",
+                    "4. \"The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being aftrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus, here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, to the very same purpose, but by no means in the same words; whence it appears that the sense was Herod's, but the composition Josephus's.</i>",
+                    "5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear, - so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory. ",
+                    "6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod Is Confirmed In His Kingdom By Caesar, And Cultivates A Friendship With The Emperor By Magnificent Presents; While Caesar Returns His Kindness By Bestowing On Him That Part Of His Kingdom Which Had Been Taken Away From It By Cleopatra With The Addition Of Zenodoruss Country Also.</i><br><br>1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spike thus before his face: \"O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been.\"",
+                    "2. Caesar replied to him thus: \"Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony.\"",
+                    "3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city, among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had made Costobarus a governor of it before, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 9, Hardain has some pretense for saying that Josephus here contradicted himself. But perhaps Herod thought he had sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza, after he was made tetrarch or king, in times of war, before the city was entirely delivered into his hands by Augustus.</i> and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them.",
+                    "4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And Erected From The Very Foundations; As Also Of Those Other Edifices That Were Erected By Him; And What Magnificence He Showed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was In All Things Favorable To Him.</i><br><br>1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends.",
+                    "2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. ",
+                    "3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.",
+                    "4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.",
+                    "5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was much decayed, (its name was Strato's Tower,) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That Josephus speaks truth, when he assures us that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not less, nay rather larger, than that famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecum, will appear, says Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the descriptions of that at Athens in Thucydides and Pausanias, with this of Cesarea in Josephus here, and in the Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6, and B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1.</i> [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].",
+                    "6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. ",
+                    "7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These buildings of cities by the name of Caesar, and institution of solemn games in honor of Augustus Caesar, as here, and in the Antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus, the Roman historians attest to, as things then frequent in the provinces of that empire, as Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter.</i> and named it Cesarea accordingly.",
+                    "8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.",
+                    "9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.",
+                    "10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium, in Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus, not only here, but Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of the War, B. I. ch. 13. sect. 8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One of them was two hundred, and the other sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as Dean Aldrich observes here.</i> and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.",
+                    "11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length.",
+                    "12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.",
+                    "13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild beasts:<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">36</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here seems to be a small defect in the copies, which describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a certain country by Herod, without naming any such country at all.</i> that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then, besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Murder Of Aristobulus And Hyrcanus, The High Priests, As Also Of Mariamne The Queen.</i><br><br>1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to lierod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this, - not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. ",
+                    "2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a pool till he was drowned.",
+                    "3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed; which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.",
+                    "4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her, - \" Yes,\" says she, \"thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him to kill me.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">37</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here is either a defect or a great mistake in Josephus's present copies or memory; for Mariamne did not now reproach Herod with this his first injunction to Joseph to kill her, if he himself were slain by Antony, but that he had given the like command a second time to Soemus also, when he was afraid of being slain by Augustus. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.</i>",
+                    "5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Calumnies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris Preferred Before Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And Herod Is Reconciled To Them.</i><br><br>1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.",
+                    "2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.",
+                    "3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and. charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.",
+                    "4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">38</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste, near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archclaus, king of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus of Byzantiam also calls it \"an island of Cilicia, which is now Sebaste;\" both whose testimonies are pertinently cited here by Dr. Hudson. See the same history, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.</i> where Archclaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.",
+                    "5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself, -\" and which I will render still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons' side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you, - continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another.\" When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy On Glaphyras Account. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew To Make Mischief Among Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.</i><br><br>1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander's acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was this, - to lay a plot, and to make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did Antipater's apologies for him.",
+                    "2. By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction, as particularly did Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a step-mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore already pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], he having given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this, - that he might fetch back any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with the calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife, and irritating her against them. Moreover, Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's side from Temenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes. She also frequently reproached Herod's sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives, and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches.",
+                    "3. Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra's reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law There was also another calumny that ran abroad and inflamed the king's mind; for he heard that these sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe theft in no better than hair-cloth.",
+                    "4. Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come. But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.",
+                    "5. When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterward; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife's sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son of his, [Joseph,] who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant.",
+                    "6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's own friends; none of which did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.",
+                    "7. But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him. Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they were deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him.",
+                    "8. These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death, insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for every body forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short. He also proceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually he spake harshly. But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately, and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome. These accusations though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Procures A Reconciliation Between Alexander Pheroras, And Herod.</i><br><br>1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie with her in the night time, whether he would or no. These books were put into Herod's hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to execute what he had threatened; for when he was come to him, he cried out, \"Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted. And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee and by dignity, I had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion.\"",
+                    "2. When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archelaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to he in earnest], he said, \"We must consider whether the young man be not himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned.\"",
+                    "3. Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honorable method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus, who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able. ",
+                    "4. With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and this by using certain domestical examples; for that when he had suffered much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he prefered the obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body's weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.",
+                    "5. Upon Archelaus's saying this, and much more to the same purpose, Herod's displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage, that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved. And when the king said that his son would take it for a great favor to him, if he would not dissolve that marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men's attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their affections at home. So Archelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.",
+                    "6. Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Eurycles Calumniated The Sons Of Mariamne; And How Euaratus Of Cos Apology For Them Had No Effect.</i><br><br>1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Archelaus's stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod's blind side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">41</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the preceding note.</i>",
+                    "2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus. And when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater, because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him in the most complete manner. Nor was his advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Antipater's behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing any thing from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him. He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod, and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been long whetted, and Alexander's right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design: how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow Antipater: - that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed: that many things happen every day to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him; for that if any mention be made of nobility of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he commends any body, they take it in way of jest. That they always find their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to this day; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors; that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.",
+                    "3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other's plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; yet did not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king's secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting any one's hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested. ",
+                    "4. However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty. He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.",
+                    "5. But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was only disposed and most ready to hearken to what made against them, and every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty, and showed their indignation at them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod By Caesars Direction Accuses His Sons At Eurytus. They Are Not Produced Before The Courts But Yet Are Condemned; And In A Little Time They Are Sent To Sebaste, And Strangled There.</i><br><br>1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent to her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's enemy; and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. Now as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king's letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; so he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.",
+                    "2. With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a suspicion of him, because he was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of; but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.",
+                    "3. So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one's sentence, which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod; but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Cesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer.",
+                    "4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, \"Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly.\" Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.",
+                    "5. At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, \"This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing.\" When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true.",
+                    "6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Antipater Is Hated Of All Men; And How The King Espouses The Sons Of Those That Had Been Slain To His Kindred;But That Antipater Made Him Change Them For Other Women. Of Herod's Marriages, And Children.</i><br><br>1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into the favor of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang from them.",
+                    "2. Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: \"It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon their fathers.\"",
+                    "3. While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's fight hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's lifetime, and that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.",
+                    "4. Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">42</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine wives of Herod were alive at the same time; and that if the celebrated Mariamne, who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives were in all ten. Yet it is remarkable that he had no more than fifteen children by them all.</i> and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">43</sup><i class=\"footnote\">To prevent confusion, it may not be amiss, with Dean Aldrich, to distinguish between four Josephs in the history of Herod. 1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second] husband of his sister Salome, slain by Herod, on account of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's quaestor, or treasurer, slain on the same account. 3. Joseph, Herod's brother, slain in battle against Antigonus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of Olympias, mentioned in this place.</i> son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages.",
+                    "5. When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater; so that at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's daughter.",
+                    "6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do, - even what Salome in the like circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, and who, by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Becomes Intolerable. He Is Sent To Rome, And Carries Herod's Testament With Him; Pheroras Leaves His Brother, That He May Keep His Wife. He Dies At Home.</i><br><br>1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">44</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife affronted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who were born to him of his two wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's genealogy, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 1. sect. 3.</i> on which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others: there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.",
+                    "2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his wife? Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings; and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him, - wherein Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariarmne, the high priest's daughter.",
+                    "3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.",
+                    "4. However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">45</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly desired it, as also that wife's admission to the counsels of the other great court ladies, together with Herod's own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and other marriage, all so remarkable here, or in the Antiquities XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. be well accounted for, but on the supposal that Pheroras believed, and Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' prediction, as if the crown of Judea should be translated from Herod to Pheroras's posterity and that most probably to Pheroras's posterity by this his wife, also would prove true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. sect. 1.</i> yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod's death; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward. Now though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When Herod Made Inquiry About Pheroras's Death A Discovery Was Made That Antipater Had Prepared A Poisonous Draught For Him. Herod Casts Doris And Her Accomplices, As Also Mariamne, Out Of The Palace And Blots Her Son Herod Out Of His Testament.</i><br><br>1. But now the punishment was transferred unto the original author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.",
+                    "2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which cried out in her agonies, \"May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish this author of all these our miseries, Antipater's mother!\" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of the matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.",
+                    "3. Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every one by themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able: - and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm? Antipater replied, \"I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men.\"",
+                    "4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person untortured.",
+                    "5. And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her, (for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall,) and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part. of it to be buried.",
+                    "6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, \"Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that he called me to him, and said, My dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world.\" This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee.\"",
+                    "7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his treament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Is Convicted By Bathyllus ; But He Still Returns From Rome Without Knowing It. Herod Brings Him To His Trial.</i><br><br>1. After these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater's designs; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.",
+                    "2. Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which was file law-suit he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return, so great was the hatred which they all bore to him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.",
+                    "3. Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace. However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">46</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Tarentum has coins still extant, as Reland informs us here in his note.</i> and made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends which were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country, than to Antipater's safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account only. Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.",
+                    "4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while ever body avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread men were in at the king's anger made men keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance.",
+                    "5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, \"Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself.\" And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Antipater Is Accused Before Varus, And Is Convicted Of Laying A Plot [Against His Father] By The Strongest Evidence. Herod Puts Off His Punishment Till He Should Be Recovered, And In The Mean Time Alters His Testament.</i><br><br>1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son: \"Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar.\" When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father's feet, he said, \"Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent.\"",
+                    "2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus: \"I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and' when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's deliverer. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about lest any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons.\"",
+                    "3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head, (for he lay on the ground before his father's feet,) and cried out aloud, \"Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object of envy. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">47</sup><i class=\"footnote\">A lover of his father.</i> Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture.\" Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.",
+                    "4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.",
+                    "5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in silence, and said no more but this, \"God is my witness that I am entirely innocent.\" So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes. ",
+                    "6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her good-will to him. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him: \"As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised when all is accomplished.\"",
+                    "7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent all account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome; he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archclaus and Philip, because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Barbarity When He Was Ready To Die. He Attempts To Kill Himself. He Commands Antipater To Be Slain. He Survives Him Five Days And Then Dies.</i><br><br>1. Now Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already seventy years of age, and had been brought by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put to death now not at random, but as soon as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].",
+                    "2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.",
+                    "3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">48</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since in these two sections we have an evident account of the Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus, about a future happy state, and the resurrection of the dead, as in the New Testament, John 11:24, I shall here refer to the other places in Josephus, before he became a catholic Christian, which concern the same matters. Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8. sect. 4; B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7; Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30; where we may observe, that none of these passages are in his Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the use of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not proper to insist on topics so much out of their way as these were. Nor is this observation to be omitted here, especially on account of the sensible difference we have now before us in Josephus's reason of the used by the Rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the vindication of God's law against images, by Moses, as well as of the answers those scholars made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to die for the same; I mean as compared with the parallel arguments and answers represented in the Antiquities, B. XVII. ch. 6. sect, 2, 3. A like difference between Jewish and Gentile notions the reader will find in my notes on Antiquities, B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. See the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 5; and compared with this in his Wars of the Jews, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 2-14. Nor does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles at Athens, Acts 17:16-34, as he does to Jews in his Epistles.</i>",
+                    "4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them.",
+                    "5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical turnouts about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them.",
+                    "6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: \"I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no.\"",
+                    "7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing; on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein made Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.",
+                    "8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to his successor; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also been commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament.",
+                    "9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a secptre in his right hand; and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans. also and Gauls, all accounted as if they were going to war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Makes A Funeral Feast For The People, On The Account Of Herod. After Which A Great Tumult Is Raised By The Multitude And He Sends The Soldiers Out Upon Them, Who Destroy About Three Thousand Of Them.</i><br><br>1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Hear Dean Aldrich's note on this place: \"The law or Custom of the Jews (says he) requires seven days' mourning for the dead, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 4; whence the author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, ch. 22:12, assigns seven days as the proper time of mourning for the dead, and, ch. 38:17, enjoins men to mourn for the dead, that they may not be evil spoken of; for, as Josephus says presently, if any one omits this mourning [funeral feast], he is not esteemed a holy person. How it is certain that such a seven days' mourning has been customary from times of the greatest antiquity, Genesis 1:10. Funeral feasts are also mentioned as of considerable antiquity, Ezekiel 24:17; Jeremiah 16:7; Prey. 31:6; Deuteronomy 26:14; Josephus, Of the War B. III. ch. 9. sect. 5.</i> and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude, (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if any one omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person,) he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father's funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and good-will to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father.",
+                    "2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the good-will of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was.",
+                    "3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say any thing to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. And indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to he celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition. At this Archelaus was aftrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain, who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus Goes To Rome With A Great Number Of His Kindred. He Is There Accused Before Caesar By Antipater; But Is Superior To His Accusers In Judgment By The Means Of That Defense Which Nicolaus Made For Him.</i><br><br>1. Archelaus went down now to the sea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king's brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple. ",
+                    "2. But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father's money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.",
+                    "3. In the mean time, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The inclinations also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king.",
+                    "4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar's hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's ring, and his father's accounts. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together, (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat,) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.",
+                    "5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater, (who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,) and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession, and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities; that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the day time, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion. That, however, if any one should suppose Herod's judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it! ",
+                    "6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus's kingdom, only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. He also demonstrated that Archelaus's accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor.",
+                    "7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise; - upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod's successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Fight A Great Battle With Sabinus's Soldiers, And A Great Destruction Is Made At Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not he at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost, (i. e. the 50th day,) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had ['at the present state of affairs']. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.",
+                    "2. Now Sabinus was aftrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others' want of skill, in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.",
+                    "3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastere by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers.",
+                    "4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to deploy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same, (Gratus having the foot of the king's party under him, and Rufus the horse,) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews in the siege, and tried to break down walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Tumultuous. The Robberies Of Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Take The Name Of King Upon Them.</i><br><br>1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers got together, and armed and fought against those of the king's party; against whom Achiabus, the king's first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and brake open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion.",
+                    "2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.",
+                    "3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs; and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king's party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Varus Composes The Tumults In Judea And Crucifies About Two Thousand Of The Seditious.</i><br><br>1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais; having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian, (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot,) Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Aras. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and blood-shed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. Emnaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arias.",
+                    "2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand.",
+                    "3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Greatly Complain Of Archelaus And Desire That They May Be Made Subject To Roman Governors. But When Caesar Had Heard What They Had To Say, He Distributed Herod's Dominions Among His Sons According To His Own Pleasure.</i><br><br>1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus's permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo's<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This holding a council in the temple of Apollo, in the emperor's palace at Rome, by Augustus, and even the building of this temple magnificently by himself in that palace, are exactly agreeable to Augustus, in his elder years, as Aldrich and from Suttonius and Propertius.</i> temple, that was in the palace, (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense,) the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus's side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Besides these, there were present Archelaus's brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it.",
+                    "2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of their law, and said that be was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people that were out of their bounds; that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have a strong confirmation that it was Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes, under whom the main part of the Jews returned out of the Babylonian captivity, i.e. in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same thing is in the Antiquities, B. XI. ch.6</i> that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.",
+                    "3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno's house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato's Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. And for the rest of Herod's offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished And Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them Had Been Showed Them In Dreams.</i><br><br>1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father's friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countenance procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges.",
+                    "2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander's face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him, \"I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories.\" So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account.",
+                    "3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar's treasury. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essens, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.",
+                    "4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, ,and married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her; \"Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or no.\" Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced Into A [Roman] Province. The Sedition Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.</i><br><br>1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders.",
+                    "2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essens. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. These Essens reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man.",
+                    "3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there any one to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order, - insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one's possessions are intermingled with every other's possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. They think that oil is a defilement; and if any one of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the uses of them all.",
+                    "4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of or of shoes till be first torn to pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they either buy or sell any thing to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please.",
+                    "5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for any one to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them.",
+                    "6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone's own free-will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers.",
+                    "7. But now if any one hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use for a year, while he continues excluded'; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God's assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal any thing from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This mention of the \"names of angels,\" so particularly preserved by the Essens, (if it means more than those \"messengers\" which were employed to bring, them the peculiar books of their Sect,) looks like a prelude to that \"worshipping of angels,\" blamed by St. Paul, as superstitious and unlawful, in some such sort of people as these Essens were, Colossians 2:8; as is the prayer to or towards the sun for his rising every morning, mentioned before, sect. 5, very like those not much later observances made mention of in the preaching of Peter, Authent. Rec. Part II. p. 669, and regarding a kind of worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon, and not celebrating the new moons, or other festivals, unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed, seems to me the earliest mention of any regard to the phases in fixing the Jewish calendar, of which the Talmud and later Rabbins talk so much, and upon so very little ancient foundation.</i> [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves.",
+                    "8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of.",
+                    "9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom if any one blaspheme he is punished capitally. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them.",
+                    "10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They contemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again.",
+                    "11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue for ever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue and dehortations from wickedness collected; whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essens<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of these Jewish or Essene (and indeed Christian) doctrines concerning souls, both good and bad, in Hades, see that excellent discourse, or homily, of our Josephus concerning Hades, at the end of the volume.</i> about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy.",
+                    "12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Dean Aldrich reckons up three examples of this gift of prophecy in several of these Essens out of Josephus himself, viz. in the History of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5, Judas foretold the death of Antigonus at Strato's Tower; B. II. ch. 7. sect. 3, Simon foretold that Archelaus should reign but nine or ten years; and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 10. sect. 4, 5, Menuhem foretold that Herod should be king, and should reign tyrannically, and that for more than twenty or even thirty years. All which came to pass accordingly.</i> by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.",
+                    "13. Moreover, there is another order of Essens,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There is so much more here about the Essens than is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and yet so much less about the Pharisees and Sadducees, the two other Jewish sects, than would naturally be expected in proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay, than seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that one is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written less of the one, and more of the two others, than his present copies afford us; as also, that, by some unknown accident, our present copies are here made up of the larger edition in the first case, and of the smaller in the second. See the note in Havercamp's edition. However, what Josephus says in the name of the Pharisees, that only the souls of good men go out of one body into another, although all souls be immortal, and still the souls of the bad are liable to eternal punishment; as also what he says afterwards, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 3, that the soul's vigor is immortal, and that under the earth they receive rewards or punishments according as their lives have been virtuous or vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allotted an eternal prison, but that the good are permitted to live again in this world; are nearly agreeable to the doctrines of Christianity. Only Josephus's rejection of the return of the wicked into other bodies, or into this world, which he grants to the good, looks somewhat like a contradiction to St. Paul's account of the doctrine of the Jews, that they \"themselves allowed that there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust,\" Acts 24:15. Yet because Josephus's account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Patti's that of the Jews in general, and of himself the contradiction is not very certain.</i> who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essens.",
+                    "14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned, the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does co-operate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies, - but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men's own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Death Of Salome. The Cities Which Herod And Philip Built. Pilate Occasions Disturbances. Tiberius Puts Agrippa Into Bonds But Caius Frees Him From Them, And Makes Him King. Herod Antipas Is Banished.</i><br><br>1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamriga, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Cesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberius in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias.",
+                    "2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden under foot; for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable; but upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell down prostrate upon the ground, and continued immovable in that posture for five days and as many nights.",
+                    "3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal, in the open market-place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers, that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons; so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Caesar's images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their naked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently carried out of Jerusalem.",
+                    "4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This use of corban, or oblation, as here applied to the sacred money dedicated to God in the treasury of the temple, illustrates our Savior's words, Mark 7:11, 12.</i> upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. Now when he was apprized aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace.",
+                    "5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to accuse Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa's domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.",
+                    "6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Caius Commands That His Statue Should Be Set Up In The Temple Itself; And What Petronius Did Thereupon.</i><br><br>1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Tacitus owns that Caius commanded the Jews to place his effigies in their temple, though he be mistaken when he adds that the Jews thereupon took arms.</i> and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.",
+                    "2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This account of a place near the mouth of the river Belus in Phoenicia, whence came that sand out of which the ancients made their glass, is a known thing in history, particularly in Tacitus and Strabo, and more largely in Pliny.</i> runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Menmon's monument,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Memnon had several monuments, and one of them appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to have been in Syria, and not improbably in this very place.</i> and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.",
+                    "3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers with their wives and children into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and the statues at Ptolemais, and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods, for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.",
+                    "4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, \"And am not I also,\" said he, \"bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.\" Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, \"Will you then make war against Caesar?\" The Jews said, \"We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;\" but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.",
+                    "5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined]. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage; (for it was about seed time that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle;) so he at last got them together, and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; \"for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.\" Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronins received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Government Of Claudius, And The Reign Of Agrippa. Concerning The Deaths Of Agrippa And Of Herod And What Children They Both Left Behind Them.</i><br><br>1. Now when Caius had reigned three year's and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him; but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentis Saturninns, and Pomponins Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.",
+                    "2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him, who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were: that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added further, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station. ",
+                    "3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.",
+                    "4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, \"O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government]; and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight.\" When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa ran before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert.",
+                    "5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.",
+                    "6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquillity. Now after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice; their names were Bernie Janus and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape: and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as for Alexander's posterity, they reigned in Armenia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Many Tumults Under Cumanus, Which Were Composed By Quadratus. Felix Is Procurator Of Judea. Agrippa Is Advanced From Chalcis To A Greater Kingdom.</i><br><br>1 Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews' ruin came on; for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple, (for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make,) one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented their own relations. ",
+                    "2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road at Beth-boron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. Upon this Cureanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland notes here, that the Talmud in recounting ten sad accidents for which the Jews ought to rend their garments, reckons this for one, \"When they hear that the law of God is burnt.\"</i> Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.",
+                    "3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situate in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success.",
+                    "4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were ill the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. ",
+                    "5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Cesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their head, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Ummidius, or Numidius, or, as Tacitus calls him, Vinidius Quadratus, is mentioned in an ancient inscription, still preserved, as Spanhelm here informs us, which calls him Urnmidius Quadratus.</i> the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder.",
+                    "6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, as also Artanus the son of this Ananias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. He also ordered that Cumanus[the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch.",
+                    "7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say, (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus,) he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded.",
+                    "8. After this Caesar sent Felix,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the character of this Felix (who is well known from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly from his trembling when St. Paul discoursed of \"righteousness, chastity, and judgment to come,\" Acts 24:5; and no wonder, when we have elsewhere seen that he lived in adultery with Drusilla, another man's wife, (Antiq. B. XX. ch. 7. sect. 1) in the words of Tacitus, produced here by Dean Aldrich: \"Felix exercised,\" says Tacitas, \"the authority of a king, with the disposition of a slave, and relying upon the great power of his brother Pallas at court, thought he might safely be guilty of all kinds of wicked practices.\" Observe also the time when he was made procurator, A.D. 52; that when St. Paul pleaded his cause before him, A.D. 58, he might have been \"many years a judge unto that nation,\" as St. Paul says he had then been, Acts 24:10. But as to what Tacitus here says, that before the death of Cumanus, Felix was procurator over Samaria only, does not well agree with St. Paul's words, who would hardly have called Samaria a Jewish nation. In short, since what Tacitus here says is about countries very remote from Rome, where he lived; since what he says of two Roman procurators, the one over Galilee, the other over Samaria at the same time, is without example elsewhere; and since Josephus, who lived at that very time in Judea, appears to have known nothing of this procuratorship of Felix, before the death of Cumanus; I much suspect the story itself as nothing better than a mistake of Tacitus, especially when it seems not only omitted, but contradicted by Josephus; as any one may find that compares their histories together. Possibly Felix might have been a subordinate judge among the Jews some time before under Cumanus, but that he was in earnest a procurator of Samaria before I do not believe. Bishop Pearson, as well as Bishop Lloyd, quote this account, but with a doubtful clause: confides Tacito, \"If we may believe Tacitus.\" Pears. Anhal. Paulin. p. 8; Marshall's Tables, at A.D. 49.</i> the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Nero Adds Four Cities To Agrippas Kingdom; But The Other Parts Of Judea Were Under Felix. The Disturbances Which Were Raised By The Sicarii The Magicians And An Egyptian False Prophet. The Jews And Syrians Have A Contest At Cesarea.</i><br><br>1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater, - I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects every where; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned.",
+                    "2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod's son,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">i.e. Herod king of Chalcis.</i> and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of the robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated.",
+                    "3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the day time, and in the midst of the city; this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; and while every body expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.",
+                    "4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them.",
+                    "5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.",
+                    "6. Now when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war.",
+                    "7. There was also another disturbance at Cesarea, - those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there rising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bands. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once into the market-place, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Festus Succeeds Felix Who Is Succeeded By Albinus As He Is By Florus; Who By The Barbarity Of His Government Forces The Jews Into The War.</i><br><br>1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one's substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and no body remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; and every one of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the Whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction.",
+                    "2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Not long after this beginning of Florus, the wickedest of all the Roman procurators of Judea, and the immediate occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth year of Nero, and the seventeenth of Agrippa, or A.D. 66, the history in the twenty books of Josephus's Antiquities ends, although Josephus did not finish these books till the thirteenth of Domitian, or A.D. 93, twenty-seven years afterward; as he did not finish their Appendix, containing an account of his own life, till Agrippa was dead, which happened in the third year of Trajan, or A. D. 100, as I have several times observed before.</i> who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompons manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could any one outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could any one contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. ",
+                    "3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we may note, that three millions of the Jews were present at the passover, A.D. 65; which confirms what Josephus elsewhere informs us of, that at a passover a little later they counted two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred paschal lambs, which, at twelve to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, come to three millions and seventy-eight thousand. See B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3.</i> these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. Florus also conducted him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.",
+                    "4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Cesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisins [Jyar.] Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made working-shops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out.",
+                    "5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditions also among the Gentiles of Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him;] so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take here Dr. Hudson's very pertinent note. \"By this action,\" says he, \"the killing of a bird over an earthen vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leprous people; for that was to be done by the law in the cleansing of a leper, Leviticus 14. It is also known that the Gentiles reproached the Jews as subject to the leprosy, and believed that they were driven out of Egypt on that account. This that eminent person Mr. Reland suggested to me.\"</i> he was overcome by the violence of the people of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon, and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Cesarea.",
+                    "6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; and instead of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.",
+                    "7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. ",
+                    "8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. ",
+                    "9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children, (for they did not spare even the infants themselves,) was about three thousand and six hundred. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have examples of native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans, and so ought never to have been whipped or crucified, according to the Roman laws. See almost the like case in St. Paul himself, Acts 22:25-29.</i> and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Bernice's Petition To Florus, To Spare The Jews, But In Vain; As Also How, After The Seditious Flame Was Quenched, It Was Kindled Again By Florus.</i><br><br>1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; nay, this violence of the soldiers brake out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself.",
+                    "2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Market-place, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; at which the men of power were aftrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries.",
+                    "3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this, that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews' salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action.",
+                    "4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; saying, \"What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.\"",
+                    "5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, an broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjoining to the north side of the temple, whereon was the hospital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath which was the sheep pool of Bethesda; into which an angel or messenger, at a certain season, descended, and where he or they who were the \"first put into the pool\" were cured, John 5:1 etc. This situation of Bezetha, in Josephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off the tower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of the same pool at this day; only the remaining cloisters are but three. See Maundrel, p. 106. The entire buildings seem to have been called the New City, and this part, where was the hospital, peculiarly Bezetha or Bethesda. See ch. 19. sect. 4.</i> as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia;] but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace.",
+                    "6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Cesarea."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Cestius Sends Neopolitanus The Tribune To See In What Condition The Affairs Of The Jews Were. Agrippa Makes A Speech To The People Of The Jews That He May Divert Them From Their Intentions Of Making War With The Romans.</i><br><br>1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errands he was sent.",
+                    "2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the market-place was made desolate, and the houses plundered. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.",
+                    "3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasions of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them, (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery,) and spake to them as follows:",
+                    "4. <sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In this speech of king Agrippa we have an authentic account of the extent and strength of the Roman empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech with other circumstances in Josephus, demonstrate how wise and how great a person Agrippa was, and why Josephus elsewhere calls him a most wonderful or admirable man, Contr. Ap. I. 9. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul,\" Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian,\" Acts 26;28; and of whom St. Paul said, \"He was expert in all the customs and questions of the Jews,\" yet. 3. See another intimation of the limits of the same Roman empire, Of the War, B. III. ch. 5. sect. 7. But what seems to me very remarkable here is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, for whose use he wrote his Antiquities, did himself frequently he into their they appear, by the politeness of their composition, and their flights of oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons concerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own elegant composure, the speech before us is of another nature, full of undeniable facts, and composed in a plain and unartful, but moving way; so it appears to be king Agrippa's own speech, and to have been given Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus had the greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's constant doctrine here, that this vast Roman empire was raised and supported by Divine Providence, and that therefore it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to think of destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take notice of Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels here used; the like appeals to which we have in St. Paul, 1 Timothy 5:22, and by the apostles in general, in the form of the ordination of bishops, Constitut. Apost. VIII. 4.</i> \" Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight, I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaint against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one, to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue for ever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae. and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. Those Macedonians also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Henlochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but arc now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days' journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrlans, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Daeians. And for the Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. Moreover, if eat advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. Now although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives every where; yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, an subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the [continent of this] habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large all island And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. Now when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridite, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. And as for the third part of the habitable earth, [Akica,] whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven millions five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance; but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do; for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God's providence. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observations of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? and if you do observe the custom of the sabbath days, and will not be revealed on to do any thing thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without fore-seeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back any thing that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge four passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.\"",
+                    "5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; \"for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Julius Caesar had decreed that the Jews of Jerusalem should pay an annual tribute to the Romans, excepting the city Joppa, and for the sabbatical year; as Spanheim observes from the Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 6.</i> and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The War Of The Jews With The Romans Began, And Concerning Manahem.</i><br><br>1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom.",
+                    "2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.",
+                    "3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked toward the sun-rising. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations; and that they had been so far from rejecting any person's sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety,) that they had themselves placed those donation about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time; that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. And if such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbid even their oblations to be received also; that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they have offered foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured.",
+                    "4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king's kindred; and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the seditious before it should be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.",
+                    "5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion;] for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power; so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts continually on both sides; and sometimes it happened that they made incursions by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness, but the king's soldiers in skill. These last strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar, besides what they had already, labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days' time; but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized on.",
+                    "6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning). Upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people, (that was the name for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae,) they grew bolder, and carried their undertaking further; insomuch that the king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves, while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further.",
+                    "7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; after which they marched to the palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day, while the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food, and those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the siege.",
+                    "8. In the mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean, (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans,) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and left it; and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they provided themselves of another fortification; which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king's soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not depend upon it; so they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers, - that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].",
+                    "9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers should escape. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; but Eleazar and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set some one over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to any one rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple; for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.",
+                    "10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would. give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Calamities And Slaughters That Came Upon The Jews.</i><br><br>1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste [Samaria] or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.",
+                    "2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; so the day time was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear, which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was every where greater than what had been already perpetrated.",
+                    "3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jew that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the night time, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families to a neighboring grove; and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had.",
+                    "4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army's conquering. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner, and said, \"O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.\" Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); so, in the first place, he caught his father by his grey hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; so when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.",
+                    "5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they were afraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; only the Antiochtans the Sidontans, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, and would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As for the Gerasans, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached.",
+                    "6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this Sohemus we have mention made by Tacitus. We also learn from Dio that his father was king of the Arabians of Iturea, [which Iturea is mentioned by St. Luke, ch. 3:1.] both whose testimonies are quoted here by Dr. Hudson. See Noldius, No. 371.</i> Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the king's armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Machorus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and deliver it up to them. These Romans being in great fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions; and when they had obtained the security they desired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of Macherus put a garrison for their own security, and held it in their own power.",
+                    "7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; which honorary reward continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater; but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive; but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing.",
+                    "8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city that was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not be-taken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies.",
+                    "9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms; so he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand horsemen; Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did he march to Ptolemais. There were also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country, and a director what was fit to be done; so Cestius took part of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Ptolemais from our nation; this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things; those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. After this he overran all the country, and seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But when the Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews pulled up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and destroyed about two thousand of them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim notes on the place, that this later Antiochus, who was called Epiphaues, is mentioned by Dio, LIX. p. 645, and that he is mentioned by Josephus elsewhere twice also, B.V. ch. 11. sect. 3; and Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 8. sect. I.</i>",
+                    "10. And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea; but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa, and gave order, that if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them, that they then should stay for him, and for the rest of the army. So some of them made a brisk march by the sea-side, and some by land, and so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for a flight, nor had gotten any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the city. The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their villages.",
+                    "11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. He was received by the strongest city of Galilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy; which wise conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet; while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against them; but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans, they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their approaches, and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had gone round the mountains, and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten; nor could they who had only light armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over; nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemies' horsemen; insomuch that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to be come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in number, were slain."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Cestius Did Against The Jews; And How, Upon His Besieging Jerusalem, He Retreated From The City Without Any Just Occasion In The World. As Also What Severe Calamities He Under Went From The Jews In His Retreat.</i><br><br>1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his army to Cesarea: but Cestius removed with his whole army, and marched to Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them; but this party dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole multitude<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have an eminent example of that Jewish language, which Dr. Wail truly observes, we several times find used in the sacred writings; I mean, where the words \"all\" or\" whole multitude,\"etc. are used for much the greatest part only; but not so as to include every person, without exception; for when Josephus had said that \"the whole multitude\" [all the males] of Lydda were gone to the feast of tabernacles, he immediately adds, that, however, no fewer than fifty of them appeared, and were slain by the Romans. Other examples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in Josephus, but, as I think, none so remarkable as this. See Wall's Critical Observations on the Old Testament, p. 49, 50.</i> were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles; yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched forwards; and ascending by Betboron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem.",
+                    "2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We have also, in this and the next section, two eminent facts to be observed, viz. the first example, that I remember, in Josephus, of the onset of the Jews' enemies upon their country when their males were gone up to Jerusalem to one of their three sacred festivals; which, during the theocracy, God had promised to preserve them from, Exodus 34:24. The second fact is this, the breach of the sabbath by the seditions Jews in an offensive fight, contrary to the universal doctrine and practice of their nation in these ages, and even contrary to what they themselves afterward practiced in the rest of this war. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4.</i> was the day to which they had the greatest regard; but that rage which made them forget the religious observation [of the sabbath] made them too hard for their enemies in the fight: with such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went, insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. When the front of the Jewish army had been cut off, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans, as they were ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried off many of the beasts that carded the weapons of war, and led Shem into the city. But as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march.",
+                    "3. And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party. So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the persons of his party that were the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand, to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over to them; but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors; accordingly they slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove them before them into the city.",
+                    "4. But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus, [or watch-tower,] which was distant seven furlongs from the city; yet did not he assault them in three days' time, out of expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little; and in the mean time he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighboring villages, to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] when he had put his army in array, he brought it into the city. Now for the people, they were kept under by the seditious; but the seditious themselves were greatly affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the temple. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is called Cenopolis, [or the new city,] on fire; as he did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace; and had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once; but Tyrannius Priseus, the muster-master of the army, and a great number of the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted him from that his attempt; and that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such incurable calamities.",
+                    "5. In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him; but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no purpose. But on the next day Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it; but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire; but the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off without doing them any harm; so the soldiers undermined the wall, without being themselves hurt, and got all things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple.",
+                    "6. And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the seditious, insomuch that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately; but the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did they come, in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius as their benefactor, who, had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city; but it was, I suppose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary, that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day.",
+                    "7. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world. But when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen; and now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus; and as he went off farther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still fell upon the hindmost, and destroyed them; they also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the multitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and because they saw the Jews were light, and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being able to revenge themselves upon their enemies; so they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain; among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, and Longinus, the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their baggage. There it was that Cestius staid two days, and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances; but when on the third day he saw a still much greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him.",
+                    "8. That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might hinder his army's march; so they killed the mules and other creatures, excepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoron. Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places; but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did some of them get before, and hindered them from getting out of them; and others of them thrust the hinder-most down into the lower places; and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelted, that they could not march along the road in their ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy; the precipices also and valleys into which they frequently fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their defense; till the distress they were at last in was so great, that they betook themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost despair: the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out [in the morning].",
+                    "9. And then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he might best run away; and when he had selected four hundred of the most courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications, and gave order, that when they went up to the morning guard, they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him, and marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs. But when the Jews perceived, in the morning, that the camp was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them, and immediately threw their darts at them, and slew them; and then pursued after Cestius. But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when it was day; insomuch that the soldiers, through the astonishment and fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war. So the Jews went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis; while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Cestius Sends Ambassadors To Nero. The People Of Damascus Slay Those Jews That Lived With Them. The People Of Jerusalem After They Had [Left Off] Pursuing Cestius, Return To The City And Get Things Ready For Its Defense And Make A Great Many Generals For, Their Armies And Particularly Josephus The Writer Of These Books. Some Account Of His Administration.</i><br><br>1. After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa's forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. But then how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not fly away with them, was afterward slain by the seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him of the great distress they were in, and to lay the blame of their kindling the war upon Florus, as hoping to alleviate his own danger, by provoking his indignation against Florus.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them; and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour's time, without any body to disturb them.",
+                    "3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some them persuaded [by en-treaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. Joseph also, the son of Gorion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">From this name of Joseph the son of Gorion, or Gorion the son of Joseph, as B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 9, one of the governors of Jerusalem, who was slain at the beginning of the tumults by the zealots, B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 1, the much later Jewish author of a history of that nation takes his title, and yet personates our true Josephus, the son of Matthias; but the cheat is too gross to be put upon the learned world.</i> and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. However, the want they were in of Eleazar's money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs.",
+                    "4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Ananias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">32</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We may observe here, that the Idumeans, as having been proselytes of justice since the days of John Hyrcanus, during about one hundred and ninety-five years, were now esteemed as part of the Jewish nation, and these provided of a Jewish commander accordingly. See the note upon Antiq. B. XIII.. ch. 9. sect. 1.</i> who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those fore-named commanders. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Esscue, to the toparchy of Thamna; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. But John, the son of Matthias, was made governor of the toparchies of Gophnitica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command.",
+                    "5. So every one of the other commanders administered the affairs of his portion with that alacrity and prudence they were masters of; but as to Josephus, when he came into Galilee, his first care was to gain the good-will of the people of that country, as sensible that he should thereby have in general good success, although he should fail in other points. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">33</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We see here, and in Josephus's account of his own life, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his legislator Moses, or perhaps only obeyed what he took to be his perpetual law, in appointing seven lesser judges, for smaller causes, in particular cities, and perhaps for the first hearing of greater causes, with the liberty of an appeal to seventy-one supreme judges, especially in those causes where life and death were concerned; as Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 14; and of his Life, sect. 14. See also Of the War, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4. Moreover, we find, sect. 7, that he imitated Moses, as well as the Romans, in the number and distribution of the subaltern officers of his army, as Exodus 18:25; Deuteronomy 1:15; and in his charge against the offenses common among soldiers, as Denteronomy 13:9; in all which he showed his great wisdom and piety, and skillful conduct in martial affairs. Yet may we discern in his very high character of Artanus the high priest, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 2, who seems to have been the same who condemned St. James, bishop of Jerusalem, to be stoned, under Albinus the procurator, that when he wrote these books of the War, he was not so much as an Ebionite Christian; otherwise he would not have failed, according to his usual custom, to have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a just punishment upon him for that his cruelty to the chief, or rather only Christian bishop of the circumcision. Nor, had he been then a Christian, could he immediately have spoken so movingly of the causes of the destruction of Jerusalem, without one word of either the condemnation of James, or crucifixion of Christ, as he did when he was become a Christian afterward.</i> elders.",
+                    "6. Josephus also, when he had settled these rules for determining causes by the law, with regard to the people's dealings one with another, betook himself to make provisions for their safety against external violence; and as he knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he built walls in proper places about Jotapata, and Bersabee, and Selamis; and besides these, about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and what they call Mount Tabor, and Tarichee, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about the caves near the lake of Gennesar, which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the same he did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well as to the rock called the Rock of the Achabari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth; and in Gaulonitis he fortified Seleucia, and Sogane, and Gamala; but as to those of Sepphoris, they were the only people to whom he gave leave to build their own walls, and this because he perceived they were rich and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without standing in need of any injunctions for that purpose. The case was the same with Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi himself, but with the consent of Josephus; but for the building of the rest of the fortresses, he labored together with all the other builders, and was present to give all the necessary orders for that purpose. He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of which he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them.",
+                    "7. And when he had considered that the Roman power became invincible, chiefly by their readiness in obeying orders, and the constant exercise of their arms, he despaired of teaching these his men the use of their arms, which was to be obtained by experience; but observing that their readiness in obeying orders was owing to the multitude of their officers, he made his partitions in his army more after the Roman manner, and appointed a great many subalterns. He also distributed the soldiers into various classes, whom he put under captains of tens, and captains of hundreds, and then under captains of thousands; and besides these, he had commanders of larger bodies of men. He also taught them to give the signals one to another, and to call and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how to expand the wings of an army, and make them wheel about; and when one wing hath had success, to turn again and assist those that were hard set, and to join in the defense of what had most suffered. He also continually instructed them ill what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth. He told them that he should make trial of the good order they would observe in war, even before it came to any battle, in case they would abstain from the crimes they used to indulge themselves in, such as theft, and robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding their own countrymen, and never to esteem the harm done to those that were so near of kin to them to be any advantage to themselves; for that wars are then managed the best when the warriors preserve a good conscience; but that such as are ill men in private life will not only have those for enemies which attack them, but God himself also for their antagonist.",
+                    "8. And thus did he continue to admonish them. Now he chose for the war such an army as was sufficient, i.e. sixty thousand footmen, and two hundred and fifty horsemen;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">34</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I should think that an army of sixty thousand footmen should require many more than two hundred and fifty horsemen; and we find Josephus had more horsemen under his command than two hundred and fifty in his future history. I suppose the number of the thousands is dropped in our present copies.</i> and besides these, on which he put the greatest trust, there were about four thousand five hundred mercenaries; he had also six hundred men as guards of his body. Now the cities easily maintained the rest of his army, excepting the mercenaries, for every one of the cities enumerated above sent out half their men to the army, and retained the other half at home, in order to get provisions for them; insomuch that the one part went to the war, and the other part to their work, and so those that sent out their corn were paid for it by those that were in arms, by that security which they enjoyed from them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning John Of Gischala. Josephus Uses Stratagems Against The Plots John Laid Against Him And Recovers Certain Cities Which Had Revolted From Him.</i><br><br>1. Now as Josephus was thus engaged in the administration of the affairs of Galilee, there arose a treacherous person, a man of Gischala, the son of Levi, \"whose name was John. His character was that of a very cunning and very knavish person, beyond the ordinary rate of the other men of eminence there, and for wicked practices he had not his fellow any where. Poor he was at first, and for a long time his wants were a hinderance to him in his wicked designs. He was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gaining credit to his fictions: he thought it a point of virtue to delude people, and would delude even such as were the dearest to him. He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity, but where he had hopes of gain, he spared not the shedding of blood: his desires were ever carried to great things, and he encouraged his hopes from those mean wicked tricks which he was the author of. He had a peculiar knack at thieving; but in some time he got certain companions in his impudent practices; at first they were but few, but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they became still more and more numerous. He took care that none of his partners should be easily caught in their rogueries, but chose such out of the rest as had the strongest constitutions of body, and the greatest courage of soul, together with great skill in martial affairs; as he got together a band of four hundred men, who came principally out of the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that had run away from its villages; and by the means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and irritated a considerable number, who were in great expectation of a war then suddenly to arise among them.",
+                    "2. However, John's want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, [Gischala,] in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. He after that contrived a very shrewd trick, and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in Syria were obliged to make use of oil that was made by others than those of their own nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send oil to their borders; so he bought four amphorae with such Tyrian money as was of the value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price. And as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was peculiarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately used to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege; and, as he supposed, that if he could once overthrow Josephus, he should himself obtain the government of Galilee; so he gave orders to the robbers that were under his command to be more zealous in their thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many that desired innovations in the country, he might either catch their general in his snares, as he came to the country's assistance, and then kill him; or if he should overlook the robbers, he might accuse him for his negligence to the people of the country. He also spread abroad a report far and near that Josephus was delivering up the administration of affairs to the Romans; and many such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.",
+                    "3. Now at the same time that certain young men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard in the Great Plain laid snares for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward, and took from him all that he had with him; among which things there were a great many costly garments, and no small number of silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold; yet were they not able to conceal what they had stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Tarichee. Hereupon he blamed them for the violence they had offered to the king and queen, and deposited what they brought to him with Eneas, the most potent man of Taricheae, with an intention of sending the things back to the owners at a proper time; which act of Josephus brought him into the greatest danger; for those that had stolen the things had an indignation at him, both because they gained no share of it for themselves, and because they perceived beforehand what was Josephus's intention, and that he would freely deliver up what had cost them so much pains to the king and queen. These ran away by night to their several villages, and declared to all men that Josephus was going to betray them: they also raised great disorders in all the neighboring cities, insomuch that in the morning a hundred thousand armed men came running together; which multitude was crowded together in the hippodrome at Taricheae, and made a very peevish clamor against him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn him. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus's friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multitude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awaked him, as the people were going to set fire to the house. And although those four that remained with him persuaded him to run away, he was neither surprised at his being himself deserted, nor at the great multitude that came against him, but leaped out to them with his clothes rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him, and his sword hanging at his neck. At this sight his friends, especially those of Tarichae, commiserated his condition; but those that came out of the country, and those in their neighborhood, to whom his government seemed burdensome, reproached him, and bid him produce the money which belonged to them all immediately, and to confess the agreement he had made to betray them; for they imagined, from the habit in which he appeared, that he would deny nothing of what they suspected concerning him, and that it was in order to obtain pardon that he had put himself entirely into so pitiable a posture. But this humble appearance was only designed as preparatory to a stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to set those that were so angry at him at variance one with another about the things they were angry at. However, he promised he would confess all: hereupon he was permitted to speak, when he said,\" I did neither intend to send this money back to Agrippa, nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor did I look upon what would tend to your disadvantage to be my advantage. But, O you people of Tariehete, I saw that your city stood in more need than others of fortifications for your security, and that it wanted money in order for the building it a wall. I was also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and other cities should lay a plot to seize upon these spoils, and therefore it was that I intended to retain this money privately, that I might encompass you with a wall. But if this does not please you, I will produce what was brought me, and leave it to you to plunder it; but if I have conducted myself so well as to please you, you may if you please punish your benefactor.\" ",
+                    "4. Hereupon the people of Taricheae loudly commended him; but those of Tiberias, with the rest of the company, gave him hard names, and threatened what they would do to him; so both sides left off quarrelling with Josephus, and fell on quarrelling with one another. So he grew bold upon the dependence he had on his friends, which were the people of Taricheae, and about forty thousand in number, and spake more freely to the whole multitude, and reproached them greatly for their rashness; and told them, that with this money he would build walls about Taricheae, and would put the other cities in a state of security also; for that they should not want money, if they would but agree for whose benefit it was to be procured, and would not suffer themselves to be irritated against him who procured it for them.",
+                    "5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armor; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him. On which occasion Josephus again used a second stratagem to escape them; for he got upon the top of his house, and with his right hand desired them to be silent, and said to them, \"I cannot tell what you would have, nor can hear what you say, for the confused noise you make;\" but he said that he would comply with all their demands, in case they would but send some of their number in to him that might talk with him about it. And when the principal of them, with their leaders, heard this, they came into the house. He then drew them to the most retired part of the house, and shut the door of that hall where he put them, and then had them whipped till every one of their inward parts appeared naked. In the mean time the multitude stood round the house, and supposed that he had a long discourse with those that were gone in about what they claimed of him. He had then the doors set open immediately, and sent the men out all bloody, which so terribly aftrighted those that had before threatened him, that they threw away their arms and ran away.",
+                    "6. But as for John, his envy grew greater [upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed a new plot against him; he pretended to be sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus would give him leave to use the hot baths that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John's plots against him, wrote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries for John; which favors, when he had made use of, in two days' time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus. This Silas, who was appointed guardian of the city by Josephus, wrote to him immediately, and informed him of the plot against him; which epistle when Josephus had received, he marched with great diligence all night, and came early in the morning to Tiberias; at which time the rest of the multitude met him. But John, who suspected that his coming was not for his advantage, sent however one of his friends, and pretended that he was sick, and that being confined to his bed, he could not come to pay him his respects. But as soon as Josephus had got the people of Tiberias together in the stadium, and tried to discourse with them about the letters that he had received, John privately sent some armed men, and gave them orders to slay him. But when the people saw that the armed men were about to draw their swords, they cried out; at which cry Josephus turned himself about, and when he saw that the swords were just at his throat, he marched away in great haste to the sea-shore, and left off that speech which he was going to make to the people, upon an elevation of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with two of his guards, and fled away into the midst of the lake.",
+                    "7. But now the soldiers he had with him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them, that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded [of disorder]. Accordingly, these men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but the people of the neighboring country, when they were informed of this plot, and of the plotter, they got together in great multitudes to oppose John. But he prevented their attempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native city, while the Galileans came running out of their several cities to Josephus; and as they were now become many ten thousands of armed men, they cried out, that they were come against John the common plotter against their interest, and would at the same time burn him, and that city which had received him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he took their good-will to him kindly, but still he restrained their fury, and intended to subdue his enemies by prudent conduct, rather than by slaying them; so he excepted those of every city which had joined in this revolt with John, by name, who had readily been shown him by these that came from every city, and caused public proclamation to be made, that he would seize upon the effects of those that did not forsake John within five days' time, and would burn both their houses and their families with fire. Whereupon three thousand of John's party left him immediately, who came to Josephus, and threw their arms down at his feet. John then betook himself, together with his two thousand Syrian runagates, from open attempts, to more secret ways of treachery. Accordingly, he privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Josephus, as having to great power, and to let them know that he would soon come as a tyrant to their metropolis, unless they prevented him. This accusation the people were aware of beforehand, but had no regard to it. However, some of the grandees, out of envy, and some of the rulers also, sent money to John privately, that he might be able to get together mercenary soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they also made a decree of themselves, and this for recalling him from his government, yet did they not think that decree sufficient; so they sent withal two thousand five hundred armed men, and four persons of the highest rank amongst them; Joazar the son of Nomicus, and Ananias the son of Sadduk, as also Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan, all very able men in speaking, that these persons might withdraw the good-will of the people from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if he would voluntarily come away, they should permit him to [come and] give an account of his conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon continuing in his government, they should treat him as an enemy. Now Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was coming against him, but they gave him no notice beforehand what the reason of their coming was, that being only known among some secret councils of his enemies; and by this means it was that four cities revolted from him immediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gischala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem; and the people [of Galilee] had great indignation at them, and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not only these forces, but those that sent them also, had not these forces prevented it by running away.",
+                    "8. Now John was detained afterward within the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias revolted again, the people within it inviting king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of his authority there]. And when he did not come at the time appointed, and when a few Roman horsemen appeared that day, they expelled Josephus out of the city. Now this revolt of theirs was presently known at Taricheae; and as Josephus had sent out all the soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he knew not how either to march out alone against the revolters, or to stay where he was, because he was afraid the king's soldiers might prevent him if he tarried, and might get into the city; for he did not intend to do any thing on the next day, because it was the sabbath day, and would hinder his proceeding. So he contrived to circumvent the revolters by a stratagem; and in the first place he ordered the gates of Taricheae to be shut, that nobody might go out and inform [those of Tiberias], for whom it was intended, what stratagem he was about; he then got together all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of them he put no more than four mariners. So he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at such a distance from the city, that it was not easy for the people to see the vessels, and ordered that the empty vessels should float up and down there, while himself, who had but seven of his guards with him, and those unarmed also, went so near as to be seen; but when his adversaries, who were still reproaching him, saw him from the walls, they were so astonished that they supposed all the ships were full of armed men, and threw down their arms, and by signals of intercession they besought him to spare the city.",
+                    "9. Upon this Josephus threatened them terribly, and reproached them, that when they were the first that took up arms against the Romans, they should spend their force beforehand in civil dissensions, and do what their enemies desired above all things; and that besides they should endeavor so hastily to seize upon him, who took care of their safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against him that built their walls; that, however, he would admit of any intercessors from them that might make some excuse for them, and with whom he would make such agreements as might be for the city's security. Hereupon ten of the most potent men of Tiberias came down to him presently; and when he had taken them into one of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried a great way off from the city. He then commanded that fifty others of their senate, such as were men of the greatest eminence, should come to him, that they also might give him some security on their behalf. After which, under one new pretense or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them. He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled to sail away immediately for Taricheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">35</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I cannot but think this stratagem of Josephus, which is related both here and in his Life, sect. 32, 33, to be one of the finest that ever was invented and executed by any warrior whatsoever.</i>",
+                    "10. And when the rest of the people cried out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief author of this revolt, they desired him to spend his anger upon him [only]; but Josephus, whose intention it was to slay nobody, commanded one Levius, belonging to his guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to cut off both Clitus's hands; yet was Levius afraid to go out by himself alone to such a large body of enemies, and refused to go. Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of it, in order to execute the punishment himself; he begged therefore from the shore, that he would leave him one of his hands; which Josephus agreed to, upon condition that he would himself cutoff the other hand; accordingly he drew his sword, and with his right hand cut off his left, so great was the fear he was in of Josephus himself. And thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners, and recovered the city again with empty ships and seven of his guard. Moreover, a few days afterward he retook Gischala, which had revolted with the people of Sepphoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder it; yet did he get all the plunder together, and restored it to the inhabitants; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and Tiberias. For when he had subdued those cities, he had a mind, by letting them be plundered, to give them some good instruction, while at the same time he regained their good-will by restoring them their money again."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Jews Make All Ready For The War; And Simon, The Son Of Gioras, Falls To Plundering.</i><br><br>1. And thus were the disturbances of Galilee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to prosecute their civil dissensions, they betook themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the high priest Ananus, and do as many of the men of power as were not in the interest of the Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a great many warlike instruments, insomuch that in all parts of the city darts and all sorts of armor were upon the anvil. Although the multitude of the young men were engaged in exercises, without any regularity, and all places were full of tumultuous doings; yet the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and a great many there were who, out of the prospect they had of the calamities that were coming upon them, made great lamentations. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. However, Ananus's concern was this, to lay aside, for a while, the preparations for the war, and to persuade the seditious to consult their own interest, and to restrain the madness of those that had the name of zealots; but their violence was too hard for him; and what end he came to we shall relate hereafter.",
+                    "2. But as for the Acrabbene toparchy, Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of those that were fond of innovations together, and betook himself to ravage the country; nor did he only harass the rich men's houses, but tormented their bodies, and appeared openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in his government. And when an army was sent against him by Artanus, and the other rulers, he and his band retired to the robbers that were at Masada, and staid there, and plundered the country of Idumea with them, till both Ananus and his other adversaries were slain; and until the rulers of that country were so afflicted with the multitude of those that were slain, and with the continual ravage of what they had, that they raised an army, and put garrisons into the villages, to secure them from those insults. And in this state were the affairs of Judea at that time."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Vespasian Is Sent Into Syria By Nero In Order To Make War With The Jews.</i><br><br>1. When Nero was informed of the Romans' ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again].",
+                    "2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also, - he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, which had been little known before<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take the confirmation of this in the words of Suetonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson: \"In the reign of Claudius,\" says he, \"Vespasian, for the sake of Narcissus, was sent as a lieutenant of a legion into Germany. Thence he removed into Britain \" battles with the enemy.\" In Vesp. sect. 4. We may also here note from Josephus, that Claudius the emperor, who triumphed for the conquest of Britain, was enabled so to do by Vespasian's conduct and bravery, and that he is here styled \"the father of Vespasian.\"</i> whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own.",
+                    "3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian's age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father's prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian's being himself emperor afterwards. Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and the tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Great Slaughter About Ascalon. Vespasian Comes To Ptolemais.</i><br><br>1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius, were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune, carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they presently got together a great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Persite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Antonius.",
+                    "2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it; but Antonius, who was not unapprized of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. Now the Jews were unskillful in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did every thing they were bidden upon the least intimation. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy's cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell upon their own party's weapons, and became one another's enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen; which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows; and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multitude. And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas, and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle.",
+                    "3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction; so when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon. But their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war; for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain; so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedeh However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on fire; and as the tower was burning, the Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral; and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God's providence to be their commander for the time to come.",
+                    "4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch, (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim and Reland both agree, that the two cities here esteemed greater than Antioch, the metropolis of Syria, were Rome and Alexandria; nor is there any occasion for doubt in so plain a case.</i> both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity,) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans. These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gallus before Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of his right hand, and had received a Roman garrison; and at this time withal they received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that they would assist him against their own countrymen. Now the general delivered them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should come against them. And indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation's [fidelity to the Romans]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Op Galilee, Samaria, And Judea.</i><br><br>1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded toward the sun-setting, with the borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod the king dwelt therein; they are bounded on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippeae and Gadaris, and also with Ganlonitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor; its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan.",
+                    "2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are every where so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.",
+                    "3. In short, if any one will suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is every where fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil [in other parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa.",
+                    "4. Now as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea; for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no want; and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceeding sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people.",
+                    "5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais: it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulonitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. This [last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians. And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that lie round about it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Josephus Makes An Attempt Upon Sepphoris But Is Repelled. Titus Comes With A Great Army To Ptolemais.</i><br><br>1. Now the auxiliaries which were sent to assist the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain. The foot were put into the city to be a guard to it, but the horse lodged abroad in the camp. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city's liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. On this account it was that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the Galileans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it; by which means he proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to the forcing the place, and as to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him. By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off, either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity; so that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood; nor was it exempted from any kind of misery or calamity, for the only refuge they had was this, that when they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by Josephus.",
+                    "2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his father, together with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most eminent legions of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion which was with his father; eighteen cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horsemen, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen apiece, with a hundred and twenty horsemen. There were also a considerable number of auxiliaries got together, that came from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohemus, each of them contributing one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Arabia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the greatest part of which were archers; so that the whole army, including the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen, when all were united together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, as they followed in vast numbers, so because they had been trained up in war with the rest, ought not to be distinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in their masters' service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Of The Roman Armies And Roman Camps And Of Other Particulars For Which The Romans Are Commended.</i><br><br>1. Now here one cannot but admire at the precaution of the Romans, in providing themselves of such household servants, as might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might also be of advantage to them in their wars. And, indeed, if any one does but attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to confess that their obtaining so large a dominion hath been the acquisition of their valor, and not the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin to use their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them; for their military exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily; for neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear affright them out of it, nor can labor tire them; which firmness of conduct makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness; nor would he be mistaken that should call those their exercises unbloody battles, and their battles bloody exercises. Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an enemy's land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about; nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide ill it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it happens that the ground is uneven, it is first leveled: their camp is also four-square by measure, and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect their buildings for them.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This description of the exact symmetry and regularity of the Roman army, and of the Roman encampments, with the sounding their trumpets, etc. and order of war, described in this and the next chapter, is so very like to the symmetry and regularity of the people of Israel in the wilderness, (see Description of the Temples, ch. 9.,) that one cannot well avoid the supposal, that the one was the ultimate pattern of the other, and that the tactics of the ancients were taken from the rules given by God to Moses. And it is thought by some skillful in these matters, that these accounts of Josephus, as to the Roman camp and armor, and conduct in war, are preferable to those in the Roman authors themselves.</i>",
+                    "2. As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances, where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general's own tent, in the nature of a temple, insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its market-place, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined. The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude and the skill of the laborers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal.",
+                    "3. When they have thus secured themselves, they live together by companies, with quietness and decency, as are all their other affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood, and their corn, and their water brought them, when they stand in need of them; for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising are notified beforehand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any thing done without such a signal; and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and these centurions to their tribunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior officers go to the general of the whole army, who then gives them of course the watchword and other orders, to be by them cared to all that are under their command; which is also observed when they go to fight, and thereby they turn themselves about on the sudden, when there is occasion for making sallies, as they come back when they are recalled in crowds also.",
+                    "4. Now when they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going out; then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march; then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of burden, and stand, as at the place of starting, ready to march; when also they set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their enemies. Then do the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out, in order to excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank when the army marches. Then does the crier stand at the general's right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready to go out to war or not? To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful voice, saying, \"We are ready.\" And this they do almost before the question is asked them: they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and at the same time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also.",
+                    "5. When, after this, they are gone out of their camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with breastplates and head-pieces, and have swords on each side; but the sword which is upon their left side is much longer than the other, for that on the right side is not longer than a span. Those foot-men also that are chosen out from the rest to be about the general himself have a lance and a buckler, but the rest of the foot soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a pick-axe and an axe, a thong of leather and a hook, with provisions for three days, so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, axed a long pole in their hand; a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and not smaller than spears. They have also head-pieces and breastplates, in like manner as have all the footmen. And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their armor no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he always leads the legions forth to whom the lot assigns that employment.",
+                    "6. This is the manner of the marching and resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use. But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done off-hand, but counsel is ever first taken before any work is begun, and what hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently; for which reason they seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they easily correct those mistakes. They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; but for the advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them; and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them, that they had however taken the best consultations they could to prevent them.",
+                    "7. Now they so manage their preparatory exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their souls may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear; for their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers running away from the ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser degree; as are their generals more severe than their laws, for they prevent any imputation of cruelty toward those under condemnation, by the great rewards they bestow on the valiant soldiers; and the readiness of obeying their commanders is so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle, the whole army is but one body, so well coupled together are their ranks, so sudden are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nimble are their hands when they set to work; whereby it comes to pass that what they do is done quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we find any examples where they have been conquered in battle, when they came to a close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for their victories have been surer to them than fortune could have granted them. In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the limits of this empire? One might well say that the Roman possessions are not inferior to the Romans themselves.",
+                    "8. This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that have been conquered by them, and for the deterring others from attempting innovations under their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Placidus Attempts To Take Jotapata And Is Beaten Off. Vespasian Marches Into Galilee.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian, with his son Titus, had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when Placidus, who had overrun Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom he had caught, (which were only the weaker part of the Galileans, and such as were of timorous souls,) saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign; because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so aftrighted as to surrender themselves. But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprized of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and their children to be in danger, and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them;<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I cannot but here observe an Eastern way of speaking, frequent among them, but not usual among us, where the word \"only\" or \"alone\" is not set down, but perhaps some way supplied in the pronunciation. Thus Josephus here says, that those of Jotapata slew seven of the Romans as they were marching off, because the Romans' retreat was regular, their bodies were covered over with their armor, and the Jews fought at some distance; his meaning is clear, that these were the reasons why they slew only, or no more than seven. I have met with many the like examples in the Scriptures, in Josephus, etc.; but did not note down the particular places. This observation ought to be borne in mind upon many occasions.</i> because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armor on, while the others were completely armed. However, three men of the Jews' side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the city, ran away.",
+                    "2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall upon Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, having put his army into that order wherein the Romans used to march. He ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these followed that part of the Romans which was completely armed, both footmen ,and horsemen. Next to these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms, and what was necessary to measure out a camp withal; and after them, such as were to make the road even and straight, and if it were any where rough and hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march. Behind these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their security. After these he marched himself, having with him a select body of footmen, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his own legion, for there were a hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion. Next to these came the mules that carried the engines for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature. After these came the commanders of the cohorts and tribunes, having about them soldiers chosen out of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompassing the eagle, which is at the head of every Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all birds, which seems to them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom they march; these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest. As for the servants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers, which was borne by the mules and other beasts of burden. But behind all the legions carne the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armor also, with a great number of horsemen.",
+                    "3. And thus did Vespasian march with his army, and came to the bounds of Galilee, where he pitched his camp and restrained his soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time he got things ready for besieging their strong minds. And indeed this sight of the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a consternation; for those that were in Josephus's camp, which was at the city called Garis, not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war was come near them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed themselves and fled, not only before they came to a battle, but before the enemy ever came in sight, while Josephus and a few others were left behind; and as he saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if they might be credited, he already despaired of the success of the whole war, and determined to get as far as he possibly could out of danger; so he took those that staid along with him, and fled to Tiberias."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Vespasian, When He Had Taken The City Gadara Marches To Jotapata. After A Long Siege The City Is Betrayed By A Deserter, And Taken By Vespasian.</i><br><br>1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of men grown up and fit for war. He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been guilty of in the affair of Cestius. He also set fire not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity.",
+                    "2. As to Josephus, his retiring to that city which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the people of Tiberias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had entirely despaired of the success of the war. And indeed, as to that point, they were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the Jews would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and that was by repentance. However, although he expected that the Romans would forgive him, yet did he chose to die many times over, rather than to betray his country, and to dishonor that supreme command of the army which had been intrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to give an exact account of affairs to the principal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating that their power beneath the truth, might encourage them to stand out when they were perhaps disposed to repentance. He also sent them word, that if they thought of coming to terms, they must suddenly write him an answer; or if they resolved upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.",
+                    "3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both foot-men and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days' time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, (Jyar,) Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.",
+                    "4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata; and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city, and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation; which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall. Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; which thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity.",
+                    "5. Now when the next day an assault was made by the Romans, the Jews at first staid out of the walls and opposed them, and met them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls. But when Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jewish multitude with him; these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews' side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded.",
+                    "6. On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate battle with them titan before. For they were now become more courageous than formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; for a sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus did the Romans try to make an impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city.",
+                    "7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built on a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata.",
+                    "8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage. And when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, while others pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen.",
+                    "9. Vespasian then set the engines for throwing stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall. At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only not come upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines; for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines. Yet did not the others lie still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles, till at length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were of disadvantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for assaulting the Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one part of the army to the other, which prevented the private excursions of the Jews.",
+                    "10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city's preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, fill it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus's contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city.",
+                    "11. And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapata; for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties, together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works; and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender, as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they should perish by famine: and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard against their coming out of the city.",
+                    "12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of all necessaries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely, for Josephus seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure; but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them.",
+                    "13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst.",
+                    "14. However, Josephus contrived another stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted. There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance; he enjoined them also to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheep-skins as had their wool upon them, that if any one should spy them out in the night time, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough place about themselves.",
+                    "15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended on him, and him alone; for that there was still hope of the city's deliverance, if he would stay with them, because every body would undertake any pains with great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they should be taken: that it became him neither to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm; for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided.",
+                    "16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would go out of the city for their sakes; for that if he staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief; for that he would then immediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war. That he did not see what advantge he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their fortune; and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them.",
+                    "17. Now Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations had much broken that his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved to stay, and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, \"Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity.\" Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works. And this was the manner in which he never left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights.",
+                    "18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies, (though they were ashamed to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city,) ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not fight it out with men under desperation, while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; and that it was proper for the Romans to gain their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines. Now the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring another by turns, when it was tired down.",
+                    "19. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram. This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it, in the nature of a cross. When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent. Nor is there any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last. This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet. So these Romans brought the several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall. This brought matters to such a pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in the tipper part was secured by skins that covered it, and this both for the security of themselves and of the engine. Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken.",
+                    "20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff. This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, because, let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks. Now when the battering ram thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal; whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Romans themselves; nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews' boldness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the fire caught hold of every thing immediately, and what cost the Romans a great deal of pains was in one hour consumed.",
+                    "21. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar, and was born at Saab, in Galilee. This man took up a stone of a vast bigness, and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force, that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down, and took up the head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern carried it to the top of the wall, and this while he stood as a fit mark to he pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts; nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness; after which he drew himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down together with the head of the ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their assaults.",
+                    "22. After these men's performances, Josephus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground. However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before; where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans; for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general; and before them all came Titus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son's fear, and to the disorder the army was under, for being superior to his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now every body was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily to the walls.",
+                    "23. But still Josephus and those with him, although they fell down dead one upon another by the darts and stones which the engines threw upon them, yet did not they desert the wall, but fell upon those who managed the ram, under the protection of the hurdles, with fire, and iron weapons, and stones; and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, for the light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the day time, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided; for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers; for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones. And any one may learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of those that stood round about Josephus was near the wall, his head was carried away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. In the day time also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half a furlong, so great was the force of that engine. The noise of the instruments themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them was so also; of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain; while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses; the mountains also contributed to increase the noise by their echoes; nor was there on that night any thing of terror wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight: yet did a great part of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully, as were a great part of them wounded. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city.",
+                    "24. In the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city [by storm], after a little recreation upon the hard pains they had been at the night before; and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken; and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to have their darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines, and bid them to take up other ladders, and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city.",
+                    "25. But Josephus, understanding the meaning of Vespasian's contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger. He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy's darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers; but that When the Romans should lay their instruments for ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed; and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors.",
+                    "26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army, (for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed,) when they also saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually come upon them already. But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was; for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming.",
+                    "27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so last, that they intercepted the light. However, Josephus's men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts; and as to the engines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them. And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them; nor did they leave struggling with the Romans till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. But the Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enough to come in their places, and succor them; while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men still succeeded those that were tired; and still new men soon got upon the machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were a protection to them, they became a body of men not to be broken; and as this band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they began already to get upon the wall.",
+                    "28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress, (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair,) and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains, for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; and as the men were cooped up in their head-pieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them.",
+                    "29. However, in this ill success of the Romans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself; and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down; by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised, and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them. So the general called off those soldiers in the evening that had suffered so sorely, of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried off wounded. This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan].",
+                    "30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting somewhat to do than any further exhortations, he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. These towers he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them. And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to themselves.",
+                    "31. About this time it was that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen. When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely, that they fell in together with them: but when the Jews were endeavoring to get again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them. It was certainly God therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies; for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications; for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the second, so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own friends, which quite broke their spirits; and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thousand. So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. Vespasian hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. Then did Titus's men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them; for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, and sustained a fight with them for six hours' time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity; so that the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the former fight, was fifteen thousand, and the captives were two thousand one hundred and thirty. This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan.]",
+                    "32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon file mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; he therefore sent I thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat, (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries,) insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time.",
+                    "33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out manfully, and bore up tinder their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were become higher than the wall; on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian, and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were, and that they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and as perpetual fighting, that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they might he taken by stratagem, if any one would attack them; for that about the last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep; accordingly his advice was, that they should make their attack at that hour. But Vespasian had a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how faithful the Jews were to one another, and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. However, the probability there was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter told them, and they thought he might probably speak truth. However, Vespasian thought they should be no great sufferers if the report was a sham; so he commanded them to keep the man in custody, and prepared the army for taking the city.",
+                    "34. According to which resolution they marched without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall; and it was Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him. So they cut the throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were tinder them. Now when the citadel was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city, and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those that held it; for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up from distinctly seeing the case they were in, till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were slaying, they perceived the city was taken. And for the Romans, they so well remembered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew them as they drove them down; at which time the difficulties of the place hindered those that were still able to fight from defending themselves; for as they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure along the precipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came fighting them down from the citadel. This provoked a great many, even of those chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands; for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers in the utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves.",
+                    "35. However, such of the watch as at the first perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one of the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude of enemies, they tried to use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheerfully offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them. And the Romans might have boasted that the conclusion of that siege was without blood [on their side] if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain at the taking of the city. His death was occasioned by the following treachery; for there was one of those that were fled into the caverns, which were a great number, who desired that this Antonius would reach him his right hand for his security, and would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him his assistance in getting up out of the cavern; accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right hand, when the other man prevented him, and stabbed him under his loins with a spear, and killed him immediately.",
+                    "36. And on this day it was that the Romans slew all the multitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched the hiding-places, and fell upon those that were under ground, and in the caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the infants and the women, and of these there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they were numbered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian gave order that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Josephus Was Discovered By A Woman, And Was Willing To Deliver Himself Up To The Romans; And What Discourse He Had With His Own Men, When They Endeavored To Hinder Him; And What He Said To Vespasian, When He Was Brought To Him; And After What Manner Vespasian Used Him Afterward.</i><br><br>1. And now the Romans searched for Josephus, both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the greatest part of the war would be over. They then searched among the dead, and looked into the most concealed recesses of the city; but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground; and there he met with forty persons of eminency that had concealed themselves, and with provisions enough to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the day time he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the night time he got up out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch; but as all places were guarded every where on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up.",
+                    "2. So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not prevail with him; for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him; that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage. He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him.",
+                    "3. Now as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the night time, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, and said, \"Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.\"",
+                    "4. When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor's invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out, \"Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. O Josephus! art thou still fond of life? and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for liberty! Thou hast therefore had a false reputation for manhood, and a like false reputation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for preservation from those against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art however willing to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest. But although the good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care that the glory of our forefathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our right hand and a sword; and if thou wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them.\" As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans.",
+                    "5. Upon this Josephus was afraid of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God, if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in, when he said thus to them: \"O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? Can any one pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us. I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. Now self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator; nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if any one destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if any one cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it? Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their master shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not guilty of impeity? Do not you know that those who depart out of this life according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame; that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolutions of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity? for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator. Accordingly, our laws determine that the bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of other nations also enjoin such men's hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. For nay part, I will not run over to our enemies' quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself.\"",
+                    "6. Now these and many the like motives did Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves; but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him; but he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions, (as he well might in the great distress he was then in,) he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those that last touched them. Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite him with their swords, they were not thoroughly either willing or able to do it.",
+                    "7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]: \"And now,\" said he, \"since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself.\" This proposal appeared to them to be very just; and when he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for himself also. He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately; for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than life; yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself.",
+                    "8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian. But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near; but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his fortune. Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him. Above all the rest, Titus's own valor, and Josephus's own patience under his afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure; for which reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight in persuading his father to preserve him. However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little time send him to Nero.",
+                    "9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, \"Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case, and how it becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero's successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm any thing of God.\" When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs fore-showing his advancement. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, \"I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.\" To which Josephus replied, \"I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.\" Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his hands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest ill the honors that were done him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Joppa Was Taken, And Tiberias Delivered Up.</i><br><br>1. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus, [Tamus] and from thence he came to Cesarea, which lay by the sea-side. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the greatest part inhabited by Greeks: the citizens here received both the Roman army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this partly out of the good-will they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death. But Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, as offered by the injudicious multitude, with a bare silence. Two of the legions also he placed at Cesarea, that they might there take their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he might not distress Cesarea with the entire army. This place was warm even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summer time, by reason of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee].",
+                    "2. In the mean time, there were gathered together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge; and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea. They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was unguarded in the night time; however, those that were in it perceived that they should be attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they not endeavor to keep the Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach of their darts.",
+                    "3. Now Joppa is not naturally a haven, for it ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable. But the north wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the country they had deserted. Now as those people of Joppa were floating about in this sea, in the morning there fell a violent wind upon them; it is called by those that sail there \"the black north wind,\" and there dashed their ships one against another, and dashed some of them against the rocks, and carried many of them by force, while they strove against the opposite waves, into the main sea; for the shore was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid to come to land; nay, the waves rose so very high, that they drowned them; nor was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves; while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid where they were, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against one another, and a terrible noise when they were broken to pieces; and some of the multitude that were in them were covered with waves, and so perished, and a great many were embarrassed with shipwrecks. But some of them thought that to die by their own swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they were drowned; although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and dashed to pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way, and the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them; and the number of the bodies that were thus thrown out of the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly demolished it.",
+                    "4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans in a little time; but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body of horse in it, with a few footmen, that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities. So these troops overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and laid desolate the whole region.",
+                    "5. But now, when the fate of Jotapata was related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eye-witness to attest the truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a messenger of that news, but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about. However, the truth was known by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true. Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city, which piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for the commander was a public one; and some mourned for those that had lived with them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their brethren, but all mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the lamentation did not cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners, with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them.",
+                    "6. But as the truth came out in time, it appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood; yet was it found that the death of Josephus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had showed their good-will before, when he appeared to have been dead. He was also abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill success; and what usually becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean affliction, became a spur to them to venture on further calamities, and the end of one misery became still the beginning of another; they therefore resolved to fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolving to be revenged on him in revenging themselves on the Romans. And this was the state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which now came upon it.",
+                    "7. But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do, (partly in order to his treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in his government,) he removed from that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Cesarea Philippi<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this Cesarea Philippi there are coins still extant, Spanheim here informs us.</i> and there he refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa, where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in his undertakings. But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of innovations, and that Tarichere had revolted, both which cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Jews were every where perverted [from their obedience to their governors], he thought it seasonable to make an expedition against these cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason. So he sent away his son Titus to [the other] Cesarea, that he might bring the army that lay there to Seythopous, which is the largest city of Decapolis, and in the neighborhood of Tiberias, whither he came, and where he waited for his son. He then came with three legions, and pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias, at a certain station easily seen by the innovators; it is named Sennabris. He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he had heard that the people were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them. When Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his horse, and made those that were with him to do the same, that they might not be thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse one with another, the most potent men among the seditious made a sally upon them armed; their leader was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the principal head of a band of robbers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to fight contrary to the commands of the general, though he were secure of a victory, and knowing that it was a very hazardous undertaking for a few to fight with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready, and being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle, and not by treachery.",
+                    "8. Now the seniors of the people, and such as were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this matter, fled to the camp of the Romans; they then took their king along with them, and fell down before Vespasian, to supplicate his favor, and besought him not to overlook them, nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city, to spare a people that have been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who had hitherto so watched them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same. With these supplications the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole city about the carrying off his horses, and this because he saw that Agrippa was under a great concern for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of their right hands by way of security, Jesus and his party thought it not safe for them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away to Tarichete. The next day Vespasian sent Trajan before with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whether they were all disposed for peace; and as soon as he knew that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took his army, and went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him with acclamations of joy, and called him their savior and benefactor. But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance. However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful to the Romans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a quiet state, after it had been grievously afflicted by the sedition."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Taricheae Was Taken. A Description Of The River Jordan, And Of The Country Of Gennesareth.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews' revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Tarichese partook only the remains of that liberality, Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesu and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered any thing themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them.",
+                    "2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, \"My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow wealthy under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not for ever desert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory, and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.\"",
+                    "3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city.",
+                    "4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out,\" Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? Those that have escaped our hands are ill an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city:\"",
+                    "5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst any one venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone aboard. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus's giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy.",
+                    "6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also.",
+                    "7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining to it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Paninto, where the ancients thought the fountain-head of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters]. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. Now Jordan's visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis.",
+                    "8. The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts, particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men's expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">I do not know where to find the law of Moses here mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards by Eleazar, 13. VII. ch. 8. sect. 7, and almost implied in B. I. ch. 13. sect. 10, by Josephus's commendation of Phasaelus for doing so; I mean, whereby Jewish generals and people were obliged to kill themselves, rather than go into slavery under heathens. I doubt this would have been no better than \"self-murder;\" and I believe it was rather some vain doctrine, or interpretation, of the rigid Pharisees, or Essens, or Herodiaus, than a just consequence from any law of God delivered by Moses.</i> and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place.",
+                    "9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies' hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian's vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the ether, and were drowned, they and their ships together. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; and indeed they were destroyed after various manners every where, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred.",
+                    "10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would he able to compel such as they fled to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul]."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>The Siege And Taking Of Gamala.</i><br><br>1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; Gamala also, which is a city ever against Tarichem, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay Upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the Lower; while Selcucia was situated at the lake Semechouitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have the exact situation of of Jeroboam's \"at the exit of Little Jordan into Great Jordan, near the place called Daphne, but of old Dan. See the note in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. But Reland suspects flint here we should read Dan instead of there being no where else mention of a place called Daphne.</i> where it is sent into Great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately. Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south, and its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.",
+                    "2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines under ground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.",
+                    "3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias, (now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be rendered \"a warm bath,\" for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing,) and came to Gamala; yet was its situation such that he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon the mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the valleys. Now at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavoring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers; he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king's account, and by their fear on their own account, as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who where so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.",
+                    "4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries. However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armor, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going any further, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans were so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies' houses, which were low; but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them. By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them. Now the very ruins afforded them stones enow; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies' side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to despatch such as were only half dead; nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner; nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.",
+                    "5. Those therefore that were able to find the ways out of the city retired. But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus. However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor, and bore up against the enemy's attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but every where, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against the Romans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians). So he got up in the night time, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.",
+                    "6. And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned himself, he avoided to say any thing, that he might by no means seem to complain of it; but he said that \"we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and this, by considering what the nature of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side; for there stands about us that fortune which is of its own nature mutable; that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate; and as it is the part of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the part of cowards to be too much aftrighted at that which is ill; for the change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides; and he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue in that temper, and cheerfully recover what had been lost formerly; and as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy, nor to the valor of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion of their advantage, and of our disappointment. Upon reflecting on which matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled battle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon victory, you took no care of your safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. We ought therefore to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune, and let every one seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this means he will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them. For myself, I will endeavor, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement, and to be the last that retires from it.\"",
+                    "7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while, upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when they considered with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflecting upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage failed them; yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city. And as the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.",
+                    "8. And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These numbers in Josephus of thirty furlongs' ascent to the top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate it by winding and gradual, or by the perpendicular altitude, and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top, as also fifteen furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with Geminus's perpendicular altitude of almost fourteen furlongs, here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of' them agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrell, an eye-witness, p. 112, who says he was not an hour in getting up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and that the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in length, and one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote three furlongs for the ascent or altitude, instead of thirty; and six furlongs for the circumference at the top, instead of twenty-six,--since a mountain of only three furlongs perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour's ascent, and the circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity is near six furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as twenty-six furlongs, or three miles and a quarter, at that height be encompassed with a wall, including a trench and other fortifications, (perhaps those still remaining, ibid.) in the small interval of forty days, as Josephus here says they were by himself.</i> and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water. As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither. Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware of it: however, Placidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when the Jews began to fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way along the plain, and then made his horsemen turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew a great number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hindered their return. So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus.",
+                    "9. But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled away and hid themselves, while the more infirm perished by famine; but the men of war sustained the siege till the two and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetmus, [Tisri,] when three soldiers of the fifteenth legion, about the morning watch, got under a high tower that was near them, and undermined it, without making any noise; nor when they either came to it, which was in the night time, nor when they were under it, did those that guarded it perceive them. These soldiers then upon their coming avoided making a noise, and when they had rolled away five of its strongest stones, they went away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with a very great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those that kept guard at other places were under such disturbance, that they ran away; the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to oppose them, among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away over that part of the wall that was broken down: but as those that were in the city were greatly aftrighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither, and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the physician's hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing to make his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans so well remembered their former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and twentieth day of the forementioned month.",
+                    "10. At which time Titus, who was now returned, out of the indignation he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent, took two hundred chosen horsemen and some footmen with him, and entered without noise into the city. Now as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great every where, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with him; now this upper part of the city was every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevated to a vast altitude, and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices, whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy's darts could hardly reach them. However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them; nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon, nor could they see those that were ascending up to them; so the Romans got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now; a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so it happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had thrown themselves down was found to be five thousand: nor did any one escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa's army; and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the rage of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel. And thus was Gamala taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetens, [Tisri,] whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Surrender Of Gischala; While John Flies Away From It To Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Now no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to every body that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to a surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array. Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to Cesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards; for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them; for which reason he took care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking.",
+                    "2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them, That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them, especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have intrusted themselves to the security of the Romans' right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives.",
+                    "3. Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who were also the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from going out, in order to propose terms of submission, and from receiving any of the horsemen into the city. But John returned Titus this answer: That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he would either persuade or force those that refused them. Yet he said that Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant them leave to celebrate that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which it was unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace also; and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should any body think of doing any thing in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation.",
+                    "4. Now, in the night time, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that where about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. And indeed there was a miserable destruction made of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations, to stay for them; but John's exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that run thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another.",
+                    "5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; they also informed him of John's flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. So he entered the city in the midst of acclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fears, that to destroy with him any one that did not deserve it; for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. However, he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were peaceably disposed in greater security. And thus was all Galilee taken, but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could be taken by them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning John Of Gischala. Concerning The Zealots And The High Priest Ananus; As Also How The Jews Raise Seditions One Against Another [In Jerusalem].</i><br><br>1. Now upon John's entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad, when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard; for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight; and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also. But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls.",
+                    "2. These harangues of John's corrupted a great part of the young men, and puffed them up for the war; but as to the more prudent part, and those in years, there was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and made lamentation on that account, as if the city was already undone; and in this confusion were the people. But then it must be observed, that the multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jerusalem sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala to Cesates, and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous for peace. At the first this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and every one associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another; so that seditions arose every where, while those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men. And, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.",
+                    "3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became a band of wickedness, and all together crept into Jerusalem, which was now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received without distinction all that belonged to their nation; and these they then received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the city came out of kindness, and for their assistance, although these very men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause of the city's destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand which might otherwise have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing on of the war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine therein.",
+                    "4. There were besides these other robbers that came out of the country, and came into the city, and joining to them those that were worse than themselves, omitted no kind of barbarity; for they did not measure their courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but preceded as far as murdering men; and this not in the night time or privately, or with regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in the day time, and began with the most eminent persons in the city; for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the whole city, insomuch that the public treasures were committed to his care; him they took and confined; as they did in the next place to Levias, a person of great note, with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both which were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country. This caused a terrible consternation among the people, and everyone contented himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in war.",
+                    "5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put the men forementioned; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody long, since they were men very powerful, and had numerous families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved to have them slain accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that execution: this man was also called \"the son of Dorcas,\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac, as Acts 9:36. Accordingly, some of the manuscripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the context in Josephus be made out by supposing the reading to have been this: \"The son of Tabitha; which, in the language of our country, denotes Dorcas\" [or a doe].</i> in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that were in custody there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans for a surrender of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain only such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the benefactors and saviors of the city.",
+                    "6. Now the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and these robbers to that degree of madness, that these last took upon them to appoint high priests.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we may discover the utter disgrace and ruin of the high priesthood among the Jews, when undeserving, ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to that holy office by the seditious; which sort of high priests, as Josephus well remarks here, were thereupon obliged to comply with and assist those that advanced them in their impious practices. The names of these high priests, or rather ridiculous and profane persons, were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that prodigious ignoramus Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we shall meet with in Josephus's future history of this war; nor do we meet with any other so much as pretended high priest after Phannias, till Jerusalem was taken and destroyed.</i> So when they had disannulled the succession, according to those families out of which the high priests used to be made, they ordained certain unknown and ignoble persons for that office, that they might have their assistance in their wicked undertakings; for such as obtained this highest of all honors, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed it on them. They also set the principal men at variance one with another, by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have obstructed their measures; till at length, when they were satiated with the unjust actions they had done towards men, they transferred their contumelious behavior to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet.",
+                    "7. And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have escaped the hands of those that plotted against him. These men made the temple of God a strong hold for them, and a place whither they might resort, in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable than what they did; for in order to try what surprise the people would be under, and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the high priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already, it was to descend by succession in a family. The pretense they made for this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolution of an undeniable law, and a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government, derived from those that presumed to appoint governors as they themselves pleased.",
+                    "8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called Eniachim,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This tribe or course of the high priests, or priests, here called Eniachim, seems to the learned Mr. Lowth, one well versed in Josephus, to be that 1 Chronicles 24:12, \"the course of Jakim,\" where some copies have\" the course of Eliakim;\" and I think this to be by no means an improbable conjecture.</i> and cast lots which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but that did not well know what the high priesthood was, such a mere rustic was he yet did they hail this man, without his own consent, out of the country, as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit thee; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness was sport and pastime with them, but occasioned the other priests, who at a distance saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity.",
+                    "9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny; and indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned as the president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish Rabbins, as Reland observes on this place. He also tells us that those Rabbins mention one Jesus the son of Gamala, as once a high priest, but this long before the destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the same person with this Jesus the son of Gamala, Josephus, he must have lived to be very old, or they have been very bad chronologers.</i> who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots; for that was the name they went by, as if they were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others.",
+                    "10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them, (the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,) Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, \"Certainly it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations, or these sacred places, that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give up my life, and that alone for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to live among a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you are silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to have then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you have betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not say how many and of what characters those men were whom they thus served; but certainly they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since nobody succored them when they were put into bonds, the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation. Will you bear, therefore, will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to overthrow any thing greater than the sanctuary. They have seized upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is therefore that most honorable and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with those that lord it over us, as if we had received that principle of subjection from our ancestors; yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans? (I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or not.) What pretense is there for it? Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent. However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably; it is this, that though we should be taken by them, (God forbid the event should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temple, while we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves would have abstained? to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at a distance those sacred walls; while some that have been born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides, can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that these overthrowers of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can so much as devise a punishment that they have not deserved by what they have done, and that you are all provoked against them by those their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps many of you are aftrighted at the multitude of those zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than we are; for these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man's running away to those that are like to themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition of their reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance before them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing of my body neither.\"",
+                    "11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those their enormities. However, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out to him, to lead them on against those whom he had described in his exhortation to them, and every one of them was most readily disposed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account.",
+                    "12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got information of his undertaking, (for there were some who went to them, and told them all that the people were doing,) and were irritated at it, and leaping out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for fighting; but the alacrity that every body showed supplied all their defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple more forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their passions; and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance; but when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were wounded, he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but the populace grew very angry, and became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries, and the robbers could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time together with them. This horribly affrighted the robbers, because it deprived them of the first court; so they fled into the inner court immediately, and shut the gates. Now Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates, although the other threw their stones and darts at them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to introduce the multitude into that court before they were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such guards one after another, and every one was forced to attend in his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those that then took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.",
+                    "13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted the great men every day, and in the night time also when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots, and every thing that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves. And by way of contrivance how he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance every where, even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived that they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their consultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to suspect of that discovery as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his good-will upon oath; accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people's side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without further suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommodation; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain therein.",
+                    "14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows: That he had run many hazards on, their accounts, and in order to let them know of every thing that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his party; but that both he and they should be cast into the most imminent danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them; for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there; that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Artanus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they were unarmed; that they ought to choose one of these two methods, either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled to them; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying plots against them; and that a large body of people were very angry on account of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that although some part might commiserate them, those would be quite overborne by the majority."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Idumeans Being Sent For By The Zealots, Came Immediately To Jerusalem; And When They Were Excluded Out Of The City, They Lay All Night There. Jesus One Of The High Priests Makes A Speech To Them; And Simon The Idumean Makes A Reply To It.</i><br><br>1. Now, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them. These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plausible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests. Now when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves; and besides, how Artanus and his party, in order to secure their own dominion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie; they hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened; because the people were prepared to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off all their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty; that there was but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should themselves be soon in the power of Artanus, and the city would be in the power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now there were two active men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot; for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every motion, delighting in mutations; and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast. There was indeed occasion for quick despatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans.",
+                    "2. Now these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and every body caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.",
+                    "3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or to the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high priests next to Artanus, stood upon the tower that was over against them, and said thus: \"Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her fortune as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and this after a manner very extraordinary; for I see that you are come to support the vilest of men against us, and this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly put on the like, in case our metropolis had called you to her assistance against barbarians. And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; for the very rascality and offscouring of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as it would become them to be had their metropolis called them to her assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly; because certainly you would not take on your armor on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing. But we have an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that account the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by framing a tale as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that calumny is raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of both parties; for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not to have revolted from them at the first, or when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighboring countries were not yet laid waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent; and to endeavor to please them at the time when they are so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death. As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them. But further, whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to manage this treachery. Hath any one been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters? How could we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city. Is this the first time that they are become sensible how they ought to be punished for their insolent actions? For while these men were free from the fear they are now under, there was no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors. But if they lay this charge against the people, this must have been done at a public consultation, and not one of the people must have dissented from the rest of the assembly; in which case the public fame of this matter would have come to you sooner than any particular indication. But how could that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that was ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretense of such men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be betrayed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse us falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they become traitors. And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms, it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join with us in cutting off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong; for they have seized upon men of great eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the market-place, and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them. You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; for that is now made their receptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honored by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves. They now triumph in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; I mean, for having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if you have some regard to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies, and so become judges in this case. However, consider what these men will gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against their metropolis; for though you should have ever so great a suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if, after all, none of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you.\"",
+                    "4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomsoever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests might hear him, and said as follows: \"I can no longer wonder that the patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that shut the gates of our common city<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This appellation of Jerusalem given it here by Simon, the general of the Idumeans, \"the common city\" of the Idumeans, who were proselytes of justice, as well as of the original native Jews, greatly confirms that maxim of the Rabbins, here set down by Reland, that \"Jerusalem was not assigned, or appropriated, to the tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe had equal right to it [at their coming to worship there at the several festivals].\" See a little before, ch. 3. sect. 3, or \"worldly worship,\" as the author to the Hebrews calls the sanctuary, \"a worldly sanctuary.\"</i> to their own nation, and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation of its liberty. And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after an ignominious manner, and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used to be open to even all foreigners that came to worship there. We have indeed come in great haste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen; and the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray. You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected together the like plausible pretenses against them also that you make use of against us; after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this your abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions, unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of your metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country? One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within. Here will we abide before the walls in our armor, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or you become friends to liberty, and repent of what you have done against it.\"",
+                    "5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said; but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides. Nor indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many of them repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would attend them in case they returned without doing any thing at all, so far overcame that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall, though in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a prodigious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake. These things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder; and any one would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.",
+                    "6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting, and that God acted as a general for them; but truly they proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of them; for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked about them to see whether they could devise any means of assisting them. The hotter sort of them thought it best to force their guards with their arms, and after that to fall into the midst of the city, and publicly open the gates to those that came to their assistance; as supposing the guards would be in disorder, and give way at such an unexpected attempt of theirs, especially as the greater part of them were unarmed and unskilled in the affairs of war; and that besides the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard in their undertaking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves, rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed that Ananus would be every where, and visit the guards every hour; which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces. The noise of the wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire with their designs, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the others.",
+                    "7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves, which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword, in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they were that came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time; but as they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not to overlook those for whose sakes they were come, in the midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater danger; for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city; but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards, because as soon as they should perceive they were there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into the temple."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Cruelty Of The Idumeans When They Were Gotten Into The Temple During The Storm; And Of The Zealots. Concerning The Slaughter Of Ananus, And Jesus, And Zacharias; And How The Idumeans Retired Home.</i><br><br>1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing themselves among the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately, and betook themselves to their own defense; and so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the Idumeans were got in; and the greatest part of them laid aside their arms, together with their courage, and betook themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while protected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come to their assistance, only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also, and every one of the guards were in danger of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare any body; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple. Now there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and the murderers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a voluntary one. And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.",
+                    "2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them; and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and well-wishers, while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men's case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus.",
+                    "3. Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats; and for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party; but not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against their own country. But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favor to be slain. Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners; and the terror that was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or to bury him; but those that were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them; for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the night time they would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose themselves to danger would do it in the day time: and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who perished in this manner.",
+                    "4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and judicatures for that purpose; and as they intended to have Zacharias the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, so what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also to get rid of a mall that had great power to destroy them. So they called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but they affirmed themselves that they were well persuaded that so it was, and desired that such their affirmation might he taken for sufficient evidence. Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that despair of his life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public affairs to: in the mean time, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges brought in their verdict that the person accused was not guilty, as choosing rather to die themselves with him, than to have his death laid at their doors; hereupon there arose a great clamor of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges for not understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead, they bantered him, and said, \"Thou hast also our verdict, and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other.\" They also threw him down from the temple immediately into the valley beneath it. Moreover, they struck the judges with the backs of their swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other design than that, when they were dispersed among the people in the city, they might become their messengers, to let them know they were no better than slaves.",
+                    "5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were displeased at what had been done; and when they were assembled together by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction with those that invited them, and gave a particular account of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis. He said that they had taken arms, as though the high priests were betraying their metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such treachery; but that they had succored those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of war and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed their business to have hindered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting the laws of their forefathers; for that if any had taken it ill that the gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed in one night's time. That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them; that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the eyes of those that had supported them, and that their wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or separates himself from the same wicked action; that they therefore ought to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny, and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the city was secured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellowship with these bad men, to make some excuse for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Zealots When They Were Freed From The Idumeans, Slew A Great Many More Of The Citizens; And How Vespasian Dissuaded The Romans When They Were Very Earnest To March Against The Jews From Proceeding In The War At That Time.</i><br><br>1. The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first place, they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, one whom we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem, and went home; which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties; for the people, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies, while the zealots grew more insolent not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and plot some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than any one could imagine. But their thirst was chiefly after the blood of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his free speaking. Nor did Niger of Peres escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried]. Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward. they tasted of their own madness in their mutual seditions one against another. So when this Niger was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them; for some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with some of them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace, they watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against them; and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only punishment of crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death. Nor could any one escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune.",
+                    "2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that \"the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another; that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings.\" But Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering, what was for their advantage, and for their security; for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, they shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height, against themselves. But if they stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be consumed in this sedition: that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another. But if any one imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious success, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle; for we ought to esteem these that do what is agreeable to temperance and prudence no less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labors they had undergone. However, that this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves the glory of victory; for that the Jews are not now employed in making of armor or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were once taken, could be inflicted on them by us. Whether therefore any one hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition.\"",
+                    "3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given. And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled away from the zealots, although their flight was very difficult, since they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the Romans; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain. Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them. But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay along the roads; but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the Divinity itself also, they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such as buried any as to those that deserted, which was no other than death; while he that granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand in need of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead to the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men, therefore, trampled upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws of God; and for the oracles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers; yet did these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging to their own country; for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God. Now while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made themselves the instruments of their accomplishment."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How John Tyrannized Over The Rest; And What Mischiefs The Zealots Did At Masada. How Also Vespasian Took Gadara; And What Actions Were Performed By Placidus.</i><br><br>1. By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke off from the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, in a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical power. Now some submitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out of their good-will to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both by deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought they should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great many. His activity was so great, and that both in action and in counsel, that he had not a few guards about him; yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when he was first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thing whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their quarrels; but they fought earnestly against the people, and contended one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison, that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the Romans which they despaired to obtain among their own people.",
+                    "2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, and for the preservation of their bodies at the same time. It was called Masada. Those that were called Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly, but at this time they overran the neighboring countries, aiming only to procure to themselves necessaries; for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages. But when once they were informed that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews were divided between sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters; and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi:--in which expedition they prevented those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves, and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city. As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they had carried every thing out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day, from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves. At that time all the other regions of Judea that had hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body, if the principal part be inflamed, all the members are subject to the same distemper; so, by means of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis,. had the wicked men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert; yet were these men that now got together, and joined in the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">By these hiera, or \"holy places,\" as distinct from cities, must be meant \"proseuchae,\" or \"houses of prayer,\" out of cities; of which we find mention made in the New Testament and other authors. See Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life, sect. 51. \"In qua te quero proseucha?\" Juvenal Sat. III. yet. 296. They were situated sometimes by the sides of rivers, Acts 16:13, or by the sea-side, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. So did the seventy-two interpreters go to pray every morning by the sea-side before they went to their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.</i> and the cities; yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment as do robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condition, as well as its most eminent city also.",
+                    "3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed themselves, and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to their city's assistance, and save the remainder of the people; informing him withal, that it was upon account of the people's good-will to the Romans that many of them were already slain, and the survivors in danger of the same treatment. Vespasian did indeed already pity the calamities these men were in, and arose, in appearance, as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem, but in reality to deliver them from a [worse] siege they were already under. However, he was obliged first to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and entered that city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had sent an embassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about a surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men. This embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired of keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors of this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus, (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy,) and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. And as now the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled it down before the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind, they could not now make war against them.",
+                    "4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village, which was called Bethennabris, where finding a great multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent, partly by force, they rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him. These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice them further off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place fit for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw their darts at them. So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugitives, while the foot terribly destroyed those that fought against them; for those Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with their entire armor, they were not able to find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks, while they were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others' swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' swords upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen.",
+                    "5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting into the village; and causing his horse to march continually on that side of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time his men made use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that were the nearest to them, as they made those that were further off turn back by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those horsemen and fled to the wall of the village. And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do; for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that were among them; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came to pass accordingly; for as they were crowding together at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession of the wall, and of the people that were in the city, when the useless multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great fear on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the river-side, where they were stopped by the current, (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable,) he put his soldiers in array over against them; so the necessity the others were in provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the banks of the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them, as well as the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of them, and pushed them into the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodigious. There were besides two thousand and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.",
+                    "6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it really was; and this, because not only the whole country through which they fled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltiris was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river. And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as Macherus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i> Made Haste To Finish The Jewish War. A Description Of. Jericho, And Of The Great Plain; With An Account Besides Of The Lake Asphaltitis.</i><br><br>1. In the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall, and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere. This report, thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger; and he thought, if he could first reduce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste; but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighboring villages. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strong holds all about Idumea; and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapoils, (or Sichem,) but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Desius [Sivan]; and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.",
+                    "2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltiris, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness: there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not to be here written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a manner have it, (for the place meant by Josephus seems to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and Gomorrha,) cannot now be certainly determined, but seems by no means improbable.</i> which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis; its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up in summer time, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.",
+                    "3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication, That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to he righteous. To these prayers Elisha<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our copies, 2 Kings 2:21, 22, though it be referred to also in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., and the success of it is mentioned in them all.</i> joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it do but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the must excellent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it, what is here sown comes up in such clusters; the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summer time. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; and if the water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. But so much shall suffice to have said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.",
+                    "4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls; and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men's bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Vespasian, After He Had Taken Gadara Made Preparation For The Siege Of Jerusalem; But That, Upon His Hearing Of The Death Of Nero, He Changed His Intentions. As Also Concerning Simon Of Geras.</i><br><br>1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen. So when he had taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had not prevented him by flying away; but he took their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city; for as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides.",
+                    "2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. Bnt as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men; and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freed-men, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, here only touched upon by Josephus, see Tacitus, Suelonius, and Dio, more largely. However, we may observe with Ottius, that Josephus writes the name of the second of them not Otto, with many others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.</i> and returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the market-place at Rome, and Otho was made emperor; with his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war; I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connexion of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they were in for their own country.",
+                    "3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gisehala], who had already seized upon the city, but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. At the first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding-place; but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, he left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters.",
+                    "4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then overran the Acrabattene toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party's security; and at the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose; these he made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by rapine; and many of his partizans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem.",
+                    "5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders, where they fought him, and continued the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him, or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; so he died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon's power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they hazarded a battle with them.",
+                    "6. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him; upon which account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting. And as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed also; for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted; hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multitude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own home.",
+                    "7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years. They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time showed in that small city; the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove, an oak others, a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been very famous in all the past ages, and is so, I suppose, at this day; and that particularly for an eminent mart or meeting of merchants there every year, as the travelers inform us.</i> and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world. Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumen, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste the whole country; for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and as one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts, after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being.",
+                    "8. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants; whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he would lay down his arms, and make supplication to them for his wife; but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him; when he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shedding.",
+                    "9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman market-place; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first day, but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory; and after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Puetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his reign. In Anthon. See the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.</i> Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to Rome with his army. But in the mean time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deasius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives; but Cerealis, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Caphatabira, and laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When Cerealis had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous country not far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the city; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodlum, and Masada, and Macherus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.",
+                    "10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; for these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made them suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means; for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith; while they decked their hair, and put on women's garments, and were besmeared over with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel-house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions; nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men, and became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every body through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two; and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates, so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do.",
+                    "11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him, and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene; the Idumeans fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves to plunder John's effects; for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them (because they were themselves better soldiers than they) as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and the high priests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city; which resolution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come ill to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver; but when he was come in, with his army, he took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invitation was intended.",
+                    "12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city, (for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had,) were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies; but having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places, one at the north-east corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This beginning and ending the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or sabbath, with a priest's blowing of a trumpet, is remarkable, and no where else mentioned, that I know of. Nor is Reland's conjecture here improbable, that this was the very place that has puzzled our commentators so long, called \"Musach Sabbati,\" the \"Covert of the Sabbath,\" if that be the true reading, 2 Kings 16:18, because here the proper priest stood dry, under a \"covering,\" to proclaim the beginning and ending of every Jewish sabbath.</i> at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again. These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Soldiers, Both In Judea And Egypt, Proclaimed Vespasian Emperor;And How Vespasian Released Josephus From His Bonds.</i><br><br>1. Now about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men; which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy at that time.",
+                    "2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native country was laid waste; but then, as much as his passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his distance therefrom; because fortune might prevent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was at this time.",
+                    "3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and consulted openly about changing the public affairs; and, out of their indignation, cried out, how \"at Rome there are soldiers that live delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many labors, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much juster reasons for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Roman authors that now remain say Vitellius had children, whereas Josephus introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not. Spanheim thinks he hath given a peculiar reason for calling Vitellius \"childless,\" though he really had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650; to which it appears very difficult to give our assent.</i> to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men's own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian, or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so they as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius informs us, in Vitell. sect. 15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also named by Josephus presently ch. 11. sect; 4.</i> and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have in contempt.\"",
+                    "4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present copies must be correct text, when they both say that he was first proclaimed in Egypt, and that on the calends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed in Judea. I suppose the month they there intended was June, and not July, as the copies now have it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. See Essay on the Revelation, p. 136.</i> and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.",
+                    "5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying of corn [to Rome]; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food); and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and circumstances of Egypt, in the days of Vespasian and Titus.</i> is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Siene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther, The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from a straight direction: its left side is blocked up by works made by men's hands on both sides; on its right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the night time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which, when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous; yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, as also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth.",
+                    "6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the people of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him.",
+                    "7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes every where, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many every where, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent exaltation of the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5:6 or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty, and honorably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the command of Nebuchadnezzar, on account of his having foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; so was our Josephus set at liberty, and honorably treated, on account of his having foretold the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All these are most eminent instances of the interposition of Divine Providence. and of the certainty of Divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four monarchies. Several such-like examples there are, both in the sacred and other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt. and of Jaddua the high priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, etc.</i> which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. \"It is a shameful thing (said he) that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner.\" So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, froth this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father, and said, \"O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all.\" For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Upon The Conquest And Slaughter Of Vitellius Vespasian Hastened His Journey To Rome; But Titus His Son Returned To Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power justly,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his success, and establish his government at first, distributed his offices and places upon the foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best fit for them. Which wise conduct in a mere heathen ought to put those rulers and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and destruction.</i> and according to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted without their assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it.",
+                    "3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it; so the soldiers did not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted; hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred: he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.",
+                    "4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night time seized upon the capitol; and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The numbers in Josephus, ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, for Galba seven months seven days, for Otho three months two days, and here for Vitellius eight months five days, do not agree with any Roman historians, who also disagree among themselves. And, indeed, Sealiger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on ch. 9. sect. 2, that this period is very confused and uncertain in the ancient authors. They were probably some of them contemporary together for some time; one of the best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as if they did not all together reign one whole year, nor had a single Thoth, or new-year's day, (which then fell upon August 6,) in their entire reigns. Dio also, who says that Vitellius reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more than one year, one month, and two days.</i> and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself; so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.",
+                    "5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Tumuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant.</i> and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Seditions At Jerusalem And What Terrible Miseries Afflicted The City By Their Means.</i><br><br>1. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.",
+                    "2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made everyday upon the people; for this man never left off murdering; but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This appears to be the first time that the zealots ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple, which was the court of the priests, wherein the temple itself and the altar stood. So that the conjecture of those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was slain \"between the temple and the altar\" several months before, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4, as if he were slain there by these zealots, is groundless, as I have noted on that place already.</i> and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court. And because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled every where with murders.",
+                    "3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw their darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition; for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Levites.</i> that were about the sacred offices; insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves. And now, \"O must wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! 'For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulcher for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction.\" But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestical lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This is an excellent reflection of Josephus, including his hopes of the restoration of the Jews upon their repentance, See Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, which is the grand \"Hope of Israel,\" as Manasseh-ben-Israel, the famous Jewish Rabbi, styles it, in his small but remarkable treatise on that subject, of which the Jewish prophets are every where full. See the principal of those prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on the Revelation, p. 822, etc.</i>",
+                    "4. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred first-fruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war. And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This destruction of such a vast quantity of corn and other provisions, as was sufficient for many years. was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which consumed incredible numbers of Jews in Jerusalem during its siege. Nor probably could the Romans have taken this city, after all, had not these seditious Jews been so infatuated as thus madly to destroy, what Josephus here justly styles, \"The nerves of their power.\"</i> The same thing was done by Simon, when, upon the other's retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.",
+                    "5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them, were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open their lips in groans. :Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every one despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious had no great desires of any thing, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious themselves, they fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon any thing, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This timber, we see, was designed for the rebuilding those twenty additional cubits of the holy house above the hundred, which had fallen down some years before. See the note on Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3.</i> and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness; but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that thought him from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them ; whereas the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.",
+                    "6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before he had reared any of his towers; for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest; besides whom, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus; who were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates; as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Marched To Jerusalem, And How He Was In Danger As He Was Taking A View O The City Of The Place Also Where He Pitched His Camp</i><br><br>1. Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them; after whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the commander's baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed to support them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to that legion. All these came before the engines; and after these engines came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep; the servants belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers; and when he had lodged there one night, he marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day's march, he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue, call \"the Valley of Thorns,\" near a certain village called Gabaothsath, which signifies \"the Hill of Saul,\" being distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">There being no gate on the west, and only on the west, side of the court of the priests, and so no steps there, this was the only side that the seditious, under this John of Gischala, could bring their engines close to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of that temple, in the description of the temples hereto belonging.</i> There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and before they came to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and submit; for he had been informed what was really true, that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the rest, they lay still.",
+                    "2. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but when he went out of that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at the towers called the \"Women's Towers,\" through that gate which was over against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse; and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with a few other. Now it was here impossible for him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall, to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges; and to return back to his own men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies, in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that kings are in, are under the providence of God; for while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his head-piece on, nor his breastplate, (for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but to view the city,) none of them touched his body, but went aside without hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The enemy indeed made a shout at the boldness of Caesar, and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away, and go off from him in great numbers; while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them. Now there were two of those that were with him, but at some distance; the one of which the enemy compassed round, and slew him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest, and came safe to the camp. So this success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave them an ill-grounded hope; and this short inclination of fortune, on their side, made them very courageous for the future.",
+                    "3. But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place called Seopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter of the city, and joining thereto, was a plain, and very properly named Scopus, [the prospect,] and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther distance behind them, for the fifth legion; for he thought that, by marching in the night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves; and as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already come to the place, where a certain party of armed men had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the Mount of Olives<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This situation of the Mount of Olives, on the east of Jerusalem, at about the distance of five or six furlongs, with the valley of Cedron interposed between that mountain and the city, are things well known both in the Old and New Testament, in Josephus elsewhere, and in all the descriptions of Palestine.</i> which lies over against the city on the east side, and is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron.",
+                    "4. Now when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly come upon them after a violent manner, put the first stop to their contentions one against another; and as the seditious now saw with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, \"What do we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armor laid by, as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it seems, (so did they cry out,) only courageous against ourselves, while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition.\" Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together, and took their armor immediately, and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a prodigious shout, as they were fortifying their camp. These Romans were caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms; for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them; and had they been disposed so to do, they supposed their sedition would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly; when some of hem left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more and more in number, as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack; and while they had such good fortune, they seemed both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really were. The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been constantly used to fight skillfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them. Now when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet when they did not take care enough of themselves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded by them; but as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the Romans were at length brought into confusion, and put to fight, and ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away, and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley, so when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood over against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there fought with them. Thus did they continue the fight till noon; but when it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify their camp.",
+                    "5. This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight; and as the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts. To say the truth, none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if they had been cast out of an engine, they brake the enemies' ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain; none but Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the acclivity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him; to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly; and this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and when he had forced them to go back, he slew them: he also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward; while those men were so amazed at his courage and his strength, that they could not fly directly to the city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that fled up the hill; yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a disorder and a terror fell again upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their seeing those beneath them running away; insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight; because they took it for granted, that, if he had staid, the rest would never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way, and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and being under great concern for him, they loudly proclaimed the danger he was in to the entire legion; and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away, by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them on heaps into the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them; but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him, and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing further mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add any thing out of flattery, nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Sedition Was Again Revived Within Jerusalem And Yet The Jews Contrived Snares For The Romans. How Titus Also Threatened His Soldiers For Their Ungovernable Rashness.</i><br><br>1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when it is believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the] temple, and admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Here we see the true occasion of those vast numbers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege by Titus, and perished therein; that the siege began at the feast of the passover, when such prodigious multitudes of Jews and proselytes of the gate were come from all parts of Judea, and from other countries, in order to celebrate that great festival. See the note B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the number of men, women, and children in Jerusalem, when it was besieged by the Romans, as he had been informed. This information must have been taken from the Romans: for Josephus never recounts the numbers of those that were besieged, only he lets us know, that of the vulgar, carried dead out of the gates, and buried at the public charges, was the like number of 600,000, ch. viii. sect. 7. However, when Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Tacitus is no way disagreeable to Josephus's history, though they were become much more numerous when Titus encompassed the city at the passover. As to the number that perished during this siege, Josephus assures us, as we shall see hereafter, they were 1,100,000, besides 97,000 captives. But Tacitus's history of the last part of this siege is not now extant; so we cannot compare his parallel numbers with those of Josephus.</i> But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to seize upon it; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away, and presently appeared in their armor. Upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house; while the people, who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought it was made against themselves only. So these left off guarding the gates any longer, and leaped down from their battlements before they came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple; while the people that stood trembling at the altar, and about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy. Such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were opposite to the seditious; and all those that had formerly offended any of these plotters were now known, and were now led away to the slaughter; and when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that came cut of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple, and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which had been divided into three factions, was now reduced to two.",
+                    "2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance, as far as the wall of the city. So they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them and the wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow places and the chasms, and demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments; and thereby made all the place level from Scopus to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to the pool called the Serpent's Pool.",
+                    "3. Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the Women's Towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans, and were in fear of one another; while those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans, promising to open the gates to them; and as they cried out after that manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would drive them away from the gates. These also pretended that they were excluded by force, and that they petitioned those that were within to let them in; and rushing upon the Romans perpetually, with violence, they then came back, and seemed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly. But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion; for whereas he had invited them to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates; whereupon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed them round, and fell upon them behind, while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable number, and wounded many more; for it was not easy for the Romans to escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which, the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake; wherefore they fought with their spears a great while, and received many blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again, and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed them, and threw darts at them as far as the monuments of queen Helena.",
+                    "4. After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans for being deluded by the trick they bad put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful exclamations; while these soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers, and with indignation by Caesar himself, [who spake to them thus]: These Jews, who are only conducted by their madness, do every thing with care and circumspection; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another; while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill success by their contrary behavior, and by not being able to restrain their hands from action, they have been caught; and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders, in the very presence of Caesar. \"Truly,\" says Titus, \"the laws of war cannot but groan heavily, as will my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that hath been given us, since he who is grown old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace.\" When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned; so these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came round about Titus, and entreated his favor to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest; and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault, by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come.",
+                    "5. So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no further than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem. And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep, with the foot-men placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews were prohibited, by so great a body of men, from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the multitude, marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it where was the corner<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Perhaps, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate, called the \"Gate of the Corner,\" in 2 Chronicles 26:9. See ch. 4. sect. 2</i> and over against that tower which was called Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended, and extended itself over against the west; but the other part of the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner, by two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Description Of Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the \"Citadel,\" by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the \"Upper Market-place.\" But the other hill, which was called \"Acra,\" and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned; over against this there was a third hill, but naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad valley. However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are every where unpassable.",
+                    "2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called \"Hippicus,\" and extended as far as the \"Xistus,\" a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called \"Bethso,\" to the gate of the Essens; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon's pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called \"Ophlas,\" where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called \"Gennath,\" which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the \"Monument of the Fuller,\" and joined to the old wall at the valley called the \"Valley of Cedron.\" It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called \"Bezetha,\" to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called \"Bezetha,\" in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called \"the New City.\" Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this, it was erected with great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits.",
+                    "3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad: of these towers then the third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent; for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon, and over against it was the tower Hipplicus, and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms, and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other; its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits.",
+                    "4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood; for that very old wall wherein they were was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones, nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white marble, cut out of the rock; each stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally, and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their joints or connexion appear. low as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it; for it was so very curious as to want no cost nor skill in its construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds for a hundred guests a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments. The number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air every where green. There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These dove-courts in Josephus, built by Herod the Great, are, in the opinion of Reland, the very same that are mentioned by the Talmudists, and named by them \"Herod's dove courts.\" Nor is there any reason to suppose otherwise, since in both accounts they were expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them.</i> of tame pigeons about the canals. But indeed it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>A Description Of The Temple.</i><br><br>1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice; but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new banks,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the description of the temples hereto belonging, ch. 15. But note, that what Josephus here says of the original scantiness of this Mount Moriah, that it was quite too little for the temple, and that at first it held only one cloister or court of Solomon's building, and that the foundations were forced to be added long afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the cloisters for the other courts, etc., is without all foundation in the Scriptures, and not at all confirmed by his exacter account in the Antiquities. All that is or can be true here is this, that when the court of the Gentiles was long afterward to be encompassed with cloisters, the southern foundation for these cloisters was found not to be large or firm enough, and was raised, and that additional foundation supported by great pillars and arches under ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewhere, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel saw, and describes, p. 100, as extant under ground at this day.</i> and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire temple. And when they had built walls on three sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for, (in which work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were sent to God from the whole habitable earth,) they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city; wherein they made use of stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection.",
+                    "2. Now for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble; and the roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver. The cloisters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts. When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that \"no foreigner should go within that sanctuary\" for that second [court of the] temple was called \"the Sanctuary,\" and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the first court. This court was four-square, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What Josephus seems here to mean is this: that these pillars, supporting the cloisters in the second court, had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor of the first or lowest court; but that so far of those lowest parts as were equal to the elevation of the upper floor above the lowest were, and must be, hidden on the inside by the ground or rock itself, on which that upper court was built; so that forty cubits visible below were reduced to twenty-five visible above, and implies the difference of their heights to be fifteen cubits. The main difficulty lies here, how fourteen or fifteen steps should give an ascent of fifteen cubits, half a cubit seeming sufficient for a single step. Possibly there were fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition wall, and fourteen or fifteen more thence into the court itself, which would bring the whole near to the just proportion. See sect. 3, infra. But I determine nothing.</i> was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these thirteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain; whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a-piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally. The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court.",
+                    "3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without the [inward court of the] holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter.",
+                    "4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits further. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's height. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures.",
+                    "5. When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits: but still that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense. Now the seven lamps signified the seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of the zodiac and the year; but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple. But the superior part of the temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits.",
+                    "6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men's minds or their eyes; for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun's own rays. But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time. There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests. Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also.",
+                    "7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration. The high priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened. When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringe work, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also. The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them: on the other part there hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned names of the tribes. A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels. However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God. And thus much concerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for there remain a great many things thereto relating which have not been here touched upon.",
+                    "8. Now as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great precipice; it was the work of king Herod, wherein he demonstrated his natural magnanimity. In the first place, the rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its foundation, both for ornament, and that any one who would either try to get up or to go down it might not be able to hold his feet upon it. Next to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits. The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace. And as the entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty cubits high; whereas that which lay upon the southeast corner was seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed; but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages down to them both, through which the guard (for there always lay in this tower a Roman legion) went several ways among the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations; for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards of those three<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These three guards that lay in the tower of Antonia must be those that guarded the city, the temple, and the tower of Antonia.</i>. There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the upper city, which was Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it was divided from the tower Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that hill on which the tower of Antonia stood was the highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered the sight of the temple on the north. And this shall suffice at present to have spoken about the city and the walls about it, because I have proposed to myself to make a more accurate description of it elsewhere."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Tyrants Simon And John. How Also As Titus Was Going Round The Wall Of This City Nicanor Was Wounded By A Dart; Which Accident Provoked Titus To Press On The Siege.</i><br><br>1. Now the warlike men that were in the city, and the multitude of the seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was supreme. The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob the son of Sosas, and Simon the son of Cathlas. Jotre, who had seized upon the temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty commanders; the zealots also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon the son of Arinus. Now, while these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey on both sides, as we have said already; and that part of the people who would not join with them in their wicked practices were plundered by both factions. Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east, and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held that fountain, and the Acra, which was no other than the lower city; he also held all that reached to the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus. But John held the temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called \"the Valley of Cedron;\" and when the parts that were interposed between their possessions were burnt by them, they left a space wherein they might fight with each other; for this internal sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their very wall. But although they had grown wiser at the first onset the Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they returned to their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out, and did everything that the besiegers could desire them to do; for they never suffered any thing that was worse from the Romans than they made each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after these men's actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a greater kindness for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides.",
+                    "2. Now when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the walls; but as he was in doubt where he could possibly make an attack on any side, (for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were, and on the other side the first wall appeared too strong to be shaken by the engines,) he thereupon thought it best to make his assault upon the monument of John the high priest; for there it was that the first fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the builders neglecting to build strong where the new city was not much inhabited; here also was an easy passage to the third wall, through which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of Antonia, the temple itself But at this time, as he was going round about the city, one of his friends, whose name was Nicanor, was wounded with a dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Josephus, too near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them. On this account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehemence, that they would not hear even such as approached them to persuade them to what tended to their own preservation, was provoked to press on the siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and raise banks against the city; and when he had parted his army into three parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising; before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able to obstruct them. So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews were not, however, quiet; and it happened that the people of Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage, and supposed they should have a breathing time, while the others were very busy in opposing their enemies without the city, and that they should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory.",
+                    "3. However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he brought his engines of war, and disposed of them at due distances upon the wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower Antonia. But though they had these engines in their possession, they had so little skill in using them, that they were in great measure useless to them; but a few there were who had been taught by deserters how to use them, which they did use, though after an awkward manner. So they cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them. Now those that were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their banks, and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions. The engines, that all the legions had ready prepared for them, were admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones were more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the walls also. Now the stones that were cast were of the weight of a talent, and were carried two furlongs and further. The blow they gave was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood first in the way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space. As for the Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a white color, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness; accordingly the watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when the engine was let go, and the stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in their own country language, The Stone Cometh<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What should be the meaning of this signal or watchword, when the watchmen saw a stone coming from the engine, \"The Stone Cometh,\" or what mistake there is in the reading, I cannot tell. The MSS., both Greek and Latin, all agree in this reading; and I cannot approve of any groundless conjectural alteration of the text from ro to lop, that not the son or a stone, but that the arrow or dart cometh; as hath been made by Dr. Hudson, and not corrected by Havercamp. Had Josephus written even his first edition of these books of the war in pure Hebrew, or had the Jews then used the pure Hebrew at Jerusalem, the Hebrew word for a son is so like that for a stone, ben and eben, that such a correction might have been more easily admitted. But Josephus wrote his former edition for the use of the Jews beyond Euphrates, and so in the Chaldee language, as he did this second edition in the Greek language; and bar was the Chaldee word for son, instead of the Hebrew ben, and was used not only in Chaldea, etc. but in Judea also, as the New Testament informs us. Dio lets us know that the very Romans at Rome pronounced the name of Simon the son of Giora, Bar Poras for Bar Gioras, as we learn from Xiphiline, p. 217. Reland takes notice, \"that many will here look for a mystery, as though the meaning were, that the Son of God came now to take vengeance on the sins of the Jewish nation;\" which is indeed the truth of the fact, but hardly what the Jews could now mean; unless possibly by way of derision of Christ's threatening so often made, that he would come at the head of the Roman army for their destruction. But even this interpretation has but a very small degree of probability. If I were to make an emendation by mere conjecture, I would read instead of, though the likeness be not so great as in lo; because that is the word used by Josephus just before, as has been already noted on this very occasion, while, an arrow or dart, is only a poetical word, and never used by Josephus elsewhere, and is indeed no way suitable to the occasion, this engine not throwing arrows or darts, but great stones, at this time.</i> so those that were in its way stood off, and threw themselves down upon the ground; by which means, and by their thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down and did them no harm. But the Romans contrived how to prevent that by blacking the stone, who then could aim at them with success, when the stone was not discerned beforehand, as it had been till then; and so they destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet did not the Jews, under all this distress, permit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet; but they shrewdly and boldly exerted themselves, and repelled them both by night and by day.",
+                    "4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the wall, they brought them thither. Then did Titus set his engines at proper distances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not be able to repel them, and gave orders they should go to work; and when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and that on the sudden there was a great noise made by the citizens that were within the city, and no less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in, contrived to make a like defense. So those of different factions cried out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave, by proclamation, to go upon the wall; John also himself, though he could not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on both sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and formed themselves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and having a vast number of torches with them, they threw them at the machines, and shot darts perpetually upon those that impelled those engines which battered the wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their attacks. However, Titus himself still sent assistance to those that were the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the fire to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest; yet did not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering ram of the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself continued unhurt; for the wall was not presently in the same danger with the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself together with it.",
+                    "5. And now the Jews intermitted their sallies for a while; but when they observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their several camps, (for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness and fear,) they all at once made a sally at the tower Hippicus, through an obscure gate, and at the same time brought fire to burn the works, and went boldly up to the Romans, and to their very fortifications themselves, where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came presently to their assistance, and those farther off came running after them; and here the boldness of the Jews was too hard for the good order of the Romans; and as they beat those whom they first fell upon, so they pressed upon those that were now gotten together. So this fight about the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them on fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a confused cry made, and many of those in the forefront of the battle were slain. However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold of the works, and both all those works, and the engines themselves, had been in danger of being burnt, had not many of these select soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not behaved themselves with greater courage than they themselves supposed they could have done; for they outdid those in this fight that had greater reputation than themselves before. This was the state of things till Caesar took the stoutest of his horsemen, and attacked the enemy, while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the forefront of the Jews; which death of these men, when the rest of the multitude saw, they gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, and saved the works from the fire. Now it happened at this fight that a certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus's order, was crucified before the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be aftrighted, and abate of their obstinacy. But after the Jews were retired, John, who was commander of the Idumeans, and was talking to a certain soldier of his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamentation to the Jews, and sorrow to the seditious. For he was a man of great eminence, both for his actions and his conduct also."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How One Of The Towers Erected By The Romans Fell Down Of Its Own Accord; And How The Romans After Great Slaughter Had Been Made Got Possession Of The First Wall. How Also Titus Made His Assaults Upon The Second Wall; As Also Concerning Longinus The Roman, And Castor The Jew.</i><br><br>1. Now, on the next night, a surprising disturbance fell upon the Romans; for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, that by setting men upon them at every bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight; and as its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they, supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions, and as nobody could tell what had happened, they went on after a disconsolate manner; and seeing no enemy appear, they were afraid one of another, and every one demanded of his neighbor the watchword with great earnestness, as though the Jews had invaded their camp. And now were they like people under a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it; and then, though with some difficulty, they got clear of the disturbance they had been under.",
+                    "2. Now these towers were very troublesome to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the Romans very courageously; for they shot at them out of their lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw darts, and the archers, and those that flung stones. For neither could the Jews reach those that were over them, by reason of their height; and it was not practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of iron. So they retired out of the reach of the darts, and did no longer endeavor to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually beating upon the wall, did gradually prevail against it; so that the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name did the Jews themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conquered all things. And now they were for a long while grown weary of fighting, and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the night time at a distance from the wall. It was on other accounts also thought by them to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being besides that two other fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their counsels having been ill concerted on all occasions; so a great many grew lazy and retired. Then the Romans mounted the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the Romans get possession of this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.",
+                    "3. And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which was called \"the Camp of the Assyrians,\" having seized upon all that lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews' darts. He then presently began his attacks, upon which the Jews divided themselves into several bodies, and courageously defended that wall; while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the monuments of king Alexander; and Sireoh's army also took for their share the spot of ground that was near John's monument, and fortified it as far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus. However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when they were pursued all together to the wall, they were beaten in those fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them from the walls, they were too hard for them; the Romans being encouraged by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by their hopes of subduing them in a little time. Nor did either side grow weary; but attacks and rightings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies out in bodies, were there all the day long; nor were there any sort of warlike engagements that were not then put in use. And the night itself had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay, the night itself was passed without sleep on both sides, and was more uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon their camps; both sides also lay in their armor during the night time, and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the battle. Now among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were very ready to kill themselves with their own hands. What made the Romans so courageous was their usual custom of conquering and disuse of being defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief encouragement -Titus who was present every where with them all; for it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Caesar was there, and fought bravely as well as they did, and was himself at once an eye-witness of such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he who was to reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present to have any one's valor known by Caesar; on which account many of them appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it. And now, as the Jews were about this time standing in array before the wall, and that in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts at each other, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the Jews; and as they dispersed themselves upon the attack, he slew two of their men of the greatest courage; one of them he struck in his mouth as he was coming to meet him, the other was slain by him by that very dart which he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man through his side as he was running away from him; and when he had done this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his enemies to his own side. So this man signalized himself for his valor, and many there were who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation. And now the Jews were unconcerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were only solicitous about what mischief they could do them; and death itself seemed a small matter to them, if at the same time they could but kill any one of their enemies. But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said that inconsiderate violence was madness, and that this alone was the true courage that was joined with good conduct. He therefore commanded his men to take care, when they fought their enemies, that they received no harm from them at the same time, and thereby show themselves to be truly valiant men.",
+                    "4. And now Titus brought one of his engines to the middle tower of the north part of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew, whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with ten others like himself, the rest being fled away by reason of the archers. These men lay still for a while, as in great fear, under their breastplates; but when the tower was shaken, they arose, and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compassion, and begged of him to have mercy upon them; and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the battering ram, and forbade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say to him. He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right hand for his security. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased with such his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all the Jews would be of his mind, and that he was ready to give the like security to the city. Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest cried out aloud that they would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die in a state of freedom. Now while these men were quarrelling for a long while, the attack was delayed; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable time. And at the same time that he sent thus to him, he appeared openly to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for their security; but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked swords upon the breast-works, and struck themselves upon their breast, and fell down as if they had been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with him, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude, and pitied their calamity. During this interval, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and wounded him in his nose; whereupon he presently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Titus, and complained that this was unfair treatment; so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart, and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to give his right hand to Castor. But Josephus said that he would not go to him, because these pretended petitioners meant nothing that was good; he also restrained those friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one Eneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him. Castor also called to them, that somebody should come and receive the money which he had with him; this made Eneas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom open. Then did Castor take up a great stone, and threw it at him, which missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded another soldier that was coining to him. When Caesar understood that this was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing, because such cunning tricks have less place under the exercise of greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him. But Castor and his companions set the tower on fire when it began to give way, and leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it, which made the Romans further suppose that they were men of great courage, as having cast themselves into the fire."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Romans Took The Second Wall Twice, And Got All Ready For Taking The Third Wall.</i><br><br>1. Now Caesar took this wall there on the fifth day after he had taken the first; and when the Jews had fled from him, he entered into it with a thousand armed men, and those of his choice troops, and this at a place where were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market for cloth, and where the narrow streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore, if Titus had either demolished a larger part of the wall immediately, or had come in, and, according to the law of war, had laid waste what was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have been mixed with any loss to himself. But now, out of the hope he had that he should make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by not being willing, when he was able, to afflict them more than he needed to do, he did not widen the breach of the wall, in order to make a safer retreat upon occasion; for he did not think they would lay snares for him that did them such a kindness. When therefore he came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill any of those they caught, nor to set fire to their houses neither; nay, he gave leave to the seditious, if they had a mind, to fight without any harm to the people, and promised to restore the people's effects to them; for he was very desirous to preserve the city for his own sake, and the temple for the sake of the city. As to the people, he had them of a long time ready to comply with his proposals; but as to the fighting men, this humanity of his seemed a mark of his weakness, and they imagined that he made these proposals because he was not able to take the rest of the city. They also threatened death to the people, if they should any one of them say a word about a surrender. They moreover cut the throats of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked those Romans that were come within the wall. Some of them they met in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they made a sudden sally out at the upper gates, and assaulted such Romans as were beyond the wall, till those that guarded the wall were so aftrighted, that they leaped down from their towers, and retired to their several camps: upon which a great noise was made by the Romans that were within, because they were encompassed round on every side by their enemies; as also by them that were without, because they were in fear for those that were left in the city. Thus did the Jews grow more numerous perpetually, and had great advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out of the city. Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best resistance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them succors; for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow lakes, and he stood himself where was the greatest multitude of his enemies, and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domitius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus did Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the city.",
+                    "2. And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success, and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city any more; and that if they kept within it themselves, they should not be any more conquered. For God had blinded their minds for the transgressions they had been guilty of, nor could they see how much greater forces the Romans had than those that were now expelled, no more than they could discern how a famine was creeping upon them; for hitherto they had fed themselves out of the public miseries, and drank the blood of the city. But now poverty had for a long time seized upon the better part, and a great many had died already for want of necessaries; although the seditious indeed supposed the destruction of the people to be an easement to themselves; for they desired that none others might be preserved but such as were against a peace with the Romans, and were resolved to live in opposition to them, and they were pleased when the multitude of those of a contrary opinion were consumed, as being then freed from a heavy burden. And this was their disposition of mind with regard to those that were within the city, while they covered themselves with their armor, and prevented the Romans, when they were trying to get into the city again, and made a wall of their own bodies over against that part of the wall that was cast down. Thus did they valiantly defend themselves for three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the vehement assaults of Titus but were compelled by force to fly whither they had fled before; so he quietly possessed himself again of that wall, and demolished it entirely. And when he had put a garrison into the towers that were on the south parts of the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Titus When The Jews Were Not At All Mollified By His Leaving Off The Siege For A While, Set Himself Again To Prosecute The Same; But Soon Sent Josephus To Discourse With His Own Countrymen About Peace.</i><br><br>1. A Resolution was now taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to afford the seditious an interval for consideration, and to see whether the demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant, or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of this relaxation in order to compass his own designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must distribute subsistence money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the army into battle-array, in the face of the enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers their pay. So the soldiers, according to custom, opened the cases wherein their arms before lay covered, and marched with their breastplates on, as did the horsemen lead their horses in their fine trappings. Then did the places that were before the city shine very splendidly for a great way; nor was there any thing so grateful to Titus's own men, or so terrible to the enemy, as that sight. For the whole old wall, and the north side of the temple, were full of spectators, and one might see the houses full of such as looked at them; nor was there any part of the city which was not covered over with their multitudes; nay, a very great consternation seized upon the hardiest of the Jews themselves, when they saw all the army in the same place, together with the fineness of their arms, and the good order of their men. And I cannot but think that the seditious would have changed their minds at that sight, unless the crimes they had committed against the people had been so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness from the Romans; but as they believed death with torments must be their punishment, if they did not go on in the defense of the city, they thought it much better to die in war. Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the innocent were to perish with the guilty, and the city was to be destroyed with the seditious that were in it.",
+                    "2. Thus did the Romans spend four days in bringing this subsistence-money to the several legions. But on the fifth day, when no signs of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and at John's monument. Now his designs were to take the upper city at that monument, and the temple at the tower of Antonia; for if the temple were not taken, it would be dangerous to keep the city itself; so at each of these parts he raised him banks, each legion raising one. As for those that wrought at John's monument, the Idumeans, and those that were in arms with Simon, made sallies upon them, and put some stop to them; while John's party, and the multitude of zealots with them, did the like to those that were before the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now too hard for the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they stood upon the higher ground, but because they had now learned to use their own engines; for their continual use of them one day after another did by degrees improve their skill about them; for of one sort of engines for darts they had three hundred, and forty for stones; by the means of which they made it more tedious for the Romans to raise their banks. But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance; so he mixed good counsel with his works for the siege. And being sensible that exhortations are frequently more effectual than arms, he persuaded them to surrender the city, now in a manner already taken, and thereby to save themselves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language; for he imagined they might yield to the persuasion of a countryman of their own.",
+                    "3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to stiffer those to have the dominion who are too hard for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save any of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them.",
+                    "4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, and cried out aloud, \"O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God's assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus supposes, in this his admirable speech to the Jews, that not Abraham only, but Pharaoh king of Egypt, prayed towards a temple at Jerusalem, or towards Jerusalem itself, in which were Mount Sion and Mount Moriah, on which the tabernacle and temple did afterwards stand; and this long before either the Jewish tabernacle or temple were built. Nor is the famous command given by God to Abraham, to go two or three days' journey, on purpose to offer up his son Isaac there, unfavorable to such a notion.</i> which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening? - while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Note here, that Josephus, in this his same admirable speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even the Philistines, on the most south part of Syria, Assyrians; which Reland observes as what was common among the ancient writers. Note also, that Josephus might well put the Jews in mind, as he does here more than once, of their wonderful and truly miraculous deliverance from Sennacherib, king of Assyria, while the Roman army, and himself with them, were now encamped upon and beyond that very spot of ground where the Assyrian army lay seven hundred and eighty years before, and which retained the very name of the Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. See chap. 7. sect. 3, and chap. 12. sect. 2.</i> when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred ears together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God! Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? as did their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; but for you, (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves,) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people's offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarrelling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve our holy laws inviolate to you. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to this city; although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This drying up of the Jerusalem fountain of Siloam when the Jews wanted it, and its flowing abundantly when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these both in the days of Zedekiah and of Titus, (and this last as a certain event well known by the Jews at that time, as Josephus here tells them openly to their faces,) are very remarkable instances of a Divine Providence for the punishment of the Jewish nation, when they were grown very wicked, at both those times of the destruction of Jerusalem.</i> since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. Now even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? Now what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How A Great Many Of The People Earnestly Endeavored To Desert To The Romans; As Also What Intolerable Things Those That Staid Behind Suffered By Famine, And The Sad Consequences Thereof.</i><br><br>1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a loud voice, the seditious would neither yield to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for them to alter their conduct; but as for the people, they had a great inclination to desert to the Romans; accordingly, some of them sold what they had, and even the most precious things that had been laid up as treasures by them, for every small matter, and swallowed down pieces of gold, that they might not be found out by the robbers; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewithal to provide plentifully for themselves; for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country, whither they pleased. And the main reasons why they were so ready to desert were these: That now they should be freed from those miseries which they had endured in that city, and yet should not be in slavery to the Romans: however, John and Simon, with their factions, did more carefully watch these men's going out than they did the coming in of the Romans; and if any one did but afford the least shadow of suspicion of such an intention, his throat was cut immediately.",
+                    "2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city, or attempted to get out of it; for they were equally destroyed in both cases; for every such person was put to death under this pretense, that they were going to desert, but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more; for there was no corn which any where appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men's private houses; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any; and if they found none, they tormented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it. The indication they made use of whether they had any or not was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in good case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, they walked off without searching any further; nor did they think it proper to kill such as these, because they saw they would very soon die of themselves for want of food. Many there were indeed who sold what they had for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; some did it without grinding it, by reason of the extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as necessity and fear dictated to them: a table was no where laid for a distinct meal, but they snatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked, and ate it very hastily.",
+                    "3. It was now a miserable case, and a sight that would justly bring tears into our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting [for want of it.] But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised; insomuch that children pulled the very morsels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was still more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their infants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under their hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives: and while they ate after this manner, yet were they not concealed in so doing; but the seditious every where came upon them immediately, and snatched away from them what they had gotten from others; for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force: the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten; and if the women hid what they had within their hands, their hair was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to the infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor. But still they were more barbarously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right. They also invented terrible methods of torments to discover where any food was, and they were these to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments; and a man was forced to bear what it is terrible even to hear, in order to make him confess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley-meal that was concealed; and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as making preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days. These men went also to meet those that had crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to gather some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought with them, even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they had brought; though these would not give them the least crumb, and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time.",
+                    "4. These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these tyrants' guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were carried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treacherous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm that they were resolved to desert to the enemy. And he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by Jotre, Simon got what remained; insomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the dead bodies of the poor creatures between them; so that although, on account of their ambition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he got by the miseries of others to the other tyrant seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communicated to him grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity.",
+                    "5. It is therefore impossible to go distinctly over every instance of these men's iniquity. I shall therefore speak my mind here at once briefly: - That neither did any other city ever suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever breed a generation more fruitful in wickedness than this was, from the beginning of the world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, while they overthrew the city themselves, and forced the Romans, whether they would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation, by acting gloriously against them, and did almost draw that fire upon the temple, which they seemed to think came too slowly; and indeed when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they were neither troubled at it, nor did they shed any tears on that account, while yet these passions were discovered among the Romans themselves; which circumstances we shall speak of hereafter in their proper place, when we come to treat of such matters."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Jews Were Crucified Before The Walls Of The City Concerning Antiochus Epiphanes; And How The Jews Overthrew The Banks That Had Been Raised By The Romans,</i><br><br>1. So now Titus's banks were advanced a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had been very much distressed from the wall. He then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered they should lay ambushes for those that went out into the valleys to gather food. Some of these were indeed fighting men, who were not contented with what they got by rapine; but the greater part of them were poor people, who were deterred from deserting by the concern they were under for their own relations; for they could not hope to escape away, together with their wives and children, without the knowledge of the seditious; nor could they think of leaving these relations to be slain by the robbers on their account; nay, the severity of the famine made them bold in thus going out; so nothing remained but that, when they were concealed from the robbers, they should be taken by the enemy; and when they were going to be taken, they were forced to defend themselves for fear of being punished; as after they had fought, they thought it too late to make any supplications for mercy; so they were first whipped, and then tormented with all sorts of tortures, before they died, and were then crucified before the wall of the city. This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as great deal them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers, out of the wrath and hatred they bore the Jews, nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crosses, by way of jest, when their multitude was so great, that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland very properly takes notice here, how justly this judgment came upon the Jews, when they were crucified in such multitudes together, that the Romans wanted room for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies of these Jews, since they had brought this judgment on themselves by the crucifixion of their Messiah.</i>",
+                    "2. But so far were the seditious from repenting at this sad sight, that, on the contrary, they made the rest of the multitude believe otherwise; for they brought the relations of those that had deserted upon the wall, with such of the populace as were very eager to go over upon the security offered them, and showed them what miseries those underwent who fled to the Romans; and told them that those who were caught were supplicants to them, and not such as were taken prisoners. This sight kept many of those within the city who were so eager to desert, till the truth was known; yet did some of them run away immediately as unto certain punishment, esteeming death from their enemies to be a quiet departure, if compared with that by famine. So Titus commanded that the hands of many of those that were caught should be cut off, that they might not be thought deserters, and might be credited on account of the calamity they were under, and sent them in to John and Simon, with this exhortation, that they would now at length leave off [their madness], and not force him to destroy the city, whereby they would have those advantages of repentance, even in their utmost distress, that they would preserve their own lives, and so find a city of their own, and that temple which was their peculiar. He then went round about the banks that were cast up, and hastened them, in order to show that his words should in no long time be followed by his deeds. In answer to which the seditious cast reproaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out, with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this. That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore laugh at all his threatenings, which would come to nothing, because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamor.",
+                    "3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; for it had so happened, that the king of Commagene had flourished more than any other kings that were under the power of the Romans, till a change happened in his condition; and when he was become an old man, he declared plainly that we ought not to call any man happy before he is dead. But this son of his, who was then come thither before his father was decaying, said that he could not but wonder what made the Romans so tardy in making their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a warlike man, and naturally bold in exposing himself to dangers; he was also so strong a man, that his boldness seldom failed of having success. Upon this Titus smiled, and said he would share the pains of an attack with him. However, Antiochus went as he then was, and with his Macedonians made a sudden assault upon the wall; and, indeed, for his own part, his strength and skill were so great, that he guarded himself from the Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them, while yet the young men with him were almost all sorely galled; for they had so great a regard to the promises that had been made of their courage, that they would needs persevere in their fighting, and at length many of them retired, but not till they were wounded; and then they perceived that true Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, must have Alexander's good fortune also.",
+                    "4. Now as the Romans began to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] so had they much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after they had labored hard for seventeen days continually. For there were now four great banks raised, one of which was at the tower Antonia; this was raised by the fifth legion, over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the distance of about twenty cubits from the other. But the labors of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these, were on the north quarter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high priest's monument. And now, when the engines were brought, John had from within undermined the space that was over against the tower of Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and had supported the ground over the mine with beams laid across one another, whereby the Roman works stood upon an uncertain foundation. Then did he order such materials to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and bitumen, and set them on fire; and as the cross beams that supported the banks were burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden, and the banks were shaken down, and fell into the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now at the first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of the bank; but as the suffocated materials were now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake out; on which sudden appearance of the flame a consternation fell upon the Romans, and the shrewdness of the contrivance discouraged them; and indeed this accident coming upon them at a time when they thought they had already gained their point, cooled their hopes for the time to come. They also thought it would be to no purpose to take the pains to extinguish the fire, since if it were extinguished, the banks were swallowed up already [and become useless to them].",
+                    "5. Two days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the other banks; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began already to make the wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne's servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying \"a lame man,\" snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines. Nor were there during this war any men that ever sallied out of the city who were their superiors, either in their boldness, or in the terror they struck into their enemies. For they ran out upon the Romans, not as if they were enemies, but friends, without fear or delay; nor did they leave their enemies till they had rushed violently through the midst of them, and set their machines on fire. And though they had darts thrown at them on every side, and were on every side assaulted with their enemies' swords, yet did they not withdraw themselves out of the dangers they were in, till the fire had caught hold of the instruments; but when the flame went up, the Romans came running from their camp to save their engines. Then did the Jews hinder their succors from the wall, and fought with those that endeavored to quench the fire, without any regard to the danger their bodies were in. So the Romans pulled the engines out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered them were on fire; but the Jews caught hold of the battering rams through the flame itself, and held them fast, although the iron upon them was become red hot; and now the fire spread itself from the engines to the banks, and prevented those that came to defend them; and all this while the Romans were encompassed round about with the flame; and, despairing of saying their works from it, they retired to their camp. Then did the Jews become still more and more in number by the coming of those that were within the city to their assistance; and as they were very bold upon the good success they had had, their violent assaults were almost irresistible; nay, they proceeded as far as the fortifications of the enemies' camp, and fought with their guards. Now there stood a body of soldiers in array before that camp, which succeeded one another by turns in their armor; and as to those, the law of the Romans was terrible, that he who left his post there, let the occasion be whatsoever it might be, he was to die for it; so that body of soldiers, preferring rather to die in fighting courageously, than as a punishment for their cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity these men were in of standing to it, many of the others that had run away, out of shame, turned back again; and when they had set the engines against the wall, they put the multitude from coming more of them out of the city, [which they could the more easily do] because they had made no provision for preserving or guarding their bodies at this time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand with all that came in their way, and, without any caution, fell against the points of their enemies' spears, and attacked them bodies against bodies; for they were now too hard for the Romans, not so much by their other warlike actions, as by these courageous assaults they made upon them; and the Romans gave way more to their boldness than they did to the sense of the harm they had received from them.",
+                    "6. And now Titus was come from the tower of Antonia, whither he was gone to look out for a place for raising other banks, and reproached the soldiers greatly for permitting their own walls to be in danger, when they had taken the wails of their enemies, and sustained the fortune of men besieged, while the Jews were allowed to sally out against them, though they were already in a sort of prison. He then went round about the enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon their flank himself; so the Jews, who had been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled about to Titus, and continued the fight. The armies also were now mixed one among another, and the dust that was raised so far hindered them from seeing one another, and the noise that was made so far hindered them from hearing one another, that neither side could discern an enemy from a friend. However, the Jews did not flinch, though not so much from their real strength, as from their despair of deliverance. The Romans also would not yield, by reason of the regard they had to glory, and to their reputation in war, and because Caesar himself went into the danger before them; insomuch that I cannot but think the Romans would in the conclusion have now taken even the whole multitude of the Jews, so very angry were they at them, had these not prevented the upshot of the battle, and retired into the city. However, seeing the banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much east down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour's time. And many indeed despaired of taking the city with their usual engines of war only."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Titus Thought Fit To Encompass The City Round With A Wall; After Which The Famine Consumed The People By Whole Houses And Families Together.</i><br><br>1. And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall; for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they would not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts. But of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying provisions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fighting with them; for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desirous to die by the sword, while a more terrible misery than that is reserved for them. However, Titus did not think it fit for so great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet it was in vain to fight with those that would be destroyed one by another; he also showed them how impracticable it was to cast up any more banks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews coming out still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the difficulty of the situation, and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might make out of the city. For although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed. He also owned that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his success; for though it be true that length of time will perfect every thing, yet that to do what we do in a little time is still necessary to the gaining reputation. That therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall round about the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had further weakened them; for that besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at rest afterward, but would take care then to have banks raised again, when those that would oppose them were become weaker. But that if any one should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not fit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing whatsoever.",
+                    "2. These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, so that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only one legion strive with another, but the lesser divisions of the army did the same; insomuch that each soldier was ambitious to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Caesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those commanders; for he went round about the works many times every day, and took a view of what was done. Titus began the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched, and drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it went along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives; it then bent towards the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next it, and is over the valley which reaches to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain, beyond which it went up again at the monument of Ananus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp, it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called \"The House of the Erebinthi;\" after which it encompassed Herod's monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus's own camp, where it began. Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together, amounted to ten furlongs; the whole was completed in three days; so that what would naturally have required some months was done in so short an interval as is incredible. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, be went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the night time, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons.",
+                    "3. So all hope of escaping was now cut off from the Jews, together with their liberty of going out of the city. Then did the famine widen its progress, and devoured the people by whole houses and families; the upper rooms were full of women and children that were dying by famine, and the lanes of the city were full of the dead bodies of the aged; the children also and the young men wandered about the market-places like shadows, all swelled with the famine, and fell down dead, wheresoever their misery seized them. As for burying them, those that were sick themselves were not able to do it; and those that were hearty and well were deterred from doing it by the great multitude of those dead bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how soon they should die themselves; for many died as they were burying others, and many went to their coffins before that fatal hour was come. Nor was there any lamentations made under these calamities, nor were heard any mournful complaints; but the famine confounded all natural passions; for those who were just going to die looked upon those that were gone to rest before them with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence also, and a kind of deadly night, had seized upon the city; while yet the robbers were still more terrible than these miseries were themselves; for they brake open those houses which were no other than graves of dead bodies, and plundered them of what they had; and carrying off the coverings of their bodies, went out laughing, and tried the points of their swords in their dead bodies; and, in order to prove what metal they were made of they thrust some of those through that still lay alive upon the ground; but for those that entreated them to lend them their right hand and their sword to despatch them, they were too proud to grant their requests, and left them to be consumed by the famine. Now every one of these died with their eyes fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious alive behind them. Now the seditious at first gave orders that the dead should be buried out of the public treasury, as not enduring the stench of their dead bodies. But afterwards, when they could not do that, they had them cast down from the walls into the valleys beneath.",
+                    "4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing; and such was the sad case of the city itself. But the Romans were very joyful, since none of the seditious could now make sallies out of the city, because they were themselves disconsolate, and the famine already touched them also. These Romans besides had great plenty of corn and other necessaries out of Syria, and out of the neighboring provinces; many of whom would stand near to the wall of the city, and show the people what great quantities of provisions they had, and so make the enemy more sensible of their famine, by the great plenty, even to satiety, which they had themselves. However, when the seditious still showed no inclinations of yielding, Titus, out of his commiseration of the people that remained, and out of his earnest desire of rescuing what was still left out of these miseries, began to raise his banks again, although materials for them were hard to he come at; for all the trees that were about the city had been already cut down for the making of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers bring with them other materials from the distance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised banks in four parts, much greater than the former, though this was done only at the tower of Antonia. So Caesar went his rounds through the legions, and hastened on the works, and showed the robbers that they were now in his hands. But these men, and these only, were incapable of repenting of the wickednesses they had been guilty of; and separating their souls from their bodies, they used them both as if they belonged to other folks, and not to themselves. For no gentle affection could touch their souls, nor could any pain affect their bodies, since they could still tear the dead bodies of the people as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those that were sick."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Great Slaughters And Sacrilege That Were In Jerusalem.</i><br><br>1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them; he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots, among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected any thing that was evil from him. But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only; so he had him then brought before him, and condemned to die for being on the side of the Romans, without giving him leave to make his defense. He condemned also his three sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he prevented him by running away to Titus before. And when he begged for this, that he might be slain before his sons, and that as a favor, on account that he had procured the gates of the city to be opened to him, he gave order that he should be slain the last of them all; so he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Artanus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most barbarous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over would send him any succors or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Ananias, the son of Masambalus, a person of eminency, as also Aristens, the scribe of the sanhedrim, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. They also kept Josephus's father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, for fear he should betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any further examination.",
+                    "2. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who was one of Simon's under officers, and a person intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw this procedure of Simon, he called together ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him, (perhaps this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death, but principally in order to provide for his own safety,) and spoke thus to them: \"How long shall we bear these miseries? or what hopes have we of deliverance by thus continuing faithful to such wicked wretches? Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? and is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliverance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on.\" Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under him, some one way, and some another, that no discovery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly, he called to the Romans from the tower about the third hour; but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, though the greatest number delayed the matter, as believing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard. But when Titus was just coming thither with his armed men, Simon was acquainted with the matter before he came, and presently took the tower into his own custody, before it was surrendered, and seized upon these men, and put them to death in the sight of the Romans themselves; and when he had mangled their dead bodies, he threw them down before the wall of the city.",
+                    "3. In the mean time, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans. But when Josephus's mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would be slain,] and she should never enjoy him alive any more. She also made great lamentation privately to the maid-servants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them. This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious.",
+                    "4. Hereupon some of the deserters, having no other way, leaped down from the wall immediately, while others of them went out of the city with stones, as if they would fight them; but thereupon they fled away to the Romans. But here a worse fate accompanied these than what they had found within the city; and they met with a quicker despatch from the too great abundance they had among the Romans, than they could have done from the famine among the Jews; for when they came first to the Romans, they were puffed up by the famine, and swelled like men in a dropsy; after which they all on the sudden overfilled those bodies that were before empty, and so burst asunder, excepting such only as were skillful enough to restrain their appetites, and by degrees took in their food into bodies unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another plague seize upon those that were thus preserved; for there was found among the Syrian deserters a certain person who was caught gathering pieces of gold out of the excrements of the Jews' bellies; for the deserters used to swallow such pieces of gold, as we told you before, when they came out, and for these did the seditious search them all; for there was a great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch that as much was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold before for twenty-five. But when this contrivance was discovered in one instance, the fame of it filled their several camps, that the deserters came to them full of gold. So the multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians, cut up those that came as supplicants, and searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to me that any misery befell the Jews that was more terrible than this, since in one night's time about two thousand of these deserters were thus dissected.",
+                    "5. When Titus came to the knowledge of this wicked practice, he had like to have surrounded those that had been guilty of it with his horse, and have shot them dead; and he had done it, had not their number been so very great, and those that were liable to this punishment would have been manifold more than those whom they had slain. However, he called together the commanders of the auxiliary troops he had with him, as well as the commanders of the Roman legions, (for some of his own soldiers had been also guilty herein, as he had been informed,) and had great indignation against both sorts of them, and said to them, \"What! have any of my own soldiers done such things as this out of the uncertain hope of gain, without regarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold? Moreover, do the Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to govern themselves as they please, and to indulge their appetites in a foreign war, and then, out of their barbarity in murdering men, and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it ascribed to the Romans?\" for this infamous practice was said to be spread among some of his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened that he would put such men to death, if any of them were discovered to be so insolent as to do so again; moreover, he gave it in charge to the legions, that they should make a search after such as were suspected, and should bring them to him. But it appeared that the love of money was too hard for all their dread of punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is natural to men, and no passion is so venturesome as covetousness; otherwise such passions have certain bounds, and are subordinate to fear. But in reality it was God who condemned the whole nation, and turned every course that was taken for their preservation to their destruction. This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Roman spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels; which money was still found in a few of them, while yet a great many were destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus getting by them, which miserable treatment made many that were deserting to return back again into the city.",
+                    "6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouring vessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife; for the Roman emperors did ever both honor and adorn this temple; whereas this man, who was a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of foreigners, and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use Divine things, while they were fighting for the Divinity, without fear, and that such whose warfare is for the temple should live of the temple; on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them. And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, that the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus, both here and before, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4, esteems the land of Sodom, not as part of the lake Asphaltiris, or under its waters, but near it only, as Tacitus also took the same notion from him, Hist. V. ch. 6. 7, which the great Reland takes to be the very truth, both in his note on this place, and in his Palestina, tom. I. p. 254-258; though I rather suppose part of that region of Pentapolis to be now under the waters of the south part of that sea, but perhaps not the whole country.</i> perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed.",
+                    "7. And, indeed, why do I relate these particular calamities? while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through that one gate, which was intrusted to his care, no fewer than a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthieus, [Nisan,] when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a prodigious multitude; and though this man was not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet was he appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying these bodies out, and so was obliged of necessity to number them, while the rest were buried by their relations; though all their burial was but this, to bring them away, and cast them out of the city. After this man there ran away to Titus many of the eminent citizens, and told him the entire number of the poor that were dead, and that no fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown out at the gates, though still the number of the rest could not be discovered; and they told him further, that when they were no longer able to carry out the dead bodies of the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in very large houses, and shut them up therein; as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold for a talent; and that when, a while afterward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by reason the city was all walled about, some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common sewers and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see they now used for food. When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but suffered the same distress to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by that fate which was already coming upon the city, and upon themselves also."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>That the Miseries Still Grew Worse; and how the Romans Made an Assault upon the Tower of Antonia.</i><br><br>1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem grow worse and worse every day, and the seditious were still more irritated by the calamities they were under, even while the famine preyed upon themselves, after it had preyed upon the people. And indeed the multitude of carcasses that lay in heaps one upon another was a horrible sight, and produced a pestilential stench, which was a hinderance to those that would make sallies out of the city, and fight the enemy: but as those were to go in battle-array, who had been already used to ten thousand murders, and must tread upon those dead bodies as they marched along, so were not they terrified, nor did they pity men as they marched over them; nor did they deem this affront offered to the deceased to be any ill omen to themselves; but as they had their right hands already polluted with the murders of their own countrymen, and in that condition ran out to fight with foreigners, they seem to me to have cast a reproach upon God himself, as if he were too slow in punishing them; for the war was not now gone on with as if they had any hope of victory; for they gloried after a brutish manner in that despair of deliverance they were already in. And now the Romans, although they were greatly distressed in getting together their materials, raised their banks in one and twenty days, after they had cut down all the trees that were in the country that adjoined to the city, and that for ninety furlongs round about, as I have already related. And truly the very view itself of the country was a melancholy thing; for those places which were before adorned with trees and pleasant gardens were now become a desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down: nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change: for the war had laid all the signs of beauty quite waste: nor if any one that had known the place before, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again; but though he were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it notwithstanding.",
+                    "2. And now the banks were finished, they afforded a foundation for fear both to the Romans and to the Jews; for the Jews expected that the city would be taken, unless they could burn those banks, as did the Romans expect that, if these were once burnt down, they should never be able to take it; for there was a mighty scarcity of materials, and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail with such hard labors, as did their souls faint with so many instances of ill success; nay, the very calamities themselves that were in the city proved a greater discouragement to the Romans than those within the city; for they found the fighting men of the Jews to be not at all mollified among such their sore afflictions, while they had themselves perpetually less and less hopes of success, and their banks were forced to yield to the stratagems of the enemy, their engines to the firmness of their wall, and their closest fights to the boldness of their attack; and, what was their greatest discouragement of all, they found the Jews' courageous souls to be superior to the multitude of the miseries they were under, by their sedition, their famine, and the war itself; insomuch that they were ready to imagine that the violence of their attacks was invincible, and that the alacrity they showed would not be discouraged by their calamities; for what would not those be able to bear if they should be fortunate, who turned their very misfortunes to the improvement of their valor! These considerations made the Romans to keep a stronger guard about their banks than they formerly had done.",
+                    "3. But now John and his party took care for securing themselves afterward, even in case this wall should be thrown down, and fell to their work before the battering rams were brought against them. Yet did they not compass what they endeavored to do, but as they were gone out with their torches, they came back under great discouragement before they came near to the banks; and the reasons were these: that, in the first place, their conduct did not seem to be unanimous, but they went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner, and timorously, and, to say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it; but they now went out in a more languid manner than usual, and at the same time found the Romans set in array, and more courageous than ordinary, and that they guarded their banks both with their bodies and their entire armor, and this to such a degree on all sides, that they left no room for the fire to get among them, and that every one of their souls was in such good courage, that they would sooner die than desert their ranks; for besides their notion that all their hopes were cut off, in case these their works were once burnt, the soldiers were greatly ashamed that subtlety should quite be too hard for courage, madness for armor, multitude for skill, and Jews for Romans. The Romans had now also another advantage, in that their engines for sieges co-operated with them in throwing darts and stones as far as the Jews, when they were coming out of the city; whereby the man that fell became an impediment to him that was next to him, as did the danger of going farther make them less zealous in their attempts; and for those that had run under the darts, some of them were terrified by the good order and closeness of the enemies' ranks before they came to a close fight, and others were pricked with their spears, and turned back again; at length they reproached one another for their cowardice, and retired without doing any thing. This attack was made upon the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz.] So when the Jews were retreated, the Romans brought their engines, although they had all the while stones thrown at them from the tower of Antonia, and were assaulted by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts, which necessity afforded the Jews to make use of; for although these had great dependence on their own wall, and a contempt of the Roman engines, yet did they endeavor to hinder the Romans from bringing them. Now these Romans struggled hard, on the contrary, to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of the Jews was in order to avoid any impression to be made on the tower of Antonia, because its wall was but weak, and its foundations rotten. However, that tower did not yield to the blows given it from the engines; yet did the Romans bear the impressions made by the enemies' darts which were perpetually cast at them, and did not give way to any of those dangers that came upon them from above, and so they brought their engines to bear. But then, as they were beneath the other, and were sadly wounded by the stones thrown down upon them, some of them threw their shields over their bodies, and partly with their hands, and partly with their bodies, and partly with crows, they undermined its foundations, and with great pains they removed four of its stones. Then night came upon both sides, and put an end to this struggle for the present; however, that night the wall was so shaken by the battering rams in that place where John had used his stratagem before, and had undermined their banks, that the ground then gave way, and the wall fell down suddenly.",
+                    "4. When this accident had unexpectedly happened, the minds of both parties were variously affected; for though one would expect that the Jews would be discouraged, because this fall of their wall was unexpected by them, and they had made no provision in that case, yet did they pull up their courage, because the tower of Antonia itself was still standing; as was the unexpected joy of the Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched by the sight they had of another wall, which John and his party had built within it. However, the attack of this second wall appeared to be easier than that of the former, because it seemed a thing of greater facility to get up to it through the parts of the former wall that were now thrown down. This new wall appeared also to be much weaker than the tower of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans imagined that it had been erected so much on the sudden, that they should soon overthrow it: yet did not any body venture now to go up to this wall; for that such as first ventured so to do must certainly be killed.",
+                    "5. And now Titus, upon consideration that the alacrity of soldiers in war is chiefly excited by hopes and by good words, and that exhortations and promises do frequently make men to forget the hazards they run, nay, sometimes to despise death itself, got together the most courageous part of his army, and tried what he could do with his men by these methods. \"O fellow soldiers,\" said he, \"to make an exhortation to men to do what hath no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious to such to whom that exhortation is made; and indeed so it is in him that makes the exhortation, an argument of his own cowardice also. I therefore think that such exhortations ought then only to be made use of when affairs are in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy of being attempted by every one themselves; accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion with you, that it is a difficult task to go up this wall; but that it is proper for those that desire reputation for their valor to struggle with difficulties in such cases will then appear, when I have particularly shown that it is a brave thing to die with glory, and that the courage here necessary shall not go unrewarded in those that first begin the attempt. And let my first argument to move you to it be taken from what probably some would think reasonable to dissuade you, I mean the constancy and patience of these Jews, even under their ill successes; for it is unbecoming you, who are Romans and my soldiers, who have in peace been taught how to make wars, and who have also been used to conquer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews, either in action of the hand, or in courage of the soul, and this especially when you are at the conclusion of your victory, and are assisted by God himself; for as to our misfortunes, they have been owing to the madness of the Jews, while their sufferings have been owing to your valor, and to the assistance God hath afforded you; for as to the seditions they have been in, and the famine they are under, and the siege they now endure, and the fall of their walls without our engines, what can they all be but demonstrations of God's anger against them, and of his assistance afforded us? It will not therefore be proper for you, either to show yourselves inferior to those to whom you are really superior, or to betray that Divine assistance which is afforded you. And, indeed, how can it be esteemed otherwise than a base and unworthy thing, that while the Jews, who need not be much ashamed if they be deserted, because they have long learned to be slaves to others, do yet despise death, that they may be so no longer; and do make sallies into the very midst of us frequently, no in hopes of conquering us, but merely for a demonstration of their courage; we, who have gotten possession of almost all the world that belongs to either land or sea, to whom it will be a great shame if we do not conquer them, do not once undertake any attempt against our enemies wherein there is much danger, but sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have, and only wait till the famine and fortune do our business themselves, and this when we have it in our power, with some small hazard, to gain all that we desire! For if we go up to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city; for if there should be any more occasion for fighting against those within the city, which I do not suppose there will, since we shall then be upon the top of the hill<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland notes here, very pertinently, that the tower of Antonia stood higher than the floor of the temple or court adjoining to it; and that accordingly they descended thence into the temple, as Josephus elsewhere speaks also. See Book VI. ch. 2. sect. 5.</i> and be upon our enemies before they can have taken breath, these advantages promise us no less than a certain and sudden victory. As for myself, I shall at present wave any commendation of those who die in war,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">In this speech of Titus we may clearly see the notions which the Romans then had of death, and of the happy state of those who died bravely in war, and the contrary estate of those who died ignobly in their beds by sickness. Reland here also produces two parallel passages, the one out of Atonia Janus Marcellinus, concerning the Alani, lib. 31, that \"they judged that man happy who laid down his life in battle ;\" the other of Valerius Maximus, lib. 11. ch. 6, who says, \"that the Cimbri and Celtiberi exulted for joy in the army, as being to go out of the world gloriously and happily.\"</i> and omit to speak of the immortality of those men who are slain in the midst of their martial bravery; yet cannot I forbear to imprecate upon those who are of a contrary disposition, that they may die in time of peace, by some distemper or other, since their souls are condemned to the grave, together with their bodies. For what man of virtue is there who does not know, that those souls which are severed from their fleshly bodies in battles by the sword are received by the ether, that purest of elements, and joined to that company which are placed among the stars; that they become good demons, and propitious heroes, and show themselves as such to their posterity afterwards? while upon those souls that wear away in and with their distempered bodies comes a subterranean night to dissolve them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take away all the remembrance of them, and this notwithstanding they be clean from all spots and defilements of this world; so that, in this ease, the soul at the same time comes to the utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and of its memorial also. But since he hath determined that death is to come of necessity upon all men, a sword is a better instrument for that purpose than any disease whatsoever. Why is it not then a very mean thing for us not to yield up that to the public benefit which we must yield up to fate? And this discourse have I made, upon the supposition that those who at first attempt to go upon this wall must needs be killed in the attempt, though still men of true courage have a chance to escape even in the most hazardous undertakings. For, in the first place, that part of the former wall that is thrown down is easily to be ascended; and for the new-built wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, therefore, many of you, pull up your courage, and set about this work, and do you mutually encourage and assist one another; and this your bravery will soon break the hearts of your enemies; and perhaps such a glorious undertaking as yours is may be accomplished without bloodshed. For although it be justly to be supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you at your first beginning to go up to them; yet when you have once concealed yourselves from them, and driven them away by force, they will not be able to sustain your efforts against them any longer, though but a few of you prevent them, and get over the wall. As for that person who first mounts the wall, I should blush for shame if I did not make him to be envied of others, by those rewards I would bestow upon him. If such a one escape with his life, he shall have the command of others that are now but his equals; although it be true also that the greatest rewards will accrue to such as die in the attempt.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the note on p. 809.</i>",
+                    "6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were afrighted at so great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; although any body would have thought, before he came to his work, that he was of such a weak constitution of body, that he was not fit to be a soldier; for his color was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay close together; but there was a certain heroic soul that dwelt in this small body, which body was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar courage which was in him. Accordingly he was the first that rose up, when he thus spake: \"I readily surrender up myself to thee, O Caesar; I first ascend the wall, and I heartily wish that my fortune may follow my courage and my resolution And if some ill fortune grudge me the success of my undertaking, take notice that my ill success will not be unexpected, but that I choose death voluntarily for thy sake.\" When he had said this, and had spread out his shield over his head with his left hand, and hill, with his right hand, drawn his sword, he marched up to the wall, just about the sixth hour of the day. There followed him eleven others, and no more, that resolved to imitate his bravery; but still this was the principal person of them all, and went first, as excited by a divine fury. Now those that guarded the wall shot at them from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon them from every side; they also rolled very large stones upon them, which overthrew some of those eleven that were with him. But as for Sabinus himself, he met the darts that were cast at him and though he was overwhelmed with them, yet did he not leave off the violence of his attack before he had gotten up on the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to flight. For as the Jews were astonished at his great strength, and the bravery of his soul, and as, withal, they imagined more of them had got upon the wall than really had, they were put to flight. And now one cannot but complain here of fortune, as still envious at virtue, and always hindering the performance of glorious achievements: this was the case of the man before us, when he had just obtained his purpose; for he then stumbled at a certain large stone, and fell down upon it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon which the Jews turned back, and when they saw him to be alone, and fallen down also, they threw darts at him from every side. However. be got upon his knee, and covered himself with his shield, and at the first defended himself against them, and wounded many of those that came near him; but he was soon forced to relax his right hand, by the multitude of the wounds that had been given him, till at length he was quite covered over with darts before he gave up the ghost. He was one who deserved a better fate, by reason of his bravery; but, as might be expected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed three of them to pieces with stones, and slew them as they were gotten up to the top of the wall; the other eight being wounded, were pulled down, and carried back to the camp. These things were done upon the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].",
+                    "7. Now two days afterward twelve of those men that were on the forefront, and kept watch upon the banks, got together, and called to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, and two others of a troop of horsemen, and one trumpeter; these went without noise, about the ninth hour of the night, through the ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they had cut the throats of the first guards of the place, as they were asleep, they got possession of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter to sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away, before any body could see how many they were that were gotten up; for, partly from the fear they were in, and partly from the sound of the trumpet which they heard, they imagined a great number of the enemy were gotten up. But as soon as Caesar heard the signal, he ordered the army to put on their armor immediately, and came thither with his commanders, and first of all ascended, as did the chosen men that were with him. And as the Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell into that mine which John had dug under the Roman banks. Then did the seditious of both the bodies of the Jewish army, as well that belonging to John as that belonging to Simon, drive them away; and indeed were no way wanting as to the highest degree of force and alacrity; for they esteemed themselves entirely ruined if once the Romans got into the temple, as did the Romans look upon the same thing as the beginning of their entire conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at the entrance of the temple, while the Romans were forcing their way, in order to get possession of that temple, and the Jews were driving them back to the tower of Antonia; in which battle the darts were on both sides useless, as well as the spears, and both sides drew their swords, and fought it out hand to hand. Now during this struggle the positions of the men were undistinguished on both sides, and they fought at random, the men being intermixed one with another, and confounded, by reason of the narrowness of the place; while the noise that was made fell on the ear after an indistinct manner, because it was so very loud. Great slaughter was now made on both sides, and the combatants trod upon the bodies and the armor of those that were dead, and dashed them to pieces. Accordingly, to which side soever the battle inclined, those that had the advantage exhorted one another to go on, as did those that were beaten make great lamentation. But still there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit, but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while the armies were intermixed one with another; but those that were in the first ranks were under the necessity of killing or being killed, without any way for escaping; for those on both sides that came behind forced those before them to go on, without leaving any space between the armies. At length the Jews' violent zeal was too hard for the Romans' skill, and the battle already inclined entirely that way; for the fight had lasted from the ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour of the day, While the Jews came on in crowds, and had the danger the temple was in for their motive; the Romans having no more here than a part of their army; for those legions, on which the soldiers on that side depended, were not come up to them. So it was at present thought sufficient by the Romans to take possession of the tower of Antonia.",
+                    "8. But there was one Julian, a centurion, that came from Eithynia, a man he was of great reputation, whom I had formerly seen in that war, and one of the highest fame, both for his skill in war, his strength of body, and the courage of his soul. This man, seeing the Romans giving ground, and ill a sad condition, (for he stood by Titus at the tower of Antonia,) leaped out, and of himself alone put the Jews to flight, when they were already conquerors, and made them retire as far as the corner of the inner court of the temple; from him the multitude fled away in crowds, as supposing that neither his strength nor his violent attacks could be those of a mere man. Accordingly, he rushed through the midst of the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad, and killed those that he caught. Nor, indeed, was there any sight that appeared more wonderful in the eyes of Caesar, or more terrible to others, than this. However, he was himself pursued by fate, which it all not possible that he, who was but a mortal man, should escape; for as he had shoes all full of thick and sharp nails<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">No wonder that this Julian, who had so many nails in his shoes, slipped upon the pavement of the temple, which was smooth, and laid with marble of different colors.</i> as had every one of the other soldiers, so when he ran on the pavement of the temple, he slipped, and fell down upon his back with a very great noise, which was made by his armor. This made those that were running away to turn back; whereupon those Romans that were in the tower of Antonia set up a great shout, as they were in fear for the man. But the Jews got about him in crowds, and struck at him with their spears and with their swords on all sides. Now he received a great many of the strokes of these iron weapons upon his shield, and often attempted to get up again, but was thrown down by those that struck at him; yet did he, as he lay along, stab many of them with his sword. Nor was he soon killed, as being covered with his helmet and his breastplate in all those parts of his body where he might be mortally wounded; he also pulled his neck close to his body, till all his other limbs were shattered, and nobody durst come to defend him, and then he yielded to his fate. Now Caesar was deeply affected on account of this man of so great fortitude, and especially as he was killed in the sight of so many people; he was desirous himself to come to his assistance, but the place would not give him leave, while such as could have done it were too much terrified to attempt it. Thus when Julian had struggled with death a great while, and had let but few of those that had given him his mortal wound go off unhurt, he had at last his throat cut, though not without some difficulty, and left behind him a very great fame, not only among the Romans, and with Caesar himself, but among his enemies also; then did the Jews catch up his dead body, and put the Romans to flight again, and shut them up in the tower of Antonia. Now those that most signalized themselves, and fought most zealously in this battle of the Jewish side, were one Alexas and Gyphtheus, of John's party, and of Simon's party were Malachias, and Judas the son of Merto, and James the son of Sosas, the commander of the Idumeans; and of the zealots, two brethren, Simon and Judas, the sons of Jairus."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Gave Orders To Demolish The Tower Of Antonia And Then Persuaded Josephus To Exhort The Jews Again [To A Surrender].</i><br><br>1. And now Titus gave orders to his soldiers that were with him to dig up the foundations of the tower of Antonia, and make him a ready passage for his army to come up; while he himself had Josephus brought to him, (for he had been informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This was a remarkable day indeed, the seventeenth of Paneruns. [Tamuz,] A.D. 70, when, according to Daniel's prediction, six hundred and six years before, the Romans \"in half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease,\" Daniel 9:27. For from the month of February, A.D. 66, about which time Vespasian entered on this war, to this very time, was just three years and a half. See Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Marshall, on this year. Nor is it to be omitted, what year nearly confirms this duration of the war, that four years before the war begun was somewhat above seven years five months before the destruction of Jerusalem, ch. 5. sect. 3.</i>of Panemus, [Tamuz,] the sacrifice called \"the Daily Sacrifice\" had failed, and had not been offered to God, for want of men to offer it, and that the people were grievously troubled at it,) and commanded him to say the same things to John that he had said before, that if he had any malicious inclination for fighting, he might come out with as many of his men as he pleased, in order to fight, without the danger of destroying either his city or temple; but that he desired he would not defile the temple, nor thereby offend against God. That he might, if he pleased, offer the sacrifices which were now discontinuned by any of the Jews whom he should pitch upon. Upon this Josephus stood in such a place where he might be heard, not by John only, but by many more, and then declared to them what Caesar had given him in charge, and this in the Hebrew language.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The same that in the New Testament is always so called, and was then the common language of the Jews in Judea, which was the Syriac dialect.</i> So he earnestly prayed them to spare their own city, and to prevent that fire which was just ready to seize upon the temple, and to offer their usual sacrifices to God therein. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God's own city. In answer to which Josephus said thus with a loud voice: \"To be sure thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God's sake; the temple also continues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of ally impiety against him for whose assistance thou hopest! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices! Vile wretch that thou art! if any one should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an enemy to thee; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship; and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted! Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city? since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned; while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others. But still, John, it is never dishonorable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in Jechoniah,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Our present copies of the Old Testament want this encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which it seems was in Josephus's copy.</i> the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did of his own accord go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire; on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger, and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. And take notice that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will become thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence I am derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such slavery, as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast indignation at me again, and makest a clamor at me, and reproachest me; indeed I cannot deny but I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposition to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavor to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them, - and particularly that oracle which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city? For they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen. And are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and temple by means of the Romans, and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions.\"",
+                    "2. As Josephus spoke these words, with groans and tears in his eyes, his voice was intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans could not but pity the affliction he was under, and wonder at his conduct. But for John, and those that were with him, they were but the more exasperated against the Romans on this account, and were desirous to get Josephus also into their power: yet did that discourse influence a great many of the better sort; and truly some of them were so afraid of the guards set by the seditious, that they tarried where they were, but still were satisfied that both they and the city were doomed to destruction. Some also there were who, watching a proper opportunity when they might quietly get away, fled to the Romans, of whom were the high priests Joseph and Jesus, and of the sons of high priests three, whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also one son of the other Matthias, who ran away after his father's death,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Josephus had before told us, B. V. ch. 13. sect. 1, that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to the Romans \"before\" his father's and brethren's slaughter, and not \"after\" it, as here. The former account is, in all probability, the truest; for had not that fourth son escaped before the others were caught and put to death, he had been caught and put to death with them. This last account, therefore, looks like an instance of a small inadvertence of Josephus in the place before us.</i> and whose father was slain by Simon the son of Gioras, with three of his sons, as I have already related; many also of the other nobility went over to the Romans, together with the high priests. Now Caesar not only received these men very kindly in other respects, but, knowing they would not willingly live after the customs of other nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired them to remain there for the present, and told them, that when he was gotten clear of this war, he would restore each of them to their possessions again; so they cheerfully retired to that small city which was allotted them, without fear of any danger. But as they did not appear, the seditious gave out again that these deserters were slain by the Romans, which was done in order to deter the rest from running away, by fear of the like treatment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for a while, as did the like trick before; for the rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by fear of the like treatment.",
+                    "3. However, when Titus had recalled those men from Gophna, he gave orders that they should go round the wall, together with Josephus, and show themselves to the people; upon which a great many fled to the Romans. These men also got in a great number together, and stood before the Romans, and besought the seditious, with groans and tears in their eyes, in the first place to receive the Romans entirely into the city, and save that their own place of residence again; but that, if they would not agree to such a proposal, they would at least depart out of the temple, and save the holy house for their own use; for that the Romans would not venture to set the sanctuary on fire but under the most pressing necessity. Yet did the seditious still more and more contradict them; and while they cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these deserters, they also set their engines for throwing of darts, and javelins, and stones upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due distances from one another, insomuch that all the space round about within the temple might be compared to a burying-ground, so great was the number of the dead bodies therein; as might the holy house itself be compared to a citadel. Accordingly, these men rushed upon these holy places in their armor, that were otherwise unapproachable, and that while their hands were yet warm with the blood of their own people which they had shed; nay, they proceeded to such great transgressions, that the very same indignation which Jews would naturally have against Romans, had they been guilty of such abuses against them, the Romans now had against Jews, for their impiety in regard to their own religious customs. Nay, indeed, there were none of the Roman soldiers who did not look with a sacred horror upon the holy house, and adored it, and wished that the robbers would repent before their miseries became incurable.",
+                    "4. Now Titus was deeply affected with this state of things, and reproached John and his party, and said to them, \"Have not you, vile wretches that you are, by our permission, put up this partition-wall before your sanctuary? Have not you been allowed to put up the pillars thereto belonging, at due distances, and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner should go beyond that wall.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this partition-wall separating Jews and Gentiles, with its pillars and inscription, see the description of the temples, ch. 15.</i> Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood of both foreigners and Jews themselves? I appeal to the gods of my own country, and to every god that ever had any regard to this place; (for I do not suppose it to be now regarded by any of them;) I also appeal to my own army, and to those Jews that are now with me, and even to yourselves, that I do not force you to defile this your sanctuary; and if you will but change the place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall either come near your sanctuary, or offer any affront to it; nay, I will endeavor to preserve you your holy house, whether you will or not.\"<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That these seditious Jews were the direct occasions of their own destruction, and of the conflagration of their city and temple, and that Titus earnestly and constantly labored to save both, is here and every where most evident in Josephus.</i>",
+                    "5. As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus's fear, and not from his good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it. But when Titus saw that these men were neither to be moved by commiseration towards themselves, nor had any concern upon them to have the holy house spared, he proceeded unwillingly to go on again with the war against them. He could not indeed bring all his army against them, the place was so narrow; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most valiant out of every hundred, and committing a thousand to each tribune, and making Cerealis their commander-in-chief, he gave orders that they should attack the guards of the temple about the ninth hour of that night. But as he was now in his armor, and preparing to go down with them, his friends would not let him go, by reason of the greatness of the danger, and what the commanders suggested to them; for they said that he would do more by sitting above in the tower of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight, than by coming down and hazarding his own person in the forefront of them; for that they would all fight stoutly while Caesar looked upon them. With this advice Caesar complied, and said that the only reason he had for such compliance with the soldiers was this, that he might be able to judge of their courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier might lie concealed, and miss of his reward, and no cowardly soldier might go unpunished; but that he might himself be an eye-witness, and able to give evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and rewards to them. So he sent the soldiers about their work at the hour forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place in the tower of Antonia, whence he might see what was done, and there waited with impatience to see the event.",
+                    "6. However, the soldiers that were sent did not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they hoped to have done; but were obliged to fight with them immediately hand to hand, as they rushed with violence upon them with a great shout. Now as soon as the rest within the temple heard that shout of those that were upon the watch, they ran out in troops upon them. Then did the Romans receive the onset of those that came first upon them; but those that followed them fell upon their own troops, and many of them treated their own soldiers as if they had been enemies; for the great confused noise that was made on both sides hindered them from distinguishing one another's voices, as did the darkness of the night hinder them from the like distinction by the sight, besides that blindness which arose otherwise also from the passion and the fear they were in at the same time; for which reason it was all one to the soldiers who it was they struck at. However, this ignorance did less harm to the Romans than to the Jews, because they were joined together under their shields, and made their sallies more regularly than the others did, and each of them remembered their watch-word; while the Jews were perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their attacks and retreats at random, and so did frequently seem to one another to be enemies; for every one of them received those of their own men that came back in the dark as Romans, and made an assault upon them; so that more of them were wounded by their own men than by the enemy, till, upon the coming on of the day, the nature of the right was discerned by the eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle-array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts regularly, and regularly defended themselves; nor did either side yield or grow weary. The Romans contended with each other who should fight the most strenuously, both single men and entire regiments, as being under the eye of Titus; and every one concluded that this day would begin his promotion if he fought bravely. What were the great encouragements of the Jews to act vigorously were, their fear for themselves and for the temple, and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted some, and beat and threatened others, to act courageously. Now, it so happened, that this fight was for the most part a stationary one, wherein the soldiers went on and came back in a short time, and suddenly; for there was no long space of ground for either of their flights or pursuits. But still there was a tumultuous noise among the Romans from the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out upon all occasions to their own men to press on courageously, when they were too hard for the Jews, and to stay when they were retiring backward; so that here was a kind of theater of war; for what was done in this fight could not be concealed either from Titus, or from those that were about him. At length it appeared that this fight, which began at the ninth hour of the night, was not over till past the fifth hour of the day; and that, in the same place where the battle began, neither party could say they had made the other to retire; but both the armies left the victory almost in uncertainty between them; wherein those that signalized themselves on the Roman side were a great many, but on the Jewish side, and of those that were with Simon, Judas the son of Merto, and Simon the son of Josas; of the Idumeans, James and Simon, the latter of whom was the son of Cathlas, and James was the son of Sosas; of those that were with John, Gyphtheus and Alexas; and of the zealots, Simon the son of Jairus.",
+                    "7. In the mean time, the rest of the Roman army had, in seven days' time, overthrown [some] foundations of the tower of Antonia, and had made a ready and broad way to the temple. Then did the legions come near the first court,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Court of the Gentiles.</i> and began to raise their banks. The one bank was over against the north-west corner of the inner temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Court of Israel.</i> another was at that northern edifice which was between the two gates; and of the other two, one was at the western cloister of the outer court of the temple; the other against its northern cloister. However, these works were thus far advanced by the Romans, not without great pains and difficulty, and particularly by being obliged to bring their materials from the distance of a hundred furlongs. They had further difficulties also upon them; sometimes by their over-great security they were in that they should overcome the Jewish snares laid for them, and by that boldness of the Jews which their despair of escaping had inspired them withal; for some of their horsemen, when they went out to gather wood or hay, let their horses feed without having their bridles on during the time of foraging; upon which horses the Jews sallied out in whole bodies, and seized them. And when this was continually done, and Caesar believed what the truth was, that the horses were stolen more by the negligence of his own men than by the valor of the Jews, he determined to use greater severity to oblige the rest to take care of their horses; so he commanded that one of those soldiers who had lost their horses should be capitally punished; whereby he so terrified the rest, that they preserved their horses for the time to come; for they did not any longer let them go from them to feed by themselves, but, as if they had grown to them, they went always along with them when they wanted necessaries. Thus did the Romans still continue to make war against the temple, and to raise their banks against it.",
+                    "8. Now after one day had been interposed since the Romans ascended the breach, many of the seditious were so pressed by the famine, upon the present failure of their ravages, that they got together, and made an attack on those Roman guards that were upon the Mount of Olives, and this about the eleventh hour of the day, as supposing, first, that they would not expect such an onset, and, in the next place, that they were then taking care of their bodies, and that therefore they should easily beat them. But the Romans were apprized of their coming to attack them beforehand, and, running together from the neighboring camps on the sudden, prevented them from getting over their fortification, or forcing the wall that was built about them. Upon this came on a sharp fight, and here many great actions were performed on both sides; while the Romans showed both their courage and their skill in war, as did the Jews come on them with immoderate violence and intolerable passion. The one part were urged on by shame, and the other by necessity; for it seemed a very shameful thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now they were taken in a kind of net; while the Jews had but one hope of saving themselves, and that was in case they could by violence break through the Roman wall; and one whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a party of horsemen, when the Jews were already beaten and forced down into the valley together, spurred his horse on their flank with great vehemence, and caught up a certain young man belonging to the enemy by his ankle, as he was running away; the man was, however, of a robust body, and in his armor; so low did Pedanius bend himself downward from his horse, even as he was galloping away, and so great was the strength of his right hand, and of the rest of his body, as also such skill had he in horsemanship. So this man seized upon that his prey, as upon a precious treasure, and carried him as his captive to Caesar; whereupon Titus admired the man that had seized the other for his great strength, and ordered the man that was caught to be punished [with death] for his attempt against the Roman wall, but betook himself to the siege of the temple, and to pressing on the raising of the banks.",
+                    "9. In the mean time, the Jews were so distressed by the fights they had been in, as the war advanced higher and higher, and creeping up to the holy house itself, that they, as it were, cut off those limbs of their body which were infected, in order to prevent the distemper's spreading further; for they set the north-west cloister, which was joined to the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister, and thereby made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month, [Panemus or Tamuz,] the Romans set fire to the cloister that joined to the other, when the fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews, in like manner, cut off its roof; nor did they entirely leave off what they were about till the tower of Antonia was parted from the temple, even when it was in their power to have stopped the fire; nay, they lay still while the temple was first set on fire, and deemed this spreading of the fire to be for their own advantage. However, the armies were still fighting one against another about the temple, and the war was managed by continual sallies of particular parties against one another.",
+                    "10. Now there was at this time a man among the Jews, low of stature he was, and of a despicable appearance; of no character either as to his family, or in other respects: his flame was Jonathan. He went out at the high priest John's monument, and uttered many other insolent things to the Romans, a challenged the best of them all to a single combat.But many of those that stood there in the army huffed him, and many of them (as they might well be) were afraid of him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and that justly enough: that it was not fit to fight with a man that desired to die, because those that utterly despaired of deliverance had, besides other passions, a violence in attacking men that could not be opposed, and had no regard to God himself; and that to hazard oneself with a person, whom, if you overcome, you do no great matter, and by whom it is hazardous that you may be taken prisoner, would be an instance, not of manly courage, but of unmanly rashness. So there being nobody that came out to accept the man's challenge, and the Jew cutting them with a great number of reproaches, as cowards, (for he was a very haughty man in himself, and a great despiser of the Romans,) one whose name was Pudens, of the body of horsemen, out of his abomination of the other's words, and of his impudence withal, and perhaps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on account of the other's lowness of stature, ran out to him, and was too hard for him in other respects, but was betrayed by his ill fortune; for he fell down, and as he was down, Jonathan came running to him, and cut his throat, and then, standing upon his dead body, he brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and shook his shield with his left hand, and made many acclamations to the Roman army, and exulted over the dead man, and jested upon the Romans; till at length one Priscus, a centurion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping and playing the fool with himself, and thereby pierced him through; upon which a shout was set up both by the Jews and the Romans, though on different accounts. So Jonathan grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and fell down upon the body of his adversary, as a plain instance how suddenly vengeance may come upon men that have success in war, without any just deserving the same."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning A Stratagem That Was Devised By The Jews, By Which They Burnt Many Of The Romans; With Another Description Of The Terrible Famine That Was In The City.</i><br><br>1. But now the seditious that were in the temple did every day openly endeavor to beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks, and on the twenty-seventh day of the forenamed month [Panemus or Tamuz] contrived such a stratagem as this: They filled that part of the western cloister<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of the court of the Gentiles.</i> which was between the beams, and the roof under them, with dry materials, as also with bitumen and pitch, and then retired from that place, as though they were tired with the pains they had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many of the most inconsiderate among the Romans, who were carried away with violent passions, followed hard after them as they were retiring, and applied ladders to the cloister, and got up to it suddenly; but the prudent part of them, when they understood this unaccountable retreat of the Jews, stood still where they were before. However, the cloister was full of those that were gone up the ladders; at which time the Jews set it all on fire; and as the flame burst out every where on the sudden, the Romans that were out of the danger were seized with a very great consternation, as were those that were in the midst of the danger in the utmost distress. So when they perceived themselves surrounded with the flames, some of them threw themselves down backwards into the city, and some among their enemies [in the temple]; as did many leap down to their own men, and broke their limbs to pieces; but a great number of those that were going to take these violent methods were prevented by the fire; though some prevented the fire by their own swords. However, the fire was on the sudden carried so far as to surround those who would have otherwise perished. As for Caesar himself, he could not, however, but commiserate those that thus perished, although they got up thither without any order for so doing, since there was no way of giving the many relief. Yet was this some comfort to those that were destroyed, that every body might see that person grieve, for whose sake they came to their end; for he cried out openly to them, and leaped up, and exhorted those that were about him to do their utmost to relieve them; So every one of them died cheerfully, as carrying along with him these words and this intention of Caesar as a sepulchral monument. Some there were indeed who retired into the wall of the cloister, which was broad, and were preserved out of the fire, but were then surrounded by the Jews; and although they made resistance against the Jews for a long time, yet were they wounded by them, and at length they all fell down dead.",
+                    "2. At the last a young man among them, whose name was Longus, became a decoration to this sad affair, and while every one of them that perished were worthy of a memorial, this man appeared to deserve it beyond all the rest. Now the Jews admired this man for his courage, and were further desirous of having him slain; so they persuaded him to come down to them, upon security given him for his life. But Cornelius his brother persuaded him on the contrary, not to tarnish his own glory, nor that of the Roman army. He complied with this last advice, and lifting up his sword before both armies, he slew himself. Yet there was one Artorius among those surrounded by the fire who escaped by his subtlety; for when he had with a loud voice called to him Lucius, one of his fellow soldiers that lay with him in the same tent, and said to him, \"I do leave thee heir of all I have, if thou wilt come and receive me.\" Upon this he came running to receive him readily; Artorius then threw himself down upon him, and saved his own life, while he that received him was dashed so vehemently against the stone pavement by the other's weight, that he died immediately. This melancholy accident made the Romans sad for a while, but still it made them more upon their guard for the future, and was of advantage to them against the delusions of the Jews, by which they were greatly damaged through their unacquaintedness with the places, and with the nature of the inhabitants. Now this cloister was burnt down as far as John's tower, which he built in the war he made against Simon over the gates that led to the Xystus. The Jews also cut off the rest of that cloister from the temple, after they had destroyed those that got up to it. But the next day the Romans burnt down the northern cloister entirely, as far as the east cloister, whose common angle joined to the valley that was called Cedron, and was built over it; on which account the depth was frightful. And this was the state of the temple at that time.",
+                    "3. Now of those that perished by famine in the city, the number was prodigious, and the miseries they underwent were unspeakable; for if so much as the shadow of any kind of food did any where appear, a war was commenced presently, and the dearest friends fell a fighting one with another about it, snatching from each other the most miserable supports of life. Nor would men believe that those who were dying had no food, but the robbers would search them when they were expiring, lest any one should have concealed food in their bosoms, and counterfeited dying; nay, these robbers gaped for want, and ran about stumbling and staggering along like mad dogs, and reeling against the doors of the houses like drunken men; they would also, in the great distress they were in, rush into the very same houses two or three times in one and the same day. Moreover, their hunger was so intolerable, that it obliged them to chew every thing, while they gathered such things as the most sordid animals would not touch, and endured to eat them; nor did they at length abstain from girdles and shoes; and the very leather which belonged to their shields they pulled off and gnawed: the very wisps of old hay became food to some; and some gathered up fibres, and sold a very small weight of them for four Attic [drachmae]. But why do I describe the shameless impudence that the famine brought on men in their eating inanimate things, while I am going to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no history relates,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What Josephus observes here, that no parallel examples had been recorded before this time of such sieges, wherein mothers were forced by extremity of famine to eat their own children, as had been threatened to the Jews in the law of Moses, upon obstinate disobedience, and more than once fulfilled, (see my Boyle's Lectures, p. 210-214,) is by Dr. Hudson supposed to have had two or three parallel examples in later ages. He might have had more examples, I suppose, of persons on ship-board, or in a desert island, casting lots for each others' bodies; but all this was only in cases where they knew of no possible way to avoid death themselves but by killing and eating others. Whether such examples come up to the present case may be doubted. The Romans were not only willing, but very desirous, to grant those Jews in Jerusalem both their lives and their liberties, and to save both their city and their temple. But the zealots, the rubbers, and the seditious would hearken to no terms of submission. They voluntarily chose to reduce the citizens to that extremity, as to force mothers to this unnatural barbarity, which, in all its circumstances, has not, I still suppose, been hitherto paralleled among the rest of mankind.</i> either among the Greeks or Barbarians? It is horrible to speak of it, and incredible when heard. I had indeed willingly omitted this calamity of ours, that I might not seem to deliver what is so portentous to posterity, but that I have innumerable witnesses to it in my own age; and besides, my country would have had little reason to thank me for suppressing the miseries that she underwent at this time.",
+                    "4. There was a certain woman that dwelt beyond Jordan, her name was Mary; her father was Eleazar, of the village Bethezob, which signifies the house of Hyssop. She was eminent for her family and her wealth, and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest of the multitude, and was with them besieged therein at this time. The other effects of this woman had been already seized upon, such I mean as she had brought with her out of Perea, and removed to the city. What she had treasured up besides, as also what food she had contrived to save, had been also carried off by the rapacious guards, who came every day running into her house for that purpose. This put the poor woman into a very great passion, and by the frequent reproaches and imprecations she east at these rapacious villains, she had provoked them to anger against her; but none of them, either out of the indignation she had raised against herself, or out of commiseration of her case, would take away her life; and if she found any food, she perceived her labors were for others, and not for herself; and it was now become impossible for her any way to find any more food, while the famine pierced through her very bowels and marrow, when also her passion was fired to a degree beyond the famine itself; nor did she consult with any thing but with her passion and the necessity she was in. She then attempted a most unnatural thing; and snatching up her son, who was a child sucking at her breast, she said, \"O thou miserable infant! for whom shall I preserve thee in this war, this famine, and this sedition? As to the war with the Romans, if they preserve our lives, we must be slaves. This famine also will destroy us, even before that slavery comes upon us. Yet are these seditious rogues more terrible than both the other. Come on; be thou my food, and be thou a fury to these seditious varlets, and a by-word to the world, which is all that is now wanting to complete the calamities of us Jews.\" As soon as she had said this, she slew her son, and then roasted him, and eat the one half of him, and kept the other half by her concealed. Upon this the seditious came in presently, and smelling the horrid scent of this food, they threatened her that they would cut her throat immediately if she did not show them what food she had gotten ready. She replied that she had saved a very fine portion of it for them, and withal uncovered what was left of her son. Hereupon they were seized with a horror and amazement of mind, and stood astonished at the sight, when she said to them, \"This is mine own son, and what hath been done was mine own doing! Come, eat of this food; for I have eaten of it myself! Do not you pretend to be either more tender than a woman, or more compassionate than a mother; but if you be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my sacrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the rest be reserved for me also.\" After which those men went out trembling, being never so much aftrighted at any thing as they were at this, and with some difficulty they left the rest of that meat to the mother. Upon which the whole city was full of this horrid action immediately; and while every body laid this miserable case before their own eyes, they trembled, as if this unheard of action had been done by themselves. So those that were thus distressed by the famine were very desirous to die, and those already dead were esteemed happy, because they had not lived long enough either to hear or to see such miseries.",
+                    "5. This sad instance was quickly told to the Romans, some of whom could not believe it, and others pitied the distress which the Jews were under; but there were many of them who were hereby induced to a more bitter hatred than ordinary against our nation. But for Caesar, he excused himself before God as to this matter, and said that he had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews, as well as an oblivion of all their former insolent practices; but that they, instead of concord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace, war; and before satiety and abundance, a famine. That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. That, however, this horrid action of eating an own child ought to be covered with the overthrow of their very country itself, and men ought not to leave such a city upon the habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein mothers are thus fed, although such food be fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to eat of, since it is they that continue still in a state of war against us, after they have undergone such miseries as these. And at the same time that he said this, he reflected on the desperate condition these men must be in; nor could he expect that such men could be recovered to sobriety of mind, after they had endured those very sufferings, for the avoiding whereof it only was probable they might have repented."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>When The Banks Were Completed And The Battering Rams Brought, And Could Do Nothing, Titus Gave Orders To Set Fire To The Gates Of The Temple; In No Long Time After Which The Holy House Itself Was Burnt Down, Even Against His Consent.</i><br><br>1. And now two of the legions had completed their banks on the eighth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave orders that the battering rams should be brought, and set over against the western edifice of the inner temple; for before these were brought, the firmest of all the other engines had battered the wall for six days together without ceasing, without making any impression upon it; but the vast largeness and strong connexion of the stones were superior to that engine, and to the other battering rams also. Other Romans did indeed undermine the foundations of the northern gate, and after a world of pains removed the outermost stones, yet was the gate still upheld by the inner stones, and stood still unhurt; till the workmen, despairing of all such attempts by engines and crows, brought their ladders to the cloisters. Now the Jews did not interrupt them in so doing; but when they were gotten up, they fell upon them, and fought with them; some of them they thrust down, and threw them backwards headlong; others of them they met and slew; they also beat many of those that went down the ladders again, and slew them with their swords before they could bring their shields to protect them; nay, some of the ladders they threw down from above when they were full of armed men; a great slaughter was made of the Jews also at the same time, while those that bare the ensigns fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible thing, and what would tend to their great shame, if they permitted them to be stolen away. Yet did the Jews at length get possession of these engines, and destroyed those that had gone up the ladders, while the rest were so intimidated by what those suffered who were slain, that they retired; although none of the Romans died without having done good service before his death. Of the seditious, those that had fought bravely in the former battles did the like now, as besides them did Eleazar, the brother's son of Simon the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that his endeavors to spare a foreign temple turned to the damage of his soldiers, and then be killed, he gave order to set the gates on fire.",
+                    "2. In the mean time, there deserted to him Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most bloody of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus, the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time when they were the conquerors. Titus objected this to these men, as a cunning trick of theirs; and as he had been informed of their other barbarities towards the Jews, he was going in all haste to have them both slain. He told them that they were only driven to this desertion because of the utmost distress they were in, and did not come away of their own good disposition; and that those did not deserve to be preserved, by whom their own city was already set on fire, out of which fire they now hurried themselves away. However, the security he had promised deserters overcame his resentments, and he dismissed them accordingly, though he did not give them the same privileges that he had afforded to others. And now the soldiers had already put fire to the gates, and the silver that was over them quickly carried the flames to the wood that was within it, whence it spread itself all on the sudden, and caught hold on the cloisters. Upon the Jews seeing this fire all about them, their spirits sunk together with their bodies, and they were under such astonishment, that not one of them made any haste, either to defend himself or to quench the fire, but they stood as mute spectators of it only. However, they did not so grieve at the loss of what was now burning, as to grow wiser thereby for the time to come; but as though the holy house itself had been on fire already, they whetted their passions against the Romans. This fire prevailed during that day and the next also; for the soldiers were not able to burn all the cloisters that were round about together at one time, but only by pieces.",
+                    "3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. Of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. Now some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced this to be done, and not to them. But Titus said, that \"although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are inanimate, instead of the men themselves;\" and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire.",
+                    "4. Now it is true that on this day the Jews were so weary, and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the forefront, many of the rest were put to flight. But as the Romans were going off, the Jews turned upon them, and fought them; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner [court of the] temple.",
+                    "5. So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his whole army, and to encamp round about the holy house. But as for that house, God had, for certain, long ago doomed it to the fire; and now that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages; it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,] upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon; although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them; for upon Titus's retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning the inner [court of the] temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. As the flames went upward, the Jews made a great clamor, such as so mighty an affliction required, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, nor suffered any thing to restrain their force, since that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it.",
+                    "6. And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench the fire. But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dimmed by a greater noise another way; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could restrain their violence, but each one's own passion was his commander at this time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way with those whom they had conquered; and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar's orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to afford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were every where slain, and every where beaten; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another, as at the steps<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These steps to the altar of burnt-offering seem here either an improper and inaccurate expression of Josephus, since it was unlawful to make ladder steps; (see description of the temples, ch. 13., and note on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5;) or else those steps or stairs we now use were invented before the days of Herod the Great, and had been here built by him; though the later Jews always deny it, and say that even Herod's altar was ascended to by an acclivity only.</i> going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down.",
+                    "7. And now, since Caesar was no way able to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers, and the fire proceeded on more and more, he went into the holy place of the temple, with his commanders, and saw it, with what was in it, which he found to be far superior to what the relations of foreigners contained, and not inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and believed about it. But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was, that the house itself might yet he saved, he came in haste and endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them; yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold. And besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar's approbation.",
+                    "8. Now although any one would justly lament the destruction of such a work as this was, since it was the most admirable of all the works that we have seen or heard of, both for its curious structure and its magnitude, and also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as well as for the glorious reputation it had for its holiness; yet might such a one comfort himself with this thought, that it was fate that decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both as to living creatures, and as to works and places also. However, one cannot but wonder at the accuracy of this period thereto relating; for the same month and day were now observed, as I said before, wherein the holy house was burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now the number of years that passed from its first foundation, which was laid by king Solomon, till this its destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, are collected to be one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days; and from the second building of it, which was done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus the king, till its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and forty-five days."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>The Great Distress The Jews Were In Upon The Conflagration Of The Holy House. Concerning A False Prophet, And The Signs That Preceded This Destruction.</i><br><br>1. While the holy house was on fire, every thing was plundered that came to hand, and ten thousand of those that were caught were slain; nor was there a commiseration of any age, or any reverence of gravity, but children, and old men, and profane persons, and priests were all slain in the same manner; so that this war went round all sorts of men, and brought them to destruction, and as well those that made supplication for their lives, as those that defended themselves by fighting. The flame was also carried a long way, and made an echo, together with the groans of those that were slain; and because this hill was high, and the works at the temple were very great, one would have thought the whole city had been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thing either greater or more terrible than this noise; for there was at once a shout of the Roman legions, who were marching all together, and a sad clamor of the seditious, who were now surrounded with fire and sword. The people also that were left above were beaten back upon the enemy, and under a great consternation, and made sad moans at the calamity they were under; the multitude also that was in the city joined in this outcry with those that were upon the hill. And besides, many of those that were worn away by the famine, and their mouths almost closed, when they saw the fire of the holy house, they exerted their utmost strength, and brake out into groans and outcries again: Pera<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Perea, if the word be not mistaken in the copies, cannot well be that Perea which was beyond Jordan, whose mountains were at a considerable distance from Jordan, and much too remote from Jerusalem to join in this echo at the conflagration of the temple; but Perea must be rather some mountains beyond the brook Cedron, as was the Mount of Olives, or some others about such a distance from Jerusalem; which observation is so obvious, that it is a wonder our commentators here take no notice of it.</i> did also return the echo, as well as the mountains round about [the city,] and augmented the force of the entire noise. Yet was the misery itself more terrible than this disorder; for one would have thought that the hill itself, on which the temple stood, was seething hot, as full of fire on every part of it, that the blood was larger in quantity than the fire, and those that were slain more in number than those that slew them; for the ground did no where appear visible, for the dead bodies that lay on it; but the soldiers went over heaps of those bodies, as they ran upon such as fled from them. And now it was that the multitude of the robbers were thrust out [of the inner court of the temple by the Romans,] and had much ado to get into the outward court, and from thence into the city, while the remainder of the populace fled into the cloister of that outer court. As for the priests, some of them plucked up from the holy house the spikes<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland I think here judges well, when he interprets these spikes (of those that stood on the top of the holy house) with sharp points; they were fixed into lead, to prevent the birds from sitting there, and defiling the holy house; for such spikes there were now upon it, as Josephus himself hath already assured us, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6.</i> that were upon it, with their bases, which were made of lead, and shot them at the Romans instead of darts. But then as they gained nothing by so doing, and as the fire burst out upon them, they retired to the wall that was eight cubits broad, and there they tarried; yet did two of these of eminence among them, who might have saved themselves by going over to the Romans, or have borne up with courage, and taken their fortune with the others, throw themselves into the fire, and were burnt together with the holy house; their names were Meirus the son of Belgas, and Joseph the son of Daleus.",
+                    "2. And now the Romans, judging that it was in vain to spare what was round about the holy house, burnt all those places, as also the remains of the cloisters and the gates, two excepted; the one on the east side, and the other on the south; both which, however, they burnt afterward. They also burnt down the treasury chambers, in which was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number of garments, and other precious goods there reposited; and, to speak all in a few words, there it was that the entire riches of the Jews were heaped up together, while the rich people had there built themselves chambers [to contain such furniture]. The soldiers also came to the rest of the cloisters that were in the outer [court of the] temple, whither the women and children, and a great mixed multitude of the people, fled, in number about six thousand. But before Caesar had determined any thing about these people, or given the commanders any orders relating to them, the soldiers were in such a rage, that they set that cloister on fire; by which means it came to pass that some of these were destroyed by throwing themselves down headlong, and some were burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did any one of them escape with his life. A false prophet<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland here takes notice, that these Jews, who had despised the true Prophet, were deservedly abused and deluded by these false ones.</i> was the occasion of these people's destruction, who had made a public proclamation in the city that very day, that God commanded them to get upon the temple, and that there they should receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. Now there was then a great number of false prophets suborned by the tyrants to impose on the people, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. Now a man that is in adversity does easily comply with such promises; for when such a seducer makes him believe that he shall be delivered from those miseries which oppress him, then it is that the patient is full of hopes of such his deliverance.",
+                    "3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while they did not attend nor give credit to the signs that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation, but, like men infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. Thus there was a star<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Whether Josephus means that this star was different from that comet which lasted a whole year, I cannot certainly determine. His words most favor their being different one from another.</i> resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that continued a whole year. Thus also before the Jews' rebellion, and before those commotions which preceded the war, when the people were come in great crowds to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the month Xanthicus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">21</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus still uses the Syro-Macedonian month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this eighth, or, as Nicephorus reads it, this ninth of Xanthicus or Nisan was almost a week before the passover, on the fourteenth; about which time we learn from St. John that many used to go \"out of the country to Jerusalem to purify themselves,\" John 11:55, with 12:1; in agreement with Josephus also, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1. And it might well be, that in the sight of these this extraordinary light might appear.</i> [Nisan,] and at the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone round the altar and the holy house, that it appeared to be bright day time; which lasted for half an hour. This light seemed to be a good sign to the unskillful, but was so interpreted by the sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it. At the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led by the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">22</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This here seems to be the court of the priests.</i> [court of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. Now those that kept watch in the temple came hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then came up thither, and not without great difficulty was able to shut the gate again. This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. So these publicly declared that the signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them. Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one and twentieth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] a certain prodigious and incredible phenomenon appeared: I suppose the account of it would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, and were not the events that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such signals; for, before sun-setting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their armor were seen running about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover, at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the priests were going by night into the inner [court of the temple,] as their custom was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place, they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise, and after that they heard a sound as of a great multitude, saying, \"Let us remove hence.\" But, what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom for every one to make tabernacles to God in the temple,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">23</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Both Reland and Havercamp in this place alter the natural punctuation and sense of Josephus, and this contrary to the opinion of Valesilus and Dr. Hudson, lest Josephus should say that the Jews built booths or tents within the temple at the feast of tabernacles; which the later Rabbins will not allow to have been the ancient practice: but then, since it is expressly told us in Nehemiah, ch. 8:16, that in still elder times \"the Jews made booths in the courts of the house of God\" at that festival, Josephus may well be permitted to say the same. And indeed the modern Rabbins are of very small authority in all such matters of remote antiquity.</i> began on a sudden to cry aloud, \"A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people!\" This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say any thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to those that chastised him, but still went on with the same words which he cried before. Hereupon our rulers, supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman procurator, where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his answer was, \"Woe, woe to Jerusalem!\" And when Albinus (for he was then our procurator) asked him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, \"Woe, woe to Jerusalem!\" Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, \"Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house!\" And just as he added at the last, \"Woe, woe to myself also!\" there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave up the ghost.",
+                    "4. Now if any one consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but that men perish by those miseries which they madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; for the Jews, by demolishing the tower of Antonia, had made their temple four-square, while at the same time they had it written in their sacred oracles, \"That then should their city be taken, as well as their holy house, when once their temple should become four-square.\" But now, what did the most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an ambiguous oracle that was also found in their sacred writings, how,\" about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth.\" The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. But these men interpreted some of these signals according to their own pleasure, and some of them they utterly despised, until their madness was demonstrated, both by the taking of their city and their own destruction."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Romans Carried Their Ensigns To The Temple, And Made Joyful Acclamations To Titus. The Speech That Titus Made To The Jews When They Made Supplication For Mercy. What Reply They Made Thereto; And How That Reply Moved Titus's Indignation Against Them.</i><br><br>1. And now the Romans, upon the flight of the seditious into the city, and upon the burning of the holy house itself, and of all the buildings round about it, brought their ensigns to the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">24</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Take Havercamp's note here: \"This (says he) is a remarkable place; and Tertullian truly says in his Apologetic, ch. 16. p. 162, that the entire religion of the Roman camp almost consisted in worshipping the ensigns, in swearing by the ensigns, and in preferring the ensigns before all the [other] gods.\" See what Havercamp says upon that place of Tertullian.</i> and set them over against its eastern gate; and there did they offer sacrifices to them, and there did they make Titus imperator<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">25</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This declaring Titus imperator by the soldiers, upon such signal success, and the slaughter of such a vast number of enemies, was according to the usual practice of the Romans in like cases, as Reland assures us on this place.</i> with the greatest acclamations of joy. And now all the soldiers had such vast quantities of the spoils which they had gotten by plunder, that in Syria a pound weight of gold was sold for half its former value. But as for those priests that kept themselves still upon the wall of the holy house,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">26</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Jews of later times agree with Josephus, that there were hiding-places or secret chambers about the holy house, as Reland here informs us, where he thinks he has found these very walls described by them.</i> there was a boy that, out of the thirst he was in, desired some of the Roman guards to give him their right hands as a security for his life, and confessed he was very thirsty. These guards commiserated his age, and the distress he was in, and gave him their right hands accordingly. So he came down himself, and drank some water, and filled the vessel he had with him when he came to them with water, and then went off, and fled away to his own friends; nor could any of those guards overtake him; but still they reproached him for his perfidiousness. To which he made this answer: \"I have not broken the agreement; for the security I had given me was not in order to my staying with you, but only in order to my coming down safely, and taking up some water; both which things I have performed, and thereupon think myself to have been faithful to my engagement.\" Hereupon those whom the child had imposed upon admired at his cunning, and that on account of his age. On the fifth day afterward, the priests that were pined with the famine came down, and when they were brought to Titus by the guards, they begged for their lives; but he replied, that the time of pardon was over as to them, and that this very holy house, on whose account only they could justly hope to be preserved, was destroyed; and that it was agreeable to their office that priests should perish with the house itself to which they belonged. So he ordered them to be put to death.",
+                    "2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and those that were with them, when they found that they were encompassed on every side, and, as it were, walled round, without any method of escaping, they desired to treat with Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such was the kindness of his nature, and his desire of preserving the city from destruction, joined to the advice of his friends, who now thought the robbers were come to a temper, that he placed himself on the western side of the outer [court of the] temple; for there were gates on that side above the Xystus, and a bridge that connected the upper city to the temple. This bridge it was that lay between the tyrants and Caesar, and parted them; while the multitude stood on each side; those of the Jewish nation about Sinran and John, with great hopes of pardon; and the Romans about Caesar, in great expectation how Titus would receive their supplication. So Titus charged his soldiers to restrain their rage, and to let their darts alone, and appointed an interpreter between them, which was a sign that he was the conqueror, and first began the discourse, and said, \"I hope you, sirs, are now satiated with the miseries of your country, who have not bad any just notions, either of our great power, or of your own great weakness, but have, like madmen, after a violent and inconsiderate manner, made such attempts, as have brought your people, your city, and your holy house to destruction. You have been the men that have never left off rebelling since Pompey first conquered you, and have, since that time, made open war with the Romans. Have you depended on your multitude, while a very small part of the Roman soldiery have been strong enough for you? Have you relied on the fidelity of your confederates? And what nations are there, out of the limits of our dominion, that would choose to assist the Jews before the Romans? Are your bodies stronger than ours? nay, you know that the [strong] Germans themselves are our servants. Have you stronger walls than we have? Pray, what greater obstacle is there than the wall of the ocean, with which the Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore the arms of the Romans. Do you exceed us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of your commanders? Nay, indeed, you cannot but know that the very Carthaginians have been conquered by us. It can therefore be nothing certainly but the kindness of us Romans which hath excited you against us; who, in the first place, have given you this land to possess; and, in the next place, have set over you kings of your own nation; and, in the third place, have preserved the laws of your forefathers to you, and have withal permitted you to live, either by yourselves, or among others, as it should please you: and, what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">27</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim notes here, that the Romans used to permit the Jews to collect their sacred tribute, and send it to Jerusalem; of which we have had abundant evidence in Josephus already on other occasions.</i> with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; nay, after all, when you were in the enjoyment of all these advantages, you turned your too great plenty against those that gave it you, and, like merciless serpents, have thrown out your poison against those that treated you kindly. I suppose, therefore, that you might despise the slothfulness of Nero, and, like limbs of the body that are broken or dislocated, you did then lie quiet, waiting for some other time, though still with a malicious intention, and have now showed your distemper to be greater than ever, and have extended your desires as far as your impudent and immense hopes would enable you to do it. At this time my father came into this country, not with a design to punish you for what you had done under Cestius, but to admonish you; for had he come to overthrow your nation, he had run directly to your fountain-head, and had immediately laid this city waste; whereas he went and burnt Galilee and the neighboring parts, and thereby gave you time for repentance; which instance of humanity you took for an argument of his weakness, and nourished up your impudence by our mildness. When Nero was gone out of the world, you did as the wickedest wretches would have done, and encouraged yourselves to act against us by our civil dissensions, and abused that time, when both I and my father were gone away to Egypt, to make preparations for this war. Nor were you ashamed to raise disturbances against us when we were made emperors, and this while you had experienced how mild we had been, when we were no more than generals of the army. But when the government was devolved upon us, and all other people did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign nations sent embassies, and congratulated our access to the government, then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates to assist you in your raising disturbances; new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose, and one tyrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you; such indeed as became none but so wicked a people as you are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly sent by my father, and received melancholy injunctions from him. When I heard that the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced at it; I exhorted you to leave off these proceedings before I began this war; I spared you even when you had fought against me a great while; I gave my right hand as security to the deserters; I observed what I had promised faithfully. When they fled to me, I had compassion on many of those that I had taken captive; I tortured those that were eager for war, in order to restrain them. It was unwillingly that I brought my engines of war against your walls; I always prohibited my soldiers, when they were set upon your slaughter, from their severity against you. After every victory I persuaded you to peace, as though I had been myself conquered. When I came near your temple, I again departed from the laws of war, and exhorted you to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you a quiet exit out of it, and security for your preservation; nay, if you had a mind, I gave you leave to fight in another place. Yet have you still despised every one of my proposals, and have set fire to your holy house with your own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you desire to treat with me by word of mouth? To what purpose is it that you would save such a holy house as this was, which is now destroyed? What preservation can you now desire after the destruction of your temple? Yet do you stand still at this very time in your armor; nor can you bring yourselves so much as to pretend to be supplicants even in this your utmost extremity. O miserable creatures! what is it you depend on? Are not your people dead? is not your holy house gone? is not your city in my power? and are not your own very lives in my hands? And do you still deem it a part of valor to die? However, I will not imitate your madness. If you throw down your arms, and deliver up your bodies to me, I grant you your lives; and I will act like a mild master of a family; what cannot be healed shall be punished, and the rest I will preserve for my own use.\"",
+                    "3. To that offer of Titus they made this reply: That they could not accept of it, because they had sworn never to do so; but they desired they might have leave to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and children; for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him, as if they had been conquerors. So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any further security; for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them with his whole army; and that they must save themselves as well as they could; for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city; who did nothing indeed that day; but on the next day they set fire to the repository of the archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to the place called Ophlas; at which time the fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen Helena, which was in the middle of Acra; the lanes also were burnt down, as were also those houses that were full of the dead bodies of such as were destroyed by famine.",
+                    "4. On the same day it was that the sons and brethren of Izates the king, together with many others of the eminent men of the populace, got together there, and besought Caesar to give them his right hand for their security; upon which, though he was very angry at all that were now remaining, yet did he not lay aside his old moderation, but received these men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all in custody, but still bound the king's sons and kinsmen, and led them with him to Rome, in order to make them hostages for their country's fidelity to the Romans."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Afterward Befell The Seditious When They Had Done A Great Deal Of Mischief, And Suffered Many Misfortunes; As Also How Caesar Became Master Of The Upper City,</i><br><br>1. And now the seditious rushed into the royal palace, into which many had put their effects, because it was so strong, and drove the Romans away from it. They also slew all the people that had crowded into it, who were in number about eight thousand four hundred, and plundered them of what they had. They also took two of the Romans alive; the one was a horseman, and the other a footman. They then cut the throat of the footman, and immediately had him drawn through the whole city, as revenging themselves upon the whole body of the Romans by this one instance. But the horseman said he had somewhat to suggest to them in order to their preservation; whereupon he was brought before Simon; but he having nothing to say when he was there, he was delivered to Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be punished, who bound his hands behind him, and put a riband over his eyes, and then brought him out over against the Romans, as intending to cut off his head. But the man prevented that execution, and ran away to the Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner was drawing out his sword. Now when he was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could not think of putting him to death; but because he deemed him unworthy of being a Roman soldier any longer, on account that he had been taken alive by the enemy, he took away his arms, and ejected him out of the legion whereto he had belonged; which, to one that had a sense of shame, was a penalty severer than death itself.",
+                    "2. On the next day the Romans drove the robbers out of the lower city, and set all on fire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But they missed the plunder, because the seditious had carried off all their effects, and were retired into the upper city; for they did not yet at all repent of the mischiefs they had done, but were insolent, as if they had done well; for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared cheerful, and put on joyful countenances, in expectation, as they said, of death to end their miseries. Accordingly, as the people were now slain, the holy house was burnt down, and the city was on fire, there was nothing further left for the enemy to do. Yet did not Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost extremity, to beg of them to spare what was left of the city; he spake largely to them about their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his advice in order to their escape; though he gained nothing thereby more than to be laughed at by them; and as they could not think of surrendering themselves up, because of the oath they had taken, nor were strong enough to fight with the Romans any longer upon the square, as being surrounded on all sides, and a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so accustomed to kill people, that they could not restrain their right hands from acting accordingly. So they dispersed themselves before the city, and laid themselves in ambush among its ruins, to catch those that attempted to desert to the Romans; accordingly many such deserters were caught by them, and were all slain; for these were too weak, by reason of their want of food, to fly away from them; so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs. Now every other sort of death was thought more tolerable than the famine, insomuch that, though the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would they fly to the Romans, and would themselves, even of their own accord, fall among the murderous rebels also. Nor was there any place in the city that had no dead bodies in it, but what was entirely covered with those that were killed either by the famine or the rebellion; and all was full of the dead bodies of such as had perished, either by that sedition or by that famine.",
+                    "3. So now the last hope which supported the tyrants, and that crew of robbers who were with them, was in the caves and caverns under ground; whither, if they could once fly, they did not expect to be searched for; but endeavored, that after the whole city should be destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they might come out again, and escape from them. This was no better than a dream of theirs; for they were not able to lie hid either from God or from the Romans. However, they depended on these under-ground subterfuges, and set more places on fire than did the Romans themselves; and those that fled out of their houses thus set on fire into the ditches, they killed without mercy, and pillaged them also; and if they discovered food belonging to any one, they seized upon it and swallowed it down, together with their blood also; nay, they were now come to fight one with another about their plunder; and I cannot but think that, had not their destruction prevented it, their barbarity would have made them taste of even the dead bodies themselves."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Caesar Raised Banks Round About The Upper City [Mount Zion] And When They Were Completed, Gave Orders That The Machines Should Be Brought. He Then Possessed Himself Of The Whole City.</i><br><br>1. Now when Caesar perceived that the upper city was so steep that it could not possibly be taken without raising banks against it, he distributed the several parts of that work among his army, and this on the twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Now the carriage of the materials was a difficult task, since all the trees, as I have already told you, that were about the city, within the distance of a hundred furlongs, had their branches cut off already, in order to make the former banks. The works that belonged to the four legions were erected on the west side of the city, over against the royal palace; but the whole body of the auxiliary troops, with the rest of the multitude that were with them, [erected their banks] at the Xystus, whence they reached to the bridge, and that tower of Simon which he had built as a citadel for himself against John, when they were at war one with another.",
+                    "2. It was at this time that the commanders of the Idumeans got together privately, and took counsel about surrendering up themselves to the Romans. Accordingly, they sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to give them his right hand for their security. So Titus thinking that the tyrants would yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great part of the war depended, were once withdrawn from them, after some reluctancy and delay, complied with them, and gave them security for their lives, and sent the five men back. But as these Idumeans were preparing to march out, Simon perceived it, and immediately slew the five men that had gone to Titus, and took their commanders, and put them in prison, of whom the most eminent was Jacob, the son of Sosas; but as for the multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all know what to do, now their commanders were taken from them, he had them watched, and secured the walls by a more numerous garrison, Yet could not that garrison resist those that were deserting; for although a great number of them were slain, yet were the deserters many more in number. They were all received by the Romans, because Titus himself grew negligent as to his former orders for killing them, and because the very soldiers grew weary of killing them, and because they hoped to get some money by sparing them; for they left only the populace, and sold the rest of the multitude,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">28</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This innumerable multitude of Jews that were \"sold\" by the Romans was an eminent completion of God's ancient threatening by Moses, that if they apostatized from the obedience to his laws, they should be \"sold unto their enemies for bond-men and bond-women,\" Deuteronomy 28;68. See more especially the note on ch. 9. sect. 2. But one thing is here peculiarly remarkable, that Moses adds, Though they should be \"sold\" for slaves, yet \"no man should buy them;\" i.e. either they should have none to redeem them from this sale into slavery; or rather, that the slaves to be sold should be more than were the purchasers for them, and so they should be sold for little or nothing; which is what Josephus here affirms to have been the case at this time.</i> with their wives and children, and every one of them at a very low price, and that because such as were sold were very many, and the buyers were few: and although Titus had made proclamation beforehand, that no deserter should come alone by himself, that so they might bring out their families with them, yet did he receive such as these also. However, he set over them such as were to distinguish some from others, in order to see if any of them deserved to be punished. And indeed the number of those that were sold was immense; but of the populace above forty thousand were saved, whom Caesar let go whither every one of them pleased.",
+                    "3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">29</sup><i class=\"footnote\">What became of these spoils of the temple that escaped the fire, see Josephus himself hereafter, B. VII. ch. 5. sect. 5, and Reland de Spoliis Templi, p. 129-138.</i> came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with the precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Titus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">30</sup><i class=\"footnote\">These various sorts of spices, even more than those four which Moses prescribed, Exodus 31:34, we see were used in their public worship under Herod's temple, particularly cinnamon and cassia; which Reland takes particular notice of, as agreeing with the latter testimony of the Talmudists.</i> which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus obtained of him for this man the same pardon that he had allowed to such as deserted of their own accord.",
+                    "4. And now were the banks finished on the seventh day of the month Gorpieus, [Elul,] in eighteen days' time, when the Romans brought their machines against the wall. But for the seditious, some of them, as despairing of saving the city, retired from the wall to the citadel; others of them went down into the subterranean vaults, though still a great many of them defended themselves against those that brought the engines for the battery; yet did the Romans overcome them by their number and by their strength; and, what was the principal thing of all, by going cheerfully about their work, while the Jews were quite dejected, and become weak. Now as soon as a part of the wall was battered down, and certain of the towers yielded to the impression of the battering rams, those that opposed themselves fled away, and such a terror fell upon the tyrants, as was much greater than the occasion required; for before the enemy got over the breach they were quite stunned, and were immediately for flying away. And now one might see these men, who had hitherto been so insolent and arrogant in their wicked practices, to be cast down and to tremble, insomuch that it would pity one's heart to observe the change that was made in those vile persons. Accordingly, they ran with great violence upon the Roman wall that encompassed them, in order to force away those that guarded it, and to break through it, and get away. But when they saw that those who had formerly been faithful to them had gone away, (as indeed they were fled whithersoever the great distress they were in persuaded them to flee,) as also when those that came running before the rest told them that the western wall was entirely overthrown, while others said the Romans were gotten in, and others that they were near, and looking out for them, which were only the dictates of their fear, which imposed upon their sight, they fell upon their face, and greatly lamented their own mad conduct; and their nerves were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee away. And here one may chiefly reflect on the power of God exercised upon these wicked wretches, and on the good fortune of the Romans; for these tyrants did now wholly deprive themselves of the security they had in their own power, and came down from those very towers of their own accord, wherein they could have never been taken by force, nor indeed by any other way than by famine. And thus did the Romans, when they had taken such great pains about weaker walls, get by good fortune what they could never have gotten by their engines; for three of these towers were too strong for all mechanical engines whatsoever, concerning which we have treated above.",
+                    "5. So they now left these towers of themselves, or rather they were ejected out of them by God himself, and fled immediately to that valley which was under Siloam, where they again recovered themselves out of the dread they were in for a while, and ran violently against that part of the Roman wall which lay on that side; but as their courage was too much depressed to make their attacks with sufficient force, and their power was now broken with fear and affliction, they were repulsed by the guards, and dispersing themselves at distances from each other, went down into the subterranean caverns. So the Romans being now become masters of the walls, they both placed their ensigns upon the towers, and made joyful acclamations for the victory they had gained, as having found the end of this war much lighter than its beginning; for when they had gotten upon the last wall, without any bloodshed, they could hardly believe what they found to be true; but seeing nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt what such an unusual solitude could mean. But when they went in numbers into the lanes of the city with their swords drawn, they slew those whom they overtook without and set fire to the houses whither the Jews were fled, and burnt every soul in them, and laid waste a great many of the rest; and when they were come to the houses to plunder them, they found in them entire families of dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead corpses, that is, of such as died by the famine; they then stood in a horror at this sight, and went out without touching any thing. But although they had this commiseration for such as were destroyed in that manner, yet had they not the same for those that were still alive, but they ran every one through whom they met with, and obstructed the very lanes with their dead bodies, and made the whole city run down with blood, to such a degree indeed that the fire of many of the houses was quenched with these men's blood. And truly so it happened, that though the slayers left off at the evening, yet did the fire greatly prevail in the night; and as all was burning, came that eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul] upon Jerusalem, a city that had been liable to so many miseries during this siege, that, had it always enjoyed as much happiness from its first foundation, it would certainly have been the envy of the world. Nor did it on any other account so much deserve these sore misfortunes, as by producing such a generation of men as were the occasions of this its overthrow."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>What Injunctions Caesar Gave When He Was Come Within The City. The Number Of The Captives And Of Those That Perished In The Siege; As Also Concerning Those That Had Escaped Into The Subterranean Caverns, Among Whom Were The Tyrants Simon And John Themselves.</i><br><br>1. Now when Titus was come into this [upper] city, he admired not only some other places of strength in it, but particularly those strong towers which the tyrants in their mad conduct had relinquished; for when he saw their solid altitude, and the largeness of their several stones, and the exactness of their joints, as also how great was their breadth, and how extensive their length, he expressed himself after the manner following: \"We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications; for what could the hands of men or any machines do towards overthrowing these towers?\" At which time he had many such discourses to his friends; he also let such go free as had been bound by the tyrants, and were left in the prisons. To conclude, when he entirely demolished the rest of the city, and overthrew its walls, he left these towers as a monument of his good fortune, which had proved his auxiliaries, and enabled him to take what could not otherwise have been taken by him.",
+                    "2. And now, since his soldiers were already quite tired with killing men, and yet there appeared to be a vast multitude still remaining alive, Caesar gave orders that they should kill none but those that were in arms, and opposed them, but should take the rest alive. But, together with those whom they had orders to slay, they slew the aged and the infirm; but for those that were in their flourishing age, and who might be useful to them, they drove them together into the temple, and shut them up within the walls of the court of the women; over which Caesar set one of his freed-men, as also Fronto, one of his own friends; which last was to determine every one's fate, according to his merits. So this Fronto slew all those that had been seditious and robbers, who were impeached one by another; but of the young men he chose out the tallest and most beautiful, and reserved them for the triumph; and as for the rest of the multitude that were above seventeen years old, he put them into bonds, and sent them to the Egyptian mines<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">31</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the several predictions that the Jews, if they became obstinate in their idolatry and wickedness, should be sent again or sold into Egypt for their punishment, Deuteronomy 28:68; Jeremiah 44:7; Hosea 8:13; 9:3; 9:4, 5; 2 Samuel 15:10-13; with Authentic Records, Part I. p. 49, 121; and Reland Painest And, tom. II. p. 715.</i> Titus also sent a great number into the provinces, as a present to them, that they might be destroyed upon their theatres, by the sword and by the wild beasts; but those that were under seventeen years of age were sold for slaves. Now during the days wherein Fronto was distinguishing these men, there perished, for want of food, eleven thousand; some of whom did not taste any food, through the hatred their guards bore to them; and others would not take in any when it was given them. The multitude also was so very great, that they were in want even of corn for their sustenance.",
+                    "3. Now the number of those that were carried captive during this whole war was collected to be ninety-seven thousand; as was the number of those that perished during the whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the greater part of whom were indeed of the same nation [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but not belonging to the city itself; for they were come up from all the country to the feast of unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut up by an army, which, at the very first, occasioned so great a straitness among them, that there came a pestilential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly. And that this city could contain so many people in it, is manifest by that number of them which was taken under Cestius, who being desirous of informing Nero of the power of the city, who otherwise was disposed to contemn that nation, entreated the high priests, if the thing were possible, to take the number of their whole multitude. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten belong to every sacrifice, (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves,) and many of us are twenty in a company, found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two millions seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; for as to those that have the leprosy, or the gonorrhea, or women that have their monthly courses, or such as are otherwise polluted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreigners neither, who come hither to worship.",
+                    "4. Now this vast multitude is indeed collected out of remote places, but the entire nation was now shut up by fate as in prison, and the Roman army encompassed the city when it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly, the multitude of those that therein perished exceeded all the destructions that either men or God ever brought upon the world; for, to speak only of what was publicly known, the Romans slew some of them, some they carried captives, and others they made a search for under ground, and when they found where they were, they broke up the ground and slew all they met with. There were also found slain there above two thousand persons, partly by their own hands, and partly by one another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine; but then the ill savor of the dead bodies was most offensive to those that lighted upon them, insomuch that some were obliged to get away immediately, while others were so greedy of gain, that they would go in among the dead bodies that lay on heaps, and tread upon them; for a great deal of treasure was found in these caverns, and the hope of gain made every way of getting it to be esteemed lawful. Many also of those that had been put in prison by the tyrants were now brought out; for they did not leave off their barbarous cruelty at the very last: yet did God avenge himself upon them both, in a manner agreeable to justice. As for John, he wanted food, together with his brethren, in these caverns, and begged that the Romans would now give him their right hand for his security, which he had often proudly rejected before; but for Simon, he struggled hard with the distress he was in, fill he was forced to surrender himself, as we shall relate hereafter; so he was reserved for the triumph, and to be then slain; as was John condemned to perpetual imprisonment. And now the Romans set fire to the extreme parts of the city, and burnt them down, and entirely demolished its walls."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Whereas The City Of Jerusalem Had Been Five Times Taken Formerly, This Was The Second Time Of Its Desolation. A Brief Account Of Its History.</i><br><br>1. And thus was Jerusalem taken, in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul]. It had been taken five times before, though this was the second time of its desolation; for Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and after them Sosius and Herod, took the city, but still preserved it; but before all these, the king of Babylon conquered it, and made it desolate, one thousand four hundred and sixty-eight years and six months after it was built. But he who first built it. Was a potent man among the Canaanites, and is in our own tongue called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for such he really was; on which account he was [there] the first priest of God, and first built a temple [there], and called the city Jerusalem, which was formerly called Salem. However, David, the king of the Jews, ejected the Canaanites, and set-tied his own people therein. It was demolished entirely by the Babylonians, four hundred and seventy-seven years and six months after him. And from king David, who was the first of the Jews who reigned therein, to this destruction under Titus, were one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine years; but from its first building, till this last destruction, were two thousand one hundred and seventy-seven years; yet hath not its great antiquity, nor its vast riches, nor the diffusion of its nation over all the habitable earth, nor the greatness of the veneration paid to it on a religious account, been sufficient to preserve it from being destroyed. And thus ended the siege of Jerusalem."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<i>How The Entire City Of Jerusalem Was Demolished, Excepting Three Towers; And How Titus Commended His Soldiers In A Speech Made To Them, And Distributed Rewards To Them And Then Dismissed Many Of Them.</i><br><br>1. Now as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury, (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work to be done,) Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">1</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Why the great Bochart should say, (De Phoenic. Colon. B. II. ch. iv.,) that\" there are in this clause of Josephus as many mistakes as words,\" I do by no means understand. Josephus thought Melchisedek first built, or rather rebuilt and adorned, this city, and that it was then called Salem, as Psalm 76:2; afterwards came to be called Jerusalem; and that Melchisedek, being a priest as well as a king, built to the true God therein a temple, or place for public Divine worship and sacrifice; all which things may be very true for aught we know to the contrary. And for the word, or temple, as if it must needs belong to the great temple built by Solomon long afterward, Josephus himself uses, for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. B. III. ch. 6. sect. 4; see also Antiq. B. lit. ch. 6. sect. 1; as he here presently uses, for a large and splendid synagogue of the Jews at Antioch, B. VII. ch. 3. sect. 3.</i>",
+                    "2. But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves therein. He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the midst of the place where he had formerly encamped, and stood upon it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to be heard by the whole arrmy in the manner following: That he returned them abundance of thanks for their good-will which they had showed to him: he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited in this whole war, which obedience had appeared in the many and great dangers which they had courageously undergone; as also for that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves their country's power, and had made it evident to all men, that neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get clear of the Roman valor, although some of them may have fortune in many respects on their side. He said further, that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war, now it had lasted so long, for that they had nothing better to wish for when they entered into it; and that this happened more favorably for them, and more for their glory, that all the Romans had willingly accepted of those for their governors, and the curators of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent into their own country for that purpose, which still continued under the management of those whom they had pitched on, and were thankful to them for pitching upon them. That accordingly, although he did both admire and tenderly regard them all, because he knew that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave; yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another should miss of a just retribution for the same; for that he had been exceeding careful about this matter, and that the more, because he had much rather reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than punish such as had offended.",
+                    "3. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose business it was to read the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war, whom he called to him by their names, and commended them before the company, and rejoiced in them in the same manner as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks, and gave them long spears of gold,. and ensigns that were made of silver, and removed every one of them to a higher rank; and besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the spoils, and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and garments. So when they had all these honors bestowed on them, according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had wished all sorts of happiness to the whole army, he came down, among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then betook himself to offer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on. And when he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before. And as he remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to the Jews, under Cestius their general, he expelled them out of all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Meletine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of Armenia and Cappadocia; he also thought fit that two of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt. He then went down with his army to that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and gave order that the captives should he kept there; for the winter season hindered him then from sailing into Italy."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Exhibited All Sorts Of Shows At Cesarea Philippi. Concerning Simon The Tyrant How He Was Taken, And Reserved For The Triumph.</i><br><br>1. Now at the same time that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchantship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away ,in ships with three rows of oars; and as he touched at several cities that lay in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed over from Ionia into Greece; whence he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land. But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that which is named Cesarea Philippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there. And here a great number of the captives were destroyed, some being thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, as if they were their enemies. And here it was that Titus was informed of the seizure of Simon the son of Gioras, which was made after the manner following:",
+                    "This Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman army was gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste, he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions as would suffice them for a long time, and let himself and all them down into a certain subterraneous cavern that was not visible above ground. Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went onward along it without disturbance; but where they met with solid earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground in a safe place, and by that means escape. But when they came to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope; for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty also; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed them by measure, began to fail them. And now Simon, thinking he might be able to astonish and elude the Romans, put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been. At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished, and stood still where they were; but afterward they came nearer to him, and asked him who he was. Now Simon would not tell them, but bid them call for their captain; and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">2</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Tereutius Rufus, as Reland in part observes here, is the same person whom the Talmudists call Turnus Rufus; of whom they relate, that \"he ploughed up Sion as a field, and made Jerusalem become as heaps, and the mountain of the house as the high Idaces of a forest;\" which was long before foretold by the prophet Micah, ch. 3:12, and quoted from him in the prophecies of Jeremiah, ch. 26:18.</i> who was left to command the army there, came to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him in bonds, and let Caesar know that he was taken. Thus did God bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny he had exercised against his countrymen by those who were his worst enemies; and this while he was not subdued by violence, but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and that on the very same account that he had laid false accusations against many Jews, as if they were falling away to the Romans, and had barbarously slain them for wicked actions do not escape the Divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders, but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punishments upon the wicked in a manner, so much more severe, as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished immediately.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">3</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See Ecclesiastes 8:11.</i> Simon was made sensible of this by falling under the indignation of the Romans. This rise of his out of the ground did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others Of the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves under ground. But for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was come back to that Cesarea which was on the seaside, who gave orders that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Titus Upon The Celebration Of His Brothers And Fathers Birthdays Had Many Of The Jews Slain. Concerning The Danger The Jews Were In At Antioch, By Means Of The Transgression And Impiety Of One Antiochus, A Jew.</i><br><br>1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his brother Domitian after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him; for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts. After this Caesar came to Berytus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">4</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Berytus was certainly a Roman colony, and has coins extant that witness the same, as Hudson and Spanheim inform us. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI: ch. 11. sect. 1.</i> which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman colony, and staid there a longer time, and exhibited a still more pompous solemnity about his father's birthday, both in the magnificence of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his devices thereto belonging; so that a great multitude of the captives were here destroyed after the same manner as before.",
+                    "2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians; and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before; which I am obliged to describe without fail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of future actions with those that went before.",
+                    "3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves; and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby after a sort brought them to be a portion of their own body. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">5</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The Jews at Antioch and Alexandria, the two principal cities in all the East, had allowed them, both by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a governor of their own, who was exempt from the jurisdiction of the other civil governors. He was called sometimes barely \"governor,\" sometimes \"ethnarch,\" and [at Alexandria] \"alabarch,\" as Dr. Hudson takes notice on this place out of Fuller's Miscellanies. They had the like governor or governors allowed them at Babylon under their captivity there, as the history of Susanna implies.</i> came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, arm of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. As for Ailtiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time.",
+                    "4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we premised the account foregoing; for upon this accident, whereby the four-square market-place was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces, (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city,) Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill-will at the Jews before, to believe this man's accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the market-place, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How Vespasian Was Received At Rome; As Also How The Germans Revolted From The Romans, But Were Subdued. That The Sarmatians Overran Mysia, But Were Compelled To Retire To Their Own Country Again.</i><br><br>1. And now Titus Caesar, upon the news that was brought him concerning his father, that his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that Rome especially received him with great alacrity and splendor, betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most agreeable manner. For all men that were in Italy showed their respects to him in their minds before he came thither, as if he were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had of him to be his real presence, on account of the great desires they had to see him, and because the good-will they bore him was entirely free and unconstrained; for it was, desirable thing to the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to be governed. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprized of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be free from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to them. And as this good-will to Vespasian was universal, those that enjoyed any remarkable dignities could not have patience enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him at a very great distance from it; nay, indeed, none of the rest could endure the delay of seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in such crowds, and were so universally possessed with the opinion that it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there, that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within were fewer than those that went out. But as soon as the news was come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first related with what good humor he received every one that came to him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and waited for him there; and for those whom he passed by, they made all sorts of acclamations, on account of the joy they had to see him, and the pleasantness of his countenance, and styled him their Benefactor and Savior, and the only person who was worthy to be ruler of the city of Rome. And now the city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet odors; nor was it easy for him to come to the royal palace, for the multitude of the people that stood about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgiving to his household gods for his safe return to the city. The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition. And this was the manner in which Rome so joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew immediately into a state of great prosperity.",
+                    "2. But before this time, and while Vespasian was about Alexandria, and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multitude of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their neighborhood joined with them, they conspired together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they should free themselves from the dominion of the Romans. The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature [of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes; in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now offered itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that couldd afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans was so ill. Classicus<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">6</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This Classicus, and Civilis, and Cerealis are names well known in Tacitus; the two former as moving sedition against the Romans, and the last as sent to repress them by Vespasian, just as they are here described in Josephus; which is the case also of Fontellis Agrippa and Rubrius Gallup, i, sect. 3. But as to the very favorable account presently given of Domitian, particularly as to his designs in this his Gallic and German expedition, it is not a little contrary to that in Suetonius, Vesp. sect. 7. Nor are the reasons unobvious that might occasion this great diversity: Domitian was one of Josephus's patrons, and when he published these books of the Jewish war, was very young, and had hardly begun those wicked practices which rendered him so infamous afterward; while Suetonius seems to have been too young, and too low in life, to receive any remarkable favors from him; as Domitian was certainly very lewd and cruel, and generally hated, when Puetonius wrote about him.</i> also, and Vitellius, two of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes. These had for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and were induced by the present opportunity to venture upon the declaration of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready; and when these men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was gladly received by them. So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the government of Britain; so he went whither he was ordered to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put his army in battle-array, and slew a great number of them in the fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place, it had not been long ere they would however have been brought to punishment; for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was come to Rome, and Caesar Domitian was made acquainted with it, he made no delay, even at that his age, when he was exceeding young, but undertook this weighty affair. He had a courageous mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians immediately; whereupon their hearts failed them at the very rumor of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear, and thought it a happy thing that they were brought under their old yoke again without suffering any further mischiefs. When therefore Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such good order, that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned to Rome with honor and glory, as having performed such exploits as were above his own age, but worthy of so great a father.",
+                    "3. At the very same time with the forementioned revolt of the Germans did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans occur; for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence, and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers; and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them, and fought courageously against them, he was slain by them. They then overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and rending every thing that fell in their way. But when Vespasian was informed of what had happened, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians; by whose means many of them perished in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped fled with fear to their own country. So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more. And thus had this war in Mysia a sudden conclusion."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Sabbatic River Which Titus Saw As He Was Journeying Through Syria; And How The People Of Antioch Came With A Petition To Titus Against The Jews But Were Rejected By Him; As Also Concerning Titus's And Vespasian's Triumph.</i><br><br>1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history; it runs in the middle between Arcea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea. It hath somewhat very peculiar in it; for when it runs, its current is strong, and has plenty of water; after which its springs fail for six days together, and leave its channel dry, as any one may see; after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before, and as though it had undergone no change at all; it hath also been observed to keep this order perpetually and exactly; whence it is that they call it the Sabbatic River<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">7</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since in these latter ages this Sabbatic River, once so famous, which, by Josephus's account here, ran every seventh day, and rested on six, but according to Pliny, Nat. Hist. 31. II, ran perpetually on six days, and rested every seventh, (though it no way appears by either of their accounts that the seventh day of this river was the Jewish seventh day or sabbath,) is quite vanished, I shall add no more about it: only see Dr. Hudson's note. In Varenius's Geography, i, 17, the reader will find several instances of such periodical fountains and. rivers, though none of their periods were that of a just week as of old this appears to have been.</i> that name being taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.",
+                    "2. But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting; nay, they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that intention. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women also with their children did the same; and when they saw him coming up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of acclamations to him, and turned back together with him. They also, among all the acclamations they made to him, besought him all the way they went to eject the Jews out of their city; yet did not Titus at all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was, and what he would do to them. For Titus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses king of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he had gained over the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the king's messengers, and then came back to Antioch. And when the senate and people of Antioch earnestly entreated him to come upon their theater, where their whole multitude was assembled, and expected him, he complied with great humanity; but when they pressed him with much earnestness, and continually begged of him that he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very pertinent answer: How can this be done, since that country of theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no place will receive them besides?\" Whereupon the people of Antioch, when they had failed of success in this their first request, made him a second; for they desired that he would order those tables of brass to be removed on which the Jews' privileges were engraven. However, Titus would not grant that neither, but permitted the Jews of Antioch to continue to enjoy the very same privileges in that city which they had before, and then departed for Egypt; and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared the melancholy condition he saw it then in, with the ancient glory of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as well as its ancient splendor, he could not but pity the destruction of the city, so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly a city as that was had been by him taken by force; nay, he frequently cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had brought such a punishment upon the city; insomuch that it openly appeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment of theirs amounted to should be a demonstration of his courage. Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in that city still found among its ruins, a great deal of which the Romans dug up; but the greatest part was discovered by those who were captives, and so they carried it away; I mean the gold and the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up under ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.",
+                    "3. So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence they had before come; the fifth he sent to Mysia, and the fifteenth to Pannonia: as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph. So when he had had a prosperous voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception, and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus's opinion was, when his father met him, and received him; but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">8</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Vespasian and his two sons, Titus and Domitian.</i> as they did at this time; nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. So when notice had been given beforehand of the day appointed for this pompous solemnity to be made, on account of their victories, not one of the immense multitude was left in the city, but every body went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand, and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it.",
+                    "4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the night time, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. And as soon as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family, and then went as far as Octavian's Walks; for there it was that the senate, and the principal rulers, and those that had been recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them. Now a tribunal had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon the soldiery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and all gave them attestations of their valor; while they were themselves without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned with laurel: then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs; but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations, he gave them a signal of silence. And when every body entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers; the like prayers did Titus put up also; after which prayers Vespasian made a short speech to all the people, and then sent away the soldiers to a dinner prepared for them by the emperors. Then did he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp, because pompous shows do always go through that gate; there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes.",
+                    "5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piece-meal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">9</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See the representations of these Jewish vessels as they still stand on Titus's triumphal arch at Rome, in Reland's very curious book de Spoliis Ternpli, throughout. But what, things are chiefly to be noted are these: (1.) That Josephus says the candlestick here carried in this triumph was not thoroughly like that which was used in the temple, which appears in the number of the little knobs and flowers in that on the triumphal arch not well agreeing with Moses's description, Exodus 25:31-36. (2.) The smallness of the branches in Josephus compared with the thickness of those on that arch. (3.) That the Law or Pentateuch does not appear on that arch at all, though Josephus, an eye-witness, assures us that it was carried in this procession. All which things deserve the consideration of the inquisitive reader.</i> they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration.",
+                    "6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans' ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had set up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for feasting at home; for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.",
+                    "7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; he also laid up therein those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple, as ensigns of his glory. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Macherus, And How Lucilius Bassus Took That Citadel, And Other Places.</i><br><br>1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellianus, and took that citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it; after which he got together all the soldiery that was there, (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties,) with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus; for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength; for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it; for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very hard to he subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended; for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth. For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same side it was also that Macherus had the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest. But then for the valleys that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them; and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against Macherus, with which it is bounded.",
+                    "2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristobulus. But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country; he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high; in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get every thing thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants' security, under the longest siege possible.",
+                    "3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">10</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Spanheim observes here, that in Graceia Major and Sicily they had rue prodigiously great and durable, like this rue at Macherus,</i> that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness; and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterward. But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">11</sup><i class=\"footnote\">This strange account of the place and root Baaras seems to have been taken from the magicians, and the root to have been made use of in the days of Josephus, in that superstitious way of casting out demons, supposed by him to have been derived from king Solomon; of which we have already seen he had a great opinion, Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 2. sect. 5. We also may hence learn the true notion Josephus had of demons and demoniacs, exactly like that of the Jews and Christians in the New Testament, and the first four centuries. See Antiq. B. I. ch. 8. sect. 2; B. XI, ch. 2. sect. 3.</i> its color is like to that of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless any one take and hang the root itself down from his hand, and so carry it away. It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need any one be afraid of taking it into their hands. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them. Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet. Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their fountains near one another, but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent; above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulfur and alum.",
+                    "4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved to besiege it, by filling up the valley that lay on the east side; so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy. As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers, while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and this both on account of its strength, and to provide for their own safety. They also supposed they might obtain their pardon, in case they should [at last] surrender the citadel. However, they were willing to make trial, in the first place, whether the hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to any thing; with which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those that met them; in which conflicts they were many of them slain, as they therein slew many of the Romans. But still it was the opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the Romans, when, upon the others' sallies against their banks, they foresaw their coming, and were upon their lard when they received them. But the conclusion of this siege did not depend upon these bickerings; but a certain surprising accident, relating to what was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel. There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness, and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar; he greatly signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mischief when they came to fighting; he so managed matters, that those who sallied out made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and this by still bringing up the rear himself. Now it happened that, on a certain time, when the fight was over, and both sides were parted, and retired home, he, in way of contempt of the enemy, and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they said. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose lame was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while, in the mean time, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. So the general of the Romans ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city to be seen, and sorely whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad accident that befell the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded, and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of a single person. When Bassus perceived that, he began to think of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope; for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just going to hang Eleazar upon it immediately; the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among those that were in the citadel, and they groaned vehemently, and cried out that they could not bear to see him thus destroyed. Whereupon Eleazar besought them not to disregard him, now he was going to suffer a most miserable death, and exhorted them to save themselves, by yielding to the Roman power and good fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them. These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family; so they now yielded to their passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly, they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar along with them. Then did the Romans and their general accept of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away privately in the night time; but as soon as they had opened their gates, those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it; whether it were that they envied the others' deliverance, or whether it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against them upon their escape, is uncertain. The most courageous, therefore, of those men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away, and fled for it; but for those men that were caught within they",
+                    "5. When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he had heard that a great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Macherus formerly were there gotten together. When he was therefore come to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake, he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horsemen, that such of the Jews as had boldness enough to try to break through might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation of these horsemen; and for the footmen, he ordered them to cut down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled. So the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit, and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since they might perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with a great shout fell upon those that surrounded them, who received them with great courage; and so while the one side fought desperately, and the others would not yield, the fight was prolonged on that account. But the event of the battle did not answer the expectation of the assailants; for so it happened, that no more than twelve fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, but they were all killed, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand, together with Judas, the son of Jairus, their general, concerning whom we have before spoken, that he had been a captain of a certain band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down into a certain vault under ground, had privately made his escape.",
+                    "6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">12</sup><i class=\"footnote\">It is very remarkable that Titus did not people this now desolate country of Judea, but ordered it to be all sold; nor indeed is it properly peopled at this day, but lies ready for its old inhabitants the Jews, at their future restoration. See Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77.</i> for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">13</sup><i class=\"footnote\">That the city Emmaus, or Areindus, in Josephus and others which was the place of the government of Julius Africanus were slain, to the number of one thousand seven hundred, as were the women and the children made slaves. But as Bassus thought he must perform the covenant he had made with those that had surrendered the citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them, in the beginning of the third century, and which he then procured to be rebuilt, and after which rebuilding it was called Nicopolis, is entirely different from that Emmaus which is mentioned by St. Luke 24;13; see Reland's Paleestina, lib. II. p. 429, and under the name Ammaus also. But he justly thinks that that in St. Luke may well be the same with his Ammaus before us, especially since the Greek copies here usually make it sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, as does St. Luke, though the Latin copies say only thirty. The place also allotted for these eight hundred soldiers, as for a Roman garrison, in this place, would most naturally be not so remote from Jerusalem as was the other Emmaus, or Nicopolis.</i> and is distant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning The Calamity That Befell Antiochus, King Of Commagene. As Also Concerning The Alans And What Great Mischiefs They Did To The Medes And Armenians.</i><br><br>1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus, (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered,) sent an epistle to Caesar, and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; for Samoseta, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents.",
+                    "2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosate, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do any thing in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthie, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity.",
+                    "3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.",
+                    "4. Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly mentioned some where as being Scythians and inhabiting at the lake Meotis. This nation about this time laid a design of falling upon Media, and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them; with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great] shut up with iron gates. This king gave them leave to come through them; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their country, which they found full of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while nobody durst make any resistance against them; for Paeorus, the king of the country, had fled away for fear into places where they could not easily come at him, and had yielded up every thing he had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made captives, by giving them a hundred talents for their ransom. These Alans therefore plundered the country without opposition, and with great ease, and proceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste before them. Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them, and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the battle; for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance, and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it. So the Alans, being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the country, and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them, and then retreated back to their own country."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Masada And Those Sicarii Who Kept It; And How Silva Betook Himself To Form The Siege Of That Citadel. Eleazar's Speeches To The Besieged.</i><br><br>1. When Bassus was dead in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded him as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only strong hold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together that lay in different places, and made an expedition against it. This fortress was called Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one; for then it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their houses; for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners, by betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freedom which Jews thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by owning that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention. Now this was in reality no better than a pretense and a cloak for the barbarity which was made use of by them, and to color over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by their own actions; for those that were partners with them in their rebellion joined also with them in the war against the Romans, and went further lengths with them in their impudent undertakings against them; and when they were again convicted of dissembling in such their pretenses, they still more abused those that justly reproached them for their wickedness. And indeed that was a time most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds were then left undone; nor could any one so much as devise any bad thing that was new, so deeply were they all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity, and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbors; the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly laboring to destroy the men of power. The one part were desirous of tyrannizing over others, and the rest of offering violence to others, and of plundering such as were richer than themselves. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do; for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God. might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment; for all such miseries have been sent upon them as man's nature is capable of undergoing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment; yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished according to their deserving. But to make a lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men's barbarity, this is not a proper place for it; - I therefore now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.",
+                    "2. For now it was that the Roman general came, and led his army against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masada together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently gained it, and put garrisons into the most proper places of it; he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none of the besieged might easily escape; he also set his men to guard the several parts of it; he also pitched his camp in such an agreeable place as he had chosen for the siege, and at which place the rock belonging to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the neighboring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for getting plenty of provisions; for it was not only food that was to be brought from a great distance [to the army], and this with a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because the place afforded no fountain that was near it. When therefore Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which I will now describe.",
+                    "3. There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though not without difficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltiris, towards the sun-rising, and another on the west, where the ascent is easier: the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward; and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of every body by the terror it infuses into the mind. When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill - not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain. Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree; he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there. Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it; and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.",
+                    "4. As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was still more wonderful on account of its splendor and long continuance; for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance, with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up together; all which Eleazar found there, when he and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in, although they were little short of a hundred years<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">14</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Pliny and others confirm this strange paradox, that provisions laid up against sieges will continue good for a hundred ears, as Spanheim notes upon this place.</i> from the laying in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession ofthose fruits that were left, they found them not corrupted all that while; nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here the cause of their enduring so long; this fortress being so high, and so free from the mixture of all terrain and muddy particles of matter. There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts of weapons of war, which had been treasured up by that king, and were sufficient for ten thousand men; there was east iron, and brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have all things here ready for the greatest occasions; for the report goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account, as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the multitude of the Jews, lest they should depose him, and restore their former kings to the government; the other danger was greater and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra queen of Egypt, who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon her. And certainly it is a great wonder that Antony did never comply with her commands in this point, as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should any one have been surprised if she had been gratified in such her request. So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada, and thereby leave it for the finishing stroke of the Romans in this Jewish war.",
+                    "5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent any one of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise; for behind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west; there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly, he got upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height. The other machines that were now got ready were like to those that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva ordered that great battering ram which he had made to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall, and quite overthrew it. However, the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows that affected the other. It was framed after the following manner: They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid other beams over cross them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like a real edifice; and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before. When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it: accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very beginning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered.",
+                    "6. However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor would he permit any one else to do so; but when he saw their wall burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain. Now as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course by a speech<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">15</sup><i class=\"footnote\">The speeches in this and the next section, as introduced under the person of this Eleazar, are exceeding remarkable, and oil the noblest subjects, the contempt of death, and the dignity and immortality of the soul; and that not only among the Jews, but among the Indians themselves also; and are highly worthy the perusal of all the curious. It seems as if that philosophic lady who survived, ch. 9. sect. 1, 2, remembered the substance of these discourses, as spoken by Eleazar, and so Josephus clothed them in his own words: at the lowest they contain the Jewish notions on these heads, as understood then by our Josephus, and cannot but deserve a suitable regard from us.</i> which he made to them in the manner following: \"Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day's time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God's anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fall of our wealth also; and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.\"",
+                    "7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously; so he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus: \"Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice; for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied clown to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go every where, and foretell many futurities beforehand. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal! We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die. Yet, if we do stand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy; for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but every one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends [that are dead], so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other world]. So when these men have heard all such commands that were to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and, in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body in the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations made to them; for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who at the same time weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings. Are not we, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indians? and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all mankind? But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in ought to he an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is by the will of God, and by necessity, that we are to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make a due use of. For do not you ascribe the occasion of our present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us. What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews at Cesarea were slain? On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Cesarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them. But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them. What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. Wherefore you see how little our good-will and fidelity to them profiled us, while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us; for you cannot but know that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves; nay, even those of Damascus,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">16</sup><i class=\"footnote\">See B. II. ch. 20. sect. 2, where the number of the slain is but 10,000.</i> when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children. And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those indeed being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory? For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans. But then these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries; for all we had hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them? Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies; and such of those as are alive still are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which vas fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that hath destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins; some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach. Now who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger? Who is there so much his country's enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive? And I cannot but wish that we had all died before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a manner. But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives while it is in our own power to show pity to them; for we were born to die,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">17</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Reland here sets down a parallel aphorism of one of the Jewish Rabbins, \"We are born that we may die, and die that we may live.'</i> as well as those were whom we have begotten; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it. But for abuses, and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on account of their own cowardice. We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments! miserable also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain! One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son implore help of his father, when his hands are bound. But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them; let them then be subservient to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves under our eneimies, and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is that our laws command us to do this it is that our wives and children crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid lest any of us should die before we are taken. Let us therefore make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure, as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein.\""
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>How The People That Were In The Fortress Were Prevailed On By The Words Of Eleazar, Two Women And Five Children Only Excepted And All Submitted To Be Killed By One Another.</i><br><br>1. Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they all cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full of an unconquerable ardor of mind, and moved with a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavoring to be before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the last class; so great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives and children, and themselves also! Nor indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one might imagine it would have done, but they then held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every one of them still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their families, because the reasoning they went upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to them; for the husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed by the hands of strangers; and they had nothing else for their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution, to avoid that prospect they had of the miseries they were to suffer from their enemies. Nor was there at length any one of these men found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution, but every one of them despatched his dearest relations. Miserable men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the shortest space of time after them, they presently laid all they had upon a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot out of them to slay all the rest; every one of whom laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those who by lot executed that melancholy office; and when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for themselves, that he whose lot it was should first kill the other nine, and after all should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another in doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be quite despatched, and when he perceived that they were all slain, he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near to his own relations. So these people died with this intention, that they would not leave so much as one soul among them all alive to be subject to the Romans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in prudence and learning, with five children, who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included in that computation. This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].",
+                    "2. Now for the Romans, they expected that they should be fought in the morning, when, accordingly, they put on their armor, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to make an assault upon the fortress, which they did; but saw nobody as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the battering ram, to try whether they could bring any one out that was within; the women heard this noise, and came out of their under-ground cavern, and informed the Romans what had been done, as it was done; and the second of them clearly described all both what was said and what was done, and this manner of it; yet did they not easily give their attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe it could be as they said; they also attempted to put the fire out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, they came within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain, but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and the immovable contempt of death which so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with such an action as that was."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>That Many Of The Sicarii Fled To Alexandria Also And What Dangers They Were In There; On Which Account That Temple Which Had Formerly Been Built By Onias The High Priest Was Destroyed.</i><br><br>1. When Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Cesarea; for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea; for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria in Egypt; for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans; but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. They said also that \"these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins.\" Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them; who being thus apprized of the greatness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">18</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Since Josephus here informs us that some of these Sicarii, or ruffians, went from Alexandria (which was itself in Egypt, in a large sense) into Egypt, and Thebes there situated, Reland well observes, from Vossius, that Egypt sometimes denotes Proper or Upper Egypt, as distinct from the Delta, and the lower parts near Palestine. Accordingly, as he adds, those that say it never rains in Egypt must mean the Proper or Upper Egypt, because it does sometimes rain in the other parts. See the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 7, and B. III. ch. 1. sect. 6.</i> and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back, whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, every body was amazed at. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weakness of the body.",
+                    "2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">19</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Of this temple of Onias's building in Egypt, see the notes on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1. But whereas it is elsewhere, both of the War, B. I. ch. 1. sect. 1, and in the Antiquities as now quoted, said that this temple was like to that at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like it, but like a tower, sect. 3, there is some reason to suspect the reading here, and that either the negative particle is here to be blotted out, or the word entirely added.</i> and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple some where in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater good-will; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him.",
+                    "3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis.<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">20</sup><i class=\"footnote\">We must observe, that Josephus here speaks of Antiochus who profaned the temple as now alive, when Onias had leave given them by Philometer to build his temple; whereas it seems not to have been actually built till about fifteen years afterwards. Yet, because it is said in the Antiquities that Onias went to Philometer, B. XII. ch. 9. sect. 7, during the lifetime of that Antiochus, it is probable he petitioned, and perhaps obtained his leave then, though it were not actually built or finished till fifteen years afterward.</i> That Nomos was called the Nomos of Hellopolls, where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.",
+                    "4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinns succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<i>Concerning Jonathan, One Of The Sicarii, That Stirred Up A Sedition In Cyrene, And Was A False Accuser [Of The Innocent].</i><br><br>1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cyrene; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to give ear to him; he also led them into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs and apparitions. And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them, because they were unarmed men; of these many were slain in the fight, but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the head of this plot, he fled away at that time; but upon a great and very diligent search, which was made all the country over for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief; for he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that they had put him upon what he did.",
+                    "2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations, that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war. But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely. He bid this Jonathan, therefore, to name one Alexander, a Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed that he hated him); he also got him to name his wife Bernice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand. This he thought he might do safely, because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Caesar's revenues.",
+                    "3. Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of his villainy, he extended his false accusations further, and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character both at Alexandria and at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. However, this plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should have had no further inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his government, or by his means; yet did Vespasian suspect the matter and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus's concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.",
+                    "4. But as to Catullus, the emperors Were so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not long before he fell into a complicated and almost incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other; for he was terribly disturbed, and continually cried out that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him. Where upon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men.",
+                    "5. And here we shall put an end to this our history; wherein we formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. Of which history, how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the readers; but as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what I have alone aimed at through its entire composition."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "The War of the Jews, translated by William Whiston",
+            "https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_War_of_the_Jews"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The War of the Jews",
+        "key": "The War of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/The Jewish Wars, trans. Y.N. Simhoni, Warsaw, 1923.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/The Jewish Wars, trans. Y.N. Simhoni, Warsaw, 1923.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..ca4b48fc2c9a6c8af25eb5c626be6d5c211b1d5e
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/The Jewish Wars, trans. Y.N. Simhoni, Warsaw, 1923.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,983 @@
+{
+    "language": "he",
+    "title": "The War of the Jews",
+    "versionSource": "http://beta.nli.org.il/he/books/NNL_ALEPH001300952/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "The Jewish Wars, trans. Y.N. Simhoni, Warsaw, 1923",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "versionTitleInHebrew": "תולדות מלחמת היהודים עם הרומאים, תרגום י.נ. שמחוני, ורשה תרפ\"ג",
+    "actualLanguage": "he",
+    "languageFamilyName": "hebrew",
+    "isBaseText": true,
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "rtl",
+    "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "א. יען כי גדלה המלחמה, שקמה בין היהודים ובין הרומאים, מכל מלחמות דורנו, ולא מהן בלבד, כי־אם גם כמעט מכל המלחמות, שהתחוללו בין מדינה ומדינה ובין עם ועם ושלשמע אזן נודעו לנו — ואלה הסופרים, שלא ראו את המעשים בעיניהם ורק אספו את ידיעותיהם מן השמועה, כתבו עליה דברי דמיונות וספורים סותרים זה את זה, כמעשה המליצים המתחכמים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״בדרך הסופיסטים״</i>, — ואולם חבריהם, שהיו באותו מעמד, זיפו את המעשים מתוך משוא־פנים (לרומאים) או מתוך שנאה (ליהודים) וכתוביהם כוללים שטנה מזה ותשבחות מזה ואין בהם דברי הימים לאמתם, — על־כן שמתי את לבי לתרגם יונית למען יושבי ארצות ממשלת הרומאים את הדברים, אשר חברתי לפני זה בשפת אבותינו, ושלחתי אותם אל הלועזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ״ברברים״ (המלה נמצאה גם בספרות התלמודית) והכונה לעמי המזרח מעבר לנהר פרת והיהודים השוכנים בקרבם.</i> היושבים בארצות העליונות — אני יוסף בן מתתיהו מכהני ירושלים, אשר נלחמתי לראשונה ברומאים ואחרי־כן הייתי עד־ראיה למעשים בעל־כרחי.",
+            "ב. כשפרצה התנועה הכבירה הזאת פשו נגעים בממשלת הרומאים מבית ואוהבי התמורות שבקרב היהודים הרימו ראש בעת השערורה ההיא וגם עצמו במספרם ועשו חיל רב, והמהומה הלכה וגדלה, עד אשר קוו היהודים להשתרר על כל ארצות הקדם, ולעמת־זאת פחדו הרומאים, פן תאבדנה להם המדינות האלה. היהודים שמו מבטחם באחיהם היושבים מעבר לנהר פרת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יהודי ארם נהרים, בבל וחדיב (עיין הערה ב).</i> כי יצאו במלחמותיהם, בעוד אשר חלו הרומאים ממרד שכניהם הגלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: גלטים. על־דבר המרד עיין למטה ספר ד, פרק ה, א.</i>, וגם הקֶלטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה, כנראה, למרד הבטבים (עין ספר ד, פרק ז, ד, ב).</i> לא שקטו תחתם. — כי אחרי מות נירון מלאה כל הארץ מהומה ורבים ראו אז שעת־הכשר לקחת להם את המלוכה, ואנשי הצבא שמחו לקראת התמורות בקוותם למצא שלל רב. ואני חושב, כי לא יתכן להעלים עין למראה האמת הנעדרה בדברים חשובים אלה. הן הפרתים והבבלים והערבים הרחוקים ואחינו היושבים מעבר לנהר פרת ובני חדיב — כלם יודעים מפֹרש מתוך עמל ידי את שרש המלחמה ואת כל פגעיה הרבים והנוראים ואת פרשת אחריתה, — ורק מעיני היונים והרומאים, אשר לא לקחו חלק במלחמה, נעלם דבר אמת, כי הם מוצאים לפניהם דברי חנופה או דברי פלסתר בלבד.",
+            "ג. ועדַין הם מעִזים בנפשם לקרא בשם ״הסטוריות״ (קורות הימים) לספריהם, שאין בהם שום דברים של טעם, ולפי ראות עיני הם גם מחטיאים את מטרתם. הם מתכונים להראות את גדלת הרומאים ואת היהודים הם מגנים ומשפילים תמיד. ואין אני מבין במה יחשבו לגדולים אלה שנצחו את הקטנים, — וגם לא יבושו הסופרים האלה מפני ארך המלחמה ולא מפני המספר העצום של הרומאים, אשר נשאו את סבלה, ולא מפני גדלת שרי הצבא, אשר צרו בזעת אפם על ירושלים. — ואני חושב, כי לא לכבוד הוא לאלה, כשבאים להוריד ערך נצחונם:",
+            "ד. ואין בדעתי להתקנא בסופרים המפריזים במעשי הרומאים ולהאדיר את מעשי אחי; רק אעביר בדיוק את מעשי שני הצדדים ובראש ספורי המעשים אקדיש דברים להלך־נפשי, ואתן ללבי הכואב לבכות על אסונות מולדתי. כי החריבה אותה מלחמה מחוץ, ועריצי היהודים משכו שמה את צבאות הרומאים בעל־כרחם, ויחד אתם את האש, שאכלה את ההיכל, כאשר יעיד על זה מחריב ירושלים בעצמו הקיסר טיטוס, אשר כל ימי המלחמה לא חדל מחמול על העם הסגור בידי המורדים, ופעמים רבות דחה בכונה את כבוש העיר והאריך את המצור לתת זמן לחיבים לשוב בתשובה. ואם יבוא איש ללמד חובה עלי, כי הפרזתי בגנות העריצים ומעשי הרצח אשר עשו, או גדשתי את הסאה בקינותי על אסונות מולדתי, ישא־נא פנים למכאובי, אשר קלקלו את שורת ההסטוריה. כי נפלאה עירנו לפנים מכל ערי ממשלת הרומאים וזכתה לעלות למרום ההצלחה, ועתה הגיעה שעתה לנפול אל תהום היגון. ואם ישקלו כל האסונות שהיו מימות עולם כנגד הפרענות אשר עברה על היהודים, תכריע את כלם. וגם לא ידי עם נכרי הביאו עלינו את כל הצרות האלה — ועל־כן קצר כחי להבליג על אנחותי. ואם ימצא שופט אכזרי, אשר יקשיח לבו מחמלה, הנה עליו לחשוב את ספורי המעשים לדברי הימים ואת הקינות לדברי הכותב.",
+            "ה. והן גם אני אוכל ליסר בצדק את סופרי היונים, שקרו בזמנם מעשים גדולים כאלה, המכריעים בכף מאזנים את כל מלחמות ימי קדומים — כי הם יושבים לכסא משפט ומשפילים את ערך הסופרים הראשונים, ולו גם יעלו על הסופרים ההם במליצת לשונם, הנה נופלים הם הרבה מהם ביֹשר לבם. הם כותבים בידיהם דברי ימי אשור ומדי, כאלו לא הצליחו הסופרים העתיקים למסור אותם כמשפט. — והם רחוקים מאלה בכשרון כתיבתם ובידיעותיהם. הן כל אחד מהסופרים הראשונים השתדל לכתוב את מאורעות זמנו בלבד, וקרבתם אל המעשים הביאה לידי ישרת כתיבתם, כי לא לכבוד נחשב בעיניהם לשקר במעמד עדי המאורעות. הסופר המשאיר לזכרון את הדברים אשר לא נכתבו לפניו, המוסר לדורות עולם את פרשת דברי ימי זמנו — הוא ראוי לשבח ועומד למופת, ולא כל המשנה את התכנית ואת הסדר בדברי אחרים נקרא זריז, כי־אם המספר דברים חדשים ומוסיף על גוף ההסטוריה בנין משלו. ואני, אף כי נכרי הנני, לא חסתי על הוצאותי ועל יגיעותי ברצותי להקדיש ליונים ולרומאים את זכר הגבורות ההן. כי אמנם סופריהם מקרב אחיהם ממהרים לפעור פיהם ולשלח לשונם כדי לקבל פרס או להתערב במחלקת, אבל בפרשת דברי הימים, כאשר הֻטָּל עליהם לספר את האמת בלבד וללקט את פרטי המעשים בעמל רב, הנה הם נאלמים מיד ונותנים לחלשים ולחסרי־הדעת שבהם לכתוב על מפעלי שרי הצבא. על־כן עלינו לקנא לכבוד האמת שבדברי הימים, אשר לא נמצא לה דורש בקרב היונים.",
+            "ו. ואני חושב, כי לא פה המקום לכתוב על קדמות היהודים ומוצאם ולא על יציאתם ממצרים ועל ארצות נדודיהם וגם על הארץ אשר כבשו ואחרי־כן גלו ממנה. כי הִרבּו כבר יהודים לפני לכתוב את דברי ימי אבותינו באר היטב, ואחדים מן היונים תרגמו את הדבר בשפת אבותיהם ולא נטו הרבה מהאמת. על־כן אחל את חבורי זה מן הזמן, אשר בו פסקו דברי הסופרים האלה ונחתמו דברי נביאינו, ומכל המעשים האלה אבחר את מאורעות זמני לדבר עליהם בפרוטרוט ובדיוק ככל אשר יש לאֵל־ידי, ועל כל הדברים אשר קרו לפני אעבור בקצרה ואספר:",
+            "ז. כי אנטיוכוס הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶּס כִּבש בחזק־יד את ירושלים ומשל בה שלש שנים וששה חדשים עד אשר גֹרש מן הארץ על־ידי בני חשמונאי, — ואחרי זמן רָבו יוצאי חלציהם של אלה (החשמונאים) ביניהם בדבר הממשלה ומשכו אל הענין את הרומאים ואת פומפיוס; וכי הורדוס בן אנטיפטרוס שם קץ לשלטון המשפחה הזאת בעזרת סוֹסִיּוּס. ואספר על מרד העם אחרי מות הורדוס בימי מלכות אוגוסטוס ברומא ונציבות קְוִינְטִילִיּוּס וַרוּס בסוריה; ואחרי־כן על ראשית המלחמה בשנת שתים־עשרה למלכות נירון ועל כל הקורות בזמן צֶסְטִיּוּס, ועל המקומות אשר כבשו היהודים בחרבם בשעת הקרבות הראשונים.",
+            "ח. ועוד אדבר על המצודות, שהקיפו בהן היהודים את הערים מסביב, ואחרי־כן על־דבר הפחד אשר נפל על נירון לשֵׁמע מפלת צֶסטיוס, כי חרד לשלום מלכותו, ועל־כן הפקיד את אספסינוס על המלחמה, והוא פרץ עם בנו הבכור אל ארץ יהודה; — ועל תכונת הצבא הרומאי, אשר היה בידי אספסינוס, ועל מספר בעלי בריתו בעת החריבוֹ את ארץ הגליל, ועל הערים אשר כבש בחֹזק־יד וברעש מלחמה, ועל הערים אשר לקח בברית שלום; — ואחרי־כן על־דבר הטכסיסים הטובים של הרומאים במלחמה ועל חִנוך־הקרב בלגיונות; ועל מדות שתי ארצות הגליל וטבע הארץ, על גבולי ארץ יהודה וסגֻלותיה ועל היאורות והמעינות שבה. ואחרי־כן אספר בפרוטרוט על הצרות אשר מצאו כל עיר ועיר. כי הייתי עֵד־ראִיה, או נמצאתי גם אני בצרה. וגם לא אכסה על פגעי אני, כי אני רוצה לדבר גם אל יודעי־המעשה.",
+            "ט. ואחרי־כן — כי בזמן שהיו כבר עניני היהודים יגעים, מת נירון, ואספסינוס, אשר מהר לעלות על ירושלים, לֻקח משם אחר כבוד לעמוד בראש הממשלה. וגם אדבר על האותות והמופתים, אשר קדמו לדבר, ועל־דבר המהפכות ברומא, וכי נקרא אספסינוס לקיסר בעל־כרחו על־ידי אנשי־הצבא; ועל־דבר מריבות־האחים, שקמו בין היהודים אחרי צאתו אל ארץ מצרים להכין את השלטון בידו, ועל העריצים אשר השתררו עליהם ועל המחלקת בין העריצים האלה.",
+            "י. ואוסיף לדבר על טיטוס, אשר עלה מארץ מצרים ופרץ אל הארץ שנית, ואיככה ואיפֹה הזעיק את צבאו ומה היה מספר הצבא ומה הדבר אשר מצא את העיר בגלל המריבה, כאשר קרב טיטוס אליה; וכמה פעמים הרעיש את חומות העיר וכמה סוללות שפך עליה; וגם על גבולות שלש החומות המקיפות את העיר ומדותיהן; וחזק העיר ותכונת הר־הבית וההיכל וגם מדותיהם ומדת המזבח — כל אלה אבאר היטב. ועוד אדבר על מקצת מנהגי המועדים ועל שבע הטהרות ועל עבודת הכהנים המשרתים בקדש, וגם על בגדי הכהֻנה ותלבשת הכהן הגדול ועל תבנית קדשי ההיכל, ולא אכסה דבר וגם לא אוסיף על הדברים אשר ידעתי כחֹק.",
+            "יא. ואחרי־כן אספר על אכזריות מעשי העריצים לאחיהם ועל רחמי הרומאים לעמים זרים, וכמה פעמים גלה טיטוס את רצונו להציל את העיר וההיכל וקרא אל המורדים לשלום. ואתאר גם את צרות העם ויסוריו ואת כל הנוראות אשר עברו עליו מחרב המלחמה ומאש המחלֹקת ומזלעפות הרעב עד קץ מפלתו. ולא אמנע מלדבר על תלאות הפליטים ועל ענויי השבויים. ועוד אספר על שרפת ההיכל שלא ברצון הקיסר ועל כלי הקֹדש, אשר נצלו מן האש והיו לבז, ועל חרבן ירושלים כֻּלה ועל האותות והמופתים אשר בִּשרו את הפרענות מראש; ועל שבי העריצים והמון הנמכרים לעבדים ועל הפקֻדה אשר מצאה את כל אחד ואחד. ואיך כבשו הרומאים את שארית הפלטה אשר נצלה מן המלחמה והרסו את מבצרי הארץ; ואיך עבר טיטוס בכל הארץ והקים בה סדרים ושב אחרי־כן אל איטליה וקדש את חג הנצחון.",
+            "יב. את כל הדברים האלה כללתי בשבעה ספרים ולא השארתי מקום לאיש מיודעי הדבר הזה ומאשר לקחו חלק במלחמה להתרעם עלי או ללמד עלי חובה. כי כתבתי את הדברים למען אוהבי האמת ולא למקרא שעשועים. ועתה אחל את ספורי מן המקום, אשר קבעתי בראש סדר הפרקים."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>על כבוש ירושלים ועשק ההיכל ועל מעשי המכבים מתתיהו ויהודה ועל מות יהודה.</small><br><br>א. בעת מלחמות אנטיוכוס הנקרא אפיפנס עם תלמי הששי על־דבר השלטון בכל ארץ סוריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן נמצא בכל כתבי־היד, ויש מתקנים ״חילת־סוריה״.</i> נפלה מריבה בין תקיפי היהודים, כי שלטה קנאה ביניהם בדבר שלטון־העם וכל אחד מאנשי־המשרה לא רצה להכנע לפני חבריו. חוניו, אחד הכהנים הגדולים, התחזק וגרש מן העיר את בני טוביה, ואלה ברחו אל אנטיוכוס וחלו את פניו להתנפל על ארץ יהודה והבטיחוהו להיות לו לעינים. המלך נעתר אליהם, כי זה מכבר זמם לעשות כדבר הזה, ומהר בעצמו לעלות על העיר בראש חַיִל גדול וכבש אותה בחזק־יד והמית המון גדול מאנשי־שלומו של תלמי ונתן רשות לאנשי־הצבא לבז את העיר באין מעצור, והוא בעצמו בזז את היכל ה׳ והשבית את עבודת התמיד שלש שנים וששה חדשים. והכהן הגדול חוניו ברח אל תלמי וקבל ממנו נחלה במחוז הליופוליס ושם יסד עיר קטנה כדמות ירושלים ובנה בה היכל לה׳ כתבנית בית־המקדש. ועל־זה עוד נשוב לדבר במקום הראוי.",
+                    "ב. ועוד לא שב אף אנטיוכוס אחרי כבשו את העיר מבלי שקוה לדבר מראש, וגם לא מצא ספוקו במעשי העד וברצח הגדול, כי בזדון יצרו הרע ובזכרו את התלאות אשר מצאוהו בשעת המצור, אלץ את היהודים לעזוב את חקי אבותיהם, להשאיר את ילדיהם ערלים ולהקריב בשר־חזיר על המזבח. וכאשר סרבו כל היהודים למלא את מצותו, נמסרו החשובים אשר בהם לטבח. ובכחידֶס ראש המצב, שנשלח בידי אנטיוכוס, הוסיף באכזריות יצרו הרע מעשי רשעה על פקדות המלך הזד ולא נבצרה ממנו כל תועבה. הוא צוה לדוש את בשר היהודים נשואי־הפנים אחד־אחד וחדש בכל יום לעיני השמש את מחזה כבוש, העיר, עד אשר עורר בעצמת רשעתו את הסובלים להתאזר עז ולעמוד על נפשם.",
+                    "ג. ומתתיהו בן חשמונאי מן הכהנים אשר בכפר מודיעין חגר נשק יחד עם בני ביתו — כי חמשה בנים היו לו — והמית את בכחידס במאכלת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: בקופיץ.</i>, ובפחדו מהמון חיל המצב מהר לברוח אל ההרים. שמה התלקטו אליו רבים מבני העם ויחד אתם התחזק וירד מן ההר ויצא לקרב על שרי צבא אנטיוכוס והכה אותם וגרשם מארץ יהודה. במעשה נצחונו זה הגיע לשלטון, כי אחרי גרשו את הנכרים קבלו אחיו היהודים את ממשלתו ברצון. ובמותו עזב את השלטון ליהודה בכור בניו.",
+                    "ד. ויהודה הבין, כי לא ישב אנטיוכוס בחבוק־ידים, ולכן אסף את צבאות אחיו וגם כרת ראשון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: בפעם הראשונה.</i> ברית עם הרומאים, וכאשר הוסיף אנטיוכוס להתנפל בחיל גדול על ארץ יהודה, הכה מכה רבה ופנה ערף. אחרי הנצחון מהר יהודה לעלות על חיל המצב השוכן בעיר, כי לא נשמד עוד, ונלחם אתו ודחף אותו מן העיר העליונה אל התחתונה, וחלק העיר הזה נקרא בשם חקרא (אקרה — מצודה). ואחרי־כן כבש יהודה את הר־הבית וטהר את המקום כלו ובנה עליו חומה והכין כלים חדשים לעבודת השרת והביאם אל ההיכל, כי נטמאו כלי הקדש הישנים. גם בנה מזבח חדש והשיב את עבודת הקרבנות על מכונה. וכאשר קבלה העיר מחדש את מעמד הקדֻשה, מת אנטיוכוס ואת כסא מלכותו ואת שנאתו ליהודים יחד ירש אנטיוכוס (החמישי) בנו.",
+                    "ה. והוא אסף צבא רגלים חמשים אלף וחמשת אלפים רוכבים ושמונים פילים ופרץ בגבול יהודה אל ארץ ההרים וכבש את העיר בית־צור ועל־יד המקום הנקרא בית־זכריה פגש אותו יהודה עם חילו במעבר צר. עוד טרם יצאו שתי המערכות לקרב, ראה אלעזר אחי יהודה את הגדול מכל הפילים המקֻשט במגדל גבוה ובצִנות מצֻפות זהב, וחשב כי הרוכב על הפיל הוא המלך אנטיוכוס, ועל־כן מהר לרוץ מתוך מחנה אחיו ובקע לו דרך בין שורות האויבים והגיע עד הפיל. כראות אלעזר כי נבצר ממנו, מפני גֹבה הפיל, להשיג את האיש, אשר היה כאנטיוכוס בעיניו, דקר את החיה בבטנה, עד אשר נהפכה עליו, והוא נחנק תחת משאה ומת, ושכר לא היה למעשהו, מלבד זכרו הטוב, כי נשא את לבו לגדולות ובחר בשם־תהלה מחיים. כי המפגיע את הפיל היה הדיוט (ולא המלך), ואלו היה זה אנטיוכוס בעצמו, גם אז לא הצליח אלעזר בעז־נפשו רק להראות, כי בחר לו דרך מות מתקוה קלה לנצחון גדול. והדבר הזה היה אות מבשר רעה לאחיו על תוצאות הקרב כלו. כי היהודים נלחמו בגבורה זמן רב, אבל אנשי חיל המלך עלו עליהם במספר וגם השעה היתה משחקת להם. ואחרי אשר נפלו רבים מן היהודים במלחמה נמלט יהודה בראש שרידי צבאו אל נפת גוֹפנא. ואנטיוכוס נכנס אל ירושלים ונשאר שם ימים מספר, ואחרי־כן עלה משם, מפני מחסור הלחם, והשאיר בעיר חיל־מצב, אשר היה בו די הצֹרך לדעתו, ואת יתר הצבא הוליך אל ארץ סוריה לימי החרף.",
+                    "ו. אחרי צאת המלך מן הארץ לא ישב יהודה בחבוק־ידים, כי נספחו עליו רבים מן העם וגם פליטי המלחמה נאספו אליו ובראשם התנפל על־יד הכפר חדשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא בתרגום הרומאי ובספר המכבים (אדסה); במקור ברֹב כה״י אקדסה. וכל הדבר טעות, כי על־יד חדשה לא נהרג יהודה המכבי, רק נצח את נקנור. ובכלל כל פרשת־המעשה היא משבשת כאן. לעמת זאת ב״קדמוניות״ היא מתאימה יותר לדברי ספר המכבים.</i> על שרי צבאות אנטיוכוס, ואחרי אשר הפליא להראות את גבורתו במלחמה וגם המית רבים מן השונאים, נפל חלל; וכעבור ימים אחדים מת גם יוחנן אחיו, כי נלכד בפח אשר טמנו לו אוהבי אנטיוכוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר יורשי יהודה: יונתן, שמעון ויוחנן הורקנוס.</small><br><br>א. יונתן אחי [הגבורים] האלה ירש את משרתם ונהל בזהירות את עסקי אחיו היהודים וחזק את שלטונו בברית אשר כרת עם הרומאים, וגם עשה שלום עם בן אנטיוכוס. אבל כל הדברים האלה לא הועילו לו לשבת שאנן ובטוח. כי טריפון העריץ, שהיה אפיטרופוס לבן אנטיוכוס, זמם לקחת את נפש הילד ובתחלה נסה להמית את כל אוהביו ותפש במרמה את יונתן, שבא בלוית אנשים מתי מספר אל אנטיוכוס, ושם אותו בנחשתים ועלה למלחמה על ארץ יהודה. אבל גֹרש משם בידי שמעון אחי יונתן וברב כעסו על מפלתו הרג את יונתן.",
+                    "ב. ושמעון נהג את משרתו בגבורה וכבש את גזר ואת יפו ואת יבנה ערי שכניו, וגם הרס את המצודה (חקרא) אחרי הכותו את המצב אשר בה; ואחרי־זאת כרת ברית עם אנטיוכוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא אנטיוכוס השביעי (סידטס).</i> בצורו על טריפון בעיר דאֹר, לפני צאתו למלחמה עם המדיים. אבל אף כי עזר שמעון למלך להמית את טריפון, לא מצאה ידו להשביעהו די תאות־בצעו. כי כעבור זמן קצר שלח אנטיוכוס חיל תחת פקדת קנדביוס שר־צבאו לשחת את ארץ יהודה ולשעבד את שמעון. ושמעון היה אז זקן ובא בימים, אך נהל את המלחמה בכח עלומים. הוא שלח לפניו את בניו בראש גבורי הצבא ובעצמו לקח את שארית הצבא ועלה להלחם מן העבר השני. ובמקומות רבים וגם בהרים טמן אורבים חזקים וכבש את כל המעברות. ואחרי נצחון מפאר הושם לכהן גדול והעביר את שלטון המקדונים מארץ יהודה, לקץ מאה ושבעים שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לחשבון היונים, ר״ל שנת נ״א תרי״ט—תר״ך, 142—141 לפני מנין או״ה.</i>.",
+                    "ג. אבל גם הוא מת בענין רע, כי נפל בפח יוקשים, אשר טמן לו תלמי חתנו בעת המשתה. ותלמי תפש גם את אשת שמעון ואת שני בניו ואל השלישי, הוא יוחנן הנקרא גם הורקנוס, שלח מרצחי חרש להמיתו. אבל העלם הקדים לשמוע על־דבר בוא הרוצחים ומהר אל ירושלים ובטח בעם, כי יעמוד לימינו, בזכרו את חסדי אביו ובשנאתו לתועבות תלמי. אמנם גם תלמי נסה להכנס אל העיר דרך שער שני, אבל גֹרש משם בידי העם, אשר קבל את הורקנוס למושל. ותלמי מהר לברוח אל אחת המצודות. ממעל ליריחו הנקראת בשם דגון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א דוֹק או דוך.</i>. הורקנוס ירש את הכהנה הגדולה, אשר היתה לאביו, והקריב זבחים לאלהים, ואחרי־כן מהר לרדוף אחרי תלמי למען הציל את אמו ואחיו.",
+                    "ד. ובהצותו על המצודה גבר הורקנוס במלחמה, אבל צרות לבו הנאמנות היו לו למכשול. כי מדי פעם בפעם כשקשתה המלחמה על תלמי צוה להביא את אם הורקנוס ואחיו על החומה למקום רואים ולדוש את בשרם לעיני השמש, וגם הוליך עליהם אימים, כי ישליך אותם מראש החומה, אם לא יעזבהו יוחנן לנפשו חיש מהר. לשמע הדברים האלה כבשו רחמי הורקנוס ופחדו את כעסו ועברתו. ואמו לא שמה לב ליסורים ולאימת המות. ופרשה את ידיה אל בנה והשביעה אותו לבל יחת מהזדון הנעשה לה ולא יחמול על הרשע, כי ינעם לה מותה בידי תלמי מחיי נצחים, אם רק יתן הזד את הדין על כל הרעה אשר עולל למשפחתה. מדי השיב יוחנן אל לבו את אֹמץ רוח אמו ומדי שמעו את תחנוניה, מהר להתנפל על המצודה, אבל בראותו אותה לקויה ומרוטה שחה נפשו מעֹצם מכאוביו. על־כן ארך המצור זמן רב, עד אשר הגיעה שנת השמטה, אשר בה שובתים היהודים אחת לשבע שנים, כדרך שבת השבוע, ובעבור זה נפדה תלמי מן המצור והמית את אחי יוחנן על אמם וברח לו אל זינון המכֻנה קוֹטילא העריץ, המושל ברבת־עמון.",
+                    "ה. ואנטיוכוס התאנף על המגפה אשר נגף מפני שמעון ויצא להלחם בארץ יהודה וחנה מסביב לירושלים והביא את הורקנוס במצור. והורקנוס פתח את קבר דוד, אשר היה עשיר מכל המלכים, והוציא משם יתר על שלשת אלפים ככר כסף והטה את לב אנטיוכוס לעזוב את המצור בשלמו לו שלש מאות ככר. והוא היה הראשון במושלי היהודים, אשר שכר לו גדוד נכרים ושלם לו מן הכסף הנשאר לו.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר יצא אנטיוכוס למלחמה על המדיים המציא שעת הכֹּשר ליוחנן לקחת ממנו נקמה. הוא מהר לעלות למלחמה על ערי סוריה, בחשבו כי ימצא אותן עזובות מגבורי החיל. וכאשר קוה כן היה. הוא כבש את מֵידבא ואת סַמַּגָּא עם המקומות הקרובים ואת שכם ואת הר־גריזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: מחבר — ארגריזין, כמו שכותבים השמרונים.</i> לקח בחרבו וגם הכניע את עם הכותים, אשר ישב סביב לבית־מקדש כתבנית המקדש בירושלים, ומלבד־זאת לכד ערים רבות בארץ אדום ובכללן את אדורָים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אדוֹרה (ביחיד) ועין בדברי הימים ב, י״א, ט, ושם הֻזכרה גם מָרֵשָׁה (או מוֹרֵשה). שתי הערים האלה נכבשו על־ידי האדומים אחרי חרבן הבית הראשון.</i> ואת מָרֵשה.",
+                    "ז. הוא הגיע גם עד ארץ שמרון ובא אל המקום אשר נמצאה שם עתה סֶבַּסֶּטִּי, העיר הבנויה בידי המלך הורדוס, ובנה עליה מצודים והפקיד את שני בניו אריסטובולוס ואנטיגנוס על מצור העיר. הם לא הרפו מעבודת המצור, ומפני זה חזק הרעב בעיר, עד אשר אכלו יושביה דברים אשר לא באו אל פיהם מימיהם. הנצורים קראו לעזרה למלך אנטיוכוס המכֻנה אספנדיוס, והוא נעתר אליהם ברצון, אבל כרע במלחמה לפני חיל אריסטובולוס, וברח מפני האחים, אשר רדפו אחריו עד בית־שאן, ומשם שבו להלחם ביושבי שמרון וסגרו את המונם עוד הפעם בחומת עירם ואחרי־כן לכדו את העיר והרסו אותה עד היסוד ואת יושביה מכרו לעבדים, וכה הלכו מחיל אל חיל ולא שבתו ממלחמה, עד אשר נגשו בראש צבאם עד העיר בית־שאן והשתערו עליה פתאם והחריבו את כל הארץ אשר מבית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר, מצד ארץ יהודה מדרום.</i> להר הכרמל.",
+                    "ח. אך הקנאה בהצלחת יוחנן ובניו עוררה מחלֹקת בקרב היהודים ורבים התלקטו יחד ולא שקטו עד צאתם למלחמה גלויה, אבל כשלו ונפלו. ויתר חיי יוחנן עברו בשלום ואחרי אשר נהל את עסקי הממשלה בתבונה יתרה שלשים ושלש שנה מת והשאיר אחריו חמשה בנים. הוא היה מאֻשר באדם ובשום דבר לא יכֹל להתאונן על מזלו. כי הוא לבדו זכה לשלשה דברים העולים על כֹּל: למעלת השלטון בעם (כתר מלכות), לכהֻנה גדולה ולנבואה (לרוח הקֹדש). כי רוח אלהים (השכינה) היתה קרובה אליו ולא נעלם ממנו כל דבר העתיד לבוא. הוא צפה מראש ונבא, כי שני בניו הגדולים לא יאריכו ימים בשלטונם ונָאֶה לספר פה את דבר מפלתם, ועד כמה שֻׁנה גורלם ממזל אביהם המאֻשר!"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר אריסטובולוס, הראשון ששם על ראשו נזר מלוכה ומלך שנה אחת ומת אחרי רצחו את אמו ואת אחיו.</small><br><br>א. אחרי מות יוחנן הפך אריסטובולוס בכור בניו את הנשיאות למלוכה והיה הראשון, אשר שם על ראשו את הנזר, במלאת ארבע מאות ושבעים ואחת שנה ושלשה ירחים לשיבת גולת העם אל ארצה מעבדות בבל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המִספר אינו נכון. המעשה היה בשנת ג״א תרנ״ז (104 לפני מאו״ה), תכ״ד לעלית הגולה.</i>. ומאחיו הבדיל לטובה את אנטיגנוס, הקרוב אליו בשנים והאהוב עליו למראה עין, וחלק לו מכבודו ואת יתר אחיו אסר והשליך אל בית־כלא. גם את אמו אסר בנחֻשתים על אשר חלקה עליו בעסקי השלטון, באמרה, כי עזב יוחנן בידה את הממשלה, וכה גדלה אכזריות הבן עד שנתן לה למות ברעב במאסרה.",
+                    "ב. אך גמול מעלליו הרעים לאמו ולאחיו השיג את אחיו אנטיגנוס, אשר אותו אהב מאד ונתן לו חלק במלכותו — כי המית אריסטובולוס גם אותו על עלילות דברים ששמו לו אנשי בליעל מעבדי המלך. בתחלה מאן אריסטובולוס להאמין לדברי הלעז, כי אהב את אחיו וחשב את הלהג הרב לפרי הקנאה. אבל אנטיגנוס שב בהדר־נצחון למועד החג, שבו היהודים מקימים סכות לאלהים על־פי חֻקֵי האבות, ובמקרה נפל אריסטובולוס למשכב בעת ההיא. ולקץ החג עלה אנטיגנוס בלוית אנשי הצבא אשר עמו בעדי תפארה להתפלל אל האלהים בלב נאמן לשלום אחיו החולה. ובאותו מעמד באו אנשי הבליעל אל המלך וספרו לו על פאר אנשי הצבא ועל גאון אנטיגנוס, שאינו כדרך אחד־העם. והעידו עליו כי בא בחיל גדול למען המיתו, כי לא די לו בכבוד־מלוכה בלבד בעוד אשר יש לאל ידו לקחת את המלוכה לעצמו.",
+                    "ג. כמעט בעל־כרחו נפתה אריסטובולוס להאמין לדברים האלה ונזהר לבל יַראה את חשדו בגלוי, וכדי להיות בטוח מכל צרה העמיד את שומרי ראשו במדור אפל מתחת לאדמה — כי הוא שכב על מטת חליו בבירה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה נקראה מצודת אנטוניה במשנה.</i>, אשר הוסב אחרי־כן שמה לשם אנטוניה — ונתן להם פקֻדה לעזוב את אנטיגנוס לנפשו, אם לא יהיה מזֻין, ולהמית אותו, כאשר יעבור עליהם בכלי נשקו, ואליו שלח להודיעו, כי יבוא בלי נשק. אולם המלכה התחברה עם יועצי הרעה ושנתה את הדבר בערמתה, כי הסיתה את שלוחי המלך לבל ימסרו את דבריו, רק יאמרו לאנטיגנוס, כי שמע אחיו על כלי הנשק היפים ועדי המלחמה אשר הכין לו בארץ הגליל, אבל נעצר על־ידי מחלתו לבוא ולראות את כל אלה, ועל־כן ישמח מאד לראותו בפאר נשקו בטרם ישים (אנטיגנוס) את פעמיו לדרך.",
+                    "ד. בשמוע אנטיגנוס את הדברים האלה — והוא היה בטוח באהבת אחיו ולא עלה על לבו לחשדו במחשבה רעה — יצא בכלי נשקו, כאלו אמר להתהדר בהם, וכאשר בא אל הפרוזדור האפל, שנקרא בשם מגדל סטרַטוֹן, נהרג בידי שומרי ראש המלך. ומות אנטיגנוס היה מופת נאמן, כי לשון־הרע מנתקת את מוסרות האהבה וגם את קשרי־הטבע, וכי לא נמצאה בין מדות הנפש הטובות אף אחת שיהיה בכחה לעמוד בפני הקנאה לארך ימים.",
+                    "ה. ומי לא ישתומם לדבר הזה על איש אחד ושמו יהודה, אשר היה ממשפחת האֵסיים ומעולם לא נכשל ולא שקר בהגידו את האותיות. כי בראותו את אנטיגנוס עובר דרך הר הבית קרא בקול גדול אל אוהביו (כי תלמידים רבים ישבו לרגליו): ״הוי, אמותה הפעם, כי נכרתה האמת מפי ואחת מנבואותי שבה ריקם. הן עוד חי זה האיש אנטיגנוס, אף כי נגזר עליו לֵהָרג היום ולמקום מותו נועד מגדל סטרטון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האֵסי חשב, כי זהו מגדל־סטרטון על חוף־הים, שנבנה אחר־כך בידי הורדוס ונקרא בשם ״קיסריה״ (קיסרי).</i> והוא רחוק מפה שש מאות ריס וכבר עברו ארבע שעות היום. הזמן הוביש את דבר נבואתי״. ככלותו את דבריו שקע הזקן במחשבותיו סר וזעף. ואחרי זמן קצר הגיעה השמועה, כי נהרג אנטיגנוס במדור מתחת לאדמה שנקרא גם הוא בשם מגדל סטרטון. והדבר הזה התעה את הרואה הזקן.",
+                    "ו. מוסר הכליות על התועבה הזאת חִזק את מחלת אריסטובולוס. זכר הרצח לא נתן מנוחה לנפשו והוא התהלך כצל ולאחרונה התפרדו מעיו מעצמת יגונו והקיא דם רב. ואחד הנערים המשרתים הוציא את הדם ובגזרת אלהים נכשל במקום אשר נשחט בו אנטיגנוס ושפך את דם הרוצח על כתמי דם אנטיגנוס, אשר נראו עוד לעין. קול צעקה התפרץ מפי רואי הדבר, באמרם, כי בצדיה שפך הנער את הדם. והמלך שמע את הצעקה וחקר לסבת הדבר וכאשר לא נועז איש מהעומדים עליו לפתוח את פיו הפציר בהם מאד, כי נכספה נפשו לדעת את המעשה. וכאשר דבר אליהם קשות ואִיֵם עליהם, גלו לו את הדבר, ואז זלגו עיניו דמעות ואנחה שברה את גופו ובשארית כחותיו קרא: ״הן לא קמה מחשבתי להעלים מעין האלהים הגדולה את כל אשר עשיתי בזדון, ומהר השיגה אותי נקמת דם קרובי השפוך. ועד מתי, גוִיָּה נבזה, תעצרי את נשמתי הנחרפת לאחי ולאמי? עד מתי אסיך להם את דמי טפה טפה? יקחו את הכל בבת־אחת ואל יוסיף אל זועם ללעוג לנסכי בני מעי!״ לדברים האלה גוע מיד, ומלכותו לא ארכה יותר משנה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על מעשי אלכסנדרוס ינאי, אשר מלך עשרים ושבע שנה.</small><br><br>א. ואשת אריסטובולוס שלחה את אחיו לחפשי ממאסרם והקימה למלך את אלכסנדרוס, אשר היה ראוי למשרה זו על־פי שניו ומדות נפשו. ובעלות אלכסנדרוס לשלטון המית את אחיו האחד, אשר חשב בלבו לעשות מלוכה גם הוא, ונשא את ראש אחיו השני, שבחר בחיי מנוחה והתרחק מן השררה.",
+                    "ב. ומלחמה היתה בינו ובין תלמי המכֻנּה לַתּוּרוֹס. כאשר כבש את העיר כפר שיחין (אסוֹכיס) ואלכסנדרוס המית רבים מן השונאים, אך הנצחון נטה לצד תלמי. אבל אחרי אשר נרדף תלמי על־ידי אמו קלֶאוֹפטרה ושב אל ארץ מצרים, כבש אלכסנדרוס במצור את גדר (גדרה) ואת חמתא (אמתוס), הגדול במבצרי עבר הירדן, שבו נמצאו מחמדי אוצרות תאודורוס וזנון. אבל תאודורוס בא עליו פתאם ולקח מידו את אוצרותיו וגם תפש את כבודת המלך והמית מן היהודים כעשרת אלפים איש. בשוב אלכסנדרוס לאיתנו אחרי המכה הזאת פנה אל ארץ החוף ולכד את עזה ואת רַפיה ואת אנתֵּדון, אשר נקראה אחרי־כן על־ידי הורדוס המלך בשם אגריפס.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר כבש המלך את הערים האלה ומכר את יושביהן לעבדים התקומם עליו עם יהודה בימי החג— כי רב המריבות פורצות בקרבם למועדי שמחתם — ויש לחשוב, כי לא היה בכחו להפר את העצה הרעה הזאת, לולא עזרו לו שכירי צבאו הנכרים מארצות פיסִדיּה וקִילִיקיה (כי את בני סוריה לא אסף אל צבא שכיריו, בדעתו את שנאתם הגדולה לעם יהודה). אחרי אשר הכה אלכסנדרוס במתקוממים יותר מששת אלפים איש יצא להלחם בגבולות הערבים ולקח מהם את הגלעד ואת מואב ושם מס על יושבי שתי הארצות ואחרי־כן שב להַצּות על חמתא. תאודורוס נבהל לשמע נצחונותיו וברח מפניו והמלך מצא את המבצר עזוב וריק ותפש אותו באפס־יד והחריבו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי־כן נלחם עם עֹבְדַת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כה הוא שמו על המטבעות והכתבות. ביונית: אוֹבֶדַס, הוא מלך הערבים הנבטיים (בני נבטו, ויש מביאים את השם הזה בקשר עם נביות), המושלים בעבר הירדן ובארץ אדום העתיקה. ראש מבצריהם היה ״הסלע״ (סלע־ערב, לפנים סלע־אדום, ביונית: פֶּטִרָה), וממשלתם הגיעה עד דמשק.</i> מלך הערבים; המלך הזה הכין לו פח בארץ הגולן ואלכסנדרוס נפל במלכֻּדתו וכל חילו נשמד, כי נדחק לתוך בקעה צרה ועמקה ונרמס בפרסות הגמלים הרבים, המלך בעצמו ברח אל ירושלים ובגדל האסון אשר המיט על העם העיר את שנאת הרבים הישנה אליו עד אשר קם מרד גלוי. גם הפעם היתה ידו על העליונה ובמלחמותיו הרצופות עם העם המית לא פחות מחמשים אלף איש מן היהודים בשש שנים, אבל לא יכל לשמוח בנצחונותיו, אשר כּלה בהם את כחות מלכותו. הוא נסה להפסיק את המלחמה ולדבר שלום אל נתיניו המורדים, אבל אלה הוסיפו עוד לשנֹא אותו על שרירות לבו ועל תהפוכותיו, וכאשר שאל אותם, מה היא סבת הדבר ובאיזה מעשה יוכל לשַׁכֵּך את חמתם, ענוהו האנשים, כי רק עם נבלתו יכרתו שלום, אף כי קשה לסלוח לעושה תועבות כאלה גם אחרי מותו. ויחד עם זה שלחו אל דימיטריוס המכנה אֵיקַיְרוֹס (נ״א אַקַּיְרוֹס)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אֵיקַיְרוֹס בר־מזל, מי שהשעה משחקת לו; אַקַּיְרוֹס — רע־מזל. כנראה נקרא המלך הזה (מושל סוריה בימי אלכסנדרוס ינאי) בכנוי הדאשון בפי אוהביו, ובשני בפי שונאיו, אשר סרסו את שם הכבוד שלו בכונה.</i> לעזרה, והוא נעתר אליהם, בקוותו לגדולות מאלה, ובא עם חילו אל הארץ ועל־יד העיר שכם התחברו אליו בני בריתו מן היהודים.",
+                    "ה. ואלכסנדרוס קבל את פניהם באלף רוכבים ושמונת אלפים רגלים שכירי מלחמה. מלבד זאת נמצאו עמו עשרת אלפים יהודים נאמנים בבריתו. ומספר שונאיו היה שלשת אלפים רוכבים וארבעה־עשר אלף רגלים. ועוד בטרם יצאו שני האויבים לקרב נסו שני המלכים להעביר קול איש במחנה אויבו ולחולל שם מרד. כי דימיטריוס קוה להטות אליו את לב שכירי אלכסנדרוס, ואלכסנדרוס — למשוך אחריו את היהודים אשר במחנה דימיטריוס. אבל היהודים לא שבו מחמתם והַהֶלֶנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה נקראו כאן הפיסידים והקיליקים, אשר טעמו מעט מן התרבות היונית ההלניסטית.</i> לא הפרו שבועתם, ועל־כן קראו שני המלכים לחרב לשפוט ביניהם. במלחמה היתה יד דימיטריוס על העליונה, אף כי הרבו שכירי אלכסנדרוס לעשות נפלאות באֹמץ לבם ובעֹז ימינם. אבל תוצאות המלחמה לא היו כאשר דמו שני המלכים בלבם. כי אחרי נצחון דימיטריוס לא הוסיפו היהודים הקוראים לו להחזיק בבריתו, כי חמלו על אלכסנדרוס במפלתו, וששת אלפים מן היהודים עברו אליו בברחו אל הרי יהודה. דימיטריוס לא עצר כח לשאת את התמורה הזאת והבין כי יחליף אלכסנדרוס כח למלחמה וכל העם יעבור אליו, ועל־כן פנה ועלה מן הארץ.",
+                    "ו. אבל המון המורדים הנשאר לא שבת מריב גם אחרי צאת העוזרים מן הארץ, ואלכסנדרוס נלחם בו מלחמה קשה עד אשר עלה בידו להמית. את רב השונאים ולגרש את הנשארים אל עיר בֶּמֶּסֶּלִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות (ספר י״ג, י״ד, ב) נקראה בי־תאומי או בית־אומי.</i> ואחרי־כן הפך את העיר והוליך את הפליטים בשבי אל ירושלים. וכגדֹל אפו ובחרונו עליהם הסיתו יצר לבו הרע למעשי רשע. הוא צוה להוקיע שמונה מאות איש מהשבויים על צלבים בראש העיר, אחרי שחטו לעיניהם את נשיהם וטפם. ולמראה הדבר שתה יין והתחולל עם פילגשיו. פחד גדול נפל על כל העם ובלילה ההוא ברחו שמונת אלפים יהודים מהקמים על המלך מעבר לגבולות יהודה ורק מות אלכסנדרוס שם קץ לגלותם. ככה הקים אלכסנדרוס את השלום במלכותו, אחרי עבודה קשה לקץ זמן רב (באחור זמן), ואימת החרב סרה מן הארץ.",
+                    "ז. ועוד הפעם קמו מהומות [בארץ יהודה] על־ידי אנטיוכוס המכֻנה דיוניסוס, אחי דימיטריוס, והוא האחרון למלכי בית סיליקוס. כאשר יצא זה להלחם עם הערבים פחד ממנו אלכסנדרוס [פן יעבר בגבולו] וחפר חריץ עמֹק לארך כל הארץ אשר בין ההרים בקרבת אנטיפטרס ובין חוף יפו, ועל־יד החריץ הקים חומה גבוהה ומגדלי־עץ בנה עליה לסגור את שערי הארץ. אבל בזה לא הצליח לעצוֹר את אנטיוכוס, כי הוא שלח את המגדלים באש וסתם את החריץ עפר ועבר עם חילו ביד רמה. הוא דחה לפי שעה את רצונו להנקם באלכסנדרוס על אשר לא נתן לו לעבור בארצו, כי מהר להביא מלחמה בגבולות הערבים. מלך הערבים נסוג אחור אל מקום אשר נוח למלחמה ואחרי־כן הפך פתאם את פני רוכביו, אשר היה מספרם עשרת אלפים, והתנפל על חיל אנטיוכוס קֹדם שהספיק להציג את צבאו במערכה. המלחמה היתה קשה מאד, וכל העת שנשאר אנטיוכוס בחיים החזיקו צבאותיו מעמד, אף כי עשתה בהם חרב הערבים שמות נוראות, כי חרף המלך את נפשו למהר עזרה במקום שנגפו אנשיו, עד אשר נפל שדוד ובמותו הפנו הסורים עֹרף ורֻבּם נפלו חללים במערכה או נהרגו בעת מנוסתם והפליטים שרדו אל כפר קנה ושם ספו כֻלם ממחסור לחם, ורק, מתי מספר הצילו את נפשם.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה הביאו אנשי דמשק משנאתם לתלמי בן מינאי את חרתת [הערבי]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אָרֵטַס, אולם צורת השם הערבית מבֹארה מתוך המטבעות והכתבות שלו.</i> אל ארצם והמליכוהו על חילת סוריה. הוא עלה על יהודה והכה את אלכסנדרוס במלחמה, אבל כרת עמו ברית שלום ועזב את הארץ. ואלכסנדרוס כבש את פחל (פֵלָה) ועלה על גרש (גֵרַסָּה), כי חשקה נפשו לבֹז את אוצר תאודורוס שנית, ובנה על העיר דָיֵק משֻׁלש וכבש אותה בסערת מלחמה. ואחרי־כן החריב את ארץ הגולן ואת סיליקיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סיליקיה בארץ הגולן (עיין להלן ספר ד, א, א).</i> ואת הבקעה הנקראת על שם אנטיוכוס ועל אלה כבש את גמלא, המבצר החזק, והוריד את דימיטריוס המושל בו משאתו, כי שמע תלונות רבים עליו, ואחרי־כן שב אל ארץ יהודה במלאת שלש שנים למלחמה הזאת, והפעם קבל העם את פניו ברצון, כי שמח על נצחונותיו. אבל בבוא קץ המלחמה החלה מחלה לענות את המלך וקדחת רביעית הציקה לו מאד. הוא חשב להתגבר על מחלתו בשובו אל עבודת המלחמה ועל־כן התמכר לצאת לקרב שלא בעונתו והכריה את גופו לטרוח ולעבוד למעלה מכחותיו, וכרע תחת כֹּבד משאו. הוא מת בעצם רעש המלחמה והימים אשר מלך היו עשרים ושבע שנה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בתשע שנות מלכות אלכסנדרה נמצא השלטון בידי הפרושים.</small><br><br>א. הוא השאיר את מלכותו ביד אלכסנדרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות נקראה גם סַלוֹמֵי (שלומי, שלומית) ובספרות התלמודית שלמינון או שלמציון (שלום־ציון) ויש עוד גרסאות.</i> אשתו, בבטחו בה כי ישמעו לה היהודים על־נקלה, יען אשר רחקו דרכיה מדרכי אכזריותו וגם התנגדה למעשי תועבותיו, ובזה קנתה את לב העם לאהבה אותה. ותקות המלך לא נכזבה. כי האשה הרפה השכילה להחזיק בידיה את השלטון וזכתה לתהלת מושלת ביראת אלהים. היא נזהרה מאד בחֻקי מסֹרת האבות והרחיקה מן השררה את הבועטים במצוות הקדושות. ומשני בניה אשר ילדה לאלכסנדרוס הקימה את הורקנוס, הוא הבכור, לכהן גדול, כי לו היה משפט הבכורה, ומלבד זאת היה רפה־ידים, ולא נועז לתבוע ממנה את הממשלה, ואת הצעיר, אריסטובולוס, אשר היתה לו נפש לוהטת, השאירה הדיוט.",
+                    "ב. לעֻמת־זאת התערבו בשלטונה הפרושים, חבורה בקרב היהודים, שיצא לה שם, כי היא עולה על חברותיה ביראת אלהים ומרבה לדקדק מהן בבאור החֻקים. אלכסנדרה כִּבּדה את האנשים האלה יותר מן המדה, מיראתה את האלהים, ובידם עלה לגנוב מעט מעט את לב האשה התם, עד אשר היו הם המוציאים והמביאים את כל העם ורשות נתנה להם לרחק ולקרב את הבריות ככל אות נפשם, להתיר ולאסור כרצונם. ובכלל נהנו המה מכל הכנסות המלוכה וברכותיה, ואת ההוצאות והפגעים השאירו לאלכסנדרה המלכה. אמנם היא השכּילה מאד לעשות מלוכה, כי הגדילה את הצבא כל הימים עד הכפילה את מספרו וגם אספה אליה חיל שכירים רב ועצום, וככה הכינה בידה את הממשלה בעמה וגם הטילה את אימתה על המושלים בארצות נכריות. ידה משלה בכֹּל והפרושים משלו בה.",
+                    "ג. הם המיתו את דיוגנס, איש נשוא־פנים ואוהב קרוב לאלכסנדרוס, בפקדם עליו את עונו, כי היה בעצה אחת עם המלך להוקיע את שמונה מאות האנשים. וגם הסיתו את אלכסנדרה לרדוף את יתר האנשים, אשר הפיחו את חמת אלכסנדרוס עליהם. המלכה מלאה את חפצם, ביראתה את האלהים, והם עשו משפט מות בשונאיהם כרצונם. ואנשי המעלה אשר נמצאו בצרה נמלטו אל אריסטובולוס, והוא העיר את לב אמו לשאת פנים למעמד האנשים האלה ולתת להם חנינה ולהרחיק אותם מן העיר, אם היא חושדת בהם, כי אינם נקיים מעון. כשנתנה המלכה לאלה האנשים את נפשם לשלל, נפוצו בכל הארץ. ואלכסנדרה שלחה צבא אל דמשק בטענה להציל את העיר מידי תלמי [בן מינאי]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך היטורים (הערבים המושלים בלבנון, בעקר בארץ כלקיס).</i>, המציק לה כל הימים. אך השיבה את הצבא בטרם עשה מעשה רב. וכאשר חנה טִיגְרַנֶּס מלך ארמֶניה על עיר עכו ושם מצור על קלֵיאוֹפַּטְרָה, שלחה אליו אלכסנדרה מנחה, לכרות עמו ברית. אבל הוא הקדים לעזוב את הארץ, בשמעו כי קמו מהומות בממשלתו מבית כשפרץ לוקולוס אל ארץ ארמֶניה.",
+                    "ד. בימים ההם חלתה אלכסנדרה ואריסטובולוס בנה הצעיר מצא לו שעת הכֹּשר להפיק זממו. ובעזרת אנשי שלומו — כי ידידים רבים היו לו וכלם אהבוהו על אֹמץ רוחו — כבש את כל מבצרי הארץ ובכסף אשר מצא שם אסף לו שכירי מלחמה והכריז את עצמו למלך. וכאשר התאונן הורקנוס על הדבר הזה באזני אמו, חמלה עליו ושמה את אשת אריסטובולוס ואת בניו במאסר באנטוניה — היא המצודה הסמוכה להר־הבית מצד צפון, ונקראה לפנים, כאשר דברתי למעלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פרק ג, י״ג.</i>, בשם בַּרִיס (הבירה) ואחרי־כן קבלה את שמה החדש לכבוד המושל אנטוניוס, כדבר אשר נקראו לכבוד אוגוסטוס (סבסטוס) ועל שם אגריפס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקיסר אוגוסטוס, הראשון במלכי רומא, וידידו וחתנו ופסניוס אגריפה (Agrippa).</i> שתי ערים בשמות חדשים סֶבַּסטי ואגריפס. בטרם הספיקה אלכסנדרה לקרא למשפט את בנה, על אשר נסה להרחיק את אחיו מן השלטון, נאספה אל עמה, אחרי אשר נהלה את הממשלה תשע שנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורקנוס יורש אלכסנדרה מחל על המלוכה לטובת אריסטובולוס, ואחרי־כן נעשה למלך מחדש על־ידי חרתת בעזרת אנטיפטרוס ולבסוף קם פומפיוס לשפוט במריבת האחים.</small><br><br>א. אמנם ירֻשת השלטון היתה להורקנוס, כי בידו מסרה אלכסנדרה את המלוכה בחייה, אבל אריסטובולוס עלה עליו בגבורה ובתבונה. וכאשר פרצה ביניהם מלחמה על־דבר השלטון בקרבת יריחו, עזבו רבים את הורקנוס ועברו אל מחנה אריסטובולוס. הורקנוס מהר לברוח עם שארית חילו אל אנטוניה ותפש את בני התערובות, למען יהיו לו לישועה. אלה היו אשת אריסטובולוס וילדיה. אבל בטרם הגיע הדבר לידי איבת־משחית השלימו האחים ביניהם, אריסטובולוס קבל את המלוכה והורקנוס מחל על הממשלה וקבל את כל ההנחות והכבוד כמשפט לאחי המלך. אלה היו תנאי הברית אשר כרתו ביניהם בבית־המקדש לעיני כל העם וחבקו איש את רעהו בברכת שלום ואחרי־כן החליפו את דירותיהם. אריסטובולוס הלך אל ארמון המלך והורקנוס יצא לגור בבית אריסטובולוס.",
+                    "ב. פחד נפל על שונאי אריסטובולוס, כי נוחלה תקותם בהגיעו למלוכה, ויותר מכלם התרגז אנטיפטרוס, שונא אריסטובולוס מימים. האיש הזה היה אדומי מלדה ובגלל יחס אבותיו ועשרו וכבוד ביתו נעשה לראש עמו, והוא עשה שני דברים: את הורקנוס פִּתּה לברוח אל חרתת מלך ערב, לרשת בעזרתו את המלוכה שנית, ועל לב חרתת דבר לקרב את הורקנוס ולהשיבו לכסא שלטונו. כי הרבה לדבר סרה באזני חרתת על אריסטובולוס ועל מדותיו הרעות, והפליג בשבח הורקנוס והעתיר בדברים לקבל אותו ברצון, כי ככה יאות למושל אדיר במלוכה לתמוך בידי העלובים עשוקי המשפט, והן עוֶל גדול נעשה להורקנוס בהלקח ממנו השלטון הראוי לו במשפט הבכורה. ואחרי אשר הצליח ביד אנטיפטרוס להטות את לב שניהם לחפצו לקח את הורקנוס בלילה וברח עמו מתוך העיר ובמנוסת חפזון נמלטו שניהם אל העיר הנקראה בשם הסלע, היא עיר המלוכה בממשלת הערבים. שם מסר את הורקנוס בידי חרתת והפציר בו בדברים וגם קנה את לבו במתנות רבות ויקרות לשלוח בידי הורקנוס צבא להשיבו לגדֻלתו. ומספר הצבא היו חמשים אלף רגלים ורוכבים. ואריסטובולוס לא יכֹל לעמוד בפני השונאים הרבים, כי עזבו אותו אנשיו לנפשו בקרב הראשון, ונדחף אל ירושלים, וכמעט נפל בשבי אויביו, הנלחמים בו ביד חזקה, לולא טרף עליהם סְקַוְרוּס שר צבא הרומאים את השעה והשבית את מצור ירושלים. כי הוא נשלח אל סוריה מארץ ארמניה במצות פּוֹמְפֵּיוּס מַגנוס, הנלחם עם טִיגְרַנֶּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך ארמניה, עיין בפרק הקודם, ג.</i>, ובבואו אל דמשק, אשר זה מקרוב נכבשה בידי מֶטֶּלּוּס וְלוֹלִיּוּס, לרשת את משרות שניהם, שמע על הדברים הנעשים בארץ יהודה ומהר לעלות שמה כאדם הבא על שכרו.",
+                    "ג. כשבא סְקַוְרוּס אל הארץ מהרו לבוא אליו צירי שני האחים, כל אחד בקש ממנו להיות בעזרו. אבל שלש מאות הככר אשר שלח אריסטובולוס הכריעו את שורת הצדק. כי סְקַוְרוּס קבל את הסכום הזה והפיל על הורקנוס ועל הערבים את אימת הרומאים ופומפיוס, למען ירפו ממצור־העיר. חרתת נבהל ועלה מארץ יהודה אל רבת־עמון וסקורוס חזר אל דמשק. ואריסטובולוס לא אמר די בהמלטו מן הפח, כי אסף את כל חילו ורדף אחרי האויבים והשתער עליהם על־יד המקום הנקרא פַּפִּירוֹן והמית מהם יותר מששת אלפים איש ובכללם גם את פַּלִּיוֹן אחי אנטיפטרוס.",
+                    "ד. ובראות הורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס, כי לא יוכלו הערבים לעזור להם, נשאו עתה את עיניהם אל שונאיהם (הרומאים). וכשבא פומפיוס אל ארץ סוריה וסר אל דמשק פנו שניהם אליו לבקש מחסה; הם לא כפרו את פניו במנחה, רק באו לפניו בחזק הטענות הצודקות, אשר בהן הטו את לב חרתת, וחלו את פניו למאֹס במעשי זדון אריסטובולוס ולהשיב את אחיו למלוכה, כי לו יאתה על־פי מדותיו הטובות ומשפט הבכורה. אבל גם אריסטובולוס לא רצה להתמהמה, כי בטח לבו במנחה אשר נתן לסקורוס, ובא גם הוא אל פומפיוס בכל הדר תפארת מלכים. אבל יען אשר לכלמה נחשב בעיניו להתרפס כדרך עבדים, כי לא הסכין להשפיל את עצמו להנאתו יותר מן המדה, שב אל העיר דיון.",
+                    "ה. לדבר הזה התאנף פומפיוס והטה אזניו לתחנות הורקנוס ואנשיו ויצא להלחם באריסטובולוס ולקח עמו את כל צבא הרומאים ורבים מבני־בריתם בסוריה. הוא נסע דרך פחל ובית־שאן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סקִתּוֹפּוֹליס,</i> ובא אל עיר קָרָוֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קוֹרֶאַי, ושמה הערבי עתה קַרָוָא (האלף במקום היוד הערבית, שאינה נשמעת).</i>, אשר שם ראשית גבול ארץ יהודה כשבאים אליה בדרך היבשה, ושם שמע, כי נמלט אריסטובולוס אל אלכסנדריון, הוא מבצר חזק ונהדר בראש הר גבוה, ושלח אליו פקדה בלשון מושל עריץ לרדת מן המבצר. כמעט בחר אריסטובולוס לסכן את נפשו מלמלא אחרי דבר הפקֻדה הזאת; אבל בראותו, כי לא קמה עוד רוח באנשיו, הטה את אזנו לעצת אוהביו, אשר דברו על לבו להתבונן ולזכור, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפני כח הרומאים האדירים, וירד אל פומפיוס והרבה לדבר לפניו וללמד זכות על עצמו, כי בצדק נאה לו המשרה, ואחרי־כן שב אל המצודה. וכאשר תבע אותו אחיו לעמוד לפני כסא פומפיוס, ירד מן המבצר עוד הפעם ודבר עמו על ישר משפטו, ושוב יצא ופומפיוס לא עצרו. וברוח נפעמה, בין תקוה לפחד, ירד עוד הפעם אל פומפיוס להפיל תחנתו לפניו, כי ימסור בידו את כל השלטון — ושוב עלה אל המצודה, לבל יתראה, כי הפקיר את עצמו לפני זמנו. אבל פומפיוס צוה עליו לעזוב את המבצרים, ובדעתו כי שרי המלך קבלו פקֻדה למלא רק אחרי דברי המלך הכתובים בידו, אִלֵּץ את אריסטובולוס לכתוב לכל אחד ולצוות עליו לצאת מן המבצר. אריסטובולוס מלא את הפקֻדה הזאת, אבל התרגז מאד ושב אל ירושלים והתכונן להלחם בפומפיוס.",
+                    "ו. אולם פומפיוס לא נתן לו זמן להתכונן למלחמה ורדף אחריו מיד, כי החליף עוד כח לשמע הבשורה על־דבר מות מתרדת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מתרידתס, מלך פונטוס, איש־ריב לרומאים.</i>, אשר הגיעה אליו בעמדו על־יד יריחו, הוא מקום משמני ארץ יהודה, ושם האדמה מגַדלת הרבה תמרים וגם צרי. את הצרי מוציאים, כשפוצמים בצורי אבנים את תחתית הגזע ומושכים דרך הפצימות את השְׂרף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כדברי רבן שמעון בן גמליאל: ״הצרי אינו אלא שרף הנוטף מעצי הקטף״.</i>. במקום הזה לן פומפיוס עם מחנהו לילה אחד והשכים בבקר ומהר אל ירושלים. אריסטובולוס נבהל לדבר בוא פומפיוס ויצא לקראתו לדבר אליו תחנונים והפיס את דעתו בהבטיחו לתת לו כסף רב וגם למסור בידו את העיר. אבל מכל דברי הברית האלה לא קם אף אחד. כי כשנשלח גביניוס להביא את הכסף מאנו אוהבי אריסטובולוס להכניסו אל העיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נמסרה בידי פומפיוס והוא כבש את בית־המקדש ובכנס אל קדשי־הקדשים, ויתר מעשיו בארץ יהודה.</small><br><br>א. פומפיוס התקצף מאד לדבר הזה ושם על אריסטובולוס משמר ואחרי־כן נגש אל ירושלים לתור לו מקום, אשר ממנו יביא מלחמה בשעריה. הוא ראה את חומות העיר הבצורות, כי לא נתנו להכבש על־נקלה, ואת פי התהום הנוראה לפני החומה ואת הר־הבית המֻקף מצודות חזקות, מעבר לעמק הצר, והבין, כי יהיה למשגב חדש לאויביו, כאשר תפול העיר בידו.",
+                    "ב. זמן רב לא ידע פומפיוס לשית עצות בנפשו, והנה פרצה מריבה בין יושבי העיר, כי אוהבי אריסטובולוס אמרו לצאת במלחמה ולהושיע את המלך, ואנשי שלום הורקנוס רצו לפתוח את שערי העיר לפני פומפיוס, ומספרם הלך הלוך וגדול, מפני הפחד אשר אחז את העם למראה טכסיסי הרומאים הנאדרים. כאשר נגפה כת אריסטובולוס, נסוגה אחור אל הר־הבית ושרפה את הגשר המחבר אותו עם העיר והתכוננה לעמוד בפני האויב עד כלות כחותיה. אולם הכת השניה הכניסה את הרומאים אל העיר והסגירה בידם את ארמון המלך ופומפיוס הפקיד על העיר את פִּיסוֹן, אחד משרי החילים, ושלח אותו שמה בראש צבאו. פיסון העמיד חיל־מצב בכל פנות ירושלים וכאשר נבצר ממנו למשוך אליו בדברים את הפליטים אשר בבית־המקדש ולכרות אתם ברית, הכין סביב הר־הבית את כל צרכי המלחמה, למען הבקיע אל המקום בחזק־יד ואנשי הורקנוס נהלו אותו בעצותיהם וגם עזרו לו במעשים.",
+                    "ג. פומפיוס צוה לסתום את החריץ לצד צפון ואת העמק כֻּלּוֹ, ואנשי חילו הביאו את כל החֹמר הדרוש לחפצו. אבל קשה היה למלא את החלל, כי היה עמֹק מאד, והיהודים מעל החומה עצרו את עושי המלאכה בכל מאמצי כחותיהם. וכמעט לא עלה בידי הרומאים להשלים את עמלם, לולא שמר פומפיוס את מועדי השבתות, אשר בהם היהודים נזהרים מכל מלאכה על־פי חקי עבודת אלהיהם, וצוה להגביה בימים האלה את הסוללה ומנע את אנשיו לצאת למלחמת־תנופה על היהודים, כי רק לשמור על נפשותיהם הם נלחמים ביום השבת. והנה נסתם פי העמק ופומפיוס צוה להעלות מגדלים גבוהים על הסוללה והקריב את מכונות המלחמה המובאות מצוֹר ונסה להרעיש את חומות הר־הבית אחרי אשר גרשו הבליסטראות את היהודים העומדים לו לשטן על החומה. אבל מגדלי הר־הבית במקום הזה, הנפלאים בגדלם ובהדרם, החזיקו מעמד זמן רב.",
+                    "ד. בשעת התלאות והרעות הרבות, אשר מצאו את הרומאים הצרים על העיר, התבונן פומפיוס לדרכי היהודים והשתומם לאֹמץ־רוחם וכֹח־סבלם ועל כֹּל נפלא בעיניו, כי לא הרפו מעבודת אלהיהם בהתהלכם בין חצים מעופפים ואבני־קלע. כאלו שלטה בעיר מנוחה שלמה מעברים הֹעלו קרבנות התמיד דבר יום ביומו ונעשו כל הטבילות ויתר מנהגי עבודת האלהים לכל פרטיהם ודקדוקיהם. וגם בעצם היום שבו נכבש הר־הבית לא הפסיקו הכהנים את קרבנות היום כחק לעבודת האלהים, אף כי נהרגו לפני המזבח. כי בחדש השלישי למצור עלה בידי הרומאים בקשי להרוס אחד המגדלים ולבקוע בהר־הבית. הראשון אשר מלאו לבו לעלות על החומה היה פַוְסְטוּס קוֹרְנֶלְיוּס בן סוּלָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סולה הוא הדיקטטור הידוע ברומא.</i> ואחריו עלו שני שרי מאות פוּרִיוּס ופַבִּיוּס, ואחרי כל אחד מהם עלו אנשי גדודו והקיפו את הר־הבית מכל רוח והמיתו את אלה [מן היהודים] בעת מנוסתם אל ההיכל ואת אלה — אחרי עמדם על נפשם זמן־מה.",
+                    "ה. ורבים מן הכהנים ראו את האויבים עולים עליהם בחרבות שלופות ולא חתו מפניהם ונשארו על עמדם לעבוד את אלהיהם. ובעוד הם זורקים את דם הקרבן ומתקנים את מעשה הקטרת נשחטו על זבחיהם, כי עבודת האלהים קדמה בעיניהם להצלת נפשם. רבים נהרגו בחרב אחיהם הקמים עליהם ורבים לאין־מספר הפילו את עצמם מראשי המגדלים. ומקצתם יצאו מדעתם למראה הפרענות ושלחו אש מסביב לחומה ונשרפו חיים. מן היהודים נהרגו שנים־עשר אלף איש, ומהרומאים נפלו רק מעטים חללים, אך גדול מהם היה מספר הנפצעים.",
+                    "ו. אולם בעצם הצרות הנוראות האלה לא נגע שום אסון עד נפש העם כמעשה חִלול חביון הקדש בידי זרים. כי פומפיוס נכנס יחד עם בני־לויתו אל ההיכל למקום, ששמה היה מֻתּר לבוא לכהן הגדול בלבד, וראה את המקדש לפני ולפנים, את המנורה ואת השלחן ואת כלי הנסכים ואת כלי הקטרת, כֻּלָּם זהב טהור, ואת סמי הקטֹרת הצבורים וגם את אוצר כסף הקדש, אשר הגיע לאלפַּים ככר. הוא לא שלח את ידו באוצר וגם לא ביתר כלי הקדש, ולמחרת יום כִּבוש הר־הבית צוה על משרתי ההיכל לטהר את המקדש ולהעלות את הקרבנות כחק. הוא הקים את הורקנוס לכהן גדול, בהכירו לו טובה על אשר התמכר למלא ברצון את מצוותיו בשעת המצור וגם הסיר לב רבים מעם הארץ מאחרי אריסטובולוס, כאשר בקשוֹ לבוא לעזרתו. בעבור הדבר הזה עשה פומפיוס מעשה שר־צבא מחֻכּם, למשוך אליו את לב העם מאהבה ולא מיראה. בין השבויים נתפש חותן אריסטובולוס אשר היה גם דודו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שמו היה אבשלום (קדמוניות י״ד, ה, ד).</i>. פומפיוס צוה לכרות את ראשי חַיבי המלחמה בגרזן ולפוסטוס ולחבריו, אשר הראו את גבורתם במלחמה, נתן מתנות יקרות, וגם שם מס על הארץ ועל ירושלים.",
+                    "ז. הוא קרע מגבול היהודים גם את ערי חילת־סוריה, אשר כבשו לפנים במלחמה, ושם אותן תחת פקדת נציב הרומאים וסגר את היהודים בגבולות נחלתם לבד. הוא בנה מחדש את גֶּדֶר, שנהרסה בידי היהודים, מאהבתו לדימיטריוס הגרדי, אחד עבדיו המשחררים. הוא שחרר גם מעֹל היהודים את הערים בתוך הארץ, שלא הספיקו להרסן: את סוסִיתָא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הִפוס.</i> ובית־שאן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סקִתופּוֹליס.</i> ואת פחל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פֶּלָּה.</i> ואת שמרון ואת יבנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ימניה.</i> ואת מרשה ואת אשדוד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אזוטוס.</i> ואת ארתוסה. וככה עשה לערי שפת הים: לעזה ולדאר וגם לעיר אשר נקראה בראשונה מגדל סטרטון ואחרי־כן נבנתה מחדש ברב פאר והדר על־ידי המלך הורדוס ונקראה בשם חדש: קיסרי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קיסריה. שמה בתלמוד בבלי קיסרי ובתלמוד ירושלמי קיסרין.</i> את כל הערים האלה השיב פומפיוס לתושבים השוכנים בהן וספח אותן על הנציבות הסורית. את הנציבות הזאת עם ארץ יהודה וכל הארץ אשר בין מצרים ובין נהר פרת נתן לסקורוס לצוות עליהן והפקיד בידו שני לגיונות. ואחרי־כן מהר לנסוע אל רומא דרך ארץ קִילִיקִיָּה והוליך אִתּוֹ בשבי את אריסטובולוס עם משפחתו, כי שתי בנות ושני בנים היו לו. ואחד הבנים, אלכסנדרוס, נמלט בהיותם בדרך ואנטיגנוס הבן השני הוּבל אל רומא עם אחיותיו יחד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס הנמלט משבי פומפיוס נלחם עם הורקנוס, אבל הכה על־ידי גביניוס ומסר בידו את המבצרים, אחרי־כן ברח אריסטובולוס מרומא ואסף אליו צבא, אך נֻצח בידי הרומאים והושב אל רומא. ויתר מעשי גביניוס וקרסוס וקסיוס.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם פרץ סקורוס בארץ ערב, אך נבצר ממנו להגיע עד הסלע מפני קשי הדרכים. הוא החרים את כל הארץ מסביב, אף כי תלאה קשה מצאה אותו: חיל צבאו התענה ברעב והורקנוס עזר לו בצרה ושלח אליו צידה בידי אנטיפטרוס. וסקורוס ידע, כי אנטיפטרוס הוא איש־שלום לחרתת ושלח אותו אליו לדבר עמו, כי ישלם לו כסף, והוא ישים קץ למלחמה. הערבי התרצה לשלם שלש מאות ככר, ואחרי זאת עזב סקורוס עם חילו את ארץ ערב.",
+                    "ב. ואלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס, אשר נמלט משבי פומפיוס, אסף מקץ ימים חיל גדול והציק להורקנוס, כי עבר בכל ארץ יהודה וכמעט שם קץ לשלטונו, כי כבר ערב את לבו לגשת אל ירושלים ולבנות מחדש את חומתה, אשר נהרסה בידי פומפיוס. אך גבּיניוס, אשר נשלח אל ארץ סוריה לרשת את משרת סקורוס וכבר הראה את כחו במלחמות רבות, יצא לקראת אלכסנדרוס. ואלכסנדרוס ירא מפניו והרבה את מספר צבאו עד אשר היו לו עשרת אלפים רגלים וחמש מאות רוכבים, וגם בצר את מעזי הארץ ובנה את חומת אלכסנדריון והורקניה ומכוֵר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: מכירוס.</i>, אשר מול הרי ערב.",
+                    "ג. גביניוס שלח לפניו את חלק צבאו בידי מרקוס אנטוניוס ונסע אחריו עם כל חילו, וגם בחורי החיל אשר לאנטיפטרוס ויתר צבא היהודים ובראשם מַלּיךְ ופיתוליאוס התחברו עם שרי החילים אשר למרקוס אנטוניוס ויצאו יחד לקראת אלכסנדרוס למלחמה, וכעבור זמן קצר בא גם גביניוס עם צבאו. ואלכסנדרוס לא התמהמה עד אשר יתחברו צבאות שונאיו למחנה אחד, ונסוג אחור מפניהם וכבר נמצא בקרבת ירושלים כאשר הדביקוהו האויבים ואלצוהו להתגרות אתם מלחמה. בקרב הזה אבדו לו ששת אלפים מאנשי צבאו, כי שלשת אלפים נפלו בחרב ושלשת אלפים נלקחו בשביה ועם הנשארים נמלט אלכסנדוס אל מבצר אלכסנדריון.",
+                    "ד. גביניוס עלה על אלכסנדריון ומצא רבים מהיהודים חונים לפני המבצר. הוא נסה לדַבּר אִתּם שלום לפני הקרב והבטיחם להעביר את אשמתם, וכאשר לא רצו לקחת מוסר, המית רבים מהם, ואת הנשארים סגר בתוך המצודה. במלחמה הזאת הפליא לעשות חיל מכל חבריו שר הצבא מרקוס אנטוניוס, אשר אמנם הראה את גבורתו בכל המלחמות, אבל מעולם לא הרבה לעשות גדולות כמעשהו הפעם. גביניוס השאיר צבא לכבוש את המבצר, והוא בעצמו יצא להקים סדרים בערים אשר לא נחרבו עוד [בידי היהודים] ולבנות מחדש את הערים הנחרבות. במצותו נושבו הערים בית־שאן ושֹׁמרון ואנתִּידון ואפּוֹלוֹניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שתי הערים בין יפו ובין מגדל סטרטון. אפולוניה עתה — ארצוף.</i> ויבנה ורפִיה ומרֵשה וַאֲדוֹרַים וגבלא (נ״א גמלא) ואשדוד ועוד ערים רבות ויושביהן הראשונים נהרו אליהן ברצון מעברים.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי הקימו את הדברים האלה שב גביניוס אל אלכסנדריון וחִזק את המצור, עד כי נואש אלכסנדרוס מתקותו ושלח אליו צירים לבקש ממנו חנינה והסגיר אליו את המבצרים הנשארים, את הורקניה ואח מכור, ואחרי־כן מסר בידו גם את אלכסנדריון. את כל המבצרים האלה הרס גביניוס בעצת אם אלכסנדרוס, לבל תפרוץ משם מלחמה חדשה. כי היא באה אל גביניוס לפיסו בדברים, בפחדה לשלום בעלה ויתר בניה השבויים ברומא. ואחרי־כן השיב גביניוס את הורקנוס אל ירושלים ונתן עליו את משמרת בית־המקדש ואת יתר עסקי השלטון מסר לטובי העם. הוא חלק את כל העם לחמשה בתי־דינים. את האחד הקים בירושלים ואת השני בגדר ואת בני הפלך השלישי שם תחת בית־הדין אשר בחמתא, ועל הפלך הרביעי נחשב חבל יריחו ובראש הפלך החמישי הוקמה צפורי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אני משתמש בצורה הרהוטה: על־פי התלמוד הבבלי. בירושלמי: צפורין. ויש גם גרסה צפורים. ביונית: ספפוריס.</i> העיר אשר בגליל. והיהודים שמחו, כי נפדו משלטון היחיד, ומהיום והלאה ינהלו אותם טובי אחיהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״אריסטוקרטיה״ (שלטון טובי העם).</i>.",
+                    "ו. כעבור זמן קצר קמו מהומות חדשות בארץ על־ידי אריסטובולוס, אשר ברח מרומא וקרא למרד ויהודים רבים נלוו אליו, אלה — מתאות־מהפכה ואלה — מאהבתם הישנה אליו. בראשונה כבש את אלכסנדריון ונסה לבנות את חומותיה, אבל כאשר נודע לו, כי שלח עליו גביניוס למלחמה את הצבא אשר לסִיסִינה ולאנטוניוס ולסֶרוִיָּנוֹס, מהר לעלות משם ופנה אל מכוֵר. הוא שלח מעליו את ההמון, אשר לא צלח למלחמה, ונהל עמו רק את אנשי הצבא המזֻיָּנים במספר שמונת אלפים איש. ובכללם היה גם פיתולאוס סגן־הצבא בירושלים, אשר עבר אליו עם אלף איש. הרומאים רדפו אחרי היהודים והתנגחו אתם, אנשי אריסטובולוס נלחמו בגבורה והחזיקו מעמד זמן רב, אבל אחרי־כן לחצו אותם הרומאים וחמשת אלפים מהם נפלו בחרב ואלפים שרדו אל גבעה אחת ואלף הנשארים ואריסטובולוס בראשם בקעו להם דרך בין מערכות הרומאים ומהרו אל מכוֵר. ושם לן המלך לילה אחד בין החרבות וקוה, כי עוד יצליח בידו לאסוף חיל חדש, אם יתנו לו הרומאים להנפש מהמלחמה, וגם חִזק מעט את המבצר ההרוס. כאשר התנפלו עליו הרומאים נלחם אתם בגבורה נפלאה למעלה מכחותיו ועמד בפניהם שני ימים ואחרי־כן נפל בשבי יחד עם אנטיגנוס בנו, אשר ברח יחד עמו מרומא, והובא אל גבּיניוס אסור בנחֻשתים וגביניוס שלח אותו עוד הפעם אל רומא. ומועצת הזקנים עצרה אותו ברומא ואת בניו שלחה אל ארץ יהודה, אחרי אשר הודיע גביניוס במכתב, כי הבטיח את הדבר הזה לאשת אריסטובולוס בשכר המצודות שנמסרו בידו.",
+                    "ז. וגביניוס אמר בלבו לצאת למלחמה על הפרחים, והנה עמד לו תלמי לשטן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לתלמי האחד־עשר (אַוְלֶטָס) מלך מצרים, אשר גֹרש על־ידי העם והרומאים מלאו את ידי גביניוס להשיבו לכסאו.</i>, ולמענו שב מנהר פרת וירד אל ארץ מצרים והורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס הִרבּו להיטיב לו במסע־המלחמה הזה, כי אנטיפטרוס הביא לו כסף וכלי־נשק ולחם וגם חיל־עזר ומלבד־זאת פִּתָּה את יהודי מצרים השומרים על המעבר בקרבת העיר סין<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סין הוא השם העברי של פלוסיון (Pelusium), העיר הסוככת על המצר המחבר את מצרים אל סוריה (עכשו מֵצר סואז).</i> לעזור לגביניוס, אבל הנה עברה רוח מרד בכל ארץ סוריה בצאת גביניוס ממנה, וגם אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס התקומם מחדש ואסף לו חיל גדול מאד ואמר בלבו לבער את כל הרומאים מן הארץ. לשֵׁמע דבַר המבוכות מהר גביניוס לשוב אל ארץ סוריה, וכאשר נודע לו מעשה אלכסנדרוס, ירא מפניו ושלח לפניו את אנטיפטרוס להטות לב חלק המורדים מאחרי אלכסנדרוס, והדבר עלה בידו. ואחרי כל זאת נשארו לאלכסנדרוס שלשים אלף איש וגביניוס גמר להתגרות בו מלחמה, ויצא לקרב והיהודים יצאו לקראתו. וכשנפגשו שני האויבים על־יד הר תבור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: איטבוריון.</i> נפלו עשרת אלפים מן היהודים בחרב ושאריתם נפוצו לכל רוח, וגביניוס בא אל ירושלים וסדר את המדינה כרצון אנטיפטרוס ומשם עלה על הנבָטים והכה אותם במלחמה ושלח לחפשי בסתר את מתרדת ואת אורסן, אשר נמלטו מארץ הפרתים, ובמחנה הצבא הפיץ שמועה, כי ברחו האנשים שלא מדעתו.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה ירש קרסוס את משרתו בסוריה ובא אל הארץ. בצאת קרסוס למלחמה על הפרתים בזז את בית־המקדש בירושלים, בהוציאו ממנו את אלפַּים הככר, אשר לא נגע בהם פומפיוס, ואת כל יתר הזהב. וכאשר עבר את נהר פרת נספה במלחמה, הוא וצבאו עמו יחד. ואין פה המקום לדבר בזה.",
+                    "ט. אחרי מפלת קרסוס מהרו הפרתים לפשוט על ארץ סוריה, אבל קסיוס, שנמלט מחרב הפרתים אל גבול הנציבות (סוריה), גרש אותם משם. ואחרי השקיטו את הארץ מהר לעלות על ארץ יהודה וכבש את טריכי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיר בגליל, שנזכרה כמה פעמים בספר הזה. שמה ביונית: טרכאי, רב החוקרים חושבים, שהיא העיר הנקראת בספרות התלמודית מגדל־נוניה (או נוניא) או סתם מגדל, מגדלא (מחוקרי ישראל גראץ, — וגם קלין). ויש אומרים, כי היא בית־ירח או בית־אריח (ניבויאר).</i> ומכר שלשים אלף מיושביה היהודים לעבדים וגם המית את פיתולאוס, אשר הרים יד ברומאים יחד עם אוהבי אריסטובולוס. ובמעשה הרצח הזה היה אנטיפטרוס יועץ לקסיוס. אנטיפטרוס נשא אשה ממשפחה חשובה בערב ושמה קפרוס, והיא ילדה לו ארבעה בנים, את פצאל ואת הורדוס, אשר היה אחרי־כן למלך, ואחריהם את יוסף ואת פְרוֹרא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית פֶרוֹרַס.</i> ועוד בת אחת, היא שלמית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אני משתמש בשם המקראי. ביונית סלומי.</i>. ואחרי אשר הטה אנטיפטרוס אליו את לב התקיפים בכל המקומות באהבה ובמתנות, משך אליו את מלך ערב, כי התחתן עם משפחתו. ובצאתו למלחמה על אריסטובולוס שלח אליו להפקיד על־ידו את בנו. אחרי־כן הכריח קסיוס גם את אלכסנדרוס לכרות ברית ולשבת במנוחה, ושב אל נהר פרת לבלי תת את הפרתים לעברו, ועל זה נדבר במקום אחר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אריסטובולוס נהרג בידי אוהבי פומפיוס ובנו אלכסנדרוס בימי סציפיון. אנטיפטרוס גמל חסד עם צֵיזר והראה את גבורתו בעזרו למתרדת במלחמה.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר ברחו פומפיוס ואנשי המועצה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הסנט. המעשה ידוע מדברי ימי רומא.</i> מעבר לים יון וציזר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קיסר. ואני משתמש בצורה הרומאית, כדי להבדיל בינו ובין ״קיפר״ במובן מושל.</i> כבש את רומא ותפש את השלטון, קרא דרור לאריסטובולוס ממאסרו ונתן בידו שני לגיונות ושלח אותו בחפזון אל סוריה, בקוותו כי על־ידי האיש הזה ימשוך את לב יושבי המדינה, ארץ יהודה וכל הארצות אשר מסביב, אבל קנאת אדם הֵפֵרה את מחשבת אריסטובולוס הטובה והובישה את תקות ציזר. כי הומת אריסטובולוס ברעל, אשר הגישו לו אוהבי פומפיוס, וימים רבים לא זכה להקבר בארץ אבותיו. כי גופתו נצפנה בדבש למשמרת עד אשר נשלחה בידי אנטוניוס אל היהודים להקבר בין עצמות המלכים.",
+                    "ב. גם בנו אלכסנדרוס מת, כי סציפיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מטלוס סציפיון, חותן פומפיוס, היה אז נציב בסוריה.</i> התיז את ראשו בגרזן בעיר אנטיוכיה במצות פומפיוס, אחרי אשר תבע אותו לבית־דין בדבר הנזק אשר עולל לרומאים. ואת אחי אלכסנדרוס אסף אליו תלמי בן מינאי, אשר משל בארץ כלקיס בהרי הלבנון, כי שלח את בנו פיליפיון אל אשקלון להביאם אליו והוא הוציא את אנטיגנוס ואת שתי אחיותיו בחזקה מידי אמם והביא אותם אל אביו. פיליפיון חשק באחת הבנות ולקח אותה לאשה ובגלל הדבר הזה נהרג אחרי־כן בידי אביו. ותלמי נשא את אלכסנדרה לאשה אחרי המיתו את בנו, ולרגלי הנשואים האלה משך חסד רב לאחותה ולאחיה.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי מות פומפיוס עבר אנטיפטרוס אל ציזר ושרת אותו. כאשר הוליך מתרדת איש פרגמוס את צבאו אל ארץ מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">להציל את ציזר הנמצא במצור באלכסנדריה.</i> ונעצר על־יד מעבר סין והתמהמה באשקלון, הטה אנטיפטרוס את לב הערבים הנאמנים בבריתו לצאת לעזרתו וגם הוא בא אליו להושיעו עם שלשת אלפים אנשי צבא מזֻינים מחיל היהודים, ואף את לב תקיפי סוריה הטה לחזק את ידי הרומאים, כי משך אליו את תלמי היושב בלבנון ואת יַמְלִיכוֹ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ימבליכוס, אחד ממושלי הערבים, אשר התישבו בגבול סוריה.</i>, ואחריהם נתנו כל הערים ברצון את ידן למלחמה. ולמראה חיל העוזרים הרב, שהביא לו אנטיפטרוס, התאזר מתרדת עז ומהר אל מעבר סין, וכאשר לא נתנו לו בני העיר לעבור, שם עליה מצור. במלחמה על העיר הזאת עשה לו אנטיפטרוס שם בגבורים, כי מהר להבקיע את חלק החומה אשר נטל עליו לכבשו וקפץ ראשון אל תוך העיר עם אנשי צבאו.",
+                    "ד. ככה נפלה סין. וכאשר עבר מתרדת את המקום סגרו בפניו את הדרך יושבי הארץ המכֻנה בשם חוניו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מקום בקצה יאור מצרים (בארץ גשן העתיקה), שהתישב שם חוניו (עיין לעיל, פרק א) ונקרא על שמו, ורב יושביו היו יהודים.</i>, והם היו יהודי מצרים. אבל אנטיפטרוס הצליח לפתותם לבל יתיצבו בפני צבאו — ולא זו בלבד, כי הטה גם את לבם להספיק לחיל כל צרכיו, ועל־כן לא התגרו גם יושבי נף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או מף, מנפי (ממפיס).</i> מלחמה ברומאים, כי־אם נלוו ברצון על צבא מתרדת. והוא הספיק לעבור את הדלתה ויצא להלחם עם שארית המצרים במקום הנקרא בשם ״מחנה היהודים״. בעת המערכה נמצא כל אגף הצבא הימני בצרה גדולה, ואנטיפטרוס הצילו מרעה בהקיפו את האויב מצד שפת הנהר. כי הוא עמד בראש האגף השמאלי וכבר הספיק להתגבר על הצרים העומדים לנגדו ואחרי־כן התנפל מאחור על הרודפים אחרי מתרדת והמית בהט רבים ולנשארים הציק מאד, עד אשר עלה בידו לכבוש גם את מחנם. ומכל צבאו נפלו רק שמונים איש ולעמת זאת אבדו למתרדת שמונה מאות איש בעת אשר פנה ערף לפני האויב. ככה נחלץ מתרדת מן המצר, אף כי כבר נואש במעט מתקוה, ובלי קנאה העיד לפני ציזר על הגבורות אשר עשו ידי אנטיפטרוס.",
+                    "ה. וציזר הרבה להודות לאנטיפטרוס ונתן לו תקוה טובה, ובזה חִזק אותו בבריתו והעירהו לחרף את נפשו עליו ובכל המלחמות הראה אנטיפטרוס את אֹמץ לבו הגדול וגם נפצע פצעים רבים, עד אשר כסו אותות גבורתו את כל בשרו. וכאשר הקים ציזר את המנוחה ואת הסדרים בארץ מצרים ועלה אל ארץ סוריה נתן לאנטיפטרוס משפט אזרח רומאי ועשה אותו חפשי בארץ וכבד אותו כבוד רב ונשא את ראשו באהבה לעיני כֹל, עד אשר קנאו רבים בו. ועל־ידי אנטיפטרוס הקים ציזר גם את משפט הכהֻנה הגדולה בידי הורקנוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ציזר הקים את אנטיפטרוס למנהיג ביהודה. אנטיפטרוס הקים את פצאל לשר־צבא בירושלים ואת הורדוס לנציב בגליל. לקץ זמן קצר נתבע הורדוס לבית־דין ונצל מהמשפט. סקסטוס ציזר נפל בשחיתות בסוס ואת משרתו ירש מורקוס.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם בא גם אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס אל ציזר ועזר שלא ברצונו לגדל את כבוד אנטיפטרוס, כי תחת אשר היה עליו להרים צעקת שבר על מות אביו, אשר הומת ברעל לרגלי הסכסוכים בינו ובין פומפיוס, וכן גם להתאונן על הרשעה אשר עשה סציפיון לאחיו מבלי לחלל את בקשות הרחמים בדברי קנאה ושנאה — בא ללמד חובה על הורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס, אשר הפרו כל חֹק בגרשם אותו עם אחיותיו מנחלת אבותיהם, וטען עליהם, כי הם מרבים לרעוץ את העם בגאות זדונם, וגם בשלחם עזרה לציזר אל מצרים לא עשו זאת מאהבה, כי־אם מיראתם אותו ורצו בזה למחות את זכר מריבותיהם הישנות עמו ולהשכיחו את אהבתם לפומפיוס.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה קרע אנטיפטרוס את בגדיו מעליו והראה את פצעיו וקרא, כי למותר לו לדבר על אהבתו ואמונתו לציזר, כי גם אם יחריש למו פיו, הן יצעק קול דמי בשרו. ויחד עם זה אמר, כי נפלאה בעיניו עזות פני אנטיגנוס זה, אשר הוא בן איש צורר הרומאים ועבד הרומאים הבורח מפניהם, וגם בו דבקו מדות אביו, רוח פרצים ואהבת מריבה, ועוד הוא מנסה להוציא דִבּה על אחרים באזני מושל הרומאים ומקוה למצא טובת־הנאה תחת אשר עליו לשמוח כי נשאר בחיים, וגם הפעם אינו דורש את חלקו בממשלה להמלט ממחסור וממצוק, כי־אם להקים מריבות בין היהודים ולהפוך את חסדי הרומאים להם לקללה.",
+                    "ג. כשמוע ציזר את הדברים האלה הוציא משפטו, כי הורקנוס ראוי יותר לכהנה גדולה ונתן לאנטיפטרוס לבחֹר במשרה כטוב בעיניו. אנטיפטרוס מסר את מדת המתנה בידי הנותן והוקם למנהל (אפיטרופוס) בכל ארץ יהודה וגם קבל רשות לבנות את חומת ירושלים ההרוסה. ואת פרשת הגדֻלה הזאת צוה ציזר לחרות על לוח במקדש הקפיטוליון להיות לעֵד צדקת אנטיפטרוס ולזכרון מעלותיו הטובות.",
+                    "ד. ואנטיפטרוס שִׁלח את ציזר בצאתו מסוריה ושב אל ארץ יהודה. וראשית מעשהו היתה לבנות את חומת ירושלים, אשר נהרסה בידי פומפיוס, ואחרי־כן עבר בארץ והשקיט את המהומה, כי הטיל את אימתו על כל אדם וגם נתן לו עצה טובה לדעת, כי דורשי טובת הורקנוס יחיו בעשר ובמנוחה ויהנו מנכסיהם וישמחו בברכת השלום. אבל האיש אשר ישמע לדברי מחרחרי הריב, ההולכים אחרי בצעם, וישא את נפשו לתקוות כוזבות, ימצא בו (באנטיפטרוס) רודה אכזרי תחת מנהיג־חסד ובהורקנוס שליט עריץ תחת מלך רחום והרומאים עם ציזר יהיו שונאים לאיש ההוא ולא מאַשרים ואוהבים, כי לא יתנו לקחת את השלטון מידי האנשים, אשר שמו אותם לראש. ועם הדברים האלה הקים אנטיפטרוס בלבדו סדר בארץ, בראותו כי הורקנוס הוא איש נרפה ואין בו כח למלוך. את פצאל בכור בניו שם לשר־צבא בירושלים וסביבותיה ולהורדוס הנולד אחריו נתן את המשרה הזאת בארץ הגליל, בשלחו אותו שמה, אף כי היה עוד צעיר לימים.",
+                    "ה. והורדוס היה בעל מעשים מתכונתו ומצא תכף חֹמר לפעֻלה, להראות את אֹמץ רוחו. הוא תפש את חזקיה ראש השודדים, אשר פשט בגדוד רב על המקומות הסמוכים בסוריה, והמית אותו ועוד שודדים רבים, ובדבר הזה, משך את לבות הסורים לאהבה אותו מאד ובכל עריהם וכפריהם היה שמו מרומם על כל לשון, כי השיב להם את השלום והציל את רכושם, וככה הגיע שמו הטוב גם לאזני סקסטוס ציזר, הקרוב לציזר הגדול והנציב בארץ סוריה. ופצאל התחרה באחיו מקנאה טובה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: בריב טוב — תבונת האדם המכיר מעלותיו של חברו ומשתדל להיות כמוהו או להחכימו.</i> והוסיף למשוך אליו את אהבת יושבי ירושלים, ואף כי שלט בעיר על דעת עצמו, לא רמו עיניו במשרתו ולא עטה חרפה על כבודו. ככה זכה אנטיפטרוס לתפארת מלכים בעיני העם ולכבוד גדול בכל הליכותיו כמושל עליון בארץ, ובכל־זאת לא הסיר את חסדו ואת אמִתו מהורקנוס.",
+                    "ו. אבל לא נתן בידי האדם להמלט מקנאת הבריות בעת טובתו! עוד לפני זה אכלה קנאה את לב הורקנוס במסתרים לשמע מַהלל הצעירים, ויותר מכֹּל התעצב על מעשי גבורת הורדוס, והרצים התכופים, אשר באו לפרסם את שמו כפעם בפעם, היו לקוץ בעיני הורקנוס. ובחצר המלך חזקו את קנאתו הולכי־רכיל רבים, אשר חכמת אנטיפטרוס ובניו עמדה להם לשטן, והם דברו באזני הורקנוס, כי בעזבו את השלטון בידי אנטיפטרוס ובניו השאיר לו רק שם מלך לבד, אבל אין לו חלק בממשלה, וגם שאלו אותו, עד מתי יתן להוליך עצמו שולל ויַגדל מלכים לצנינים בצדיו? הן גם עתה אינם מסתפקים במשרת נציבותם, כי־אם נוהגים ממשלה ברמה, כאלו הורידוהו מגדלתו. ועל כן המית הורדוס אנשים רבים ועבר על חֻקי היהודים בזדון מבלי לחכות לפקדתו ומבלי לשאול את פיו ואם הורדוס אינו מלך, רק הדיוט בלבד, עליו לתת את הדין לפני הורקנוס על־פי חֻקי האבות, האוסרים להמית אנשים בלי משפט.",
+                    "ז. לדברים האלה התלקחה חמת הורקנוס מעט מעט, ולמען הפיג את כעסו תבע את הורדוס למשפט. והורדוס שמע לעצת אביו ובטח במעשיו ונסע אל ירושלים, אחרי אשר העמיד חיל משמר בכל ארץ הגליל. הוא בא אל העיר בגדוד חזק — כי לא רצה להכנס שמה בחיל עצום, לבל יֵרָאה בעיני הבריות, כי הוא אומר להוריד את הורקנוס ממשרתו, ובזה גלה לכל, כי לא באפס־יד יסגיר את נפשו בידי מקנאיו. וסקסטוס ציזר חרד לגורל העלם, פן ימצאהו אסון בהלכדו בידי שונאיו, ועל־כן שלח אל הורקנוס להודיעהו דבר מבֹאר, כי עליו לפטור את הורדוס מדיני נפשות. והורקנוס התכַּוֵן בעצמו לדבר הזה מאהבתו את הורדוס ושלח אותו לחפשי.",
+                    "ח. והורדוס אמר בלבו, כי נמלט מהמשפט למרת־רוח המלך ויצא אל דמשק לעמוד לפני סקסטוס וגמר אמר לבל יוסיף לשמוע בקול הורקנוס כאשר יתבע אותו לדין עוד הפעם. ואנשי הבליעל לא חדלו להפיח את כעס הורקנוס, באמרם כי יצא הורדוס בחרי־אף לאסוף את צבאו ולעלות עליו למלחמה. והמלך האמין לדבר, אך היה אובד עצות, בראותו כי איש־ריבו גדול ממנו בכחו. וכאשר הוקם הורדוס על־פי סקסטוס ציזר לשר־צבא בבל ארץ חילת־סוריה ושמרון, ונוסף על חנו בעיני העם היה גם נורא בכח שלטונו, גדל פחד הורקנוס מאד־מאד, והוא חִכּה, כי עוד מעט יעלה עליו הורדוס למלחמה ברב חילו.",
+                    "ט. ואמנם מגורת הורקנוס לא היתה לשוא. כי בחרונו על המשפטי, אשר זממו לעשות לו, אסף הורדוס צבא ועלה על ירושלים להוריד את הורקנוס מגדלתו. וכמעט מלא את מחשבתו, לולא יצאו לקראתו אביו ואחיו וכבשו את כעסו, בהשביעם אותו לצאת ידי חובת נקמתו באימה אשר הפיל על הורקנוס, בהעבירו לפניו את צבאותיו, ולחמול על המלך, אשר מידו בא לו כל החיל חזה, כי הן גם אם תקף עליו רגזו כאשר נתבע לדין, עליו להכיר טובה לאיש, אשר הצילו מרעה, ולא לשלם בעד העול הנעשה לו לבד ולכפות את טובתו על פדות נפשו. — ואם ישיב אל לבו, כי גורל המלחמה הוא בידי אלהים, יבין, כי לא יצליח העול ברב כח. ולכן אין עליו לבטוח בלבב שלם בנצחונו, כשהוא מתכּוֵּן להרים יד במלכו ואוהבו, שגמל לו חסד כפעם בפעם ומעולם לא הקשה ידו עליו, מלבד אשר הטה פעם אחת את אזניו לדברי יועצי רעה ועשה לו צל־עול. והורדוס נעתר לדברים האלה, בחשבו כי די בעבור תקוותיו לעתיד בזה, שהראה את כּחו לעם ירושלים.",
+                    "י. בימים ההם פרצה מהומה בקרב הרומאים השוכנים בגבול אפמיה ומלחמת־אחים קמה ביניהם, כי צִיצִיליוס בַּסּוּס, אשר היה מאוהבי פומפיוס, המית במרמה את סקסטוס ציזר ולקח לו את שלטונו. ויתר שרי החילות. אשר לציזר מהרו שמה עם צבאותיהם לקחת את נקמת הרצח. ובאהבתו לנרצח ולציזר החי גם יחד שלח להם אנטיפטרוס חיל־עזר בידי בניו. המלחמה נמשכה עד שבא מוּרקוּס מארץ איטליה וירש את משרת סקסטוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס הוקם לנציב בכל ארץ סוריה ומליך ירא מפניו והמית את אנטיפטרוס. שרי האלף מסכימים להמית את מליך.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם קמה מלחמה גדולה בין הרומאים, כי קסיוס וברוטוס המיתו את ציזר במרמה, אחרי שעמד בראש הממשלה כשלש שנים ושבעה חדשים. לרגלי הרצח הזה התחוללה מהומה גדולה והשליטים רבו ביניהם, וכל איש שעה בתקוותיו ונמשך אחרי המפלגה אשר אמר למצא בה חפץ. וקסיוס בא אל סוריה להטות אליו את הצבא החונה ליד אפמיה. הוא הקים שלום בין בסוס ובין מורקוס ופדה את אפמיה ממצור והתיצב בעצמו בראש הצבא ויצא להטיל מס על הערים. ונגש מהן את תבואות המסים בחזק־יד.",
+                    "ב. כשנגזר גם על היהודים לשלם שבע מאות ככר, ירא אנטיפטרוס מאימת קסיוס ומלא את ידי בניו ואנשים אחרים מהקרובים אליו לגבות את הכסף מהרה. ובכללם הקים לגובה־מסים גם את מַליך, אחד מאנשי־ריבו, כי השעה היתה דוחקת. הורדוס היה הראשון, אשר הפיס את דעת קסיוס, בהביאו לו את מכסת הכסף העולה בחלקו מארץ הגליל, מאה ככר, ובדבר הזה מצא חן בעיניו מאד. ועם הנשארים דבר קסיוס קשות, כי התרפו במלאכתם, וגם על הערים העיר את כל חמתו: את יושבי גוֹפנא ואמאוס ושתי ערים קטנות מכר לעבדים, והלך להמית את מליך על אשר לא מהר לנגוש את המס. אבל אנטיפטרוס פדה אותו ממות ואת יתר הערים מכליון, כי מהר לכפר את פני קסיוס במאה ככר.",
+                    "ג. אבל בעלות קסיוס מן הארץ לא זכר מליך את חסדי אנטיפטרוס וטמן פח לרגלי האיש הזה, אשר הושיעהו מצרה לא פעם ולא שתים, והתנכל עליו להמיתו על אשר עמד לשטן למעשי רשעתו. ואנטיפטרוס פחד מכֹּח האיש הזה וממזמות ערמתו והלך אל עבר הירדן לאסוף חיל ולשמור על נפשו מנכליו. ובראות מליך, כי נגלה סודו, סבב במצח נחֻשה את בני אנטיפטרוס, את פצאל נציב ירושלים ואת הורדוס פקיד בית־הנשק, והִרבה להצטדק לפניהם וגם להשבע באזניהם והטה את לבם להקים שלום בינו ובין אביהם. ושוב נצל מליך ממות בידי אנטיפטרוס, כי הפיס את דעת מוּרקוּס, נציב סוריה בימים ההם, אשר בקש להמיתו (את מליך) על מחשבות־מרד.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר קמה המלחמה בין קסיוס וברוטוס ובין ציזר הצעיר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מרקוס יוליוס ציזר אוֹקטַוִּיָּנוס, קרובו של ציזר אשר נלקח לו לבן, מי שהיה אחרי־כן ל״ציזר״ (קיסר) ושליט־יחיד (אוטוקרטור, ברומית אימפרטור) ברומא ונקרא בתֹאר אוגוסטוס (הנאור, הנכבד, — ביונית: סבסטוס).</i> ואנטוֹניוס, אספו קַסיוס ומורקוס צבא בסוריה ואחרי הוָכחם לראות, כי סִפֵּק להם הורדוס את רֹב צרכיהם, הקימו אותו לנציב בארץ סוריה ונתנו בידו חיל רגלים ופרשים וקסיוס הבטיחהו גם להקימו למלך ביהודה אחרי כלות המלחמה. אך גדֻלת הורדוס ועתידותיו היו בנפש אנטיפטרוס, כי מליך ירא את הדבר הזה ופִתּה בשֹׁחד את אחד המשקים אשר למלך לתת רעל בכוס אנטיפטרוס, והוא גוע בשעת המשתה. ככה נפל לקרבן תועבת מליך האיש רב־הפעלים בעסקי המדינה וביתר הליכותיו, אשר השיב את השלטון להורקנוס וסמך אותו כל הימים.",
+                    "ה. וכל העם חשד ממליך, כי מידו בא משקה הרעל, והתקצף עליו, אבל הוא כחש בדבר והפיס את דעת העם, ועוד חזק את מעמדו באספו לו אנשי־צבא מזֻינים, כי הבין אשר לא ישב הורדוס בחבוק ידים — ואמנם מהר הורדוס לעלות על ירושלים עם צבא רב לנקום את דם אביו. אבל פצאל אחיו יעץ לו לבל ירדוף אחרי האיש בגלוי, פן תקום מריבה בעם. לדברים האלה נתן הורדוס למַליך לבוא אליו וללמד זכות על עצמו. וגם הסכים עמו בדברים להעביר מעליו את החשד ואחרי־כן קבר את אביו ברֹב תפארת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״עשה פָמְבי לקבורת אביו״.</i>.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי הדבר הזה פנה הורדוס אל שומרון, אשר קמה בה מהומה, והשיב את הסדר בעיר וכהתִמו את מעשהו שב אל ירושלים לימי החג ונהל אתו את הצבא. בעצת מליך, אשר ירא את דבר בואו, שלח אליו הורקנוס פקֻדה, לבל יביא את בני הנכר בשערי העיר, אשר התקדשו יושביה לחג. והורדוס לא שם לב לפקדה הזאת וגם לא נשא את פני המצַוה ונכנס בלילה אל תוך העיר. ועוד הפעם בא אליו מליך לקַדם את פניו והתאבל על אנטיפטרוס. בקֹשי כבש הורדוס את כעסו והתחפש לפניו, ויחד עם זה שלח מכתבים אל קסיוס שונא מליך מכבר והתאונן בהם על רצח אביו. קסיוס השיבהו, כי הוא מסגיר בידו את רוצח אביו ושלח פקדה בסתר אל שרי האלפים אשר לו לתמוך בידי הורדוס בעשותו משפטו.",
+                    "ז. אחרי־כן כבש קסיוס את לודקיא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לַאוֹדִיקַיָּה. על חוף הים בדרום אנטיוכיה, שנמלטו שמה אוהבי ציזר.</i> ומכל עבר נאספו אליו השליטים והביאו לו מתנות וזרי־נצחון, ובמעמד זה מצא הורדוס שעת־הכֹּשר לקחת את נקמתו. ומליך היה אז בצור ולִבּו נבא לו רעה. הוא גמר בדעתו להוציא בסתר את בנו, אשר היה לערבון בידי יושבי העיר, והתכונן לברוח אחרי־כן אל ארץ יהודה. ובעוד הוא רואה, כי רחוקה ישועה ממנו, נשא מרֹב יאוש את נפשו אל גדולות ונפלאות. הוא קוה להקים מרד בעם ולפרק את עֹל הרומאים בעוד קסיוס טרוד במלחמתו עם אנטוניוס. — וגם ליסד מלוכה ביהודה אחרי אשר יצליח בידו על־נקלה להוריד את הורקנוס ממשרתו.",
+                    "ח. אבל הגורל לעג לכל חלומותיו. כי הורדוס צפה את מזמותיו וקרא אותו עם הורקנוס אל המשתה, ואחרי־כן שלח את אחד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור בהוצאת ניזה: אחדים.</i> העבדים העומדים עליו אל העיר, להכין את צרכי הסערה למראה־עין, ובאמת למלא את פקֻדתו ולהגיד לשרי האלפים, כי יֵצאו מן העיר וישבו במארב. ושרי האלפים זכרו את פקדת קסיוס ויצאו חגורי חרבות חוצה לעיר על שפת הים, ושם הקיפו את מליך והמיתו אותו במדקרות רבות. הורקנוס נבהל מיד למראה הדבר הזה ומרב פחד נפל ארצה והתעלף. וכאשר שבה אליו רוח בינתו מהר לחקור את הורדוס, מי האיש אשר פקד להמית את מליך. ועל זה השיב אחד שרי האלפים: ״מצות קסיוס״. וכשמוע הורקנוס זאת, קרא: ״הנה כן הושיע קסיוס אותי ואת ארצי בהמיתו את האיש, אשר חרש רעה על שנינו יחד״. ואין יודע, אם בטא הורקנוס בזה דברים היוצאים מן הלב, או מרֹב פחדו המליט מפיו דברים אלה, כאִלו הסכים לדבר הנעשה. ככה עשה הורדוס נקמות ממליך."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פצאל מנצח את הליכס והורדוס מתגבר על אנטיגנוס במלחמה, היהודים התאוננו על מעשי הורדוס ופצאל, אבל אנטוניוס סלח להם והקיסם לטטררכים.</small><br><br>א. אחרי צאת קסיוס מארץ סוריה קמה מריבה חדשה בירושלים; הֶלִיכּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: פֶלִיכְּס.</i> יחד עם צבאו הרים יד בפצאל, כי אמר לגאֹל את דם מליך מידי הורדוס בהמיתו את אחיו. והורדוס ישב אז יחד עם פביוס הנציב בדמשק ורצה למהר לעזרת אחיו, אבל נעצר מפני מחלתו. בין כה וכה נצח פצאל בכח עצמו את הליכס ודבר עם הורקנוס קשות על כפית טובתו, כי חזק את ידי הליכס וגם לא כִהה באחי מליך בעת תפשו את המבצרים. כי הרבה מבצרים כבש והחזק שביניהם היה מַצַּדָּה.",
+                    "ב. אבל כל הדברים האלה לא עמדו לו בפני גבורת הורדוס, אשר השיב את כל המבצרים אחרי שובו לאיתנו, אך נעתר לתחנוניו לשלוח אותו בשלום ממצדה. הוא גרש גם מארץ הגליל את מריון העריץ השליט בצור, אשר הספיק ללכוד שם שלש מצודות, ולכל הצורים אשר נשבו במלחמה נתן הורדוס את נפשם לשלל ולאחדים מהם נתן מתנות ושלחם מעל פניו, ובזה הפך את לב יושבי העיר לאהבו ולשנא את העריץ. מריון קבל את העריצות מידי קסיוס בעת חלקו את כל ארץ סוריה לעריצים שליטים. משנאתו את הורדוס עזר להביא את אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס ובדבר הזה עשה גם נחת־רוח לפביוס, אשר כפר אנטיגנוס פניו במנחה והטה את לבו לעזרו בעלותו על הארץ. ואת כל הכסף הדרוש לדבר המציא תלמי בעל אחות אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ג. הורדוס יצא על שונאיו וערך מערכה למולם בקרבת שערי ארץ יהודה והתגבר במלחמה וגרש את אנטיגנוס, ואחרי־כן שב אל ירושלים וכל אחיו רצוהו על נצחונו, וגם האנשים, אשר בזו אותו בלבם לפנים, בקשו עתה קרבתו, אחרי התחתנו במשפחת הורקנוס. כי בראשונה נשא לו אשה חשובה מבנות הארץ ושמה דוריס ועתה לקח לו לאשה את מרים בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס והיא גם נכדת הורקנוס, בת בתו, ונעשה קרוב למלך.",
+                    "ד. וציזר ואנטוניוס המיתו את קסיוס על־יד פיליפי ואחרי הנצחון שב ציזר אל איטליה ואנטוניוס פנה אל ארץ אסיה. ובין צירי כל ערי הארץ, אשר באו לקדם את פני אנטוניוס בביתוניה, נמצאו גם טובי היהודים, אשר התאוננו באזניו על פצאל והורדוס, כי לקחו להם את שלטון המדינה בחֹזק־יד והשאירו להורקנוס רק את שם הכבוד לבד. אבל גם הורדוס נמצא באותו מעמד והחניף לאנטוניוס במתנות יקרות ובזה משך את לבו אליו, עד אשר מאן לשמוע את דברי שונאיו. ככה יצאו האנשים בפעם הזאת את פניו [במפח נפש].",
+                    "ה. ושוב באו מאה מראשי היהודים אל אנטוניוס לעיר דפני הקרובה לאנטיוכיה, כשכבר נלכד ברשת אהבת קליאופטרה. והיהודים מלאו את ידי הגדולים ביניהם במעלתם ובכח לשונם לבאר את תלונותיהם על האחים. ולעֻמתם עמד מֶסַּלַה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלמד ומליץ רומאי ידוע ויועץ אנטוניוס.</i> ללמד זכות עליהם. והורקנוס עזר לו מקרבת משפחה, ואנטוניוס שמע את טענות שני הצדדים ושאל את הורקנוס, מי מהם יצלח יותר לעמוד בראש העם. וכאשר ענה הורקנוס, כי הוא בוחר בהורדוס ובית אביו, שמח אנטוניוס, כי היה איש־שלום וידיד לאחים מימי חיי אביהם, אשר קבל אותו באהבה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״עשה לו אכסניה״ במקור.</i> לפנים, בבואו עם גבּיניוס אל ארץ יהודה, — ועל־כן שׂם את שני האחים לנסיכים (טֶטְרַרְכִים) ומלא את ידם למשול בכל ארץ יהודה.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר נרגנו צירי היהודים לדבר הזה, צוה אנטוניוס לתפוש חמשה־עשר מהם ולהושיבם במאסר ואת הנשארים גרש מעל פניו בחרפה. לדבר הזה קמה מהומה גדולה בירושלים ויושבי העיר שלחו עוד הפעם אלף צירים אל צור, כשחנה שם אנטוניוס בדרכו אל ירושלים. הצירים האלה הרימו קול צעקה ושאון ואנטוניוס שלח עליהם את שר העיר צור וצוהו לעשות שפטים בכל הבא לידו, וגם פקד להכין את הממשלה בידי הנסיכים אשר העלה לגדֻלה.",
+                    "ז. בטרם נעשה הדבר, יצא הורדוס בלוית הורקנוס אל שפת הים והרבה לדבר על לב האנשים, לבל יתחזקו במחלֹקת לבלי דעת ותבונה ולא יתחיבו בנפשותיהם ולא יביאו מלחמה קשה על עירם. אבל לדברים האלה גדל עוד רגזם, ואנטוניוס שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמית רבים מהם ורבים כֻּסּוּ בפצעים. ועצמות המתים זכו לבוא לקבורה על־ידי הורקנוס, אשר דאג גם לרפא את הנפצעים. אבל גם הפליטים אשר נמלטו אל העיר (ירושלים) לא ישבו במנוחה, כי הקימו מהומה והרגיזו את אנטוניוס עד מאד, עד אשר צוה בגֹדל אפו להמית גם את האסורים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הפרתים הביאו את אנטיגנוס אל ארץ יהודה ואסרו את הורקנוס ואת פצאל. מנוסת הורדוס. בזת ירושלים. יסורי הורקנוס ופצאל.</small><br><br>א. כעבור שנתים ימים כבשו בַּזַפְרַנּא האחשדרפן הפרתי ופַקּוֹרָא בן מלך הפרתים את ארץ סוריה. ליסַנַּיַס, אשר ירש את כסא אביו המת — הוא תלמי בן מינאי — דבר על לב האחשדרפן להושיב על כסא המלוכה את אריסטובולוס ולהוריד את הורקנוס והבטיחהו לשלם לו בעבור הדבר אלף ככר וחמש־מאות נשים. ופקורא נפתה לדבר הזה והסיע את חילו בדרך שפת הים ואת בזפרנא צוה להתנפל על יהודה בדרך היבשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דרך שפת הים היא ״דרך ארץ פלשתים״ וערי הכנענים הצידונים. — דרך היבשה היא דרך ההרים (הגליל, — עמק יזרעאל — שומרון שכם — בית־אל — ירושלים).</i>. מיושבי החוף לא רצו הצורים לפתוח את שערי עירם לפני פקורא, אולם יושבי עכו וצידון מסרו את עריהם בידו. הוא נתן חלק מרוכביו בידי אחד ממַשקי המלך, אשר נקרא פקורא גם הוא, וצוה עליו לפרוץ בארץ יהודה ולרגל את מצב האויבים ולהפיק עזרה לאנטיגנוס בכל משאלותיו.",
+                    "ב. כאשר השחיתו הפרתים את גבול הכרמל נהרו יהודים רבים לקראת אנטיגנוס והתנדבו לצאת במלחמותיו. הוא שלח אותם אל המקום הנקרא יער האלונים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משערים, כי הוא בעמק השרון בקרבת אפולוניה (ארצוף).</i> לכבשו, ובמלחמה אשר פרצה שם הדפו אוהבי אנטיגנוס את שונאיהם ורדפו אחריהם עד שערי ירושלים, וכאשר גדל מספרם, בקעו להם דרך והגיעו עד ארמון המלוכה. הורקנוס ופצאל קדמו את פניהם בחיל עצום והמלחמה נטשה בחוצות ירושלים. ואנשי הורדוס הניסו בקרב את צריהם וסגרו אותם בהר־הבית והעמידו בבתים הסמוכים ששים איש לשמור עליהם. אבל עם ירושלים התקומם על האחים (בני אנטיפטרוס) ושרף על השומרים את הבתים באש. והורדוס קנא לדם הנרצחים והתנפל על העם והמית ממנו רב; ומדי יום ביומו נהרו המונים המונים להלחם אלה באלה ולא היה קץ לרצח בירושלים.",
+                    "ג. ובהגיע החג הנקרא בשם יום החמשים (שבֻעות) מלאו סביבות הר־הבית והעיר כֻּלה עולי רגלים, אשר היו מזֻינים בּרֻבָּם. ופצאל הקים משמר על חומות העיר והורדוס אחיו עם גדוד קטן שמר על ארמון המלך. הוא התנפל על האויבים הנמצאים במגרש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קצה הצפון.</i> העיר, אשר לא הספיקו לעמוד במערכה, והמית המון גדול מהם והבריח את כל הנשארים. אלה נמלטו אל העיר, ואלה אל הר־הבית, ואלה אל החֵל אשר מחוץ לעיר והורדוס סגר עליהם. בעת ההיא דבר אנטיגנוס על לב בני־העיר לתת לפקורא להכנס אליה ולהקים שלום בין הנלחמים. ופצאל נעתר אליו והכניס את הפרתי עם חמש מאות רוכבים לתוך העיר ונתן להם את ארֻחתם. פקודא טען, כי בא להשבית את המלחמה, אבל באמת כון לעזור את אנטיגנוס. הוא טמן פח לרגלי פצאל ופתה אותו לצאת עמו אל בזפרנה במלאכות השלום. אמנם הורדוס הרבה להזהיר את פצאל, לבל יעשה כדבר הזה וגם יעץ אותו להמית את איש־המזמה — ולא למסור את נפשו בפח מוקשו, כי הלועזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הברברים. יש לתרגם גם ״הפראים״.</i> הם אנשי־שקר מתכונתם ואין לבטוח בדבריהם. אבל פצאל לא שמע. לדבריו ויצא מן העיר ואת הורקנוס לקח עמו. ופקורא אמר להרחיק ממנו כל חשד והשאיר בידי הורדוס מתי מספר מהרוכבים הנקראים חפשים ובשארית אנשיו יצא לשַׁלֵּח את פצאל.",
+                    "ד. ובבוא פצאל והורקנוס אל ארץ הגליל ראו, כי מרדו כל יושבי הארץ וחגרו את כלי נשקם. ואחרי־כן התיצבו לפני האחשדרפן, אשר היה בעל ערמה יתרה והאיר להם את פניו, בכסותו על מזמתו הרעה. הוא נתן להם מתנות, אך בצאתם את פניו הפקיד עליהם אורבים. כאשר הובלו אל מקום אחד על שפת הים, הנקרא בשם כזיב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גם אכזיב — ביונית אקדפה, בספרות התלמודית גם גזיב.</i>, התבוננו כי רעה נגד פניהם. כי שם שמעו על־דבר אלף ככר הכסף, אשר אמר אנטיגנוס לשלם בעד המלוכה, וגם נודע להם, כי רֹב נשי ביתם נמצאו בין חמש מאות הפילגשים, אשר הקדיש אותן לפרתים. הם ראו כי הלועזים מפקידים עליהם שומרים בכל לילה והבינו כי לא נמנעו הפרתים לשימם במאסר זה מכבר, לולא דחו את המעשה עד אשר יתפשו את הורדוס בירושלים, בפחדם פן יגֻנב אליו דבר ויזהר מפניהם. והדברים האלה לא היו שמועה בלבד, כי בעיניהם ראו מרחוק את השומרים המָפקדים עליהם.",
+                    "ה. ואוֹפֶליוס העתיר דברים על פצאל לברוח על נפשו, כי שמע את כל פרטי המזמה מפי שַׂרַמַּלָּא, העשיר בכל הסורים בימים ההם. אבל פצאל מאן לעזוב את הורקנוס והלך אל האחשדרפן והוכיח אותו בפניו על מזמתו הרעה, ויותר מזה על אשר מלאו לבו לעשות דבר־תועבה גדול כזה למען הבצע, וגם הבטיח להרבות בכֹפר פדיון נפשו על מכסת הכסף אשר ישלם. לו אנטיגנוס בעד המלוכה. הפרתי בחר לו לשון ערומים והרבה להצטדק לפניו והעביר מעליו את החשד בשבועות אמונים ויצא אל פקורא. ואחדים מן הפרתים הנותרים עשו כאשר צֻוו, ותפשו את פצאל ואת הורקנוס, אשר קללו אותם קללות נמרצות על חלול השבועה ועל מעשי מרמתם.",
+                    "ו. ובעת ההיא נשלח שר־המשקים לצוד גם את הורדוס בחרמו והתנכל עליו למשוך אותו חוצה לחומת העיר ולתפשו בכף. אבל הורדוס לא האמין ללועזים מראש, וזה עתה הגיעה לאזניו בשורה, כי נפלה בידי אויביו אגרת אחת, המגלה לו את כל הרעה אשר נגד פניו. על־כן מאן לצאת משערי העיר החוצה, אף כי הרבה פקורא לְהִתַּמֵּם ולדבר על לבו, כי יצא לקראת נושאי האגרת, כי לא נפלה בידי האויבים וגם לא נמצא בה אף שמץ דבר מזמה רעה, רק דברי המעשים אשר עשה פצאל, כי כבר שמע הורדוס מפי אחרים על מאסר אחיו וגם בת הורקנוס [מרים]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה הציג את המלה בחצאי רבוע, כי מרים לא היתה בת הורקנוס. בקדמוניות י״ד, י״ג, ו׳ מבֹאר, כי היועצת היתה אלכסנדרה אם מרים, והיא בת הורקנוס.</i>, חכמת הנשים, באה אליו ופצרה בו, לבל יצא מן העיר ולא יסגיר את נפשו בידי הלועזים, כי כבר גלוי הדבר ומבֹאר, שהם אומרים לשלוח בו יד.",
+                    "ז. ובעוד אנשי פקורא מבקשים עצה למלא מזמתם במסתרים, כי נבצר מהם להתגבר ביד רמה על איש נאדר בגבורה כמוהו, הקדים הורדוס את הסכנה ויצא בלילה עם בני־ביתו הקרובים אליו את פני העיר, ללכת אל ארץ אדום, והשונאים לא ידעו בצאתו, וכאשר נגלה להם הדבר, מהרו לרדוף אחריו. אבל הורדוס שלח את אמו ואת אחיותיו ואת הנערה אשר ארש לו לאשה עם אמה ואחיה הצעיר לעבור לפניו, והוא עם עבדיו עצר במנוחה את הלועזים, וכפעם בפעם התנגח אתם והמית רבים מהם, עד אשר הגיע אל מבצר מצדה.",
+                    "ח. ובעת מנוסתו היו היהודים קשים לו מן הפרתים, כי הקיפו עליו בלי הרף ובמרחק ששים ריס מירושלים התיצבו במערכה למולו ונלחמו אתו זמן רב. אך הורדוס גבר והמית רבים מהם לפי חרב. ואחרי זמן בנה עיר במקום ההוא לזכר נצחונו ופאר אותה בארמנות נהדרים וגם בירה בצורה מאד הקים בה וקרא לה הורדיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית הֵירוֹדֶיוֹן, כמו שגם שם הבונה הוא הירודס, אך כבר נתקבל השם ״הורדוס״.</i> על שמו. — בעת מנוסת הורדוס התלקטו אליו רבים מאנשי חילו ומספרם גדל מיום ליום. וכאשר הגיע אל העיר ריסה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה ישנה תְּרֵיסָה.</i>, אשר בגבול אדום, יצא לקראתו יוסף אחיו ויעץ אותו לשלוח מעליו רבים מבני־לויתו, יען אשר לא תוכל מצדה לשאת את ההמון הגדול הזה — כי מספר אנשיו עלה על תשעת אלפים. הורדוס שמע לעצת אחיו ושלח מעליו את האנשים, אשר היה טרחם גדול משכרם, ללכת אל ארץ אדום ונתן להם צדה לדרך. ואת גבורי החיל השאיר לו ועם האנשים האלה הדרושים לחפצו נמלט אל מבצר מצדה. שם השאיר את הנשים אשר עמו והפקיד עליהן שמונה מאות אנשי־חיל לסתרה ונתן להם די צֵדה לזמן מצור, ואחרי־כן מהר לנסוע אל סלע־ערב (פֶּטְרָה).",
+                    "ט. והפרתים עטו אל השלל בירושלים ופרצו בבתי הבורחים ובארמון המלך ומשכו את ידיהם רק מאוצר הורקנוס, אשר לא נמצא בו יותר משלש מאות ככר. וגם ביתר הבתים לא מצאו את מספר השלל אשר קוו לו, כי הורדוס צפה מזמן את מרמת הלועזים והעביר את חמדת אוצרו אל ארץ אדום, וכמוהו עשה גם כל אחד מהקרובים אליו. ואחרי אשר הוציאו הפרתים את שלל ירושלים עלתה משובת זדונם למעלה, עד אשר שמו דמי מלחמה בשלום ומלאו את כל הארץ חמס, — ככה הכו את העיר מָרֵשָׁה תל שממה. ונקל היה בעיניהם להקים את אנטיגנוס למלך, כי הסגירו בידו גם את פצאל ואת הורקנוס האסורים להתעלל בהם. הוא בעצמו התנפל על הורקנוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: כאשר התנפל הורקנוס לרגליו, נשך וכו׳.</i> ונשך בשניו את אזניו, למען אשר לא יוכל לקבל את הכהֻנה הגדולה לעת תמורה בארץ. כי רק לשלֵמים בגופם מֻתּר לשרת בכהֻנה גדולה.",
+                    "י. אבל לעמת גבורת פצאל קצרה יד אנטיגנוס לעשות דבר. כי פצאל הקדים לנפץ את ראשו אל הסלע, כאשר לא נתנו לו לטרוף את נפשו בכפו או לנפול על חרבו. בדבר הזה הראה, כי הוא אח כשר להורדוס ועטה על הורקנוס חרפה. הוא מת מות־גבורים ובזה השלים לכבוד את מעשי הגבורה שעשה בחייו. אמנם יש עוד שמועה אחרת (לשון אחר): פצאל קם מן המכה, אבל הרופא השלוח אליו מאת אנטיגנוס לכלכל אותו במחלתו מלא את הפצע סם־מות ושם קץ לחייו. ואחת היא, אם תצדק השמועה הראשונה או השניה — כי בשתיהן יחד סבת מותו ראויה לשבח. אומרים, כי לפני צאת נפשו שמע מפי אשה אחת על־דבר מנוסת הורדוס וקרא: ״רב לי, עתה יערב עלי מותי, כי חי האיש אשר יקח את נקמתי משונאי״.",
+                    "יא. ככה מת האיש. אף כי לא מצאו הפרתים את הנשים, אשר להן השתוקקו ביתר שאת, נתנו את שלטון ירושלים בידי אנטיגנוס, ואת הורקנוס הוליכו בשבי אל ארצם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס גֹרש מארץ ערב ומהר אל רומי ושם הוקם למלך היהודים בידי אנטוניוס וציזר יחד.</small><br><br>א. הורדוס נסע בחפזון אל ארץ ערב, כי עוד בחיי אחיו בקש לקחת כסף ממלך הארץ, בדעתו כי רק בכסף יוכל לכפר את פני הלועזים אוהבי הבצע ולפדות את פצאל. הוא אמר בלבו, שאם לא יזכור לו הערבי את חסדי אביו ויקפוץ את ידו מתת לו את הכסף במתנה, אז יקח ממנו את הסכום במלוה וישאיר לו לערבון חלף כסף הפדיון את בן אחיו הנפדה, כי הוליך אתו את בן־אחיו והוא נער בן שבע שנים. הוא רצה לשלם שלש מאות ככר ומלא את ידי הצוֹרים לשאת ולתת בדבר הזה. אבל בגזרת־האלהים היה כל עמלו לריק, כי פצאל מת ושכר לא היה לאהבת הורדוס את אחיו. אמנם גם את הערבים לא מצא נאמנים בבריתו, כי מָלְכוּ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא שמו על המטבעות (מלכו מלך נבטו), ביונית: מלכוס.</i> מלכם שלח אליו וצוהו לעזוב את ארצו מהרה, בטענה כי הוא ירא את הפרתים, אשר שלחו אליו מלאכים לגרש את הורדוס מארץ ערב. ובאמת גמר בנפשו להחזיק בכל הרכוש אשר נתן לו אנטיפטרוס ובעזות מצחו לא רצה לשלם דבר לבניו הנמצאים בצרה חלף מתנותיו, ויועציו בדבר הנבלה היו מתי־און, אשר כמוהו בקשו גם הם למעול בפקדונות אנטיפטרוס. ואלה האנשים היו השרים הקרובים אליו והנכבדים בעיניו.",
+                    "ב. כראות הורדוס, כי נהפכו לו הערבים לשונאים בדבר אשר ממנו קוה, כי יהיו נאמנים באהבתו, דבר אתם קשות ביד שלוחיהם ולא כסה על מרת נפשו ופנה ללכת אל ארץ מצרים. ובלילה הראשון לן במקום מקדש אחד ליושבי הארץ ושם מצא את אנשיו, אשר עזבם לפני זה. וממחרת הגיע אל רִינוֹקוּרוּרָהּ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא קצה גבול חילת־סוריה מצד נחל מצרים.</i> ושם השיגה אותו הבשורה הרעה על־דבר מות אחיו. אף כי הוסיפה הבשורה מכאובים על צרות לבבו, רָוח לו מעט מדאגותיו והוא יצא לדרכו. אחר זמן נחם הערבי על מעשהו ושלח רצים ממהרים לקרא אליו את הנעלב. אך הם לא מצאו עוד את הורדוס, כי כבר הקדים לבוא אל סין. כאשר בא שמה לא רצו האניות העומדות בנמל להעבירו, והורדוס פנה אל הפקידים לעזרה. ובהוָדע להם שם האיש ומעלתו שלחו אותו בכבוד עד אלכסנדריה. כאשר בא הורדוס אל העיר קבלה, קלֵיאופטרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלכת מצרים האחרונה מבית תלמי, אהובת אנטוניוס.</i> את פניו בתפארה וקותה, כי יהיה לראש־הצבא במלחמה אשר אמרה לקרֹא על אויביה. אבל הורדוס דחה את בקשת המלכה ולא פחד מהקֹר החזק בעצם החֹרף ולא מהמהומות השולטות באיטליה וירד באניה אל רומא.",
+                    "ג. בקרבת ארץ פמפיליה נמצא בצרה גדולה (מפני סערת הים) ונצל מן הסכנה אחרי הטילו הימה את מרבית הכבודה אשר לו, והגיע בשלום אל האי רוֹדוֹס, אשר נחרב מאד במלחמה עם קסיוס, ושם קבלו אותו ידידיו תלמי וצפיניה. ואף כי חסר לו כסף, בנה לו אניה גדולה עם שלש שורות משוטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טרירה ביונית.</i> ובה ירד עם ידידיו אל ברונדיזיון ומשם מהר אל רומי ולראשונה, פנה אל אנטוניוס, בזכרו את ברית אהבתו עם אביו, וספר לו את כל התלאה אשר מצאה אותו ואת משפחתו, עד אשר נטל עליו לעזוב את האנשים הקרובים אליו במצור וירד באניה בעצם החֹרף לבקש ממנו עזרה.",
+                    "ד. התלאה אשר מצאה את הורדוס נגעה עד לב אנטוניוס והוא חמל עליו וזכר את ברית שלומו עם אנטיפטרוס, ובכלל שם את לבו למעלות האיש וגמר אֹמר להקים אותו למלך היהודים, תחת אשר שם אותו לפנים לנשיא. ולא האהבה להורדוס בלבד עוררה את אנטוניוס לעשות את הדבר, כי־אם גם איבתו לאנטיגנוס, כי חשב אותו לאיש־מדון ולשונא הרומאים. וגם לב ציזר היה נכון מאד עם הורדוס, כי זכר לו את מסע אנטיפטרוס ואת מלחמתו במצרים לישועת אביו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוליוס ציזר, אשר לקח אותו לבן.</i> ואת הברית ואת האהבה הישנה, וגם ראה, כי הורדוס הוא גדל־עלילה. הוא הקהיל את המועצה (הזקנים, הסֶנַּט), ומסלה ויחד עמו אטרטינוס הציגו את הורדוס לפני הזקנים וספרו להם על חסדי אביו ועל אהבתו לרומאים, ובכלל דבריהם בארו, כי אנטיגנוס הוא שונא הרומאים מכבר וזה עתה הוסיף להכעיסם, כי לקח את המלוכה מהפרתים ואליהם לא שת את לבו. הדברים האלה עשו רֹשם על הזקנים, ואחרי־כן נגש אנטוניוס אליהם ואמר, כי מלכות הורדוס תביא ברכה לרומאים במלחמתם עם הפרתים. לדבר הזה הסכימו פה־אחד להקים אותו למלך. וככלות האספה יצאו אנטוניוס וציזר והורדוס בַּתָּוך, בין שניהם, ויחד עם יתר הפקידים עלו גם ראשי העם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השופטים (קונסולים).</i> להקריב זבח ולהניח את פתשגן פקֻדת הזקנים בקפיטוליון. וביום הראשון למלכות הורדוס עשה לו אנטוניוס משתה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיגנוס צר על מצדה והורדוס שב מרומי והציל את המבצר ומשם מהר אל ירושלים וגלה, כי לקח סילון שֹׁחד.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם שם אנטיגנוס מצור על מצדה. אמנם די לחם נמצא בידי הנצורים, אבל המים אזלו מכליהם, ועל־כן יעץ יוסף אחי הורדוס בלבו לברוח עם בני־ביתו, בשמעו כי נחם מלכו על העול אשר עשה להורדוס. וכמעט מלא יוסף את מחשבתו לעזוב את המבצר, לולא ירד גשם חזק בלילה אשר אמר לצאת לדרך, וכל מקוי המים מלאו על גדותיהם ולא היה עוד צרך לברוח. הנצורים הגיחו מן המבצר כפעם בפעם והמיתו רבים מאנשי אנטיגנוס, את אלה הכו במלחמה על מרומי שדה, ואת אלה השחיתו מן המארב. אבל לא בכל פעם היתה ידם על העליונה, ויש אשר נגפו לפני אויביהם ושבו בבשת פנים אל המבצר.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם נשלח ונטידיוס שר צבא הרומאים לגרש את הפרתים מארץ סוריה ומדי רדפו אחריהם פרץ בארץ יהודה, באמרו כי הוא רוצה לעזור את יוסף ואת אנשיו, אולם באמת לקח שחד כסף מאנטיגנוס. ונטידיוס חנה בקרבת ירושלים ואחרי קבלו כסף מלא סר מעל העיר עם רֹב צבאו והשאיר את סילון עם חלק החיל, כי לא רצה להסיע את כל הצבא משם, פן יגלה מעשה בצעו לעיני כל. ואנטיגנוס קוה, כי עוד הפעם יבואו הפרתים להצילו, ועד עת בואם החניף לסילון בפחדו ממנו, פן יפר את עצתו (ויוביש את תקותו).",
+                    "ג. והורדוס שב באניה מאיטליה אל עכו והוליך אתו צבא רב מן בני־הנכר והיהודים והסיע את חילו דרך הגליל להלחם באנטיגנוס. ונטידיוס וסילון חזקו את ידי הורדוס, כי דליוס השלוח אליהם מאנטוניוס דבר על לבבם לצאת עמו ולהושיבו על כסא המלוכה. ונטידיוס הקים בימים ההם סדרים בערי סוריה, אחרי המהומות שקמו שם על־ידי הפרתים, וסילון עמד בארץ יהודה ולקח שחד מאנטיגנוס — ובכל־זאת לא נבצר חיל ועז מהורדוס, כי בבואו בגבולות הארץ הרבה את מספר צבאו מיום ליום וכל ארץ הגליל עברה אליו, מלבד יושבי ערים מעטות, וראשית חפצו היתה לעלות על מצדה ולפדות את קרוביו ממצור, אבל העיר יפו עמדה לו לשטן בדרכו, ולראשונה היה עליו לבצר את רוח יושביה, אשר נהפכו לו לאויבים, לבל תקום לו מלחמה מאחור בעלותו על ירושלים. גם סילון התחבר אליו ברצון, כי מצא לו סבה הפעם לסור מעל ירושלים, והיהודים רדפו אחריו והציקו לו. אבל הורדוס חש לעזרתו בגדוד קטן והניס את היהודים והציל מצרה את סילון, אשר לא ידע לעמוד על נפשו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי־כן לכד הורדוס את יפו ומהר ללכת אל מצדה ולהציל את נפשות בני־ביתו. ורבים מעם הארץ נלוו אליו, אלה — מאהבתם הישנה לאביו, ואלה — לשמע גבורתו, ואלה אמרו לשלם לו טובה חלף חסדיו וחסדי אביו יחד, אבל רב העם נמשך אחריו בתקוה, כי הכון יכון כסא מלכותו בידו (ואז ישלם שכר לאוהביו). ככה אסף לו הורדוס צבא עשוי לבלי חת, ואנטיגנוס שם לו מכשולים בדרך ובכל מקומות הכֹּשר צפן לו מארבים, אבל בדבר הזה כמעט לא עשה לו רעה. הורדוס אסף אליו על־נקלה את קרוביו היושבים במצדה וכבש את המבצר ריסה ועלה על ירושלים. ושם התחברו אליו חיל סילון וגם רבים מבני העיר, אשר חרדו מפני עצמת חילו.",
+                    "ה. הורדוס תקע את מחנהו מערבה לירושלים, ושומרי העיר המטירו עליו חצים ואבני קלע, ורבים הגיחו בגדוד מן העיר ונסו להתגרות עם חלוצי חילו. הורדוס צוה לראשונה להעביר קול מסביב לחומה, כי בא לדרוש טוב לעמו ולהושיע את העיר, ועל־כן לא יקח נקמה גם מאויביו, אשר רדפו אחריו בגלוי, רק יתן חנינה לאנשי־ריבו. אבל אנשי אנטיגנוס צעקו לעֻמת אנשיו להשתיקם ולא נתנו את העומדים לשמוע את הדברים ולא לנפּול אל הורדוס. על־כן צוה הורדוס על אנשי חילו לגרש את האנשים מעל החומה, והם ירו בעומדים על החומה והבריחום מראשי המגדלים.",
+                    "ו. באותו מעמד גלה סילון, כי לקח שחד. הוא פתה רבים מאנשי חילו לצעוק בקול על מחסור הלחם ולדרוש בחזקה כסף לכלכלתם וגם לבקש, כי יוליכו אותם אל מקומות טובים לנוח, שם כל ימי החֹרף. ויען אשר היו כל המקומות מסביב לעיר לשממה, כי אנשי אנטיגנוס החריבו את כלם, על־כן נטה סילון את מחנהו משם ונסה להסיע את חילו. הורדוס פגע בראשי החילות, שלישי סילון, ובהמון אנשי הצבא והפציר בהם, לבל יעזבו אותו, כי נשלח מטעם ציזר ואנטוניוס ובפקֻדת מועצת־הזקנים, וגם הבטיחם, כי ביום ההוא ירוח להם ממחסורם. ואחרי חלותו את פניהם מהר לשוט במקומות הקרובים והביא צדה למכביר, ובזה סתם את כל טענות סילון. והורדוס דאג גם לבל תשבת כלכלת הצבא בימים הבאים ושלח מכתבים אל יושבי שמרון, כי היתה העיר הזאת נאמנה בבריתו, לאסוף לחם ויין ושמן ובקר ולהוריד אל יריחו. כאשר נודע הדבר לאנטיגנוס, שלח בכל הארץ להניא את העצה הזאת ולהציג אורבים בדרך מוליכי הצדה. עם הארץ שמע לקול אנטיגנוס ובהמון רב נאספו אנשים מזֻינים ממעל ליריחו. הם רבצו בין ההרים וחכו למובילי הצדה. אבל הורדוס לא ישב בבטלה, כי לקח אתו עשרה גדודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: קוֹהוֹרטות.</i> — חמשה גדודי רומאים וחמשה גדודי יהודים, אשר נמצאו בקרבם גם שכירים, ורוכבים אחדים ומהר אל יריחו. הוא מצא את העיר עזובה, רק חמש מאות איש נשארו בה וישבו במצודה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בצריח־העיר.</i> עם נשיהם וטפם. הורדוס תפש אותם ושלח אותם אחרי־כן לחפשי והרומאים פשטו על שארית העיר והוציאו את אלה, כי מצאו את הבתים העזובים מלאים כל־טוב, המלך השאיר חיל־מצב ביריחו וסר מעל העיר ושלח את הצבא הרומאי לשבת בימי החֹרף בארצות הנאמנות לו, אדום והגליל ושמרון. אולם גם אנטיגנוס קבל בשֹׁחד רשות מסילון לכלכל את חלק הצבא בעיר לוד, כי בזה אמר להחניף לאנטוניוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס כבש את צפורי והכניע את השודדים יושבי המערות ואחרי־כן לקח נקמה ממחירס, אשר היה לו כאויב, ויצא אל אנטוניוס הצר על סמוסטה.</small><br><br>א. והרומאים התפרקו את נשקם וישבו במנוחה ובשלוה, והורדוס לא ידע השקט, כי־אם הציב בארץ אדום כאלפים אנשי־צבא רגלים וארבע מאות רוכבים ואת אחיו יוסף שלח שמה לשמור על הארץ, פן תפשע בו ותעבור אל אנטיגנוס. והוא לקח את אמו ואת כל בני־ביתו, אשר הוציא אותם ממצדה, והוליכם אל העיר שמרון והושיבם שם לבטח, ואחרי־כן פנה להכניע את שארית ארץ הגליל ולגרש משם את חיל משמר אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ב. בעת סופת־שלג עזה מאד הגיע עד העיר צפורי וכבש אותה באפס יד, כי חיל־המצב נמלט על נפשו עוד לפני בואו. בעיר הזאת השיב אח נפש האנשים ההולכים אתו, אשר הציק להם הקר, כי צֵדה נמצאה לרֹב בקרב העיר. אחרי־כן יצא להלחם בשודדים יושבי המערות, כי הם פשטו בכל הארץ מסביב והרבו להרע ליושביה מחרב המלחמה האוכלת. הורדוס שלח לפניו שלשה גדודי רגלים ולהקת רוכבים אחת אל כפר ארבל וכעבור ארבעים יום בא שמה עם שארית חילו. אבל האנשים לא פחדו מפני בואו ויצאו לקראתו בכלי נשקם, כי היו מלֻמדי מלחמה ומרי־נפש כשודדים. כשנפגשו במערכה הבריח אגף השודדים הימני את אגף חיל הורדוס השמאלי. אבל הורדוס מהר לבוא לעזרת אנשיו מן האגף הימני אשר עמד בראשו, ואחרי עצרו בעד מנוסת צבאו התנפל על הרודפים אחריו ושבר את זרוע גבורתם, עד אשר לא יכלו לשאת את כֹּבד המלחמה ופנו עֹרף.",
+                    "ג. והורדוס רדף אחריהם עד הירדן בחרב אוכלת והמית מהם חלק גדול והנשארים נפוצו מעבר לנהר, עד אשר שקטה ארץ הגליל מחמת המציק, כי נשארו רק האנשים אשר הסתתרו במערות, והורדוס האריך להם אפו עד לעת מצֹא, על־כן שלם לראשונה לצבאו את שכרו, פרי־עמלו הקשה, וחָלק לכל איש מאה וחמשים אדרכמונים כסף ולשרי־הצבא מנה יתרה הרבה פעמים. ואחרי־כן שלח את חילו אל נאות החֹרף לנוח. ואת פֵירוֹרא צעיר אחיו שלח לנַצח על כלכלת אנשיו וגם לבנות את חומות המבצר אלכסנדריון. ופירורא מלא את שני הדברים יחד.",
+                    "ד. בימים ההם התגורר אנטוניוס באתונא. וֶנטידיוס שלח את סילון והורדוס להלחם בפרתים ובראשונה צוה עליהם להכין סדרים בארץ יהודה. הורדוס שלח ברצון את סילון מעליו ויצא להלחם בשוכני המערות. המערות האלה נמצאו בצלעות הרים תלולים ומכל עבר לא יכול הצבא לגשת אליהן, כי רק משעולים צרים ונפתלים הוליכו אל פי המערות, והסלע אשר מעבר פני המערות מלמעלה ירד אל תהום עמֻקה והיה זקוף על פי התהום. זמן רב לא ידע המלך לשית עצות בנפשו, כי נבצר ממנו להגיע עד המקום ההוא. ואחרי־כן מצא תחבולה מחֻכָּמה ומסֻכָּנה יחדו. הוא צוה לשלשל את בחורי צבאו בארונות (התלויים בחבלים) ולהציגם על פי המערות. והם שחטו את יושבי המערות עם טפם והשליכו אש על האנשים אשר אמרו לעמוד על נפשם. והורדוס רצה להציל אנשים אחדים ממות וצוה עליהם ביד שלוחיו לצאת אליו. אבל איש מיושבי המערות לא נעתר לדבריו ולא הסגיר את נפשו בידי הורדוס, ואלה אשר נתפשו בעל־כרחם בחרו במות מחיי שבי. גם נמצא שם זקן אחד, אשר אטם אזניו מצעקות אשתו ושבעת בניו, בחלותם את פניו לתת להם כי יצאו בברית שלום, והמית את כֻּלם, וכן עשה את הדבר: הוא צוה עליהם לצאת אחד אחד ועמד על פי המערה והמית כפעם בפעם את הבן היוצא משם. הורדוס ראה את הדבר, מרחוק ורחמיו נכמרו אליהם מאד, הוא פרש את יד ימינו מול הזקן והשביע אותו לחמול על נפשות בניו. אבל הזקן לא שעה אל דבריו, רק חרף וגדף את הורדוס, כי הוא בן חשכים, והמית את אשתו על הבנים, ואחרי־כן השליך את החללים אל התהום וקפץ בעצמו שמה.",
+                    "ה. ככה כבש הורדוס את המערות ואת היושבים בהן. הוא השאיר בגליל את חלק צבאו, אשר היה בו כדי לבצור כל רוח מרד מראש, והפקיד על המצב את תלמי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אצל ניזה: תּוֹלֶמַּיּוֹס, ובהוצאה הישנה: פְּטוֹלֶמַּיּוֹס.</i> ואחרי־כן פנה עם חילו אל שומרון והוליך עמו שלשת אלפים רגלים ושש מאות פרשים להלחם באנטיגנוס. אבל אחרי צאתו סר פחדו מעל האנשים, אשר הסכינו לחרחר ריב בגליל, והם התנפלו פתאם על תלמי שר־הצבא והמיתוהו, ואחרי־כן החריבו את הארץ; והבצות ויתר המקומות הנשכחים מני רגל היו להם למסתור. וכאשר נודע להורדוס דבר המרד, עלה חיש מהר לעזרת אנשיו והמית המון גדול מהמורדים וכבש את כל המבצרים במצור והטיל על הערים לשלם מאה ככר כסף ענשים בעבור המרד.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר גרשו הפרתים מארץ סוריה ופקורא נפל בחרב, שלח ונטידיוס במצות אנטוניוס לעזרה להורדוס אלף רוכבים ושני לגיונות, ואנטיגנוס שלח מכתבים אל מַחַיְרַס מפקד הרומאים וחִלה את פניו לבוא לעזרתו הוא, והרבה להתאונן על רשעת הורדוס וגם הבטיחהו לשלם לו כסף. אבל מַחַיְרַס לא נועז לעבור על מצות שולחו, ומה גם כי נתן לו הורדוס מתנות יתרות, ועל־כן לא הטה אזניו לבגוד בו, אולם התחפש כאוהב אנטיגנוס ויצא לרגל את מחנהו בירושלים, ולא שמע לקול הורדוס, אשר מנעהו מעשות את הדבר. אבל אנטיגנוס הבין, כי מחשבת אוֶן בלב מחירס, ועל־כן סגר בפניו את שערי העיר ונלחם אתו כאויב מראש החומה, עד אשר שב מחירס בבשת פנים אל הורדוס לעיר אמאוס, ומרב כעסו על משוגתו הבה לפי חרב את כל היהודים אשר פגש בדרכו ולא חמל על אנשי־שלום הורדוס, כי לא רצה לשים פדות ביניהם ובין אוהבי אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ז. לדבר הזה התאנף הורדוס ונשא את נפשו להלחם במחירס כאויב, אבל כבש את כעסו ומהר לנסוע אל אנטוניוס להתאונן על מחירס ועל העול אשר עשו ידיו. ומחירס השיב אל לבו, כי עשה מעשה תעתועים, ורדף אחרי המלך והרבה להפציר בו עד השלימו עמו. אולם הורדוס לא שב ממחשבתו לנסוע אל אנטוניוס. הוא שמע, כי חנה אנטוניוס בחיל גדול לפני סַמּוֹסַטָּה ונלחם עליה — העיר הזאת היא מבצר חזק בקרבת נהר פרת — והחיש את מסעו שמה, כי מצא עתה שעת־הכשר להראות את גבורתו ולהגדיל את חנו בעיני אנטוניוס. וכבוא הורדוס שמה שם קץ במהרה למצור העיר, כי המית רבים מהשונאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: הברבּרים.</i> ולקח מהם שלל גדול. ואנטוניוס, אשר זה מכבר השתומם על גבורת הורדוס, הוסיף יקר על כבודו וחזק אותו בתקותו לכסא המלוכה, ואנטיוכוס המלך הֻכרח להסגיר את העיר סמוסטה (בידי הרומאים)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מות יוסף נגלה להורדוס בחלום הלילה. הורדוס נצל בנס מצרה פעמים. הוא המית את פפוס רוצח אחיו ושלח את ראשו אל פירורא, ואחרי־כן שם מצור על ירושלים ולקח את מרים לאשה.</small><br><br>א. בין כה וכה הורע מעמד הורדוס בארץ יהודה. הוא עזב שם את השלטון בידי יוסף אחיו וצוה עליו לבל יתגרה מלחמה באנטיגנוס עד שובו, בדעתו כי לא יהיה לו מחירס למשען חזק, כאשר הוכיח כבר במעשיו. אבל בשמוע יוסף כי הרחיק אחיו ללכת מאד לא שם אל לבו את מצוותיו ויצא אל יריחו עם חמשה גדודים אשר שלח עמו מחירס. הוא ירד שמה לגזול את תבואת השדה בעצם הקיץ. אבל בהרים ובין המצרים התנפלו עליו האויבים, ויוסף נפל בחרב, אחרי עשותו גבורות במלחמה, וכל צבא הרומאים נכרת. כי הגדודים האלה היו צעירים (טירונים) מארץ סוריה ולא נמצאו ביניהם אנשי־הצבא הנקראים ״ישנים״ (וֶטרנים, מלֻמדי מלחמה), אשר היה בהם כח להגן במלחמה על הצעירים אשר לא ידעו להלחם.",
+                    "ב. ודעת אנטיגנוס לא התקררה בנצחון הזה. הוא העיר את כל חמתו על אויביו וגם התעלל בנבלת יוסף. כאשר תפש את גופות החללים צוה. לכרות את ראש יוסף מעליו, אף כי רצה פירורא אחי יוסף לשלם כֹּפר גוִיתו חמשים ככר. — אחרי נצחון אנטיגנוס קם מרד חדש בגליל, ואוהבי אנטיגנוס סחבו את טובי אנשי שלומו של הורדוס והטביעו אותם ביאור (בים כנרת). גם בארץ אדום, אשר שם בנה מחירס אחת המצודות הנקראת גִתָּא, עברו רבים אל אנטיגנוס. ואֹזן הורדוס לא שמעה דבר מכל הנעשה. אחרי אשר נפלה סמוסטה בידי הרומאים הקים אנטוניוס את סוסיוס על ארץ סוריה וצוה עליו לעזור להורדוס במלחמתו עם אנטיגנוס, ואנטוניוס בעצמו נסע אל מצרים, וסוסיוס שלח לפניו שני לגיונות אל ארץ יהודה, לעמוד לימין הורדוס, והוא עם שאר צבאו נסע אחריהם.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר חנה הורדוס בדפני, אשר על־יד אנטיוכיה, נגלה לו בחלום לילה בהיר, כי מת אחיו, וכשקפץ מעל יצועו בחרדה, באו אליו מבשרי האסון. זמן קצר התאבל הורדוס על הצרה הזאת ואת שארית אבלו דחה [עד עשותו נקמה ברוצחי אחיו], ומהר לעלות על האויבים, בהאיצו באנשיו לעבור מעברות גדולות למעלה מכחם. ובהגיעו אל חבל הלבנון לקח לעזרתו שמונה מאות איש מיושבי ההר וגם לגיון אחד מצבא הרומאים נלוה אליו במקום ההוא. עם הצבא הזה לא חכה הורדוס לאור היום, כי מהר להתנפל על ארץ הגליל והדף את אויביו היוצאים לקראתו אל המקום אשר הגיחו ממנו ותכף פשט אל המבצר ההוא. אבל עוד טרם הספיק הורדוס לכבוש את המבצר בסערה, והנה ירדו גשמים בזעף ואלצו אותו ואת חילו לנוח בכפרים הסמוכים. כעבור ימים אחדים התחבר אליו הלגיון השני, השלוח על־ידי אנטוניוס, ושונאיו יראו את כחו הגדול ועזבו בלילה את המצודה.",
+                    "ד. ומשם פנה הורדוס דרך יריחו להחיש את מעשהו ולמהר את נקמתו ברוצחי אחיו, ושם קרה אותו מופת, אצבע אלהים, כי נחלץ מצרה בהסח הדעת, ועל־כן יצא לו שם אהוב־אלהים. וזה הדבר: רבים משריו אכלו ושתו עמו בלילה ההוא וככלות הסעֻדה ואחרי צאת כל המסבים מבית המשתה נפל הבית תחתיו חיש מהר, ובדבר הזה ראה הורדוס אות המבשר תלאה וישועה יחד לקראת המלחמה העתידה. הוא השכים בבקר והסיע את צבאותיו. וגם אויביו ירדו מן ההרים, כששת אלפים איש, ונִסו להתגרות בחלוצי חיל הורדוס, אבל יראו להתנגח עם הרומאים בזרוע נטיה, ועל־כן עמדו מרחוק והשליכו עליהם אבנים וחניתות ופצעו רבים מן הצבא. וגם הורדוס נפצע בחנית בצלעו מדי רכבו במקום ההוא.",
+                    "ה. ואנטיגנוס רצה להראות, כי לא באֹמץ־רוח אנשיו בלבד, כי גם במספרם הוא עולה על האויבים. על־כן שלח את פפוס, אחד מאוהביו, עם צבא אל שמרון להלחם שם עם מחירס. והורדוס עבר בארץ שונאיו והחריב חמשה מקומות־ישוב והמית אלפים איש מיושביהם, כי שרף את בתיהם באש. ואחרי־כן שב אל מקום תחנותו, כי חנה עם חילו על־יד הכפר הנקרא קָנָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות (י״ד, ט״ו, י״ב) מבֹאר, כי מחנה פפוס נמצא על־יד ישנה (איסני), ואולי הַינו הך.</i>.",
+                    "ו. ומדי יום ביומו נהרו אליו המונים רבים מהיהודים היושבים ביריחו ובשאר מקומות הארץ. אלה עברו אליו משנאתם את אנטיגנוס ואלה לשמע :תהלת נצחונותיו ורבים באו אליו מאהבתם לתמורות מבלי דעת וחשבון. והנה נפש הורדוס נכספה להתנגח עם אויביו על שדה המלחמה וגם אנשי פפוס יצאו לקרב בחפץ־לב, כי לא חתו מגבורת חיל הורדוס ולא נבהלו מעז רוחו. וכאשר יצאו שתי המערכות לקרב, החזיקו אגפי צבא אנטיגנוס מעמד זמן־מה, אבל הורדוס חרף את נפשו, כי זֵכר אחיו הנהרג עורר אותו לעשות חיל, ונלחם בחמת גבורה, כאלו עמד לנֹכח רוצחי אחיו לשלם להם כגמול ידיהם, והתגבר על־נקלה על האגף העומד ממולו, ואחרי־כן פנה גם אל חלקי צבא השונא, אשר התעודד במערכה, והדף אותו ורדף אחריו בלי הרף. המטבֵּח היה נורא, כי אנשי חיל אנטיגנוס נדחפו כלם אל הכפר, אשר ממנו יצאו לקרב, והורדוס הציק למאסף אשר להם והֵצר את צעדיהם והמית אנשים לאיך־מספר, ואחרי־כן הרס אל הכפר עם האויבים יחדו, וכל בית היה שם מלא אנשי צבא מזֻיּנים עד אפס מקום וגם הגגות היו מכֻסים המונות אנשי מלחמה. ואחרי אשר התגבר הורדוס על העומדים בחוצות צוה להרוס את הבתים ולהוציא את הפליטים ממחבואיהם, והמית המונות צפופים, בהפילו עליהם את קורות הבתים, ואת הנמלטים מחָרבות הבתים קדמו אנשי המלחמה בחרבות שלופות ופגרי ההרוגים נערמו תלים תלים, עד כי חסמו את הדרך בעד המנצחים. השונאים לא עצרו כח להתנער מהמכה הזאת. כשהתלקטו בהמון עוד הפעם, ראו את תלי החללים הגדולים בכפר ולא קמה בהם עוד רוח, והם נפוצו לכל עבר. כמעט ערב הורדוס את לבו בגאות נצחונו למהר ולעלות על ירושלים ולהבקיענה אליו, לולא עצרוהו גשמים חזקים. הדבר הזה לא נתן להורדוס לארות את כל פרי נצחונו ולהשלים את תבוסת אנטיגנוס, אשר כבר אמר בלבו לעזוב את העיר.",
+                    "ז. לפנות ערב שלח הורדוס את אוהביו העיפים לחלץ את עצמותיהם, ובעוד הוא כלו מכסה זעה מעמל המלחמה הלך לרחוץ את בשרו כדרך אנשי־הצבא ורק נער אחד נמצא עמו. ועוד טרם הספיק לבוא אל בית־המרחץ והנה קפץ משם לקראתו אחד מאויביו חגור חרב, ואחריו השני, ואחריו השלישי ועוד רבים. האנשים האלה נמלטו משדה־המערכה אל בית־המרחץ מזֻיּנים בכלי נשקם וישבו שם נדהמים ונבהלים ובראותם את המלך רחפו עצמותיהם ממגור. הם החלו לרוץ ועברו רועדים מפחד על פני המלך, אשר כבר התפרק את נשקו, ופנו אל פתח הבית. במקרה לא נמצא אף אחד מן הצבא לחפש את האנשים האלה, והורדוס שמח, כי לא אֻנה לו רע מהם. וככה ברחו כלם ונמלטו.",
+                    "ח. ביום המחרת צוה הורדוס לכרות את ראש פפוס שר־צבא אנטיגנוס, אשר נפל חלל במערכה, ושלח את הגלגֹלת אל פירורא אחיו לכֹפר נפש אחיהם המומת, כי פפוס היה האיש, אשר צוה להמית את יוסף. ולקץ ימי הגשמים עלה הורדוס על ירושלים והגיע עם חילו עד חומת העיר וכמלאת שלש שנים ליום אשר בו הוקם למלך חנה עם צבאו לפני הר־הבית. כי משם היה קל להלחם בעיר, וגם פומפיוס כבש לפנים את העיר מן העבר ההוא. הורדוס שׂם על אנשי־הצבא את עבודות המצור והחריב את מגרשי העיר וצוה על אנשיו להעלות שם שלש סוללות ולהקים עליהן מגדלי מצור ואחרי־כן הפקיד על העבודה את הזריזים מקרב חבריו ויצא אל שמרון לקחת לו לאשה את בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס הארוסה לו מכבר, כאשר דברנו למעלה, ובדחותו את עבודת המצור מפני נשואיו, הראה, כי הוא בז למערכות שונאיו.",
+                    "ט. ואחרי חתֻנתו שב הורדוס אל חומת ירושלים עם חיל גדול מבראשונה, כי התחבר אליו סוסיוס בצבא עצום, רוכבים ורגלים, אשר שלח לפניו בדרך היבשה, והוא בעצמו נסע בדרך הצידונים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דרך הכנענים (הפיניקים) — לאֹרך חוף הים (עיין למעלה, פרק י״ג, א).</i>. וכאשר נאסף כל הצבא במספר אחד־עשר לגיונות אנשי־צבא רגלים וששת אלפים רוכבים, מלבד חיל־העזר שבא מארץ סוריה, וגם הוא היה עצום במספרו, חנו כֻלם בקרבת חומת ירושלים הצפונית. הורדוס סמך על פקֻדת מועצת־הזקנים, אשר הוקם למלך על־פיה. וסוסיוס מלא אחרי דברי אנטוניוס, אשר שלח אותו עם צבאו לעמוד לימין הורדוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס כבש בעזרת סוסיוס את ירושלים בחֹזק־יד. קץ אנטיגנוס. על קלֵיאופטרה ותאות בצעה.</small><br><br>א. בקרב העם היושב בעיר רבתה המהומה. המונות נקהלו לפני היכל ה׳ והחלשים אשר בהם בקשו את דבר־אלהים ואנשי הרוח קמו ביניהם להנבא לזמן ההוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נוסח אחר על־פי ההוצאה הישנה: ״החלשים נקהלו לפני היכל ה׳ וברכו ושבחו את הנאספים אל עמם בימים ההם, כי זכו לחסד האלהים״.</i>. ומרי הנפש פשטו בגדוד והרבו שֹׁד וחמס והרבו לבֹז את הלחם במסִבּות העיר ולא השאירו מספוא לסוסים וצֵדה לאנשים. ואנשי המלחמה התיצבו במערכה להגן על העיר מפני המצור וגרשו את אנשי־הצבא שופכי הסוללות מקרבת החומה. ומיום ליום התחכמו להמציא מעצורים חדשים בעד מכונות המצור. ויותר מכֹּל עלו על שונאיהם בעבודת המחתרות, אשר חתרו תחתיהם.",
+                    "ב. המלך הקים אורבים להניא את מעשי השֹׁד ובעזרתם מנע את השודדים לבל יגיחו מן העיר. וכנגד מחסור הלחם צוה להביא אֹכל מרחוק. אמנם גבורי היהודים נלחמו בעֹז־רוח לאין ערוך, אבל הרומאים חזקו מהם בדעת טכסיסי המלחמה, על־כן נשמרו הנצורים מהִלחם עם הרומאים פנים אל פנים, בדעתם כי בנפשם הדבר, רק הגיחו עליהם פתאם מן המנהרות — וטרם הספיקו הרומאים להרעיש חלק החומה, כבר מצאה ידם לבנות חומה חדשה. בכלל לא רפתה זרועם במלחמה ולא התבלעה עצתם; הם קבלו עליהם להחזיק מעמד עד הקץ. ועל אף החיל הגדול והעצום, אשר הקיף עליהם, עמדו היהודים על נפשם חמשה חדשים במצור — עד אשר עלו אנשים מתי מספר מבחורי חיל הורדוס על החומה והוסיפו אֹמץ להבקיע אל תוך העיר, ובראשם עמדו שרי מאות אחדים מצבא סוסיוס. לראשונה נכבש המקום מסביב להר־הבית, ומשם פרץ הצבא אל כל עברים כשטף זרם ברצח נורא, כי הרומאים התמרמרו מאד על ארך המצור והיהודים אשר בחיל הורדוס שקדו לבלי השאיר שריד לקמיהם. אנשים לאין מספר נדחפו אל המבואות הצרים ואל הבתים וגם אל היכל ה׳ ונשחטו שם, ואיש לא חמל על עוללים ועל זקנים ולא על נשים חדלות־כח. ואף כי העביר המלך קול בקרב הצבא ודרש לתת חנינה לאויבים, לא שמעו אנשי־הצבא לקולו ולא השיבו ימינם אחור, כי־אם רצחו זקן ונער, כאלו נטרפה דעתם. והנה ירד אנטיגנוס מן הבירה ושכח את גדֻלתו לפנים ולא שם לב אל מצבו הפעם, רק נפל לרגלי סוסיוס להתחנן על נפשו. אבל סוסיוס לא חמל עליו בצרתו וצחק עליו בזדון וקרא לו בשם ״אנטיגוני״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שם אשה, לגנאי על מֹרך לבו.</i>. אולם לא נהג בו מנהג אשה ולא שלח אותו לחפשי ממאסרו, רק צוה לשימו בנחשתים ולשית עליו משמר.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר התגבר הורדוס על אויביו נטל עליו לבצר את רוח בני בריתו הנכרים. כי המון הזרים מהר לראות את ההיכל בעיניו ולהביט אל קדשיו. המלך עצר אותם מעשות הדבר, בהרבותו לדבר על לבם וגם להגזים עליהם. וגם פגע בהם בכלי נשקו — כי חשב אשר יהיה לו נצחונו קשה ממגפה רעה, אם תחזינה עיני זרים את צפוני המקדש. הוא עצר גם בעד מעשי השֹׁד בעיר, בהציקו לסוסיוס בדבריו, כי שאל אותו, הטרם יחשבו הרומאים להכין את כסא מלכותו בארץ ציה, בהפכם את ירושלים לעיר ריקה מיושב ובהוציאם ממנה את כל רכושה? ועוד אמר, כי הוא חושב למשפט, אשר גם שלטון כל העולם אינו שוה לו למצֹא כֹפר דם אזרחי ירושלים, הנשפך כמים. וסוסיוס השיבהו דבר, כי לצדק התיר את ידי אנשי הצבא לבֹז את העיר חלף עבודתם הקשה בעת המצור. ואז אמר הורדוס, כי ישלם בידיו לכל איש את שכרו מכספו הוא. ככה פדה הורדוס את שארית ירושלים וגם הקים את דברו, כי שלם בנדבת לב לכל איש ואיש מן הצבא את שכרו, ולשרי החילים נתן מנות כערכם, ואת סוסיוס פקד במתנות מלכים, ואיש לא יצא בידים ריקות. וסוסיוס הקדיש לאלהים זר זהב ואחרי־כן עלה עם חילו מעל ירושלים והוליך אתו בשביה את אנטיגנוס האסור. והאיש הזה דבק בחיים בכל נפשו ושגה בתקוות כוזבות עד בוא קצו, כאשר קדם את פניו הקרדֹם ושלם לו כגמול מֹרך־לבו.",
+                    "ד. בשבת הורדוס על כסא המלוכה הִפלה בין יושבי ירושלים. לאנשי־שלומו הנאמנים נתן כבוד וחִזק את לבם לאהבה אותו, ואת אוהבי אנטיגנוס הכריע לטבח. וכאשר אזל הכסף מאוצרו, צוה להתיך את כל הכסף הנמצא בידו ושלח אותו למנחה לאנטוניוס ולקרובים אליו. אבל בדבר הזה לא הצליח הורדוס לפדות את נפשו מכל צרה, כי כבר נלכד אנטוניוס ברשת אהבת קליאוֹפַּטְרָה ובכל מעשיו היה לעבד תאותו. ואחרי אשר השמידה קליאוֹפַּטְרָה את כל בני־ביתה, מבלי השאיר שריד למשפחתה, צמאה לדם אחרים. היא הכתה בלשון את נגידי הסורים באזני אנטוניוס והסיתה אותו להכותם נפש, למען יֵקל לה לרשת את רכושם. ואחרי־כן פרשה את רשת תאות בצעה על היהודים והערבים וחבלה מזמות למגר למות את שני מלכיהם, את הורדוס ואת מלכו.",
+                    "ה. ואנטוניוס נתן לה רק חלק שאלתה, כי לתועבה נחשב בעיניו להמית את שני האנשים הטובים האלה, את שני המלכים הנאדרים; אבל לא נמנע מהפר את בריתו עם אוהביו הקרובים האלה, כי קרע חבלים רבים מעל גבולותיהם, וביניהם את ארץ התמרים בחבל יריחו, אשר שם מקום הצרי, ונתן אותם לקליאופטרה וגם מסר בידה את כל הערים בדרום נהר אֶלַתֵּירוֹס, מלבד צור וצידון. וכאשר היתה לשלטת בכל הארץ הזאת שלחה את אנטוניוס בצאתו להלחם בפרתים עד נהר פרת, ואחרי־כן באה אל ארץ יהודה דרך אַפַּמֵּיָה ודמשק. ושם עלה בידי הורדוס לשַׁכּך את כעסה במתנות רבות. הוא חכר מידי המלכה את המדינות אשר נקרעו מעל גבולו בעד מאתים ככר לשנה, ושלח אותה עד סין ברֹב כבוד ויקר. וכעבור זמן קצר שב אנטוניוס מארץ הפרתים והוביל אתו שי לקליאופטרה את אַרְתַּבַּז בן טִגְרָן, אשר נפל בשביה. את הפרתי הזה עם הכסף ועם כל השלל מהר אנטוניוס להקדיש לה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטוניוס שמע לקול קליאופטרה ושלח את הורדוס להלחם בערבים. אחרי מלחמות קשות היתה יד הורדוס על העליונה. על־דבר הרעש הגדול.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר פרצה מלחמת אַקְטְיוּם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המלחמה המכריעה בין אנטוניוס ובין ציזר־אוקטבינוס.</i>, התכונן הורדוס לצאת לעזרת אנטוניוס, כי כבר הונח לו מן המהומות בארץ יהודה, אחרי כבשו את הורקניה, המקום אשר תפשה אותו אחות אנטיגנוס. אבל בערמת קליאופטרה נעצר הורדוס מלצאת במלחמות אנטוניוס ומהיות עמו יחד בצרה. כבר אמרנו, כי יעצה המלכה דבר־בליעל על שני המלכים והסיתה את אנטוניוס להפקיד את הורדוס על המלחמה בערבים, בחשבה למצא אחת משתי אלה: אם תהיה יד הורדוס על העליונה — אז תמשול היא בארץ ערב, ואם ינָגף במלחמה — אזי תשלוט ביהודה. ככה קותה להפיל את אחד השליטים בידי השני.",
+                    "ב. אבל מחשבתה הרעה היתה להורדוס לישועה. בתחלה לקח ערבון (בני תערובות) מהאויבים ואחרי־כן אסף לו חיל רוכבים גדול והתנפל עליהם על־יד דְיוֹספּוֹלִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש חושבים, כי זו עיר דיון.</i> והכה אותם במלחמה, אף כי עמדו על נפשם בגבורה. לשמע המפלה הזאת קמה תנועה גדולה בין הערבים, והם נאספו בהמון אין־מספר אל קְנָת, אשר בחילת־סוריה, לקדם שם את פני היהודים. והורדוס הגיע שמה עם צבאו ובקש לעשות מלחמה בתחבולות וצוה לבצר בחומה את מקום תחנותו. אבל המון צבאו לא שמע בקולו, כי כבר זחה דעתו בנצחונו הראשון, והוא מהר להתנפל על הערבים והניס אותם בראשית הקרָב והחל לרדוף אחריהם. אבל ברדפו אחרי אויביו נפל הורדוס בפח, כי בגד בו אַתֵּינִיּוֹן, אחד משרי צבא קליאופטרה, אשר היה איש־ריבו כל הימים, ושלח עליו את יושבי קנת, להלחם בו. וכאשר קמו גם אלה על הורדוס, החליפו הערבים כח והפכו את פניהם והתחברו במערכה המונים המונים במקום סלעים ולא־דרך והניסו את צבא הורדוס והכינו לו מטבח נורא. פליטי המלחמה ברחו אל אָרְמִיזָה למקום המחנה, אבל הערבים הקיפו עליו ותפשו אותו עם כל האנשים הנמצאים שם.",
+                    "ג. זמן קצר אחרי הפֻּרענות הזאת בא הורדוס בראש חיל־עזר, אך עבר את המועד. ואמנם סבת המגפה הזאת היתה, כי המרו שרי־החילים את פיו: הן לולא התחוללה המלחמה פתאם, כי אז לא מצא לו אתיניון שעת־הכשר למלא את מזמתו הרעה. הורדוס מהר לעשות נקמה בערבים ופשט על ארצם כפעם בפעם וכה יסר אותם על נצחונם האחד פעמים הרבה. אולם בעוד הוא לוקח נקמה מאויביו, והנה נוספה לו פרענות חדשה, שבאה בידי שמים. כי בשנה השביעית למלכותו בעצם ימי מלחמת אקטיום רגזה ארץ יהודה תחתיה בראשית האביב והמיתה בהמה לאין־מספר, וגם שלֹשים אלף איש נהרגו. אמנם לצבא לא אֻנה כל רע, כי חנה בשדה, אך השמועה, אשר דרכה להפליג בדברי הנוראות, הגיעה אל מערכות הערבים והוסיפה להם אֹמץ. הם חשבו, כי נהפכה כל ארץ יהודה, ואמרו בלבם לרשת את הארץ הריקה מאין יושב, ומהרו לפשוט עליה ולפני צאתם זבחו לאלהיהם את צירי היהודים אשד נמצאו בתוכם. המון היהודים נבהל מפני המלחמה העתידה, כי לא קמה בו עוד רוח מעֹצם הפגעים, אשר התגלגלו עליו זה אחר זה, והורדוס אסף את אנשי־חילו ונִסה לחזק את רוחם, בדברו אליהם לאמר:",
+                    "ד. ״מוזר הדבר בעיני, כי אחזה אתכם פלצות כיום הזה. אִלּוּ למראה נגעי האלהים נפלה רוחכם בקרבכם, החרשתי — אך לא יאות לאנשי־חיל להִמוג מפחד בקום עליהם אדם. הן גם לדבר הזה אין את רוחי להחבא מפני האויב אחרי הרעש, כי מאמין אני, אשר למוקש שלחהו האלהים לפני הערבים, למען יתנו לפנינו את הדין. כי לא בכלי מלחמתם ולא בכח ימינם הם בוטחים הפעם, כי־אם באסון אשר קרה אותנו פתאם. אך לשוא היא תקות אנוש, אשר אין יסודה בחילו ובגבורתו, רק בצרות אחרים ובפגעיהם. כי לא לעולם ימצא האדם פגע וצרה וגם לא לעולם חסן וישועה, וכל עין רואה צבא וחליפות בגורל האדם לטוב ולרע יחדו. בינו את הדבר מן המופתים אשר קרו אתכם. הן במלחמה הראשונה היתה ידנו על העליונה, ואחרי־כן גברו עלינו שונאינו וקרוב הדבר כי הפעם יתפשו במזמותיהם אשר הם חושבים להכריענו. הן הבִּטחה היתֵרה לא תדע להזָהר והפחד מלמד עצה ותחבולה, ועל־כן גם מחִתַּתְכֶם מוסיפה לי אֹמץ ותקוה: כי כאשר העזתם פניכם לבלי־חֹק והעפלתם לעלות על האויב מבלי שמוע לקולי, הנה מצא לו אתיניון עת רצון לבגוד בגד. אך עתה הנני רואה אתכם מתמהמהים ושבורי־לב למראה־עין, והדבר הזה הוא בעיני עֲרֻבּת הנצחון. והנה עליכם להשאר במעמד הזה עד עת מצֹא, אולם בהגיע עת המלחמה תעוררו את רוח גבורתכם ותלמדו את אנשי הבליעל להבין, כי רעת האדם אף פגע האלהים לא יעצרו כח להחליש את עזוז היהודים כל עוד נפשם בם! ואיש מכם לא יתן לערבי להיות למושל בביתו וברכושו, אחרי אשר תפש אותו בכפו כמעט לא פעם ולא שתים, ואל תחרֵדנה אתכם תנועות היסודות אשר אין בהם רוח־חיים, ואל תחשבו כי הרעש הוא אות ומופת לאסון חדש כי יבוא. כי חֻקי הטבע מושלים בפגעי היסודות ולא יוסיפו להביא שֹׁד על האדם, מלבד הנזק הצפון בהם. אמנם יש אשר יבוא איזה פגע קל כאות מבשר רעב או דבר לעתיד, אולם לכל האסונות יש גבול אשר לא יעברוהו. ואף גם זאת, היוכל נצחון שונאינו במלחמה להזיק לנו יותר מאשר עשה הרעש? והנה יש לי אות חזק, כי יפלו אויבינו במלחמה, והאות הזה לא פגע ומקרה הוא וגם לא מעשה אשר בא להם מידי זרים. כי הם המיתו את צירינו באכזריות רשע, לעבור על כל חֻקי האדם, ואת הדבר הזה עשו למען עקוד אותם לקרבן לאלהים, להצליח את מלחמתם. אבל הם לא ימלטו מעין האלהים הגדולה ומזרועו האדירה, ובמהרה יתנו לפנינו את הדין, אם עוד תפעם בלבנו רוח גבורת אבותינו ונקום בעֹז לקחת נקם מהם על אשר הפרו ברית ושבועה. ואל יצא איש מכם להלחם בעד אשתו ולא בעד בניו וגם לא בעד ארץ אבותיו הנמצאה ברעה, רק ילך לקחת את נקמת דם צירינו השפוך. וההרוגים יעברו לפניכם במלחמה ויפליאו לעזרכם משרי צבאותיכם החיים. וגם אני אצא בראשכם לקדם את פני הסכנה, בדעתי כי לקולי תשמעו. הן יודעים אתם, כי לא יעמוד איש בפני עֹצם גבורתכם, אם לא תחפזו במעשיכם ולא תגרמו לעצמכם רעה״.",
+                    "ה. בדברים אלה חִזק הורדוס את לב אנשי־צבאו, ובראותו כי שבה אליהם רוח גבורתם, הקריב זבחים לאלהים, ואחרי הקרבן עבר את הירדן בראש חילו וחנה על־יד רבת־בני־עמון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שמה היוני פילדלפיה (על שם תלמי השני פילאדלפוס).</i> בקרבת האויבים ונִצָּה אתם על־יד המצודה אשר נמצאה בין שני המחנות בתּוֶך, והתכונן למלחמה קרובה, כי גם השונאים שלחו לפניהם אנשים מתי־מספר לכבוש את המצודה. אבל חלוצי־חצבא, אשר שלח המלך, הדפו אותם מהר ותפשו את ראש הגבעה, ולמחרת היום עלה הורדוס עם חילו וסִדר אותו במערכה וקרא את הערבים לצאת אליו למלחמה. אבל איש מהם לא יצא לקראתו, כי חרדה גדולה נפלה על האנשים וגם ראש־הצבא אלתם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אלתמוס, והשם הערבי כהלכתו לא נודע (ואולי ארתם).</i> נמוג מפחד, ולכן נגש המלך והשחית את החֵל [הסוכך על מחנה האויבים]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית הַרַקוֹמה, ונמצאה גם במשנה (כרכום, כרקום).</i>. ולדבר הזה באו הערבים במצוק ויצאו למלחמה בלי סדרים, ורגלִים התבוללו ברוכבים. ואמנם עלו במספרם על היהודים, אך נפלו מהם ברוח גבורתם, אף כי השליכו את נפשותיהם מנגד, בראותם כי רחוקה מהם ישועה.",
+                    "ו. וכל העת אשר עמדו הערבים על נפשם, לא נפל מהם רב, אך כאשר הפנו את ערפם ספו רבים מהם בחרב היהודים, ורבים היו למרמס לרגלי אחיהם. חמשת אלפים נפלו מהם חללים בדרך מנוסתם, והנשארים נדחקו מבית לחֵל. והורדוס הקיפם ושם עליהם מצור וכבר היו עתידים להכנע לפני חרב הורדוס, והנה אזלו המים מכליהם והצמא החיש את מפלתם. המלך קבל את פני שלוחיהם בגאוה ובוז, ועוד הִרבה להציק להם, כאשר אמרו לתת לו חמש מאות ככר כֹּפר פדיון נפשם. וכאשר הוסיף הצמא ללהט בקרבם, יצאו המונים המונים והסגירו את נפשותיהם לרצונם בידי היהודים ובחמשה ימים נאסרו מהם ארבעת אלפים איש בנחֻשתים. וביום הששי נואש ההמון הנשאר מעזרה ויצא לקרב, והורדוס נלחם עמו והכה כשבעת אלפים איש בחרב. ובמכה העצומה הזאת נקם את נקמתו בערב ובצר את רוח גאון אנשיה, עד אשר נבחר גם לראש על־ידי העם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדבר הזה אינו נכון. בקדמוניות ט״ז, י, ט מבֹאר, כי אוגוסטוס קיסר רצה לתת להורדוס את מלכות ערב, אך נחם על מחשבתו, בהודע לו דברי המריבות שבין הורדוס ובין בניו.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס נמנה למלך מטעם אוקטוינוס הקיסר, כי הביא לו מתנות רבות, והוא שלם לו, בהשיבו לו את חלק ארצו, אשר נקרע מעליה בידי קלֵיאופטרא, וגם את חבל נחלת זינון.</small><br><br>א. תכף אחרי הנצחון הזה קדמה את הורדוס הדאגה, פן תלָקח מידו הממשלה על אהבתו לאנטוניוס, אחרי שהיתה יד אוקטוינוס־ציזר על העליונה בסביבות אקטיום. אבל מגורתו הגדולה לא קמה, כי אוקטוינוס לא חשב אשר תבוסת אנטוניוס היא שלֵמה כל הימים אשר ישאר הורדוס נאמן עמו. ובכל־זאת יעץ המלך בלבו לקדם את פני הסכנה ונסע באניה אל רוֹדוֹס, אשר ישב שם אוקטוינוס בימים ההם, ובא אליו בלי נזר מלוכה, ודמה לאיש הדיוט במראהו ובלבושו, אולם למלך בגֹדל רוחו, כי לא כחד ממנו דבר אמת ודבר אליו פנים אל פנים: ציזר, בידי אנטוניוס הוקמתי למלך והנני מודה לפניך, כי בכל דרכי בקשתי להועיל לאנטוניוס, ואף בדבר הזה לא אכסה את האמת תחת לשוני, כי גם במלחמה היו עיניך רואות את הכרת טובתי לאנטוניוס, לולא עצרוני הערבים. ובכל־זאת שלחתי אליו צבא־עזר כאשר היה לאל־ידי וגם המצאתי לו לחם וצידה הרבה רבבות כור. ואף אחרי המגפה על־יד אקטיום לא עזבתי את איש־חסדי, והייתי לו ליועץ נאמן, כאשר לא יכֹלתי עוד לעזרהו במלחמה, ואמרתי לו, כי באחת יוכל לתקון את אשר עות, — אם ימסור את קליאופטרה למָות. גם כסף הבטחתי לו וגם מבצרים להשגב בהם ואמרתי, כי אצא עמו יחד במלחמותיו, אחרי המיתו את האשה הזאת. אבל דודי־קליאופטרה הכבידו את אזניו וגם האלהים עצר בעדו, כי בחר בך ונתן בידך את השלטון. אמנם נפלתי בנופלים עם אנטוניוס יחדו, ואחרי אשר בגד בו מזלו הנה אני מניח לפניך את הנזר. ואליך באתי, בבטחי כי צדקתי תהיה לי לישועה ובתקותי כי תחקור לאמון־רוחי בבריתי ולא תזכור, מי האיש אשר דבקתי באהבתו.",
+                    "ב. ולדברים האלה השיבהו אוקטוינוס: ״שלום לך, והתחזק על כסא מלכותך. הן לך יאתה לנהל ממשלה ברבים, כי הראית את כל חֹזק אהבתך. ועתה נסה־נא לשמור את בריתך לאלה אשר הצליחו בדרכיהם מאיש־חסדך, כי הנה גם אני מקוה ממך לגדולות על נדבת רוחך. ואף אמנם גמל לי אנטוניוס טובה כאשר שמע בקול קליאופטרה ומאס בעצתך, כי בשכר אוַלתו הזאת מצאתי את לבבך נאמן לפני, וכבר החִלות להיטיב לי, כי הנה כתב אלי דידיוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנציב אשר הוקם בסוריה על־ידי אוקטוינוס.</i> בדבר העזרה אשר הספקת לו נגד המתגוששים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הגלדיטורים של אנטוניוס, אשר נמצאו בעיר קיזיקוס ומהרו דרך ארץ סוריה לעזרתו.</i>. ועתה אוציא פקדה להכין את הממלכה בידך ואנסה גם אני לגמול לך חסד, לבל תתהה על חסדי אנטוניוס״.",
+                    "ג. ככה דבר אוקטוינוס טובות עם המלך ושם על ראשו את הנזר והוציא כתב־פקֻדה להיות לעד על המתנה הזאת, ועם המכתב בִּשׂר ברבים את מהלל האיש בדברי־חן. הורדוס נשא את פניו במנחה ואחרי־כן בקש אותו לחמול על אַלֶכְּסָא, הוא אחד מאוהבי אנטוניוס, אשר בא להתחנן לפניו. אולם הקיסר לא יכול לכבוש את כעסו והרבה לדבר קשות עם הורדוס המֵליץ עליו וגם השיב את פניו. ואחרי הדברים האלה, בנסוע אוקטַוינוס אל מצרים דרך ארץ סוריה, יצא הורדוס לקבל את פניו בפעם הראשונה בכל עֹשר מלכותו ורכב על־ידו בפקדו את צבאותיו בסביבות עכּו וגם עשה משתה לו ולכל אוהביו, ואחרי־כן נתן לכל אנשי־הצבא להיטיב את לבם ככל אות נפשם; ומלבד־זאת שקד להמציא מים לרֹב לאנשי־הצבא מדי עברם דרך ארץ הנגב עד סין וגם בעת שובם בדרך הזה, עד אשר לא חסר הצבא דבר ממזונותיו. ואוקטוינוס וכל אנשי־הצבא הראו לדעת, כי קטנה מלכות הורדוס הרבה מדי נדבת לבו. על־כן נשא אוקטוינוס את פני הורדוס בבואו אל ארץ מצרים אחרי מות אנטוניוס וקלֵיאופטרה ועשה לו יקר וגדֻלה וסִפּח על מלכותו את חבל הארץ אשר קרעה מידו קלֵיאופטרה והוסיף עליה מחוץ את גדר ואת סוסיתא ואת שמרון, וגם את הערים אשר על שפת הים עזה ואנתדון ויפו ומגדל סטרטון. ועוד נתן לו למנחה ארבע מאות גַּלִּים להיות שומרים לראשו, והם אשר היו לפנים נושאי כלי קלֵיאופטרה. אמנם סבת המתנות האלה, אשר העניק אוקטוינוס להורדוס, היתה נדבת לב המקבל.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי האַקטְיַדה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מחזור של ארבע שנים, שבסופו קבע אוגוסטוס חג עם משחקים באקטיון, לזכר נצחונו על אנטוניוס. החג הראשון היה בשנת ג״א־תשל״ג, 28 לפני המנין הנהוג.</i> הראשונה הוסיף הקיסר על מלכות הורדוס את חבל הארץ הנקרא טרַכוֹן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה הוראת המלה הזאת הנמצאה גם בספרות התלמודית היא מנוס ביונית — רוץ, כמו השם הערבי שבזמננו אל־לג׳א. — כי שם היה מפלט לשודדים.</i>. (חבל ארגֹב) וגם את ארץ הבשן הקרובה אליו ואת ארץ חַוְרָן, וזאת סבת הדבר: זֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס החוכר את נחלת לִיסַנִּיס לא חדל לשלוח את השודדים מחבל ארגֹב על יושבי דמשק, ובני העיר ברחו אל וַרוֹן הנציב אשר בסוריה וחִלו את פניו להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר מצוקותיהם. וכאשר שמע הקיסר את הדבר שלח פקֻדה לבער את השודדים מן הארץ. וַרוֹן עלה עליהם עם צבאותיו וטהר את הארץ מהאנשים האלה ולקח אותה מזֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס, ואחרי זמן פחד הקיסר, פן תֵּהפך הארץ עוד הפעם לקן השודדים הפושטים על דמשק, ומסר אותה בידי הורדוס. וכאשר בקר הקיסר בפעם השניה את האפַרכיה (נציבות סוריה) בשנת עשר [למלכותו] הקים את הורדוס לנגיד־ראש (אפיטרופוס, מפקח) בכל ארץ סוריה, עד כי לא יכלו נציבי הרומאים לשלוט בארץ מבלי שאל בעצתו. ואחרי מות זֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס נתן הקיסר להורדוס גם את כל הארץ אשר בין טרכון ובין ארץ הגליל (הגולן). ועוד גדול מכל הכבוד הזה היה בעיני הורדוס הדבר, כי אותו אהב הקיסר מכל האנשים אחרי אגריפס, ובעיני אגריפס יקר מכל האנשים זולת הקיסר. וכאשר הגיע המלך למרום הצלחתו, גדלה ועצמה רוחו הנדיבה והוא נשא את נפשו הגדולה אל מעשי הצדקה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על הערים אשר פאר אותן הורדוס והערים אשר בנה ועל יתר מוסדותיו, כי הראה את נדבת לבו גם לבני הנכר והצליח בכל דרכיו.</small><br><br>א. בשנת חמש־עשרה למלכו חדש הורדוס את בנין היכל ה׳ והרחיב את החצר מסביב לו פי שנים ובנה עליה חומה והוציא על הדבר הזה כסף רב לאין־מספר ועשה את המלאכה בתפארת, אשר אין ערוך אליה. ועל הדבר הזה יעידו האולמים (האסתוניות) הגדולים מסביב למקדש והמצודה אשר עליו מצפון, כי את האולמים יסדו ובנו ידי הורדוס מחדש ואת המצודה הרחיב ופזר לדבר הזה הון עצום, עד אשר לא נפלה ביפיה מארמון מלכים, וקרא לה בשם אנטוניה לכבוד אנטוניוס. גם את בית־המלכות אשר לו הקים בעיר העליונה — שני בנינים גדולים וכלילי־יפי, אשר גם היכל ה׳ לא דמה אליהם בהדרו, וקרא להם על שמות שני ידידיו, לאחד קיסריון ולשני אגרפִּיון.",
+                    "ב. אולם לא רק בבתים אשר בנה חקק הורדוס את זכר אוהביו ואת שמותיהם, כי עוד הגדיל מזה לכבד אותם במבנה ערים שלמות. כי בארץ שמרון בנה עיר והקיף עליה מסביב חומה נהדרה בארך עשרים ריס והביא אל העיר ששת אלפים תושבים וחלק להם לנחלה אדמה פוריה, ובתוך העיר אשר יסד הקים היכל גדול ומסביב לו הקדיש ככר לקיסר שלשה חצאי ריס, וקרא לעיר בשם סבַסטֵי, וליושביה נתן משפטים נבחרים.",
+                    "ג. ובאשר הוסיף הקיסר לתת להורדוס ארץ על גבולו, בנה שם היכל לכבודו על־יד מקורות הירדן, כֻלו שיש לבן. ושם המקום ההוא פַּנֵּיאָס (פַּמָיִס). שם מתרומם אחד מראשי ההרים לגֹבה אין־חקר. ובצלע ההר מלמטה נפתח פי מערה מכֻסה, ובקרב המערה כמראה נקרת־צור תלולה, השוקעת אל תהום עמֻקה מאד, והיא מלאה מי־מנוחות, וחוקרי עֹמק־המים לא יכלו להגיע עד תחתית המצולה גם בחבל ארֹך מאד. מירכתי המערה הפונים החוצה פורצים מעינות, ושם מוצא הירדן לדעת אחדים. ועוד נבאר את זה לאשורו בדברים הבאים.",
+                    "ד. ובעיר יריחו בין מצודת קפרוס ובין ארמון המלך הישן הקים המלך ארמון חדש וטוב מן הראשון ונוח ממנו למושב וקרא לו על שם שני אוהביו. ובכלל לא נוכל לאמר, כי נשאר בכל המלכות אף מקום אחד ראוי, אשר לא עשה בו כבוד לקיסר. ואחרי אשר מלא את ארצו היכלות הוסיף לכבד אותו באפרכיה והקים קיסריונים (בניני תפארה לכבוד הקיסר) בערים רבות.",
+                    "ה. הוא בחר לו על שפת הים עיר אחת אובדת, ושמה מגדל סטרטון, כי היתה יפת־נוף וראויה להתכבד, ובנה מחדש את כלה אבנים לבנות וקשט אותה בארמון מלכים נהדר, ובו הראה לכל את תכונת רוחו הגדולה, כי בכל חוף הים בין דֹאר ובין יפו, ששם נמצאה העיר בתָוך, לא היה נמל לאניות, ועל־כן היו כל האניות היורדות בים מארץ הצידונים (פיניקיה) אל מצרים מפליגות בלב הים, כי פחדו מרוח דרומית־מערבית, אשר גם בעת נשיבתה בנחת היתה מכה גלים אדירים אל סלעי החוף ומשברי הגלים היו מרתיחים את מצולת הים למרחקים. אך המלך לא חס על הכסף ועל העמל הרב ברצותו לכבד את אוהביו וכבש את איתני הטבע והקים במקום ההוא נמל גדול מנמל פִּירֵיוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא הנמל הידוע של אתיני (אתונא בלשון התלמוד).</i> ובירכתי הנמל שם מבואות עמוקים לאניות.",
+                    "ו. ואף כי טבע המקום היה לו לשטן במעשהו, נלחם עם המעצורים הקשים וגם יכול להם, והקים בנין מֻצק, אשר לא עצר הים כח להרסו, וכלל אותו ביפיו כמעשה הדבר אשר יעשה בלי עמל ויגיעה רבה. הנה כבר דברנו, כי קבע הורדוס את גדל הנמל במדה ושלשל אבנים בעֹמק עשרים חבל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אורגיות, החבל הוא ארבע אמות — כל אחת רגל וחצי, ויש עוד חבל ארך יותר, די שמונה, ואף די עשר רגלים.</i> לתוך הים, ולרב האבנים היה אֹרך חמשים רגל וקומתן תשע רגלים ורחבן עשר רגלים, ואבנים אחדות גדלו עוד במדתן מאלה. וכאשר נסתם פי המצולה, צוה הורדוס להרחיב את חלק הסכר העולה מתוך המים עד מאתים רגל. ועל מאת הרגל החיצונות הקים שתות לעצור את שטף גלי הים, והחלק הזה בקרא בשם ״פרוֹקֻמִיָה״ (עוצר הגלים), והחלק הנשאר היה ליסוד חומת־אבנים, המקיפה את הנמל. ובחומה התנוססו מגדלים גבוהים והגדול ביניהם ביפיו נקרא דרוּסִיוֹן, כשם הבן החורג לקיסר (דרוסוּס).",
+                    "ז. כפות רבות הוקמו שם למחסה לבאים באניות, והמרצפת המקיפה אותן בעגול היא מקום רחב־ידים לטַיָלים. ומבוא הנמל מצד צפון, כי רוח הצפון קלה במקום הזה מיתר הרוחות. ומשני צדי המבוא שלש מצבות־ענק נטועות על עמודים. המצבות משמאל לבאים מן הים אל החוף נשענות על מגדל מֻצק והמצבות מעבר ימין עמדו על שני סלעים זקופים ומחֻבּרים העולים בחסנם גם על המגדל אשר ממולם. הבתים הקרובים אל הנמל נבנו גם הם מאבנים לבנות ומרחק אחד היה בין רחובות העיר המשתרעים עד החוף. ולמול פי הנמל מתנשא היכל הקיסר בראש גבעה, והוא נפלא בגדלו וכליל יֹפי. ובקרבו פסל ענק תבנית הקיסר, שנעשה כדמות פסל זֶוס אשר באולימפיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היצירה הידועה של פֵידִיאַס הפַּסָּל איש אתונא.</i> ואינו נופל ממנו במדתו. ועל־ידו פסל האלילה רומא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמל העיר.</i>, הדומה לפסל הירה אשר בארגוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מעשי ידי הפַּסָּל הידוע פוליקלטס.</i>. ואת העיר הזאת נתן הורדוס נדבה לאֶפַּרכיה (לנציבות סוריה) ואת הנמל ליורדי הים הסרים אליו ואת כל כבוד המוסד נתן לקיסר, כי קרא לעיר ״קיסריה״ (קיסרי, קיסרין) על שמו.",
+                    "ח. ואת יתר הבנינים, את האמפיתיאטרון ואת התיאטרון ואת השוָקים יסד הורדוס כמשפט לאיש אשר נקראה העיר על שמו. הוא תקן שם משחקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משחקי מתחרים במרוץ, במרוץ הסוסים, מתגוששים ועוד.</i> אחת לחמש שנים וגם אותם קרא על שם הקיסר. ובפעם הראשונה קבע פרסים גדולים מאד למנצחים באולימפידה המאה ותשעים ושתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ג״א תשמ״ט—תשנ״ג, י״ב עד ח לפני המנין הנהוג.</i>, ולא המנצחים במשחקים בלבד, כי־אם גם השניים והשלישים להם נשאו משאות כיד המלך. הוא בנה מחדש גם את העיר אנתדון, אשר חרבה במלחמה, וקרא לה בשם אגרפיון. ומִגֹּדל אהבתו לידידו זה חרת את שמו גם מעל לשער אשר בנה להיכל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה בבית־המקדש.</i>.",
+                    "ט. גם באהבתו לאביו ולאמו נפלא הורדוס מיתר האנשים. לאביו שם מצבת־זכרון בעיר אשר בנה בעמק היפה במלכותו, המלא נחלי מים ועצי חמד, וקרא לה בשם אַנְטִיפַּטְרִיס, וממעל ליריחו הקים מבצר נשגב בחסנו וכלול בהדרו והקדיש אותו לאמו בקראו את שמו קִפְּרוס. ולזכר פצאל אחיו בנה בירושלים מגדל על שמו ואת תכנית המגדל הזה ואת הדר גדלו עוד נספר בדברינו הבאים. וגם יסד עיר בעמק הצר מצפון בואכה יריחו וקרא לו פַצָאֶלִּיס.",
+                    "י. וכאשר עשה הורדוס זכר עולם לקרוביו ולאוהביו, לא זלזל גם בזכר עצמו; על־כן בנה מבצר בהר הפונה אל ארץ ערב וקרא לו הורדיון (הֵירוֹדִיּוֹן) על שמו. ואף הרמה העשויה בידי אדם, במרחק ששים ריס מירושלים, אשר דמות לה כמראה שֵׁד, גם לה קרא הורדוס בשם הזה וכלל את יפיה בכבוד וברוח נדיבה, כי את ראש הרמה הקיף מגדלים עגֻלים ואת כל הככר המֻקף מלא ארמנות נהדרים, ולא רק מראה הבתים בפנים היה תאוה לעינים, כי־אם גם מחוץ היה עֹשר רב שפוך על הקירות והקרנות והגגות. המלך פִזר כסף רב למשוך ממרחק מים רבים עד ראש הרמה, ובשפוע הגבעה חצב מאתים מעלות שיש לבן צח, כי היתה הגבעה גבוהה למדי, אף כי כֻלה נעשתה בידי אדם. וגם בתחתית הגבעה הקים הורדוס בניני מלכים אחרים, בתי מסכנות לכלי בית המלך ובתי משכן לעבדיו, עד כי דמתה המצודה הזאת לכל חֻקיה לעיר שלֵמה בתחום ארמון־מלכים.",
+                    "יא. ואחרי אשר יסד הורדוס את כל אלה הראה את נדבת רוחו גם לערים אשר מחוץ. הוא הקים גִמנסיאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מקומות לתרגילי המרוץ, ההתאבקות, הטלת חניתות וכדומה.</i> בטריפוליס, בדמשק ובעכו ותקן את חומת גְבָל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית בִּבּלוֹס.</i> ובנה אכסדרות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן: מדורות מרֻוחים לאספות.</i> ואולמים [אסתוניות]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סטואה ביונית. בעברית סטיו, אצטונית, אסתונית וגם אצטבא, מבואות־עמודים ארֻכִּים לטיול ולאספות.</i> והיכלות ושוָקים בבארות (בַּיְרות) ובצור. בצידון ובצור הקים הורדוס תיאטראות וליושבי לודקיה על שפת הים כרה תעלות להביא מים העירה ולאשקלונים יסד בתי־מרחץ וחפר בארות נחמדות. ומלבד אלה הקים שם אולמי־עמודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פֶּרִיסְטִילוֹן. אולם־עמודים מרֻוָּח לאספות.</i> נפלאים בפאר מלאכתם ובגדלם. ולערים אחרות נתן שדי־עצים ושדי־חציר, וערים רבות קבלו ממנו גם אדמה לנחלה, כמשפט הערים הנחשבות על מלכותו. ובערים אחרות תקן משרות קבועות לראשי גמנסיאות ונתן להם את ארֻחתם שנה שנה ודרש מהם — כאשר עשה ליושבי האי קוֹס — שלא יחדלו הפרָסים כל הימים. וגם לחם הפיק הורדוס לכל שואל די מחסורו, וליושבי רודוס פזר כסף לרֹב כפעם בפעם, למען יתקנו את צי הים אשר להם. ואת היכל פִּתִּיּוֹן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היכל אפולון בדלפי.</i> השרוף בנה מכספו והִרבה את הדרו מבראשונה. ומי יוכל למנות את כל המתנות אשר העניק הורדוס ליושבי לֻקִּיָּה וסַמּוֹס ולתַנות את נדבותיו לבני יוֹנִיָּה כֻּלה, לאיש ואיש כפי מחסורו, והאם האתונים והלַקֵּידימונים ויושבי נִיקוֹפּוֹלִיס ופֶרְגַמּוֹן אשר במוּסִיָּה לא שבעו את ברכותיו?<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ז)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לוקיה (ליקיה) ומוּסיה (מיסיה) באסיה הקטנה.</i> הן גם תקן את הרחוב הגדול בעיר אנטיוכיה אשר בסוריה, כי לא יכול איש לעבור בו מפני זֻהמתו, ורצף אותו באֹרך עשרים פרסה מרצפת שיש לבן ובנה אולם (סטיו) ארֹך על כל פני המרצפת למחסה מגשם.",
+                    "יב. ואם יבוא איש ויאמר, כי בדברים האלה גמל הורדוס חסד לערים יחידות, הנה בטובה אשר עשה ליושבי אֵילִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במערב הפלופונסוס.</i> אָצל ברכה רבה לא לכל עמי יון בלבד, כי־אם גם לכל באי העולם, אשר הגיע אליהם שֵׁמע משחקי המתנצחים באולימפיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא העיר הגדולה באֶליס, מקום המשחקים האולימפיים אחת לארבע שנים (בכל שנה חמישית).</i>. כי בראות הורדוס, אשר עוד מעט יחדלו המשחקים האלה מחֹסר כסף. ובזה יאבד השריד האחרון ליון הקדומה, תקן פרסים למחזור חמש השנים, אשר בו סר אל אולימפיה בדרך נסעו אל רומא, והגדיל עוד לעשות מזה, בהכינו תרומת כסף למשחקים האלה לאֹרך ימים, ועל־כן לא יסוף זכרו לעולם בגלל הפרסים אשר קבע. ומי יוכל לפרוט את כל חסדיו, בקראו שמטה לחובות־כספים ולמסים, כמעשׂהו ליושבי פצאלס ובלניה, וגם מעל יושבי ערי הפרזות בקיליקיה הֵקל את על המסים שנה שנה. ונדבת ידו עוד גדלה ועצמה מזה, לולא פחד, פן יקנאו בו רבים ופן יאמרו, כי עלתה בלבו מחשבה זרה ללכת בגדולות ובנפלאות ממנו, בהִכָּבדו במעשי חסדיו בערים נכריות על־פני מושליהן.",
+                    "יג. גם תכונת גופו דמתה לגֹדל נפשו. הוא היה צַיָּד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קוּנֵיגָטֶס, היא המלה התלמודית: קניגי.</i> מצליח כל הימים והפליא לעשות בעבודת הציד, כי היה משכיל לרכוב על הסוס. ביום אחד הכריע בצידו ארבעים חיה, כי הארץ הזאת מגדלת חזירים וצבאים ועיָרים נמצאו בה לרֹב. והורדוס היה גם גבור־חיל במלחמה, עד אשר לא יכול איש לעמוד בפניו. גם בעת משחקי המתאבקים פחדו רבים ממנו, בראותם אותו מטיל את החנית ישר אל המטרה, וקולע בקשתו אל השערה. ונוסף על מעלות נפשו וכֹח גופו היה איש מצליח בכל דרכיו. ורק פעם או שתים נגף במלחמה, וגם המכשֵׁלה הזאת לא מידו יצאה, כי־אם מבגד זרים או מפחזות אנשי חילו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על מות אריסטובולוס והורקנוס הכהנים הגדולים ומרים המלכה.</small><br><br>א. אולם כגֹדל אֹשר הורדוס מחוץ, ככה גדל היגון אשר נגזר עליו מבית. וראשית מזלו הרע היתה אשתו, אשר הִרבה לאהבהּ על פני כֹל. כי בהגיע הורדוס לממשלה שלח מעל פניו את אשתו הראשונה, אשר לקח בהיותו הדיוט, והיא אחת מבנות ירושלים ושמה דּוֹרִיס, ונשא את מִרים בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס, ובגללה קמו מריבות בקרב ביתו בזמן קרוב. ועוד גדלו ועצמו אחרי שוב הורדוס מעיר רומא. לראשונה גרש הורדוס מן העיר את בנו אנטיפטרוס, הנולד לו מדוריס, ושלח אותו מעל פני בני מרים, ואחרי־כן המית את הורקנוס אבי אם מרים, אשר בא אליו מארץ הפרתים, בהתגוללו עליו, כי זמם לקחת את נפשו. כי בַּזַּפְּרַנא לקח את הורקנוס בשביה בפשטו על ארץ סוריה, ואחיו היהודים היושבים בעבר נהר פרת חמלו עליו ופדו אותו ממאסרו. ולו שמע הורקנוס לקול היהודים האלה, כאשר יעצו אותו, לבל ישוב אל הורדוס, כי אז נצל ממות. אך נשואי בת בתו היו לו למוקש, כי בטח בדבר הזה והלך אל ארץ מולדתו, אשר נכספה נפשו לראותה. ואמנם לא היה לשטן להורדוס ולא בזה הכעיס את רוחו, כי־אם בדבר, אשר לו יאתה המלוכה במשפט.",
+                    "ב. מרים ילדה להורדוס חמשה ילדים, שתי בנות ושלשה בנים. צעיר־בניה גדל ברומא ושם מת. ואת שני בניה הגדולים יעד הורדוס למלוכה, בעבור כבוד משפחת אמם ועל אשר נולדו לו אחרי שבתו על כסא מלכותו. ויותר מזה חִזקה אותו בדבר אהבתו למרים אשתו, אשר בערה בקרבו כאש ועצמה מיום ליום, עד כי לא חש את המכאובים אשר הביאה עליו אהובת נפשו. כי מרים שנאה את הורדוס שנאה עזה כאהבתו אשר אהבה. ולה היה המשפט לשטום את בעלה על מעשיו הרעים. ובבטחה כי דבק בה לב בעלה, היתה מיסרת אותו בדברים פנים אל פנים על תועבותיו אשר עשה להורקנוס אבי אמה ולאריסטובולוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: יונתן. ואולי זאת טעות במקום ״יהודה״ — וזה היה כנראה שמו העברי של הכהן הגדול האחרון לבית החשמונאים.</i> אחיה. כי גם על הנער הזה ועל ימי עלומיו לא חמל הורדוס, ואחרי תתו לו את הכהֻנה הגדולה בהיותו בן שבע־עשרה שנה, צוה להמית אותו מיד. כי כאשר לבש הנער את בגדי הקדש ועלה לשרת על המזבח במועד החג, זלגו עיני העם דמעות. והורדוס קנא בנער הזה ושלח אותו אל יריחו בלילה, ושם טבלו הגַלים את בשרו בברֵכה עד אשר יצאה נשמתו, כאשר צוה עליהם המלך.",
+                    "ג. על המעשים האלה דברה מרים קשות עם הורדוס ושפכה חרפות נוראות על ראש אחותו ואמו. אמנם המלך היה כמחריש מגֹדל אהבתו אליה, אבל את לב הנשים אכלה קנאה עזה. הן התמַכּרו להעלות את חמת הורדוס עליה עד להשחית והכו אותה בלשון לפניו, כי זנתה עליו, ובדו דברים רבים למען יאמין הורדוס לשטנתן, ובכלל דבריהן ספרו, כי שלחה מרים את תמונתה לאנטוניוס אל ארץ מצרים ובעצמת נאפופיה גלתה את יפיה מרחוק לאיש הזה, הנותן לנשים חילו, אשר בכחו לקחת אותה בחֹזק יד. כלהט ברק החרידה הדִבה הזאת את הורדוס, כי האהבה הפיחה בקרבו קנאת גבר עזה והוא שם אל לבו את עלילות קליאופטרה הנוראות, אשר הכריעו למות את לסניס ואת מלְכוֹ הערבי, וחרד מאד, פן תלקח אשתו ממנו, וגם אימת מות נפלה עליו.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר שם הורדוס את פעמיו לדרך רחוקה, הפקיד את אשתו בידי יוסף בעל שלֹמית אחותו, אשר היה נאמן בעיניו ואהוב לו מקרבתו אליו, ובסתר צוה עליו להמית את מרים, כאשר יוציא עליו אנטוניוס משפט מות. ויוסף גלה את הסוד למרים, לא במחשבת בליעל, כי־אם ברצותו להראותה את אהבת בעלה הגדולה אליה עד כי גם המות לא יוכל להפריד בינו ובינה. וכאשר שב הורדוס מדרכו וישב עם אשתו יחד וברֹב שיחו הראה לה את תשוקתו העזה ונשבע לה, כי לא יאהב עד עולם אשה זולתה, ענתה אותו מרים: ״את כל עזוז אהבתך הראית בפקֻדתך אשר נתת בידי יוסף להמיתני״.",
+                    "ה. וכששמע הורדוס, כי נגלה דבר סודו, יצא כמעט מדעתו וקרא: ״יוסף לא נועז לגלות לך את דבר פקֻדתי, לולא פִתּה אותך מאחרי״. מכאב לבו אבדה רוח בינתו; הוא קפץ מעל משכבו ורץ בחמתו בבית המלכות אנה ואנה. ושלֹמית אחותו מצאה הפעם עת רצון להפיח כזבים ולחזק את קנאת הורדוס ביוסף. ומעצמת קנאת הורדוס נטרפה דעתו ומיד צוה להמית את שניהם (את יוסף ואת מרים). אולם כשוב אליו בינתו יסרוהו כליותיו על המעשה וכשֹׁך חמתו התגברה אהבתו עוד הפעם ואש תאותו התלקחה בקרבו, עד אשר מאן להאמין כי מתה מרים, ובנוח עליו רוח עועים היה מדַבּר אליה כדַבּר אל החיים, עד אשר ארכו הימים והוא הכיר את כל האסון אשר קרהו, ואז גדל אבלו עליה כגֹדל אהבתו אותה בחיים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>עלילות דברים על בני מרים. אנטיפטרוס קבל את משפט הבכורה עליהם. הם עומדים למשפט לפני כסא הקיסר והוא מקים שלום ביניהם ובין הורדוס.</small><br><br>א. והבנים ירשו את משטמת אמם ומדי העלותם על לבם את מעשה הנבלה אשר עשה אביהם חשבו אותו לשונאם בנפש. ככה עשו מימיהם הראשונים כאשר גדלו ברומא, ועוד הוסיפו לשנאו אחרי שובם אל ארץ יהודה, וכאשר הלכו הנערים הלוך וגדול בשנים, כן גדלה גם שנאתם. ובהגיע עת נשואיהם והאחד לקח לאשה את בת דודתו שלֹמית, אשר עמדה לפנים על־יד אמם לשטנה, והשני נשא את בת אַרְכֵילַאוֹס מלך קַפּוֹדקיא, ערבו האחים את לבם להראות את שנאתם לעינים. ובעֹז נפש הצעירים מצאו הולכי רכיל חפצם ואנשי בליעל אחדים דברו אל המלך יום יום, כי רעה נגד פניו משני בניו אלה, כי חתן ארכילאוס אומר לברוח אל חותנו למצֹא מחסה, למען יוכל אחרי זאת להתאונן על אביו באזני הקיסר. וכאשר שׂבע הורדוס את דברי המלשינים האלה קֵרב אליו את אנטיפטרוס בנו, אשר ילדה לו דוריס, להיות לו למשען בפני אחיו, וגִדל את כבודו בכל הליכותיו.",
+                    "ב. ושני האחים נלאו לשאת את התמורה הזאת, ובראותם את בן האשה ההדיוטית הולך וגדול, לא יכלו בגאון מולדתם להבליג על כעסם ולכל מקרה אשר עצָבם הראו את אפם וחמתם לעינים. מיום ליום גדלה משטמתם, ואנטיפטרוס מצא חפצו בדבר הזה לעלות למעלה. הוא הִרבה לדַבּר חלקות באזני אביו והתחכם לבדות על אחיו עלילות מעלילות שונות, ופעם היה בעצמו מוציא עליהם דִבּה לפניו, ויש אשר שלח את האנשים הקרובים אליו לדבר עליהם רעות, עד אשר הִשׂכּיל להוביש את כל תקוות אחיו לירֻשת הממלכה. על־פי צואת הורדוס נעשה אנטיפטרוס ליורש הכסא וכן היה בעיני כֹל. בכבוד מלכים נשלח אל הקיסר, בעדי עדיים ובעבֻדה רבה ורק הנזר לא היה על ראשו. לימים מצא אוֹן בנפשו להעלות את אמו על יצועי מרים. בשתים עשה מלחמה באחיו, בחנֻפה ובדברי רכיל, ובערמתו פתה את אביו להשיא מות על בניו.",
+                    "ג. הורדוס סחב אחריו את אלכסנדרוס אל רומא והתאונן עליו באזני הקיסר, כי התנכל להמיתו ברעל. בקֹשי מצא אלכסנדרוס כֹּח לשפוך את יגונו, בהכירו כי הקיסר הוא שופט נבון, המיטיב לבחון את לב אנטיפטרוס וגם חכם במשפטו מהורדוס. על־כן הצניע לכת ולא גלה על עונות אביו, אולם הפר בחזקת־היד את כל הדִבּה הרעה אשר הוציא עליו. וגם נקה מאשם את אחיו, אשר נמצא אתו יחד בצרה, ואחרי־כן התאונן על מזמת אנטיפטרוס הרעה ועל החרפה אשר נעשתה לו ולאחיו. הוא בטח בבֹר לבבו, וגם כח מליצתו היה לו לעזרה, כי היה מפליא לדבר מאד. וכאשר קרא אלכסנדרוס באחרית דבריו, כי טוב לו ולאחיו למות בידי אביהם, אחרי שהטיל עליהם אשמה אשר כזו, העיר את חמלת כל העומדים שם, עד אשר זלגו עיניהם דמעות, וגם מצא חן בעיני הקיסר מאד, והוא העביר מעליהם את כל דברי האשמה והקים שלום ביניהם ובין הורדוס והִתְנָה אתם, כי ישמעו לקול אביהם לכל אשר יצום, ולו המשפט לתת את מלכותו לנחלה לבנו הטוב בעיניו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הדברים האלה שב המלך מרומא, ולמראה עין העביר את אשמת בניו, אולם לא חדל לחשוד בהם, כי אנטיפטרוס מפיח־המדנים הלך אתו יחדו. אך לא גלה על שנאתו מיראתו את האיש, אשר הקים שלום ביניהם (הקיסר). וכאשר עבר הורדוס באניה אל ארץ קיליקיה וירד אל היבשה בְּאֶלַיּוּסָה, עשה לו ארכילאוס משתה־ידידים להודות לו על פדות נפש חתנו. ארכילאוס שמח לַשלום מאד, וכבר הואיל לכתוב אל אנשי־שלומו ברומא לעזור לאלכסנדרוס בריבו. הוא שלח את הורדוס עד זֶפִירְיוֹן ונתן לו מתנות עד שלשים ככר.",
+                    "ה. ובבוא הורדוס אל ירושלים הקהיל את העם והציג לפניו את שלשת בניו והצטדק על־דבר מסעו והִרבה להודות לאלהים וגם לשבח את הקיסר, אשר הקים את ביתו הנופל ונתן לבניו את השלום, אשר הוא דבר גדול מהמלוכה, והוסיף לדבר: ״את השלום הזה אכין ביתר־עֹז, כי הנה הקים אותי הקיסר לאדוני הממשלה ונתן לי את המשפט לבחור ביורש כסאי. ובזה אני ממלא את רצונו והוא גם רצוני. את שלשת הבנים האלה אני מקים למלכים ומתפלל אל אלהים (כי יברכם) — ואחריו אני מבקש אתכם לשמוח בדבר הזה. הן לאחד תֵּאות המלוכה על־פי משפט הבכורה, ולשני אחיו בגלל יחש משפחתם, כי הנה הממלכה היא גדולה ותצלח לממשלת מלכים רבים. ועליכם להזהר לכבד את שלשת הבנים האלה, אשר חִבּר אותם הקיסר יחד ואביהם הקים אותם למושלים, ואל תתנו להם כבוד אשר לא יאות להם בצדק ובמשפט, כי־אם לכל אחד כפי מספר שניו. ואם יחשוב איש, אשר בהרבותו בכבוד אחד האחים ממדת שניו יתן שמחה בלבו, הן לא תשוה השמחה הזאת בכעס האח השני, אשר יגָרע מכבודו. וגם אני אגזור משפט, מי ומי ראויים לבוא בחברת שלשת בני אלה ולהיות להם לקרובים ולאוהבים, והם יערבוני את השלום. יודע אני היטב, כי מיצר לב חברים רעים תצא מריבה וקנאה, ואם יהיו להם חברים להועיל, — ישמרו דרכי אהבה (ושלום). ואמנם אני דורש מבני אלה וגם מכל שרי צבאות חילי, כי רק אלי תהיינה עיניהם נשואות כיום הזה. כי לא את המלוכה, רק את כבוד המלוכה לבד נתתי בידי בני, למען ישׂבעו מברכותיה, אולם כל כֹּבד (חֹזק) השלטון ישאר בידי, ולוּ גם יהיה הדבר בעל־כרחי. וכל איש ואיש יתן־נא אל לבו ויזכור את מדת ימי, את ארחות חיי ואת צדקתי לפני האלהים, הן עוד טרם זקנתי, כי אוָאש מחיי במהרה, ולא הלכתי אחרי חמדות־בשרים, אשר כֹּח להן לקצר שנות עלומים. וגם בעבודת־אלהים יצאתי ידי חובתי, ועל־כן אבטח, כי אאריך ימים הרבה. והאיש אשר יעבוד את בנַי בקוותו ליום חליפתי הוא יתן לפני את הדין גם על אשר עשה להם. כי לא מקנאה ביוצאי חלצי אני רוצה להרחיק מהם כל עבודת חנֻפה, כי־אם יודע אני, אשר הכבוד מלַמד את בני־הנעורים משובה וזדון. וכאשר ישיב אל לבו כל איש המתהלך לפני בני, כי בעשותו דבר להועיל ישא ברכה מידי חֵלף מעשיו, ואם יפיח מדנים — לא יראה שכר מדותיו הרעות גם מידי האיש אשר חפץ ביקרו — אז אבטח בדבר, כי כלכם תדרשו טובתי, והלא היא גם טובת בני, כי גם להם ייטב, אם תשאר הממשלה בידי ושלום יהיה ביני וביניהם. ואתם, בני היקרים, זכרו לראשונה את חבלי הטבע הקדושים, אשר בהם תכּון האהבה גם בקרב חיות רעות. והשנית — זכרו את הקיסר, אשר הקים שלום ביניכם, והשלישית — שימו לבכם אלי, אשר לי המשפט לצוות עליכם — ואיני עושה זאת ורק הנני מדבר על לבכם: שמרו ברית אחים! והנה אני נותן לכם בגדי מלכות ועבֻדת מלכים. ואל האלהים תפלתי, כי ישלים את עצתי הטובה, אם תחיו בשלום״. לדברים האלה חבק באהבה את כל אחד משלשת בניו ושִׁלח את העם. ורבים מן הקהל הנאסף התפללו גם הם, כי תצליח עצת־המלך. והאנשים, אשר נשאו את לבם לתמורות, עשו כאִלו לא שמעו דבר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תועבות אנטיפטרוס ודוריס. בגלל גלפירה יצאה דבה על אלכסנדרוס. פירורא נחשד במעשה זר ונס אשמת שלֹמית נגלתה, והמלך סלח לפשעיהם. הורדוס ענה את הסריסים ואלכסנדרוס נאסר בנחֻשתים.</small><br><br>א. השנאה הכבושה נשארה בלבות האחים והם נפרדו במחשבות רעות — מבראשונה. אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס נרגנו על אשר נתן לאנטיפטרוס משפט הבכורה, ואנטיפטרוס קנא באחיו על אשר היו לו למשנִים. אמנם הוא היה איש מזמות מתכונתו וידע לעצור במלים ובערמתו הרבה הבין לכסות את שנאתו לאחיו. אולם אחיו הגאים ביחש משפחתם היו מגלים בלשונם את כל מחשבות לבם. ואנשים רבים עמדו עליהם להגדיל את רגזם, ויותר מאוהביהם הנאמנים עשו זאת החנפים, אשר התגנבו אליהם לרגל את צפוניהם. וכל דבור אשר נזרק מפי אלכסנדרוס מצא דרכו מיד אל אנטיפטרוס ואחרי־כן נמסר עם תוסֶפת משלו אל הורדוס. וגם בדַבּר אלכסנדרוס דברים לתמו לא היה בטוח משוט־לשון, כי כל מוצא שפתיו שֻׁנה למצֹא בו מחשבה זרה, ומה גם כשדבּר ככל אשר עם לבו — כי נוספו על דבריו כזבים רבים והדבר הקטן נעשה לגדול מאד. ואנטיפטרוס שלח אליו כפעם בפעם אנשים מחרחרי ריב, למען יוכל אחרי־כן לסמוך את שקריו על איזה שרש דבר, בדעתו כי שמץ־אמת מחזק את האמונה בכל דברי להג. לעֻמת־זאת היו כל אוהבי אנטיפטרוס שומרי־סוד מתכונתם ועוד הוסיף להטות את לבם בכסף, לבל יגלו דבר מצפוניו. — אמת בפי האומר, כי כל חיי אנטיפטרוס היו תעלומת־רשע! גם את העומדים על אלכסנדרוס פִּתּה במתן שחד או בדברי חלקות, אשר התחכם בהם תמיד למצא את כל חפצו, למען יבגדו באדוניהם וימסרו לו את כל המעשים אשר עשה ואת כל ניב שפתיו. ואת כל דבריו עשה אנטיפטרוס בדעת ובחשבון כמעשה המשַׂחק בחזיון־עלילה ובתחבולה רבה מצא מסלות שונות לדברי שקריו אל לב הורדוס. הוא התחפש כאח נאמן ושלח מלשינים אחרים אל אביו, וכאשר יצא דבר רע על אלכסנדרוס במעמד אביו, היה אנטיפטרוס שׂם לו סתר פנים, כאלו בא במקרה ונכנס לתוך הדברים, בתחלה נסה להכחיש את השמועה ואחרי־כן חִזק כלאחר־יד את כל הדִבּה והעיר את חמת המלך. וכל הדברים נדרשו סמוכים למזמת אלכסנדרוס הרעה, למען יֵרָאה, כי הוא אומר בלבו להמית את אביו. ואיש לא השכיל לחַזק את אמונת־המלך בעלילות השקר האלה, כאשר עשה אנטיפטרוס בעמדו על אחיו למליץ־ישׁר.",
+                    "ב. והורדוס נרגז מאד לשמועות האלה ומיום ליום רפתה אהבתו לשני הצעירים, ובמדה הזאת הוסיף לאהוב את אנטיפטרוס. ויחד עמו רחקו מן האחים גם השרים והעבדים בחצר המלך. אלה נטו מעליהם על דעת עצמם ואלה עשו זאת במצות המלך, כמעשה תלמי הנכבד בין כל אוהבי הורדוס, וגם אחי המלך וכל בני ביתו. וכל הגדֻלה היתה לאנטיפטרוס. ועוד רע ומר מזה היה לאלכסנדרוס, כי גם אֵם אנטיפטרוס עלתה לגדֻלה יתרה, היא האשה אשר יעצה רעה עליו ועל אחיו וקשה היתה להם מכל אם חורגת, בשנאהּ אותם ביתר שאת, כי היו בני צרתה המלכה. וכל העומדים בחצר המלך שרתו את אנטיפטרוס, כי אליו נשאו את עיניהם, ויותר מזאת, כי חזקו עליהם דברי המלך ומצותו, לבל ידרכו כל אנשי המשרה על סף בית אלכסנדרוס ולא יבואו עמו בדברים. ואימת הורדוס היתה מוטלת על אוהבי אלכסנדרוס לא בארץ יהודה בלבד, כי־אם גם בארצות נכריות. כי לו נתן הקיסר תֹּקף ועז מכל המלכים, עד אשר היה לאל־ידו להוציא את הבורחים גם מן הערים אשר לא סרו למשמעתו. והצעירים (בני מרים) לא ידעו מכל עלילות שוטניהם, ועל־כן לא נזהרו ונפלו בשחיתותיהם על־נקלה. כי לא הוכיח אותם אביהם פנים בפנים; ורק מעט מעט נגלה להם הדבר, בראותם יום יום, כי סר לבו מעליהם והוא מהיר לכעוס לכל שמועת עֹצב. אנטיפטרוס השכיל להעלות עליהם גם את שנאת דודו פירורא והרבה לבקש את קרבת דודתו שלֹמית, כאלו היתה אשת נעוריו, וגם לסכסך אותה באחיו כל הימים. וגם גלפירה אשת אלכסנדרוס עזרה לו להפיח את חמת שלֹמית, כי היתה מרבה לדבר על יחש משפחתה והתפארת, אשר לה המשפט להיות הגברת לכל נשי בית המלך, כי לבית אביה יצאה מגזע טֶמֶּנּוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טמנוס מלך ארגוס, לפי האגדה היונית בן אריסטומכוס בן קליאודַיוס בן הילוס בן הגבור הידוע הֶרַקְלֵס. לפי מסרת הֶרוֹדוֹטוֹס (ספר ח, קל״ז) היה פרדיקס הראשון למושלי מקדוניה מיוצאי חלציו של טמנוס זה; ארכילאוס, שהיה כנראה ממשפחת אצילים מקדונים, התיחש אליו.</i> ולבית אמה ממשפחת דריוש בן וִשְׁתַּסְפָּא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא דריוש מלך פרס הידוע, אשר בימיו וברשותו נבנה הבית השני בירושלים.</i>; ולעמת־זאת הרבתה לחרף את אחות הורדוס ואת נשיו על בוז משפחתן וגם אמרה עליהן, כי לא בחר המלך בכל אחת מהן על יחש אבותיה, ורק על יפי־תארה לבד. ונשים רבות היו להורדוס, כי הֻתַּר ליהודים על־פי חקי אבותיהם להרבות נשים. וגם רבות מצאו חן בעיני המלך. וכל הנשים האלה שטמו את אלכסנדרוס על אשר דברה עליהן גלפירה בצואר עתק ושפכה עליהן בוז וחרפות.",
+                    "ג. אריסטובולוס הפך את לב שלֹמית לשנֹא אותו, אף כי היתה, חותנתו. זה מכבר קצפה עליו וחרונה גדל עוד בגלל גדופי גלפירה, — כי אריסטובולוס היה בז לאשתו כל הימים על אשר יצאה ממשפחת חשֻׁכּים, באמרו כי הוא נשא אשה הדיוטית בעוד אשר לקח לו אלכסנדרוס בת מלכים לאשה. ואשתו בכתה לפני שלמית אמה וגלתה לה את הדבר וגם הוסיפה לספר: ״אלכסנדרוס והקרובים אליו מתפארים, כי אחרי הכינם את הממלכה בידם יתנו את אמות יתר אחיהם עם השפחות לשלוח בפלך את ידיהן ואת הבנים אחיהם יקימו לסופרים בכפרים, והם אומרים בלעג, כי לדבר הזה היו להם (לאחיהם) אומנים טובים״. לשֵׁמע זאת לא יכלה שלֹמית להתאפק וספרה להורדוס את כל הדברים האלה, והיא היתה נאמנה עליו מאד, בתתה דֹפי בחתנה. ועוד דִבה אחת נוספה אז והציתה כאש את חמת המלך, כי הגיעה השמועה לאזניו, אשר שני בניו מעלים תמיד על שפתיהם את שם אמם ומקללים את רוצחי נפשה, וכפעם בפעם מדי תתו מבגדי מרים לנשיו, הנופלות ממנה ביחש משפחתן, הם מאַיְמים, כי תחת בגדי מלכות יתנו לבושן שק בזמן קרוב.",
+                    "ד. לשמע הדברים האלה חרד המלך מפני הצעירים על רום לבם, ובכל־זאת לא נואש עוד מקוות להם, כי ישובו מדרכיהם. על־כן קרא להם לבוא לפניו, כאשר התעַתּד לנסוע אל רומא, וגער בהם מעט כמלך ויותר מזה דבר על לבם כאב והוכיח אותם בדברים לאהוב את אחיהם, וגם הבטיחם למחות את פשעיהם, אם ייטיבו את דרכיהם לעתיד. והם כחשו בכל העלילות אשר יצאו עליהם, בטענם כי שקר יסודן, וגם אמרו, כי יַראו את צדקתם במעשים, אבל גם עליו מֻטל להרחיק ממנו כל שפתי־שקר ולא להאמין להן על־נקלה, כי לא יחדלו אנשי בליעל לטפל עליהם כזבים, אם יטה לדבריהם אֹזן קשבת.",
+                    "ה. בדברים האלה הניחו הבנים את דעת אביהם על־נקלה והרחיקו מהם את הסכנה באותו־מעמד, אבל הם הבינו, כי עוד ישׂבעו ממרורים בעתיד, בדעתם כי שלֹמית עוינת אותם וגם דודם פירורא רודף את נפשם, ושני אלה היו חזקים וקשים מהם, ומה גם פירורא, אשר היתה לו יד בכל עסקי המלוכה ורק הנזר הבדיל בינו ובין אחיו. ותבואת רכושו (שנה בשנה) היתה מאה ככר, כי לו היה פרי עבר הירדן כֻּלו, אשר קבל במתנה מאת אחיו. והורדוס הקים אותו לנסיך (טטררכוס) ואת המשרה הזאת השיג למענו מידי הקיסר, וגם כִּבּד אותו להתחתן עם בית המלך, בתתו לו את אחות אשתו לאשה. ואחרי מות האשה הזאת יעד לו הורדוס את בתו הבכירה ונתן לה שלוחים שלש מאות ככר. אולם פירורא השתמט מלשאת את בת המלך, כי חשקה נפשו באחת השפחות. לדבר הזה קצף עליו הורדוס ונתן את בתו לאשה לבן אחיו, אשר נפל אחרי־כן במלחמה עם הפרתים. ולא ארכו הימים והורדוס השיב את חמתו מפירורא וסלח למחלתו (למחלת אהבתו).",
+                    "ו. עוד לפנים, בחיי המלכה (מרים), הֻכּה פירורא בלשון, כי הוא מתנכל להמית את המלך ברעל, ועדים רבים גלו את אשמתו בימים ההם, עד אשר נפתה הורדוס להאמין לדברים, אף כי אהב את אחיו אהבה עזה. הוא צוה לענות רבים מהחשודים בדבר, והגיע לאחרונה גם עד אוהבי פירורא. אבל איש מהם לא הודה במזמת פירורא הרעה, ורק נגלה הדבר, כי התכונן לקחת את אהובתו ולברוח אתה אל הפרתים, וקסטבד בעל שלֹמית, אשר נתנה לו המלך אחרי המיתו את בעלה הראשון בעון זמה, עזר לפירורא בעצתו ונתן לו יד לברוח. גם שלֹמית לא נִקתה מעלילת דבר. כי פירורא אחיה העיד בה, אשר באה במסֹרת הברית עם סוּלי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: סילַיוס.</i>, המשנה לעֻבדת מלך הערבים, שונא הורדוס בנפש, ואמרה להנשא לו. ואף כי נלכדה שלֹמית באשמה הזאת, וגם צדקו יתר הדברים אשר ענה בה פירורא, בכל־זאת נתן לה המלך חנינה, וגם העביר את חטאת פירורא.",
+                    "ז. והסערה אשר התחוללה בבית המלך פקדה עתה את אלכסנדרוס וחלה כֻּלה על ראשו. שלשה סריסים נכבדים היו בחצר המלך, אשר נשא את פניהם במשרות רמות: את האחד הפקיד לתת את הכוס על ידו ואת השני להגיש את הלחם לפניו והשלישי היה מכין את יצועיו וישן עמו בחדר. את הסריסים האלה פתה אלכסנדרוס במתנות רבות למלא תאותו. וכאשר נודע הדבר למלך, צוה לענותם ותחת סבל ענוייהם הודו על קרבתם לאלכסנדרוס וגם גלו לפניו את הדברים אשר הבטיחם אלכסנדרוס בעת פתוחו אותם, כי אמר להם: ״למה לכם לבטוח בהורדוס הזקן, אשר לא ידע להִכּלם, הצובע את שערותיו? — הבגלל הדבר הזה לצעיר תחשבוהו? פנו אלי, כי אני אירש את הממשלה בזמן קרוב, ברצון אבי או בעל־כרחו, ואז אעשה נקמות באויבי ואת אוהבי אשביע אֹשר ועדנים ואתכם אפקוד לטובה על פני כל״. והם הודיעו גם את המלך, כי כבר עובדים אילי הארץ במסתרים את אלכסנדרוס, ושרי החילים וראשי הגדודים מתאספים אליו בלאט.",
+                    "ח. לדברים האלה התחלחל הורדוס מאד, עד כי לא מצא עז בנפשו לפרסם את דברי העדים האלה, רק שלח מרגלים יומם ולילה לחקור את כל הדברים הנעשים והמדֻבּרים ואת האנשים החשודים הסגיר תכף להורגים. וחצר המלך מלא שערורה נוראה, כי מכעס או משנאה הלך כל איש רכיל ברעהו, ורבים מצאו חפצם בחמת המלך המשַׁכּלת להנקם מאנשי עברתם. וכל דבר שקר נאמן מיד, והעֹנש בא סמוך לדִבּה חיש מהר. ויש אשר נאשם איש מיד אחרי ענותו רעה בחברו, ויחד עם האיש, אשר גלה את אשמתו, הובל גם הוא לטבח. כי פחד המלך לנפשו מאד ולא נתן לחקור ולדרוש, ורגזו תקף עליו, עד אשר לא עצר כח להביט במנוחה אל פני האנשים הנקיים מאשם, וגם על אוהביו הקרובים היתה ידו נטויה. על רבים מהם אסר לבוא בשער המלך והוכיח בדברים קשים את האנשים, אשר לא מלָאוֹ לבו ליסרם ביד רמה. בקרב הרעה אשר קמה על אלכסנדרוס נוסדו עליו אנטיפטרוס וקרוביו לאגֻדה אחת [להבאיש את ריחו בעיני אביו] ולא היה דבַר דִבּה אשר נבצר מהם. והמלך נבהל מאד מתעתועי אנטיפטרוס ומכזביו, עד אשר נדמה בעיניו, כי אלכסנדרוס עומד עליו בחרב שלופה להרגהו. על־כן צוה לתפוש אותו פתאם ולאסרו בנחֻשתים, ואת אוהביו עִנה להוציא מפיהם דבר. רבים מהם נשאו את יסוריהם במנוחה ומתו מבלי להעיד דבר־שקר, אבל נמצאו בקרבם אנשים, אשר עיפה נפשם מרֹב מכאוביהם וענו שקר באלכסנדרוס ובאריסטובולוס, כי הם זוממים לנפש המלך ומחכים לשעת הכֹּשר להמית אותו בעת הציד ולברוח אחרי־כן אל רומא. אמנם כַּחש הדברים ענה בפניהם, כי רק באֹנס נזרקו מפי העדים, אך המלך האמין להם בנפש חפצה, כי מצא לו כסות עינים להצדיק את מאסר בנו ולהראות כי לא עבר על חֻקי הצדק."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס הקים שלום בין אלכסנדרוס ובין פירורא ובין הורדוס.</small><br><br>א. אלכסנדרוס ראה, כי לא יצלח בידו להפוך את מחשבת אביו, על־כן אמר בלבו לשלם לדורשי רעתו מדה כנגד מדה. הוא כתב ארבעה ספרים נגד אויביו ובהם הודה על מזמתו הרעה, אולם הראה, כי גם רבים מהאנשים, האלה נמצאו אִתּו בעצה אחת, ויותר מכּלם הרעו לעשות פירורא ושלֹמית ועל האשה הזאת ספר, כי פעם אחת אִלצה אותו לעשות אִתּה זמה בלילה. הספרים האלה הגיעו לידי הורדוס וענו דברים רבים ונוראים בגדולי מלכותו, והנה מהר ארכילאוס לבוא אל ארץ יהודה, כי חרד לנפשות חתנו ובתו, והיה להם לעוזר מחֻכָּם בהפרו בתחבולותיו את מחשבת המלך, הרעה עליהם. כי בגשת ארכילאוס אל הורדוס קרא בקול גדול: ״איה חתני הנבל? איפה אמצא את ראש רוצח־האב, למען אפוצץ אותו בידי? וגם את בתי אשלח אחרי בעלה הנאה. הן גם אם לא היתה אתו יחד במזמתו הרעה, כבר נטמאה כי היתה לו לאשה. מה יפָּלא בעיני אֹרך אפך למבקש רעתך, כי עוד חי הוא אלכסנדרוס. הן מהרתי לבוא אליך מקפודקיא, כי חשבתי, שכבר נשא את עונו, למען אחקר אתך יחד את בתי, אשר נתתי לו לאשה בנשאי פנים לכבודך. ועתה הנה אני רואה, כי עלינו להועץ על־דבר שניהם ואם ירך לבך, לב האב, מענוש את בנך הצודה את נפשך, נמסור איש את משפטו בידי אחיו וקנא כל אחד ממנו את קנאת השני״.",
+                    "ב. בדברים האלה הניח ארכילאוס מעט את דעת הורדוס, אשר מאן להטות אליו אזנו לראשונה. הוא נתן בידו את הספרים אשר חבר אלכסנדרוס לבחון אותם ובראש כל פרק ופרק עמד והתבונן עמו בדבר. ועתה מצא ארכילאוס מקום להשלים את עצתו המחֻכּמה ומעט־מעט העביר את האשמה על ראשי האנשים הנקובים בספר ויותר מכלם — על ראש פירורא. בראותו את המלך שומע את דבריו באמונה, קרא אליו: ״עלינו לחקור את הדבר, פן כרו אנשי הבליעל שוחה לרגלי הצעיר והוא לא התנכל עליך. כי אין אני רואה דבר, אשר יוכל להשיאו לעשות מעשה תועבה כזה. הן כבר שׂבע מכבוד המלוכה וגם קוה לרשת את כסאך, ואולי פתוהו אחרים והטו את דעת עלומיו הקלה למעשים רעים לטובתם. והן לא צעירים בלבד נפלו בפח אנשי ערמה כאלה, כי־אם גם זקנים ונבונים, ומשפחות מהֻללות וממלכות שלמות הֻכּוּ בידיהם חֵרם״.",
+                    "ג. הדברים האלה מצאו חן בעיני הורדוס וחמתו העזה על אלכסנדרוס שככה מעט, ורגזו קפץ על פירורא, כי עליו נשאו ארבעת הספרים את דבריהם. וכראות פירורא את זעף המלך ואת אהבתו הגדולה לארכילאוס, אשר לא יפלא ממנה דבר, הבין כי לא ימצא ישועה בדרך כבוד ובקש להציל את נפשו בהשפילו את כבודו. הוא הרפה מאלכסנדרוס והתרפס לפני ארכילאוס, אך האיש הזה ענהו, כי אינו רואה דרך לבקש עליו רחמים, אחרי אשר רבו אותות אשמתו וברור הדבר, כי יעץ רעה על המלך ומידו קמה כל הרעה אשר מצאה את הצעיר, — רק אם ישמע לקולו ויעזוב את דרכי ערמתו ולא יוסיף עוד לכחש בדברים, כי־אם יודה על כל דברי האשמה ויבקש את אחיו ואוהבו לסלוח לחטאתו, ואם יעשה כדבר הזה, עזור יעזר לו גם הוא (ארכילאוס) בכל כחו.",
+                    "ד. ופירורא שמע לעצת ארכילאוס והתקין את עצמו לעורר רחמים על נפשו ולבש שחורים ונפל בבכי לרגלי אחיו — כמעשהו זה פעמים רבות — ובקש ממנו להעביר את חטאתו והודה בפיו, כי הוא איש נבל ועשה את הדברים הנקובים בספר האשמה. ובכה על טרוף דעתו ועל שגעונו ואמר, כי סבת הדבר היא אהבתו לאשתו. וכאשר למד פירורא חובה על עצמו והעיד בפיו על אשמתו, קם ארכילאוס לעזרתו ובקש עליו רחמים מאת הורדוס לשכך את חמתו, בתתו לו מופתים אשר קרו בביתו. כי עוד הרבה יותר ממנו שבע צרות ומכאובים מאחיו, אבל כבש את כעסו ונקמתו, כי מאן לעבור על ברית אחים. כי הממלכות דומות לגופים גדולים, ותמיד חלקן שרוי בדלקת מפני כֹבד המשא, אבל אין לכרות את החלק הזה, כי־אם להעלות לו ארוכה בנחת ולרפאותו.",
+                    "ה. ארכילאוס הרבה עוד לדבר על לב הורדוס ולהעיר את רחמיו על אחיו, אולם לא שב מחמתו השפוכה על אלכסנדרוס, והודיע כי התיר את ברית נשואיו עם בתו והוא אומר להשיבנה אל ביתו, בדברים האלה הפך את לב הורדוס, עד אשר עמד לדבר לפניו טובות על הצעיר ולבקש ממנו, כי יתן את בתו לאשה לבנו עוד הפעם. למען יאָמנו דבריו ענהו ארכילאוס בערמה, כי הוא מפקיד את בתו בידו לתִתּה לאשה לכל אשר יחפוץ, זולת אלכסנדרוס, וגם הודיעהו, כי יקר בעיניו מכֹּל לשמור את חק קרבת משפחתם. אולם הורדוס השיבהו, כי למנחה מידו יחשב בנו בעיניו, אם לא יתיר את קשרי הנשואים, כי כבר נולדו בנים לצמד הזה והאשה טובה מאד בעיני הצעיר, ואם תשאר לו, תשמור אותו מחטאים, ואם תלקח ממנו, אזי יִוָּאֵשׁ מכּל חפצו. הן תענוגי־המשפחה מחלישים את זדון לב האדם. בקֹשי נרצה ארכֵילאוס לדברי הורדוס והשלים עם העלם וגם הקים ברית־שלום בינו ובין אביו ואמר, כי הדבר נחוץ לשלוח אותו אל הקיסר, כי כבר כתב אליו והודיעהו את כל הדברים האלה.",
+                    "ו. ככה הצליחה תחבולת ארכילאוס להציל את חתנו. ואחרי־כן עשו משתה ושמחה לכבוד השלום. ובצאת ארכילאוס לדרכו נתן לו הורדוס למנחה שבעים ככר וכסא־זהב רצוף אבני־חן וסריסים וגם פילגש אשר נקראה בשם פַּנּוּכִיס. ולרעי ארכילאוס נתן הורדוס מתנות לכל איש כפי מעלתו, ובמצות המלך נתנו גם קרוביו תשורות יקרות לארכילאוס, והורדוס וגדולי המלוכה שלחו אותו עד אנטיוכיה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אֵירִיקְלֶס מבאיש את ריח בני מרים ולא הועילו להם דברי אֶוַּרַטּוּס הטובים.</small><br><br>א. כעבור זמן קצר סר אל ארץ יהודה איש אחד, אשר היה גדול במזמותיו מארכילאוס, והפר את השלום אשר הקים האיש הזה לטובת חתנו בחכמתו וגם המיט את אלכסנדרוס למות. האיש הזה היה לַקוֹני במשפחתו ושמו אֵירִיקְלֶס ובתאוה בצעו רץ להרע אל מלכות יהודה, כי לא יכלה עוד ארץ יון לכלכל אותו עם צרכיו הרבים. הוא הביא אל הורדוס מתנות יקרות לצוד את לבבו וקבל חליפתן מתנות כפולות ומכֻפּלות, אולם נפשו מאסה במנחה טהורה, כי רק בדם אמר למצֹא שכרו במלכות. הוא סבב את המלך בחנֻפה ובחלקת־לשון ורומם את שמו בשפתי שקר וחיש מהר תִּכּן את רוח הורדוס והבין לשַׂמח את לבבו בכל הליכותיו ומעשיו ונחשב לאחד מאוהביו הראשונים, כי גם על מולדתו נשא הסְפַּרְטִיַּטִּי הזה חן וכבוד בעיני המלך וכל העומדים עליו.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר הכיר אֵירִיקלס את נגעי בית־המלוכה וידע את המריבות בין האחים ואת מחשבת המלך על כל אחד מבניו, נעשה לאוהב קרוב לאנטיפטרוס וגם התחפש כאוהב אלכסנדרוס, בסבבו אותו בכחש, כי הוא מודע לארכֵילאוס. על־כן ראה אלכסנדרוס את פניו במהרה כפני אוהב נאמן וגם הציג אותו לפני אריסטובולוס אחיו. ואיריקלס נִסה הרבה בימי חייו להתחפש ולשנות את פניו בדרכים רבים, אבל כבר נשכר מראש לאנטיפטרוס למַגר את אלכסנדרוס, והוכיח אותו (את אנטיפטרוס) על אשר לא ישים לבו לאחיו העומדים לשטן לתקוותיו (לכסא המלוכה) הראויות לו על־פי משפט הבכורה, ואת אלכסנדרוס היה מיַסר על אשר יתן לאחיו בן האשה ההדיוטית לרשת את המלוכה, והיא תֵאות רק לו, כי הוא בן מלכה וגם אשתו היא בת מלכים, ומה גם כי ארכילאוס יהיה לו למשען. ואיריקלס רמה את הצעיר, באמרו כי הוא אוהב לארכילאוס, עד אשר נחשב בעיניו ליועץ טוב. ועל־כן לא כסה ממנו אלכסנדרוס דבר והתאונן באזניו על כל הרעה אשר עשה לו אנטיפטרוס וגם אמר לו, כי לא יפלא הדבר אם יקח הורדוס רוצח נפש אמם את מלכותה מידו ומיד אחיו. איריקלס התחפש כאח לצרה ודבר על לבו לנחמו. ואחרי אשר הוציא גם מפי אריסטובולוס טענות כאלה ולכד את שני האחים יחדו בדברי תלונה על אביהם, יצא מלפניהם וגלה את סודם לאנטיפטרוס וגם הוסיף לדבר שקר, כי נוסדו אחיו עליו לקחת את נפשו ורק נשאר להם לקום עליו בחרב. חלף הדבר הזה קבל איריקלס כסף רב מידי אנטיפטרוס ויצא להלל אותו באזני אביו. ולאחרונה התמכר בשֹׁחד רב להכריע את אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס, בעמדו לשטן עליהם לפני אביהם. הוא בא אל הורדוס ואמר לו: הנה אני משלם לך טובה תחת טובה ומציל את חייך חלף חסדיך הרבים ואת אור עיניך במחיר נדבותיך. הן זה מכבר הוחדה החרב לקחת את נפשך וימין אלכסנדרוס נטויה להמיתך, אולם אני מנעתי אותו להחיש את מעשהו, בסבבי אותו בכחש, כי גם ידי תכּון עמו. ככה דבּר אלכסנדרוס: ״המעט בעיני הורדוס, אשר מלך בארצות לא לו, בהמיתו את אמנו ובקחתו לו את מלכותה, — כי עוד הקים ממזר ליורש המלוכה ומסר בידי אנטיפטרוס המשחית את נחלת אבותינו? על־כן אקח נקם ממנו על דם הורקנוס ומִרים, כי בלי מעשה־רצח לא אוכל לקבל את המלוכה מידי אב אכזרי כזה. הן יום יום הוא משביע אותי רֹגז ובכל דבר היוצא מפי הוא מוצא דֹפי ומחשבה רעה. לזכר משפחה רמה זרה, אני נוחל קלון תמיד על לא דבר, בשמעי את קול אבי מדַבּר: ״הן אלכסנדרוס לבדו הוא רם היחש, ועל־כן הוא מתעב את אביו על בוז משפחתו״. ובעת הציד אני מרגיז את אבי כשאיני פותח פי, ומדי הללי את אבי, הוא שומע לעג מתוך דברי, ותמיד הוא מקשיח את רחמיו ממני, כי רק את אנטיפטרוס לבד הוא אוהב. על כל הדברים האלה ינעם לי המות, אם לא תצלח המזמה בידי; אולם אם תמצא ידי להמית את אבי, אבקש לראשונה מחסה אצל קרובי ארכילאוס, כי נקל יהיה לי להמלט אליו, ואחרי־כן אלך אל הקיסר, אשר לא ידע עד היום הזה את דרכי הורדוס. ולא אעמוד לפניו כבראשונה, רועד מפחד אבי הנצב ממולי, וגם לא אפתח את פי להעיד את הרעות אשר עשה לי בלבד, כי בתחלה אתַנה את צרות כל העם ואדבר על המסים המעיקים עליו עד כלות הנפש, ואספר מה הם מעשי־המותרות והזדון אשר כלה בהם הורדוס את הכסף, שנגש מאת העם במצצו את דמו, ומי הם האנשים אשר עשו עֹשר מעמל ידינו, וכמה כסף הוציא להיטיב לערים נכריות. גם אדרוש שם את דם זקן־אמי ואת דם אמי ואודיע את כל התועבות אשר עשה אבי, ולא יֵעָשה לי כמשפט רוצח־אב״.",
+                    "ג. כדברים האלה ענה איריקלס באלכסנדרוס והרבה במחלל אנטיפטרוס, כי הוא לבדו אוהב את אביו, ועל־כן הוא עומד לאחיו לשטן במזמתם הרעה. והמלך לא שקט עוד מרגזו הראשון, ולשמע הדברים האלה עלתה חמתו עד להשחית. ואנטיפטרוס מצא הפעם שעת־הכֹּשר לשלוח אל המלך אנשים אחרים להעיד על אחיו, כי באו בסתר בדברים עם יוּקוּנדוּס וטִירַנּוֹס שרי הרוכבים למלך לפנים, אשד נדחו ממשמרותיהם על מעשי־שגגה. ולדברים האלה התאנף הורדוס מאד וצוה מיד לענות את האנשים. אבל הם לא הודו אף באחת העלילות אשר יצאו עליהם, והנה הובא אל הורדוס מכתב אחד, אשר שלח אלכסנדרוס אל שר המבצר אלכסנדריון לבקשתו, כי יקבל אותו ואת אחיו אחרי המיתם את אביהם וגם יסגיר בידם את הנשק ויתר כלי המלחמה למצֹא בהם חפץ. אלכסנדרוס אמר, כי המכתב הזה הוא מעשה דִיּוֹפַנְטוֹס. דִיּוֹפַנְטוֹס היה סופר למלך ואיש עז־נפש והבין לכתוב ככתב איש ואיש. הוא זִיֵּף כתבים רבים ולאחרונה הומת בעונו זה. הורדוס צוה לענות את שר המבצר, אך המעֻנה לא הוציא מפיו דבר מכל אשר ענו בו עדי השקר.",
+                    "ד. אף כי מצא המלך, כי אין עוד דברי העדים האלה מספיקים, צוה לשום משמר על בניו, אך לא אסר אותם בנחֻשתים, ואת איריקלס, אשר הביא את כל הקללה על ביתו ואשר חבל במזמותיו את כל מעשה התועבה, קרא בשם מיטיבו ואיש־חסדו ונתן לו חמשים ככר למנחה. ואיריקלס מהר לעזוב את ארץ יהודה בטרם יוָדע דבר־אמת ונסע אל ארץ קפודקיא והוציא כסף גם מידי ארכילאוס — בספרו לו בעזות מצח, כי הקים שלום בין הורדוס ובין אלכסנדרוס. ואחרי־כן שב אל ארץ יון ופזר את הכסף, אשר עשה לו במעשי רשעתו, למעשי־נבלה חדשים. שתי פעמים התלוננו עליו לפני הקיסר, כי הפיח ריב בארץ אֲכַיָּה ונִצֵּל את עריה, ולאחרונה הגלה אותו הקיסר, וזה היה דבר העֹנש אשר מצא אותו על דם אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס.",
+                    "ה. ונאה להציג פה מול הספרטיטי המביש הזה את אֱוַרֶסְטוֹס איש קוֹס, אשר היה אוהב קרוב לאלכסנדרוס בימי התגורר איריקלס בארץ יהודה, וכאשר חקר אותו המלך בדבר העלילה אשר הוציא האיש הזה, נשבע לו שבועת אמונים, כי לא שמע מפי הצעירים דבר רע. אבל הדברים האלה לא היו להועיל לאֻמללים, כי הורדוס היה נכון להטות אזן קשבת רק לדברי רעה, ואהוב היה לו האיש, אשר האמין והתרגז עמו יחד [לעלילות השקר]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בהסכמת הקיסר האשים הורדוס את בניו לפני בית־דין בבארות, והם לא הובאו אל בית־הדין ונשפטו משפט מות, וכעבור זמן קצר נשלחו אל שמרון והומתו.</small><br><br>א. שלֹמית הגדילה עוד את סאת אכזריות הורדוס ואת כעסו על בניו. כי אריסטובולוס רצה למשוך אל הסכנה את האשה הזאת, אשר היתה דודתו וחותנתו, ושלח אליה להזהירה, כי תציל את נפשה מפני המלך המתכונן להמיתה, כי עוד הפעם הכו אותה בלשון על עונותיה הראשונים, אשר היא אומרת להנשא לסולי הערבי בסתר ולגלות לאויב הזה את מצפוני המלך. הדבר הזה היה הגל האחרון, אשר דחף את הצעירים הטובעים לתוך המצולה, כי שלֹמית רצה אל המלך והודיעה את העצה היעוצה לה מאת אריסטובולוס. והמלך לא יכול עוד למשול ברוחו וצוה לאסור את שני בניו בנחֻשתים ולהפריד ביניהם, וגם שלח מהר אל הקיסר את ווֹלוּמְנִיּוּס ראש המחנה ואת אוֹלִמְפּוֹס ידידו, להביא לפניו את פתשגן כתב־האשמה ודברי העדים. והם נסעו באניה אל רומי ונתנו את מכתב המלך על־ידי אוקטַוינוס, הקיסר קצף על הצעירים מאד וחשב, כי לא יאות לו לקחת מהאב את המשפט לעשות בבניו כרצונו, ועל־כן השיב את הורדוס עם המכתב, כי הוא ממלא את ידו להיות שליט בדבר כטוב בעיניו, וגם חוה את דעתו, כי ייטיב לעשות, אם יחקור את דבר־העלילה לפני אספת קרוביו ומשפחתו ושרי הרומאים באפרכיה יחד, וכאשר ילכדו הבנים במחשבתם הרעה עליו — ימסור אותם להורג; אולם אם יגָלה הדבר, כי רק לנוס אל נפשם לבד אמרו בלבם, עליו להקל ממדת ענשם.",
+                    "ב. והורדוס שמע לדברים האלה ונסע אל בארות, כאשר צוה עליו הקיסר, והקהיל שם את בית־הדין. ומשרי הרומים ישבו למשפט — כי כן כתב אליהם הקיסר —: סַטּוּרְנִינוּס ופֶדַנְיוּס עם המשנים (הצירים, הלֵגטים) העומדים עליו ואתם יחד ולומניוס הנציב — ואחריהם קרובי המלך ואוהביו וגם שלמית ופירורא. ומלבדם כל נכבדי ארץ סוריה, רק המלך ארכֵילאוס לא נמצא ביניהם, כי היה חשוד בעיני הורדוס מפני קרבתו לאלכסנדרוס. ואת בניו לא נתן הורדוס לבוא אל המשפט, כי הבין, אשר במראם לבד יעוררו עליהם את רחמי כל השופטים, ואם גם יפתחו את פיהם ללמד זכות על עצמם, יראה אלכסנדרוס על־נקלה, כי בתהו כל יסוד האשמה. על־כן נשארו האחים במשמר בכפר פְּלַטַּנֵּי אשר לצידונים.",
+                    "ג. והמלך קם על רגליו להרשיע את בניו, כאלו עמדו לפניו. אמנם על־דבר מזמת הרצח דִבּר בשפה רפה, כי לא יכול למצֹא אותות ומופתים עליה, אולם הרבה לדבר על גדופי הבנים ועל לעגם, על גאות זדונם ועל מעשי הוללותם הרבים אשר עשו לו והראה לשופטים כי קשים עוד אלה ממות. ובראותו, כי אין איש מן השופטים משיב־אותו על דבריו, החל לקלל את יומו, כי רע ומר לו לנצח הפעם את בניו וכמפלה נחשב הדבר לנפשו. וככלותו לדבר שאל לדעת כל אחד מהשופטים. סטורנינוס הוציא את משפטו ראשונה, כי יאות לו ליסר את הצעירים, אולם לא בעֹנש מות, כי לא ישר בעיניו חדבר להוציא משפט מות על בני איש נכרי בעוד שלשת בניו עומדים עליו. וכמוהו חוו את דעתם שני מִשְׁנִים, ועוד שופטים אחדים החזיקו אחריהם. ווֹלומניוס היה הראשון, אשר דרש משפט אכזרי, ואחריו דנו גם יתר השופטים כּלם את הצעירים למות. אלה אמרו להחניף בדבר הזה להורדוס ואלה עשו זאת משנאתם אותו. ואף איש לא הוציא את משפטו מכעסו על הנאשמים. ועיני כל יושבי ארץ סוריה וארץ יהודה היו נשואות לתוצאות העלילה הזאת. אולם איש לא רצה להאמין, כי תגדל אכזריות הורדוס עד אשר יוציא את בניו להורגים. המלך סחב את בניו אל צור ומשם נסע באניה אל קיסרי ושת עצות בנפשו למצא את הדרך אשר בו ימית את הצעירים.",
+                    "ד. ואיש־צבא זקן היה למלך ושמו טֵרוֹן ולו היה בן והוא אוהב נאמן וקרוב מאד לאלכסנדרוס. וגם האב אהב את הצעירים ומרב כעסו (לשמע משפטם) יצא מדעתו, וראש דברו היה לסובב בחוצות ולצעוק, כי נרמס הצדק ברגל זדון ואבדה האמת ונהפכו סדרי־בראשית והחיים מלאו חמס ועוד דברים אשר שׂם הצער בפי איש מר־לבב המואס בחיים. ולאחרונה העז פניו לבוא אל המלך ולקרֹא באזניו: ״הנה עיני רואות, כי אתה האֻמלל בין כל בני־האדם, כי על־כן תאמין לדברי אנשי בליעל על הנפשות היקרות עליך, ונאמנים עליך שלֹמית ופירורא, אשר פעמים רבות הוצאת עליהם משפט מות, בדברם סרה בילדים האלה. והן כל חפצם הוא להכרית את יורשי כסאך, אשר להם המשפט, ולהשאיר את המלוכה בידי אנטיפטרוס לבד, כי בו בחרו למלך, בחשבם להטותו אל כל אשר יחפצו. הטרם תראה, כי מות האחים יהפוך את לב אנשי־הצבא לשנֹא את אנטיפטרוס? כי אין איש אשר לא ינוד לצעירים האלה ורבים משרי החילים מגלים את כעסם לעינים״. בדברו את זאת נקב לפניו את שמות הנרגנים ומיד צוה המלך לתפוש אותם וגם אותו ואת בנו.",
+                    "ה. והנה קפץ אחד הגלבים בחצר המלך ושמו טריפון, אשר רוח עִועים עברה עליו להעיד עדות רעה בנפשו, וקרא: ״הן גם אותי הסית זה האיש טֵרון להמיתך בתער הגלבים בעת גלחי את בשרך, וגם תשורות יקרות אמר לתת לי מידי אלכסנדרוס. וכשמוע הורדוס את הדברים האלה צוה לעַנות את האב ואת הבן ואת הגלב ולחקור מפיהם דבר. אולם טֵרון ובנו כחשו והגלב לא הוסיף על דבריו הראשונים. על־כן צוה המלך לדוש את בשר טֵרון ביתר עֹז. הבן חמל על אביו והבטיח את המלך לגלות לו את כל הדברים, אם יתן חנינה לנפשו. וכאשר מִלא הורדוס את בקשתו ספר לו, כי שמע אביו לקול אלכסנדרוס ורצה לרצחו (את הורדוס) נפש. יש אומרים, כי בדה (בן טֵרון) את הדברים האלה להניח לאביו ממכאוביו. ויש אומרים, כי דבר־אמת היה בפיו.",
+                    "ו. והורדוס העמיד את שרי־הצבא ואת טרון למשפט אספת־העם והאשים אותם והעיר עליהם את חמת כל העם. ומיד רגם ההמון אותם ואת הגלב בעצים ובאבנים. ואחרי הדבר הזה שלח הורדוס את בניו אל סבסטי (שמרון) הקרובה לקיסרי וצוה להמיתם בחנק. וכאשר נעשתה פקֻדתו צוה להעביר חיש מהר את גופות החללים אל מבצר אלכסנדריון ולקבר את עצמותיהם בקבר אלכסנדרוס אבי־אמם. זה היה דבר מות אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נעשה שנוא לכל. המלך אמר לשדך את בני ההרוגים עם קרוביו, אך אנטיפטרוס שנה את הזווגים. על נשי הורדוס ובניו.</small><br><br>א. ועתה היתה ירֻשת הממלכה לאנטיפטרוס באין מכלים דבר. והנה התעוררה עליו שנאת העם, כי כל האנשים ידעו, אשר הוא לבדו חבל את כל עלילות הרשע על אחיו. ומחִתּה גדולה נפלה עליו, בראותו את בני אחיו הנרצחים הולכים וגדלים. גלפירה ילדה לאלכסנדרוס שני בנים, את טגרן ואת אלכסנדרוס, ולאריסטובולוס נולדו מבֵרניקי בת שלֹמית שלשה בנים: הורדוס, אגריפס ואריסטובולוס. את גלפירה השיב הורדוס עם שִׁלוחיה אל בית אביה בקפודקיא, אחרי המיתו את אלכסנדרוס, ואת ברניקי אשת אריסטובולוס נתן לאשה לדוד אנטיפטרוס, אחי אמו. כי אנטיפטרוס אמר להשיב אליו את לב שלֹמית, אשר התעברה בו, ותקן את הנשואים האלה. וגם את פירורא סבב אנטיפטרוס במתנות ונשא את פניו בכל עת ולאוהבי הקיסר ברומי פזר כסף רב. גם כל העומדים על הנציב סטורנינוס בסוריה שבעו ממתנותיו. אך במדה אשר הִרבה לתת להם, גדלה שנאתם אליו, כי לא פזר את כספו ברוח נדיבה ובאהבה, כי־אם באֹנס. וסוף הדבר היה, כי לא נקשרו האנשים, אשר קבלו את מתנותיו, אליו לאהבתו, ושנאת האנשים, אשר לא פקד אותם במנחותיו, גדלה ועצמה. מיום ליום הוסיף אנטיפטרוס מַתָּת, בראותו דבר אשר לא חכה לו — כי המלך שם עינו על היתומים ובחמלתו הגדולה עליהם הוא מראה, כי נחם על הרעה אשר עשה לבניו הנרצחים.",
+                    "ב. פעם אחת הקהיל הורדוס את קרוביו ואת אוהביו והציג לפניהם את הילדים ודבר אליהם בדמעות על עינים. ״שטן אכזרי לקח ממני את אבות הילדים האלה ונוסף על קרבתי אליהם עלי לצאת עוד ידי חובת החמלה על היתומים. על־כן אנסה, אולי יצלח בידי להיות אב־זקן מלא רחמים, אחרי היותי אב אֻמלל מאד, ואפקיד את אלה בידי האנשים היקרים לי מכֹּל. פירורא, את בתך אני מארש לבכור בני אלכסנדרוס, למען תהיה לו אתה לגואל ולמגן. ולבנך, אנטיפטרוס, אני נותן את בת אריסטובולוס, למען תהיה לאבי היתומה, ואת אחותה יקח לאשה בני הורדוס, הנולד לבת כהן־גדול. וכל היקרים בעיני ישימו את דברי אלה אל לבם ואל יפר איש מהם את עצתי. ולפני האלהים אפיל תחנתי, כי יחזק את הקשרים האלה לטובת מלכותי ולטובת יוצאי חלצי וישקיף על הילדים משמים בעיני חסדו וייטיב להם מאבותיהם״.",
+                    "ג. וככלות הורדוס לדבר זלגו עיניו דמעות. הוא חִבּר את ידי הילדים וחבק כל אחד ואחד באהבה ושלח את הנאספים מעליו. ואנטיפטרוס התעצב לדבר הזה מיד והכרת פניו ענתה בו, כי הוא סר וזעף. הוא חשב, כי כבוד היתומים בעיני אביו יוריד אותו מִגדֻלתו וסכנה עתידה לשלטונו, אם מלבד ארכילאוס יהיה גם פירורא הנסיך לעזר לבני אלכסנדרוס. הוא השיב אל לבו, כי העם שונא אותו בנפש וחמל על היתומים וזכר את כבוד אחיו הנרצחים בחייהם על־פני כל היהודים ואת שמם הטוב אשר נשאר אחרי מותם. ועל־כן בקש לו דרך להתיר את הקשרים האלה.",
+                    "ד. אנטיפטרוס פחד לסובב את אביו בנכלי ערמה, בראותו כי הוא איש קשה ונרגז עד להשחית לכל דבר חשד, ועל־כן לבש עֹז לבוא אל אביו ולהתחנן אליו פנים בפנים, לבל יעביר ממנו את המשרה אשר נתן בידו ולא ישאיר לו את שם המלך בלבד, בתתו את תֹּקף השלטון בידי אחרים. כי לא יוכל להחזיק בשבט־הממשלה, אם יקבל בן־אלכסנדרוס על ארכילאוס אבי אמו גם את פירורא למגן. ולזאת חִלה את פני המלך לשנות את הזווגים האלה, כי משפחת המלוכה היא גדולה ועצומה. כי תשע נשים היו להורדוס ושבע מהן ילדו לו בנים ובנות ואלה הם: אנטיפטרוס נולד לדוֹרִיס והורדוס למרים בת הכהן הגדול. את אַנְטִפַּס וארכילאוס ילדה לו מלְתַּקִּי משמרון וגם בת נולדה לה ושמה אוֹלִימְפִּיַּס, והיא היתה לאשה ליוסף בן אחי המלך. וקלֵיאופטרה מבנות ירושלים ילדה לו את הורדוס ואת פיליפוּס ומִפַּלַּס נולד לו פצאל. ועוד שתי בנות היו לו ושמותיהן רֹקְסַנֵּי ושלֹמית, האחת נולדה לו מפַאִידְרָה והשניה מאֶלְפִּיס. גם שתי נשים עקרות היו להורדוס, האחת בת דודו והשניה בת אחיו (או אחותו). ומלבד כל אלה היו שתי אחיות לאלכסנדרוס ולאריסטובולוס ממרים. ויען אשר היתה המשפחה גדולה ועצומה, בקש אנטיפטרוס לשנות את הזווגים.",
+                    "ה. והמלך קצף על אנטיפטרוס מאד, בראותו כי אין לבו טוב על היתומים. וכבר עלתה בנפשו מחשבה על־דבר הנרצחים, אולי היו חללי רעת אנטיפטרוס ועלילות שקריו. בפעם ההיא השיב את אנטיפטרוס דברים רבים בחרי־אף וגרשהו מעל פניו. אולם אחרי־כן הטה אותו אנטיפטרוס בחלקת לשונו לשַׁנות את הדבר כרצונו והורדוס נתן את בת אריסטובולוס לו לאשה ולבנו נתן את בת פירורא.",
+                    "ו. צא ולמד, מה גדול היה כח אנטיפטרוס למצא חפצו בחלקת לשונו, כי השיג מאת המלך דבר, אשר נבצר משלֹמית להשיג מָשְׁלוֹ. אף כי היתה שלֹמית אחות המלך והרבתה להתחנן אליו גם על־ידי לִיוִיָּה אשת הקיסר, כי יתן לה להנשא לסולי הערבי, נשבע לה הורדוס, כי לאויבת רעה תחָשב בעיניו, אם לא תחדל להוגיע אותו בדבריה, ולאחרונה נתן אותה בעל־כרחה לאשה לאחד מאוהביו ושמו אַלֶּכְּסָא, ואת האחת מבנותיה נתן לבן אלכסא ואת השנית לדוד אנטיפטרוס, אחי אמו. ומבנות מרים נִשאה האחת לאנטיפטרוס בן אחותו והשניה לבן אחיו פצאל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נמאס בעיני כֹל. הוא נשלח אל רומי עם צואת הורדוס. פירורא מאן לגרש את אשתו ועזב את אחיו ומת בביתו.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר האביד אנטיפטרוס את תקוות היתומים ושנה את הזווגים לטובתו חשב, כי הגיע בתקותו למלוכה אל חוף מבטחים והוסיף שלוה על רשעתו, עד אשר היה לטֹרח [על כל הבריות]. בראותו, כי אין לאל־ידו להפר את שנאת הבריות, בקש למצֹא מנוחה בהפילו את אימתו [על כל סביבותיו], ופירורא החזיק בידו, בחשבו, כי כבר נכונה המלוכה בידו. מלבד זאת נוסדו הנשים בחצר המלך יחד להקים מבוכות חדשות. כי אשת פירורא עם אמה ואחותה התחברו לאם אנטיפטרוס והרבו מעשי עזות בקרב הארמון. ואשת פירורא ערבה את לבה לחרף גם את בנות המלך, והורדוס שטם אותה מאד על הדבר הזה, ואף כי שנא המלך את הנשים, פרשו את מצודתן על יתר האנשים. רק שלֹמית לבדה עמדה להן לשטן ודברה רעות באזני המלך על אגֻדתן, כי לא תצא ממנה טובה למלכותו. וכאשר נודעה לנשים דבת שלֹמית הרעה, פחדו מכעס הורדוס וחדלו להתאסף ולהתרועע בגלוי והתחפשו במעמד המלך כאלו הן צוררות אשה רעותה, וגם רבו ביניהן. ואנטיפטרוס שִׁנה יחד אתן את טעמו ולמראה־עין התעבר בפירורא. אבל במסתרים היו מתאספים יחד בלילות ומטיבים את לבם, וכאשר הוסיף המלך לשמור את צעדיהם, כן חזקה אגֻדתם. ומעיני שלֹמית לא נעלם הדבר והיא גלתה את הכל להורדוס.",
+                    "ב. וחמת הורדוס נצתה ויותר מכֹּל חרה אפו באשת פירורא, כי הרבתה שלֹמית לדבר עליה סרה. הוא אסף את קרוביו ואוהביו למועצה ושם על האשה הזאת חטאות שונות, והרבה לדבר על זדון לבה נגד בנותיו וגם ספר, כי שכרה את הפרושים בכסף להתקומם עליו והפכה בתרופות שונות את לב בעלה לשנאו, ולאחרונה פנה אל פירורא ודבר אליו לבחור באחת משתי אלה: בברית אחים עמו או באהבת אשתו, פירורא השיבהו, כי נקל יהיה לו לפרוש מן החיים מלעזוב את אשתו. והורדוס נבוך ולא מצא מענה ושם את פניו אל אנטיפטרוס וצוה עליו, לבל יבוא בדברים עם אשת פירורא, וגם לא עם בעלה ועם אחד האנשים הקרובים אליה. למראה־עין לא עבר אנטיפטרוס על פקֻדת אביו, אבל בסתר היה יושב אתם לילות רצופים. וביראת אנטיפטרוס את המרגלת [שלמית] התחכם להשיג בעזרת אנשי־שלומו אשר באיטליה רשות לנסוע אל רומי. האנשים האלה כתבו אל הורדוס, כי עליו לשלוח את אנטיפטרוס אל הקיסר בזמן קרוב. והורדוס לא דחה את הדבר ושלח אותו עם עבֻדָּה נהדרה ונתן בידו כסף רב וגם שלח עמו את צואתו, אשר על־פיה הוקם אנטיפטרוס למלך, וליורש כסאו נועד הורדוס, הנולד למרים בת הכהן הגדול.",
+                    "ג. גם סוּלִי הערבי, שלא מלא את מצות הקיסר, מהר לנסוע באניה אל רומי להתעצם עם אנטיפטרוס ולהצדיק את נפשו מהדברים אשר טען עליו מחדש ניקולאוס איש דמשק. מריבה קשה קמה בין סולי ובין אדוניו המלך חרתת על אשר המית את כל אוהביו וגם את שׂהֵם (סואימוס) התקיף בכל אנשי הסלע. סולי כִפּר בכסף רב את פני פַבַּטּוּס פקיד הקיסר וקוה לו, כי יחזיק בידו גם נגד הורדוס. אולם הורדוס הרבה לתת שחד לפבטוס מסולי איש־ריבו והסיר את לבו מעליו והטה אותו לנגוש את הכסף כמצות הקיסר. סולי מאן לשלם ועוד התאונן על פבטוס באזני הקיסר, כי לא נהג את משרתו לטובתו הוא (לטובת הקיסר), רק לטובת הורדוס לבד. לדברים האלה קצף פבטוס על סולי מאד, וכאשר הוסיף הורדוס לשאת את פניו ולכבדו, בגד בסולי וגלה למלך את סודותיו, כי נתן שחד לקורינתוס, אחד משומרי ראשו, ועל־כן יהיה טוב למלך להזהר ממנו. המלך האמין לדברים האלה, כי אמנם גדל קורינתוס האיש הזה בחצר המלוכה, אבל היה ערבי מלדה, הורדוס צוה לחפשו מהר יחד עם שגי ערבים אחרים אשר נמצאו בביתו, אחד — אוהב סולי והשני — זקן־שבט. האנשים עֻנו והודו על אשמתם, כי הסיתו את קורינתוס בכסף רב להמית את הורדוס. גם סטורנינוס הנציב אשר בסוריה חקר את האנשים ואחרי־כן נשלחו אל רומי.",
+                    "ג. והורדוס לא חדל מהציק לפירורא, כי יגרש את אשתו, אולם לא מצא תחבולה להנקם באשה הזאת, אף כי סבות רבות היו לו לשנאהּ, ולאחרונה עלתה חמתו עד להשחית ונאץ גם את אחיו בגללה וגרש את שניהם יחדו. ופירורא קבל באהבה את החרפה הזאת ונסע אל גבול נסיכותו ונשבע, כי רק מות הורדוס ישים קץ לגלותו — וכל עוד אחיו בחיים לא ישוב אליו. הוא לא רצה גם לנסוע אל אחיו בחלותו, באשר הפציר בו לבקרהו. כי חכה הורדוס למות ובקש לצוות לפירורא דברים אחדים. אולם הורדוס נצל ממות אחרי הואשו מחייו, וכעבור זמן קצר חלה פירורא, והורדוס לא שלם לו כפעלו, כי־אם בא אליו לבקרו וסעדהו בחמלה על מטת חליו. אך פירורא לא יכול להתגבר על מחלתו ומת אחרי ימים מעטים. והורדוס אהב אותו עד יום מותו, ולא שם לבו לשמועה אשר יצאה על אחיו, כי אמר להמיתו בסם־מות. הוא צוה להביא את גופת פירורא אל ירושלים ופקד על כל העם לעשות לו אבל גדול וגם תקן לו קבורה נהדרה מאד. ככה בא הקץ על אחד רוצחי אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס חקר את דבר מות פירורא ומצא את סם־המות אשר הכין לו אנטיפטרוס, ואחרי־כן גרש את דוריס ומרים והעביר את בנה הורדוס מנחלתו.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי הדבר הזה השיגה הנקמה גם את אנטיפטרוס, ראש מחוללי הרצח. הנקמה החלה במות פירורא. כי אחדים מעבדיו המשחררים באו אל המלך סרים וזועפים ואמרו, כי הומת אחיו ברעל, כי הקריבה לפניו אשתו מאכל, אשר לא הוכן כחֹק, ובטעמו מן המאכל הזה חלה מיד. כי הנה הביאו אמה ואחותה לפני שני ימים אשה אחת יודעת ברפואות מארץ ערב להכין שקוי אהבה לפירורא, ותחת השקוי הזה נתנה לו האשה סם־מות, כי סולי (הערבי) הסית אותה לעשות את הדבר.",
+                    "ב. מחשבות רעות רבות בִּעתו את המלך, והוא צוה ליסר בענויים את השפחות וגם בני־חורין אחדים. ואחת הנשים קראה בקול גדול מעצמת מכאוביה: ״האל מושל הארץ והשמים ינקם באשה, אשר הביאה עלינו את כל הקללה הזאת, באם אנטיפטרוס״. שיח האשה הזאת היה למלך לשֹׁרש דבר וממנו חקר ודרש למצא את האמת. והאשה גלתה לו דבר אהבת אם אנטיפטרוס לפירורא ולנשי ביתו, כי נאספו יחד במסתרים וגם פירורא ואנטיפטרוס שתו אתן כל הלילה אחרי שובם מחצר המלך ולא נתנו לאחד ממשרתי הבית וגם לא לאחת השפחות להִמצא אתם בחדר. אשה בת־חורין גלתה את הדבר הזה.",
+                    "ג. ואת השפחות הבדיל הורדוס וצוה לחקור אותן בענויים אחת אחת וכֻלן העידו פה אחד כדברי האשה וגם הוסיפו לספר, כי על־פי חוזה שעשו ביניהם נסע אנטיפטרוס לרומא ופירורא לעבר הירדן. הנה כפעם בפעם נדברו איש אל רעהו, כי אחרי אשר המית הורדוס את אלכסנדרוס ואת אריסטובולוס יכַלה את חמתו גם בהם ובנשיהם, כי האיש, אשר רצח את מרים ואת בניה, לא ישא פני אדם. ועל־כן טוב לברוח למרחקים מפני החיה הטורפת הזאת. הנשים הוסיפו לסַפּר, כי אנטיפטרוס היה מתאונן לפעמים באזני אמו, שכבר זרקה בו שיבה בעוד אביו מוסיף עלומים מיום ליום, ועוד מעט יקדם אותו המות, טרם יעשה מלוכה באמת. הן גם אם ימות אביו — ומתי יהיה הדבר הזה? — ישאר לו רק זמן קצר לשמוח בירֻשת המלוכה, כי הנה הולכים וגדלים ראשי התנין (ההידרה)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תמונה ידועה מהמִתּולוגיה היונית.</i>, אלה בני אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס. וגם תקותו להנחיל את המלוכה לבניו אחריו נגזלה ממנו בידי אביו, אשר לא כתב בצואתו את המלוכה אחרי מותו (אחרי מות אנטיפטרוס) לבניו, כי־אם להורדוס בן מרים. אולם בדבר הזה אבדה חכמת הזקן, כי הוא אומר בלבו, אשר צואתו תשאר בתקפה, והן הוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לא נתפרש מי זה ״הוא״: הורדוס או אנטיפטרוס.</i> ישים את לבו, כי לא ישאר אחד מכל משפחתו בחיים. והמעט בעיני הורדוס, כי הוא מַרבּה לשנֹא את בניו מכל האבות האכזרים אשר היו מימות עולם — כי עוד יותר מהם הוא שונא את אֶחיו. על־כן נתן לו (לאנטיפטרוס) זה מקרוב מאה ככר, לבל ידבר עם פירורא דבר. וכאשר שאל פירורא: ״ומה היא הרעה אשר עשינו לו?״ השיבהו אנטיפטרוס: ״מה טוב יהיה, אם אחרי הפשיטו אותנו ערֻמים יתן לנו להמלט בעור שִׁנינו! אולם קשה להמלט מחית־טרף כמוהו, — הן גם לאהוב איש את רעהו בגלוי לא יתן לנו. ועל־כן עלינו להתאסף במסתרים. אבל הדבר יעשה בגלוי, אם נהיה לאנשי־חיל בעֹז רוחנו ובכֹח ידינו.״",
+                    "ד. את הדברים האלה גלו הנשים תחת סבל ענוייהן, והוסיפו לסַפר, כי יעץ פירורא בנפשו לברוח אִתּן אל הסלע (פֶּטרה). והורדוס האמין לכל הדברים האלה בגלל דבר מאה הככר, כי רק עם אנטיפטרוס בלבד דבּר עליהם. לראשונה העיר את חמתו על דוריס אם אנטיפטרוס והפשיט אותה את כל עדיה, אשר נתן לה במחיר הרבה ככר, ואחרי־כן גרש אותה מעל פניו. ולנשי בית פירורא שלח וצוה לרַפא את פצעי ענוייהם. הפחד דִכּא את נפשו מאד ולכל חשד קל התרגז וצוה לעַנות גם אנשים רבים חפים מפשע, ביראו פן יפסח על אחד החַיָּבִים.",
+                    "ה. בין כה וכה פנה הורדוס אל אנטיפטרוס השמרוני, אשר היה סוכן על בית אנטיפטרוס, ובענותו אותו הוציא מפיו דבר, כי שלח אנטיפטרוס מארץ מצרים סם־מות בידי אנטיפילוס, אחד מחבריו, להמית את המלך, ואת הסם הזה קבל תודיון, דוֹד אנטיפטרוס, ונתן אותו לפירורא, כי את ידו מלא אנטיפטרוס להמית את הורדוס בעוד הוא (אנטיפטרוס) נמצא ברומא ורחוק מכל חשד. ופירורא נתן את הסם בידי אשתו. המלך שלח אחרי האשה הזאת וצוה עליה להביא לפניו את הפקדון מיד. היא יצאה מעל פניו להביא את הרעל, אולם הפילה את עצמה מעל הגג לקדם את היסורים העתידים לה מאת המלך. נדמה כי היתה בזה יד אלהים, אשר רצה לשלם לאנטיפטרוס כגמול ידיו: האשה לא נפלה ארצה על ראשה, כי־אם על חלק אחר מגופה ונצלה ממות. כשהובאה אל המלך צוה להשיב את רוחה, כי התעלפה בעת נפלה, ושאל לסבת הדבר, אשר הפילה את עצמה, ונשבע לה כי לא יעשה בה נקמה, אם תגלה את האמת, אולם אם תכסה ממנו דבר — יצוה לשׁחוק את עצמותיה בכלי־הבלע, עד אשר לא ישאר שריד מגופה לבוא אל קבר.",
+                    "ו. לדבר הזה החרישה האשה מעט, ואחרי־כן פתחה את פיה ואמרה: ״ולמה עלי לשמור את הסודות אחרי מות פירורא ולהציל את אנטיפטרוס, אשר השיא מות על כֻּלנו? הַקשיבה, מלכי, לדברי ויחד עמך ישמע האלהים ויהיה לי לעד צדקתי. כי מי יוכל להוליך אותו תועה? כאשר ישבת ושפכת דמעות על־יד מטת פירורא, קרא אלי פעם אחת ואמר: ״אוי לי, רעיתי, מה שגיתי בדבר מחשבת אחי הטובה עלי, כי שנאתי אותו חלף אהבתו העזה וגם אמרתי לרצוח את נפש האיש, אשר הוא מרבה להָמר עלי עוד טרם בא מותי. אולם הנה קבלתי את שכרי על תועבת לבי, ואני מבקש ממך להביא את הרעל, אשר הביא אותו אנטיפטרוס והוא נמצא בידך למשמרת, ולכלות אותו לעיני כרגע, לבל אשא עמי אל השאול את נקמת האלהים״. ואני עשיתי כמצותו והבאתי את הרעל ואת רֻבּו שפכתי לעיניו על האש, אבל מעט ממנו שמרתי על כל צרה שלא תבוא, כי יראתי אותך מאד״.",
+                    "ז. בדברה זאת הביאה את הקֻפּסה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תבת־עץ קטנה (חפיסה קטנה). במשנה נקראה קֻפסת־הבשמים גם רבצל (דובצל).</i>, אשר נמצא בה עוד מעט מן הרעל. המלך צוה להקריב את כלי־הבלע ולענות את אחי אנטיפילוס ואמו, והם הודו, כי הביא אנטיפילוס ממצרים את הקֻפּסה עם הסם, אשר לקח מידי אחיו, איש רופא חולים באלכסנדריה. וכמו רחפו רוחות אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס בחצר המלך לחקור ולדרוש ולגלות כל תעלומה, כי גם אנשים רחוקים מחשד נמשכו אל האשמה. ככה נגלה הדבר, כי ידעה מרים בת הכהן הגדול את המזמה הרעה, ואחיה עֻנו בידי המלך והודו על הדבר הזה. והמלך פקד את עזות האם על בנה, כי מחה מצואתו את שם הורדוס, אשר נמנה לפני זה ליורש אנטיפטרוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בתילוס הוכיח את אשמת אנטיפטרוס. אנטיפטרוס לא ידע דבר ושב מרומא והורדוס העמידהו למשפט.</small><br><br>א. בעת ההיא בא גם בַּתִּילוֹס להוסיף על דברי העדים והוכיח באותות נאמנים את מזמות אנטיפטרוס. בתילוס היה אחד מעבדי אנטיפטרוס המשֻׁחררים והביא בידו עוד סם־מות, עשוי מראש פתנים ומחמת זוחלי־עפר אחרים, מוכן לפירורא ולאשתו, להתנקש בנפש המלך, אם יבָּצר מהסם הראשון להכריעו. ונוסף על האותות האלה, עדי המזמות אשר חבל אנטיפטרוס נגד אביו, הביא בתילוס את המכתבים אשר הכין אנטיפטרוס בערמתו לכרות שוחה לאחיו, כי ארכילאוס ופיליפוס, שני בני המלך אשר גדלו ברומא, היו כבר בחורים מלאי רוח עלומים, ואנטיפטרוס פחד מהם, פן יהיו לו למכשול בתקוותיו לעתיד, ובקש לאבדם. הוא שלח אגרות — אלה נכתבו בשקר בשם אוהביו ברומא, ואלה נכתבו בידי אנשי־שלומו, אשר נפתו לו בכסף — לשטנה על אחיו הצעירים, כי הם מרבים לדבר סרה באביהם, והם מבַכִּים את אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס לעיני השמש וכועסים מאד על אשר קרא להם אביהם לשוב אל חצרו. כי הורדוס שלח אחריהם להשיבם אליו, ובדבר הזה הרגיז את אנטיפטרוס מאד.",
+                    "ב. ועוד בשבת אנטיפטרוס בארץ יהודה, טרם ישום את פעמיו לדרך, השיג בכסף מכתבים כאלה מרומא להוציא דבה על אחיו, ולמען אשר לא יחשוד בו אביו עמד לפניו ללמד זכות על האחים, באמרו כי חלק הדברים הכתובים באגרות הוא שקר ושאריתם הם חטאות־נעורים. ועתה הרבה לפזר כסף לכותבי השטנה על אחיו ונסה למחות את עקבות הדבר, בקנותו בגדים יקרים ומצעות־צבעונים, כוסות כסף וזהב ועוד חפצים יקרים למכביר, למען אשר יוכל לכתוב על חשבון מחיר הדברים האלה גם את יתר הוצאותיו. כי פזר מאתים ככר ולכסות־עינים היה לו הריב עם סולי. אולם העונות הקטנים הרבים האלה נמחו מפני אשמתו הגדולה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס משתמש כמעט במבטא התלמוד ״קים ליה בדרבה מיניה״.</i>, כי כל העדים הנחקרים ענו פה אחד בדבר מזמתו הרעה אשר יעץ על אביו, והמכתבים כאלו צעקו בקול, כי התמכר לרצוח את אחיו שנית. ואיש מהנוסעים אל רומא לא גלה את אֹזן אנטיפטרוס על־דבר המעשים אשר קרו בארץ יהודה, אף כי עברו שבעה חדשים למן היום אשר בו מצא הורדוס את סודו עד שובו אל הארץ. ככה שנאו כל האנשים את אנטיפטרוס! ואולי סתמו רוחות הנרצחים את פי האנשים אשר בקשו להודיעהו דבר. הוא שלח אגרת ובִשר לאביו, כי ישוב אל ארצו במהרה, וגם סִפר על הכבוד אשר עשה לו הקיסר בשלחו אותו לשלום.",
+                    "ג. והמלך שקד לתפוש בכפו את מבקש נפשו ופחד מאד, פן תגיע השמועה אל אנטיפטרוס וימלט לנפשו. על־כן עשה גם הוא במרמה ודבר אליו ידידות עם המכתב והעיר אותו להחיש את בואו, כי במהרו לשוב ישים קץ למריבה עם אמו, יען לא נעלם מעיני אנטיפטרוס הדבר אשר עשה המלך בשלחו את אמו מעל פניו. כאשר הגיע אנטיפטרוס בדרכו אל טַרַס (טַרֶנְס), קבל מכתב וממנו נודע לו לראשונה מות פירורא. אנטיפטרוס התאבל מאד לשמועה הזאת, ורבים הרבו להללו על הדבר הזה, באמרם כי הראה את גֹדל אהבתו לדודו, אולם הרואה יראה, כי התעצב אנטיפטרוס אל לבו על אשר לא קמה מזמתו הרעה, ולא על מות פירורא דודו שפך דמעות, רק על אשר נלקח ממנו עוזרו לרעה. וכבר פחד פחד בלבו על הדברים אשר אמר לעשות, פן יגלה הרעל [אשר הכין לאביו]. בבואו אל קיליקיה קבל את מכתב אביו, אשר דברנו עליו למעלה, ומהר לצאת לדרך. ובנסעו באניה אל קֶלֶנְדְּרִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיר חוף במדינת קיליקיה ומבצר חזק.</i> עלתה בלבו מחשבה על־דבר המעשה אשר נעשה לאמו ולבו נבא לו רעה. הנבונים אשר בקרב חבריו יעצוהו, לבל יסגיר את נפשו בידי אביו בטרם יחקור היטב,  איזו סבה היתה מאתו לגרש את אמו, כי הם פחדו, פן תדבק גם בו  העלילה אשר יצאה על אמו. אולם הנמהרים בחברי אנטיפטרוס, אשר חשקה נפשם לראות את ארץ מולדתם, לא שמו את לבם לשלומו ולטובתו ויעצו אותו להחיש את מסעו, פן יביא את אביו לחשוד בו במחשבה זרה, ובזה יתן פתחון־פה לשוטניו [להוציא עליו דבה רעה]. הן גם עתה, אם באמת התחולל איזה דבר נגדו, לא נעשה רק באשר נמצא אנטיפטרוס בארץ רחוקה, כי איש לא יעֵז לקום עליו בפניו. על־כן לא יתכן הדבר להפסיד את הטובה הגלויה מפני חשד אשר לא ידע שחרו ועליו למהר ולהפקיד את נפשו בידי אביו, למען חזק את העטרה הרועדת מעל לראשו כשהוא (אביו) נמצא לבדו [בלי עוזר]. ואנטיפטרוס שמע לעצת האנשים האלה — כי יד אלהים עשתה זאת — ועבר באניה את הים עד בואו אל סבסטוס, הנמל אשר בקיסרי.",
+                    "ד. לתמהון לבבו קדם את פני אנטיפטרוס שממון רב. כי כל האנשים רחקו ממנו ואף אחד לא נועז לצאת לקראתו. כי זה מימים היה אנטיפטרוס שנוא לכל, ועתה נתנה רשות להראות את השנאה ברבים. ורבים שטו מעליו, בפחדם את אביו, כי הלעז על אנטיפטרוס מלא את כל העיר ורק אנטיפטרוס לבדו לא ידע דבר מכל אשר נגזר עליו. מה גדל כבוד אנטיפטרוס בצאתו מרומא, ומה נקלה היתה קבלת־פניו [בשובו אל ארצו]! הוא השיב אל לבו, כי אסונות נכונים לו מבית, אולם בערמתו התנכר לעיני רואים ובעוד לבו מת בקרבו ממגור התחזק לבל ישנה את עֹז פניו, כי כבר אבד מנוס ממנו ולא יכול להציל את נפשו ממסגרותיו וגם לא הֻגד לו דבר ברור מכל אשר עבר בבית אביו, כי ככה גזר המלך. ועוד נשאר לו שמץ תקוה לחשוב, כי לא קרה דבר רע, ואם גם נחקר שֹׁרש הדבר — אולי יעלה בידו להצדיק את עצמו בעזות מצחו ובנכליו, כי רק באלה לבד שם מבטחו להחלץ מן המצר.",
+                    "ה. הוא התכסה בכלי המגן האלה והלך אל ארמון המלך בלי אוהביו, כי הם גֹרשו בחרפה לפני השער הראשון. ואז נמצא בבַּית וַרוס הנציב אשר בסוריה. אנטיפטרוס בא אל אביו החדרה וערב את לבו לגשת אליו ולחבקו. אולם אביו שלח את שתי ידיו לעצרו והטה את ראשו אחורנית וקרא בקול: ״כן נאה לרוצח נפש אב, אשר דבקו בו אשמות גדולות כאלה, כי יאמר לנפל על צוארי! מות, ראש נבל־רשע, ואל תגע בי טרם תצטדק על כל אשמותיך. אני מציב אותך למשפט ונותן לך לַדין את וַרוס, אשר בא הנה בשעת־רצון. לך לך והכן סנגוריה עליך ליום המחרת, כי אני נותן לך זמן לחַבּל מזמות ערמה״. מרֹב הבהלה לא עצר אנטיפטרוס כח להשיב דבר ויצא את פני אביו. אמו ואשתו הלכו לקראתו וספרו לו את כל דברי העדים. והוא התנער ממבוכתו והחל לחשׁוב דברי זכות על עצמו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נאשם לפני וַרוס וראיות מֻבהקות הוכיחו את מחשבת הרצח. הורדוס דחה את ענשו עד שובו לאיתנו ושִׁנה את צואתו.</small><br><br>א. ליום המחרת אסף המלך את קרוביו ואוהביו למשפט וקרא גם לאוהבי אנטיפטרוס. והוא ישב בראש יהד עם ורוס וצוה להביא את כל העדים ויחד אתם הובאו גם עדים חדשים מעבדי אם אנטיפטרוס, אשר נתפשו זה מקרוב ובידם מכתב שלוח ממנה אל בנה, לאמר: ״הנה הגיעו כל הדברים ההם (הידועים!) לאזני אביך. הזהר מבוא אליו, אם לא תשיג עזרה מאת הקיסר״. וכאשר הובאו אלה האנשים עם יתר העדים יחדו, בא אנטיפטרוס החדרה ונפל על פניו לרגלי אביו ודבר אליו: ״אני מפיל תחנתי לפניך, אבי, לבל תמהר להוציא דיני, ותהיינה נא אזניך קשובות לדברי צדקתי, ואני אוכיח, כי חף אני מפשע, אם יהיה לך הדבר לרצון״.",
+                    "ב. אולם הורדוס השתיק אותו בגערה ופנה אל וַרוס ואמר: ״אני מאמין, וַרוס, כי עיניך ועיני כל שופט צדק תחזינה מישרים, אשר אנטיפטרוס זה הוא בן משחית בכל דרכיו. אך ירא אני אותך, פן תבוז גם לי על גורלי המר ותאמר בלבבך כי בצדק באו עלי כל הרעות האלה, אחרי אשר הולדתי בנים מבישים וחטאים. אולם באמת יאות לנוד לי ולחמול עלי, כי הייתי אב אוהב ורחום לבנים נבלים כאלה. כי את בנַי הראשונים העליתי למלוכה בנעוריהם ואמנתי אותם ברומא, למען יהיו לאוהבי הקיסר, וגדלתי אותם, עד אשר קנאו בהם מלכים אחרים, ובאחרונה מצאתי את לבם חורש און עלי. והם מתו בעונם בגלל אנטיפטרוס, כי לטובת הצעיר הזה, יורש כסאי, עשיתי את הדבר, למען תכון המלוכה בידו בשלוה. אולם החיה הרעה והנבזה הזאת, אשר שׂבעה את אֹרך אפי, בעטה מרֹב טובה. הוא ראה אותי מאריך ימים — וזקנתי לא נתנה לו מרגוע. ולא עצר בנפשו לעשות מלוכה, מבלי יַסד אותה ברצח אביו. ואמנע צדק בעצתו עלי, כי למה השיבותי את הבן הזה המגֹרש מארץ ולמה מאסתי בבנים אשר ילדה לי בת מלכים, למען הקים אותו ליורש־כסאי? אני מודה לדבריך, וַרוס, אם אמור תאמר, כי נטרפה דעתי. הפכתי את לב הבנים ההם לשנֹא אותי, בהובישי את תקוותיהם הצודקות למען אנטיפטרוס זה. והאֻמנם גמלתי גם להם טובה, כאשר עשיתי לבן הזה? בעודני חי חִסרתי אותו מעט ממלך ולעיני כֹל כתבתי לו בצואתי את כסא המלוכה אחרי וחלקתי לו חמשים ככר, לכלכל את ביתו, ועוד פזרתי לו כסף לאין־מספר מאוצרי. הן בנסעו אל רומא נתתי על־ידו שלש מאות ככר ומכל בני־ביתי נשאתי את פניו לבדו לפני הקיסר, באמרי עליו, כי הוא גואל נפש אביו. ובמה נחשבה חטאת הבנים ההם מול עון אנטיפטרוס? ובמה נחשבו אותות אשמתם מול דברי העדים אשר ענו במרצח הזה? הנה רוצח האב נועז להוציא קול ומקוה עוד הפעם לכסות את האמת בנכליו. וַרוס! השמר לנפשך! הנה מכיר אני את החיה הרעה וצופה מראש, כי תשים עליה מסוה צדיק תמים ותשפוך דמעות־רמיה. הלא זה האיש יעץ אותי להזהר מפני אלכסנדרוס בעודו בחיים ולבלתי הפקיד את נפשי בידי שום אדם! זה האיש אשר היה נגש אל יצועי להביט אנה ואנה, אם לא נמצא אורב לנפשי. זה האיש אשר שמר עלי בעת שנתי ושקד להרחיק ממני כל פחד ודאגה. זה האיש אשר במתק אמרותיו בקש לנחם אותי מאבלי על בני הנרצחים, והוא גם חרץ משפטו בדבר אהבת אחיו החיים אלי, הוא המגן הסוכך עלי, הוא השומר לראשי. וַרוס, וַרוס! מדי העלותי על לבבי את ערמתו בכֹּל ואת כחו לאחז את העינים, אחדל להאמין בנפשי, כי עוד חי הנני, ולפלא נחשב בעיני, כי עלה בידי להמלט מאיש המזמות העמֻקות הזה. והנה אם רוח רעה שמה את ביתי לשממה ומקימה לי לשונאים כפעם בפעם את האנשים האהובים לי מכל, לא נשאר לי רק להתאבל על הגורל אשר עִות משפטי ולבכות במסתרים על משואות ביתי. אולם איש מכל הצמאים לדמי לא ימלט את נפשו, ולוּ גם תקיף האשמה את כל בני יחד!״",
+                    "ג. ובדבר הורדוס זאת עצר במלים מצרת נפשו ורמז לניקולאוס, אחד מידידיו, לבאר את פרטי האשמה. והנה הרים אנטיפטרוס את ראשו — כי כל העת שכב על הארץ לרגלי אביו — וקרא בקול: ״הנה אתה, אבי, למדת עלי זכות בדבריך. איך אחשב לרוצח־אב, אחרי אשר הודית בפיך, כי הייתי שומר לראשך כל הימים? את אהבתי אליך קראת בשם אחיזת עינים! והן אם הייתי ערום בכל הליכות,, איכה טח לבי מהבין, כי לא נקל יהיה לי לחבל תועבה כזאת ולהסתירנה מעיני אדם ולעולם לא אוכל להעלימנה מפני השופט הגדול היושב בשמים, הרואה כל דבר והוא נמצא בכל מקום? האם נסתרה מעיני אחרית אחי, אשר שלם להם אלהים על מזמותיהם הרעות? ואיזה דבר יכול להעיר את חמתי עליך? האמנם התקוה לכסא המלוכה? הלא כמלך נחשבתי! או הפחד מפני שנאתך? האם לא הייתי אהוב עליך? או היראה, פן ימשל בך איש אחר? הן בשמרי עליך הייתי נורא על כל סביבי. או מחסור הכסף? ובידי מי הספקת לפזר כסף יותר ממני? ואלו הייתי משחית את דרכי מכל בני האדם ונשמת חיה טורפת נמצאה בקרבי — הוי אבי, — האמנם לא היו חסדיך הגדולים כובשים אותי, אחרי אשר נשאת את ראשי — כאשר העידות בפיך — ובחרת בי מכל בניך הרבים והקימותני למלך ובהמון חסדיך שמתני לקנאת הרבים? — אוי לי על נסיעתי הארורה הזאת, כי נתתי שעת־כּשׁר למקנאי ועת־חפץ ארֻכּה למבקשי רעתי. והן למענך, אבי, עזבתי ארץ מולדתי לריב את ריבך, פן יעטה סולי חרפה על עטרת שיבתך. העיר רומא תעיד צדקתי, עדי הוא הקיסר, מושל העולם, אשר לא פעם ולא שתים קרא לי בשם ״אוהב־אב״. קבל־נא, אבי, את האגרת הזאת אשר שלח אליך, כי נאמנים דבריה מכל דברי הולכי רכיל אשר עמך. תהיה היא לבדה למליץ ישרי ותתן עדיה על אהבתי הרבה אליך. זכור, כי בלי חמדה יצאתי באניה למרחקים, הן ידעתי את השנאה הכבושה אלי בכל הממלכה. רק אתה, אבי, הבאת עלי שואה מבלי הדעת, כי חזקה ידך עלי לתת למקנאי עת־חפץ לעלילות רשעתם. והנה באתי לעמוד לפני עדי אשמתי, אני רוצח־האב, אחרי אשר לא אֻנה לי רע מסכנת הדרכים בים וביבשה. אולם רואה אני, כי עדותי זאת לא תועילני. הן כבר יצא משפטי לחובה מאת האלהים ומאתך, אבי! אולם אם כבר נחתם דיני, הנה אני מבקש אתכם, כי לא תשימו מבטחכם בדברים, אשר הוציאו עדים זרים תמה סבל ענוייהם בלבד, — ועליכם להקריב גם אלי את המדורה. ירטשו כלי־הזעם את כל קרבי ואל יחמול איש על מכאובי גופי הנבזה בשמעו קול נאקתי, כי אם באמת רוצח־אב הנני, איני רוצה למות בלי יסורי ענויים״. את הדברים האלה קרא אנטיפטרוס באנחה וגעה בבכי ועורר את חמלת כל האנשים וגם את רחמי וַרוס. רק לב הורדוס חזק בקרבו ולא הוריד דמעה, כי ידע אשר נאמנו דברי עדי האשמה.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה פתח ניקולאוס איש דמשק את פיו במצות המלך והרבה לספר על ערמת אנטיפטרוס ובזה הפיג את רחמי האנשים, אשר נכמרו אליו, ואחרי־כן קרא עליו שִׂטנה קשה ושם בראשו את כל דברי־השערוריה אשר נעשו בחצר המלך, ויותר מכל פקד עליו את דם שני אחיו, בהראותו במופתים, כי הם חללי נכליו הרעים. ואחרי־זאת הוסיף ניקולאוס לדבר על הפחים אשר טמן אנטיפטרוס לאחיו החיים, בחשבו כי יהיו לו למכשול בירֻשת המלוכה. כי הלא הוא האיש, אשר הכין סם־מות לאביו — ומדוע יעצור ברוחו נגד אחיו? אחרי־כן זכר את האשמה בדבר הרעל והעביר את דברי העדים זה אחר זה, ומדי דברו הזכיר ברֹגז את פירורא, אשר גם אותו הפך אנטיפטרוס לרוצח־אחיו, וככה השחית את כל הנפשות היקרות בעיני המלך ומלא את כל ביתו תועבה. ועוד דברים רבים הוסיף ניקולאוס על אלה, להוכיח את האשמה, עד אשר כלה לדבר.",
+                    "ה. וַרוס צוה על אנטיפטרוס ללמד זכות על עצמו. אולם הוא לא הוציא מפיו רק את הדבר הזה: ״אלהים הוא עדי, כי לא נמצא בי דבר עול״, והחריש וישב על מקומו. וַרוס צוה להביא את הרעל ונתן לשתות ממנו לאחד האסירים, אשר נחרץ עליו משפט מות, וכאשר טעם האסיר ומת מיד ישב ורוס יחד עם הורדוס ודבר עמו בסתר וכתב אל הקיסר על־דבר המשפט. ולמחרת היום הלך לדרכו. והמלך אסר את אנטיפטרוס בנחֻשתים ושלח אל הקיסר צירים להודיעהו את האסון הזה.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי הדברים האלה נתפש אנטיפטרוס במומה אשר יעץ על שלֹמית. כי אחד מבני בית אנטיפטרוס בא מרומא ובידו מכתב מאחת המשרתות את לִיוִיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה ״יוליה״ — הכונה ללִיוִיָּה אשת הקיסר אוגוסטוס השניה.</i> ושמה אַקְמִי. עם המכתב הזה שלחה אל המלך את אגרות שלֹמית, אשר נמצאו בין כתבי ליויה, והודיעה אותו, כי היא ממציאה אותן לידו בסתר מאהבתה אליו. באגרות נמצאו דברי שקוצים גדולים על המלך וגם שטנות קשות. את האגרות זיֵּף אנטיפטרוס ופתה בשחד את אקמי לשלוח אותן אל הורדוס. והדבר הזה נגלה מתוך האגרת אשר שלחה (אקמי) אליו (אל אנטיפטרוס). וככה כתבה אליו האשה באגרת ההיא: ״עשיתי את הטוב בעיניך. כתבתי אל אביך ושלחתי אליו את האגרות ההן (הידועות) ואני מאמינה, כי לא יחמול המלך על אחותו בהוָדע לו הדבר הזה. ואתה תיטיב לעשות בזכרך את הדבר אשר הבטחתני, אחרי אשר ימלא כל חפצך לטובה״.",
+                    "ז. ובהִגלות דבר המכתב הזה יחד עם דברי האגרות הכתובות בידי שלֹמית, החל המלך לחשוב, אולי חבּר אנטיפטרוס גם את האגרות נגד אלכסנדרוס, והתעצב אל לבו מאד בדעתו, כי כמעט הוריד גם את אחותו לשחת בעלילות הבן הזה. הוא לא רצה עוד לדחות את נקמתו בו על כל תועבותיו. אך בעוד הוא מתכונן לעשות שפטים באנטיפטרוס והנה תקפה עליו מחלה קשה. הוא הודיע את הקיסר במכתב על־דבר אקמי ומעלליה הרעים נגד שלֹמית ואחרי־כן פקד להביא אליו את צואתו ושִּׁנה אותה וצוה את מלכותו אחריו לאנטיפס בנו, כי מאס באחיו הגדולים ממנו ארכילאוס ופיליפוס, אשר הכה אנטיפטרוס גם אותם בלשון. ולקיסר כתב הורדוס בצואתו אלף ככר, מלבד מתנות אחרות. וגם לאשת הקיסר ולבניו ולאוהביו ולעבדיו המשחררים — קרוב לחמש מאות ככר. וליתר אוהביו חלק הורדוס אחֻזות גדולות וכסף רב. ובמנחות יקרות פקד גם את שלֹמית אחותו. ככה סדר הורדוס את צואתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>נשר הזהב השלך לארץ. אכזריות הורדוס לפני מותו. הוא נסה לטרוף נפשו בכפו, וצוה להמית את אנטיפטרוס ומת אחרי חמשה ימים.</small><br><br>א. ומחלת המלך גברה עליו, כי רפיון הזקנה וצרות לבבו חִבּרו עליו יחד להכריעהו. כבר היה כבן שבעים שנה והאסונות אשר באו עליו מידי בניו דִכּאו את נשמתו מאד, עד כי גם בהיותו בריא בגופו לא יכֹל לשמוח בחייו. וגם הדבר אשר נמצא עוד אנטיפטרוס בחיים [היה לו למגנת לב ו]חִזק את מחלתו. אולם הורדוס לא רצה להמיתו כלאחר־יד, ועל־כן דחה את הדבר עד אשר ירוַח לו מחליו.",
+                    "ב. ולהוסיף על סאת מכאוביו קם בימים ההם מרד בקרב העם. שני חכמים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס משתמש במלה ״סופיסטים״ בלי נותן טעם לפגם.</i> נמצאו בעיר אשר יצא להם שם, כי הם יודעים באר היטב את תורת אבותינו, ועל־כן גדל כבודם מאד על־פני כל העם, שם האחד היה יהודה בן צפירא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א צפורא (יתכן גם שפירא, ספירא, או שפורא, ספורא), ובקדמוניות: צריפא״.</i> ושם השני מתתיה בן מרגלא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות: מרגלות.</i>, ורבים מבני הנעורים ישבו לפני החכמים האלה בדרשם את התורה ובכל יום ויום נאסף מסביב להם מחנה בחורים גדול. וכאשר נודע להם, כי המלך גוֵֹע מיגונו וממחלתו, נזרק דבר מפיהם בקהל תלמידיהם, כי הנה הגיעה שעת־הכֹשר לקנא לכבוד אלהים ולהרוס את הפסלים, אשר הוקמו נגד חֻקי האבות. כי אסור על־פי החֹק לתת בבית־המקדש צלמים וחצאי־פסלים וכל הדברים העשוים כתבנית בעלי־חיים, והנה הקים המלך נשר זהב ממעל לשער הגדול, ואת הנשר הזה דרשו החכמים לנתֹּץ ואמרו, כי גם אם תצא סכנה מהדבר הזה, יהיה טוב ויפה למות על תורת האבות, כי נשמות האנשים, אשר מתו מות ישרים כזה, תזכינה לחיי עולם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אַתַּנַּסִּיָה (מלה זו נמצאה במדרשים) והסופרים המשכילים השתמשו כאן במלה ״אלמות״.</i> ואֹשר נצחים יהיה חלקן בנעימים. ורק האנשים השפלים, אשר לא קנו חכמה לנפשם, אינם מבינים במה ייטיבו לנפשם, ועל־כן הם בּוחרים למות על מטת חליָם ומואסים במות הגבורים.",
+                    "ג. עוד הם מדברים והנה פשטה השמועה, כי מת המלך, והצעירים חגרו אונים ונגשו לבצע את מעשיהם ובעצם היום, למראה ההמון הגדול, הנמצא בהר הבית, הורידו את עצמם בחבלים ארֻכּים מעל הגג ונתצו בקרדֻמות את נשר־הזהב. הדבר הזה הֻגַּד לשר־צבא המלך מיד והוא מהר בחיל גדול ותפש ארבעים צעירים והוליך אותם אל המלך. בתחלה שאל אותם הורדוס, אם הם האנשים, אשר נועזו לנפץ את נשר הזהב, והם הודו בדבר. אחרי־כן שאל אותם, מי הוא אשר צוה אותם לעשות את הדבר, והם השיבוהו: ״חֻקי התורה״. ואחרי זאת הוסיף לשאלם, מדוע פניהם צוהלים בעת אשר הם הולכים לקראת המות, ועל זה ענוהו, כי אחרי מותם ישבעו רֹב טובה.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה עלתה חמת־המלך עד להשחית. הוא התגבר על כֹּבד מחלתו וקם ויצא אל העם הנאסף והִרבה ללמד חובה על האנשים האלה, אשר חללו את הקֹדש, וגם שם עליהם עלילות דברים, כי החֹק הזה להם לכסות־עינים ובאמת בקשו להם גדולות מאלה, ודרש לדון אותם משפט מגדפי אלהים. ההמון פחד, פן ילָכדו רבים באשמה הזאת, ועל־כן בקש מאת המלך לענוש לראשונה רק את האנשים אשר עשו את המעשה בידיהם, ואחריהם את הנתפשים בעת המעשה, ולהשיב את חמתו מן הנשארים. בקֹשי נעתר המלך לדברי העם וצוה לשרוף באש את האנשים אשר הורידו את עצמם בחבלים, יחד עם החכמים, ואת יתר העצורים נתן בידי עבדיו להמיתם.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי המעשה הזה אכלה מחלת הורדוס את כל בשרו והתהפך במכאובים רבים. אמנם הקדחת לא היתה קשה, אולם הגרב (יקוד) הכה את כל עורו, עד אשר נלאה כַלכּל וחבלים היו במעיו תמיד וברגליו פשׂו מכות טריּוֹת, כאלו חלה בהדרוקן, ודלקת קמה בבטנו, ובמבושיו עלה רקב והֵרַם תולעים. ונוסף על זה לא יכול לנשום רק בזקיפה והנשימה היתה קשה לו מאד, ופלצות אחזה את כל אבריו. ואנשי הרוח אמרו, כי יסוריו הקשים היו עֹנש האלהים על דם החכמים השפוך. אולם בעוד הוא נלחם עם יסוריו הקשים הוסיף לאהוב את החיים וקוה כי ירוח לו מחליו ובקש למצֹא תעלה. הוא עבר את הירדן להתרפא בחמי קלרהי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או קלירהי.</i>. המים האלה נופלים אל ים־המלח והם מתוקים וטובים לשתיה. שם צוו עליו הרופאים לטבול את כל בשרו בשמן חם, אבל כשהושב בערֵבה (אמבטי) מלאה שמן, התעלף והפך את עיניו כמת. מהומה קמה בקרב המשרתים ולקול צעקתם שבה אליו רוחו. עתה נואש הורדוס מכל ישועה וצוה לחלק לאנשי־הצבא חמש מאות דרכמונים לאיש ואיש וכסף רב לשרי הצבא ולאוהביו.",
+                    "ו. והורדוס שב אל יריחו וכבר גברה עליו מרה שחורה, עד אשר כמעט רצה להפיל את פחדו על המות בעצמו ולבו מִלא אותו לעשות תועבה נוראה: הוא צוה לאסוף את האנשים נשואי־הפנים מכל ארץ יהודה אל המקום הנקרא הִפּוֹדְרומוֹס (מקום מרוץ הסוסים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלשון התלמוד והמדרש אפודרומין, לעֻמת זאת אצטדין (סטַדיון, כמראה אמפיתאטרון) הוא מקום התחרות הרצים, והמאבק עם החיות. וכו׳.</i> ולתתם שם על מסגר, וקרא לאחותו שלֹמית ולבעלה אלֶכְּסא ואמר אליהם: ״ידעתי, כי יעשו היהודים חג ביום מותי. אולם יש לאל־ידי לתקן לי מספד — על־ידי אחרים — וגם לערוך לי קבורה מפֹארה, אם תרצו למלא אחרי מצותי. כאשר תצא נשמתי — תמהרו לקחת את האנשים העצורים ולהקיף אותם באנשי־צבא ולהמיתם, למען תתאבל עלי כל ארץ יהודה וכל בית ובית יבכה בעל־כרחו״.",
+                    "ז. הורדוס צוה את הדבר הזה, והנה באו אגרות מאת הצירים, אשר שלח אל רומא, להודיעהו, כי אקמי הומתה במצות הקיסר ואנטיפטרוס נשפט למות [על־פי הקיסר] והם הוסיפו לכתוב, כי הקיסר ממלא את ידי האב לענוש את בנו ענש גלות, אם ירצה בדבר. הבשורה הזאת נתנה שמחה בלב המלך עד אשר הבליג על מחלתו מעט־קט. אבל תכף הציקו לו מחסור המזון והשעול החזק, ובעצמת מכאוביו אמר לשלוח יד בנפשו, למען החיש את מותו. הוא לקח תפוח ודרש לתת לו שַׂכין, כי כן היה מנהגו לחתוך את התפוחים ולאכלם, ואחרי־כן הביט לעברים, אם לא יהיה לו איש לשטן במעשהו, והרים את ימינו לתקוע את השכּין בלבו. אולם אחיאב בן־דודו קפץ אליו והשיב את זרועו אחור. ובחצר המלך קמה תכף מהומה גדולה כאלו כבר מת המלך, והשמועה הגיעה אל אנטיפטרוס והוא שמח ולבש עֹז וחִלה את פני השומרים עליו להתיר אסוריו ולשלחהו לחפשי בכסף רב. אולם ראש השומרים לא שלח אותו לחפשי, רק מהר לרוץ אל המלך ולספר לו את הדבר. והמלך התחזק על מחלתו וקרא בקול גדול לשלוח את שומרי ראשו ולהמית את אנטיפטרוס, ואת גופתו צוה לקבור בהורקניה. ואחרי הדברים האלה שִׁנה את צואתו עוד הפעם והקים את בכור בניו (החיים) ארכילאוס אחי אנטיפס ליורש כסא המלוכה ואת אנטיפס לנסיך (טֶטְרַרְכוֹס).",
+                    "ח. ואחרי רצח (אנטיפטרוס) בנו חי עוד הורדוס חמשה ימים. ולקץ הימים האלה מת; מן היום אשר המית את אנטיגנוס ותפש בידו את השלטון עברו שלשים וארבע שנה, ומיום אשר בו הוקם למלך בידי הרומאים מלאו שלשים ושבע שנה, ורק אנשים מעטים הצליחו כמוהו ועשו חיל בכל מעשיהם. אף כי היה הדיוט במשפחתו, הגיע למלוכה והחזיק בה זמן רב כזה, ואחרי מותו צוה אותה ליוצאי חלציו. ורק בעסקי משפחתו היה הורדוס אֻמלל מאד. בטרם נודע דבר מותו לאנשי־הצבא יצאה שלֹמית עם בעלה ושלחה לחפשי את האסורים, אשר צוה המלך להמיתם, באמרה כי נחם הורדוס על דברו — ונתנה להם ללכת איש אל ביתו. וכאשר יצאו האנשים האלה בשלום, הודיעו (שלֹמית ובעלה) לאנשי־הצבא [את דבר מות הורדוס] והקהילו אותם עם יתר העם יחד לאסֵפה באמפיתיאטרון אשר ביריחו. ושמה יצא אליהם תלמי, אשר בידו הפקיד המלך את טבעתו עם חותמו, וברך את זכר המלך ונחם את העם, ואחרי זאת קרא את המכתב אשר השאיר המלך לאנשי־הצבא ובו בקש מהם לשמור את הברית ליורש מלכותו. וככלות תלמי לקרא את המכתב הזה הסיר את החותם מעל צואת המלך הנוספה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הצואה נקראה ביונית דִּיַּתֵּיקֵי (וכן גם במשנה) ותוספת־הצואה אֶפִּידִיַּתֵּיקֵי.</i> וקרא אותה באזני העם. על־פיה קבל פיליפוס לנחלה את חבל ארֹגב (ארץ טרַכון) והארץ אשר מסביב ואנטיפס נמנה לנסיך, כדבר אשר אמרנו למעלה, וארכילאוס הוקם למלך, ואת ידיו מלא הורדוס להביא את טבעתו ואת תעודות הממשלה החתומות אל הקיסר, כי בידו העֹז והתֹּקף לקיֵם את צואת הורדוס כרצונו ועליו נטל לאַשֵׁר אותה, וביתר הפרטים השאיר הורדוס את דברי הצואה הראשונה.",
+                    "ט. בקול תרועה ברכו האנשים את ארכילאוס ואנשי־הצבא נגשו אליו גדודים גדודים ואִתָּם יחד כל העם, להבטיחהו כי יהיו נאמנים בבריתו, וגם התפללו אל האלהים לשלום מלכותו. ארכילאוס לא חמל על כסף והוציא את כל יקר המלוכה לפאר את קבורת המת. מטתו היתה כֻלה זהב, משֻׁבּצת אבני־חפץ והמצע עליה נעשה תולעת שני, וממעל לו היתה גופת המלך מכֻסה ארגמן, ועל ראשה נזר הזהב ובימינה שרביט המלוכה. ומסביב לארון המת הלכו בני המלך והמון קרוביו ובראשם נושאי כליו (שומרי ראשו) גדוד התְּרַכִּים והגרמנים והגַלים, כֻּלם חגורי נשק כערוכים למלחמה. ולפניהם עברו יתר אנשי־הצבא בכל כלי נשקם, כֻּלם בסדר ישר, אחרי שרי הצבא וראשי הגדודים, ואתם יחד חמש מאות ילידי־בית הורדוס ועבדיו המשֻׁחררים נושאים קטֹרת בידם. גופת המלך הובלה כשבעים ריס עד הגיעהּ אל הורדיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוצאה הישנה: כמאתים ריס. אולם ניזה תקן על־פי פרק כ״א, י שבעים ריס (שם מבֹאר, כי הוֹרדיון רחוקה מירושלים שבעים ריס). ויש חושבים כי מאתים ריס הם המרחק בין יריחו, ששם מת הורדוס, ובין הורדיון (דרך ירושלים).</i>, ושם נקברה כמצות המת. ובזה כלו דברי ימי הורדוס."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס עשה סעדת־הבראה לעם. מריבה גדולה קמה בקרב ההמון, והוא שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמיתו כשלשת אלפים איש.</small><br><br>א. על ארכילאוס הוטל לנסוע אל רומא, ומן הדבר הזה יצאה מהומה חדשה. כי אחרי התאבלו על אביו שבעה ימים עשה משתה גדול לעם, לזכר קבורת אביו, כי הדבר הזה הוא חק ליהודים ועל־ידו התרוששו רבים, אשר קצרה ידם לעשות כֵּרה להמון הרב ומלאו את הדבר בעל־כרחם, כי העובר על החֹק הזה כמפר מצוה יחָשב. אחרי זאת לבש ארכילאוס בגדים לבנים ועלה אל בית־המקדש ושם קִדם העם את פניו בברכות רבות, והוא ישב בראש בימה גבוהה על כסא זהב וממרום שבתו ברך את העם על הכבוד אשר עשה לו בעת הלוית אביו והודה אותו על אשר נשא את פניו כפני מלך אשר נכון כבר כסא המלוכה בידו; והוסיף לדבר, כי יזהר מנהוג שְׂרָרָה וגם לא יקָרא בשם מלך, עד אשר יקים הקיסר בידו את ירֻשת הכסא, כי הוא הנהו השליט העליון גם על־פי צואת אביו; ועל־כן לא קבל (ארכילאוס) את הנזר, אשר אמר הצבא לשים על ראשו בעיר יריחו. לעֻמת־זאת אמר, כי נכון לבו באהבה וברצון לשלם לאנשי־הצבא ולעם כגמול מעשיהם הטובים עמו, אחרי תת השליטים העליונים את הממלכה בידו, וגם יבקש בכל דרכיו להיטיב להם מאביו.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה שמח העם ובקש תכף לתכן את רוח ארכילאוס, בדרשו ממנו גדולות. אלה צעקו אליו להקל עליהם מהמסים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מסי הקרקעות (המסים הישרים).</i>, ואלה בקשו לבטל את המכָסים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מסי הסחורה בשוק (מסים בלתי־ישרים).</i>, ורבים דרשו ממנו להוציא את האסירים לחפשי. ארכילאוס קבל ברצון את כל הבקשות האלה, למצֹא חן בעיני העם. ואחרי הקריבו את הזבחים היטיב את לבו בחברת אוהביו. ולעת נטות היום התאספו רבים מן האנשים, אשר נשאו את נפשם לתמורות (למרידות), להתאבל על אסונם, אסון הפרט, כי כבר כלו ימי אבל הכלל על המלך, והחלו להָמֵר על האנשים המומתים בידי הורדוס על נפצם את נשר הזהב אשר על שער המקדש. והמספד הזה לא נעשה במסתרים, כי הרימו האנשים קול יללה עד לב השמים וגעו בבכי כמצֻוים ועושים ותופפו על לבביהם בכֹח עד אשר הקיפה הזעקה את כל העיר. ובדבר הזה אמרו לכבּד את אלה אשר הערו נפשם למות על חֻקי התורה וטהרת המקדש. הם צעקו בקול לגאול את דם הנהרגים האלה מידי האנשים אשר היו נשואי פנים בעיני הורדוס, ועל־הכל — להוריד את הכהן הגדול אשר הקימהו הורדוס ולתת להם לבחר באיש ירא־אלהים וטהור ממנו.",
+                    "ג. לדברים האלה התרגז ארכילאוס, אולם דחה את עֹנש המורדים, כי מהר לצאת לדרך ופחד, פן יעצור מרד העם את מסעו, כי יתגרה אתו מלחמה. על־כן לא יצא תכף נגד המורדים ביד־רמה, רק נסה להשקיטם בדברים ושלח אליהם את שר־צבאו לדרוש מהם, כי יחדלו ממעשיהם. שר־הצבא בא אל הר־הבית ולא הספיק עוד לפתוח את פיו והנה גרשו אותו המורדים, בהשליכם בו אבנים. וככה עשו גם ליתר האנשים, אשר יצאו אליהם להטות למוסר את אזנם, כי ארכילאוס שלח אנשים רבים אליהם לדבר על לבם, ואת פני כֻלם השיבו המורדים בחרי־אף, ובזה הראו, כי לא יחבקו את ידיהם כאשר יתלקטו אליהם רבים מן העם. וכן היה. בהגיע חג־המצות, הנקרא בפי היהודים פסח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס כותב: פסחא (הצורה הארמית).</i>, אשר בו הם מרבים להקריב זבחים לאלהים, נאסף מכל הארץ המון עולי־רגל לאין־מספר, והאנשים אשר הספידו את החכמים עמדו עליהם בהר־הבית להפיח בהם את אש המרד. ארכילאוס נבהל מפני הדבר הזה ועוד טרם פשטה מחלת המרד בכל העם שלח אל ההמון שר־אלף עם גדוד צבא לבצר בחֹזק־יד את רוח מחוללי המרד. למראה הגדוד התעבר העם מאד, וסקל רבים מאנשי־הצבא באבנים ושר־האלף נפצע ובקֹשי נמלט ממות. ואחרי־כן שב ההמון להקריב את הזבחים כאלו לא נעשה דבר. אולם ארכילאוס נוכח הפעם לראות כי בלי שפך־דם לא יוכל לעצור בעם, ושלח עליו את כל אנשי המלחמה. צבא הרגלים עבר חוצץ דרך רחובות העיר, והרוכבים נשלחו אל השדה ואנשי־הצבא התנפלו פתאם על מקריבי הזבחים והמיתו כשלשת אלפים איש, ויתר העם נפוץ אל השדה. ואחרי־כן באו צירי ארכילאוס וצוו על כל איש לשוב לביתו. וכל עולי־הרגלים עזבו את משוש חגם ויצאו מן העיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס יצא אל רומא עם להקת קרוביו. אנטיפטרוס קרא עליו שטנה לפני הקיסר וניקולאוס למד עליו זכות, והוא יצא זכאי.</small><br><br>א. ארכילאוס יצא בדרך הים בלוית אמו ואוהביו פּוֹפְּלַס ותלמי וניקולאוס והשאיר את פיליפוס למנצח על עסקי המלוכה ולפקיד בביתו. יחד עמו יצאו לדרך גם שלֹמית עם בניה ובני אחי המלך וחתניו ולמראה־עין התנדבו לחזק את ידי ארכילאוס בירֻשת המלוכה, אולם באמת שמו את לבם ללמד עליו חובה על המטבח הגדול אשר עשה בהר־הבית.",
+                    "ב. ובעיר קיסרי פגש אותם סַבּינוס נציב סוריה, אשר עלה אל ארץ יהודה לשמור את כסף עזבון הורדוס. אולם וַרוס לא נתן לו לנסוע משם והלאה, כי הִרבּה ארכילאוס לחלות את פניו בידי תלמי. בפעם הזאת נשא סַבּינוס את פני וַרוס ולא מהר לעלות על המבצרים ולא סגר בפני ארכילאוס על אוצרות אביו ואמר, כי יֵשב במנוחה עד אשר יוציא הקיסר את משפטו, ונשאר בקיסרי. אולם כאשר פנו שני האנשים העוצרים אותו איש איש לדרכו, כי וַרוס שב אל אנטיוכיה וארכילאוס יצא באניה אל רומא, מהר סַבּינוס לעלות על ירושלים ותפש את ארמון המלך וגם קרא אליו את שרי המבצרים ואת גזברי המלך ונסה לחקור את חשבונות הכספים ולקחת בידו את המבצרים. אולם פקידי המלוכה לא עברו על פקֻדת ארכילאוס והוסיפו לעמוד על משמרתם באמונה, באמרם כי בזה הם עובדים את הקיסר ולא את ארכילאוס בלבד.",
+                    "ג. בין כה וכה יצא גם אנטיפס לדרך, לריב [עם ארכילאוס], באמרו כי יפה כח צואת אביו הראשונה, אשר על פיה הוקם למלך, מכח הצואה הנוספת. ושלֹמית ועוד רבים מקרוביו הנוסעים עם ארכילאוס אל רומא הבטיחוהו עוד לפני צאתם, כי ידם תכון עמו. הוא הוביל אתו את אמו וגם את תלמי אחי ניקולאוס, אשר בטח בו, כי כחו גדול להכריע את הכף לטובתו, יען כי שמר לו הורדוס את אמונתו כל הימים והוא היה הנכבד בכל אוהביו. ועוד יותר האמין אנטיפס בנואם אֵירֵנַיּוּס על כח מליצתו — ועל־כן מאס בעצת האנשים, אשר דברו על לבו לעזוב את המלוכה לארכילאוס, כי לו יאתה על־פי משפט הבכורה ותֹקף הצואה השניה. וברומא עמדו לו לעזרה כל בני בית אביו, אשר היו עוינים את ארכילאוס מאד. וראש דברים היה לבקש שלטון חפשי (אבטונומיה), אשר ינצח עליו נציב רומאי, — ואולם אם לא יצליח חפצם זה בידם — אמרו בלבם לבקש את אנטיפס למלך.",
+                    "ד. גם סבינוס עמד לימינם בדבר הזה, כי כתב שטנה על ארכילאוס אל הקיסר והרבה עם המכתב להלל את אנטיפס. ושלֹמית ובניה אספו את כל דברי האשמה ונתנו אותם בידי הקיסר. לדברים האלה כתב ארכילאוס ראשי־פרקים להוכיח את צדקתו ושלח את טבעת אביו יחד עם הדברים האלה אל הקיסר בידי תלמי. והקיסר השיב אל לבו את טענות שני הצדדים והתבונן לגֹדל המלוכה ולמכסת תבואתה וגם למספר בני בית הורדוס, ואחרי זאת קרא את האגרות השלוחות אליו מוַרוס ומסבינוס, והקהיל את טובי הרומאים לאספה, ובראש האספה הושיב את גַיּוּס בן אגריפס הנולד ליוליה בתו, אשר לקחהו הקיסר לו לבן, ומִלא את ידי בעלי הריב להגיש את עצומותיהם.",
+                    "ה. לראשונה עמד על רגליו אנטיפטרוס בן שלֹמית ללמד חובה על ארכילאוס, כי הוא היה גדול בכח לשונו מכל אנשי־ריבו. הוא אמר, כי רק בדברי־פה בלבד נצב ארכילאוס לריב על ירֻשת המלוכה, כי במעשה־ידיו כבר התנהג כמלך, וכמצחק הוא בדבריו הפעם באזני הקיסר, יען אשר לא חכה עד הוציאו משפטו בדבר נחלת הורדוס. הן אחרי מות הורדוס הכין לו אנשים בסתר לשים על ראשו את הנזר, וכבר ישב על כסא־מלכים ועשה מעשי מלך, בשנותו את סדרי הצבא ובהרימו את מעלות השרים, גם הבטיח למלא את משאלות העם הרואה את פניו כפני מלך וקרא דרור לאסורים, אשר שם אותם אביו בנחֻשתים על עונות קשים. ועתה בא אל השליט העליון לבקש ממנו את צל המלוכה, אחרי גזלו בידיו את עצם המלוכה, ובאמת הוא מקים את הקיסר לשופט בדבר שֵׁם המלוכה בלבד ולא בדבר השלטון. ומלבד זאת נשא אנטיפטרוס חרפה על ארכילאוס, כי גם את מספד אביו הפך לצחוק, בבּקר היה שׂם עליו מעטה אֵבל ובלילה שתה לשכרה ועשה מעשי־תעתועים; ועוד הוסיף אנטיפטרוס לספר, כי המעשים האלה העלו את כעס ההמון והיו לסבת המרד. ועמוד־התוך, אשר נשען עליו אנטיפטרוס בדבריו, היה מספר החללים הרבים מסביב להיכל ה׳: ״אלה האנשים באו אל יום טוב ובאכזריות רצח נשחטו על זבחיהם. ובחצר בית־המקדש נערמו הרוגים בהמון גדול, אשר כמוהו לא אכלה גם חרב שונאים נכרים במלחמת־פתאם. אמנם אבי ארכילאוס צפה את אכזריותו מראש, ועל־כן לא נתן תקוה בלבו לעשות מלוכה עד העת אשר קשתה עליו מחלת נשמתו מתחלואי גופו ונבצר ממנו לעשות את דברו בדעת ובחשבון ולא ידעה נפשו את מי הוא שׂם ליורש כסאו בצואה הנוספת, ומה גם שעשה את הדבר הזה מבלי מצֹא ערות־דבר באיש אשר כתב לו את המלוכה בצואתו הראשונה, בהיותו בריא בגופו ובעת אשר דעתו היתה עוד נכונה בקרבו. ואולם אם גם יחשוב איש, כי יפה כח המשפט אשר הוציא המלך בחליו, הנה עליו להודות, כי אִבֵּד ארכילאוס את המלוכה בידים בנאצותיו אשר עשה לנבל את מלכותו. ומה יהיה משפט המושל הזה אחרי קבלו את המלוכה מידי הקיסר, אם כבר ערך מטבח כזה בטרם נכונה המלוכה בידו?״",
+                    "ו. כאלה וכאלה הוסיף אנטיפטרוס לדַבֵּר והעיד לו עדים נאמנים את קרוביו הרבים, העומדים עמו יחד לחזק כל פרט ופרט מדברי האשמה, ואחרי־זאת כלה את דבריו. ואחריו עמד ניקולאוס על רגליו להצדיק את ארכילאוס בריבו והוכיח בדברים, כי הרצח בהר־הבית נעשה באֹנס, יען אשר הרימו הנרצחים יד באיבה לא במלכות בלבד, כי־אם גם בקיסר, אשר מידו כל משפטה. ומלבד זאת הראה ניקולאוס לדעת, כי את יתר דברי האשמה עשה ארכילאוס בעצת האנשים, אשר באו עתה ללמד עליו חובה; וגם חרץ משפטו, כי בדבר הזה יפה כח הצואה הנוספת מכח הצואה הראשונה — על אשר מסר בה המת בידי הקיסר להכין את המלוכה בידי יורשו, והן האדם המבין להפקיד את שלטונו בידי מושל העולם לא יוכל לשגות במשפטו מי האיש אשר לו תֵאות ירֻשתו; אין זאת, כי־אם במחשבה צלולה בחר הורדוס באיש הזה להעמידו בראש העם, בדעתו את האיש אשר יקימהו על נחלתו.",
+                    "ז. וכאשר באר ניקולאוס את דבריו, נגש ארכילאוס ונפל לרגלי הקיסר מבלי דַבּר דבר. והקיסר צוה עליו בדברי־חן לקום על רגליו וגלה את דעתו, כי הוא ראוי לשבת על כסא אביו, אולם לא הוציא משפט מבֹאר. ואחרי שלחו את הנאספים השיב אל לבו ביום ההוא את הדברים אשר שמעו אזניו ונמלך בדעתו אם להקים למלך אחד מבני הורדוס הנקובים בצואתו, או לחלק את מלכותו לכל בני משפחתו, בחשבו למשפט, כי עליו להשביע רצון את הנפשות הרבות האלה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מלחמה עזה קמה בין היהודים ובין צבא סַבּינוס, ומטבח גדול נעשה בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. עוד טרם הוציא הקיסר את משפטו בדבר הזה חלתה מַלְתַּקִּי אם ארכילאוס ומתה ואגרות באו מוַרוס הנציב בסוריה על־דבר מרד היהודים. כי וַרוס צפה מראש את המרד הזה בבואו אל ירושלים אחרי צאת ארכילאוס באניה ובקש לבצור את רוח מחרחרי הריב. כל עין ראתה, כי לא ישב ההמון במנוחה, ועל־כן השאיר וַרוס בקרב העיר אחד משלשת הלגיונות אשר הביא אתו מסוריה ושב אל אנטיוכיה. אחריו בא סבינוס אל ירושלים ונתן במעשיו ליהודים תואנה לקום על נפשם, כי אִלֵּץ בחֹזק־יד את שרי המבצרים להסגיר אליו את המצודות וחקר בשרירות לבו למצֹא את אוצרות המלך. ובדבר הזה בטח לא באנשי־הצבא, אשר השאיר וַרוס בירושלים, בלבד, כי־אם גם בהמון עבדיו, אשר לכלם נתן כלי־נשק ועל־ידם בקש למצֹא בצע. ובבוא חג החמשים (השבועות), — כי כן קוראים היהודים לאחד ממועדי השנה אשר להם מקץ שבעה שבועות [לחג המצות] על־פי מספר הימים, — לא עלה ההמון אל ירושלים לעבוד את אלהיו כחֹק בלבד, כי־אם גם לשפוך את כעסו [על המעשים הרעים]. המון לאין־מספר נאסף מארץ הגליל ומאדום ומיריחו וגם מעבר הירדן, ועולי־הרגל הקרובים מארץ יהודה עוד עצמו במספרם ובנדבת רוחם מאלה. הם נפרדו לשלשה מחנות ונטשו בשלשה מקומות: האחד מצפון להר־הבית, השני — ליד מקום מרוץ הסוסים (הָאִפּוֹדְרוֹמִין) אשר לצד דרום והשלישי בקרבת ארמון המלך במערב. הם הקיפו את הרומאים מכל עבר ושמו עליהם מצור.",
+                    "ב. וסַבּינוס ירא את ההמון הגדול הזה ואת עז נפשו ושלח רץ אחרי רץ אל וַרוס, לבקש ממנו עזרה חיש מהר מבלי התמהמה, פן יאבד כל הלגיון הרומאי. והוא עלה על המגדל הגבוה מכל חומת ירושלים, אשר קרא לו הורדוס על שם אחיו פצאל, הנהרג בידי הפרתים, ומשם נתן אות לאנשי־הצבא בני הלגיון להשתער על האויבים, והוא בעצמו נמוג מפחד ולא נועז לרדת אל אנשיו. אנשי־הצבא שמעו לקולו ובקעו להם דרך אל הר־הבית ושם פרצה מלחמה קשה ביניהם ובין היהודים. וכל העת אשר לא נלחם בהם איש ממעלה גברו הרומאים למודי־המלחמה על המון היהודים, אשר לא נֻסו בקרָב. אולם כאשר עלו יהודים רבים אל האולמים (האסתוניות) אשר למעלה ומשם השליכו אבני־קלע על ראשי הרומאים, נפלו מהם חללים רבים, וקשה היה להם לעמוד בפני האויבים הזורקים עליהם אבנים ממעלה וגם להתעודד בפני ההמון הגדול אשר שת עליהם והתגרה אִתּם מלחמה.",
+                    "ג. ובראות הרומאים, כי קמה להם המלחמה משתי רוחות, שלחו אש באולמים הנפלאים בגדלם ובהדרם ומיד הקיפו עמודי אש את היהודים הנמצאים שם, ואלה מתו בלהבה, ואלה קפצו למטה אל שונאיהם ומתו בחרבם, ואלה הפילו עצמם מעל החומה אחורנית אל התהום. וגם נמצאו אנשים אשר נואשו מישועה ונפלו על חרבם טרם יהיו למאכֹלת אש. ואלה אשר ירדו בחומה אל הרומאים נמוגו מפחד ושונאיהם הכריעום על־נקלה. ואחרי אשר נפלו חללים רבים מקרב היהודים ויתרם נבהלו ונפוצו לכל רוח התנפלו אנשי־הצבא על אוצר בית־המקדש העזוב וגזלו כארבע מאות ככר. ואת פלֵטת האוצר, אשר לא נגנבה בידי הצבא, אסף סַבּינוס אליו.",
+                    "ד. הריסת הבנינים הנהדרים ורצח האנשים הרבים הרגיזו את היהודים מאד ואנשים רבים ועצומים ומלֻמדי־מלחמה התקוממו על הרומאים היושבים בארמון המלך והקיפום סביב. הם הזהירו אותם כי ימיתו אותם בחרב, אם לא ימהרו לעזוב את העיר, וגם הבטיחו את סבינוס, כי לא יגעו בו לרעה, כאשר יבחר לצאת עם הלגיון את פני העיר. גם רֹב צבא המלך נלוה אל הקושרים, אולם ראשי גבורי המלך, שלשת אלפים בני סבסטי (שמרון) ובראשם רוּפוּס וגרַטּוּס — גרטוס היה שר צבא־הרגלים למלך ורופוס היה שר־הרוכבים, — אשר כל אחד מהם נחשב גם מבלעדי צבאו למשען חזק במלחמה בגבורתו ובחכמתו, חזקו את ידי הרומאים. היהודים צרו על ארמון המלך בחֹזק־יד ונסו להרעיש את חומותיו ונשאו את קולם אל אנשי סבינוס כי יֵצאו משם ולא יהיו להם לשטן בדרכם, כי נושאים הם את לבם אל החֹפש אשר היה לאבותיהם ואשר נעדר מהם זמן רב. אמנם סַבּינוס היה נכון לעזוב את העיר, אולם לא האמין ליהודים המבטיחים אותו, בחשדו בהם, כי הם אומרים לטמון לו פח בדבריהם הרכים, ומלבד־זאת קוה לעזרת וַרוס, ועל־כן נשא את המצור."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>זקני חיל הורדוס נלוו אל המורדים. יהודה הגלילי הִרבה שֹׁד בארץ. שמעון ואַתּרוֹנְגַּיּוֹס לקחו להם את המלוכה.</small><br><br>א. ובימים ההם קמו מהומות רבות בקרב הארץ (ארץ־ישראל) והרבה אנשים מצאו שעת־הכֹּשר לעשות מלוכה. בארץ אדום התקשרו אלפים איש מזקני צבא הורדוס ויצאו בחרב להלחם עם חיל המלך, אשר עמד בראשו אחיאב ממשפחת המלוכה. ואחיאב נלחם אתם מתוך המצודות בלבד ונמנע מצאת עליהם לקרב בשדה. גם בצפורי אשר בגליל התקומם יהודה בן ראש השודדים חזקיה, אשר מלא לפנים את כל הארץ חמס, עד שנתפש בכף המלך הורדוס. והמון גדול נאסף אליו ויחד עמו פרץ בבית־נשק המלך ובנשק הנמצא שם חגר יהודה את חבריו להלחם בכל האנשים אשר נשאו את עיניהם אל הממשלה.",
+                    "ב. ובעבר הירדן קם אחד מעבדי המלך ושמו שמעון, ובטח ביפי קומתו ובחֹסן גופו ושם על ראשו את נזר המלוכה. הוא אסף אליו המון שודדים ופשט בארץ מסביב ושרף את בית המלך אשר ביריחו וגם שלח באש אחֻזות־עשירים רבות, למען הוצא את שללן על־נקלה. וכמעט שׂם למאכֹלת־אש כל נוף יפה, לולא יצא לקראתו גְּרַטּוּס, שר הרגלים אשר למלך בראש הרובים מארץ טרכון ואנשי המלחמה הטובים מבני סבסטי. ובקרב הזה נפלו רבים מבני עבר הירדן חללים, ושמעון אמר להמלט דרך נקרה צרה, אולם גרטוס סגר עליו את הדרך והכה אותו בעת מנוסתו בצוארו מן הצד והמיתהו. ועוד אנשים התקוממו בעבר הירדן ושלחו באש את ארמון המלך אשר בבית־הרם (בית־רמתה) בקרבת הירדן.",
+                    "ג. גם רועה אחד ערב את לבו בימים ההם לריב על־דבר המלוכה, ושמו אַתּרוֹנְגַּיּוֹס. ואת תקותו למלוכה העירו כֹח־גופו ואֹמץ־רוחו, אשר לא ירא מות, וגם ארבעת אחיו הדומים לו בתכונותיהם חזקו את ידיו. לכל אחד מאחיו נתן גדוד חמשים ומנה אותם לשרי־צבא ולאחשדרפנים ושלחם לבֹז בז, ואת עצמו חשב למלך ורק הדברים הגדולים באו אליו. הוא שׂם על ראשו את הנזר בימים ההם וימים רבים פשט על הארץ עם אחיו יחד. הם קבלו פקֻדה להמית את הרומאים ואת אנשי־שלום המלך (סיעת בית הורדוס), אולם גם כל איש יהודי לא נמלט מהם בעת נפלו בידם עם דברי חפץ. פעם אחת נועזו להתנפל גם על גדוד שלם נושא לחם ונשק מצבא הרומאים בקרבת העיר אמאוס והמיתו את שר־המאה אַרֵיוס עם ארבעים מאנשיו, וגם יתר אנשי־הצבא נמצאו בסכנת־מות, לולא חשו לעזרתם גרַטוס ובני סבסטי והניסו את השודדים. ועוד רעות רבות עוללו האחים האלה ליושבי הארץ ולנכרים כל ימי עשותם מלחמה. אך לקץ הימים נתפשו שלשה מהם בכף, הבכור נפל בידי ארכילאוס והשנים בידי גרטוס ותלמי ולאחרונה הסגיר גם האח הרביעי את נפשו בידי ארכילאוס. אולם קצם זה בא אחרי־זמן. ובימים ההם (אחרי מות הורדוס) מלאו את כל ארץ יהודה מלחמה ושֹׁד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ורוס הכניע את היהודים המורדים והוקיע כאלפים מורדים על צלבים.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר קבל וַרוס את מכתבי סַבּינוס ושרי־החיָלים פחד, פן תאֻנה רעה ללגיון כֻּלו, ומהר לצאת לעזרתו. הוא לקח עמו את שני הלגיונות הנותרים ואת ארבע להקות־הרוכבים הנמנות עליהם ונסע אל עכו וצוה על המלכים והשליטים לשלוח אליו שמה חיל־עזר. בעברו דרך עיר בארות אסף אליו משם אלף וחמש מאות אנשי־צבא. וכאשר הגיע אל עכו, באו אליו גם יתר צבאות הברית, וחרתת הערבי, השונא את הורדוס, הביא עמו חיל גדול רוכבים ורגלים. וַרוס שלח את חלק הצבא אל ארץ הגליל הסמוכה לעכו ובראש החיל הזה הפקיד אחד מידידיו ושמו גַּיּוּס. גיוס הניס את כל היהודים אשר יצאו לקראתו ולכד את העיר צפורי ושלח אותה באש ואת יושביה מכר לעבדים. ועם יתר הצבא נסע וַרוס בעצמו דרך שמרון ולא נגע בעיר לרעה, בראותו כי לא מרדה בו בעת המהומה, אשר הקיפה את יתר המקומות. הוא חנה על־יד אחד הכפרים ושמו אַרוּס, אשר היה לאחֻזה לתלמי, ועל־כן בזזו אותו הערבים, בפקדם את חמתם גם על אוהבי הורדוס. ומשם נסע וַרוס אל כפר אחד מֻקף חומה ושמו צַפָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית סַפְּפוֹ; נ״א: סַמְפוֹ, ולא נודע מקומו.</i> וגם אותו בזזו הערבים עם כל סביבותיו בעברם עליהן (נ.א.: עם כל אֹרחות־הצֵדה אשר מצאו בדרכם). וגם העיר אמאוס נשרפה, אחרי אשר ברחו יושביה ממנה, כי ככה צוה וַרוס להנקם בה על רצח אריוס ואנשיו.",
+                    "ב. ומשם עלה וַרוס על ירושלים ולמראה צבאו העצום נפוץ מחנה היהודים לכל רוח. הם נמלטו על נפשם אל השדה, ויושבי העיר פתחו את שעריה לפני וַרוס ופרקו מעליהם את אשם המרד, באמרם כי איש מהם לא הרים יד ברומאים, ובעל־כרחם קבלו את המון עולי־הרגלים, אשר צר עליהם ועל הרומאים יחד, והם לא עזרו למורדים במלחמתם. גם יוסף, קרובו של ארכילאוס, ורופוס וגרטוס עם צבא המלך ואנשי סבסטי יצאו לקדם את פני וַרוס ואנשי הלגיון הרומאי עברו לפניו כמנהגם בכל עדי נשקם. וסַבּינוס לא ערב את לבו לְהֵראות את פני וַרוס ומהר לעזוב את העיר ולפנות אל חוף הים. וַרוס שלח את חלק הצבא לשוט בארץ ולתפוש את מחוללי המרד, ושבוּים רבים הובאו אליו. את האנשים, אשר למראה־עיניו לא הרבו לעשות מרי, שם במשמר וּמראשי החַיָּבים הוקיע על צלבים כאלפים איש.",
+                    "ג. לוַרוס הֻגד, כי בארץ אדום נשארו עוד כעשרת אלפים אנשי חיל מזֻיָּנים. הוא שלח מעל פניו את הערבים, כי ראה בהם, שלא נלחמו כדרך אנשי בריתו וכל חפצם היה רק לכלות את נקמתם, ומשנאתם הרבה להורדוס הרבו להשחית את הארץ מאשר עלה על רוחו. ואחרי־כן מהר יחד עם לגיונותיו ושם את פניו להלחם במורדים. אולם היהודים לא יצאו לעֻמתו למלחמה, כי שמעו לעצת אחיאב ומסרו את עצמם בידי הרומאים. וַרוס סלח לעון המון המורדים ורק את העומדים בראשם שלח אל הקיסר לעמוד לפניו למשפט. הקיסר העביר את חטאת האנשים, ורק את בני משפחת המלך — כי היו בין המורדים אחדים מהקרובים אל בית הורדוס — שפט משפט מות, כי הרימו יד במלך, אשר היה גואלם הקרוב אליהם. ככה השיב וַרוס את המנוחה בירושלים והפקיד לשמור על העיר את הלגיון, אשר חנה שם לפנים, ואחרי־זאת שב אל אנטיוכיה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים הרבו להתלונן על ארכילאוס ובקשו כי יֻתַּן להם נציב רומאי. הקיסר שמע את דבריהם וחלק לבני הורדוס את נחלת אביהם כרצונו.</small><br><br>א. ובעוד ארכילאוס יושב ברומי, והנה קם ריב חדש בינו ובין היהודים, אשר עוד לפני המרד קבלו רשות מוַרוס לשלוח צירים אל הקיסר ולבקש ממנו את חֹפש עמם. מספר הצירים הבאים היה חמשים איש ואליהם נלוו יהודים מיושבי רומא כשמונת אלפים איש ומעלה. הקיסר הקהיל את פקידי הרומאים ואת אוהביו לאספה אל מקדש אפולון אשר בפַלַּטיון (הגבעה הפַלַּטּינית), הוא הבית אשר יסד אותו הקיסר וכלל את הדרו ועשרו עד להפליא — ושמה באו הצירים בלוית המון היהודים הרב ולעֻמתם נצבו ארכילאוס ואוהביו יחד. וקרובי ארכילאוס ואנשי שלומם עמדו מרחוק, כי לא מלאם לבם לעזור לארכילאוס בריבו משנאתם וקנאתם אליו, וגם בושו מפני הקיסר לשים את ידם עם שוטניו לעיני השמש. אל הקרובים האלה נוסף עתה גם פיליפוס, אשר שלח אותו וַרוס באהבתו אותו אל רומא לעשות שם שני דברים: לחזק את ידי ארכילאוס וגם לקבל מנחלת אביו את חלקו, אם יעלה על רוח הקיסר לחלק את נחלת הורדוס לכל יוצאי חלציו.",
+                    "ב. ואחרי אשר צוה הקיסר על שוטני ארכילאוס לדבר, החלו לפרט את התועבות הרבות אשר עשה הורדוס: ״לא עֹל מלך נשאנו על שכמנו, כי־אם עֹל עריץ רשע ואכזרי מכל העריצים אשר קמו מימות־עולם. הוא הרג ואבּד את רֹב העם והנשארים בחיים נמקו בעֹצר רעה ויגון, עד אשר קנאו במתים שנגזרו מידו. ונקל היה בעיניו לדוש את בשר נתיניו, כי גם על ערים שלמות עברה רעתו. הוא מצץ את לשד ערי מלכותו, למען פָּאר ערים נכריות ובדם היהודים אמר למצֹא חן בעיני עמים זרים. ותחת חֹסן־אֹשר העם לפנים וחֻקי האבות אשר חי בהם המיט עליו עֹני ופריצות עד אין גבול, והצרות אשר עברו על היהודים מידי הורדוס בשנים מעטות הכריעו בכף מאזנים את כל האסונות אשר התחוללו על אבותינו כל העת למן היום אשר שבו עולי הגולה מבבל בימי המלך אחשורוש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קְסֶרְקְסֶס במקור. זו היא שגגת המחבר ואולי צריך להיוה אַרְתַּקְסֶרְקְסֶס אחשורוש, והכונה ליסוד המעלת בימי עזרא.</i>. וכה שחה רוח העם, וכה הסכין לפגעיו הרבים, עד אשר בחר לרצונו להיות עבד־עבדים על־פי משפט הירֻשה. על־כן נכון לבו לקרא בשם מלך לארכילאוס בן הרשע הגדול הזה אחרי מות אביו ויחד עמו התאבל על מות הורדוס והתפלל לשלום מלכותו. אולם ארכילאוס שקד להראות, כי איננו ילד זנונים להורדוס וחנך את מלכותו בדם שלשת אלפים בני ירושלים, ואלה החללים, אשר מלא בהם את בית־המקדש ביום חג, הם היו הזבחים אשר הקריב לאלהים, להכין את מלכותו בידו. ולכן צדקו האנשים, אשר הצילו את נפשם מן הרעה הזאת, בהפכם הפעם את פניהם לעמוד לקראת מַכּיהם כמשפט המלחמה. והנה אנו מחלים את פני הרומאים, כי יחמלו על שארית יהודה ואל ישליכו את פלֵטתה לפני חיות־טרף אכזריות, רק יחברו אותה אל ארץ סוריה ויעמידו בראשה נציבים מקרבם. ואז יראו הכל עין בעין, כי היהודים האלה, אשר הוציאו עליהם שוטניהם קול, כי הם אנשי ריב ואוהבי מלחמה, יודעים לשמוע בקול נציבים ארכי־אפים״. בשאלתם זו כלו היהודים את דברי תלונתם, ואחריהם קם ניקולאוס ובטל את כל הטענות אשר טענו על המלכים, וקרא שטנה על העם, כי [הוא קשה־עֹרף ו]אינו מקבל עליו שררה ומתכונתו הוא ממרה את פי מלכיו, וגם נתן דֹפי בקרובי ארכילאוס, אשר היתה ידם עם שוטניו.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר שמע הקיסר את דברי כל בעלי הריב שלח את הנאספים מעליו. וכעבור ימים מִספר נתן את חצי המלכות לארכילאוס וקרא לו בשם נשיא־עם (אֶתּנַרְכוֹס) וגם הבטיחהו, כי ישימהו למלך, אם יראה במעשיו, כי יאות לו הכבוד הזה. ואת מחצית המלכות הנשארת חלק לשני חבלי נסיכים (טֶטְרַרְכִיּוֹת) ונתן לשני בני הורדוס, את האחד לפיליפוס ואת השני לאנטיפס, אשר רב עם ארכילאוס על־דבר המלוכה. לאנטיפטרוס נפלו לנחלה עבר הירדן והגליל עם מאתים ככר תבואות השנה. אולם הבשן וחבל ארגֹב (טרכון) וארץ חַורן וחלק גבול זֵינוֹן בסביבות אינו (אִנַּנוֹ)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השם הזה כנראה משֻׁבּש. נמצאת עוד גרסה יַמְנִיָּה (יבנה) והיא בודאי טעות. — אפשר גם לחשוב, כי בעברית יהיה זה עינו או הינו, זינון הוא זינודורוס הנזכר בספר א, כ, ד.</i> נפלו בחלק פיליפוס ותבואות נחלתו עלו למאה ככר. ועל ממשלת ארכילאוס נחשבו ארץ אדום וכל ארץ יהודה וארץ שמרון, אשר הֻנח לה מרביעית המס, כי לא מרדה יחד עם יתר המדינות. והערים אשר סרו למשמעת ארכילאוס היו: מגדל־סטרטון (קיסרי) וסבסטי, יפו וירושלים. ואת ערי היונים עזה, גדר וסוסיתא (הִפּוֹן) קרע הקיסר מעל הממלכה וספח אותן אל נציבות סוריה, ותבואות השנה בארץ נחלת ארכילאוס היו ארבע מאות ככר. ושלֹמית קבלה את כל אשר כתב לה המלך בצואתו וגם הוקמה לשליטה בערים יבנה ואשדוד (אזוטוס) ופצאליס. ומלבד־זאת נתן לה הקיסר את בית המלך באשקלון, ומכל אחֻזתה אספה ששים ככר תבואות השנה, אולם הקיסר העמיד את נחלתה תחת שלטון־הפלך אשר לארכילאוס. וגם ליתר בני בית הורדוס חלק הקיסר את המנות הראויות לתת להם על־פי צואת המלך. ולשתי בנות הורדוס אשר לא היו עוד לאיש הוסיף הקיסר על נחלתן חמש מאות אלף כסף (שקל, דינר) ונתן אותן לנשים לשני בני פירורא. ואחרי אשר הציב הקיסר את גבולות בני המלך, חלק ביניהם את אלף הככר אשר עזב לו הורדוס למנחה ובחר לו רק כלי־חפץ אחדים לא־יקָרים, למזכרת כבוד המת."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשה אלכסנדרוס הרמאי. ארכילאוס יצא בגולה. גלפירה מתה, וחלומות־נבואה גלו להם את הדברים מראש.</small><br><br>א. ובימים ההם קם איש אחד, יהודי מלֵדה, אשר גדל בעיר צידון בבית עבד רומאי משֻׁחרר, ושׂם עליו לשקר את שם אלכסנדרוס הנהרג בידי הורדוס, אשר היה דומה לו במראהו, ונסע אל רומא, בבטחו כי לא יענה כחשו בפניו. ואיש ימינו היה אחד היהודים היודע את כל הדברים הנעשים במלכות ומפיו למד האיש לסַפּר, כי עבדי המלך, אשר נשלחו להמית אותו ואת אריסטובולוס, חמלו עליהם ונתנו להם להמלט ותמורתם הביאו פגרי אנשים דומים להם במראיהם. בדברים האלה התעה את היהודים יושבי כרתים (אי קרֵיטֵי) וקבל מהם מתנות יקרות ונסע משם אל מֵלוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אחד מאיי הקיבלַדים בים־יון (בים הָאֵיגֵיִי).</i>. ובמקום הזה הרבה עוד לאסוף כסף, כי נאמנו דבריו מאד על היהודים התושבים, וגם משך את לב היהודים אשר אספוהו אל ביתם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האכסנאים שלו.</i> ללוותו במסעו אל רומא. וכאשר ירד מן האניה בדִיקְאַרכיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עכשו פוּטֵאוֹלי בקרבּת נפולי באיטליה, החוף אשר ירדו בו הנוסעים מארצות המזרח אל רומא.</i> נתנו לו היהודים יושבי המקום תשורות רבות ואוהבי בית אביו (הורדוס) שלחו אותו אל רומא בכבוד מלכים. אמנם פניו דמו לפני אלכסנדרוס ובדבר הזה הטה את הבריות להאמין בו, כי גם האנשים אשר היטיבו להכיר את אלכסנדרוס פנים אל פנים נשבעו, כי זה הוא האיש, וכל היהודים אשר ברומא נהרו לראותו והמון לאין־מספר נאסף ברחובות העיר, אשר שם נִשא האיש על כפים. כי היהודים אשר באו עמו ממֵלוֹס התהוללו מאד, עד אשר נשאו אותו באפריון וגם פזרו את כספם לתת לו עבֻדת מלכים. ",
+                    "ב. והקיסר היטיב להכיר את סמני אלכסנדרוס — כי העמיד אותו הורדוס [לפנים] למשפטו — ועוד לפני ראותו את האיש הבין, כי הוא מרַמה את הבריות בדמותו, אולם גם הוא נפתה להאמין מעט לתקוה הטובה ושלח את קֶלַּדּוּס, אחד ממיֻדעי אלכסנדרוס, וצוהו להביא אליו את הצעיר וכאשר הביט קלדוס בפני האיש הכיר מיד, כי הם שונים מפני אלכסנדרוס, והתבונן אל בשרו, כי כֻלו קשה (גס) כבשר העבד ונוכח לראות את תרמית הדבר, ועוד יותר הרגיזה אותו עזות פני האיש, כי בשאֹל אותו קלדוס לשלום אחיו אריסטובולוס השיבהו דבר, כי גם הוא נמלט ממות, אך נשאר בקפרוס, כי נשמר לנפשו מנכלי שונאיו. ואמנם יקשה הדבר לתפוש אותם, בהפרדם איש מעל אחיו. קלדוס משך את האיש הצדה ואמר לו: ״נפשך תהיה לך לשלל מידי הקיסר, אם תגלה את שם האיש, אשר הסיתך לעשות דבר־תרמית כזה!״ האיש אמר, כי יודיעהו את שם המסית, והלך אחריו אל הקיסר וגלה לו את דבר האיש היהודי, אשר מצא חפץ בתאר־פניו למען בוא על שכרו, וגם הודה בפיו, כי קבל בכל עיר ועיר המון מתנות, כאשר לא קבל אלכסנדרוס כל ימי חייו. הקיסר צחק למשמע אזניו וצוה להושיב את המכזב, אשר קרא עליו שם אלכסנדרוס, לעבוד עבודת פרך בספינות, כי יאתה העבודה הזאת לכֹח גופו, ואת המסית צוה להמית. ולאנשי־מֵלוס לא עשה דבר, כי כבר שלמו במיטב כספם על מעשי תעתועיהם.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר נכונה הממשלה בידי ארכילאוס בארץ נחלתו, זכר את המריבות הראשונות ורעץ באכזריות לא את היהודים בלבד, כי־אם גם את השמרונים. על־כן שלחו היהודים והשמרונים צירים אל הקיסר בשנה התשיעית לממשלת ארכילאוס [להתאונן על מעשיו] והוא נשפט על־פי הקיסר לגלות אל וִיֶּנַּה, העיר אשר בגַליה, וכל רכושו החרם לאוצר הקיסר. ועל ארכילאוס יאמר, כי טרם נקרא לעמוד למשפט הקיסר ראה בחלומו כדמות תשע שבלים גדולות ומלאות, אשר אכלו אותן השורים. הוא שלח לקרא למנחשים (לפותרי חלומות) וגם לכשדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">החוזים בכוכבים ומגלים את העתידות על־פיהם (עיין דניאל, ב, ב).</i> אחדים (כַּלְדָאִים), ושאל מהם את פתרון הדבר. בעוד זה אומר בכה וזה אומר בכה הגיד שמעון ממשפחת האֵסיים, כי השבלים הן שָׁנים והשורים הם אות לחליפות החיים, כי בחרשם את האדמה הם משנים את פניה, ודבר החלום הוא, כי ימלוך ארכילאוס [תשע] שנים כמספר השבלים וימות אחרי בוא חליפות רבות בחייו. וארכילאוס שמר את הדבר וכעבור חמשה ימים נקרא למשפט הקיסר.",
+                    "ד. ואני חושב למשפט להזכיר פה גם את חלום אשתו גלפירה בת ארכילאוס מלך קפודקיא, אשד היתה לראשונה אשת אלכסנדרוס, הוא אחי ארכילאוס, אשר עליו אנו מדברים, ובן להורדוס המלך והומת בידיו, כאשר הראינו למעלה. ואחרי רצח אלכסנדרוס היתה גלפירה לאשה ליובה מלך לוב (ליביה, באפריקא), וכאשר מת גם בעלה זה, שבה אל בית אביה וישבה שם באלמנותה, והנשיא ארכילאוס ראה את פניה וחשק בה מאד, ועל־כן מהר לשלח מעליו את מרים אשת חיקו ונשא את גלפירה. היא באה אל ארץ יהודה, אולם ימים מעטים אחרי בואה שמה ראתה בעיניה והנה אלכסנדרוס עומד עליה ומדַבּר: ״המעט היה לך להנשא אל ארץ לוב, כי קטנה עוד זאת בעיניך, עד אשר הוספת לשוב אל עיר נָוי ובחרת לך בעל שלישי, והוא אחי! הוי, עזת־המצח! אני לא אסלח לחרפתך זו ואסוף אאסוף אותך אלי בעל־כרחך!״ גלפירה גִלתָה את דבר החלום הזה, אף כי האריכה רק שני ימים אחריו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארץ ממשלת ארכילאוס נהפכה לנציבות. מרד יהודה הגלילי. שלש מפלגות היהודים.</small><br><br>א. וארץ ארכילאוס נהפכה לאפרכיה (נציבות רומאית) ואליה נשלח נציב ממעמד הרוכבים ושמו קוֹפּוֹנִיּוּס, ובידו הפקיד הקיסר את כל השלטון, וגם נתן לו לדון דיני נפשות. ובימיו הסית איש אחד מהגליל ושמו יהודה את בני ארצו למרד [ברומאים], באמרו כי חרפה תהיה להם, אם יטו את שכמם לסבול וישלמו מס לרומאים, ומלבד מלכות השמים ישאו עליהם גם עֹל בשר־ודם. והחכם הזה יסד לו כת מיֻחדה, שלא דמתה ליתר הכתות [של היהודים].",
+                    "ב. כי שלשה מיני חכמי הדת (פילוסופים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בשם פילוסופים השתמש המחבר כדי להסביר את אזן הקורא היוני.</i> נמצאו בקרב היהודים. על האחד נמנים הפרושים, ועל השני — הצדוקים, ועל השלישי — אלה הנקובים בשם אסיים, והם נוהגים חסידות. האסיים הם יהודים מלֵדה, אולם הם עולים על יתר היהודים באהבתם איש את רעהו. הם נִזָּרים מתענוגי הבשר, בראותם בהם רעה, ולמעלה טובה נחשב בעיניהם למשול ברוחם ולכבוש את יצרם. גם חיי הנשואים נמאסים בעיניהם, אולם הם אוספים אליהם בני אנשים זרים בעודם רכים בשנים ונוחים לשמוע בלמודים, ומקרבים אותם באהבת־אבות וחורתים על לוח־לבם את חֻקיהם. אמנם אין הם רוצים בזה להעביר את נשואי האשה ואת נחלת־האלהים הקשורה בהם, אולם הם גודרים עליהם מפריצות הנשים, בהאמינם כי אף אחת מן הנשים אינה שומרת את אמונתה לבעלה האחד.",
+                    "ג. הם מואסים בחיי עֹשר, ונפלא הוא שתוף הרכוש אצלם, עד כי לא נמצא בקרבם איש מֻפלג בנכסים. כי חֹק הוא להם, אשר כל הנלוה על חבורתם (שיטתם)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר משתמש במלה ״הַיְרֶסִיס״ (שיטה, השקפה), כאלו היו האסיים ישיבה של פילוסופים.</i> יפקיר את רכושו לכל החבורה (המִסדר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית טגמה, — מִסדר (אוֹרדן).</i>, ולא נמצאה בהם חרפת העֹני, ולא גאות העֹשר, כי נכסי כל היחידים התערבו יחד ורכוש אחד לכֻלם, כאִלו היו אחים מבטן. הם חושבים, כי השֶׁמן מטמא את הגוף, וכאשר נמשח אחד מהם בשמן בלי רצונו, מֻטל עליו למרק את בשרו. כי יפים בעיניהם מכֹּל העור אשר לא רֻכּך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן דרשו רֹב המתרגמים, ואפשר להבין במקום ״לא רֻכַּך״ — לא־רֻחץ, מגֹאל.</i> והבגדים הלבנים. והפקידים על רכושם נבחרים בידי כל חבריהם וכן גם הממֻנים על כל דבר נבחרים על דעת כֻּלם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנוסח בפנים מסֻפק ומשֻׁבּש. י״א: וכל אחד בלי הבדל מחֻיב לדאוג לצרכי חבריו.</i>.",
+                    "ד. לא עיר אחת היא נחלת האסיים, כי בכל עיר ועיר יושבים רבים מהם. ולאנשי חבורתם הבאים ממקום אחר הם מוציאים את כל רכושם לשלט בו כאלו היה שלהם, ואלה האורחים מתהלכים כרֵעים ומיֻדעים בבתי חבריהם, אשר לא ראו את פניהם עד היום ההוא. ועל־כן אינם לוקחים אִתּם דבר בצאתם למסעיהם, מלבד כלי־הנשק כנגד השודדים. ובכל עיר נמצא משגיח אחד מבני החבורה, אשר נבחר לנהל את האורחים בבגדים ובלחם. בענוַת הלוכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קטסטולי. הוראת המלה היא גם ״מלבוש״ וי״א ״במלבושם״.</i> ובמראה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור פה: σχήμα (habitus). מראה, חיצוניות, מעמד (עמידה), מצב, צורה ואין לתרגם מלה זו בדיוק.</i> גופם הם דומים לילדים אשר מורא רבם שרוי עליהם, אינם לובשים בגדים ולא סנדלים חדשים בטרם נקרעו הישנים או בלו מרֹב זמן, אינם קונים דבר איש מעמיתו ואינם מוכרים דבר אחד לשני, וכל אחד נותן לחברו משלו את הדבר הדרוש לחפצו ולוקח ממנו את הדבר אשר יש לו צֹרך בו. וגם בלי שכר אין האחד מונע את חברו לקחת ממנו את הדבר אשר רצה בו.",
+                    "ה. בדרך מיֻחדה הם עובדים את אלהים: לפני עלות השמש אינם מוציאים מפיהם דבר חֹל והם פונים אליו (אל השמש) בתפלות אשר קבלו מאבותיהם, כאלו הם מחלים את פניו לעלות. ואחרי הדבר (עלות השמש) הפקידים שולחים אותם איש איש אל המלאכה, אשר הוא יודע אותה (רגיל בה), והם עושים את מלאכתם בלי הרף עד חמש שעות ביום, ואחרי־זאת הם מתאספים אל מקום אחד וחוגרים אזור־בד ורוחצים את בשרם במים קרים ואחרי טהרתם הם פונים כֻּלם למדור מיֻחד, ששמה אינם נותנים לבוא לאיש זר, אשר לא מחברתם, והם הולכים בטהרה כהולך למקום קדוש ובאים אל מקום הסעֻדה הזה. ובבואם שמה, הם יושבים במנוחה והאופה עובר עליהם ומניח לפני כל איש את לחמו בסדר והמבשל מגיש לכל אחד קערה עם תבשיל אחד. והכהן מתפלל לפני אכלם, וקֹדם התפלה אסור עליהם לטעום דבר. ואחרי כלותם את הארֻחה קורא הכהן תפלה שנית. ככה הם פותחים וגומרים את סעֻדתם בתפלה לאלהים המכַלכל חיים. ואחרי זאת הם פושטים את בגדי הקֹדש ושבים לעשות את מלאכתם עד ערב. וגם בסעֻדת הערב הם עושים כן. ובבוא אליהם אורחים (מבני חבורתם) הם סועדים אתם יחד. ואין קול וצוחה מחלל את הדממה בבית (בעת אכלם). וכל איש נותן לחברו לדַבּר בסדר, ובעיני העומדים מחוץ נחשבה הדממה אשר בבית לסוד כמוס. ואולם סבת השתיקה היא, כי אין המסֻבּים שותים יין לעולם והם מודדים את מאכלם ומשתם רק די שׂבעם.",
+                    "ו. האסיים אינם עושים דבר מבלי אשר יצוו עליהם פקידיהם, מלבד שני דברים, אשר להם הרשות לעשותם על דעת עצמם, והם מעשי העזרה ומעשי הצדקה. הרשות נתונה להם להפיק עזרה לכל שואל די מחסורו וגם לפרֹש לחם לרעבים ככל אות נפשם. אולם אסור להם להעניק לקרוביהם מבלי שאֹל את פי העומדים בראשם. והם אינם כועסים, רק כאשר נאה להם בצדק, וכובשים את רוחם ושוקדים לנצֹר אמונים ולהקים שלום [בין איש לחברו]. וכל דבר אשר יצא מפיהם חָמור בעיניהם מדבר־שבועה, והם גדרו עליהם לבלי הִשָּׁבע, בחשבם כי הדבר הזה (שבועת אמת) קשה יותר משבועת שקר. והם אומרים, כי כבר נחתם דין האדם, אשר לא יאָמנו דבריו בלתי אם בנשאו את שם אלהים. והם שוקדים בכל כֹּחם ללמד את ספרי הראשונים ויותר מכֻּלם את הספרים אשר נמצאה בהם תועלת לנשמתם ולגופם. ומהם הם חוקרים ודורשים את תכונות שרשי הצמחים המעלים ארוכה ואת כחות האבנים להסיר כל מחלה.",
+                    "ז. וכי ירצה איש להִספח על חבורתם, לא יוכל להכנס מיד, כי הם נוטלים עליו להשאר מחוץ שנה אחת וללכת בדרכיהם, ולדבר הזה הם נותנים לו גרזן (מעדר) קטן ואת האזור, אשר בא זכרו למעלה, ובגד לבן. לאחרי אשר עמד האיש בנסיון כל העת והראה לדעת, כי הוא מושל ברוחו, הוא מוסיף לקרוב אל מנהגי חייהם ולוקח חלק בטבילותיהם במי־טהרה, אולם טרם נִתְּנה לו רשות לצאת ולבוא ביניהם ולהיות כאחד מהם, כי אחרי הראותו את כחו לכבשׁ את יצרו הם בוחנים את מדותיו עוד שתי שנים, ורק כאשר הוכיח, כי הוא ראוי לדבר הזה, הוא מקבל רשות לבוא בסודם, וטרם יגע בלחם החבורה הוא מוסר לפניהם שבועה נוראה, ראשונה, כי יעבוד את האלהים בצדקה, והשנית, כי ישמור משפט ומישרים לבני־האדם, ולא יעשה רעה לחברו על דעת עצמו וגם לא במצות אחרים, וישנא תמיד את הרשעים ויריב את ריב הצדיקים, וינצור אמונים לכל אדם ומה גם לשליטים, כי מבלי רצון האלהים לא תכּון הממשלה בידי אדם, וכי בהגיעו לשררה לא ירום לבבו במשרתו ולא יבָּדל מנתיניו בבגדים יקרים ולא בעדי תפארה, ויאהב את האמת בכל עת ויחרף את דוברי השקר על פניהם, וישמור את ידיו מגזל ואת טהרת נשמתו מכסף נמאס, ולא יסתיר דבר מאחיו בני חבורתו ולא יגלה את סודותיהם לזרים, ואף אם יעֻנה עד מות. ומלבד זאת נשבע האיש, כי במסרו את דברי תורתם לא ישַׁנה מן הלשון אשר קבל בעצמו, וימנע מן השֹׁד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״ליסטיה״. הדבר תמוה ואינו כאן במקומו, ויש מי שתרגם: ״השחתה״ (סרוס הכתבים הקדושים).</i>, וישמור מאד על ספרי חבורתם ועל שמות המלאכים. בדברי השבועה האלה האסיים מזהירים את כל הנלוים אל חבורתם.",
+                    "ח. ואת האנשים, שנתפשו על עונות חמוּרים, הם מגרשים מקרב חבורתם. ויש אשר ימות המגֹרש הזה ברעה וביגון, כי הוא אסור בכבלי נדריו וחֻקיו ולא יוכל לנגֹע בלחם זרים, ועליו לאכול את צמח השדה, עד אשר יכלה בשרו ברעב ויגון. על־כן רחמו (האסיים) על רבים מאלה ואספום אליהם כל עוד נפשם בם, באמרם כי חבלי־המות כפרו על עונותיהם.",
+                    "ט. בדיניהם הם חוקרים היטב ושופטים בצדק, ולא יֵשבו למשפט כאשר ימעט מספרם ממאה איש, ואת גזר־דינם אין להשיב. ואחרי האלהים הם מכבדים מאד את שם המחוקק, ולאיש המחרף אותו הם עושים משפט מות. ולמִדה טובה נחשב בעיניהם למלא את מצות הזקנים והגדולים בשנים. ובהאסף עשרה אנשים מהם אין האחד פותח את פיו בלי רצון התשעה. והם נזהרים לבל יירקו במעמד אדם ולא לצד ימין, ובימי השבתות הם מחמירים באִסור מלאכה מכל היהודים. ולא די להם שהם מכינים את המאכלים לעצמם מערב שבת, לבל יבעירו אש ביום [הקדוש] ההוא, כי אינם נועזים להעתיק כלי ממקומו ולצאת־חוץ (להִפּנות לצרכיהם). וביתר הימים הם חופרים במעדר (ביתד) — וזה הוא הגרזן הקטן אשר הם נותנים לחבריהם החדשים — חור עמֹק רגל באדמה ומכסים אותו במעילם, לבל יכלימו את אור האלהים, ועושים את צרכיהם, ואחרי־כן הם מושכים את העפר התחוח, לכסות את החור, ולמעשה הזה הם בוחרים להם מקומות שוממים. ואף כי הטלת הצֵאה היא צֹרך־הטבע לאדם, הם חושבים כי היא מטמאה את הגוף ונוהגים לרחוץ אחריה את בשרם במים.",
+                    "י. ולפי ימי נזרם הם מתחלקים לארבע מעלות. והחברים הצעירים נופלים במעלתם מהזקנים, עד כי בגעת אלה בהם יטבלו את בשרם, כאלו נטמאו במגע איש נכרי. והם מאריכים ימים, ורבים מהם חיים מאה שנה ויותר. ורואה אני את שרש הדבר בדרכי־חייהם הפשוטים ובסדריהם הנאים. והם בזים לכל צרה ומתגברים בעֹז־רוחם על כל מכאוב, ויקר בעיניהם מות כבוד ותהלה מחיי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אתנסיה (המלה נמצאה גם בספרות המדרשית).</i> עולם. המלחמה עם הרומאים חשפה את כֹּח נשמתם, אשר לא שב מפני כֹּל. כי כאשר נדוש בשרם בגלגל ונמתחו כל אבריהם, כאשר נשרפו חיים או נשחקו עצמותיהם וכל כלי־רצח עברו עליהם, ומעניהם נטלו עליהם לקלל את שם מחוקקם או לטמא את בשרם בדבר אשר לא יאָכל, עמדו בנסיון ולא עשו אף אחת מאלה, גם לא התחננו אל מעניהם ולא שפכו דמעות לפניהם, רק נשאו את יסוריהם באור־עינים ולעגו לאנשים אשר הקריבו אליהם את כלי־המשחית ובשמחה השלימו את נשמותיהם לאלהים, כי הוא ישיבן להם [לקץ הימין].",
+                    "יא. הנה הם מאמינים באמונה שלמה, כי הגופות כלים, יען אשר אין חָמרם מתקַיֵם, אולם הנשמות תשארנה לנצח ומות לא ישלט בהן, יען כי צמחו מהאור העליון (אַיְתֵּר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">αἰθήρ.</i> ובלהטי הטבע נמשכו אל הגופות כמו אל בתי־כלא, ואחרי עזבן את מוסרות הבשר כאִלו הן נמלטות לחפשי מעבדות ארֻכּה ומתנשאות בשמחה למרום. והם מכַונים לדעה אחת עם בני ההֶלֵנים, בהראותם, כי הנפשות הטובות חיות מעבר לים אוקינוס, במקום אשר אין גשם ושלג וחֹם שולטים בהן לרעה ורוח ים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זפירוס. רוח קרה משיבת נפש. ומעין זה אמרו חז״ל (אבות ד, כב): ״יפה שעה אחת של קֹרת רוח בעולם הבא.״</i> מנשבת שם תמיד מים אוקינוס ומשיבה נפש. ונחלת הנשמות הרעות היא קרן חשכה, מקום סער וסופה ויסורי נצח. ואני חושב, כי גם היונים חשבו כדבר הזה, כאשר נתנו לנחלה לגבוריהם, אשר קראו להם בשם הֵרוֹאִים (אדירים) והֵמתּוֹאים (חציי־אלהים — בני־אלהים), את איי המאֻשרים, ואת הנשמות השפלות הושיבו בשאול (הַדֶּס), בנחלת הרשעים, הן כה יאמרו אחדים בשיחות מני קדם (מִתּולוגיה), כי שם נושאים את עונם סִיסִיפוֹס וטַנְטַלּוֹס ואִכּסִיּוֹן וטִיטִיאוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארבעה גבורים מהמִתּוֹלוגיה היונית (עין בהערות שבסוף הספר).</i>, ובזה הם רוצים להראות, לראשונה כי אין הנשמות כלות, ואחרי־כן להורות את האדם לבחֹר בטוב ולמאֹס ברע, כי הטובים עוד יתחזקו במעשי טובתם כל ימי חייהם, בקוותם לשכר אשר ימצאו אחרי מותם, והרעים יעצרו מלכת אחרי יצרם, כי גם אם ימָלטו מעֹנש כל ימי חייהם, הנה נצפנו להם יסורי נצחים אחרי מותם, וזאת היא גם דעת אלהים (תיאולוגיה), אשר האסיים מלמדים בדברם על הנשמה, והיא קסם, אשר הם מצודדים בו את נפש האדם, ולא ימָלט ממנו איש אשר טעם מפרי חכמתם.",
+                    "יב. ובקרבם נמצאים אנשים המתאמרים לדעת את העתידות מראש. כי מילדותם שקדו ללמוד את ספרי הקֹדש וקנו להם דרכי־קדֻשה שונים. וגם התבוננו בדברי הנביאים, וכמעט לא שגו מעולם בנבואותיהם לעתיד.",
+                    "יג. ויש עוד כת שניה לאסיים, ואנשיה אינם שונים במנהגיהם ובחֻקותיהם מיתר אחיהם, ורק במשפטם על הנשואים נבדלו מהם, בחשבם כי האנשים, אשר אינם נושאים נשים, פורקים מעליהם חלק גדול מן החיים — את נחלת־אלהים. ועוד דבר גדול מזה: הן אם כל האנשים יחשבו זאת, יעבור זרע האדם מן העולם. אולם הם בודקים שלש שנים את הארושׂות ואחרי הכירם על־פי שלש טהרות, כי הן יכולות ללדת בנים, הם נושאים אותן לנשים. והם אינם נגשים אל נשיהם בעת הריונן, להראות, כי לא למלא את תאותם לקחו להם נשים, רק למען החיות זרע על האדמה. והנשים רוחצות את בשרן בסדין (בחלוק), בעוד אשר הגברים שמים עליהם אזור. אלה הליכות הכת הזאת.",
+                    "יד. ומשתי הכתות הנשארות הפרושים הם האנשים, אשר יצא להם שם חכמים יודעים לבאר את החֻקים באר היטב, והם יצרו את הכת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב כאן שוב הַירֶסִיס (שיטה, השקפה).</i> הראשונה [בין היהודים]. הם אומרים, כי הכל תלוי בגזֵרָה (הֵימַרְמֵנֵי — ההשגחה)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הימַרְמני הוא מֻשג מאמונת היונים — המצודה הפרושה על כל החיים, הגורל.</i> ובאלהים, ורק מעשה הצדק (הטוב) והפכו (הרע) נמצא ברֻבּוֹ בידי האדם, אפס כי גם הגזרה מסַיעת לו בכל דבר. והם אומרים, כי כל הנשמות אינן כלות, אולם רק נשמות הטובים עוברות אל גוף שני (חדש)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כמו שמבֹאר להלן (ספר ג, ח, ה). הכונה היא לדבר אשר יבוא לקץ הימין — לאמר: לתחית המתים — ואין פה אמונה בגלגול הנפש (מֶטֶמְפְּסִיכוֹסִיס) של ההודים והמצרים.</i>, ונשמות הרשעים נדונות ליסורי עולם, והצדוקים, הם בני הכת השניה, כופרים בגזרה בכלל ואומרים, כי האלהים הוא רחוק ממעשה הרע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה הציג ״הרע״ בחצאי רבוע. לאמר: רחוק ממעשה האדם בכלל, ואינו מתערב בו.</i> ואינו משגיח אליו. והם אומרים, כי נִתּן לאדם לבחֹר בטוב או ברע וכל איש פונה אל אחד משני אלה על דעת עצמו, והם כופרים גם בנצח (השארת) הנשמה וגם בעֹנש ובשכר העתידים בשאול (הַדֶּס — כאן: בעולם הבא). והפרושים אוהבים איש את רעהו ודורשים שלום לכל העם. והצדוקים קשים גם לאחיהם (בני חבורתם) ומקבלים את פני חבריהם בכעס, כאלו היו נכרים להם. אלה הדברים היו לי לסַפּר על־דבר החכמים (הפילוסופים) בקרב היהודים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מות שלֹמית. הערים אשר בנו הורדוס ופיליפוּס. פילַטוס הביא לידי מרידות. טִבֶּריוס אסר את אגריפס וקַיוס הוציאוֹ ממאסרו והקימו למלך. גלות הורדוס־אנטיפס.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר נהפכה ממשלת ארכילאוס לנציבות הוסיפו שני האחים הנותרים, הנסיכים פיליפוס והורדוס, המכֻנה אנטיפס, למשול בנחלותיהם. ושלֹמית השאירה במותה את מחוז ממשלתה עם יבנה ומטעי התמרים אשר בפצאליס לליויה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בכל ההוצאות (גם אצל ניזה) נמצא כאן ולהלן יוליה במקום ליויה — בשם יוליה נקראה בת הקיסר אוגוסטוס, ואשתו של אגריפס (הנזכר לעיל בספר א, כ, ד, ועוד). העיר הזאת היא יוליס — בית־צידא בגולן התחתון סמוך לים כנרת.</i>, אשת אוגוסטוס. וכאשר מת אוגוסטוס, אחרי עמדוֹ בראש הממשלה חמשים ושבע שנה וששה חדשים ושני ימים, עבר שלטון הרומאים אל ידי טִבֶּריוס בן ליויה, והורדוס ופיליפוס נשארו נסיכים בנחלותיהם. ופיליפוס בנה את עיר קיסריה בפַנֵּיאַס על־יד מקורות הירדן זאת העיר יוליס בארץ הגולן. והורדוס בנה את טבריה בארץ הגליל ובעבר הירדן יסד עיר וקרא אותה על שם יוליה (יוּלִיַּס).",
+                    "ב. וכאשר נשלח פִּילַטוּס לנציב (ביהודה) על־פי טבריוס צוה להביא בלילה בסתר אל ירושלים את צלמי הקיסר הנקראים סִמנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדגלים הגדולים של גדודי הצבא (הקוהורטות), שהיו משֻׁבצים תמונה קטנה של הקיסר (signa).</i>. ולעת הבֹּקר קמה מבוכה גדולה בקרב היהודים לדבר הזה. האנשים אשר נמצאו מקרוב נבהלו למראה הזה, כי חֻללה תורתם, יען אשר נאסר עליהם לשים כל פסל וכל תמונה בעיר [הקֹדש], ולשמע הרֹגז, אשר תקף את יושבי העיר, נהר גם עם־הארץ אל ירושלים מעברים. הם מהרו אל עיר קיסריה, להתיצב לפני פילטוס ולהתחנן אליו, כי יוציא את הסמנים מירושלים ויתן כבוד לחֻקי תורתם. וכאשר השיב פילטוס את פניהם, נאספו מסביב לביתו ונפלו לארץ וכה שכבו חמשה ימים וחמשה לילות ולא משו ממקומם.",
+                    "ג. וביום הששי ישב פילטוס על בימה באצטדין (סטדיון) הגדול וקרא אליו את ההמון וסִבּב בכחש, כי הוא אומר להשיבו דבר, ונתן אות לאנשי־הצבא לעשות כאשר צוה עליהם מראש ולהקיף את כל היהודים בכלי־נשקם. ובראות היהודים, כי אנשי־הצבא עומדים מסביב להם בשלש שורות, נאלמו מפחד־פתאם, כי לא חכו למראה הזה. ופילטוס קרא אליהם, כי יצוה להמית אותם, אם ימאנו לקבל את צלמי הקיסר, ואל אנשי־הצבא נתן אות לשלוף את חרבותיהם. והיהודים נפלו כלם ארצה — כאלו נוסדו יחד לעשות את הדבר — והטו את צואריהם וצעקו בקול, כי טוב להם למסור נפשם לממיתים מעבור על חֻקי דתם. ופילטוס תמה מאד ליראת־האלהים האדירה הזאת ומיד צוה להוציא את הסמנים מירושלים.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הדברים האלה עורר פילטוס מהומה שניה, בפזרו את כסף הקדשים, הנקרא בשם קרבן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בספר נחמיה (י, ל״ה; י״ג, ל״א) נזכר ״קרבן העצים״. — ואולי נקראו גם הסכומים המיֻחָדים לספוק זבחי התמיד בשם ״קרבן״.</i> (קֻרבנא), לחפור תעלת מים ממרחק ארבעים פרסה. לדבר הזה כעס העם מאד, ובבוא פילטוס אל ירושלים הקיפו בני העיר את הבימה [אשר עמד עליה] והרימו קול צעקה. אולם הוא צפה את המהומה מראש וצוה על אנשי־צבאו המזֻינים להתחפש במלבושי בני העם ולהתערב בין ההמון וגם הזהיר אותם לבל יוציאו את חרבותיהם, רק יכו במקלותיהם את היהודים הצועקים — ונתן להם אות מעל הבימה להחל את פקֻדתו. וכאשר הֻכּוּ היהודים במקלות מתו רבים מהם מן המכות ורבים נרמסו ברגלי אחיהם בדרך מנוסתם. ולמראה האסון אשר מצא את ההרוגים ירא העם ושקט.",
+                    "ה. ובימים ההם הלך אגריפס — והוא בן אריסטובולוס, אשר המיתוֹ הורדוס אביו לפנים — אל טִבּריוס הקיסר, לדַבּר לפניו רעה על הנסיך הורדוס (אנטיפס). וטִבּריוס לא קבל את שטנתו, אולם אגריפס נשאר ברומא והחניף לאנשים נשואי הפנים ויותר מכלם לגַיוס בן גֶּרְמַנִּיקוּס, אשר היה עוד כאחד העם (הדיוט) בימים ההם. ופעם אחת עשה לו משתה והִרבּה לדבר אליו דברי שלום ואהבה, ואחרי־כן נשא את ידיו בתפלה לאלהים, כי יתנהו לראות במהרה אותו (את גיוס) בגדֻלתו ובשלטונו אחרי מות טבּריוס. ואחד ממשרתי הבית הודיע את הדבר לטִבּריוס והוא כעס על אגריפס ושם אותו במאסר ובששה חדשים עִנה אותו בחרפה בבית־כלא, עד יום מותו (של טבּריוס), והוא משל עשרים ושלש שנה וששה חדשים ושלשה ימים.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר הוקם גַיוס לקיסר צוה לפתח את אגריפס ממוסרותיו ונתן לו לנחלה את ארץ פיליפוס — אשר נאסף אל עמיו — וקרא לו בשם מלך. וכאשר עלה אגריפס למשרה הזאת, קנא בו הורדוס (אנטיפס) הנסיך והתאוה גם הוא למלוכה. כי אשתו הֵרוֹדִיַּס חִזקה את תקותו לדבר הזה, בהוכיחה אותו בפיה, כי הוא רפה־ידים, ואלו רצה לנסוע אל הקיסר, כי אז זכה גם הוא למשרה עליונה: הן בהקים הקיסר למלך את אגריפס, אשר היה איש הדיוט, נקל יהיה לו להרים אותו במעלתו, באשר הוא נסיך. הורדוס (אנטיפס) נפתה לדברים האלה ונסע אל גיוס, אולם הקיסר שפט אותו על תאות יצרו לגלות אל אספמיה (נ״א: אל גליה), כי [בעת צאתו אל רומא] נסע אחריו אגריפס לעמוד לו לשטן, ובידיו (בידי אגריפס) מסר גיוס גם את נשיאות אנטיפס (אחרי הגלותו אותו). גם אשת הורדוס (אנטיפס) הלכה עמו בגולה אל אספמיה (גליה), והוא מת בארץ ההיא."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>גיוס צוה להקים את מצבת תבניתו בבית־המקדש והדבר אשר עשה פֶּטרוניוּס בזה.</small><br><br>א. ולב הקיסר גַיוס רם באשרו, עד אשר נתן את נפשו כאלהים וגם בקש להקרא בשם אלהים. ואחרי הסירו את עטרת ארץ מולדתו, בהמיתו את אנשי המעלה, פרש את מצודת רשעתו גם על ארץ יהודה. הוא שלח את פֶּטְרוֹנִיּוּס עם צבאו אל ירושלים, להקים את מצבות פסלי תמונתו (האנדרטאות שלו) בקרב ההיכל, וצוה עליו להמית את האנשים המוחים בידו ולמכור את כל יתר היהודים לעבדים, אם לא ירצו לקבל את הפסלים. אולם לא כן חשב האלהים על הפקֻדה הזאת. פטרוניוס הסיע את שלשת הלגיונות אשר לו מאנטיוכיה ולקח עמו רבים מאנשי בריתו אשר בסוריה ועלה על ארץ יהודה. רבים מן היהודים לא האמינו לשמועה, כי הרומאים יוצאים עליהם למלחמה, והמאמינים בדבר לא מצאו עצה לעמוד על נפשם. אך במהרה נפלה אימה על כל העם, כי הגיע צבא־הרומאים אל עכו.",
+                    "ב. ועכו נבנתה בחוף ארץ הגליל, בעמק הגדול, והרים סביב לה משלש רוחות. מרוח מזרח סוככים עליה הרי הגליל, הרחוקים ממנה ששים ריס, ומצד דרום הר הכרמל, כמרחק מאה ועשרים ריס, וגבות מאלה הוא ההר הסוגר עליה מצפון, הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם ״סֻלם הצוריים״ (סולמא דצור), והוא רחוק מהעיר מאה ריס. במרחק שני ריסים מהעיר עובר הנהר הנקרא על שם בֶּלֵיאוֹס (או בֵּל) ואינו מאריך בשטפו, ועל־ידו נמצאה מצבת מֶמְנוֹן ובקרבתו ככר גדולה מאה אמה ונפלאה מאד, כי היא עגֻלה וחלולה ושם מקום חול הזכוכית, ומדי הוסיפו הספינות הקרֵבות שמה להוציא ממנו את כל החול, ככה יוסיף המקום להתמלא חול חליפות, כי כמצֻוים ועושים הרוחות גורפים אל המקום הזה את החול הנוצץ מעברים, ותכונת הבור משַׁנה את החול לזכוכית חיש מהר. ועוד נפלא מזה הוא הדבר, כי בשטוף הזכוכית על גדות החלל הזה ובהשפכה החוצה היא משַׁנה את מראֶהָ מחדש ונהפכה לחול כבראשונה. אלה תכונות המקום הזה.",
+                    "ג. והיהודים עם נשיהם וטפם נאספו בעמק אשר ממול עכו והתחננו אל פטרוניוס, כי יחוס על חֻקי אבותיהם ויחמול על נפשותיהם. הוא שם את לבו להמון העצום והטה את אזנו לתחנוניו והשאיר את הצבא ואת הפסלים בעכו, והוא הלך אל ארץ הגליל והקהיל את העם ואת כל נשואי־הפנים אל טבריה וספר להם את פרשת גבורת הרומאים ואת הדברים אשר צוה הקיסר להזהיר את היהודים. הוא הראה אותם לדעת, כי לא מחכמה הם מבקשים ממנו רחמים, כי כל העמים אשר נכנעו לפני ממשלת הרומאים הקימו בכל עיר ועיר את צלמי הקיסר על־יד פסלי אלהיהם, ורק הם לבדם ממאנים לשמוע בקולו וכמעט מתקוממים עליו בגאוה ובוז.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר ענוהו היהודים בשם תורתם וחֻקי אבותיהם, כי אסור עליהם להציג תמונת סמל אלהים, ומה גם פסל דמות בשר־ודם, ולא בקרב ההיכל בלבד, כי־אם גם ביתר המקומות בארצם, השיבם פטרוניוס: ״הן גם עלי לשמור את פקֻדת אדוני, ואם אעבור עליה בחמלתי עליכם, הלא בן־מות אהיה בצדק ובמשפט, ואמנם לא אני אלחם בכם, רק האיש אשר שלחני, והן גם אני נכנע למצותיו כמוכם״. לדברים האלה קרא העם קול גדול, כי הוא נכון לכל סבל על חֻקי האבות. אך פטרוניוס השתיק את צעקתו ואמר: ״אם כן, מלחמה לכם בקיסר!״ היהודים השיבוהו, כי הם מקריבים פעמים ביום זבחים לשלום הקיסר ועם הרומאים, אולם אם ירצה להציג בהיכל את הצלמים, הנה מֻטל עליו לשחוט את כל עם היהודים לראשונה, כי ברצון ימסרו את נפשותיהם לטבח עם טפם ונשיהם. לשמע הדברים האלה השתאה פטרוניוס מאד על אֹמץ־לב האנשים האלה ועל יראתם את אלהים, אשר לא תשוב מפני כֹל, וחמל עליהם בראותו כי הם נכונים לקראת המות. ובפעם ההיא נפרדו מבלי אשר נעשה דבר.",
+                    "ה. ובימים הבאים קרא אליו פטרוניוס את טובי היהודים, להוָעץ אתם בלבד, וגם הקהיל את כל בני העם לאספה והפציר בהם ודבר על לבם, ועוד יותר מזה הטיל אימתו עליהם ושִׁוה לנגד עיניהם את חֹזק־יד הרומאים ואת זעם הקיסר גיוס וגם את הדחק, אשר נמצא בו הוא בגלל הדבר הזה. אולם בראותו, כי אין העם מַטה אזן לדבריו, ובשימו אל לבו, כי עוד מעט ותשאר הארץ לא־זרועה — כי היו הימים ימי הזרע וכבר עברו חמשים יום והעם הלך בטל כל העת — אסף את העם בפעם האחרונה ואמר: ״אני נוטל עלי לסַכּן את עצמי, אולי יעזור אותי אלהים להשיב את מחשבת הקיסר, למען נשמח כּלנו יחד בישועתנו, — ואם יפקיד עלי הקיסר את חמתו, הנה אני נכון להקריב את נפשי כֹּפר כל העם הרב הזה״. ואחרי־כן שלח פטרוניוס מעליו את העם, אשר הִרבּה לברכו על מעשהו זה, ולקח עמו את הצבא ושב אל אנטיוכיה, ומשם מִהר להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר מסעו אל ארץ יהודה ועל־דבר תחנוני העם, וכתב כי אין לו עצה אחרת, אם לא ירצה להכות את הארץ חרם עם יושביה יחד, בלתי־אם לתת ליהודים לשמור את חֻקי דתם ולהפיל את דברי הפקֻדה. וגַיוס לא ענה את פטרוניוס בנחת על דברי האגרת הזאת, כי איֵם עליו לעשות לו משפט מות על אשר התרפה למלא את פקֻדתו, אולם במקרה נעצרו נושאי אגרות הקיסר שלשה חדשים בסער־הים, וצירים אחרים, אשר הוליכו אתם אל פטרוניוס את בשורת מות גַיוס, נסעו בשלום. ועל־כן קבל פטרוניוס את הבשורה הזאת עשרים ושבעה יום טרם הגיעו אגרות הקיסר אליו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>שלטון קלודיוס ומלכות אגריפס. מות אגריפס והורדוס (אחיו). הבנים אשר נשארו אחריהם.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר מלך גַיוס שלש שנים וששה ירחים נהרג במזמות ערומים וקלוֹדיּוּס הוקם למושל בעל־כרחו בידי הצבא העומד ברומא. אולם מועצת־הזקנים שמעה לקול שני היועצים העליונים (הקונסולים) סֶנְטִיוס סַטּוּרְנִינוּס ופוֹמְפּוֹנִיּוּס סֶקּוּנְדּוּס ומלאה את ידי שלשת הגדודים (קוהורטות) הנאמנים בבריתה לשמור על העיר. ואחרי זאת נקהלו הזקנים בהיכל הקפיטוליון והוציאו משפט להקדיש מלחמה על קלודיוס בגלל מעשי גַיוס ואכזריותו ולהעמיד בראש השלטון את טובי העם (אריסטוקרטיה), אשר בידם היתה הממשלה לפנים, או לבחור מדעתם מושל, אשר לו תֵאות המשרה.",
+                    "ב. במקרה נמצא גם אגריפס ברומא בימים ההם ומועצת־הזקנים קראה אליו להועץ עמו בדבר, וגם קלודיוס שלח ממחנהו לקרא לו, כי אלה ואלה מצאוהו דרוש לחפצם. ובראות אגריפס, כי היה יהיה קלודיוס לקיסר ברֹב חילו, מהר ללכת אליו. וקלודיוס שלח אותו למלאך אל מועצת־הזקנים, להודיע אותה את מחשבות לבו, כי אחרי אשר נמשך בעל־כרחו אחרי אנשי־הצבא, לא יצדק בעיניו הדבר לבַיש את נדיבות רוחם, וגם אינו מאמין כי שלום יהיה לו [אם ימשוך ידו מן השלטון], יען רעה נגד פני האיש, אשר נקרא [לפנים] בשם ״מושל״. ומלבד־זאת הודיע את חברי המועצה, כי ינהג את משרתו כמושל־חסד ולא כעריץ, ודי יהיה לו כבוד השם אשר נִתּן לו ובכל הליכות הממשלה ישאל בעצת העם. הן גם לולא היה איש רך ומתון ביצרו, כבר ראה בעיניו את מות גַּיוס הרע, ובמופת הזה קנה לו מוסר חכמה.",
+                    "ג. את הדברים האלה מסר אגריפס לזקני־המועצה והם ענו, כי הם בוטחים בצבא ובמחשבתם הטובה ולא ישלימו ברצון עם העבדות. כשמוע קלודיוס את דברי הזקנים שלח עוד הפעם את אגריפס, להודיעם את דברו, כי לא ימצא כֹח בנפשו לבגוד במבקשי טובתו, על־כן ילָחם בהם על אפו ועל חמתו, וטוב יהיה לבחור למלחמה מקום אחר מחוץ לעיר, פן תביא עצתם הנבערה אשם על כל העיר וגבעותיה תרוינה דם רצח אחים. ואגריפס שמע את דברי קלודיוס והגיד אותם לזקנים.",
+                    "ד. בין כה וכה שלף אחד מאנשי־הצבא את חרבו וקרא בקול: ״אחי, אנשי־הצבא, על מה ולמה אנו אומרים לשפוך את דם אחינו ולהתגרות מלחמה בקרובינו אשר במחנה קלודיוס, הלא הוא מושל־חסד, אשר לא מצאנו בו דֹפי ועול. היצדק מעשנו זה כנגד אחינו, אשר אנחנו אומרים לצאת עליהם בחרב?״ לדברים האלה קפץ אל תוך אספת־הזקנים ומשך אחריו את כל חבריו. ואימה חשכה נפלה מיד על טובי העם, כאשר ראו בעיניהם, כי נשארו עזובים. וכאשר הביטו מסביב ונוכחו, כי אין עוזר להם, מהרו ללכת אל קלודיוס בעקבות אנשי־הצבא. ולפני החומה יצאו לקראתם אנשים בחרבות שלופות, כי אמרו להחניף בזה לאיש אשר שחקה לו השעה. והזקנים העוברים בראש היו ברעה גדולה, כי טרם שמע קלודיוס על־דבר קנאת אנשיו, לולא רץ אגריפס אל הקיסר ואמר לו, כי רע ומר יהיה המעשה, אם לא יבצור את רוח האנשים, אשר פשטו על טובי העם, פן יאבדו לו האנשים הנותנים כבוד לכסא מלכותו, והוא ידמה למלך בארץ ציה.",
+                    "ה. וכשמוע קלודיוס את הדברים האלה עצר את רוח אנשי־צבאו, וקבל את חברי המועצה אל מחנהו ודבר אתם טובות, וגם יצא אתם במהרה, להקריב זבחי־תודה לאלהים על שלום ממשלתו. ולאגריפס נתן מיד את כל מלכות אבותיו והוסיף עליה את טְרַכוֹן וארץ חורן, אשר נתן אוגוסטוס לפנים להורדוס. ומלבד אלה עוד מלכות שנית, הנקראת על שם לִיסַנִּיַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בן תלמי בן מינאי, הנזכר בספר הראשון, ארץ אָבֵל (אַבּילִינִי) מול הלבנון (אנטיליבַּנוס).</i>, והוציא דבר־פקֻדה גלוי לכל העם לקַיֵּם את המתנה הזאת, ועל פקידי העיר צוה לָחֹק את דבר נתינתו על לוחות־הנחשת ולהניחם למשמרת בקפיטוליון. גם להורדוס אחי אגריפס — והוא גם חתנו, בעל בתו בֶּרְנִיקֵי — נתן הקיסר למתנה את מלכות כַלְקִיס.",
+                    "ו. בזמן קרוב נהר אל אוצר אגריפס עֹשר רב מתבואות ממשלתו הגדולה. אולם הוא לא פזר את הכסף לדברים קטנים, רק החל להקיף את ירושלים בחומה בצורה מאד, ואלו השלים את העבודה, כי אז לא היה שכר לרומאים [אחר־כך] בצורם על העיר. אולם בטרם הספיק אגריפס להרים את החומה למעלה קִדם אוהו המות בעיר קיסרי, והימים אשר מלך [על כל ארץ יהודה] היו שלש שנים, ועוד לפני זה מלך שלש שנים בארצות שני הנסיכים. הוא השאיר אחריו שלש בנות, אשר נולדו לו מאשתו קִפּרוס, את ברניקי ואת מרים ואת דרוּסִילָה, ובן אחד ממנה ושמו אגריפס, אשר היה עוד צעיר מאד. על־כן עשה קלודיוס את מדינות המלך עוד הפעם לנציבות (אפרכיה) ושלח שמה לנציב את קוּסְפִּיוּס פַדּוּס, ואחריו את טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס ושניהם לא נגעו במנהגי יושבי הארץ ונהגו את העם בשלום ובמנוחה. ואחרי־זאת מת גם הורדוס מלך כלקיס והשאיר אחריו שני בנים, אשר נולדו לאשתו [השניה] ברניקי, והם בֶּרְנִיקְיַנּוּס והורקנוס, וגם את אריסטובולוס הנולד למרים אשתו הראשונה. והאח השני לאגריפס, אריסטובולוס שמו, נשאר הדיוט עד יום מותו, והשאיר אחריו בת ושמה יוֹטָפֵי (יודפי). אלה השלשה היו בני אריסטובולוס בן הורדוס, כאשר דברתי למעלה, ואריסטובולוס ואלכסנדרוס נולדו להורדוס ממרים, ואביהם המית אותם. ובני משפחת אלכסנדרוס מלכו בארמֶניה הגדולה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מבוכות רבות בימי קוּמַנּוּס. קוַדְרַטּוּס שם קץ להן. אגריפס עזב את כלקיס וקבל ממלכה גדולה ממנה.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי מות הורדוס, המושל בכלקיס, הקים קלודיוס את אגריפס בן אגריפס למלך בנחלת דודו, וביתר חלקי הארץ (באפרכיה) ירש קוּמַנּוּס את משרת הנציב אחרי אלכסנדרוס, ובימיו החלו מהומות ועוד הפעם נעשה מטבח ליהודים. כי למועד חג־המצות נאסף המון עולי־רגלים, ולמעלה מאולם (מסטיו) המקדש עמד גדוד הרומאים, כי כן היה דרכם לעמוד על המשמר מזֻינים כפעם בפעם בימי החגים ולשמור על המון הנאספים, לבל יצא ממנו דבר־מרד. והנה הרים אחד מאנשי־הצבא את בגדו והטה את גופו בקלון (כיוצא חוץ) והִפנה ליהודים את אחוריו והוציא קול כדרך האדם הנזקק לדבר. כל העם התרגז מאד בראותו זאת ודרש מקומנוס בקול צעקה לענוש את איש־הצבא. אולם בני־הנעורים, אשר לא יכלו לכבוש את יצרם, והנרגנים בטבעם מקרב ההמון יצאו לקרב והרימו אבנים והשליכו אותן אל אנשי־הצבא. וקומנוס פחד פן ישתער עליו כל העם, ושלח אנשי־חיל רבים לעזור לאחיהם. וכאשר פשטו אנשי־הצבא באולמים, נפלה אימה נוראה על היהודים והם עזבו את ההיכל לברוח אל העיר. מבוכה גדולה קמה במוצאי הר־הבית, אשר שם נדחקו המוני הבורחים, וכעשרת אלפים איש נרמסו ברגלי אחיהם או נחנקו ומתו. ככה נהפך החג הזה לאבל כבד לכל העם ובכל בית היה נהי ואנחה.",
+                    "ב. ואחרי הפרענות הזאת קמה מבוכה חדשה בגלל מעשה שֹׁד. כי בדרך המלך על־יד בית חורון התנפלו שודדים על כבודת סּטֶפַנּוּס, אחד מעבדי הקיסר, ובזזו את כֻּלהּ. קומנוס שלח את אנשי־צבאו אל הכפרים הסמוכים למקום השֹׁד וצוה לאסור את יושביהם ולהביאם אליו, כי מצא בהם עון על אשר לא רדפו אחרי השודדים לתפשם. ואחד מאנשי־הצבא מצא את ספר התורה הקדושה באחד הכפרים וקרע אותו והשליכהו אל האש. מכל עברים חרדו היהודים, כאלו היתה כל ארצם לנגדם למאכֹלת אש. לבשורה הראשונה נזעקו כלם ברוח קנאתם הרַבָּה לקדשיהם וכחצים עפים מכלי־קלע רצו אל קיסריה, לחלות את פני קומנוס, לבל ימנע את מעשה־נקמתו באיש, אשר הִרבה לחרף את אלהיהם ואת תורתם. הנציב הבין, כי לא תשקוט סערת העם עד אשר יפַיס את רוחו, ועל־כן גזר להביא את איש־הצבא ולהעלות אותו לגרדֹם בין מערכות המתלוננים עליו. והיהודים שבו אל עריהם.",
+                    "ג. וכעבור זמן קצר פרצה מריבה בין בני הגליל ובין השמרונים, כי בקרבת הכפר גֶּנָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה: גנים, עין־גנים, בנחלת יששכר לפנים, עכשו ג׳נין.</i>, בעמק הגדול אשר בארץ שמרון, עברו יהודים רבים, בעלותם אל ירושלים לחֹג את חגם, והנה נהרג אחד הגלילים. ולשמע הדבר מהרו אנשים רבים מארץ הגליל לעלות למלחמה על השמרוֹנים. ונשואי־הפנים אשר בקרב השמרונים הלכו אל קומנוס והתחננו אליו לקַדם את הפֻּרענות הגדולה ולנסוע אל ארץ הגליל, לעשות נקמה במחוללי הרצח, כי רק בדבר הזה יחדל ההמון להלחם. אולם קומנוס דחה את תחנוני האנשים מפני צרכי השעה ושלח את השואלים מעל פניו במפח־נפש.",
+                    "ד. ובהגיע שמועת הרצח אל ירושלים סער לב העם מאד, ועולי־הרגל עזבו את חגם ומהרו אל שמרון, באין מפקד־מלחמה, ולא שמעו לקול טובי העם, אשר מנעום מעשות הדבר. ובקרב ההמון התערבו גם שודדים ומורדים ובראשם אלעזר בן דינאי ואלכסנדרוס, הם פשטו על השמרונים היושבים בקרבת מחוז עקרבים (עקרבתא) והמיתו אותם ולא חמלו על זקן וילד ואת כפריהם שלחו באש.",
+                    "ה. וקומנוס יצא מקיסריה ולקח אתו להקת רוכבים, הנקראים בשם סֶבַּסְטִינים, והושיע את השמרונים, אשר נהפכה ארצם שממה, ולקח בשבי רבים מאנשי חיל אלעזר, ויותר מאלה המית בחרב. וכאשר אמר גם יתר ההמון הגדול לעלות למלחמה בשמרונים, לבשו ראשי ירושלים שקים ושמו אפר על ראשם ויצאו לקראת האנשים ודברו על לבם לשוב לבתיהם בשלום, לבל יעירו את חמת הרומאים, לעשות שפטים בירושלים על המעשים אשר היו בשמרון, רק יחמלו על העיר ועל ההיכל ועל טפם ועל נשיהם, אשר רעה נגד פניהם בגלל גאֻלת דם איש יחיד מבני הגליל. היהודים שמעו לדברים האלה וההמון נפוץ, אבל רבים מן העם פנו לשלוח ידם בגזל, באין מכלים דבר, וכל הארץ מלאה חמס ושד, ומרי־הנפש נסו להתקומם כפעם בפעם. טובי השמרונים הלכו אל צור לבקש מאוּמִידִיּוּס קְוַדְרַטּוּס, והוא נציב סוריה בימים ההם, כי יריב את ריבם ולנקם במחריבי ארצם. אבל גם נכבדי היהודים ובראשם יונתן בן חנן הכהן הגדול באו שמה ואמרו, כי מאת השמרונים יצאה המהומה הזאת ומידם בא הרצח, ובפשע קומנוס קרו המעשים הרעים, כי מאן לענוש את החיבים בדם הנרצח.",
+                    "ו. קוַדרטוס הטיל על שני הצדדים לחכות עד אשר יבוא אל מקומותיהם ויחקור היטב את כל הדבר, ואחרי־כן בא אל קיסריה וצוה מיד להוקיע על צלבים את האנשים אשר נפלו בשבי קומנוס. ומשם נסע אל לוד ושם הטה אזנו עוד הפעם לתלונות השמרונים וצוה להביא אליו שמונה עשר מן היהודים, אשר שמע עליהם, כי לקחו חלק במלחמה, והתיז את ראשיהם בגרזן. ועל שנים מראשי היהודים עם הכהנים הגדולים יונתן וחנניה ובנו חנן ועוד אחדים מנשואי־הפנים בקרב היהודים צוה לנסוע אל הקיסר, וכמו כן שלח אליו גם את אנשי השם מבין השמרונים. מלבד־זאת פקד גם על קומנוס ועל צֶלר שר־האלף לנסוע באניה אל רומא, להצדיק מעשיהם לפני קלודיוס. וככלותו את הדבר נסע מלוד אל ירושלים בעצם חג המצות ודאה את העם חוגג את המועד במנוחה, ושב אל אנטיוכיה.",
+                    "ז. וברומא שמע הקיסר את דברי קוּמַנּוּס והשמרונים וגם אגריפס (הצעיר) נמצא שם והתנדב לעזור ליהודים בריבם, בראותו כי רבים מגדולי הרומאים תומכים בידי קומנוס. והקיסר הרשיע את השמרונים במשפט וצוה להמית שנים מראשיהם ואת קומנוס הגלה בעונו ואת צֶלֶר שלח בנחֻשתים אל ירושלים וצוה להסגירו בידי היהודים, להתעלל בו ולסחוב אותו דרך כל העיר ולכרות את ראשו.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה שלח הקיסר את פֶלִכְּס אחי פַּלַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פַּלַּס היה עבד משֻׁחרר ואחד מראשי השליטים ברומא בימי קלודיוס.</i> לנציב ביהודה ובשמרון ובגליל ובעבר הירדן. ואת אגריפס העביר ממלכותו אשר בכלקיס ונתן לו ממלכה גדולה ממנה, כי מסר בידו את כל הארץ (אפרכיה), אשר היתה לפיליפוס לפנים, את חבל ארגֹב (טרכון) ואת הבשן ואת הגולן, ועוד הוסיף על אלה את מלכות ליסניס ואת חבל הנסיכות (טטררכיה) אשר היה לוַרוס. קלודיוס מת אחרי עמדו בראש הממשלה שלש־עשרה שנה ושמונה חדשים ועשרים יום, ועזב את הממשלה בידי יורשו נירון, כי בנכלי אשתו אַגְרִיפִינה הקים אותו על נחלת השלטון, אף כי היה לו בן יוצא ירכו, הוא בְּרִיטַנִּיקוּס, אשר נולד לו ממֶסַּלִּינָה אשתו הראשונה, ובת היתה לו ושמה אוֹקטַוִּיָּה ואותה נתן לאשה לנירון. גם פַּיְטִינָה אשתו ילדה לו את אַנְטוֹנִיָּה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקיסר נירון הוסיף ארבע ערים על נחלת אגריפס ושארית ארץ יהודה סרה למשמעת פלכּס. הסיקריים והקוסמים ונביא־השקר הקימו מהומות. ריב בין היהודים והיונים על־דבר העיר קיסריה.</small><br><br>א. הנה מעללי הקיסר נירון, אשר עשה בגאות זדון, ברום לבו באשרו ועשרו, לנבּל את מזלו, ודרכיו [הרעים], ואשר המית את אחיו ואת אשתו ואת אמו יולדתו; ומהם העביר את אכזריות חמתו על טובי הארץ, ומעשי תעתועים אשר עולל באהלי (סקֵינֵי, סְצֶנָה)־משחקים ובבית־חזיון כאשר נטרפה דעתו — כל הדברים האלה היו לשיחה בפי כל הבריות, ועל־כן אפסח עליהם ואשים את פני אל הדברים אשר עברו על היהודים בימיו.",
+                    "ב. על ארמניה הקטנה המליך נירון את אריסטובולוס בן הורדוס ועל מלכות אגריפס הוסיף ארבע ערים עם מחוזיהן, והן אָבֵל ויוליַס בעבר־הירדן וטַרִיכֵי עם טבריה בגליל. ועל שארית ארץ יהודה הקים את פֶלִכְּס לנציב. והוא לקח בשבי את אלעזר ראש השודדים, אשר מִלא את הארץ חמס עשרים שנה, עם רבים מאנשיו ושלח אותם אל רומא. ולא היה קץ למספר השודדים הרב, אשר הוקיע פלִכּס על צלבים, ולחברי השודדים האלה מקרב יושבי הערים, אשר גִלה את עונם ויִסר אותם קשה.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר טהרה הארץ מהשודדים האלה צמח וגדל בירושלים מין שודדים אחרים, אלה הנקובים סיקריים. הם היו רוצחים את האנשים בעצם היום ובראש חוצות העיר ובחרו להם להתערב ביום מועד בקרב ההמון החוגג, בהסתירם תחת בגדיהם חרבות קצרות, ובהן המיתו את אנשי־חרמם, וכאשר נפלו האנשים חללים, היו הרוצחים צועקים חמס יחד עם כל ההמון, ועל־כן נחשבו לאנשי אמונים ואיש לא יכול לגלותם. יונתן הכהן הגדול היה הראשון אשר נשחט בידיהם ואחריו נרצחו אנשים רבים מדי יום ביומו. ועוד רע ומר מהאסונות היה הפחד אשר נפל על־פני כל, כי כמו בעת מלחמה ירא כל איש, פן יבוא מותו פתאם, ומרחוק נזהר מפני אנשי ריבו, וגם חדל לבטוח באוהביו הקרובים, אבל בעוד האנשים נזהרים ושומרים את נפשותיהם — מצאה אותם פתאם חרב מרצחיהם. כה מהירים היו האורבים האלה במלאכתם וכה השכילו להֵעלם מן העין!",
+                    "ד. ועל אנשי הדמים האלה נוספה עוד כת אחת, אנשי בליעל, אשר ידיהם היו נקיות מדם, אולם במחשבות לבם הִרבו עוד אשם ותועבה מאלה (מאנשי הדמים) וכמרצחים החריבו גם הם את שלות העיר. אלה היו אנשים תועים ומתעים, אשר התאמרו, כי הם עומדים בסוד אלהים וכל יצר לבם היה להקים מרד ומהפכות בקרב העם, ובדבריהם מסכו עליו רוח שגעון ומשכו רבים אל המדבר, באמרם כי שם יַראה להם האלהים את אותות הגאֻלה. ופלִכּס חשד בהם, כי ממעשיהם יצמח מרד, ועל־כן שלח עליהם אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים והמית מהם המון רב.",
+                    "ה. אולם עוד יותר מהמכה הזאת הִרבה נביא־השקר מארץ מצרים לעשות ליהודים רעה. כי בא אל הארץ קוסם אחד והטה רבים להאמין בו, כי נביא הוא, עד אשר אסף אליו כשלשים אלף איש והתעה אותם ללכת אחריו מן המדבר אל ההר הנקרא הר הזיתים, ומשם אמר לעלות על ירושלים בחזק־יד ולהתגבר על חיל משמר הרומאים ולהיות למלך (לעריץ, טירנוס) על כל העם ולשום את האנשים ההולכים אחריו לנושאי כליו. אולם פלִכּס הפר את עצתו, כי יצא לקראתו עם צבא הרומאים וגם כל העם (היהודים) חִזק את ידו במלחמה. וכאשר החל הקרב נמלט המצרי לנפשו עם אנשים מתי־מספר, ורבים ועצומים מן האנשים אשר עמו נפלו בחרב או נתפשו חיים, ויתר המונו נפוץ איש איש לביתו להִסָּתר.",
+                    "ו. אולם כדרך הגוף החולה, אשר הדלקת עוברת בו ממקום למקום, ככה קמה להבה חדשה אחרי שקוע האש הזאת, כי המכשפים והשודדים התחברו יחד והסיתו רבים לצאת ביד רמה וחזקו את רוחם להלחם בעד חרותם והפילו אימת מות על כל הנכנעים לפני שלטון הרומאים, באמרם להוציא בזרוע נטויה לחפשי את האנשים, אשר קבלו עליהם ברצון את העבדות. הם נפרדו לגדודים ופשטו בקרב הארץ ובזו את בתי העשירים ואת בעליהם המיתו ואת הכפרים שלחו באש וברשע זדונם מלאו את כל ארץ־יהודה חמס. והמלחמה הזאת גדלה ועצמה מיום ליום.",
+                    "ז. ועוד מהומה אחת קמה מסביב לעיר קיסריה, כי היהודים רבו שם עם הסורים, אשר ישבו בתוכם, וטענו, כי להם היא העיר הזאת, יען אשר יִסד אותה איש יהודי, הוא המלך הורדוס. והסורים הודו, כי בונה העיר היה איש יהודי, אולם אמרו, כי העיר נוסדה למען היונים, כי אלו רצה הורדוס להקדיש אותה ליהודים, לא הקים בתוכה פסלים (אנדרטאות) ומקדשים (לאלילים). בגלל הדבר הזה רָבו אלה ביניהם וקנאתם גדלה מיום ליום, עד אשר לקחו חרב בידם, ועזי הנפש מבין היהודים והיונים יצאו לקרב מדי יום ביומו. כי לא היה לאל־ידי זקני היהודים לבצור את רוח אוהבי הריב אשר אִתּם, ולחרפה נחשב בעיני היונים להסוג אחור מפני היהודים. היהודים עלו על היונים בעשרם ובכח בשרם, אולם היונים נשגבו במעוז הצבא, כי רֹב אנשי־הצבא הרומאים במקומות ההם נאספו מארץ סוריה והיו קרובים ליונים יושבי קיסריה ונכונים לעמוד לימינם בכל עת. ושרי־הצבא שקדו להשקיט את המהומה ופעם בפעם תפשו את אוהבי הקרב ודשו את בשרם בשוטים וגם הושיבום בבתי־אסורים. אבל יסורי התפושים לא למדו את הנשארים לשבת מריב ולא הפילו עליהם אימה. ונהפוך הוא, כי חזקו עוד את רוח המריבה. ופעם אחת, כאשר גברו היהודים על שונאיהם בקרב, יצא פלִכּס בעצמו אל השוק להפיל עליהם את מוראו וצִום לעזוב את המקום. וכאשר לא שמעו היהודים לקולו, שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמית רבים מהם וגם נתן לבֹז את רכושם. אבל גם אחרי הדברים האלה לא חדלה המריבה, ועל־כן בחר פלִכּס את טובי היהודים והיונים ושלח אותם לצירים אל נירון להגיש לפניו עצומותיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פֶסְטוּס ירש את משרת פלִכּס, ואחרי־כן בא אַלְבִּינוּס במקומו, ואחריו פְלוֹרוּס, אשר הכריח באכזריותו את היהודים למלחמה.</small><br><br>א. פֶסְטוּס ירש את משרת הנציב מפלִכּס ושקד לשרש את הספחת, אשר הרבתה לפשות בארץ. הוא תפש רבים מן השודדים והמית מהם לא מעט. אולם אַלְבִּינוּס, אשר קם לנציב אחרי פסטוס, לא הלך בדרכיו ולא נבצר ממנו כל דבר־נבלה, ונקל היה בעיניו לנהג את משרתו בזדון ולמלא אוצרותיו כסף־חמסים, לגזול מכל איש את רכושו וגם להכביד על כל העם את עֹל המסים, כי עוד מלאו לבו לקרֹא דרור לאסורים, אשר נתפשו במעשי שֹׁד, בקחתו כֹּפר מקרוביהם. ורק האיש אשר קפץ את ידו מתֵּת כסף נשאר במאסרו כאחד הנבלים. לדבר הזה הוסיפו דורשי־המהפכה בירושלים אֹמץ והעזו פנים, כי אדיריהם הטו את לב אַלבּינוס בשֹׁחד עד אשר נתן להם להפיח את אש המרד באין מכלים דבר. וחלק העם, אשר לא מצא חפצו בחיי־מנוחה ושלום, נטה אחרי הנרגנים האלה אנשי ברית אלבינוס, וכל איש נבל אסף לו גדוד והתיצב בראשו כראש־שודדים או כמושל עריץ ונושאי כליו עזרו לו לעשוק את האזרחים השקטים. ועל העשוקים הוטל לתת בעפר פיהם, תחת לצעוק חמס, כי האנשים, אשר לא פגעה בהם הרעה, פחדו, פן תהיה גם אחריתם מרה, והחניפו לרשעים אנשי־מות. ומחסום הושם לפי כל איש, לבל ידבר כאשר עם לבבו, ועריצים רבים רדו בזדון, וזרע החרבן העתיד נשלך אל האדמה.",
+                    "ב. אף כי היה אלבינוס איש־חמס אשר כזה, בא אחריו גֶּסִיּוּס פלוֹרוּס והראה לדעת, כי למולו גם אַלְבִּינוּס לצדיק גדול יחשב. כי אלבינוס עשה את מעשיו במשאון והצניע ללכת בדרכי רשעתו, וגסיוס התפאר בתועבותיו לעיני כל העם ועשה את מעשהו כתלין שלוח להוציא משפט החַיָּבים ולא נבהל מכל שֹׁד ורצח ומכל עול וחרפה. במקום הרחמים היה רשע אכזרי ובמעשי הנבלה לא ידע בֹּשת. ואיש לא הבין כמוהו לכסות את פני האמת בשקריו ולמצא דרכי ערמה ומזִמה למעשי נכליו. ונקל היה בעיניו לקחת בצע מאיש ואיש, כי נִצל ערים שלמות והשחית קהלות רבות וכמעט העביר קול בכל הארץ, כי הרשות נתונה לכל איש לגזול גזל כאַות נפשו, אם יקבל (פלורוס) חלק מן החמס. בתאות בצעו הֵשַׁם מחוזות שלמים ורבים עזבו את נחלת אבותיהם וברחו אל מדינות זרות.",
+                    "ג. וכל הימים אשר ישב הנציב הראשי צֶסְטִיּוּס גַּלּוּס בסוריה לא נועז איש לשלוח אליו צירים לצעוק חמס על מעשי פלורוס. אך בבוא גלוס אל ירושלים למועד חג המצות הקיפו אותו כל בני ההמון הגדול, אשר לא מעט מספרו משלש מאות רבוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־דבר המספר הגדול הזה עיין עוד להלן, ספר ו, ט, ג.</i>, וחִלה את פניו לרחם על מצוקות העם וגם צעק לפניו על פלורוס, כי הוא מחריב העם. פלורוס היה באותו מעמד, כי עמד על־יד צסטיוס והקשיב לצעקות העם בצחוק לעג שאנן. וצסטיוס השקיט את סערת העם והבטיחהו, כי יהפוך את לב פלורוס לטובה עליהם בעתיד, ואחרי זאת שב אל אנטיוכיה. ופלורוס שלח אותו עד קיסריה, למען אחז את עיניו וכבר חשב בלבו להסית את העם למעשי־מלחמה, בהבינו כי רק בדבר הזה יוכל לכסות על עלילות רשעתו. הוא ידע, כי בעת שלום יהיה עליו להזהר, פן ילכו היהודים אל הקיסר להתלונן על מעלליו, אולם אם יעלה בידו להפיח מרד בקרבם, תשכיח הרעה הגדולה את אשמותיו הקטנות. ולמען סכסך את העם ברומאים העלה פלורוס את סאת מצוקותיו מיום ליום.",
+                    "ד. ובימים ההם נצחו היונים אשר בקיסריה במשפט הקיסר נירון והביאו בידיהם את פתשגן כתב גזר־דין הקיסר, כי להם תֵּאות הממשלה בעיר, והדבר הזה היה ראשית המלחמה, בשנת שתים־עשרה לשלטון נירון, היא שנת שבע־עשרה למלכות אגריפס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ג״א תתכ״ו (66 למנין הנהוג).</i>, בחדש ארטמיסיוס (אִיָּר), אם גם סבת המלחמה לא יאתה לצרות הגדולות אשר יצאו ממנה, וזה הדבר: ליהודים היושבים בקיסריה היה בית־כנסת במקום אחד, אשר אדוניו היה יוני מקיסריה. והיהודים בקשו כל הימים לקנות את המקום להם לאחֻזה וגם אמרו לשלם כסף יתר מדי שויו, אולם היוני השיב את פני היהודים בבוז ולמען הרעימם החל להקים בחצרו בנינים חדשים ויִסד שם בתי־חרשת והשאיר ליהודים משעול צר, אשר קשה היה לעבור בו. לראשונה התנפלו קצרי־הרוח אשר בקרב היהודים על עושי המלאכה, להשבית את העבודה. אולם פלורוס מנע אותם בחֹזק־יד מהמעשה הזה. במבוכה הזאת פנו אל פלורוס ראשי היהודים ואתם יוחנן המוכס (חוכר המסים) והבטיחוהו, כי ישלמו לו שמונה ככרי כסף, אם יעצור את המלאכה. פלורוס הבטיח אותם, כי ימלא את כל חפצם, אם יקבל את הכסף, אך כאשר הגיע הכסף לידיו עזב את קיסריה ויצא אל סבסטי והשאיר את בעלי הריב לעשות כטוב בעיניהם, כאלו מכר ליהודים בכסף את הרשות להלחם בשונאיהם ככל אות נפשם.",
+                    "ה. ולמחרת היום, ביום השבת, כאשר נאספו כל היהודים בבית־הכנסת, יצא איש מחרחר ריב מקרב היונים יושבי קיסריה והפך סיר נפוח עם פיו למטה והציג אותו לפני מבוא בית־הכנסת וזבח עליו צפרים לקרבן. בדבר הזה חרף את היהודים מאד, כי חלל את חֻקי תורתם וטִמא את המקום. נכבדי היהודים והמיֻשבים בדעת אמרו, כי עליהם לפנות בדבר המריבה הזאת אל הנציב. אולם רוח אוהבי־המחלֹקת ובני־הנעורים היתה כאש בוערת והם מהרו להלחם באויביהם. ולעֻמתם התיצבו היונים במערכה, כי את מקריב הזבח שלחו במחשבת ערומים לפניהם, וכמעט התחולל קרב בין שני המחנות. ויוקונדוס שר הרוכבים, אשר צֻוה לעמוד בפרץ, נגש אל המקום ולקח את הסיר ונסה להשבית את הריב. אולם עצתו הטובה שבה ריקם מפני זדון היונים יושבי קיסריה, והיהודים מהרו לקחת את ספרי התורה ולצאת אל נרבתא — היא אחת אחֻזותיהם במרחק ששים ריס מקיסריה. שנים־עשר מטובי היהודים ואתם גם יוחנן (המוכס) באו אל פלורוס לסבסטי והתאוננו על המעשים אשר נעשו ובקשו עזרה ממנו וגם הזכירוהו בלשון כבוד את דבר שמונת ככרי הכסף. וכשמוע זאת פלורוס שם את האנשים במאסר, בהתגוללו עליהם כי הוציאו את ספרי התורה מקיסריה.",
+                    "ו. ולשמע הדבר הזה מרה נפש כל העם אשר בירושלים מאד, אולם עוד כבשו את כעסם הפעם. אך פלורוס התמכר להפיח את אש המלחמה. הוא שלח אל בית־המקדש והוציא משם שבעה־עשר ככר, בטענו כי הם דרושים לקיסר. מיד קמה מבוכה בקרב העם ומכל עברים מהרו המונים אל בית־המקדש ובצעקות עד לב השמים קראו בשם הקיסר והתחננו אליו להצילם מרשעת פלורוס, ואחדים מחפֵצי־המרד שפכו חרפות וגדופים על פלורוס והביאו סל (של צדקה) ובקשו פרוטות למענו, כי הוא עני ואביון. אבל לשמע הדברים האלה לא נטה פלורוס מדרך בצעו ועוד הוסיף להתעבר ולבקש כסף־חמסים. ותחת ללכת אל קיסריה ולכבות את אש המלחמה אשר יצאה משם ולבער את כל סבות המהומה — כי הלא קבל את שכרו על הדבר הזה — מהר לעלות על ירושלים בצבא רוכבים ורגלים, למצֹא שלל רב לעצמו בנשק הרומאים ולתת את פחדו ואימתו על־פני כל יושבי העיר.",
+                    "ז. והעם אמר להפר את כעס פלורוס בעוד מועד ויצא לקראת אנשי־הצבא בברכה וגם רצה לקבל את פני פלורוס בכבוד רב. אולם הוא שלח לפניו את קַפּיטוֹן שר־המאה עם חמשים רוכבים וצוה את יושבי ירושלים, כי ישובו אל בתיהם ולא יעזו את פניהם לסובב בכחש אהבתם את האנשים, אשר זה לא כבר חרפו אותם בקלון ובוז. הן אם בעלי נפש הם — הלא יאות להם לבוז לו גם בפניו ולהוכיח לא באמרי פיהם בלבד, כי־אם גם בפֹעל כפיהם, כי הם אוהבים את החֹפש. ההמון נבהל לדברים האלה, וגם רוכבי קפיטון קפצו אל תוכו, והיהודים נפוצו טרם הספיקו לברך את פלורוס לשלום ולהראות לאנשי־הצבא את אֹמן רוחם. הם שבו לבתיהם והלילה עבר עליהם בפחד ובשברון־לב.",
+                    "ח. ופלורוס לן בלילה ההוא בארמון המלך, ובבֹּקר הקים בימה לפני הארמון וישב עליה לכסא משפט. הכהנים הגדולים וראשי העם ונשואי הפנים אשר בעיר באו אליו ונצבו לפני הבימה ופלורוס צוה עליהם להסגיר בידו את חורפיו ואמר להם, כי יקח את נקמתו מהם, אם לא יביאו אליו את החַיָּבים. טובי העם הודיעוהו, כי העם הוא רודף שלום, ובקשו ממנו לסלוח לעון האנשים אשר לא שמרו לשונם, כי לא יפלא הדבר, אם נמצא בהמון רב כזה אנשים עזי־נפש אחדים וצעירים נבערים מתבונה, ואין לאל־ידם להבדיל את החַטאים, כי כבר נחם כל איש על אשמתו והוא מכחש בדבר אשר עשה, ואם הוא (פלורוס) דורש באמת ובתמים לחזק את השלום בקרב העם ולהציל את העיר למען הרומאים, עליו לשים לב לרבים הנקיים מאשם ולהעביר בגללם את עון המעטים ולא להרגיז את כל העם הגדול הרודף שלום באשמת נבזים אחדים.",
+                    "ט. לדברים האלה חרה אף פלורוס מאד וקרא בקול אל אנשי־הצבא לבֹז את השוק העליון ולהמית את כל הנמצאים שם. באהבת בצעם שמחו אנשי־הצבא לפקֻדת הנציב ובזזו את המקום אשר נשלחו אליו וגם פרצו בכל הבתים ושחטו את יושביהם. ברחובות העיר נחפזו האנשים לברוח והנתפשים נרצחו באכזריות חמה, ולא היה שֹׁד ורצח אשר לא עשו הרומאים ביום ההוא. אנשי־הצבא תפשו אזרחים אוהבי־שלום והביאו אותם אל פלורוס והוא צוה לדוש את בשרם בשוטים ולהוקיעם על צלבים. ומִספר כל הנהרגים ביום ההוא, האנשים והנשים והטף, היה שלשת אלפים ושש מאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה בכל ההוצאות הישנות, ובהוצאות ניזה: שש מאות ושלשים.</i>. ואת סאת הפרענות הגדילה עוד אכזריוּת הרומאים, אשר לא נראתה עוד כמוה, כי נועז פלורוס לעשות דבר, אשר לא עולל עוד איש לפניו: הוא צוה להלקות לפני הבימה אנשים ממעמד הרוכבים ולהוקיעם על צלבים, אף כי האנשים היהודים האלה נשאו משרת כבוד בקרב הרומאים.."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ברניקי התחננה אל פלורוס על היהודים לחנם. אש המרד שקעה, אולם פלורוס הפיח אותה מחדש.</small><br><br>א. ובעת ההיא נמצא המלך אגריפס באלכסנדריה, כי נסע שמה לברך את אלכסנדרוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טבריוס אלכסנדרוס, שהיה מקֹדם נציב ביהודה (לעיל, פרק י״א, ו; פרק י״ב, א).</i>, אשר שלח אותו נירון אל מצרים ומלא את ידו להיות שם לנציב. אולם ברניקי אחות אגריפס היתה אז בירושלים ולבה חלל בקרבה למראה רשעת הצבא. פעם בפעם שלחה את שרי הרוכבים אשר לה ואת שומרי ראשה לבקש את פלורוס, כי יאסף את ידי המרצחים. אולם פלורוס לא שם לבו למספר הנרצחים הגדול ולא למעלת האשה, אשר שלחה אליו לבקש רחמים עליהם, כי רק אל בצעו לטש את עיניו, ולא שמע לקולה. וחמת זדון אנשי־הצבא נתכה גם על המלכה ונקל היה בעיניהם להתעלל ביהודים הנתפשים ולשחוט אותם לעיניה, כי גם אותה הכו נפש כמעט, לולא קדמה לברוח אל חצר המלך ושם ישבה כל הלילה יחד עם שומרי ראשה, בפחדה פן יפרצו אנשי־הצבא בבית. היא באה אל ירושלים לשלם את נדרה לאלהים, כי חֹק הוא לאנשים, אשר יצאו בשלום ממחלה רעה או מצרה אחרת, לקבל עליהם בנדר, כי שלשים יום בטרם יביאו את קרבנם ינזרו מן היין ו[לא] יגלחו את שערם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדבר נשתבש כנראה על־ידי המעתיקים הנכרים של המקור היוני.</i>. ובשַׁלם ברניקי את נדרה עמדה יחפה לפני הבימה והתחננה אל פלורוס [על עמה], אך פלורוס לא בוש מפניה, וגם חייה היו תלואים לה מנגד.",
+                    "ב. הדברים האלה נעשו בששה־עשר לחדש ארטֶמיסיוס (איָּר) וממחרת היום מהר כל העם אל השוק העליון והתאבל על ההרוגים בזעקה גדולה ומרה וקללות רבות נזרקו מפי ההמון כנגד פלורוס. וראשי העם יראו את הדבר הזה מאד ויצאו יחד עם הכהנים הגדולים וקרעו את בגדיהם והתנפלו לרגלי העם והפצירו בו לכבוש את כעסו, לבל יעלה את חמת פלורוס עד להשחית ולא יוסיף צרות חדשות על כל הרעה אשר מצאתהו. ההמון נפתה במהרה למלא אחרי הדברים האלה, כי נשא את פני האנשים המפילים לפניו תחנוניהם וגם בטח, כי לא יוסיף פלורוס לעשות רשע.",
+                    "ג. ופלורוס התעצב אל לבו, בראותו כי כבתה אש המרד, ובקש לו עצה להפיח אותה מחדש. הוא שלח לקרא לכהנים הגדולים ולחשובי העם ואמר להם, כי רק בזה יתנו מופת, כי לא יוסיף העם מעשי מרד, אם יצאו לקבל בכבוד את פני אנשי־הצבא הבאים מקיסריה, כי עוד שני גדודים (קוהורטות) עלו משם. בעוד טובי ירושלים מזעיקים את העם [למלא אחרי דברי הנציב] שלח פלורוס פקֻדה אל שרי־המאות אשר בשני הגדודים, לבל ידברו שלום ליהודים היוצאים לקראתם לברכם ויתנפלו עליהם בחרב, אם יחרפו אותו בפיהם. והכהנים הגדולים אספו את העם בהר־הבית ובקשו אותו לצאת לקראת הרומאים לשלום ולקַדם את פני הגדודים בברכה טרם תבוא עליהם רעה נוראה. אולם שוחרי המרד מאנו לשמוע בקולם ואחרי הרצח בירושלים נספח רֹב העם על מרי־הלב האלה.",
+                    "ד. אז יצאו כל הכהנים ומשרתי בית ה׳ ונשאו לפניהם את כלי המקדש ואת בגדי הכהֻנה, אשר בהם היו משרתים בקדש, והמנגנים והמשוררים אשר במקדש לקחו אתם את כלי השיר וכלם התנפלו לרגלי העם וחלו את פניו לשמור על כלי הקדש אשר בידיהם ולבלי תת פתחון־פה לרומאים לבֹז את אוצרות בית־האלהים. מה נורא היה מראה הכהנים הגדולים בשימם עפר על ראשם ובקרעם את בגדיהם ובחשפם את סגור לבם; הם קראו אל האנשים הידועים בנקבם שֵׁם כל אחד מהם, וגם התחננו אל כל העם, לבל יהיה הדבר הקטן הזה קל בעיניהם ולא יסגירו את עיר קדשם בידי הרוצים להחריבנה: ״מה בצע יהיה לאנשי־הצבא הרומאים, כאשר יתנו להם היהודים כבוד? ובמה יונח לכם מהרעה אשר מצאתכם, אם לא תצאו לקבל את פניהם כיום הזה? אולם אם תקדמו בכבוד את פני הבאים כמשפט, הלא תסתמו בזאת את פי פלורוס, המבקש לו תֹאנה להקדיש עליכם מלחמה, וככה תהיה לכם עירכם לשלל ולא תוסיפו לשׂבוע מכאובות. הן מעשה כסל נורא יהיה, כאשר ישמע עם גדול כזה בקול מחרחרי ריב מתי־מספר, תחת לאַלֵץ אותם להודות לדברי הרבים״.",
+                    "ה. כדברים האלה דברו הכהנים הגדולים על לב העם וגם השקיטו את רוח הנרגנים בדברי אימה וכבושים, ואחרי־כן יצאו בראש העם במנוחה ובסֵדר לקדם את אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר קרבו אליהם ברכו אותם לשלום. אולם הרומאים לא ענו לברכתם ומריבי־פלורוס הרימו קול צעקה. והדבר הזה היה האות הנתון לרומאים: מיד הקיפו אנשי־הצבא את ההמון והכו אותו במקלות וגם רדפו אחרי הבורחים ורמסום בפרסות סוסיהם. רבים נפלו ביום ההוא ממכות הרומאים ורבים ועצומים מאלה היו למרמס לרגלי אחיהם. כי נורא היה הדחק בשערי העיר, כאשר רצה כל אחד לעבור את חברו ולהִמלט, והדבר הזה עצר את כל הבורחים. ונורא היה גם מות הכושלים במנוסתם, כי נחנקו ונרמסו ברגלי האצים אחריהם, עד אשר לא נכרו עוד פניהם ולא נשאר אף חלל אחד אשר ידעו בו קרוביו כי זה הוא, לקברו עם אבותיו. ואנשי־הצבא פרצו עם הפליטים יחד בשערי העיר והכו מבלי הרף את האנשים אשר נפלו בידם ולחצו את ההמון דרך המגרש הנקרא ביזיתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בספרות התלמודית ביציתא, בצעתא.</i> אל העיר ובקשו לבקוע להם דרך ולכבוש את הר־הבית עם הבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) יחד. כי פלורוס התאוה ללכדם, ועל־כן הוציא את אנשי־צבאו מחצר המלך ונסה להבקיע אל הבירה. אולם מומתו הרעה לא קמה, כי התיצב העם לקרב לעֻמת אנשי־צבאו והשיב את ימינם אחור. רבים עמדו על גגות הבתים והמטירו משם אבנים על ראשי הרומאים, וכאשר עיפה נפש אלה ממטר אבני הקלע ממעלה וגם קצרה ידם לפלס דרך בין המונות האנשים, אשר סגרו את רחובות ירושלים, נסוגו אחור ושבו אל מקום מחנם אשר בחצר המלך.",
+                    "ו. והמתקוממים יראו, פן יעלה פלורוס עוד הפעם דרך הבירה ויכבוש את הר־הבית, ועל־כן מהרו לעלות ולהרוס את האולמים המחברים את הר־הבית אל הבירה. ובדבר הזה התקררה תאות פלורוס ואהבת בצעו. כי כל מזמתו היתה לבֹז את אוצר בית־המקדש, ועל־כן השתוקקה נפשו להבקיע אל המצודה. ואחרי אשר נהרסו האולמים שלח לקרא לכהנים הגדולים ולמועצת־העם (הסנהדריה) ואמר להם, כי יצא את פני העיר וישאיר בה מספר אנשי־צבא כטוב בעיניהם. הם הבטיחו, כי יעשו ככל אשר לאל־ידם להקים את המנוחה ולהפר את עצת המרד, אם ישאיר להם גדוד (קוהורטה) אחד, רק לא את הגדוד אשר נלחם ביהודים, כי מרה עליו נפש כל העם על הצרות אשר עולל לו. ופלורוס הבדיל להם גדוד אחד למלא את משאלותיהם ושב עם שארית חילו אל קיסריה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צסטיוס שלח את נֵאַפוליטנוס שר־האלף לחקור את המעשים שקרו ביהודה. אגריפס נשא נאום לפני היהודים להפר את מחשבת המרד.</small><br><br>א. פלורוס בקש לו דרך אחרת להביא מלחמה בשערי ירושלים ושלח אל צסטיוס מכתב מלא כזבים על־דבר מרד היהודים והתגולל עליהם, כי התגרו אתו מלחמה, וגם סִפּר, כי מהם יצאה הרעה, אשר עשה הוא להם. אולם גם ראשי ירושלים לא חבקו את ידיהם, כי מהרו לכתוב אל צֶסטיוס — וברניקי יחד אתם — על כל התועבות אשר עשה פלורוס בירושלים. וכאשר קרא צסטיוס את דברי פלורוס ואת דברי היהודים נועץ את שרי צבאותיו, והם החליטו, כי יעלה צסטיוס עם צבאו על ירושלים, למען יעשה שפטים ממתקוממים, כאשר יאמן הדבר, כי פרץ שם מרד, או יחזק את השלום עם היהודים, אם נשארו נאמנים בבריתו. אך צסטיוס בחר לשלוח אחד מחבריו, למען יחקור את המעשים אשר היו בירושלים ויתַכּן את רוח היהודים היושבים שם ויודיע אותו דבר־אמת, על־כן שלח אל ארץ יהודה את נֵאַפּוֹלִיטַנּוּס, אחד משרי־האלף. בקרבת יבנה פגש הציר הזה את אגריפס המלך בשובו מאלכסנדריה וספר לו על־דבר משלחתו ועל סבת הדבר.",
+                    "ב. והכהנים הגדולים וראשי היהודים והמועצה יצאו לקראת המלך לברכו, ואחרי תתם לו כבוד התאוננו באזניו על האסונות אשר מצאו אותם וספרו לו את מעשה האכזריות של פלורוס. אמנם אגריפס נרגז לדברים האלה, אולם בתחבולות פקד את אפו על היהודים, אשר חמל עליהם בלבבו, בבקשו להשפיל את רוחם ולהרחיק מהם כל מחשבת נקמה, פן יאמרו בלבם, כי סבלו על לא עון בידם. האנשים האלה היו בחירי העם, וכלם היו רודפי שלום, כי חסה עינם על רכושם, ועל־כן הבינו את מחשבת המלך הטובה עליהם. גם עם ירושלים יצא כששים ריס מן העיר לקבל את פני אגריפס ונאפוליטנוס, ולפני ההולכים עברו נשי ההרוגים בקול בכי תמרורים, ולשמע יללתן קשר כל העם מספד והתחנן אל אגריפס להיות לו לעזר בצרתו, וגם צעק אל נאפוליטנוס על כל הרעה אשר עשה להם פלורוס, ובהגיעם העירה הראה להם העם את השוק החרב ואת הבתים ההרוסים. ואחרי זאת פתו היהודים בעזרת אגריפס את נאפוליטנוס לעבור עם אחד מעבדיו בכל העיר עד השִׁלֹּה, למען יראה בעיניו, כי היהודים נכנעים לפני הרומאים, ורק את פלורוס בלבדו הם שונאים על תועבותיו הגדולות אשר עשה להם בעברת זדון. נאפוליטנוס סבב בכל העיר ונוכח לדעת, כי באמת היהודים אוהבים את השלום, ואחרי־כן עלה אל הר־הבית ושם הקהיל את העם והרבה להלל אותו על אמון רוחו לרומאים, וגם העתיר עליו דברים והעירהו לשמור את השלום, ואחרי זאת התפלל לאלהים בעזרת הנכרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: במקום המקדש המֻתָּר לו.</i> ושב אל צסטיוס.",
+                    "ג. והמון היהודים פנה אל המלך ואל הכהנים הגדולים ובקש אותם לשלוח צירים אל הקיסר נירון, להתאונן על מעללי פלורוס, כי הלא אם יחרישו היהודים למעשה רצח נורא כזה, יתנו לחשוד בהם, כי באמת היה מרד בקרבם, ואם לא ימהרו להוכיח מי החל להתגרות בהם, ירָאה הדבר כאלו הוציאו הם את החרב מתערה. גלוי היה, כי לא ישוב העם אל המנוחה, אם ימנע אותם איש משלוח את הצירים. אגריפס שם אל לבו, כי לאיש צר ואויב יחָשב, אם ימלא את ידי האנשים לכתוב שטנה על פלורוס, וגם הבין, כי לא טוב יהיה, אם יעלים את עיניו מתאות־המלחמה, אשר פשתה בקרב היהודים. על־כן קרא לעם להאסף אל לשכת־הגזית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קְסוּסְטוֹס.</i> ועמד במקום רואים על־יד אחותו לפני ארמון החשמונאים, הבנוי ממעל ללשכת־הגזית לעבר העיר העליונה, — וגשר חבּר את המקדש אֶל לשכת הגזית. — ואלה הדברים אשר דבר אגריפס [לפני העם]:",
+                    "ד. אלו ראיתי, כי כלכם נושאים את נפשכם להלחם ברומאים ולא הכרתי, כי יש בכם אנשים ישרים ומחֻכּמים, הבוחרים בשלום, לא באתי אליכם ולא ערבתי את לבי לתת לכם את העצה הזאת. כי למותר הוא לדבר על הדרך הישרה באזני אנשים, אשר נוסדו כלם יחד בעצה נבערה, והנה אני רואה את הנרגנים ביניכם, כי הם בני־נעורים, אשר לא הכירו עוד את כל תלאות המלחמה, או אנשים אשר לקחה לבם תקוה נבערה לחרות, וגם אוהבי בצע אחדים, האומרים למצֹא שכר בעֹשק החלשים בהתמוטט סדרי הארץ. ולמען יקנו האנשים האלה בינה וישובו מדרכם הרעה ולא יסָפו הטובים בעצת המעטים האלה הנבערה, הנה חשבתי למשפט לאסוף את כלכם ולדבר באזניכם לטוב לכם כאשר עם לבבי. ואל ירים איש מכם קול שאון, אם לא יערבו דברי לאוניו. הן האיש, אשר יבצר ממנו לכבוש את תשוקת המרד אשר בלבבו, יוכל להחזיק בדעתו גם אחרי עצתי. לעֻמת־זאת לא יהיה שכר לדברי גם בקרב הרוצים להקשיבם, אם לא ישקטו כל העומדים מסביב. הנה אני יודע, כי רבים מכם מתַנים בשפת־יתר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר משתמש פה במבטא ״מזמרים, (קוראים) מזמורים לרשעות הנציבים ולחרות״.</i> את רשעת הנציבים השליטים ומשמיעים שירי־תהלה לחֹפש. ועוד טרם אבוא לחקור, מי אתם ובמי אתם אומרים להלחם, אני רוצה לנתק את ארג טענותיכם. אם רק להגן על נפשכם מפני הרשעה אתם רוצים, למה לכם לרומם את החֹפש על שפתיכם? ואם אתם חושבים, כי קצר כֹּחכם לשאת את חיי העבדים, הלא למותר הן כל תלונותיכם על הנציבים, כי גם אם יהיו אלה אנשי־צדק, תשאר לכם העבדות לחרפה תמיד. התבוננו־נא בשני הדברים האלה יחדו וראו מה רפה שֹׁרש המלחמה. לראשונה אדבר על טענותיכם נגד הנציבים. הן מֻטל עליכם לכבד את הרָשות ולא לעורר את רגזהּ! אם על עונות קלים אתם באים עליהם בגדופים קשים, הנה רק לרעתכם אתם מגלים את רשעת האנשים אשר חרפתם, ותחת עשותם לכם רעה לפנים במסתרים ובבושה, מעתה הם מביאים עליכם שׁואה לעיני השמש! כי רק הסֵבל מרפה את כח המכה, והעלובים הנושאים את עלבונם במנוחה משיבים את זרוע עולביהם אחור! אולם אם באמת פקידי הרומאים הם נוגשים קשים עד אשר קצר כח סבלכם, הנה במה חטאו לכם כל הרומאים והקיסר, אשר בהם אתם אומרים להתגרות מלחמה? הן לא במצותם בא אליכם נבל להציק לכם, כי מרחוק לא יראו יושבי המערב את המעשים אשר במזרח, ואף לא נקל להם לשמוע משם את הדברים האמורים פה. והן תסכילו עשות, אם תפקדו את עון האחד על הרבים ועל דבר קטן תצאו להלחם בעם רב כזה, אשר לא ידע גם את דבר החטאת אשר שמתם עליו. ואולי יהיה בזמן קרוב שכר לתלונותינו. הן הנציב הזה לא ישאר בקרבנו כל הימים ויֵאות לנו לחשוב, כי במקומו יבואו אנשים טובים ממנו. ואם תעוררו הפעם את המלחמה, לא יקל לכם לשבות ממנה וגם לא להאריך אותה בלי אסונות ופגעים. ואמנם גם עבר הזמן לשגות באהבת החרות. — לפנים היה מֻטל עלינו להלחם עליה לבל תלקח מידינו, כי רע ומר הוא גורל העבדים, ועל־כן נאה וישר הדבר להלחם בו טרם יבוא. אולם האיש, אשר נכנע פעם ואחרי־כן התקומם (למען הסיר את עֻלו מעל צואריו], הלא עבד מתפרץ הנהו ולא אוהב חֹפש. אז, בימים אשר עלה פומפיוס על הארץ, הֻטּל על היהודים לחגור את כל כחותיהם לבלי תת לרומאים לבוא בשעריה. אולם אבות אבותינו והמלכים המושלים בהם, אשר היו גדולים וטובים הרבה ממנו בעשרם ובכח בשרם ובאֹמץ נפשם, לא עצרו כח לעמוד בפני חלק־מצער מחיל הרומאים. ואתם, אשר ירשתם מאבותיכם את הסבל ואשר קטן ודל כֹּחכם מחֹסן אבותיכם, שהטו את שכמם לסבול לראשונה, — התחשבו באמת ובתמים לעמוד בפני כל תֹּקף ממשלת הרומאים? הן גם האתּונים, אשר שלחו לפנים את עריהם באש למען חֵרות היונים, ובצאת עליהם אחשורוש (קסֶרקסֶס) היהיר, אשר נסע באניות בדרך היבשה ועבר ברגל ארחות ימים, ומי הים לא עצרו כח לשאתו ומרחבי הערב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אירופה.</i> צרו מהכיל את חילו העצום, שברו (האתונים) את קרן אסיה הגדולה על־יד סַלַּמִּיס האי הקטן, עד אשר ברח המלך מפניהם עם אניה אחת והם רדפו אחריו — גם הם עובדים עתה לרומאים, והעיר אשר משלה לפנים בכל ארצות־יָון (הֶלַּס) שומרת את הפקֻדות הבאות מארץ איטליה. וגם הלקדֵימונים, אשר עשו גבורות על־יד תֶּרְמֹפִילֵי ועל־יד פְלַטִּיָּה ופרצו עם מלכם אַגֶּסּילָאוּס בלב ארץ אסיה, נכנעו באהבה תחת עֹל האדונים האלה. והמקדונים, הרואים עד היום במחזה את תמונת פיליפוס, ועוד לא משו מעיניהם זכרונות הימים הראשונים, כאשר פשטו עם אלכסנדרוס יחד ליסד להם ממשלת עולם — גם הם נושאים דומם את חליפות הגורל ועובדים את האדונים, אשר אליהם עבר מזלם. ועוד עמים לאין־מספר, אשר לבם מלא אהבת הדרור על כל גדותיו — התרפסו לפני הרומאים, ורק אתם לבד תחשבו, כי לחרפה לכם לעבוד את האדונים, אשר נכנע כל העולם תחתיהם? ומה הצבא והנשק, אשר תבטחו עליהם במלחמה? ואֵי הצי האדיר, אשר תכבשו בו את הים מידי הרומאים? ואיה האוצרות, אשר יספקו את צרכיכם? התחשבו, כי על המצרים או על הערבים אתם יוצאים למלחמה? הטרם תראו את גֹדל ממשלת הרומאים? והאמנם לא תדעו את מדת קֹצר כֹּחכם? והאם לא כשל כחנו פעם בפעם במלחמתנו עם העמים השכנים, — ואולם ממשלת הרומאים לא נמוטה בכל מרחבי העולם? ועוד הם מוסיפים לבקש להם גדולות מאלה. כי קטנו בעיניהם גבולות ממשלתם, נהר פרת במזרח ונהר אִיסטְרוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דנוביוס (דונוי).</i> בצפון, וארץ לוּב בדרום, אשר תרו אותה עד קצה המדבר, וגדֵירה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא קָדֵשׁ אשר בספרד (עכשו קַדִּיקס, בפי הרומאים גָדֶס).</i> אשר במערב — עד אשר בקשו להם עולם חדש מעבר לים אוקינוס והביאו חרב מלחמה אל גבולות הבריטנים, אשר לא ידע איש את שמם עד היום הזה. ומה [תוכלו עשות]? האֻמנם עשירים אתם מהגַלים וגבורי־כֹח מהגרמנים וחכמים מהיונים ורבים ועצומים מכל גויי הארץ? ועל מה תבטחו במלחמתכם עם הרומאים? הן יאמר איש מכם: קשה עֹל העבדות מנשוא! אולם הן יותר מכם קשה הדבר ליונים, הנדיבים בכל העמים אשר נמצאו תחת השמש והיושבים בארץ רחבת ידים — ובכל־זאת הם כורעים לשש אגֻדות שבטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמן הממשלה של הנציבים במקדון ובאַכיָּה (נציבים ממדרגה שניה, ממעלת הפרֵטורים) היה שש אגֻדות שבטים.</i>. וככה עושים המקדונים, אשר יפה כחם מכחכם לבקש חיי־דרור. ומה דבר חמש מאות הערים אשר בעסיה?<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מערב אסיה הקטנה, פרגמוס.</i> הלא גם מבלעדי חיל־משמר בקרבם הם משתחוים לאדון אחד ולשבטי השופטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקונסולים (הקונסולרים). נציב אסיה הקטנה היה ממדרגה ראשונה, ממעלת השופטים הראשים (הקונסולים).</i>, ומה אדבר על ההֶנִיּוֹכִים והקוֹלְכִים ועל משפחות הטַוְרִים, על הַבּוֹסְפּוֹרָנִים והעמים היושבים מסביב לים פוֹנְטוֹס ולים מַיּוֹטִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פונטוס — הים השחור. מיוטיס — הים האזובי. שם ישבו העמים הנזכרים.</i>? הן לפנים לא הסכינו לשמוע אף בקול מושל מאחיהם, ועתה הם עובדים לשלשת אלפים אנשי־צבא, וארבעים אניות־מלחמה מספיקות להכין את השלום בים הזועף, אשר לפנים לא יכול אדם לעבור בו. ומה יוכלו לספר לנו על־דבר החרות יושבי בִּתּוּנִיָּה וקַפּוֹדקיא, עם פַּמְפִילִיָּה והלוּקים והקִילִיקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלם ישבו במזרח עסיה (אסיה הקטנה).</i>; אך כלם משלמים מס מבלעדי חרב־מלחמה. ועוד מה? הנה התְּרַכִּים, היושבים בארץ אשר רחבה דרך חמשה ימים וארכה דרך שבעה ימים, והארץ קשה וחזקה מארצכם הרבה, והקרח הגדול עוצר בעד האויבים הבאים על הארץ, וגם הם נכנעים לפני אלפים איש מצבא משמר הרומאים. והאִילִירִים, היושבים על־ידם בין נהר איסְטרוֹס וגבול דַּלְמַטִּיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל העמים האלה ישבו בצפון חצי־האי הַבַּלְקַנִי.</i> — האם אינם נכנעים תחת שני לגיונות רומאים ועוזרים בידם לבצור את רוח הדַקִּים? והדַלְמַטִּים, אשר פעמים רבות התנערו להלחם על חרותם ואחרי כל מגפה ומגפה חגרו מחדש כח וגבורה להתקומם, הטרם ישקטו עתה תחתיהם, אף כי רק לגיון אחד נמצא בארצם? אבל אם יתעוררו עמים שונים למרוד באדוניהם, בשימם את מחסם במשגבי ארצם — הנה למי יאות הדבר הזה יותר מן הגַלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הגלים — הקֶלטים, שישבו בארץ צרפת.</i>, אשר הקים עליהם הטבע מבצרי־חֹסן. כי ממזרח סוגרים עליהם הרי האַלְפּים ומצפון הנהר רֵינוס, מדרום ההרים הפּירֵנַיִּים וים־אוקינוס ממערב, ואף כי נמצאו לַגלים מצודות מעוז כאלה והם עם גדול ועצום, אשר לו שלש מאות וחמשה שבטים, ואף כי מקורות הברכה — כאשר יאמר האומר — נמצאו בארצם מבית ובתבואת אדמתם הרבה יוכלו לכלכל את כל העולם, בכל־זאת הם נוטים שכמם לסבוֹל ומשלמים לרומאים מס ונותנים להם לשלוט בכל מגד ארצם. ולא באהבתם את השלום או ממֹרך־לב עושים הגלים את הדבר — הן שמונים שנה נלחמו בחֹזק־יד בעד חרותם — רק מיראתם את עצמת הרומאים וגם את מזלם, אשר הפליא לעזור להם מחרב עֻזם. ועל־כן הם עובדים לאלף ומאתים אנשי־צבא רומאים, אף כי המספר הזה הוא קטן ממספר עריהם כמעט. הן גם בצאת האִבֵּרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שישבו בספרד.</i> להלחם על חרותם [ברומאים] לא היה להם להועיל הזהב, אשר חפרו מאדמת ארצם ולא המרחק הגדול שבין ארצם ובין הרומאים בדרך הים ובדרך היבשה ולא גבורת שבטי הלוּסִיטַנִים והקַנְטַבְּרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במערב ספרד ובצפונה.</i> בעת הקרב, ואף לא ים־האוקינוס המציף את ארצם, אשר גם יושבי המקום יראים את משבריו מאד. כי הרומאים עברו בחרב מלחמה את עמודי הֶרַקְלֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עמודי (או שערי) מֶלְקַרְתְ (בפי הצידונים), עכשו מצר ים גִּבְּרַלְתָּר (ג׳בל אלטארק).</i> ופלסו להם נתיבות בין העבים המכסים את ההרים הפירניים והעבידו את כל העמים האלה. ודי לו ללגיון אחד לשמור על גבורי־החיל הרחוקים האלה. הנמצא בכם איש, אשר לא שמעה אזנו על המונות הגרמנים? הן בעיניכם ראיתם פעם בפעם את האנשים הגדולים והחסֻנים האלה, כי אל כל מקום שולחים הרומאים את אסיריהם. והנה העמים הרבים האלה, אשר אין קץ לגבול ארצם ואשר עֹז גבורתם עולה עוד על מדת קומתם, כי בכֹח רוחם הם בזים למות ובחמתם הם נוראים ואכזרים מחיתו־טרף — גם את רוחם בצרו הרומאים על הנהר רינוס ושבטיהם, אשר נפלו בידי הרומאים, היו להם לעבדים, ויתר העם ברח ונמלט [מפני המנצחים]. ואם בחומת ירושלים תשימו מחסכם — התבוננו אל מבצרי מעוז הבריטַנים: הן ים־אוקינוס מקיף עליהם מכל עבר והאי, אשר עליו הם יושבים, אינו נופל בגדלו מכל עולם־הישוב, וגם עליהם באו הרומאים באניות ושמו אותם לעבדים, וארבעה לגיונות שומרים על האי הגדול הזה. והעוד עלי להרבות דברים ולהעלות על לבכם, כי הפַּרְתּים, גוי גבור־מלחמה, הרודה בעמים אין־מספר ואין קץ לצבאות חילו, — גם הם שולחים בני־תערובות אל הרומאים ובארץ איטליה רואה כל איש את זרע מלכי ארצות הקדם עובד לרומאים למען השלום! והנה כמעט כל העמים תחת השמש משתחוים לרומאים, — והאם אתם לבדכם תעצרו כח להלחם בהם? הטרם תשימו אל לבכם את אחרית אנשי קרתחדשת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרכידון, קרתַּגִּין (Carthago) בצפון אפריקי (בקרבת טוניס).</i>, אשר התגאו בחַנִּבַּעַל גבורם הגדול והתימרו בכבוד מוצאם מגזע הצידונים (הפיניקים) — וכרעו תחת גבורת ימין סקִפִּיוֹן (סציפיו). וגם יושבי קִירֵינִי, אשר יצאו מזרע הלַקּוֹנִים, והמַרְמַרִידִים, השבט היושב עד קצה המדבר, והסִירְטִים, אשר נתנו את פחדם על כל שומעי שמם, והנַסַּמּוֹנים והמַוְרים ועמי הנודדים לאין־מספר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל אלה ישבו באפריקי הצפונית ממערב למצרים.</i> — כלם לא עצרו כח לעצור בעד גבורת הרומאים. הן גם את כל הארץ הגדולה, אשר היא שלישית עולם הישוב, ולא קל הוא למנות את העמים היושבים בה, היא הארץ אשר בין גבול הים האטלנטי ועמודי הרקלס ובין הים האדֹם (ים סוף), כבשו הרומאים על יושביה, הם שבטי הכושים (האֵתּיוֹפים), אשר אין להם מספר. ומלבד חלק תבואת אדמתם די כלכל את כל יושבי העיר רומא שמונה חדשים בשנה הם משלמים עוד מסים שונים ונותנים בנפש חפצה את תרומתם לצרכי הממשלה, ואינם חושבים את פקֻדותיה — כמעשכם אתם — לדבר־חרפה, אף כי רק לגיון אחד חונה בקרבם. ואם עלי עוד להרבות דברים ולתנות לפניכם את עצמת הרומאים, הנה אזכיר אתכם על־דבר ארץ מצרים הקרובה אלינו, אשר היא משתרעת עד ארץ כוש וארץ ערב המאֻשרה (תימן) בואכה ארץ הֹדו, ומספר העם היושב בה שבעים וחמשה רבוא מלבד יושבי אלכסנדריה — על המספר הזה מעידה לנו מכסת מס הגלגֹלת — וגם היא אינה חושבת את ממשלת הרומאים לכלִמה, אף כי נמצא לה מרכז<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קֶנְטְרוֹן ביונית (centrum).</i> מרד גדול בעיר אלכסנדריה בגלל המון יושביה הרב וחֹסן עשרה — הן ארכה שלשים ריס ורחבה אינו נופל מעשרה — והיא מרבה לשלם לרומאים בחדש אחד ממכסת המס אשר אתם משלמים בשנה מלאה, ומלבד הכסף היא מנהלה את כל עם רומא בלחם ארבעה חדשים בשנה. והן מכל עבר מקיפים מבצרים את הארץ הזאת, מדבּר שממה, אשר לא תדרוך בו רגל אדם, או ימים בלי נמלים או נהרות ובִצות. אולם כל המשגבים האלה לא עמדו בפני מזל הרומאים ובשני לגיונות המצב השוכנים בעיר (אלכסנדריה) הם רודים בכל ארץ מצרים הרחבה ובוצרים את רוח המקדונים הגאיונים. ואחרי אשר חזקה יד הרומאים על כל עמי־הארץ, איפה תבקשו לכם עוזרים במלחמתכם, האם בארצות לא־נושבות? או אולי יקוה אחד מכם למצֹא ישועה מעבר לנהר פרת או יאמין, כי אחיו היושבים בארץ חַדִּיַּב (אדיבֵיני) יצאו עמו בקרב? הלא על דבר קטן כזה לא יסַכּנו את עצמם במלחמה קשה ונוראה, ואם גם ייעצו לעשות כדבר הרע הזה, לא יתנו אותם הפרתים להפיק רצונם, כי הם שוקדים מאד להכין את ברית המנוחה עם הרומאים, וכי יצא אחד העמים הנכנעים תחתיהם להלחם ברומאים, הלא תופר הברית הזאת. לא נשאר לכם רק לשים מהסכם בישועת אלהים, אולם הן גם הוא מחזק את ידי הרומאים, כי בלעדי עזרת אלהים לא היה לאל־ידם להקים ממשלה אדירה כזאת. השיבו אל לבכם, כי יקשה מכם למלא אחרי כל מצות האלהים כדת וכדין, גם אם תצאו למלחמה עם אויבים חלשים, — ולכן יהיה עליכם לעבור על החֻקים והמצוות, אשר בגללם אתם מצפים לישועת אלהים, ובדבר הזה תרגיזוהו עד הסתירו פניו מכם. הן אם תשמרו את חֻקי השבת ולא תעשו בה כל מלאכה, נפֹל תפלו בידי אויביכם על־נקלה, כאשר נפלו אבותיכם בידי פומפיוס בחזקו את עבודת המצור בימים אשר שבתו ממלחמה. ואם תאמרו לחלל את חֻקי התורה במלחמה, הן לא ישאר לכם דבר, אשר למענו תצאו למלחמה הזאת. הנה כל עמלכם ויגיעכם הוא לבל תעברו על מצוה קלה מתורת אבותיכם, ואיך תקראו לאלהים להלחם לכם, אם בזדון תעברו על חֻקי עבודתו. ואולם כל איש היוצא למלחמה בוטח באחת משתי אלה: בעזרת האדם או בישועת אלהים. ואם אבדה תקותו לשתיהן יחד, אינו יוצא לקרָב, רק בחפצו להסגיר את נפשו בידי אויביו. ומי מוחה בידכם להמית בידיכם את טפכם ונשיכם ולהעלות על המוקד את עיר תפארתכם? הלא בעשותכם מעשה־תעתועים כזה יהיה שכר לפעֻלתכם — כי תנצלו מחרפת המפלה לפני אויביכם. הן טוב ויפה הדבר, בהתכונן האניה לסערה העתידה עוד טרם תצא מן החוף, לבל תהיה פתאם לטרף לגלים ולא תרד תחתיות [בזעף הים]. ואמנם גם נאה לנו לרחם על נפש האיש אשר נפל בצרה פתאם בהסח הדעת, אולם הן לעג נלעֹג למִסת האנשים אשר הביאו שואה על נפשם בדעה צלולה. הנמצא בכם איש תמים, אשר יאמין בנפשו, כי הרומאים ילחמו בכם על־פי חוזה [שתעשו אתם], ובהיות ידם על העליונה יטו לכם חסד ולא ישרפו את עיר הקדש כמעשיהם בערי יתר העמים, ואף לא יכריתו את כל זרעכם? והן גם הנותרים בכם לא ימצאו מפלט, כי יד הרומאים מושלת בַּכֹּל ופחדם על־פני כֹל. ולא עליכם לבד תביאו רעה רבה, כי גם על היהודים היושבים בכל עיר ומדינה. הלא אין עם בעולם, אשר לא נדחו אליו פזורי אחיכם, ואם תקראו למלחמה, שחֹט ישחטו אויבינו את כֻּלם ובעון מזִמַּת אנשים מתי־מספר ישפך בכל עיר ועיר דם היהודים כמים, וכל שופכיו לא יאשמו. ואולם אם לא יֵעשה הדבר הזה (לא ישָׁפך דם היהודים) שום תשימו אל לבכם, כי דבר עוֶל עשיתם, בצאתכם למלחמה על אנשים ארכי־אפים אשר כאלה. ואם גם לא תעלה באזניכם צעקת נשיכם ובניכם, אנא חמלו על עיר אבותיכם זאת ועל האולמים הקדושים, חוסו על מקדשנו ושמרו על ההיכל עם קדשיו. כי לא יהיה מעצור לרוח הרומאים לעת תגבר ידם עליכם ולא יוסיפו לחמול על קדשינו, אחרי כפותכם טובתם. והנה אני מעיד בי את כל קדשיכם ואת מלאכי אלהים הקדושים ואת עיר אבותינו היקרה לנפשות כֻּלנו, כי לא מנעתי מכם דבר להצילכם מן הסכנה, ואתם הוָעצו בדבר, אם להחזיק בשלום, למען תהיה ידי עמכם — או ללכת אחרי אש קנאתכם ולסכן בעצמכם — ונפשי לא תבוא בסודכם״.",
+                    "ה. וככלות אגריפס את הדברים האלה זלגו עיניו דמעות וגם אחותו בכתה עמו, ובדמעותיהם עלה בידם לשַׁכּך את חמת העם. ההמון הרים קול, כי אין חפצו להִלחם ברומאים ורק בפלורוס לבד, אשר עשה לו רעה. ולדברים האלה ענה אגריפס: ״אולם במעשיכם הן כבר הקדשתם מלחמה על הרומאים, כי לא הוספתם לשלם את המס לקיסר וגם הרסתם את אולמי הבירה. ורק בזה תסירו מכם את אשמת המרד, כאשר תחדשו את האולמים ותשלמו את המס. כי לא פלורוס הוא בעל הבירה ולא לו אתם משלמים את המס״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים החלו להלחם ברומאים. על־דבר מנחם.</small><br><br>א. העם שמע לדברים האלה ועלה יחד עם המלך ועם ברניקי אל הר־הבית והחל לבנות את האולמים ההרוסים. וראשי העם ואנשי המועצה (הסנהדריה) נפוצו בכפרים לגבות את המסים, ובזמן קצר אספו ארבעים ככר, כמספר אשר נשאר עוד לשלם. ככה דחה אגריפס את סכנת המלחמה לזמן קצר, ונסה עוד הפעם לדַבּר על לב העם להכנע תחת פלורוס, עד אשר ישלח הקיסר נציב אחר במקומו. אולם לדברים האלה התרגז העם וחרף את המלך וגם שלח אליו, כי יעזוב את העיר, ואחדים מסוד המורדים נועזו גם להשליך בו אבנים. וכאשר נוכח המלך לראות, כי לא יעלה עוד בידו לבצור את רוח חפֵצי המרד, ונלאה לשאת את כל החרפות אשר נשפכו עליו, שלח את ראשי העם וגדוליו לקיסריה אל פלורוס, כי יבחר מהם אנשים לגבות את המסים בקרב הארץ, והוא שב אל ארץ מלכותו.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא נוסדו יחד אנשים, אשר חגרו את כל כחם לעורר את המלחמה, ומהרו אל המבצר הנקרא מִצָדָה (מַסַּדָּה) ולכדו אותו פתאם ושחטו את כל הרומאים אנשי־המצב והושיבו תמורתם במבצר את אנשי שלומם. בעוד הם עושים את הדבר הזה יצא בחור עז־פנים ושמו אלעזר, בן חנניה הכהן הגדול, והוא פקיד בבית־המקדש בעת ההיא, והסית את הכהנים המשרתים, לבל יקבלו זבחים מידי בני הנכר. והדבר הזה היה ראשית המלחמה ברומאים. כי בטלו היהודים במעשים האלה את קרבן הקיסר. ואף כי הרבו הכהנים הגדולים וחשובי העם לדבר על לבם, לבל יפרו את החֹק להקריב זבחים לשלום המושלים, לא שמעו האנשים לקולם, בבטחם בגֹדל המונם, כי גבורי הכֹּח מקהַל חפֵצי המרד חזקו את ידיהם, ועיניהם היו נשואות אל אלעזר העומד בראשם.",
+                    "ג. אז נאספו גדולי העם והכהנים הגדולים, ואִתּם גם חשובי הפרושים, להוָעץ יחד בדבר הסכנה, כי הגיעה הרעה עד מרום קצה. והם החליטו לנסות עוד הפעם לדבר על לב המורדים והקהילו את העם לפני שער הנחֹשת הפונה מחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית קדימה. ולראשונה הרבּו ליסר את הנאספים על עזות רוחם, כי מלאם לבם למרד ולהביא מלחמה נוראה בשערי עיר אבותיהם. ואחרי־כן הוכיחו אותם בדברים על טענותיהם הנבערות, ואמרו: ״הן אבותינו הִרבו לפאר את ההיכל במתנות בני הנכר וכל הימים היו מקבלים ברצון נדבות עמים זרים ולא עלה על לבם לבעט בזבחי איש ואיש — כי הדבר הזה הוא חטאה גדולה — ועוד הוסיפו לכבד את הנכרים, בהעמידם את מתנותיהם, אשר הקדישו לאלהים, בבית־המקדש סביב, ושם נשארו לעיני כֹל עד היום הזה. ואתם רוצים להוציא את חרב הרומאים מתערה ומבקשים תואנה להתגרות בהם מלחמה וגוזרים חֻקים חדשים בדבר קרבנות בני הנכר. ויחד עם סכנת המלחמה אתם מביאים חטאת על העיר, כי ישמע הדבר, אשר רק בקרב היהודים בלבד אסור לבן־הנכר להקריב לאלהים ולהתפלל אליו. ואִלו גזר אחד מכם חק כזה על אחד־העם (הדיוט), הלא קצוף קצבתם עליו, באמרכם כי הדבר הוא שנאת הבריות. ועתה אתם מחשים, כאשר הופרה ברית הרומאים והקיסר. אולם אנו יראים, פן ימָנעו האנשים, אשר בטלו את הזבחים לשלום הרומאים והקיסר, להקריב גם את זבחיהם הם, ופן תפר הממשלה גם את ברית עירנו, אם לא תחכמו לקחת מוסר ולהקריב את הזבחים מחדש ולהסיר את החרפה מעל ראש הרומאים בטרם יוָדע הדבר לנעלבים״.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה הביאו את הכהנים יודעי ימי הדורות הראשונים והם בארו לעם, כי אבותיו היו מקבלים תמיד את קרבנות הנכרים. אולם איש מחפצי המרד לא הטה אזנו לדבר. והכהנים המשרתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לֵיטוּרְגּוֹי, λειτουργοί. כן בהוצאה הישנה, לאמר, כהני המשמר. אך בהוצאת ניזה : לֵיסְטְרִיקוֹי, ληστριχοί, — השודדים.</i>, אשר העירו את סערת המלחמה, לא היו באותו מעמד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: לא שעו אל הדבר (לא קמו ולא זעו).</i>. וכראות טובי העם, כי לא יוכלו עוד לעצור את המרד וכי סערת הרומאים תחול על ראשם לראשונה, שקדו להסיר את האשמה מעליהם ושלחו צירים אל פלורוס ובראשם את שמעון בן חנניה, וצירים אחרים אל אגריפס, ובראשם את שאול ואנטיפס וקוֹסטוֹבַּר, קרובי בית־המלך. הם בקשו את פלורוס ואגריפס למהר עם צבאותיהם אל ירושלים ולהכניע את המורדים, בטרם יקשה הדבר מאד. כבשורת נחומים היה הדבר באזני פלורוס ובאמרו להפיח את אש המלחמה לא ענה את הצירים דבר. ואגריפס חמל על היהודים וגם על הרומאים, אשר עליהם הקדישו מלחמה, ורצה להציל לרומאים את השלום עם היהודים וליהודים את מקדשם ואת עיר תפארתם, בדעתו, כי גם לו לא תהיה המלחמה להועיל, ועל־כן שלח לעם ירושלים לעזרה שלשת אלפים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: שני אלפים.</i> רוכבים מארץ חורן והבשן וחבל ארגב תחת פקֻדת דריוש שר־הרוכבים ופיליפוס בן יקים שר־הצבא.",
+                    "ה. ובבוא הצבא הזה אל ירושלים החליפו טובי־העיר כֹּח ויחד עמם הכהנים הגדולים וכל אוהבי־השלום אשר בקרב העם, וכבשו את העיר העליונה. אולם בעיר התחתונה ובהר־הבית התחזקו המורדים, מבלי הרף נלחמו אלה ואלה באבנים ובמיני־קלע וכל העת עפו חצים משתי רוחות. ולפעמים יצאו גדודים קטנים להלחם פנים אל פנים. והמורדים הפליאו לעשות באֹמץ רוחם, אולם אנשי חיל המלך עלו עליהם בדעת הקרב וחגרו כח לכבוש את הר־הבית ולגרש ממנו את מחללי ההיכל, ולעֻמתם נִסו המורדים תחת פקֻדת אלעזר לתפוש בחֹזק־יד גם את העיר העליונה על חלקי העיר אשר נמצאו בידם. ושבעה ימים נלחמו ביניהם ברצח ואלה ואלה לא משו מחלקי העיר אשר לכדו.",
+                    "ו. והיום השמיני היה חג קרבן העצים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא יום חמשה־עשר באב.</i>, אשר בו נהג כל העם להביא עצים אל המזבח, לבל יחסר טרף לאש־התמיד ולא תכבה כל הימים. והמורדים לא נתנו לאנשי ריבם לקחת חלק בעבודת־אלהים. יחד עם בני העם החלשים נמשכו אל הר־הבית רבים מן הסיקריים — בשם הזה נקראו השודדים הנושאים חרבות קצרות תחת כנפי בגדיהם, ואותם ספחו המורדים אליהם והחליפו כח להשתער על שונאיהם, ואנשי צבא המלך נגפו לפניהם, כי נפלו מהם במספרם ובעֹז רוחם, ונלחצו לעזוב את העיר העליונה. והמורדים הבקיעו אותה ושרפו באש את בית חנניה הכהן הגדול ואת ארמונות אגריפס וברניקי, ואחרי־כן יצאו לשלח אש גם בבית גנזי הכתבים (הארכיונות), כי בקשו להשחית את שטרי־החובות לכל הלוים ולהשבית את גבית הכספים, ואמרו למשוך אחריהם את לבות האנשים הרבים השקועים בחובות ולקרא חֹפש לעניים, למען יתקוממו על העשירים. פקידי אוצר־הכתבים נמלטו לנפשם והמורדים הציתו אותו באש, ואחרי שרפם את המקום הזה, הוא עוֹרק העיר, יצאו להִלחם באויביהם. רבים מטובי העם ומהכהנים הגדולים ירדו אל המִנהרות והסתתרו שם ורבים ברחו יחד עם צבא המלך אל חצר המלך אשר מעל לעיר העליונה ומהרו לסגור בעדם את השערים, וביניהם היו גם חנניה הכהן הגדול וחזקיה אחיו והצירים אשר נשלחו אל אגריפס. וביום ההוא הרפו המורדים מהם, כי הסתפקו בנצחונם ובשרפה אשר שרפו.",
+                    "ז. אולם ביום המחרת, הוא יום חמשה־עשר לחדש לואוס (אב)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה צריך להיות כאן: ביום הששה עשר (ממחרת חג קרבן העצים).</i>, מהרו המורדים לעלות על הבירה (אנטוניה) ולשום מצור על אנשי־הצבא השומרים עליה. שני ימים צרו על הבירה וביום השלישי תפשו את האנשים והמיתום לפי חרב ואת המצודה שלחו באש. ואחרי זאת עלו להלחם בחצר המלך, אשר ברחו שמה אנשי חיל אגריפס, ונפרדו לארבעה ראשים ונִסו להבקיע אל החומה. ומקרב העומדים מבית לא ערב איש את נפשו לצאת ולהלחם בשער עם ההמון הגדול הקם עליהם, ועל־כן עמדו על הצוות והמגדלים וירו משם בצריהם ושודדים רבים נפלו חללים. והמלחמה לא שבתה לילה ויום, כי המורדים בטחו, אשר יוָאשו הנצורים מישועה, כאשר יאזל הלחם מכליהם, והנצורים קוו, כי ייעפו הצרים עליהם מכֹּבד המלחמה.",
+                    "ח. ובעת ההיא יצא איש אחד ושמו מנחם — והוא בן יהודה המכֻנה הגלילי, אשר היה חכם גדול<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״חכם (סוֹפִיסְטֶס) נורא מאד״. ועיין למעלה פרק ח, א. גם מנחם הוא חכם (סופיסטס), כמבֹאר להלן.</i> ויִסר בימי קויריניוס את היהודים, כי הם עובדים את הרומאים על־פני האלהים — ולקח עמו את רעיו ומיֻדעיו ועלה על מצדה ושם פתח בחֹזק־יד את בית־הנשק אשר למלך הורדוס והוציא משם את כלי־הנשק וחלק אותם לעם־הארץ ולשודדים אחרים ושׂם אותם לנושאי כליו ובראשם בא בשערי ירושלים והתיצב בראש המורדים לנהל את המצור. אך למורדים לא היו מכונות־מצור וגם לא יכלו לערות את יסודות החומה לעיני הנצורים היורים בהם, על־כן חתרו מרחוק תחת אשיות אחד המגדלים וסמכו אותם על קורות עץ ואחרי זאת הציתו את הקורות באש ועזבו את המקום ההוא. וכאשר היו הקורות למאכֹלת־אש, נפל המגדל תחתיו פתאם, אולם מבית לו נראתה חומה בנויה חדשה, כי הנצורים צפו מראש את מזמת המורדים, ואולי כבר התמוטט המגדל בעת אשר חתרו תחתיו, ועל־כן מהרו לבנות עליהם מצודה שניה. והצרים, אשר כבר אמרו בלבם, כי תפשו את האויבים בכפם, נבהלו למראה הזה, אשר בא בהסח הדעת. אבל הנצורים שלחו אל מנחם ואל יתר ראשי המרד לכרות אִתּם ברית ולצאת בשלום. והמורדים כרתו ברית לאנשי־צבא המלך וליהודים בלבד ונתנו להם לצאת בשלום וללכת לדרכם. ובמצודה נשארו רק הרומאים ורוחם נפלה בקרבם, כי לא עצרו כֹח לבקוע להם דרך בחֹזק־יד בקרב ההמון הגדול הזה ולחרפה היה בעיניהם להתחנן אל היהודים, כי יכרתו אִתּם ברית שלום, וגם לא האמינו בהם, כי יקַימו את הברית בכרתם אותה. על־כן עזבו את המחנה, אשר היה [לאל־ידם של השונאים] לכבשו על־נקלה, ונמלטו אל מגדלי ארמון המלך, הנקראים בשמות הִפִּיקוֹס, פצאל ומרים, ואנשי מנחם הבקיעו אל המקום, אשר ברחו ממנו אנשי־הצבא הרומאים, והמיתו את הנחשלים, אשר נפלו בידם, כי לא קדמו להמלט, ובזזו את כבוּדת הצבא ושרפו את המחנה באש. והמעשים האלה היו בששי לחדש גּוֹרְפִּיאַיוֹס (אלול).",
+                    "ט. ולמחרת היום נתפש הכהן הגדול חנניה, אשר הסתתר בצנור המים מסביב לחצר המלך, והומת בידי השודדים יחד עם חזקיה אחיו. והמורדים הקיפו את המגדלים ושמו עליהם משמר, לבל יברח משם אחד מאנשי־הצבא. ואחרי אשר כבש מנחם את המצודות והמית את חנניה הכהן הגדול רמו עיניו ואכזריותו גדלה מאד. הוא אמר בלבו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד לשטן לו בממשלתו, והיה לשליט עריץ, עד אשר קצר כח הרבים לשאת את עֻלו ואנשי אלעזר התקוממו על מנחם ונדברו איש אל רעהו: ״מה בצע, כי מרדנו ברומאים מאהבת הדרור אשר בלבנו, אם נפקיר את חרותנו לאיש מקרב אחינו ונשים אותו אדון לראשנו? הן גם מבלעדי מעשיו הרעים הוא נופל בגבורתו ממנו. ואם יֻטַּל עלינו להעמיד אדם בראש הממשלה, הנה תֵאות המשרה לכל אדם ולא לו״. הם נוסדו יחד והתנפלו עליו בעזרת בית־המקדש, כאשר עלה שם להתפלל לפני ה׳ כלול בהדרו בפאר בגדי מלכים ונהל אחריו את הקנאים המזֻינים. וכאשר רצו אליו אנשי אלעזר, נלוה אליהם גם יתר העם, בחרון אפו על מנחם, והוציא אבנים ורגם בהן את החכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עין בהערה הקודמת.</i>, כי האמין, אשר במות האיש הזה יבוא קץ לכל המרד. זמן קצר עמדו אנשי מנחם על נפשם, אולם בראותם, כי כל ההמון משתער עליהם, ברחו איש אל אשר יכול לברוח, והאנשים אשר נתפשו הֻכּו נפש והעם התחקה גם אחרי עקבות המתחבאים. רק מתי־מספר נפדו ממות בנוסם בסתר אל מצדה ואתּם יחד אלעזר בן יאיר, איש קרוב למשפחת מנחם, ואחרי־כן היה למושל במצדה. ומנחם ברח אל המקום הנקרא עֹפל, ושם הסתתר במֹרך לבו, עד אשר לכדו אותו אויביו והוציאוהו ממחבואו וענו אותו עד מות ביסורים קשים. וכדבר הזה נעשה גם לשרי־צבאו ולאבשלום, החשוב בכל עבדי העריץ.",
+                    "י. והנה כבר אמרתי, כי עזר העם לדָבר הזה, בהאמינו, כי בזה יונח לו מהמרד כֻּלו. אולם אנשי אלעזר לא המיתו את מנחם בשקדם לשים קץ למלחמה, כי־אם למען יוכלו להלחם ביתר שאת. ואף כי הִרבּה כל העם לבקש את המורדים, כי יחדלו ממצור אנשי־הצבא הרומאים, הכבידו עליהם את ידם ביתר שאת, עד אשר קצרה רוח אנשי מֶטִּילִיּוּס — כי הוא היה שר־הצבא לרומאים, — ושלחו אל אנשי אלעזר, לכרות להם ברית ולתת להם רק את נפשם לשלל, וחלף הדבר הזה אמרו להסגיר בידם את נשקם ואת יתר רכושם, והיהודים מהרו לשמוע לקול תחנוניהם ושלחו אליהם את גוֹרִיוֹן בן נִיקוֹמֵידֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתרגום הרומי: בן נִיקוֹדֶמוּס, והשם הזה מזכיר את נקדימון בן גוריון, הידוע לנו מן התלמוד.</i> ואת חנניה בן צדוק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: בן צדוקי.</i> ואת יהודה בן יונתן, לִכרות אתם ברית ולהשבע להם. ואחרי הִכּרת הברית ירד מטיליוס עם אנשי־צבאו. כל העת אשר חגרו עוד הרומאים את נשקם לא נגע בהם איש מן המורדים ולא גלה על מזמתו הרעה, אבל כאשר מסרו כלם את מגניהם וחרבותיהם, למַלא אחרי דברי הברית, ופנו לדרכם בטוחים מפחד רעה, התנפלו עליהם אנשי אלעזר והקיפו אותם מכל עבר והמיתו אותם; והרומאים לא עמדו על נפשם ולא בקשו מהם רחמים, ורק הזכירו אותם בקול רם את הברית ואת השבועה. ככה נשחטו כֻלם מלבד מטיליוס, כי לו לבד נתנו היהודים את נפשו לשלל, בהתחננו אליהם ובהבטיחו אותם להתיהד ולמול את בשר ערלתו. והנה האסון הזה במה נחשב לרומאים? — הלא מהמונם הרב והעצום נפקדו רק מתי־מספר. אולם בעיני היהודים נדמה הדבר לראשית המפלה. הם הכירו הפעם, כי אחרי הדברים האלה לא יוכלו עוד למלט נפשם ממלחמה ושמו אל לבם, כי עיר קדשם נטמאה בתועבה כזו, אשר לא תנקה במשפט אלהים, גם אם לא יקחו הרומאים מהם נקמה, ואֵבל גדול קם בקרב העם והעיר מלאה מבוכה. וכל אחד מאוהבי השלום הלך סר וזעף, בדעתו כי גם הוא ישא את עון המורדים, ומה גם כי נעשה הרצח ביום השבת, הוא יום מנוחה ליהודים, אשר בו הם עובדים את אלהיהם בקדֻשה ובמעשים טובים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צרות היהודים ומעשי הרצח בכל המקומות.</small><br><br>א. וביום ההוא ובשעה ההיא — כאִלו נעשה הדבר בגזרת אלהים — עשו בני קיסריה טבח גדול ביהודים היושבים אתם, עד כי נשחטו בשעה אחת עשרים אלף איש ויותר, והעיר קיסריה שממה מיושביה היהודים. כי גם את הפלטים תפש פלורוס והוליך אותם בנחֻשתים לעבודת פרך בספינות. ולשמע המגפה הגדולה, אשר היתה בקיסריה, התעבר כל העם מאד ופשט על כפרי הסורים ועריהם הקרובות להחריבם. היהודים התנפלו על רבת־עמון (פילדלפיה) ועל חשבון ועל גרש (גֶּרַסָּה) ועל פחל (פֶּלָּה) ועל בית־שאן (סְקִתּוֹפּוֹלִיס), ואחרי־כן גם על גדר (גַּדַּרָה) ועל סוסיתא (הִפּוֹס) ועל ערי ארץ הגולן והרסו אחדות מהן ואת שאריתן שרפו באש ומשם פנו אל קֶדֶשׁ (קַדַּסָּה) אשר לצורים ואל עכו (פְּטוֹלֶמַאִיס) ואל גבע ואל קיסריה לשלח בהן אש. וגם הערים סֶבַּסְטֵי (שמרון) ואשקלון לא יכלו לעמוד בפני היהודים, אשר הציתו אותן באש, ואחרי־כן הרסו את אַנְתִּידוֹן ואת עזה וכפרים רבים מסביב ושמו אותם לבז והכריתו את כל הגברים אשר נפלו בידם עד אין־מספר.",
+                    "ב. אבל גם הסורים המיתו המון רב מן היהודים, אשר לא נפל ממספר חלליהם הם, כי שחטו בעריהם את היהודים הנופלים בידם, ולא משנאה בלבד עשו את הדבר, כמעשיהם לפנים, כי־אם גם בבקשם לקדם את הסכנה העתידה. כי מהומה נוראה קמה בכל ארץ סוריה וכל עיר נחלקה לשני מחנות אויבים וכל מחנה חשב, כי רק בקדמו להכריע את משנהו ימצא רֶוח והצלה. ואחרי אשר הִרבו [הסורים] לשפוך דם ביום נדדה שנתם בלילה. כי גם אחרי הכחידם את כל היהודים היושבים בקרבם לא שקטו מאימת האנשים המתיהדים אשר בכל עיר ועיר, כי לא ערבו את לבם להמית את החשודים האלה אשר ביניהם וחרדו מהם כאלו היו יהודים מלֵדה. וגם האנשים, אשר נחשבו לרודפי שלום לפנים, נתעו הפעם באהבת בצעם לעשות טבח במריביהם, כי בזזו את רכוש הנרצחים באין פוצה פה ואספו את הבזה אל בתיהם כאסוף שלל הנופלים במלחמה. ושֵׁם האיש המרבה לאסוף שלל היה מהֻלל כשם גבור חיל, אשר נצח רבים. והערים היו מלאות פגרי אדם באין קובר, נבלות זקנים ועוללים וביניהן גם פגרי נשים ערֻמות כבעצם יום צאתן מבטן. וכל הנציבות (סוריה) מלאה תאניה ואניה, ונוראה ממעשי הרצח אשר בכל מקום ומקום היתה אימת השמועות הרעות על הדברים אשר עוד יעָשו.",
+                    "ג. עד העת ההיא היו קרבות ליהודים רק עם בני הנכר, אולם בהצותם על בית־שאן ראו בעיניהם, כי גם אחיהם היהודים נהפכו להם לאויבים. כי היהודים אשר בבית־שאן התיצבו במערכה יחד עם יושבי העיר [הנכרים] ובדרשם שלום לעירם לא זכרו ברית אחים ויצאו להלחם בבני־עמם. אולם אזרחי בית־שאן לא האמינו בנדיבות רוחם ופחדו מהם, פן יקומו עליהם בלילה מבית ויביאו עליהם שואה נוראה, למען יתרצו בדמם אל אחיהם, לכפר את עון בגדם, ועל־כן צוו [האזרחים הנכרים] על היהודים לרדת עם כל בני ביתם אל החֹרשה אשר בקרבת העיר, כי בזה יחזקו את ברית השלום אתם ויתנו מופת, כי נאמן לבם עם אנשים נכרים. היהודים מלאו אחרי הדבר בתם־לב ושני ימים ישבו בני בית־שאן במנוחה והוליכו את היהודים שולל, למען יאמינו לדבריהם. ובלילה השלישי תרו את מחנה היהודים וראו, כי לא שמו להם שומרים ורבים מהם נמו שנתם — ושחטו את כֻּלם במספר שלשה־עשר אלף איש ובזזו את כל רכושם.",
+                    "ד. נאה לזכור פה את הרעה אשר מצאה את שאול בן שמעון, אחד נשואי הפנים בעיר. הוא היה איש־מופת בכח בשרו ובעֹז־רוחו, ובשני אלה עשה רעות לאחיו בני עמו, כי יצא מדי יום ביומו אל השדה והמית רבים מהיהודים הצרים על בית־שאן, ויש אשר הניס את כלם והוא לבדו הכריע את הקרב כֻּלו. ועתה באה עת פקֻדתו, אשר יאתה לו על רצח אחיו. כאשר כתרו בני בית־שאן את היהודים בחֹרשה וירו בהם, הוציא האיש את חרבו מתערה, אך לא התנפל בה על שונאיו, כי ראה את המונם רב ועצום ממנו, רק צעק מעֹצר כאב לבו: ״אזרחי בית־שאן! אני מקבל מידכם את הגמול הנאה לי על מעשי, אחרי אשר נתתי לכם אות אהבה ואמונה בדם אחַי הרבים. עלינו לקדם בברכה את בגד הנכרים, כי הרבינו לפשוע ולחטֹא לאחינו. מות ארורים נמות, בטרפנו את נפשותינו בכפינו, כי לא לנו יאות לנפול בחרב שונאינו. והיה לי הדבר הזה לכפר על הדם אשר שפכתי ולתנות את מהלל גבורתי ולא יוכל איש מאויבי להתפאר, כי הכריעני בחרבו והריע למפלתי״ — וככלותו דבריו הביט בעיני חמלה וזעם יחד אל בני משפחתו מסביב, כי אשה ובנים היו לו וגם הורים באים בימים. הוא משך את אביו בשערות שיבתו ודקר אותו בחרבו, ואחרי זאת שחט את אמו, אשר קבלה את המות באהבה, ועל אלה המית את אשתו ובניו וכמעט נפל כל אחד על חרבו ברצון, כי כלם שקדו למות טרם ישחטום השונאים. וכאשר המית שאול את כל בני ביתו התיצב על החללים במקום רואים והרים את ימינו למעלה לעיני כֹל ושחט את עצמו, בתקעו בבשרו את החרב עד הנצב. ומי לא ינוד לעלם הזה עם חֹסן גופו ואֹמץ רוחו? אולם בצדק נשא את עונו חלף אמון לבו לבני־נכר.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי הרצח בבית־שאן קמו יושבי יתר הערים על היהודים אשר בקרבם. האשקלונים המיתו כאלפים וחמש מאות איש ויושבי עכו רצחו אלפים איש ושמו רבים במאסר, הצורים המיתו יהודים במספר גדול ורבים מהם אסרו בנחֻשתים והפקידו עליהם מִשמר. ויושבי סוסיתא וגדר עשו כמוהם והמיתו את היהודים עזי־הנפש בנחֻשתים ושמו משמר על החלשים. וככה עשו יושבי יתר ערי סוריה, כי אזרחי כל עיר ועיר שנאו את היהודים או יראו אותם. רק אזרחי אנטיוכיה וצידון ואפמֵיה חמלו על היהודים היושבים בקרבם ולא נתנו אותם למות וגם לא שמו עליהם מאסר, ואולי עשו זאת [הנכרים] יען אשר בטחו בגֹדל המונם ולא פחדו פן יקומו עליהם היהודים. אולם יותר מזה אני חושב, כי רחמו על האנשים, אשר לא הכירו בהם מחשבות מרד. גם בני גרש (גרסה) לא עשו רעה ליהודים היושבים בתוכם וגם שלחו עד הגבול את היהודים, אשר רצו לעזוב את עירם.",
+                    "ו. גם במלכות אגריפס קמו עלילות רעות על היהודים. בנסוע המלך לאנטיוכיה אל צסטיוס גלוס, עזב את ממשלתו בידי אחד מרעיו ושמו נואֵר, אשר היה קרוב למשפחת המלך שוהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שֹׁהַים (בנראה בערבית סֻהַיְם, ברומית Sohaemus) היה נסיך (טֶטרַרכוס) בחלק ארץ היטורים אשר בלבנון, ומת עוד בימי קלודיוס. ב״חיי יוסף״ פרק יא מבֹאר, כי נואֵר זה (שם נקרא ורוס) היה נכד שֹׁהַים, וכנראה נתן אגריפס כבוד לזכר המת ולא ענש את נכדו.</i>. והנה באו אליו מארץ הבשן אנשים, כשבעים במספר, והם הידועים והנבונים בכל טובי היהודים היושבים שם, ובקשו ממנו לתת להם אנשי־צבא, למען יהיה לאֵל־ידם לבצור את רוח הקושרים כאשר יפרוץ מרד בגבולם. ונוֹאר שלח אליהם בלילה אנשי־צבא מארמון המלך והמית את כּלם. הוא נועז לעשות את הדבר הזה, מבלי שאֹל את פי אגריפס, כי תאוַת בצעו היתה גדולה לאין־גבול והשיאה אותו לעולל דבר תועבה נוראה לאחיו ולהביא אשם על המלוכה. ועוד הוסיף לעשות רעה לעם בזדון לבו, עד אשר שמע אגריפס את הדבר, והוא לא מצא עֹז בנפשו להמית את האיש, בתתו כבוד לשוהים, אולם לקח מידו את המשרה, — והמורדים כבשו את המבצר הנקרא קפרוס, אשר ממעל ליריחו, ושחטו את חיל־המצב ואת המצודות החריבו עד היסוד. ובימים ההם קם גם המון היהודים היושבים במכור (מכירוס) ודרש מאת אנשי המצב הרומאים לעזוב את המבצר ולמסרו בידם, והרומאים יראו, פן ילקח המבצר מהם בחֹזק־יד, וכרתו עם היהודים ברית, כי יתנו להם לצאת לשלום, וכאשר נכרתה האמָנה, מסרו הרומאים את המבצר בידי היהודים, ובני מכור השתררו על המצודה ושמו בה חיל משמר.",
+                    "ז. ובעיר אלכסנדריה היה ריב בין היהודים ובין יושבי המקום כל הימים, למן העת אשר נשא אלכסנדרוס [הגדול] את פני היהודים המתנדבים לחזק את ידיו במלחמתו עם המצרים ונתן להם חלף אמון־לבם את הזכות לשבת בעיר ומשפט אחד עם היונים [האזרחים]. ובימי יורשיו (הדיֵדוכים) נשארה ליהודים הזכות הזאת, וגם חלקו להם המלכים מקום למשכן, למען יוכלו לשמור על חֻקי דתם ולא יתערבו בבני הנכר, ונוסף על זה נתנו להם רשות להִקרא בשם מקדונים. וכאשר כבשו הרומאים את הארץ הזאת, לא נתן ציזר הראשון, ואף לא אחד השליטים אשר קמו אחריו, לגרוע מזכיות היהודים, אשר נתן להם אלכסנדרוס. אולם הקטטות בין היהודים ובין היונים לא חדלו, וכאשר הוסיפו הנציבים לענוש יום־יום רבים משני העמים יחד, התלקחה אש המריבה ביתר־שאת. ובימים ההם, בפרוע פרעות ביהודים היושבים ביתר הארצות, עלתה הלהבה באלכסנדריה למרום, ופעם אחת קראו האזרחים לאספת־עם להוָעץ בדבר משלוח צירים אל נירון ויחד עם היונים נהרו אל האמפיתיאטרון גם יהודים רבים. וכראות אותם אנשי ריבם צעקו בקול גדול, כי שונאים באו אליהם לרַגל את צפוניהם, ואחרי זאת קפצו עליהם להרים בהם יד. רֹב היהודים נפוצו ונמלטו. אולם שלשה אנשים מהם נלכדו בידי היונים, אשר סחבו אותם לשרפם חיים, וכל היהודים התעוררו לנקום את נקמתם. לראשונה השליכו אבנים ביונים ואחרי־כן תפשו לפידים בידיהם ומהרו אל האמפיתיאטרון והגזימו על היונים, כי ישרפו את הבית על כל העם אשר בו. וכמעט מִלאו אחרי דברם, לולא בצר נציב העיר טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס את רוחם. לראשונה לא רצה ללמדם מוסר בחרב שלופה, ועל־כן שלח אליהם את האנשים נשואי־הפנים לבקשם, כי ישבתו מריב, פן יעירו עליהם את חמת צבא הרומאים. אולם הנרגנים אשר ביניהם דחו בשאט בנפש את עצת השלום וגם חרפו וגדפו את טבריוס.",
+                    "ח. ובראות טבריוס, כי מבלעדי עֹנש קשה לא ישקטו המורדים, שלח עליהם את שני לגיונות הרומאים אשר בעיר ויחד אתם חמשת אלפים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: שני אלפים.</i> אנשי־צבא, אשר באו אז מארץ לוב לשבר היהודים ולאסונם, ונתן להם רשות להמית את היהודים וגם לבֹז את רכושם ולשרוף את בתיהם. ואנשי־הצבא מהרו ללכת אל המקום הנקרא דלתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קצה יאור נילוס, שמראהו כדַלת עברית עתיקה, היא דלתא היונית.</i>, כי שם היתה שכונת־היהודים, ולמלא את פקֻדת הנציב. אולם הדבר לא עלה בידם בלי שפך דם. כי היהודים התחברו יחד לעמוד על נפשם, ואת המזֻינים אשר בקרבם שלחו לפניהם במערכה וזמן רב עצרו בעד הרומאים. אולם כאשר פנו עֹרף, נפלו חללים לאין־מספר. והמטבח היה נורא מכל עברים: אלה הומתו בשדה (בחוץ) בחרב אויביהם, ואלה נדחפו אל בתיהם ושם עלו על המוקד, כי שרפו הרומאים עליהם את הבתים אחרי הוציאם את כל שללם, ולא חמלו על עוללים ויונקים ולא בושו מפני שיבה, ובערו בחרב משכלת את כל העם מקטן ועד גדול, עד אשר נהפך כל המקום למצולת־דם ובה נערמו חמש רבבות חללים, וגם היהודים הנשארים היו עדי אובד, לולא שמו את פניהם לבקש רחמים על נפשם. ואלכסנדרוס (טִבּריוס) חמל עליהם וצוה את הרומאים להרפות מהם. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר היה מנהגם לשמוע לקול מצַוה, אספו את ידם לאות הראשון, אולם המון בני אלכסנדריה (הנכרים) לא יכול להשקט, כי גדלה שנאתו ליהודים, ורק בחֹזק־יד הפרידו אותם הרומאים מעל הפגרים.",
+                    "ט. זה היה דבר האסון אשר מצא את היהודים באלכסנדריה. וכראות צסטיוס, כי קמה מלחמה על היהודים בכל מקום, לא רצה עוד להתמהמה. הוא לקח עמו מאנטיוכיה את הלגיון השׁנים־עשר כֻּלו ואלפים אלפים איש בחור ליתר הלגיונות ועוד ששה גדודי (קוהורטות) רגלים וארבע להקות (אַלות) רוכבים, ומאנטיוכוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך קֻמחי, או קומנֵנֵי (עיין ספר ה, יא, ג)</i> לקח אלפים רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים, כֻּלם רובי קשת, וגם מאגריפס קבל חיל רגלים כמספר הזה וכאלפים רוכבים, ומלבד אלה נלוה אליו שהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אין זה שׁהים הנזכר למעלה, כי־אם בן עזיז מלך חמת (אֶמֶסְה).</i> עם ארבעת אלפים איש, שלישיתם רוכבים ושאריתם רובי קשת. ובראש הצבא הזה בא צסטיוס ושם נאספו אליו עוזרים רבים מן הערים, והם לא היו למודי מלחמה כאנשי־הצבא, אולם בתאות־הקרב וגם בעֹז שנאתם את היהודים מלאו את חסרון הלמודים האלה. וגם אגריפס בא אל צסטיוס, להראותו את הדרך ולנהל אותו בעצה טובה. צסטיוס לקח עמו חלק מצבאו ויצא להלחם על אחת מערי הגליל הבצורות ושמה זבלון (נ״א: חבולון — היא כבול), והיא גבול ארץ היהודים מול עכו. הוא מצא את העיר עזובה מאדם — כי נמלטו יושביה אל ההרים — ומלאה כל טוב. וצסטיוס צוה על אנשי־צבאו להוציא את שלל העיר ולשרוף אותה באש, אף כי השתומם ליפי העיר, אשר בתיה נבנו כדמות הבתים אשר בצור ובצידון ובבארות. ואחרי זאת פשט בכל הארץ ובזז את כל המקומות הקרובים ושלח את הכפרים מסביב באש ושב אל עכו. וכאשר נפוצו הסורים — ובראשם בני בארות — לתת את הארץ לבז, ערבו היהודים את לבם לצאת ממחבואם, בשמעם כי עזב צסטיוס את הארץ, והתנפלו פתאֹם על הצבא הנשאר שם והמיתו בו כאלפים איש.",
+                    "י. וצסטיוס יצא מעכו והלך אל קיסריה ואת חלק הצבא שלח לפניו אל עיר יפו וצוה עליו להציג מִשמר בעיר, אם יעלה בידו לכבשה פתאֹם, או לחכות עד אשר יעלה הוא עם כל חילו, אם יגלה דבר בואו ליושבי העיר. הצבא השלוח פשט על העיר משתי רוחות, החלק האחד בא מדרך היבשה והשני מדרך הים, ועל־כן נכבשה העיר על־נקלה ויושביה לא הספיקו להמלט וגם לא לעמוד על נפשם במערכה, כי מהרו הרומאים להתנפל עליהם והמיתו אותם לפי חרב עם הנשים והטף. ומספר ההרוגים היה שמונת אלפים וארבע מאות. גם אל מחוז נרבתא אשר בקרבת קיסריה שלח צסטיוס רוכבים רבים, אשר השחיתו את הארץ והכריתו חלק גדול מיושביה ובזזו את רכושם ואת הכפרים שלחו באש.",
+                    "יא. ואל הגליל שלח צסטיוס את צֵיסֶנִיּוּס גַלּוּס, מפקד הלגיון השנים־עשר, והפקיד בידו חיל רב במספר, כדי לבצור את רוח העם היושב בארץ. וצפורי הבצורה בכל ערי הגליל קדמה את פני צֵיסֶנִיּוּס בברכת שלום וגם יתר הערים עשו בעצתה הטובה ושקטו. וכל המורדים והשודדים אשר בגליל שׂרדו אל ההר, הנמצא בטבור הארץ והנשקף על־פני צפורי, הוא הנקרא הר עצמון. וגַלוס הוליך את חילו להלחם בהם. וכל העת אשר נמצאו המורדים במרום היה נקל להם לעמוד על נפשם בפני הרומאים העולים עליהם וגם המיתו מהם כמאתים איש. אולם כאשר סבבו הרומאים את ההר והגביהו לעמוד, כרעו המורדים לפניהם במהרה, כי לא היה להם נשק ולא עצרו כח לשאת את כֹּבד מלחמת אנשי־הצבא המזֻינים. ובדרך מנוסתם לא יכלו להסתתר מפני סוסי הרוכבים. רק מעטים נמלטו אל מקומות נשכחים מני רגל ואלפים איש ויותר נפלו חללים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי צסטיוס בארץ יהודה. הוא צר על ירושלים ועזב פתאם את המצור. התלאות אשר מצאוהו במנוסתו.</small><br><br>א. וכראות [ציסניוס] גַלוס, כי תמו המורדים מארץ הגליל, הפך עם צבאו אל קיסריה. וצסטיוס חִבּר את כל צבאותיו ועלה להצות על אנטיפטרס ובשמעו, כי במגדל (מצודה) אחד, הנקרא אֲפֵק, התלקטו היהודים בחיל גדול, שלח צבא שמה להִלחם. פחד הצבא הזה נפל על היהודים, והם נפוצו עוד טרם התראו אתו פנים. הרומאים מצאו את המחנה שומם מאדם ושלחו באש את הכפרים הקרובים. מאנטיפטרס עלה צסטיוס על לוד ותפש את העיר הריקה מאדם, כי כל העם עלו אל ירושלים לחֹג את חג הסכות ורק חמשים איש פגש שם צסטיוס והמית אותם בחרב ואת העיר שרף ונסע משם לעלות על ירושלים. הוא עבר דרך בית־חורון וחנה במקום אחד הנקרא גבע (או גבעה) במרחק חמשים ריס מירושלים.",
+                    "ב. וכראות היהודים, כי המלחמה הולכת וקרבה אל העיר הראשה (המטרופולין), עזבו את חגם ולקחו בידיהם כלי נשק, ובבטחם בהמונם הגדול הגיחו מן העיר בתרועת מלחמה בלי מערכה וסדר וגם לא שמו את לבם למנוחת השבת, אף כי נהגו תמיד לקדש את היום הזה בכל תֹּקף. אולם החֵמה העזה, אשר הסיחה את דעת היהודים מקדשי דתם, הוסיפה להם אֹמץ וגבורה למלחמה: הם התנפלו על הרומאים ברוח עצמה, עד אשר הבקיעו את מערכותיהם ופרצו בתוכם והרבו את חלליהם, ולולא מהרו הרוכבים לסובב את היהודים ולולא חש גם חלק הצבא, אשר לא נלאה עוד מכֹּבד המלחמה, לעזרה למערכת הרומאים השדודה, כי אז אבד כל צבא צסטיוס במלחמה. מקרב הרומאים נפלו חמש מאות וחמשה־עשר חללים ומהם כארבע מאות רגלים ושאריתם רוכבים. ומהיהודים נפלו בחרב רק עשרים ושנים איש. ויותר מכל היהודים הפליאו לעשות חיל שני קרובי מונבז מלך חדיב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מונבז היה בנה של הֶלֶני (הילני המלכה) ואחיו ויורשו של איזט מלך חדיב וכלם קבלו את דת ישראל וקנו להם נחלות ואחֻזת קבר בירושלים. וגם רבים מקרוביהם התישבו בירושלים ולקחו חלק במלחמת החֹפש.</i>, מונבז וכנדאי (קנדיאוס), ויחד עמם גם נִיגֶר איש עבר הירדן ושִׁילָא (סילס) הבבלי, אשר שרת לפנים במחנה המלך אגריפס ועבר אל היהודים. ואחר אשר נהדפו היהודים, הנלחמים עם הרומאים פנים אל פנים, ושבו אל העיר, התנפל שמעון בן גיורא בערף הרומאים, העולים בדרך בית־חורון, והפיץ חלק גדול מחיל המאסף ולקח ממנו הרבה בהמות־סבל והוביל אל ירושלים. שלשה ימים התמהמה צסטיוס בבית־חורון, והיהודים הספיקו לתפוש את ראשי ההרים ושמו משמר על מעברות הארץ והראו, כי לא ישבו בחבוק ידים, כאשר יחלו הרומאים להסיע את מחנם.",
+                    "ג. ואגריפס ראה, כי רעה נגד פני הרומאים מהמון השונאים הרב, אשר כבש את ארץ ההרים, ועל־כן נסה לבוא בדברים עם היהודים, אולי יצליח בידו לפתות את כֻּלם, כי יחדלו מהִלחם, או לסכסך את הנבערים אוהבי הריב בצריהם [רודפי השלום]. על־כן שלח אל יושבי ירושלים שני אנשים נשואי־פנים וידועים להם מאד, את בָּרקאי (בורקיוס) ואת פָיבּוֹס והבטיח אותם, כי יכרות צסטיוס ברית שלום עמם והרומאים יסלחו לכל פשעיהם, אם יפרקו את כלי נשקם מעליהם ויעברו אליהם. והמורדים יראו, פן יעבור כל העם אל אגריפס, בהאמינו כי יכֻפּר עונו, ועל־כן מהרו להמית את שליחיו. הם רצחו את פָיבּוֹס נפש עוד טרם פתח את פיו ובָרְקָאִי כֻסה בפצעים, אך הצליח להמלט. וכּאשר כעס כל העם [על מעשה התועבה הזה], התנפלו עליו המורדים והכוהו באבנים ובעצים וגרשו אותו אל תוך העיר.",
+                    "ד. בעצם המהומה הזאת, אשר קמה בקרב יושבי ירושלים, מצא לו צסטיוס שעת־הכֹּשר להתנפל על העיר והסיע שמה את כל צבאו ורדף אחרי היהודים הנסוגים מפניו עד שערי ירושלים ושׂם את מחנהו במקום הנקרא צופים (סקוֹפּוֹס) במרחק שבעה רִיסים מן העיר. שלשה ימים לא השתער על העיר, ואולי האמין, כי יסגירו אותה יושביה בידו, — ושלח אנשי־צבא רבים לבֹז את הכפרים אשר מסביב לירושלים, וביום הרביעי, הוא יום שלשים לחדש הִפֶּרבֶּטַּיְאוֹס (תשרי), הציג את הצבא במערכות מלחמה לעלות על העיר. אולם המורדים שמו עיניהם על העם היושב בעיר [לבל יפול אל הרומאים]. הם נבהלו למראה סדר מערכות־הרומאים ועזבו את חלקי העיר אשר מחוץ לחומה ונסוגו אחור אל תוך העיר ואל הר־הבית. וצסטיוס נסע אחריהם ושרף את חלק העיר הנקרא ביציתא (ביזיתא) וגם ״העיר החדשה״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנזכרה לעיל טו, ה. הם המגרשים בצפון ירושלים, שנבנו בימי החשמונאים והורדוס, כאשר התגדלה העיר, ובספר ה, יב, ד, יבֹאר, כי חלק העיר החדשה הזאת נקרא בשם ״העיר החדשה התחתונה״.</i> ואת המקום הנקרא ״שוק הקורות״ (שוק העצים) וחנה מול ארמון המלך. ולוּ רצה צסטיוס ביום ההוא להרעיש בחזקת־יד את חומות העיר, כי אז לכד את ירושלים מיד וגם שם קץ למלחמה, אולם ראש מחנהו טוּרַנִּיּוּס פְּרִיסְקוֹס ורֹב שרי הרוכבים אשר לו לקחו שֹׁחד מידי פלורוס ופתו אותו לבל ישתער על העיר. ובגלל הדבר הזה ארכה המלחמה מאד ונגזר על היהודים לשאת עוד צרות נוראות עד בוא הקץ.",
+                    "ה. ובעת ההיא נפתו רבים מטובי העם לדברי חנן בן יונתן וקראו את צסטיוס אל העיר ואמרו לפתוח לפניו את שעריה. אולם בגֹדל אפו לא שם לב לדברים האלה ולא האמין לאנשים האלה, עד אשר שמעו המורדים על־דבר הבגד וגרשו את חנן ואנשיו מעל החומה ודחפו אותם אל בתיהם וסקלו באבנים אחריהם. ואחרי־זאת עמדו בראשי המגדלים וירו משם בשונאים המעפילים לעלות. חמשה ימים נִסו הרומאים להרעיש את החומה מכל צד ולא יכלו להלחם עליה, וביום הששי לקח צסטיוס רבים מבחורי־צבאו ואת רובי הקשת והשתער על הר־הבית מרוח צפון והיהודים נלחמו בהם מן האולמים (האסתוניות) ופעמים רבות גרשו את האנשים אשר קרבו אל החומה, אך לאחרונה תקף עליהם המון החצים ואבני הקלע, עד אשר נסוגו אחור וירדו מעל החומה. כי אנשי צבא הרומאים העומדים ראשונה במערכה סמכו את מגניהם אל החומה ואחריהם הדביקו העומדים בשורה, השניה את מגניהם אל מגני הראשונים וכמוהם עשו גם יתר שורות הצבא, עד אשר הקימו את הסוכך, הנקרא בפיהם ״צָב״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית testudo.</i>, וממנו נרתעו כל חִצי־שונאיהם ואבני קלעם ושבו ריקם. ואנשי־הצבא יכלו הפעם לחתור תחת החומה, וכל רע לא אִנה להם, וגם התכוננו לשלח אש בשער הר־הבית.",
+                    "ו. פלצות נוראה אחזה את המורדים ורבים מהם מהרו לברוח מתוך העיר, בחשבם כי תפול במהרה בידי אויביהם. הדבר הזה היה למשיב נפש ליושבי ירושלים, וכאשר הוסיפו המורדים להמלט מעל החומה, כן הוסיפו אלה להתקרב אל השערים ואמרו לפתוח אותם ולקבל את פני צסטיוס כפני מושיע וגואל. ואלו האריך צסטיוס את המצור עוד זמן מצער, כי אז לכד את העיר חיש מהר. אך מאמין אני, כי בעונות הנבלים הסתיר אלהים את פניו גם ממקדשו, ועל־כן לא נתן כי יבוא קץ למלחמה ביום ההוא.",
+                    "ז. כי צסטיוס לא שם את לבו למפח־נפש הנצורים וגם לא למחשבת העם הטובה אליו ואסף אליו פתאם את אנשי־צבאו, ובלי פגע ומכה נואש מתקותו ונואל להסיע את מחנהו מן העיר. והשודדים, אשר לא חכו לדבר הזה, לבשו עֹז למראה מנוסת צסטיוס ורדפו אחרי המאסף אשר לרומאים והמיתו רבים מחיל הרוכבים והרגלים. ביום ההוא חנה צסטיוס במקום תחנותו הראשון, אשר בגבעת צופים, וביום המחרת עלה משם ובזה חִזּק את רוח שונאיו והם הצרו מאד את צעדי המאסף וגם התיצבו לשני עברי הדרך וירו על אגפי הצבא. והמאסף אשר לרומאים לא נועז להפנות את פניו מול שונאיו, אשר ירו בו מאחור, בחשבוֹ, כי אין קץ למספר רודפיו. וגם לא מצאו הרומאים כח לבצור את רוח המתנפלים עליהם משני עבריהם, כי היו עמוסים משא לעיֵפה ויראו פן ינתקו את שורות המערכה, ובעיניהם ראו את היהודים, כי אין סבל ומשא על שכמיהם והם קלים במרוצתם. לכן נטלו עליהם לסבול צרות רבות, מבלי יכֹלת לשלם גמול לשונאיהם. לכל אֹרך־הדרך נגפו הרומאים ורבים נפלו שדודים מתוך מערכותיהם ובמספר ההרוגים העצומים היו גם פְּרִיסְקוּס מפקד הלגיון הששי ולוֹנְגִּינוּס שר־האלף ושר להקת הרוכבים האֵימִילִית ושמו יוּקוּנְדוּס. בדי עמל הגיעו הרומאים אל מקום מחנם לפנים אשר בגבע, ורבים מאנשי־הצבא השליכו בדרכם את כל הנשק מעליהם, בגבע התמהמה צסטיוס שני ימים והיה כאובד עצות וביום השלישי ראה, כי עָצמו שונאיו וכל המקומות מסביב מלאים יהודים, והבין כי לרעתו התמהמה במקום הזה ואם יחכה עוד מעט יִוָּספו רבים על שונאיו.",
+                    "ח. למען החיש את מנוסת הצבא צוה צסטיוס להשליך את כל הדברים אשר הם לטֹרח בדרך מסעו. על־כן המיתו הרומאים את כל הפרדים והחמורים ובהמות־המשא, מלבד הבהמה הנושאה את כלי־הקלע ומכונות המלחמה, כי בכלים האלה החזיקו לגֹדל ערכם, ומה גם כי פחדו, פן יפלו בידי היהודים, אשר יהפכו אותם מול פניהם, — ואחרי־כן הוליך אותם צסטיוס אל בית־חורון. והיהודים לא הִרבו להציק להם בארץ המישור, אך כאשר נדחקו הרומאים אל בקעה צרה במורד ההר, קדמו היהודים אותם: אלה סגרו עליהם את מוצא הבקעה, ואלה רדפו אחריהם ולחצו אותם אל תוך הבקעה. וכל ההמון הגדול התיצב במרום ההר התלול אשר ממעל למסלה וכסה את מערכות הרומאים בברד חצים ואבני־קלע. גם הרגלים נבוכו ולא מצאו תחבולה לעמוד על נפשם. והרוכבים נמצאו עוד בצרה נוראה מהם, כי נבצר מהם ללכת לדרכם בסדר תחת מטר אבני־הקלע וגם לא יכלו לעלות בסוסיהם על צוקי הסלעים ולהדוף את שונאיהם. ומן העבר השני נמצאו תהומות ופחתים, אשר נפלו שמה הרומאים, כאשר מעדו רגליהם, ומנוס אבד מהם ואפסה כל תקוה לעמוד על נפשם. ומגֹדל צרתם הרימו קול זעקת שבר ויללת נואשים. ולקול נאקתם ענו היהודים קול ענות גבורה ותרועת נצחונם, בחַזְּקם איש את אחיו. וכמעט השמידו היהודים את כל חיל צסטיוס, לולא כִּסה עליהם הלילה, ובחשׁך הספיקו הרומאים להמלט אל בית־חורון. והיהודים חנו עליהם מסביב ושמרו על מוצאי הבקעה.",
+                    "ט. וצסטיוס נוכח לראות, כי לא יוכל לצאת משם לדרכו ביד רמה ובקש תחבולה לברוח מפני האויב [במסתרים]. הוא בחר מן הצבא כארבע מאות אנשים אמיצי־לב והציג אותם על החֵל [אשר לפני מחנהו] וצוה עליהם להרים על נס את דגלי משמרת המחנה, למען יתעו היהודים להאמין, כי שם נמצא כל הצבא. והוא לקח עמו את שארית הצבא במסתרים והקדים ללכת דרך שלשים ריס. לאור הבֹּקר הכירו היהודים, כי מקום המחנה ריק, והתנפלו על ארבע מאות האנשים, אשר הוליכו אותם שולל, והמיתו אותם בחציהם במהרה ורדפו אחרי צסטיוס. אולם הוא הספיק בלילה להקדימם מהלך רב וביום החיש את מנוסתו, ומרב בהלה ופחד השליכו אנשי־הצבא בדרך את מכונות־הרעש (אילי הברזל) ואת הבליסטראות ואת יתר מכונות המלחמה, והיהודים לקחו אותן לשלל ואחרי־כן נלחמו בהן עם הרומאים. היהודים רדפו אחרי הרומאים עד אנטיפטרס וכאשר לא הדביקו אותם במקום ההוא נטו מעליהם ואספו את מכונות־המלחמה ופשטו את החללים וקבצו את יתר השלל ומהרו לשוב אל ירושלים בקול תרועה. כי מהיהודים נפלו רק חללים מתי מספר ומהרומאים עם עוזריהם יחד מתו כחמשת אלפים ושלש מאות רגלים ושלש מאות ושמונים רוכבים. הדברים האלה נעשו בשמיני לחֹדש דיוס (מרחשון), שנת שתים־עשרה לממשלת נירון."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צסטיוס שלח צירים אל נירון. יושבי דמשק הרגו את היהודים אשר בתוכם. בני־ירושלים חדלו לרדוף אחרי צסטיוס ושבו לעירם והתכוננו למלחמה והקימו שרי־צבא רבּים וביניהם את כותב הספר. מקצת מעשי יוסף בגליל.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי האסון אשר קרה את צסטיוס עזבו רבים מנכבדי היהודים את העיר, אשר דמתה לאניה טובעת בים. גם האחים קוֹסְטוֹבַּרוֹס ושאול יחד עם פיליפוס בן יקים, שהיה ראש־מחנה לאגריפס המלך, נמלטו מתוך העיר ובאו אל צסטיוס. רק אנטיפס, אשר היה לפנים אתם יחד בחצר המלך במצור, מאן לעזוב את העיר בימים ההם, ואחרי־כן נהרג בידי המורדים, ואת דבר מותו נספר [למטה]. צסטיוס שלח את שאול ואת האנשים אשר עמו לארץ אֲכֵיָה אל נירון, לספר לו על־דבר מצוקתם ולשים את אשמת המלחמה בראש פלורוס, ובטח, כי יקל לו מהסכנה, העתידה לו, כאשר יעיר הקיסר את כל חמתו על האיש הזה.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא שמעו יושבי דמשק על מגפת הרומאים והתעוררו להמית את היהודים היושבים בקרבם. עוד לפני הימים ההם חשדו אזרחי העיר ביהודים ואספו אותם אל הגמנסיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בית־הלמוד למשחקים שונים (התאבקות באגרופים, בחרבות ועוד).</i> ושמו עליהם משמר, ועל־כן היה נקל להם לבצע את מזמתם, אולם הם פחדו מפני נשיהם, אשר כֻּלן — מלבד נשים אחדות — דבקו בדת היהודים, — ועל־כן שקדו בכל עז להסתיר מהן את הדבר. הם התנפלו על היהודים, אשר ישבו צפופים במקום צר ולא היו מזינים, ושחטו את כֻּלם בשעה אחת במספר עשרת אלפים וחמש מאות נפש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: עשרת אלפים איש.</i>, ואיש לא מחה בידם.",
+                    "ג. ובשוב היהודים הרודפים אחרי צסטיוס אל ירושלים, משכו אליהם את אחיהם, אשר עוד היו נאמנים בברית הרומאים, את אלה בחֹזק־יד ואת אלה בדברי רצון, והתאספו כֻלם בהר־הבית והקימו שרי־צבא רבים לפַקד במלחמה. יוסף בן גוריון והכהן הגדול חנן נבחרו לראשי השליטים בכל העיר ונטלו עליהם לחזק את חומת ירושלים. ואת אלעזר בן שמעון, אשר בידו היו כל בזת הרומאים והכסף שלקחו היהודים מצסטיוס וגם כסף רב מאוצר העם, לא שמו היהודים בראש הממשלה, בראותם כי היה יהיה למושל עריץ בעזרת הקנאים הנלוים אליו, נושאי כליו. אולם כעבור זמן־מצער אזל הכסף מאוצר הצבור והפעם הצליח בידי אלעזר לצודד את העם בכשפיו, עד אשר נכנע תחת שלטונו.",
+                    "ד. ועל ארץ אדום נתנו היהודים שני שרי־צבא, האחד יהושע בן צפא (סַפְּפַס), מן הכהנים הגדולים, והשני אלעזר בן הכהן הגדול חנניה. ועל ניגר, ראש ארץ אדום בימים ההם, אשר היה מילידי ארץ עבר־הירדן (פֶרַיָּה) ונקרא על שמה ״איש עבר־הירדן״ (איש פֶרַיָּה), צוו להִכּנע תחת שני שרי־הצבא האלה. וגם מיתר חלקי הארץ לא הסיחו את דעתם: אל יריחו נשלח יוסף בן שמעון לשר־צבא, ואל עבר־הירדן — מנשה, ואל מחוז תמנה (תמנתה) נשלח יוחנן האֵסי וגם לוד ויפו ואמאוס נפלו בחלקו. ולמפַקד בחבל גופנא ועקרבים (עקרבתא) הוקם יוחנן בן חנניה, ועל שתי ארצות הגליל — יוסף בן מתתיה ועל גבול שלטונו נחשבה גם גמלא הבצורה בכל ערי הארץ הזאת.",
+                    "ה. וכל אחד משרי־הצבא משל במדינה, אשר הפקד עליה, כפי נדבת רוחו וכפי כח תבונתו. ויוסף, אחרי בואו אל ארץ הגליל, בקש למצֹא חן בעיני כל יושבי הארץ, בדעתו כי בדבר הזה יצליח לעשות טובה רבה, אם גם ישגה ביתר הדברים. הוא ראה, כי ימשוך אליו את לב טובי הארץ בתתו להם חלק בשלטון, ואת לב כל העם — בשימו עליו אנשים ידועים ונבונים מילידי הארץ, על־כן בחר לו שבעים אנשים חכמים מזקני העם ושם אותם למושלים בכל ארץ הגליל. ובכל עיר ועיר שׂם שבעה שופטים, להביא אליהם כל דבַר ריב קטן, אולם את הדבר הקשה ואת דיני הנפשות צוה לשלוח אליו ואל שבעים הזקנים אשר עמו.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי אשר שׂם יוסף משפטי צדק בכל עיר ועיר מבית, שׂם את פניו לחַזק את הארץ. ובדעתו, כי הרומאים יעלו על ארץ ישראל דרך הגליל, בִּצּר את כל משגבי הארץ, את יודפת (יוטפטי) ואת באר־שבע ואת צלמין (סֵלַמֵּין) ואת כפר־איכו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Καφαρεχώ. כנראה משֻׁבּש.</i> ואת יָפָה ואת סיגף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בחיי יוסף פרק לז: סִיגוֹי — משֻׁבּש. ואולי זה משרש שָׂגב.</i> ואת ההר הנקרא תבור (אִיטַבִּירִיּוֹן) ואת טַרִיכֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיין ספר א, ח, ט בהערה.</i> ואת טבריה, ומלבד אלה בנה חומות על המערות אשר מסביב לים כנרת בחלק הארץ הנקרא הגליל התחתון, ובגליל העליון בנה את המקום הנקרא סלע עַכְבָּרָה ואת צפת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: סֶפְּף.</i> ואת ימנית (או יבנית) ואת מֵרון, ובארץ הגולן את סיליקיה ואת סגנה (סוגני) ואת גמלא. רק לבני צפורי בלבד נתן יוסף לבנות את חומות העיר על דעת עצמם, בראותו כי הם עשירים בכסף ונכונים למלחמה גם באין מְצַוֶּה עליהם. וככה בנה גם יוחנן בן לוי בעצמו את חומת גוש־חלב במצות יוסף. לעמת־זאת טרח יוסף בבנין יתר המצודות, כי בא אל כל מקום ונצח על העבודה, הוא אסף בארץ הגליל חיל רב, אשר עלה במספרו על עשר רבבות (מאה אלף) אנשים צעירים. ולכֻלם חלק כלי־נשק ישנים, כאשר מצאה ידו לאסוף, וְזִיֵּן אותם.",
+                    "ז. ויוסף ראה, כי כח הרומאים הגדול, אשר לא יעמוד איש בפניו, יסודו במשמעת הטובה ובשנוני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מה שאנו קוראים ״תרגילים״.</i> המלחמה אשר להם. אמנם מדחק השעה לא יכול יוסף ללמד את אנשיו [את מלאכת המלחמה], אולם בהכירו, כי משמעת הצבא תלויה במספר הפקידים הרב, סדר את הצבא כדרך הרומאים ושם עליו שרי־צבא רבים. הוא חלק את אנשי־צבאו לקבוצים שונים, ובראשם העמיד את שרי־העשרות ועליהם שרי־מאות וממעלה להם שרי־אלפים, ועל כֻּלם הקים מפקדים, לעמוד בראש חילות גדולים. הוא לִמד אותם את הדרך למסור את סִמני הפקֻדה (בעת מלחמה), ואת אותות החצוצרות, להסיע את המחנה או לאסוף את הצבא, ואת מעשי אגפי המערכה בעלותם על האויב או בהקיפם אותו, וגם הורה אותם, באיזו דרך יטה האגף המנצח במלחמה לבוא לעזרת האגף הנִּגף במערכה, ואיך יחזקו אנשי־הצבא איש את אחיו לשאת את כֹּבד המלחמה. ותמיד הראה אותם, מה הם הדברים המחזקים את אֹמץ־הרוח ואת כּח הגוף. וביותר הִקנה להם את הליכות המלחמה, בבארו לפניהם את טכסיסי הרומאים בכל פרטיהם ובהזכירו אותם, כי נטלו עליהם להלחם בגבורי החיל, אשר בחֹזק־גופם ועֹצם־רוחם כבשו את כל עולם הישוב כמעט. הוא אמר להם, כי ינסו את כח משמעתם במלחמה עוד לפני צאתם לקרב ויראו אם יעצרו כח לחדול מדרכיהם הרעים, אשר הסכינו בהם, מדרכי הגנבה והגזל והעֹשק, ולא יוסיפו להונות את אחיהם ולא יבקשו שכר לעצמם בנזק האנשים הקרובים אליהם. כי סִמן טוב הוא לגורל המלחמות, אם כל אנשי הצבא היוצאים בהן נלחמים בלב טהור וישר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסף משתמש במֻשג הנמצא בשפות האריות והוא חסר בשפות השמיות, ועכשו נהגו לתרגם אותו עברית: ״תודעה״ (טובה או רעה).</i>, ולבני הבליעל מלחמה לא באויביהם בלבד, כי־אם גם באלהים.",
+                    "ח. ככה הרבה יוסף לדבר על לב אנשיו כל הימים. ומספר העם, אשר נאסף אליו והיה מוכן למערכה, עלה עד ששים אלף רגלים ושלש מאות וחמשים רוכבים, ומלבד אלה היו לו ארבעת אלפים וחמש מאות שכירי מלחמה, אשר הִרבּה לבטוח בהם. ושש מאות בחורי חיל היו שומרים לראשו. ועל־נקלה כלכלו הערים את כל אנשי־הצבא האלה, זולת השכירים, כי כל עיר ועיר שלחה את חצי אנשי־החיל לעבודת הצבא ואת המחצית השניה — להמציא להם את לחמם וכל צרכיהם. ככה נחלק העם: אלה חגרו כלי־נשק, ואלה יצאו לעבוד בכל מלאכה. ואנשי המלחמה שלמו לאחיהם על הלחם, אשר נתנו להם, בסוככם עליהם מכל צרה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יוחנן איש גוש־חלב ונכליו ומעשי יוסף להפר את מזמותיו. יוסף השיב אליו ערים אחדות, שמרדו בו.</small><br><br>א. ככה הוציא והביא יוסף את יושבי הגליל, אך איש־מזמות מעיר גוש־חלב ושמו יוחנן בן לוי קם לו לשטן. הוא היה ערום ונוכל מכל אנשי הבליעל, אשר קנו להם שם במעשי נבלה כאלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דברי המקור נשמעים לשני פנים. ויש מי שתרגם: ״הוא היה ערום ונוֹכל מכל אנשי־השם (גדולי הארץ, נשואי הפנים) במעשי הנבלה האלה״, כלומר, מיתר גדולי הגליל אנשי־ריבו של יוסף (יוסטוס, יהושע בן צפיא ועוד).</i>. לראשונה היה יוחנן איש עני וימים רבים היה חֹסר־הכסף לשטן למזמות רשעו. הוא היה משכיל על־דבר שקר והבין לשים את חותם האמת על כזביו, והתרמית נחשבה בעיניו למדה טובה, ובה נהג גם בהליכותיו עם אוהביו היקרים. הוא ידע להתחפש כאיש אוהב הבריות, אולם למען בצעו נקל היה לו לשפוך דם אדם כמים, ותמיד בקש גדולות לנפשו, ולמען השיג את משאת־נפשו עולל מעשי רשע נבזים. לפנים היה שודד יחידי, ואחרי־כן מצא לו חבר־משחיתים, אשר לא היו רבים במספרם בתחלה, אך גדלו ועצמו מיום ליום, ועינו היתה פקוחה, לבל יבוא בסודו איש, אשר יתָּפש בכף על־נקלה, ורק אנשים חזקים בכח גופם ואמיצי־רוח ויודעי־מלחמה אסף אליו, עד אשר התלקטו אליו ארבע מאות איש, ורֻבּם פליטי ארץ הצורים והכפרים אשר בה, ובראש האנשים האלה מִלא את כל הגליל חמס ונתן את פחדו על הרבים, אשר חכו באימה למלחמה הבאה.",
+                    "ב. יוחנן בקש להיות שר־צבא (בגליל) ועוד הלך בגדולות מאלה, אולם מחסור הכסף לא נתן לו להפיק את מזמתו. ובראותו, כי יוסף אוהב אותו מאד על כשרון מעשהו, דבר על לבו למלא את ידו לבנות את חומת עירו, ובדבר הזה אסף כסף רב, אשר נגשׂ את העשירים, ואחרי זאת חבל עצת ערומים: בדעתו, כי כל היהודים היושבים בסוריה נזהרים מן השמן אשר לא נעשה בידי אחיהם, קבל רשות [מיוסף] לשלוח אליהם שמן אל הגבול. הוא שלם במטבע הצורים, אשר מחירו ארבעה [דרכמונים] אַתּיקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בכסף של אַתִּיקי.</i> לכל ארבעה הינים ומכר במחיר זה חצי ההין, והנה ארץ הגליל היא ארץ זבת שמן, והשנה ההיא היתה שנת ברכה ויוחנן לבדו שלח שמן רב אל המקומות אשר היה שם מחסור, ועל־כן אסף לו כסף רב עד לאין־מִספּר. ומיד פזר מכספו לרעת האיש, אשר נתן לו לשלוח את ידיו בסחורה. הוא חשב, כי בהורידו את יוסף ממשמרתו יעלה בידו להשתרר על ארץ הגליל, ועל־כן צוה את השודדים אשר עמו להרבות מעשי חמס ושֹׁד, למען תרבה השערורה בקרב הארץ, ואז יוכל להתנפל מן המארב על ראש הגליל בצאתו לעזרת הסובלים ולהכותו נפש, או להבאיש את ריחו בעיני יושבי הארץ, אם לא ישים את לבו למעשי השודדים. ואחרי־כן הפיץ ממרחק את השמועה, כי יוסף אומר למסור את הארץ בידי הרומאים. ועוד עלילות רבות עשה, להוריד את האיש מגדֻלתו.",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם יצאו צעירים אחדים בני כפר דבתרתה (דַּבַּרִתָּה), מן הצופים אשר הציג יוסף בעמק הגדול (בעמק יזרעאל), ושמו אורב לתלמי, נאמן בית אגריפס וברניקי, וגזלו ממנו את כל הכבודה, אשר הוליך עמו, ובה היו בגדים יקרים למכביר וגביעי כסף רבים ושש מאות זהב. הם לא יכלו לחלק את הגזלה ביניהם בסתר והביאו את כל השלל ליוסף אל טריכי. הוא הוכיח אותם על מעשה החמס שעשו לאנשי המלך והניח את כל השלל בידי חנני, הנכבד בכל יושבי טריכי, ואמר בלבו להשיב את הגזלה לבעליה בשעת הכֹּשר. אולם הדבר הזה הביא על יוסף רעה גדולה. כי כאשר נוכחו החומסים לדעת, כי לא יקבלו חלק מן המלקוח, קצפו על יוסף מאד, וגם הבינו את מחשבתו, להשיב את יגיע כפיהם למלכים, להתרצות אליהם. על־כן ברחו החומסים בלילה אל הכפרים והודיעו את כל יושביהם, כי בגד יוסף בהם. והמהומה הקיפה גם את הערים הקרובות ולפנות בֹקר באו במרוצה כעשר רבבות אנשים מזֻינים אל טריכי להִנקם ביוסף. וההמון הגדול הזה נאסף במקום מרוץ הסוסים (האִפּוֹדְרוֹמִין), אשר בטריכי, והרים קול צעקה בחרי־אף: אלה צעקו להוריד את יוסף ממשרתו ואלה דרשו לשרוף את הבוגד באש. ואת חמת ההמון חזקו עוד יוחנן (בן לוי) ואיש אחד ושמו יהושע בן צפיא (סַפְּפִיס), ראש העיר טבריה בימים ההם. ואוהבי יוסף ושומרי ראשו נבהלו מחמת ההמון ונמלטו כלם אל נפשם, מלבד ארבעה אנשים. יוסף ישן עוד שנתו ונֵעור כאשר נגשו האנשים לשלוח אש בבית. וארבעת עבדיו הנאמנים יעצו אותו לברוֹח. אולם יוסף לא שׂם את לבו לדבר אשר נשאר עזוב באין מֵגֵן עליו וגם לא ירא את המון הקושרים הרבים. הוא קרע את בגדיו ושׂם אפר על ראשו והטה את ידיו לאחור וקשר את חרבו מגבו וקפץ אל ההמון. ולמראה הדבר הזה חמלו עליו קרוביו ואוהביו ואנשי טריכי יותר מכלם. ואולם האנשים אשר באו מחוץ לעיר וגם האנשים הקרובים, אשר לא יכלו לשאת את יוסף, הוסיפו לקלל אותו ודרשו ממנו להוציא אליהם כרגע את כסף הצבור ולהודות על הברית אשר כרת [עם שונאיהם] בבגד. כי בהביטם אל מראה יוסף האמינו, שלא יכחש בדברים אשר נחשד בהם, אחרי אשר עשה את הדבר לעורר רחמיהם, למען יסלחו לחטאתו. אולם באמת השפיל יוסף את עצמו בתחבולה, כי התחכם לסכסך את המתעברים בו איש באחיו למען הדבר אשר העלה את חרון אפם. הוא הבטיח אותם להודות על כל מעשיו, וכאשר נתנו לו האנשים לדבר, קרא אליהם: ״את הכסף הזה לא רציתי לשלוח אל אגריפס וגם לא אמרתי למצֹא בו חפץ לנפשי, כי לא יכֹלתי לחשוב את איש־ריבכם לאהוב־נפשי ואת נזק הכלל — לשכר לעצמי. למענכם עשיתי זאת, בני טריכי, בראותי כי אין לעירכם כל משגב ומחסה, על־כן אמרתי להוציא את הכסף הזה למבנה חומותיכם. ואמנם יראתי את יושבי טבריה ואת בני יתר הערים, פן ילטשו את עיניהם אל השלל, ובחרתי להסתיר אצלי את האוצר, למען אוכל לבנות את החומה. ואם לא ימצא הדבר חן בעיניכם, הוצא אוציא אליכם את הכסף המובא ואתן לכם לבז. והנה אני יעצתי טוב עליכם — ואתם צאו ועשו שפטים בשוחר טובתכם!״",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה הריעו יושבי טריכי לקראת יוסף בקול ברכה, אולם בני טבריה ויתר הערים החלו לחרף אותם ולבַעֲתָם. אלה ואלה עזבו את יוסף לנפשו ורבו ביניהם. ויוסף התחזק עתה ברבות אנשי שלומו, כי מספר בני טריכי היה כארבעים אלף, והוא פנה אל כל הנאספים לדַבּר עמם כאשר עם לבבו, ויִסר אותם בדברים קשים על פחזותם והבטיח אותם, כי בכסף הנמצא יבנה את חומת טריכי וגם ישים את לבבו להמציא חסות ליתר הערים, כי לא יחסר כסף, אם תהיה עצת שלום ביניהם בדבר הוצאת הכסף, ולא ירגזו באיש המוצא להם מקור לכסף.",
+                    "ה. וככה סבב יוסף את האנשים בכחש, ורֹב ההמון שב לביתו, אף כי היה סר וזעף. רק אלפים אנשים חגורי חרב אמרו להתנפל על יוסף, אולם הוא מהר להמלט אל ביתו, והם סבבו את הבית בדברי־אימים. נגד האנשים האלה חבל יוסף עצת מרמה חדשה. הוא עלה על גג ביתו והשקיט את השאון בתנופת יד ימינו וקרא אל האנשים, כי אינו מבין מה הם דורשים ממנו, כי בתוך הקולות והשאון אינו יכול לשמוע דבר, אולם הוא נכון למלא את כל משאלותיהם, אם ישלחו לו אנשים נבחרים אל הבית פנימה, לדבר עמו במנוחה. לשמע הדבר הזה באו אל הבית טובי האנשים וראשיהם. והוא משך אותם אל קרן פנת הבית ואחרי־כן צוה לסגור את שער החצר ולדוש את בשרם בשוטים, עד אשר נחשפו מעיהם. וההמון עמד מסביב וחשב, כי האריכו האנשים הבאים אל הבית בדברי עצומותיהם. ופתאם צוה יוסף לפתוח את שערי החצר ולהוציא משם את האנשים הטובלים בדמם. ולדבר הזה נבהלו האנשים הנותנים עליו את פחדם והשליכו מעליהם את נשקם ונמלטו על נפשם.",
+                    "ו. אחרי הדברים האלה גדלה עוד קנאת יוחנן והוא טמן עוד הפעם פח לרגלי יוסף. הוא התחפש כאיש חולה ובקש את יוסף במכתב לתת לו להתרפא במימי טבריה. ויוסף לא הבין את מחשבתו הרעה וכתב אל פקידי העיר (טבריה) לקבל את פני יוחנן בכבוד ולספק לו את כל צרכיו. יוחנן הפיק את רצונו מדבַר יוסף וכעבור שני ימים פִּתָּה את אנשי העיר בדברי כחש ובשֹׁחד למרוד ביוסף. ושילא (סילס), אשר הפקידהו יוסף לשמור על העיר, שמע את הדבר ומהר לכתוב אליו על מעשה המזמה. וכאשר קבל יוסף את המכתב, יצא חיש ממקומו ונסע כל הלילה ולעת עלות השחר בא אל טבריה, וכל המון יושבי העיר יצא לקראתו, ויוחנן חשד ביוסף, כי למענו בא אל העיר, ובכל־זאת שלח אליו בידי אחד ממכיריו, לכחש לו על־דבר מחלתו ולאמר, כי הוא שוכב במטה, ועל־כן אינו יכול לצאת אליו ולכבדהו. וכאשר הקהיל יוסף את בני טבריה אל האצטדין ונִסָּה לדַּבּר אתם על השמועה אשר הגיעה לאזניו, שלח יוחנן שמה אנשי־צבא מזֻינים וצוה עליהם להמית את יוסף, וכאשר חשפו האנשים את חרבותיהם, ראה אותם העם והרים קול צעקה. ולשמע הצעקה פנה יוסף לאחוריו ובראותו את להבות החרבות השלופות לשחטו קפץ למטה אל החוף — כי עמד על תל גבוה שש אמות לדבר משם אל העם — וירד מהר אל אחת הסירות העומדות שם ונמלט עם שני שומרי ראשו אל תוך היאור (ים כנרת).",
+                    "ז. ואנשי צבא יוסף לקחו את נשקם מהר ויצאו להִלחם במבקשי נפשו. ויוסף פחד, פן תתלקח לרגלי הדבר הזה מלחמת־אחים, אשר תחריב את כל העיר בעון מתי־מספר, ושלח ציר אל אנשי־הצבא להודיעם, כי ידאגו רק להגן על נפשם ולא ימיתו גם לא יחרפו אחד מן החַיָּבים. ואנשי־הצבא עשו כמצותו ושבו למנוחתם, אולם יושבי הארץ אשר מסביב שמעו על־דבר המזמה ועל־דבר יועץ הרע ונאספו להכות את יוחנן, והוא מהר להמלט אל גוש־חלב, עיר אבותיו. ומכל ערי הגליל נהרו אל יוסף רבבות אנשים מזֻינים והודיעו בקול, כי באו להלחם ביוחנן, החורש און על כל העם, ולשרוף עליו את העיר, אשר נתנה לו מנוס ומחסה בקרבה. ויוסף ענה אותם, כי הוא מקבל ברצון את אותות אהבתם, ושִׁכֵּך את חמתם, כי בחר לו לכבוש את אוהביו בחכמה ולא רצה להכותם נפש. ואחרי אשר נודעו לו שמות האנשים, אשר התקשרו עליו יחד עם יוחנן בכל עיר ועיר, — כי בנפש חפצה גלה העם את שמותיהם, — שלח אליהם צירים להזהירם, כי יֵצא לבֹז את רכושם ולשרוף את בתיהם באש עליהם ועל בני משפחתם, אם לא יעזבו את יוחנן בעוד חמשה ימים, ובדבר הזה הִטה מאחרי יוחנן חיש מהר כשלשת אלפים איש והם באו אליו ופרקו את כלי־נשקם והניחום לרגליו. וליוחנן נשארו רק כאלפַּים איש — וכֻלם פלטים מארץ סוריה, והוא שב להתנכל במסתרים על יוסף, אחרי אשר לא יכול לו לעיני השמש. הוא שלח בלאט מלאכים אל ירושלים להכות את יוסף בלשון, כי אסף לו חיל לריב, וגם הוציא קול, כי לא יארכו עוד הימים ויוסף יבוא בשערי העיר (ירושלים) להיות שם למושל עריץ, אם לא יֻתַּן עליו משמר. העם היושב בירושלים הבין את עלילות יוחנן ולא שׂם לב אל דבריו, אולם טובי העם, אשר קנאו ביוסף, ואחדים מראשי הממשלה (בירושלים) שלחו בסתר כסף אל יוחנן לאסוף לו שכירים ולהלחם ביוסף וגם נמנו וגמרו ביניהם להוריד אותו (את יוסף) ממשרת ראש־הצבא, ובראותם, כי בגזרת פיהם לבד לא ישיגו את חפצם, שלחו אלפים וחמש מאות אנשי־חיל מזֻינים ועליהם את יועזר בן נומיקוס ואת חנניה בן צדוק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לעיל, פרק יז, נחשב חנניה בן צדוק בין הקנאים הראשונים, אנשי אלעזר בן חנניה (אחד הצירים אשר כרתו את הברית עם מטיליוס), ובספר חיי יוסף (לט) מבֹאר, כי חנניה השלוח אל יוסף היה מן הפרושים ושם אביו לא נזכר.</i> ואת שמעון ויהודה בני יונתן, — כלם אנשים מטיבים לדַבּר, — להטות את לב העם מאחרי יוסף ולדרוש ממנו דין וחשבון על מעשיו, כאשר יבוא אליהם ברצון, או גם להלחם בו, אם יַקשה את לבו להחזיק במשרתו. אוהבי יוסף [אשר בירושלים] כתבו אליו, כי נשלח צבא אל הגליל, אולם את שרש הדבר לא הודיעוהו, יען אשר נועצו שונאיו עליו בסתר. ועל־כן לא הקדים יוסף להזהר. ארבע ערים פשעו בו ועברו אל מריביו, והן צפורי וגמלא (נ״א: וגברה) וגוש־חלב וטבריה. אולם בידו הצליח להשיב אליו את הערים בלי מלחמה ובתחבולות ערמה תפש בכף את ארבעת שרי החילים [השלוחים מירושלים] עם גבורי צבאם ושלח אותם לשוב אל ירושלים. וחמת העם בערה על האנשים עד להשחית, והוא רצה להמית אותם ואת כל הנלוים אליהם לשַׁלחם, לולא קדמו לברוח.",
+                    "ח. ומן היום ההוא והלאה ירא יוחנן את יוסף ולא יצא מחומת גוש־חלב החוצה. וכעבור ימים אחדים פשעה טבריה ביוסף עוד פעם, ויושביה שלחו לקרֹא אליהם את אגריפס המלך. אמנם המלך לא הספיק לבוא למועד הקבוע, ורק רוכבים רומאים מתי־מספר באו אל העיר ביום ההוא, ולדבר הזה הודיעו יושבי טבריה, כי הפרו את בריתם עם יוסף. והשמועה על־דבר המרד הזה הגיעה לאזני יוסף בטריכי, כאשר שלח את אנשי־צבאו לאסוף צֵדה, ולא יכול לעלות לבדו על המורדים וגם לא רצה להשאר על עמדו, בפחדו פן ימהרו אנשי המלך לבוא בשערי העיר בעוד הוא מתמהמה, וגם לא יכול לדחות את מעשהו ליום המחרת, כי היה יום השבת, ועל־כן גמר בנפשו ללכוד את הקושרים בערמה. הוא צוה לסגור את שערי טריכי, פן יגלה שמץ מדבַר עצתו לאנשים הקמים עליו, ולאסוף את כל הסירות השטות בים כנרת — כי נמצאו אז שם מאתים ושלשים סירות ובכל אחת היו ארבעה מַלָּחִים ולא יותר. ובסירות האלה מהר יוסף להפליג אל טבריה, וצוה על הסירות להעצר במרחק גדול מן העיר, עד אשר לא היה קל משם לראות, כי הן ריקות מאדם, והוא עם שבעת שומרי ראשו, אשר לא היו חגורי נשק, קרב אל העיר, עד אשר נראה לעיני יושביה. וכאשר ראו אותו מראש החומה אנשי־ריבו, אשר זה עתה המטירו עליו חרפות, נבהלו מאד, בחשבם כי כל הסירות מלאות אנשי־צבא מזֻיָּנים. הם השליכו את כלי־נשקם והניפו ענפי־זית, להתחנן אליו, כי יחמול על העיר.",
+                    "ט. ויוסף הרבה להפחידם וליַסרם בדברים, על אשר הם מכַלים את כחם במלחמות אחים, אחרי שקבלו עליהם להלחם ברומאים, ועושים מעשי תעתועים לשמחת נפש שונאיהם, ואחרי זאת הוכיח אותם, כי הם מבקשים את נפש האיש, השוקד על שלומם ושלוָתם ואינם בושים לסגור את שערי עירם בפני הבונה את חומותיה. וגם אמר אליהם, כי יקבל ברצון את האנשים, אשר יבואו להצטדק לפניו ויתנו לו ערֻבּה על אמון לב אנשי העיר. לשמע הדבר הזה ירדו אל יוסף מיד עשרה אנשים מטובי בני טבריה והוא קבל אותם וצוה להוליכם אל אחת הסירות העומדות מרחוק. ואחרי־כן דרש, כי ירדו אליו עוד חמשים איש מראשי זקני המועצה, למען יקח גם את ערֻבּתם. ועוד מצא לו טענות חדשות להוסיף ולקרֹא אלי אנשים, למען יכרות אִתּם ברית. ואת החובלים (הקברניטים) פקד לחפש את האנשים ולנסוע אתם בחפזון אל טריכי ולאסור אותם בבית־הכלא. וככה אסף אליו את כל יועצי העיר שש מאות איש וכאלפים מטובי העם וצוה להוליכם בסירות אל טריכי.",
+                    "י. וכל האנשים צעקו בקול, כי ראש מחוללי המרד הוא איש אחד ושמו קלֵיטוֹס, ובקשו את יוסף לכלות בו את חמתו. אולם יוסף לא רצה להמית איש וקרא ללוי, אחד משומרי ראשו, וצוהו לרדת אל החוף ולקצץ את ידי קליטוס, אך לוי ירא לרדת לבדו אל המון שונאיו הרבים ומאן לעשות את הדבר. ובראות קליטוס את יוסף קם בחמתו בסירה, כאלו הוא אומר להתנפל עליו ולעשות בו שפטים, התחנן אליו מן החוף להשאיר לו אחת משתי ידיו. ויוסף נעתר אליו, אך דרש ממנו, כי יכרות את ידו בעצמו. קליטוס הוציא בימינו את החרב וכרת את שמאלו. כה נפל פחד יוסף עליו! ככה בא יוסף עם סירות ריקות ושבעת שומרי ראשו ולקח את עם טבריה בשבי והשיב אליו את העיר. ואחרי ימים מעטים ראה, כי התקוממו עליו בני העיר יחד עם יושבי צפורי, ומסר את העיר לאנשי־צבאו למשׁסה. וכאשר אסף אליו את כל רכוש האזרחים השיב אותו לבעליו. וככה עשה גם בעיר צפורי, כי כל חפצו היה ללַמד את האנשים מוסר אחרי הכניעו אותם ובהשיבו להם את כספם משך אליו את אהבתם מחדש."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים התכוננו למלחמה. ושמעון בן גיורא הרבה שֹׁד בארץ.</small><br><br>א. ככה שקטו המהומות בארץ הגליל. וכאשר חדלו יושביה לריב ביניהם התמכרו להכין את הכל לקראת המלחמה עם הרומאים. ובעת ההיא בנוּ חנן הכהן הגדול וגדולי העם, אשר לא היו מאוהבי הרומאים, את חומת ירושלים והכינו מכונות רבות למלחמה. ובכל קצות העיר צרפו היהודים חצים וכל מיני קלע וכלי־נשק, והמונים המונים למדו בני־הנעורים את ידיהם לקרב בלי סדר, וכל העיר מלאה המֻלה ושאון. והאזרחים השקטים נבוכו מאד ורבים השכילו לראות מראש את הצרות העתידות לבוא וקראו לבכי ולמספד. גם אותות ומופתים היו אז [בשמים ובארץ] ורודפי השלום ראו בהם סִמן רע לעתיד, אולם אוהבי המלחמה הפכו אותם ופתרו אותם לטובה כאוַת נפשם. ומראה העיר לפני עלות הרומאים היה כמראה עיר נוטה למות. וחנן חשב בלבו להשבית מעט־מעט (או: לזמן קצר) את התכונה למלחמה, אולי יהפוך את לב המורדים ויָפֵר את העצה הנבערה, שיעצו המכֻנים בשם קנאים, למען ייטב לעם. אך הוא נפל שדוד בזרוע רמה, ובדברים הבאים נסַפֵּר, מה היתה אחריתו.",
+                    "ב. ובמחוז עקרבים (עקרבתא) אסף אליו שמעון בן גיורא אנשי־ריב רבים ושם את פניו אל החמס. ונקל היה בעיניו לשום לבז את בתי העשירים, כי גם את בשרם נתן למַכּים ומרחוק הראה לדעת, כי יהיה לרודה עריץ בעמו. וכאשר שלחו חנן וראשי ירושלים צבא להלחם בו, לקח אתו את אנשיו וברח אל השודדים אשר במצדה, ואתם ישב עד אשר נרצחו חנן ויתר שונאי נפשו, ומשם פשט כל הימים על ארץ אדום. וכאשר גדל מספר ההרוגים בארץ ולא חדל השֹׁד והחמס, אספו ראשי האדומים צבא והקימו שומרים בכפרים. אלה הדברים אשר נעשו בימים ההם בארץ אדום."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>נירון שלח את אספסינוס להלחם ביהודים.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר הגיעה שמועת המפלות בארץ יהודה לאזני נירון, נפלו עליו חרדה ופחד במסתרים; אולם לעין רואים עטה גאוה וזעם, באמרו, כי לא מגבורת האנשים (היהודים) יצא הדבר, רק מקַלות דעת שרי־הצבא (הרומאים). הוא חשב, כי נאה לכבוד תפארת שלטונו להביט בבוז על התלאות האלה ולהראות, כי נעלה היא נשמתו מכל הנוראות אולם דאגתו ורגזו גלו את מבוכת לבבו.",
+                    "ב. הוא התבונן בדבר, מי האיש, אשר בידו יפקיד את ארצות־המזרח הסוערות, למען ינָקם ביהודים על מרדם ויציל מידם את העמים מסביב, אשר גם בהם פשׂה הנגע הזה,— ומצא, כי רק אספסינוס הוא האיש הדרוש לחפצו והוא לבדו יוכל לקבל עליו את כֹּבד המלחמה הגדולה הזאת, כי הוא איש־מלחמות מנעוריו, ושיבה זרקה בו על שדה־הקרב, וזה מכבר הקים שלום בארצות המערב, אשר החרידון הגרמנים ממנוחתן, ובחרב ימינוֹ הכניע את ארץ בריטניה, אשר לא נודע שמהּ עד היום ההוא, ובדבר הזה זִכה את אביו (של הקיסר) קלודיוס בחג־נצחון בלי עמל וזֵעת אפים.",
+                    "ג. במעשי אספסינוס אלה ראה הקיסר סִמן טוב לעתיד, בהכירו, כי טעם זקנים ונסיון המלחמה גם יחד נמצאו בו, וגם בניו יהיו לערֻבּה נאמנה על ישר לבו, וכח־עלומיהם יהיה למשען לתבונת אביהם. ואולי עשתה זאת יד אלהים, אשר סדר את הדברים מראש! כי שלח נירון את האיש הזה לקחת בידו את כל צבאות הרומאים אשר בסוריה, ולמען עורר את רוחו הרבה לדַבּר אִתּו חלקות ועשה לו כבוד גדול בשעת הדחק הזאת. מארץ אֲכַיָּה, אשר נמצא שם אספינוס יחד עם נירון, שלח את טיטוס בנו אל אלכסנדריה, להעלות משם את הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי, והוא עבר את ים הֶלֶסְפּוֹנְטוֹס ונסע אל ארץ סוריה בדרך היבשה ושמה אסף אליו את צבאות הרומאים ורבים מחיל הברית, אשר שלחו מלכי הארצות הסמוכות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים נגפו מגפה גדולה על־יד אשקלון. אספסינוס נסע אל עכו.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי אשר הכו היהודים את צסטיוס גבה לבם בנצחונותיהם, אשר לא קִווּ להם מראש, ולא עצרו כח לכבוש את תשוקת המלחמה וכמו להט אותם מזלם להעביר את המלחמה למרחקים. כי כל אנשי־החיל מהרו להאסף ולעלות על אשקלון, היא עיר עתיקה לימים, רחוקה חמש מאות ועשרים ריס מירושלים, אשר איבת עולם היתה בינה ובין היהודים, ועל־כן אמרו הפעם להגיח עליה ראשונה. ובראש המתנפלים עמדו שלשה שרי־חיל ואנשי־מעלה בגבורתם ובחכמתם, והם ניגֶר איש עבר־הירדן ושילא הבבלי ויחד אתם יוחנן האֵסי. ואמנם עיר אשקלון היתה בצורה למשגב, אולם כמעט היתה ריקה מאנשי מלחמה. כי רק גדוד רגלים אחד ולהקת רוכבים שמרו עליה ובראשם שר־הצבא אַנְטוֹנִיּוּס.",
+                    "ב. והיהודים החישו את מסעם בזעף ועמדו לפני שערי העיר במהרה, כאלו מקרוב באו. אולם מעיני אנטוניוס לא נעלם דבַר מסעם והוא יצא לקראתם עם רוכביו ולא חת מגֹדל המונם ולא מעֹז רוחם והחזיק מעמד בפניהם בעצם גבורה, כאשר השתערו עליו בפעם הראשונה, וגרש את המעפילים לעלות על החומה. כי המון אשר לא נֻסה בקרָב הִצה פה על גבורי חיל מלֻמדי מלחמה, ורגלים נלחמו ברוכבים ואנשים צפופים בלי סדר התנגחו עם צבא מחֻבּר במערכה והשתרעו בכל נשק הבא לידם על אנשי־צבא מזֻינים מכף רגל ועד ראש, ומרי־נפש, אשר עשו מעשיהם בחמת אפם ולא בהשכל ודעת, ערכו מערכה נגד אנשי־צבא השומרים את פי מפקדיהם, אשר כוננו את כל צעדיהם לאות הנתון להם — על־כן כשלו היהודים באפס־יד. וכאשר התמוטטו שורות המערכה הראשונות, כי נלחצו להסוג אחור מפני הרוכבים, נדחפו אל תוך השורות האחרונות, אשר שתו גם הן אל החומה, וחרב איש היתה באחיו, ולאחרונה ברחו כל היהודים מפני דהרות הרוכבים ונפוצו על־פני כל העמק. ושם נמצא כר רחב לרוכבי הסוסים, והמקום עזר לרומאים להרבות את חללי היהודים. הרוכבים מהרו לעבור את הבורחים במרוצתם ולסגור עליהם את הדרך, ואחרי־כן הפנו את פניהם למולם והפיצו את הפליטים אשר התלקטו במנוסתם והכו בהם לאין־מספר. ורבים הקיפו את פליטי היהודים בכל המקומות אשר פנו שמה וצנפו אותם והמיתום ברמחיהם על־נקלה. וגֹדל המון היהודים לא הועיל להם בעת צרתם והרומאים, אשר היו מתי־מספר, כמו עצמו ורבו בעשותם חיל במלחמה. והיהודים נִסו להלחם במזלם הרע ועמדו על נפשם, כי בושו ממנוסתם המהירה, וגם קוו להסב את גורל המלחמה, אולם הרומאים לא חדלו מעשות חיל. וכה ארכה המלחמה עד הנשף ועשרת אלפים מן היהודים נפלו בחרב וביניהם שני שרי־הצבא יוחנן ושילא והנותרים כֻּסּוּ רֻבָּם פצעים ושרדו עם שר־הצבא הנשאר ניגר אל שעלית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סַלִּיס, נ״א: חַאַלִּיס.</i>, והיא עיר מצער לאדומים. ומן הרומאים נפצעו מתי־מספר במלחמה הזאת.",
+                    "ג. אולם גם אחרי הצרה הזאת לא סר גאון היהודים, ונהפוך הוא, כי חִזקה עוד הרעה את עזות פניהם ולא שמו לבם להמון החללים המתבוססים לרגליהם, וזכר נצחונותיהם הראשונים השׁיאם להביא עליהם מגפה שנית. הם לא חכו עד אשר ירפאו פצעיהם ואספו את כל חילם ובשארית חֵמות ובהמון גדול מבראשונה מהרו במרוצה אל אשקלון. אולם גם הפעם מצא אותם כפגע הראשון, גמול חֹסר דעת הקרָב ויתר מגרעותיהם למלחמה. כי אנטוניוס טמן להם אורב במעברות הארץ והם נפלו אל הפח מבלי דעת, ועוד טרם הסתדרו במערכה הקיפו עליהם הרוכבים ועוד הפעם נפלו חללים שמונת אלפים איש ומעלה והנשארים נמלטו על נפשם ויחד אתם גם ניגר, אשר הפליא להראות את גבורתו בעת מנוסתו. כי נלחצו היהודים בידי רודפיהם אל מגדל־מבצר אחד בכפר הנקרא בֶּלְצֶדֶק (נ״א: בֶּצֶדֶל, בֶּזֶדֶל), ואנשי אנטוניוס לא יכלו להתמהמה לפני המגדל, כי קשה היה לכבשו וגם לא רצו לתת לשר־הצבא הגדול מכל היהודים בגבורתו לצאת בשלום, ועל־כן שלחו אש בחומה, וכאשר עלתה הלהבה מן המגדל שבו הרומאים לדרכם בשמחה וחשבו בלבם, כי מת ניגר. אולם הוא קפץ אל תוך מערה עמֻקה בירכתי המצודה ונצל מן הלהבה. ואחרי שלשה ימים שמע את נהי האנשים, אשר חקרו למצֹא את עצמותיו ולקברו, וענה לקולם. וכאשר יצא בשלום נפעמה רוח היהודים ושמחו שמחה גדולה, כי מאת האלהים באה ישועת האיש הזה, אשר נועד להוציא ולהביא את צבאותיהם במלחמה העתידה.",
+                    "ד. ואספסינוס פקד את הצבא בעיר אנטיוכיה, היא העיר הגדולה בארץ סוריה, ועל־פי גדלהּ וחֹסן אשרהּ היא שלישית במעלתה בכל חלק העולם הסר לשלטון הרומאים, ושם אסף אליו גם את אגריפס המלך, המחכה לקראת בואו עם כל חילו, ומִהר לנסוע אל עכו. ובעיר הזאת קדמו את פניו אנשי צפורי עיר הגליל, אשר הם לבדם מכל יושבי הגליל דרשׁו שלום לרומאים, כי היטיבו לראות מאין יבוא עזרם וידעו את כל חֹזק, הרומאים, ועל־כן מהרו עוד לפני עלות אספסינוס לתת את ערֻבּתם לצֵסֶניוס גַּלוס וכרתו עמו ברית וקבלו חיל־משמר, ועתה יצאו בברכת שלום לקראת המצביא [החדש] והבטיחוהו, כי בכל אוַת־נפשם יהיו נאמנים בבריתו גם נגד אחיהם. וראש־הצבא מִלא את שאלתם ונתן להם חיל רוכבים ורגלים, אשר תמצא ידו לשמור את שלום העיר ולהגן עליה משֹׁד בעלות עליה היהודים למלחמה, כי לא קל היה בעיניו הנזק אשר ימצא אותו בהלקח ממנו לפני המלחמה העתידה העיר צפורי, היא הגדולה בכל ערי הגליל, הבנויה במקום משגב והמֻקפה חומה, אשר תהיה לו למבצר לעֻמת העם היושב בגליל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תאור ארץ הגליל, ארץ שמרון וארץ יהודה.</small><br><br>א. שתים הן ארצות הגליל: האחת מכֻנה בשם הגליל העליון והשנית בשם הגליל התחתון, ומסביב להן נמצאו ארץ הצידונים (פיניקיה) וארץ סוריה. וממערב שמש גבולות הארץ הם עכו עם בנותיה והר הכרמל, אשר היה לפנים לבני הגליל, ועתה הוא נחשב על גבול הצורים. ובקרבתו נמצאה גבע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גבה. עיין ספר ב, י״ח, א.</i> עיר הרוכבים, אשר נקראה בשם הזה, כי ישבו בה רוכבים מצבא המלך הורדוס, אשר נפטרו מעבודתם. וגבול הדרום הן ארץ משרון ועיר בית־שאן עד מי הירדן. ומרוח קדם גבול הגליל הן ארצות סוסיתא (היפוס) וגדר וארץ הגולן, ושם נמצאו גם גבולות מלכות אגריפס. ומרוח צפון סובב הגבול על צור וארץ נחלתה. ואֹרך הגליל התחתון מעיר טבריה עד כבול (חבולון)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: זבולון. את אֹרך הגליל מונה יוסיפוס במובן הרֹחב הגיאוגרפי, ואת רחבה במובן האֹרך הגיאוגרפי, לעמת זאת בעבר הירדן (להלן, ג) וביהודה (ה) הוא מכַוֵּן את אֹרך הארץ ורחבה למובנים הגיאוגרפיים.</i> בקרבת חוף עכו, ורחבה מן הכפר אשר בעמק הגדול ושמו כִּסָּלוֹת (כסלות־תבור) עד באר־שבע. ומשם רֹחב הגליל העליון עד כפר בקע (בַּקַּה), הוא קצה גבול ארץ הצורים. וארכהּ מכפר תֵּלָה אשר על הירדן עד מֵרון (מידות).",
+                    "ב. ואף כי שתי ארצות הגליל קטנות במדה ומכל עברים הן מֻקפות ערי־נכר, בכל־זאת עצרו יושביהן. בכל המלחמות את האויבים מעלות על הארץ, כי היו הגלילים אנשי־מלחמה מנעוריהם ועצומים במספרם כל הימים ומעולם לא שלט מֹרך־לב באנשים ומעולם לא חסרה הארץ גברים [יוצאים לקראת נשק], כי כֻלה ארץ דשנה ואדמת־מִרעה וגם עצים שונים צומחים בה ועֹשר תנובת הארץ מושך גם את לב האנשים הרחוקים מאהבת עבודת־האדמה. וכל הארץ נזרעה בידי יושביה ולא נמצא בה אף חבל שומם אחד. ובגלל ברכת האדמה הטובה ערי־הגליל הרבות והמון הכפרים מלאים אדם (מרֻבּים באֻכלוסים) וגם מספר יושבי הקטן שבכפרים הוא חמשה־עשר אלף.",
+                    "ג. ואף כי ארץ הגליל נופלת במדתה מעבר־הירדן (ארץ פֶרַיָּה), הנה היא עולה עליה בחֵילה ובעֹשרה, כי כֻּלה ארץ זרועה ופוריה בכל מקום, וארץ עבר־הירדן, הגדולה מהגליל הרבה, היא אדמת רכסים שוממה, וקשה לגִדול עצי־פרי טובים — ואמנם גם פה החלקות הטובות מלאות מֶגֶד שדה, ובעמקים צומחים כל מיני עצי־פרי, ויושבי הארץ מגַדלים זיתים וגפנים ותמרים לרֹב; הפלגים היורדים מראשי ההרים משקים את האדמה לרויה, ואִתּם יחד מקורות נאמנים, השוטפים כל ימי השנה, גם בחרבוני קיץ בעת יֹבש הפלגים. ואֹרך ארץ עבר־הירדן ממכור עד פחל, ורחבּהּ מרַבּת־עמון עד הירדן. ועיר פחל האמורה היא גבול צפון והירדן גבול מערב. ומעבר לגבול הארץ בדרום נמצאה ארץ מואב, ובגבול המזרח הן ארץ ערב וארץ חשבון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סִלְבּוֹגִיטִיס, נ״א: אֶסְבּוֹגִיטִיס.</i> והערים רבת־עמון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פילדלפיה.</i> וגרש (גרסה).",
+                    "ד. וארץ שמרון נמצאה בין הגליל ובין ארץ יהודה בתוֶך. ותחלתה מן הכפר הנקרא גנים (גיניה), אשר בעמק הגדול, וסופה בקרבת פלך עקרבים, ובתכונתה אינה שונה מארץ יהודה, כי שתיהן ארצות הרים ועמקים רבים והן טובות לעבודת האדמה ונותנות יבול רב, וגם עצים נמצאים בהן למכביר ועושים פרי־הַבָּר ופרי־הגנים. אמנם ארצות צמאון הן מתכונת אדמתן (אינן עשירות במוצאי מים), אך מי הגשמים מרַוים אותן לרֹב. מי הנחלים השוטפים פה הם נפלאים במתקם והמון המרעה הטוב מביא שפע ברכה לחלֵב הבּהמה, אשר אין כמוהו ביתר הארצות. ועֵד נאמן על מעלות שתי הארצות וברכת אדמתן הוא המון יושביהן הרב.",
+                    "ה. והגבול בין שתי הארצות הוא הכפר עַנְוַת, הנקרא ברקאי, ומעבר הדרום למקום הזה היא ארץ יהודה — והכפר הזה הוא גבולה מצפון, וגבול הדרום לפי מדת ארכה הוא הכפר הסמוך לגבולות ערב הנקרא בשם יַרְדֵּן. ולרחבּהּ ארץ יהודה משתרעת מנהר הירדן עד יפו ובין שני הגבולים בתוֶך מקום העיר ירושלים. על־כן קראו לה רבים בצדק בשם טבור הארץ. וגם אין ארץ יהודה חסרה שפע־ימים, כי היא נמשכת לאֹרך שפת הים עד עכו. והארץ נחלקת לאחד־עשר חבל, ועל כֻּלם מושלת העיר ירושלים כקרית מלוכה, כי היא מתרוממת על כל סביבותיה כדמיון הראש המתרומם מעל לגוף. ויתר הערים נחלקות לפלכים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טוֹפַּרְכִיוֹת.</i>, הנקראים על שמן. גופנא הפלך השני ואחריו עקרבים (עקרבתא) ואחריו תמנה ולוד, אמאוס ופֶלֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלי ספק פלך בית־לפתפני, הנזכר להלן (ספר ד, ה, א. עיין שם), ונשתבש השם כאן מאד.</i> ואדום ועין־גדי, הורדיון ויריחו. ואחרי הערים האלה גם יבנה ויפו וסביבותיהן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס מונה י״א פלכים (מחוזות), מלבד יבנה ויפו, שכנראה חֻבּרוּ אל הנציבות הסורית. לעֻמת־זאת פליניוס הרומאי מחשב עשרה פלכים, ופלך יפו בכלל, ואינו מזכיר את אדום ועין־גדי (תולדות הטבע, ב, טו.)</i>. ועל הארצות האלה נוספו מחוז גמלא והגולן והבשן וחבל ארגוב (ארץ טרכון) הם חלקי מלכות אגריפס. כי ראשית מלכות אגריפס היא בהרי הלבנון ועל־יד מקורות הירדן, ומשם היא נמשכת לרחבהּ עד ים טבריה (כנרת, גנוסר), וארכה מן הכפר הנקרא ערפה (ארפה) עד יולִיַס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא יוליס — בית צידא, שבנה פיליפוס (ספר ב, ט, א) בגולן התחתון, סמוך לים־כנרת.</i>. והיהודים והסורים יושבים בה יחד. בדברים האלה הודעתי בקצור נמרץ את תכונות ארץ יהודה והארץ אשר מסביב."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יוסף התנפל על צפורי ונלחץ לשוב אחור, טיטוס בא בחיל גדול אל עכו.</small><br><br>א. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר שלח אספסינוס לעזרת בני צפורי, והם אלף רוכבים וששת אלפים רגלים, ובראשם שר־האלף פלַצידוס, חנו לראשונה בעמק הגדול ואחרי־כן נפרדו, הרגלים באו אל העיר לשמור עליה והרוכבים נשארו במקום תחנותם הראשון. ואלה ואלה יצאו כפעם בפעם ממקומם ופשטו בארץ והרבו לעשות רעה לאנשי יוסף היושבים במנוחה, כי בזזו את סביבות הערים והכו את האנשים הנועזים לצאת אל השדה. על־כן מהר יוסף לעלות על צפורי וקוה לכבוש את העיר, אשר ידיו חִזקו את חומותיה, בטרם פשעה בארץ הגליל, ושמו אותה למשגב, למען יקשה לרומאים ללכדו, והדבר היה לו עתה למוקש, כי נכזבה תוחלתו לקחת את העיר בחֹזק־יד וגם נבצר ממנו להפוך את לב יושבי צפורי עליו לטובה. ובמסעו זה חִזק יוסף את המלחמה בקרב הארץ, כי הרומאים קצפו עליו על אשר התנפל פתאם על העיר ולא נתנו לו מנוח בלילה וביום, כי השחיתו את הארץ ושדדו את כל רכוש יושביה הנמצא בשדה, וכפעם בפעם המיתו את בחורי המלחמה ומכרו לעבדים את הזקנים והחלשים. וכל ארץ הגליל מלאה אש ודם, ולא נמצא מכאוב ויגון אשר לא עבר עליה, ורק מנוס אחד נשאר לעם הבזוז והשסוי — בערים אשר חִזק יוסף את חומותיהן.",
+                    "ב. וטיטוס נחפז לעבור דרך הים מאכֵיה אל אלכסנדריה, אף כי היו אז ימי הגשמים, וקבל את הצבא כאשר פקד עליו אביו והחיש את מסעו והגיע במהרה אל עכו. ושם מצא את אביו וחִבּר את שני הלגיונות המהֻללים, אשר הביא עמו, והם הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי, אל הלגיון החמשה־עשר, אשר בידי אביו. ועליהם נוספו שמונה־עשר גדודים (קוהורטות) ועוד חמשה גדודים ולהקת רוכבים אחת באו מעיר קיסריה וחמש להקות רוכבים מארץ סוריה. ועשרה גדודים היו בני אלף רגלים האחד, ובכל אחד משלשה־עשר הגדודים הנותרים היו שש מאות רגלים. וכל להקת רוכבים היתה בת מאה ועשרים איש. וגם חיל־עזר רב ממלכי הברית נאסף שמה (אל עכו), כי אנטיוכוס (מלך קומחי) ואגריפס ושׁהים (מלך חמת) הביאו כל אחד אלפַּים אנשי־צבא רגלים רובי־קשת ואלף רוכבים, ומלכו הערבי (מלך נבטו, היושב בסלע) שלח אלף רוכבים וחמשת אלפים רגלים, כֻּלָּם רובי־קשת. וככה הגיע כל צבא הרומאים עם חיל המלכים עד ששים אלף איש, רוכבים ורגלים, מלבד משרתי הצבא אשר הלכו אחריו במספר רב ועצום, וגם הם לא נבדלו בדעת הקרב מחבריהם יוצאי המלחמה, כי בעת שלום למדו את טכסיסי הקרב יחד עם אדוניהם ובעת מלחמה היו אִתּם יחד בצרה ואיש לא עלה עליהם בדעת הליכות המלחמה ובגבורה, מלבד אדוניהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צבאות הרומאים ומחנותיהם ויתר שבחיהם ומעלותיהם.</small><br><br>א. ומי לא ישתומם לדברים האמורים על תבונת הרומאים, כי לִמדו את עבדיהם לא רק לשרת אותם לצרכי חייהם, כי־אם גם להועיל להם בעת מלחמה. ואם יתבונן איש ליתר טכסיסי צבאותיהם, יבין וידע, כי רק בתבונת כפיהם עשו להם הרומאים את הממשלה הגדולה הזאת ולא קבלו אותה למתנה ממזלם. כי אינם מחכים לעת מלחמה לאחוז את החרב, ולא רק בשעת דחקם הם שולחים ידיהם לקראת נשק, למען אסוף אותן בזמן־שלום, כי־אם דמיונם כאנשים אשר נולדו עם כלי מלחמתם יחד, וכל הימים אינם שובתים מלשאת את משמרת עבודת המלחמה, ואינם חושבים את חרבם לשעת הכֹּשר. שנוני־המלחמה אשר להם אינם שונים ממלחמת־אמת, וכל אחד מאנשי־הצבא מתרגל בעבודת המלחמה מדי יום ביומו בכל אַות־נפשו כבעת צאתו לקרב, ועל־כן נקל להם להפליא גבורה במלחמה. ואין מבוכה שולטת במערכותיהם, אשר הסכינו לסדרים, ואין פחד לנגד עיניהם, ואין יגיע המלחמה אוכל את כֹּחם; על־כן הנצחון רודף אחריהם תמיד, כי אין דומה להם בדרכיהם אלה. ואמנם לא ישגה אדם בקראו לשנוני־מלחמתם בשם מלחמה בלי שפך־דם ואת מעשיהם בעת הקרב בשם שעשועי־מלחמה עם שפך־דם. וגם בהגיח עליהם האויב פתאם לא יקל בידו להפילם תחתיו. כי הרומאים הפורצים בגבול האויב אינם נגשים למלחמה בטרם יבצרו את מחנם בחומה, וגם אינם שׂמים את מחנם בכל מקום או בלי סדרים, וגם לא כֻלָּם שולחים ידם במלאכה הזאת בערבוביה, כי במצאם מקום עקֹב הם הופכים אותו לראשונה למישור, ואחרי־כן הם מודדים את מקום המחנה כתבנית רבוע, ולאחרונה באים עושי המלאכה עם כל כלי עבודתם.",
+                    "ב. ואת הככר אשר מבית למצודת המחנה הם חולקים לאהלי הצבא. וחֵל־המצודה מחוץ הוא כמראה חומה, שעליה מתנוססים מגדלים ברוָחים שוים. ובין המגדלים האלה הם מקימים את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי־החצים (הקטפולטות) ואת הבליסטראות (רומי־האבנים, הבליסטות) ואת יתר מכונות הקלע, וכל הכלים האלה ערוכים לירות בהם. וארבעה שערים הם מקימים בחומת המחנה לכל רוחות השמים, והשערים מרֻוחים מאד, למען יוכלו לעבור בהם עם בהמות־הסבל, ורחבים כדי יכלת אנשי־הצבא להגיח מהם במהרה [על האויב]. ואת חלל המחנה מבית הם מחלקים למגרשים וביניהם הם תוקעים את אהלי שרי־החיָּלים ובטבור המחנה הם שמים את אהל המצביא הראש כדמות היכל, עד כי דמות המחנה כמראה עיר כמעט, עם שוק ומקום קבוע לבעלי־המלאכות וכסאות למושב המִּשנים וראשי־הגדודים, השופטים בכל דברי הריב בין אנשי־הצבא. עושי־המלאכה הרבים משלימים את בנין המצודה וכל אשר בקרבה בחפזון נשגב מכח בינת אדם. ויש אשר הם מקיפים את המחנה בחריץ, אשר מדת עמקו ורחבו היא ארבע אמות.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי כלות אנשי־הצבא את המלאכה הזאת הם חונים במנוחה ובמשטר איש על דגלו. ואת כל הדברים הם ממלאים בסדר ובבטחה, וככה הם מביאים את העצים ואת הצֵדה הדרושה להם וגם את המים על־ידי משמרות קבועים, כי אסור לכל אחד לאכול את סעֻדת היום (הערב) או פת־שחרית בעת אשר ימצא חפצו בדבר, רק כֻּלָּם אוכלים בבת־אחת, והחצוצרה נותנת להם אות לישן את שנתם או לעמוד על המשמר או להשכים ממשכבם, ואין הם עושים דבר מבלי פקֻדה. וכעלות השחר נגשים אנשי־הצבא אל שרי־המאות לברכם. ושרי־המאות הולכים לקַדם בברכת־הבֹּקר את פני שרי־האלפים. ואחריהם כל שׂרי החיָּלים מתאספים לברך את המפקד הראשי. והוא נותן להם את הסִמן כחֹק היום ומוסר בידם את יתר הפקֻדות, למען יגַלה אותן כל איש לאנשי־הצבא העומדים למשמעתו. וכן הם עושים גם במערכות הקרב, וממהרים לפנות אל המקום הדרוש. וכאיש אחד הם יוצאים למלחמה ואוספים את ידיהם לאות הפקֻדה.",
+                    "ד. והחצוצרה נותנת להם את האות להסיע את מחנם בעת הצֹרך. ואין איש נשאר במנוחה, כי לקול האות ממהרים הם כהרף־עין לפרק את אהליהם ולתקן את הכל למסע, ועוד הפעם נותנת להם החצוצרה אות להתכונן והם טוענים בחפזון את כל הכבודה על העיָרים ויתר בהמות המשא, ועומדים נכונים ומצפים כרצים מתחרים לפני מחיצת המעגל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה באצטדין או באמפיתיאטרון (קרקוס) בעת המרוץ על־מנת לקבל פרס.</i>. ואחרי זאת הם שולחים אש במצודת מחנם, בדעתם כי נקל יהיה להם להקימה מחדש במקום הזה וביראם פן ימצאו שונאיהם בה חפץ. והחצוצרות נותנות להם אות שלישי, להחל את מסעם, ומעירות את האנשים, אשר פגרו מסבת־מה, להחיש את מעשיהם, לבל יִפָּקד איש מכל הצבא, והכּורז העומד לימין ראש־הצבא שואל אותם שלש פעמים בלשון הרומית, אם הם מוכנים למסע, והם עונים שלש פעמים בקול רם ובלבב שלם, כי הם נכונים, ויש אשר הם מקדימים את פי השואל ומרימים ברוח מלחמה את קולם ונושאים למעלה את יד־ימינם.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי זאת הם יוצאים לדרך, וכֻלם צועדים במנוחה ובסדר, וכמו בעת מלחמה שומר כל איש את מקומו במערכה, והרגלִים לובשים שריונות וקובעים וחגורים נשק פיפיות על שתי ירכיהם, החרב אשר משמאלם היא הארֻכּה והמאכלת אשר מימינם אינה עולה על גמד בארכּהּ. ובחורי הצבא הרגלי, השומרים לראש המִפקד, נושאים חנית (לונכי) ומגן, ויתר אנשי־הצבא מזֻינים ברמחים ובשלטים ארֻכּים [רבועים], וכל איש נושא מַשׂור וסל, מעדר וגרזן. רצועות וּמַגַּל־יד. וצֵדה לשלשה ימים, וכמעט לא נבדל איש־הצבא הרגלי מבהמת־משא. והרוכבים נושאים חרב ארֻכּה על ירך ימינם ובידם חנית ארֻכּה, ושלט אֹרך רבוע נטוי על צלע הסוס, ובאשפה הרוכבים כשלשה או כארבעה כידונים בעלי להבות רחבות ואינם קטנים במדתם מן החנית. ובקובעיהם ושריוניהם דומים הרוכבים לרגלים. וגם בחירי הרוכבים השומרים לראש שר־הצבא אינם שונים בנשקם מאחיהם העוברים בלהקותיהם. ובראש המסע הולך הלגיון, אשר נפל עליו הגורל.",
+                    "ו. אלה משפטי הרומאים בעת מסעיהם ובעת חנותם, וכלי־נשקם השונים. והם אינם יוצאים למלחמה בלי עצה (ישוב־הדעת) ובמקרה (באקראי), כי כל דבר נעשה תמיד במחשבה ולעת גזרם דבר הם ממלאים אותו מיד. על־כן כמעט אין הם שוגים במעשיהם, וכאשר יכשלו פעם, יתקנו את המעֻוָּת על־נקלה. והם חושבים, כי טוב להם אם יקרה אותם פגע בעשותם דברם במועצות ודעת מאשר תבוא עליהם טובה במקרה (בהסח הדעת), כי הטוב אשר הגיע לאדם פתאֹם משיא אותו לעשות דבריו בקלות־ראש. ולעֻמת־זאת תלַמד בחינת השכל את האדם — הבוש מתוחלתו — לבקש עצה ותחבולה לבל יִשָּׁנה הדבר עוד פעם, כי הטוב הבא לאדם מבלי דעתו אינו פֹעל ידיו של המקבל, אולם בהתגולל עליו צרה בדבר הנעשה בהשכל ובדעת מצֹא ימצא תנחומים, בהכירו כי מִלא את דברו בכֹבד־ראש.",
+                    "ז. ובשנוני־המלחמה הרומאים מחזקים לא רק את גופם, כי־אם גם את רוחם. וגם האימה מועילה להם בדבר הזה. ואף כי חֻקיהם זוקקים עֹנש־מות לא על המנוסה מן המחנה לבד, כי־אם גם על עברות קלות מזו, — הנה אימת שרי־הצבא גדולה עוד ממורא החֻקים על פניהם. ורק בתתם כבוד רב לאנשי־הצבא המשֻׁבּחים, המפקדים שומרים על עצמם לבל יחָשבו כרשעים אכזרים בעשותם שפטים בחַיָּבים. וכה חזקה משמעת שרי־הצבא על־פני הרומאים, עד כי בעת שלום מראם נהדר מאד, ובמערכה כל אנשי־הצבא הם כבשר אחד. שורותיהם מה נצמדו יחד, תנועותיהם מה קלות, אזניהם מה נטויות להקשיב את הפקֻדה, והעינים מה לטושות להביט אל האותות, והידים מה נכונות לקראת המעשה! ובהגיע שעת עלילה הם קצרי־רוח ובעת סבל הם ארכי־אפים, ובעמדם במערכה לא יִכָּשׁלו לעולם מפני תחבולות שונאיהם ולא מפני מעצורי המקום וגם לא מפני גזרת הגורל, כי רצון הנצחון מתגבר בקרבם על פגעי הגורל. היפלא אפוא הדבר, כי העם, אשר העצה והתבונה עוברות בראש מערכותיו וצבא בעל מעשים כזה ממהר למלא אחרי העצה — הרחיב את גבולות ממשלתו עד נהר פרת במזרח וים אוקינוס במערב ועד משמני ארץ לוב בדרום והנהרות איסטרוס (דונה) ורינוס בצפון? הן כמעט יאמר האומר, כי אין הקנין שׁוֶֹה בקונהו.",
+                    "ח. את כל הדברים האלה דרשתי פה, ויותר אשר רציתי להלל בהם את הרומאים אמרתי לנחם בהם את המנֻצחים ולהשיב את אוהבי המרד מדרכיהם. ואולי יוסיף ציור הליכות הרומאים דעת לאוהבי חכמה, אשר נעלם מהם הדבר. ועתה אשוב אל הדברים, אשר נטיתי מהם הצדה למען זאת."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פְּלַצִּידוס עלה על יודפת לכבשה ונִגף לפני היהודים. אספסינוס פרץ בארץ הגליל.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס וטיטוס בנו נשארו בעַכּו, לסַדר את צבאותיהם. וּפְלַצִּידוס, אשר פשט על הגליל, המית המון רב מן השבוים אשר בידו, והם הזקנים והחלשים, אשר עיפה נפשם להורגים, ובראותו כי אנשי המלחמה נמלטים כפעם בפעם אל ערי המבצר הבנויות בידי יוסף, מהר לעלות על יודפת, ראש מבצרי הארץ. כי חשב לתפוש את העיר על־נקלה, בהתנפלו עליה פתאם, וגם האמין, כי בדבר הזה יקנה לו שם גדול בעיני שרי־הצבא וגם יועיל להם הרבה בהליכות המלחמה, כי אחרי הִכָּבַשׁ המבצר החזק בכל הארץ ייראו בני יתר הערים ויִכָּנעו תחת הרומאים. אולם מה מאד נכזבה תוחלת פלצידוס! לבני יודפת נודע דבר בואו והם קדמו את פניו מחוץ לשערי העיר והתנפלו על הרומאים פתאם בהמון רב ומוכן למלחמה, והשליכו את נפשם מנגד כגבורי־חיל הנלחמים בעד עירם הנמצאה בצרה ובעד נשיהם וטפם, והניסו את שונאיהם חיש מהר, אחרי פצעם רבים מצבא הרומאים. ומספר ההרוגים היה רק שבעה אנשים, כי נסוגו הרומאים אחור בסדר ולהבת רודפיהם לא יכלה לפלח את בשרם המכֻסה שריון ומגן כלו, וגם הרבו היהודים בנשקם הקל לירות ברומאים מרחוק מהתנגח אתם פנים אל פנים. גם מבין היהודים נפלו שלשה אנשים ונפצעו אחדים. ככה הבין פלצידוס, כי יִבָּצר ממנו לכבוש את העיר, ונמלט על נפשו.",
+                    "ב. אספסינוס גמר לעלות בעצמו על ארץ הגליל ונסע מעכו וצוה על צבאו לצאת למסע כדרך הרומאים. את כלי־הנשק מחיל־העזר ואת רובי־הקשת צוה לשלח לפניו, למען יעצרו את האויב מהתנפל עליהם פתאם וגם יתורו את היערים החשודים, אשר יוכלו להסתתר בהם אורבים. ואחרי החלוצים האלה נסע גם חלק אנשי־הצבא כבדי־הנשק, רגלים ורוכבים, ואחריהם הלכו עשרה איש למאה (צנטוריה), אשר נשאו מלבד הכבודה גם חבלי־מדה למֹד את מקום מצודת המחנה, ויחד אתם סוללי הדרכים, אשר נועדו להסיר מכשול מדרך הצבא ולישר את ההדורים וגם לחצוב את היערים העוצרים את הצבא במסעו, למען אשר לא ייעף הצבא מקֹשי הדרכים. ואחרי הסוללים האלה שלח אספסינוס את הכבודה אשר לו ולשרי־צבאותיו עם רוכבים רבים לסוכך עליה. ואחרי הכבודה נסע הוא בעצמו עם בחורי הרגלים והרוכבים ונושאי החניתות. ואחריהם הלכו הרוכבים אשר לכל לגיון ולגיון, כי מספר הרוכבים הנלוים אל כל לגיון מאה ועשרים איש. ואחריהם נסעו הפרדים נושאי מכונות־הרעש (אילי הברזל) ויתר מכונות המלחמה. ואחריהם שרי־החילים וראשי־הגדודים (הקוהורטות) ושרי־האלפים עם שומרי ראשם מבחורי הצבא. ואחריהם סִמני (דגלי) הלגיונות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הסמנים הם הדגלים הגדולים, שבחם משבעה תמונת הקיסר, — עץ למעלה, ספר ב, פ, ב — ג. הנשר הוא פסל הקבוע על מוט.</i> עם צלם נשר בתוך, כי לפני כל לגיון רומאי עובר הנשר, הוא מלך כל העופות והחזק בכלם, אשר נחשב בעיניהם (של הרומאים) לסמל הממשלה ולאות, כי ינצחו את אויביהם בצאתם עליהם למלחמה. ואחרי קדשי הצבא האלה נסעו המחצצרים, ואחריהם כל מערכות הלוחמים מסֻדרות בשורות, ובכל אחת ששה אנשים לרחבה, ואחריהם הלך שר־מאה להשגיח על המערכה כחֹק. ועבדי כל לגיון ולגיון הלכו אחרי צבא הרגלים ונשאו אִתם על כתף פרדים ויתר בהמות־סבל את כבודת אנשי־הצבא. ואחרי כל הלגיונות נסע המון שכירי המלחמה, ואחריהם חיל־המאסף, רגלים מזֻינים ורוכבים רבים, להגן על הצבא מאחור.",
+                    "ג. ככה נסע אספסינוס עם חילו ובא בגבולות הגליל ושׁם שָׂם את מחנהו ועצר את רוח אנשי־צבאו המשתוקקים לצאת לקרב, כי לראשונה חשב להפיל את אימתו על השונאים, בהראותו את כל עֹצם חילו, ולתת להם זמן להנחם ממעשיהם, אם ירצו לשוב מדרכם עוד לפני המלחמה. ויחד עם זה הכין את הכל לקראת מצור המבצרים. למראה המפקד הרומאי נחמו רבים על מרדם וכל יושבי הגליל נבהלו מפניו. והאנשים אשר חנו יחד עם יוסף לא רחוק מצפורי בגבול העיר הנקראה גרסיס (גריס) שמעו, כי המלחמה הולכת וקרובה אליהם ועוד מעט ויתראו עם הרומאים פנים, ולא חכו לקרב הראשון, ועוד טרם ראו את האויב עין בעין ברחו ונפוצו לכל רוח. וליוסף נשארו מתי־מספר, ובראותו כי לא תמצא ידו לקַדם את פני השונאים בחיל קטן כזה וכי נפלה רוח היהודים ואם יאָמנו דבריהם בעיני הרומאים, יצאו המונים המונים לכרות אתם ברית שלום, על־כן ירא יוסף מאד לגורל כל המלחמה וגמר להרחיק מן הסכנה ולקח עמו את הנשארים ונמלט אל טבריה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אספסינוס כבש את עיר גדר (נ״א: גברה) ועלה על יודפת ואחרי מצור ממֻשך נפלה העיר בידו באשמת בוגד אחד.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס עלה על עיר גברה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: גדרה, גם ערבה.</i> וכבש אותה מיד, כי מצא אותה עזובה מאנשי־מלחמה, ובבואו בשעריה צוה להמית את כל בחוריה, אולם הרומאים לא שׂמו פדות בין זקן ונער, בשנאתם הגדולה ליהודים ובזכרם את התועבה אשר נעשתה לצסטיוס. ולא את העיר לבד שלח אספסינוס באש, כי־אם גם את כל הכפרים והערים הקטנות אשר מסביב; את אלה מצא ריקות מאדם, ובאלה מכר את היושבים לעבדים.",
+                    "ב. ובבוא יוסף אל העיר, אשר בקש להִשָּׂגב שם מפני האויב, חרדו יושביה חרדה גדולה, כי אמרו אנשי טבריה אל לבם, אשר לא נמלט יוסף על נפשו לולא נואש כלה מתקות הנצחון במלחמה. ואמנם לא שגו האנשים במחשבתם על יוסף, כי כבר צפה את אחרית היהודים הרעה והבין, כי רק באחת יִוָּשעו, אם יִנָּחמו על מעשיהם. ואף כי האמין יוסף, אשר יסלחו הרומאים לחטאתו, בכל־זאת נקל היה לו למות שבעתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית ״הרבה פעמים״. ויש מי שתרגם ״מאה״ וגם ״אלף״ פעמים.</i> מבּגֹד בארץ אבותיו ומִנַּבּל את משרת שר־הצבא, אשר הפקיד העם בידו, כדי למצֹא רֶוח והצלה בידי העם, אשר נשלח להלחם בו. על־כן גמר אֹמר לכתוב אל ראשי הממשלה בירושלים ולהודיעם את הדברים לאשורם, מבלי להפריז במדת כח השונאים — פן יֵצא עליו שם רע, כי הוא רך־לבב — וגם מבלי להקטין את הסכנה — פן יבואו ראשי העם להתחזק במרדם, אחרי החִלם להנחם על מעשיהם. ועם המכתב הזה דרש יוסף מהם לענות אותו במהרה, אולי הם בוחרים לכרות ברית שלום עם הרומאים, או לשלוח לו צבא, אשר כח בידו לעמוד בפני השונאים, אם יגזרו משפטם להלחם ברומאים. ואת המכתב הזה נתן יוסף בידי רצים ממהרים להביאו אל ירושלים.",
+                    "ג. ואספסינוס גמר לעלות על יודפת להשחיתה, בשמעו כי נמלטו לתוכה רבים מאויביו ובדעתו כי המקום הוא משגב חזק לבני הגליל. הוא שלח לפניו חיל רגלים ורוכבים ליַשר את הדרך העולה שמה, כי היתה דרך מלאה אבנים וקשה היה ללכת בה ברגל ורוכבי הסוסים לא יכלו לעבור בה כלל. לקץ ארבעה ימים כלו האנשים את עבודתם ובקעו מסלה רחבה למעבר אנשי־הצבא, וביום החמישי, בעשרים ואחד לחדש ארטמיסיוס (אִיָּר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ג״א תתכ״ז — 67 למנין הנהוג.</i>, מהר יוסף לבוא מטבריה אל יודפת ולחזק את לב היהודים אשר נפל עליהם. ואחד הפליטים הנופלים אל הרומאים הביא לאספסינוס את הבשורה הטובה, כי בא האיש הזה אל המבצר, ועל־כן החיש אספסינוס ועלה להלחם בעיר, כי אמר בלבו להכניע את כל ארץ יהודה בכבשו את המבצר הזה, אם יעלה בידו לתפוש את יוסף בכפו. הוא שמח לבשורה הזאת כמוצא אֹשר רב, בהאמינו, כי בגזרת האלהים נפל האיש הזה — אשר נחשב לגדול בחכמתו מכל שונאיו — בפחת אשר כרה לו בידיו, — ומיד שלח אלף רוכבים תחת פקדת פלצידוס ושר־העשרה אֵיבּוּטִיּוּס, איש גבור־חיל וחכם־לב, וצוה אותם לסגור על העיר, פן ימָלט יוסף ממנה.",
+                    "ד. ולמחרת היום לקח אספסינוס את כל צבאו ונסע גם הוא אחרי הרוכבים עד בואו לעת ערב לפני חומת יודפת. הוא חנה עם צבאו מצפון לעיר על גבעה רחוקה ממנה שבע פרסאות, כי בקש להראות לאויביו עין בעין את כל חילו העצום ולהפיל עליהם את פחדו. וכן היה, אימה חשכה נפלה על היהודים, עד אשר לא מצא איש כח בנפשו לצאת משערי החומה. אולם הרומאים לא רצו להשתער על העיר בלילה ההוא, כי קצרה נפשם מעמל הדרך כל היום, על־כן הקיפו את העיר במערכה כפולה ועליה הציגו בשורה שלישית את הרוכבים לסגור על כל מוצאי העיר. אבל הדבר הזה הפיח בלב היהודים עֹז וגבורה למלחמה, כי ראו אשר אבד מהם מנוס. כי אמנם האֹנס מפליא לגַבּר חילים במלחמה!",
+                    "ה. וכעלות הבֹּקר התנפלו הרומאים על העיר. והיהודים החונים בשדה (לפני שערי העיר) החזיקו מעמד בראשונה לפני הרומאים. אך כאשר שלח אספסינוס את רובי־הקשת ואת הקלעים ואת כל היורים למיניהם וצוה עליהם לירות ביהודים, והוא העפיל לעלות עם חיל הרגלים על ראש הסלע התלול, אשר משם היה קל לתפוש את החומה, חרד יוסף לגורל העיר ויצא להלחם ברומאים בראש כל חיל היהודים. הם התנפלו בהמון על הרומאים וגרשו אותם מן החומה והגדילו להראות את גבורת ימינם ועֹצם רוחם. אולם מספר הנופלים מקרב היהודים לא קטן ממספר חללי שונאיהם. כי במדה שהוסיף היאוש גבורה ליהודים, ככה חזקה הבֹּשת (פן יִנָּגפו לפני שונאיהם) את רוח הרומאים, ואלה נלחמו בדעת הקרב ובכח ימינם ואלה באֹמץ לב ובחמת עֶברה, וכל היום ערכו מלחמה, ובלילה שקטו. והיהודים פצעו רבים מן הרומאים והמיתו בהם שלשה־עשר איש, ומהם נפלו שבעה־עשר חללים ושש מאות איש נפצעו.",
+                    "ו. וביום המחרת יצאו היהודים עוד הפעם מן העיר לקראת הרומאים הנלחמים עליה והתנגחו אתם ביתר עֹז, כי החיל אשר עשו ביום אתמול, בעוד אשר לא קוו להחזיק מעמד — הוסיף להם כח ועצמה לעמוד אף הפעם על נפשם בפני הרומאים, אשר גם הם נלחמו בשארית גבורה, יען אשר בושו, כי לא עלה בידם לנצח את אויביהם חיש מהר ולמפלה נחשב הדבר בעיניהם, וחמתם בערת מאד. ועד היום החמישי השתערו הרומאים על החומה בלי־הרף, ובני יודפת יצאו לקראתם ונלחמו אתם לפני השערים. והיהודים לא חתו מעֹצם כח שונאיהם וגם הרומאים לא עיפו ממצור העיר הקשה.",
+                    "ז. והעיר יודפת נמצאה כמעט כֻּלה בראש סלע תלול, המֻקף מעברים תהומות אין־חֵקר, ובנסות איש להשקיף למטה תחשכנה עיניו מעֹמק פי התהום, ורק מרוח צפון נמצאה דרך אל העיר, כי שם נבנתה בצלע ההר, ואת המקום הזה בִּצר יוסף בהקימו את חומת העיר, לבל יוכלו האויבים להגיע משם אל ראש ההר, המתנשא למעלה. ועוד הרים הקיפו את העיר מסביב, ועל־כן נסתרה מכל עבריה מעיני אדם טרם הגיע אליה. זאת היתה תכונת יודפת הבצורה.",
+                    "ח. אספסינוס אמר להתגבר על טבע המקום וגם על אֹמץ־לב היהודים המגִנים עליו וגמר לחזק את עבודת המצור. הוא קרא את שרי צבאותיו להוָּעץ אִתּם בדבר מלחמת התנופה במבצר, והם יעצו עצה לשפוך סוללה במקום אשר משם יוכלו לגשת אל החומה. על־כן שלח את כל הצבא להביא את החֹמר הדרוש, והם חצבו בהרים אשר מסביב לעיר ויחד עם העצים הביאו אבנים לאין־מספר. ולמחסה מן החצים העפים ממעלה מתח חלק הצבא מקלעת ענפים על משוכות עצים, ותחת הצפוי לא נזקו אנשי־הצבא כמעט ממטר אבני הבליסטראות, אשר נתך עליהם מן החומה, ושפכו את הסוללה במנוחה, וחבריהם עדרו את התללים הקרובים והספיקו להם עפר לעבודה. ככה נחלק הצבא לשלשת משמרות בעבודה הזאת, ואיש לא הלך בטל. והיהודים השליכו מן החומה צורי־אבנים גדולים וכל מיני קלעים על צפוי אנשי המלחמה, ואף כי לא הצליחו לפלח אותו, החרידו בקול המֻלת מַפּצם את עושי המלאכה.",
+                    "ט. אחרי־כן הציג אספסינוס מסביב את מכונות הקלע, ומספר הכלים היה מאה וששים, וצוה לנגח בהם את היהודים העומדים על החומה. זורקי החצים (הקטפולטות) הקיאו להבי־ברזל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לונכות (לונכיאות).</i> ואבנים גדולות בנות משקל ככר עפו מן הבליסטראות ולפידי אש וחצים נגרו בהמון ולא נתנו ליהודים לדרוך ברגליהם על החומה, ואף לצאת ולבוא בחוצות העיר. כי גם המון דורכי־הקשת הערבים וכל הרובים והקַלָּעים ירו על העיר עם המכונות יחד. וכאשר נבצר מהיהודים להשיב מלחמה לאויביהם מראש החומה, לא חבקו את ידיהם, רק עשו כמעשה שודדים והגיחו מן העיר חבורות חבורות וקרעו את צפוי בעלי־המלאכה והכו בהם, ומדי הניסם אותם הרסו את הסוללה ושלחו את המשוכה עם כל הקורות באש. לאחרונה הבין אספסינוס, כי סבת הנזק היא פרוד חלקי הסוללה, כי הרוָחים אשר בין החלקים נותנים ליהודים מקום לפרוץ בו, ועל־כן צוה לחבר את כל המשוכות לאחת, ובזה התלכדו גם חלקי הצבא העובד במלאכה ולא יכלו עוד היהודים להבקיעם.",
+                    "י. והסוללה הלכה הלוך וגדול וכמעט הגיעה עד מרום צנות החומה. ויוסף הבין, כי רעה נגד פניו, אם לא ימצא תחבולה לסַכּל את עצת הרומאים. ועל־כן אסף את הבונים וצוה אותם להוסיף על גֹבה החומה, וכאשר ענוהו האנשים, כי אין לאֵל־ידם לעשות את המלאכה תחת מטר־החצים ואבני־הקלע, מצא תחבולה להגן עליהם. הוא צוה להקים מחיצת עצים [על החומה] ולשטוח עליה עורות בקר חדשים (לחים), אשר התכנסו בפני אבני־הקלע ועצרו אותן ויתר החצים והחניתות צנחו מעליהם ושבו אחור. וגם לפידי האש דעכו בלֵחָם. ותחת המחסה הזה עבדו הבונים במנוחה יומם ולילה והרימו את חומת העיר עשרים אמה. וגם הקימו עליה מגדלים רבים ושׂמו עליה צנה חזקה. והרומאים, אשר האמינו, כי עוד מעט תעמודנה רגליהם בקרב העיר, התעצבו אל לבם מאד על הדבר הזה, כי נבהלו מתחבולת יוסף ומאֹמץ לב בני העיר.",
+                    "יא. וגם אספסינוס התרגז לתחבולת יוסף המחֻכּמה ולעֹז רוח אנשי יודפת, אשר החליפו כֹח למראה החומה הבנויה והגיחו משערי העיר על הרומאים, ומדי יום ביומו התנגשו אִתּם בגדודים קטנים וחבלו עליהם מזִמות ערמה כמעשה השודדים וגזלו כל אשר בא לידם, ואת יתר מלאכת הרומאים שלחו באש, עד אשר עצר אספסינוס את צבאו מהלחם וגמר לחנות מסביב לעיר ולכבשה בהכריתו לה משען לחם. הוא חשב, כי בבוא מחסור ומצוק יפנו אליו אנשי העיר לבקש חנינה, ואם יקשו את ערפם, יסופו ברעב. ועוד אמר בלבו, כי גם במלחמה יקל לו להכניעם, אם ירפה מהם הפעם ויתנפל עליהם לקץ ימים, כאשר יכשל כֹּחם. על־כן צוה לשמור על כל מוצאי העיר ומבואיה.",
+                    "יב. ולחם נמצא בעיר לרֹב וגם יתר מיני מזונות, מלבד מלח. אולם מים חסרו שם, כי לא היו מעינות בקרב העיר ויושביה מצאו ספוקם במי־גשמים, ואין הגשמים מצוים בה בימות הקיץ, ויען אשר החל המצור בעצם הימים ההם, תקפה עצבת נוראה את לב האנשים, ביראם פן יגועו בצמא, וצערם גדל מאד, כאִלו כבר אזלו כל המים מכליהם. אך יוסף ראה, כי העיר עשירה בכל מיני אֹכל והאנשים אשר בה גבורי חיל ורצה להאריך את זמן המצור, למען הכזיב את תקות הרומאים, ועל־כן חלק את המים במשורה לכל יושבי העיר. אולם הזהירות הזאת היתה קשה ליושבי העיר ממחסור, ובמדה אשר לא יכלו לשתות לרויה ככל אַוַּת־נפשם הלך צמאונם הלוך וגדול ונפשם היתה שוקקה כאלו כבר התעלפה בצמא. ואמנם מחסור המים הזה לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים, כי בהשקיפם ממעל בעד חומת העיר ראו את האנשים נאספים אל מקום אחד ומחלקים את המים במדה, וכוננו אל המקום ההוא את כלי־הקלע המהירים והמיתו יהודים רבים.",
+                    "יג. ואספסינוס האמין, כי לא ימשכו עוד הימים, עד אשר יאזלו כל מי הבארות והנצורים יסגירו בידו את עירם בעל־כרחם. אולם יוסף אמר להכזיב את תקותו זאת וצוה רבים מאנשי העיר לטבול בגדיהם במים ולתלות אותם מסביב לצנות החומה, עד אשר נטפה כל החומה מים. לדבר הזה נפלה רוח הרומאים, כי נבהלו בראותם את היהודים — אשר אמרו עליהם בלבם, כי אין להם מים לשתות — מפזרים מים רבים למעשי תעתועים. על־כן נואש ראש־הצבא מתקותו לכבוש את העיר במחסור ובמצוק ופנה עוד הפעם להִלחם בה בחֹזק־יד, ולדבר הזה נשאו היהודים את נפשם, אחרי אשר אפסה כל תקותם להושיע את עירם ולהציל את נפשותיהם, כי בחרו למות בחרב מלגוע ברעב ובצמא.",
+                    "יד. ואחרי התחבולה הזאת מצא יוסף עוד עצה טובה לעצמו. דרך נִקרה צרה וקשה למדרך רגל, אשר לא שוטטו בה עיני הרומאים, בחלק העמק ממערב, שלח מכתבים בידי אנשיו אל היהודים הרחוקים כטוב בעיניו וקבל מהם מתנות, עד כי נמצאו לו מיני אֹכל רבים, אשר כבר חסרו ליושבי העיר. הוא צוה את שלוחיו לזחול על ארבע, בעברם על צופי הרומאים ולכסות את בשרם בעורות למען ידמו לכלבים בעיניהם. אבל לאחרונה גלו הצופים את ערמת יוסף וחנו סביב על הנקרה.",
+                    "טו. יוסף נוכח עתה לראות, כי לא תוכל העיר להחזיק מעמד לאֹרך־ימים וכי קשה יהיה לו להציל את נפשו, אם ישאר בעיר. ועל־כן נועץ עם טובי־העיר לברוח ממנה. אולם הדבר נודע לכל בני העיר והם נבהלו אליו והקיפוהו בהמון וחִלו את פניו לבל יעזוב אותם, כי אליו לבדו נשואות עיניהם. הן אם ישאר בעיר, לא יחדלו מקוות לישועה, כי כל איש יֵצא למלחמה תחת פקֻודתו ברוח נכונה. וגם לא יאות לו לברוח מפני האויבים ולעזוב את אוהביו לנפשם, כי בזה יעשה כמעשה החובל הקופץ בעת הסערה מתוך האניה, אשר ירד אליה בעת מנוחת הים, ויפיל את עירם אל התהום, כי איש מהם לא יעצור כח לצאת לקראת האויב אחרי עזוב אותם האיש, אשר בו עשו חיל.",
+                    "טז. ויוסף כסה מהם, כי הוא אומר לשים לדרך פעמיו, למען מַלֵּט את נפשו, והודיע אותם, כי רק לטובתם הוא מבקש לעשות את הדבר, כי בהשארו בעיר לא יועיל להם הרבה, אם יעלה בידם להחלץ מן המצר, ואם יפלו בנופלים, יאבד אִתּם יחד חנם. אולם אם יצליח בידו להמלט מן המצור, הנה יוכל לעשות להם ישועה גדולה, כי יאסוף את יושבי ארץ הגליל במהרה ויביא מלחמה חדשה על הרומאים וימשוך אותם לסור מעל העיר. והן גם אינו רואה, במה יוכל להועילם, אם ישאר אצלם — הלא נהפוך הוא, כי בזה הוא מעורר את חמת הרומאים לחזק את המצור, כי חשוב בעיניהם מאד לתפוש אותו בכפם, אולם כאשר ישמעו הרומאים, כי ברח מן המבצר, יונח לעיר הרבה מחרון־אפם. אבל בדברים האלה לא הניח יוסף את דעת האנשים ועוד הלהיב את רוחם להחזיק בו. הנערים והזקנים והנשים עם עולליהן השתטחו לפניו ביללה וחבקו את רגליו וכלם החזיקו בו וגעו לפניו בבכיה והתחננו אליו להשאר אתם יחד בצרה. ואין אני חושב, כי עשו זאת מקנאתם בו פן יִמָּלט מצרה, כי־אם בהאמינם אשר ממנו תבוא ישועתם. הם בטחו, כי לא תאֻנה להם רעה, אם ישאר יוסף בקרבם!",
+                    "יז. ויוסף הבין, כי רק אם תהיינה אזניו קשובות לדברי האנשים, ידברו אליו תחנונים, ואולם אם יתחזק בדעתו — יתנו עליו משמר; וגם תשוקתו לעזוב את העיר רפתה מאד לשמע בכי העם — על־כן גמר בלבו להשאר בעיר, והתאזר בגבורת היאוש אשר תקפה את כל העיר וקרא אל העם: ״הנה הגיעה השעה לצאת לקרָב, כי אין לנו עוד תקוה להמלט; וטוב יהיה, כי נקנה לנו שם טוב במחיר חיינו ולפני מותנו במלחמה נפליא לעשות גבורות לזכרון לדור אחרון״. ובדבּרו זאת פנה למלא אחרי דברו. הוא יצא עם גבורי המלחמה והפיץ את שומרי הרומאים והבקיע אל מקום מחנם ונתק את העורות אשר התכסו בהם שופכי הסוללה ושלח אש במעשה ידם. וגם ביום השני עשה כדבר הזה, וככה עשה גם ביום השלישי ועוד ימים רבים ולילות רצופים לא נלאה להלחם באויב.",
+                    "יח. והרומאים נמצאו בצרה מדי הגיחו היהודים מן העיר, כי בושו להסוג אחור מפניהם, וכאשר נטו היהודים מהם לא יכלו לרדוף אחריהם, כי פגרו מלכת תחת משא כלי־נשקם. והיהודים היו מחישים את מעשיהם כפעם בפעם ונמלטים אל העיר טרם מצאה אותם רעה. עליכן צוה אספסינוס על אנשי־חילו לכבוש את כעסם ולבלי הלחם באנשים ההולכים למות, כי יאוש מפיח שארית גבורה בקרבם, אולם חמתם תשקע בהחטיאם את המטרה כדעוך אש קוצים, ולרומאים יאות לנצח בהשקט ובבטחה, כי אינם עושים מלחמה באֹנס, רק למען הרחיב את גבולם. ואת מושכי־הקשת הערבים והקלעים הסורים ורובי־האבנים שלח להרגיע את היהודים, גם המון כלי־הקלע הגדולים לא נח ולא שקט. והיהודים נטו מעל כלי־המשחית האלה, אולם לעת הצליחו לגשת אל שונאיהם מקרוב והחצים העפים למרחוק העבירו אותם, קשתה ידם על הרומאים, כי נלחמו ברוח עזה ושמו את נפשם בכפם; וכאשר עיפו הלוחמים בשתי המערכות, מהרו חבריהם לבוא תמורתם.",
+                    "יט. ככה ארך זמן המצור והנצורים הוסיפו להגיח משערי העיר, ואספסינוס האמין כמעט, כי היהודים שמו עליו מצור תחת מצור; וכאשר קרבו הסוללות אל מרום החומה, צוה להביא את האיל (איל־הברזל). האיל הוא קורה ארֻכּה כדמות תֹּרן [של אניה] ובקצה נמצא מטיל־ברזל כתבנית איל, ועל־כן נקראה בשם הזה. ובתוֶך היא תלויה בחבלים — כעל מוט עגלה — על קורה שניה הנטועה משתי קצותיה על עמודים חזקים. ואנשים רבים מושכים את הקורה לאחור ואחרי־כן הם דוחפים אותה כלם יחדו אל עבר פניהם והיא מנגחת את החומה במטיל הברזל אשר בקצֶהָ. ולא נמצא מגדל נשגב או חומה עבה, אשר יוכלו לעמוד לארך ימים בפני המהלומות האלה, וגם אם ישאו אותן בראשונה. ראש צבא הרומאים אמר לנסות את כֹּחו בדבר הזה, כי רצה הפעם לקחת את העיר בחֹזק־יד, בראותו אשר מצור העיר מביא נזק לרומאים, כי אין היהודים אוספים את ידיהם. הרומאים הקריבו אל העיר את זורקי־החצים (הקטפולטות) ויתר כלי־הקלע, לגרש בהם את השונאים, אשר נסו לעצור אותם מעל החומה, והחלו לירות ביהודים ויחד אתם קרבו רובי־הקשת והקַלעים. וכאשר לא ערבו עוד היהודים את לבם לעלות על החומה הקריבו אנשי־צבא אחרים את איל־הברזל, המצֻפה כלו זמורות וממעל לצִפוי נמצא עוד מכסה עור לסוכך על המכונה ועל האנשים אשר עליה. למגח הראשון הזדעזעה החומה, וצעקת יושבי העיר עלתה השמימה, כאלו כבר נפלו בידי אויביהם.",
+                    "כ. ובראות יוסף, כי הרומאים שולחים את כל מכותיהם אל מקום אחד ועוד מעט תבקע החומה, התחכם לעצור רגע קטן את כֹּח המכונה. הוא צוה להוריד שקים מלאים קש ומֹץ אל המקום אשר יראו את האיל נִשׂא שמה תמיד, למען יתעה במהלכו וגם למען יקבלו השקים הרכים את מגח האיל ויחלישו את כחו. בגלל הדבר הזה כלו הרומאים זמן רב לריק, כי בכל מקום אשר כוננו אליו מכונת הרעש, שמה שלשלו האנשים את שקיהם ממעלה והשיבו את מגח האיל אחור, עד כי לא נפגעה החומה. ולאחרונה מצאו הרומאים תחבולה להפר את עצת היהודים, כי עשו להם מוטות ארֻכּים וקשרו בקצותיהם חרמשים ובזה כרתו את השקים. ומני אז החלה המכונה לנגח ביתר עֹז והחומה, אשר נבנתה זה עתה, התמוטטה תחתיה. על־כן מהרו אנשי יוסף להגן על נפשם באש. הם לקחו את כל חֹמר השרפה, אשר מצאה ידם, והגיחו מן העיר בשלשה ראשים ושרפו את מכונות הרומאים ואת מקלעות סֻכּותיהם ואת סוללותיהם גם־יחד, והרומאים לא עמדו על נפשם, כי נבהלו מעֹז אף שונאיהם ולא קמה בהם רוח, ובעוד הם מבקשים להעזר עלתה הלהבה למעלה, כי כהרף־עין לִחכה האש את הכֹּפר והזפת והגפרית ואכלה סביב, וברגע אחד היו לבער כל בניני הרומאים, אשר הקימו בזֵעת אפם.",
+                    "כא. ובאותו מעמד עשה איש אחד מן היהודים ושמו אלעזר בן שמי, יליד כפר סבא (או סב) בגליל, דבר־גבורה לשם ולזֵכר עולם, כי הרים אבן גדולה מאד והשליך אותה בכח גדול מראש החומה על מכונת הרעש, עד אשר התיז את ראש האיל, ואחרי זאת קפץ לתוך מחנה השונאים ולקח משם את ראש האיל ובמנוחה גדולה נשא אותו על החומה, וכל האויבים שמו אותו למטרה לחציהם והוא נתן את בשרו למכים, כי לא היה מכֻסה מגן, וחמשה חצים נחתו בו. אך אלעזר לא שׂם לב לדבר הזה, עד אשר עלה על ראש החומה. וכל האנשים ראו עין בעין את מעשה גבורתו. ואז קרס מעצמת מכאובי פצעיו ונפל למטה עם ראש האיל. ואחריו הפליאו לעשות גבורה שני האחים נטירא ופיליפוס, אנשי כפר רוּמָא, גם הם ילידי הגליל, כי קפצו אל תוך הלגיון העשירי והתנפלו בעֹצם־יד ובזרוע נטויה על הרומאים, עד אשר נתקו את שורותיהם, ובכל מקום אשר פנו שמה הפיצו את כל האויבים מפניהם.",
+                    "כב. ואחרי הדברים האלה לקחו יוסף ויתר אנשיו עוד הפעם לפידי אש והניסו את הלגיון החמישי ואת הלגיון העשירי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אולי צריך להיות הלגיון החמשה־עשר.</i> ושרפו את המכונות ואת הסוככים יחד עם הסוללה, ויתר הרומאים קִדמו את פני הסכנה והעלו מִכסֵה עפר על המכונות ועל כל מלאכת העץ אשר להם. לעת ערב החליפו הרומאים כח והקריבו עוד הפעם את איל־הברזל לנגח את החומה במקום אשר התרועעה. ואז ירה אחד הלוחמים [היהודים] מעל החומה ופגע את אספסינוס בעקבו. הפצע היה קל, כי כח המכה רפה ממרחק המקום. אולם מהומה גדולה קמה בקרב מחנה הרומאים לדבר הזה, כי למראה דם המכה נבהלו העומדים מקרוב והשמועה עברה בכל הצבא, ורבים הרפו מעבודת המצור ורצו בפחד ובבהלה לראות את פני המפקד. ולראשונה מהר טיטוס לבוא, כי חרד לנפש אביו, והמון הצבא נמוג מאהבתו לראש־הצבא ובראותו את חרדת בנו. אבל אספסינוס מהר להשיב את נפש בנו המפחד ולהשקיט את סערת הצבא, כי הבליג על מכאוביו ושקד להראות את פניו לעיני כל האנשים, אשר פחדו לחייו. ובדבר הזה העירם לגַבּר חיָלים במלחמתם עם היהודים. כי כל איש מאנשי־הצבא שמח עתה לצאת לקראת הסכנה ולקחת נקמה בעד המפקד, ובקול צעקה חִזקו איש את אחיו ומהרו אל החומה.",
+                    "כג. המונים המונים מאנשי צבא יוסף נפלו חללים מחִצי האויבים ומאבני הקלע, ובכל־זאת לא משו מן החומה והמטירו אש וברזל ואבנים על שולחי האיל, אשר עמדו תחת מצפה הענפים. אולם כמעט לא עשו רעה לרומאים, בעוד אשר הם נפלו חללים בלי הרף, כי האויב היה רואה אותם והם לא ראוהו, יען אשר בלפידי האש האירו את פניהם ונעשו למטרה לחצי השונא, אשר ראה אותם כמו בעצם היום, ואולם הם לא ראו את מכונות הקלע למרחוק, ועל־כן היה קשה להם להשמר מפגעיהן. וכח כלי־הרובים המהירים וזורקי החצים היה חזק מאד, עד כי פלחו אנשים רבים בבת־אחת, והלם אבני הבליסטראות עקר את צוות החומה ופוצץ את קצות המגדלים, ולא נמצא המון אנשים גדול, אשר לא היה בכח מטר האבנים הגדולות והכבדות לנפץ את כֻּלו מבלי השאיר לו שריד. את כח המכונות האלה יבין כל איש מהמעשים אשר קרו בלילה ההוא, כי איש אחד מהעומדים על־יד יוסף נפגע באבן שלוחה [מאחת המכונות], והיא הסירה את ראשו וצנפה את גלגלתו במרחק שלשה ריסים. ובבֹּקר נפגעה אשה הרה בבטנה בצאתה מפתח ביתה והילד הגיח מבטן אמו מהלך חצי ריס. כה גדול היה כח הבליסטראות! אולם עוד נורא מזה היה קול רעש המכונות ונפץ אבני הקלע. ותלי פגרים התגלגלו בהמֻלה מעל החומה, וצעקת הנשים בתוך העיר עלתה עד לב השמים ולקולן ענתה אנקת החללים מחוץ. ובמקום המלחמה נטפה כל החומה דם ועל ערֵמות הנופלים כמעט יכלו השונאים לעלות עד מרום החומה. ונורא מכל הפחדים האלה היה הד ההרים מסביב, אשר ענה לכל הקולות ולא היה קץ לבלהות הלילה ההוא על אֹזן שומעת ועין רואה. רבים ממגני יודפת מתו אז מות גבורים, ועוד רבים מהם נפצעו. אחרי יגיע רב נבקעה החומה לעת אשמֹרת הבקר תחת מפץ המכונות, אשר לא חדל אף רגע, אך טרם הספיקו הרומאים להטיל את מכונות־העליה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מכונת־העליה היא סֻלם עם גשר מתפרק, שמטילים אותו למקום הפרץ בחומה, למען יעלו אנשי־הצבא.</i> ולעלות בהן אל פרץ החומה, מהרו היהודים לכסות את בשרם בכלי־נשקם ולבצר את מקום הפרץ.",
+                    "כד. אחרי מנוחה קצרה מעמל הלילה אסף אספסינוס את צבאו לפנות בקר לכבוש את העיר בסערה, וברצותו לגרש מתוך פרצי החומה את היהודים, העומדים לו לשטן, צוה לגבורי הרוכבים אשר לו לרדת מעל סוסיהם ולחגור את כל כלי־זינם ולהתיצב בשלש שורות לפני פרץ החומה ולשלוח את חניתותיהם לפניהם, למען אשר יבקיעו לראשונה אל העיר, אחרי אשר יטילו את מכונות־העליה, ואחריהם הציג במערכה את גבורי הרגלים, ואת יתר הרוכבים ערך ממול החומה לאֹרך כל צלעות ההרים, לבל יוכל אחד הבורחים מן השבי להִסָּתר. ומאחוריהם הציג את רובי־הקשת וצוה עליהם לכונן חציהם על יתר, וכה אמר גם אל הקַלעים ואל המנצחים על המכונות ואת יתר אנשי־צבאו צוה לקחת סֻלמות ולהגישם אל חלקי החומה אשר טרם נבקעו, למען ינסו היהודים לעצור את השונאים האלה ויעזבו את משמר פרץ־החומה, בעוד אשר הנשארים יסוגו אחור מפחד החצים ואבני הקלע ויפנו את דרך מבוא החומה.",
+                    "כה. יוסף הבין את מחשבת אספסינוס, ועל־כן שלח את הזקנים ועיפי המלחמה אל יתר חלקי החומה, בהאמינו כי לא יקרה אותם פגע, ואל מקום פרץ־החומה שלח את גבורי צבאו, ובראש כֻּלם ששה ששה אנשים (לגדוד) על־פי הגורל, לעבור לפניהם, וגם הוא היה בין הששה. הוא צוה עליהם לאטום את אזניהם, לבל יבהלו מקול תרועת הלגיונות, ולכרוע על ברכיהם ולכסות עליהם בשלטיהם נגד החצים ואבני הקלע, וגם אמר להם להסוג אחור מעט עד אשר יריקו רובי־החצים את אשפותיהם, ולהיות עתידים לרגע, אשר בו יטילו הרומאים את מכונות־העליה על פרץ החומה, — למען התנפל עליהם ולצאת לקראת השונאים על הגשרים אשר להם: ״היום הזה ילָחם כל איש מכם לא למען הצל את עירו, רק למען קחת נקם על חרבנה, על־כן ישים לנגד עיניו את מראה הזקנים והטף הנשחטים בידי האויב ואת פני הנשים העתידות לֵהרג במהרה ויאסוף את כל זעמו על הצרות הבאות וישפוך אותו על ראשי עושי הרעה״.",
+                    "כו. ככה ערך יוסף את צבאו להלחם משני עבריו. ובראות יושבי העיר אשר לא לקחו חלק במלחמה, הנשים והטף, כי העיר מֻקפה במערכה משֻׁלשת, — כי איש מהרומאים השומרים על מוצאי העיר מכבר לא נשלח להלחם [בפרץ החומה] — ועל־יד החומה הפרוצה עומדים אויבים וחרבות שלופות בידיהם, וההרים אשר ממעל לעיר נוצצים מרֹב נשק, והרובים הערבים דורכים את קשתותיהם, הרימו קול יללת נהי, כאלו כבר בא האסון אשר יראו ממנו. ויוסף ירא פן תרפינה הנשים את לב קרוביהן בבכין, וצוה לסגור אותן בבתיהן ולהפיל אימה עליהן, למען תשקטנה תחתיהן, והוא פנה אל מקומו בפרץ החומה, אשר עלה לו בגורל, ואל הרומאים המקריבים את סֻלמיהם מול יתר חלקי החומה לא שׂם את לבו, ובצפּיתו צִפּה אל רעם כּלי־הקלע.",
+                    "כז. פתאם תקעו מחצצרי כל הלגיונות והצבא הריע לעֻמתם בקול ענות גבורה, ואור היום חשך בפני המון החצים ואבני הקלע, אשר עפו מכל עבָרים. אולם אנשי יוסף שמרו את פקֻדתו ואטמו את אזניהם, לבל ישמעו את קול הצעקה והשאון, וכסו את בשרם, לבל יפגעו בהם החצים, וכאשר הטילו הרומאים את מכונות־המעבר, קפצו היהודים על הגשרים טרם דרכו עליהם רגלי המשליכים אותם, והתנגחו עם העולים על הגשרים וגִלו את כל אֹמץ נפשם וגבורת ידם, ואף כי הגיעו מים עד נפש, שקדו בכל כֹּחם להראות, כי לא נופלים הם בגבורתם מצריהם הבטוחים מפחד רעה. הם לא הרפו מן הרומאים עד אשר נפלו חללים או הכריעו אותם. אולם מעט מעט עיפו מכֹּבד המלחמה ולא נמצאו אנשי־חיל חליפתם, בעוד אשר בצבא הרומאים באו כפעם בפעם אנשי־צבא חדשים למלא חיש מהר את מקום העיֵפים. על־כן חִזקו הרומאים איש את אחיו והתלכדו יחד והתכסו במגניהם עד היותם כגוף מֻצק אחד ובעבי המערכה כֻּלה לחצו את היהודים, וכמעט עלו על החומה.",
+                    "כח. ובעת הצרה הזאת לִמד האֹנס את יוסף עצה טובה — כי כן הוא דרך האֹנס להפליא מזמות לעת תקֹף היאוש — והוא צוה לשפוך שמן רותח על האויבים המתלכדים במגניהם. ואנשיו הביאו במהרה את השמן בהמון, כאלו כבר היה מוכן אצלם לדָבר, ושפכו אותו מכל עבר על הרומאים, ואחרי־זאת השליכו עליהם גם את כדי השמן הלוהטים מחֹם. השמן הקודח הזה לִהט את הרומאים והפיץ את מערכותיהם, ובמכאובים נוראים התגלגלו מעל החומה, כי על־נקלה חדר השמן דרך הנשק הסוכך עליהם והשתפך על־פני כל גופם מקדקדם ועד פעמי רגליהם ואכל את בשרם כאש להבה, יען אשר תכונת השמן להתחמם על־נקלה ולהתקרר רק מעט מעט מפני דשנו. והרומאים היו חבושים ואסורים בקובעיהם ובשריוניהם ולא עצרו כח להרחיק מהם את השרפה, על־כן קפצו למעלה וגם התעטפו מעצמת מכאובם עד אשר נפלו מעל הגשרים. ואלה אשר הפכו את פניהם מול אחיהם, המעפילים לעלות אחריהם, כרעו על־נקלה בידי היהודים, אשר הכו בהם מאחור.",
+                    "כט. אולם גם בעצם התלאה הזאת לא כשל כח הרומאים — כאשר לא אבדה גם עצה מן היהודים. — ואף כי ראו אנשי־הצבא את צרת חבריהם הנכוים, הוסיפו לעלות אחריהם על היהודים שופכי השמן וכל אחד חרף את רעהו, כי הוא עומד לו לשטן בדרך גבורתו. והיהודים מצאו תחבולה חדשה, ושפכו קש יוני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שם הצמח ביונית ״טיליס״ ותרגמתי על־פי השם הרומי foenum graecum). בגרמנית נקרא זה גם ״חציר־חרובים״ (Bockshornkraut) והוא צמח תרמילי, אשר גרגריו המבֻשלים נותנים דֶּבֶק.</i> מבֻשׁל על קרשי רצפת הגשרים, להכשיל את הרומאים, והם מעדו וצנחו למטה. ולא יכלו עוד אנשי־הצבא לעמוד על רגליהם ברצותם לפנות לאחור או לעלות על האויב; אלה נפלו אחורנית על הגשר ונרמסו ברגלי אחיהם ורבים נפלו על מכסה הסוללה ובמפלתם היו למטרה לחצי היהודים. כי כאשר כשלו הרומאים היתה הרוָחה ליהודים ולא הֻטל עוד עליהם להלחם בהם פנים אל פנים ומצאו שעת־הכֹּשר לירות בהם מרחוק. ואחרי הרעה הרבה, אשר מצאה את אנשי־הצבא ביום ההוא, קרא אליהם ראש־הצבא למשוך את ידיהם בבוא הערב. רבים מהם נפלו חללים ועוד רבים מאלה נפצעו. ומהיהודים נפלו רק ששה חללים וכשלש מאות פצועים נִשׂאו ממקום הקרב. המלחמה הזאת היתה בעשרים לחֹדש דַּיְסִיּוֹס (סיון).",
+                    "ל. ואספסינוס אמר לנחם את לב אנשי־צבאו אחרי הפגע הזה, אולם ראה, כי חמתם התלקחה מאד ואין הם דורשים תנחומים, כי־אם מבקשים לעשות מעשה, על־כן צוה להרים את הסוללות ולהקים שלשה מגדלים, חמשים רגל גֹּבה האחד, ולצַפּות אותם ברזל מכל עבריהם, למען יהיו מֻצקים בכֹבד משקלם ולא תשלֹט בהם האש. ואחרי־זאת העמיד את המגדלים בראשי הסוללות והעלה עליהם את נושאי הרמחים ואת רובי־הקשת וגם הציג בהם כלי־קלע קלים ויחד אִתּם את הקַלעים החזקים. והרומאים, אשר לא נראו מפני גֹבה המגדלים והַצִּנות, ירו בעומדים על החומה, אשר היו למול עיניהם. והיהודים לא יכלו לנטות הצדה על־נקלה מפני החצים ואבני הקלע, אשר עפו מעל לראשיהם, וגם לא להלחם באויביהם הנעלמים, ולמגִנת לבם ראו בעיניהם, כי אין ידם משיגה לשלח את הקֶלע עד מרום המגדלים, וגם אין האש שולטת בצפוי הברזל, על־כן ירדו מראש החומה ויצאו כפעם בפעם השערה לגרש את השונאים המעפילים לעלות. ככה החזיקו עוד אנשי יודפת מעמד, אף כי בכל יום ויום נפלו רבים מהם חללים ונבצר מהם לגמול לשונאיהם רעה, מלבד אשר עצרו אותם בהשליכם את נפשם מנגד.",
+                    "לא. ובימים ההם שלח אספסינוס את טרַיָּנוס, ראש הלגיון העשירי, עם אלף רוכבים ואלפים רגלים על יפה, אחת הערים הקרובות אל יודפת, אשר התעוררה למרוד ברומאים, בראותה, כי בני יודפת עומדים על נפשם בפני האויב זמן רב, כאשר לא האמין איש מראש. טרַיָּנוס חשב, כי יקשה בידו לכבוש את העיר, אשר נוסף על משגב מקומה היתה מֻקפה חומה כפולה. בראותו, כי יצאו יושבי העיר לקראתו מוכנים לקרב, התנפל עליהם והניסם מהרה וגם רדף אחריהם. בהגיע הבורחים עד החומה הראשונה הדביקו אותם הרומאים ובאו יחד אתם בשעריה. וכאשר בקשו היהודים לבוא גם מבית לחומה השניה, סגרו לפניהם אחיהם יושבי העיר את שעריה, כי פחדו פן יפלו האויבים יחד אִתּם אל העיר. אכן אחת גזר האלהים למסור את יושבי הגליל בכף הרומאים להרג ולאבדן! האנשים עמדו בהמון גדול ודפקו בשערי העיר ונקבו את שמות אחיהם והפצירו בהם למלט את נפשם, ועוד הם מתחננים, והנה נפלו חללים, כי את החומה הראשונה כבשו האויבים ואת השניה סגרו לפניהם אחיהם. הם נלחצו בין המצרים, בין שתי החומות בתוֶך ונדחקו יחדו, ורבים המיתו איש את אחיו או נפלו על חרבם, ורבים כרעו בחרב הרומאים, כי לא קמה בם עוד רוח להלחם בהם, ומלבד פחד האויבים דִכּא בגד אחיהם את נפשם. הם מתו במאֵרה על שפתיהם, ולא את הרומאים קללו, כי־אם את אחיהם, עצמם ובשרם. ומספּר כל הנופלים היה שנים־עשר אלף איש. טרַיָּנוס הבין, כי העיר ריקה עתה מאנשי־חיל, וגם אם נמצאו בקרבה אנשים, לא יעמוד לבם מפני גֹדל יראתם, אולם הוא קִדֵּש את כבוש העיר לראש־הצבא ושלח מלאכים אל אספסינוס לבקשהו, כי ימַלא את ידי בנו טיטוס להשלים את הנצחון [למען יִקָרא שמו עליו]. ואספסינוס אמר בלבו, כי עוד עבודה רבה נכונה לכובשי העיר, ועל־כן נתן בידי בנו חמש מאות רוכבים ואלף אנשי־צבא רגלים. טיטוס מהר לעלות על העיר והציג את צבאותיו במערכה והפקיד על האגף השמאלי את טרַיָּנוס, והוא עמד בראש האגף הימני. וכאשר הביאו אנשי־הצבא מכל עברים סֻלמות, לעלות בהם על החומה, נלחמו הגלילים זמן קצר, ואחרי־כן עזבו את המצודה, ואנשי טיטוס קפצו אל תוך העיר וכבשו אותה במהרה. אולם כאשר נטשו הרומאים בתוך העיר, קמה עליהם מלחמה קשה, כי בחורי החיל התנפלו עליהם ברחובות והנשים השליכו עליהם מן הבתים כל דבר אשר בא לידן. וכשש שעות ארכה המלחמה הזאת, עד אשר ספו כל היהודים אנשי המלחמה ויתר העם נפל ברחובות העיר ובבתיה בחרב הרומאים, אשר לא חמלו על זקן ונער ולא חִיו כל נפש זכר, מלבד הילדים, כי אותם מכרו לעבדים עם הנשים יחדו. ומספר כל ההרוגים יחד עם הנופלים במלחמה הראשונה [בין החומות] היה חמשה־עשר אלף איש, ומספר השבוים אלפַּים ומאה ושלשים. הצרה הזאת באה על יושבי הגליל ביום עשרים וחמשה לחדש דַיסיוס (סיון).",
+                    "לב. וגם השמרונים לא נחלצו אז מצרה, כי הם נאספו בהר גריזים, אשר למקום קדוש הוא נחשב בעיניהם, ונשארו במקום ההוא. אולם אספתם זו נתנה עֵדיה, כי למלחמה הם נושאים את נפשם, ולא לקחו מוסר מהרעה אשר מצאה את שכניהם [היהודים]. לשמע נצחונות הרומאים גדלה קנאתם, ולא שמו לב לרפיון כחם, רק חכו בקֹצר רוח לעת מהומה. ואספסינוס יעץ לקדם את פני המרד הזה ולהפר את מזמותיהם, כי אף אם נמצאו מִשמרי הרומאים בכל ארץ שמרון, בכל־זאת ירא מפני ההמון הגדול הנאסף והערוך למלחמה. על־כן שלח עליו את צֶרְאַלִּיס, ראש הלגיון החמישי, עם שש מאות רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים. וכראות צֶרְאַלִּיס את השונאים הרבים העומדים בראש ההר, אמר בלבו, כי לא יוכל להעפיל ולעלות בשלום על ראש ההר למען יתגרה אִתּם מלחמה, ועל־כן עמד למטה ושמר על ההמון כל היום. ולא נמצאו אז לשמרונים מים די מחסורם, כי הימים היו ימי עצם הקיץ וההמון לא הספיק לְהִצְטַיֵּד, והשמש להטה מאד ביום ההוא, עד אשר גועו אחדים מן השמרונים בצמא, ורבים מהם ברחו אל הרומאים, כי בחרו בחיי עבדים ממָות אשר כזה. וכאשר שמע צראליס מפיהם, כי גם נפשות הנשארים התעטפו עליהם מהיסורים הנוראים, עלה על ראש ההר וערך את צבאו במעגל מסביב לאויבים ולראשונה קרא עליהם לכרות אִתּוֹ ברית ולפרק את כלי־נשקם, למען יתן להם את נפשם לשלל. וכאשר לא שמעו השמרונים לדבריו, השתער עליהם והמית את כֻּלָּם יחד, אחד־עשר אלף ושש מאות איש. והדבר הזה נעשה ביום עשרים ושבעה לחדש דַיסיוס (סיון). אלה הרעות אשר מצאו את השמרונים.",
+                    "לג. ויושבי יודפת חִזקו את לבם להביש את תקות הרומאים ולא שבו אחור מפני כל הנוראות. אולם ביום הארבעים ושבעה [למצור העיר] התרוממה סוללת הרומאים ממעל לחומת העיר, ואחד מבני העיר נפל אל אספסינוס ביום ההוא ובִשׂר לו, כי רק מתי־מספר נשארו להגן על העיר, וגם הם רפי־אונים, כי כשל כחם מלילות הנדודים התכופים ומִכֹּבד הקרָבות הרצופים ולא יוכלו לעמוד על נפשם בפני הנלחמים אִתּם ביד חזקה. והאיש הוסיף עוד לדבר, כי גם בערמה יִלָכדו יושבי העיר על־נקלה, אם ינסה איש להתנפל עליהם לעת האשמורה האחרונה (אשמֹרת הבֹּקר), יען כי אז הם אומרים למצֹא שעת מרגוע מהבלהות, ותרדמת שחרית נופלת על האנשים העיפים והיגעים, וגם הצופים נמים את שנתם. על־כן יעץ האיש להשתער על העיר בשעה הזאת. ואמנם אספסינוס לא הרבה להאמין בדברי הפליט, בדעתו כי היהודים נאמנים בברית אחים ואינם פוחדים מכל יסורים. כי עוד לפני זאת נתפש אחד מפליטי יודפת ועמד בכל העִנויים הקשים, כאשר דשו האויבים את בשרו וגם שמו אותו באש, לחקור ממנו את הדברים אשר נעשו בעיר, והוא לא הוציא אף הגה מפיו וקבל באור־פנים את המות, כאשר הוקע על הצלב. אולם נדמה בעיניו (בעיני אספסינוס), כי שמץ אמת נמצא בדברי הבוגד, ואולי גם כל דבריו נאמנים, וגם הבין, כי בנפול הרומאים בפח לא תצמח להם רעה גדולה, על־כן צוה לשים משמר על הבוגד והכין את צבאו לעלות על העיר ולכבשה.",
+                    "לד. ולמועד האמור עלו הרומאים חרש על החומה. לראשונה עלה טיטוס עם דומיטיוס סַבּינוס, אחד משרי־האלף, בראש מתי־מספר מן הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי. הם שחטו את הצופים [הנמים] ובאו אל העיר ואחריהם עלו סקסטוס קַלִוַריוס (נ״א צראליס) שר־האלף ופלָצִידוּס עם צבאותיהם. וכבר נכבש ראש הגבעה ורגלי הרומאים עמדו בתוך העיר, וכבר עלה השחר — ועוד לא חשו המנֻצחים, כי נפלו בידי הרומאים, כי רבים שקעו בתרדמה עזה אחרי עמלם הקשה. וגם הנעוֹרים משנתם לא ידעו דבר, כי במקרה פשט אז ענן־ערפל על העיר ועיניהם חשכו מראות. ורק כאשר פרצו כל צבאות הרומאים בתוך העיר, הקיצו האנשים, למען יראו בעיניהם את האסון אשר מצאם ויוָכחו ברגע מותם, כי נפלה עירם ביד צר. והרומאים זכרו את כל התלאות אשר עברו אליהם בעת המצור ולא נתנו חנינה לאיש ולא ידעו רחמים, רק לחצו את העם מראש העיר אל המורד בחמת רצח. גם האנשים, אשר היה עוד בהם כח להִלחם, לא יכלו לעמוד על נפשם במקום הקשה ההוא (במורד). הם נדחקו ברחובות והתגלגלו במקומות המשֻׁפּעים, והמון הצבא הרומאי נשפך כזֶרם מראש ההר וכסה עליהם. והדבר הזה העיר רבים מבחורי חיל יוסף לטרוף את נפשם בכפם, כי בראותם אשר אין לאל־ידם להמית אף איש אחד מן הרומאים, מאנו למות בידי השונאים ונאספו יחד אל מקום אחד בקצה העיר ושלחו יד בנפשם.",
+                    "לה. ואחדים משומרי העיר הספיקו להִמלט לשמועה הראשונה על־דבר כבוש העיר ועלו על אחד המגדלים בצפון העיר ועמדו על נפשם עת־מזער, וכאשר שתו עליהם המונות האויבים מסביב, פרשו אליהם היהודים את ידיהם לשלום, אך אחרו את המועד וברצון נתנו לרומאים העולים לשחטם. וכמעט יכלו הרומאים להתגאות, כי בקץ המצור לא נפל אף אחד מהם חלל, לולא נהרג אחד הרומאים בעת כבוש העיר, הוא אנטוניוס שר־המאה אשר נפל בפח. כי אחד האנשים הרבים והעצומים אשר נמלטו אל המערות, התחנן אליו להושיט אליו את ידו, לאות כי יציל את נפשו ויעזור לו בעלותו מן המערה, ואנטוניוס לא נזהר ושלח אליו את ידו, והיהודי מִהר לתקוע את החנית בין רגליו והמית אותו כרגע.",
+                    "לו. ביום ההוא המיתו הרומאים רק את ההמון אשר ראו עיניהם. ובימים הבאים חקרו את המחבואים ושחטו את האנשים אשר הסתתרו במנהרות ובמערות, והמיתו זקן ונער, ורק לנשים ולעוללים נתנו את נפשם לשלל. ומספר השבוים היה אלף ומאתים, אך מספר המתים בעת הכבוש ובמלחמות אשר היו לפניו הגיע עד ארבעים אלף. ואספסינוס צוה להרוס את העיר עד היסוד ולשלוח באש את כל מצודותיה. ככה נפלה יודפת בשנת שלש־עשרה לממשלת נירון בראש־חדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אשה אחת גלתה לרומאים את מחבוא יוסף — הוא אמר להסגיר את נפשו בידי הרומאים והתוַכּח עם האנשים העוצרים אותו מעשות את הדבר. הליכותיו עם אספסינוס, כאשר הובא אליו, והדברים אשר נעשו לו אחרי־כן.</small><br><br>א. והרומאים חִפשו את יוסף בגֹדל חמתם עליו, ויותר מכֻּלם התמַכּר ראש־הצבא לתפשו בכף, בחשבו כי בדבר הזה יכריע את גורל המלחמה; הם בדקו אותו בין החללים ובקשו אותו בכל המחבואים. כאשר נבקעה העיר, התגנב יוסף בעזרת אלהים בין שורות האויבים וירד אל בור עמֹק המחֻבּר אל מערה רחבת־ידים, אשר לא נראתה לעיני העומדים ממעל. ושם מצא ארבעים אנשים נשואי־פנים, אשר הסתתרו גם הם, ואִתּם צֵדה די ארֻחת ימים רבים. ביום התחבא יוסף, בדעתו כי האויבים נחִתּים בכל העיר, ובלילה עלה מן הבור לבקש לו דרך להמלט מן העיר ורִגל את משמר הרומאים. ובראותו, כי שומרים נמצאו על כל הדרכים, אשר בקש להמלט בהן, ירד עוד הפעם אל המערה. שני ימים הסתתר שם, וביום השלישי נתפשה אשה אחת בידי הרומאים וגלתה להם את המקום, אשר נמצאו בו יוסף וחבריו, ואספסינוס שלח בחפזון שני שרי־אלף, את פּוֹלִינוּס ואת גַּלִּיצִיָּנוּס, לתת את בריתם ליוסף ולפתותו, כי יעלה אליהם.",
+                    "ב. האנשים יצאו אל המקום ההוא וקראו אל יוסף והבטיחו אותו באמונה, כי תהיה לו נפשו לשלל, אולם לא עצרו כח לפתותו. כי ידע את משפט האיש, אשר עשה רעות כאלה [לרומאים], ועל־כן לא האמין לאנשים טובי־הלב הקוראים בשמו, בפחדו פן נשלחו למשוך אותו משם, למען יעשו הרומאים בו שפטים. ואז שלח אליו אספסינוס מלאך שלישי, את נִקָּנור שר־האלף, אחד ממיֻדעי יוסף ואנשי־שלומו לפנים. ובהגיע נקנור אל הבור סִפר ליוסף את תכונות הרומאים להקדים רחמים לרֹגז, אחרי הכותם את אויביהם במלחמה, וכי שרי־הצבא מרבים להשתומם למעשי גבורותיו מאשר הם שונאים אותו, וגם המצביא הראש לא שקד לשלוח אותו אליו לעשות בו נקמות, כי גם מבלעדי בואו אל הבור יכול למלא את הדבר הזה, ורק גמר בנפשו להציל את האיש גבור־החיל. ועוד הוסיף לדבר אליו, כי אִלו חָרש אספסינוס עליו רעה, לא היה שולח אליו את אוהבו, לחלל את מדת האהבה, הטובה בכל מדות האדם, במעשה בגד, הנבזה מכל המעשים שבעולם, וגם הוא (נקנור) לא היה שומע למצותו להונות את אוהבו.",
+                    "ג. ואת הדברים האלה השיב יוסף אל לבו, והנה בערה עליו חמת אנשי־הצבא העולים עם נקנור, והם אמרו לשלח אש במערה. אך שר־החיל השיב את ידיהם אחור, באמרו כי הוא רוצה לתפוש את האיש חי. ויוסף שמע את קול נקנור, המדבר אליו רכות, ואת צעקת אנשי־הצבא הרבים, המהלכים עליו אימים, ועל לבו עלה זכר חלומות הלילה, אשר גלה לו אלהים בהם את הצרות הבאות על היהודים ואת עתידות מלכי הרומאים. כי הבין יוסף לפתור חלומות וגם לבאר את חידות דברי האלהים (הנשמעים לשני פנים), בלמדו את הנבואות אשר בספרים הקדושים, כי היה כהן ויצא מזרע הכהֻנה. וברגע ההוא נחה עליו רוח ממרום, והוא שׂם לנגד עיניו את החזיונות הנוראים, אשר ראה בחלומו זה מקרוב, והתפלל אל אלהים חרש לאמר: ״בורא ישראל, הנה טוב בעיניך לשבור את קרן עמך ולהצליח את מעשי הרומאים כֻּלם, ובי בחרת לגלות את העתידות, על־כן אני תוקע את כפי לרומאים ברצון למען אחיה, ואתה עדי, כי לא בוגד אני בלכתי אליהם, רק עבדך, עושה רצונך״.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי התפלה הזאת נעתר יוסף לדברי נקנור. וכראות האנשים, אשר היו יחד עמו במחבואו, כי הוא שומע לדברי הקוראים אליו, הקיפו אותו כֻלם וצעקו בקול: ״מר יבכו חֻקי אבותינו, אשר הוריד אותם אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי ניזה; בהוצאות הישנות: ״ומה יבוש אלהים״.</i>, בבראו ליהודים נשמות אשר לא תיראנה מות. ואתה, יוסף, חפץ חיים — האמנם תעצור כח לראות אור בכבלי עבד? מה מהרת להתכחש לנפשך! התזכור כמה אנשים פתית לצאת אלי מות בעד החֵרות? לשקר עשית לך שֵׁם בגבורים, לשוא יצא שֵׁמע חכמתך, העל־כן תשא את נפשך הפעם למצֹא ישועה מידי האנשים, אשר נלחמת בהם בזרוע נטויה, — וגם אם תבטח בישועתם — התרצה בה? אולם אם הכה אותך מזל הרומאים בסנוֵרים, עד אשר שכחת את עצמך [ואת מעשיך הראשונים], הנה אנחנו, אנחנו נשמור על כבוד נחלת אבותינו. אנו מושיטים לך את ימיננו ואת חרבנו, ואם תבחר במות, תמות כראש צבאות היהודים, ואם תמאן, תמות מות בוגדים״. ובדברם זאת הרימו את חרבותיהם ואמרו להכותו נפש, אם יסגיר את עצמו בידי הרומאים.",
+                    "ה. יוסף ירא פן תהיה בו יד האנשים וגם חשב, כי ימעל בפקֻדת אלהים, אם ימות בטרם יודיע את הבשורה השומה בפיו. ובצר לו פנה אל האנשים בדברי חכמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור בא כאן:φιλοσοφεΐν.</i>: ״מה זה ועל מה זה לנו, חברי, לשלוח יד בנפשנו? ולמה נפריד בין שני הדבֵקים היקרים, הגוף והנשמה? שומע אני את דבריכם, כי שֻׁניתי והייתי לאיש אחר — אולם הלא הדבר הזה ידוע גם לרומאים. טוב למות במלחמה — אתם אומרים, אמת ונכון, — אולם כמשפט המלחמה, לאמר: בידי המנצחים. ואִלו מחרב הרומאים ברחתי, היתה לי הצדקה למות בחרבי ובזרוע ימיני. אולם אם חסה עינם לחמול על האויב, הן לנו המשפט לחמול על נפשותינו ביתר־שאת! הלא נבער ונסכל בעשותנו בידינו את הדבר, אשר מנענו את ידיהם מעשותו במלחמה. ״יפה למות בעד החרות״ — גם אני רואה את דבריכם — אולם רק למות במלחמה עם האויבים, הגוזלים את חרותנו. ועתה אין הרומאים יוצאים לקראתנו למלחמה ואינם אומרים להמיתנו. ולא רק הפוחד מפני המות בעת הצֹרך נחשב לרך־לבב, כי־אם גם הבוחר במות באין־אונס. והנה מה נירא בעלותנו אל הרומאים? האמנם את מר־המות? — אולם הבעבור הדבר הזה עלינו להמית את עצמנו בודאי מפני הספק, פן ימיתונו הרומאים? את העבדות אנו יראים — קרא האחד. אשרינו, מה טובה חרותנו ברגע הזה! מעשה־גבורה יעשה השולח יד בנפשו — יאמר השני. לא ולא! אין זה מעשה־גבורה, רק מֹרך־לב מאין כמוהו. וככה אחשוב למשפט, כי איש רך־לב הוא הקברניט, אשר ירא את רוח הסערה והטביע את אניתו בים. הן בשלחנו יד בנפשנו נעבור על חֻקי הטבע, השולטים בכל היצורים, וגם נחטא לאלהים, הבורא אותנו. הלא אין בקרב היצורים אף אחד מאַבּד את עצמו לדעת, כי חק הטבע הנאמן גוזר על כֻּלם לבחור בחיים. על־כן נחשבים בעינינו לאויבים כל הקמים עלינו לגזול ממנו את חיינו לעיני השמש, וגם מהאורבים עלינו בסתר אנו לוקחים את נקמתנו. והטרם תבינו, כי יקצוף אלהים בראותו את האדם בועט במנחתו? הן מידו קבלנו את רוח חיינו ובידו אנו מפקידים אותה לאָספה אליו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תרגום חפשי. במקור: ״ממנו קבלנו את הַהֱיות (ההויה), ואת הבִּלְתִּי־הֱיּוֹת־עוֹד (החדלון) אנו משיבים לו בחזרה״.</i>. אמנם הגופים כֻּלם עתידים למות, כי נעשו מחֹמר אובד (עובר, נפסד), אולם הנשמה לא תמות, רק תעמוד לנצח, יען אשר היא חלק האלהים השוכן בגופים. והנה אם יכלה (יבזבז) איש את הפקדון, אשר שם בידו אדם (בשר־ודם), או ישחית אותו (יקלקלנו), הן לנבזה ואיש־כזבים (רמאי) יחשב, ועתה אם יזרה האדם מבשרו את פקדון האלהים, האמנם תחשבו, כי יסתר מעיני העלוב (הַנִּזָּק)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: האלהים.</i>? הן לצדק נחשוב לעשות שפטים בעבדים הבורחים, ואם גם נמלטו מידי אדונים נבזים [הרודים בהם בפרך], ואנחנו לא נביא עלינו חטאת בברחנו מפני האלהים הטוב בכל האדונים? הטרם תּדעו כי הפורשׁים מן החיים על־פי חֻקי הטבע, המשלמים לאלהים את המִלוה אשר קבלו ממנו במועד אשר בחר הנותן (בעל־החוב) להפרע מהם, אלה האנשים יזכּו לשם־עולם וביתם וזרעם יכּונו לאֹרך ימים ונשמותיהם הטהורות והישרות (יראות האלהים) תִּשְׁכֹּנָה בחבל גורלן אשר בקדש־קדשי השמים ומשם תרדנה אל גופות טהורים לתקופת דורות נצחים (לקץ־הימין). ואולם נשמות האנשים, אשר טרפו נפשם בכפם, תרדנה אל השאול (הַדֶּס, גיהנום) מקום צלמות, והאלהים אביהם (שבשמים) יפקוד על בניהם את רשע אבותיהם. כי את הדבר הזה שנא האלהים, והמחוקק החכם מכל אדם גזר עליו עֹנש. ועל־כן חֹק לנו להשליך את כל השולח יד בנפשו בלי קבורה עד בוא השמש, אף כי אנו חושבים לצדקה לקבור את אויבינו. ומחוקקי עמים אחרים גזרו גם לכרות את זרוע האיש, אשר עשה הדבר הזה, כי משפט היד המפרידה בין הגוף ובין הנשמה להפרד מן הגוף. על־כן, חברי, טוב לנו להישיר את מחשבות לבנו, לבל נוסיף על הרעות, אשר עשה לנו אדם, עוד מעשה רֶשע להכעיס את יוצרנו. ואם נראה לפנינו רֶוח והצלה, נפדה את נפשותינו; הן לא חרפה תהיה לנו, אם נוָּשע בידי האנשים, אשר הראינו אותם את גבורתנו במעשים רבים ועצומים כאלה, ואם נגזר עלינו מות — נמות תחת ידי כובשינו. בינו זאת, כי לא אעבור אל מערכת האויבים למען אבגוד בנפשי (למות בידיהם), כי בדבר הזה הלא אסכיל עשות הרבה מהבורחים אשר נפלו אל האויב, כי הם עשו את הדבר להציל את נפשם, ואני אצא לקראת המות, — לקראת מותי אני! ובכל־זאת — מי יתן, כי יטמנו לי הרומאים פח. ואחרי תתם לי את בריתם שלום, אני נכון למות בשמחה מידם, כי עוֹנם, בחללם את השבועה, יהיה לי לנחמה גדולה משלל רב״.",
+                    "ו. כאלה וכאלה הוסיף יוסף לדַבּר על לב חבריו, להטותם ממחשבתם הרעה לשלוח יד בנפשם. אולם מרֹב יאושם הכבידו את אזניהם משמוע, כדרך אנשים אשר זה מזמן הקדישו את עצמם למות. על־כן כעסו עליו מאד ומהרו אליו מכל עברים בחרבות שלופות וחרפו אותו על מֹרך־לבו וכל אחד הראה במעשיו, כי יכּה את יוסף בחרבו מיד. אולם יוסף קרא לאחד בשמו והביט על השני בעין מפקד־מלחמה ואת השלישי אחז בימינו ואל הרביעי דִבּר תחנונים, כי בצַר לו מצא לו דרכים שונים לעורר את רחמיהם עליו וככה מנע את חרבות כִּלם מדם. כי כדרך החיה, אשר כִּתּרוה הצדדים, הפך את פניו כפעם בפעם מול האיש הקרב אליו. וגם בתוך מצרי־המות פחדו היהודים את שר־צבאם והשיבו ימינם אחור, והחרבות נשמטו מידיהם, ורבים, אשר זה עתה הגישו את הלהבה אליו, הורידו אותה מבלי משים.",
+                    "ז. וגם בעת המצוקה הזאת לא נבצרה מזִמה מיוסף; בהאמינו כי האלהים ישמור עליו מרעה, השליך את נפשו מנגד וקרא אל חבריו: אם אחת גזרתם למות, הבו ונפיל גורלות, מי ממנו ימית את חברו. והנלכד בגורל יפול בחרב הבא אחריו, וככה יהיה משפט אחד לכֻלנו, ולא יטרוף כל איש את נפשו בכפו, והן לא לצדק יהיה הדבר בהִנחם איש ממחשבתו אחרי רצח אחיו, ונפשו תהיה לו לשלל״. הדברים האלה נאמנו בעיני האנשים והם נפתו לדבריו להפיל גורלות, וגם הוא אִתּם יחד. וברצון פשט הזוכה בגורל את צוארו ללהט חרב חברו הבא אחריו, בדעתו, בי עוד מעט ימות גם שר־הצבא. כי יקר מחיים היה להם למות עם יוסף יחד. לאחרונה נשאר אך יוסף עם חברו לבד, — אולי היה זה מקרה ואולי אצבע אלהים, — והוא לא רצה להלכד בגורל ולמות, וגם לא לטמא את ידו בדם אחים, אם ישאר האחרון, ועל־כן פִּתּה את חברו לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ולחיות.",
+                    "ח. ככה יצא יוסף בשלום ממלחמתו עם הרומאים וגם עם אחיו בני עמו, ונקנור הוליך אותו אל אספסינוס. וכל הרומאים מהרו מעברים לראות את פניו, ושאון גדול קם בקרב ההמון הרב הנדחק מסביב לשר־הצבא [היהודי]. אלה הריעו בשמחה על מפלתו ואלה צעקו למולו בקול פחדים, ואלה בקעו להם דרך בחֹזק־יד, למען יראוהו מקרוב. והעומדים מרחוק דרשו בקול רם לעשות שפטים באויב, והקרובים אליו זכרו את מעשיו ותמהו על תמורת גורלו. ומשרי־החילים לא היה אף איש, אשר לא שכח עתה את כעסו על יוסף ולא נד לו למראה צרתו. ויותר מכֻּלם רִחם טיטוס על יוסף בגלל כח סבלו הגדול בכל הרעות אשר מצאוהו, וגם חמל על שנות עלומיו. למראה האיש הזה, הנמצא עתה בידי אויביו, זכר את גבורתו הראשונה במלחמה, ושם אל לבו את מנת חיי האדם ואת הגלגל החוזר מהרה במלחמה, והבין, כי אין תקומה לכל מעשי איש. על־כן הטה את לב רֹב האנשים הקרובים אליו לחמול על נפש יוסף וגם היה לו למשען כביר לפני אביו לפדות את נפשו. אספסינוס צוה לשים משמר חזק על יוסף, באמרו לשלֹח אותו בקרוב אל נירון.",
+                    "ט. וכשמוע יוסף את הדבר הזה שלח אל אספסינוס, כי יש לו דבר סוד לספר לו לבד. ואספסינוס הוציא מעליו את כל האנשים, מלבד טיטוס ושני אוהביו, ואז קרא אליו יוסף: ״אתה חושב, אספסינוס, כי יוסף הנלכד בידך הוא שבוי־מלחמה לבד, אולם באמת אני ציר שלוח לדַבּר אליך גדולות. הן יודע אני את חֻקי היהודים ולא נעלם ממני איזוהי דרך־מות ישרה שיָבֹר לו שר־הצבא, [על כן לא באתי אליך] לולא שלחני אלהים. הנה אתה אומר לשלח אותי אל נירון, — למה הדבר הזה? העוד יאריכו ימים נירון ויורשי כסאו זולתך? אתה, אספסינוס, תהיה קיסר, הנה שליט־יחיד אתה, ועמך טיטוס בנך. ולא רק אדון לנפשי תהיה אתה הקיסר, כי־אם גם אדונֵי היבשה והים וכל זרע האדם. ואני נוטל עליך לחַזק עלי את המשמר, למען עשות בי נקמות בהגלות לך, כי דברתי תעתועים באזניך בשם אלהים״. בדַבּר יוסף את זאת לא רצה אספסינוס להאמין לו לראשונה, באמרו בלבו, כי בחר לו יוסף דרכי ערמה, להציל את נפשו, אולם מעט מעט התעוררה בו האמונה, כי כבר הטה אלהים את לבו לבקש לו את הממשלה והראה לו את שרביט המלוכה באותות ובמופתים אחרים, וגם שמעה אזנו, כי קמה נבואת יוסף בדברים רבים. ומאוהבי אספסינוס, אשר שמעו את הסוד, אמר האחד, כי הוא משתאה ליוסף, מדוע לא נִבּא גם על מפלת יודפת ולא צפה כי יפול בשבי הרומאים, הלא זה האות, כי בדה את דבריו, להסיר את החֵמה מעליו. ויוסף ענה, כי באמת נבּא ליושבי יודפת, אשר מקץ ארבעים ושבעה יום יפלו בנופלים והוא יִתָּפש חי. אספסינוס צוה לחקור את הדבר חרש מפי השבוים ומצא, כי כנים דברי יוסף, ומני אז האמין בנבואותיו. אמנם לא פדה את יוסף ממשמר ולא התיר את אסוריו, אך נתן לו בגדי־כבוד והעניק לו דברי־חפץ שונים בעין יפה והאיר לו את פניו מן היום ההוא והלאה, וטיטוס הרבה גם הוא כבוד [ליוסף]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יפו נכבשה וטבריה הסגירה את עצמה בידי האויבים.</small><br><br>א. וביום הרביעי לחדש פַּנֵּימוס (תמוז) שב אספסינוס אל עכו ומשם נסע אל קיסריה, אשר על שפת הים, היא העיר הגדולה בכל ערי יהודה ורֹב יושביה הם יונים. בני העיר קדמו את צבא הרומאים ואת המפקד הראש בברכות נצחון ובתרועה ששון מאהבתם את הרומאים ועוד יותר משנאתם ליהודים המנצחים, והמונים המונים נוסדו על יוסף ודרשו לעשות לו משפט מות. ואספסינוס ידע, כי הבקשות האלה יצאו מפי המון נבער, ולא שם אליהן את לבו והיה כמחריש. ושני לגיונות הושיב אספסינוס בקיסריה לימי הגשמים, כי ראה את העיר נוחה לדבר הזה, ואת הלגיון החמשה־עשר שלח אל בית־שאן, לבל יהיה כל הצבא לטֹרח על קיסריה, כי בעיר הזאת, הבנויה בעמק על שפת הים, החֹם בימות הגשמים הוא נעים [ומשיב נפש] ובימות הקיץ הוא קשה עד למחנק.",
+                    "ב. בימים ההם התקבצו אנשים רבים, אשר גֹרשו מן הערים לרגלי המלחמות מבית ואשר נמלטו ממהפכת האויב, ובנו את העיר יפו ההרוסה בידי צסטיוס לעיר משגב להם. ויען אשר נבצר מהם לפשֹׁט על מקומות היבשה, אשר נלחמו עליהם האויבים, על־כן שמו את פניהם לשֹׁד הים. הם בנו להם ספינות שודדים רבות והרבו לעשות שֹׁד וחמס בדרך הים אשר בין סוריה וכנען (פיניקיה) ובין ארץ מצרים, עד אשר לא יכלה עוד אניה להפליג בים הזה מפחדם וממוראם. וכאשר הגיע שֵׁמע עלילותיהם לאזני אספסינוס, שלח על יפו אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים, והם באו אל העיר בלילה, כי לא נמצא בה משמר, יען אשר שמעו בני העיר, כי צבא הרומאים הולך וקרב ולא נועזו לעצור את שונאיהם ביד חזקה, רק ברחו אל אניותיהם ולנו שם, הרחק ממטחוֵי קשת.",
+                    "ג. ולעיר יפו אין נמל מתכונת המקום, כי שפת הים היא שם כמעט שורת־רכסים ישרה, ורק משני קצותיה היא מתעקלת מעט. שתי הקרנות האלה הן צוקי סלעים גבוהים וראשי סלעים בולטים אל תוך הים, ושם נראו עוד כבלי אַנְדְּרוֹמֶדָה ומעידים, כי ספור־הפלא (הַמִּתּוֹס) הזה הוא עתיק לימים, ורוח הצפון סוער בכח לקראת החוף ומעלה משברים חזקים לפני הסלעים העומדים לו למעצור! ועל־כן קשה מפרץ־הים הזה ליורדי האניות מרַחבי הים. במקום הזה עמדו הפעם אנשי יפו בספינותיהם, ופתאם קם עליהם רוח סערה לפנות בקר, הוא הנקרא בפי יורדי הים הזה בשם ״רוח הצפון השחור״, והטביע ספינות רבות בהתנגחן אשה עם רעותה, וספינות אחרות נִפץ אל הסלעים. ורבים לא מצאו עצה בלתי־אם להמלט נגד הזרם אל לב הים, כי יראו מצוקי הסלעים אשר בחוף ומהרומאים העומדים עליהם, ושם כסו עליהם גלי הים, אשר עלו למרום בסערה. הנמלטים לא מצאו מקום מנוס וגם הנשארים על עמדם לא הצילו נפשם, כי כח הסערה דחף אותם מתוך הים אל החוף, והרומאים הדפו אותם מן העיר. ונוראה היתה צוחת האנשים בהתנגח הספינות ביניהן, ונורא היה קול נֵפץ הספינות, ורבים־מן ההמון הגדול מצאו להם קבר בגלי הים, ורבים נֻפּצו במפלת הספינות, ורבים נפלו על חרבם, כי קל היה להם המות הזה מרדת אל מצולת הים. אולם רֹב האנשים נסחפו בזרם הים ונֻפּצו אל צוקי הסלעים, עד אשר אדַם הים מדמם למרחוק, והחוף מלא חללים. וכאשר חתרו פליטים והגיעו אל החוף, קמו עליהם הרומאים והמיתום. ומספר הפגרים, אשר הקיא הים, היה ארבעת אלפים ומאתים. ואחרי אשר כבשו הרומאים את העיר בלי מלחמה הפכו אותה לשממה.",
+                    "ד. ככה נפלה העיר יפו בידי הרומאים שנית, אחרי עבור זמן קצר. ולמען אשר לא יתקבצו שודדי־הים במקום הזה שנית, הקים אספסינוס מחנה במקום מצודת העיר והציג שם חיל רוכבים עם רגלים. על הרגלים צוה להשאר במקום ההוא ולשמור את המחנה, ואת הרוכבים שלח לפשֹׁט על הכפרים הסמוכים וערי הפרזות מסביב ליפו להשחיתם. הם מִלאו אחרי מצותו ופשטו יום יום על הארץ עד אשר הכריתו את יושביה והשַׁמו את כֻּלהּ.",
+                    "ה. וכאשר הגיע אל ירושלים שֵּמע האסון אשר מצא את יודפת, לא רצו רבים לראשונה להאמין בדבר הזה, כי נורא היה האסון מהכיל וגם לא נמצא עדי־ראִיה לדבר. כי לא נשאר אף פליט אחד להביא את הבשורה הרעה הזאת, רק מאליה נפוצה השמועה על מפלת העיר, כדרך כל מעשה נורא, אך כעבור זמן קצר נגלתה האמת מפי בני המקומות הקרובים והיתה חזקה מן הספק (נעלה מכל ספק) בעיני כל. ועל המעשים שהיו עוד נוספו דברים אשר לא כן, והֻגד ליושבי ירושלים, כי גם יוסף נפל חלל בעת מפלת יודפת. ולשמע הדבר הזה היה אבל גדול בירושלים, כי על יתר ההרוגים בכו רק הקרובים אליהם משפחות משפחות, ואולם המִספד על שר־הצבא היה לאֵבל לכל העם. ובעוד אשר נשאו אלה נהי על אנשי בריתם, ואלה על קרוביהם ואלה על אוהביהם, בכו כל יושבי ירושלים על מות יוסף. והנהִי והאבל לא חדלו שלשים יום. ורבים שכרו להם מקוננים לענות בחלילים לקינותיהם.",
+                    "ו. אולם ברבות הימים נגלתה כל האמת ונודעו הדברים הנעשים ביודפת לאשורם ויושבי ירושלים הָראו לדעת, כי שוא היתה השמועה על מות יוסף וכי הוא חי וגם גדול כבודו בעיני הרומאים מכבוד יתר השבוים. ועתה חזקה עברתם על יוסף החי, כחֹזק אהבתם הראשונה אליו בהחשבו למת בעיניהם. אלה חרפו אותו על מֹרך־לבו ואלה — על בגד־מעלו, וכל העיר מלאה גדופים וקללות, אשר נשפכו על ראשו. כי המכות הוסיפו עוד להרגיז את היהודים ומפלותיהם הציתו את חמתם עד להשחית. כי האסון, המלמד את האנשים הנבונים להִזהר לנפשם ולשמור עליהם לבל יפלו שנית בפח, היה ליושבי ירושלים למקור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״למרכז״.</i> רעות חדשות וקץ צרה אחת היה להם לראשית צרה שניה. ועוד גדל כעסם על הרומאים, כי בקשו להִנקם גם ביוסף בעשותם בהם נקמה. אלה המהומות היו בירושלים בימים ההם.",
+                    "ז. ואספסינוס אמר לתור את מלכות אגריפס, כי המלך בקש מידו את הדבר, ברצותו לקבל את פני המפקד יחד עם כל חילו בביתו בכל עֹשר מלכותו וגם לרפא בעזרתו לנגעי ממשלתו. על־כן נסע אספסינוס מקיסריה, אשר על שפת הים, אל קיסריה, הנקראה על שם פיליפוס, ושם נתן מנוחה לחילו עשרים יום והוא עשה משתה כל הימים וגם הקריב לאלהים זבחי תודה על נצחונותיו. בעת ההיא הגיעה אליו הבשורה, כי קם מרד בעיר טבריה וגם העיר טריכי התקוממה, — ושתי הערים היו חלק ממלכות אגריפס — ועתה מצא ראש־הצבא שעת־הכשר לצאת עליהן למלחמה, באמרו להכניע כליל את היהודים בכל מושבותיהם וגם להקים שלום לאגריפס בשתי הערים האלה חֵלף נדבת רוחו. הוא שלח את טיטוס אל קיסריה [אשר על שפת הים], להביא את הצבא החונה שם אל בית־שאן, היא הגדולה בכל עשר הערים (דֶּקַפּוֹליס) והקרובה אל טבריה, ושמה בא גם הוא ואסף אליו את בנו עם צבאו ויצא בראש שלשה לגיונות וחנה במרחק שלשים פרסה מטבריה במקום נראה לעיני המורדים ושמו צנבריי (סֶנַבְּרִיס). הוא שלח את וַלֶּרִיָּנוּס שר־העשרה עם חמשים רוכבים לדבר שלום עם יושבי העיר (טבריה) ולהטות את לבם לבוא עמו בברית, בשמעו כי בני העיר רודפים שלום ורק מורדים מתי־מספר מושכים אותם להלחם בעל־כרחם. וַלֶּרִיָּנוּס הגיע אל קרבת החומה וירד מעל סוסו וגם הוריד את הרוכבים הבאים עמו מעל סוסיהם, לבל יחשבו בני העיר, כי בא להתגרות בהם מלחמה. אולם עוד טרם פתחו הרומאים את פיהם, הגיחו עליהם מן העיר גבורי המורדים בכלי־נשקם, ובראשם עמד איש ושמו יהושע בן שפט (נ״א: טופא)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקומות אחרים נקרא בן צפיא (למעלה, ספר ב, כ״א, ג; חיי יוסף, י״ב). אך ספק הוא, אם הוא בעצמו האיש מזרע הכהנים הגדולים המָזכר למעלה, ספר ב, כ, ד, כי זה נשלח אל ארץ אדום.</i>, ראש גדוד השודדים. גם אִלו בטח ולירינוס, כי תהיה ידו על העליונה, לא ערב את לבו לעבור על מצות ראש־הצבא ולהלחם, ומה גם הפעם, כאשר היתה רעה נגד פני אנשיו המעטים, אשר לא התכוננו להלחם בשונאים הרבים המוכנים לקרב, ומלבד־זאת נבהל מעֹז פני־היהודים, אשר לא עלה על לבו, ועל־כן עזב יחד עם חמשת אנשיו את הסוסים וברח ברגל. ואנשי יהושע הביאו את הסוסים העירה בתרועת נצחון, כאלו כבשום מהרומאים במלחמה ולא במרמה.",
+                    "ח. זקני העם ונשואי־הפנים אשר בטבריה יראו את הדבר הזה וברחו אל מחנה הרומאים והלכו יחד עם המלך ונפלו לרגלי אספסינוס להתחנן על נפשם. הם חִלו את פניו, לבל יסיר חסדו מאתם ולא יפקוד את עון תעתועי אנשים מעטים על יושבי העיר כֻּלה, רק יחמול על העם הדורש את שלום הרומאים כל הימים וינקם בחַיָּבי־המרד לבד. כי לולא שמרו המורדים על יושבי העיר עד היום הזה, אזי כבר מהרו אלה מזמן לכרות ברית עם הרומאים. ראש־הצבא הִטה את אזניו לדברי התחנונים האלה, אף כי חרה אפו בכל יושבי העיר לשמע שֹׁד הסוסים, כי ראה גם את אגריפס חרד מאד לשלום העיר. ואחרי אשר כרתו הזקנים האלה ברית שלום בין יושבי העיר ובין הרומאים, הבינו יהושע ואנשיו, כי לא יוכלו עוד לשבת במנוחה בטבריה וברחו על נפשם אל טריכי. וכעבור יום אחד שלח אספסינוס לפניו את טרַיָּנוס עם רוכביו אל ראש הגבעה [ממול טבריה] להתבונן משם אל יושבי העיר, אם כלם רודפים שלום באמת. וכראות טרַיָּנוס, כי נאמן העם בברית הזקנים אשר בקשו עליו רחמים, לקח עמו את צבאו ופנה אל העיר. ויושבי טבריה פתחו את שערי עירם לפניו ויצאו לקראתו בקול ברכה וקראו לו בשם מושיעם ומיטיבם. וכאשר נדחקו אנשי־הצבא הבאים אל העיר, כי היו מבואיה צרים מאד, צוה אספסינוס לפרוץ בחומת הדרום ולהרחיב את המבוא לאנשי־צבאו. הוא נשא את פני אגריפס וצוה על אנשי־צבאו לבל ישלחו ידיהם בבזה ולא יעשו רעה ליושבי העיר, ולמען אגריפס חמל על חומת טבריה ולא הרס אותה כליל, אחרי אשר ערב המלך לפניו את יושבי העיר, כי ישמרו את ברית אמונתם לרומאים כל הימים. ככה השיב אספסינוס אליו את העיר הנדחת, אשר מצאו אותה צרות רבות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>כבוש טריכי. ציור הירדן וים גנוסר.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי הדברים האלה יצא אספסינוס את פני העיר וחנה בינה ובין טריכי בתוֶך. הוא צוה להקיף את מחנהו במצודה חזקה, בחשבו מראש, כי יתמהמה במקום הזה לרגלי המלחמה. כי אל עיר טריכי התאספו כל המורדים, בבטחם במשגב העיר הבצורה הזאת וביאור הנמצא בקרבתה, הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם ים גנוסר (ים כנרת). כטבריה, ככה גם העיר הזאת בנויה לרגלי הר וגם עליה סוכך היאור, ומכל עברים בצר יוסף את חומותיה, ורק טבריה היתה הזקה ממנה, יען כי את המצודה הסוגרת על טבריה הקים יוסף בראשית המרד כאשר היה לו עוד כסף וחיל למכביר, אולם טריכי קבלה רק את שיָרי נדבת לבו. ולבני העיר היו סירות (ספינות) רבות ביאור למצֹא שם מנוס כאשר ינגפו במלחמתם ביבשה וגם היו מוכנות למלחמת־הים לעת מצֹא. וכאשר בצרו הרומאים את מחנם לא נבהלו אנשי יהושע מפני המון־האויבים הרב ולא מפני טכסיסיהס הטובים ומהרו להלחם בהם, ובעלותם עליהם פתאם הפיצו את עושי המלאכה והשחיתו חלק ממעשה ידיהם; וכאשר ראו, כי אנשי־הצבא המזֻיָּנים (כבדי הנשק) מתאספים לצאת לקראתם, פחדו פן תמצאם רעה ומהרו לברוח אל אחיהם, והרומאים רדפו אחריהם ולחצו אותם אל הספינות. והם הפליגו אל מקום, אשר יכלו להשיג משם את הרומאים בקלעיהם ושם הטילו את עָגני ספינותיהם וסדרו אותן במערכה, להלחם מהן בשונאים העומדים על היבשה. וכשמוע אספסינוס, כי נאספו המורדים בהמון גדול במישור אשר לפני העיר, שלח שמה את [טיטוס] בנו עם שש מאות מבחירי רוכבין.",
+                    "ב. וטיטוס הכיר, כי חיל האויבים רב ועצום ממנו ושלח אל אביו לאמר, כי דרוש לו צבא גדול יותר. ובראותו, כי רבים מרוכביו נושאים את נפשם להלחם עוד בטרם תבוא עזרתם, אבל נמצאו ביניהם מתי־מספר הפוחדים במסתרים מפני המון היהודים הרב, עמד במקום גבוה [למען יִשָּׁמע קולו למרחוק] וקרא אל צבאו לאמר: ״רומאים! בפתח דברי נאה לי להזכירכם את מוצאכם, למען תשימו אל לבכם מי אתם ובמי אתם עתידים להלחם. הן מזרוע גבורתנו לא נמלט אף אחד מגויי הארצות. רק היהודים האלה — ובזה נדבר בשבחם — לא חדלו להלחם בנו גם אחרי כל מגפותיהם עד היום הזה. ונורא יהיה הדבר, אם הם יתעודדו אחרי נפלם ואנחנו ניעף בנצחונותינו! אני רואה בשמחה את פניכם, המפיקים עֹז ותאות־מלחמה, אולם אני ירא, פן יפיל ההמון הגדול הזה את פחדו על אחדים מכם במסתרים. ואלה האנשים ישיבו־נא אל לבם עוד הפעם מי הם ולקראת מי הם עומדים במערכה. אמנם היהודים האלה מרי־נפש מאד ואינם יראים מפני המות, אולם הם נבערים מדעת טכסיסי מלחמה, כי לא למדו ידיהם לקרב, ועל־כן נאה להם שם אספסוף (אֻכלוס) משם צבא. והאם עלי להפטיר דברים באזניכם על דעת המלחמה אשר לנו ועל הסדר השולט במערכותינו? הן בעת השלום אנו לבדנו מלמדים ידינו לקרב, למען אשר לא נשקול בעת המלחמה את מספרנו נגד מספר צרינו. ומה תועיל לנו עבודתנו בצבא כל הימים, אם חֵלק כחלק נלחם באנשים שלא עבדו בצבא? ושימו עוד אל לבכם, כי אתם יוצאים למלחמה בנשק כבד נגד שונאים קלי־הנשק ואתם רוכבים על סוסים והם יוצאים לקראתכם ברגל ומפקדיכם נמצאים אתכם בקרב והם באים בלי ראש ומנהל. וזכרו, כי המעלות הטובות מרבות את מספרכם כהֵנה וכהנה, ומגרעות שונאיכם ממעיטות את ערך מספרם מאד, כי לא מספר האנשים — ואם גם כֻּלם בני־חיל — מכריע את גורל הקרָב, כי־אם גבורת הלוחמים, אף אם הם מתי־מספר, כי קל להם לעמוד במערכה ולחַזק איש את רעהו, ואולם הצבאות הגדולים מַרבים להזיק לעצמם מאשר לשונאיהם והנה עז־נפש ואֹמץ־רוח ויאוש יוצאים לפני מערכות היהודים והרגשות האלה מתחזקים בעת ישועה, אך בעת מכשול קטן ידעכו כליל. ואנחנו נלחם בגבורה ובמשמעת וברוח נדיבה, אשר תעלה למעלה בעשותנו חיל וגם לא תפול עלינו בעת כשלון. — ודעו גם, כי גדולות אתם מבקשים במלחמה הזאת מאויביכם היהודים. הם מחרפים את נפשם להלחם בעד חרותם ובעד ארץ מולדתם, ואנחנו — היש לנו דבר גדול מכבוד שמנו, פן יאמר האומר, כי אחרי אשר הכנענו את כל עולם הישוב אספנו ידינו מן היהודים, באשר הם אנשים בערכנו. והתבוננו, כי אין לנו לירֹא פן תהיה מכתנו אנושה. הן רבים באים לעזרנו והם קרובים אלינו, אולם עוד יש לאל־ידנו למהר ולארות את פרי הנצחון הזה ועלינו להחיש את מעשנו בטרם יבואו העוזרים, אשר שלחם אבי אלינו, למען אשר לא יתערב זר בנצחוננו ובזה יגדל שמנו ביתר שאת. ואני חושב, כי השעה הזאת היא שעת הדין לאבי ולי ולכם, כי היא תראה, אם הוא ראוי לנצחונותיו הראשונים ואם אני ראוי להיות בנו ואם אתם אנשי־הצבא הראוים לי. הן דרך אבי להכות את שונאיו תמיד ואני לא אערב את לבי להֵרָאות את פניו בנוסי מהמלחמה. והאם לא תבושו גם אתם בהנגפכם לפני שונאיכם למראה עיני מפקדכם היוצא לפניכם במלחמה? דעו וראו, כי אחרף את נפשי לצאת לפניכם ואתנפל לראשונה על האויב. ואל־נא תשארו אתם מרחוק, בטחו בי, כי באלהים אגַבּר חֲיָלים והאמינו, כי רק על הדרך הזה תהיה תפארתנו ולא בהלחמנו עם אויבינו מרחוק!״",
+                    "ג. וכדַבּר טיטוס את זאת נפלה רוח אלהים על האנשים, עד אשר התעצבו אל לבם בראותם, כי בא אליהם טרינוס עם ארבע מאות רוכבים לעזרה עוד לפני המלחמה, וחשבו כי בצאתו אתם יחד בקרָב ימעיט את ערך נצחונם. ומלבד טרינוס שלח עוד אספסינוס את אנטוניוס סילון עם אלפים רובי־קשת וצוה עליהם לכבוש את ההר אשר ממעל לעיר ולגרש את העומדים על החומה. וסילון ואנשיו עצרו את היהודים אשר בעיר, האומרים לצאת לעזרת אחיהם אל השדה, וטיטוס היה הראשון אשר קפץ על סוסו אל תוך מחנה אויביו, ואחריו מהרו כל אנשיו בצעקה ובתרועת מלחמה להתפשט לאֹרך המישור, אשר נמצאו בו האויבים, ועל־כן נדמו בעיני הרואים, כי גדלו ועצמו במספרם. והיהודים נבהלו מפני זעף הרומאים ומפני טכסיסי מלחמתם, ובכל־זאת נִסּוּ לעמוד על נפשם שעה קלה בפני האויב המשתער עליהם, עד אשר הפנו עֹרף מפני רמחי הרוכבים והלם עקבות סוסיהם הרבים. טבח גדול היה בהם בכל מקום והפליטים נפוצו וכל אחד מהר לברוח אל העיר כל עוד נפשו בו. וטיטוס רדף אחריהם, את אלה הכה מאחור והמיתם ואת אלה הפיץ בהתלקטם יחד ואת אלה הדביק והכם מִפָּנים. ורבים כשלו איש ברעהו והוא התנפל עליהם והמיתם וסגר על כֻּלם את הדרך במנוסתם אל החומה והשיב אותם אל השדה, עד אשר בקעו להם דרך בחזקת־היד בכח המונם הרב ונמלטו מידו אל העיר.",
+                    "ד. ובקרב העיר קדמה את פניהם מחדש מריבה גדולה. כי אזרחי טריכי חמלו על רכושם ועל עירם ולא רצו להלחם ברומאים מבראשונה, ומה גם עתה אחרי המפלה. אולם המון הפליטים הזרים הכביד את ידו עליהם, ומספרם היה רב ועצום. ובאשר גדל האף ביניהם קמה צעקה גדולה ומהומה, וכמעט היתה חרב איש באחיו. והשאון הזה הגיע עד אזני טיטוס, אשר עמד קרוב לחומה, והוא קרא בקול: ״הנה השעה היא שעת רצון, ולמה אתם מחשים, אנשי־צבאי, כאשר הסגיר אלהים את היהודים בידינו? צאו וקחו לכם את הנצחון, הטרם תשמעו את הצעקות האלה? מלחמת־אחים פרצה בין הפליטים, אשר נמלטו מידינו. לנו היא העיר, אם נחיש מעשנו! אמנם מלבד החפזון דרוש לנו עמל ועֹז־נפש — אך כל דבר גדול אינו נקנה רק על־ידי סכנה, ועלינו להקדים את המעשה בטרם ישלימו האויבים יחד — כי האֹנס יקים שלום ביניהם מהרה — ובטרם יבואו גם אחינו לעזרתנו, — למען אשר נוכל להתפאר, כי אנחנו המעטים הכּינו את ההמון הגדול הזה וידנו לבדה כבשה את העיר״.",
+                    "ה. לדברים האלה עלה טיטוס על סוסו וירד למטה אל היאור וחצה את המים, להבקיע אל העיר ראשונה, ואחריו מהרו כל הרוכבים אשר לו. ופחד גדול נפל על שומרי החומה למראה עֹז־הרוח של טיטוס, ואיש לא עצר כח לעמוד בפני הרומאים ולהניא את מחשבתם. ואנשי יהושע עזבו את משמרותיהם, אלה ברחו דרך היבשה ואלה רצו אל היאור לקראת אויביהם ונפלו בחרב; אלה נהרגו בעלותם על הספינות ואלה בנסותם לשׂחות ולהדביקן אחרי הפליגן ביאור. וטבח גדול היה בקרב העיר, כי הזרים, אשר לא מצאה ידם להִמלט, נהרגו בעמדם על נפשם בפני השונאים, ויושבי העיר נרצחו, אף כי לא שלחו ידיהם אל החרב. כי הם קוו לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ובטחו בתם לבם, כי לא היתה ידם עם חפצי המלחמה, ועל־כן לא לקחו חלק בקרב ועמדו מרחוק [ובכל־זאת הכו בהם הרומאים], עד אשר כלה טיטוס להמית את החיבים, וחמל על יושבי המקום והשיב את חרבו אל תערה. והבורחים אל היאור שמעו, כי נלכדה העיר, והפליגו במים רחוק מן השונאים מאד.",
+                    "ו. וטיטוס שלח רוכבים אחדים לבַשֵּׂר לאביו את מפעלו. ואספסינוס שמח על גבורת בנו ועל נצחונו והאמין, כי בדבר הזה בִּצע חלק גדול מהמלחמה, ובא אל העיר וצוה להקיף עליה ולשמור את כל מוצאיה, לבל ימלט משם פליט, ונתן פּקֻדה להמית כל איש היוצא מן העיר. וביום השני ירד אל היאור וצוה לבנות ספינות־שַׁיִט, להלחם מהן עם הבורחים, והספינות נבנו במהרה, כי היו שם עצים רבים והמון אנשי־מלאכה.",
+                    "ז. והיאור הזה נקרא גנוסר על שם הארץ הקרובה אליו (עמק גנוסר), ורחבו ארבעים ריס וארכו מאה וארבעים. ומֵימיו מתוקים וטובים לשתות, כי הם דקים (צלולים) ממי האגמים הגסים (העכורים) וגם טהורים (זכים), כי מכל עבריו מֻקף היאור חוף [יבש] וחול. ומֶזג המים השאובים הוא טוב, כי הם נוחים (חמים) ממי נהרות וממי מעינות ועם זה הם קרים תמיד ממי יאורות רחבי־ידים כיאור הזה. והמים הנשארים מגֻלים בחוץ קרים כמי שלג, וככה עושים יושבי הארץ [בשאבם את המים] בלילות הקיץ. ומיני הדגים השורצים בקרב היאור שונים בטעמם ובמראיהם מהדגים אשר בכל מקום. ומימי־הירדן חותכים את היאור בתוֶך. למראה־עין מקור הירדן נמצא על־יד פַּנֵּיאַס (פּנַיוֹן, פַּמיס), ובאמת הוא פורץ מן הברֵכה הנקראת בשם הקערה (פיאַלי) ושוטף שמה (אל פניאס) מתחת לאדמה והברֵכה הזאת נמצאה בואכה ארגב (טרכון) ורחוקה מאה ועשרים ריס מקיסריה והיא קרובה לדרך המלך מימין. ועל מראֶהָ מסביב נקראה הברֵכה העגֻלה קערה. ומֵי הברֵכה מגיעים עד גּבה שפתה ואינם שוקעים למטה לעולם וגם אינם משתפכים על גדותיה, ואיש לא ידע לפנים, כי מן הברכה הזאת יוצא הירדן, עד אשר בא פיליפוס נסיך ארץ טרכון וגלה את הדבר במופת. הוא זרה מֹץ על־פני הקערה, ואחרי־כן מצא, כי נסחף המֹץ אל פּניאס, אשר שם בקשו הראשונים את מקורות הירדן, ובמקום ההוא צף על־פני המים. ופניאס הוא מקום יפֵה־נוף, והמלך אגריפס הוסיף עוד תפארה על הדר תכונתו, כי קִשט אותו בכל עֹשר מלכותו. ומהמערה הנמצאה פה יוצא הירדן החוצה ונראה לעינים, ואחרי־כן הוא עובר את הבצות והאגמים על־יד יאור סמך (״ימא דסמכא״ — סמכוניטיס, עכשו חוּלָה), ומשם הוא שוטף מאה ועשרים ריס, ובקרבת עיר יוליס הוא משתפך אל ים גנוסר וזורם בתוֶך, ובצאתו משם הוא עובר מהלך רב בערבה (ערבת הירדן) ונופל אל ים המלח (ים־הכֹּפר — אספליטיס).",
+                    "ח. ולאֹרך יאור גנוסר משתרעת ארץ הנקראת גם היא בשם הזה (עמק, בקעת גנוסר), והיא נפלאה בתכונתה וביפיה. ואדמת הארץ הזאת שמֵנה, ועל־כן לא יחסר בה כל צמח האדמה ויושביה נטעו בה כל מיני מטעים. כי מזג האויר הטוב נוח לצמחים שונים זה מזה (בתכונתם). ופה צומחים לאין־מספר אגוזים, הדורשים להם קרה יותר מכל הנטעים, ועל־ידם עולים תמרים, היונקים את להט השמש, ובקרבת אלה ואלה גדֵלים עצי־תאנים ועצי־זיתים, אשר יפה להם האויר הממֻצע, עד אשר יאמר האומר, כי הטבע חגר את כל כחותיו לחַבּר פה את כל המינים השונים הנלחמים זה בזה, וגם תקופות השנה מקַנאות אשה ברעותה וכל אחת רוצה לכבוש את הארץ לעצמה. ואדמת הארץ מצמיחה את הפֵּרות השונים האלה למיניהם בדרך נפלאה — ועוד יותר מזה — היא שומרת עליהם כל השנה. מלכי כל עצי פרי, הגפן והתאנה, נותנים את פריָם תשעה חדשים רצופים בשנה ויתר פרי־העץ הולך ובשל אִתּם זה אחר זה כל ימי השנה. ומלבד מזג האויר הטוב, עוד מקור נאמן וחזק מביא ברכה לארץ, הוא הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם כפר נחום. ויש חושבים את המקור הזה לאחד מעורקי (גידי) יאור מצרים (נילוס), כי הוא מגַדל דג כתבנית עורב־המים אשר ביאור אלכסנדריה. והארץ הזאת משתרעת לאֹרך ים גנוסר שלשים ריס ורחבה עשרים ריס. אלה תכונות המקום הזה.",
+                    "ט. ואחרי אשר הוכנו כל ספינות־המלחמה הושיב בהן אספסינוס מִספר אנשי־צבא, אשר תמצא ידו להכות את הבורחים אשר על היאור. והיהודים אשר נדחפו אל הסירות לא יכלו עוד לחתור אל היבשה, למען המלט על נפשם, כי שם ארבו להם צריהם בכל מקום, וגם לא להלחם עם שונאיהם פנים בפנים, כי סירותיהם היו קטנות כדרך סירות השודדים ולא היה בהן כֹּח לעמוד בפני ספינות האויבים, וגם האנשים מתי־המספר אשר בכל אחת הסירות פחדו לגשת אל הרומאים הרבים, אשר עמדו צפופים יחד. הם סבבו מרחוק את הספינות, ויש אשר קרבו אליהן מעט והשליכו אבנים ברומאים ממרחק או עברו עליהם, למען הכותם מקרוב. אולם גם בזה וגם בזה הִרבו לעשות רעה לעצמם. כי בהשליכם אבנים לא השיגו דבר, מלבד אשר צללו כלי־נשק שונאיהם כל פעם אשר פגעה בהם האבן, — ולעֻמת־זאת שׂמו עצמם למטרה לקלעי הרומאים, ואלה אשר נועזו לגשת אל הרומאים נפגעו בטרם עשו רעה לרומאים וטבעו עם סירותיהם יחד במצולה. וכאשר נסו היהודים לבקוע להם דרך בין האויבים נדקרו רבים ברמחיהם, ויש אשר קפצו הרומאים בחרב שלופה אל סירותיהם, וגם הקיפו סירות אחדות ולקחו אותן בשבי על האנשים היושבים בהן. והטובעים הצפים על־פני המים נהרגו בחצי האויבים או נחנקו תחת כֹּבד ספינותיהם, וכאשר אחז איש אובד־עצה בקיר ספינת האויב, קצצו הרומאים את ידו או כרתו את ראשו. ורבים היו חללי היהודים אשר ספו בכל מיני מיתה, והנשארים נלחצו בדרך מנוסתם אל היבשה בידי הרומאים, אשר כִּתּרו את סירותיהם וסגרו עליהם את הדרך ודקרו רבים מהם בעודם בתוך היאור, ורבים הספיקו לעלות על היבשה והרומאים התנפלו עליהם והמיתום שם. וצבע היאור היה אדֹם מדם וכֻלו היה מלא חללים, כי לא נמלט איש. ובימים הבאים עלתה צחנה נוראה בכל הארץ מסביב, ואיֹם היה המראה לעינים. כי החוף היה מלא שברי ספינות מנֻפצות וגם פגרי־אדם נפוחים, אשר נשחתו מלהט השמש ונרקבו והשחיתו את האויר, עד אשר לא היתה הצרה הזאת לאֵבל ליהודים בלבד, כי־אם גם לזרא לרומאים. זה היה קץ מלחמת המים. ומספר חללי היהודים יחד עם הנופלים בעיר לראשונה היה ששת אלפים וחמש מאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: חמשת אלפים ושבע מאות.</i>.",
+                    "י. ואחרי המלחמה ישב אספסינוס לכסא משפט בטריכי. הוא הִפְלָה בין יושבי המקום ובין ההמון הזר, אשר הבין, כי ממנו יצאה המלחמה, ושאל בעצת שרי־צבאותיו, אם לתת חנינה גם לזרים האלה. ושרי־הצבא אמרו, כי יגרום רעה לעצמו, בתתו להם את נפשותיהם לשלל, יען אשר לא יוכלו האנשים הגולים ממשכנותיהם לשבת במנוחה אחרי צאתם לשלום, ובכל מקום אשר ימצאו מנוס יכבידו את ידם על האזרחים לשלחם [ברומאים]. גם אספסינוס ידע, כי לא יאות להציל את האנשים ממות, כי אחרי מנוסתם יקומו במציליהם, ובקש לו דרך להעביר אותם מן העולם. הוא ראה, כי בהמיתו אותם באותו מעמד יביא עליו מלחמה ביושבי הארץ, כי לא יוכלו להטות שכמם לסבול, בראותם ברצח המון גדול כזה המבקש רחמים, וגם לא מלָאוֹ לבו לשלח את האנשים בברית שלום ולהתנפל עליהם במעל. ואחרי־כן חזקו עליו דברי אוהביו, אשר אמרו, כי לא יאשם כל העושה תועבה ליהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״אין דבר תועבה לגבי היהודים״.</i> וכי יש לתת את הבכורה לדבר המועיל על הדבר הנאה (היאה), אם לא יכּונו שניהם יחדו. בשפתי מרמה נתן אספסינוס לאנשים חנינה וצוה עליהם ללכת בדרך העולה אל טבריה לבד. האנשים האמינו לדבר אשר אליו נשאו את נפשם ויצאו עם רכושם בבטחה בדרך אשר צוה עליהם. אולם הרומאים כבשו את כל הדרך העולה אל טבריה ולא נתנו לאיש לנטות הצדה, וככה סגרו אותם בעיר. ואחרי־כן בא אספסינוס והציג את כֻּלָּם במקום המרוץ (האצטדין) וצוה להמית את הזקנים והאנשים אשר לא יצלחו למלאכה, ומספרם כאלף ומאתים. ומן הצעירים הבדיל את גבורי החיל, כחמשת אלפים איש, ושלח אותם אל נירון לאִיסְתְּמוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: אל מֵצר קורינתּוס, שישב שם הקיסר בעת ההיא.</i>, ואת יתר העם, כשלשים אלף וארבע מאות איש, מכר לעבדים, מלבד האנשים אשר הפריש לאגריפס, כי נתן בידו את כל ילידי מלכותו לעשות בהם כטוב בעיניו. והמלך מכר גם אותם לעבדים. ויתר ההמון הזר היו בני ארגֹב (טרכון) והגולן וסוסיתא (היפוס) וגבול גדר (גדרה), רֻבּם מורדים ובורחים ואנשי־משחית, אשר מעשיהם הרעים בעת שלום השיאו אותם לצאת למלחמה. הם נתפשו בשמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפִּאַיּוֹס (אלול)."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>מצור גמלא ומפלתה.</small><br><br>א. הגליליים, אשר התקוממו ברומאים אחרי מפלת יודפת, נכנעו לפניהם לשֵׁמע המגפה אשר היתה בטריכי, והרומאים כבשו את כל מבצרי הגליל מלבד גוש־חלב והר־תבור, אשר החזיקו בו היהודים. וגם העיר גמלא, אשר מעבר לים כנרת, מול טריכי, מרדה עוד ברומאים. העיר הזאת נחשבה על גבול אגריפס וכמוה גם הערים סוֹגַנִּי וסיליקיה, וכֻלן הן ערי הגולן, וסוגני היא בארץ הנקראה הגולן העליון וגמלא — בגולן התחתון; וסיליקיה — בקרבת יאור סמך. ורֹחב היאור הזה שלשים ריס וארכו ששים והאגמים אשר לו משתרעים עד דַּפְנֵי, ושם ארץ מעינות מים, אשר מהם יוצא הנהר המכֻנה בשם הירדן הקטן, ומימיו נופלים אל הירדן הגדול בקרבת מקדש עגל־הזהב. ועם יושבי סוגני וסיליקיה כרת אגריפס ברית־שלום בראשית המרד. אולם גמלא לא נכנעה תחתיו, כי יושביה בטחו במשגב עירם, אשר היתה חזקה מיודפת. כי ממעל להר גבוה מתנשא שם צוק זקוף ובתוך הוא מעלה גבנון ומשתרע במישור למעלה ונוטה [תלול] לפנים ולאחור, והוא דומה בתבניתו לגמל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קַמֶּלוֹס.</i>, ועל־כן נקרא בשם הזה (גמלא), אף כי יושבי המקום אינם מבטאים את השם הזה מבֹאר כמשפטו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משפט מוזר מאד. נראה, שכִּוֵּן יוסף לקוראים היונים וספּר כי היהודים מבטאים ״גמלא״ במקום ״קמלוס״ היוני, ולא שׂם אל לבו, כי היונים שאלו את המלה הזאת מן השפה העברית והם הם ששִׁנו את בטויה מגימל לכף!</i>. משתי צלעותיו וממול פניו מֻקף הסלע הזה תהומות, אשר אין איש יכול לעבור בהן, ורק מאחור, אשר שם הכֵּף מסתעף מן ההר, אין הדרך אליו כה תלולה. אולם גם במקום הזה חפרו יושבי המקום חריץ עמֹק מן הצד (באלכסון) לסגור על מבואי העיר. ועל הצלע הזקופה נבנו הבתים צפופים מאד, עד אשר דמתה כל העיר התלולה כתלויה על פי התהום וצונחת למטה. ופני העיר היו למול רוח דרומית, והצוק המתרומם לאין־חקר ממעל לעיר גם הוא נשקף לצד דרום, ועליו נמצאה מצודת העיר (מרום העיר, הצריח), ולמטה ממנה היתה צלע ההר הזקופה באין חומה, כי נפלה אל תהום עמֻקה. ומקור מים נמצא מבית לחומה בקצה העיר.",
+                    "ב. ואת העיר הזאת, אשר ככה שָׂגבה בתכונתה, חִזק עוד יוסף במנהרות ובשׁוּחות. ואף כי יושבי המקום הִרבו לבטוח בתכונת חֹסן עירם גם מיושבי יודפת, נפלה גמלא מיודפת במספר אנשי המלחמה אשר בקרבה. ובהאמינם במעוז מקומם לא נתנו ללוחמים חדשים לבוא בשעריה בהמון, כי כבר מלאה העיר פליטים מהקרבות הראשונים, אשר בקשו מנוס במבצר הנשגב הזה, ושבעה חדשים שָׂגבה העיר בפני הצבא, אשר שלח אגריפס לצור עליה.",
+                    "ג. ואספסינוס הסיע את חילו מחַמַּת (חמתן), אשר שם חנה בקרבת טבריה — אם נבאר את השם חמת, נאמר אשר הוא ״חמים״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מים חמים, מרחצאות חמים (תֶּרְמַי ביונית).</i>, כי נמצא שם מעין מים חיים המעלים רפואה — ועלה על גמלא. הוא ראה, כי לא יהיה לאל־ידו לשים חיל־משמר על העיר מסביב מפני תכונת המקום, ועל־כן העמיד צופים רק במקומות אשר מצאה ידו וכבש את ההר אשר ממעל לעיר. ואחרי אשר בצרו הלגיונות שם את מחנם, כדרכם במלחמה, החל אספסינוס לשפוך סוללה מאחורי העיר (בצפון) והפקיד על הסוללה בצד מזרח, אשר שם נמצא המגדל הגבוה בכל העיר, את הלגיון החמשה־עשר, והלגיון החמישי שפך סוללה על חלק העיר בתוֶך, ואת החריצים והבורות סתמו אנשי הלגיון העשירי. ובעת ההיא נגש אגריפס המלך אל החומה ונסה לדבר אל המורדים, כי יסגירו את עירם, ואחד הַקַּלָּעים ירה בו אבן ופגע במרפקו הימני וקרובי המלך מהרו לסוכך עליו, והרומאים התעוררו לחַזק את עבודת המצור, כי קצפו על הדבר אשר נעשה למלך וגם חרדו לנפשם, באמרם, כי האנשים העושים רֶשע כזה לאחִיהם דורש טובתם לא ישובו מכל אכזריות־זדון בהצותם על אויבים זרים.",
+                    "ד. ועבודת הסוללה שָׁלמה מהר, כי רב היה מספר הידים העוסקות בה, וכל אנשי־המלחמה היו מהירים במלאכתם והרומאים הקריבו את מכונות הרעש. וחרש ויוסף והאנשים הקרובים אליהם, הם טובי העיר, נבהלו מאד לדבר הזה, אך ערכו את אנשי־חילם המזֻינים למלחמה, בחשבם, כי לא יוכלו לשאת את המצור זמן רב, יען אשר לא נמצאו להם די מים ולחם וצֵּדה, על־כן אספו את האנשים ועלו על החומה וזמן מצער נלחמו באנשי־הצבא, המקריבים את המכונות, אולם מכונות־הקלע והבליסטראות הכו בהם וגרשו אותם אל העיר. והרומאים הביאו את אילי־הברזל והרעישו את החומה בשלשה מקומות ונשפכו דרך פרצי החומה [כזרם חזק] בתקיעת חצוצרות ובמשק כלי־נשקם ובתרועת נצחון אל תוך העיר והשתערו על יושביה. והיהודים עמדו על נפשם במבוא העיר בחֹזק־יד ולא נתנו את הרומאים לעבור, ואחרי־כן חזקה עליהם יד אויביהם הרבים והעצומים, הבאים עליהם מעברים, והם נסוגו אחור ועלו אל מרומי העיר. אך פתאם הפנו פניהם והתנפלו על האויבים, המעפילים לעלות אחריהם, ולחצו אותם אל מורד ההר התלול והמיתו בהם רבים, אשר לא מצאו מעמד במקום הצר והקשה הזה, כי לא יכלו הרומאים להלחם ביהודים העומדים מלמעלה ולא עצרו כח לבקוע להם דרך בקרב המון אחיהם, ההורסים לעלות על העיר אחריהם. ועל־כן בקשו להם מחסה על בתי האויבים, אשר היו שפלים לארץ. וכאשר נמלאו הבתים אנשים כרעו תחת סבל משאם ונהרסו, וכל בית נופל הרס את הבית העומד תחתיו, ומפלת הבית הזה הפכה גם היא את הבתים אשר מתחתיו והמון גדול מהרומאים נהרג. כי מרֹב מבוכתם קפצו רבים על הגגים, אף כי ראו אותם נופלים תחתיהם, ורבים נקברו תחת מפלת הבתים ורבים רסקו את חלקי גופם במנוסתם ועוד רבים מהם נחנקו באבק אשר כסה עליהם. ובני גמלא ראו בזה אות, כי אלהים עוזר להם במלחמתם ולא שמו לב אל פגעיהם ורדפו אחרי השונאים. הם דחפו אותם מעל הגגות והמיתו את הכושלים ברחובות התלולים ובלי הרף ירו ממעלה בשונאיהם הנופלים והכו בהם. כי מפלת הבתים הספיקה להם אבנים לרֹב ואת נשק הפיפיות המציאו להם החללים, כי הסירו את החרבות מעל הרומאים הנופלים ודקרו בהן את האויבים המטים למות. ורבים מן הרומאים התנפלו מעל הגגות הנוטים להשבר ומתו. וגם לבורחים לא היה קל להמלט, כי לא ידעו את הדרכים, וענן האבק לא נתן להם להכיר איש את פני רעהו והם נדחקו יחד וכשלו איש באחיו ונפלו.",
+                    "ה. ויתר הרומאים מצאו ביגיע רב את מוצאי העיר ועזבו אותה. ואספסינוס נשאר כל העת עם אנשיו הנמצאים בצרה, כי התעצב אל לבו מאד בראותו את העיר נהפכת על אנשי־צבאו, ושכח להִשמר לנפשו ועלה מבלי הדעת מעט־מעט אל מרום העיר ושם נשאר ברעה גדולה עם אנשים מתי־מספר, כי גם טיטוס בנו לא היה עמו יחד, יען אשר נשלח אל מוצִיָּנוס, נציב ארץ סוריה. ואספסינוס חשב, כי לא לישועה וגם לא לתפארת יהיה לו, אם יפנה ערפו לברוח מפני אויביו, וזכר את המלחמות אשר התענה בהן מימי נעוריו ואת מעשי גבורותיו, וכמו נחה עליו רוח אלהים. הוא התלכד עם אנשיו יחד וכֻלם חבּרו את כלי־נשקם (מגניהם) עד היותם כבשר אחד, ובזה התחזק אספסינוס בפני השונאים הנלחמים אתו מראש הגבעה ולא פחד מגֹדל המונם וגם מאבני־הקלע, אשר השליכו עליו, וכראות אנשי־הצבא את כח רוחו הנפלא הרפו מעט קט ממנו. וכאשר הונח לו מעט ממציקיו, נסוג אחורנית בשובה ונחת ולא הפנה את ערפו אל האויב עד הגיעו בשלום מחוץ לחומה. ורבים ועצומים מצבא הרומאים מתו במלחמה הזאת ובין המתים נמצא שר־העשרה אַיבּוּטִיּוּס, אשר הפליא לעשות גבורות לא במלחמה זו, שנספה בה, בלבד, כי־אם גם בכל הקרבות אשר לפניה, ורעות רבות ונוראות עולל ליהודים. ואחד משרי־המאות ושמו גַלּוּס, אשר הקיפוהו שונאיו מסביב בעת המבוכה, הסתַּתּר באחד הבתים ושמע את שיחת בני־הבית בעת־הסעֻדה על הדבר אשר אנשי העיר אומרים לעשות לרומאים וגם לו ולאנשיו, והוא וחבריו היו סוריים [ועל־כן הבינו את שפת היהודים], בלילה קם גַלוס ושחט את כל יושבי הבית ומהר עם אנשי־צבאו להמלט אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי המגפה נמס לבב הרומאים, בזכרם, כי לא קמה עוד עליהם פרענות גדולה כזאת, ועוד יותר מזה נכלמו אנשי־הצבא על אשר עזבו את המפַקד לנפשו בהיותו בצרה גדולה, ואספסינוס דבר על לבבם לנחמם וכסה על התלאה אשר מצאה אותו, לבל יראה בעיניהם פתח־דברו כמוסר־תוכחת. וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״הנה טוב יהיה, כי נשא שכם אחד במנוחת גבורים את פגעי המלחמה ונשיב אל לבנו, כי מעולם לא נקנה הנצחון בלי קרבנות־דם. דרך המזל לסֹב אחורנית (גלגל חוזר בעולם), ואחרי אשר הכּינו את היהודים לרבבותיהם נגזר גם עלינו להקריב קרבן קטן לאלהים. והנה כאשר לא יאות לאיש־המעלה להתגאות בלי חֹק בעת טובה, ככה לא יאות גם לאיש־חיל להִוָּאש בשעת צרה, כי חליפות הטוב והרע ממהרות לבוא. ואיש־מופת הוא האדם, אשר לא זחה דעתו בעת אשרו, למען אשר יוכל לשאת במנוחת־רוח גם את פגעיו. הנה הרעות, אשר מצאו אותנו, לא ממֹרך ידינו באו לנו ולא מגבורת היהודים, רק תכונת המקום הרעה הביאה להם שכר ולנו נזק. ואולי יוכיח אתכם איש, כי לא משלתם ברוחכם. כי כאשר ברחו אויביכם מפניכם אל מרומי העיר היה טוב לכם לעזבם לנפשם ולא לרדוף אחריהם עד הראש ולבוא בצרה, כי בכבשכם את העיר התחתונה היה לאֵל־ידכם לצור על הבורחים האלה עד אשר ירדו אליכם להלחם, למען תוכלו לנצחם במנוחה ובבטחה; אולם אתם נחפזתם לקראת הנצחון באין מעצור לרוחכם ולא שמתם את לבכם להשמר לנפשותיכם. אך לא נאה לרומאים לצאת למלחמה בלי ישוב־הדעת ולהתהולל בעת הקרב, כי בתבונתנו ובסדרי מערכותינו גברנו תמיד על שונאינו — וזאת (הפחזות) היא דרך העמים הנכרים (הברברים) ודרך היהודים יותר מכֻּלם. על־כן טוב יהיה, אם נשוב אל דרכי המלחמה אשר לנו, ונתקצף על הרעה אשר מצאה אותנו ללא־צדק, ולא נתעצב אל לבנו, וימצא כל איש מכם נחמה נכונה בכח גבורות ימינו, ואז יעלה בידכם לגאֹל את דם אחיכם הנהרגים ולקחת נקמה בהורגיהם. וגם אני אנסה לעשות הפעם, כאשר עשיתי עמכם בכל הקרבות עד היום הזה, ואהיה ראשון לצאת לפניכם ואחרון לעזוב את המערכה״.",
+                    "ז. בדברים האלה חִזק אספסינוס את רוח אנשי־צבאו, ושמחת יושבי גמלא על נצחונם היתה עד ארגיעה, אף כי היה הנצחון ישועה גדולה, אשר באה להם בהסח־הדעת. כעבור זמן קצר שׂמו אל לבם, כי אפסה כל תקוה להציל את נפשם בברית עם הרומאים וגם אבד מנוס מהם, וכבר חסרה להם צֵדה, ועל־כן התעצבו אל לבם מאד ורוחם נפלה בקרבם. אך לא חדלו לבקש ישועה בכל מאמצי כחם, וגבורי־החיל אשר ביניהם התיצבו בפרצי החומה והנשארים שמרו על יתר חלקי החומה מסביב. כאשר חִזקו הרומאים את הסוללות ונִסו להתנפל על החומה מחדש, נמלטו רבים מיושבי העיר דרך הנקיקים הקשים לעבור ברגל, אשר לא נמצאו שם שומרי הרומאים, ורבים ברחו דרך המנהרות. והאנשים אשר נשארו בעיר, ביראם פן יפלו בידי האויבים בעת מנוסתם, ספו בחֹסר־כֹּל, כי כל הלחם הנמצא בעיר נאסף למען אנשי־המלחמה השומרים עליה.",
+                    "ח. בכל הצרות האלה הוסיפו בני גמלא לעמוד על נפשם ביד חזקה. בעצם ימי המצור עשה אספסינוס כלאחר־יד מלחמה גם ביושבי הר־תבור (אִיטַבּוּרִיּוֹן). ההר הזה הוא בין העמק הגדול ובין בית־שאן בתוֶך, והוא מתרומם לגֹבה שלשים ריס בקֵרוב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גוזמה, אולי צ״ל שלשה ריס. בימינו גֹבה הר־תבור קרוב לחמשה ריס — 613 מטר.</i>, ורק מרוח צפונית עולה אליו דרך קשה, וראש ההר הוא מישור ומדתו עשרים וששה ריס מסביב, וכֻלו מֻקף חומה. את החומה הקים יוסף בארבעים יום, בהביאו את כל החֹמר מתחתית ההר וגם מים הביא עמו, כי יושבי המקום שותים מי גשמים לבד. כנגד ההמון הגדול הנאסף במקום הזה שלח אספסינוס את פלצידוס עם שש מאות רוכבים. ופלצידוס ראה, כי אין לאֵל־ידו לעלות על ההר, וקרא אל ההמון לרדת בשלום והבטיח לכרות אתו ברית. והיהודים ירדו אליו במחשבות ערומים, לסַכּל את עצתו הרעה, כי פלצידוס דִבּר אתם רכות, באמרו בלבו לתפוש אותם בעמק, והם ירדו מן ההר למלא למראה־עין את דברי הרומאים, ובלבם אמרו להתנפל עליהם פתאם לתֻמם. אולם ערמת פלצידוס נצחה את מזמות היהודים. כי כאשר התגרו אתו היהודים מלחמה, הוליך אותם שולל בנוסו מפניהם ומשך אותם לרדוף אחריו רחוק בעמק, ופתאם הפך את פניו והמית רבים מהם, ועל הנשארים סגר את הדרך העולה אל ההר. ורבים מן היהודים עזבו את הר תבור וברחו אל ירושלים. וכאשר לא היו עוד מים לשתות ליושבי המצודה, כרתו ברית עם פלצידוס והסגירו את ההר ואת נפשותיהם בידו.",
+                    "ט. ומיושבי גמלא ברחו עזי־הנפש ונמלטו על נפשם, והחלשים ספו ברעב. ואנשי־המלחמה החזיקו עוד מעמד במצור עד יום עשרים ושנים לחֹדש הִפֶּרְבֶּרֶטַּיּוֹס (תשרי)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ד״א תתכ״ח — 67 למנין הנהוג.</i>. כי ביום ההוא באשמֹרת הבֹקר התגנבו שלשה אנשים מן הלגיון החמשה־עשר בלאט אל המגדל הזקוף אשר ממולם וחתרו תחתיו. והצופים בראש המגדל לא ראו אותם בעלותם, כי חֹשך הלילה כסה עליהם, וגם לא חשו אותם בבואם. אנשי־הצבא נשמרו מכל המֻלה ובידם עלה לגולל חמש אבנים גדולות ולהִמלט. ופתאֹם נהפך המגדל תחתיו בקול שאון גדול והצופים התגלגלו אתו יחד אל התהום. והשומרים אשר על החומה נבהלו מאד ועזבו את משמרותיהם וברחו, ורבים נועזו לבקוע להם דרך בין מערכות הרומאים ונפלו בחרב, ואִתם היה גם יוסף, אשר ירה בו אחד הקלעים בעת מנוסתו דרך פרץ החומה. לקול ההרס קמה מבוכה גדולה בין יושבי העיר ומחִתּה נוראה נפלה עליהם, בחשבם, כי כבר פרצו כל האויבים לתוך העיר. בקרב המבוכה גוע חָרֶש, כי שכב חולה על מטתו והפחד והמחלה חברו עליו יחד להכריעהו. אולם הרומאים זכרו את תבוסתם הראשונה ולא באו בשערי העיר עד יום עשרים ושלשה לחֹדש הזה.",
+                    "י. וטיטוס שב בעת ההיא והתאנף מאד על המכה אשר היתה בחיל הרומאים שלא בפניו, ובחר לו מאתים רוכבים וגם לקח עמו אנשי־צבא רגלים ובא בראשם בשערי העיר בלאט. אולם הצופים ראוהו בבואו והרימו קול צעקה ולקחו את נשקם בידיהם. ובהוָּדע הדבר לאנשי העיר, כי באו הרומאים אל תוכה, תפשו אלה את נשיהם ובניהם וסחבו אותם אחריהם לברוח אתם יחד אל ראש ההר ביללה ובזעקה, ואלה יצאו להִלחם בטיטוס ונפלו חללים איש אחרי אחיו. והאנשים, אשר לא מצאה ידם להמלט אל ראש ההר, קפצו בצר להם מתוך העיר ונפלו בידי שומרי הרומאים. ונוראה היתה אנקת החללים בכל מקום, ודמם הציף את כל העיר ונשפך למטה במורד. ואספסינוס בא לעזרת אנשיו בראש כל חילו ועלה להלחם בפליטים אשר נמלטו אל ראש ההר. כי הגבעה התרוממה לאין־חקר והיתה מכסה אבנים מסביב וקשה היה לעלות עליה, ועתה היתה מלאה המון אדם ומורדותיה התלולים סוככו עליה. וכאשר העפילו הרומאים לעלות עליה, ירו בהם היהודים חצים וכל מיני קלע וגם גוללו עליהם אבנים גדולות והשחיתו בהם, תחת אשר חִצי הרומאים לא יכלו להגיע עד מרום מעמדם. אולם לאסון היהודים שלח אלהים רוח סערה אל עֵבר פניהם והיא משכה אליהם את הצי הרומאים והשיבה את חציהם אחור או דחפה אותם הצדה. מפני כח הסערה לא יכלו היהודים להתחזק במורד התלול, כי לא מצאו שם מעמדלרגליהם וגם נבצר מהם לראות את השונאים העולים עליהם. והרומאים עלו על ההר והקיפו את היהודים והמיתו מהם את כל הלוחמים העומדים על נפשם וגם לא חמלו על האנשים הפושטים אליהם יד לבקש חנינה, כי זֵכר אחיהם הנִגפים בעת עלותם על העיר לראשונה הקשיח את לבם מאד. וכאשר נואשו היהודים מעזרה, תפשו רבים את טפם ונשיהם והתגלגלו אתם אל התהום, אשר פיה עמֹק מאד לצלע ההר. וזעם הרומאים היה קל יותר מִקּשִׁי־לב היהודים הנתפשים, כי מספר הנשחטים בידי הרומאים היה ארבעת אלפים ולעֻמתם נמנו חמשת אלפים חללים, אשר התנפלו מראש ההר. ואיש לא נשאר בחיים, מלבד שתי נשים בנות אחי פיליפוס, הוא פיליפוס בן יקים, איש נשוא־פנים ונסיך מטעם המלך אגריפס, וגם הן נצלו ממות בהצליחן להחבא מזעם הרומאים בעת מפלת העיר. כי ביום ההוא לא חמלו הרומאים גם על נפש עוללים ותפשו רבים מהם והשליכום מראש הגבעה. ככה נפלה גמלא בעשרים ושלשה להִפַּרְבֶּרֶטַּיּוֹס (תשרי) והמרד החל בה בעשרים ואחד לגוֹרְפִּיַּיּוֹס (אלול)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>גוש־חלב נמסרה בידי הרומאים, ויוחנן ברח אל ירושלים.</small><br><br>א. רק גוש־חלב לא נכבשה עוד בידי הרומאים, היא עיר קטנה בגליל, אשר יושביה היו רודפי־שלום, כי ברֻבּם עבדו את אדמתם ומשאת נפשם כל הימים היתה ברכת השדה לבד. אולם לאסונם באו לגור בקרבם רבים מהמון השודדים, והנגע פשׂה גם בחלק אזרחי העיר. והאיש, אשר עורר אותם למרד ונצח על קהלם, היה יוחנן בן איש אחד ושמו לוי, והוא בעל כשפים (איש מרמה) ורב־מזמות בכל דרכיו, אשר הלך בגדולות ובנפלאות ממנו תמיד והיה איש־מעשה חרוץ להשלים את תקוותיו וכל עין ראתה, כי הוא חפץ במלחמה למען ישלח ידו אל השלטון. את פקֻדת האיש הזה שמרו כל המורדים בגוש־חלב, ובגללם לא מהרו האזרחים לשלוח צירי שלום אל הרומאים ולפתוח את שערי עירם לפניהם, רק אמרו לקדם את פניהם במלחמה. ואספסינוס שלח עליהם את טיטוס עם אלף רוכבים ואחרי־כן הסיע את הלגיון העשירי אל בית־שאן, והוא עם שני הלגיונות הנותרים שב אל קיסריה לתת מרגוע לאנשיו אחרי עבודת המלחמה הקשה בלי הרף, וגם חשב לחזק את גופות אנשי־הצבא ואת רוחם בטוּב הערים האלה לקראת הקרבות העתידים, בהבינו מראש, כי עוד עבודה קשה נשארה לו בירושלים, אשר היא קרית מלכים והעיר הראשה לכל העם, יען אשר אליה נהרו כל פליטי המלחמה. כי משגב העיר הזאת מתכונתה וחֹזק חומותיה הבצורות נתנו דאגה רבה בלב אספסינוס, והוא ידע, כי גם בלי חומה ומצודה יקשה בידו לבצור את רוח הגבורים היושבים בקרבה. על־כן רצה לחזק את אנשיו לקרב כדרך המתגוששים (אתליטים).",
+                    "ב. וכאשר הגיע טיטוס עם רוכביו עד גוש־חלב, ראה, כי על־נקלה יעלה בידו להשתער על העיר ולכבשה, אולם ידע, כי בכבוש אנשי־צבאו את העיר ביד חזקה יערכו מטבח נורא ליושבי העיר. וכבר היה לו הרצח לזרא וגם חמל על המון האנשים, אשר יִסָּפוּ בלא משפט בעון הרשעים המעטים. על־כן בחר לו להטות אליו את יושבי העיר בברית שלום ועמד לפני החומה המלאה המון אנשים, אשר היו ברֻבּם מחֶבר הפריצים (המקֻלקלים), וקרא אליהם: ״נפלא בעיני הדבר, במה אתם בוטחים להשגב מנשק הרומאים לבדכם, אחרי אשר נפלו בידינו כל הערים, והלא עיניכם רואות, כי ערים חזקות ובצורות מעירכם כרעו תחת תנופת ידינו הראשונה, והערים אשר כרתו ברית עם הרומאים בטוחות ושאננות ונהנות מכל אשר להן. גם עתה אני נותן לכם את בריתי שלום ולא אפקוד על רום עיניכם. אמנם לתקות החֵרות יש סליחה, אולם עון המַקשים את ערפם בדברים, אשר נשגבו מכחותיהם, לא יכֻפּר עד עולם. ואם לא תשמעו לדברי החנינה והרחמים (״אהבת האדם״) האלה ולא תכרתו אִתּנו ברית־שלום אנסה להכניעכם בכל עֹז כלי־נשקי, ועוד מעט תִּוָכחו, כי משחק למכונות הרומאים היא חומת עֻזכם, אשר בה שמתם מבטחכם, ואתם לבדכם מכל יושבי הגליל תראו לעיני כֹל, כי שבוים עזי־מצח אַתּם״.",
+                    "ג. אף אחד מאזרחי העיר לא יכול לענות לדברים האלה, באשר לא נִתּן להם לעלות על החומה, כי כל החומה נכבשה בידי השודדים; והם הציגו גם משמר בשערים, לבל יֵצא איש לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ולהביא את רוכביהם אל העיר. ויוחנן לבדו פנה אל הרומאים לאמר: ״העצה היעוצה מצאה חן בעיני ויש לאל־ידי לדַבּר על לב המסרבים או למנעם בחזקת־היד. אולם עליך, טיטוס, לתת ליהודים לשמור את היום הזה כמשפטו, כי הוא יום השבת, ובו אסור לנו לצאת למלחמה וגם לדבר שלום אל האויב. הן לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים, כי חֹק לנו לשבות בכל יום שביעי, ואם תאלצו אותנו לעבור על החֹק הזה, תהיה אשמתכם, אתם המחטיאים, גדולה מאשמת האנוסים. ואמנם אם תדחה, טיטוס, את המועד, לא תאֻנה אליך רעה, הלא גם אם יאמר אחד מאתנו בלבו לברוח בלילה הזה, הן יש לאל־יד הרומאים לחנות סביב לעיר ולשמור על כל מוצאיה. אולם לשכר גדול יהיה לנו, אם לא נעבור על חֻקי אבותינו. ואמנם אם יפליא איש חסדו לתת את ידו לשלום לאנשים, אשר לא יחלו לדבר הזה, ולפדותם מצרה, הנה נאה לו לכבד גם את חֻקי האנשים האלה״. בדברים האלה התחכם יוחנן לטיטוס, כי באמת לא היה ראש חפצו לשמור את השבת כהלכה, כי־אם להציל את נפשו. הוא ירא, פן יִתָּפש בכף, אם תפול העיר בידי האויב מיד, ובקש לו דרך לברוח בלילה ולפדות את חייו. ויד אלהים היתה בדבר הזה, כי הציל את יוחנן, למען שַׁחת בידו את ירושלים, והוא נתן בלב טיטוס להאמין לדברי האיש, וגם להסיע את מחנהו רחוק מן העיר אל קדש (קוּדַסי), היא כפר חזק לצורים בגבול הארץ, ואיבת עולם ומלחמה בין יושביה ובין הגלילים, ומספר יושבי הכפר הוא גדול ומעוז המקום היה להם למשגב בהצותם על היהודים.",
+                    "ד. ויוחנן ראה בלילה, כי אין משמר הרומאים מסביב לעיר, ומצא לו שעת־הכֹּשר לקחת את אנשי־צבאו וגם רבים מן האנשים השקטים יחד עם נשיהם וטפם ולברוח אתם אל ירושלים. פחד השבי ואימת־המות הוסיפו כח לאנשים האלה, לנהל אחריהם במרוצה נמהרה את המון הנשים והטף עשרים ריס, ואחרי־כן פגרו אלה מלכת. ונוראה היתה יללת המון הנשים והילדים העזובים לנפשם, כי כאשר הוסיפו קרוביהם לרחק מהם, חשבו כי האויב הולך וקרוב אליהם, וכבר ראו בחזון את השובים העומדים עליהם, ועל־כן נחפזו במנוסתם בפחד; ולקול המֻלתם במרוצתם הפנו את ראשיהם לראות פן הדביקו אותם הרודפים, אשר הם בורחים מפניהם. ורבים תעו בלא־דרך, וגם בדרך המלך קמה מריבה ביניהם, כי כל אחד רצה לעבור את השני, והרבה נרמסו ברגלים. שבר הנשים והילדים היה אָיֹם ומחריד כל נפש, נשים רבות מצאו כח לקרֹא בקול רם בשמות בעליהן ולהתחנן אליהם ביללה לחכות להן. אולם מצות יוחנן חזקה על האנשים להציל את נפשם ולברוח אל המקום, אשר משם יקח מהרומאים גם את נקם בני ביתם העזובים, אם יפלו בשבי. ככה נפוץ המון הבורחים, כי כל אחד נחפז לברוח חיש מהר, ככל אשר לאל־ידו.",
+                    "ה. וביום השני נגש טיטוס אל החומה לכרות את הברית עם יושבי גוש־חלב, ואזרחי העיר פתחו לפניו את שעריה ויצאו עם בני ביתם לקראתו וקדמו את פניו בברכה וקראו לו בשם מיטיבם ופודה עירם ממשמר [העריץ]. הם ספרו לו את דבר מנוסת יוחנן וחִלו את פניו לחמול עליהם ולבוא אל העיר ולעשות שפטים בשארית המורדים. וטיטוס דחה את בקשות אנשי העיר עד עת מצֹא ושלח חלק רוכביו לרדוף אחרי יוחנן, והם לא יכלו להדביקו, כי כבר קדם להמלט אל ירושלים, אולם מן האנשים הבורחים עמו המיתו כששת אלפים נפש, וגם הקיפו את הנשים והטף כשלשת אלפים נפש, והביאו אל טיטוס. והוא קצף מאד, כי לא עלה בידו הפעם להנקם ביוחנן על מעשי תרמיתו, אך מצא נחמה בתוחלתו הנכזבה למראה ההרוגים והשבוים הרבים. הוא בא בשערי העיר לקול ברכת האזרחים וצוה על אנשי־צבאו להרוס חלק החומה כמשפט ללוכד עיר והשקיט את רוח מחרחרי־הריב, בהפילו עליהם את פחדו, ולא הִרבה לענשם. כי הבין, אשר רבים יכו בלשון את מריביהם הנקיים מעון כגֹדל שנאתם אליהם, אם יבוא לעשות משפט בחַיָּבים, ועל־כן חשב, כי טוב יהיה לו להשאיר את החַיָּב מֻטל בפחד מאשר להמית יחד אתו את הזכאים. כי בדבר הזה יקח הפושע מוסר ויפחד תמיד מן הענש וגם יבוש מפני האנשים אשר נתנו לו חנינה, תחת אשר עֹנש האנשים הנספים בלא אשם הוא מעֻות אשר לא יוכל לתקון. הוא הציג מצב בעיר, לשמור על המנוחה ולעצור את אוהבי התמורות ולחזק את ידי רודפי השלום. ככה נכבשה ארץ הגליל כֻּלה, ובזֵעת־אפים רַבּה פנו להם הרומאים את הדרך אל ירושלים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על יוחנן מגוש־חלב. על הקנאים וחנן הכהן הגדול והמריבות אשר ביניהם.</small><br><br>א. ובבוא יוחנן אל ירושלים חרד כל העם לקראתו ומסביב לכל אחד מאנשים הבורחים עמו נאסף המון גדול לחקור את דבר הפגעים אשר [מצאו את היהודים] מחוץ. אמנם נשימת האנשים הקצרה והלוהטת ענתה. בפניהם, כי נמצאו במֵצר, ובכל־זאת לבשו גאוה בצרתם והודיעו, כי לא, ברחו מפני הרומאים, רק באו להלחם בהם ממקום־מבטח. כי ללא חכמה וללא הועיל נחשב בעיניהם לחרף את נפשם במלחמה בעד גוש־חלב ועוד ערים קטנות, אשר אין בהן כח, תחת לשמור על כחותיהם ועל נשקם ולחשוך אותם לימי המלחמה בעד העיר הראשה. ואחרי־כן דברו על מפלת גוש־חלב וספּרו בלשון נקיה על־דבר נטִיָּתם מפני האויב, אך רבים הבינו, כי הנטיה הזאת היתה מנוסה, וכאשר הגיעה השמועה בדבר ההמון אשר נפל בשבי, אחזה פלצות את כל העם, בשומו אל לבו, כי אלה הם אותות גדולים מבַשרי מַפּלה בעתיד. אולם פני יוחנן לא לבשו בֹשת לזכר האנשים אשר עזב אותם לנפשם. הוא חזר על בני ירושלים ובתקוות כוזבות הֵעיר את לבם למלחמה, בסַפרו להם, כי אין כח לרומאים, ובהרימו את ערך חיל היהודים, וגם לעג לאִוֶּלת התמימים [הפוחדים מפני המלחמה], באמרו, כי גם בעשותם להם כנפים לא יעלו הרומאים בחומת ירושלים אחרי כל הרעות אשר מצאו אותם על־יד כפרי הגליל, כי בחומות הכפרים האלה השחיתו את כל מכונותיהם.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה נפתו רבים מבני־הנעורים והתעוררו לצאת למלחמה; אולם הנבונים והזקנים צפו כֻּלם כאחד את הרעה אשר תמצא אותם וספדו על העיר, אשר נגזר עליה להחרב. והעם נמצא במבוכה גדולה, אך בטרם קמה עוד בירושלים מלחמת־אחים כבר חָלק לב העם היושב בארץ. כי טיטוס פנה מגוש־חלב אל קיסריה, ואספסינוס יצא מקיסריה אל יבנה ואל אשדוד והקים את בריתו עם הערים האלה והשאיר בקרבן מצב ושב אל קיסריה והוליך עמו המון אנשים גדול, אשר נפלו בידו על־פי דברי הברית. ואז קמו מהומות ומלחמות־אחים בכל עיר ועיר, ובכל מקום אשר שאפו היהודים רוח אחרי תנופת יד הרומאים היתה יד איש באחיו, ומריבה קשה היתה בין חפצֵי־הקרָב ובין רודפי־השלום. ובראשיתה פגעה המריבה בבתים, אשר זה מכבר שלטה קנאה ביניהם, ואחרי־כן קמו גם האוהבים הקרובים איש באחיו וכל אחד התחבר עם האנשים אשר היו מחשבותיו במחשבותיהם, והמונים המונים ערכו מערכה אלה לקראת אלה. והמריבה פשׁתה בכל מקום; אולם אנשי המרד ודורשי הקרב התגברו בכח עלומיהם ובעֹז נפשם על הזקנים והנבונים. ובראשונה פשטו אחד אחד לבֹז את יושבי הארץ, ואחרי־כן התחברו לגדודים ומִלאו את הארץ חמס. ובמעשי הזדון והרֶשע לא נבדלו בעיני אחיהם מהרומאים הזרים, ורבים מן העשוקים חשבו, כי עוד יקל להם בנפלם בידי הרומאים.",
+                    "ג. והרומאים אנשי המצב אשר בערים לא יצאו לעזרת העשוקים או הושיעו להם רק מעט, כי יראו פן תמצא אותם רעה וגם שנאו את עם היהודים מאד, עד אשר שׂבעו ראשי להקות־השודדים בכל המקומות את החמס אשר עשו בארץ והתחברו יחד, וכל עדת־המרֵעים הבקיעה אל ירושלים. כי העיר הזאת היתה בעת ההיא בלי ראש ומושל ועל־פי חֻקי האבות קבלה אל שעריה כל איש מזרע היהודים מבלי להשמר מפניו ובימים ההם חשבו יושבי העיר כלם, כי כל הגדודים הנוהרים אליה הם אוהבים הבאים לעזור להם. והנה בדבר הזה היה דַי להחריב את העיר גם מבלעדי מלחמת־אחים. כי המונות אנשים ריקים ובטלים, אשר לא הצליחו למלחמה, אכלו את הלחם, אשר היה בו כדי למַלֵּא את סֵפק אנשי המלחמה, ונוסף על חרב האויב הביאו גם מלחמות־אחים ורעב בשערי העיר.",
+                    "ד. ועוד רבים משודדי הארץ נאספו אל העיר והתחברו עם השודדים אשר מבית, הקשים עוד מהם, ולא נבצר מהם כל מעשה נורא. ונקלה היתה בעיניהם סאת רשעם וזדונם, בהרבותם שֹׁד וחמס ובפשטם את שמלות האנשים לעורם, כי שׂמו גם אל הרצח את פניהם, ולא עשו את דברם בלילה ובמסתרים וגם לא שלחו את ידם באנשים חשֻׁכּים, כי־אם בעצם היום ולעיני השמש יצא מעשה־הרצח, ובנשואי הפנים החלו. לראשונה תפשו את אַנְטִפַּס, אשר היה ממשפחת המלוכה וגם מגדולי העיר ובידו הפקיד העם את אוצר הצבור, ואסרו אותו בכלא, ואחריו שׂמו במאסר את לוי, אחד מנשואי־הפנים, ואת צופא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אפשר לקרֹא גם צופא, שופא.</i> בן רעואל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: אַרֶגֶטֶס.</i>, אשר יצא גם הוא מבית המלוכה, ואחריהם עוד אנשים מורמים מעם. ופחד גדול נפל על כל יושבי ירושלים וכל אחד בקש ישועה לנפשו, כאלו כבר הֻכּתה העיר במלחמה.",
+                    "ה. אולם השודדים לא אמרו די בשימם את האסורים על מסגר, כי ראו רעה נגד פניהם בשמרם על אנשים תקיפים כאלה זמן רב, פן תמצא יד קרוביהם הרבים לבוא לעזרתם ופן יתרגז גם העם על מעשה התועבה ויקום עליהם ביד חזקה. על־כן יעצו עֵצה להמית את האסורים ושלחו אליהם את יוחנן, אחד מבני קהלם, איש מהיר במלאכת־הרוצחים, אשר נקרא בשם ״בן האילה״ בלשון עם־הארץ, ויחד עמו באו עוד עשרה אנשים מזֻינים אל בית־הכלא ושחטו את האסירים. ועל התועבה הנוראה הזאת הוציאו עוד הרוצחים על האנשים שמועת שקר ואמרו, כי באו בדברים עם הרומאים להַסגיר בידם את ירושלים ובזה רצו לבגוד בחֵרות העם, והתפארו במעשי הנבלה לעיני כל, כי עשו חסד לעיר והושיעו אותה מצרה.",
+                    "ו. לדברים האלה נפלה רוח־העם מאד והפחד גבר עליו, ובמדה הזאת הוסיפו האנשים האלה אֹמץ, עד אשר לקחו בידם את המשפט למַלא את ידי הכהנים הגדולים. הם בזו לבתי האבות, אשר מהם נבחרו הכהנים הגדולים חליפות במשפט הירֻשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפרשה הזאת היא סתומה. וכנראה כִּוֵּן פה המחבר לסגני הכהנים הגדולים ולראשי המשמרות. ובכלל אינו נזהר בשמוש התאר ״כהנים גדולים״. בימים ההם נחשבה הכהֻנה הגדולה לנחלת משפחות מעטות (ביתוס, פיאבי, קמחית, חנין ועוד), אשד שמשו מימי הורדוס, וכל חברי המשפחות האלה נקראו ״כהנים גדולים״ או ״בני כהנים גדולים״.</i>, והקימו להם כהנים בני בלי־שם וחשֻׁכּים, למצֹא בהם עוזרים למעשי תועבותיהם. כי האנשים, אשר הגיעו למשרה העליונה ללא־צדק, נטלו עליהם למלא את רצון האנשים, אשר מִלאו בה את ידם. בלשון רכיל ודִבּה הפיחו מדנים בין ראשי העם, למצֹא חפצם בריבות האנשים העומדים להם לשטן, וכאשר מלאה סאת רשעת מעשיהם לבני־האדם, השיאם זדון לבם לנַבּל את כבוד האלהים ולבוא ברגליהם המטֻמאות [הרוחצות בדם] אל היכל הקֹדש.",
+                    "ז. ולאחרונה קם העם בעושי התועבה, כי העיר את לבבו הזקן בקרב הכהנים הגדולים חנן [בן חנן], איש חכם באדם, אשר כמעט עלה בידו להציל את העיר, אלו נמלט מידי מבקשי רעתו. והם (השודדים) שמו את היכל ה׳ למצודת משגַבּם ושמה נמלטו ממהומות העם, וכה נהפך להם המקדש למבצר עריצים. ועל מעשיהם הנוראים הוסיפו עוד לעג, להעציב את לב העם מכל עלילותיהם, כי נִסּוּ לתַכּן את פחד העם ולהראות את עֹצם ידם וערבו את לבם לבחור את הכהנים הגדולים על־פי הגורל, אף כי משפט הירֻשה היה רק למשפחות [הכהנים הגדולים], כאשר אמרנו. הם סמכו את המעשה הרע הזה על חֹק עתיק, באמרם, כי גם לפנים נבחרו הכהנים הגדולים על־פי הגורל. ובאמת חשבו לבַטל בזאת את המנהג ולתפוש להם את השלטון, בהקימם בידם את המשרה העליונה.",
+                    "ח. על־כן קראו לאחת ממחלקות הכהֻנה הגדולה ושמה יָכין (נ״א: יקים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אֶנְיָכִין אצל ניזה. נ״א: אֶנְיָכִים, אֶנְיָקִים. יכין הוא המשמר הכ״א, יקים — המשמר הי״ב (דברי הימים א, כ״ד; י״ב, י״ז). החֹק הישן, אשר סמכו עליו הקנאים, הוא כנראה דבר הכתוב (שם, פסוק ה): ״ויחלקם בגורלות״, והם דרשו זאת גם לגבי הכהֻנה הגדולה.</i> ובחרו להם כהן גדול בגורל. ובמקרה זכה בגורל — ובזה נראה כל גֹדל רשעתם — איש אחד ושמו פינחס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: פני, פניאס.</i> בן שמואל מכפר־חפתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתוספתא מבֹאר, כי לא היה מבּני חשֻׁכִּים, כי־אם מחתני משפחת הנשיא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל, אשר הזכירהו יוסף לשבח.</i>, אשר לא יצא מהכהנים הגדולים וגם לא הבין מה היא הכהֻנה הגדולה, כי היה אכר עובד־אדמה. אולם הם סחבו אותו בעל־כרחו מן השדה וכמעשה המשחקים בבית־החזיון קשטו אותו במסֵכה זרה והלבישו אותו את בגדי הקֹדש ולִמדו אותו את מעשה עבודתו לעת מצֹא. למעשה תעתועים ולצחוק ילדים היתה הנבלה הזאת בעיניהם. אולם עיני יתר הכהנים, העומדים מרחוק, זלגו דמעות למראה החֹק המחֻלל והם נאנחו על המשרה הקדושה הנרמסה ברגלים.",
+                    "ט. ולמראה העזות הגדולה הזאת קצר כח סבל העם, ויושבי ירושלים מהרו כאיש אחד להסיר את עֹל הנוגש. והאנשים נשואי־הפנים בקרב העם, גוריון בן יוסף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה, ב, כ, ג, הֻזכר יוסף בן גוריון.</i> ושמעון בן גמליאל, הקהילו את כל העם לאספה והעתירו עליו דברים וגם חִלו את פני כל איש ואיש להחיש נקמה בשונאי החֵרות ולטהר את בית־המקדש משופכי הדם. וגם אנשי־המעלה בין הכהנים הגדולים, יהושע בן גמלא וחנן בן חנן, הרבו להוכיח את העם על רפיון ידיו ועוררו אותו בעצרותיו לקום על הקנאים, כי בשם הזה קראו לעצמם אנשי־הזדון, באמרם, כי הם מקנאים למעשים טובים (לשם שמים), ולא כן הדבר, כי קנאו רק בעלילות רעות והתמַכּרו להוסיף עוד עליהן.",
+                    "י. וכאשר נאספו כל יושבי ירושלים יחד וכֻלם קצפו על כבוש בית־המקדש ועל מעשי החמס והרצח, אולם איש לא ערב את לבו להתגרותמלחמה בעושי הרשע, בחשבו, כי יבצר ממנו להתגבר עליהם — וכן היה הדבר באמת — התיצב חנן בן חנן בקרב העם והביט כפעם בפעם אל עבר ההיכל ודבר אל העם בדמעות על עינים, לאמר: ״מי יתן מותי בטרם ראו עיני את בית־האלהים מלא את כל התועבות האלה, בטרם היו המקומות הקדושים, אשר לא יעבור בהם זר, למרמס לרגלי מרצחים. אך הנה אני עומד לפניכם בלבוש הכהֻנה הגדולה ונושא את השם הגדול והנכבד בין כל שמות הכבוד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לכהנים הגדולים שנדחו ממשרתם נשאר שם הכבוד והכנסות הכהֻנה הגדולה וגם מלבושי הכהן הגדול. ואין לדעת, אם הכונה כאן לתֹאר הכבוד (כהן גדול) או לשם הקדוש אשר על הציץ.</i>, חי אני ועלי לשמור את נפשי, ולא זכיתי למות בשם טוב לעת זקנתי. ואם גם יחיד נשארתי [כערער] בערבה, נכון אני לחרף את נפשי לבדי למען כבוד אלהים, כי מה יסכּון לי להאריך ימים בקרב עם אובד, אשר טחו עיניו מראות את הצרות ולבו מת בקרבו מחוש את יסוריו ומכאוביו. עשוקים אתם כל היום — ונוטים שכמכם לסבול! אתם מֻכּים ונמרטים, ונושאים את בשרכם בשִׁניכם ואין איש נאנח ברמה על דם הנרצחים. אוי לי על ממשלת הזדון הזאת! אולם למה עלי לחרף את הזדים? הלא באשמתכם ובאֹרך־אפכם גדלו ועשו חיל! הן בהוָסדם עליכם לראשונה, בהיותם עוד מתי מספר, ראיתם את מעשיהם ולא שמתם אל לב, החרש החרשתם ונתתם להם להרבות מספרם, וגם כאשר חגרו חרב, חבקתם את ידיכם והסבֹּתם את כלי מלחמתם למול פניכם. ותחת לבצור את רוחם בראשונה, כאשר שפכו בוז וחרפות על אחיכם (נ״א: על הנדיבים), לא התבוננתם אל פֹּעל ידיהם, ובזה השאתם את הנבלים לעשות חמס ושֹׁד, וכאשר שׂמו בתים לשַׁמה, לא פצה איש את פיו, ועל־כן היה נקל בידם לתפוש גם את אדוני הבתים, ואחרי זאת נסחבו אלה בראש חוצות, ועוזר לא היה להם. על־כן הוסיפו הנבלים אֹמץ לעַנות בבתי־כלאים את האנשים אשר בגדתם בהם. ולא אֹמַר לכם, מי הם האנשים ומה מספרם; אבל זכרו, כי איש מכם לא יצא להציל את אלה האסורים בלא עון ובלא משפט, והלא נקל היה לראות מראש, כי יוצאו האנשים למות! ואחרי־כן ראינו גם את זאת בעינינו, כי הייתם כעדר בהמות נבערות, בהלקח ממנו החיות הטובות לקרבן, ואיש מכם לא הוציא קול ולא הניף את ימינו. שימו אפוא בעפר פיכם ודֹמו למראה בית־המקדש הנרמס ברגלים, כי אתם הרחבתם את צעדי הפריצים האלה לספות זדון על זדון, ולא לכם המשפט להתאונן על רום עיניהם. כי עוד הגדילו במעשיהם, לוּ מצאו להם דבר גדול מבית־המקדש להחריבהו. והנה עתה הם מושלים במרום משגב העיר, כי לא שם מקדש יִקָּרֵא להר־הבית כיום הזה, כי־אם שם מצודה או מבצר. השליטים העריצים האלה בוטחים במשגב חומותיהם ואתם רואים את שונאיכם עומדים ממעל לראשכם. ומה היא עצתכם הפעם ובמה תרגיעו את רוחכם? הלעזרת הרומאים אתם נושאים את פניכם, כי יבואו הם לפדות את מקדשכם? הוי, ככה ירד מעמד עירנו וכה גדלה הרעה אשר מצאה אותנו, עד כי באמת ינודו השונאים לשִׁברנו: הוי, עניים אמללים! הטרם תתעוררו ותִלָּפתו תחת סבל מכותיכם? ואיך לא תביטו אל מעשה בהמת השדה ולא תלמדו ממנה לעמוד על נפשכם בפני מכיכם? ואיך לא תזכרו את הרעות אשר שָׂבע כל אחד מכם, ואיך לא תשימו לנגד עיניכם את היסורים אשר נשאתם, ולא תגברו חיָלים להלחם במציקיכם? אבד, אבד מכם יצר לב האדם הטוב והרגש הנעלה מכֹּל — רגש אהבת החרות. לעבדים נרצעים היינו ועינינו אל יד אדונינו, כאִלו העבדות מנת חלקנו ונחלה לנו מאבותינו. לא! אבותינו נלחמו מלחמות רבות ועצומות בעד החרות ולא הכניעו את ערפם לפני המצרים ולא לפני המדיים, כי מאנו לשמוע בקול נוגש. ולמה לי להרבות דברים על מעשה אבותינו? הנה מלחמה לנו עתה ברומאים ולא אשפוט הפעם, אם טובה היא ומועילה, או רעה ומזיקה, אך על מה ולמה אנו יוצאים למלחמה הזאת? האם לא בעד חרותנו? ועתה, אם קצה נפשנו לשאת את עֹל מושלי העולם כֻּלּוֹ, איכה נִכָּנע תחת שבט עריצים מקרב אחינו? הן אם יעבוד איש אדונים זרים, יוכל לתלות את הדבר במזלו אשר בגד בו; אולם להֵעָנוֹת תחת עֹל נבלים היושבים מבית — זה הוא חלק רכי־לבב, הבוחרים בעבדות. והנה הואלתי לדבר אליכם על הרומאים, ולא אכסה מכם את הדבר, אשר עלה על לבי בין יתר הדברים (תוך כדי דבור), כי גם אם נִפֹּל בידם — מי יתן ולא יקום הדבר אשר יָצא מפי (אל תפתח פה לשטן!) — לא תגדל צרתנו מהרעה אשר פקדו עלינו האנשים האלה. ואיך לא נבכה בראותנו את מתנות האויבים ההם, אשר הרימו לבית־מקדשנו, ועל־ידן את השלל אשר נפל בידי אחינו אלה בהמיתם את נדיבי עיר־הקֹדש וברצחם נפשות אנשים, אשר גם השונאים היו אוספים ידם מהם בעת נצחונם? והנה הרומאים לא עברו מעולם את גבול העזרה המֻתָּרה להם ולא בזו למצוותינו הקדושות ובחרדה היו מביטים מרחוק אל חומת המקדש, ואלה האנשים, אשר נולדו בארצנו וגֻדלו בחֻקי תורתנו, אלה הנקראים בשם ״יהודים״ — מתהלכים בקרב המקדש בידים נוטפות דם אחים. ומי יירא עתה לצאת למלחמה עם שונאינו מחוץ? הלא הם נוחים לנו הרבה יותר, אם נדַמה אותם לאויבים האלה מבית! ואם יאות לקרֹא לכל המעשים בשמותיהם הראוים להם, הן יצדק האומר, כי הרומאים אנשי־ברית תורתנו, ואלה צרינו מבית הם אויביה. אולם אני חושב נאמנה, כי אתם הנאספים פה כֻּלכם נוכחתם לדעת מראש, אשר שונאי חרותנו אלה הם בנים משחיתים, ואיש לא יוכל למצֹא את העֹנש הנאה להם כגמול תועבותיהם, ועוד לפני שמעכם את דברַי נרגזתם על האסונות אשר מצאוכם מידם. אמנם רבים מכם יראים את המון האנשים ואת עֹז רוחם ופוחדים ממרום מִשכּנם. אולם הלא מידכם יצא הדבר הזה, בהעלימכם עיניכם מהם, ואם התמהמהו הפעם — עוד ירבו ויעצמו, כי מספרם הולך וגדול מיום ליום, יען אשר כל איש נבל יעזוב אתכם וילך אל בני מינו, וגם זדון לבם יחזק, כאשר לא יעמוד לו איש לשטן, וממרום שבתם יחליפו כח וילחמו בנו בעבי מגִנם, אם נתֵּן להם זמן להִשָּׂגב שם. אולם האמינו לדברי! אם נעלה להלחם בהם, יהיה מוסר עונם למכשול לפניהם וזֵכר מעשיהם יפיל את משגב חומותיהם. ואולי ילחם לנו האלהים, אשר נאצו אותו האנשים האלה, וישיב את אבני הקלע אל עבר פניהם והרשעים ימותו בחציהם השלוחים ולבם ימס כמים בראותם את פנינו. ואם גם יש סכנה בדבר הזה, הנה אשרי האיש אשר יפול חלל לפני שערי המקדש, בהשליכו את נפשו מנגד לא בעד אשתו ובניו, כי־אם בעד האלהים ומשכן קדשו! גם אני אצא לפניכם בעצה ובגבורה ולא יבצר ממני דבַר מזמה להצילכם, ועיניכם תראינה, כי לא אחמול על נפשי״.",
+                    "יא. כדברים האלה דבּר חנן על לב העם לצאת לקראת הקנאים, אף כי לא נעלם מעיניו, אשר יקשה בידו להתגבר על האנשים הרבים האלה, המלאים כח עלומים ואֹמץ־רוח, אשר גם הכרת חטאתם הקשיחה את לבם, וגם הבין, כי לא ימסרו את עצמם בידי אויביהם עד צאת נפשם, בדעתם כי לא יכֻפּר להם עון ידיהם. בכל־זאת בחד לצאת לקראת כל צרה (שלא תבוא) מהעלים עיניו למראה השערורה הנוראה הזאת. והעם קרא בקול, כי ילך אחריו אל כל אשר יצונו וכל איש היה נכון לחרף את נפשו.",
+                    "יב. ובעת אשר דבּר חנן אל העם ופקד את האנשים הראוים לקרָב, שמעו הקנאים את דבר עצתו, כי אנשי־שלומם, אשר נמצאו בכל מקום, גלו להם את כל אשר נעשה בקרב העם. הם התרגזו מאד והגיחו בהמון ובגדודים קטנים מהר־הבית ולא חמלו על כל איש אשר פגשו בדרכם. וחנן הקהיל במהרה את אזרחי ירושלים והם עלו במספרם על הקנאים, אך נפלו מהם בכלי־נשקם וגם לא היו ערוכים למלחמה כמוהם, אולם תאות המלחמה מלאה את חסרונות אלה ואלה. כי חמת הנקמה, אשר בערה בבני העיר, חִזקה את ידיהם מכל כלי־נשק, והקנאים אשר בהר־הבית נלחמו בעֹז־נפש ולא שמו לבם לכל המון שונאיהם. כי בני ירושלים האמינו, אשר לא יוכלו עוד לשבת בעירם, אם לא יכריתו את השודדים ממנה, והקנאים הבינו, כי עתידים הם לכל מיני יסורים, אם לא יתגברו על אויביהם. אלה התנגחו באלה והכעס והשנאה יצאו לפניהם בקרב. לראשונה המטירו איש על רעהו אבנים ברחובות העיר ולפני המקדש, וגם נלחמו בחניתותיהם מרחוק, וכאשר פנו בני המחנה האחד לאחור, רדפו אחריהם צריהם והכום בחרב. ורבים נפלו חללים מזה ומזה, ולא מעט היה גם מספר הפצועים, וכאשר נפצע אחד מבני העיר, אספו אותו קרוביו אל ביתו, אולם הנפצע מחבר הקנאים הובא אל בית־המקדש ודמו נשפך על אדמת הקֹדש. ובצדק יאמר האומר, כי הדם הזה טִמא את הקדשים. כאשר נלחמו פנים אל פנים, היתה יד השודדים על העליונה. אולם יושבי העיר נלחמו בזעם ועֶברה ומספרם הלך הלוך וגדול והעם חרף את הנחשלים, והעומדים מאחור, אשר נדחקו גם הם להלחם, לא נתנו לאחיהם לפנות עֹרף, עד אשר השתער כל העם על צריו, ואלה לא יכלו עוד לעמוד על נפשם בפני התקיפים מהם. ומעט מעט נסוגו אל הר־הבית, ואנשי חנן הבקיעו אִתּם יחד אל חצר המקדש. ורעדה אחזה את הקנאים, כאשר נלקחה מידם החומה הראשונה, והם נמלטו אל חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית וסגרו עליהם את השערים. וחנן נמנע להביא מלחמה בשערי הקֹדש. ומה גם כי ירו השונאים מלמעלה. הוא חשב, כי גם אם ינצח, יעבור על מצות התורה, בהביאו את העם אל שערי בית־המקדש בטרם יתקדש. על־כן בחר ששת אלפים אנשים מזֻינים בגורל והציג אותם לשמור על האולמים (האסתוניות), ואחרי־כן באו אחרים במקומם, כי על כל העם הֻטל לעמוד חליפות על המשמר. אולם ראשי העם פטרו רבים מאנשי־המעלה מעשות את הדבר ונתנו להם לשכור בכסף עניים ולשלוח אותם אל המשמר תחתם.",
+                    "יג. אפס כי את כל האנשים האלה הכריע איש אחד, הוא יוחנן, אשר ספרנו על־דבר מנוסתו מגוש־חלב, כי היה איש־מרמה מאין כמוהו ונשא בלבו תאות־ממשלה באין־מצרים וזה מזמן חבל מזמות לקחת לו את השלטון. ובימים ההם התחפש כאיש אוהב־העם ולא סר מחנן ביום, כאשר נועץ עם טובי העם וגם לא בלילה, מדי עברו לפקד את אנשי המשמר, ואחרי־כן גלה את סודותיו לקנאים וכל עצה אשר יעץ העם נודעה לאויבים על־ידו בטרם עוד התבררה והתלבנה; הוא שקד להרחיק ממנו כל חשד, ועל־כן הרבה להתרפס לפני חנן וראשי העם, אולם במַלאו פיו את תהלת האנשים השיג את הפך רצונו, כי החֹנף הרב הגדיל עוד את החשד. ויען כי היה דרכו ללכת אל כל מקום אשר לא נקרא שמה, יצא עליו הקול, שהוא מגלה סוד, כי בראות ראשי העם, אשר הקנאים יודעים את כל דברי מועצותיהם, לא מצאו איש כיוחנן חשוד לגלות את הדברים. אולם לא קל היה להם להפטר ממנו, כי היה איש־חיל במעשי רשעו, וגם לא יצא מקרב חשֻׁכִּים ורבים מאנשי הסנהדריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן: המועצה הראשית.</i> סוככו לראשו. על־כן יעצו להשביע אותושבועת אמונים, כי הוא דורש טוב לעם. ויוחנן נשבע בנפש חפצה, כי יאהב את העם ולא יגלה את עצתו ואת מעשיו לאויבים, וגם יעזור במחשבה ובמעשה לבער אחרי חורשי הרעה. ואנשי חנן האמינו בשבועתו ולא הוסיפו לחשוד בו ונתנו לו לבוא אל מועצותיהם, וגם שלחו אותו לציר־אמונים אל הקנאים, לדבר על לבם לשבת מריב. כי התאמצו בכל כחם לבלתי טמא את המקדש בידיהם ולבלתי שפך בו דם איש אחד מאחיהם.",
+                    "יד. ויוחנן עשה מעשה, כאלו נשבע שבועת אמונים לקנאים ולא לראשי העם. כי הוא בא אל הר־הבית ועמד בין הקנאים וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״לא פעם ולא שתים חרפתי את נפשי למענכם, פן יעלם מכם דבר מכל אשר יעצו אנשי חנן עליכם. והנה עתה רעה גדולה נגד פנַי ונגד פני כֻלכם, אם לא תהיה אתנו יד אלהים להצילנו. כי אין עוד חנן רוצה להתמהמה, וכבר פִּתּה את העם לשלוח צירים אל אספסינוס, למען יבוא במהרה ויכבש את העיר. וגם יעץ לתפוש אתכם בידו, כי צוה על כל העם להתקדש ליום מחר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דבר־הטהרה הזה לא התברר. יש חושבים, כי כזב יוחנן לקנאים, שחנן רוצה להקריב הטאת הצבור (ויש חושבים: פרה אדֻמה). ואין הדבר מתאים במלואו לדין התורה ולדברי חז״ל.</i>, למען יבוא אל המקדש לעבוד את האלהים או יתגרה בכם מלחמה בזרוע נטויה. איני יודע, עד מתי תעצרו כח לעמוד בפני המשמר המקיף עליכם ולערוך מערכה למול המון גדול אשר כזה״. ואחרי זאת הוסיף לדבּר: ״יד אלהים עשתה זאת, כי נבחרתי לציר־אמונים ונשלחתי לדבר שלום אליכם. דעו, כי חנן אומר לסובב אתכם בכחש בדברים האלה, למען יוכל להתנפל עליכם בעת אשר לא תִשָּׁמרו לנפשותיכם. ולא נשארה לכם רק אחת משתי אלה: להתחנן אל חיל־המשמר כי יתן לכם את נפשותיכם לשלל, או להמציא לכם עזרה מחוץ. ואם יש אתכם אנשים מתברכים בלבבם, כי ימצאו סליחה אחרי הִכשלם בקרָב, הנה הם שוכחים את מעשי זדונם או שוגים במחשבתם, כי אחרי תשובת העושקים ישלימו אִתם העשוקים מיד. והן גם בעשותם תשובה לא ינָקו העולבים משנאה וחמת הנעלבים מתגברת בעשותם חיל; והנה אוהבי הנרצחים וקרוביהם אורבים לנפשותיכם, וגדולה היא חמת העם על אשר נאצתם כל חֹק ומשפט, ואם גם יחמול עליכם חלק האזרחים, כאין יחָשב לעֻמת ההמון הרב אשר יקשיח רחמיו מכם״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקנאים קראו לאדומים והם עלו על ירושלים מיד וחנו בשדה לפני השערים הסגורים. משא יהושע הכהן הגדול ומענה שמעון האדומי.</small><br><br>א. בנכלי השקרים האלה הפיל יוחנן פּחד על כל הקנאים, וטרם ערב את לבו לבטא בפיו מי ומי הם העוזרים מחוץ; אולם בדבריו רמז אל האדומים. ולהרגיז את ראשי הקנאים, למען ייראו לנפשם, סִפּר להם כזבים על אכזריות חנן והעיד עליו, כי הוא אומר לעשות שפטים בהם על פני כֹל. וראשי הקנאים היו, האחד אלעזר בן שמעון, אשר נאמן על הקנאים מאד, כי היה משכיל למצֹא עצה ותחבולה והבין למלא אחרי עצתו, והשני זכריה בן אמפיקלוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן אצל ניזה. ובהוצאה הישנה: בן פלך. וכנראה הוא זכריה בן אבקולס שהֻזכר בתלמוד (גיטין נ״ו, ועוד), שלא נתן להקריב לשלום הקיסר.</i>, שניהם ממשפחות כהנים. וכשמוע האנשים האלה על־דבר הסכנה, העתידה לכל אנשיהם בכלל ולנפשותיהם בפרט, וגם כי חנן ואנשיו רוצים להכין את שלטונם וקוראים את הרומאים לעזרתם — כי גם בדבר הזה כזב להם יוחנן — נבוכו מאד ולא מצאו עצה, כי באו בין המצרים והשעה היתה דוחקת מאד. הם האמינו, כי אזרחי ירושלים נוסדו יחד להשתער עליהם בקרוב, למען החיש את הדבר ולהכרית מהם כל משען מחוץ, וגם יראו פן תכלה אליהם הרעה בטרם יִוָּדע שמץ דבר לאחד מבני בריתם, על־כן גמרו לקרֹא את האדומים לעזרה. הם כתבו אליהם אגרת קצרה והודיעום, כי חנן אומר לבגוד בעם ולהסגיר את העיר בידי הרומאים, והם, הקנאים, קמו להלחם בעד החֵרות ועתה הם נתונים בהר־הבית במצור, ורק זמן מצער נשאר להם לבקש ישועה, ואם לא ימהרו (האדומים) לבוא לעזרתם, יפלו בידי חנן ובידי מבקשי נפשם והעיר תִּכָּנע לפני הרומאים. ועוד הרבה דברים שׂמו הקנאים בפי מלאכיהם לדבּר אל ראשי האדומים, ולצירים נבחרו שני אנשים רבי־פעלים היודעים לכלכל דבר ולהטות לב אנשים למעשים אשר כאלה, וגם קלים ברגליהם — כי הדבר הזה היה נחוץ עוד יותר! הקנאים ידעו, כי האדומים יִפָּתו לדבריהם מיד, כי הם עם פריץ ואוהב מדנים, המחכה תמיד לעת מהומה ושמח לכל מהפכה, ואם ישמעו גם מעט דברי חֹנף ותחנונים מפי הצירים, יקחו את כלי־נשקם וימהרו לקרָב כהולך לקראת החג. ועל הצירים הֻטל להחיש את דברם, וככה עשו שני השליחים, אשר נקראו זה וזה בשם חנניה, כי התנדבו לרוץ אֹרח והתיצבו במהרה לפני ראשי האדומים.",
+                    "ב. ראשי האדומים נבהלו מאד בקראם את האגרת ובשמעם את דבריהצירים, וכמשתוללים סבבו בקרב העם והזעיקו אותו למלחמה. עוד לפני המועד הנתון נאסף המון האדומים, כי כֻלם חגרו את חרבותיהם להלחם בעד חרות עיר־הקֹדש. כעשרים אלף איש חֻבּרו במערכה ועלו על ירושלים, ובראשם ארבעת שרי צבאותיהם, יוחנן ויעקב בני סוסא, שמעון בן כתלא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אצל ניזה: בן תקועא.</i> ופינחס בן קלוצות (קלוסות, קלושות).",
+                    "ג. חנן ושומרי העיר לא ראו את הצירים בצאתם, אולם לא נעלם מעיניהם הדבר, כי האדומים עולים על העיר. כי חנן שמע את הדבר בעוד זמן וצוה לסגור את שערי העיר ולהציג משמר על החומה. הוא לא רצה להחל במעשי־איבה נגד האדומים, כי־אם לדבר על לבם לפני המלחמה. ויהושע [בן גמלא], הוא זקן הכהנים הגדולים אחרי חנן, התיצב בראש המגדל אשר ממול האדומים וקרא אליהם, לאמר: ״אמנם מהומות רבות הקיפו את עירנו, אולם אף באחת מהן לא הרביתי לתמֹהּ על מזלה [הרע] כמו [היום הזה], בראותי, כי דברים שלא עלו במחשבה מסַיְעים לנבלים האלה. אתם מהרתם הֵנה לחַזק ידי אנשי בליעל משחיתים ולהלחם בנו בנפש חפצה, ומי יתן, כי תחישו כה לקול הקורא לפדות את עיר קדשנו מידי אויבים נכרים! ואִלו ראיתי, אשר העומדים במערכותיכם דומים לאנשים הקוראים לכם, כי אז לא היה דבַר בואכם מוזר בעיני, כי אין דבר מחַזק את האהבה כמו קרבת המדות. הן אם יבוא איש לבדוק את האנשים האלה לאחד אחד, יגֻלּה לו, כי כל אחד מהם הוא בן־מות, אשר חִיַּב את ראשו רבבות פעמים. כי הם חלאת כל ערי הארץ וצֵאָתן, אנשים פוחזים, אשר פזרו לראשונה את רכושם, ואחרי־כן למדו את ידיהם למעשי זדון בכפרים ובערים אשר מסביב, ולאחרונה התגנבו במסתרים אל עיר־הקֹדש. הם שודדים ומרצחים, המטַמאים בעצמת חטאותיהם את אדמת הקֹדש, וכל עין רואה אותם סובאים בבית־המקדש באין פוצה פה וממלאים מחמַס הנרצחים את כרסם, אשר לא תדע שָׂבעה. והנה אנחנו רואים אתכם בכל עדי נשקכם, כאשר היה לכם המשפט לבוא, אִלו קראו לכם אנשי העיר בעצה אחת לעזור להם ולהִלחם באויבים נכרים. והאם לא יאמר האומר, כי תעתועי הגורל לפניו בראותו עם שלם בא לעזרת חֶבֶר־נבלים. ואמנם כל העת נבצר ממני להבין, מה הוא הדבר, אשר הבהיל אתכם לבוא הֵנה חיש מהר, הן בלי סבה גדולה לא הואלתם לקחת אִתכם את כל כלי־זינכם ולהִלחם למען השודדים באחיכם, עצמכם ובשרכם. באזננו שמענו על־דבר הרומאים ועל־דבר מעשה בגד — הן דברים כאלה נזרקו זה עתה מפי אחדים מבני בריתכם בקול המֻלה — וגם כי באתם לפדות את העיר. מכל נאצות אנשי הבליעל נפלאות בעינינו מזמות השקר האלה. בדעתם כי זה דרככם לאהב, את החֹפש, ועל־כן אתם נכונים בכל עת לצאת למלחמה על האויבים הבאים מחוץ, — לא מצאו להם עצה אחרת להעיר את חמתכם עלינו, בלתי־אם הוציאו עלינו שֵׁם, כי בגדנו בחֵרות, אשר אליה תאוַת נפשנו. אולם עליכם להתבונן, מי ומי האנשים המכים אותנו בלשון, ועל מי הוציאו את השם הרע, ולברר את האמת לא מתוך דברי השקר אשר טפלו עלינו, כי־אם מתוך דברי המעשים לאשורם. אי זה רוח עבר עלינו לקרֹא אלינו את הרומאים הפעם, תחת אשר היה בידינו לבלי מרֹד בהם בתחלה, או להכנע, מפניהם לעת ראשית המרד, בטרם היתה כל הארץ מסביב לשממה? והן עתה לא יקל הדבר בידינו גם אם נתמכר לעשותו בלֵבב שָׁלם, כי רמו עיני הרומאים אחרי כבשם את הגליל, וחרפה קשה לנו ממות לבקש את רחמיהם בעת אשר קרבו להלחם בנו. אמנם בעיני גדול השלום מן המות, אולם כבר יצאתי לקרָב ולקחתי חלק במלחמה — ועל־כן אבחר למות בשם טוב מהאריך ימים בשבי. ומה הוא הדבר אשר ענו בנו: האם אנחנו, ראשי העם, שלחנו אל הרומאים בסתר [לדבר שלום אליהם] או כל האזרחים גמרו לעשות את הדבר פה־אחד? אם אנחנו עשינו את הדבר — נקבו־נא בשמות אנשי שלומנו השלוחים, בשמות העבדים, אשר היתה ידם אתנו בבגד הזה. הנלכד אחד מהם בצאתו או נתפש בדרך שובו? וידי מי לקחו מהם את המכתבים? ואיך יכֹלנו להסתיר את מעשינו מעיני האזרחים הרבים, אשר בכל עת ובכל שעה אנו יוצאים ובאים ביניהם, ולמתי־מספר הנמצאים במצור, אשר נבצר מהם לרדת מהר־הבית אל תוך העיר — רק להם לבד נגלו דברי הסתר הנעשים בארץ?! והאמנם רק עתה נודעו להם הדברים, לאשורם, כאשר הגיע הזמן לתת את הדין על כל מעשי זדונם — תחת אשר לפנים, בשבתם עוד לבטח בקרבנו, לא נחשד אף איש מאתנו על הבגד? ואם בראש העם שמו את האשם, הנה לא נאסף העם להִוָּעץ במסתרים ואיש לא נעדר ביום הקהל, ולוּ באמת ובתמים יעץ את העצה הזאת, כי אז מהרה השמועה הנכונה להגיע אליכם בטרם הלשינו האנשים האלה עלינו. ומה הגיע אליכם? ואם גזר העם לכרות ברית עם הרומאים, הלא היה עליו לשלוח מלאכי־שלום, ומי הם האנשים אשר מלא את ידיהם בזה? קראו־נא בשמותיהם! אולם לא כן הדבר! כל המעשה הוא תחבולת האנשים האלה, ההולכים למות, למען הרחיק את עת פקדתם הקרובה אליהם. ואם באמת נגזר על העיר להִסָּגר בבגד בידי אויביה, הנה אלה המלשינים לבדם יערבו את לבם למַלא את הדבר, כי תועבה אחת עוד נשארה, אשר לא נסו בה ידיהם, והיא — הבגד. ואם הואלתם לבוא הנה עם כלי־נשקכם, הלא יאות לכם מעשה טוב וישר — להלחם לעיר הקֹדש ולהכרית ממנה את העריצים, אשר בערו את המשפטים מן הארץ ורמסו ברגל־זדון את חֻקי תורתנו ושמו את החרב על כסא המשפט. כי תפשו בראש חוצות אנשים נקיים מעון, נכבדים ונשואי־פנים, וענו בכבל נפשם ולא שמעו לקול צעקתם ותחנוניהם והכו אותם נפש. ואם לא למלחמה עליתם עלינו, הן לא יִבָּצר מכם לראות בעיניכם, כי דברתי אליכם לאמונה, ועֵדַי יהיו הבתים, אשר החריבו האנשים האלה בחמס ידיהם, ונשי ההרוגים ומשפחותיהם, העוטות אֵבל, וגם יגיעו לאזניכם קול היללה והמספד בכל העיר, כי אין איש אשר לא טָעם את טַעם פגישת הרשעים הרעה. וכה גדלה שרירות לבם, עד אשר נקל היה בעיניהם להעביר את דרכי זדונם ואת חמסם מגבולות הארץ ומן הערים אשר מחוץ אל עיר־הקֹדש, היא הפנים והראש לכל העם, — כי עוד הוסיפו לעשות בהעבירם את מדותיהם אלה מן העיר אל המקדש, הוא היה להם למשגב ולמקלט וגם לבית־אוצר הנשק, אשר צפנו שם להלחם בנו. והמקום, אשר הוא בית־תפלה לכל עמי תבל ונכבד לשֵׁמע אֹזן גם לזרים יושבי קצות הארץ — היה למרמס (למדרס) לרגלי חיות רעות (פריצי אדם), אשר גדלו בקרבנו. ועתה, בראותם כי אפסה להם כל תקוה, הם עושים מעשי תעלולים לסכסך עמים בעמים וערים בערים ולגרות את העם, למען יתקע את חרבו במעיו. על־כן טוב ונאה לכם — כאשר דברתי אליכם — לבער את הרשעים האלה מקרבנו ולקחת מהם נקם על תרמית לבם, כי נועזו לקרֹא לכם לעזרתם תחת אשר היה להם לירֹא אתכם, פן תקומו לעשות בהם שפטים. ואם אתם בושים להשיב את פני הקוראים אליכם, הן יש לכם עוד דרך אחת: לפרק את כלי־נשקכם ולבוא בשערי העיר במשפט אחינו וקרובינו ולעמוד בין בעלי־בריתנו ובין שונאינו בתוֶך, ושופטים תהיו לנו. שימו אל לבכם, מה גדול יהיה שכר האנשים ההם, כאשר יוכלו לעמוד למשפט על חטאותיהם הנוראות אשר עשו לעיני כל, תחת אשר לא נתנו לאנשי־שלומינו הנקיים לפתוח את פיהם למען הצדיק את מעשיהם. ורק למענכם תהיה להם הצדקה הזאת, כי הואלתם לבוא הנה. ואם אין את רצונכם לעזור לנו בנקמתנו וגם לא לשפוט בינינו, עוד נשארה לכם דרך שלישית: הרפו ממנו ומהם יחד, ואל תוסיפו על סאת צרותינו ואל תחַזקו את ידי המֵרעים היועצים רעה על העיר. ואם יש אתנו אנשים החשודים בעיניכם מאד על אהבת הרומאים, הלא תוכלו לשמור על מוצאי העיר וכאשר יתבָּרר במעשה, כי כֵנים דברי המלשינים, יהיה לאֵל־ידכם לבוא בשערי העיר ולעשות משפט בחַיָּבים, אשר נחקרה אשמתם. כי האויב לא יוכל למהר ולבוא אל העיר לפניכם — הן אתם חונים בקרבתה! אולם אם כל אלה הדברים אינם טובים וישרים בעיניכם, אל תתמהו על הדבר, בראותכם את השערים סגורים על מסגר, עד אשר תתנצלו את כלי־זינכם״.",
+                    "ד. אלה הדברים דִבּר יהושע. אולם המון האדומים לא שׂם אליהם את לבו, יען אשר היטב חרה לו, בראותו כי לא נִתַּן לו לבוא העירה. ושרי צבא האדומים התרגזו מאד, בשמעם כי עליהם לפרק את נשקם ואמרו, כי זה דרך שבויי המלחמה להשליך את הנשק במצות אנשים [אחרים]. ושמעון בן כתלא, אחד מראשי האדומים, השקיט בכח את רגשת הצבא ועמד במקום גבוה, למען יִשָּׁמע קולו באזני הכהנים הגדולים, וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״לא יפָּלא ממני הפעם, כי נסגרו חלוצי לוחמי הדרור בהר־הבית, בראותי כי נמצאו בקרבכם אנשים הסוגרים בפני העם את שערי העיר, אשר היא נחלת היהודים כֻּלם, ובעוד הם מתכוננים לקַבּל את פני הרומאים — ואולי גם לעַטֵּר את השערים לכבודם — הם מדַבּרים עם האדומים רק מראשי המגדלים ומצוים עליהם לפשוט את כלי־זינם, אשר חגרו למלחמת החרות, ואף כי אינם מאמינים לקרוביהם אלה ומסרבים להפקיד בידם את משמר העיר, הם שמים אותם לשופטים בריבם, ובעת אשר הם מתאוננים על אנשים אחדים, כי המיתו את אחיהם בלא משפט, הם בעצמם מוציאים משפט חרפה על עם כֻּלו. הנה סגרתם היום בפני אחיכם את שערי העיר, הפתוחים לכל בני־הנכר הבאים לעבוד את האלהים, ואחת אתם אומרים, כי מהרנו הֵנה לשפוך דם ולהקים מלחמות־אחים, תחת אשר חשנו רק לדבר אחד — לשמור על החרות למענכם. כי אמנם זאת היא גם אשמת הנצורים, אשר חטאו לפניכם. אני חושב, כי ככה נאמנות גם הטענות אשר מצאתם עליהם! רואה אני, כי כבדה ידכם על כל דורשי טובת העם מבית ושַׂמתם אותם במשמר וסגרתם את שערי העיר בפני בל בני עם־הארץ הקרובים אליכם וצויתם עליהם בגאון ובחרפה למַלא את פקֻדתכם. ואחרי כל אלה אתם אומרים, כי עריצים מושלים בכם, ובשם הזה אתם קוראים לאנשים, אשר בהם אתם רודים בזדון! ומי יוכל לשאת את לעג דבריכם, בראותו את המעשים מכחישים אותם (מטפחים על פניכם)? ואולי תאמרו, כי גם האדומים סוגרים בעדכם את שערי העיר — אלה האנשים, אשר אינכם נותנים להם לבוא אל מקדש אבותינו! והן בצדק נוכל להוכיח את הנצורים בהר־הבית, אשר התנדבו לבער את הבוגדים הנקראים בפיכם בשם נשואי־פנים ואנשים נקיים מעון — כי הם בני חברתכם ואנשי סודכם — ולא החלו את משפטם מכם ולא הכריתו את ראשי הבוגדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״ולא חתכו את החלקים הראשיים של הבגד״.</i>. אולם אם האנשים האלה התרפו בעת צרה, הנה אנחנו האדומים נשמור על בית אלהינו ועל עיר אבותינו ונצא להלחם בעדם כנגד האויבים הבאים מחוץ והבוגדיםאשר מבית. וחמושים נשאר פה לפני החומה, עד אשר ילאו הרומאים לשים לב לכם או תשובו מדרכיכם ותלמדו לאהב את החֹפש״.",
+                    "ה. לדברים האלה הריע המון האדומים קול גדול, ויהושע ירד מעל החומה סר וזעף, בראותו כי לא יקחו האדומים מוסר ומלחמה תהיה לעיר מפנים ומאחור. אפס כי גם דעת האדומים לא נחה עליהם, כי כעסו מאד על חרפתם בהִסָּגר שערי העיר בפניהם ובטחו בכח הקנאים, ועתה ראו, כי אין איש בא לעזרתם, והיו כאובדי עצות, ורבים נחמו על מסעם, ובכל־זאת בושו פן ישובו אל בתיהם מבלי שכר לפעֻלתם, והבֹּשת התגברה על מוסר כליותיהם, ועל־כן נשארו על עמדם אצל החומה, אף כי נמצא מחנם ברעה. כי בלילה התחוללה סופה עזה מאד, ורוחות חזקים סערו והביאו אִתּם מטר־סוחף, וברקים האירו זה אחר זה בלי הרף, ורעמים נוראים התגוללו וקול המון הארץ הרועשת היה לחרדת אלהים, ונראה כי נהפכו תחתיהם מוסדי העולם להביא שואה על האדם, ונדמה כי המופתים האלה [בשמים ובארץ] הם אותות לדבר גדול (המתרחש ובא).",
+                    "ו. ומחשבה אחת עלתה בלב האדומים וגם בלב יושבי העיר. האדומים אמרו בלבם, כי קצף אלהים על מסעם ולא יהיה להם מנוס מזעמו על אשר עלו להלחם בעיר־הקֹדש. ואנשי חנן חשבו, כי נצחו מבלי לעמוד במערכה, וכי האלהים נלחם להם. ואלה ואלה לא היטיבו לראות את העתידות ונבאו לאויביהם את הדברים אשר נגזרו על עצמם. האדומים התלכדו יחד להחם איש את בשר רעהו וכסו במגניהם על ראשיהם, לבל ירבה הגשם להציק להם. וצרת נפש הקנאים גדלה מאד, ביראתם את הרעה אשר תמצא אותם, ועוד יותר מזה התעצבו אל לבם בפחדם לגורל האדומים, ונאספו יחד להִוָּעץ, אולי ימצאו תחבולה להגן עליהם. וחמי־הלבב יעצו לבקוע להם דרך בין חיל־המשמר בזרוע נטויה ולהתנפל אל תוך העיר ולפתוח את השערים לפני בני־בריתם ביד רמה. הם בטחו, כי יברחו אנשי המשמר מפניהם, אם ישתערו עליהם לפתע פתאם, כי רבים מהם אינם מזֻינים ואינם יודעים מלחמה, וקשה יהיה הפעם להקהיל את יושבי העיר, אשר נמלטו אל בתיהם מפני המטר; וגם אם הדבר בחזקת סכנה, עליהם לשאת כל רעה ואין להם להעלים עיניהם מן ההמון הגדול הזה ההולך למות באשמתם. אולם הנבונים אשר בקרב הקנאים מאנו לבקוע להם דרך בחזקת היד, כי ראו אשר כל המקומות מלאים שומרים מזֻינים, ועוד יותר חזק המשמר בשערי העיר מפחד האדומים. הם ידעו, כי עיני חנן משוטטות בכל העיר ובכל שעה הוא פוקד את חיל־המשמר. וכן היה הדבר באמת בכל הלילות, רק לא בלילה ההוא. ולא קלות־דעת חנן עשתה זאת, כי־אם יד הגזֵרה אשר הכריעה אותו ואת המון שומרי העיר, היא הגזרה, אשר מסכה תרדמה על שומרי האולמים בנשף ההוא לעת זעף הסערה ונתנה בלב הקנאים לקחת את המַשׂורים אשר בבית־המקדש ולכרות את משקוף השער. ויללת הסופה וקול הרעמים המתגוללים בלי הרף עמדו להם, ולא נשמע קול ההמֻלה.",
+                    "ז. הם יצאו בהֵחבא מהר־הבית והגיעו עד החומה ובמשורים אשר בידיהם פתחו את השער אשר למול מחנה האדומים. ובראשונה קמה מהומה בקרב האדומים, בחשבם כי אנשי חנן פתחו את השער להתגרות בהם מלחמה, וכל אחד שלח את ידו אל החרב להגן על נפשו, אך במהרה הכירו את האנשים היוצאים לקראתם ובאו יחד עמם בשערי העיר. ואִלו פשטו האדומים ברחובות העיר מיד, נקל היה להם להכרית את כל העם מקטן ועד גדול בלי מעצור, — כה גדלו כעסם וחמתם! אולם לראשונה מהרו האדומים לחלץ את הקנאים מן המצור, כי האנשים אשר קבלו אותם אל תוך העיר דברו אליהם תחנונים, לבל יתנכרו לבני־בריתם, אשר למענם באו, בעת צרתם, ולא יביאו עליהם שואה נוראה, רק יתפשו בתחלה את האנשים השומרים עליהם, ואחרי זאת יפנו אל העיר, כי הלא אם יחרידו את כל יושבי העיר, יִבָּצר מהם להתגבר על השומרים. כי לשֵׁמע הדבר יערכו מערכה עליהם ויסגרו על מוצאי הר־הבית."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי רצח האדומים בבואם אל העיר בעת הסערה, והנוראות אשר עשו הקנאים. מות חנן, יהושע וזכריה. האדומים שבו לבתיהם.</small><br><br>א. דברי הקנאים מצאו חן בעיני האדומים, והם עלו דרך העיר אל בית־המקדש. והקנאים, אשר כלו עיניהם מיחל אל האדומים, החליפו כח למראה בואם ויצאו לקראתם מחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית, ואחרי־כן התחברו אליהם והשתערו יחד אתם על המשמר, שחטו שומרים אחדים אשר נמו שנתם, ויתר השומרים הקיצו והרימו קול צעקה, וכל חיל־המשמר התעורר בבהלה ולקח את כלי־נשקו ומהר לצאת לקרָב, וכל העת אשר חשׁבו השומרים, כי מלחמה להם בקנאים לבד, נלחמו באֹמץ לב, כי בטחו בעצם מספרם, אולם בראותם, כי מחוץ נוהרים אויבים חדשים אליהם, הבינו, כי באו האדומים בשערי העיר ונמוגו מפניהם וזרקו את כלי־נשקם והחלו לבכות ולהיליל. רק צעירים מתי־מספר חגרו עֹז לעמוד על נפשם בפני האדומים וזמן רב סוככו על ההמון, אשר השיב את ידיו אל חיקו. צעקת האנשים גלתה את הדבר לכל יושבי העיר, אולם איש לא ערב את לבו לצאת למלחמה, בהִוָּדע כי הבקיעו האדומים אל העיר, וכל ההמון הגדול לא מצא עצה, רק ענה בקול צעקה ויללה לקול זעקת השומרים. ונהי בכי הנשים עלה למרום, כי לכל אחת היו קרובים בין השומרים הנמצאים בצרה. והאדומים והקנאים יחד הריעו לעֻמת אלה תרועת נצחון, והמון הגשם והסופה היה נורא מכל הקולות. והאדומים לא ידעו רַחם, כי נוסף על יצר לבם האכזרי התלקחה עוד חמתם על יושבי העיר, הסוגרים בפניהם את שעריה, לרגלי התלאות אשר מצאו אותם בעת הסופה. הם לא שׂמו פדות בין המבקשים מהם רחמים ובין הלוחמים אתם, והכו בחרבותיהם גם את האנשים, אשר הזכירו אותם כי הם עצמם ובשרם והשביעו אותם לכַבּד את המקום הקדוש. ויושבי העיר לא מצאו מנוס ולא היתה להם כל תִּקוה להִנצל מרעה. הם נדחקו יחדו ואיש אחרי רעהו הֻצעו חללים, וכאשר נלחץ ההמון אל מקום אשר לא היה שם דרך לנטות, ומרצחיהם הֵצֵרוּ את צעדיהם, לא מצאו רבים עצה וקפצו מהר־הבית למטה אל העיר, ונדמה לי, כי המיתה, אשר בחרו לרצונם, היתה קשה מהרצח, אשר ברחו ממנו. ובכל חצַר בית ה׳ החיצונה שטפו נחלי דם ולפנות הבֹּקר נערמו שמונת אלפים וחמש מאות חללים.",
+                    "ב. אולם בכל הרצח הזה לא שב אף האדומים. הם שמו את פניהם אל העיר ופשטו על הבתים ושלחו את ידם בבזה והמיתו כל איש הבא בידם. הם חשבו, כי יכלו את זמנם לריק, בהכותם את המון העם היושב בעיר, ובקשו את הכהנים הגדולים, ורֹב אנשיהם נטשו לחקור את מקום מחבואם. במהרה תפשו אותם ושחטום והתיצבו על החללים והתקלסו בחנן על אהבת העם אליו וביהושע על דבריו אשר דבר אליהם מן החומה. ובעצמת רשעתם לא נתנו לקבור את עצמות ההרוגים, אף כי חֹק ליהודים להזהר מאד בקבורת אדם וגם את התלוים במשפט בית־דין הם מורידים לפני בוא השמש וקוברים אותם. ואיני שוגה בדברי, כי במות חנן החלה מפלת העיר. כי התמוטטה חומת מעוז היהודים וכלתה אליהם הרעה ביום אשר ראו עיניהם את הכהן הגדול, העומד עליהם לישועה, נשחט בראש חוצות. כי היה חנן איש־מופת בכל מדותיו ורודף צדק מאין כמוהו, וממרום מעלת משפחתו והדר משרתו והכבוד אשר היה לו על־פני כל העם, אהב את השפלים והנדכאים ונתן להם כבוד אנשים כערכו. והוא אהב את החֵרות בכל נפשו וגם חשק מאד בשלטון־עם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: דימוקרַטיה.</i>, וכל הימים היה דוחה את טובתו מפני טובת הרבים (הכלל), והשלום היה יקר לו מכֹּל. והוא ידע, כי אין תקומה לפני הרומאים, ובכל־זאת הכין בעל־כרחו את כל צרכי המלחמה, למען אשר יוכלו היהודים להצליח בה, אם לא יכרתו ברית־שלום עם השונאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך הוא בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה ישנה: ״הוא הבין, כי יכרעו היהודים במלחמה בעל־כרחם, אם לא ימהרו לכרות ברית שלום״.</i>, ובאמת נוכל לאמר, כי לוּ נשאר חנן בחיים, השלֵם השלימו היהודים [עם הרומאים]. כי היה מפליא לדבר ולצודד את לב העת, וכבר הכניע מפניו את האנשים העומדים לו לשטן, וגם אם נלחמו היהודים, היו מעבידים את הרומאים עוד עבודה גדולה, בעמוד בראשם איש אשר כזה. ונפש יהושע [בן גמלא] היתה קשורה בנפש חנן, ואף כי נפל האיש הזה במעלה מחנן, היה גבוה בערכו מכל העם. אני מאמין, כי האלהים, אשר גזר להחריב את העיר המטֻמאה ורצה לטהר [באש] את בית־מקדשו, הכרית את האנשים האלה העומדים לפניו בפרץ באהבתם את המקדש. ושני הגברים האלה, אשר לפני ימים מעטים לבשו עוד את בגדי הקֹדש ונצחו על עבודת אלהים בכל קצות העולם ואשד נכבדו על־פני כל יושבי תבל הבאים אל ירושלים, התגוללו ערֻמים בעפר לעיני השמש ובשרם היה למאכל לכלבים ולחיות השדה. אני חושב, כי גם כל מעלה טובה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אֲרֶטֵי.</i> בכתה על האנשים האלה וקוננה על הרעה אשר מצאתם. ככה מתו חנן ויהושע.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי מות הכהנים הגדולים עלו הקנאים והמון האדומים על עם ירושלים ושחטו אותם כשחוט בהמה טמֵאה וכל איש מדלת העם הומת במקום אשר נתפש בכף, ואת אנשי־המעלד, ואת הצעירים הבדילו הרוצחים ואסרו אותם בבתי־כלאים, בהאמינם, אולי יפֻתּה אחד מאלה לעבור אליהם בטרם יבוא מותו. אולם איש לא שׂם לב לדבריהם, וכֻלם בחרו במות ולא רצו להתחבר לסוד המרֵעים האלה לאבדן מולדתם, והם נשאו עִנויים קשים ונוראים על אשר מאנו [לעשות את דבר הנבלים], כי דשו את בשרם בשוטים ומתחו את אבריהם בכלי־משחית, עד אשר לא נשאר מתום בבשרם למעַניהם, ורק אחרי־כן זכו למות בחרב. זהנתפשים ביום נרצחו בלילה ונבלותיהם הוצאו והָשלכו על־פני השדה ופִנו מקום לאסירים חדשים. ומחִתָּה נוראה נפלה על כל העם, ואיש לא נועז לבכות לעיני רואים על החלל הקרוב אליו וגם לא להביא אותו לקבורה, ורק במסתרים שפכו האנשים דמעות, בסגרם את דלתיהם, ובעוד הם נאנחים הביטו לעבָרים, פן יגיעו דבריהם לאֹזן אחד משונאיהם; כי תכף נעשה למתאבל כמשפט המת, אשר קשר עליו מספד, ובלילות היו יושבי ירושלים צוברים מעט עפר לכסות בו את בשר החללים, ורק המחרף את נפשו למות עשה זאת ביום. ככה נהרגו שנים־עשר אלף איש, בחורים מנדיבי העם.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר נלאו האנשים לטבוח טבח לאין־קץ, עשו להם התוליםוהקימו בית־דין ומשפט. ובדרך הזה אמרו להמית את זכריה בן ברוך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: בן בריס.</i>, אחד מאנשי־השם. הוא הרגיז אותם בנדבת לבו, כי שנא כל תועבה ואהב את החֹפש, וגם היה עשיר, ועל־כן קוו לשני דברים: למלא אוצרותיהם חמס, וגם להִפּטר מן האיש, אשר כּח בידו להפילם. על־כן הוציאו פקֻדה לאסוף שבעים איש מראשי העם אל בית־המקדש, ומסרו בידם — כמו בבית־חזיון — את דמות (תפקיד) השופטים, אשר אין להם כּח ושלטון, והעמידו לפניהם את זכריה למשפט ומצאו בו ערוַת דבר, כי אמר להסגיר את העיר בידי הרומאים ושלח צירים אל אספסינוס בבָגֶד. ואף עד אחד לא נמצא לענות בזכריה, וגם לא היה כל אות לעונו, אולם האנשים (הקנאים והאדומים) אמרו, כי הם בטוחים באשמתו, וחשבו, כי זה הוא אות נאמן על האמת. וזכריה ראה, כי אפסה כל תקוה להציל את נפשו, יען אשר נקרא במרמה אל בית־כלא ולא אל בית־הדין, ועל־כן לא רצה לפרוש מן החיים בטרם ידַבּר ככל אשר עם לבבו. הוא קם לפני השופטים ודִבּר בלעגי שפה על צדקת המלַמדים עליו חובה ובדברים קצרים בטל את כל דברי האשמה אשר יצאה עליו. ואחרי־כן פנה אל אנשי־ריבו וסִפּר את כל מעשי תועבותיהם, ועוד הִרבּה לדַבּר במר־נפשו על השערוריה הגדולה אשר בַּכֹּל. והקנאים התגעשו מאד, ורק בקֹשי כבשו את כעסם ולא שלפו את חרבותיהם, כי קבּלו עליהם לשמור על דמות בית־הדין ועל צחוק־המשפט עד תֻּמו, וגם אמרו לנסות את השופטים, אם יזכרו את חֻקי הצדק בעת מצוקתם. אולם כל שבעים השופטים הצדיקו את הנאשם פה־אחד, כי בחרו למות עמו יחד מהטות את דינו למות. וכאשר יצא זכריה צדיק בדינו, הרימו הקנאים קול צעקה וכֻלם קצפו על השופטים, כי לא הבינו את תֹּקף המשרה, אשר נִתּנה על שכמם לצחוק ולקלסה, ושני קנאים עזי־נפש התנַפלו על זכריה והמיתוהו, בקראם אליו בלעג־זדון בעת נפלו שדוד: ״הא לך גם משפטנו, אנחנו נותנים תֹּקף לצדקת־דינך״, ואחרי־כן השליכו את נבלתו מהר־הבית אל העמק אשר למטה, והפכו את פניהם אל השופטים והכו אותם בנצבי חרבותיהם בחרפה ובוז ודחפו אותם מחומת הר־הבית, ורק לדבר הזה פדו את נפשותיהם מרצח, למען אשר יפוצו בעיר לבַשׂר לכל יושבי ירושלים, כי היו לעבדים.",
+                    "ה. והאדומים נחמו על בואם אל ירושלים, כי המעשים בעיר היו להם לזרא. אחד הקנאים בא אליהם בסתר והקהילם לאספה והודיע אותם כל תועבותיהם אשר עשו יחד עם הקוראים להם, וסִפר להם את כל הרעה אשר מצאה את העיר מידם, לאמר: ״הנה יצאתם אל המערכה, בחשבכם כי הכהנים הגדולים מוסרים את העיר בידי הרומאים, ואף כי לא נמצא שמץ דבר להוכיח על עלילת הבגד, ועתה עיניכם רואות את האנשים, אשר סבבו אתכם בכחש, למען תבואו להגן עליהם, והנה הם עושים מעשי שונאים עריצים, ועליכם היה למנוע אותם ממעשי־זדון למבראשונה. ואחרי אשר התחברתם להם לשפוך דם־אחים, עליכם הפעם לשים קץ לעלילותיהם הרעות, ואל תשארו פה להוסיף אֹמץ לרשעים, העוברים על חֻקי אבותיכם. וגם אם יש ביניכם אנשים, הכועסים עד היום הזה על אשר נסגרו שערי העיר בפניכם ולא נפתחו לרוָחה, למען תבואו בהם חמושים, השיבו אל לבכם, כי כבר עשיתם נקמות במנדיכם. כי חנן מת ובלילה אחד נשמד כמעט כל העם, ולא נעלם מכם, כי גם רבים מאנשי־שלומכם נחמו על הרעה אשר עשו, מדי ראותם את אכזריות האנשים, אשר קראו אתכם לעזרה. הן גם מפניכם אינם בושים, אף כי מידכם באה ישועתם, ועושים תועבות נוראות לעיני בני־בריתם. ועונותיהם יחולו על ראשכם, אתם האדומים, אם לא תעמדו להם לשטן או לא תבָּדלו מעליהם ומעל מעשיהם הרעים. גלוי וידוע לפניכם, כי דבר הבגד היה עלילת שקר, ואין איש חושב, כי יעלו הרומאים על העיר במהרה, וגם חיל חזק סוכך על העיר ולא באפס־יד יִשָּׁבר, ואתם שובו לבתיכם ולא תבואו עוד בסוד המרֵעים, ובזה תזכו את נפשותיכם מכל עונותיכם, אשר כשלתם בהם בערמת האנשים האלה״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>האדומים עזבו את העיר והקנאים הרבו מעשי רצח. הרומאים רצו לעלות על העיר ואספסינוס עצרם עד עת מצֹא.</small><br><br>א. האדומים הטו אֹזן לדברים האלה ובתחלה הוציאו לחפשי כאלפים מאזרחי ירושלים, אשר נמצאו במאסר, ואלה מהרו לברוח מתוך העיר ולבוא אל שמעון [בן גיורא], אשר עוד נדבר עליו בקרוב. ואחרי זאת עזבו האדומים את ירושלים ושבו איש לביתו. הם יצאו את פני העיר פתאם, ושתי המפלגות בירושלים לא חכו לזה. העם לא ידע, כי נחמו האדומים על מעשיהם, ושאף רוח לרגע קטן, בחשבו כי הונח לו מעֹל אויביו. והקנאים הוסיפו עוד גאוָה, כאלו לא נעזבו מבני־בריתם, רק נחלצו מידי אנשים, אשר הביטו עליהם בעין צרה ובקשו למנוע אותם מאשם. כי עתה לא הֻטל עליהם עוד לדחות את מעשי רשעתם או להִמָּלך בדבר תחלה, ובחפזון גדול יכלו לחַבּל כל אחת ממזמותיהם הרעות והחישו למלא אחרי עצתם כהרף עין. הם הרבו להמית את גבורי החיל ואת נדיבי העיר, כי באלה קנאו על מעלותיהם, ומאלה פחדו, פן יקומו להם לשטן; הם האמינו, כי רק בהכריתם את כל אנשי־המעלה, מבלי השאיר להם שריד, יוכלו לשבת בֶּטַח. ככה נרצחו אנשים רבים וביניהם גם גוריון, איש רם המעלה והיחש, חובב שלטון־עם ומלא רוח אהבת הדרור מכל יתר היהודים, כי ישרת לבו ויתר מעלות רוחו הכריעו אותו לטבח. וגם ניגר איש עבר־הירדן לא נמלט מידם, הוא האיש, אשר הפליא גבורה במלחמותיו עם הרומאים. וכאשר סחבו אותו ברחובות העיר, צעק מרה וגלה את סִמני הפצעים [שקבל במלחמת החרות]. אולם כאשר הוּצא משערי העיר נואש מישועה והפיל את תחנתו לפני מרצחיו, כי תהיה לו קבורה, אולם הם הודיעו אותו, כי לא יורידו את גויתו אל האדמה, אשר ככה חשקה בה נפשו, ואחרי זאת מסרו אותו לטבח. ובעת מותו קלל ניגר את האנשים, כי יבואו הרומאים וינקמו מהם את דמו, וחרב ורעב ויתר מוראי המלחמה יחולו על ראשיהם, ועוד הוסיף לקללם, כי תהיה יד איש באחיו. והאלהים הביא את כל דברי הקללה הזאת על הרשעים ושִׁלם להם בצדק כגמול ידיהם: כעבור זמן קצר קמו מריבות ביניהם וכל איש טעם את טעם שגעון חברו. כאשר נהרג ניגר בידם, הונח להם מפחדם, פן יבוא איש לשים קץ לשלטונם, אולם לא נשארה מפלגה בקרב העם, אשר לא שׂמו לה עלילות דברים להעבירה מן העולם. ואחרי אשר מריבי הקנאים כבר ספו כֻּלּם, הגיעה העת למצֹא את אשם אנשי השלום, אשר לא רבו עמהם. ככה באו בטענה על אחד העם, אשר לא דבק בהם בלבב שלם, ואמרו, כי הוא גבה־לבב (גס־רוח), והתגוללו על השני, אשר נספח עליהם מבלי לבטל את דעתו מפניהם, כי הוא בז להם, וגם האנשים, אשר החניפו להם ביתר שאת, נחשדו על מחשבה רעה. והם לא הבדילו בין אשמה גדולה ובין קטנה, ורק עֹנש אחד גזרו על החיָּבים — הוא עֹנש המות. ואיש לא נמלט מן העֹנש הזה, מלבד העניים והחשֻׁכּים, אשר יצאו משפל המעלה ולא בֹרכו בנכסים.",
+                    "ב. וכל שרי צבאות הרומאים שמחו על מריבות האחים בקרב שונאיהם כמוצאי שלל רב ורצו למהר ולעלות על העיר, וגם האיצו באספסינוס, בחשבם כי יצליח כל חפצו בידו הפעם, ודברו אליו, כי עתה האלהים נלחם להם, בסכסכו את אויביהם איש באחיו, אולם הגלגל חוזר מהרה, ואולי ייעפו היהודים ממלחמת־האחים או יִנָּחמו על מעשיהם וישלימו ביניהם. ולדברים האלה ענה אותם אספסינוס: ״דעו, כי שגיתם מאד בעצתכם בפעם הזאת. אמנם משתוקקים אתם להראות את כח ידיכם ואת הדר נשקכם כדרך העומדים בבית־חזיון, אך הדבר הזה קשור בסכנה ואתם אינכם שׂמים לב לתועלתכם ולשלומכם. הן אם תמהרו לעלות על העיר מיד, תקימו בידיכם ברית־שלום בין שונאינו, ובעֹצם ימינם ישתערו עלינו. ואם תתנו להם אַרְכּה, ימעט אחרי־כן מספר שונאינו, כי תאכל אותם אש המריבה. כי האלהים מיטיב לערוך את המלחמה ממני, והוא יסגיר את היהודים בידי הרומאים חנם ויתן את הנצחון לצבאותינו בלי עמל וסכנה. ובעוד האויבים הולכים וכלים איש בידי רעהו, כי קמה עליהם קללה נוראה, מלחמת־אחים, טוב לנו להתבונן אליהם מרחוק ולשבת במנוחה, מאשר להתערב בריב אנשים הולכים למות, הנלחמים ביניהם ברוח שגעון. ואם יחשוב איש מכם, כי לא יישר הנצחון בלי מלחמה, עליו להשיב אל לבו, כי ניטיב לעשות לנפשותינו, בהשיגנו את משאלות לבנו לבטח, מהכניס את עצמנו בסכנת מלחמה. דעו לכם, כי גם האנשים המפיקים את רצונם באֹרך־אפם ובתבונתם קונים להם שם טוב ותהלה כחבריהם, אשר השלימו את חפצם בתפארת ישׁע ימינם. והנה במדה אשר יהיו האויבים הולכים ודַלים יחליפו צבאותינו כֹח מעמלם הקשה וילכו הלוך וחזק. ואמנם גם אין השעה עת־רצון לאנשים השוקדים לעשות להם בנצחונם שֵׁם תפארה, כי אין היהודים דואגים עתה להכין להם נשק וגם לא לחַזק את חומותיהם ולאסוף להם חיל־עוזרים, למען יהיה לנו הדבר לרעה, בתתנו להם אַרכּה, — רק חונקים הם איש את רעהו במלחמת־האחים ובמחלֹקת, וכל יום הם סובלים צרות ורעות נוראות, אשר גם בעלותינו עליהם ובכבשנו אותם לא נעשה להם כמוהן. ואם ירצה איש לשמור את נפשו, עליו לתת להם להמית איש את אחיו עד תֻּמם. ואם לתהלת הנצחון תשאו את נפשכם, הן לא תגדל תפארתכם בהתנפלכם על על אויב כזה, אשר אכלה אותו חרב מבית, כי יֵאָמר בצדק, אשר לא מידכם בא הנצחון, כי־אם מן המחלֹקת״.",
+                    "ג. כל שרי החילים הודו לדברי אספסינוס. וכעבור זמן קצר נגלה הדבר, כי היתה עצתו עצה מחֻכּמה. כי מדי יום ביומו נפלו אל הרומאים אנשים רבים, אשר ברחו מפני הקנאים. אמנם קשה היתה מנוסתם, כי הציגו הקנאים משמר בכל מוצאי העיר ואת כל איש אשר תפשו שם שפטו משפט מות, באמרם כי אל הרומאים הוא נופל. אולם כל נותן שֹׁחד יצא לשלום, ורק האיש, אשר לא מצאה ידו לשַׁלם, נחשב לבוגד. על־כן קנו העשירים בכסף את המנוסה מן העיר, ורק העניים הבורחים נשחטו. וכאשר נערמו תלי הרוגים במסלות [על־יד מוצאי העיר] נחמו רבים, אשר יעצו לנפול אל הרומאים, ובחרו למות בקרב העיר, כי קוו להקבר בקברות אבותיהם ובזה רָוַח להם מעט מאימת המות, אולם הקנאים הרבו עוד תועבה באכזריות זדונם ולא נתנו לקַבּר את עצמות הנרצחים בעיר ובשדה, כאִלו כרתו ביניהם ברית לחלל את חֻקי האבות (התורה) ואת חֻקי הטבע גם־יחד ולהוסיף עוד חַטאה לאלהים על כל הרעות אשר עשו לאדם! הם השאירו את הפגרים בחוץ להעלות בָּאְשָׁם תחת קרני השמש, ומשפט אחד היה לקובר עצמות קרוביו ולבורחים מן העיר — משפט מות! ועל האיש, אשך גמל את החסד הזה לאחיו המת, נגזר להִשאר בלי קבורה. סוף דבר, בעת הצרה הזאת אבדו כל המדות הטובות — ומדת הרחמים יותר מכֻּלּן. כי כל דבר מעורר רחמים הִרגיז את לבות הרשעים האלה, אשר העבירו את עברתם מן החיים אל הנרצחים והשיבו אותה מן המתים אל החיים, והנשארים בחיים נמוגו מפחד לבבם וקנאו באֹשר המתים, אשר נחו מצרותיהם, והאנשים, אשר עֻנו בבתי־כלָאים, חשבו גם את המתים המתגוללים בלי קבורה למאֻשרים באדם. כי כל חֻקי האדם נרמסו ברגל הזדים וחֻקי אלהים היו לצחוק ולקלס בעיניהם, ולחזיונות הנביאים הלעיגו וקראו להם בשם להג מרמה. כי הרבו הנביאים לדַבּר על הטוב ועל הרע, והקנאים בעטו בתוכחותיהם ובזה קִימו גם את דברי הנבואה על קץ העיר. כי יצא דבר לפנים מפי האנשים האלה (הנביאים), אשר תפול העיר ובית־המקדש יהיה למאכֹלת אש במלחמה, לעת תקום מריבת־אחים וידי היהודים תטמאנה את משכנות האלהים; ואף כי ידעו הקנאים את הנבואה הנאמנה הזאת, התמַכּרו לקיֵם אותה בידיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>עריצות יוחנן. עלילות הקנאים במצדה. אספסינוס כבש את גדר. מעשי פלצידוס.</small><br><br>א. ויוחנן [בן לוי] אמר להיות לשליט עריץ וחשב, כי לא נאה לו הכבוד חלק כחלק עם חבריו, ומעט מעט משך אליו את הרעים אשר בקרב הנבלים ויחד אִתּם נפרד מעל המפלגה (מפלגת הקנאים). הוא מאן למַלא אחרי עצת חבריו תמיד וברוח מושל היה מוצא את פקֻדותיו, וכל עין ראתה, כי הוא שולח את ידו אל שלטון־יחיד (מונרכיה). אלה נכנעו לפניו מיראה ואלה מאהבה, כי הפליא לצודד את הלבבות במרמה וכחש. ורבים חשבו, כי יהיה להם הדבר לישועה בהִפָּקד עון תועבותיהם על האחד ולא על הרבים. גם היה רב־פעלים במעשיו ובתחבולותיו, ואנשים רבים נעשו לו לנושאי־כלים (לעבדים). אולם עוד חלק גדול מחבריו עמד לו לשטן, אלה מקנאתם בו, בחשבם כי חרפה להם להִכּנע תחת ידי איש, אשר היה לפנים אנוש כערכם, ואלה משנאתם לשלטון־יחיד. הם הבינו, כי לא יעלה בידם להורידו מגדֻלתו. על־נקלה, אחרי אשר יקח את השלטון בידו, וגם ירדוף אותם, בהתגוללו עליהם על אשר עמדו לו לשטן בממשלה. על־כן בחר כל אחד מהם לשאת כל צרה ופגע במלחמתו עם יוחנן מהיות לו לעבד ולהִמֹק בבית־שביו. וככה קמה מריבה בין האנשים האלה ובין צורריהם, אשר עמד יוחנן בראשם כמשפט מלך. אלה ואלה עמדו על המשמר מבית, אך טרם התנגחו בכלי־נשקם, או נלחמו ביניהם רק מעט, ולעֻמת־זאת חֻבּרו יחד להשחית בעם, ואיש התחרה ברעהו, כי ירבה לאסוף שלל מחמס יושבי ירושלים. ככה נפקדה העיר בשלשה שפטים רעים ונוראים: במלחמה [מחוץ] ובשלטון עריץ ובמריבת אחים, והמלחמה היתה קלה בכף מאזנים מיתר האסונות, על־כן ברחו רבים מפני אויביהם בני עמם אל השונאים הנכרים וקבלו מידי הרומאים את פדות נפשם, אשר נואשו ממנה בשבתם בקרב אחיהם.",
+                    "ב. ועוד נגע רביעי נוסף אז להביא שואה על העם. לא רחוק מירושלים נמצא מבצר חזק, אשר בנו אותו המלכים, להפקיד בו את אוצרותיהם לעת תמורות מלחמה וגם להִשָּׂגב בו לנפשם, ושמו מצָדָה. את המבצר הזה תפשו האנשים הנקראים סיקריים ולראשונה פשטו על המקומות הקרובים וגזלו שם את הצֵדה הדרושה להם בלבד, כי יראתם [מפני הרומאים] מנעה אותם להרבות חמס. אולם בשמעם, כי חיל הרומאים יושב במנוחה וכי קמו מריבות ושלטון עריץ ומלחמת־אחים בקרב היהודים אשר בירושלים, החלו לעשות תועבות גדולות. ולמועד חג המצות, אשר אותו עושים היהודים לזכר גאֻלתם בעת צאתם מעבדות מצרים ושובם אל ארץ אבותיהם, יצאו הסיקריים בלילה, בהתחבאם מעיני רואים, לבל יהיו להם לשטן, ופשטו על עיר מצער אחת ושמה עין־גדי. וטרם הספיקו אנשי־החיל אשר בעיר לקחת את נשקם ולהאסף, מהרו הסיקריים להפיצם ולגרשם מתוך העיר והמיתו את החלשים, אשר לא היה להם כּח לברוח, את הנשים והילדים, שבע מאות נפש ומעלה. ואחרי זאת הוציאו את כל שלל הבתים וגזלו את כל פרי הבכּוּרים ונשאו אתם אל מצדה, ואחרי זאת שדדו את כל הכפרים אשר מסביב למבצר והחריבו את כל הארץ, ומדי יום ביומו התרבה מספר המשחיתים, אשר באו אליהם מעבָרים. וגם ביתר קצות ארץ יהודה, אשר ישבו שם השודדים עד העת ההיא בחבּוק־ידים, התחוללו זוָעות, כדרך הגוף החולה, אשר קמה בו דלקת בחלק הראש והמחלה עוברת אל כל האברים. כי המריבה והמהומה בעיר הראשה התירו את ידי כל הנבלים אשר בארץ לעשות חמס, וכל אחד הוציא את גזלת כפר מגוריו אל המדבר. ושם התאספו יחד ונשבעו איש לרעהו והגיחו בגדודים, אשר היו קטנים במספרם מצבא־מלחמה וגדולים מלהקות שודדים, על מקדשים וערים, ובכל מקום, אשר פקדו עליו את חמתם, מצאה את האנשים רעה גדולה כצרת הנגפים במלחמה, והשודדים לא נתנו להם זמן להנקם בהם, כי מהרו לברוח עם הבזה אשר בידם. ולא נמצא מקום בארץ יהודה, אשר לא היה עדי אובד עם ירושלים יחדו.",
+                    "ג. הדברים האלה נגלו לאספסינוס מפי הבורחים הנופלים אליו. אף כי שמרו המורדים על כל מוצאי ירושלים והמיתו את כל האנשים אשר נגשו אליהם, בכל־זאת הצליחו רבים להסתר מהם ולברוח אל הרומאים, והם דברו על לב ראש־הצבא (הרומאי) להגן על העיר ולהציל את שארית העם. כי על אהבתם לרומאים הומתו רבים בחרב והנותרים נמצאים באימת מות. אספסינוס חמל עליהם בצרתם הפעם והסיע את חילו לצור על ירושלים למראה־עין ובאמת — לפדות את יושבי העיר ממצור. אולם בתחלה נטל עליו להכניע את שארית הארץ, לבל תקום לו מלחמה מאחור בעת צורו על ירושלים. הוא עלה על גדור (גדרה), העיר הראשה והחזקה בכל עבר־הירדן, וברביעי לחדש דִּיסְטְרוֹס (אדר) בא בשערי העיר, כי טוּבי העיר הסתירו את עצתם מהמורדים ושלחו אליו צירים להסגיר את העיר בידו, יען אשר חשקה נפשם בשלום וגם רצו לשמור על רכושם, כי עשירים רבים ישבו בגדור. ואנשי־ריבם לא ידעו על־דבר השליחים ורק כאשר קרב אספסינוס אל העיר נודע להם המעשה. הם נואשו מתקותם להתחזק לבדם בעיר, כי רבים היו שונאיהם מבית וגם ראו את הרומאים בקרבת העיר. על־כן תפשו את דוֹלץ (דּוֹלֶסּוֹס), הגדול בין יושבי העיר במעלתו ובכבוד ביתו, אשר חשדו בו, כי הוא יעץ לשלוח את הצירים אל אספסינוס, ושחטו אותו, ובגֹדל חמתם התעללו בנבלתו, ואחרי זאת ברחו מן העיר. ולמחרת היום הגיע חיל הרומאים עד שערי העיר ואזרחי גדור קדמו את פני אספסינוס בברכה והוא נשבע להם להקים את בריתו אתם וגם נתן להם מצב רוכבים ורגלים לשמור על העיר, פן יעלו הבורחים עליה. כי יושבי גדור פרצו בידיהם את חומת עירם טרם דרשו הרומאים את הדבר, ובזה נתנו ערֻבּה, כי הם רודפי שלום, וגם ברצותם להלחם ברומאים לא יוכלו למלא חפצם.",
+                    "ד. ואספסינוס שלח את פלצידוס עם חמש מאות רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים לרדוף אחרי המורדים פליטי גדור, והוא עם שארית צבאו שב אל קיסריה. וכראות הפליטים פתאם את הרוכבים הרודפים אחריהם נדחקו לפני הקרָב אל כפר אחד הנקרא בית־נמרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בית־נמרים או בית־נמרין. במקור: בֵּית נַבְּרִיס.</i> ובו מצאו בחורים רבים והריקו חלק מהם לרצונם וחלק בחֹזק־יד והתנפלו יחד אתם על חיל פלצידוס. וכאשר הגיחו היהודים מן הכפר נסוגו הרומאים אחור מפניהם בתחלה והתחכמו למשוך אחריהם את השונאים רחוק מן החומה ובהגיעם למקום חפצם הקיפו את היהודים וירו בהם, הרוכבים סגרו עליהם את הדרך והרגלים נלחמו בהם מקרוב והכו בהם. והיהודים חרפו את נפשם במלחמה ונפלו חללים ושכר לא היה לגבורתם, כי בהשתערם על האויבים העומדים במערכה, אשר סוכך עליהם נשקם כחומת מבצר, לא מצאו מקום לשלוח אליו את חציהם וגם לא עצרו כח לבקוע להם דרך בין שורות הרומאים, ולעֻמת־זאת הרבו חִצי השונאים לפלח את קרביהם, כי נדמו היהודים כבהמות נבערות, הקופצות על חרב הצַיָּד, אלה הֻכּו לפי חרב ואלה נפוצו ונרמסו בפרסות סוסי הרוכבים.",
+                    "ה. פלצידוס אמר לסגור בעדם (בעד היהודים הבורחים) את הדרך אל הכפר, ועל־כן מהר עם רוכביו כפעם בפעם אל העבר ההוא, ואחרי־כן הפך את פניו וירה בבורחים. הקרובים היו מטרה לחציו והרחוקים יראו ושבו אחור; אך לאחרונה בקעו להם הגבורים אשר בחיל היהודים בחֹזק־יד דרך בין שורות הרומאים ונמלטו אל חומת הכפר. ושומרי החומה נבוכו מאד, כי לא יכלו לסגור את השער לפני פליטי גדור, יען אשר גם בניהם וקרוביהם נמצאו יחד עמם, וגם הבינו, כי יפלו בחרב, אם יתנו להם לבוא בשערי העיר. ומגורתם קמה: כי בעוד הפליטים נדחקים לפני החומה, כבר הדביקום רוכבי הרומאים וכמעט באו אִתם יחד אל הכפר, לולא מהרו היושבים לסגור את השער. אולם פלצידוס השתער עליהם בגבורה ונלחם אִתּם עד הערב, ואחרי־כן הבקיע אל החומה ותפש את כל יושבי הכפר. ההמונים הנחשלים הֻכּו לפי חרב וגבורי החיל נמלטו לנפשם. ואנשי פלצידוס הוציאו את שלל הבתים ושלחו את הכפר באש. ופליטי הכפר נפוצו בכל הארץ מסביב והפליגו בדבר הצרה אשר מצאתם וגם אמרו, כי צבא הרומאים הולך וקרב, ובדבר הזה החרידו את כל יושבי המקומות הקרובים, ורבים נלוו אליהם בהמון וברחו אתם יחד בדרך יריחו, כי רק בעיר הזאת אמרו למצֹא רֶוח והצלה, בבטחם במשגב חומותיה ובהמון יושביה. ופלצידוס נשען על כח רוכביו וגם הוסיף אֹמץ בנצחונותיו הראשונים, על־כן רדף אחרי הפליטים עד הירדן והמית את הנופלים בידו כפעם בפעם, ולאחרונה לחץ את כל ההמון אל שפת הנהר, ושם נעצרו היהודים ולא יכלו לעבור, כי גאו מי הנהר (הירדן) מפני הגשמים, ופלצידוס ערך מערכה לקראתם. בעל־כרחם יצאו היהודים למלחמה, כי אבד מהם מנוס, והתיצבו בשורה ארֻכה לארך שפת הנהר, כמטרה לחצי האויב ולשטף סוסיו. והרוכבים המיתו רבים מהם והפילו אותם אל תוך הנהר. חמשה־עשר אלף נפש נפלו בחרב הרומאים, וההמון אשר נלחץ בחזקת היד לקפוץ אל הירדן היה לאין־מספר. וכאלפים ומאתים איש נלקחו בשבי ויחד אִתּם שלל כבד מאד, חמורים וצאן וגמלים ובקר.",
+                    "ו. המגפה הזאת לא נפלה מיתר מגפות היהודים ועוד גדלה בעיניהם מן האסונות הקודמים, כי כל דרך מנוסתם היתה מלאה חללים, ומעבר הירדן נסגר מכֹּבד הפגרים, ואף ים המלח מלא גויות אדם, אשר סחפו אליו מי הנהר בהמון. ופלצידוס הלך מחיל אל חיל ומהר אל הערים הקטנות אשר מסביב וכבש את אָבֵל (אבל־השטים, אבילה) ואת יוּלִיַס (בית־הרם, או בית־רמתה) ואת בית־הישימות ואת כל הארץ עד ים המלח והושיב בכל עיר את אנשי־עצתו מן היהודים הנופלים אל הרומאים. ואחרי־כן הושיב את אנשי־צבאו באניות ותפש את הבורחים על־פני ים המלח. ככה נפלה בידי הרומאים כל ארץ עבר־הירדן בברית ובמלחמה, מלבד המבצר מכור אשר שׂגב מהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אספסינוס שמע על המעשים אשר היו בארץ גליה ומהר לכלות את מלחמת היהודים. ציור יריחו והעמק הגדול. על־דבר ים המלח.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם הגיעה אל אספסינוס בשורת המרד, אשר פרץ בארץ גַּלִּיָּה, כי וִינְדֶּקְס וגדולי עם־הארץ פשעו בנירון, ופרשת המעשים האלה כתובה על ספרי הזכרונות לאשורה. הבשורה הזאת העירה את אספסינוס להחיש את המלחמה, כי צפה מראש את מלחמות־האחים [ברומא] ואת הרעה אשר נגד פני הממשלה כֻּלָּהּ, ועל־כן אמר להקים שלום בארצות המזרח ולהקל בזאת את המוראים בארץ איטליה. וכל העת אשר עצרוהו הגשמים הכין את המנוחה במקומות הנכנעים והציב בתוכם משמר והקים שרי־עשרות על הכפרים ושרי־מאות על הערים, וגם בנה רבות מן הערים הנהרסות ולראשית האביב לקח את מַרבּית חילו ונסע מקיסריה אל אנטיפטרס ושם שב שני ימים והקים סדר בעיר וביום השלישי נסע הלאה והחריב ולִהט באש את כל הארץ אשר מסביב. אחרי הכניעוֹ את כל מחוז תִּמנה פנה אל לוד ואל יבנה, אשר כרתו אתּוֹ ברית־שלום, והושיב בהן את היהודים אשר נכנעו לפניו ומצאו חן בעיניו, ומשם עלה על אמאוס וכבש שם את מעברות ההרים בדרך ירושלים, ושׂם במקום ההוא את מחנהו והקיף עליו מצודה והשאיר שם את הלגיון החמישי, ומשם פנה אל מחוז בית לפתפי (או בית לפתנפי)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרוב לודאי, כי זה הוא מחוז (או פלך) בית־לחם ונטופה (נחמיה ז, כו), במשנה: בית־נטופה (שקלים, ט, ה). ויש אומרים: בית־פלט או בית לבאות, ואינו נראה, כי הם בקרבת באר־שבע — בקצה ארץ אדום. ועיין למעלה, ספר ג, ד, ה.</i> ושלח אותה באש, וגם את כל הארץ מסביב לגבול אדום, ואחרי־כן צוה להקים מבצרים במקומות הכֹּשר וגם לכד שני כפרים גדולים בארץ אדום בתּוֶך, את בית־גברֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בתרגום הרומי. במקור: בֵּתַרִיס; נ״א: בֵּתַּבְּרִיס, והיא: בית־גוברין.</i>, ואת כפר טבא, והמית עשרת אלפים איש ויותר וכאלף נפש לקח בשבי ואת יתר העם גרש מנחלתו והעמיד בכפרים האלה משמר מאנשי־חילו, למען יפשוט על ארץ ההרים להחריבנה. והוא עם שארית חילו שב אל אמאוס ומשם נסע אל ארץ שֹׁמרון ועבר על העיר הנקראה בשם ״עיר־חדשה״ (נאפוליס) ובפי יושבי המקום — מַבַּרְתָּא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">י״א, כי זה הוא מעברתא, ויש קורים ״מבָרכתא״ (העיר המבֹרכה, על שם הר הברכה, הר גרִזים).</i>, ומשם ירד אל קָרָוָה (קוריאי) ולן במקום ההוא ביום השני לחדש דיסיוס (סיון), ובמחרתו שם את פניו אל יריחו, ושם התחבר אליו טרַיָּנוס, אחד משרי־צבאו, אשר העביר את חילו מעבר־הירדן, כי כבר נכנעה כל הארץ ההיא לפניהם.",
+                    "ב. המון גדול מיושבי יריחו מִהר עוד לפני בוא הרומאים לברוח אל ארץ ההרים מול ירושלים, ואנשים רבים נשארו ונפלו בחרב, והרומאים־לכדו את העיר העזובה. העיר יריחו בנויה בעמק, אולם ממעל לה רמה ארֻכּה מאד, קרחה ושוממה. לרוח צפון היא נמשכת עד גבול בית־שאן, ולרוח דרום עד ארץ סדום (הסדומים) וקצה ים המלח, ומול הרמה הזאת נמצאה רמת עבר־הירדן, תחלתה על־יד יוליס (בית הרם) וצפונה לה, והיא נמשכת לרוח דרום עד סומורה הקרובה לגבול סלע־ערב. ובארץ הזאת נמצא גם ההר הנקרא בשם הר־הברזל, המשתרע עד ארץ מואב. והארץ בין שתי הרמות האלה בתָוֶך נקראה בשם ״העמק הגדול״ (ככר־הירדן, ערבות הירדן), תחלתו על־יד כפר צנבריי, והוא מגיע עד ים המלח. ואֹרך העמק הזה אלף ומאתים ריס ורחבו מאה ועשרים והירדן עובר בקרבו בתוֶך דרך שני יאורות השונים בתכונותיהם, ים המלח וים טבריה (כנרת, גינוסר), כי הראשון הוא מלא מלח ולא נמצא בקרבו דבר, אשר בו רוח חיים, ומימי השני הם מתוקים ומגַדלים יצורים חיים. ובימות־החמה מראה העמק הזה כשרוף באש ומרֹב היֹבש האויר מחניק ומביא חליים. וכל העמק הוא ככר שוממה, מלבד נחל הירדן, ועל־כן התמרים על שפת הנהר דשנים ונותנים פרים לרֹב, אולם הרחוקים ממנו הם רעים ושֹׁערים.",
+                    "ג. ובקרבת יריחו נמצא מקור מים חיים עשיר, אשר מֵימיו טובים מאד להשקות את האדמה. המקור הזה נפתח בקרבת העיר הישנה, היא הראשונה בערי הכנענים, אשר כבש יהושע בן־נון, ראש צבא העברים, בחרב. ועל המקור הזה מסֻפר, כי לפנים היה משחית את תנובת השדה ואת פרי העצים וגם מזיק לילודי אשה, ומֵימיו היו מביאים מחלה ומוֶת לכל הברואים, אולם אחרי־כן נרפאו המים ונהפכו להיות בריאים ומַפְרִים בידי אלישע הנביא, הוא אוהב אליהו ויורשו. כי הנביא הזה גר בתוך יושבי יריחו, אשר קדמו את פניו באהבה רבה, ושִׁלם להם טובה תחת טובה ואָצל להם ברכה עומדת לעד, כי נגש אל המקור והשליך אל המים כלי חרש מלא מלח, ואחריהן נשא את ימין צדקו לשמים והסיך נסך לכַפּר את פני הארץ ולכרות אתה ברית ובקש ממנה לרַפֵּא את המים ולפתוח גידים מתוקים, ואל האלהים התפלל כי יותיר לטובה את יושבי הארץ בפרי אדמתם ובפרי בטנם ולא ימנע מהם את מֵי הברכה האלה כל הימים, אשר יחזיקו בתֻמם. ובתפלה הזאת, אשר הקדים לה הנביא מעשים בתבונות כפיו, רִפּא את המקור, ותחת אשר היו המים לפנים משַׁכּלים ומביאים דֶּבר ליושבי הארץ, החלו מהיום ההוא וחלאה להביא ברכה לפרי בטנם וליבול ארצם. כי גדול מאד כֹּח המים להרוות את האדמה, עד אשר בנגעם רק בפניה יביאו עליה ברכה גדולה יתר ממי מעינות אחרים, המשקים את הארץ לרויה. ותחת אשר שכר המעינות ההם אינו גדול גם אם ילקחו מהם מים רבים, הנה המועט במקור הזה מחזיק ברכה מרֻבה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תרגמתי על־פי הגהת ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״ובעוד אשר המרבים להשקות ממנו את האדמה אינם רואים שכר גדול, הנה הממעיט במימיו מוצא ברכה רבה״.</i>. ומלבד־זאת המקור מרוה ככר גדולה מיתר המעינות כֻלּם, כי אֹרך עמק יריחו הוא שבעים ריס ורחבו עשרים ריס, והוא מגַדל פרדסים נחמדים צפופים, ובהם עולים עצי תמרים רבים, שונים בטעמם ובשמותיהם, והמינים הדשנים נדרכים [ביקבים] ומוציאים דבש לרֹב, אשר אינו נופל בטעמו הרבה מדבש הדבורים הרבות אשר בארץ הזאת. ושם נמצא עץ הקטף (עץ הצרי), היקר בכל פרי הארץ ההיא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ספר א, ו, ו.</i>, והכֹּפֶר ועץ המֹר, ובצדק יֹאמר האומר, כי הארץ הזאת היא גן אלהים, אשר בו גדלים העצים היקרים וכלילי היֹפי למיניהם למכביר. ואמנם הארץ הזאת היא מבֹרכה גם ביתר פרי האדמה ולא נקל למצֹא בעולם הישוב מקום אשר כמוה, כי האדמה משיבה את הזרע המָשלך אליה בברכה מרֻבּה. ואני חושב, כי חֹם האויר הרָוה ומזג המים הם סבת הברכה יחד, כי כח המים מצמיח את הנטעים ומשגשג אותם ולֵח האויר מחַזּק את שרשיהם באדמה ונותן להם כֹּח להתעודד בחרבוני קיץ. כי בימי־החמה הארץ הזאת היא כיקוד אש, ועל־כן אין איש יוצא ממקומו על־נקלה, אך המים השאובים לפני עלות השמש מַרבּים להתקרר בחוץ, ותכונתם היא הפך תכונות האויר אשר מסביב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סגֻלה זו נמצאה גם במי גינוסר (לעיל, ספר ג, י, ז).</i>. אולם בימי הקֹר המים מתחממים וטובים מאד לרחוץ בהם; אמנם גם מזג האויר הוא רך מאד בימים האלה, ועל־כן לובשים יושבי הארץ בגדי בד על בשרם בעת אשר יורדים שלגים בשאר ארץ יהודה. מיריחו עד ירושלים מהלך מאה וחמשים ריס, ועד הירדן ששים ריס, והארץ בין יריחו ובין ירושלים היא מקום ציה, מלאה אבני נגף. ובין יריחו ובין הירדן נמצא מקום מישור וגם הוא ערבה שממה וארץ לא־זרועה. ובזה ספרתי את כל מעלות ארץ יריחו המבֹרכה.",
+                    "ד. ונאה לדבר גם על תכונת ים המלח. הוא אשר אמרתי, כי מימיו הם מרים ואין בו נפש חיה, ומימיו הקלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקלים — אינו מובן, להפך, הם כבדים במשקל, וזהו בטוי בלתי מֻצלח של תכונת המים לשאת למעלה את כל הדברים הכבדים, כאלו היו קלים.</i> נושאים על־פניהם את כל הדברים הכבדים ביותר המָשלכים אליהם, וקשה מאד לאדם לטבול במי הים הזה, גם אם ינסה לעשות זאת בכל מאמצי כחו. כאשר הגיע אספסינוס אל שפת הים, אמר לחקור את תכונותיו, וצוה לקחת אנשים, אשר לא ידעו לשׂחות, ולכפות את ידיהם על אחוריהם ולהשליכם אל תוך המצולה, אך כֻּלם צפו על־פני המים, כאלו צנפה אותם רוח למעלה. ונפלאות הן חליפות צבע המים, כי שלש פעמים ביום הים משנה את מראה פניו לנֹגה קרני השמש ומופיע בעתרת צבעים שונים. במקומות רבים הוא מקיא מקרבו גושי מלח (חֵמָר, כֹּפֶר) שחורים והם נִשאים על־פני המים ודומים במראם ובגדלם לשוָרים כרותי ראש. עושי־המלאכה על־פני הים נגשים אל הגוּשים האלה ואוספים את הרגבים המדֻבּקים אל תוך ספינותיהם. וכאשר הם ממלאים את הסירות, לא נקל להם להוציא מהן את הרגבים. כי הסירה נדבקת אל הכֹּפֶר הנטפל אליה, ורק דמי־נדה או מי־רגלים עוצרים להפריד בין הדבקים האלה. והכֹּפר הזה הוא טוב למלא בו את סדקי האניות וגם מעלה ארוכה לגוף, ועל־כן מערבים אותו בסמי־רפואה רבים. ואֹרך היאור הזה חמש מאות ושמונים ריס, כי הוא משתרע עד צֹער אשר בערָב למטה, ורחבו מאה וחמשים ריס. וסמוכה לים־המלח היא ארץ סדום, אשר היתה לפנים מבֹרכה במגד אדמתה ובכל טוּב עריה ועתה היא כֻלּה ארץ שרֵפה; על־כן יֵאָמר, כי ברקים להטו את הארץ הזאת בחטאות יושביה. ועוד עתה נשארו עקבות (רשמי) אש האלהים, ויש לראות שם צללי חמש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טעה בדבר תורה!</i> ערים. וגם האפר הולך ומתחדש בפרי המקום ההוא, אשר צבע קלִפתו דומה לצבע פרי עץ־מאכל, אולם בהִתָּלשו בכף הוא כָלה כעשן וכאבק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לגפן סדום המָזכּרה בתורה.</i>. והמראה הזה מוסיף אמון לשיחות מני קדם (המִתּים) על־דבר ארץ סדום."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי כבוש גדרה(!) התכונן אספסינוס לצור על ירושלים, והנה הגיעה אליו בשורת מות נירון והוא שִׁנה את עצתו. שמעון איש־גרש.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס גמר להקיף את ירושלים מכל עבריה והקים מצודות למחנהו ביריחו ובחדיד ובשתיהן השאיר מצב מצבא הרומאים ומחיל עוזריהם. הוא שלח אל גרש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גֶּרַסָּה. ואין זו העיר היונית בעבר־הירדן הנזכרה למעלה, רק עיר יהודיה, שלא נודע טיבה. ויש מתקנים: גַּזַרָה=גזר.</i> את לוציוס אניוס ונתן בידו את חלק הרוכבים וחיל רגלי גדול. הוא עלה על העיר וכבש אותה מיד והמית אלף מבחורי היהודים, אשר לא מהרו לברוח, ואת בני־ביתם לקח בשבי ואת רכושם נתן לאנשי־צבאו לשלל. ואחרי־כן שרף את הבתים ויצא להלחם בכפרים אשר מסביב. אנשי־החיל נמלטו והחלשים הֻכּו בחרב והמקומות העזובים היו למאכֹלת אש. ככה נכבשו במלחמה כל ההר והעמק ונלקחו מידי יושבי ירושלים כל מוצאי העיר. והקנאים שמרו מאד על האנשים האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים, וגם מאנשי־ריבם, אשר לא השלימו עם הרומאים, אבד מנוס, כי סגר עליהם הצבא המקיף את כל העיר מעבָרים.",
+                    "ב. ואספסינוס שב אל קיסריה והתכונן לעלות עם כל חילו על ירושלים, והנה באה אליו הבשורה, כי נהרג נירון, כעבור שלש־עשרה שנה ושמונה חדשים ושמונה ימים למלכו. כל דברי נירון ודרכיו הרעים, אשר נִבַּל את כבוד שלטונו, במסרו את הממשלה בידי נבלים גדולים כנִימְפִידִיּוּס וטִיגֶלִּינוּס ובידי נבזים מקרב עבדיו המשֻׁחררים, וגם דבַר קצו הרע, כאשר התנכלו האנשים האלה עליו להמיתו והוא נעזב מכל שומרי ראשו וברח עם ארבעת עבדיו המשֻׁחררים הנאמנים אל מגרש העיר ושם טרף את נפשו בכפו, והמורידים אותו מכסאו נשאו את עונם כעבור זמן קצר, וכן גם דבַר קץ המלחמה בגַליה, וכל דברי גַלְבָּה, אשר הוקם למושל יחיד (לקיסר) ובא אל רומא מארץ אספמיה, ואחרי־כן יצא עליו שם רע בקרב אנשי־הצבא, כי הוא איש שפל ונבזה והוא נהרג בראש השוק אשר ברומא, ובמקומו הוקם אָתּוֹן למושל יחיד, וכל דברי אָתּוֹן ומלחמתו עם שרי־הצבא אשר לוִיטֶלִּיּוּס ומַפּלתו, וכל דברי המהומות בימי ויטליוס והמלחמה על־יד היכל הקפיטוליון, עד אשר הכו אַנטוֹנִיּוּס פְּרִימוּס ומוּצִיָּנוּס אותו ואת כל לגיונות גרמניה לפי חרב, ובזה שמו קץ למלחמת־האחים [ברומא] — כל הדברים האלה אין אני רוצה לסַפּר פה לאשורם, כי המעשים האלה ידועים לכל ההמון, וגם נכתבו בספר בידי יונים ורומאים רבים. ורק למען השאיר את הקשר בין המעשים ולבלי נַתּק את שלשלת דברי הימים אזכיר בראשי־פרקים את הדברים: אספסינוס דחה לראשונה את המלחמה בירושלים ועיניו היו נשואות אל האיש, אשר יהיה למושל אחרי נירון. וגם בשמעו, כי היה גלבה לקיסר, לא רצה להחל את המלחמה, טרם אשר ימלא גם הוא (הקיסר החדש) את ידו בזה. על־כן שלח אליו את טיטוס בנו לברכו ולקַבּל מפיו פקֻדה בדבר ארץ יהודה. ולדבר הזה יצא גם אגריפס באניה אל גלבה יחד עם טיטוס. הם עברו באניות גדולות (אניות־מלחמה) — כי הימים היו ימי החֹרף — על ארץ אְכַיָּה ושמעו, כי נהרג גלבה אחרי מלכו שבעה חדשים ושבעה ימים, ואָתּוֹן נחל את שלטונו, כי לקח לו את הממשלה בחֹזק־יד. אגריפס גמר ללכת אל רומא ולא שׂם אל לבו את תמורת השלטון. ואת לב טיטוס העיר האלהים לנסוע מארץ יון אל סוריה והוא מִהר לשוב אל קיסריה לעמוד לפני אביו. ושניהם חכו בדאגה לעתידות הממשלה, כי שלטון הרומאים דמה אז לאניה מטֹרפת בים, ולא שתו את לבם למלחמת היהודים, כי חרדו לגורל ארץ מולדתם וחשבו, כי אין עתה שעת־הכֹּשר להלחם בעם נכרי.",
+                    "ג. אולם מלחמה אחרת קמה על היהודים בעת ההיא. שמעון בן גיורא מילידי עיר גרש (גרסה) היה איש צעיר לימים ונופל בערמתו מיוחנן המושל בעיר, אולם גדל ממנו בחֹזק־גופו ובעזות־נפשו, ובעבור זאת גֹרש בידי חנן הכהן הגדול מחבל עקרבים, אשר החזיק בו, ופנה אל השודדים המושלים במצדה. לראשונה היה חשוד בעיני האנשים ההם, ועל־כן צוו עליו לשבת עם האנשים, אשר הביא עמו בשפל העיר, והם ישבו במרומי המקום. אולם אחרי־כן נגלה להם, כי הוא קרוב אליהם בדרכיו ונאמן בבריתם, ומני אז החל לצאת במלחמותיהם, בהגיהם מן המבצר, והחריב אִתּם יחד את המקומות מסביב. אבל בידו לא עלה להטות את לבם לדברים גדולים מאלה, כי כבר הסכינו לשבת במבצר ויראו להרחיק ממאורתם. אולם שמעון התאוה לעשות מִמשל עריץ ובקש גדולות לנפשו, ובהגיע אליו השמועה, כי מת חנן, פנה אל ארץ ההרים והעביר קול מסביב, כי יקרא דרור לעבדים ויתן שלל רב לבני־חורין, ולדבר הזה התלקטו אליו אנשי־בליעל מכל עבר.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר אסף לו שמעון גדוד חזק, פשט על הכפרים בארץ ההרים, ומיום ליום הלך מספר אנשיו הלוך וגדול, עד אשר ערב את לבו לרדת גם אל ארץ המישור, וכבר נתן את פחדו על הערים, וגם רבים מגדולי העם ראו, כי עצמה ידו והוא עושה חיל בכל דרכיו, ונפתו ללכת אחריו וחילו לא היה עוד אספסוף עבדים ושודדים לבד, כי נמצאו בקרבו גם אזרחים רבים, אשר שמרו את פקֻדותיו כדבר מלך שליט. הוא פשט על נפת עקרבים (עקרבה) ועל כל הארץ עד אדום־רבּה. ובכפר אחד הנקרא עין (או: נעין) בנה חומה ועשה לו כתבנית מבצר לשבת בו לבטח ובעמק הנקרא פרעתֵי (או: פארן)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוספה הזאת היא על־פי הנוסח המשבש, הנמצא בכ״י אחדים: φαράν במקום φάραγγα (עמק).</i> הרחיב הרבה מערות, ורבות מהן מצא דרושות לחפצו ושם אותן לבתי־מסכנות לטמון שם את אוצרותיו ולאסוף שמה את השלל, וגם הניח שם את פרי האדמה, אשר בזז, ורבים מגדודיו שכנו במקום ההוא. וגלוי היה, כי הוא מלמד את חילו לקרב ואוסף לו כלי־מלחמה, למען עלות על ירושלים.",
+                    "ה. והקנאים יראו, פן יתנפל שמעון על העיר, ואמרו להפר את עצתו בטרם יתחזק מאד, ויצאו לקראתו בחרב בהמון גדול. אבל שמעון קִדם את פניהם במערכה, והמית רבים מהם לפי חרב, ואת הנשארים גרש אל תוך העיר, אך טרם ערב את לבו להשתער בחֹזק־יד על חומת העיר ונטה מעליה, ונסה להכניע לראשונה את ארץ אדום, ועלה על גבולה בראש עשרים אלף אנשי־צבא מזֻינים. ראשי האדומים הקהילו בחפזון את אנשי המלחמה בקרב הארץ, עשרים וחמשה אלף שולפי חרב, ושלחו רבים לשמור על ארצם בפני הסיקריים היושבים במצדה, ואחרי־כן יצאו לקראת שמעון אל גבול ארצם. שמעון התנגש אתם ונלחם בהם כל היום, ולא נגף לפניהם, אך לא עצר כח להכותם, ושב אל נעין, והאדומים הלכו לבתיהם, וכעבור זמן קצר עלה שמעון על ארצם בחיל גדול מבראשונה, וחנה על־יד כפר אחד ושמו תקוע, ושלח את אחד מחבריו ושמו אלעזר אל המבצר הקרוב הורדיון לדַבּר על לב אנשי המשמר, כי יסגירו אותו בידו. השומרים קבלו את פני אלעזר ברצון, כי לא ידעו את סבת בואו, אולם כאשר פתח את פיו ודרש מהם למסור את המבצר בידו, שלפו את חרבותיהם, ואלעזר לא מצא מנוס והתנפל מראש החומה אל העמק אשר למטה ומת מיד. פחד נפל על האדומים בראותם את חיל שמעון הגדול, ועל־כן אמרו לשלוח מרגלים לפני המלחמה לתור את מחנה אויביהם.",
+                    "ו. אחד מראשי האדומים, ושמו יעקב, התנדב לעשות את הדבר הזה ובלבו צפן מחשבת בגד. הוא יצא מאלוּרוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש משערים, כי זה חלחול (יהושע ט״ו, נ״ח).</i>, הכפר, אשר בו נאסף חיל האדומים, ומהר לכרות ברית עם שמעון ולמסור בידו את ארץ מולדתו, ושמעון נשבע לו, כי תשאר לו משרת כבודו כל הימים, ואז הבטיח יעקב את שמעון, כי יעזור לו להכניע את כל הארץ, ואחרי־כן עשה לו שמעון כֵּרה גדולה בכבוד ויקר והבטיחהו להרים את קרנו ברב פאר, וכאשר שב יעקב אל אנשיו דבר אליהם שקרים להפליג במספר צבא שמעון, ואחרי־כן היה דברו בלאט אל שרי־הצבא, וגם פִּתּה את ההמון אחד אחד לקבל את פני שמעון ולתת בידו את השלטון בלא מלחמה. ובעוד הוא עושה דברו, שלח מלאכים אל שמעון לקרֹא לו וגם הבטיחהו להפיץ את האדומים מפניו. וכן עשה: כאשר קרב חיל שמעון, קפץ יעקב ראשון על סוסו וברח יחד עם מתי־סודו. פלצות אחזה את האדומים וכלם נשמטו מן המערכה לפני הקרב ושבו איש למקומו.",
+                    "ז. ככה עלה בידי שמעון לבוא בגבול אדום בלי מלחמה, כאשר לא קוה מראש. הוא התנפל פתאם על העיר הקטנה חברון ולכד אותה והוציא ממנה שלל גדול וגם גזל הרבה פרי האדמה. לדברי אנשי המקום חברון עתיקה לימים מכל ערי הארץ הזאת וגם נבנתה לפני מֹף (מנפי, ממפיס) אשר במצרים ומִספר ימיה אלפים ושלש מאות שנה והם מספרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גם פה כותב הסופר: ״מוסרים אגדה (מִתּוס)״, על דבר שנמצא בספר התורה!</i>, כי העיר הזאת היתה משכן אברהם אבי היהודים אחרי עלותו מארם נהרים (מסופוטמיה), ואומרים, כי משם ירדו בני אברהם מצרימה. וגם מצבות קברותיהם נראות בעיר הזאת עד היום הזה והן עשויות שיש יפה, לכבוד ולתפארת. ובמרחק ששה ריס מן העיר נראה שם אֵלָה גדולה, ולדברי האנשים האֵלָה הזאת עומדת מראשית בריאת העולם עד עתה. — ושמעון יצא מחברון ועבר בכל ארץ אדום והחריב את הכפרים והערים ושחת את כל הארץ, עד אשר לא יכלה עוד לנהל בלחם את המונו העצום, כי מלבד אנשי־המלחמה עלו עם שמעון עוד ארבעים אלף איש. אולם שמעון הוסיף להחריב את הארץ יותר מדי ספקו בזדון לבו ובעברתו על העם (האדומים), עד אשר נהפכת ארץ אדום למדבר ציה וכמראה היער, המכֻרסם כֻּלו אחרי הארבה, ככה נשארה ארץ אדום שוממה מאחורי צבא שמעון. כי שרף ונתץ ורמס ושם לבער את כל פרי השדה ואחרי צבאו היתה האדמה הפוריה נוראה מארץ מלֵחה, ובכל הארץ החרבה לא נשאר זֵכר, כי היתה לפנים עושה פרי.",
+                    "ח. הדברים האלה החרידו את הקנאים עוד הפעם, והם לא נועזו לצאת לקראת שמעון ולהתראות אִתּוֹ פנים, ורק שׂמו מארבים במעברות ההרים ולקחו בשבי את אשת שמעון עם רבים מעבדיה, ושמחו מאד לדבר הזה, כאלו מצאה ידם לתפוש את שמעון בעצמו, ושבו אל העיר ואמרו בלבם, כי עוד מעט ויניח שמעון את כלי־נשקו ויתחנן אליהם על אשתו. אולם לא חמלה תקפה את שמעון לשמע העשׁק הזה, כי־אם חֵמה עזה, והוא נגש אל חומת ירושלים כחית־טרף פצועה, אשר לא עצרה כֹּח לתפוש את המכּה אותה וכלתה את חמתה בכל אשר מצאה לפניה, ואחז את כל האנשים החלשים והזקנים היוצאים משערי העיר ללקט את ירק השדה או לקושש עצים וענה אותם וגם הכּם נפש ובכבד־אפו כמעט טרף את בשר החללים, אף תפש רבים וקצץ את ידיהם ושלח אותם העירה, באמרו להפיל אימה על השונאים וגם לסכסך את העם באנשים אשר עשו לו רעה. והוא צוה על קצוצי הידים להודיע בעיר, אשר נשבע שמעון באלהים המשגיח על כל יושבי הארץ, כי ירעיש את חומת העיר ויעשה לכל העם כאשר עשה להם ולא יחמול על נער וזקן ולא יבדיל בין הנקיים ובין החַיָּבים, אם לא תוּשב אליו אשתו חיש מהר. לדבר הזה נבהלו כל יושבי ירושלים וגם הקנאים חרדו מאד ושלחו אליו את אשתו, ואז שככה חמתו, ורגע קטן חדל לשפוך דם כמים.",
+                    "ט. לא בארץ יהודה בלבד היו מחלֹקת ומלחמות־אחים, כי־אם גם בארץ איטליה. כי גלבה נהרג בשוק במרומי עיר רומא, ואָתּוֹן הוקם למלך ונלחם עם וִיטֶלִּיּוּס, אשר שׂם גם הוא נזר מלכות על ראשו, כי בחרו בו הלגיונות אשר בגרמניה, וכאשר פגש אתּוֹן על־יד בֵּדְרִיָּקוֹן (נ״א: פְּרֵגְדיַּקּוֹן) בארץ גליה את וַלֶּנְס וצֶצִינָה, שרי־צבא ויטליוס, התגבר עליהם ביום הראשון, וביום השני היתה יד צבא ויטליוס על העליונה. ואחרי אשר נשפך דם רב טּרף אתּון את נפשו בכפו בעיר ברוכסלון, בשמעו על־דבר מפלתו, ושלשה חדשים ושני ימים עמד בראש הממשלה. וצבאותיו עברו אל מפקדי חיל ויטליוס, והוא (ויטליוס) נסע עם הצבא אל רומא. — ובין כה וכה נסע אספסינוס מקיסריה בחמישי לחדש דַּיְסיוס (סיון) ויצא להלחם בארצות היהודים, אשר לא נכנעו עוד לפניו. הוא עלה על ארץ ההרים וכבש שני פלכים, את ארץ גופנא ואת ארץ עקרבתה (עקרבים), וגם את הערים הקטנות בית־אל ועפרים (עפרין), והציג שם משמר ורכב עד שערי ירושלים, ורבים מהנופלים בידו הומתו בחרב ורבים נלקחו בשבי. וצראליס, אחד משרי החילים, לקח עמו את חלק הרוכבים והרגלים והחריב את ארץ אדום העליונה ולכד פתאֹם את כפתרא, הנקראה בשקר בשם עיר, ושרף אותה, ואחרי־זאת עלה על עיר אחרת, הנקראה כפר־ביש (כַּפַּרַבִּיס), ושם מצור עליה. חומתה היתה חזקה מאד, וצראליס אמר בלבו להתמהמה בקרבתה זמן רב, והנה פתחו לפניו יושביה פתאם את שעריהם ויצאו לקראתו בענפי זית והסגירו את עירם בידו. צראליס הכניע אותם ועלה משם על עיר אחרת עתיקה מאד, היא חברון, הבנויה — כאשר אמרתי לפני זה — בארץ ההרים לא רחוק מירושלים. הוא כבש את מבואי העיר בחֹזק־יד וצִוה להמית את כל המון אנשי־המלחמה הנשאר בתוכה, ואת העיר שרף באש. וככה נכנעו כל המקומות בארץ יהודה, מלבד הורדיון ומצדה ומכור, אשר נתפשו בידי השודדים, ועיני הרומאים היו נשואות אל ירושלים.",
+                    "י. וכאשר הציל שמעון את אשתו מידי הקנאים, שב עוד הפעם אל שארית האדומים והרדיף את העם הזה ממקום למקום ואִלץ את הרבים לברוח אל ירושלים, אולם גם שמה רדף אחריהם והקיף עוד פעם על החומה והכרית את כל היוצאים לעבוד בשדה מדי תפשו אותם בכפו. מחוץ שִׁכּלה חרב הרומאים וחרב שמעון הנוראה ממנה, ומבית הציקו לעם הקנאים, הקשים מהרומאים ומשמעון גם יחד, ועל כֻּלם עלה חֶבר הגלילים בחכמתו להרע ובמעשי זדונו. כי האנשים האלה העלו את יוחנן לגדֻלה, ומן היום, אשר עשה ממשלה, שלם להם גמול חסדם, ונתן להם לעשות כטוב בעיניהם. ובתאות שֹׁד וחמס, אשר לא ידעה שָׂבעה, בדקו הגלילים את בתי העשירים, ורצחו את הגברים והתעללו בנשים בזדון, ובעודם מגֹאלים בדם זבחיהם נתנו את הגזלה ביין ושתו לשכרה, וכשׂבע נפשם עוללו מעשי תעתועים, כי עשו את שערותיהם ולבשו שמלות נשים, ומשחו את בשרם בשמן המֹר, ולמען התיַפּות קרעו בפוך עיניהם. ולא רק את עדי הנשים שׂמו עליהם, כי גם עגבת נשים חמדו להם, ובעצמת זמתם בקשו דרכי אהבים אסורים. הם התגוללו בקרב העיר כמו בבית־זונות וטמאו אותה כֻּלה במעשיהם הנתעבים. ובפָנים כמראה נשים הרבו לרצוח בזרוע ימינם, ועוד הם הולכים הלוך וטפוף ברגליהם, נהפכו פתאם לאנשי־מלחמה, והוציאו חרבות מתחת בגדי הצבעונים, ודקרו בהן את כל הנמצא. וכאשר נמלט איש מידי יוחנן, קדם שמעון את פניו בתאות רצח, והבורח מפני העריץ מבית נפל בחרב העריץ אשר מחוץ. וכל הדרכים נסגרו בפני אנשי השלום, האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים.",
+                    "יא. ועל יוחנן קמה מריבה מקרב אנשי חילו; כל האדומים, אשר היו ביניהם, נפרדו מהם וגמרו להתנפל על העריץ, כי קנאו בעֹצם ידו ושנאו אותו על אכזריותו. הם התנגשו עם הקנאים והמיתו מהם רבים והנשארים נדחפו אל חצר המלך הבנויה בידי גְרַפְטֵי, הוא קרוב אִיזט מלך חדיב. אולם האדומים הרסו אתם יחד אל המקום הזה וגרשו ממנו את הקנאים אל הר־הבית, ונטשו לבֹז את אוצרות יוחנן, כי מקום מושב העריץ היה בחצר־המלך ההיא, ושם צבר את כל הבִּזה אשר מצאה ידו. בין כּה וכה התלקטו כל הקנאים הנפוצים בעיר אל המקדש והתחבּרו לבורחים, ויוחנן התכונן לצאת אתם למלחמה לקראת האדומים ועַם ירושלים. אמנם האדומים לא יראו את תנופת יד הקנאים, כי היו גבורים מהם במלחמה, אך פחדו משגעונם, פן יתגנבו פתאם בלילה מבית־המקדש וימיתו אותם וישלחו באש את כל העיר. על־כן נאספו יחד ונועצו את הכהנים הגדולים למצֹא דרך ישרה להִשָּׁמר מעלילות הקנאים. אולם האלהים בלע את כל רוח עצתם, עד אשר מצאו להצלתם רפואה מרה ממות. הם גמרו לקרֹא לשמעון, למען הסיר מעליהם את עֹל יוחנן, ולהביא בתפלה ובתחנה עריץ שני בשערי העיר. העצה הזאת נצחה, והם שלחו את מתתיה אל שמעון ובקשו את האיש הנורא הזה לבוא בשערי העיר; וגם פליטי ירושלים, הבורחים מפני הקנאים, הפצירו בשמעון, כי כלתה נפשם לשוב אל נחלותיהם. בעינים רמות נעתר שמעון לקול תחנוניהם לבוא ולהשתרר עליהם ובא אל תוך העיר לפדותה מידי הקנאים והעם קדם את פניו בברכה כפני מושיע ומגן. אולם בהגיע שמעון עם חילו אל העיר, נתן את לבו להכין את שלטונו, וגם הקוראים לו לעזרה נחשבו לאויבים בעיניו, כאנשים אשר נקרא להלחם בהם.",
+                    "יב. ככה היה שמעון למושל ירושלים בשנה השלישית למלחמה בחֹדש קְסַנְתִּיקוֹס (ניסן). ויוחנן והמון הקנאים נסגרו בהר־הבית והפסידו את כל רכושם בעיר — כי חיש מהר היה לבז בידי אנשי שמעון — ולא ידעו מאין תבוא ישועתם. שמעון השתער בעזרת העם על הר הבית, אולם הקנאים התיצבו באולמים ועל צנות המגדלים וגרשו את המתנפלים עליהם. ורבים מאנשי שמעון נפלו חללים ורבים נפצעו, כי ממרום שבתם השכילו הקנאים לקלוע ולא החטיאו את המטרה. משגב המקום היה לישועה לקנאים, ועוד הוסיפו לבנות ארבעה מגדלים אדירים, ומהם הגביהו לשלח את חציהם אל האנשים. המגדל האחד הוקם בקרן מזרחית־צפונית, השני מעל ללשכת הגזית, והשלישי מן הקצה האחר למול העיר התחתונה, והרביעי נבנה על ראש לשכות בית־המקדש, במקום אשר שם נהג אחד הכהנים לעמוד בכל ערב שבת ולתקוע בחצוצרה לאות כי בא הלילה (ליל־שבת), וככה עשה גם ליום המחר בערב, כי האות הראשון לִמד את העם לשבות מכל עבודה, והאות השני — לשוב אל המלאכה. בראשי המגדלים האלה הציגו הקנאים את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת הבליסטראות וגם את הרובים והָקַּלָּעים אשר להם. על־כן לא הוסיף עוד שמעון להתנפל כפעם בפעם [עליהם], כי נפל לב רבים מאנשיו, ובכל־זאת החזיק מעמד בפני הקנאים בעֹצם ידו, אף כי אבני־הקלע, המתעופפות מן המכונות למרחוק, המיתו רבים מאנשי־המלחמה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנשי־הצבא הרומאים ביהודה ובמצרים קראו אה אספסינוס לקיסר. — הוא פתּח את יוסף מן האזִקים.</small><br><br>א. גם את עיר רומא מצאו צרות נוראות בעת ההיא. ויטליוס בא עם צבאו מארץ גרמניה ועוד הוליך עמו אספסוף גדול מלבד אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר צרו מקומות מחני־הצבא (הקסרקטין) מהכיל את ההמון הגדול הזה, הפך את כל העיר רומא למקום מחנה ומִלא כל בית ובית אנשי־צבא. והאנשים האלה, אשר לא ראו עֹשר ויקר מימיהם, הביטו בעיניהם אל כל חֹסן הרומאים ואל הכסף והזהב, אשר מצאו בכל מקום, וקשה היה להם לכבוש את תאות בצעם, וכמעט שלחו את ידיהם בבזה והמיתו את העומדים להם לשטן. אלה הדברים היו בארץ איטליה בימים ההם.",
+                    "ב. ואספסינוס כִּלה לכבוש את המקומות הקרובים אל ירושלים ושב אל קיסריה ושמע שם על־דבר המהומות בארץ איטליה וגם נודע לו, כי היה ויטליוס למושל יחיד. ואף כי הבין אספסינוס כחֹק לשמוע מצות אדוניו ולהכנע, כהבינו להיות נגיד ומצוה, בכל־זאת נרגז מאד לבשורה הזאת ולחרפה נחשב בעיניו לשמע בקול ההולל הפרוע הזה, אשר הפקיר את כל עניני הממשלה. הוא התעצב אל לבו מאד על הצרה הזאת ולא יכול להבליג על יסוריו, וגם לא לעשות מלחמה עם שונאים זרים בעת חרבן מולדתו. אולם במדה אשר בערה חמתו והִשִּׁיאה אותו לעשות מעשי־נקם, עצרה אותו רוח בינתו, בשומו אל לבו את המרחק הגדול ובדעתו, כי הגלגל החוזר בעולם יתנכל להביא עוד חליפות רבות, בטרם יגיע עד ארץ איטליה, ומה גם כי היה עליו להפליג בים בעת החֹרף. על־כן כבש את חמתו המתלקחת בקרבו.",
+                    "ג. אולם שרי־החֲיָלות ואנשי־הצבא נועצו איש את רעהו להקים מהפכה וצעקו בכעס: ״הנה אנשי־הצבא ברומא המתענגים על רֹב שלום, אלה מוגי־הלב הנבהלים לשמע אֹזן על־דבר מלחמה, נותנים את השלטון בידי אנשי־שלומם כטוב בעיניהם, והם מקימים להם מושלים למלא את תאות בצעם, ואנחנו, אנשי־המלחמה, אשר עבדנו עבודה קשה, אנחנו, אשר כבר הלבינו שערותינו תחת קובע המלחמה, יושבים ומחשים ונותנים את הממשלה לאחרים, אף כי נמצא בקרבנו איש, אשר נאה לו לעשות ממשלה מכל חבריו? ובמה נגמול לו טובה חֵלף חסדיו אתנו, אם נאחר לעשות את הדבר למועד הזה? כי בצדק תֵּאות הממשלה לאספסינוס ולא לויטליוס, ולנו המשפט להקים מלך ולא לאנשים, אשר המליכו את זה! כי המלחמות, אשר התענֵּינו בהן, אינן קלות ממלחמות הצבא העומד בגרמניה, ואין אנו נופלים בגבורת נשקנו מהאנשים, אשר הביאו להם עריץ משם. והן בלי מלחמה נצליח את מעשינו, כי מועצת הזקנים ועַם הרומאים לא יתנו את משפט הבכורה למשובת ויטליוס על חכמת אספסינוס, ולא יבחרו להם לראש עריץ אכזרי תחת מושל־חסד ואיש עקר — במקום אבי־בנים. כי ערֻבּה נאמנה לשלום המלכות היא נחלת־הכסא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן על־פי ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״מעלת המושלים״.</i> הכּשֵׁרה. אם יאתה הממשלה לבינת הזקנים, הנה נמצאה המדה הזאת באספסינוס, ואם כח העלומים נאה למלוכה, הנה נמצא אתנו טיטוס בנו, וזקנת האחד ועלומי השני שקולים יחד לטובת השלטון. ולא אנחנו לבד נִתּן כח לבחירינו במעֹז שלשת הלגיונות וחיל־עזר מלכי הברית אשר אתנו, כי־אם גם כל ארצות המזרח וגם ארצות המערב (אירופה), הרחוקות מפחד ויטליוס, תהיינה נאמנות בבריתנו, וגם בארץ איטליה נמצאו עוזרים לנו, הלא הם אחי אספסינוס ובנו הצעיר. והנה אל הבן הזה יִלָּוו רבים מהבחורים בני־המעלה, ואחי אספסינוס הוא פקיד על משמר־העיר ובמשרתו הזאת יהיה לנו לעזר לא מעט בכבשנו את הממשלה, אולם אם נשב בעצלתים, הנה תקים מועצת־הזקנים את הממשלה בידי האיש ההוא, הנבזה גם בעיני אנשי־חילו, השומרים על מלכותו״.",
+                    "ד. ככה נדברו אנשי־הצבא איש אל אחיו, ואחרי־כן נאספו והתחזקו יחד וקראו את אספסינוס לקיסר, וביקשו ממנו להציל את הממשלה הנמצאה ברעה. ואף כי דאג אספסינוס מכבר לעתידות הממשלה, לא מִלא אותו לבו לקחת את השלטון לעצמו, כי בחר מנת הדיוט היושב במנוחה מפאר מלכות הקשור בסכנה. על־כן מאן אספסינוס למלא את רצון הצבא, אולם שרי החַילים הציקו לו מאד ואנשי־הצבא כִתּרוהו בחרבות שלופות ואמרו להמיתו נפש, אם ינער את כפיו מכבוד המשרה. הוא הפציר בהם והִרבּה לדבר אליהם ולבאר, מדוע הוא מואס בממשלה, אך לא עצר כח לשנות את דעתם, ולאחרונה נדרש למשאלותיהם.",
+                    "ה. מוּצִיֵּנוּס וכל שרי הַחֲילים דברו על לב אספסינוס לנהג מנהג מושלים, ויתר הצבא דרש ממנו לצאת בראשו למלחמה על כל העומדים לו לשטן, אולם אספסינוס גמר להכין את שלטונו באלכסנדריה, בדעתו אשר ארץ מצרים היא מבחר חלקי ממשלת הרומאים, כי היא מנהלת את רומא בלחם, ועל־כן האמין, כי רק בהשתררו על הארץ הזאת יוכל להוריד את ויטליוס ממשרתו, גם אם תהיה ידו על התחתונה במלחמה, כי לא יוכל המון עיר רומי לשאת את הרעב, ומלבד זאת אמר למשוך אליו את שני הלגיונות החונים באלכסנדריה, כי הִתאוה להִשָּׂגב בפני כל תמורות הגורל בארץ הזאת, אשר קשה להבקיע אליה בדרך היבשה, ומעֵבר הים אין בה נמלים, כי ממערב סוככת עליה לוב, ארץ הצמא, וגבול הדרום לצד ארץ כוש הוא סוֵן (סיאֵני) עם משברי היאור, אשר נבצר מכל אני־שיט לעבור בהם, וממזרח משתרע הים האדֹם (ים סוף) עד קופטוס, ומצודת הצפון היא הארץ, המשתרעת עד גבול סוריה, ויחד עמה הים הנקרא בשם ים מצרים, אשר אין בו אף נמל אחד. ככה ארץ מצרים מֻקפת חומה מכל עבריה. ואֹרך הארץ בין סין (פלוסיון) ובין סוֵן אלפים ריס, אולם דרך האניה מִפְּלִינְתִּינִי עד פֶּלוּסִיּוֹן הוא שלשת אלפים ושש מאות ריס. והאניות המפליגות במימי יאור מצרים (נילוס) מגיעות עד העיר הנקראת על שם הפילים (יֵב, אלפנטיני), ושם עוצרים עליה משברי הנהר הנזכרים מנסוע הלאה. וחוף אלכסנדריה קשה לאניות גם בעת שלום, כי מבוא הים צר שם מאד, ונתיב האניות מתפתל מפני הסלעים, אשר מתחת למים. ועל חלק המבוא מצד שמאל סוככות שָׁתות עשויות בידי אדם, ומעבר ימין נמצא לפני המבוא האי פַּרוֹס, אשר כבר דברתי עליו, ובו מגדל גבוה, המאיר את דרך יורדי הים למרחק שלש מאות ריס, למען יוכלו להטיל את עגני אניותיהם מרחוק בעת לילה, כאשר יקשה מהם להגיע אל היבשה. וגם מסביב לאי הזה נמצאו שָׁתות גדולות, מעשי ידי אדם, וגלי הים מתפוררים לפניהן וגם לפני המצודות, אשר ממולן ומשבריהם הגדולים מרתיחים את מפרץ הים והם מסֻכָּנים מאד במקום הצר הזה. אולם מבית למפרץ הים חוף אלכסנדריה הוא חוף מבטחים, וגֹדל הנמל שלשים ריס, ודרך הנמל הזה באים אל מצרים כל הדברים החסרים לחֹסן הארץ, ומשם יוצא עודף חֹסן התושבים אל כל קצוי תבל.",
+                    "ו. על־כן שׂם אספסינוס את לבו לשלוט בארץ הזאת ולהכין בזה את ממשלתו ומִהר לשלוח אל טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס, הנציב במצרים ובאלכסנדריה, ולהודיעהו, כי התנדב הצבא לקרֹא אותו למלך, והוא נטל עליו בעל־כרחו את כל כֹּבד השלטון, וגם לבקש ממנו, כי יהיה איש־ימינו ועוזרו. וכקרֹא אלכסנדרוס את דברי האגרת, שמח מאד, ומִהר להשביע את צבאו ואת עם מצרים לתת את ידם לקיסר החדש. אלה ואלה שמעו לדבריו ברצון, כי ידעו את האיש ואת גבורתו וחכמתו למראה־עין. אספסינוס מִלא את ידי אלכסנדרוס להכין את ממשלתו, והוא ערך את כל הדברים לקראת בואו. כהרף־עין נפוצה השמועה על־דבר הקיסר, הבא מארץ המזרח, וכל עיר ועיר קראה חג לבשורה הטובה והקריבה זבחים לשלום אספסינוס, וגם הלגיונות במוּסִיָּה ובפַנּוֹנִיָּה, אשר התקוממו זה מקרוב לשֵׁמע זדון לב ויטליוס, נשבעו בשמחה רבה להכיר את אספסינוס למושל. והוא הסיע את חילו מקיסריה והלך אל בארות, ושם קדמו את פניו צירים רבים מארץ סוריה וגם מיתר מדינות (אפרכיות) המזרח, ומסרו לו נזרים ומכתבי־ברכה מכל עיר ועיר. גם מוצינוס נציב סוריה בא אל בארות והודיע את אספסינוס, כי נכון לב כל עם הארץ בבריתו וכל עיר נשבעה לו שבועת אמונים.",
+                    "ז. וכראות אספסינוס, כי השעה משחקת לו כרצונו וכבר הצליח בידו רֹב חפצו, השיב אל לבו, כי יד אלהים העלתה אותו לגדֻלה וגזרת הצדק המושל בעולם השלימה בידו את השלטון. הוא זכר את כל האותות — כי מופתים רבים בִּשׂרו לו את שלטונו העתיד — וגם את דבר יוסף, אשר ערב את לבו לקראו בשם קיסר עוד בחיי נירון, ונבהל בהעלותו על לבו, כי האיש הזה עודנו אסור תחת ידו, ועל־כן קרא למוצינוס וליתר שרי־הצבא ולאוהביו, וספר להם את מפעלי יוסף ואת כל הרעה, אשר מצאה את הרומאים מידיו בעיר יודפת, ואחרי־כן את דבר נבואתו, אשר נחשבה בזמנה בעיניו לחזון־בדים, יליד הפחד, אולם עתה הוכיחו הזמן והמעשים, כי היא דבר אלהים, והוסיף לדבּר: ״לחרפה יהיה הדבר, אם כמשפט העבדים יִעָשה לאיש, אשר נִבּא לי את שלטוני וגלה לי את קול האלהים וחלקו יהיה כחלק יתר האסירים״. לדברים האלה צוה להביא את יוסף ולהתיר אסוריו. והחסד הזה, הנעשה לשבוי נכרי, היה אות לטובה לשרי־הצבא, כי גם להם ישלם אספסינוס ביד נדיבה. וטיטוס, אשר נצב לפני אביו, קרא: ״הן נצדק במעשנו, כאשר נגֹל מעל יוסף את חרפתו בחרב; אם לא נתיר את הכבלים, רק נרתק אותם, יהיה משפטו כמשפט איש, אשר לא נאסר מעולם — כי כדבר הזה יֵעשה לאיש, אשר נאסר על לא עון.״ העצה הזאת מצאה חן בעיני אספסינוס, ובפקֻדתו יצא אחד מאנשי־הצבא וגדע את הכבלים בקרדֹם. ככה קבל יוסף בשכר נבואתו את כבודו הראשון, ומן היום ההוא והלאה נאמן לצופה עתידות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי תבוסת ויטליוס ומותו מִהר אספסינוס אל רומא, וטיטוס בנו שב להלחם בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס נדרש לכל הצירים במשאלותיהם והפקיד בכל עיר ועיר פקידים ישרים ובני־המעלה ונסע אל אנטיוכיה, ושם נועץ לאן יפנה, והוציא משפט, כי טוב לו למהר אל רומא מלנסוע אל אלכסנדריה, כי ראה את העיר הזאת בטוחה בבריתו, בעוד אשר בארץ רומא קמו מהומות על־ידי ויטליוס. על־כן שלח את מוצינוס אל איטליה ונתן בידו צבא גדול, רוכבים ורגלים. אולם מוצינוס ירא לנסוע בעצם ימי החרף בדרך הים, ועל־כן נהל את צבאו ברגל דרך ארץ קפודקיה ופריגיה.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא לקח עמו אַנְטוֹנִיּוּס פְּרִימוּס את הלגיון השלישי מן הצבא החונה במוּסיה, כי הוא היה נציב בארץ ההיא, ומִהר להקדיש מלחמה על ויטליוס. ויטליוס שלח לקראתו את צֶצִינָה אַלֵּינוּס עם צבא רב, כי בטח באיש הזה, אשר השכיל לנצח את אָתּוֹן. צצינה יצא מרומא והחיש את מסע צבאו, עד אשר מצא את אנטוניוס בקרבת קרֵמוֹנָה העיר אשר בגַליה, והיא גם עיר הגבול לארץ איטליה. אולם בראות צצינה את המון אויביו ואת טכסיסי מלחמתם הטובים לא נועז להתנגש אתּם, ובהבינו, כי לא יעלה בידו להסוג אחור לבטח, גמר לבגוד באדוניו והקהיל את שרי־המאות ואת שרי־האלפים אשר לו ופתּה אותם לעבור אל אנטוניוס, בהשפילו את חסן ויטליוס ובהרימו למעלה את עֹצם ידי אספסינוס. הוא אמר להם: ״הנה ויטליוס נושא רק שם מלכים, אולם כל תֹּקף המלוכה. נמצא בידי אספסינוס. על־כן טוב לנו למהר ולהפוך את הצרה לרוָחה ולהפר בעצמנו את הסכנה, בטרם נכרע במלחמה. כי אספסינוס יעצור כֹּח לכבוש את שארית הממשלה גם זולתנו וּויטליוס לא יוכל להציל את כסאו אף בעזרתנו״.",
+                    "ג. ככה הִרבּה צצינה לדבר על לבות אנשיו ועבר עם חילו יחד אל אנטוניוס. אולם בלילה ההוא נחמו אנשי־הצבא ממחשבתם, כי פחדו מחמת שולחם, פן תהיה ידו על העליונה. הם שלפו את חרבותיהם, ורצו להכות את צצינה נפש, וכמעט מִלאו את רצונם, לולא נפלו שרי־האלפים לרגליהם והתחננו אליהם על נפשו. אנשי־הצבא השיבו את ידיהם מהמית את צצינה, אך אסרו אותו בנחשתים והתכוננו לשלח אותו אל ויטליוס. וכשמוע אנטוניוס את הדברים האלה, ערך את אנשיו והוליך אותם להלחם במתקוממים, ואלה עמדו על נפשם מעט מזער ואחרי־כן פנו עֹרף ונמלטו אל קרֵימונה. פרימוס לקח עמו את רוכביו, וסגר על מוצאי המבצר, ואחרי־זאת הקיף את רֹב צבאם לפני שערי העיר והכה את האנשים לפי חרב ויחד עם פליטיהם הבקיע אל העיר ונתן אותה לאנשי־צבאו לבז, וסוחרים רבים מן הנכרים וגם רבים מאזרחי העיר נפלו בחרב ויחד אתם נשמד כל צבא ויטליוס, שלשים אלף ומאתים איש. אולם גם מאנשי־צבא אנטוניוס, הבאים עמו ממוסיה, נפלו ארבעת אלפים וחמש מאות חללים. ואחרי־כן הוציא פרימוס את צצינה לחפשי ושלח אותו אל אספסינוס לבשר את דבר המעשה. ובבואו קבל אותו אספסינוס באור־פנים וכסה על חרפת בגדו בעשותו לו כבוד, אשר לא קִוָּה לו.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר הגיעה הבשורה אל סַבּינוס, היושב ברומא, כי אנטוניוס הולך וקרב, התאזר עֹז ואסף את גדודי אנשי־הצבא, השומרים על העיר בלילות וכבש בעזרתם את היכל הקפיטוליון בלילה ובבֹּקר נלוו אליו רבים מנכבדי העם וגם דומיטיַנוס בן אחיו, אשר בו שמו מבטחם, כי יתגבר על האויב. ויטליוס לא שם לבו לצבא פרימוס, והֵעיר את כל חמתו על סבינוס והמתקוממים עמו, כי ביצר לבו האכזרי צמא לדם נדיבי העם ושלח את חלק הצבא, אשר בא עמו [מגרמניה], להשתער על הקפיטוליון. בגבורה רבה נלחמו אנשי־הצבא האלה, וגם צריהם העומדים במקדש למעלה, אך לאחרונה התגברו הלגיונות הבאים מגרמניה בעֹצם מספרם וכבשו את הגבעה. בדרך פלא נמלטו דומִיטיַנוּס ורבים מראשי הרומאים, ויתר ההמון כֻּלו הֻכּה לפי חרב, וסבינוס הובא אל ויטליוס והומת. ואנשי־הצבא בזזו את קדשי ההיכל, ואחרי־זאת שלחו אותו באש. וכעבור יום אחד בא אנטוניוס עם חילו אל שערי העיר, ואנשי ויטליוס יצאו לקראתו להלחם ברחובות העיר והֻכּו שלש פעמים ונשמדו כֻלם. ויטליוס יצא שכּוֹר מארמון המלוכה, כי הִרבּה לאכול ולהיטיב את לבו — כאלו ידע כי זאת היא סעֻדתו האחרונה — וההמון סחב אותו ברחובות העיר, והִרבּה ליסרו ולענותו בכל מיני ענויים, ושחט אותו בראש חוצות רומא. וימי מלכותו היו שמונה חדשים וחמשה ימים. ולוּ נגזר עליו להאריך ימים, כי עתה קצרו ממשלת רומא למלא את שׂפק תאותו. ומספר יתר החללים היה חמשים אלף ומעלה. הדברים האלה קרו בשלישי להדק אַפֶּלַּיּוֹס (כסלו), וביום המחרת בא מוצינוס בראש צבאו אל רומא ומנע את אנשי אנטוניוס מבּוא עוד בדמים, כי הוסיפו לבדוק בבתים ולהמית רבים משרידי ויטליוס וגם מן האזרחים, אשר נחשדו בעיניהם כי ידם נכונה עמו, ובגֹדל כעסם לא רצו לחכות עד אשר יפֹרש הדבר במשפט. מוצינוס הביא את דומיטינוס והקים אותו למושל בעם עד אשר יבוא אביו. והעם הנפדה מכל צרותיו הריע תרועת שמחה וברך את שם הקיסר אספסינוס ושמח, כי נכונה הממשלה בידו וכי סר מעליו שבט ויטליוס.",
+                    "ה. ואספסינוס נסע אל אלכסנדריה וקבל שם את הבשורה הטובה מרומא ושמה נאספו צירים מכל קצות הארץ לברכו. והעיר הגדולה הזאת, השניה לרומא בעולם, צרה מהכיל את המון הבאים. ואחרי אשר קמה ישועה לרומאים, שלא קוו לה מראש, וכל הממשלה נכונה בידי אספסינוס, שׂם אספסינוס את פניו להכניע את שארית יהודה. הוא גמר לשוב אל רומא לקץ החֹרף ואת בנו טיטוס שלח בראש צבא בחור לכבוש את ירושלים. טיטוס העביר את חילו ברגל אל נִיקוֹפּוֹלִיס, הרחוקה עשרים ריס מאלכסנדריה, ושם הושיב את צבאו באניות מלחמה ונסע דרך היאור (נילוס) בנפת מֶנְּדֶּס עד העיר תמוּיִס, ושם הוריד את הצבא והסיע את צבאו ביבשה וחנה על־יד העיר הקטנה צֹעַן (טָנֵס, טַנִּיס) ובלילה השני לן בְּהֵרַקְלִיּוֹפּולִיס ובלילה השלישי בסין (פֶּלוּסיוֹן) ושם נתן מנוחה לחילו שני ימים, וביום השלישי עבר את מעברות סין (פלוסיון) ואחרי־כן נסע במדבר דרך יום אחד ושׂם את מחנהו בקרבת מקדש האל זֶוס קַסִּיוּס, ובלילה השני לן באוֹסְטְרַקִּינִי, ובמקום תחנותו זה לא נמצאו מים, כי יושבי המקום מביאים שמה את המים ממרחק. אחרי־כן נח טיטוס ברִינוֹקוּרוּרָה, ומשם הגיע אל רָפִיה (רפיח) ביום הרביעי, והעיר הזאת היא תחלת גבול סוריה. וביום החמישי שׂם טיטוס את מחנהו בעזה ומשם בא אל אשקלון. ואחרי־כן נסע מאשקלון וחנה ביבנה, ומיבנה נסע אל יפו. ומיפו בא אל קיסריה, ושם חשב לאסוף גם את יתר צבאותיו."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>מלחמות הקנאים בירושלים והצרות אשר מצאו את העיר.</small><br><br>א. בדרך, אשר אמרנו למעלה, עבר טיטוס את המדבר הגדול אשר ממעל (צפונה) למצרים עד ארץ סוריה ובא אל קיסריה ושם אמר לפקד את צבאותיו [ולהלחם ביהודים]. אולם בעת אשר היה עוד טיטוס באלכסנדריה יחד עם אביו ועזר לו להכין את הממשלה החדשה, אשר הפקיד אלהים בידו, גדלה ועצמה מלחמת־האחים בירושלים, כי שלש מפלגות קמו הפעם וכל אחת רָבה בצרותיה, עד אשר יאמר האומר, כי היה הדבר הזה לחסד־מעט בקרב הרעות ולאות גמול אלהים [לרשעים]. כבר למעלה סֻפר על־דבר זדון הקנאים נגד העם, אשר ממנו היתה ראשית מפלת העיר, וגם פֹּרש מאַין צָמח [הזדון הזה] ואיך פרח ועלה למעלה ודבַר כל הרעות אשר הביא לרגליו, ולא ישגה איש באמרו על המעשה הזה, כי הוא מריבה, אשר נולדה מתוך מריבה (מחלֹקת גוררת מחלֹקת), כדרך החיה הרעה, אשר חסרה את טַרפּהּ מן החוץ והחלה לאכול את בשר עצמה.",
+                    "ב. כי אלעזר בן שמעון, הוא אשר סכסך לראשונה את הקנאים בעם והוליך אותם אל הר־הבית, התעַבּר בעת ההיא ביוחנן, באמרו, כי נלאה לשאת את תועבותיו יום־יום — כי לא חדל יוחנן משפוך דם — ובאמת, יען אשר לא רצה להכנע לפני עריץ הבא אחריו [להסיג את גבולו] והתאוה לעשות ממשלה בעם ולקחת את השלטון לעצמו. הוא משך אחריו את יהודה בן חלקיה ואת שמעון בן חצרון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או עֶצרון.</i>, שני אנשי־חיל, ויחד אתָּם את חזקיה בן חובר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: חוֹבָרִי.</i>, איש נשוא־פנים, ולכל אחד מהם נלוו קנאים רבים. הם תפשו את חומת בית ה׳ הפנימית ושמו את נשקם מעל לשערי הקֹדש נֹכח פני ההיכל. ולחם היה להם לשׂבע, כי כל מתנות הקֹדש נמצאו תחת ידי האנשים האלה, אשר כל אשם [ומעל בקדשים] כאין נחשב בעיניהם, ועל־כן גברו חֲיָלים. בכל־זאת לא נועזו להתנפל על צריהם, כי היו מתי־מספר, אך התחזקו במקום אשר תפשו בידם ועמדו במרדם. במדה אשר עלה עליהם יוחנן במספר אנשיו, נפל מהם בערך מקום תחנותו, כי השונאים עמדו ממעל לו ולא היה לו שכר בהתנפלו עליהם. ובכל־זאת לא הִרפּה יוחנן מהם בחמתו, אף כי בכל קרָב מצאו אותו רעות רבות יותר מאשר עשה לאנשי אלעזר, ולא שקט ולא נח. והקרָבות בין אלה ואלה לא חדלו, ואבני־הקלע והחצים נזרקו כל הימים, וכל פנות המקדש רוו מדם הרוגים.",
+                    "ג. ושמעון בן גיורא, אשר קרא לו העם לעזרו בצרתו, כאשר קוה אליו, כי ממנו תבוא ישועתו, והקים אותו לשליט עריץ לרצונו — משל עתה בעיר העליונה ובחלק העיר התחתונה והחליף כֹּח לקרב עם אנשי יוחנן, בראותו, כי קמה להם מלחמה מלמעלה. אולם מדי התנגחו אִתּם היתה ידו על התחתונה, תחת אשר עצמוּ עליהם שונאיהם, העומדים על גביהם. וכאשר נלחם יוחנן מפנים ומאחור, היה מזיק ונזק גם־יחד, כי במדה אשר נגף לפני אנשי אלעזר, בהיות מצבו שפל מהם, ככה הצליח במלחמתו עם אנשי שמעון, כי הגביה מהם לשבת. הוא בכֹח ימינו עצר את הנלחמים בו מלמטה, ואת [הקנאים], המורים עליו מן המקדש ממעל, השקיט במכונות המלחמה. כי היו לו כלי־קלע מהירים וגם זורקי־רמחים ורומֵי־אבנים, ובכלי־המשחית האלה הגן על עצמו בפני אנשי מלחמתו, ועוד הוסיף לעשות, בהמיתו רבים ממקריבי הזבחים. כי אף אשר היו הקנאים (אנשי אלעזר) פריצים עושים כל מעשה רשעה, בכל־זאת נתנו לכל הרוצה להביא זבח לבוא אל הקֹדש, והיו בודקים את בני העיר הבאים בחשד ובזהירות רבה, ואת הזרים היו חוקרים בלבד. וכאשר עלה בידי האנשים האלה לשַׁכּך את אכזריות הקנאים ולבוא בשערי המקדש, נפלו לקרבן מלחמת־האחים, כי אבני־הקלע השלוחות מן המכונות היו מגיעות עד המזבח ונופלות על הכהנים ועל מקריבי הזבחים. ורבים, אשר עלו מקצות הארץ אל המקום המהֻלל והמקֻדש בקרב כל באי עולם, נפלו חללים על־יד זבחיהם והשקו מדמם את המזבח הנכבד גם ליונים ולכל הלועזים (הגויים), ונבלות בני העיר והזרים, הכהנים והעם התערבו יחד, ובכל קצות חצר־האלהים נאסף דם החללים לאגמים. הוי, העיר האֻמללה, האמנם גם מידי הרומאים הגיעו אליך נוראות כאלה, בבואם אל שעריך לטהר אותך באש משקוצי בניך? כי לא הוספת להיות עוד מִשְׁכּן האלהים וגם לא יכלת להשאר חבל נחלתו אחרי אשר היית לבית־קברות לבניך ובית־מקדשך נהפך לשדה־מתים! ואולי עוד תשובי לראות בטובה, אם תעצרי כֹח לכפר את פני האלהים, אשר שמך לשממה! אך משפט הכתב הזה דורש ממני להבליג על מרי־לבי, כי לא פה המקום לקונן על צרות עמי, רק לספר את פרשת המעשים. ועל־כן אוסיף לדבר על הליכות מלחמת־האחים.",
+                    "ד. ככה נחלקו עוכרי ירושלים לשלשה מחנות: אנשי אלעזר, השומרים על בכּורי הקֹדש, הִצו ברוח שכרון על יוחנן, ויוחנן ואנשיו בזזו את בני העיר ורָבו בשמעון ואנשיו. וגם לו היתה העיר לטֶרף במלחמתו עם צריו. ומדי היות מלחמה ליוחנן מפנים ומאחור, חצה את אנשיו להלחם לשני עברים: אלה ירו מן האולמים בשונאיהם העולים עליהם מן העיר, ואלה הגַנו על עצמם במכונות־מלחמה בפני המורים עליהם מבית־המקדש. וכאשר רָוח לפעמים ליוחנן מצריו העומדים למעלה, כי עיפו ממלחמתם או שתו לשכרה ושבתו מריב לזמן־מה, היה יורד בלב אמיץ עם רבים מאנשיו להלחם בשמעון ושולח אש בבתים המלאים צידה מכל המינים בחלק העיר אשר פנה שמה. וכדבר הזה היה גם שמעון עושה, מדי רדפו אחרי יוחנן לעת ברחו מפניו. ככה השחיתו שניהם את הלחם, אשר הכינה העיר לעת מצור, ובזה עשו טובה לרומאים, כי נתקו בידיהם את עורק כֹּחם. כי כל המקומות מסביב להר־הבית היו למאכֹלת אש ו[חלק] העיר אשר בין שני השונאים בתוָך נהפך לשדה־מערכה שומם וכמעט כל הצידה הנמצאה בירושלים היתה לבָער — הצידה אשר היתה מַספקת את צרכי יושבי העיר למצור שנים לא מעט. ולאחרונה הסגיר הרעב את העיר בידי האויב — אמנם איש לא האמין, כי יקום הדבר הזה, — ורק ידי המורדים עשו והבינו זאת!",
+                    "ה. ובעת אשר היתה העיר לשדה־מלחמה בין חורשי רעה ואספסוף ריקים ופוחזים, נדמה העם הסגור בין הלוחמים בתוֶך לגוף גדול הנכרת אברים אברים. הזקנים והנשים לא ידעו מאין יבוא עזרם והתפללו אל הרומאים ועיניהם כלו מיַחל למלחמה הבאה מן החוץ, אשר תפדם מכל צרותיהם מבית. בהלה נוראה ופחד נפלו על יושבי ירושלים, כי נסתרה מהם עצה לשַׁנות את מצבם ולא נשארה להם תקוה להשלים [עם הרומאים]. ומנוס אבד מאוהבי השלום; כי בכל מקום היו עיני השומרים צופיות ולמרות המריבות אשר ביניהם חשבו ראשי השודדים, כי האזרחים המדברים שלום אל הרומאים והחשודים במחשבתם לברוח אליהם — הם שונאים בנפש לכֻלם יחד, ועשו להם מטבח. ואמנם רק בעצה הזאת השלימו ביניהם — להמית את האנשים הטובים הראוים לישועה. וקול צוחת הלוחמים לא נדם יומם ולילה, ונוראה ממנו היתה יללת הסובלים [במסתרים]. כי הצרות, אשר התגוללו עליהם מבלי־הרף, היו להם למקור דמעה תמיד. אמנם חרדתם סגרה בעד נאקותיהם: הם כבשו מגֹדל פחדם את מכאוביהם ברובם ונאנקו דֹם — אולם אנחותיהם העצורות היו להם כענויי שחת. ואיש לא נשא את פני אחיו [ההולכים למות] בעודם בחיים ולא דאג להביא את ההרוגים אל קבר — וסבת שני הדברים יחד היה מפח־נפש האנשים, אשר נואשו מחייהם — כי אלה, אשר לא היה חלקם במלחמות־האחים, קבלו עליהם ברצון את כל הבא עליהם, בדעתם, כי הם בני־מות באין מנוס. והמורדים דרכו על החללים, אשר נערמו מסביב להם, והתנגחו איש את רעהו בשארית עֶברה, כאלו שאפו רוח עִועים מהפגרים המֻצעים לרגליהם. הם חִבּלו מחשבות־רצח חדשים לבקרים ומִלאו אחרי עצתם הרעה מיד, ולא נבהלו מכל דרכי נאצה ורֶשע. ואף בעצי הקדש מָעל יוחנן ובנה לו מהם מכונות־מלחמה. כי לפנים יעצו הכהנים הגדולים והעם לחַזק את יסודות ההיכל ולהרים אותו עשרים אמה, והמלך אגריפס פזר כסף לרֹב והביא מן הלבנון את העץ הדרוש לבנין, גזעי עצים נפלאים בהדר גזרתם ובגדלם. אולם המלחמה השביתה את העבודה, ויוחנן גזר את העצים והקים לו מגדלים, בראותו, כי אֹרך העצים יספיק כנגד הנלחמים אתו ממעלֵה המקדש. הוא אמר להקריב את המגדלים אל בית־המקדש ולהציגם מאחורי החומה למול האכסדרה במערב, כי רק שם יכול להעמיד אותם, תחת אשר שאר חלקי הר־הבית נפסקו על־ידי מדרגות למרחוק.",
+                    "ו. ויוחנן קוה להתגבר על אויביו בעזרת המכונות אשר עשה, בחללו את הקֹדש, אך אלהים הוביש את יגיע כפיו והביא את הרומאים על העיר בטרם הספיק להציג אף אחד מן המגדלים. כי טיטוס אסף את כל חלקי צבאו וצוה את אנשיו לעלות על העיר והסיע אותם מקיסריה. תחת פקֻדתו נמצאו שלשת הלגיונות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: החמישי, העשירי והחמשה־עשר.</i>, אשר החריבו את ארץ יהודה לפני זה יחד עם אביו, וגם הלגיון השנים־עשר, אשר נִגף לפנים יחד עם צסטיוס. ללגיון הזה יצא שם בגבורים, ועוד התמַכּר להלחם ביתר עֹז למחות את זֵכר מפלתו. טיטוס פקד על הלגיון החמישי לצאת לקראתו דרך אמאוס ועל הלגיון העשירי לעלות אליו דרך יריחו. והוא נסע עם צבאותיו הנשארים ואליהם נלוו גם חיל מלכי הברית, המון גדול מאד, ועוזרים רבים מארץ סוריה. גם את חסרון אנשי־הצבא בארבעת הלגיונות, כמספר אשר לקט אספסינוס ושלח עם מוצינוס אל איטליה, מִלאו הפעם האנשים הבאים עם טיטוס. כי אלפים איש בחור באו אליו מן הצבא החונה באלכסנדריה ושלשת אלפים מחיל־המשמר אשר על נהר פרת. ועל כל ידידי טיטוס גדל טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס ברוחו הנדיבה ובחכמתו, הוא אשר היה לפנים נציב במצרים ועתה נלקח אחר כבוד להיות למצביא הראש חֵלף הדבר אשר עשה, כי היה הראשון אשר תמך בימינו את הממשלה החדשה בתחלתה ובאמונה רבה נקשר אליה על כל צרה שלא תבוא. והוא הלך אחרי טיטוס להיות לו ליועץ בדברי המלחמה, כי היה גדול מחבריו במדת שניו ובדעת זקנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס עלה על ירושלים ותר את המקום ונמצא בסכנה. מקום מחנהו. סוללי הדרכים.</small><br><br>א. בעלות טיטוס על ארץ שונאיו הלכו לפניו עבדי המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חיל אגריפס.</i> וכל צבא הברית ואִתּם יחד הסוללים ומודדי המחנה, ואחריהם נושאי כבודת שרי־הצבא, ואחרי אנשי־החיל המזֻינים הסוככים על אלה נסע טיטוס בעצמו עם בחורי הצבא ונושאי הרמחים (הלונכיאות), ומאחוריו חיל הרוכבים אשר ללגיונות; אלה נסעו בראש לפני מכונות־המלחמה ויחד אִתּם שרי־האלף עם בחורי צבאם ושרי הגדודים (הקוהורטות), ואחריהם דגלי הצבא (הסמנים) עם הנשר בתוֶך, ולפניהם המחצצרים הנותנים את האותות, ואחר אלה כל צבא המערכה מסֻדר בשורות, ששה ששה אנשים ברֹחב. ואחרי הצבא הלכו משרתי כל לגיון ולגיון ולפניהם כבודת הצבא, ומאחורי כל הצבא נסעו השכירים וחיל־המאסף השומר עליהם. ככה הסיע טיטוס את הצבא בסדר, כמשפט הרומאים, ועלה דרך ארץ שמרון ונכנם לראשונה אל גופנא, אשר נתפשה לפני זה בידי אביו, ובה נמצא מצב הרומאים, ושם לן לילה אחד והשכים בשחר ופנה קֵדמה ועבר עוד מעברה וחנה במקום הנקרא בלשון היהודים עמק הקוצים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש חושבים, כי זהו המקום הנקרא בכָאים (שמואל ב, ו, כ״ג) בקרבת גֶבע.</i> בקרבת כפר אחד הנקרא גבעת שאול<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב את השם העברי ותרגם את מובנו ליונית.</i>, הרחוק כשלשים ריס מירושלים. ובבואו שמה לקח עמו כשש מאות מבחורי רוכביו והלך לתור את העיר מסביב ולבחון את חֹזק חומותיה ולתַכּן את רוח היהודים, אולי יִבּהלו בראותם אותו ויכנעו לפניו בטרם יתנגח אִתּם. לאזניו הגיע דבר האמת, כי העם, המדֻכּא בידי אנשי־הריב והשודדים, חושק בשלום, אבל אינו ממלא אחרי רצונו, כי כשל כֹּחו לקום על נפשו.",
+                    "ב. כל העת אשר רכב טיטוס בדרך המלך העולה אל החומה לא יצא לקראתו איש משערי העיר. אולם כאשר נטה מן הדרך הזאת על־יד מגדל פְּסֶפִינוֹס ונהג את גדוד הרוכבים הצדה, הגיחו פתאם אנשים לאין־מספר אצל המגדלים הנקראים מגדלי־הנשים מתוך השער אשר לנֹכח מזכרת (מצבת־הזכרון של) הילני והבקיעו את שורות אנשיו והתנגחו פנים אל פנים עם הרוכבים ההולכים בדרך המלך ולא נתנו להם להתחבר עם אחיהם הנוטים מעליהם וסגרו את הדרך על טיטוס עם רוכבים מתי־מספר. אלה לא יכלו עוד לעלות, כי הככר לפני חומת העיר נחרשה כֻלּה תלמים וחריצים מסביב לשׂדי בתי האילנות וגם גנים עברו בה לארכה ולרחבה וגדרות רבות הפרידו ביניהם. ומלבד־זאת ראה טיטוס, אשר לא יצלח בידו לשוב במרוצה אל אנשיו, כי האויבים נצבו ביניהם בהמון גדול, וכבר הפכו הרוכבים העולים בדרך המלך את פניהם [לשוב אל מחנם], כי רבים מהם לא ידעו את הרעה, אשר נמצא בה המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר קורא לטיטוס ״מלך״ ו״קיסר״ בחיי אביו.</i>, וחשבו, כי גם הוא נסוג אחור, ונמלטו על נפשם. וכראות טיטוס, כי רק בגבורתו לבד יוכל למצֹא ישועה, הפך את סוסו וקרא אל חבריו אשר עמו ללכת אחריו וקפץ אל תוך המון אויביו לבקוע לו דרך ביניהם בחֹזק־יד ולשוב אל אנשיו. והפעם נגלה לעין מבין, כי מְסִבּוֹת המלחמות ופגעי המלכים בידי האלהים המה: אף כי הרבו המורים לירות בטיטוס, אשר לא היה לו קובע ולא שריון — כי לא יצא להלחם, רק לתור [את מחנה האויב] — לא נגע חץ אחד בבשרו, כי כל החצים ואבני־הקלע פסחו עליו ושבו ריקם, כאלו נשלחו להחטיא את המטרה. והוא גזר בחרבו בלי־הרף על ימין ועל שמאל ורבים, אשר נלחמו אִתּו, הדף בפרסות סוסיו אל עבר פניו וגם רמס את הנופלים לארץ. למראה אֹמץ־לב הקיסר הרימו שונאיו קול צעקה וחִזקו איש את רעהו להתנפל עליו, אולם בכל מקום אשר דפק שמה את סוסו, נסו אויביו מפניו והמונם נפוץ מעליו. חבריו, אשר היו עמו בצרה, דבקו אחריו, אף כי מטר חצים ואבני־קלע נִתַּךְ עליהם מאחור ומשני צדיהם, ורק תקוה אחת נשארה להם להציל את נפשם, אם יגיעו למקום חפצם יחד עם טיטוס בטרם יקיפו אותם האויבים. רק שנים מהם הרחוקים [מטיטוס] נפלו חללים. את האחד הקיפו היהודים ברכבו על סוסו ודקרוהו בחנית, ואת השני המיתו בקפצו למטה ולקחו את הסוס. ועם הנותרים שב טיטוס בשלום אל המחנה. ככה עשו היהודים חיל בקרָב הראשון הזה והדבר עורר בלבם תקוה נמהרה, והשעה הקלה אשר שחקה להם נתנה להם אֹמץ־לב הרבה ובטחון בעתיד.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר התחבר בלילה הלגיון הבא מאמאוס אל צבאו, יצא הקיסר משם (מגבעת־שאול) לפנות בֹּקר והגיע אל המקום הנקרא צופים (סקוֹפוֹס), אשר שם מתגלה העיר לעיני רואים ובית־המקדש מופיע בכל גדֻלתו, ועל־כן נקראה בצדק הרמה הסמוכה לעיר מצפון בשם צופים. במרחק שבעה ריסים מן העיר צוה טיטוס על שני הלגיונות לחנות שם יחדו, ועל הלגיון החמישי — לחנות מאחורי אלה שלשה ריסים, כי קצר כֹּחו מעמל המסע בלילה ועל־כן גמר טיטוס לתת לו מקום מנוחה, למען יוכל לבנות לו שם מצודה לבטח. וכאשר החלו הלגיונות להקים את המצודות, בא גם הלגיון העשירי מדרך יריחו, אחרי השאירו שם חלק אנשי־הצבא המזֻינים לשמור על המעברה, אשר לכד אספסינוס לפנים. הלגיון הזה צֻוה לחנות במרחק ששה ריסים מירושלים בהר הנקרא הר־הזיתים, אשר מפאת מזרח לעיר, ונחל עמֹק מפריד בינו ובינה, ושֵׁם הנחל קדרון.",
+                    "ד. והמלחמה הקשה מן החוץ, אשר התגוללה פתאם על העיר, הפסיקה בפעם הראשונה את מריבות האחים הנִצים ביניהם בלי־הרף. בבהלה השקיפו המורדים על הרומאים החונים בשלשה מקומות, ונוסדו יחדו בעצה רעה ונדברו איש אל רעהו: ״למה אנחנו מחשים ואיזה רוח עבר עלינו לשאת במנוחה את שלשת המצודים אשר נבנו עלינו לעצור את רוח אפנו? הנה אנשי מלחמתנו מוסיפים אֹמץ באין מכלים דבר — ואנחנו סגורים בחומותנו ואוספים את ידנו ומניחים את כלי־נשקנו ומביטים אל החזיון הזה, כאִלו דבר יפה היה ונעשה לטובתנו! גבורים אנחנו — צעקו בקול — להלחם בינינו בלבד, והרומאים יראו ברכה בריבנו ויתפשו את העיר באפס־יד״. כדברים האלה דברו בהתאספם יחד ותפשו את כלי־נשקם והגיחו במרוצה להלחם בלגיון העשירי. הם קפצו דרך הנחל והתנפלו בצעקה נוראה על האויבים הבונים את מצודת המחנה. והאנשים האלה נפרדו אז לגדודים רבים למלא את עבודתם ולרגלי הדבר הזה פרקו את רֹב נשקם, כי האמינו, אשר לא יערבו היהודים את לבם להתנפל עליהם, וגם אם יתנדבו לעשות כדבר הזה תפֵר מלחמת־האחים את עצתם — על־כן נבהלו עתה לדבר הבא עליהם פתאם ועזבו את מלאכתם, ואחדים נחפזו לברוח, ורֻבּם רצו לקחת את נשקם, אבל בטרם הסבו את פניהם אל השונאים הֻכּו [בחרבותיהם]. כי היהודים התאזרו עֹז בראותם את נצחון חלוציהם ומספרם הלך הלוך ורב, והמונם גדל עוד הרבה פעמים יותר בעיניהם ובעיני השונאים, כי היתה השעה משַׂחקת להם. כי אנשי־הצבא (הרומאים) הסכינו לעמוד במערכה ישרה ולמדו להלחם בסדר על־פי הפקֻדה הנתונה להם, ומהומה גדולה היתה בהם הפעם, כאשר קמה עליהם מלחמה בטרם יכלו לערוך מערכה. על־כן נסוגו הרומאים אחור בפני השונאים המתנפלים עליהם פתאם, אבל מדי הפוך הנרדפים את פניהם אל היהודים המדביקים אותם, עצרו בעד מרוצתם וגם פצעו רבים מהם, אשר לא נזהרו בשטף רדיפתם. אולם מספר המגיחים מן העיר גדל כפעם בּפעם, והמבוכה רַבָּה בקרב הרומאים, עד אשר נדחפו ממקום המחנה. וכמעט היה כל הלגיון עדי אובד, לולא מהר טיטוס לעזרתו, בהגיע לאזניו שמועת הדבר. הוא הִרבּה ליסר את האנשים על מֹרך לבם והפך את פני הבורחים, והתנפל עם בחורי הצבא אשר אִתּו על אגף היהודים מן הצד, והמית בהם לא מעט וגם פצע רבים, וגרש את כֻּלם ודחף אותם אל הנחל אשר למטה. והיהודים נמצאו ברעה גדולה בהתגלגלם במורד ההר, אבל אחרי עלותם מן הנחל הפכו את פניהם אל הרומאים ונלחמו בהם מעבר לנחל, וכה ארך הקרב עד חצות היום, וכאשר ירדה השמש מעט מרוח דרום, הציג טיטוס במערכה את אנשי־הצבא, אשר באו עמו לעזרה, ועוד אנשים מן הגדודים למול המגיחים מן העיר, ואת שארית הלגיון שלח אל ראש הר־הזיתים להקים מצודה.",
+                    "ה. ובעיני היהודים נדמה הדבר למנוסת האויבים, והצופה אשר עמד להם על ראש החומה הניף את מעילו, ולאות הנתון הזה פרץ המון חדש מתוך העיר בזרם חזק מאד, עד אשר דמתה מרוצתו למרוצת חיות־טרף, ובאמת לא עצר איש מהעומדים במערכה לשאת את כֹּבד גבורת היהודים וכאִלו נתּך על הרומאים ברד מכלי־קלע: הם נתקו את שורותיהם ופנו עֹרף ונמלטו אל ראש ההר. רק טיטוס נשאר עם אנשים מתי־מִספר במורד ההר. אמנם אוהביו, אשר בושו מפני ראש־הצבא ונשארו יחד עמו ולא פחדו מהסכנה, הרבו לדבר על לבו, כי יסוג אחור מפני היהודים [מרי הנפש] ההולכים למות, ולא יחרף את נפשו בעד אנשי־צבאו, תחת אשר עליהם מֻטל להשאר ולהגן עליו, וגם ישים אל לבו את ערכו, כי הוא ראש־הצבא וגם מושל העולם, ולא עליו לעמוד במערכה כאחד אנשי־הצבא, פן יביא עליו שואה, והוא כתֹרן אשר הכל נשען עליו. אולם טיטוס לא הטה את אזנו לשמוע, והתיצב למול האויבים הרצים אליו ונלחם פנים אל פנים עם המעפילים לעלות והכה בהם, ואחרי־כן ירד מן ההר והבקיע אל המון היהודים והדף אותם. הם נבהלו מאד מאֹמץ לבו ומעֹצם גבורתו, אולם לא ברחו אל העיר, רק נטו מעליו לשני עברים ורדפו אחרי אנשי־הצבא הבורחים אל מרום ההר. וטיטוס התנפל על השונאים מן הצד ובצר את רוחם. בין כה וכה ראו אנשי־הצבא, בוני המצודה בראש ההר, את אחיהם הבורחים למטה, ועוד הפעם נפל עליהם פחד ומהומה קמה ביניהם, וכל הלגיון נפוץ, בחשבו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפני עֹצם רוח היהודים, וגם טיטוס בעצמו פנה עֹרף, כי לולא הדבר הזה לא יכלו אנשי־הצבא לברוח ולעזוב אותו לנפשו. וכאלו נפלה מחִתּת אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר השתמש פה בתמונה לקוחה מן המִתּולוגיה היונית: ״פחד פַּנִּי״ (השגורה גם בלשונות אירופה).</i> על האנשים: כי הסתובבונאנה ואנה, ופתאם ראו אחדים מהם את ראש־הצבא בקרב האויבים ופחדו מאד פן ימצאנו אסון, והרימו קול צעקות להודיע את הדבר בכל הלגיון. הבושה הפכה את פני אנשי־הצבא, והם החלו לחרף איש את אחיו על מנוסתם ועוד יותר על אשר עזבו את הקיסר לנפשו. ואחרי־כן התנפלו על היהודים בכל כחם והבריחו אותם בפעם אחת ממורד ההר ודחפו אותם אל הנחל. לאט לאט פנו היהודים אחור ולא חדלו להלחם, אולם הרומאים גברו עליהם בגֹבה מעמדם והדפו אותם אל העמק. טיטוס מהר עם אנשיו לרדוף אחריהם, ואת הלגיון שלח לבנות את המצודה מחדש, והוא עם העומדים עליו בראשונה עצרו את השונאים. ואם עלינו להודיע דבר אמת, מבלי להפריז על המדה מתוך חֹנף וגם מבלי להקטין את הדבר מתוך קנאה, יֵצֵא מדברינו, כי הקיסר בעצמו הציל את כל הלגיון הנמצא בצרה פעמַים, וגם נתן לו להקיף ולבצר את מצודת מחנהו לבטח."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מריבה־אחים חדשה בירושלים. היהודים טמנו פח לרומאים וטיטוס יסר את הצבא על פחזותו.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר שבתה המלחמה לפני שערי העיר למִצער, התעוררה מחדש המריבה אשר מבית, כי הגיע מועד חג־המצות בארבעה־עשר יום לחֹדש קְסַנְתּיקוֹס (ניסן), אשר הוא לדעת היהודים ראשית זמן צאתם מעבדות מצרים. ואנשי אלעזר פתחו את שערי המקדש וקבלו את כל בני העם הבאים שמה לעבוד את האלהים. ויוחנן עשה את החג כסות־עינים למזמתו הרעה ושקד לשלוח את החשֻׁכים מקרב אנשיו, אשר היו גם ברֻבּם טמאים, עם חרבות מתחת למדיהם, אל בית־המקדש לתפשו. ובבוא האנשים אל העזרה הפשילו את בגדיהם והראו פתאם את כלי־נשקם. מהומה גדולה קמה מיד סביב לבית־המקדש וצעקה עלתה למרום, כי בני העיר, שעמדו מרחוק למלחמת־האחים, חשבו, כי לנפשות כֻּלּם אורבים המרצחים, והקנאים הבינו, כי עליהם לבדם נטשה החרב, ועל־כן עזבו את משמר השערים וקפצו אל צנות המגדלים בטרם השיבו מלחמה אל חיק שונאיהם, ונמלטו אל המנהרות אשר מתחת למקדש. ובני העם נלחצו אל המזבח ונדחקו סביב לבית־המקדש ונרמסו ברגלים וגם הֻכּו במקלות ובחרבות לאין־מספר, ורבים מן האזרחים השקטים נהרגו בידי אנשי ריבם משנאת חנם או מקנאת איש, כאלו נלחמו אתם בשער. וכל איש, אשר היה לו לפנים דבר קטטה עם אחד המרצחים ופניו הֻכּרו עתה בבית־המקדש, נחשב לאחד הקנאים ונסחב ליסורים קשים. ואחרי אשר עשו אנשי יוחנן נוראות באנשים הזכאים והנקיים, נתנו סליחה לחַיָּבים ושלחו לחפשי את היוצאים מן המנהרות, ותפשו בידם את חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית ואת כל הנשק הצבור שם והחליפו כֹח להלחם בשמעון. ככה נהפכה המלחמה המשֻׁלשת אשר לפני זה למלחמת שתי מפלגות.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא גמר טיטוס להעתיק את מחנהו מהר־צופים אל קרבת העיר ובחר לו מאנשי־צבאו רוכבים ורגלים כדי לעצור בעד היהודים לעת אשר יפרצו מן העיר, והציג אותם במערכה, ועל יתר צבאותיו פקד ליַשר את כל המקום עד חומת העיר. הם הרסו את כל הגדרות והמחיצות אשר הקימו יושבי המקום סביב לגני הירק ולשׂדי בתי האילנות, וכרתו את כל עצי־הפרי אשר נמצאו שם, וככה סתמו את כל השוחות והפחתים במקום ההוא, וגם את אבני־המכשול חצבו בקרדֻמים, והפכו למישור את כל המקום אשר בין הר־צופים ובין מצבות הורדוס הסמוכות לברכה הנקראת עין־התנין (עין הנחשים).",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם טמנו היהודים מוקש לרומאים, וזה הדבר: אמיצי־הלב מבין המורדים יצאו מחוץ למגדלים הנקראים ״מגדלי הנשים״, כאלו גֹרשו מן העיר בידי אוהבי השלום, ולמראה־עין חרדו, פן יעלו עליהם הרומאים והתלכדו יחד והתחבאו איש תחת כנפי רעהו, ובין כה וכה התיצבו חבריהם על החומה והתחפשו כבני עם ירושלים והרימו קול: ״שלום, שלום״ ובקשו מהרומאים לכרות אתם ברית וקראו אליהם לבוא אל העיר והבטיחום לפתוח את שעריה, ובעוד הם קוראים כדברים האלה השליכו אבנים על חבריהם אשר יצאו מן העיר, כאלו אמרו לגרש אותם מעל החומה. ואלה שמו להם פנים כאלו הם רוצים לכבוש את מבוא העיר, ודברו תחנונים אל בני העיר, ומהרו מדי פעם בפעם אל הרומאים ושבו אחור כנבהלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי גרסת ניזה: ״וכפעם בפעם הפכו את פניהם כנבהלים אל הרומאים העולים עליהם״.</i>. ואנשי־הצבא הרומאים לא נמנעו מהאמין בדבר הערמה הזאת וחשבו, כי שונאיהם נסגרו בידיהם לעשות בהם נקמות וקוו, כי אנשי העיר יפתחו את שעריה לפניהם, ולכן מהרו לעשות מעשה. אולם בעיני טיטוס נחשד דבר הקריאה מן העיר, אשר באה לפתע פתאם, כי עוד לפני יום אחד קרא אל העיר דברי שלום ביד יוסף ולא מצא אזנים קשובות, על־כן צוה הפעם לאנשי־הצבא להשאר על עמדם. אבל אחדים מאנשי־הצבא המָפקדים לשמור על עושי המלאכה הקדימו לקחת את נשקם ולרוץ לקראת שערי העיר. והאנשים אשר גֹרשו מן העיר למראה־עין נסוגו מפניהם לראשונה, אך כאשר הגיעו אל המקום אשר בין מגדלי העיר מהרו במרוצה והקיפו את הרומאים והציקו להם מאחור, והעומדים על החומה המטירו עליהם חצים ואבני־קלע מכל המינים יחד, ורבים מהם נפלו חללים, ועוד יותר נפצעו, כי לא קל היה להם להמלט מחומת העיר בעת אשר לחצו אותם אויביהם מאחור. וגם הבושה על האִוֶּלת אשר עשו ויראתם מפני שרי־הצבא אלצו אותם להתחזק בעת מפלתם. על־כן עמדו על־נפשם זמן רב, ואחרי אשר קבלו מכות גדולות מן היהודים והשיבו אל חיקם כמספר המכות אשר הֻכּו, הצליח בידם לאחרונה להדוף את האויבים הסובבים אותם. הם נסוגו אחור והיהודים רדפו אחריהם ויֹרו בהם עד מצבת הילני.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי אשר עלה הדבר הזה בידי היהודים, לבשו גאוה לבלי חֹק ושפכו את לעגם על מערכות הרומאים, אשר נפלו במלכֹּדת ערמתם, והניפו את מגִניהם ורקדו בתרועת גיל. ואת פני אנשי־הצבא השבים קדמו גערות שרי החילים ופני הקיסר הזועמים, כי דִבּר אליהם קשות: ״הנה היהודים האלה, אשר היאוש לבדו הולך לפניהם במלחמה, עושים את כל דבריהם בעצת־מזמה ובאים עלינו בנכלים וטומנים לנו פחים, וגם מצליחים בעלילותיהם, כי הם שומעים לקול מפקדיהם ואוהבים איש את אחיו ושומרים ברית אמונים ביניהם, והרומאים, אשר כל הימים היו עושים חיל בטכסיסי מלחמתם ובמשמעתם לשרי צבאותיהם, נִגפו הפעם, כאשר נהפך לבם לעזוב את המדות האלה. הם נופלים, כי אינם יכולים לעצור את ימינם, ועוד חרפה גדולה מזאת — הם יוצאים במלחמה באין שר ומפקד, בעת אשר הקיסר נמצא אִתּם בקרָב״. וטיטוס הוסיף לדַבּר: ״הן חֻקי המלחמה יאנחו במרירות ומה יגדל כאֵב אבי בשמעו את דבר המכה הזאת. הוא האיש, אשר שיבה זרקה בו על שדה־המלחמה וכל ימיו לא מצאה אותו מגפה אשר כזאת. והן חֻקי המלחמה גוזרים תמיד עֹנש־מות על דבר קל, אשר עשה איש־הצבא בעברו על סדרי המערכה, ועתה ראו עיני החֻקים האלה חַיל מלא עוזב את משמרתו. אולם בִּין יבינו הפעם עזי־הנפש אשר בכם, כי גם הנצחון מבלי פקֻדה לחרפה נחשב בעיני הרומאים!״ את הדברים האלה קרא טיטוס באזני שרי־החילים והראה לדעת, כי הוא רוצה לשפוט את האנשים בכל חֹמר הדין. ולבות האנשים חללו בקרבם בחכותם לעֹנש־המות, אשר יעשה להם כמשפט, אולם הלגיונות הקיפו את טיטוס והתחננו על אחיהם אנשי־הצבא וגם נפלו לרגליו וחִלו את פניו להעביר את אשם פחזות המעטים, בזכרו את משמעת כל הצבא הטובה, כי עוד ימחו האשֵׁמים את זֵכר מפלתם זאת במעשי גבורתם בעתיד.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס הטה את אזניו לבקשות האלה, כי גם הוא מצא חפץ בדבר, בחשבו, כי את היחיד החוטא יש לענוש בכל חֹמר המעשה, אולם את הרבים יאות ליסר רק בדברי תוכחת. הוא סלח לעון אנשי־הצבא, אחרי אשר הִרבּה ליסרם בדברים, כי יקנו חכמה לעתיד, ואחרי־זאת התבונן בדבר, איכה ינקום ביהודים על מרמתם. מקץ ארבעה ימים נהפך כל המקום לפני החומה למישור, וטיטוס רצה להעתיק את כבודת הצבא ואת ההמון הנשאר (נושאי הכלים) בלא פגע, ועל־כן הציג את מבחר גבורי צבאו למול החומה במערבה מרוח צפון לרוח מערב בעֹמק שבע שורות. הוא העמיד בראש המערכה את הרגלים, ואת הרוכבים מאחריהם, אלה ואלה היו שלש שלש שורות, והרובים התיצבו לאחרונה בשורה השביעית. המערכה הגדולה הזאת עצרה כֹח לשַׁבּר את זרוע היהודים המגיחים מן העיר, ועל־כן עברו בהמות־הסבל אשר לשלשת הלגיונות וההמון אשר לרגליהם לבטח. וטיטוס בעצמו שם את מחנהו במקום קרוב כשני ריסים אל העיר, מול קרן החומה אשר נמצא שם המגדל הנקרא פְּסֶפִינוֹס, אשר שם חוג החומה המשתרע לצפון העיר סובב לצד מערב. וחלק הצבא הנשאר חנה לנֹכח המגדל הנקרא הִפִּיקוֹס, גם הוא במרחק שני ריסים מהעיר. רק הלגיון העשירי נשאר במקום תחנותו על הר־הזיתים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תבנית ירושלים.</small><br><br>א. והעיר ירושלים היתה מֻקפה בשלש חומות בצורות מכל עבריה, מלבד המקומות אשר סוככו עליהם נקרות עמֻקות, אשר לא תעבור בהן רגל איש, כי שם נמצאה רק מצודה אחת. העיר נוסדה על שתי גבעות צופות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אשר פני האחת מוסבּים מול פני רעותה.</i> ועמק מפריד ביניהן בתוֶך, והעמק הזה חסם בעד הבתים הצפופים משתי הגבעות האלה. האחת, אשר נמצאה עליה העיר העליונה, היא גבוהה הרבה מאחותה וגם ישרה ממנה בארכה. על חסנה נקראה הגבעה הזאת בשם ״מצודת דוד המלך״, הוא אבי שלמה, בונה בית־המקדש הראשון, ובימינו נקראה בשם השוק העליון. הגבעה השניה היא הנקראה בשם חקרא (אקרא), אשר עמדה עליה העיר התחתונה והיא עקומה משתי רוחותיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: אינה ישרה, נוטה לצדדים.</i>. ממול הגבעה הזאת נמצאה גבעה שלישית, אשר היתה לכתחלה שפלה מגבעת חקרא ועמק רחב הפריד בין שתיהן. אולם אחרי־כן בימים, אשר מלכו החשמונאים, סתמו את העמק הזה, ברצותם לחַבּר את העיר אל בית־המקדש ועִדרו את ראש חקרא והשפילו את קומתה, למען אשר יתרומם בית־המקדש עליה. והגיא הנקרא בשם עמק עושי הגבינה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: עמק הטוּרוֹפּוֹיים או טוּרוֹפּוֹיוֹן.</i>, אשר אמרנו עליו, כי הוא מפריד בין העיר העליונה ובין הגבעה התחתונה, משתרע עד השִׁלֹח — בשם הזה אנו קוראים למעין מים חיים (מתוקים) חזק. ומחוץ מֻקפות שתי הגבעות, אשר נוסדה עליהן העיר, נְקָרות עמֻקות, ומפני מורדות־הגבעות התלולים מכל הרוחות אין לעלות אל העיר משום עבר.",
+                    "ב. והנה משלש החומות האלה האחת היא החומה הישנה, אשר נוסדה על הגבעה המתרוממת מעל לנבכי התהום, וקשה היה להבקיע אליה, כי מלבד משגב המקום היה גם בנינה איתן, מעשה ידי דוד ושלמה, והמלכים המולכים אחריהם החרו החזיקו בעבודה הזאת. ראשית החומה הזאת היתה ברוח צפון על־יד המגדל הנקרא הִפִּיקוֹס ומשם השתרעה לעבר לשכת הגזית (הַקְסוּסְטוֹס) ומשם נגעה בבנין המועצה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, בית־הדין, הסנהדריה; לפי מסֹרת התלמוד היתה הסנהדריה יושבת בלשכת הגזית, ומכאן נראה, אולי, כי היה מושבה בבנין הסמוך ללשכה ההיא.</i> וכלתה בקרבת אולם־המערב אשר לבית־המקדש. ולעֶברהּ השני, מרוח מערב, החלה במקום ההוא ועברה דרך המקום הנקרא בית צוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית βησού, ויש רואים בבית־צואה את מקום שער האשפות המֻזכר בנחמיה (ג, י״ג, י״ד).</i> אל שער האסיים, ומשם נסבה לרוח דרום ועברה על מעין השִׁלֹח, ומשם סבבה עוד הפעם ונטתה לרוח מזרח אל ברכת שלמה, עד הגיעה אל המקום הנקרא עֹפל, ופגעה באולם־המזרח אשר להר־הבית. והחומה השניה החלה על־יד השער הנקרא מת אשר לחומה הראשונה והקיפה את רוח הצפון לבד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״הקיפה את רוח הצפון אשר למצודה״ (חקרא). וצדיך עיון.</i> והשתרעה עד מצודת אנטוניה. וראשית החומה השלישית היה מגדל הִפּיקוס ומשם לרוח צפון השתרעה עד מגדל פספינוס, ואחרי־כן ירדה אל מול מצבת הילני, היא שהיתה מלכת חריב ובת המלך איזט. ומשם נמשכה לאֹרך מערות המלכים וסבבה את מגדל הפנה על־יד אבן הזכרון הנקראה מצבת הכובס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או סורק־הצמר. ״שדה־כובס״ הֻזכּר בישעיה, ז, ג.</i> ופגעה בחומה הישנה וכלתה אל נחל קדרון. את החומה הזאת הקים אגריפס על העיר שׁחֻבּרה לירושלים, אשר ישבה כֻלה פרזות, כי העיר צרה מהמון יושביה ומעט מעט פרצה מתוך חומותיה, ויושביה ספחו על גבול העיר את מורד הגבעה אשר מצפון להר־הבית, הרחיבו את העיר הרבה ובנו את הגבעה הרביעית הנקראת ביזיתא (בציתא), המתרוממת למול אנטוניה וחריץ עמֹק מפריד ביניהן. החריץ הזה נחפר במחשבה תחלה, פן יגעו יסודות אנטוניה בגבעה הזאת, ויֵקל להגיע אליהם וגם יקטנו בגבהם. ועֹמק החריץ הוסיף הרבה גם על גֹּבה המגדלים. חלק העיר הנבנה מחדש נקרא בפי יושבי המקום ״ביזיתא״ ואולי יש לתרגם את השם הזה יונית: ״העיר החדשה״. וכאשר שאלו יושבי העיר הזאת חומה להגן עליהם, החל אגריפס המלך — אבי המלך המושל עתה, הנקרא כשמו — לבנות את החומה, אשר דברנו־עליה, אך ירא את הקיסר קלודיוס, פן יחשֹׁד בו, כי בבנין המבצר הגדול הזה הוא מכַוֵּן לחולל תמורות ולקשור קשר — ועל־כן השבית את עבודת החומה, ורק את יסודותיה בלבד הציב. ובאמת נבצר מידי אדם לכבוש את העיר, אִלו הצליח אגריפס לכלות את מלאכת החומה אשר החל. כי אָשיות החומה חֻבּרו מאבני גזית, עשרים אמה ארכן ועשר אמות רחבן, ולא קל היה לחתור תחתיהן בכלי־ברזל, וגם מכונות־מלחמה לא עצרו כֹח, לערער אותן. ועבי החומה היה עשר אמות וקומתה היתה עולה הרבה על עביה, לולא הופרה עצת המיסד הנעלה. אחרי־כן שקדו היהודים על מלאכת החומה הזאת, אולם לא יכלו להרים אותה אלא עד עשרים אמה, והצנות עליה היו גבוהות שתי אמות, ולמעלה מהן בַּחונים בני שלש אמות, עד אשר־הגיע גֹּבה החומה כֻלה עד עשרים וחמש אמה.",
+                    "ג. וממעל לחומה התרוממו מגדלים, עשרים אמה רחבם ועשרים אמה גבהם, רבועים ומֻצקים כמו החומה בעצמה, ובטוּב דבק האבנים וביפין לא עלו עליהן כל אבני היכל, ועל יסודות המגדלים המֻצקים, אשר היו עשרים אמה, נבנו חדרים מפֹארים ועליות על גבם, ובהן אגנים למקוה מי־הגשמים ושלַבּים רחבים אל כל עליה ועליה. בחומה השלישית היו תשעים מגדלים כאלה ובין כל מגדל ומגדל רֶוַח מאתים אמה, ומגדלי החומה התיכונה היו ארבעה־עשר, והחומה הישנה נחלקה לששים מגדלים. וכל מעגל חומת העיר מסביב היה שלשים ושלשה ריס. והנה כל החומה השלישית הזאת היתה נפלאה בתכונתה, אך נפלא עוד ממנה היה המגדל פּסֶפִינוֹס בקרן צפון־מערב, אשר על־ידו חנה טיטוס. כי גבהו הגיע עד שבעים אמה ולעת עלות השמש היו משקיפים מראשו על־פני ארץ ערב עד הים, קצה נחלת העברים. והוא היה בן שמונה קרנות. ממעל המגדל הזה נמצא מגדל הִפִּיקוֹס, אשר בנה אותו המלך הורדוס יחד עם שני המגדלים הסמוכים אליו, והם נפלאו בגדלם וביָפיָם ובחסנם בין מגדלי העולם כֻּלּוֹ. כי מלבד רוח המלך הנדיבה וקנאתו לכבוד ירושלים כללו את הדר הבנינים האלה רגשות לב האדם אשר בו, בהקדישו אותם לזכרון שלש נפשות היקרות בעיניו מכּל, נפשות אחיו ואוהבו ואשתו, אשר על שמם קרא את המגדלים — הלא הם אשתו, אשר המית אותה מקנאת אהבתו — כאשר ספרנו למעלה, ואחיו ואוהבו, אשר אבדו לו במותם מות גבורים במלחמה. והנה מגדל הִפּיקוס, הנקרא על־שם אוהב המלך, היה רבוע, רחבו וארכו עשרים וחמש אמה וגבהו שלשים אמה, ולא היה בו מקום נבוב. ממעל למבנה־הסלעים המֻצק הזה נמצא מקוה למי הגשמים עמֹק עשרים אמה, ולמעלה ממנו בית שתי דיוטות גבוה עשרים וחמש אמה, אשר נמצאו בו חדרים מחדרים שונים, ועוד למעלה ממנו שני מגדלים גבוהים שתי אמות ובַחונים גבוהים שלש אמות, עד אשר הגיע גֹּבה כל המגדל לשמונים אמה. והמגדל השני, הנקרא על שם פצאל אחי הורדוס, היה שוה במדת ארכו ורחבו ארבעים, ארבעים אמה, וגם קומת יסודו המֻצק היתה ארבעים אמה, וממעל ליסוד הזה נמצא אולם על־פני כל המגדל גבוה עשר אמות ועליו סככו צנות ואַתּיקים, ובתוֶך נבנה ממעל לאולם מגדל שני, אשר נחלק לחדרים נהדרים, וגם מרחץ נמצא בו, עד אשר נראה, כי אין המגדל הזה נופל מבית מלכים. וראש המגדל היה מקֻשט בצִנות ומגדלים קטנים ממעל להן. וגֹבה כֻּלּוֹ היה כתשעים אמה ובתבניתו דמה למגדל המאור אשר בפַרוֹס, המַנחה את הבאים לחוף אלכסנדריה, אולם עוד עלה עליו במדתו סביב. בימים ההם היה המגדל הזה למצודת נוגש לשמעון [בן גיורא]. והמגדל השלישי הוא מרים, הנקרא בשם המלכה, ויסודו המֻצק היה עשרים על עשרים אמה וגם קומתו היתה עשרים אמה. והעליות אשר על גבו עלו עוד בהדרן ובתפארתן על יתר המגדלים, כי חשב המלך, אשר נאה לפאר את המגדל הנקרא על שם אשתו יותר מהמגדלים האחרים, הנקובים בשמות הגברים, תחת אשר היו המגדלים האלה חזקים יותר ממגדל האשה. וכל גֹּבה המגדל היה חמשים וחמש אמה.",
+                    "ד. זאת היתה מדת המגדלים. אולם למראה־עין עלו עוד יותר בגבהם בגלל תכונת המקום, כי החומה הישנה, אשר ממנה התרוממו, נוסדה על גבעה גבוהה והתנוססה ממעל לגבעה ככִפָּה גבוהה שלשים אמה, ועל־כן נוסף עוד הרבה על מדת המגדלים העומדים במרום החומה. ונפלא היה גם גֹּדל האבנים, כי לא מאבני השדה הוקמו המגדלים האלה, ואף לא מאבנים, אשר ישא אותן אדם בכתף, כי־אם מאבני־גזית, כֻּלָּן שַׁיִש לבן, ואֹרך האבן האחת היה עשרים אמה ורחבה וקומתה עשר, עשר אמות, והן חֻבּרו אשה אל אחותה, עד כי נדמה כל מגדל לעֵין רואה כבנוי כֻּלּו מסלע אחד, אשר חלו בו אחרי־כן ידי הַסַּתָּתים ונתנו לו את תבניתו ועשו מקצועותיו, ולא נִכּרו הסדקים בין האבנים המדֻבּקות. המגדלים האלה נמצאו בצפון החומה, ומבית חֻבּר אליהם ארמון המלך, אשר קצרה לשון אדם למנות את שבחו, כי היה כלול בהדרו ובפאר חסנו. ומסביב לו התנוססה חומה גבוהה שלשים אמה, אשר נמצאו בה ברוָחים שוים מגדלי־תפארה וחדרים גדולים לסעֻדה ויציעות־אורחים למאות. מי יוכל לתאר את מרצפת הבנינים האלה, אבנים מאבנים שונות ויקרות, אשר הובאו מכל הארצות למכביר. ומה נפלא היה סִפּוּן החדרים בגֹדל קורותיו המצֻפּות לתפארה, ולא היה קץ למִספר החדרים ולעֹשר תכונתם ושפעתם. וכל חדר היה מלא כלי־בית, ורֹב הכלים אשר בהם היו כסף וזהב, ואִסטוָניות מסביב לחדרים השתרגו יחד ועמודים מעמודים שונים נמצאו בהם, וחלל האויר היה ירֹק כֻּלּו, כי עצים מעצים שונים צמחו שם ובין העצים היו שבילים ארֻכּים לשוח ומסביב לאלה נמצאו ברֵכות עמֻקות ומִקוֵי־מים מלאים ובכל מקום מזרקות־נחֹשת רבים מאד, אשר קלחו מהם מים, ומסביב לברֵכות היו מגדלים קטנים רבים, שובכים ליוֹני הבית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הורדוס אהב לגַדל יונים, ועל שמו נקראו יוני הבית בתלמוד — יוני הרדֵיסאות״.</i>. אכן לא יוכל איש לפרש את כל הדר ארמון המלך כהלכה, ועד היום הזה מאדיב את הנפש זכרון השממה, אשר עשתה בו אש השודדים. כי לא הרומאים שלחו את הבנינים האלה באש, רק שונאי העיר מבית, כאשר ספרנו למעלה, כי בראשית המרד יצאה אש מן הבירה (אנטוניה) ועברה אל ארמון המלך ואכלה את עליות שלשת המגדלים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תכנית המקדש.</small><br><br>א. כבר דברתי, כי נוסד בית־המקדש בראש גבעה בצורה ובראשונה נשא המישור, אשר במרום הגבעה, בקֹשי את ההיכל והמזבח, כי מכל עבריה היתה תלולה על־פני התהום. המלך שלמה, הוא אשר בנה את ההיכל, הקיף את חלק המזרח חומה והעלה על הסוללה (הַסֶּכר) אולם אחד. וההיכל נשאר חשוף מיתר צדדיו. אולם בדורות הבאים אחרי שלמה הוסיף העם כל הימים להעלות עפר [מסביב להיכל], עד אשר התיַשר ראש הגבעה והתרחב, ואחרי־כן פרצו בחומת הצפון (של העיר) והוסיפו [על תחום המקדש] כמדה, אשר היה בה אחרי־כן כדי להקים חומה מסביב לכל המקדש. שָׁתות בנויים שלש מדרגות הוקמו על הגבעה מסביב, משרשיה למטה עד ראשה למעלה, ובזה בצעו היהודים מעשה גדול, אשר לא קוו אליו — אחרי אשר השקיעו בעבודה הזאת עמל דורות אין־חקר ופזרו את אוצרות הַקֹּדש, אשר הובלו מכל אפסי ארץ שי לאלהים — ואחרי־כן בנו את החומה העליונה ואת החומה התחתונה מסביב למקדש. ובמקום הַשֶּׁפל נבנתה החומה על יסוד גבוה שלש מאות אמה ובמקומות רבים עלתה עוד קומת אָשיוֹתיה. אולם מוסדות הבנין לא נראו בכל עמקם, כי נִסְתַּם העמק [לרגלי החומה] הרבה, למען יַשֵּׁר את רחובות העיר. ואבני היסוד היו גדולות ארבעים אמה, כי עֹשר הכסף ורוּח העם הנדיבה חִזקו את מאמצי הַכֹּח במדה אשר לא תאֻמן כי תסֻפּר, והדבר, אשר לא נועז איש לפנים לצפות לו, תם ונשלם אחרי עבודה נצחת לקץ עִדָּן ועִדנים.",
+                    "ב. והבנינים, אשר הוקמו על האשיות האלה, היו נאים למוסדיהם הנפלאים. כי כל האולמים (האסטוניות) היו כפולים (סטיו לפנים מסטיו) והעמודים, אשר נשענו עליהם, היו גבוהים עשרים וחמש אמה, וכל אחד מהם היה אבן אחת, שיש לבן, ספונה בלוחות ארזים, ועֹשר תכונת העמודים האלה והדר פִּתּוחיהם וחֵן מזגם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההרמוניה שלהם.</i> היו תאוה לעין־רואה, אף כי לא הוסיפו על התפארה הזאת מעשה צלמים (ציורים) ולא מעשי פסלים. ורֹחב האולמים היה כשלשים אמה. וכל אֹרך האולמים מסביב היה כששה ריסים, יחד עם אולמי אנטוניה (הבירה). וכל הככר מתחת לרקיע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חצר המקדש, שלא היה מכֻסה גג.</i> היה רצוף אבני צבעונים, אבנים מאבנים שונות. והעובר דרך הככר הזה (הר־הבית, החצר החיצונה) אל המקדש השני הגיע עד מחיצת אבנים מסביב למקדש (הסורג), אשר היתה גבוהה שלש אמות וכלילת יֹפי במלאכתה, ובמחיצה הזאת נמצאו ברוָחים שוים עמודים המודיעים את חֻקי הטהרה (הקדֻשה), אלה בכתב יון ואלה בכתב רומא, לאמר, כי אסור לאיש נכרי לבוא אל הקֹּדש, כי המקדש השני (חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית, העזרה) נקרא בשם קֹדש ובארבע־עשרה מעלות עלו אליו מן המקדש הראשון (החצר החיצונה, הר־הבית) והוא היה רבוע ממעלה [למקדש הראשון] וגם לו היתה חומה מסביב. והחומה הזאת היתה גבוהה מחוץ כארבעים אמה, אך המעלות כסו את חלקה, ומבית היה גֹבה החומה עשרים וחמש אמה, יען אשר נשענה החומה בבנינה למקום גבוה יותר, ועל־כן לא נראתה בכל קומתה, כי כסתה עליה הגבעה. ובין ראש ארבע־עשרה המעלות ובין החומה נמצא רֶוַח עשר אמות כֻּלו מישור (החֵיל). ומשם העלו מדרגות בנות חמש מעלות אל השערים (שערי העזרה). ומספר השערים מצפון ומדרום היה שמונה, ארבעה בכל אחת משתי הרוחות, ושני שערים לרוח מזרח מפני הצֹרך, כי מהעבר הזה נמצאה עזרה מֻקפה חומה לנשים, למען תוכלנה לעבוד את אלהים, ועל־כן היה דרוש שם שער שני, אשר נחצב מול השער הראשון, וגם ביתר הרוחות נמצאו שער אחד בדרום ושער אחד בצפון לעבור בהם אל עזרת הנשים. כי נאסר לנשים לבוא ביתר השערים ולעבור את מחיצת העזרה אשר להן. והמקום הזה (העזרה) הֻתּר לנשי ירושלים ולנשי היהודים אשר מחוץ לתקן בו את עבודת אלהים. ובחלק [של המקדש השני, העזרה] אשר לרוח מערב לא היה שער, ובנין החומה היה מלא מהעבר הזה (בלי פרץ שער) לכל ארכה, והאולמים (האִסטוָניות) אשר בין השערים מבית לחומה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם כנראה ״אולמי השערים״, הנזכרים (ביחיד) בספר יחזקאל (מ, ט ועוד).</i> השתרעו לפני הלשכות ונשענו על עמודים יפים וגדולים מאד. אף כי לא היו האולמים האלה כפולים, לא נבדלו במאומה — מלבד גדלם — מן האולמים אשר בשפל המקדש.",
+                    "ג. ותשעה ממספר השערים היו מצֻפּים כֻּלָּם זהב וכסף, הדלתות והמשקופים [והמזוזות] גם יחד, ורק השער האחד, הוא השער החיצון אשר להיכל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא שער ניקנור, הידוע מן המשנה, בצד מזרח.</i>, היה מצֻפּה נחשׁת מקורינתוס ובהדרו הרב עלה על השערים המכספים והמזהבים. ובפתח כל שער היו שתי דלתות, שלשים אמה גֹבה האחת וחמש־עשרה רחבה. פתחי השערים גדלוּ ורָחבוּ מבית למבוא לשני עבריו והיו לאכסדרות, אשר מראה מִגדלים להן, שלשים אמה רֹחב האחת ושלשים אמה ארכה וארבעים אמה ומעלה קומתה, וכל אחת נשענה על שני עמודים וחוט שתים־עשרה אמה סבב את העמוד האחד. ומדה אחת היתה לכל השערים, מלבד השער אשר ממעל לשער הקורינתי (שער ניקנור), הוא אשר העלה מעזרת הנשים מרוח מזרח ונמצא ממול לפתח ההיכל (האולם), כי הוא היה גדול יותר הרבה, רום קומתו הגיע עד חמשים אמה ודלתותיו היו גבוהות ארבעים אמה ובעֹשר תפארת עֶדיוֹ עלה על כל חבריו והיה מצֻפּה כסף וזהב סגור. ואת צפוי הזהב על תשעת השערים הנותרים עשה אלכסנדרוס אבי טִבּריוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא אחי פילון הידוע מאלכסנדריה ואבי טבריוס המומר, מי שהיה נציב ביהודה ואחר־כך במצרים, וראש הצבא הרומאי הצר על ירושלים.</i>. חמש־עשרה מעלות העלו ממחיצת עזרת הנשים אל השער הגדול והן היו שפלות מחמש המעלות, אשר עלו בהן אל יתר השערים.",
+                    "ד. ובית ה׳ (ההיכל)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל הבית נקרא בשם היכל, וביחוד נקרא בשם זה החלק המערבי (הקֹדש עם קֹדש־הקדשים), הנקרא בספר מלכים ״ההיכל לִפְנָי״, והחלק המזרחי נקרא במשנה (על יסוד יחזקאל ויואל) בשם ״אולם״.</i> נמצא בקרב מקום המקדש ובשתים־עשרה מעלות עלו אליו, ולעבר פניו היתה מדת קומתו שוה אל מדת רחבו, מאה אמה, ומאחור היה הבנין צר ארבעים אמה מהמדה הזאת, כי לעֵבר פניו פשטו לשתי צלעות הבית כדמות כתפות (אגפים), עשרים אמה האחת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מפני זה נמשל בית־המקדש לארי (רובץ) במשנה (מדות ד, ו).</i>. ופתח השער הראשון (החיצון)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זה הוא ״פתחו של אולם״, הידוע מן הספרות התלמודית. ויש סתירה בנדון מדתו בין דברי המחבר ובין דברי המשנה.</i> אשר לבית היה גבוה שבעים אמה ורחב עשרים וחמש אמה, ודלתים לא היו לו, כי היה מכֻון כנגד מרחבי השמים ואפסי־תבל, אשר אין להם גבול. ומעֵבר פניו היה הבית כֻּלּוֹ מכֻסה זהב. ודרך הפתח הופיע הבית הראשון, הוא ההיכל אשר מחוץ (האולם), הגדול מאד וכל אשר מסביב לשער הפנימי (שער ההיכל לִפְנָי, או ההיכל סתם) האיר את עיני הרואים בנֹגה זהבו. כי הבית הפנימי (ההיכל) נבנה עם עליה ממעלה (שתי דיוטות) ורק הבית הראשון אשר לפניו (האולם) לא נפסק בקומתו. והתרומם למעלה תשעים אמה, וארכו היה חמשים אמה ורחבו עשרים אמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן האֹרך מכֻון (מצפון לדרום) והרֹחב ממזרח למערב.</i>. והשער מבעד לבית הזה (המוליך מן האולם אל ההיכל) היה כֻלּוֹ מצֻפּה זהב, כאשר אמרתי, וככה גם הקירות מסביב לו. וממעל לשער נמצאה גפן זהב, אשר ירדו ממנה אשכלות כקומת איש. והנה הבית הפנימי (ההיכל) נבנה עם עליה, ועל־כן נראה שפל בקומתו מהבית החיצון (האולם) ודלתות זהב היו לו, חמשים וחמש אמה קומתן ושש־עשרה אמה רחבן. ולפניהן נמצא מסך (פרֹכת) בבלי כמדה הזאת, עשוי מעשה חושב, תכלת ובוץ (שֵׁשׁ) ותולעת־שני וארגמן. ועבודת המסך היתה נפלאה, כי תערֹבת המינים האלה לא נעשתה בלי דעת ותבונה, כי־אם להראות את צלם העולם, ועלה במחשבה לתת בתולעת־השני את סמל האש, ובבוץ את סמל האדמה, בתכלת את סמל האויר ובארגמן את סמל הים; אלה (תולעת־השני והתכלת) נבחרו לזה לפי דמות צבעיהם, והשש והארגמן על־פי מוצאם, כי את הראשון מצמיחה האדמה והשני בא מן הים. והפרֹכת היתה רקומה תבנית כל השמים וצבאם מלבד החיות (מזלות גלגל החמה).",
+                    "ה. והעובר מבית לאלה (הפרֹכת ושער ההיכל) היה בא אל החלק התחתי אשר להיכל, גבהו ששים אמה וארכו ששים ורחבו עשרים אמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן האֹרך ממזרח למערב והרֹחב מצפון לדרום.</i>. וגם חלק ששים האמה נחלק לשנים. החלק הראשון, אשר נבדל ממנו, היה ארֹך ארבעים אמה, ובו נמצאו שלשת הדברים הנפלאים, הכלים אשר יצא שמם לתהלה בקרב כל באי עולם, הלא הם: המנורה והשלחן ומזבח־הקטרת. הנרות רמזו לשבעת הכוכבים הנבוכים (הפּלַנֶּטים), כי זה היה מספר הקנים היוצאים מן המנורה. ושנים־עשר הלחם, אשר על שלחן־השרת, רמזו לגלגל החיות (מזלות החמה) ולחדשי השנה. והמזבח, הנושא עליו שלשה־עשר סמי קטֹרת משפע הימים והמדבר והארץ הנושבת, הראה, כי תבל ומלואה היא מהאלהים ולאלהים. ההיכל אשר לפני ולפנים היה ארֹך עשרים אמה. וגם הוא נבדל בפרֹכת מחלק ההיכל אשר מחוץ לו. וכל דבר לא נמצא בו. ואסור היה לכל אדם להכנס ולנגוע ולהסתכל בו. הוא נקרא בשם ״קדש־הקדשים״. מסביב לצלעות ההיכל התחתון נמצאו תאים רבים, תחתיים, שניים ושלישיים. ולכל אחד מהתאים האלה היה מבוא מעבר השער. והחלק העליון (העליה שעל־גבי ההיכל) לא היה מֻקף סביב, ועל־כן היה צר יותר. וגבהו היה ארבעים אמה והיה דל מהחלק התחתון. ואם נחבר את ארבעים האמה אל ששים האמה אשר להיכל התחתון, יצאו לנו מאה אמה קומת ההיכל כֻּלּוֹ.",
+                    "ו. ופני ההיכל מחוץ לא חסרו אף דבר אחד המרהיב את הלב והמצודד את העינים. כי בכל מקום היה מצֻפּה לוחות זהב כבֵדים ולעת עלות השמש היה זורע נֹגה כמראה אש לוהטת, וכאשר העפיל איש להתבונן אל ההיכל, אלץ אותו הנֹגה להסב את עיניו מנגדו, כאִלו עִורו אותן קרני השמש. ולזרים העולים אל ירושלים נראה למרחוק כדמות הר מכֻסה שלג, כי במקומות אשר לא צֻפּה זהב היה לבן־צח, ועל ראש כפתו היו נעוצים וָוֵי זהב מוּחדים, לבל ירד שמה עוף השמים ולא יזַהם את המקום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מעין שפוד כזה נקרא במשנה ״כלה עורב״.</i>. ומאבני ההיכל הגיעו אחדות למדת ארבעים וחמש אמה בארכן, וקומתן חמש אמות ורחבן שש. ולפני ההיכל נמצא המזבח (מזבח העולה), חמש־עשרה אמה קומתו, וארכו ורחבו חמשים אמה על חמשים אמה, בנין רבוע, ופנותיו היוצאות ממנו היו כדמות קרנות והמעלה על המזבח השתרע מדרום בשפוע קל (בכבש), וכל ברזל לא נגע בו מעולם. ואת ההיכל והמזבח עִטרה מחיצה בגֹבה אמה, עשויה מאבנים נאות, חמדה לעינים, והיא הבדילה בין הכהנים ובין העם. לזבים ולמצֹרעים היה אסור לבוא בשערי העיר כֻּלה, ולנשים דווֹת נאסר לבוא בשערי המקדש. אולם גם בעת טהרתן לא היה להן המשפט לעבור את הגבול, אשר דברנו עליו למעלה. ומן הגברים נעצר כל איש, אשר לא התקדש כליל מטֻמאתו, לבוא אל החצר הפנימית. וגם הכהנים, אשר לא הִטֶּהָרוּ, לא יכלו לבוא שמה.",
+                    "ז. ובני משפחת הכהֻנה, אשר לא יכלו לשָׁרֵת בקֹדש מפני מום אשר בבשרם, היו באים לפנים מן הקלעים עם אחיהם הכשרים ומקבלים את חלקי הזבחים על־פי משפט הכהֻנה, אך לבושיהם היו בגדי חֹל. כי רק הכהנים המשרתים שׂמו עליהם בגדי קֹדש. ואל המזבח וההיכל קרבו רק הכהנים, אשר לא נמצא בהם פסול, בלבוש בוץ (שש), ונאסר עליהם באִסוּר חמוּר לשתות יין מפני כבוד עבודת אלהים, פן יקרה להם מכשול בעת שרתם בקֹדש. גם הכהן הגדול עלה אִתּם יחד אל המקדש, אולם לא בכל ימי השנה, רק בשבתות ובראשי־חדשים, במועדי השנה הכתובים בתורה, וכן גם ביום עצרה לכל העם מימים ימימה. ובשרת הכהן הגדול בקֹדש היה לבוש אזור (מכנסי) בד על ירכיו עד מתניו וממתניו ולמעלה נשא כתֹנת בד על בשרו, ועל הכֻּתֹּנת מעיל כליל תכלת, היורד על הרגלים, עם שפה וגדילים עליה ועל הגדילים נעשו פעמוני זהב ורמוני זהב, פעמון ורמון. הפעמונים היו סִמן לרעם והרמונים סִמן לברק. והחֵשב (חֵשב האפוד), המהדק את המעיל אל החזה, היה רקום חמש רצועות חוטים שונים מָשזרים, מעשה חושב, זהב וארגמן ותולעת־שני ובוץ (שש) ותכלת, אלה המינים אשר ספרנו, כי מהם נרקמה הפרֹכת להיכל. גם האפוד נרקם מחמשת המינים האלה, אולם בו נמצא זהב יותר. ומראה הבגד הזה (האפוד) היה כתבנית שריון המכסה על הבשר. ושני שלטי זהב קטנים (כתפות) חִבּרו את האפוד ובהם שֻׁבּצו אבני־שֹׁהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב: סַרְדּוֹנִיכִים. ובתרגום השבעים: זמרגדים. ובמקומות אחרים תרגמו שֹׁהם: ברילוס, פרָסינוס.</i> גדולות ויפות, ועליהן נחרתו שמות שבטי העם. ומהעבר השני (מעבר־פני הכהן הגדול) היו תלויות שתים־עשרה אבנים יקרות אחרות, שלש שלש בארבעה טורים, ואלה הן: אֹדם, פטדה וברקת, נפך, יהלֹם וספיר, שבו, אחלמה ולֶשֶׁם, ישפה, שֹׁהם ותרשיש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השמות היוניים: סַרדיון, טֹפַּז, זמרגד, אַנְתְּרַכּס, יַסְפִּיס, סַפּיר, אֲכַטֶּס, אַמֶּתִּיסְטוֹס, לִינוּרְיוֹן (או לונקורליון), אונִיקט, בִּירִילוֹס, כְרִיזוֹלִתּוס — בשנוי קצת מסדר תרגום־השבעים (שמות, כ״ח, י״ז־כ). ובאמת גם סדר האבנים בתרגום השבעים אינו מתאים לסדר המקרא, כי תרגמו — במקום שנמצא במקרא יַסְפיס — יהלם ואוֹנִיקס במקום יָשְׁפֵּה, ואין לדעת את ההתאמה הנכונה בין שמות המקרא והשמות היוניים.</i>, ועל כל אחת מהן נכתב אחד משמות השבטים. ואת ראשו כסה הכהן הגדול במצנפת שש ומסביב לה פתיל תכלת, ועל הפתיל מסביב זר זהב, הנושא פתּוחי חותם הכתב הקדוש, אלה היו ארבע אותיות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי עדות יוסף נמצא אפוא השם בן ארבע על הציץ, ולא ״קֹדש לה״.</i>. אולם לא בכל עת נשא הכהן הגדול את הבגדים האלה, כי לבש בגדים פשוטים מהם (בגדי לבן) מדי בואו אל הדביר. רק פעם אחת בשנה בא לבדו אל המקום הזה, ביום אשר בו צֻוה כל העם לעַנות את נפשו לאלהים. ויתר דברי העיר וההיכל ומשפטיהם וחֻקיהם אכתוב לכל פרטיהם בפעם אחרת, כי עוד דברים רבים נשארו לסַפּר עליהם.",
+                    "ח. והבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) נמצאה בקרן הפנה, אשר בה נפגשו שני אולמות המקדש הראשון (הר־הבית), האולם אשר לרוח צפון והאולם אשר לצד מערב. היא נבנתה בראש סלע גבוה חמשים אמה ותלול מכל עבריו ובנינה היה מעשה ידי המלך הורדוס, אשר הראה בה את תכונת רוחו הנדיבה ביתר שאת. לראשונה צוה לצפות את הסלע מן היסוד בלוחות אבן, למען יהיה כלול בהדרו וגם יצנח כל איש אשר ינסה לעלות עליו או לרדת ממנו, ולפני בניני המצודה נמצאה חומה, שלש אמה קומתה, ומבית למחיצה הזאת התרוממה המצודה (אנטוניה) בכל שׂיאה עד גֹבה ארבעים אמה. בשטחה ובתכנית בנינה דמתה המצודה מבית לארמון מלכים, כי נחלקה לחדרים רבים למיניהם, שונים במראיהם ובתכונתם, לאולמים ולבתי־מרחץ ולחצרות רחבי־ידים למחנה־הצבא, עד כי נמצא בה כל טוּב חמדות העיר והדר בית מלכות. כֻּלָּהּ היתה כתבנית מִגדל אחד, אשר מארבע פנותיו נפרדו ארבעה מגדלים אחרים וכֻלם היו גבוהים חמשים אמה, מלבד המגדל לרוח דרום־מזרח, אשר היה גבוה שבעים אמה, עד כי נקל היה להשקיף ממנו על כל הר־הבית. במקום אשר נגעה המצודה באולמי הר־הבית נמצאו מדרגות ממנה לשני הצדדים (לשני האולמות, הצפוני והמערבי), ובהן היו אנשי צבא המשמר יורדים — כי תמיד חנה בה מצב הרומאים — ועומדים חמושים באולמים למועד החג לשמור על העם, פן יפרוץ בקרבו מרד. כי כאשר היה הר־הַקֹּדש למִצפה העיר כֻּלה, ככה היתה הבירה למִצפה בית־המקדש ובה שכן המצב השומר על כל שלשה אלה (העיר, המקדש ואנטוניה) יחד, ובעיר העליונה נמצאה מצודה לעצמה — הלא היא ארמון הורדוס. והגבעה ביזזתא (בציתא) נפרדה מאנטוניה, כאשר ספרנו למעלה, והיא היתה רמה מכל הגבעות וחֻבּרה אל חלק העיר החדשה והיא לבדה כסתה על מראה הר־הבית מצפון. והנה אני חושב לדבּר באר היטב על העיר ועל החומה במקום אחר, ועל־כן יספיקו לי הדברים האמורים לעניני."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על העריצים שמעון ויוחנן. בעת אשר סבב טיטוס את החומה נפצע נקנור וטיטוס התעורר לחזק את מלאכת המצור.</small><br><br>א. וזה מספר אנשי המלחמה מן המורדים אשר בקרב העיר. עשרת אלפים איש פקודי שמעון, מלבד האדומים. וחמשים שלישים על עשרת האלפים ושמעון היה שליט עליון על כּלּם. והאדומים אנשי בריתו היו כחמשת אלפים איש, ועליהם עשרה שרי־צבא ונשואי־פנים, אשר בהם היו יעקב בן סוֹסא (שושא, צובא) ושמעון בן כִתלא. וליוחנן, אשר כבש את הר־הבית, היו ששת אלפים אנשי־חיל ועליהם עשרים שלישים, וגם הקנאים התחברו אליו הפעם אחרי שבתם מריב ומספרם אלפים וארבע מאות ועליהם אלעזר, אשר עמד בראשם לראשונה, ושמעון בן ארי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בנוסחאות אחרות נקרא בן יאיר.</i>. ובעוד הם נלחמים ביניהם — כאשר ספרנו — היו אלה ואלה מפילים גורל על העם היושב בעיר, וכל האזרחים, אשר לא חֻבּרו אתם במעשי רשעתם, היו לבז לשתי המפלגות המריבות. בידי שמעון נמצאה העיר העליונה והחומה הגדולה עד קדרון, ומלבד אלה גם חלק החומה הישנה, אשר נטה לצד מזרח וירד אל חצר בית מונבז, הוא מלך ארץ חדיב מעבר לנהר. ובידיו היה גם המעין (השִּׁלח) וחלק חקרא (אקרה), היא העיר התחתונה, עם ארמון הילני אֵם מונבז. ויוחנן תפש את הר־הבית וחלק גדול מן הככר אשר מסביב ואת העֹפל ואת הנחל הנקרא קדרון. ואת המקום אשר בּיניהם בתוֶך שלחו באש, למען יהיה להם לשדֵה מלחמת־אחים. כי גם בעת אשר חנו הרומאים לפני חומת העיר לא שבתה המריבה מבית. רק למצער נרפאה משובת יוחנן ושמעון בהניחם לראשונה יחד משערי העיר על השונאים, אולם אחרי זאת שבו אל סורם ולבם חָלק כבתחלה; הם נלחמו איש באחיו וכלכלו את כל דבריהם לשמחת לב הצרים על העיר. כי הרעה, אשר מצאה אותם מידי הרומאים, לא היתה קשה מהצרות, אשר עוללו איש לאחיו בידיהם, ואחריהם לא יכלה עוד שואה להוסיף על נגעי העיר. כי נוראים היו האסונות, אשר קרו את ירושלים לפני בוא מפלתה [מכל אשר מצא אותה אחרי המפלה] וכובשיה הגדילו לעשות בנצחונם, לאמר: המריבה כבשׁה את העיר והרומאים כבשו את המריבה, אשר היתה חזקה הרבה יותר מחֹסן חומותיה הבצורות. ובאמת נאה לנו לתלות את כל הנוראות ביהודים ולראות במעשי הרומאים משפט צדק; אולם כל איש ישים אל לבו את המעשים ויחרץ משפטו!",
+                    "ב. אלה היו הליכות ירושלים בימים ההם. וטיטוס סבב בראש רוכבים בחורים את חומת העיר מחוץ ותר לו מקום, אשר ממנו ישתער על החומה. אולם בכל אשר הביט לא מצא חפץ, כי מעבר הנחלים לא נמצאה כל דרך אל העיר, ומן העבר השני נראתה לעיניו החומה הראשונה החזקה מאד והוא פחד, פן תִּשׂגב מפני כל מכונות־הרעש. ועל־כן יעץ להתנפל על העיר אצל מצבת־הזכרון ליוחנן הכהן הגדול, כי במקום הזה היתה המצודה הראשונה שפלה יותר והחומה השניה לא התלכדה בה, יען אשר לא שמו אנשי ירושלים את לבם לבצר את העיר החדשה גם במקומות אשר לא רב מספר יושביהם. ומשם היה נקל לצרים להבקיע אל החומה השלישית. בדרך הזאת אמר טיטוס בלבו ללכוד את העיר העליונה ואת הר־הבית יחד. ובעת אשר תר את החומה מסביב נפצע אחד מאוהביו ושמו נקנור בשכמו השמאלית, כי הוא נגש יחד עם יוסף קרוב אל החומה ונסה לדַבּר שלום אל העומדים עליה למעלה, אשר היה מיֻדָּעם מכבר. בדבר הזה הכיר הקיסר לדעת את חרון־אף היהודים, אשר לא עצרו כח לאסוף את ידיהם גם מדורשי שלומם הבאים להצילם, ובזה התעורר עוד יותר לעבוד במלאכת המצור ושלח את הלגיונות אשר לו להחריב את כל המקום אשר לפני העיר, וגם צוה עליהם לאסוף את כל העצים הדרושים לשפוך הסוללות. הוא פקד את צבאו בשלש שורות, למלא את העבודה, ובין הסוללות בתוֶך הציג את היורים ורובי־הקשת, ולפניהם את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי־הרמחים (הקטפולטות) ואת מכונות רומי־האבנים (הבליסטראות), לעצור בעד האויבים מהגיח על עושי המלאכה ולגרש מעל החומה את האנשים, אשר יבקשו לעמוד להם לשטן. חיש מהר נחטבו העצים וכל המקום לפני חומת־העיר נהפך לשממה. ובעת אשר אספו הרומאים את כל הדברים הדרושים לשפך הסוללות וכל הצבא יגע בעבודה הזאת, לא ישבו היהודים בחבוק ידים. עַם העיר, אשר סבל את הַשֹּׁד והרצח לבלי הרף, החליף הפעם כח, כי קוד, לשאוף רוח מהיום והלאה, כאשר יהיו המורדים טרודים במלחמה מחוץ, וגם האמין, אשר יוכל לקחת שפטים בחַיָּבים (עושי התועבות) לעת אשר תהיה יד הרומאים על העליונה.",
+                    "ג. ואנשי יוחנן האיצו בו לצאת בראשם למלחמה עם האויבים מחוץ לשערי העיר, אבל הוא שקט תחתיו, כי ירא את שמעון. לעֻמת־זאת לא חבק שמעון את ידיו, כי הוא היה קרוב יותר אל הצרים. הוא הציג על החומה את מכונות־הקלע, אשר גזלו היהודים לפנים מידי צסטיוס ומידי מצב אנטוניה, שנפל בידם, אולם בידי רֹב היהודים היו המכונות לבלי הועיל, כי לא נִסּוּ בהן. רק מתי־מספר למדו את הדבר מפי הבורחים (הרומאים), אשר נפלו אליהם, ואם גם לא היטיבו לירות מכלי־הקלע. לעֻמת־זאת המטירו על הרומאים אבנים וחצים וגם הגיחו אליהם בגדוד והתגרו אתם מלחמה מקרוב. ולאנשי המלאכה (הרומאים) היתה מקלעת הענפים הפרושה על מצודתם (משוכתם) למחסה, וכלי־הקלע עצרו בעד האויבים המגיחים אליהם. כי לכל הלגיונות היו כלי־קלע נפלאים, וביותר ללגיון העשירי נמצאו כלי־קלע מהירים ומזיקים מאד ובליסטראות גדולות, ולא לבד את הפורצים מן העיר הניסו המכונות האלה, כי־אם גם את העומדים על החומה, כי משקל האבנים אשר פלטו המכונות היה ככר, והן היו עפות במרחק שני ריסים ויותר, ולא רק הנפגעים על־ידן לא עצרו כח לשאת את כֹּבד נפילתם, כי־אם גם העומדים מאחוריהם. לראשונה נִסּוֹ היהודים להזהר מפני אבני־הבליסטראות, כי היו לבנות, ולא שאונן בלבד בִּשֵּׂר את בואן, כי־אם גם מרחוק נִכּרו בצבען הנוצץ. וצופים היו ליהודים, אשר עמדו בראשי המגדלים וגלו להט את הדבר מדי פעם כאשר פערה המכונה את פיה והאבן הגיחה ממנה, בקראם אליהם בלשון עמם: ״הבֵּן (בן הקלע)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא בהוצאת ניזה: υίός — ואפשר כי זה לשון ערומים; בהוצאה הישנה פשוט ίός — לאמר: החֵץ או האבן השלוחה.</i> הולך!״ אז נפוצו היהודים, אשר אליהם כוננה אבן־הקלע, והשתוחחו לארץ, וכאשר נשמרו לנפשותיהם נפלה האבן ביניהם ולא נגעה בהם. ואחרי־כן התנַכּלו הרומאים להשחיר את האבנים השלוחות, ויען אשר לא נראו עוד האבנים מרחוק כבראשונה, הצליחו הרומאים בקלעם ובמכה אחת המיתו אנשים רבים. אולם היהודים לא שמו את לבם לפגעים הרעים ולא נתנו לרומאים לשפוך את הסוללה במנוחה, כי עמדו על נפשם בתחבולה ובאֹמץ־לב ועצרו בעד מעשי השונאים בלילה וביום.",
+                    "ד. כאשר כלתה מלאכת הסוללות, מדדו הבונים הרומאים את המרחק ביניהן ובין החומה בפתיל פשתים עם משקֹלת עופרת, אשר השליכו מראשי הסוללות מהם והלאה, כי לא מצאו להם עצה אחרת נגד המורים עליהם מראש החומה, ובראותם, כי מעתה יהיה לאל־יד מכונות־הרעש (הכרים, אילי הברזל) להשיג את חומות העיר, הגישו את כלי־המלחמה האלה. וטיטוס הקריב את מכונות־הקלע אל חומת העיר, למען אשר לא יכשילו היהודים העומדים למעלה את הכרים, וצוה לנגח את החומה. פתאם נשמע קול רעש גדול, כי חומת ירושלים נֻגחה בשלשה מקומות, ולקול הרעש צללו אזני יושבי העיר וצעקה גדולה היתה בחוצותיה, וחלחלה אחזה את המורדים אנשי־המלחמה בראותם, כי רעה נגד פני כֻלּם, ועל־כן גמרו בנפשם להתחַבּר יחדו ולעמוד על נפשם. האנשים, אשר היו עד־עתה כאויבים, קראו איש אל אחיו: ״הן כל מעשינו עד היום הזה היו כנפש שונאינו, וגם אם לא יתן האלהים עצת שלום בינינו לאֹרך ימים, עלינו לעזוב דרכי קנאת אחים ולצאת יד־אחת למלחמה על הרומאים״. ושמעון הודיע את האנשים אשר בהר־הבית, כי יתן להם לעלות לבטח על החומה, ויוחנן מִלא את ידי אנשיו לעשות את הדבר, אף כי לא האמין לדברי שמעון. ואנשי־המלחמה אשר בעיר שכחו את שנאתם ואת מריבתם והיו לבשר אחד ועלו על החומה והשליכו מעליה לפידי אש רבים על המכונות וירו מבלי הרף על מניעי הכרים. ומרי־הנפש אשר בהם הגיחו גדודים גדודים משערי העיר וקרעו את הצפוי הסוכך על מכונות־המלחמה והתנפלו על אנשי־הצבא העומדים תחתיו, ואף כי לא היו מלֻמדי מלחמה, התגברו עליהם בעזוז רוחם. אך טיטוס מִהר כפעם בפעם לעזרת אנשיו הנמצאים בצרה והעמיד לשני עברי המכונות את הרוכבים והרובים להבריח את היהודים עם לפידיהם, וגם השיב אחור את היהודים המורים מעל החומה. ואחרי זאת צוה לחַזק את עבודת הכרים, אולם חומת העיר לא הזדעזעה מהֹלם הכרים. רק האיל אשר ללגיון החמשה־עשר העתיק מעט פנת מגדל אחד, אך לחומה בעצמה לא קרה כל רע, כי לא נפגעה מיד יחד עם המגדל, אשר היה בולט הרבה ולא עצר להרעיש עמו על־נקלה את חלק החומה הסובבת.",
+                    "ה. זמן קצר ישבו היהודים במנוחה ולא הגיחו מן העיר, ופעם אחת הכירו, כי נפוצו הרומאים למלאכתם בקרב מחנם, בחשבם כי נסוגו היהודים מפניהם, באשר כשל כחם ופחד נפל עליהם, — ולמראה הדבר הזה פרצו המורדים בהמון רב מתוך מגדל הִפִּיקוֹס דרך השער הנעלם ושלחו באש את בניני הרומאים וגם העפילו להבקיע עד מצודות מחנם. לקול צעקת היהודים מהרו הרומאים הקרובים להתיצב במערכה והנמצאים מרחוק נהרו לעזרתם. אולם המורדים התחזקו באֹמץ לבם על טכסיסי הרומאים והצליחו להניס את העומדים במערכה, אשר פגעו בהם לראשונה, ויחד אתם גם את הנאספים לעזרתם. ומלחמה נוראה פרצה מסביב למכונות־המלחמה, כי היהודים בקשו לשרפן והרומאים התאמצו לסַכּל את עצתם. וצעקת הנלחמים הפרועה עלתה השמימה, ורבים מהעומדים ראשונים במערכה נפלו חללים. אולם היהודים נלחמו כנואשים וידם היתה על העליונה ואש נגעה במצודות הרומאים וכמעט עלו כֻלּן על המוקד עם המכונות יחדו, לולא עמדו על נפשם רבים מפקודי אלכסנדריה בשארית גבורה, כאשר לא קוו מראש, וקנו להם שם תפארה בקרב הזה, ובזה נתנו זמן לקיסר לאסוף את גבורי הרוכבים ולהתנפל על האויבים. הוא המית בידו שנים־עשר מחלוצי היהודים, ולמראה הנגף הזה פנה ההמון הנשאר עֹרף, והקיסר רדף אחריו ולחץ את היהודים אל תוך העיר והציל את בניני הרומאים מאש. וגם אחד היהודים נתפש חי במלחמה הזאת, וטיטוס צוה להוקיע אותו על צלב לפני החומה, למען יראו הנשארים וייראו ויכנעו לפניו. ואחרי אשר נסוגו היהודים אחור נפגע גם יוחנן ראש האדומים, בדבּרו עם אחד ממכיריו מאנשי־הצבא לפני החומה, כי אחד הערבים ירה בו חץ והמיתהו מיד, ואסון גדול היה ליהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאות הישנות, ואצל ניזה: לאדומים.</i> ואֵבל כבד למורדים במותו, כי היה איש גבור־חיל בזרוע ימינו וגם נשוא־פנים בתבונתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחד המגדלים הבנוים בידי הרומאים נבקע ונפל תחתיו. הרומאים כבשו את החומה הראשונה ועשו מטבח גדול. טיטוס השתער על ההומה השניה. מעשי לָנְגִּינוּס הרומאי וקַסְטוֹר היהודי.</small><br><br>א. בלילה ההוא קמה פתאם מהומה גדולה במחנה הרומאים. כי טיטוס צוה לבנות שלשה מגדלים, חמשים אמה האחד, להציג על כל אחת הסוללות ולהניס מראשם את היהודים, ופתאם נהרס אחד המגדלים בעצם הלילה ולקול הנפץ הגדול נפלה חרדה על כל המחנה, והרומאים חשבו, כי האויבים השתערו עליהם, וכל אחד רץ לחגור את כלי־נשקו. ומהומה קמה בקרב הלגיונות ומבוכה, כי איש לא ידע להגיד את שרש הדבר, ובזה גדלה עוד מצוקת האנשים, וכאשר לא ראו את האויב לעיניהם, יראו איש את אחיו, וכל אחד שאל בבהלה את חברו העומד על ימינו לאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האות הסודי, המשמש לאנשי־הצבא להכיר איש את משנהו.</i> הצבא, כאלו הבקיעו היהודים אל המחנה. הם היו כאנשים אשר נפלה עליהם מחִתּת אלהים, עד אשר חקר טיטוס את המעשה וצוה להודיע את הדבר בכל המחנה, ואחרי עמל רב שבתו הרומאים ממהומתם.",
+                    "ב. והיהודים עמדו על נפשם בכח ועֹז, אולם מגדלי הרומאים הביאו עליהם רעות רבות, כי היו למפגע למכונות־הקרָב, אשר הוקמו בראשי המגדלים, וגם למטילי־החניתות ורובי־הקשת ורומי־האבנים. והיהודים לא יכלו להשיב מלחמה לשונאיהם, המגביהים לשבת מהם, וגם לא מצאו עצה ללכוד את המגדלים, כי נבצר מהם להפוך אותם מפני כֹבד משאם, וגם לא יכלו לשלח אותם באש, כי היו מצֻפּים ברזל, וכאשר נסוגו היהודים רחוק ממטחוי קשת, לא היה לאל־ידם לעצור את מהלֻמות הכרים, אשר נגחו את החומה בלי הרף ומעט מעט השלימו את חפצם. כבר הזדעזעה החומה מפני הנִיקוֹן — בשם הזה קראו היהודים בעצמם למכונת־הרעש הגדולה אשר לרומאים, כי היתה נוצחת בכל מקום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוראת השרש ״ניק״ ביונית נצחון. ניקון הוא בינוני (המנצח). המלה הזאת נמצאת גם במשנה (כלים).</i>, והנצורים עיפו זה מזמן מכֹּבד הקרבות התכופים ולילות הנדודים אשר עמדו על המשמר רחוק מחלקי העיר הנושבים. וגם קלוּת דעתם עמדה להם לסַכּל את כל עצתם, עד כי חשבו למותר לשמור על החומה הראשונה, כי בטחו בשתי החומות הנשארות, על־כן הרפו רבים את ידיהם ונסוגו אחור. וכאשר עלו הרומאים בפרץ החומה, אשר הבקיע הניקון, עזבו כל היהודים את משמרותיהם וברחו אל החומה השניה. והרומאים באו מבית לחומה ופתחו את השערים והביאו שמה את כל הצבא. ככה כבשו הרומאים את החומה הראשונה לקץ חמשה־עשר יום (למצור ירושלים) בשביעי לחֹדש אַרְטֶמִיסִיּוֹס (אִיָּר), והרסו חלק גדול ממנה והחריבו את צפון העיר, כמעשה צסטיוס לפנים.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס העביר את צבאו אל המקום הנקרא, בשם ״מחנה האשורים״, אחרי כבשו את כל הככר עד נחל קדרון וקרב במטחוי קשת אל החומה השניה להשתער עליה במהרה. היהודים נפרדו לשני ראשים והגֵנו על החומה ביד חזקה. אנשי יוחנן נלחמו בהם מן הבירה (אנטוניה) ומאולם הצפון אשר להר־הבית ולפני מצבת המלך אלכסנדרוס, וחיל שמעון התיצב במבוא העיר על־יד מצבת יוחנן הגדול וסכך על החומה עד השער, אשר משם באו המים אל מגדל הִפּיקוס. כפעם בפעם הגיחו מן השערים והתראו פנים עם האויבים, וכאשר נהדפו אחור, הוסיפו להלחם אִתּם מעל החומה. אמנם בהתנגחם עם הרומאים כשלו לפניהם, כי לא ידעו את טכסיסי מלחמתם, אולם בהלחמם אִתּם מעל החומה היתה ידם על העליונה, הרומאים נאזרו בגבורה ובדעת הקרָב והיהודים התחזקו בעֹז נפשם, אשר גדל עוד מפני הפחד, וגם כֹּח סבלם עמד להם. כי היהודים קוו להנצל והרומאים להחיש את נצחונם. אלה ואלה לא עיפו ולא יגעו, וכל היום השתערו הרומאים על החומה, והקרבות על־יד שעריה נמשכו בלי־הרף, ולא נשארה צורת מלחמה אשר לא נִּסּוּ בה. ורק בקשׁי השבית הלילה את המלחמה, אשר החלה לאור השחר, אולם כל לילה היה ליל נדודים ללוחמים משני העברים וקשה היה להם מאור היום, כי היהודים יראו, פן תפול החומה בידי אויביהם והרומאים — פן ישתערו היהודים על מחנם. על־כן לא פרקו מעליהם את נשקם כל הלילה והיו נכונים למלחמה לעת עלות עמוּד השחר. והיהודים התחרו איש באחיו לחרף את נפשם, למען הפיק את רצון שרי צבאותיהם, וביותר היה כבוד שמעון ומוראו על פניהם, כי כל אחד מפקודיו נקשר בו בכל לב, עד אשר היה מוכן לשלוח יד בנפשו לעת יצוהו. והרומאים גם הם גברו חילים, כי ידעו אשר הנצחון ירֻשה להם ולא הסכינו להנגף לפני אויביהם. גם מלאכת המלחמה כל הימים ושנוני הקרב מבלי הרף וגאות גֹדל ממשלתם הוסיפו להם עָצמה, ויותר מאלה חִזק טיטוס את ידם, כי תמיד היו עיניו צופות את הכל בכל מקום. ונורא היה בעיני אנשי־הצבא להראות אותות מֹרך־לב במעמד הקיסר, ההולך אִתּם יחד בקרב, בדעתם, כי עֵד־ראיה למעשה הלוחם המשכיל הוא הפעם האיש, אשר ישלם לו כגמול ידיו, וגדול יהיה שכר האיש, אשר יכיר בו הקיסר, כי הוא גבור־חיל. על־כן התנדבו רבים להפליא גבורה נשגבה מכחותיהם. בימים ההם ערכו היהודים פעם מערכה בחיל רב לעֻמת הרומאים לפני החומה, ובעוד אשר נלחמו שתי המערכות ממרחק קפץ לָנְגִּינוּס, אחד מרוכבי הרומאים, על סוסו לתוך שורות היהודים והתנפל עליהם והפיצם והמית שנים מגבוריהם, את האחד הכה בפניו, כאשר התיצב לקראתו, ואחרי־כן שלף את חנית האיש הזה והכה את השני בצלעו, בהפנותו עֹרף לפניו, ואחרי־כן שב במרוצה מתוך מערכת האויבים אל אנשיו, מבלי אשר נפצע בבשרו. האיש הזה קנה לו שם בגבורים ורבים קנאו במעשה גבורתו והתאוו אף הם לעשות כמוהו. גם היהודים לא שמו לב לפגעיהם וכל מחשבותיהם היו רק להשחית באויביהם, וקל היה המות בעיניהם, אם נפלו חללים אחרי המיתם אחד משונאיהם. ובעיני טיטוס לא היה שלום אנשי־צבאו קל מהנצחון ולמעשה המעפיל להלחם בלי ישוב־הדעת קרא בשם שגעון. הוא חשב, כי הגבורה הנכונה קשורה בתבונת האדם הנזהר, כי לא יקרהו אסון, ועל־כן צוה לאנשיו להראות את אותות גבורתם מבלי לסַכּן את עצמם.",
+                    "ד. טיטוס הקריב את מכונת־הרעש אל המגדל התיכון אשר לחומה הצפונית, ושם ישב במארב נוכל אחד מקרב היהודים ושמו קַסְטוֹר עם עשרה אנשים דומים לו במדותיהם, ויתר השומרים ברחו מפני רובי־הקשתות. זמן־מה רבצו קסטור וחבריו תחת חסות צנת המגדל, אך כאשר התנועע המגדל, קמו ועמדו תחתיהם, כל איש במקומו, וקסטור פרשׂ בידיו כמבקש רחמים וקרא בשם הקיסר וחִלה את פניו בקול תחנונים לחמול עליו ועל חבריו. בתם לבו האמין טיטוס לדברים האלה וחשב, כי החלו היהודים להנחם על מעשיהם, וצוה להפסיק את תנופת האיל וגם הזהיר את אנשיו מירות על המתחננים, ואל קסטור קרא לדבּר ככל אשר עם לבו. קסטור ענהו, כי הוא רוצה לרדת אליו בברית שלום, ועל הדבר הזה השיב טיטוס, כי מחשבתו הטובה מוצאה חן בעיניו, וגם ישמח מאד, אם יעשו כל היהודים כמעשהו, והוא נכון לתת את בריתו שלום לעיר ומעשרת האנשים אשד עם קסטור התחפשו חמשה כאִלו הסכימו עמו בעצתו ובקשו גם הם רחמים, והנשארים צעקו בקול, כי לא יהיו לעבדים לרומאים כל עוד יש לאֵל־ידם למות מות בני־חורין. זמן ממֻשך רבו אלה עם אלה, וכל העת שבתו הרומאים מרעש החומה. וקסטור שלח אל שמעון להודיעהו, כי יוכל להִוָּעץ במנוחה בדבר אשר עליו לעשות נגד השונאים ההורסים אל העיר, כי עוד זמן רב יעצור לסובב בכחש את מפַקד הרומאים. ובעוד הוא שולח את הצירים שם לו כסות־עינים, כאִלו הוא מדַבּר על לב האנשים המַמרים את קולו לכרות ברית, והם התחפשו כאלו אינם אובים לשמוע לו, והרימו את חרבותיהם השלופות מעל לצנת המגדל ושלחו אותן בשריונותיהם, כאלו הם שוחטים את עצמם. תמהון הכה את לב טיטוס והעומדים עליו למראה קשי־לב האנשים: הם לא יכלו לראות מלמטה את הדברים הנעשים לאשורם, ועל־כן התפלאו מאד לאֹמץ־רוח האנשים ונדו לשברם. בין כה וכה ירה אחד האנשים בקסטור בחטמו, והוא מהר להוציא את החץ ולהראותו לטיטוס והתאונן על העוֶל אשר נעשה לו. הקיסר התאנף ברובה החץ ושלח את יוסף הנמצא עמו יחד לתת את ימינו לקסטור. אך יוסף אמר, כי לא יוכל ללכת שמה, בדעתו, כי אין נכונה בפי המתחננים, וגם עצר בעד אוהביו, אשר מלאם רוחם לעלות אל קסטור. ואחד הבורחים אשר נפלו אל הרומאים, ושמו אַיְנֶיַּס, הודיע, כי הוא נכון לעשות את הדבר, וכאשר קרא אליו קסטור, כי יקח אחד הרומאים גם את צרור כספו, מהר אַיְנֶיַּס לעלות על המגדל ולפרוש את כנף בגדו. אולם קסטור הרים אבן ורמה בו, ואמנם לא פגע באיש הזה, כי נשמר לנפשו [ונטה הצדה], אולם פצע את אחד אנשי־הצבא, אשר נגש שמה. כראות הקיסר את המִרמה הזאת, הבין, אשר חמלתו על האויב תהיה לו למחִתּה, כי רק איש קשה־לב לא יפול על־נקלה בפח ערומים. הוא כעס על אשר נלכד בערמה וצוה לחַזּק את תנופת מכונות־הרעש. וכאשר רעש המגדל תחתיו, שלחו אותו אנשי קסטור באש, ומתוך האש קפצו אל אחת המנהרות אשר מתחתם ובזה התעו את הרומאים להשתומם עוד הפעם למעשה גבורתם, כי חשבו, אשר השליכו האנשים את עצמם אל תוך האש."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרומאים כבשו את החומה השניה ושמו את פניהם לכבוש את החומה השלישית.</small><br><br>א. בזה כבש הקיסר את החומה [השניה] ביום החמישי אחרי כבשו את הראשונה, וכאשר ברחו היהודים מפניו, פרץ שמה, עם אלף חמושים ועם בחורי הצבא העומדים עליו, במקום, אשר נמצאו שם חנֻיות הצמר ובתי מלאכת הנפחים ושוק הבגדים אשר לעיר החדשה, והרחובות נטו באלכסון אל החומה. ואני חושב, אשר אִלו מִהר טיטוס להרוס את רֹב החומה הזאת, או החריב בכל חֹמר חֻקי המלחמה את העיר הנכבשה, כי אז לא התערב נזק בנצחונו. אולם הוא אמר בלבו, כי יבושו היהודים, בראותם, אשר הוא יכול לגמול להם רעה ולא עשה זאת, ועל־כן לא הרחיב את פרץ החומה, עד אשר יהיה נקל לו להסוג אחור [בעת הצֹרך], ובבואו אל תוך העיר נתן פקֻדה לאנשי־צבאו, לבל ימיתו איש מהתפושים ולא יציתו את הבתים באש, וגם הבטיח את המורדים, כי יתן להם לצאת במנוחה מן העיר ולהלחם בו כטוב בעיניהם, למען אשר לא יבֻלע לעם ירושלים, ואת יושבי העיר — כי ישיב להם את נחלתם ורכושם. כי יקר היה בעיניו מאד להציל את העיר למענו ואת בית־המקדש למען העיר. אמנם את לב העם מצא נכון למצותיו מני אז, אולם בעיני אנשי־המלחמה [שבין היהודים] נדמתה חבּת־הבריות אשר לו לאות חסרון־כח, והם חשבו, כי טיטוס פונה אליהם בדברים האלה, באשר קצרה ידו לכבוש את שארית העיר. הם אִיְּמו על אנשי ירושלים בעֹנש מות, אם יבטאו בשפתיהם למסור את עירם, וגם שחטו את כל האנשים, אשר הרימו קולם לדרוש שלום, ואחרי־כן השתערו על הרומאים הבאים אל העיר, אלה יצאו לקראתם ברחובות ואלה נלחמו בהם מן הבתים, ואלה הגיחו מן השערים אשר ממעל ויצאו מחוץ לחומה, ושומרי החומה [הרומאים] נבעתו מפניהם וקפצו מעל המגדלים וברחו אל המחנות. והרומאים הנמצאים מבית לחומה צעקו צעקה גדולה, כי מכל עברים שתו עליהם היהודים, וגם העומדים מחוץ צעקו בקול, כי דאגו לאחיהם הנלכדים. ומספר היהודים גדל מרגע לרגע, ודעתם את הרחובות הרבתה להועיל להם, ועל־כן פצעו רבים מן הרומאים והדפום מתוך החומה. והרומאים נאלצו להשאר על עמדם זמן רב, כי נבצר מהם להִמָּלט בהמון דרך הפרץ הצר, וכמעט נפלו כל הבאים אל העיר בחרב, לולא החיש להם טיטוס עזרה. כי הוא העמיד בראשי הרחובות את דורכי־הקשתות והתיצב בעצמו במקום אשר נדחקו בו הרבים והשקיט את השונאים בחצים. ויחד עמו היה דוֹמִיטִיּוּס סַבִּינוּס, איש־חיל, אשר הראה את גבורתו גם במלחמה הזאת. הקיסר נשאר במקום ההוא ולא חדל להמטיר חצים ולעצור בעד היהודים, עד תֹּם כל אנשי־הצבא לצאת [מן המצר].",
+                    "ב. ככה גֹרשו הרומאים מן החומה השניה אחרי אשר לכדו אותה. ואנשי־המלחמה אשר בעיר לבשו גאוה וברום לבבם על החיל אשר עשו האמינו, כי לא יהינו עוד הרומאים לעלות על העיר, וגם אם יעלו עליהם למלחמה, לא יִנָּגפו הם (היהודים) לפניהם לעולם. האלהים התעה את רוח בינתם על כל תועבותיהם, ועל־כן טחו עיניהם מראות, כי חיל הרומאים הוא גדול לאין־ערך מההמון אשר גרשו מן העיר, וגם לא שמו לבם לרעב המתרגש עליהם. אמנם הם יכלו עוד לשׂבוע משֹׁד בני העיר ולשתות לרויה את דם יושבי ירושלים; אולם האנשים הטובים (אוהבי השלום) היו זה מכבר במצוק, ורבים גועו ממחסור־מזון. אך באבדן העם ראו המורדים רֶוַח והצלה לנפשם, בחשבם כי המשפט למצֹא ישועה (להשאר בחיים) הוא רק לשונאי השלום, אשר קבלו עליהם לחיות לרעת הרומאים, אולם ההמון הרב, אשר לא בחר בדרכי אלה, נחשב בעיניהם לנטל כבד, והם שמחו בראותם אותו פוחת והולך. אלה היו הליכותיהם עם היושבים בקֶרב העיר. וכאשר נסו הרומאים עוד הפעם לבוא בקרב העיר, הזדַינו המורדים וסוככו בבשרם על פרץ החומה ושלשה ימים נלחמו ביד חזקה ברומאים ולא נתנו להם לעבור, וביום הרביעי השתער עליהם טיטוס ביתר עֹז ולא יכלו לעמוד בפניו; הם נגפו במקום אשר היתה שם תבוסתם לראשונה ונמלטו משם. וטיטוס כבש עוד הפעם את החומה [השניה] וצוה מיד להרוס את כל חלקה ברוח הצפון, ועל המגדלים אשר בצלע החומה מנגב העמיד צופים וחשב מחשבות לעלות על החומה השלישית."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס הרפה מעט מעבודת המצור, ובראותו כי לא נפל רוח היהודים, חִזק את המצור מחדש ושלח את יוסף לדַבּר שלום אל אחיו.</small><br><br>א. טיטוס גמר להִנפש מעט מעבודת המצור ולתת בזה זמן למורדים להשיב את הדבר אל לבם, אולי יכנעו מפניו בראותם את הריסות החומה השניה או ביראתם מפני הרעב — באשר לא יספיק החמס את צרכיהם לאֹרך ימים. בזמן המרגוע הזה מצא טיטוס חפץ, כי הגיע יום השִׁלום, אשר בו היה חק לרומאים לשקול על־ידי אנשי־הצבא את משכֻּרתם. הוא צוה על שרי החַיָּלים לסדר את הצבא במקום נשקף לעיני האויבים ולתת לכל אחד את מכסת הכסף. ואנשי־הצבא עברו כחֹק עם חרבות שלופות מנדניהן וחמושים בכל כלי־נשקם, והרוכבים הוליכו את סוסיהם הערוכים למלחמה. והככר אשר לפני העיר הבריק למרחוק מנֹגה הכסף והזהב [של כלי־הנשק], ולא היה כמראה הזה מחזה־שעשועים לרומאים [לשַׂמח את לבם] וחזון אימה לאויבים. כל החומה הישנה ורוח הצפון אשר להר־הבית כֻּסו אנשים, אשר נהרו לראות במחזה. ומרחוק נראה, כי כל הבתים היו מלאים אנשים נטויי גרון, ונדמה, כי לא נמצא מקום בעיר, אשר לא כסו אותו המונות אדם. מחִתּה נוראה נפלה גם על אבירי־הלב למראה החיל הגדול הזה וברַק נשקו והדרת מערכותיו. ואני חושב, כי גם המורדים נִחמו על מעשיהם למחזה הזה, לולא זכרו את הרעה הגדולה, אשר הביאו על העם, ונואשו מתקותם לקבל חנינה מאת הרומאים. הם ידעו, כי ימותו מות נבלים, כאשר יכנעו תחת הרומאים, וחשבו, כי ייטב להם הרבה המות במלחמה. וכה נגזרה גזרה, כי יסופו הצדיקים עם הרשעים, והעיר תחרב עם המורדים יחדו.",
+                    "ב. בארבעה ימים כלו הרומאים לשלם לאנשי־הצבא אשר בכל לגיון ולגיון את משׂכֻּרתם, וביום החמישי ראה טיטוס, כי אין איש יוצא אליו מהיהודים לדַבּר שלום, וחצה את צבאו והחל לשפוך סוללות על הבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) ועל מצבת יוחנן [הכהן הגדול], כי מצד המצבה הזאת חשב לכבוש את העיר העליונה, ומצד הבירה את הר־הבית, — וכל עוד לא נפל הר־הבית בידו לא יכול להשתרר על העיר לבטח. בכל אחד משני המקומות האלה נשפכו שתי סוללות, אחת לכל לגיון. האדומים ואנשי־המלחמה, פקודי שמעון [בן גיורא], הגיחו מן העיר להשיב אחור את ידי עושי המלאכה על־יד המצבה, ואת העובדים על־יד הבירה עצרו אנשי יוחנן והמון הקנאים. ולא בקלע־היד לבד הפליאו להעזר ממרום שבתם, כי־אם גם במכונות־המלחמה קשתה ידם על הרומאים, יען כבר למדו ידיהם לעבוד עבודתן, כי בעשותם בהן יום־יום קנו להם נסיון. שלש מאות כלי־קלע מהירים וארבעים בליסטראות (רומי־אבנים) היו להם, ובאלה הכשילו את כֹּח הרומאים בשפכם את הסוללות. וטיטוס ידע, כי ישועת העיר תהיה לו לברכה וחרבּנה יהיה לו לקללה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״וטיטוס ידע, כי העיר תנצל או תחרב לעצמו״.</i>, ובעוד הוא מחזק את עבודת המצור לא שב ממחשבתו לדבּר על לב היהודים, כי יקחו מוסר, ואל מעשיו צרף גם עצה טובה, ובדעתו, כי יש אשר הדבר [הנכנס אל הלב] מפליא לעשות מן החרב, פנה אל הלוחמים להסגיר בידו את העיר, אשר כבר נכבשה כמעט, וגם שלח את יוסף לדבר אתם בשפת אבותיהם, אולי יטו אזנם לדברי אחיהם בן־עמם.",
+                    "ג. יוסף סבב את החומה ותר לו מקום, אשר יִשָּׁמע ממנו קולו ולא ישיגהו שם חץ שלוח, והרבה לדַבּר תחנונים אל יושבי העיר לאמר: ״חוסו על נפשותיכם ועל נפשות אחיכם, חוסו על עיר אבותיכם ועל מקדשכם, ואל תהיו קשים ורעים להם מהנכרים (האויבים). הן אין לרומאים חלק ונחלה ביניכם, ובכל־זאת הם מכבדים את מקדשי שונאיהם, ועד היום הזה לא שלחו בהם את ידיהם לרע, ורק אתם לבדכם, אתם שתילי המקומות הקדושים האלה, נושאים את נפשכם להחריבם, וגם אם תעמוד להם הצלה [לא מידכם תבוא]. הן עיניכם רואות, כי חומותיכם הגדולות והבצורות כבר נפלו, והחומה הזאת הנשארה היא רפה ודלה מהנכבשות. שימו אל לבכם, כי אין לעמוד בפני עזוז הרומאים, והן כבר משכתם בעֻלם מתמול־שלשום. אם גם טוב ויפה להִלחם בעד החֵרות — הנה הדבר הזה הוא נאה לכתחלה. אולם מי שכרע פעם אחת ונכנע זמן רב, ואחרי־כן הוא מנסה לפרק את העֹל מעל צואריו, עושה מעשה־מי שמתהפך בחבלי מות ולא מעשה אוהב החרות. אמנם יאות לנַבּל כבוד אדונים רפי־ידים, אבל לא להרים יד במושלים, אשר כל העולם עובד להם. היש ארץ בעולם, אשר נמלטה משבט הרומאים, מלבד מקומות השרב או הקרח, אשר אין בהם חפץ? בכל מקום עבר המזל אליהם (תפשו את השלטון) והאלהים השׂם חליפות לממשלות העמים עוזר עתה לשליטי איטליה. גם לחית הארץ וגם לבני־האדם נתן חֹק ולא יעבור, כי עליהם להכנע בפני התקיפים מהם והשליט בקרבם הוא אשר לו עצם הנשק. על־כן נכנעו גם אבותינו לפני הרומאים, אף כי היו גדולים וטובים ממנו ברוחם ובכח גופם ובכל חֹסן, ולולא ידעו, כי האלהים עוזר לרומאים, כי אז לא עשו כדבר הזה, ואתם אומרים להתחזק ולעמוד בפני הרומאים ובמה תשימו מבטחכם? הן כבר נלכדה העיר ברֻבּהּ, ואם גם נשאר עוד חלק החומה לעומדים מבית, הן מצבם קשה ממצב שבויי־מלחמה. כי לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים דבַר הרעב אשר בעיר, האוכל עתה את בשר העם, ולא יארכו הימים והוא יגע גם עד נפש אנשי־המלחמה. והלא אם יחדלו הרומאים להרעיש את חומת העיר ולא ישתערו עליכם בחרבות שלופות, הנה אויב נורא רובץ בקרבכם מבית, אשר לא תוכלו לו במלחמה, והוא הולך הלוך ועצום משעה לשעה. האמנם תקחו חרב בידכם להלחם גם ברעב, ורק אתם לבדכם מכל בני־האדם תעצרו כח לכבוש את זלעפותיו? מה טוב יהיה לכם בהנחמכם על מעשיכם עד אשר לא יבוא קץ האסון, ותבקשו ישועה כל עוד יש לאֵל־ידכם להשיגנה. כי לא יזכרו לכם הרומאים את מעשיכם הראשונים, אם לא תקשו את לבבכם עד הקץ, כי מתכונתם הם מתונים בנצחונם ודרכם לכבוש את כעסם בפני תועלתם. הן לא יהיה להם הדבר לתועלת בכבשם עיר ריקה מאדם וארץ שאיה, ועל־כן רוצה הקיסר לתת לכם את בריתו שׁלום. אולם לא יציל ממות נפש־אדם, אם יכבוש את העיר בחֹזק־יד, ועל כֹּל יקשיח את רחמיו מהאנשים, אשר לא הטו אֹזן לקולו בדברו טוב אליהם בעת צרתם הגדולה. הלא מפלת שתי החומות הראשונות היא ערֻבּה נאמנה, כי בעוד זמן מצער תִּכָּבש גם החומה השלישית, ואף אם לא יצליח כל כלי־משחית לערער את מבצרכם, הנה הרעב ילחם בכם לרומאים.״",
+                    "ד. בעוד יוסף מדַבּר את דברי התוכחות האלה התלו בו רבים מהעומדים על החומה ורבים שפכו עליו חרפות ובוז ואחדים ירו בו. כאשר ראה יוסף, כי לא הטה את לב האנשים בדברי העצה הנכוחים, פנה להזכיר להם את דברי ימי אבותיהם ונשא את קולו ואמר: ״הוי בנים אמללים, אשר שכחתם מאין תבוא עזרתכם, האם בחרב ובזרוע תלחמו עם הרומאים? מי הוא האויב, אשר נצחנו אותו בדרך הזאת? האם לא האלהים בורא היהודים הוא שעשה בכל עת שפטים בעושקיהם? ואיך לא תסבו את עיניכם לראות את המקום, אשר ממנו אתם יוצאים למלחמה, ולא תכירו את עוזרכם, אשר חללתם את שמו? האמנם לא תזכרו את נפלאות האלהים בימי אבותינו ואת האויבים, הרבים והעצומים, אשר השמיד לפנים במקום הקדוש הזה? רעדה תאחזני מדי דבּרי על מעשי אלהים באזנים טמאות כאלה. אך הסכיתו ושמעו, למען תדעו, כי לא ברומאים לבד אתם עושים מלחמה, כי־אם גם באלהים. נכו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר עֵרב כאן את שם פרעה־נכֹה בשם פרעה.</i> מלך מצרים לפנים, הוא הנקוב גם בשם פרעה, יצא בחיל עצום וגזל את שׂרה המלכה, אמנו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אֵם עמנו.</i>. ומה עשה בעלה אברהם אבינו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אבי אבינו.</i>? האם יצא להלחם בחרב עם הַזֵּד הבליעל, אף כי היו לו שלש מאות ושמונה־עשר שלישים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלה חניכי אברהם. יוסיפוס השתמש כבר בחֹמר מדרשי.</i> ולכל אחד מהם נמצא חיל לאין־מספּר? או הטרם חשב, כי כל החיל הזה הוא כאפס, אם לא יהיה אלהים בעזרו, והרים את ידיו הטהורות אל המקום, אשר טמאתם אתם כיום הזה, לשחר את פני העוזר הגדול, אשר לא יפָּלא ממנו דבר? והאם לא הושבה המלכה לבעלה עד ערב היום הבא וכל רע לא אֻנה לה, והאם לא השתחוה המצרי [לאלהים] במקום הזה, אשר מלאתם אותו דם־אחים, וכֻלּוֹ רועד מפחד חזיונות־לילה — ולא ברח [אל ארצו] אחרי כפּרו במנחת זהב וכסף את פני העברים אהובי אלהים? והאם עלי לספר לכם על מושב אבותינו במצרים? הטרם התענו בעֹל מלכים זרים ארבע מאות שנה, ותחת לעמוד על נפשם בחרב נקמה ולהִוָּשׁע בכח ימינם הפקידו את נפשם בידי אלהים? ומי מכם לא ידע את העָרֹב, אשר מִלא את ארץ מצרים, ואת החלאים הרעים, אשר השחיתוה, ואת המאֵרה ביבול הארץ, כאשר אזלו המים מן היאור (נילוס), ואת עשר המכות, אשר ירדו רצופות, עד אשר שלחו [המצרים] את אבותינו ממצרים בלי שפיכת־דם ובלי סכנה ושמרו עליהם בדרכם? וכאשר גזלו הארמים (הסורים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה, במקום הפלשתים של המקרא.</i> את ארון־הקדש מידינו, האם, לא הקיפה הצעקה את כל שדה פלשתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: פַּלֶסְטִינֵי.</i> עם פסל דגון? האם לא עלתה צעקת כל עם הגוזלים (את הקֹדש] בעלות רקב במעורי בשרם ובצאת מעיהם יחד עם מאכלם — עד אשר השיבו ידי העושקים את הארון למקומו בקול צלצלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״קוּמבַּלּים״.</i> ובתֻפּים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״טוּמפַּנים״.</i> והביאו כל מיני קרבנות לכַפֵּר את המקדש? האלהים עשה את כל התשועות האלה לאבותינו, כאשר לא בטחו בזרועם ובחרבם והפקידו בידו את גורלם! וכאשר משך אחריו סנחריב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב כאן: סנחֵרים במם, כדרך השבעים.</i> את כל המונות ארץ אסיה וחנה על העיר הזאת, הֲבִידֵי אדם נשברה זרועו? הטרם השליכו [אבותינו] את הנשק מידיהם ופרשׂו אותן בתפלה [לאלהים] ומלאך־האלהים השמיד את כל החיל הזה, אשר לא יִמָּנה, בלילה אחד? וממחרת השכים מלך אשור ומצא מאה ושמונים וחמשה אלף פגרים וברח עם הנשארים אל ארצו, אף כי לא לקחו העברים חרב בידם ולא רדפו אחריו. הלא תדעו גם את עבדות בבל, אשר חי שם העם בגלות שבעים שנה ולא קם להשיב לו את חדותו, עד אשר התעורר כֹּרש לעשות את הדבר הזה למצֹא חן בעיני אלהים, ועל־ידו נשלחו [מגלותם] לעבֹד את האלהים, אשר כרת אתם ברית. בקצרה אֹמַּר לכם, כי מעולם לא עשו אבותינו גבורות בעֹז־ידם ומעולם לא בושו מתקותם, כאשר לא חגרו את כלי־נשקם ורק שׂמו מִבְטַחָם באלהים. מדי שבתם בארצם במנוחה עשו חיל ברצון השופט העליון, ולעת צאתם למלחמה כשלו תמיד ונפלו. כה היה הדבר, בעת אשר צָר מלך בבל על העיר הזאת, וצדקיהו מלכנו נלחם בו ולא שמע לנבואת ירמיהו, ונפל בשבי האויב ועיניו ראו בחרבן העיר וההיכל, אף כי היה טוב וישר הרבה מנשיאיכם אתם, והעם אשר עמו עלה בצדקתו על המונכם כיום הזה. הן כאשר קרא אליהם ירמיהו בקול, כי הרגיזו את האלהים בתועבותיהם, אשר עשו להכעיסו, וכי יכרעו [לפני האויב], אם לא יסגירו את העיר [בידו], לא שלחו בו המלך והעם יד! ומה אתם עושים עתה? אם גם לא אזכיר את מעשיכם בקרב העיר, כי תִלְאֶה לשוני לפרש את כל מעשי רשעתכם כהלכה — הן גם אותי אתם מנאצים וממטירים עלי חצים על אשר באתי לדבּר על לבכם למען הושיעכם, ואתם מתרגזים עלי מאד לעת שׂאֵתי על שפתי את זֵכר עונותיכם, ולטֹרח עליכם לשמוע את דברי המעשים, אשר אתם עושים יום יום! ועוד דבר: כאשר חנה על העיר הזאת אנטיוכוס הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶס, אשר הִרבּה לנבּל את שם אלהים, יצאו אבותיכם לקראתו בחרב, והם נפלו חללים במלחמה, והעיר היתה לבז בידי האויבים, ובית־המקדש שמם שלש שנים וששה חדשים! והאם עלי עוד להוסיף דברים? מי העיר את הרומאים לעלות על עמנו — האם לא אשמת יושבי הארץ? מתי החל זמן עבדותנו — האם לא במלחמת האחים בימי אבותינו? הלא שגעון אריסטובולוס והורקנוס והמריבה אשר ביניהם עוררו את פומפֵּיוס לבוא אל העיר, והאלהים הכניע לפני הרומאים את האנשים, אשר לא היו ראוים לחיי־חֹפש. אחרי מצור שלשה חדשים הסגירו את עצמם בידיהם, אף כי לא הרבו עונות לחלל את הקדשים ולהפר את החֻקים במעשיכם היום, ואף כי הרבה הרבה עלו, גדלו מכם בחסנם ותכונתם למלחמה. ואיך לא נזכור את קץ אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס, אשר בימי מלכותו שפט האלהים את העם החוטא למפלה עוד הפעם, והורדוס בן אנטיפטרוס הביא עמו את סוֹסִיּוּס, וסוֹסִיּוּס הביא עמו את חיל הרומאים, וששה חדשים נמצאו אבותינו במצור, עד אשר השיגם גמול אשמתם והם נפלו בשבי והעיר היתה לבז לשונאים? מעולם לא נִתַּן בידי העם להצליח בחרב, ותמיד היתה המפלה סמוכה למלחמה. על־כן אני חושב, כי נאה ליושבי ארץ־הקדש להפקיד את כל משפטם בידי אלהים ולמאוס בכח זרוע האדם, למען ימצאו חן בעיני השופט העליון. ואתם — המלאתם אף אחד הדברים, אשר צוה עליהם המחוקק את הברכה, או הנזהרתם אף באחד הדברים, אשר פקד עליהם את המאֵרה? עד כמה הרביתם לחטוא מאבותיכם, אשר נפלו בידי אויביהם חיש מהר! הן קל היה בעיניכם לעשות עוֹן במסתרים, לגנוב ולארוב ולנאף, כי עוד תתחרו איש באחיו במעשי רצח ושֹׁד, ואתם בוקעים לכם דרכי־רשעה חדשים ומוזרים, והמקדש נהפך למקוה כל [שודד ורוצח] ומקום משכן אלהים נטמא בידי בניו, המקום הקדוש, אשר גם הרומאים התפללו אליו מרחוק ורבים מהם עזבו מנהגי־עמם ודבקו בחֻקינו. האַחרי כל התועבות האלה אתם מחכים לעזרת האלהים, אשר חללתם את שמו? ואם גם אנשים ישרים אתם ובידים נקיות אתם מחַלים את פני אלהים, כבֹר ידי מלכנו בעת התפללו [אל האלהים] לעוררו מידי מלך אשור — כאשר השמיד האלהים את כל החיל הגדול בלילה אחד — האם כמעשה מלך אשור עשו גם הרומאים, ועל־כן לכם המשפט לקוות, כי יחדש לכם אלהים את עזרתו כקדם? האם לא לקח מלך אשור כסף מידי מלכנו לבלתי החריב את העיר, ואחרי־כן הפר את שבועתו ועלה לשרוף את ההיכל? ואולם הרומאים עולים עליכם לדרוש מידכם את המס כחֹק להם, אשר שִׁלמו אבותיכם לאבותיהם, ואם יקבלו את המס, לא יחריבו את העיר ולא יגעו בקדשיה ויתנו לכם את כל נחלתכם, ובני־ביתכם ישארו בני־חורין, ואתם תמשלו ברכושכם כטוב בעיניכם, וגם את חֻקי־קדשֵׁנו ישמֹרו. הן תועי־לב אתם בחשבכם, כי יעשה אלהים לצדיקים האלה כמעשהו לרשעים לפנים. והלא דרך האלהים הוא להחיש את נקמתו בעת רצונו, ולכן השמיד את חיל אשור בלילה הראשון לחנותו על העיר, ואִלו באמת היה עמנו ראוי לחיי־חֹפש והרומאים היו ראוים לעֹנש, כי אז פגע אלהים בהם מיד, כאשר עשה לאשור, בעת אשר נלחם פומפֵּיוס בעמנו או אחרי־כן לעת עלות סוֹסִיּוּס על העיר, או בזמן אשר החריב אֶספַּסיָנוס את ארץ הגליל, או לאחרונה, כאשר נגש טיטוס אל העיר. אולם מַגְנוּס (פומפיוס) וסוֹסִיּוּס כבשו את העיר בחֹזק־יד וכל רעה לא מצאה אותם, ואספסינוס עוד עלה לגדֻלה אחרי הלחמו בנו וקבל את נזר המלוכה, ולטיטוס נפתחו מקורות הארץ בברכה רבה, אשר כזבו מימיהם לכם לפנים. הלא תדעו, כי לפני בוא טיטוס דללו מֵי הַשִּׁלֹּחַ ויתר המעינות אשר בקרבת העיר, עד כי הֻטל עליכם לקנות לכם מים במשורה (בכדים), ועתה כל המקורות האלה נותנים את מימיהם לרויה לאויביכם, לא רק דֵי צֹרך האנשים והבהמה, כי־אם גם דֵי השקוֹת את הגנים. וכבר היה האות הזה פעם אחת לפני חרבן העיר, כאשר עלה מלך בבל, אשר דברתי עליו, להלחם בירושלים וכבש אותה ושלח אותה באש על ההיכל, אף כי אין אני חושב, אשר הרבו בני הדור ההוא מעשי־רשע כמוכם היום. על־כן אני מאמין, כי זה הוא אות, אשר עזב אלהים את המקדש ועבר אל מחנה צָרֵיכֶם, אשר אתם נלחמים בהם הפעם. הן כל איש ישר יברח מבית טמא, ונפשו תגעל ביושביו — והאמנם תחשבו, כי האלהים יִשָּׁאר אִתּכם אחרי כל מעשי תועבותיכם, הוא אשר עינו צופה כל תעלומה ואזנו שומעת גם בעת אשר אתם מחרישים? והנמצא דבר, אשר עשיתם אותו בלאט ובמסתרים, אם יש אִתּכם סוד, אשר לא נגלה לאויביכם? הלא אתם עושים נבלה ביד רמה (בפומבי) ומדי יום ביומו אתם רָבים ביניכם, מי מכם יַרבה להרֵע, ונושאים את רשעתכם לעיני השמש, כאלו למעלה טובה נחשבה בעיניכם. ובכל־זאת עוד נשארה לכם דרך ישועה, אם תרצו בה, כי האלהים מרבה לסלוח למודים ועוזבים. הוי לבות־הברזל! פרקו מעליכם את נשקכם, עוררו רחמיכם על עיר אבותיכם, אשר נהפכה כבר למעי־מפלה, הביטו מאחריכם וראו את צבי־עֶדְיְכֶם, אשר אתם מפקירים בידיכם, את תפארת העיר, הדַר המקדש, יקַר מתּנות עמים רבים, ומי יערוב את לבו לשלח בכל אלה את האש? מי ירצה, אשר לא תוספנה עוד עיניו לראות את אלה? והיֵש לנו דבר יקר מאלה להצילהו? הוי, אבירי־לב, הקשים מאבן! אם לא תביטו על הדברים האלה בעיני־בשר, חמלו על משפחותיכם ותעבורנה לנגד עיני כל איש מכם תמונות בניו ואשתו והוריו, אשר יסופו במהרה ברעב או בחרב. יודע אני, כי יחד אתכם נמצאו בצרה גם אמי ואשתי, משפחתי נשואת־הפנים ובית־אבי המפֹאר מקדם, ואולי יֵרָאה בעיניכם, כי רק למענם אני נותן לכם את העצה הזאת. המיתו אותם בידיכם, ויהיה דם קרובי כֹּפר ישועת נפשכם, וגם אני נכון למות, אם תקחו מוסר אחרי מותי!״"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>רבים מבני ירושלים מתאמצים לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. הרעב והמצוקות הקשות, שעברו על הנשארים בעיר.</small><br><br>א. כאשר קרא יוסף את הדברים האלה בדמעות על עיניו, לא נכנע לב המורדים ולא האמינו, כי תהיה להם נפשם לשלל, כאשר ימסרו את עצמם [בידי השונאים], אולם בני העיר התעוררו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. אלה מכרו את רכושם בלא־כסף ואלה מכרו את תכשיטיהם היקרים ובלעו את מטבעות־הזהב, לבל תשיגם יד השודדים, ואחרי־כן ברחו אל הרומאים, וכאשר הוציאו את הזהב מקרבם, נמצא להם כסף די־מחסורם, וטיטוס שלח רבים לחפשי ונתן לכל אחד לבחֹר מקום־מושב לו כטוב בעיניו, ובדבר הזה חִזק עוד את היהודים אשר בעיר ברצונם לנפֹּל אליו, למען החלץ מכל צרותיהם, מבלי היות עבדים לרומאים. אולם חברי יוחנן ושמעון שמרו על מוצאי העיר בפני האנשים האלה יותר מאשר שקדו לסגור על מבואיה בפני הרומאים. וכל איש, אשר דבק בו צל חשד, נשחט בידיהם מיד.",
+                    "ב. עשירי ירושלים תמו לגוע גם בהשארם בתוך העיר. המורדים שׂמו על רבים עלילות דברים, כי הם אומרים בלבם לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, והמיתום ולקחו את רכושם. וככֹל אשר כבד הרעב בעיר, כן חזק זדון המורדים ומיום ליום גדלו שתי הרעות גם יחד. וכאשר נעלם הלחם מעיני הרואים, פרצו המורדים בבתים ובדקו שם, ובמצאם לחם הִכּו את יושבי הבתים על אשר כִּחשו בדבר, וכאשר לא מצאו לחם בבית, עִנו את בעליו על אשר השכיל לטמון את המזונות. והכרת פני האנשים ענתה בהם, אם נשאר להם לחם אם לא: אלה אשר היה להם עוד כח נחשדו, כי נמצאה להם צידה למכביר, ואלה אשר שֻׁפּוּ עצמותיהם שֻׁלחו לחפשי, כי לא לחכמה נחשב להמית את האנשים, אשר יגועו עוד מעט במחסור כֹּל. העשירים נתנו בסתר את כל רכושם באיפת־חטים והעניים הסתפקו במדת־שׂעורים, ואחרי־כן נסגרו בחביון פנות בתיהם ובגֹדל רעבונם בלעו את הגרעינים כמו־שהם או אפו את לחמם בחפזון, לעת אשר רָוַח להם מעט מהרעב ומהפחד. ובשום מקום לא נמצא שלחן ערוך, כי הוציאו הרעבים את המאכלים מן האש בטרם בֻּשלו דַּיָּם, ובלעום בעודם בכפם.",
+                    "ג. מה עלובים היו מזונות יושבי ירושלים, ודָמֹעַ דָמעה כל עין לַמראה הנורא, כאשר תפשו להם התקיפים את המאכלים והחלשים מררו בבכי. כי דרך הרעב לדַכּא את כל רגשות האדם, ויתר על כֹּל הוא משבית את רגש־הבֹּשת. הנשים טרפו את הצידה מידי בעליהן, והבנים מידי אבותיהם, ועוד גדול מזה היה הכאב למראה האִמות, אשר הוציאו מפי עולליהן את לחמם, וכאשר התעטפו מחמדי־נפשן ברעב בעודם מֻנָחים בזרועותיהן, לא חמלו עליהם ולקחו מהם את רסיסי־חייהם [האחרונים]. ובאכלם ככה את לחמם לא נסתרו מעיני המורדים, אשר שוטטו בכל עבר, ולא נחלצו ממעשי חמסם. כי בראות המורדים בית סגור על מסגר, היה להם הדבר לאות, כי יושבי הבית מוציאים את לחמם לאכלו, ומהרו ושברו את הדלתות ופרצו אל הבית, וכמעט חנקו את האנשים להוציא את המאכל מגרונם. הם היו מכים את הזקנים המחזיקים את מזונם בידם, וסוחבים את הנשים בשערותיהן על הסתירן את הצידה בכפיהן, לא נשאו פני איש־שיבה ולא חמלו על נפש עוללים, כי היו מרימים את הילדים עם טרפם בין שִׁניהם ומשליכים אותם ארצה. וכאשר מהרו האנשים להקדים את פני החומסים ולבלוע את טרפם, הרבו השודדים ליסרם באכזריות חמה, כאלו נעשה להם דבַר־עָוֶל. הם מצאו דרכי ענויים נוראים לחקור את האנשים, אם נמצא מזון בידם, כי סתמו את נקביהם בעדשים (באפונים) ודקרו את אחוריהם בשבטים חדים. תסַמר שערת איש לשֵׁמע דברי היסורים, אשׁר סבל כל אחד מיושבי ירושלים, למען יודה על פת־לחם אחת ויגלה קֹמץ־קמח אחד, אשר הניח במסתרים. ואת הדברים האלה עשו מעַניהם לא מתוך דחקם — הן לוּ היה כדבר הזה, לא היתה סאת אכזריותם גדולה כה, כי כִפּר עליה האֹנס — כי־אם למען הראות את זדון נפשם וגם לצבור להם מזון לימים הבאים. וכאשר יצאו אנשים בלילה והתגנבו בלאט אל מקום השומרים הרומאים ללקט אורות־שדה וירקות, וכבר חשבו, כי נמלטו מכף שונאיהם, פגעו בהם המורדים וגזלו מידם את כל אשר הביאו אתם, ואף כי הפצירו בהם האנשים וגם השביעום בשם אלהים הנורא להשאיר להם חלק המזונות, אשר אספו בנפשם, לא שמעו להם ולא השיבו להם דבר. ועל העשוקים היה לשמוח בחלקם, אשר רק טרפם נלקח מהם ונפשם היתה להם לשלל.",
+                    "ד. ובעוד העניים סובלים את כל הנוראות האלה מידי נושאי כלֵי העריצים, הובלו נשואי־הפנים והעשירים למשפט העריצים עצמם. על אלה מצאו עלילת־שקר, כי יעצו בנפשם עצת־בליעל, והמיתום בעלילה הזאת, ועל אלה התגוללו, כי אמרי למסור את העיר בידי השונאים. ועל־הרֹב נמצאו עֵדי־שקר להעיד באנשים, כי אמרו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. האיש אשר הֻצג ככלי־ריק בידי שמעון נשלח אל יוחנן, והנמלט בעור־שִׁניו מידי יוחנן נפל בידי שמעון. שניהם שתו חליפות את דם יושבי ירושלים והפילו גורלות ביניהם על נחלת האֻמללים. אמנם רָבו איש באחיו על־דבר השלטון, אולם דעה אחת היתה לשניהם בכל מעשי־רשע. וכאשר לא נתן האחד למשנהו לקחת חלק במעשי רשעתו, אשר עולל לאחרים, נחשב בעיניו לאיש מביש, והאיש, אשר נשאר מרחוק למעשה אכזרי, התעצב אל לבו, כאִלו החמיץ מצוה גדולה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: והאיש, אשר לא היה חלקו בדבר, נעצב על השארו מרחוק למעשה האכזרי — כאלו היה דבר טוב.</i>.",
+                    "ה. אכן נבצר מכֹּח אדם לפרט את כל חטאות האנשים האלה לאחת אחת! סוף דבר: אף אחת מערי הארץ לא סבלה כסֵבל ירושלים, ואף אחד מדורות עולם לא הרבה לעשות רשע כאנשי־הבליעל האלה, אשר חרפו לאחרונה גם את גזע העברים, למען תקטן מדת חטאתם בעיני הנכרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לשון המקור סתומה. אפשר גם להבין: ״למען אשר תקטן מדת חטאתם, (כי חטאו] לנכרים״. לאמר: הם כחשו במוצאם היהודי ובזה הצדיקו את עלילותיהם, שעשו ליהודים הזרים להם. ולא פרש המחבר, למה הוא רומז בזה, לא פה ולא להלן.</i>. ובזה הודו במו־פיהם, כי הם עבדים ואספסוף והמון ממזרים וחלאת־העם, וכן היה הדבר באמת. ידי האנשים האלה החריבו את העיר, הם אשר אלצו את הרומאים לתת את שמם על הנצחון הזה בעל־כרחם, וכמעט בעצמם סחבו את האש, אשר בידי הרומאים המתמהמהים, אל המקדש. במנוחת־נפש הביטו מן העיר העליונה אל המקדש הבוער ולא התעצבו אל לבם ולא שפכו דמעה, ורק נפש הרומאים דאבה לשרפה הזאת. אך על זאת נדבר עוד אחרי־כן במקום הראוי, כאשר נספר על המעשים ההם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים נצלבו למול החומה. אנטיוכוס אפיפןם. היהודים הרפו את בניני המצור אשר לרומאים.</small><br><br>א. והסוללות, אשר צוה טיטוס לשפוך על העיר עלו למעלה, אף כי הרבו היהודים אשר על החומה להשחית באנשי־צבאו. הוא שלח להקת־רוכבים וצוה עליה לארוב בעמקים לאנשים היוצאים מן העיר ללקט להם אֹכל. במספר המלקטים האלה היו גם אחדים מאנשי־המלחמה, אשר לא עצרו כח למצֹא להם טרף בחמס־ידם, ויתרם היו עניי־העם, אשר נמנעו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, ביראם פן תמצא רעה את בני־ביתם, כי לא קוו אשר יעלה בידם להִסָּתר מן העיר בברחם יחד עם נשיהם ובניהם, וגם לא מִלא לבם אותם לעזוב את אלה בידי השודדים, פן ימיתו אותם על מנוסתם הם. הרעב הוסיף להם אֹמץ לצאת מן העיר, אבל כאשר יצאו ממנה בהחבא נגזר עליהם לנפֹּל בידי הרומאים. ובעת התּפשם בכף עמדו על נפשם מפני האֹנס, כי יראו את המות. ואחרי אשר עמדו במלחמה נדמה להם, כי עברה שעת־הכֹּשר לבקש רחמים. על־כן דשו הרומאים את בשרם ועִנו אותם בכל יסורי־מות וצלבו אותם למול החומה. אף כי חמל טיטוס על האמללים האלה — כי מספר הנתפשים הגיע עד חמש מאות בכל יום, ולפעמים עָצם מספרם יותר — לא ראה דרך אחרת לפניו, כי לסכנה נחשב בעיניו להוציא לחפשי אנשים, אשר נתפשו בחֹזק־יד, וגם לא יכול לשום משמר על רבים ועצומים כאלה, אשר נדמו כאלו הם שומרים לשומריהם. ועוד יותר לא מלאו לבו למנוע את הדבר, כי אמר לתת במחזה הזה מופת ליהודים אשר בעיר, למען ידעו, כי סופם יהיה כסוף האנשים האלה, אם לא יסגירו את עצמם בידו. בחמתם ובשנאתם ליהודים הרבו אנשי־הצבא להתעלל בנתפשים וקבעו את כל אחד בצלב בדרך אחרת, וכאשר עצם מספר הנתפשים, צר המקום לצלבים, אף לא נמצאו דֵי צלבים לגופות המוּקעים.",
+                    "ב. אולם המורדים לא רצו להנחם על מעשיהם למראה הפרענות הזאת, ונהפוך הוא, כי התחכמו עוד לתת בזה לקח־חכמה ליתר העם. הם סחבו אל החומה את קרובי הבורחים ואת יושבי העיר, האומרים לכרות ברית עם השונאים, והראו את כל היסורים, אשר סבלו הנמלטים אל הרומאים, וספרו להם, כי אלה המעֻנים באו להתחנן על נפשם ולא היו שבויי־מלחמה. בדבר הזה השיבו אחור ידי רבים, אשר היו עתידים לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, עד אשר נגלה דבר־אמת. כי גם אחרי כל אלה נמלטו אנשים רבים לקראת השפטים אשר חכו להם, בחשבם, כי המות בידי האויבים יניח להם ממצוקות הרעב. טיטוס צוה לקצץ את ידי רבים מהנתפשים, למען לא יחָשבו בעיני־בני העיר כפליטים, אשר נפלו אל האויב בשלום, ולמען יאָמנו דבריהם למראה מכאוביהם. הוא שלח אותם אל שמעון ואל יוחנן לדרוש מהם, כי ישבתו הפעם מריב ולא יאלצו אותו להחריב את העיר, ואם ינחמו על מעשיהם, יפדו בדבר הזה את נפשותיהם ממות ואת עיר אבותיהם הגדולה מחרבן ובבית־המקדש לא תדרוך רגל זרים. ויחד עם זה הלך וסבב טיטוס בסוללות והאיץ בעושי־המלאכה, להראות, כי ישקוד על דברו לעשותו. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה קללו העומדים על החומה את הקיסר ואת אביו וקראו בקול: ״בוז נבוז למָות ויקר הוא בעינינו מן העבדות, ועל־כן נוסיף להרע לרומאים בכל כֹּח־ידנו כל עוד נפשנו בנו. מה לנו ולעיר־קדשנו, אשר אומר אתה, כי חָרֹב תחרב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: ״ומה לנו ולעיר־קדשנו, אחרי דברך, כי מות נמות״.</i>, הן יש לאלהים מקדש נעלה על ההיכל הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: ״ההיכל האובד״, ואפשר להבין גם ״ההיכל הנפסד״.</i> — העולם כֻּלו. ואמנם גם ההיכל הזה ינצל בידי השוכן בו, ואם יהיה אלהים בעוזרינו, נצחק לכל מורָאיך, כי לא תמצא ידך לבצע את דברך. הן קץ כל מעשה הוא בידי אלהים״. ככה צעקו האנשים ועֵרבו את דבריהם בחרפות ובגדופים.",
+                    "ג. בימים ההם בא אל מחנה הרומאים אנטיוכוס אֶפִּיפַנֶּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך ארץ קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּנֵי) על נהר פרת העליון.</i> עם אנשי־צבא מזֻיָּנים רבים ועם גדוד שומרים לראשו הנקראים ״מקדונים״, כֻּלּם בני גיל אחד, גבוהי־קומה, אשר זה לא כבר יצאו משנות הילדות, מזֻיָּנים ומחֻנכים כדרך המקדונים, ועל־כן נקראו בשם הזה, אף כי רבים מהם לא היו מבני העם הזה. מושל קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּנֵי), עד שבגד בו גורלו, היה המאֻשר בכל המלכים אשר תחת שלטון הרומאים; רק לעת זקנתו הוכיח גם הוא, כי לא יאות לאדם להקרא ״מאֻשר״ עד בוא יומו. בן המלך הזה, אשר בא אל מחנה הרומאים בעצם עת גדֻלת אביו, הודיע, כי הוא משתומם מאד על אשר הרומאים מתרַפּים להבקיע אל החומה. הוא היה גבור־מלחמה ועז־נפש מאד מתכונתו, ורק פעמים מזער נכשל במעשי אֹמץ־רוחו. טיטוס צחק וענהו: ״הן עבודה אחת לשנינו״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״עבודה משותפת לנו״, לאמר: כמוני כמוך.</i>. ולדברים האלה מהר אנטיוכוס עם המקדונים אל החומה. בהיותו איש־חיל מלֻמד־מלחמה הצליח להזהר מחִצי היהודים בעת יְרוֹתוֹ בהם. אולם הצעירים אשר עלו עמו נגפו כֻלּם ורק מתי־מספר שָׂרדו מהם. הם בושו, כי הבטיחו [את הרומאים] על שקר, וחרפו את נפשם במלחמה, ואחרי־כן שבו מכֻסי־פצעים והוכיחו בזה, כי גם המקדונים האמתיים, הרוצים לנצח את אויביהם, לא יצליחו בחפצם באין מזל אלכסנדרוס [הגדול] הולך לפניהם.",
+                    "ד. והרומאים החלו לשפוך את הסוללות בשנים עשר לחֹדש ארטֶמיסיוֹס (אִיָּר) וכלו את עבודתם בעמל רב בעשרים ותשעה לחֹדש, אחרי יגעם שבעה־עשר ימים רצופים. ארבע סוללות גדולות שפכו הרומאים ושתים מהן כוננו למול הבירה, האחת היתה מעשה ידי הלגיון החמישי בתוך הברֵכה הנקראת בשם סְתְּרוֹטִיּוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוראת המלה לא התבררה כהלכה.</i>, והשניה — נעשתה בידי הלגיון השנים־עשר והיתה רחוקה ממנה עשרים אמה. רחוקה הרבה משתי אלה היתה הסוללה, אשר עשה הלגיון העשירי בצד צפון, במקום הנקרא ברכת־השקֵדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אמיגדַלוס ביונית. יש גורסים: ״ברכת המגדל״. משערים, כי זו היא אחת הברכות (התעלות), שחפר חזקיהו המלך.</i>, ובמרחק שלשים אמה ממנה שפך הלגיון החמשה־עשר סוללה בקרבת מצבת הכהן הגדול. הרומאים הקריבו את כלי־הרעש (לנפץ את החומה), אך יוחנן חתר חתירה תחת יסודות אנטוניה עד מקום הסוללות וסתם את חלל המחתרת במוטות, ובהביאו שמה עצים משוחים בזפת ובגפרית, הציתם באש, וכאשר אכלה הלהבה את המוטות, נפלה המחתרת כֻּלּה תחתיה, ובקול רעש גדול התפוצצה הסוללה ושקעה בתוכה. לראשונה התרומם רק עשן ואבק, כי כמעט נחנקה האש תחת מעי־המפֹלה. אולם כאשר היו גם עצי הסוללה השוקעת למאכלת־אש. פרצה הלהבה החוצה, ופלצות אחזה את הרומאים למראה הדבר אשר נעשה פתאֹם, וכאשר הכירו את דבר המזמה, נפל לבם בקרבם, כי נכזבה תקותם לעתיד אחרי המקרה הזה. הם חשבו, כי אך למותר הוא להם לעמוד עתה בפני האש, כי מה בצע בכַבּותם אותה, אחרי אשר היו הסוללות לבָער.",
+                    "ה. וכעבור שני ימים השתערו אנשי שמעון גם על יתר הסוללות, אחרי אשר הביאו אליהן הרומאים את מכונות־הרעש והחלו לנַפּץ את החומה. טִפְתָּאי אחד מבני גַרִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א גַרְסִיס.</i>, העיר אשר בגליל, ומַגַּסַּרוֹס, מעבדי חצר־המלך, אשר היה משרת למרים, ואתם איש אחד מחדיב, בן נַבַּטָּאי, אשר נקרא במקרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ואולי ״על שם המקרה״. קשה לחשוב, כי גבור־חיל כּזה היה חגר.</i> בשם חגירא, לאמר: הַפִּסֵּחַ, לקחו בידיהם לפידי־אש והגיחו אל מכונות הרומאים. ומכל בני ירושלים לא נמצא אף אחד, אשר עלה בעֹז־רוחו על האנשים האלה ואשר היה כמוהם נורא על סביביו. הם עשו את מעשיהם, כאלו הלכו לקדם את פני אוהביהם ולא להתראות פנים בצריהם, ולא נמלכו בדעתם ולא נעצרו בלכתם, כי־אם קפצו אל תוך מערכת האויבים והציתו את המכונות באש. ואף כי המטירו עליהם הרומאים מכל עבר חצים ואבני־קלע והניפו עליהם את צורי חרבותם, לא זעו האנשים ממקום הסכנה, עד אשר אחזה האש את המכונות. וכאשר עלתה הלהבה למרום, מהרו הרומאים מכל מקומות מחניהם לבוא לעזרת אחיהם והיהודים עמדו להם לשטן, כי נלחמו בהם מראש החומה וגם התנגחו פנים בפנים עם השונאים, אשר נסו לכבות את הבערה, ולא חמלו על בשרם ולא נשמרו לנפשותיהם. הרומאים משכו אליהם את מכונות־הרעש מתחת מכסה הזמורות הבוערות באש, והיהודים החזיקו במכונות בתוך הלהבה ותפשו את הכרים ולא הרפו מן הברזל הלוהט. משם עברה האש אל הסוללות, בטרם הספיק הצבא הסוכך עליהן להניא את הדבר. וכראות הרומאים, כי הקיפה אותם האש מסביב, נואשו מתקנתם להציל את הבנינים האלה ונסוגו אל מחנם. והיהודים רדפו אחריהם, כי עצם מספרם מרגע לרגע על־ידי אחיהם הפורצים משערי העיר לעזרתם, ונצחונם הוסיף להם עֹז ועצמה, ואש קנאתם עברה כל חֹק. הם הגיעו עד מצודות מחנה הרומאים והתנגחו עם שומרי המחנה. כי לפני המחנה עומד משמר עד בוא חליפתו, וחֹק חמוּר לרומאים, אשר העוזב את משמרתו, מאיזו סבה שהיא — אחת דתו להמית. אנשי המשמר בחרו למות מות־גבורים ממות־נבל ונשארו על עמדם, ולמראה צרתם שבו רבים מהבורחים בבֹשת־פנים. הם העמידו על חֵל המחנה את כלי־הקלע המהירים ועצרו בהם את ההמון הפורץ מן העיר, אשר לא שׂם לב לשלומו ולא שמר את נפשו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר, שיצאו בלי נשק־מגן.</i>. והיהודים התנגחו עם היוצאים להלחם אִתּם ולא נזהרו מנפֹל על צורי חרבותיהם, ובכֹבד גופם הכו את שונאיהם לארץ. היהודים לא הפליאו לעשות בכֹח ימינם, כי־אם נצחו באֹמץ־רוחם. והרומאים חַתּוּ מפני עֹז־נפשם ולא מפני הרעה אשר עוללו להם.",
+                    "ו. וטיטוס מהר לבוא מקרבת הבירה, אשר הלך שמה לתור מקום למבנה סוללות חדשות, והִרבּה לחרף את אנשי־הצבא על מֹרך־לבם, אשר אחרי כבשם את חומות אויביהם, הביאו סכנה על חומותיהם הם ונשארו במצור, בתִתּם ליהודים להגיח אליהם כדרך הנמלטים מתוך כלא. טיטוס יצא בעצמו עם בחורי צבאו והשתער על השונאים מן הצד. אולם היהודים לא שׂמו לב לדבר, אשר היתה להם מלחמה גם מפנים, והפכו את פניהם אל טיטוס ונלחמו בו בזרוע נטויה. מערכות השונאים התערבו יחד, והאבק עלה למרום וכסה כל עינים, ולקול אנקת הנלחמים צללו כל אזנים, עד כי איש לא יכל להבדיל בין צָרוֹ ובין איש־בריתו. היהודים לא הוסיפו לבטוח בזרוע־עֻזם, ובכל־זאת החזיקו מעמד בגבורת־יאוש. והרומאים חגרו אונים בקַנאם לכבודם ולתהִלת חרבם, וגם מראה הקיסר היוצא לפניהם במלחמה עודד את גבורתם. ואמנם לוּ נמשכה המלחמה עד תֻּמה, כי אז השמידו הרומאים בעֹצם קנאתם את כל היהודים העומדים לקראתם, אולם היהודים לא חִכּו עד אשר יָכרע גורל המלחמה ומהרו לשוב אל העיר. אפס כי למראה חרבן הסוללות לא קמה עוד רוח ברומאים, בהכירם, אשר בשעה אחת היתה כל עבודתם הקשה לבָער, ורבים נואשו מתקותם לכבוש את העיר במכונות־המלחמה, כדרכם תמיד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס הקים חֵל מסביב לחומות העיר. הרעב שׂם בתים ומשפחות חֵרם.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס נועץ את שרי צבאותיו. הנמהרים שבהם אמרו להקריב את את כל הצבא אל החומה ולנסות להבקיע אותה בחֹזק־יד, באמרם, כי עד־עתה נלחמו ביהודים רק גדודים גדודים ועל־כן לא הצליחו, אולם בעלות כל הצבא על העיר לא ישאו היהודים את תנופת ידו, כי החצים ואבני־הקלע יכַסום כנחל שוטף. המתונים שבהם דרשו לשפוך סוללות עוד הפעם והמתונים ביותר לא יעצו גם את הדבר הזה, כי־אם לחנות לפני העיר ולשמור על מוצאיה ולהכרית מיושביה כל משען־לחם, לשבות ממלחמה ולהסגיר את ירושלים בידי הרעב. כי אין להלחם באנשים נואשים, אשר כל חפצם הוא למות בחרב, כי מבלעדי החרב הם צפוים לרעה גדולה עוד ממנה. אך טיטוס גלה דעתו, כי לא יאות לו לשבת בחבוק־ידים עם חיל עצום אשר כזה וגם למותר יהיה לו להלחם עם שונאים, העתידים לאכול איש את בשׂר אחיו. גם הראה לדעת, כי יכבד ממנו לשפוך סוללות (חדשות) מפני חֹסר עצים ועוד יקשה מזה לשמור על מבואי העיר, כי לא יצלח בידו להקיף את העיר מפני גָדלה ומעצורי המקום, והדבר הזה יהיה לרעת הרומאים לעת אשר יתנפלו עליהם [היהודים מתוך החומה], וגם אם ישמרו הרומאים על מוצאי העיר הגלוים, יתחכמו היהודים למצֹא להם שבילים נעלמים בשעת־דחקם, כי מיטיבים הם לדעת את המקום, ואם יעצרו כֹח להמציא להם צידה במסתרים, ארוך יארך זמן המצור, ויש לירֹא פן ישפיל אֹרך הזמן את כבוד הנצחון, כי הלא ברֹב ימים ישלם כל דבר וחפץ, ורק הממהר לנַצח זוכה לשם טוב. על־כן יעץ טיטוס לרומאים להקיף בחֵל (בדָיֵק) את העיר מסביב, למען יוכלו להזהר בנפשותיהם וגם להחיש את דברם, כי רק בדרך הזה יסגרו על כל מוצאי העיר וליהודים לא יִשָּׁאר בלתי־אם להִוָּאש מכל ישועה ולמסור את העיר בידיהם, או להתמוגג ברעב — ואז יִלָּכדו באפס־יד. מלבד־זאת אמר טיטוס, כי לא יַרפּה מיתר דרכי המלחמה, וגם ידאג לבנות את הסוללות מחדש, אם לא יוסיפו האויבים להרגיזם ביד־חזקה, ואם יחשוב איש, כי העבודה הזאת היא גדולה וקשה למלאותה, עליו להשיב אל לבו, כי לא נאה לרומאים לאחוז במעשים קטנים, ובלא עמל רב לא יִכּוֹן לאדם לעשות גדולות [בלתי לאלהים לבדו]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוספה נמצאת בהוצאה הישנה.</i>.",
+                    "ב. עצת טיטוס טובה בעיני שרי־החַיָּלות, והוא צוה להפקיד את העבודה בידי כל צבאותיהם. וכמו רוח אלהים נפלה על אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר חלקו ביניהם את בנין הדָּיֵק התחרו הלגיונות זה בזה, וגם חלקי הלגיונות התנצחו ביניהם. וכל איש־צבא אמר למצֹא חן בעיני שר־העשרה, ושר־העשרה — בעיני שר־המאה, ושר־המאה — בעיני שר־האלף, ושרי־האלפים נשאו את נפשם להכּבד לפני ראשי הלגיונות, וקנאת ראשי הלגיונות עמדה למשפט הקיסר. כי בכל יום ויום היה סובב את המקום לא פעם ולא שתים ומתבונן אל כל המלאכה. ראשית הַחֵל היתה ממחנה אשור, אשר שם נמצא מקום תחנותו (של טיטוס), ומשם נמשך דרך נחל קדרון אל עבר הר־הזיתים, ומשם נָסַב דרומה והקיף את ההר עד הסלע, הנקרא ״שובך היונים״ (פֶרִיסְטֵרֵאוֹן) ואת הגבעה הסמוכה לו, אשר ממעל לעמק בקרבת הַשִּׁלֹּחַ, ומשם נטה הדָּיֵק מערבה וירד אל עמק (תּעלת) המקור הזה ועלה משם אל מצבת חנן הכהן הגדול ונקף את ההר, אשר חנה בו פומפיוס לפנים, ומשם נטה צפונה והגיע עד כפר אחד, הנקרא בית־עדשים (אפונים), ואחריו הקיף את מצבת הורדוס ופגע במזרח במקום מחנה טיטוס, אשר משם היתה תחלתו. ואֹרך הַחֵל הזה היה ארבעים ריס חסר אחד, ושלש־עשרה מצודות נבנו עליו מחוץ ומדת כֻּלן יחד מסביב עשרה ריסים. בשלשה ימים נשלמה כל העבודה הזאת, אשר לא נפלה בערכה מעבודת חדשים [רבים], בחפזון אשר לא יֵאָמן כי יסֻפּר. ואחרי אשר סגר טיטוס על העיר בַּדָּיֵק הזה ושׂם צבא־משמר במצודות, סבב באשמֹרת־הלילה הראשונה את החֵל לפקוד את המשמר, ובאשמֹרת השניה שלח את אלכסנדרוס, ובאשמֹרת השלישית סבבו ראשי הלגיונות על־פי הגודל. ועל־פי הגורל חלקו להם שומרי הַדָּיֵק את שעות הַשֵּׁנה וכל הלילה עברו הלוך ושוֹב בָּרֶוַח אשר בין המצודות בַּתָּוֶך.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר נסגרו כל מוצאי העיר, נכרתה מהיהודים שארית תקוָתם להִוָּשע, והרעב המאמיר השמיד את העם לבתיו ולמשפחותיו. הגגות היו מלאים נשים ועוללים גוְֹעים, וברחובות נערמו פגרי זקנים. נערים ובחורים נפוחי־רעב תעו כצללים בשוָקים ונפלו לארץ באשר הדביקם המות. וקרוביהם, אשר תַּמּוּ לגוֹע גם הם, לא מצאו כֹח להביאם אל קבר, וגם האנשים הבריאים משכו את ידיהם מהמון הפגרים הרב, ביראם מהביט אל פני הרעה, אשר תשיג גם אותם. כי רבים נפלו מתים על הפגרים, אשר אמרו לקָברם, ורבים נעו אל מקום קבורתם בטרם הגיעה עִתּם. ואיש לא הוריד דמעה בצרה ואיש לא ספד למתים, כי דִכּא הרעב כל רגשות אדם. בעינים יבשות ובשפתים נַעוות הביטו האנשים ההולכים למות אל חבריהם, אשר קדמו למצֹא שנת עולם. דממה עמֻקה הקיפה את כל העיר וליל־המות השחור כסה עליה. אך נוראים מהאימות האלה היו מעשי השודדים, אשר סבבו כמנַצלי קברים בבתים ופשטו את המתים וקרעו מעליהם את מכסיהם והלכו להם בצחוק־זדון. הם בדקו את צורי חרבותיהם בבשר המתים וגם דקרו את המתעלפים בעודם בחיים, לנסות את כֹּח חרבם. אולם כאשר דברו הגוְֹעים אליהם תחנונים לשלוח בהם את ידם ואת להב חרבם [ולשים קץ ליסוריהם], בזו להם והניחו להם להתעטף ברעב. וכל אחד מן הגוססים כונן את עיניו אל ההיכל וראה שם [בפעם האחרונה] את המורדים, אשר נשארו אחריו בחיים. לראשונה צוו המורדים לקבור את המתים בכסף הצבור, כי לא יכלו לשאת את צחנת הפגרים. וכאשר לא מצאה עוד ידם לשַׁלם, השליכו את המתים מעל החומה אל העמקים.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר סבב טיטוס בעמקים וראה אותם מלאים פגרים והביט אל המֻגלה הרַבָּה השוטפת מקרב הנבלות המסריחות, נאנח ונשא את ידיו למרום ובקש את האלהים להיות עֵד־צדקו, כי לא ידיו עשו את הדבר הזה. כל אלה הדברים היו בקרב העיר, ולא הוסיף עוד איש מן המורדים להגיח משעריה, כי לבם נפל עליהם, והרעב נגע גם עד בשרם. והרומאים התענגו על רֹב טובה, כי היה להם לחם למכביר וגם יתר המזונות, אשר הובאו מארץ סוריה ומהמדינות (האפרכיות) הסמוכות, ורבים מהם התיצבו בקרבת החומה והראו את המון מאכליהם הרבים, לחַזק את רעבון האויבים בשׂבע אשר להם. אולם גם האסון הזה לא הכניע את לב המורדים הקשה. וכראות זאת טיטוס, חמל על שארית העם ובקש להציל את הנותרים, ועל־כן החל עוד הפעם לשפוך את הסוללות, אף כי קשה היה להמציא את העצים הדרושים, כי כל האילנות אשר מסביב לעיר נכרתו לעבודת הסוללות הראשונות. ועל־כן הביאו אנשי־הצבא עצים חדשים ממקומות רחוקים תשעים ריס, ובידם עלה לשפוך על הבירה בלבד ארבע סוללות גדולות הרבה מהראשונות. והקיסר חזר כפעם בפעם על הלגיונות להחיש את העבודה למען הראות לשודדים, כי כבר נתפשו בכפו [ואבד מהם מנוס]. אולם בלבם כבר מת כל רגש־נֹחם על מעשיהם הרעים, וכאִלו נפרדו נשמותיהם מגוִיותיהם ואלה ואלה כזרות נחשבו להם. כל צרה לא הֵרַכּה את לבם וכל מכאוב לא נגע בבשרם. הם פשטו על העם החלל וקרעו את בשרו ככלבים ומלאו את בתי־הכלאים אנשים נמַקי־רעב."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרג רב בירושלים וחלול הקדש.</small><br><br>א. ושמעון [בן גיורא] המית ביסורים קשים גם את מתתיהו, אשר בעזרתו כבש את העיר. הוא מתתיהו בן ביתוס מהכֹּהנים הגדולים, אשר היה נאמן ונכבד מאד על־פני כל העם; בעת אשר התענו יושבי ירושלים בעֹל הקנאים שכבר נלוה אליהם גם יוחנן, הטה מתתיהו את לב העם לקרֹא את שמעון, כי יבוא אל העיר לעזרה, ולא הביא אותו בברית־שבועה, כי לא חשב, אשר ידו תהיה בו לרעה. אולם כאשר בא שמעון אל ירושלים ועשה בה ממשלה, חשב את מתתיהו לשונא־נפשו כיתר בני העם ואמר, כי רק באִוַּלתו יעץ עליו [להביאו אל העיר]. בימים ההם נתפש מתתיהו והוּעד בו, כי הוא דורש טוב לרומאים, ושמעון לא נתן לו ללַמד זכות על עצמו והוציא את משפטו למות עם שלשת בניו יחדו — כי בנו הרביעי הקדים להמלט אל טיטוס. וכאשר התחנן מתתיהו אל שמעון להמיתו ראשונה, לבל תראינה עיניו במות בניו, ודרש ממנו לגמול לו את החסד הזה חֵלף הטוב, אשר עשה לו בפתחו לפניו את שערי העיר — [לא שמע לקולו ו]צוה להמיתו לאחרונה. הוא הוּצא למול מחנה הרומאים ובניו נשחטו לעיניו, ואחרי־כן נשחט גם הוא, כי כה צוה שמעון על חנן בן בַּגַּדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: בן בּוֹמַדּוֹס, הוא חנן איש־אמאוס המֻּזכר להלן.</i> האכזרי בכל נושאי־כליו, וגם לעג למתתיהו לאמר: אולי יֵצאו לעזרתו הרומאים, אשר אמר לנפול אליהם! אף לא נתן להביא את גויות ההרוגים אל קבר. יחד עם אלה נהרגו חנניה בן מַסְבַּל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: בן מַסַּמְבַּלוֹס.</i> הכהן, איש נשוא־פנים, וסופר המועצה אריסטֵיוס איש־אמאוס ואתם חמשה־עשר מאנשי־המעלה בקרב העם. ואת אבי יוסף הושיבו [המורדים] בבית־כּלא ושׂמו עליו משמר והכריזו, כי איש מיושבי ירושלים לא ידבר עם חברו ולא יאספו יחדו לדבר הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפסוק הזה סתום. יש מתרגמים: איש לא ידבר עמו (עם אבי יוסף).</i>, ואת כל המקוננים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ואולי ״המשתתפים בצרתם״.</i> המיתו, מבלי לחקור אותם.",
+                    "ב. את הדברים האלה ראה יהודה בן יהודה משרי צבא שמעון, אשר הָפקד על־ידו לשמור על אחד המגדלים. ובמקצת התעורר לבו לחמול על חללי הרצח האכזרי, ועוד יותר מזה רצה לשמור את נפשו, ואסף עשרה אנשים נאמנים בבריתו ופנה אליהם בדברים: ״עד מתי נִשָּׂא את הרעות האלה? העוד יש לנו תקוה להִוָּשע, אם נשמֹר באמונה את ברית הנבל? הטרם הגיע הרעב גם עָדינו ועוד מעט ויבואו הרומאים בתוך העיר? והאין שמעון מחלל את בריתו גם עם אנשי־חסדו, ועלינו לפחוד פן יעשה בנו שפטים — בעוד אשר הרומאים נאמנים בבריתם? הבה נסגיר בידיהם את החומה ונמלט את נפשותינו וגם את העיר! ולשמעון לא יעָשה עול — הוא האיש, אשר כבר אמר נואש לנפשו — אם ימהר לתת את הדין״. כאשר הטו עשרת אלה אֹזן לדבר, שלח יהודה לפנות הבֹּקר את יתר האנשים אשר תחת פקֻדתו אל כל רוח, למען לא יִגָּלה דבר עצתו. ולעת השעה השלישית קרא אל הרומאים מראש המגדל [לבוא]. רבים מן הרומאים בזו לדבריו, ורבים לא האמינו להם והנשארים התמהמהו, בהבינם, כי לקץ זמן־מצער יכבשו את העיר באפס־יד. וכאשר רצה טיטוס לגשת אל החומה עם חמושיו, כבר נודע הדבר לשמעון, והוא מהר לכבוש את המגדל ואחז באנשים והמיתם לעיני הרומאים והתעלל בגויותיהם והשליכן מראש החומה.",
+                    "ג. בעת ההיא סבב יוסף את החומה — כי לא חדל לדבּר שלום אל יושבי העיר — ואבן שלוחה פגעה בראשו ומיד נפל לארץ והתעלף. למראה מפלתו הגיחו היהודים מן העיר וכמעט סחבו אותו אל העיר, לולא מהר הקיסר לשלוח אנשי־צבא להגן עליו. ובעוד אלה ואלה נלחמים, הורם יוסף שלא מדעתו מן הארץ, ורק שמץ לקחה אזנו מהדברים הנעשים מסביב, והמורדים הריעו תרועת־ששון, בהאמינם, כי עלה בידם להמית את האיש, אשר זממו לקחת את נפשו. הדבר נשמע בעיר, ולב ההמון הנשאר נפל עליו, בהאמינו, כי אמת נכון הדבר וכי מת האיש, אשר שמו בו מבטֶחָם כל האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים. וכאשר שמעה אֵם יוסף בבית־הכלא, כי מת בנה, אמרה לשומרים: ״מיודפת [ועד הנה] האמנתי זאת (כמת נחשב בעיני), כי לא יכולתי עוד לשמֹח בחייו״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">רואה אני את התרגום הזה מן התרגום השני: אמרה לשומרים, אשר היו מיודפת: ״אני מאמינה בזאת וכו׳״. — הכונה: מן היום, אשר בגד יוסף ביודפת, נחשב בעיני כמת״.</i>. אולם בהיותה לבדה עם נערותיה בכתה על מותו ואמרה: ״זה הוא שכר ברכת רחמי — כי לא אוכל לקבור את עצמות בני, אשר אליו קויתי, כי יביא אותי אלֵי קבר!״ אך שמועת השוא לא עצבה אותה זמן רב ולא הרנינה את לב המורדים. כי במהרה קם יוסף ממכּתו ונגש אליהם וקרא, כי לא יארכו עוד הימים והם יתנו לפניו את הדין על אשר פצעוהו, ואל העם קרא עוד הפעם לכרות ברית. למראה יוסף התאזר העם עֹז ובהלה נפלה על המורדים.",
+                    "ד. ומן הבורחים אל הרומאים יש אשר קפצו בשעת־דחקם בחפזון מן החומה אליהם, ויש אשר יצאו למראית־עין להלחם באויבים ואחרי־כן נמלטו אליהם. אך פה מצאו אותם רעות גדולות, אשר היו קשות להם מכל התלאה אשר בעיר. כי הנה השׂבע אשר במחנה הרומאים השיא עליהם מות קשה ממוֹת־הרעב בירושלים, באשר באו אל מחנה הרומאים נפוחי־רעב ומראיהם כחולי־הִדְרוֹקָן, וכאשר מלאו את בטנם הריקה בהמון מאכלים, נבקעו מעיהם, — מלבד האנשים, אשר לקחו מוסר מהדבר הזה וכבשו את יצרם ורק מעט־מעט הביאו את המאכל אל הקבה, אשר לא הסכינה לקבּלו. וכאשר נחלצו האנשים מהצרה הזאת, קמה עליהם מכה אחרת. אנשי־הצבא הסורים מצאו את אחד הבורחים באספו זהב מפלֵטת קֵבתו, כי דרך הנמלטים היה לבלוע את הזהב לפני ברחם, כאשר אמרנו למעלה, יען אשר היו המורדים בודקים את כֻּלּם. ובקרב העיר נמצא זהב בהמון רב, עד כי שלמו האנשים שנים־עשר אתיקים (דרכמונים) בעד חתיכת זהב, אשר מחירה היה לפנים עשרים וחמשה (אתיקים). וכאשר נגלה דבַר המזמה, אשר עשה הפליט האחד, עברה הרִנה במחנה הרומאים, כי כל הבורחים מִלאו את כרסיהם במטבעות־זהב, והמון הערבים והסורים בִּקעו את בטן הבורחים המתחננים על נפשם ובדקו את קבותיהם. אני חושב למשפט, כי גדול היה האסון הזה מכל הצרות, אשר מצאו את היהודים, כי בלילה אחד נבקעו בטני אלפַּים איש!",
+                    "ה. וכאשר נודע לטיטוס דבר התועבה הזאת, כמעט אמר בלבבו להקיף את האשֵׁמים בגדוד רומאי ולהמית את כֻּלם כרגע — לולא שָׂם לבו אל ההמון הרב של הנבָלים וראה, כי מספר חַיבי־העֹנש גדול הרבה מונים ממספר הנרצחים. הוא קרא לשרי צבאות הברית ולראשי הלגיונות — כי גם על אחדים מאנשי־הצבא הרומאים יצא שֵׁם רע בדבר הזה — ודִבּר קשות עם כל אחד מהם, באמרו, כי רע בעיניו דבַר התועבה הזאת, אשר עשו אנשים נלחמים תחת דגלו למען סָפק־בצע ולא בושו מפני כבוד כלי־נשקם, העשוים גם הם כסף וזהב. ואת הערבים והסורים יִסר טיטוס על אשר הם חושבים בצאתם למלחמה שאינה שלהם, כי להם המשפט לעשות ככל אַוַּת נפשם הרעה, ואחרי־כן הם תולים את אכזריותם ואת שנאתם ליהודים ברומאים, וככה דבק השם הרע גם באנשים מקרב הצבא (הרומאי). הוא אִיֵּם עליהם, כי יעשה משפט־מות באיש, אשר יוסיף לעשות דבר תועבה כזאת, ועל אנשי־הצבא צוה לחקור אחרי הנחשדים ולהביאם אליו. אך נראה, כי חמדת־הכסף בָּזָה לכל עֹנש, ונוראה היא התשוקה הנטועה בלב האדם למצֹא שלל, ואין תאוה מעבירה אותו מן העולם כאהבת הבצע, כי ליתר תאוותיו יש מדה וגם היראה מכניעה אותן. ואמנם הדבר הזה היה אצבע אלהים, אשר שפט את כל העם לכליון, והפך כל נתיב־ישועה לדרך־מות. כי גם אחרי אשר אסר הקיסר לעשות את הדבר במוראי־מות עוד נועזו האנשים לשלוח יד בבורחים בלאט. עוד טרם הספיקו הנמלטים מתוך העיר להֵראות לעיני הרומאים, פגעו בהם הנכרים (הלועזים, הברברים) ושחטום, בהביטם כה וכה, אם לא יראה את מעשיהם אחד הרומאים, ואחרי־כן שסעו את החללים להוציא מהם את הבצע המגֹאל בדמים, כי מתי־מספר היו האנשים, אשר נמצא זהב בקרבם, ומרביתם היו חללי התקוה הכוזבת. האסון הזה עצר בעד רבים מן העם, אשר אמרו בנפשם לברוח ולנפול אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר לא השיגה עוד יד יוחנן לגזול (מאת העם), שׂם את פניו למעול בקדשים וצוה להַתּיך רבים מקדשי ההיכל והרבה כלי־שרת לעבודת אלהים, את הקנקנים והקערות והשלחנות, וגם על מזרקי־היין, אשר שלחו הקיסר אוגוסטוס ואשתו מתנה אל בית־המקדש, לא חמלה עינו. והנה מלכי הרומאים כבדו את ההיכל תמיד והוסיפו עליו פאר, ועתה בא היהודי הזה וגזל את מתנות הזרים, ואל העומדים עליו אמר, כי במלחמה לשֵׁם־שמים מֻתָּר להשתמש בקדשי־שמים ולמגִני ההיכל המשפט לקבל ממנו את לחם־חֻקָּם. על־כן הוציא גם את יין־הקֹדש ואת השמן [הכתית], אשר שמרו אותם הכהנים להקריבם על עולת־התמיד — והם נמצאו בבית־המקדש לפנים — וחִלק אותם לאנשי־המונו, ואלה משחו את בשרם בלי אימה בשמן־הקֹדש ושתו מיין־הנסכים [לרויה]. אמנם אין בכֹחי לעצור בדברים, אשר שׂם בפי יגון־נפשי! אני חושב, אשר לו פִגרו הרומאים לקחת את נקמתם באנשי־הבליעל, כי אז פתחה האדמה את פיה ובלעה את העיר, או בא עליה מבול סוחף והציף אותה, או הברקים, אשר ירדו לפנים על סדום מן השמים, שׂמו אותה לבער. כי נמצא בקרבה דור רשע, אשר הִרבּה להכעיס את אלהים מהדורות החטאים, אשר נדונו בעֳנָשׁים האלה, ובשגעון הדור החוטא הזה נספָּה העם כֻּלּוֹ.",
+                    "ז. ולמה עלי לספר את כל הצרות לאחת אחת? בימים ההם נמלט אל טיטוס מנוח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: מַנַּיּוֹס.</i> בן אלעזר וסִפּר, כי דרך שער אחד משערי העיר, אשר הָפקד עליו לשמרו, הוצאו אחד־עשר רבוא וחמשת אלפים ושמונה מאות ושמונים חללים מן היום, אשר בו שׂמו הרומאים את מחנם בקרבת העיר, הוא הארבעה־עשר לקסַנתּיקוס (ניסן) עד ראש־חדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז), וכל ההמון הזה היו עניים בלבד, והנה האיש הזה לא עמד על הפגרים ברצותו למנותם, רק עשה זאת באֹנס, בשַׁלמו שכר [למוציאי הפגרים] מכסף הצבור. ואת יתר האנשים קברו בני־ביתם. ודרך הקבורה היה להוציא את המתים מתוך השער ולהשליכם למטה. ואחרי מנוח נמלטו רבים מנשואי־הפנים והודיעו, כי ששים רבוא מתים הָשלכו משערי ירושלים ומספר יתר חללי הרעב הוא לאין־חקר. כאשר כשל כֹּח האנשים להוציא את גוִיות המתים העניים, צברו אותן צבורים צבורים בבתים הגדולים אשר בעיר וסגרו על הפגרים. איפת־חטים אחת נמכרה בככר־כסף, ואחרי־כן, כאשר נסגרה העיר בדָיֵק, ולא יכלו עוד יושביה ללקט להם ירקות, גדל המצוק ועלה למעלה ראש, עד אשר בדקו את תעלות־השופכים וחפשו בגללי־הבקר להוציא משם דבר אשר יֵאָכֵל. והדברים, אשר היו לגֹעל־נפש לכל רואיהם לפנים, נעשו עתה למאכל־העם. כשמוע הרומאים את הדבר הזה, נדו לאסון העם, אולם המורדים, אשר ראו את הדברים בעיניהם, לא שבוּ ממעשיהם, כי־אם החזיקו במרדם, עד אשר הגיעה הרעה גם אליהם. כי הגזרה, שנגזרה על העיר, אשר קרב לבוא קִצה, הכתה את עיניהם בסנוֵרים [ולא ראו ולא שׂמו אל לב]."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>תלאות היהודים עברו כל מדה. הרומאים התנפלו על הבירה.</small><br><br>א. וצרות ירושלים עצמו מיום ליום, כי כאשר גדלו התלאות עלה גם רֹגז המורדים, והרעב, אשר שת קציר לעם, כבר החל להציק גם להם. מראה ערֵמות הפגרים הרבים היה לזוָעה לעין־רואה, וצחנתם הֶעלתה רוח־קטב, ותִלי הגוִיות היו למכשול לאנשי־המלחמה בהגיחם מן העיר, כי היה עליהם לדרוך על חללים, כמעשה הלוחמים במערכה, הבוקעים להם דרך ביום הרג רב. אך גם בבוססם את הגויות לא סמרו שערותיהם ולא התעוררו רחמיהם, אף לא ראו אות, מבַשׂר רעה בַּחרפה, אשר הביאו על המתים, ובידים מגֹאלות בדם אחיהם רצו משערי העיר להתגרות מלחמה באויביהם, כאִלו אמרו ליַסר את האלהים על אשר האריך להם במדת־דינו. כי לא תקוה לנצחון הוסיפה עוד להפיח עֹז בלב המורדים, כי־אם היאוש מכל ישועה יצא לפניהם במלחמותם. ואף כי עבדו הרומאים עבודת־פרך בהביאם את העצים ממרחק, עלה בידם להשלים את עבודת הסוללות מקץ עשרים ואחד יום, אחרי חשׂפם — כאשר אמרתי למעלה — את כל הארץ מסביב לעיר במרחק תשעים ריס. ומראה הארץ עורר חמלה בלב כל רואה, כי בהִגָּדע כל האילנות במקומות, אשר עטו לפנים עצי־פרי ופרדסים, נהפכה כֻלה לשאִיָּה. וגם האישׁ הנכרי, אשר ראה לפנים את ארץ יהודה ואת מגרשי ירושלים כלילי־היֹפי והביט עתה אל המקומות האלה בחֻרבנם, לא עצר כֹּח למנוע קולו מבכי ולהבליג על אנחותיו למראה המהפכה הנוראה הזאת. כי מחתה המלחמה את כל עקבות הדַר העיר לפנים, ולוּ הגיע שמה פתאֹם איש, אשר ידע את המקומות האלה לפנים, כי אז נבצר ממנו להכירם, ובדרוך רגליו על אדמת ירושלים היה עליו לבקש את מקומה אַיּוֹ.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר תמה מלאכת הסוללות, באו ימי דאגה ומגור לרומאים וליהודים יחדו. כי היהודים הבינו, אשר נפֹל תפֹּל העיר בידי האויבים, אם לא יצלח חפצם לשרוף את הסוללות האלה, כמעשיהם אשר עשו לסוללות הראשונות. והרומאים חשבו, כי לא יעלה בידם לכבוש את העיר לעולם, אם גם הסוללות האלה תאבדנה, כי לא נמצאו עוד עצים [לעבודה חדשה] וכבר כשל כֹּח אנשי־הצבא מהעבודה הקשה, וגם רוחם השתוחחה בקרבם אחרי המפלות הרצופות. ואף התלאות אשר בירושלים המסו את לב הרומאים יותר מאשר דכאו את רוח אנשי העיר. לשוא קוו הרומאים, אשר הרעות תַּכשלנה את כֹּח צריהם במלחמה, כי היהודים הבישו כפעם בפעם את כל תקוותיהם: הם השחיתו את הסוללות בתחבולותיהם, ומכונות־הרעש לא יכלו להרעיש את חומות העיר המוצקות, וגם בזרוע נטויה לא עצרו הרומאים כֹּח לכבוש את העיר, כי התגברו עליהם היהודים בהלחמם בהם פנים בפנים, — ועוד יותר התעצבו הרומאים בשומם אל לבם, כי אחרי מלחמת־האחים בירושלים והרעב ויתר פגעי המלחמה וכל הנוראות אשר מצאו את היהודים, לא סר אֹמץ־רוחם, ועל־כן האמינו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפניהם בצאתם להלחם מלחמת־תנופה וכי גם הצרות לא תעצרנה להחליש את כֹּח־סֻבּלם. הם חשבו בלבם: מה יבָּצר מהאנשים האלה לעשות לעת תהיה השעה משַׂחקת להם? הלא גם האסונות מוסיפים להם כֹּח ואיָל! על־כן שקדו הרומאים לחַזק את משמר הסוללות מאד.",
+                    "ג. ואנשי יוחנן המגִנים על הבירה (אנטוניה) הכינו להם משׂגב לעתיד, לכשתִּבָּקע חומת המצודה, וגם נִסו להגיח אל הסוללות בטרם יספיקו הרומאים להציג עליהן את הכרים, אולם הפעם לא הצליחו במזמתם. כי בצאתם עם הלפידים, לא הספיקו לגשת אל הסוללות ופנו עֹרף. הסבה הראשונה לדבר היתה, כי לא עשו את הדבר בלב אחד ובהשכל ובדעת, ולא יצאו חוצץ כּלם, כי־אם בגדודים [קטנים], וגם אלה התפרדו ונזהרו [יותר מן המדה] ויראו לנפשם. סוף דבר: הם עשו את מעשיהם שלא כדרך היהודים. כי לא נִכּרו בהם הפעם מעלות לוחמי עם־יהודה, עֹז הנפש וקנאת־הקרָב, שטף המרוצה בהמון צפוף ושיבה מהירה בטרם תבוא רעה. ובצאתם על אויביהם בלא רוח נכונה כדרכם תמיד, מצאו את הרומאים חזקים מבתחלה, כי סוככו בבשרם ובכלי־נשקם על הסוללות בכל מקום, עד אשר לא מצאו להם היהודים נתיב להבקיע שמה ולהצית שם אש — וגם כל אחד מן הרומאים היה מוכן לבלתי עזוב את המערכה עד צאת נפשו. כי ידעו אנשי־הצבא, אשר כל תקוותיהם תאבדנה, אם תִּשָׂרף גם המלאכה הזאת באש, ומלבד זאת בושו מאד לנפשם, פן תכריע ערמת היהודים את גבורתם הם, ורוח היהודים הנואשה — את תֹּקף נשקם, וההמון הרב יתגבר על למודי־המלחמה — ויד היהודים תהיה בעֹרף הרומאים. גם כלי־הקלע היו לעזרה לרומאים, כי ירו ביהודים הקמים אליהם, וכאשר נפל בהם הנופל, היה למכשול לכל המעפילים לעלות אחריו, ואימת המות שברה את רוחם, ולא נועזו ללכת הלאה. והיהודים, אשר הגיעו במרוצתם אל האויב קרוב ממטחוי־קשת, נבהלו למראה שונאיהם, העומדים צפופים במערכות מלחמה, ולא ערבו את לבם להלחם בהם פנים בפנים, והנשארים נרתעו מפני החניתות הרבות [אשר לאויביהם] ונסוגו אחור במרוצה. לאחרונה שבו כלם במפח־נפש אל החומה, וכל איש חרף את רעהו על מרך־לבו. המלחמה הזאת היתה בראש־חֹדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז). וכאשר נסוגו היהודים אחור, הקריבו הרומאים את כלי־הרעש, והיהודים המטירו עליהם מראש המצודה (אנטוניה) אבנים ואש לוהט וכל מיני קלע, אשר השיגה ידם בעת דחקם. אף כי הרבו היהודים לבטוח במעוז חומתם ובזו לכלי־המשחית, בכל־זאת נִסו להניא את הרומאים מגשת אליהם. והרומאים האמינו, כי היהודים חוגרים את כֹּחם לבלי תת לכרים לנגח את הבירה, יען כי חומתה היא דלה ורפה, והיו בטוחים, כי התמוטטו אשיותיה, ועל־כן התמכרו להלחם ביתרון־אונים. אמנם החומה לא הזדעזעה תחת מכת הכרים, אולם הרומאים לא נבהלו מפני היהודים היורים עליהם, ולא שמו לב לפגעים המוכנים להם מידי העומדים בראש החומה, והוסיפו לנגח את המצודה בחֹזק־יד. וכאשר כשל כּחם בעבודה הזאת, והאבנים השלוחות אליהם מכל־עבר הפיצו את שורותיהם, באו אנשי־צבא אחרים וסוככו על בשרם במגִניהם וחתרו בידיהם ובדרבנותיהם תחת יסודות המצודה, ואחרי עמל רב עלה בידם להוציא משם ארבע אבנים. הלילה בא והפסיק את המלחמה ובלילה ההוא נבקע חלק החומה, אשר הרעישו אותו הרומאים באילי־הברזל, ונהרס פתאם במקום, אשר חתר בו יוחנן לפנים בהתנקשו לסוללות הרומאים, כי נפלה המנהרה תחתיה.",
+                    "ד. אך מוזר היה הרֹשם, שעשה המקרה הזה בלבות היהודים והרומאים. היהודים, אשר היה להם להתעצב אל לבם לַשׁבר, אשר בא אליהם בהסח־הדעת, בטרם הספיקו למצֹא להם מבטח אחר, חגרו עֹז, כאלו נשארה עוד החומה בשלֵמותה. ושמחת הרומאים על פרץ החומה, אשר לא קוו לו, ערבה למראה החומה השניה, אשר הקימו אנשי יוחנן מִבַּיִת למול החומה הפרוצה. אמנם למראית־עין נקל היה לכבּשׁ את החומה הזאת מאשר את החומה הראשונה, כי דרך פרצי ההרס היה קל לרומאים לעלות עליה, וגם חשבו הרומאים נכונה, כי החומה החדשה הזאת רפה הרבה מחומת הבירה הישנה, כי נבנתה בחפזון בשעת הדחק, ועל־כן תהָרס במהרה. אולם איש לא ערב את לבו לעלות בפרץ החומה, וכל אחד ירא להחל בדבר, בדעתו, כי הוא הולך לקראת המות בבטחה.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס הבין, כי בתקוות טובות ובדברים נכונים יוכל לחַזק את רוח אנשי־המלחמה, כי דברים מעוררים והבטחות טובות משכיחים לפעמים את מוראי הסכנה, ויש אשר הם מביאים את האדם לבוז למות. על־כן צוה להקהיל את גבורי־החיל אשר בקרב אנשיו ונשא אליהם את דבריו לאמר: שמעו אלי, חבֵרַי, היוצאים עמי במלחמה. לוְ בא אדם להעירכם לעשות דברים שאין בהם סכנה, היתה התוכחת הזאת לחרפה לכם ויחד עם זאת היתה גם לאות ולעֵד על מֹרך־לב המוכיח אתכם. אני חושב, כי יש לעורר את האנשים בדברים רק למעשים גדולים ומסֻכּנים, ואולם את הדברים הקטנים עליהם למלא מכֹּח עצמם. אני חושב כמוכם, כי יקשה מכם לעלות על החומה, ואולם עלי להוסיף, כי נאה מאד לאנשים מבקשי המַעלה להלחם במכשולים, ויפה למות בשֵׁם טוב (שם גבורים), וגבורת האיש המחרף את נפשו ראשונה לא תשוב ריקם. בתחלה אעיר אתכם על דבר אחד, אשר רבים מכם נבהלים מפניו, — הוא אֹרך־רוח היהודים וכח־סבלם הגדול בצרותיהם. הן כדַי בזיון יהיה, אם אתם הרומאים — אתם אנשי־חֵילי, אשר למדתם את מלאכת המלחמה בעתות־שלום ומאז הסכנתם לנצח במלחמותיכם — תכרעו לפני כֹּח זרוע היהודים או לפני עֹצם רוחם בשעה הזאת, לעת קץ הנצחון, אשר נִתּן לנו בעזרת אלהים. הן כל מפלותינו אינן רק פרי שגעון היהודים הנואשים, אולם צרות היהודים הן מעשי גבורתנו, אשר גדלו ועצמו בעזר אלהים: מריבת האחים והרעב והמצור והחומה שנפלה תחתיה בלי רעש המכונות — האין זה אצבע אלהים, אות כעסו עליהם ואות ישועתו לנו? ולא לנו יאות לכרוע לפני החלשים ממנו, ועוד יותר מזה — לבגוד בברית אלהים. ואיך לא נכָּלם בראותנו את היהודים האלה, אשר לא יגדל קלונם בהכנעם לפנינו, כי כבר למדו להיות עבדים — והנה הם בזים למוֶת, למען לא יוסיפו להטות שכמם לסֵבל, וכפעם בפעם הם פורצים בתוך מערכותינו, ואמנם אינם מקוים להתגבּר עלינו, כי־אם באים להראות את גבורתם לבד. ואנחנו? הנה אנחנו מושלים בכל הארץ כמעט ובמרחבי הים, והלא אם [גם לא תהיה ידנו על התחתונה] רק לא ננַצח את אויבינו — יחָשב לנו הדבר לחרפה נצחת, ובכל־זאת לא נִסינו אף פעם להשליך את נפשנו מנגד במלחמה עם צרינו — ואנחנו מחכים כל הימים, עד אשר יכרית אותם הרעב או במקרה יכרעו לפנינו, ויושבים בחבוק ידים עם כל המון נשקנו הרב, אף כי נִתּן הפעם בידינו להשלים את הנצחון בּחרפנו את נפשנו מעט. אם נעפיל ונעלה על המצודה — והיתה לנו כל העיר. אין אני מאמין, כי תקום לנו מלחמה מבית לחומה, אך לו גם יהיה כדבר הזה — הנה מרום־מעמדנו, אשר משם נוכל לעצור את נשימת צרינו, הוא ערֻבּה נאמנה לנצחון. ואני לא אבוא פה לזַמר את תהלת מות־גבורים במלחמה ולא אדבר אל חיי־הנצחים העתידים לאבירים, אשר נפלו חללים, כי־אם רוצה אני לברך את האנשים, אשר לא כמחשבותי מחשבותיהם, כי ימותו בשלום מְמוֹתי־תחלואים ויחד עם גופם תִּשָּׁפט גם נשמתם לקבורת־עולם. מי מכם לא ידע, כי את נשמות הגברים הטובים, אשר הפרידה חרב המלחמה ביניהן ובין גויותיהן, יחבק היסוד הטהור בכל היסודות, הוא האַיתֵּר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האויר הדק והנעים המרחף בשׂדי־הנצח (אליסיון).</i>, וירים אותן בין כוכבים, ומשם יופיעו הגבורים האלה בדמות רוחות טובים ואבירים הסוככים על יוצאי־חלציהם, ועל הנשמות הגוְֹעות מגוף חולה, ולוְ גם תהיינה טהורות מכל דֹּפי ומכל כתם, יכסה ליל־אפלה מתחת לאדמה, ותהום־נשיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: לֶתֵּי.</i> תקדם את פניהן, כי עם קץ חייהן וכליון־בשרן יסוף גם זכרן? ואם נגזר על בני־האדם, כי בעל־כרחם יבוא קץ לחייהם, והחרב היא שליח (שַׁמַּש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״המשרת״.</i>) הגזרה הזאת, הנוח לאדם מכל מחלה, האֻמנם לכבוד יהיה לנו, אם לא נפרע לצרכינו את החוב, שמוטל עלינו לשַׁלם אחרי־זמן לַגורל בעל־כרחנו? והנה את כל הדברים האלה אמרתי, לכשלא יוכלו גבורי־החיל להושיע את נפשם. אולם הלא נִתָּן בידי המגברים חיָלים להציל את חייהם גם בעת צרה גדולה. הן לראשונה לא יקשה מכם לעלות בפרץ הזה, ומלבד זאת יֵקל לכם מאד לכבוש את החומה החדשה. ואם רבים ועצומים מכם יחגרו עֹז לעשות מעשה, יחַזק האחד את לב משנהו ויהיה לו לעזרה, ולמראה אֹמץ־לבכם יפול לב שונאיכם במהרה. ואולי יעלה הדבר בידכם גם בלי שפך־דם, אם תחֵלו אותו הפעם. אמנם כאשר תעפילו ותעלו ביד רמה, הלֹא נַסֵּה ינסו האויבים לעצרכם, אולם אחרי אשר תעשו בלָאט ותתחזקו [עליהם] פעם אחת, לא יוסיפו לעמוד בפניכם, גם אם תקדמו [אותם] במתי־מספר. ולי תהיה לחרפה, אם לא אשלם לאשר יעפיל לעלות על החומה לראשונה כגמול ידיו, עד כי יקַנאו בו רואיו, וכי יִשָּׁאר בחיים, יהיה נגיד ומצוה לחבריו, ואם יפול במלחמה, ישא משאת־כבוד אחרי מותו לזכר נשמתו.״",
+                    "ו. בדבֵּר טיטוס את הדברים האלה לא חדל ההמון הגדול לירֹא מפני גֹדל הסכנה. רק אחד מאנשי־הצבא אשר בגדודים ושמו סַבּינוּס, בן משפחה סורית, גלה הפעם, כי הוא עולה על חבריו בעֹז־ימינו ובכֹח־נפשו, אף כי האדם הרואה לעינים, שהביט אל מבנה גופו, לא יכול להאמין, כי איש־חיל הוא באמת, כי היה שחור בעורו, צנום ודל־בשר. אולם נשמת גבור נערץ שכנה בגוִיה הדקה, אשר צרה מהכיל את כֹּח־הנפש הזה. הוא קם ראשון על רגליו ואמר: ״ברצון אקריב לך את נפשי ואעלה לראשונה על החומה ואתפלל, כי מזלך הטוב ימַלא אחרי אֹמץ־לבי ומחשבתי הנכונה, אך אם אבוש מתקותי, דע לך, כי לא תבוא מפלתי בהסח־הדעת, כי־אם בדעה צלולה אבחר במות למענך״. לדברים האלה הרים בשמאלו את המגן לסוכך בו מעל לראשו ובימִינו שלף את החרב וקפץ אל החומה. הדבר הזה היה קרוב לשש שעות ביום. אחריו הלכו עוד אחד־עשר איש, אשר הם לבדם קִנאו בגבורתו. והשומרים העומדים על החומה הטילו עליהם חניתות לאין־מספר וגם ירו בהם חצים מכל עבר. אולם סַבּינוס רץ לקראת חניתות אויביו, ואף כי כסו אותו החצים, לא נעצר בשטף מרוצתו, עד אשר הגיע למרום המצודה והניס את האויבים. כי נבהלו היהודים מפני זרוע־עֻזו ותֹקף־נפשו וחשבו, כי יחד עמו עולים אנשים רבים ועל־כן פנו עֹרף. אך בצדק עלינו לחרף את הגורל המקנא במעלות האדם והבוצר את הרוח המפליאה לעשות חיל. כי כאשר השלים הגבור הזה את רצונו, מעדו רגליו בהכָּשלו באבן אחת, והוא נפל מלא־קומתו ארצה בהמֻלה רבה. ולקול ההמֻלה הביטו היהודים מאחריהם ובראותם, כי הוא נופל לארץ ואין איש אתו, החלו לירות בו מעברים. הוא קם מעל הארץ וכרע על אחת מברכיו, ובסוככו על בשרו במגִנו עמד על נפשו לראשונה וגם פצע רבים מהשונאים הנגשים אליו. אולם מרֹב פצעיו צנחה יד־ימינו, ועוד טרם יצאה נשמתו נקבר תחת המון חצים וקלעים — הוא הגבר, אשר ראוי היה לקבל טובה יתרה על גבורתו. אולם מות־הגבורים היה נאה לגֹדל־רוחו. ומיתר הרומאים, אשר העפילו לעלות, המיתו היהודים שלשה אנשים, אשר הגיעו עד מרום המצודה, בפוצצם את עצמותיהם באבנים, ושמונת הנשארים נסחבו למטה [בידי חבריהם] מכֻסים בפצעים ונִשׂאו אל המחנה. הדבר הזה היה בשלישי לחֹדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז).",
+                    "ז. וכעבור יומַים נועדו עשרים איש מהשומרים הרומאים הסוככים על הסוללה, ומשכו אליהם את נושא־הנשר אשר ללגיון החמישי ושני אנשים מלהקות הרוכבים וגם את אחד המחצצרים, ובתשע שעות בלילה עלו בלאט על הבירה דרך פרץ החומה ושחטו את שומרי המצודה הראשונים הנמים את שנתם וכבשו את החומה וצוו את המחצצר לתת אות. לקול החצוצרה נעורו פתאם משנתם יתר שומרי המצודה ומהרו לברוח, בטרם הספיקו לראות את מספר האנשים הבאים. כי הפחד וקול החצוצרה התעו אותם לראות בעיניהם כדמות המון־אויבים רב העולה עליהם למלחמה. וכשמוע הקיסר את קול החצוצרה, צוה להריע ולהזעיק את הצבא במהרה, ויחד עם ראשי־הלגיונות עלה בפרץ החומה בראש בחורי חילו. כאשר ברחו היהודים מפניהם אל הר־הבית, פרצו הרומאים גם במנהרה, אשר חפר יוחנן לסוללותיהם. המורדים משני המחנות הנפרדים, אנשי יוחנן ואנשי שמעון, עצרו בעד הרומאים ונלחמו בהם בשארית אונים והשליכו את נפשם מנגד במדה אשר אין למעלה ממנה, כי הבינו, אשר תהיה תבוסתם שלמה בבוא הרומאים אל הר־הבית — בעוד אשר הרומאים חשבו, כי הדבר הזה יהיה ראש נצחונם. מסביב למבואי הר־הבית התחוללה מלחמה עזה, כי הרומאים בקשו להבקיע בחֹזק־יד אל המקדש ולכבשו, והיהודים הדפו אותם אחור אל הבירה (אנטוניה). והחניתות והחצים לא היו הפעם ליהודים ולרומאים להועיל, כי שלפו את חרבותיהם ונלחמו פנים בפנים, ובהתלקח הקרב לא ידעו אלה ואלה איה מערכות לוחמיהם, כי התלכדו יחד ונדחקו במקומות הצרים, ובתוך הצעקות הנוראות לא נשמע קול המפקדים. ורבים ועצומים נפלו חללים מן היהודים והרומאים, והלוחמים רמסו את הנופלים ורסקו את אבריהם ואת כלי־נשקם. וכל העת נשמע במקום, אשר נעתק שמה כֹּבד המלחמה, קול ענות גבורה, תרועת העושים חיל, יחד עם קול יללת הפונים עֹרף, ולא היה מקום לכושלים לברוח בו ולא רֶוַח לרדוף אחריהם. ובהתערב שתי המערכות יחד גברה יד האחת במקום אחד ויד השניה במקום אחר. והעומדים בשורה הראשונה לא יכלו בלתי־אם לנפול או להפיל את אויביהם באבֹד מהם כל מנוס, כי אלה ואלה נדחפו בידי חבריהם הנלחמים מאחוריהם ולא נשאר אף רֶוַח קטן ליוצאי הקרב. לאחרונה התגברו היהודים בעֹז קנאתם על הרומאים מלֻמדי־המלחמה, והקרָב בא עד קצו, אחרי אשר נמשך מתשע שעות בלילה עד שבע שעות ביום. היהודים יצאו לקרָב בכל המונם ועשו גבורות נפלאות, ביָראם פן יפלו בידי אויביהם. והרומאים נלחמו רק בחלק צבאם, כי טרם הספיקו להגיע שמה הלגיונות, אשר בהם שׂמו הלוחמים מבטחם. על־כן שמחו הרומאים בחלקם, כי עלה בידם לכבוש את הבירה.",
+                    "ח. ויוּליָנוס שר־המאה מארץ ביתוּניה, איש מבני הנדיבים, עלה בדעת־הקרָב ובכח־גופו וגם בעֹז־נפשו על כל האנשים, אשר ידעתי במלחמה הזאת. הוא עמד בַּבִּירָה על־יד טיטוס וראה את הרומאים, והנה הם נסוגים אחור ואין בהם כֹּח לעמוד על־נפשם, והגיח לבדו אל־תוך היהודים המנצחים והניס אותם עד קרן החצר הפנימית אשר למקדש. הם ברחו כֻלם יחד, בחשבם כי עֹצם־ידו ועזוז־רוחו אינם דרך־אדם. והוא קפץ בקרב הבורחים הנפוצים מעליו אנה ואנה והמית את הנופלים בידו. והקיסר ראה את הדבר הזה ותמַה מאד מאד ויתר רואיו שׂערו שׂער. אולם גם אחריו רדף הגורל, אשר לא יִמָּלט ממנו בשר־ודם: על רגליו היו סנדלים מסֻמרים כחֹק לאנשי־הצבא והמסמרים היו צפופים וחדים, וברוצו על־גבי מרצפת־האבנים מעדו רגליו והוא נפל ארצה אחורנית. לקול שאון נשקו במפלתו הפכו הבורחים את פניהם אליו והכו אותו מכל עבר ברמחיהם ובחרבותיהם. אולם בעבי־מגִנו השיב יוּליָנוס זמן רב את חרב שונאיו אחור וכפעם בפעם נִסּה לעמוד על רגליו, אך המון המכים אותו השליך אותו לארץ. וגם בשכבו מָחַץ בחרבו רבים [מהמתנפלים עליו], ולא במהרה נפל שדוד, כי הקובע והשריון סוככו על חלקי גופו הנוחים לדקירה, וגם כנס את צוארו (ערפו), ורק כאשר נקצצו ראשי יתר אבריו וראה, כי אין איש מחרף את נפשו לבוא לעזרתו, עיפה נפשו להורגים. ועצב נורא דכא את לב הקיסר בראותו איש גבור־חיל כזה נרצח לעיני חבריו הרבים. הוא רצה להחיש לו עזרה, אך לא יכל לעשות את הדבר ממקום עָמדו והאנשים [הקרובים], אשר יכלו לעָזרוֹ, נמוגו מפחד ולא משו ממקומם. ואחרי אשר שׂרר יוּליָנוס זמן רב אל המות ונלחם בממיתיו ופצע את כֻּלם מלבד מתי־מעט, נהרג בעמל רב והשאיר את שמו לתהלה לא בפי הקיסר בלבד, כי־אם גם בפי השונאים. והיהודים לקחו להם את נבלת המת, ואחרי זאת גרשו את הרומאים ולחצו אותם אל חומת אנטוניה. במלחמה הזאת הפליאו לעשות גבורות אַלֶּכּסא וגִפְתָּאי מצבא יוחנן, ומאנשי שמעון מַלכִּיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יתכן גם: מלאָכי.</i> ויהודה בן מֶרְטוֹן, וגם יעקב בן סוֹסא ראש האדוֹמים, ושני אחים מקרב הקנאים שמעון ויהודה בני אֲרִי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: בני יאיר.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס צוה להרוס את הבירה, ושלח את יוסף לדבר עוד הפעם אל המורדים דברי־מוסר.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס צוה על אנשי־הצבא אשר עמו להרוס את יסודות הבירה ולפתוח מבוא רחב ונוח לכל חילו. והוא שלח לקרֹא ליוסף, כי שמע אשר ביום ההוא, הוא יום שבעה־עשר לחדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז), שבת קרבן־האלהים, הנקרא בשם קרבן־התמיד, מחֹסר אנשים [הראוים להקריבו כהלכה] והעם התעצב על זה מאד. הוא צוה את יוסף לדבּר אל יוחנן עוד הפעם כדברים הראשונים לאמר: ״אם תקף עליך יצרך הרע לעשות מלחמה, הלא יש לאל־ידך לצאת עם כל הרוצים להלחם, מבלי להחריב את העיר ואת ההיכל עמך יחד, ולא תטמא את המקדש ולא תנאץ את האלהים; והרשות נתונה לך לחַדש את עבודת הזבחים הנפסקת בידי אנשים, אשר תבחר מקרב היהודים כטוב בעיניך״. ויוסף בחר לו מקום, אשר משם יִשָּׁמע קולו לא באזני יוחנן בלבד, כי־אם גם באזני יתר היהודים, וקרא עברית את הדברים, אשר שָׂם הקיסר בפיו, ועוד הרבה תחנונים לרחם על עיר־האבות ולהפיץ את האש, אשר כבר לחכה את ההיכל, ולהקריב לאלהים את הזבחים. העם נכלם מדברי יוסף והחריש. והעָריץ הִרבּה לחרף ולקלל את יוסף, ולאחרונה הוסיף, כי אינו ירא פן תפול העיר, אשר היא נחלת אלהים. ויוסף ענהו קול גדול, לאמר: ״אמן ואמן! הן אתה שקרת על טהרת העיר הזאת למען אלהים, ובית־המקדש לא נטמא בידיך, ולא חטאת לאשר אתה מקוה לעזרתו הפעם. והוא מקבל את לחם־אִשו כחֹק. הוי, כבד־עון, הן אם יגזול ממך איש את לחם־חָקך, חשוב תחשבהו לאויב לך, ואתה קובע את האלהים ועושק את קרבנות־ניחוחיו מימי עולם — ועודך נושא את נפשך אליו, כי יהיה לך לעזר במלחמה? ואיך תאמר לשית חטאת (חטאתך אתה) על הרומאים, אשר הם מכבדים את דתנו עד היום הזה ומחזקים [את דבריהם עליך] להקריב לאלהים את הזבחים, אשר השביתו ידיך? ומי לא יאָנח ולא יתאבּל על התמורות המוזרות שהיו בעיר, בראותו את הנכרים והשונאים מבקשים לכפר על פשעיך, ואתה, איש [יהודי מבטן ומלדה], אתה, אשר גדלת על חֻקי התורה בועט בחקים האלה, יותר מכל בני־הנכר, אולם גם לך, יוחנן, לא יהיה הדבר לחרפה, אם תשוב ממעשיך הרעים לעת אשר קרב הקץ. הואילה להציל את העיר! ויהיה לך יכניה מלך יהודה למופת נאה: הן כאשר עלה עליו מלך בבל למלחמה, מהר לצאת אליו בטרם תפול העיר בידי אויביו, ובחר ללכת בשביה יחד עם בני־ביתו, כי לא רצה לתת את המקומות הקדושים האלה בידי השונא ולראות את בית־האלהים בוער באש ועל־כן נשאר שמו לברכה בדברי־הקֹדש בפי כל היהודים וזכרו לא ימוש כל ימות עולם וכבודו יהיה חדש עמו, כי דור לדור יספר תהלתו לנצח נצחים. מה נאה הוא המופת הזה, והן עליך לעשות כמוהו, גם אם ידוע תדע, כי בנפשך הדבר! אולם אני נותן לך ערֻבּה, כי תמצא חנינה בידי הרומאים, זכור, כי פי אחיך מדבּר אליך את העצה הזאת, כי יהודי אני, המבשר לך [את ישועתך], ועליך לשים אל לבך, מי הוא יועצך ומאין בא. כי לא בחרתי להשאר בחיים בשבי האויב, למען אתנכּר לעמי ואשכח את אבותיו. הנה אתה מחרף אותי עוד הפעם ומקלל אותי בקול גדול. אכן ראוי אני לעֹנש גדול מזה, אשר באתי להוכיחכם בדברים, למרות הגזרה אשר יצאה עליכם, ונסיתי להציל את האנשים, אשר נחתּם גזר־דינם בידי אלהים! מי לא יֵדע את כתבי נביאינו הקדמונים ואת החזון אשר נשאו בימיהם על העיר האֻמללה הזאת? והנה דבר החזון נמלא הפעם! הלא הם, אשר ראו את העתידות, כי נפול תפול העיר הזאת, כאשר יחל איש לשפוך בה את דם אחיו. והטרם מלאה העיר יחד עם הר־הקֹדש חללי ידיכם? הנה אלהים, הוא ולא אחר, מעלה עליכם עם הרומאים את האש לטהר את המקדש ולכלות מעל־פני האדמה את העיר המלאה תועבות גדולות כאלה.״",
+                    "ב. את הדברים האלה קרא יוסף בקול נהי ובדמעות על עיניו, עד אשר שם בכיו מחנק לגרונו ולא הוסיף לדבּר. הרומאים נדו לו בצרתו והשתוממו על מערכי־לבו. אולם אנשי יוחנן הוסיפו עוד רֹגז על הרומאים ותשוקתם בערה בהם לתפוש אותו (את יוסף) בכפם. אך דברי יוסף עשו רֹשם על נדיבי ירושלים. אמנם מקצתם לא נועזו עוד להמלט על נפשם, כי אימת משמרות המורדים היתה עליהם, ועל־כן נשארו בירושלים, אף כי היטיבו לראות מראש את אחריתם הרעה ואת אבדן העיר. אולם נמצאו בקרבם גם אנשים, אשר שמרו את שעת־הכֹּשר לצאת מן העיר לבטח, וברחו אל הרומאים. במספרם היו יוסף ויהושע הכהנים הגדולים וגם בני כהנים גדולים, הלא הם שלשה בני ישמעאל, אשר נכרת ראשו בקירֵינֵי, וארבעת בני מתתיהו, ובן אחד של מתתיהו אחר, אשר ברח אחרי רצח אביו, אשר המיתוֹ שמעון בן גיורא על שלשת בניו, כאשר סֻפּר למעלה. ויחד עם הכהנים הגדולים ברחו עוד רבים מנדיבי העם אל הרומאים. והקיסר האיר להם את פניו, ובדעתו, כי לא ינעם להם לשבת בקרב בני־הנכר, אשר דתיהם זרות להם, שלח אותם אל עיר גוֹפנא ויעץ להם להשאר שם ולחכות, עד אשר יונח לו מן המלחמה, ואז יקים את כל אחד מהם על נחלתו. העצה הזאת מצאה חן בעיניהם, והם יצאו אל העיר הקטנה הנתונה להם, לשבת בה בשלום ובבטח. אך כאשר לא הוסיפו האנשים להִרָאות העבירו המורדים קול, כי עוד הפעם נשחטו הבורחים, וגלוי היה, כי זממו בזאת להפיל אימה על יתר האומרים לברֹח. וגם הפעם הצליחו בערמתם זמן־מה, כאשר הצליחו לפנים, והיהודים יראו לנפשם וחדלו לברֹח אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס צוה להשיב את האנשים מגוֹפנא ולהעבירם יחד עם יוסף מסביב לחומה, למען יראו פניהם לעיני כל העם, ומני אז הוסיפו רבים לנפול אל הרומאים. הבורחים התאספו כֻלם יחד והתיצבו לפני מערכות הרומאים והתחננו אל המורדים בבכי ויללה: ״אנא, פתחו את שערי ירושלים לפני הרומאים והצילו את עיר־אבותינו, ואם תמאנו לעשות כדבר הזה — צאו כלכם מהר־הבית והשאירו את בית המקדש לפלֵטה, כי לא יערבו הרומאים את לבם לשרוף את המקדש, אם לא תחזק עליהם יד האֹנס״. אולם בדברים האלה רק העלו את חמת המורדים, ואלה חרפו אותם בקול גדול והציגו לפני שערי המקדש את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי החניתות (קַטַּפּוּלְטוֹת) ואת הבליסטראות, עד כי נראה כל הר־הבית מסביב כדמות שדת־קברות מרֹב הפגרים. וההיכל דמה לבית־משמר־הקברות. הם קפצו אל הקֹדש ואל המקומות האסורים למדרך־רגל בכלי־נשקם, וידיהם מגֹאלות בדם אחיהם הנרצחים; וכֹה עצמו תועבותיהם, עד אשר עלה קצף הרומאים בראותם, כי הם מטמאים את קדשיהם בזדון, — כקצף אשר היו היהודים קוצפים על הרומאים, לוּ באו אלה לחלל את מקדשם. כי מאנשי צבא הרומאים לא נמצא אף אחד, אשר לא הרים את עיניו אל־בית־המקדש ברעד ולא התפלל, כי ישובו השודדים ממזמתם הרעה, טרם יבוא השבר האחרון.",
+                    "ד. וטיטוס כעס מאד על הדבר הזה והִרבּה לדבר קשות אל אנשי יוחנן, בקראו אליהם לאמר: ״הוי נבלים טמאים, האם לא הקימו ידיכם את הסורג הזה מסביב לקֹדש? האם לא העמדתם בסוֹרג את העמודים האלה, אשר נחרת עליהם בכתב יוני ובכתבנו (רומית), כי לא יהין איש זר לעבור את המחיצה הזאת? והאם לא מִלֵּאנוּ אנחנו את ידיכם להמית את כל העובר על הדבר הזה, אף אם יהיה אזרח רומאי? הוי אנשי־בליעל! איכה תדרכו על החללים במקום הקדוש הזה, ואיככה תטמאו אותו בדם אחיכם ובדם בני־נכר יחד? מעיד אני עלי את אלהי אבותי ואת האלהים, אשר האיר פניו לפנים אל המקום הזה — ואמנם אני מאמין, כי עתה העלים עיניו מכם — מעיד אני עלי את צבאותי ואת היהודים אשר אתי, וגם אתם, אתם הֱיוּ עֵדַי, כי לא אני הקשיתי את ידי עליכם לטמא את המקדש הזה. ואם תרחיקו את מערכותיכם מן המקום הזה, לא יקרב איש רומאי אל מקדשכם ולא יחללהו, ואני שמור אשמור על ההיכל למענכם, גם על אפכם ועל חמתכם.״",
+                    "ה. וכאשר קרא יוסף לפני העם את הדברים האלה בשם הקיסר, בזו להם המורדים והעָריץ, בהאמינם, כי לא מרחמי הקיסר עליהם יצאו הדברים, כי־אם ממֹרך־לבו. וכראות טיטוס, כי לא יחמלו האנשים על נפשותיהם ולא יחוסו על ההיכל, צוה בלי־חמדה לחַדש את המלחמה. הוא לא יכול לעלות על המורדים בכל חילו הרב, כי צר המקום לשאת את כל המונו, ועל־כן בחר לו את הטובים והגבורים אשר בכל מאה ומאה מאנשי־חילו, והפקיד אלף אלף איש מהם על־ידי שר־אלף, ובראש כֻּלם העמיד את צֵרֵאלִּיס וצוה עליו להתנפל על שומרי המקדש בתשע שעות בלילה. וגם הוא לא הסיר מעליו את נשקו ואמר לצאת במלחמה אִתּם יחד. אולם אוהביו מנעו אותו מלמלא את חפצו מפני גֹדל הסכנה, וגם שרי־החַיָּלים הניאו אותו ממחשבתו, באמרם אליו, כי ייטיב לעשות בהשארו בבירה, לשפוט משם את מעשי אנשי־הצבא, מאשר יֵרד אל המלחמה וישים את נפשו בכפו. כי בראות עיני אנשי־הצבא את הקיסר בכל עת המלחמה, יתנדבו לעשות חיל. הקיסר הטה אזנו לדברים האלה והודיע את אנשי־הצבא, כי רק לדבר הזה יִשָּׁאר ולא יֵצא אִתּם להלחם, למען יוכל לשפוט למראה־עיניו את מעשי גבורותיהם, וכל איש גבור־חיל לא ישוב בטרם ישא מַשׂאת מאִתּוֹ, והירא ורך־הלבב לא יִפָּטר מעֹנש, כי הוא יהיה שופט נאמן ועֵד־ראיה לכל הדברים אשר יַעֲשׂוּ, הוא האיש, אשר בידו לענשם או לשַׁלם להם בעד מפעליהם. בדברים האלה שלח מעל פניו את האנשים לקשור את המלחמה, והוא הלך אל מקום־צופים בבירה (באנטוניה) ומשם חכה בקֹצר־רוח למעשים העתידים לבוא.",
+                    "ו. אולם אנשי־הצבא השלוחים לא מצאו את השומרים ישֵׁנים, כאשר קוו מראש, ואלה קפצו עליהם בקול צעקה גדולה והחלו להכות בהם. לשֵׁמע הצעקה הגיחו המורדים מבַּית בהמונות צפופים. הרומאים עצרו את תגרת השורות הראשונות של אויביהם, והשורות הבאות אחריהן התערבו בקרב אלה ורבים לא הכירו את פני אחיהם ונלחמו בהם, כאִלו היו שונאיהם. כי לצעקת הלוחמים היהודים והרומאים גם יחד לא שמע איש את קול חברו ובחשׁך הלילה לא ראה איש את רעהו לעינים. רבים הֻכּוּ בסנוֵרים מעֹצם קנאתם, ועיני רבים חשכו מפחד. על־כן היתה יד איש בכל אשר פגע בו, מבלי לדעת מי הוא. הרומאים, אשר התלכדו במגִניהם והגיחו בשורות מחֻבּרות, לא נִגפו הרבה מהעורון הזה, ומה גם כי זכרו כֻלָּם את המאמר, אשר היה לאות ביניהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמן־הצבא (פַּרולה).</i>. והיהודים, אשר נפוצו כפעם בפעם והשתערו על האויב ופנו עֹרף בלי משטר, נחשבו לפרקים כאויבים בעיני אחיהם, וכאשר נסוג האחד אחור, פגשו אותו חבריו בחֹשך כפני רומאי המגיח אליהם. על־כן הרבו היהודים לפצוע את אחיהם מאשר היתה בהם יד הרומאים, עד אשר עלה עמוד השחר, והנלחמים ראו איש את פני אחיו, אז נפרדו בקרָב והתיצבו כל אחד במערכתו וירו איש באויבו וגם הגֵנו על עצמם בטכסיסי־מלחמה. ואלה ואלה מֵאנו להסוג אחור ולא עיפו מכֹּבד המלחמה, כי הרומאים לבשו רוח־קנאות והתחרו איש באיש ושורה בשורה, בדעתם, כי עיני הקיסר צופות למעשיהם, וכל איש האמין, כי היום הזה יעלה אותו לגדֻלה, אם ילחם ביתר עֹז. אף קנאת היהודים גדלה, ביָראם לנפשותיהם וּבחָרדם לגורל מקדשם, וגם העָריץ עמד על־ידם ודִבּר על לב הנחשלים, את אלה הכה בשוט ועל אלה הִלֵּךְ אימים ועוררם לקרָב. על־כן עמדה המלחמה כל העת במקומה, ורק מעט־מזער הכריעה אחת המערכות את אויבתה ובמהרה נלחצה לאחור, כי לא היה רֶוַח לברֹח או לרדוף אחרי הכושל. וכל העת לא חדלה צעקת הרומאים מעל הבירה בעת תמורות המלחמה, בחַזקם בתרועתם את ידי אחיהם המנצחים ובעודדם את הנחשלים, האומרים לפנות עֹרף. הדבר היה כמלחמה בבית־חזיון. ומעיני טיטוס והעומדים עליו לא נעלם כל דבר אשר נעשה בקרָב. וכעבור ארבע שעות היום נפרדו מערכות הלוחמים, אשר החלו את המלחמה בתשע שעות בלילה, ונשארו על עמדן במקום אשר נפגשו זו את זו, ובידי אחת מהן לא עלה להכריע את צרתהּ והנצחון נשאר בין שתיהן בתָּוֶך. רבים מהרומאים עשו חיל בקרָב, ומן היהודים הפליאו להלחם: מאנשי שמעון יהודה בן מריות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן היא בהוצאת ניזה. ובהוצאה הישנה: בן מרטון, כמו לעיל, סוף פרק א.</i> ושמעון בן יאשיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: בן הושעיה או אושעיה.</i>, ומן האדומים יעקב בן סוֹסא ושמעון בן כָּתְלָא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מֻזכּר לעיל, ספר ד, ד, ד, בשנוי שם אביו.</i>, ומאנשי יוחנן גִפְתָּאִי ואלֶכּסא, ומן הקנאים שמעון בן אֲרִי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מֻזכּר לעיל, סוף פרק א.</i>.",
+                    "ז. בין כה וכה הרסו יתר אנשי חיל הרומאים את יסודות הבירה בשבעה ימים ופלסו דרך רחבה אל הר־הבית. כאשר קרבו הלגיונות אל החומה הראשונה, הסובבת את הר־הבית, החלו לשפוך סוללות. הסוללה האחת למול קרן חצר בית־ה׳ הפנימית אשר בפאת צפון־מערב, השניה למול האכסדרה אשר בצפון, ומשתי הסוללות הנשארות הֹעלתה האחת לעבר האולם המערבי בחצר בית־ה׳ החיצונה, והשניה — חוצה לה לפאת צפון. המלאכה הזאת התנהלה ביגיע רב ובזעת־אפים, כי היה על הרומאים להביא את העצים בדרך רחוקה מאה ריס, וכפעם בפעם מצאה אותם רעה מידי היהודים המגיחים עליהם פתאם. כי הרומאים, אשר ידעו, כי להם הנצחון, לא הִרבּוּ להזהר, בעוד אשר היהודים, הנואשים מישועה, הוסיפו עֹז במר־נפשם. מדי צאת אחדים מרוכבי הרומאים אל השדה ללקט עצים או מספוא, היו שולחים רסן מעל־פני סוסיהם ונותנים להם לרעות בשדה, והיהודים היו מגיחים מן העיר בהמון רב וחוטפים את הסוסים האלה. ובהִשָּׁנות המקרים כפעם בפעם חשב הקיסר, — וכה היה הדבר — כי קלוּת־דעת אנשי־צבאו גרמה לנזק הזה יותר מגבורת היהודים, וגזר אֹמר לענוש קשה את האשֵׁמים ולהעיר בזאת את לבות הנשארים לשמור על סוסיהם. הוא צוה להוציא להורג את אחד מאנשי־הצבא, אשר אבדו להם הסוסים, ובזה הפיל אימה על חבריו, והם החלו לשמור על הסוסים ולא נתנו אותם עוד לרעות בשדה, וגם יצאו לצרכיהם ברכבם על סוסיהם, כאִלו חֻבּרו להם. ככה הוסיפו הרומאים לצור על הר־הבית ולשפוך את הסוללות.",
+                    "ח. וכעבור יום אחרי עלות הרומאים [אל הבירה] התאספו רבים מן המורדים, אשר החמס אזל מכליהם והרעב הציק להם, והתנפלו על שומרי הרומאים בהר־הזיתים, קרוב לאחת־עשרה שעות ביום. הם חשבו, כי יעלה בידם על־נקלה לבקוע להם דרך בין שורות הרומאים, בעלותם עליהם פתאם לעת אשר הם [נחים מעבודת היום ו]נפנים לצרכי־גופם, אולם הרומאים הכירו את דבר בואם ונזעקו מהרה מכל המשמרים הקרובים ועצרו בעדם, לבל יעפילו לעלות על מצודתם ולהבקיע אל מחנם. בין היהודים והרומאים התלקחה מלחמה קשה ואלה ואלה עשו גבורות, כי הרומאים נלחמו בחֹזק־יד וגם דעת המלחמה עמדה להם, והיהודים חגרו שארית חֵמות, ואיש לא יכול לעמוד מפני זעמם. הבֹּשת חִזקה את זרוע הרומאים הנלחמים, ואת גבורת היהודים חִזק המחסור (האֹנס), כי לחרפה נחשב בעיני הרומאים לתת ליהודים, הנלכדים כבתוך רשת, להמלט מן הפח. והיהודים ראו לפניהם רק דרך ישועה אחת, בהבקיעם את חומת הרומאים. לאחרונה פנו היהודים עֹרף ונלחצו אל הנחל, ואחד מרוכבי הרומאים ושמו פֵּדַנִּיּוּס קפץ אליהם על סוסו הדוהר באלכסון, ובשטף מרוצתו תפש את אחד האויבים, והוא עלם גבור־כח ומזֻין מכּף־רגלו ועד ראשו, באחזו אותו בעקבו, ומשך אותו למעלה. כה השכיל להטות את גופו מן הסוס בעצם מרוצתו וכה הפליא להראות את עֹצם תנופת ימינו וכֹח בשרו הרב וגם את גֹדל תבונתו במרכּב הסוס! כאדם אשר עלה בידו לגזול כלי־חמדה, מהר ונשא את השבוי אל הקיסר. וטיטוס התפלא לכֹח האיש, ועל התפוש הוציא משפט־מות על אשר נועז להרוס אל חומת הרומאים. והוא בעצמו שׂם את לבו לקרָבות בהר־הבית והאיץ את עבודת הסוללות.",
+                    "ט. בקרבות האלה מצאו את היהודים רעות רבות, ומעט מעט עלו וגברו נוראות המלחמה וכבר הגיעו עד ההיכל. על־כן עשו היהודים כמעשה האדם בגויה, אשר עלה בה רקב, לחתוך את האברים, אשר דבק בהם הרקבון, לבל יעבור אל יתר הגוף. הם שִׁלחו באש את האולמים לרוח צפון ולרוח מערב, אשר חבּרו את הר־הבית אל הבירה, ואחרי־כן פרצו באולמי הר־הבית עוד עשרים אמה. ככה החלו ידי היהודים לשרוף את המקדש. וכעבור שני ימים, בעשרים וארבעה לחדש האמור (פַּנֵּמוֹס, תמוז), הציתו הרומאים באש את האולם (האסתּוָנית) הקרוב אליהם, ואחרי אשר אכלה בו הלהבה מדת חמש־עשרה אמה, קצצו היהודים את קורות האולם, כאשר עשו תחלה, ולא למען הפקיר את הבנינים האלה (האולמים) בפעם אחת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פסוק סתום, ויש מתרגמים: ולא לעצור [את האש] מן הבנינים האלה בפעם אחת...</i>, כי־אם למען הרוס את החלקים המחַבּרים אותם עם הבירה. על־כן לא מנעו היהודים את הרומאים לשלוח אש באולם, אף כי היה הדבר הזה לאל־ידם, והשיבו את ידיהם אל חיקם למראה האש השלוחה, ונתנו לה טרף במדה, אשר היתה להם להועיל. והקרבות סביב המקדש לא חדלו וכל העת הגיחו גדודים מן הרומאים ומן היהודים ונלחמו אלה באלה.",
+                    "י. ובימים ההם יצא ממחנה היהודים איש אחד קטן בגופו (גוץ) וחדל־אישים במראהו, בן חשֻׁכִּים, אשר לא נמצאה בו אף אחת המעלות, ושמו יונתן, וקרב אל מצבת יוחנן הכהן הגדול והרבה לחרֵף בפה מדבּר עתק את מערכות הרומאים וקרא לגדול מקרב גבוריהם לצאת אליו למלחמה. רבים מאנשי־הצבא הרומאים, העומדים במקום ההוא, הביטו אל האיש בבוז, אלה חרדו למראה עיניהם, ואלה השיבו את הדבר אל לבם והשכילו להבין, כי לא טוב לצאת לקרָב עם איש הולך למות. כי הנואשים מישועה הם מרי־נפש, אשר לא ישובו מפני כֹל ולא יבושו גם מפני אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי ההוצאה הישנה; בהוצאת ניזה: והאלהים מאיר להם את פניו.</i>, ולא דבר־גבורה הוא, כי־אם מעשה עזות־פנים, לצאת למלחמה על אנשים כאלה, אשר מנצחם לא ימצא כבוד רב והנכשל בפניהם יגרום חרפה וגם רעה רבה לנפשו. זמן רב לא יצא אחד הרומאים אליו לקרב. והיהודי הִרבּה לשפוך עליהם לעג ולחרפם על מֹרך־לבם, כי היה בעל לשון מדברת גדולות ושונא הרומאים בנפש. לאחרונה קפץ אליו איש אחד מלהקות הרוכבים ושמו פוּדֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתרגום הרומאי (בהוצאת הַוֶּרקמפ): פּוּדֶנְס.</i>, כי חרה אפו בו על דבריו ועל עזות פניו, ולמראית־עין בז ליהודי הזה קטן־הקומה, מבלי חשוב את דרכו. ובצאתו לקראת יונתן היתה ידו על העליונה בכל דבר, אך [חיש מהר] התכחש לו מזלו, והוא נפל ארצה ויונתן מהר לרוץ אליו והמיתו בחרב, ואחרי־כן עלה ועמד על נבלתו ונופף ביד־ימינו את החרב המלאה דם וביד־שמאלו את המגן והריע תרועת נצחון למול־צבא הרומאים והִרבּה להתפּאר במעשהו ולחלל ולגדף את הרומאים רואי המעשה. אך בעוד הוא מרקד [על החלל] ומפטיר בשפה, ירה בו אחד משרי־המאה, ושמו פְּרִיסְקוֹס, ופלח אותו בחץ. למראה הדבר הריעו הרומאים תרועת־שמחה והיהודים הרימו זעקת־שבר, ויונתן התעַות במכאוביו ונפל על נבלת שונאו ומת, ובזה הראה, כי עד מהרה בא במלחמה הגמול לאדם, אשר גבה לבו בעשותו חיל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים טמנו פח לרומאים ורבים נשרפו באש. דברים חדשים על הרעב בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. והמורדים אשר בהר־הבית לא חדלו להלחם פנים בפנים עם אנשי־הצבא העומדים על הסוללות מדי יום ביומו. וביום עשרים ושבעה לחֹדש האמור (תמוז) הכינו להם מוקש באולם המערב, כי מִלאו את כל החלל אשר בין צִפוי הקורות ובין הגג זרדים יבשים ושׂמוּ בתוכם חֵמָר וזפת, ואחרי־כן התחפשו כאִלו כשל כֹּחם ונסוגו אחור למראית־עין. ובראות הרומאים את הדבר לא נזהרו רבים מהם ומהרו באף ובחֵמה להציק את צעדי הבורחים והעמידו סֻלמות לפניהם ועלו בהם וקפצו אל האולם. אולם הנבונים במחנה הרומאים חשדו ביהודים, כי טמנו להם פח בהסוגם אחור פתאם. ובכל־זאת מלא האולם המון אנשים, אשר העפילו לעלות, ובין כה וכה שלחו היהודים את כל האולם באש. כאשר התנשאה פתאם שלהבת־האש למרום, נפלה אימה גדולה על הרומאים העומדים מחוץ, וחבריהם הנמצאים באולם היו אובדי־עצות, כי מכל עברים הקיפה עליהם האש. אלה הפילו את־עצמם למטה אל העיר, אלה צנחו אל האויבים, ורבים קפצו למטה אל אחיהם בקַוותם לישועה ורסקו את אבריהם, ורבים מאד נשרפו באש בטרם מצאו עצה, ואחדים בחרו למות על חרבם מעלות על המוקד. והאש פשטה למרחוק ואכלה גם את האנשים, אשר מצאו להם מיתה אחרת. אף כי היטב חרה לקיסר על הנספים, כי עלו אל האולם בלי פקֻדה, נכמרו רחמיו עליהם, וכאשר נבצר מכֹּח איש להמציא עזרה לאובדים, היה להם הדבר הזה לנחמה בצרתם, בהביטם אל צער האיש, אשר למענו חרפו את נפשותיהם, כי כל אחד מהם שמע את צעקת הקיסר וראה אותו קופץ בבהלה ומדבר על לב האנשים אשר מסביב להמציא רוָחה לאחיהם ככל אשר יש לאֵל־ידם. ולשֵׁמע צעקות הקיסר ולמראה יגון נפשו מת כל אחד ברצון, כי היה הדבר בעיניו כאֵבל נהדר על מותו. ואחדים נִצלו ממות־שׂרפה, בהִסּוֹגם אל קיר האולם הרחב. אולם היהודים שתו עליהם סביב, וזמן רב עמדו הרומאים הנפצעים על־נפשם עד אשר נהרגו אחד אחד.",
+                    "ב. לאחרונה כרע למות עלם אחד ושמו לוֹנְגּוּס, ומותו כאִלו שפך הדר על המקרה הנורא הזה, כי הוא היה הגבור בכל האובדים ההם, אשר כֻּלָּם היו ראוים לשם־תהלה. גם היהודים השתוממו על חֹסן כֹּחו, וכאשר נבצר מהם להמיתו בדרך אחרת, קראו אליו לרדת אליהם לשלום. אולם ממחנה הרומאים קרא אליו אחיו קוֹרְנֵליוֹס קול גדול, כי לא יעשה כדבר הזה לנַבּל את כבוד משפחתו ולעטות קלון על צבא הרומאים. הוא שמע לדברי אחיו ולעיני שתי המערכות שלף את חרבו ונפל עליה. ומאנשי־הצבא, אשר סבבה אותם האש, נִצל ממות איש אחד ושמו אַרְטוֹריוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה; בהוצאה הישנה: סַרטוֹריוֹס.</i> בערמתו, כי צעק בקול גדול אל חברו היושב עמו יחד באהל במחנה הרומאים, והוא אחד אנשי־הצבא ושמו לוּציוּס, לאמר: ״אני אשׂים אותך ליורש כל רכושי, אם תגש הֵנה לקבל אותי [בנפלי]״. לוּציוּס מִהר אל המקום לקבל אותו ברצון, וארטוריוס קפץ אליו ונשאר חי, אולם חברו נלחץ מכֹּבד משאו אל מרצפת־האבנים ונפשו יצאה מיד. אחרי הפֻּרענות הזאת נפל לב הרומאים עליהם. ואף כי לא מצאו תנחומים בעת ההיא, הנה היה להם האסון להועיל, כי לִמד אותם להזהר מפני נכלי היהודים, אשר הרבו להרע להם, כי לא ידעו אנשי־הצבא את המקום ולא תִּכּנו את רוח האנשים [הנלחמים בהם]. והאולם נשרף עד ל״מגדל יוחנן״, הוא אשר הקים אותו יוחנן [בן לוי] בעת אשר נלחם בשמעון מעל לשער היוצא אל לשכת־הגזית. ואת החלק הנשאר הרסו היהודים אחרי אשר נפלו כל הרומאים העולים. וביום השני שרפו הרומאים גם את אולם־הצפון כֻּלּוֹ עד אולם־המזרח, אשר חֻבּרו יחד בקרן הבנויה מעל לנחל קדרון, מקום נורא בעמקו. אלה הדברים נעשו מסביב לבית־המקדש בימים ההם.",
+                    "ג. ומהאנשים הגוְֹעים מרעב בקרב העיר מת המון רב לאין־מספר אחרי מצוקות וצרות, אשר עָצמוּ מִסַּפֵּר. כי בכל בית קמה מלחמה לעת נראה שם צֵל דבר אשר יֵאָכל. והאוהבים נִצּוּ יחדו בזרוע וטרפו איש מידי אחיו את הפרורים הדלים, למען החיות את נפשם. גם בגוְֹעים לא האמין איש, אשר אין להם כֹּל, והשודדים התנפלו על הגוססים ובדקו בהם, פן טמן איש בכנף־בגדו דבר־מאכל והוליך אותם שולל בהתחפשו כנוטה למות. מגֹדל הרעב פערו האנשים את פיהם ככלבים שוטים, וכשכּורים מתהוללים בסבאם נפצו את הדלתות, ובאבוד מהם כל עצה פרצו בבית אחד שתים או שלש פעמים. המחסור אִלצם לשׂום כל דבר בין שִׁניהם, והם אספו את הדברים, אשר בחלו בהם גם החיות הטמאות, ולא נמנעו ללעסם ולבלעם. לאחרונה לא משכו את ידיהם גם מהחגורות ונעלי־העור הישנות, אף קרעו את העורות מעל המגִנים ולעסו אותם. מאכל אלה היה שארית חציר יבש, ואלה אספו גידים ומכרו את המדה הקטנה בארבעה אתיקים (דרכמונים). ולמה לי עוד לפרט את כל הדברים שאין בהם רוח־חיים, אשר לא בושו היהודים לאכלם בתגרת הרעב? רק אגַלה מעשה אחד, אשר לא נשמע כמוהו בדברי ימי היונים והנכרים, דבר, אשר יסמר שערות ראש המסַפּר, והשומע לא ירצה להאמין לו, ואני לא באתי להתהדר בסַפְּרי מעשים זרים לדורות הבאים, ומה נעים היה לי לפסוח על המעשה הנורא הזה, לולא נמצאו עֵדים אין־מספר על אמתּת הדבר, וגם לא רציתי להיות כפוי־טובה לעיר־אבותי בהסתירי דבר מכל הנוראות אשר מצאוה.",
+                    "ד. אשה אחת מארץ עבר־הירדן היתה [בירושלים] ושמה מַריָה בת־אלעזר מכפר בֵּית־אֵזוֹב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב ״בית־אזובא״ ומתרגם את הוראת השם ליונית.</i>, בת משפחה נדיבה ועשירה. עם יתר המון הפליטים באה גם היא אל ירושלים ושם נסגרה במצור. העריצים גזלו ממנה את כל רכושה, אשר הביאה אִתּהּ מעבר־הירדן אל העיר, ואת שארית אוצרותיה ואת הצֵדה, אשר השׂכּילה להכין לה, היו חומסים ממנה חברי העריצים, אשר פרצו אל ביתה מדי יום ביומו. והאשה מלאה חֵמה עזה וכפעם בפעם חֵרפה וקִללה את השודדים. כי אמרה להרגיזם, למען יקחו את נפשה. אולם אף כי הרבתה להרעימם תמיד, לא חמל עליה איש לשום קץ לחייה, וכבר נלאתה להכין טרף לזרים, כי לא נמצא עוד לחם בכל פנות העיר, ומפני זלעפות הרעב חמרמרו מעיה ויבש לשַׁדָּה, ומצוקות הרעב הוסיפו עוד להצית אש באפה, ובעת הצרה הזאת שמעה לקול זעמה לשַׁכּח רחמי אם ולקחה את ילדהּ — והוא היה יונק־שדים — וקראה אליו: ״הוי עולל אֻמלל! למי ולמה אשמור עליך הפעם? הנה השונא עומד מחוץ, והרעב וריב־האחים משַׁכְּלים מבית. הן בית־עבדים הוא נחלתנו בידי הרומאים, אם גם תהיה לנו נפשנו לשלל, והרעב ישית לנו קציר בטרם נעבֹד את אלה, והמורדים קשים לנו משני השפטים האלה יחד. מוּת! היֵה לבָרות לאמך ולרוח רעה לעריצים, וגם למשל ולשנינה בפי החיים, כי רק הדבר הזה נשאר למַלא את סאת יסורי היהודים.״ לדברים האלה המיתה את בנה ואחרי זאת צלתה אותו ואכלה את מחציתו, ואת הנשאר הניחה למשמרת. המורדים מהרו לבוא אל ביתה, כאשר עלה באפם ריח זבח הרצח הזה, ואִיְמו עליה, כי ישחטו אותה מיד, אם לא תראה להם את הטבח אשר הכינהּ. היא קראה אליהם: ״עוד השארתי לכם מנה יפה!״ וגִלתה לפניהם את שארית בשׂר עוללה. פלצות אחזה את בשר האנשים, עד אשר לא יכלו למוש ממקומם ועיניהם חשכו מראות, והאשה הוסיפה לדבּר: ״הן לי הילד הזה, בשר מבשרי הוא, פרי בטני! אכלו — הלא אכלתי גם אני, אל יֵרך לבבכם מלב אשה ואל תוסיפו רחמים מרחמי אם, ואם את האלהים אתם יראים ובעוט תבעטו בזבחי, — ראו, כי כבר אכלתי מבשרו וגם הנשאר יהיה לי לאכלה״. לדברים האלה יצאו האנשים מן הבית אחוזי חלחלה, כי מֹרך־לבם לא נתן אותם לעשות את הדבר הזה לבדו, ועל־כן השאירו את המזון לאם השכולה. ושֵׁמע המעשה הזה פשט בכל העיר, וחזון־הבלהות לא מש מעיני איש ואיש, כאלו ידיו עשו את הדבר. ומני אז התחזקו הרעבים בכל תֹּקף לשים קץ לחייהם ושִׁבּחו את המאֻשרים, אשר נאספו אל עמם בטרם שמעו או ראו נוראות כאלה.",
+                    "ה. המאורע הזה נודע במהרה במחנה הרומאים. אלה לא רצו להאמין לדברי השמועה, ואלה נדו לאמללים, אך רבים הוסיפו עוד לשנֹא את היהודים לדבר הזה. והקיסר הצטדק על המעשה לפני אלהים באמרו: ״הנה דברתי שלום אל היהודים והבטחתי אותם לשמור את חֵרותם ולסלוח לכל מעשי זדונם, אולם הם בחרו במריבה תחת ברית־אחים ובמלחמה תחת שלום [עם השונא] ובכּרו את הרעב על השׂבע והשלוה, וידיהם החלו לשלח אש בבית־מקדשם, אשר שמרנו על כבודו אנחנו. על־כן נאים להם מאכלים באלה. אולם אני אכסה עתה על תועבות רצח הבן הזה בחרבות העיר ולא אתן לשמש הסובב את כל העולם להשקיף על עיר, אשר האִמות אוכלות בה את בשר בניהן. ואמנם הלחם הזה נאה יותר לאָבות, הממאנים להתפרק את נשקם אחרי צרות רבות כאלה״. בדבּרו זאת חשב טיטוס על היאוש הנורא של אנשי ירושלים, וכי אנשים, אשר מצאו אותם כל המצוקות האלה, לא יוסיפו לקחת מוסר, אחרי אשר לא שׂמו את הדבר אל לבם בעוד מועד, בטרם באה עליהם הרעה הגדולה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי תֹם מעשה הסוללות הקריבו הרומאים את הכרים אל החומה ולא הצליחו. טיטוס צוה לשלֹח אח שערי המקדש באש. בזמן קצר נשרף הבית נגד רצון טיטוס.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר כלו שני הלגיונות לשפוך את הסוללות, צוה טיטוס ביום השמיני לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב) להקריב את אילי־הברזל אל האכסדרה המערבית אשר למקדש הפנימי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאה הישנה. אצל ניזה: המקדש החיצון; ועיין בהערות.</i> (לעזרה). עוד לפני זה נִגחה החזקה בכל מכונות־הרעש ששה ימים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פסוק קשה. המתרגם האשכנזי קוהוט הציע לתרגם: לפני (אומן) הסוללות האלה נגחה החזקה בכל מכונות־הרעש מן הבֹּקר את החומה (במקום ἕξ הוא קורא ἔξ).</i> את החומה ולא הצליחה במעשיה, כי גם ממנה וגם מחברותיה עצמו האבנים הגדולות והדבק החזק ביניהן. אחדים מצבא הרומאים חתרו תחת שער־הצפון ואחרי עמל רב הוציאו את האבנים הראשונות, אולם נעצרו על־ידי האבנים אשר מאחוריהן והשער נשאר על מכונו, עד אשר נכזבה תקות הרומאים למצֹא חפצם במכונות ובכלי־המעדר, והקריבו את סֻלמותיהם אל האולמים. והיהודים לא עמדו להם לְשטן במעשם זה וחכּו עד עלות הרומאים למעלה, ואז התנגחו אִתּם והדפום והשליכום למטה אחורנית, פגשו אותם והמיתום, אף הכו בחרבותיהם רבים מן הרומאים הקופצים מן הסֻלמות, בטרם הספיקו עוד להתכסות במגִניהם, והרסו סֻלמות אחדים מלאים אנשי־צבא, בהפכם אותם ממעלה, והכינו לעומדים עליהם מַטבח גדול. ונושאי־הנשרים נלחמו בחֹזק־יד להגן עליהם, כי לחרפה נוראה נחשב ביניהם, אשר יגזול האויב אותם, אך לאחרונה לכדו היהודים גם את הנשרים והשמידו את כל העולים. והנשארים ראו את המגפה, אשר היתה באחיהם, ויראו ושבו לאחור. מן הרומאים לא נפל אף אחד, בטרם עשה ככל אשר מצאה ידו, ומן המורדים הפליאו גבורה עוד הפעם הגבורים, אשר עשו להם שם בקרבות הראשונים, ועוד נוסף עליהם אלעזר בן אחי שמעון העריץ. כראות טיטוס, כי חמלתו על מקדשי נכרים הביאה רעה על אנשי־צבאו, צוה לשלֹח את השער (של המקדש, העזרה) באש.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא נפלו אל טיטוס חנן איש אַמַּאוס, הוא אחד מנושאי כלי שמעון, אשר הִרבּה לשפוך דם מחבריו, ואַרכֵלַאוס בן מַגַּדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה (ספר ה, יג, א). נכתב חנן בן מגדת, וכנראה היה ארכלאוס אחיו.</i>. הם קוו למצֹא חנינה לפניו, כי ברחו אליו אחרי נצחון היהודים. טיטוס כעס על ערמת האנשים האלה וגם שמע על־דבר מעשיהם האכזרים, אשר עשו לבני־עמם, ונפשו אִוְּתה להמית את שניהם, באמרו, כי באו אליו בעת דחקם ולא ברוח נכונה, וגם אינם ראוים לחנינה, אחרי אשר התמלטו מתוך עירם, כשכבר עלתה על המוקד מרֹע מעלליהם. בכל־זאת שמר טיטוס את אמונתו וכבש את כעסו ושלח את האנשים לחפשי, אם כי לא נהג בהם כמעשהו עם יתר הבורחים. וכבר הגישו אנשי־הצבא את האש אל השערים, וכאשר נמס הכסף אחזה האש את חלקי העץ, ומשם יצאה להבה גדולה אל האולמים. וכראות היהודים את האש אשר מסביב להם, כשל כּחם ונפל לבם עליהם ופלצות נוראה אחזה אותם, ולא עצר איש כֹּח לעמוד על נפשו ולכבות את הלהב, כי כֻלם עמדו נדהמים והביטו אל הבערה. אולם גם בעצם יגונם למראה האולמים הנשרפים, לא לקחו המורדים מוסר להציל את שארית מקדשם, ועוד התלקחה חמתם ברומאים, כאִלו כבר היה גם ההיכל למאכֹלת־אש. והאש להטה את האולמים כל היום ההוא וכל הלילה אחריו, כי הרומאים עצרו כֹּח להצית את האולמים באש רק אחד אחד ולא את כֻּלּם יחד.",
+                    "ג. וביום השני צוה טיטוס על חלק מאנשי חילו לכבות את האש וליַשר מסלה רחבה על־יד השערים ללגיונות, ואחרי זאת הקהיל אליו את שרי־צבאותיו. ששת גדולי־השרים נאספו יחד והם טבֶּריוס אלכסנדרוס מפַקד כל הצבא, וסֶקסטוס צֵרֵאליס ראש הלגיון החמישי, וְלַרַצִיוס לֶפידוס ראש הלגיון העשירי, וטיטוס פְּרִיגיוס ראש הלגיון החמשה־עשר, ופרוֹנטוֹן לִיטֶרְנִיוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: הֶטֶּריוס.</i> ראש מחנה שני הלגיונות אשר מאלכסנדריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה (ספר ה, א, ו) מבֹאר, כי רק אלפים איש באו עם טיטוס מאלכסנדריה, ומזה מבֹאר, כי כאן ״שני הלגיונות״ (כך כתוב במקור) הם גוזמה. ראש הלגיון הי״ב לא השתתף במועצה, כי בכלל היה הלגיון הזה נזוף מזמן מפלתו תחת פקֻדת צֶסטיוס.</i>, ומַרקוס אנטוניוס יוליָנוס נציב ארץ יהודה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, הנציב של כל הארץ הנכבשה בעת המצור על ירושלים, הוא מרקוס אנטוניוס יולינוס, שכתב ספר תולדות המלחמה עם היהודים, והסופרים הרומאים המאֻחרים השתמשו בו.</i>, ויחד אִתּם נקהלו גם יתר הנציבים ושרי־האלפים, וטיטוס נועץ אתם בדבר ההיכל. אלה יָעצו לעשות בו ככל חֹמר משפט המלחמה, כי לא יחדלו היהודים ממחשבות־מרד כל העת אשר יהיה ההיכל על מכונו, הוא המקום, אשר אליו הם מתאספים מכל עברים. ואלה יעצו להציל את בית־המקדש, אם יעזבו אותו היהודים ולא יוסיפו להניח בו את כלי־נשקם, ולשרוף אותו רק כאשר יעלו עליו היהודים לעשות משם מלחמה, כי בעשותם זאת, יהפך למבצר־אויב ולא יוסיף עוד להיות בית־אלהים, ולא על הרומאים יפול האשם הזה, כי־אם על היהודים, אשר אִלצו אותם לעשות את הדבר. אולם טיטוס גלה את דעתו, כי לא יאות לקחת נקמה מהבית הזה, אשר אין בו רוח־חיים, על חטאות אדם ולהשחית באש את הבנין הנהדר, אם גם יעלו אליו היהודים להלחם משם, כי הדבר הזה יהיה נזק הרומאים, ואם ישאר ההיכל על מכונו, יתנוסס כאבן־נזר בכתר־מלכותם. דברי טיטוס נתנו אֹמץ בלב פרוֹנטוֹן ואלכסנדרוס וצֵרֵאַליס, והם הסכימו לדעתו. אחרי זאת שלח טיטוס מעליו את הנאספים וצוה על שרי־החילים לתת לאנשי־הצבא להנפש ולהחליף כֹּח למלחמה העתידה, ואל בחורי הגדודים אמר לבקוע דרך בין החָרבות ולכבות את האש.",
+                    "ד. ביום ההוא תקפה הבהלה על היהודים ולא מצאו בנפשם כֹּח להלחם. אולם למחרת היום אספו את כל חילם והתאזרו עֹז והגיחו בשתי שעות ביום דרך שער הקדים אל הרומאים, השומרים על חצר בית־ה׳ החיצונה. והשומרים קִדמו את פני המגיחים ביד חזקה וסוככו על עצמם במגִניהם אל עבר פניהם והתלכדו יחד במערכה, עד אשר דָמוּ לחומת־עֹז. ובכל־זאת נגלה הדבר, כי לא יוכלו להחזיק מעמד זמן רב וכשול יכשלו לפני המון צריהם ועֹז קנאתם. אבל הקיסר, אשר הביט אל המלחמה מראש הבירה, לא נתן את מערכותיו למוט ומהר לבוא לעזרה בראש בחורי הרוכבים. היהודים לא עצרו כֹח לשאת את תנופת יד הרוכבים, וכאשר נפלו מהם העומדים בשורות הראשונות, פנו הנשארים עֹרף. אולם כאשר אמרו הרומאים לשוב מן המערכה, חזרו אליהם להצר את צעדיהם, ואז הפכו גם הרומאים את פניהם ועוד הפעם נמלטו היהודים על נפשם. ובחמש שעות ביום נלחצו היהודים אל חצר בית־ה׳ הפנימית ונסגרו שם.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס שב אל הבירה והחליט להשׂתער ממחרת היום כעלות השחר על ההיכל בראש כל חילו ולכבשו. אולם האלהים כבר גזר מימים ראשונים לתת את היכלו למאכֹלת־אש והנה בא יום־הדין לקץ העתּים, הוא היום העשירי לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב), אשר בו נשרף גם בית־המקדש הראשון בידי מלך בבל. ומידי היהודים יצאה האש לראשונה ומעִמָּם היתה הסִבּה. כי אחרי שוב טיטוס ממקום המלחמה, שאפו המורדים רוח מעט ויצאו עוד הפעם להַצּוֹת ברומאים. שומרי ההיכל התנגחו עם השונאים המכַבּים את הבערה (בחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית), ואלה הניסו את היהודים ורדפו אחריהם עד ההיכל. ואחד אנשי־הצבא לא חכה לפקֻדת המצביא ולא נבהל מהמעשה הנורא אשר אמר לעשות, כאִלו צֻוָּה למלא את הדבר מפי הגבורה, ותפש בידו לפיד בוער מתוך האש, ואחד מחברי האיש הרים אותו למעלה, והוא שלח את האש אל חלון־הזהב, אשר בקרבתו היה המבוא מצד צפון אל הלשכות הסובבות את ההיכל. וכאשר התלקחה הלהבה, הרימו היהודים קול צעקה נוראה, בהכּירם את גֹדל האסון, ומהרו מכל עברים לעצור בעד האש ולא חסו על חייהם ולא חמלו על כֹּחותיהם, בראות עינם באבדן מקדשם ובית־חייהם, אשר למענו שמרו את נפשותיהם.",
+                    "ו. ואיש אחד רץ לבשׂר את הדבר לטיטוס, אשר נח באהלו מעמַל המלחמה. הקיסר קפץ כמו־שהוא מעל משכבו ומהר במרוצה אל ההיכל לעצור את האש, ואחריו הלכו כל שרי־הצבא, ואחריהם הלגיונות, אשר חרדו מרבצם. וצעקה נוראה וקול שאון גדול עלו למרום, כאשר התנועע החיל הרב והעצום הזה בלא סדרים. והקיסר נשא את קולו והרים את יד־ימינו לתת אות לנלחמים, כי יכַבּו את האש, אולם שומע לא היה לו, כי לצעקה הנוראה צללו אזני אנשי־הצבא ולא שׂמו לב לאות, אשר נתן להם בידו, כי תקפה על אלה סערת המלחמה ועל אלה — קנאת הנקמה. וגם דברי־תוכחה, וגם דברי־אימים לא יכלו לעצור בעד רוח הלגיונות בהרסם אל ההיכל, כי זעמם ועברתם הלכו לפניהם, והם נדחקו במבואי בית־המקדש, ורבים נרמסו ברגלי חבריהם, ורבים נפלו בתוך חרבות האולמים הלוהטות והעשנות, ותלאות המנצחים מצאו גם אותם. וכאשר קרבו אנשי־הצבא אל ההיכל, הכבידו אזניהם משמוע את מצוות הקיסר וקראו אל העומדים לפניהם להוסיף עוד אש על המוקד. והמורדים נואשו מתקותם להציל את המקדש, בראותם את חרב המות מקיפה אותם מעברים, ופנו עֹרף לפני האויב. ומרבית הנמצאים בהיכל היו בני העם, אנשים רפי כֹח, בלי נשק בידם, והרומאים שחטו מהם את כל הבא לידם. ומסביב למזבח נערם המון חללים ועל מעלות ההיכל נגרו נחלי דם, וגוִיות הנשחטים למעלה התגלגלו מהן.",
+                    "ז. וכראות הקיסר, כי אין לאל־ידו לכבוש את כעס אנשי־צבאו המתהוללים והאש מוסיפה לאכול סביב, בא עם שרי צבאותיו אל הבית לפְנַי ולפנים והביט אל דביר ההיכל ואל כל אשר בו וראה, כי גדול הרבה הדר בית־המקדש מן השמועה אשר בפי הנכרים, ובצדק מתגאים בו היהודים ומרבים בשבחו. בראותו, כי לא נגעה עוד הלהבה עד ההיכל לפנים, רק אכלה את הלשכות הסובבות אותו לבד, עלתה בלבו מחשבה נכונה, כי עוד יוכל להציל את הבנין, ומהר החוצה ונִסה בעצמו לדבּר על לב אנשי־הצבא, כי יכַבּו את האש, וצוה את לִבֵּרַלִּיוּס שר־מאה, מנושאי־הרמחים השומרים לראשו, לחבוט במקלות את המַמרים לקולו ולגרשם. אולם חמת אנשי־הצבא ושנאתם ליהודים גברו על הכבוד, אשר כבדו את הקיסר, וגם על יראת העֹנש מידו, ורוח קנאתם במלחמה לא ידעה מעצור. רבים נמשכו אחרי תאות בצעם, באמרם בלבם, כי היכל הבית מלא אוצרות מפה אל פה, אחרי ראותם אותו מחוץ, והנה הוא מצֻפּה זהב כֻּלו מסביב. וכאשר יצא הקיסר לבצור את רוח אנשי־הצבא, מהר איש אחד מאחריו להניח אש במחשך בין צירי השער. ובהֵרָאות הלהבה פתאֹם גם בבית מבפנים, נסוגו הקיסר ושרי־הצבא, ואיש לא עצר עוד את העומדים מחוץ להוסיף אש על הלהבה. ככה היה בית־המקדש למאכֹלת אש על אף הקיסר ועל חמתו.",
+                    "ח. מי האיש אשר לא יַרבּה להָמֵר על חרבן הבית הזה, הוא הנפלא מכל הבנינים, אשר ראו עינינו ואשר שמעו מהם אזנינו, והנעלה מכֻּלם בגדלו ובהדרו ובתפארתו לכל חלקיו וגם במהלל כבוד קדֻשתו? אך דבר אחד יהיה לו לנחמה גדולה, בשומו אל לבו, כי מקרה אחד לכל אשר בו רוח־חיים וגם לבנינים [הנהדרים] ולמקומות [הקדושים], וכֻלם לא יִמָּלטו מפני הגזרה אשר יצאה עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הֵימַרְמֵנֵי (היא מָיְרָה) = הגורל, מנת היקום, שעל־פי המִתּולוגיה היונית גם האֵלים לא יִמָּלטו ממנה.</i>. ומי לא ישתומם על מועד החרבן הנכון לתקופת הזמנים? כי קץ הבית השני שמר — כאשר אמרתי למעלה — את החדש ואת היום, אשר בו נשרף הבית הראשון בידי הבבלים. ולמן בנין הבית הראשון — הוא הבית, אשר הקים המלך שלֹמה — עד חרבן הבית בימינו, אשר היה בשנה השנית למלכות אספסינוס, מלאו אלף ומאה ושלשים שנה ושבעה ירחים וחמשה־עשר יום. ומבנין הבית השני, הוא מעשה ידי הנביא חגי בשנה השניה למלכות כֹּרש, עד חרבנו בידי אספסינוס נשלמו שש מאות ותשע ושלשים שנה וארבעים וחמשה יום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספרים אינם מדֻיקים ומקור החשבון לא נודע, ועיין בהערות.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צרות היהודים הנשרפים בבית־המקדש. על נביא־השקר ועל האותות, אשר בשׂרו את האסון מכבר.</small><br><br>א. ובעת אשר בער ההיכל באש, גזלו הרומאים כל דבר הבא לידם וערכו מטבח נורא לכל היהודים אשר פגעו בהם, ולא חמלו על עוּלים ומלאי־ימים ולא הדרו פני שרי־קֹדש, כי־אם המיתו זקנים ועוללים, הדיוטות וכהנים יחד, וחרב האויב אכלה את כל משפחות העם מסביב, וגם המבקשים חנינה וגם העומדים על נפשם נשחטו בלא חמלה; וקול משק הלהבה העולה למרום התערב בקול אנקת החללים, ומפני גֹבה הר־הבית וגֹדל הבנין הלוהט באש נדמה לעין רואה, כי כל העיר בוערת. ואיש לא יוכל לשער בנפשו דבר נורא ואיֹם מקול הצעקות במעמד ההוא. כי קול תרועת הלגיונות הרומאים השוטפים ואנקות המורדים, אשר הקיפו אותם האש וחרבות השונאים, ויללת העם העזוב העומד מלמעלה, אשר נדחף בבהלה אל תוך האויבים לקראת המות, ונאקות השבר — כל אלה חֻבּרו יחד. ולקול הצעקות העולות מהר־הבית ענתה צעקת העם אשר בעיר, כי אנשים רבים, אשר כִּלה הרעב את כֹּחם ולשונם דבקה אל חִכָּם, ראו את האש אשר בבית־המקדש ומצאו כֹח בנפשם לקשור מספד־תמרורים וגם להרים קול צעקה. והֵד הרמה אשר מעבר לנחל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אשר מארץ־העֵבר (פרַיה), וזהו שם עבר־הירדן ביונית. אך קשה לחשוב, כי כתב המחבר גוזמה כזו, ומפני זה יש מתרגמים מעבר [הנחל] = מעבר לקדרון.</i> וההרים שמסביב לעיר חִזק את הצעקה הנוראה, אולם הכאב היה גדול ונורא מכל הצעקות האלה יחד. לעין הרואה נדמה, כי הר־הבית בוער כֻּלו מתחתית שרשיו, כי מכל פנותיו יצאו להבות־אש. אולם נחלי־הדם גברו עוד על להבות־האש, ומספר הנשחטים היה רב ועצום ממספר שוחטיהם, ובכל מקום לא נראתה־האדמה תחת מכסה החללים, ואנשי־הצבא דרכו על תלי פגרים ברדפם אחרי הבורחים. בעמל רב הדפו השודדים את הרומאים ונמלטו אל חצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, ומשם אל תוך העיר, ושרידי העם ברחו אל האולם החיצון. ואחדים מן הכֹּהנים הוציאו לראשונה את השפודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם הנקראים במשנה ״כלה עורב״ — הנטועים על הגג, כדי לגרש משם את העופות המזֹהמים (לעיל, ספר ה, ה, ו).</i> אשר על גג ההיכל עם קרקעיותיהם העשויות עופרת והשליכו אותם אל הרומאים, וכאשר לא היה שׂכר לפעלם זה והאש התנשאה למרום והגיעה עדיהם, עלו על קיר ההיכל הרחב שמונה אמות ונשארו שם. ושני טובי הכֹּהנים ראו לפניהם שני דרכים — לעבור אל הרומאים ולהציל את נפשם, או להשאר למעלה עד אשר ימצא אותם גורל הנשארים, ובחרו להפיל את עצמם אל תוך האש ולהשרף יחד עם ההיכל. אלה היו מאיר בן בִּלְגָה ויוסף בן דלָיָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלגה ודליה הם שמות שני משמרות־כהֻנה, החמשה־עשר והשלשה־ועשרים. (דברי הימים א, כ״ד, י״ד, י״ח).</i>.",
+                    "ב. והרומאים חשבו, כי למותר הוא לרחם על הבנינים אשר מסביב אחרי שרפת ההיכל, והעבירו את הכּל באש: את שרידי האולמים ואת השערים — מלבד שׁנַים, הם אחד משערי המזרח ושער הדרום, וגם את השערים האלה הרסו לאחר זמן. הם שרפו גם את לשכות בית־האוצר, אשר נמצא שם המון כסף לאין־מספר ובגדים וכלי־חפץ, אשר לא ימָנו מרֹב. בקצרה, שם נערם כל עֹשר היהודים, כי הניחו שם העשירים את כל כבוד ביתם. משם עברו הרומאים אל האולם הנשאר בחצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, ושמה נמלטו מבני־העם נשים וילדים ועֵרב רב כששת אלפים נפש. ואנשי־הצבא לא חכו עד אשר יוציא הקיסר את משפט השרידים ושרי־החילים יתנו להם פקֻדה, כי־אם מהרו אל האולם בחמת־נקם ושִׁלחו בו אש. הקופצים מתוך האש [נפּצו את עצמותיהם ו]מתו והנשארים נשרפו חיים ואיש לא נִצל מהם. נביא־שקר אחד השיא מות על האנשים: הוא קם ביום ההוא והעביר קול בין יושבי העיר, כי האלהים מצַוה לעלות אל המקדש ולקבּל את אותות הישועה. והנה נביאים רבים נשלחו בימים ההם בידי העריצים אל העם לחַזק את לבו ולהודיעו, כי עוד מעט תבוא ישועת אלהים, למען ימעט מספר הבורחים הנופלים אל הרומאים, וגם האנשים, אשר לא יפחדו מאימת השומרים [על מוצאי העיר], יתעוררו להשאר בעיר בתקותם זאת. בעת צרה מאמין האדם לכל דבר על־נקלה, ובבוא אליו נוֹכל להבטיח לו רֶוַח ופדות ממצוקותיו הקשות, יהָפך הסובל לעבד נרצע לתקוותיו.",
+                    "ג. כדברים האלה דברו מתעים נוכלים, בנשאם את שם אלהים לשוא, והוליכו את העם האמלל שולל, כי נפתה אחרי דבריהם ולא שׂם את לבו לכל האותות והמופתים המבשׂרים לו את החרבן בעתיד ולא האמין בהם. ככה עמדו היהודים כהלומי־רעם, אשר טחו עיניהם מראות וטפש לבם מהבין, ולא הקשיבו לאותות אלהים, ואלה היו האותות: האחד, כי נראה ממעל לעיר כוכב במרום, אשר היה לו מראה חרב, וגם דָרַך כוכב תועה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קומֵיטיס.</i> בשמים ולא מש משם שנה שלמה. והשני, כי בהתאסף עולי־רגלים לחֹג את חג־המצות, עוד לפני המרד ותנועת המלחמה, ביום השמיני לחֹדש קסַנתּיקוס (ניסן)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קשה לחשוב, כי כבר בשמיני לניסן נאספו עולי־הרגלים לחֹג את חג־המצות, ונראה, כי הכונה היא: זמן קרוב לפני חג המצות, שבו עלו לרגל.</i>, עלה בתשע שעות בלילה אור גדול והגיה את המזבח ואת ההיכל, עד אשר נראו כמו בעצם יום בהיר; והמראה הזה ארך חצי שעה. והנה בעיני האנשים, אשר לא למדו חכמה, נראה, כי הדבר הזה הוא סִמן טוב. אולם המבינים בכתבי־הקֹדש דרשו מיד את הדבר על המעשים אשר היו אחר זמן. ולמועד החג ההוא המליטה פרה אחת עגל, כאשר הוליך אותה איש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: כאשר הוליך אותה הכֹּהן הגדול. וּגִרסת ניזה עִקר.</i> לשחוט אותה לקרבן בתוך חצר בית ה׳. וגם שער הקדים להיכל לפנים, אשר היה עשוי כֻלו נחֹשת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפונה לשער העזרה, הוא שער נִקָּנור.</i> וכבד מאד, עד כי בעמל רב מצאה יד עשרים איש לסגרו בערב, ואשר נשען במסגרותיו על קורות מצֻפּות ברזל ועל בריחים נעוצים עמֹק אל הסף העשוי כֻלו אבן אחת — נראה פתאֹם פתוח לרוָחה מאליו בשש שעות בלילה, ושומרי המקדש רצו להודיע את הדבר לפקיד המשמר, והוא עלה למעלה, ורק אחרי עמל רב ועבודה קשה עלה בידו לסגור את השער. וגם בדבר הזה ראו ההדיוטות אות לטובה, כי יפתח להם האלהים את שערי הברכה. אולם המשכילים הבינו, כי חלפה פתאם שלות ההיכל, והשער הסגור נפתח למען האויב, והודיעו, כי האות הזה הוא מופת גלוי לחרבן. לא עברו ימים רבים אחרי חג־המצות ההוא, והנה נראה בעשרים ואחד לחדש ארטֵמיסיוס (אִיָּר) מראה אלהים, אשר לא יאמן כי יסֻפּר. אמנם לסִפּור־בדים ירָאה בעיני רבים הדבר אשר אספּר, לולא היו עדי־ראיה להצדיק את דברי, וגם הפֻּרענות הבאה מִלאה אחרי המופת הגדול. וזה הדבר: לפני בוא השמש נראו במרום בכל הארץ כדמות מרכבות־מלחמה ומערכות אנשי־צבא מזֻינים, המפלסים להם דרך בין העבים ומקיפים את הערים מסביב, ובעת החג הנקרא בשם יום החמשים (חג השבועות) עלו הכהנים בלילה אל חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית לשרת בעבודת הקדש כחֹק, וספּרו, כי שמעו קול רעש ואחרי־כן קול המון רב: ״נסעה ונלכה מזה״ (נעברה מזה). ועוד דבר נורא מזה: ארבע שנים לפני המלחמה, בעוד נמצאה ירושלים בשלוָתה והתענגה על רֹב טובה, בא אכר הדיוט אחד ושמו ישוע בן חנניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: ישוע בן חנן.</i> אל העיר למועד החג, אשר בו חֹק לכל היהודים להקים סֻכּות לכבוד אלהים, והחל פתאם לקרא בקול רם בחצר בית ה׳: ״קול ממזרח, קול ממערב, קול מארבע רוחות. קול על ירושלים וההיכל, קול על חתן וכלה, קול על כל העם״. ואת הדברים האלה הוסיף לקרֹא ביום ובלילה בסבבו בכל רחובות העיר. ואחדים משועי העם קצפו עליו בדבר הקללות האלה ותפשו את האיש והרבו להכותו וליסרהו. אולם הוא לא הרים את קולו לבקש על נפשו ולהשיב דבר למַכּיו, ולא חדל להשמיע את הקריאה אשר קרא. וראשי העם חשבו לצדק, כי רוח אלהים נמצאה באיש הזה והוליכו אותו אל נציב הרומאים, והוא צוה לדוש את בשרו בשוטים, עד אשר נחשׂפו עצמותיו. אולם האיש לא בקש רחמים ולא הזיל דמעות, ובשארית כֹּחו הרים קול יללה לכל מכה ומכה: ״הוי, הוי, ירושלים!״ וכאשר שאל אותו אלבּינוס — כי הוא היה הנציב בימים ההם — מי הוא ואֵי מזה בא, ועל מה ולמה הוא קורא את הקריאה הזאת, לא ענה על אחת משאלותיו ולא חדל להוציא מפיו את הנהי על העיר, עד אשר גזר אלבינוס, כי נטרפה עליו דעתו, ושלח אותו לנפשו. וכל העת עד בוא המלחמה לא פנה ישוע אל אחד מיושבי ירושלים, ולא נראה בדַבּרו עם בן־אדם, כי־אם הוציא נהי מפיו ברגש רב, כאִלו התפלל לאלהים, [את המלים:] ״הוי, הוי, ירושלים״ מדי יום ביומו, ומעולם לא בטא בשפתיו דבר קללה למַכּיו המתעללים בו יום יום, וגם לא ברך את האנשים הנותנים לו לחם לאכול, כי רק מענה אחד נמצא בפיו, והוא המשׂא הנורא [על ירושלים], ויותר מכֹּל הרבה לצעוק במועדי השנה. ואת הדברים האלה קרא שבע שנים וחמשה חדשים, ולא נִחר גרונו, ולא עיף ולא יגע, עד אשר בא מצור ירושלים וראה בעיניו, כי קמו דברי נבואתו, ואז נאלם לנצח. כי פעם אחת סבב בחומה וקרא בקול איֹם: ״הוי, הוי על ירושלים ועל העם ועל ההיכל״, ולאחרונה הוסיף: ״אוי, אוי גם לי״, כי אבן אחת שלוחה מכלי־קלע פגעה בו והמיתה אותו מיד, ובעוד הוא קורא בקול את נבואתו יצאה נפשו.",
+                    "ד. אם ישים איש אל לבו את הדברים האלה, ימצא, כי עין אלהים פקוחה על האדם, והוא מגלה לבני־אנוש את דרכי הישועה, ורק מסכלותם ומרֹע מעשיהם הם בוחרים להם דרכי־מות. ככה עשו היהודים את מקדשם רָבוּע אחרי אשר נהרסה הבירה אף כי נמצא כתוב בספריהם, כי יבוא חרבן העיר וההיכל גם־יחד, כאשר יהיה בית־המקדש רבוע. והדבר, אשר הרבה להעיר את לבם למלחמה הזאת היה גם הוא דבר חזון סתום, אשר נמצא בכתבי־הקֹדש, כי בימים ההם יקום מארצם איש, אשר ימלוך בכל העולם. הם דרשו את החזון הזה על אחד מאחיהם, ורבים מן החכמים נבוכו בפתרון הנבואה, ולא הבינו, כי היא מראָה על מלכות אספסינוס, אשר נקרא לקיסר בארץ יהודה. אפס לא נִתּן לאדם להמלט מגזר־דינו גם בצפותו אותו מראש. על־כן דרשו היהודים את חלק דברי הנבואה לטובתם, ולשאריתם לא שמו לב, עד אשר בא חרבן עירם וקִצם הרע הוכיח על סכלותם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרומאים העלו את נשריהם אל הר־הבית וקדמו את טיטוס בהדר כבוד. הדברים, אשר קרא טיטוס באוני היהודים המבקשים רחמים, ומעבה היהודים, אשר העיר את חמת טיטוס.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר ברחו המורדים אל העיר, והיכל ה׳ וכל אשר מסביב לו בערו באש, העלו הרומאים את דגליהם (הנשרים, הסִמנים) אל מקום המקדש והציגו אותם למול שער הקדים וקראו את טיטוס בתרועת־ברכה למושל מנַצח (אימפּרַטור). ואנשי־הצבא הרבו לגזול ולמלא את ידיהם חמס, עד אשר נמכר בארץ סוריה משקל זהב בחצי המחיר אשר היה לו לפנים. והכהנים אשר על קיר ההיכל החזיקו עוד מעמד, ונער אחד מהם צמֵא למים והתחנן אל השומרים הרומאים לתת לו את בריתם, וסִפר להם, כי הוא צמא מאד. השומרים חמלו על הנער הנמצא בצרה ונתנו לו את בריתם שלום, והוא ירד ושתה מן המים וגם נתן אל הכד אשר הביא עמו, והלך לו וברח ועלה למעלה אל אחיו, ואיש מן השומרים לא עצר כֹּח לתפשו, הם חרפו אותו על אשר חלל את אמונתו, והוא ענה להם, כי לא עבר על הדבר אשר הבטיחם, יען שלא כרת אִתּם ברית להשאר אצלם, כי־אם לרדת ולקחת את המים, והנה עיניהם רואות, כי מִלא את שני הדברים באמונה. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר הוליך אותם הנער שולל, השתוממו על ערמתו הרַבּה, העולה על מדת שָׁניו. וביום החמישי אִלֵּץ הרעב את הכהנים לרדת מעל המקדש, והשומרים הוליכו אותם אל טיטוס. הם בקשו ממנו לתת להם את נפשם לשלל, אך הוא השיבם דבר, כי כבר נסגרו בפניהם שערי הרחמים, יען חָרב ההיכל, אשר למענו היה חומל עליהם למשפט, וגם נאה לכהנים לסוּף יחד עם מקדשם. ואחרי־זאת צוה להמיתם.",
+                    "ב. וכראות העריצים והאנשים אשר אִתּם, כי נִגפו במלחמה בכל מקום, וחומת האויב הקיפה עליהם, עד אשר אבד מהם מנוס, שלחו אל טיטוס לקחת עמו דברים. והקיסר, אשר היה אוהב הבריות מתכונתו, אמר בלבו להציל את העיר, וגם אוהביו החזיקו אחרי עצתו. בחשבו, כי יכָּנעו השודדים מפניו הפעם, עמד בקצה המערב לחצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, אשר שם נמצאו השערים הפונים אל לשכת־הגזית, בקרבת הגשר המחבר את הר־הבית לעיר העליונה, והגשר היה בתּוֶך בין העריצים ובין הקיסר. ומסביב לכל אחד עמדו אנשיו בהמון רב. היהודים העומדים עם שמעון ויוחנן קוו בכליון־עינים למצֹא חנינה, והרומאים הסובבים את הקיסר חכּוּ למוצא פי היהודים. טיטוס צוה על אנשי־צבאו לכבוש את כעסם ולבלתי יְרוֹת באויבים, והציג את המליץ (התֻּרגמן) לפניו ופתח בדברים לאות, כי הוא המנַצח, וכה אמר: ״הנה כבר שׂבעתם את הרעות, אשר מצאו את עיר־אבותיכם, אתם האנשים, אשר לא השיבותם אל לבכם את כל עֹז חילנו ואת כל רפיון־כֹּחכם, ובקנאה נבערה וברוח־שגעון הבאתם את הקץ על עמכם ועל עירכם ועל מקדשכם. ואמנם הצדק היה לי לכַלות אתכם מעל־פני האדמה, כי למן הימים הראשונים, אשר כבש אתכם פומפיוס בחֹזק־יד, לא חדלתם ממעשי־מרד, עד אשר יצאתם למלחמה על הרומאים ביד רמה. ובמי בטחתם, כי עשיתם את הדבר הזה? האם בגֹדל המונכם? הנה חלק מצער מחיל הרומאים הספיק להכריעכם! או בעזרת בני־בריתכם? היש עַם מחוץ לגבול ממשלתנו, אשר יעלה על לבו לבחור בברית היהודים מברית הרומאים? ואולי נשענתם על כֹּח זרועכם? הן יודעים אתם, כי גם הגרמנים [אדירי הכֹּח] עובדים אותנו. או בעֹז חומותיכם הבצורות שׂמתם מַחסכם? האם יש חומה נשגבה ממעוז ים־אוקינוס, הסוכך על הבריטַנים, אשר נכנעו גם הם לפני חרב הרומאים? או אולי בטחתם באֹמץ־רוחכם ובתחבולות. שרי־צבאותיכם? הלא ידעתם, כי גם בני קרת־חדשת כרעו לפנינו. אין זאת, כי העירה אתכם נגד הרומאים אהבת הבריות אשר לרומאים, כי בראשונה נתַנו לכם למשול בארצכם כטוב בעיניכם והקימונו עליכם מלכים מקרב אחיכם, ואחרי־כן שמרנו על חֻקי תורתכם ונתנו לכם לחיות כאשר עם לבבכם, לא רק בארצכם, כי־אם גם בקרב עמים אחרים, ועוד הוספנו להיטיב עמכם, כי מִלאנו את ידכם להרים תרומה לעבודת אלהיכם ולאסוף נדבות כטוב בעיניכם, ולא יסרנו בדברים את נושאי המתנות ולא עמדנו להם לשטן, למען תּרבּו עֹשר לרעתנו ובכספנו אנו תתכוננו להלחם בנו. מרֹב טובתנו שמַנתּם ובשׂבע נפשכם בעטתם באנשי־חסדכם וכדרך נחשים, אשר אין להם לחש, תקעתם את עֻקציכם בבשר המתרפקים עליכם. בזיתם את נירון בלבכם על קלות־דעתו, ותחת אשר שקטתם תחתיכם במחשבות־זדון זמן רב, כדרך המכות והחבלים העצורים בגוף עד אשר יתגלו בבוא עליו תחלואים קשים, הראיתם הפעם את כל יצר לבכם הרע, ולא בושתם לשאת את נפשכם לתקוות גדולות לבלי־חֹק. ואחרי־כן בא אבי אל הארץ הזאת, והוא לא עלה עליכם לעשות בכם שפטים על הדבר אשר עשיתם לצֶסטיוס, כי־אם למען שַׁחֵר למוסר את אזניכם. כי לוּ בא להכרית את עמכם, הלא היה עליו למהר ולעקור את שֹׁרש הזדון ולהחריב את העיר הזאת מיד, אך הוא לא עשה כזאת, כי־אם השחית את ארץ הגליל ואת סביבותיה, ונתן לכם זמן להִנָּחם על מעשיכם. אולם אהבת־הבריות הזאת היתה בעיניכם לאות רפיון־כֹּח, ואֹרך־אפינו חִזק את עזות־לבכם. ואחרי מות נירון עשיתם כמעשה הנבלים, כי בקוּם מלחמות־אחים בקרבנו הוספתם אֹמץ, וכאשר יצאתי עם אבי אל ארץ מצרים, מצאתם לכם שעת־הכֹּשר להרבות תכונה למלחמה, ולא בושתם להחריד את מנוחת האנשים העולים לכסא־המלוכה, אשר ידעתם בהם, כי היו שרי־צבא אנשי־חסד. ואחרי־כן מצאה כל הממשלה מחסה בנו, וכל הארצות נחו ושקטו, וגם העמים הנכרים שלחו אלינו מלאכים לברכנו, ורק היהודים לבדם היו לנו לאויבים, ואתם שלחתם את ציריכם מעבר לנהר פרת להקים מרד, והעליתם מצודות חדשות על חומותיכם, ומריבות וקנאת־עריצים ומלחמות־אחים השחיתו בכם, כמשפט לאנשי־בליעל, — ורק להם לבד! — ואחרי־זאת עליתי על העיר הזאת, ואבי נתן בידי פקֻדה נוראה על אפו ועל חמתו. והנה שמעתי, כי העם רוצה להשלים אתנו, ושמחתי, ועוד לפני המלחמה קראתי לכם לשבות מריב, וזמן רב חמלתי על האויבים הנלחמים בי, ונתתי את בריתי לנופלים אלי, ושמרתי אמונים לבורחים, ורחמתי על רבים משבויי־החרב, וענשתי את המתעללים בהם עֹנש קשה, ובלי חמדה הקרבתי את מכונות־המלחמה אל חומותיכם ועצרתי בעד רוח אנשי־צבאי וחמת־רצחם עליכם כל היום, ואחרי כל נצחון עשיתי כמעשה הנִּגָּף במלחמה ודברתי אליכם שלום, וכאשר קרבתי אל המקדש, הואלתי עוד הפעם לעזוב את חֻקי המלחמה וקראתי אליכם לרחם על קדשיכם אתם ולהציל את ההיכל למענכם, וגם הבטחתי אתכם להוציאכם בשלום ונשבעתי לכם לפדות את נפשותיכם, וגם נתתי לכם לבחור במקום אחר ולהלחם אתנו משם כטוב בעיניכם. אולם אתם מאסתם את כל דברי, וידיכם שלחו אש בהיכל. ואחרי כל אלה — הוי טמאים נבזים! — באתם כיום הזה לדבּר אלי דברים! ומה תוכלו עוד להציל, אחרי אשר אבדו לכם הקדשים האלה? ובמה נחשבה בעיניכם פדות נפשכם אחרי אבדן ההיכל? והן גם עתה עודכם עומדים בכלי־נשקכם, ובהגיע מים עד נפש אינכם רוצים להתנכּר ולדבּר תחנונים. הוי, עלובים! במי עוד תשימו מבטחכם? עמכם חלַל־חרב, היכלכם — שַׁמה ושאיה, עירכם — מרמס לרגלי, וביָדי רוחכם ונשמתכם! אולי תחשבו לכם את הדבר לגבורה בלכתכם לקראת המות? אך לא אוסיף לדון עוד ברוח שגעונכם! אם תפרקו את כלי־נשקכם ותסגירו את עצמכם בידי — אתן לכם את נפשכם לשלל, וכבעל־בית ארך־אפים אעשה שפטים באשר אין לו תקנה, ואת הפלֵטה אציל למעני.״",
+                    "ג. לדברים האלה ענו המורדים, כי לא יוכלו לכרות עמו ברית, יען נשבעו לבלתי עשות את הדבר הזה לעולם. ועל־כן בקשו ממנו, כי יתן להם לצאת דרך החומה עם נשיהם ובניהם, למען ילכו להם אל המדבר ויעזבו את העיר בידו. לשֵׁמע הדבר הזה חרה אף טיטוס באנשים האלה, העתידים לנפול בידו בקרוב, כי מלאם לבם לדרוש ממנו דברים, כאִלו נצחו במלחמה, וצוה להודיע אותם, כי לא יוסיפו לנפול אליו ולקוות, אשר ישמור להם את הברית, כי לא יחמול על נפש איש, ועל־כן עליהם להלחם בכל כֹּחם ולהִוָּשע בזרוע־ימינם, אם יעלה הדבר בידם, ומן היום ההוא והלאה יעשה להם ככל חֹמר משפטי המלחמה. ועל אנשי־הצבא צוה לשרוף את העיר (התחתונה) ולהוציא את שללה. אנשי־הצבא שבתו ביום ההוא, וביום השני שרפו את הארכיון (בית־הפקודות) ואת המצודה (חקרא) ואת בית־המועצה ואת העֹפל, והאש הגיעה עד ארמון הֵיליני, הבנוי בתוך המצודה. גם הרחובות והבתים המלאים חללי רעב היו למאכֹלת־אש.",
+                    "ד. וביום ההוא שלחו בני המלך אִיזַט ואֶחיו וגם רבים מטוּבי ירושלים, אשר נאספו אִתּם יחד, להתחנן אל הקיסר, כי יכרות אִתּם ברית. ואף כי היטב חרה לטיטוס על כל שארית העם, לא כבש את יצרו הטוב, וקבּל את פני האנשים בשלום ונתן אותם במשמר, ואחרי־כן אסר את בני המלך ואת קרוביו והוליך אותם אל רומא, למען יהיו לו לבני־תערובות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי המורדים, צרותיהם ויסוריהם. טיטוס כבש את העיר התחתונה.</small><br><br>א. והמורדים מהרו ללכת אל ארמון המלך, אשר רבים מבני ירושלים בטחו במשׂגַּבּו והניחו בו את רכושם, והניסו את הרומאים משם והכו נפש את כל העם הנאסף שם, כשמונת אלפים וארבע מאות נפש, וגזלו את כל הכסף. ושנַים מן הרומאים נתפשו חיים, האחד מחיל־הרוכבים והשני מן הצבא הרגלי. את הרגלי שחטו היהודים מיד וסחבו את נבלתו אל העיר. והרוכב אמר, כי יוכל לגַלות ליהודים דבר, אשר יהיה להם לישועה, והובל אל שמעון. ואחרי אשר לא נמצא דבר בפיו, נמסר על־ידי ארדַּלא, אחד משרי־הצבא, לעשות לו משפט־מות. ארדַּלא עקד את ידיו לאחוריו וכסה את עיניו והוציאו אל מול מחנה הרומאים להמיתו. אך בעוד היהודי שולף את חרבו מתּערהּ, מִהר השבוי לברוח אל הרומאים. ובהמלט האיש מפני השונאים, לא צוה טיטוס להמיתו, אבל חשב, כי אין מקום בצבא־הרומאים לאדם, אשר נתפש חי בידי שונאיו. על־כן לקחו הרומאים ממנו את כלי־נשקו וגרשו אותו ממחנה צבאם. והדבר הזה נחשב בעיני בעל־נפש לעֹנש קשה ממות.",
+                    "ב. וביום השני גרשו הרומאים את השודדים מן העיר התחתונה ושלחו באש את כֻּלהּ עד הַשִּׁלֹּחַ. ואף כי שמחו למראה העיר הבוערת, הנה נואשו מתקותם לשאת את שללה, כי כבר הספיקו המורדים לְנַצֵּל את כֻּלה ויצאו עם הבז אל העיר העליונה. הם לא נחמו על מעשיהם הרעים גם בפעם הזאת, ועוד התפארו כדרך אנשים העושים טובה רבה. למראה העיר היוקדת אמרו באור־פנים, כי הפעם יערב להם מותם, אחרי אשר נשמד כל עם ירושלים ובית־המקדש נשרף והעיר בוערת באש, ולא נשאר דבר לאויביהם. אולם גם בהגיע הצרה למרום־קִצה לא חדל יוסף מלבקש מהם רחמים על שארית העיר והִרבּה ליַסר אותם על אכזריותם ועל חטאותיהם וגם להורותם דרך ישועה, אך שׂכר לא היה לדבריו, כי־אם לעג וקלס. ויען אשר לא נאותו המורדים להסגיר את נפשם בידי האויב ולהפר בזה את שבועתם, אף לא עצרו כֹח לצאת על הרומאים למלחמה ולקוות לישועה, כי היו סגורים כמו בכלוב, וגם לא יכלה ימינם להשאר במנוחה, אחרי אשר הסכינה לשפוך דם כל היום, — על־כן פשטו לפני העיר וארבו בין החרבות לנפשות האנשים האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים. רבים נתפשו בכף, והם שחטו את כֻּלם, כי מרֹב המצוק לא היה כח לאיש להשמט מידם, ואת נבלותיהם השליכו למאכל לכלבים. אולם בעיני אלה היתה כל מיתה קלה ממות־רעב, ועל־כן בחרו גם לנוס אל הרומאים, אף כי נואשו כבר מתקותם למצֹא חנינה, וברצון נפלו בידי המורדים המרצחים. ובקרבת העיר לא היתה אף כברת־ארץ ריקה, כי בכל מקום נמצא אחד מחללי הרעב או המרד — או היה מלא המונים של חללי הרעב והמרד יחד.",
+                    "ג. עוד צל תקוה נשאר לעריצים ולחֶבר השודדים אשר אתם, כי יעלה בידם להמלט דרך המנהרות: הם בטחו, כי לא יוכלו הרומאים למצאם בברחם שמה, ואמרו בנפשם להתחבא שם, עד אשר יחריבו הרומאים את העיר כליל ויסורו מעליה, ואז יוכלו גם הם להמלט על נפשם. אולם תקותם זאת היתה חלום, כי לא נגזר עליהם להסתר מעיני האלהים וגם מעיני הרומאים. אך עד בוא פקֻדתם בטחו במחסה הנקָבות אשר מתחת לאדמה, והרבו לשרוף בעיר יותר מהרומאים, ואת הבורחים מן השרפה אל המחתרות המיתו בהמון ושללו את רכושם. וכאשר מצאו בידי איש פת־לחם, גזלו אותה ובלעוה בעודה טבולה בדם [בעליה]. וגם בקרבם כבר פרצו מריבות־אחים בגלל השלל אשר גזלו, ולולא מִהֲרָה מפלת העיר לבוא, כי אז החלו לאכול גם את בשר המתים בחמת־יאושם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקיסר שפך סוללות על העיר העליונה והקריב את כלי־הרעש וכבש את העיר.</small><br><br>א. וכראות הקיסר, כי העיר העליונה היא תלולה מכל עבריה ולא יוכל לכבשה בלי סוללות־מלחמה, חִלק את העבודה הזאת בין אנשי־חילו ביום עשרים לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב). וקשה היה להביא את כל העצים הדרושים, כי נחשפו, כאשר אמרתי, כל המקומות מסביב לעיר במרחק מאה ריס למען הסוללות הראשונות. ארבעת הלגיונות הקימו את בניני־המלחמה ממערב לעיר, למול חצר המלך, והמון צבא־הברית ויתר החיל שפך סוללה על לשכת־הגזית ועל הגשר ועל מגדל שמעון [בן גיורא], הוא אשר הקים אותו למשגב בעת מלחמתו עם יוחנן.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם נאספו שרי־צבא האדומים בסתר ויעצו עצה להסגיר את עצמם בידי הרומאים ושלחו חמשה אנשים אל טיטוס ובקשוהו לכרות אִתּם ברית. טיטוס קוה, כי גם העריצים יכָּנעו מפניו, בסור מעליהם האדומים, אשר נטלו חלק במלחמה בראש. אחרי הִמָּלכו זמן רב בדעתו הסכים לאחרונה ושלח מעליו את האנשים. והאדומים התכוננו לעזוב את העיר, והנה נודע הדבר לשמעון והוא מִהר להמית את חמשת האנשים, אשר יצאו לדבר עם טיטוס, ואת ראשי האדומים עם יעקב בן סוֹסא נשוא־הפנים ביניהם תפש ואסר בכלא, אף צוה לשמור על המון האדומים, אשר היו כאובדי־עצות בהלקח מהם נשיאיהם, ולהציג על החומה אנשי־משמר זריזים. אולם נבצר מכֹּח השומרים לעצור בעד הפליטים הרבים, הנופלים אל השונא, ואף כי גדל מספר ההרוגים, רבּו ועצמו מהם הנמלטים, והרומאים קבלו את כֻּלם, כי טיטוס בטוּב־לבו לא נזקק לפקֻדותיו הראשונות, וגם אנשי־הצבא כבר שׂבעו מדם ולא הוסיפו להמית את הבורחים, ועוד קִוו לבוא על שׂכרם, כי רק את אזרחי־העיר שלחו לחֹפש, אולם את יתר ההמון עם הנשים והטף מכרו לעבדים ולא הרבו במחירם, כי גדל מאד המון הנמכרים ומספר הקונים היה מצער. ואף כי העביר טיטוס קול, לבלי יפול אליו איש בגפו, למען יצאו אליו האנשים לבתיהם ולמשפחותיהם, בכל־זאת קבל גם את היחידים בחסד והקים בית־דין להבדיל מהם את הראוים לעֹנש־מות. והנמכרים לעבדים היו לאין־מספר, ורק בני ירושלים, ארבעים אלף נפש ויותר, נפדו מעבדות, כי שלח אותם הקיסר ללכת אל כל הטוב בעיניהם.",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם יצא אחד הכהנים, ושמו יהושע בן תֵּבוּתִי, אשר נשבע לו הקיסר להציל את נפשו, אם ימסור בידו חלק מכלי־הקֹדש, והוציא אליו מקיר ההיכל שתי מנורות־זהב כתבנית מנורות ההיכל ושלחנות ומזרקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: גביעים (קרטֵירים).</i> וקערות, כֻּלם זהב סגור וכבדים במשקלם מאד. מלבד זאת נתן לו גם את הפרֹכת ואת בגדי הכהנים הגדולים עם אבני־החן ועוד רבים מכלי עבודת־הקֹדש. גם שומר אוצר־המקדש, ושמו פינחס, נפל בידי הרומאים וגִלה להם את מקום כתנות הכהנים ואַבנטיהם, גם הרבה ארגמן ותולעת־שני, אשר נצבר שם לצרכי הפרֹכת, ומלבד זאת הרבה קנמון וקציעה והמון בשמים (סמים) אחרים, אשר בללו אותם והקריבו קטֹרת לאלהים יום־יום. ונוסף על אלה מסר הרבה מיתר כלי־המקדש וגם מעדי־הקֹדש ואף כי נתפש בחֹזק־יד, עשה לו טיטוס כמשפט בורחי־המלחמה ונתן לו את נפשו לשלל.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר כלתה עבודת הסוללות לקץ שמונה־עשר יום בשביעי לחֹדש גורְפִּיאַיּוֹס (אלול), הקריבו הרומאים את מכונותיהם אל החומה, ורבים מן המורדים נואשו הפעם מתקותם להציל את העיר, אלה עזבו את החומה ועלו אל המצודה ואלה ירדו אל המנהרות. ורבים התיצבו על החומה ונלחמו בשונאים המקריבים את מכונות־הרעש, אולם הרומאים התגברו עליהם בגֹדל המונם ובכֹח־ידם, ומה גם כי נלחמו ברוח גבורה עם שונאים, אשר נמס לבבם וכשל כֹּחם, וכאשר נבקע חלק החומה ואחדים מן המגדלים כרעו תחת הכרים המנַגחים, מהרו מגִני העיר לברוח. וגם על העריצים נפלה מחִתּה נוראה וגדולה עוד יותר מהצרה אשר מצאתם; כי עוד טרם נִסּוּ הרומאים לעלות על החומה, נמוגו אלה מפחד ובקשו להם מנוס. ואלה האנשים, אשר הרימו לפנים למָרום קרנם והשתבחו במעשי תועבותיהם, שחו עתה לארץ ועצמותיהם רחפו ממגור, עד אשר נדו כל רואיהם לתמורה הזאת ושכחו, פי הם נבזים מאדם. הם אמרו לרוץ אל החֵל [אשר הקימו הרומאים] ולהדוף את השומרים מפניהם ולהבקיע להם דרך ולהמלט. אולם בהביטם כה וכה ראו, כי אין אִתּם אנשיהם הנאמנים בבריתם מתמול שלשום, כי נמלט כל איש אל אשר מצאה ידו בצרה הזאת. והנה מהרו אליהם אנשים והגידו, כי כבר נבקעה כל חומת המערב והרומאים פרצו בתוך העיר, ואלה ספרו. כי מבקשי נפשם הולכים וקרבים, ואנשים אחרים, אשר עיניהם ראו זרות מגֹדל פחדם, אמרו, כי נראה כבר האויב עומד בראש המגדלים. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה נפלו העריצים על פניהם ובכו על תעתועי־לבבם, וזמן רב לא עצרו כֹּח לקום ולברוח, כאלו נִתּקו עורקיהם. וגם בדבר הזה יראה כל איש את יד־האלהים הקשה על הרשעים ואת מזל הרומאים, כי העריצים שדדו את מבטחם בידיהם וברצונם הטוב ירדו מן המגדלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם המגדלים הידועים הִפִּיקוס, פצאל ומרים, אשר תאר אותם המחבר למעלה.</i>, אשר שם לא יכלו האויבים לתפשם ביד חזקה לעולם, בלתי־אם ברעב. והרומאים, אשר עבדו בזעת־אפים לכבוש את החומות הרפות, כבשו באפס־יד את המגדלים, אשר נבצר מהם ללכדם בכלי־מלחמה, כי שלשת המגדלים, אשר תארתי את צורתם למעלה, שׂגבו מכל מיני מכונות שבעולם.",
+                    "ה. העריצים עזבו את המגדלים — ונכון הדבר, כי בידי אלהים הָשלכו משם — וברחו אל העמק אשר מתחת השִּׁלֹּחַ. וכאשר השיבו רוחם מעט ורָוַח להם מפחדם, מהרו לרוץ אל החֵל הקרוב שמה, אולם לא מצאו בנפשם די־עֹז בצרתם הגדולה, כי הפחד והאסונות הכשילו את כֹּחם — ובידי השומרים עלה להדפם ולהפיצם, ואחד אחד נמלטו אל המנהרות. וכאשר כבשו הרומאים את החומה, הקימו את נִסֵּיהם בראשי המגדלים ומחאו כף בקול־תרועה ופצחו פה בשירת־נצחון, כי סוף המלחמה היה קל להם מתחלתה, ובלא שפך־דם עלו על החומה האחרונה. הם לא האמינו כמעט למראה עיניהם, ובהביטם סביב ואין איש מן האויבים, נדהמו ונבוכו. ואחרי זאת פרצו כנחל ברחובות, והכו בחרב את כל הנופל בידם, והמיתו אנשים לאין־מספר, ושרפו את הבתים באש על הנמלטים בתוכם. ואחרי אשר הִרבּו להרוס ולנתּוץ את הבתים, באו בתוכם לשלוח ידם אל הבזה, ומצאו את החדרים מלאים חללי רעב, ושׂערו שׂער לַמראה ויצאו בידם ריקות. אך אם גם נרתעו אנשי־הצבא מפני המתים האלה, הנה לא חסה עינם על החיים, וכל הנמצא נדקר בידיהם הם הקימו תלי חללים ברחובות והציפו את כל העיר במצולת דם, עד אשר כבה הדם את הלהבה במקומות רבים. לעת ערב השיבו הרוצחים את ידיהם ובלילה פשׂתה הלהבה, וביום השמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפּיאַיּוֹס (אלול) עלה השחר על מוקד ירושלים, היא העיר, אשר כה רבּו צרותיה ומצוקותיה בימי המצור, ולוּ ראתה טובה בכל ימי היותה כמדת צרותיה אלה, כי אז קַנֵא קנאו כל באי־עולם באשרה. ורק עָוֹן אחד הביא עליה את כל האסונות האלה, כי הצמיחה דור [נבל ומשחית] אשר כזה, ומידו בא עליה הקץ."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פקֻדות הקיסר אחרי בואו אל העיר. מספר השבוים וחללי המלחמה. על־דבר הפליטים, אשר שׂרדו אל המנהרות, ושמעון ויוחנן בכללם.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס בא אל העיר והשתומם עליה מאד ובפרט על חֹזק חומותיה ומגדליה, אשר עזבו אותם העריצים בשגעונם. בראותו את גֹּבה־המגדלים הַמֻצק ואת גֹּדל סלעי הבנין ואת הַדֶּבק המכֻוָּן ביניהן וגם את מדת עֲבִי המגדלים וקומתם, קרא: ״האלהים נלחם לנו — כי רק יד האלהים החזקה גרשה את היהודים מן המצודות האלה, כי מה תעשינה ידי אדם ומכונותיו למגדלים אשר כאלה?״ הוא הִרבּה עוד לדבּר עם אוהביו, ואחרי־כן שלח לחפשי את אסירי העריצים, אשר נמצאו עצורים במצודות, וצוה להרוס את שארית העיר ולהפיל את חומותיה, והשאיר רק את המגדלים האלה (השלשה) לזֵכר מזלו הטוב, אשר עמד לו במלחמה וּמִגֵּר לפניו את העיר הבצורה, אשר נבצר מידי אדם לכבשה.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר עיפו ידי אנשי־הצבא מכֹּבד הרצח, נראה בעיר המון רב מיושביה, אשר נצלו מן המטבֵּח. והקיסר צוה להמית רק את המזֻיָּנים העומדים על נפשם ולקחת את יתר העם בשבי. ואנשי־הצבא עשו כמצותו ועוד הוסיפו להמית גם את הזקנים ואת החלשים, ואת הבריאים והאנשים, אשר מצאו בהם חפץ, דחפו אל הר־הבית וסגרו אותם בעזרת־הנשים. והקיסר הפקיד את אחד עבדיו המשֻׁחררים לשמור עליהם, ואל פרונטון אוהבו אמר לעשות משפט כל איש ואיש. פרונטון צוה להמית את כל המורדים והשודדים, אשר גִלה מהם איש את תועבות רעהו, ומקרב הצעירים הבדיל את הגדולים בקומה ואת יפי־התֹאר וחשף אותם לחג־הנצחון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טריומפוס, ביונית: טריאמבוס.</i>, ומיתר העם אסר כל בחור מבן שבע־עשרה ומעלה ושלח אותם לעבוד בסבלות מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה בהרי לוב, הסמוכים למצרים, מקומות מכרֵה הזהב.</i>. ורבים מהם נתן טיטוס למנחה למדינות שונות להעבירם בבתי־חזיון, למען ימותו איש בחרב אחיו או במלחמה עם חיות רעות. והקטנים מבני שבע־עשרה נמכרו לעבדים. ובעוד פרונטון שׂם פדות בין הנתפשים, והנה גועו מהם כאחד־עשר אלף איש ברעב, כי מנעו מהם השומרים את לחמם מגֹדל שנאתם אליהם, וגם רבים מהם מאנו לנגוע בלחם אשר נִתּן להם. ואמנם לא נמצא די־לחם להמון השבוים הרב.",
+                    "ג. ומספר השבוים, אשר נתפשו בכל עת המלחמה, היה תשע רבבות ושבעת אלפים, ומספר המתים בכל עת המצור היה מאה ועשרה רבוא. רֻבּם יהודים, אך לא ילידי המקום (ירושלים). כי מכל עברים נאספו אנשים אל ירושלים למועד חג־המצות, ופתאֹם סגרה עליהם המלחמה. ובאשר צר המקום לשאתם, פרץ ביניהם לראשונה דֶבֶר־הַוּוֹת, ואחרי־כן בא הרעב והִרבּה את חלליהם. ואמנם לא נבצר מירושלים להכיל המון עצום כזה, והדבר הזה נגלה, כאשר מָנה צֶסטיוס את היהודים. כי ברצות צסטיוס להראות את תפארת ירושלים לקיסר נירון, למען אשר לא יבוז לעם היהודים, בקש את הכהנים למצֹא את מספר העם הגדול, אם יש הדבר לאֵל־ידם. והנה הגיע החג הנקרא פסח (פסחא), אשר בו היהודים מקריבים זבחים מתשע שעות עד אחת־עשרה שעה, והחבורה הנמנית על קרבן אחד לא מעטה מעשרה אנשים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: גברים.</i>, כי לא יכול אדם לאכול מבשר הקרבן לבדו — ורבים הצטרפו גם לחבורות בנות עשרים איש —, והכהנים מנו את הזבחים ומספרם היה עשרים וחמשה רבוא וחמשת אלפים ושש מאות, והמקריבים אותם היו אנשים טהורים, אשר התקדשו לחג, כי למצֹרעים ולזבים ולנשים דווֹת וליתר הטמאים היה אסור לאכול מבשׂר הזבח, וגם בני־הנכר [הערלים] הבאים אל ירושלים לעבוד את האלהים לא לקחו בו חלק.",
+                    "ד. והנה רֹב העם, אשר נמצא אז בירושלים, נאסף מכל הארץ, כאִלּוּ נגזרה גזרה על כל העם להסגר כמו בבית־כלא. וכאשר התלקחה המלחמה מסביב לירושלים, היתה העיר מלאה המונות אדם; על־כן עצם מספר החללים ממספר המתים בכל מגפה רעה הבאה בידי אדם או בידי שמים. — ואחרי אשר המיתו הרומאים חלק האנשים היוצאים אליהם ואת שאריתם לקחו בשבי, חקרו למצֹא את האנשים המסתתרים במנהרות וקרעו את שכבת האדמה אשר על־גבן ואת כל הנופלים בידם הכו לפי חרב. ובמנהרות נמצאו כאלפַּים פגרים, מהם פגרי אנשים, אשר טרפו את נפשם בכפם, ורֻבּם חללי רעב. ונוראה היתה צחנת הפגרים, אשר עלתה באף הרומאים הפורצים במנהרות, ורבים מהם מִהרו לעזוב את המקום. אך נמצאו גם אנשים, אשר תאות בצעם השיאתם לרדת ולפַלס להם דרך על ערמות הפגרים. כי הרבה כלי־חפץ נגלו במחתרות, ואין דרך אשר לא תישר בעיני חומד־כסף. הם הוציאו רבים מאסירי העריצים, כי גם בבוא צרתם עד קִצּה לא חדלו ממעשי־רשעתם. ואמנם אלהים שִׁלם לשניהם יחד כגמול ידיהם. כי יוחנן, אשר התענה ברעב יחד עם אָחיו בקרב המנהרות, פנה כדַל שואל אל הרומאים לתת לו את בריתם, אשר בעט בה לפנים לא פעם ולא שתים. וגם שמעון, אשר נלחם זמן רב עם המצוק, הסגיר את עצמו בידי השונאים, כאשר נסַפּר עוד למטה. הוא הושׂם במשמר והֻקדש להרֵגה ביום חג־הנצחון. ויוחנן נשפט למאסר־עולם. — הרומאים שרפו את כל קצות העיר ונתצו את החומה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נפלה לפני זה חמש פעמים בידי אויביה, ועתה חרבה בפעם השניה. קורות העיר בקצרה.</small><br><br>א. ככה נפלה ירושלים בשנה השנית למלכות אספסינוס בשמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפִּיאַיוֹס (אלול). וכבר לפני זה נכבשה חמש פעמים [בידי אויביה] ועתה חרבה בפעם השנית. אַסוֹכַיּוֹס מלך מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לשִׁישק מלך מצרים, אשר לכד את ירושלים בימי רחבעם בן שלֹמה. במצרית נקרא: שֶׁשוֹנְק, ועל יסוד זה אצל רבים מסופרי היונים: סֶסוֹנְכִיס. בספר הקדמוניות קרא לו מחברנו — איסוֹקוֹס (בנוסחאות סוּסקוס=שושק, כמו שנמצאה בכתוב מלכים א, י״ד, כ״ה).</i>, ואחריו אנטיוכוס, ואחריו פומפֵּיוס, ואחרי אלה סוֹסיוס יחד עם הורדוס — כבשו כֻלם את העיר, אולם השאירו אותה על תִּלָּהּ. ועוד לפני אלה כבש מלך בבל את העיר והחריבה במלֹאת אלף וארבע מאות וששים ושמונה שנה וששה חדשים ליום הוָּסְדָהּ. והראשון, אשר בנה את העיר, היה מושל הכנענים, אשר נקרא בלשון אבותינו ״מלך צדיק״ (מלכי־צדק)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר אינו מוסר את השם העברי, כי־אם כותב את הוראתו בלבד.</i>, וכשמו כן היה, כי הוא הראשון אשר כִּהֵן לאלהים והוא אשר בנה את המקדש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הירון.</i> לראשונה וקרא שֵׁם ירושלים לעיר, אשר היה שמה שָׁלֵם בתחלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן גלה המחבר דעתו, כי השם ירושלים מחֻבּר משתי מלים, והאחת היא המלה היונית ירוֹ (Hiero), לאמר: הקדושה, וכן חשבו גם רבים מן הסופרים היונים. ואת שנוי השם שָׁלֵם לירושלים יִחֵס למלכי־צדק מלך שָׁלֵם, אשר בנה, לדעתו, בקרב העיר מקדש (או מזבח) ועשה אותה לעיר־הקדש.</i>. דָּוִד מלך היהודים גרש את עם הכנעני מירושלים והושיב בקרבה את אֶחיו ואחריו, לקץ ארבע מאות ושבעים ושבע שנה וששה חדשים, הרבה העיר בידי הבבלים. ומימי דוד, הוא מלך היהודים הראשון, אשר משל בירושלים, עד חרבן העיר בידי טיטוס עברו אלף ומאה ושבעים ותשע שנה. ומראשית הִוָּסְדָהּ עד חרבנה האחרון עברו אלפים ומאה ושבעים ושבע שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספרים אינם מדֻיקים וסותרים זה את זה.</i>. אולם כל קדמות העיר וכל עָשׁרהּ הגדול והמון בניה הרבים הנפוצים בכל אפסי תבל וכל גֹדל תהלת עבודת־האלהים בקרבה, — כל אלה לא עמדו לירושלים בהגיע קִצָּהּ. אלה דברי אחרית מְצוֹר ירושלים."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נהרסה כליל מלבד שלשה מגדלים. טיטוס הקהיל את אנשי־הצבא והִללם על גבורתם ונתן להם מתנות ושלח רבים לבתיהם.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר לא השיגה עוד יד אנשי־הצבא לטבּוח ולבֹז בז, כי לא נשאר להם דבר לכלות בו את חמתם, — כי הן לא ידעו [הרומאים] חמלה ולא היו מושכים ידיהם, לוּ מצאו דבר להשחיתו, — צוה טיטוס עליהם להרוס את כל העיר עם ההיכל עד היסוד ולהשאיר רק את המגדלים העולים על חבריהם בשׂיאם, הם פצאל, הִפִּיקוֹס ומִרים, ואת חלק החומה הסוגר על העיר ממערב, למען יהיה שם מקום־מחנה לחיל־המשמר הנשאר בירושלים, והמגדלים יספרו לדורות אחרונים את פרשת העיר הגדולה עם מצודותיה החזקות והבצורות, אשר הכניעו הרומאים בגבורת ידיהם. ואת יתר חלקי החומה הגיעו הרומאים לארץ והפכו (את ירושלים) למשואות, עד אשר לא יאמין העובר (על תּל־שממונה), כי היתה במקום הזה לפנים עיר נושבה. זה הקץ, אשר הביאו המורדים ברוח־שגעונם על ירושלים, העיר המעטירה, אשר התברכו בה כל בני־האדם.",
+                    "ב. והקיסר גמר להעמיד שם למשמר את הלגיון העשירי ועמו להקות אחדות מחיל־הרוכבים וגדודי־רגלים מספר. ואחרי אשר כלה טיטוס את כל מעשי המלחמה, חשקה נפשו לברך את כל הצבא על נצחונותיו ולחלק את המתנות הראויות לגבורי־החיל. על־כן צוה להקים לו בימה גדולה במקום־תחנותו הראשון בתָּוך, ועמד עליה יחד עם שרי־צבאו וקרא באזני כל הצבא, לאמר: ״היום הזה יש עם לבי לברך אתכם על חסדכם ואמתכם אתי כל הימים. והנה אני מודה אתכם על משמעתכם במלחמה, אשר חֻבּרה אל גבורתכם בכל הסכנות הרבות והעצומות. הן בזה הגדלתם את חֹסן ארצכם ונתתם אותו מופת לעיני כל הגויים, כי המון האויבים הרב ומשגב חומותיהם הבצורות ועֹז נפשם אשר אין לו חקר וכל חמת־רוח הצרים, הפראים כחיות־השדה, — כל אלה לא יוכלו לעמד בפני גבורת הרומאים, ולוּ גם תהיה פעמים רבות השעה משחקת לשונאיכם. הנה שׂמתם אחרית טובה למלחמה, אשר ארכה ימים ושנים. והן גם בצאתכם לקרָב לא פללתם, כי תפליאו לעשות מאשר השיגה ידכם כיום הזה! ועוד הוספתם לעשות לכם שם כבוד ותפארת, כי השכלתם לבחֹר מקרבכם מושלים ושליטים בכל מלכות הרומאים ונתתם את המשרה בידם, ושלחתם אותם אל ארץ־אבותיכם וכל העם קבל אותם בלבב שלם ונכנע למשפטיהם והחזיק טובה לכם על אשר בחרתם בהם. והנה כֻלכם עשיתם גדולות ונפלאות, ואני שמח בכם ויודע, כי אין מכם איש, אשר קצרה נדיבות־רוחו מכֹּחותיו. אולם לאלה האנשים, אשר הושיע להם כח ימינם הגדול להלחם ביתר עֹז, לאלה, אשר פארו במעשי־גבורתם את דרך חייהם וגם השכילו לעטר את צבאותי הוד והדר בנצחונותיהם — אני רוצה לתת כבוד ויקר חֵלף גבורתם, ולא אקפח את השׂכר הראוי לאנשים, אשר התנדבו לעשות גדולות מחבריהם. ואמנם יקר בעיני מאד לשקֹד על הדבר לעשותו, כי יערב עלי לשלם ללוחמים את שׂכר גבורתם מאשר לענשם על משוגותיהם.״",
+                    "ג. ומיד צוה טיטוס על האנשים הממֻנים לדָבר לפרוט את שמות האנשים, אשר עשו גבורות במלחמה. הוא קרא את האנשים אחד אחד לגשת אליו והלל את נצחונותיהם בשמחה רבה, כדרך האדם השׂמח במעשה־ידיו, ועִטר אותם בזרי־זהב וקשר להם שרשרות־זהב על צואריהם ונתן להם חניתות־זהב ארֻכּות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: קטנות.</i> ודגלים עשוים כסף ואת כל אחד מהם גִדַּל במעלת משׂרתו. וגם משלל המלחמה הרים להם זהב וכסף ובגדים יקרים ויתר הבָּז ביד רחבה, ואחרי אשר נשא טיטוס בעצמו את ראש כל הנזכרים לכבוד ולתהלה, ברך את כל הצבא, ולקול תרועה גדולה ירד מן הבימה והלך להקריב את קרבנות־הנצחון. לפני המזבחות עמדו פרים בהמון רב, והוא צוה לשחוט את כלם ולחלק את בשרם לאנשי־הצבא, למען ייטיבו את לבבם, והוא עם שרי־הצבא עשה משתה שלשה ימים, ואחרי־כן שלח מעליו את כל צבא־הנכרים ונתן לכל איש ללכת אל המקום הטוב בעיניו. וללגיון השנים־עשר זכר את חרפתו, כי נִגף לפנים לפני היהודים, כאשר עמד צֶסטיוס בראשו, והֶגלה אותו מארץ סוריה, אשר שם היה מקום־תחנותו לפנים בַרַפַּנֵּיאָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מצפון להרי הלבנון, בארץ סוריה.</i>, ושלח אותו אל הארץ הנקראה מֶלִיטֵינֵי, אשר על נהר פרת, בגבול ארמיניה וקפודקיה, ושני לגיונות כִּבֵּד להשאר עמו עד בואו אל ארץ מצרים, הם הלגיון החמישי והחמשה־עשר. אחרי־כן ירד עם הצבא אל קיסריה אשר על שפת הים ושם הניח את המון השלל הרב וגם צוה לשום משמר על השבוּים, כי קֹר ימי הגשמים לא נתן לו לנסוע באניה אל איטליה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס ערך חזיונות בקיסריה, אשר בנה פיליפוס. על־דבר שמעון העריץ, אשר נתפש בכף ונשמר לחג־נצחון הרומאים.</small><br><br>א. ובימים, אשר חנה טיטוס לפני ירושלים ושׂם מצור עליה, הלך אספסינוס באנית־משׂא ועבר מאלכסנדריה אל רודוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אי בין מצרים ובין אסיה הקטנה, שהֻזכּר כבר הרבה פעמים.</i> ומשם נסע באניות־מָשוֹט<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טרִיאַרוּת. אניות עם שלש שורות שַׁיָּטִים.</i> וירד אל החוף בכל הערים, אשר עבר עליהן, ויושביהן קבּלו את פניו בברכה, כה הפליג בַּיָּם מיוֹניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה: מחוף אסיה הקטנה והאיים אשר בינה ובין ארץ יון העִקרית (הֶלַס).</i> אל ארץ הֶלַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארץ יון העקרית (אַטיקי, פֵּלוֹפונֶסוס ועוד).</i>, ומשם דרך אי קֶרְקִירָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא הנקרא עכשו קוֹרפו.</i> אל קרן ארץ יַפִּיגִיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרן דרום־מזרח של איטליה (חצי־האי האַפֵּנִינִי).</i>, ומשם הלאה בדרך היבשה. — וטיטוס נסע מקיסריה אשר על חוף הים ובא אל קיסריה הנקראה על־שם פיליפּוס, ושם ישב ימים רבים וערך חזיונות־שעשועים שונים. ורבים מן השבוּים מתו — אלה הָשלכו לחיות רעות ואלה נאלצו להלחם איש באחיו עד מות. ובעיר הזאת הֻגד לטיטוס, כי נתפש שמעון בן גיורא. וזה הדבר:",
+                    "ב. שמעון היה בעיר העליונה בעת מצור ירושלים, וכאשר לכדו צבאות הרומאים את החומה ופרצו בתוך העיר והחלו להחריבה, לקח עמו את רעיו הנאמנים ואִתּם יחד סַתָּתים עם כלי־ברזל הדרושים לעבודתם וגם צֵדה דֵי סִפּוק צרכיהם ימים רבים, ועם כל אלה ירד אל אחת המנהרות הנעלמות. הם הגיעו עד קצה הַנִּקבה (המחתרת) הישָׁנה ומצאו אדמת־סלעים והחלו לחצוב בה בקַווֹתם, אשר אחרי האריכה את החפירה יעצרו כֹח לעלות לבטח על־פני הארץ ולהמלט. אולם כאשר נִסּוּ למלא אחרי עצתם, נוכחו במהרה לדעת כי נכזבה תוחלתם, אחרי אשר בעמל רב הצליח בידי החוצבים לצעוד הלאה מעט מעט, ואף כי אכלו את לחמם במשורה, ראו, כי עוד מעט יאזל מכליהם. ואז אמר שמעון בלבו, כי יעלה בידו לבַעת את הרומאים ולהוליכם שולל: הוא לבש מכנסי־בד לבנים ועטה מעיל ארגמן ועלה פתאם מן האדמה במקום אשר היה שם המקדש לראשונה. כאשר ראו אותו הרומאים, אחזה אותם רעדה ובראשונה לא יכלו למוּש ממקומם, אולם אחרי־כן ערבו את לבם לגשת אליו ולשאלו מי הוא. ושמעון מאן לגלות את שמו להם וצוה לקרֹא לשר־הצבא. הם מהרו לרוץ אל שר־צבאם ושבו יחד עם טֶרֶנְטִיּוּס רוּפוּס, הוא אשר השאירהו טיטוס לראש על הצבא. וכאשר גִלה לו שמעון את כל הדבר באמונה, צוה טרנטיוס לאסרו והודיע את טיטוס, כי נתפש בכף. ככה שִׁלם אלהים לשמעון כגֹדל רשעתו ליושבי ירושלים, אשר השׂתרר עליהם בעברת־זדון — בהסגירו אותו בידי צריו ושונאיו בנפש, ולא בהלחמו בזרוע נטויה נפל בידיהם, כי־אם לרצונו הפקיר את עצמו לאויביו, למען יעשו בו שפטים, תחת אשר לפנים המית הוא רבים באכזריות־חֵמה על עוֹן אשר כזה, בשׂוּמוֹ להם לשֶׁקר עלילות־דברים, כי אמרו לנפול אל הרומאים. אכן לא תמלט הרִשעה מעברת אלהים וימין־צדקו לא תקצר, וגם אם יאריך אפו לפושעים בו, נַקה לא ינַקם, ועוד יפליא את נקמתו ברשעים, אשר יתברכו בלבבם, כי נמלטו מעֹנש, בראותם, כי לא מצאה אותם יד הדין מהרה! ומבשׂרו חזה זאת שמעון הפעם בעת נפלו בידי הרומאים אנשי־עברתו. ואחרי אשר עלה שמעון מתחתית האדמה, נגלה המון מורדים רבים, אשר ירדו גם הם אל המנהרות. — והקיסר שב אל קיסריה אשר על שפת הים, ושמה הובא אליו שמעון אסור בנחֻשתים. וטיטוס צוה לשמור עליו, כי חשׂך אותו ליום חג־הנצחון ברומא."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס עשה חגים ומסר יהודים רבים לטבח. על־דבר הצרה אשר מצאה את יהודי אנטיוכיה בעלילת המומר אנטיוכוס ורשעתו.</small><br><br>א. בשבת טיטוס בקיסריה אשר על שפת הים עשה חג ליום הולדת אחיו ברֹב פאר ולכבודו הקדיש רבים מן היהודים לטבח. מספר היהודים, אשר ספו בהאבקם עם חיות רעות ואשר נשרפו על המדורה ואשר מתו איש בחרב אחיו, עלה על אלפים וחמש מאות. אולם כל זה לא שָׁוָה לרומאים, וכל המיתות המשֻׁנות, אשר נעשו ליהודים, היו לעֹנש קל בעיניהם. אחרי זאת נסע הקיסר אל בארות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">העיר הצידונית הישנה, שנהפכה למושבה (קולוניה) רומאית — ברומית וביונית: בֵּרוּטוּס, עכשו: בַּיְרוּתּ.</i>, היא עיר אשר לרומאים בגבול הצידונים, וגם שם התמהמה ימים רבים וחגג בהדר רב את יום הולדת אביו וערך חזיונות מלאי־תפארת והוציא כסף רב לכל מיני שעשועים, וגם התּיר המון רב מהשבוים לטבח, כאשר עשה בחג הראשון.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם יצאה עלילה רעה גם על שארית היהודים באנטיוכיה וצרת־מות מצאתם, כי בני אנטיוכיה הקימו מהומה גדולה בעיר לרגלי שמועת־שוא, אשר הוציאו מלשינים על היהודים, וגם בגלל המעשים, אשר היו לפני זמן־מצער. ואמנם מוטל עלי לספר את פרשת המעשים בקצרה, למען אוּכל לבאר ביֶתר־ענין את הדברים, אשר קרו אחריהם.",
+                    "ג. היהודים הם עם מפֻזר ומפֹרד בכל קצוות תבל בקרב גויי הארצות, ועל כֹּל גדל מספר היהודים היושבים בסוריה, כי היא הארץ הקרובה אליהם (אל ארץ־ישראל), ויותר מכֻּלם עצמו המונות היהודים בעיר אנטיוכיה, כי המלכים, אשר מלכו אחרי אנטיוכוס, נתנו להם לשבת בעיר לבטח. אמנם אנטיוכוס, הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶּס, עשה שַׁמות בירושלים ונִצל את ההיכל, אולם אלה, אשר נחלו אחריו את המלוכה, השיבו ליהודים את כל כלי־המקדש העשוים נחשׁת, להעמידם בבית־הכנסת אשר להם, וגם נתנו להם חֹק אחד ומשפט אחד עם היונים היושבים בעיר. וגם המלכים, אשר ישבו אחריהם לכסא, הלכו בדרכיהם וגמלו טובה ליהודים, ועל־כן עצמו אלה במספרם והִרבּו את תפארת מקדשם בכלי־חפץ ובמתנות יקרות, וגם משכו אחריהם תמיד אל עבודת אלהיהם (אל דתם) המון גדול מן היונים וספחו אותם עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בדיוק: ובאיזה דרך עשו אותם (את היונים) לחלק עצמם (=לעצם מעצמיהם), כלומר: גירו אותם והפכום ליהודים.</i>. ובהגיע שמועת המלחמה אל אנטיוכיה, כעבור זמן־מצער אחרי בוא אספסינוס באניה אל ארץ סוריה, התלקחה המשטמה ליהודים בלב כל יושבי העיר, ואז קם אנטיוכוס, אחד מראשי נכבדי־היהודים בגלל אביו, אשר היה ראש קהִלת היהודים באנטיוכיה, והלך אל אזרחי־העיר הנאספים בבית־החזיון והכה לפניהם בלשון את אביו ואת יתר היהודים וקרא עליהם שִׂטנה, כי הם אומרים לילה אחד להצית אש בכל פִּנות העיר, וגם הסגיר בידי האזרחים אורחים יהודים אחדים, בהעידו בהם, כי לקחו גם הם חלק בעצה הזאת. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה לא עצר עם אנטיוכיה כֹּח לכבוש את כעסו וצוה להביא אש ולהעלות את האנשים האלה על המוקד, והם נשרפו כֻּלם כרגע בבית־החזיון. ואחרי־כן מהר ההמון לרוץ אל שכונת היהודים ולהחיש נקמות בהם, כי אמרו להציל בזה את עירם. ואנטיוכוס הוסיף לחַזק את חמת האזרחים, וברצותו לתת אות נאמן, כי נהפך לאיש אחר ולמד לשנֹא את דת־היהודים, עמד להקריב זבח כחֹק היונים, וגם צוה לאַלץ את יתר היהודים לעשות כמעשהו, למען אשר המסרבים למלא את הדבר יגלו במעשיהם, כי הם חורשי־הרעה. ובני אנטיוכיה נִסו לעשות כדבר אנטיוכוס, ורק יהודים מספר נפתּו למלא את מצותם, ואלה אשר המרו את פיהם הֻכּו נפש. ואנטיוכוס לקח אנשי־צבא מהנציב הרומאי והִרבּה להציק לאזרחים: היהודים אשר באנטיוכיה ולא נתן להם לנוח ביום השבת, כי־אם הקשה ידו עליהם לעשות בו כל מלאכה כמו ביתר ימי השבוע. וכֹה הכביד את הלחץ על היהודים, עד כי בטלה מנוחת השבת לא באנטִיוכיה לבד, כי בהפתח משם הרעה פשטה גם אל יתר ערי סוריה לזמן־מצער.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הרעות האלה, אשר מצאו את יהודי אנטיוכיה בימים ההם, קמה עליהם עתה צרה חדשה, אשר רצינו לדבּר עליה ועל־כן הקדמנו את הדברים האלה. כי הנה פרצה אש באנטיוכיה ואכלה את השוק הרָבוּעַ ואת הארכיון (בית־שלטון־העיר) ואת בית־גנזי־הכתבים ואת הבַּסיליקוֹת, ורק אחרי יגיעה רבה שקעה הלהבה, אשר חשבה לשרוף את כל העיר. ואנטיוכוס קם והתגולל על היהודים, כי מידיהם יצא הדבר הזה. והנה גם לולא היתה שנאה כבושה בלב יושבי אנטיוכיה ליהודים, נקל היה להם להאמין לדבַר הַדִּבּה הזאת בסערת לבבם על המעשה, ומה גם אחרי הרעה אשר עוללו ליהודים לפנים. ועל־כן מצא אנטיוכוס אזנים קשובות וכל האנשים האמינו, כאלו ראו עיניהם את היהודים בשלחם בידיהם את האש, וכמֻכּים בשגעון מהרו כֻלם בעברה־וזעם להתנפל על האנשים, אשר יצאה עליהם הַדִּבּה. רק בעמל גדול עלה בידי הצִיר הרומאי נַיּוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: גניוס.</i> קוֹלֶגה לכבּוֹש את כעסם, בדרשו להודיע לראשונה את הקיסר את דבר המעשה, כי כבר שלח אספסינוס את צֶסֶניוּס פֵּיטוּס להיות נציב בסוריה, אולם זה לא הספיק עוד לבוא אל אנטיוכיה. ואחרי־כן חקר קוֹלֶגה ודרש היטב וגלה את דבר האמת, כי אף אחד מהיהודים, אשר שׂם אנטיוכוס בראשם את האשם, לא לקח חלק בדבר, וכל המעשה יצא מידי אנשים נבזים אחדים, אשר הציקו להם נושיהם, ועל־כן האמינו, כי בשלחם אש בשוק ובבתי־הקהל יִפָּטרו מכל חובותיהם. אולם כל העת אשר ארכה חקירת האשמה הזאת כלו עיני היהודים מיַחל למשפטם ועצמותיהם רחפו מפחד וממגור."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>קבלת פני אספסינוס ברומא. הגרמנים התקוממו על הרומאים ונכנעו מיד. הסַרמַטים פשטו על ארץ מוּסיה וגֹרשו אל גבול ארצם.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר הגיעה אל הקיסר טיטוס הבשורה על־דבר אביו, כי חשקו בו כל ערי איטליה אשר עבר עליהן, ומה גם כי קִדמה עיר רומא את פניו באהבה רבה ובתפארה, שׂמח שמחה גדולה ונפשו עלזה מאד, כי הוּנח לו מכל הדאגות אשר דאג לאביו. כי בעוד אספסינוס נמצא במרחקים דבקו בו לבות כל אנשי איטליה, כאִלו כבר בא אליהם, וכֹה ערגה נפשם אליו, עד אשר נדמה בעיניהם, כי הוא שוכן בקרבם. ואהבתם היתה נקיה מכל אֹנס. כי חברי המועצה זכרו את כל הצרות, אשר מצאום בהמיר הארץ מושליה, ועל־כן התכוננו לקַדם בברכה את פני המושל הזקן ונשוא־הפנים, המפֹאר בכל יקר מעשי־גבורתו במלחמה, וכלם ידעו, כי ישא את נפשו רק להכין את שלום נתיניו. והעם, אשר כשל כחו במלחמות־האחים, עוד הוסיף לערוג אל הקיסר, כי קִוה, אשר הפעם תהיה לו פדות שלמה מכל צרותיו, והאמין, כי יחד עם המנוחה תבוא עליו הברכה, ויותר מהם נשאו אנשי־הצבא את עיניהם אל אספסינוס. כי היטיבו לדעת את כל גֹדל נצחונותיו במלחמה, אחרי אשר שׂבעה נפשם את חֹסר־דעת יתר מפַקדיהם ואת מרך־לבּם, ועל־כן חפצו לגֹל את חרפתם מעליהם ויִחלו לקבל את פני האיש, אשר רק ידו תמצא להושיעם ולעטרם בתפארה. למראה האהבה הזאת, אשר רחש לב כל בני־העם, לא יכלו אנשי־המשׂרה נשואי־הפנים להתאפק, כי־אם מהרו לצאת לקראתו מרחק רב מעיר רומא. וגם יתר בני־העם לא עצרו לדחות את קבלת פניו, וכזרם מים נשפך המון־אדם [משערי העיר], כי טוב ונעים היה לכל איש לצאת מן העיר מהִשָׁאר בקרבה. וזאת היתה הפעם הראשונה, אשר ראתה העיר בנחת־רוח, כי נותרו בה רק מתי־מעט, יען אשר קטן מספר הנשארים בעיר ממספר היוצאים ממנה. וכאשר באה הבשורה, כי הקיסר הולך וקרֵב, והאנשים, אשר מהרו לעבור, הודיעו, כי האיר את פניו לכל איש ואיש היוצא לקראתו, רץ גם ההמון הנִשׁאר עם האנשים והטף אל דרכי העיר לראות את פניו, ובכל מקום אשר הגיע שמה הקיסר מדי עברו, הריע העם תרועת שמחה לחין־מראהו ולמאור פניו, וכל איש קרא בקול, כי הקיסר הוא המֵיטיב והוא המושיע, ולו לבדו יאות להיות מושל ברומא. וכל העיר מלאה זרי־פרחים וענני־קטֹרת. רק בעמל רב בקע לו אספסינוס דרך בין ההמון הגדול העומד עליו, ובא אל ארמון־המלכים ושם הקריב לאלֹהי־העיר זבחי־תודה על אשר שׁב בשלום, וכל ההמון הגדול יצא להיטיב את לבו. לשבטיהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שריד מההסתדרות הרומאית העתיקה לשבטים (טִיטִיִים, רַמְנִיִים, לוּצֵרִים ועוד).</i> ולמשפחותיהם ולשִׁכניהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: לחבורות הגרות בשכונה אחת.</i> עשו בני־העיר משתה ושמחה והתפללו אל אלהים וחִלו את פניו להכין את ממשלת הקיסר אספסינוס ברומא לאֹרך־ימים ולהקים את השלטון בידי בניו ובני־בניו אחריו לדורות־עולם באין שטן ומכשול. ככה קבלה העיר רומא את פני אספסינוס בשמחה, ועוד הפעם עלתה מעלה מעלה ברֹב אָשרה.",
+                    "ב. זמן־מה קֹדם לכן, כשנמצא עוד אספסינוס בגבול אלכסנדריה וטיטוס בנו חנה סביב לירושלים וצר עליה, התעורר חלק גדול מהגרמנים למרֹד [ברומאים], ובעצה אחת עם המורדים היו גם רבים ועצומים מן הַגַּלִּים, ויחדו הלכו בגדולות וקוו לפרוק מעליהם את עֹל שלטון הרומאים. וראשית הדבר, אשר השׂיא את הגרמנים להרים יד ולמרֹד, היתה תכונת רוחם [הסוערת], כי לא הסכינו לעשות מעשיהם במחשבה צלולה, והיו מוכנים תמיד לשׂום את נפשם בכפם על כל תקוה קלה. ומלבד זאת עָצמה שנאתם לנוגשׂיהם, בדעתם, כי מכל העמים השׂכילו הרומאים לבד להעבידם ביד חזקה. אולם יותר מכֹּל אזרה אותם שעת־הכּשׁר הזאת בגבורה. הם ראו בהמוט הממשלה ברומא מפני חליפות המושלים הרבות ושמעו, כי כל ארצות הישוב, אשר נכנעו לפניה, חלות ורועדות תחתיהן. על־כן חשבו, כי בקרב צרות הרומאים ומריבותיהם ימצאו להם עת רצון וברכה. ויועצי העצה, אשר עודדו אותם בתקוותיהם אלה, היו קלַסִּיקוס וצִיוִיליוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: וִיטִילוס, ויטֶליוס, וטעות היא. שם ראש המורדים ברומאית: צִיוִילִיס (Civilis).</i>, שנַים משרי־צבאם, אשר גִלו במעשיהם, כי זה מזמן נשאו את נפשם לַמרד הזה, אבל רק עתה ערבו את לבם להשלים את רצונם לעיני השמש, כי שעת־הכּשׁר הפיחה בקרבם רוח־גבורה. הם אמרו לנסות את הדבר בעזרת המוני הגרמנים, אשר היו שואפי־מרד בכל נפשם. וכבר היה חלק גדול מן הגרמנים אתם בעצה אחת בדבר הזה, וגם הנשארים לא שִׁנו מהם במחשבותיהם. והנה, כאִלו מאלהים יצא הדבר, שלח אספסינוס מכתב אל פֶּסִּילִיוּס צֵרֵאַלִּיס, אשר היה לפנים נציב בגרמניה, ושׂם משרה עליונה על שכמו וצִוה אותו ללכת אל ארץ בריטניה ולמשול בה. ובצאת צֵרֵאליס לדרכו, כאשר צֻוה, שמע על־דבר מרד הגרמנים, כי כבר התלקטו יחדו, וערך לקראתם מלחמה והמית רבים מהם בקרָב ואִלץ את הנשארים לעזוב את משובתם ולקחת מוסר. ולוּ לא מהר צראליס לעלות על מקומות המורדים, גם אז היה קרוב עֹנש הגרמנים לבוא. כי בהגיע השמועה הראשונה על־דבר המרד אל רומא ודוֹמִיטִיָּנוס שמע את הדבר, לא עשה כמעשה בני־גילו — כי היה עוד צעיר לימים מאד — ולא התמהמה לקחת עליו את העבודה הכבירה הזאת, כי מבטן ומלֵּדה שכנה בקרבו רוח גבורת אביו, וגם היה מלֻמד־מלחמה יותר ממִדת שנותיו. על־כן מִהר מיד לצאת למלחמה על הפראים. וכשהגיעה אליהם השמועה, כי הוא הולך וקרב, נמס לבבם, עד אשר נכנעו לפניו לרצונם, ומגֹדל חרדתם חשבו להם לטובה רבה, כי בלי צרה ויסורים שבו למשוך בעֹל כבראשונה. ודוֹמִיטִיָּנוס השאיר גדודי־צבא בכל המקומות אשר מסביב לגַליה, לשמור עליהם לבלתי יוסיפו עוד יושביהם להקים מהומה על־נקלה, ושב אל רומא מעֻטר כבוד ותהלה על מעשי נצחונותיו, אשר היו נעלים ממִדת שנותיו ונאים לבן איש גבור־חיל כאביו.",
+                    "ג. בימים ההם, כאשר פרץ המרד הנזכר בארץ גרמניה, נועזו גם הַסְּקִתִּים להתנפל על הרומאים. כי שבטי הסקִתּים, הנקראים בשם סַרמַטים והם המון גדול ורב, עברו בלאט את נהר אִיסְטְרוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא נהר דַנוֹביוס (דוֹנה).</i> ובאו אל ארץ מוּסיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגבול הונגריה של זמננו.</i>. בכֹח גדול השתערו על הרומאים ופגיעתם היתה קשה, כי לפתע פתאם עלו על הארץ, ועל־כן הצליחו להמית רבים מחיל־המשמר, וכאשר יצא לקראתם הציר, אשר היה שופט לפנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: פרוֹקוֹנסול.</i>, (פוֹנְטֵיוס) אַגרִפּס, המיתו אותו אחרי מלחמה קשה, ואחרי־כן פשטו בכל המדינה, הסרה למשמעת הרומאים, ונהלו אתם [את האנשים והבהמה] ונשאו את כל אשר בא לידם. וכשמוע אספסינוס את הדבר, כי ארץ מוסיה היתה לבז ולשממה, שלח את רוּבְרִיוּס גַּלּוּס לעשות שפטים בסַרמַטים, והוא המית רבים מהם במלחמותיו, והנשארים ברחו בחרדה אל ארצם. בזה שם שר־הצבא קץ למלחמה ושקד להקים את המנוחה במדינה ולהגן עליה לימים הבאים. הוא חִזק והִרבּה את חיל־המשמר במקום ההוא, לבל יוכלו הפראים לעבור את הנהר מן היום והלאה. וכה בא קץ המלחמה אשר במוסיה חיש מהר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר נהר־השבת, אשר ראה טיטוס בדרך עברו בסוריה. בני אנטיוכיה באו אל טיטוס לדבר רעה על היהודים, ולא שמע אליהם. על־דבר תהלוכת־הנצחון של טיטוס ואספסינוס.</small><br><br>א. והקיסר טיטוס ישב ימים רבים בבארות, כאשר דברנו למעלה, ואחרי־כן הסיע את צבאו משם. ובכל ערי סוריה, אשר עבר עליהן, ערך חזיונות־שעשועים בעֹשר רב, ושלח את השבוים היהודים לשַׂמח את הרבים במראה מותם. ובדרך עברו ראה טיטוס נהר אחד, אשר שוֶֹה הדבר להגיד את תכונתו. הוא נמצא בדרך בין עַרְקה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך צריך לכתוב, כנראה, על יסוד בראשית י׳ י״ז.</i> אשר במלכות אגריפס ובין רֵפַנֵּאָה, ויש לו תכונה נפלאה: הוא מלא מים בעת שטפו ואינו מפגר בזרמו. אחרי־כן הוא נעלם ששה ימים רצופים לכל ארכו עד מקורותיו ושטחו נראה יבש כֻּלו. אולם ביום השביעי הוא שולח את מימיו עוד הפעם, כאִלו לא חלה בו כל תמורה. וכבר נחקר הדבר, כי את חֻקיו אלה שומר הנהר באמונה כל הימים ועל־כן קראו לו ״נהר השבת״ (סַבַּטיקוס) על שם היום השביעי הקדוש ליהודים.",
+                    "ב. וכשמוע אזרחי אנטיוכיה, כי טיטוס הולך וקרֵב, שמחו שמחה גדולה ואיש לא רצה להשאר בביתו, כי־אם כֻּלם מהרו ללכת ולקדם את פניו ויצאו לקראתו משערי העיר דרך שלשים ריס. ולא הגברים בלבד, כי־אם גם הנשים יחד עם הטף נהרו אליו מן העיר, ובראותם אותו מרחוק, התיצבו לשני עברי הדרך ופרשׂו אליו את ידיהם וקראו לו לשלום ובעתרת ברכות הפכו את פניהם ולִוּוּ אותו העירה. אך בין המון הברכות נשמעו כל העת דברי־בקשה לגרש את היהודים מתוך העיר. טיטוס לא השיבם על הבקשה הזאת ושמע את דבריהם והחריש. ופחד גדול נפל על היהודים, כי לא ידעו את אשר טיטוס חושב עליהם ואת אשר הוא אומר לעשות. וטיטוס לא נשאר הפעם באנטיוכיה, כי מהר ללכת למסעיו עד בואו אל זִיגְמָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זיגמה — הוראתה: עֹל, ארכובה, ומכאן אנו רואים, כי נמצאה על ארכובת נהר פרת (ששם נמצאו הערים העתיקות כרכמיש ותפסח), וכנראה השֵׁם זיגמה הוא תרגומו של ״פַּדַּן״ (עֹל), שֵׁם הארץ לפנים (פַּדַּן־אֲרָם).</i> אשר על נהר פרת, ושם יצאו לקראתו צירים שלוחים מאת ווֹלוֹגֶז מלך הפרתים והביאו לו נזר־זהב לכבוד נצחונו על היהודים, והוא קבל את התשורה ועשה משתה לצירי המלך, ומשם שב אל אנטיוכיה. ויועצי העיר ואזרחי אנטיוכיה הפצירו בו ללכת אל בית־החזיון, אשר שם נאסף כל עם־העיר לקבל את פניו, והוא נעתר להם ברֹב חסדו. אולם כאשר הוסיפו להציק לו בדבריהם ולדרוש ממנו בלי־הרף, כי יגרש את היהודים מן העיר, ענה אותם בדברים נמרצים, לאמר: ״הן עיר־אבותיהם חרבה ולא אוכל להגלותם שמה. ואֵי זה המקום, אשר ירצה לקבלם?״ ואנשי אנטיוכיה הניחו את בקשתם הראשונה ופנו אל טיטוס בבקשה שנית, כי ישבּר את לוחות־הנחשׁת, אשר נחקקו עליהם משפטי (זכיות) היהודים. אולם גם בדבר הזה לא נענה להם טיטוס, כי־אם השאיר ליהודי אנטיוכיה את כל משפטיהם, אשר היו להם בארץ הזאת מכבר, ואחרי־כן נסע אל ארץ מצרים. בדרך מסעו עבר על ירושלים, ובראותו שממת צלמות מסביב, שִׁוָּה לנגד עיניו את הדַר העיר לפנים, והעלה על לבו את זֵכר בניני־ההדר, אשר נהרסו עד היסוד, וכל התפארת, אשר היתה פה מימי־קדם, ונאנח במרירות על אבדן העיר, ולא גבה לבו על אשר מצאה ידו לכבוש עיר גדולה כזאת בכֹח ובעֹז, כי־אם קלל פעמים רבות את מחוללי המרד, אשר הביאו על העיר את הפֻּרענות הגדולה הזאת, וככה הראה לעינים, כי הוא ממאן לעשות לו שֵׁם גבורה באיד השונאים חללי־ידו. ומעֹשר העיר הרב נגלה עוד חלק גדול בתוך החרבות: הרבה מצאו הרומאים בעצמם, ועוד יותר גִלו אחרי־כן על־פי עדות השבוים, זהב וכסף ויתר כלי חפץ ויקר, אשר טמנו בעליהם באדמה בעת המלחמה, כי לא ידעו מה ילד יום.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס נסע אל מצרים, כאשר היה עם לבבו, ועבר את המדבר במהרה והגיע עד אלכסנדריה, וגמר לצאת באניה אל איטליה. ואת שני הלגיונות אשר נסעו עמו השיב אל המקומות, אשר באו משם: את הלגיון החמישי אל ארץ מוסיה, ואת החמשה־עשר אל ארץ פַנּוֹנִיָּה. ומן השבוים לקח עמו את שמעון ואת יוחנן, ומן הנותרים הבדיל לו שבע מאות בחורי־חמד, העולים על חבריהם בקומתם וביפי־מראֵיהם, וצוה להובילם בחפזון אל ארץ איטליה, למען יעביר אותם לפניו בתהלוכת־הנצחון. וטיטוס בצע את מחשבתו, ונסע באניה והגיע בשלום אל מחוז־חפצו, והעיר רומא חרדה לקראתו וקבלה אותו בשמחה, כאשר עשתה לאביו. ועוד גדל כבוד טיטוס, כי גם אביו יצא לקראתו לקדם את פניו. ולב עַם־רומא פחד ורחב למראה שני המושלים בשבתם יחד, כראות פני אלהים. וכעבור ימים מצער גמרו אזרחי־רומא לערוך חג אחד לכבוד שני המנצחים יחדו, אף כי המועצה הוציאה משפט לעשות חג לכל אחד בפני עצמו. והיום הנועד לחג־הנצחון נודע לעם מראש. ובבוא היום ההוא לא נשאר בביתו אף אחד מכל המון יושבי־העיר, הרבים לאין־מספר, כי כֻלם יצאו וכבשו את כל המקומות, אשר יכלה כף־רגל לעמוד שם, והשאירו רק מַעבר צר [לתהלוכת־הנצחון].",
+                    "ד. בעוד לילה פקדו שרי־הלגיוגות את כל הצבא הנמצא בעיר לגדודיו ולמערכותיו והציגו אותו בסדר לפני השערים, ולא על־יד ארמון המלכים אשר בעיר העליונה, כי־אם בקרבת מקדש אִיסִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שֵׁם אלילה מצרית, אשר עבודתה היתה אז נפוצה ברומא.</i>, אשר שם לנו שני השליטים בלילה ההוא, וכאשר החל עמוד־השחר לעלות, יצאו אספסינוס וטיטוס בעדי זֵרי־דפנים ובלבוש־ארגמן, כחֹק לרומאים מימי־קדם, ונכנסו אל אולמי אוֹקטַוִּיָּה, כי שמה נאספו היועצים והשרים ראשי־העם וגם נשואי־הפנים ממעמד־הרוכבים וחִכּו לבואם. ולפני האולמים הוקמה להם בימה, ועל הבימה עמד כסא־שן כפול. על הכסא הזה ישבו שני השליטים בעלותם על הבימה, ואז הריע הצבא לקראתם בקול תרועת־ברכה, וכל איש הִרבּה לתַנות את פרשת מעשי־גבורתם. ואנשי־הצבא לא חגרו את כלי־נשקם, כי־אם לבשו כתנות־משי ועִטרו את ראשיהם בדפנים, ואספסינוס קבל את ברכותיהם ורצה להשיבם דבר ונתן להם אות להחריש. וכאשר קמה דממה גדולה מסביב, עמד על רגליו והליט את רֹב ראשו באדרתו וקרא את התפלה כחֹק, ועמו יחד התפלל גם טיטוס. ואחרי התפלה דבּר אספסינוס אל כל הנאספים דברים קצרים ושלח את אנשי־הצבא לאכול את לחם־הבֹּקר (אריסטון), אשר הכינו להם המושלים כמשפט־היום, והוא הלך אל השער, אשר בו עברו תמיד תהלוכות־הנצחון, ועל־כן נקרא על שם חג־הנצחון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: porta triumphalis.</i>, ושם סעדו שניהם (הוא וטיטוס) את לבם ולבשו את בגדי־הנצחון והקריבו לאלהים על המזבחות, אשר נבנו בשער, ושלחו לפניהם את התהלוכה לעבור דרך מקומות החזיון (תיאטראות), למען יֵקל על ההמון לראותה.",
+                    "ה. קשה לפרוט כהלכה את המון שכיות־החמדה הרבות ואת תפארת כל כלי־היקר למיניהם, ולפרש את יפי־מלאכתם ואת חין־ערכם ואת נפלאות־תכונתם — כי לא נעדר שם דבר, אשר יעלה במחשבת האדם, כי כמעט כל הברכה, אשר צברו לפנים ידי בני־אדם מאֻשרים, כלים מכלים שונים, וכל נפלאות עמים רבים וחֹסן עשרם — כל אלה חֻבּרו יחד ביום ההוא ונתנו עֵדֵיהם על גֹדל ממשלת הרומאים. כסף וזהב ושן בכל צורה ותבנית ובכל מעשה־חושב נִשׂאו בהמון רב, ולא נִכּר, כי הם עוברים בתהלוכה, כי היו בעיני רואיהם כנחל שוטף, בגדים עשוים ארגמן יקר ושמלות מרֻקמות מלאכת־הבבלים, אשר דָמוְ באמת לציורי־צבעונים, אבני־חן מגֻוָּנוֹת, משֻׁבּצוֹת בנזרי־זהב ובמסגרות אחרות, העברו לאין־מספר, עד אשר אמר הרואה בנפשו, כי לחנם נחשבו לכלי־יקר. גם פסלי־אלים נִשׂאו לפני התהלוכה, פסלים נפלאים בגדלם וביפי מלאכתם, אשר לא נעשתה כלאחר־יד, וכֻלם מחֹמר יקר מאד, ואחריהם בעלי־חיים רבים למיניהם, כל אחד בעדיוֹ המיֻחד. וגם המון האנשים נושאי הכבודה הרַבּה הזאת היה לבוש שָׁני עם רקמת־זהב. אולם אלה, אשר נבחרו לצאת בעצם התהלוכה, עלו על הכֹּל ביקַר תפארת־עדיָם והכו את כל רואיהם בתמהון. גם קהל השבוים העוברים בין אלה נראה בעדי־עדיים, בבגדי־רקמה והדר־צבעים, אשר כסו על הרזון אשר עלה בבשרם מעצמת צרותיהם. ונפלאה מכֹּל היתה מלאכת הבנינים הצוענים הנִשׂאים בכתף. כי גדלם הפיל אימה על האנשים, פן יכרעו תחת משאם, כי רבים מהם היו בני שלש עליות וגם בני ארבע עליות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קומות, מדרגות.</i>, ולב רואיהם פחד ורחב למראה עתרת עשרם. רבים מהם היו עטופים יריעות רקומות זהב ובכל־מקום היו מצֻפּים זהב ושֵׁן מעשה־חושב, ובהמון תמונות נראתה המלחמה עין בעין לכל חלקיה השונים. כי פה נגלה מראה נוה שאנן הנהפך לשממה, ושם נראו מערכות אויבים רבים נופלים בחרב, אלה בורחים ואלה הולכים בשבי, וגם דמות חומות מתנשאות למרום הנבקעות במכונות־מלחמה, ומצודות נשגבות נלכדות, וערים מלאות־אדם מֻקפות חומות חזקות, אשר עלו הרומאים למרומיהן, ומראה הצבא הנשפך כנחל אל העיר מבית לחומה ועושה מטבח מעבָרים, ודמות החלשים הנושאים את ידיהם לבקש רחמים, ובית־המקדש הבוער באש, והבתים שנעשו קברי יושביהם, ומחזה נהרות השוטפים בארץ ציה וצלמות ולא באדמת זרע, אשר אינם מרוים את האדם והבהמה, כי עוברים הם דרך ארץ־שרפה מסביב. — כל אלה הפגעים, אשר הביאו היהודים עליהם במלחמה הזאת. מלאכת הבנינים האלה וגדלם תארו את כל הדברים האלה לעיני האנשים, אשר לא ראו אותם, כאִלו היו באותו מעמד. כי בכל אחד מהמגדלים הצוענים הֻצג ראש־העיר הנלכדה, כמו שהיה בשעת־מעשה (בעת נפלו בשבי). ואחרי־כן עברו גם אניות רבות ואחריהן שלל המלחמה לאין־קץ, ומכל השלל נפלאו ביותר הכלים, אשר לֻקחו בבית־המקדש בירושלים: שלחן־הזהב, אשר היה משקלו הרבה ככרים, והמנורה העשויה גם היא זהב טהור. ואמנם שָׁנתה מלאכת המנורה הזאת מדרך כל המנורות אשר בידינו. כי מן הבסיס התרומם הגזע (העמוד, הירֵך) בתָּוֶך, וממנו נִטשו ענפים דקים, אשר דמו בצורתם לקלשון שלש־השנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית טרִיאַיְנֵי, והכַּונה לשלשת הקנים היוצאים מן המנורה מכל צד, והם היו דקים מיֶרך המנורה.</i>, ובראש כל קנה מלמעלה נר־נחֹשת. ומספר הקנים היה שבעה לכבוד שבעת ימי השבוע אשר ליהודים. — וכמאסף לכל השלל עבר ספר תורת היהודים, ואחרי השלל עברו אנשים רבים הנושאים בידיהם צלמי נִיקֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלילת הנצחון; ברומית: victoria.</i> עשוים כֻּלם שֵׁן וזהב. ואחריהם נסע אספסינוס ראשונה ואחריו טיטוס, ודוֹמיטיָנוס רכב על סוסו ליָדם, וגם הוא לבש עדי־עדיים ומראה סוסו היה נחמד לעינים.",
+                    "ו. וקץ התהלוכה היה בקרבת היכל יופיטר הקַפּיטולי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגבעה הקַפּיטולית, לא רחוק מהשוק (forum).</i>. ובהגיע העוברים שמה עמדו, כי חֹק עתיק היה לרומאים מימי־קדם לעמוד במקום הזה, עד אשר יודיע המבשׂר, כי מת ראש צבא־האויבים. ושמעון [בן גיורא] היה האיש [אשר נגזר עליו למות], אחרי עברו בתהלוכה עם יתר השבוים. עתה הפילו חבל על צואריו וסחבו אותו אל מקום אשר ממעל לשוק, והמוליכים אותו דשו את בשרו בדרך [עד בואם אל המקום, אשר] חק לרומאים להמית שם את עושי־הרעה הנדונים למות. וכאשר הגיעה הבשורה, כי בא קצו (של שמעון), הריע העם תרועת־ששון, ואז החלו [השליטים] להקריב את הזבחים. ואחרי אשר נעשו הזבחים כחֹק וכמשפט ועלו לרצון, הלכו אספסינוס וטיטוס אל ארמון־המלך וקראו אל המשתה רבים מן העם. ולנשארים נערכו בבתיהם שלחנות מלאים כל טוב. כי ביום הזה חגגה עיר רומא את חג נצחון צבאותיה על השונאים, וגם את אחרית מלחמות־האחים בקרבּה ואת תחלת תקוותיה הטובות לימים הבאים.",
+                    "ז. ואחרי חג־הנצחון, כאשר הכין אספסינוס את ממשלת הרומאים, צוה לבנות מקדש לאיריני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלילת השלום; ברומית: Pax.</i>. מלאכת המקדש שָׁלמה במהרה ועבודתו היתה למעלה מכל מחשבת־אנוש. כי פזר אספסינוס את עשרו הרב ברוח נדיבות נעלה והעלה עוד את תפארת המקדש במעשי הַצַּיָּרים והפַּסָּלים, שלל־הנצחונות מימי־קדם, והניח במקדש כל שכיות ארצות רחוקות, אשר הוטל לפנים על בני־האדם לכתּת את רגליהם ולעבור כל קצוי־עולם, מדי חָשׁקם לראות את החמֻדות הפזורות אלה בכֹה ואלה בכֹה, גם הניח שם את כלי־הזהב מבית־מקדש היהודים, כי נכבדו בעיניו מאד. ואת ספר תורת־היהודים ואת פרֹכת־הארגמן אשר לדביר הניח בארמון־המלך וצוה לשמור עליהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר המבצר מָכוֹר והדרך אשר כבשו בה הרומאים אותו ואת יתר המבצרים.</small><br><br>א. ואל ארץ יהודה נשלח הציר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לֶיַטוּס.</i> לוּצִילִיּוּס בַּסּוּס וקבל את הצבא מידי צֵרֵאַלִּיס וִיטֶליָנוס, והכניע בשלום את מבצר הורדיון עם היושבים בו, ואחרי־כן אסף את כל צבא מַצַּב־הרומאים, אשר נחלק לגדודים רבים ונפוץ בארץ, וגם לקח את הלגיון העשירי והחליט לעלות על מָכוֹר ולשים עליו מצור, כי נחוץ היה מאד לכבוש את המבצר, פן יתעוררו רבים לשוב ולמרוד, בבטחם במשׂגַּב חומותיו. ואמנם תכונת המבצר חִזקה את תקות היושבים בו להציל את נפשם והפילה מגור ופחד על העולים להלחם בו. כי חומתו סגרה על ראש סלע המתרומם עד לב השמים, ועל־כן היה קשה להבקיעו; עם זה לא נתנה תכונת המקום לגשת אליו, כי מסביב הקיפוהו תהומות נעלמות בעמקן מעין־רואים ולא נקל היה לרגל לעבור בהן, אף נבצר מיַד אדם לסתּום אותן. כי העמק החוסם את מכור מצד מערב נמשך ששים ריס עד ים המלח, ואל העבר הזה שולחת גבעת מכור את מרום־קַרנהּ. ואף כי העמקים אשר בצפון ובדרום נופלים במדתם מהעמק הזה, הנה גם הם לא נתנו לגשת אל המבצר למלחמה. רק הבקעה לצד מזרח, אשר מדת עמקה אינה קטנה ממאה אמה, נעצרה על־ידי ההר הנשקף ממול מָכוֹר.",
+                    "ב. אלכסנדרוס מלך היהודים היה הראשון, אשר התבונן אל תכונת המקום הזה ובנה בו מבצר, ולקץ הימים הרס אותו גַבִּינְיוּס במלחמתו עם אריסטובולוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיין לעיל, ספר א, ח, ה. שם מבֹאר: אחרי נצחו את אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס.</i>. ובשבת הורדוס על כסא המלוכה נכבד בעיניו מכֹּל לשים את עיניו אל המבצר הזה ולחזק את חומתו ביתר שאת, כי קרוב הוא אל גבול הערבים ונשקף ממרום־מכונו כמגדל־צופים על ארץ ערב. על־כן לקח אחֻזת ארץ גדולת והקיף אותה חומה ויסד שם עיר, ומן העיר הזאת עלתה דרך אל מרום הגבעה וגם על ראש הגבעה למעלה שׂם חומה מסביב והציג מגדלים בכל קרניה, ששים אמה גֹבה המגדל. ומבית לחומה הקים בית־מלכים בתָּוֶך, בנין נהדר בחדריו הגדולים וכלילי־היֹּפי, ובמקומות, אשר מצא בהם חפץ, חפר בארות לאסוף בהם את מי־הגשמים, למען יּמָּצאו לָרֹב. ככה התחרה הורדוס במעוז תכונת המקום, ועוד הוסיף על משׂגַּבּו הטבעי מצודות עשויות בידי־אדם. גם המון חצים ואבני־קלע ומכונות־מלחמה הניח במבצר והשׂכיל להמציא ליושביו את כל הדברים דֵי־מחסורם, למען יוכלו להתחזק ימים רבים לעת מצור.",
+                    "ג. ובחצר המלך צמח פִּגָם (פיגן) נפלא בגדלו, כי לא נפל מכל עצי־תאנים בגבהו ובעביו, ועליו ספרו, כי עמד מימי הורדוס ועוד היה עומד ימים רבים מאד, לולא כרתו אותו היהודים, אשר תפשו את המקום. ובעמק החוסם את העיר מצד צפון נמצא מקום אחד ושמו בעֵרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: Bearas.</i>, ושם גדֵל שֹׁרש, הנקרא גם הוא בשם הזה. צבע השֹׁרש הזה דומה לאש, ולפנות ערב הוא מפיץ זֹהר, וכאשר יגש אליו איש וירצה לתפשו ביד, לא יקל הדבר בידו, כי יִשָּׁמט השֹׁרש מידו ולא יעמוד במקומו, עד אשר יביא איש מי רגלי אשה או דם־נדה ויַזה עליו. אך גם בהעשות הדבר הזה בן־מות הוא כל הנוגע בשֹׁרש, אם לא ישא את השֹׁרש כשהוא תלוי למטה בידו. אולם יש גם דרך אחרת ללכוד את השֹׁרש בלי פגע, וזה הדבר: חופרים באדמה מסביב לו עד הִשָּׁאר רק מעט מצער ממנו בקרקע, ואחרי־כן אוסרים אליו כלב, וברצות הכלב ללכת אחרי בעליו יעקור את השרש על־נקלה. אמנם הכלב ימות במהרה, כאלו נתן את חייו כֹּפר האיש, האומר לתלוש את השֹׁרש, אולם מעתה לא יהיה כל פחד לנגד עיני הנוגע בו. והגה האנשים חומדים את השֹׁרש הזה ואינם שבים אחור מפני הסכנה הגדולה, כי כֹּח נפלא נמצא בו לגרש במהרה את כל אלה הנקובים בשם רוחות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: דימונים (Daemonia).</i>, לאמר: נשמות בני־בליעל, הנכנסות בקרב האנשים החיים והממיתות אותם, אם לא ימהרו להמציא להם עזרה ולהקריב אליהם את השֹׁרש. ובמקום הזה נוזלים מעינות חמים רבים ושונים בטעמם מאד: מהם מעינות נושאים מים מרים ומהם מקורות מים חיים נעימים ומתוקים מאין כמוהם, וגם נחלים קרים שוטפים שם ממקורות מקבילים, היוצאים למטה בעמק. ולא זה בלבד, כי נמצא שם דבר, אשר הוא לפלא לעיני כל רואה: בקרבת המקום מתגלה מערה, אשר חללהּ אינה עמֹק וממעלה מכַסה עליה סלע זקוף. ומעל לסלע כשני דדים קרובים זה לזה, ומתוך האחד פורץ מעין קר מאד, והשני פולט מקרבו נחל חם, ובהתבולל מֵי שׁני המקורות יחד, יוצא מרחץ נעים מאד ומעלה ארוכה לכל מחלה, ועל כֹּל — למחלת העצבים. וגם רגבי גפרית ומלח סדומית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אַלְוָן (Alaun).</i> נמצאו שם.",
+                    "ד. בַּסּוֹס תר את המקום מסביב וגמר להבקיע אליו בסתמו את העמק אשר ממזרח, ונגש אל העבודה ושקד בכל עֹז למהר ולהגביה את הסוללה, למען יֵקל לו בדבר הזה להביא את המקום במצור. והיהודים הסגורים במבצר נבדלו מן הזרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש מתרגמים: הנכרים (כלומר, מי שאינם יהודים), וקשה הדבר, כי בודאי לא השתתפו אלה במרד, וקרוב יותר: היהודים הזרים, הפליטים הרבים אשר נמלטו אל המבצר.</i>, אשר היו כאספסוף בעיניהם, וגזרו עליהם לשבת בעיר התחתונה ולהיות ראשונים לפֻּרענות, והם תפשו את המבצר אשר למעלה וישבו בו, כי התחזקו במעוז המקום וגם קִוו מראש למצֹא ישועה, כי האמינו, אשר ישלחו אותם הרומאים בשלום, אם יסגירו בידיהם את המקום. אולם בתחלה בקשו עוד לנסות דבר, אולי יעלה בידם להחלץ מן המצור. על־כן הגיחו מן המבצר מדי יום ביומו והתנגחו עם שופכי הסוללות ורבים מהם נפלו חללים, וגם המיתו רבים מן הרומאים. כי אלה ואלה עשו חיל לעת אשר ידעו לכַוֵּן את השעה. היהודים השכילו לנצח את הרומאים בהשתערם עליהם פתאם, בטרם הספיקו להזהר, ויד עושי הסוללות היתה על העליונה, כאשר הקדימו לראות את היהודים היוצאים לקראתם וקבלו את פניהם בַּעֲבִי־מגִנָּם. אולם לא הקרבות האלה נועדו לשים קץ למצור העיר, כי־אם מעשה אחד, שהיה במקרה ולא עלה במחשבה תחלה, אִלֵּץ את היהודים למסור את מבצרם. בקרב הנצורים היה עלם אחד אמיץ־לב ונאדר בכח־ימינו ושמו אלעזר, אשר מדי הַגיח היהודים מן העיר עשה נפלאות והֵעיר לבות רבים לצאת עמו יחד ולהפריע את עבודת הסוללות, ובעת אשר נלחם עם הרומאים פנים בפנים הִרבּה להשחית בהם ובקע דרך רחבה לכל המתנדבים להגיח עמו על האויב וגם סוכך עליהם בעת הסוגם אחור, למען יוכלו לשוב אל העיר בלי פגע. ופעם אחת, כאשר כלה הקרָב ושתי המערכות נטו האחת מעל רעותה, בז אלעזר לאויבים וחשב, כי איש מהם לא יחדש את הקרב הפעם, ונשאר עומד מחוץ לחומה ודבּר עם העומדים למעלה ושׂם את כל לבו אליהם, והנה מִהר אחד ממחנה הרומאים, שמו רופוס והוא איש מצרי, וקפץ פתאם, בטרם עלה הדבר במחשבת איש, אל העלם והניף אותו תנופה יחד עם כלי־נשקו, ובעוד הבהלה אוחזת את העומדים על החומה למראה הדבר, מצאה ידו להעביר את אלעזר אל מחנה הרומאים. וראש־הצבא צוה להפשיטו ערֹם ולהקים אותו במקום נראה לעיני יושבי העיר ולדוש את בשרו בשוטים. ורחמי היהודים נכמרו מאד אל העלם הנמצא בצרה, והצעקה הקיפה את כל העיר ויושביה הִרבּו לבכות לשברו מהָמֵר על היחיד. וכראות בַּסּוּס את צרת לב האנשים, מצא חפצו בדבר וחִבּל תחבולת־ערמה להרבות את עצבונם ולאלצם, כי יסגירו את המבצר בידו, למען הציל את נפש אלעזר, ותקותו לא נכזבה. הוא צוה לחצוב צלב, למען הוקיע עליו את אלעזר מיד. וכראות אנשי העיר את הדבר הזה עצמוּ מכאובי־לבם, והם קראו בקול יללה גדולה, כי גדול הכאב מנשׂא. וגם אלעזר חנן אליהם קולו, כי לא יתעלמו למראה מותו הקשה, וטוב יותר כי ימהרו להציל את נפשם בהכּנעם לפני זרוע הרומאים ולפני מזלם, אחרי אשר גברה ידם על הכֹּל. לשֵׁמע דבריו נפל לב בני־העיר עליהם, וכאשר הפצירו בהם רבים ובקשו רחמים עליו, כי היה אלעזר בן משפחת נדיבים גדולה ועצומה מאד — כבשו רחמיהם את יצרם, והם שלחו בחפזון צירים אל הרומאים לדבר אליהם, כי יסגירו בידם את המבצר, אם יתנו להם לצאת בשלום יחד עם אלעזר. והדבר ישר בעיני הרומאים וראש־צבאם. ההמון הזר, היושב בעיר התחתונה, שמע על־דבר הברית הזאת, אשר נכרתה עם היהודים בלבד, וגמר לברוח חרש בלילה. כאשר פתחו את שערי העיר, הודיעו אלה, אשר כרתו את הברית, את בַסוס על־דבר מחשבות האנשים האלה — מי יודע, אולי שנאו אותם וקנאו בהם, ואולי פחדו פן יפקדו הרומאים עליהם את עון הבורחים. גבורי־החיל מבין היוצאים מן העיר (הזרים) מהרו לבקוע להם דרך ולהמלט, ומן הנשארים בעיר הומתו כל הגברים, כאלף ושבע מאות נפש, והנשים והילדים נמכרו לעבדים. אך תחת זה קבּל עליו בסוס לשמור את דברי הברית לאנשים, אשר הסגירו את העיר בידו, ושלח אותם לשלום והשיב להם את אלעזר.",
+                    "ה. אחרי אשר כִּלה בַּסוס את מעשהו זה, מִהר להסיע את צבאו אל היער הנקרא בשם יַרדֵּי, כי הֻגד לו, אשר נאספו שם רבים מן הבורחים, שנמלטו לפנים ממצור ירושלים וגם ממָכוֹר. ובהגיעו שמה נוכח לדעת, כי אמת היה דבר השמועה, וצוה לראשונה על הרוכבים להקיף את כל המקום מסביב, לבל יוכלו היהודים מרי־הנפש לבקוע להם דרך במחנה השונאים, מפני הרוכבים, ואחרי זאת שלח את הרַגלים לכרות את כל עצי היער, אשר נמלטו אליו השרידים. היהודים לא ראו אפוא כל דרך לפניהם בלתי־אם להלחם בשארית־גבורה. הם קפצו בהמון ובקול צעקה והשתערו על הרומאים המקיפים אותם, ואלה קדמו את פניהם בחֹזק־יד. היהודים נלחמו בנפש מרה וביאוש והרומאים ברוח־קנאות, ועל־כן ארך הקרָב זמן רב. אולם אחרית המלחמה לא היתה שוָֹה לשתי מערכות הלוחמים, כי מקרב הרומאים מתו שנים־עשר בחרב ומתי־מספר נפצעו, וממערכת היהודים לא יצא אף אחד בשלום, כי כֻלם נפלו חללים — ומספרם לא מעט משלשת אלפים — ויחד אִתּם שר־צבאם יהודה בן ארי, אשר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי היה ראש־גדוד בעת מצור ירושלים ואחרי־כן ירד אל אחת המנהרות ונמלט על נפשו בסתר.",
+                    "ו. ובימים ההם שלח הקיסר אל בַּסוס ואל לִבֶּריוס מַקסימוס, אשר היה נציב (אפוטרופוס) בארץ, וצוה עליהם למכּור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המלה היונית המסַמנת את המובן הזה נשמעת גם: להשׂכיר, להחכיר.</i> את כל ארץ היהודים. כי לא בנה הקיסר שם עיר, כי־אם השאיר את כל הארץ למענו (לקחהּ לו לנחלה), זולת המקום אשר נתן למושב לשמונה מאות אנשי־חיל הנפטרים מעבודת־הצבא, הוא הנקרא אמאוס, דרך שלשים ריס מירושלים. ועל היהודים בכל מקומות מושבותיהם שׂם הקיסר מס שני דרכמונים לגלגֹלת, להרים אותו מימים ימימה תרומה לקַפּיטוליון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאליל יֻפּיטר הקַפּיטולי, ובאמת לממלא־מקומו — הקיסר.</i>, כמשפטם לפנים לשַׁלם לבית־המקדש בירושלים. זה היה מצב היהודים בימים ההם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על צרות אנטיוכוס מלך קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּינֵג), ועל האַלַנִּים, אשר הרבו שֹׁד בארצות מדי וארמיניה.</small><br><br>א. בשנה הרביעית לשבת אספסינוס על כסא הממשלה מצאו צרות רבות את אנטיוכוס מלך קֻמחי עם כל בני ביתו. וזה הדבר: צֵיסֶנִּיּוּס פֵּיטוּס, אשר הוקם בימים ההם לנציב בסוריה, עשה מעשה, אשר לא נגלתה סבּתו כהלכה — אולי היה בו שֹׁרש דבר־אמת ואולי לא היה בלתי־אם פרי שנאת הנציב לאנטיוכוס. הוא שלח מכתבים אל הקיסר והודיעהו, כי אנטיוכוס ובנו אֶפִּיפַנֶּס יעצו עצה למרוד ברומאים וכרתו ברית עם מלך הפַּרתּים, וטוב יהיה למהר ולתפשם, בטרם יחלו לעשות מעשיהם ויביאו מהומת־מלחמה על כל ממשלת הרומאים. כאשר הגיעה השִׂטנה (ההלשנה) הזאת אל הקיסר, לא יכול להעלים עיניו ממנה, בדעתו, אשר גבולות שני המלכים הם סמוכים, ומן הנכון אפוא להזהר מאד, כי הנה מקום שִׁמְשַׁת (סַמּוֹסַטי), העיר הגדולה בארץ קֻמחי, הוא על נהר פרת, ולוּ זממו הפרתים באמת להתקומם, היה נקל להם לעבור את הנהר במקום הזה והעיר היתה להם למשגב חזק. על־כן נאמנו דברי פֵיטוס [בעיני הקיסר] והוא קבּל רשות לעשות ככל הטוב בעיניו לשלום הארץ. והנציב לא התמהמה, ובטרם עוד לקחה אֹזן אנטיוכוס ואנשיו שמץ דבר, פרץ בארץ קֻמחי בראש הלגיון הששי ועוד גדודים שונים ולהקות־רוכבים אחדות, ויחד עמו יצאו למלחמה גם אריסטובולוס, מלך הארץ הנקראת כַּלְקִידִיקֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חושבים, כי הוא אריסטובולוס מלך ארמיניה, בן הורדוס מלך כַלקיס (אחי אגריפס הראשון), וכנראה, היתה גם לו ארץ כלקיס (בקרבת הלבנון או בסוריה הצפונית) לנחלה.</i>, ושׁוֹהֵים, המושל במדינה אשר שמה חֲמָת (אֶמְסָה). ובבוא פֵיטוס בגבולות הארץ לא עמד איש בפניו, כי אף אחד מבני־המדינה לא רצה להרים יד [ברומאים]. ובהגיע השמועה הזאת אל אנטיוכוס לפתע פתאֹם, לא עלתה בלבו מחשבה להלחם ברומאים, כי־אם אמר לעזוב את כל המלוכה כמו־שהיא ולקחת את אשתו ובניו ולברוח אִתּם יחד. בדבר הזה קִוה להראות לרומאים, כי נקי הוא מכל העלילה אשר שׂמו עליו. הוא יצא והרחיק מן העיר דרך מאה ועשרים ריס ותקע את אהלו בשדה.",
+                    "ב. פֵּיטוס שלח אנשי־צבא ללכוד את שִׁמְשַׁת ועל־ידם הכין את ממשלתו בעיר, ועם שארית צבאו יצא אל אנטיוכוס להלחם בו. אך גם בעת הצרה הזאת לא ערב המלך את לבו להרים יד ברומאים, כי־אם בכה על גורלו וחכה לכל התלאה אשר תמצא אותו. אולם בניו הצעירים מלֻמדי־המלחמה ומלאי כֹח־העלומים לא יכלו לקבל את הפֻּרענות באהבה מבלי לעמוד על נפשם. אֶפִּיפַנֶּס וקַלִינִיקוס החליטו להעָזר בגבורת־ימינם. ומלחמה קשה פרצה וארכה כל היום, והם הראו את עצמת גבורתם, וזרועם לא כשלה, ולפנות ערב נפרדו האויבים. אך גם אחרי אשר כלה הקרָב בדרך הזה, לא מלא לב אנטיוכוס אותו להשאר על עמדו, כי־אם לקח את אשתו ובנותיו וברח אתן אל קיליקיה, ובמעשה הזה הֵמס את לב אנשי־צבאו. הם חשבו, כי הפקיר את מלכותו, ועל־כן קמו ועברו אל הרומאים, ונראה היה, כי כֻלם נואשו מתקותם. אֶפִּיפַנֶּס ועוזריו נאלצו למלט נפשם מידי האויבים, בטרם יֵעָזְבו מכל עוזריהם, והוא ועשרה רוכבים עמו צלחו את נהר פרת, וכאשר הוּנח להם מפחד האויב, נסעו אל ווֹלוגֵז מלך הפרתּים, והוא לא קבל את פניהם כּפני פליטי־מלחמה, כי־אם נתן להם כבוד רב, כאלו נמצאה עוד בידם משׂרתם הישנה.",
+                    "ג. כאשר הגיע אנטיוכוס אל טַרְסוּס אשר בקיליקיה, פקד עליו פֵּיטוס שר־מאה אחד לאסרו בנחֻשתים ולשלחו אל רומא. אולם אספסינוס לא נתן להביא אליו את המלך בבגדי־אסירים, כי זכר לו את אהבתו הישנה ולא ישר בעיניו לנצור לו חמה בדבר עלילת־המלחמה, אשר לא נחקרה כל־צרכה. על־כן צוה להסיר את הנחֻשתים מעליו בעודו בדרך ודחה את זמן בואו לרומא ונתן לו לשבת בלַקֵּדֵמוֹן עד עת־מצֹא, וגם חָלק לו תרומת כסף רב, לא די מחית־ביתו לבד, כי־אם גם דֵי חיי־מלכים. וכאשר נודע הדבר לאֶפִּיפַנֶּס ולאחיו, אשר חרדו מאד לגורל אביהם, רָוַח להם מדאגותיהם הגדולות והקשות וגם תקוה קמה להם להשלים עם הקיסר, בשלוח אליו ווֹלוֹגֵז מכתבים לדבּר טוב עליהם. כי אמנם ראו טובה רבה [בחצר מלך־הפַּרתּים], אך לא עצרו כֹח להשאר לאֹרך ימים מחוץ לגבול ממשלת הרומאים, וכאשר נתן להם הקיסר חנינה, שבו אל רומא וגם אביהם מִהר לבוא אליהם מלַקֵּדַמוֹן והם ישבו שם בכבוד גדול.",
+                    "ד. ועַם־הָאַלַּנים, אשר כבר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי הוא אחד משבטי הסקִתּים היושבים על נהר טַנַּיִּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא נהר דון.</i> ועל ים מאוֹטִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הים האזובי.</i>, נשא את לבו בימים ההם לפשוט על ארץ מדי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה למדי הצפונית־מערבית, היא ארץ אַזַּ׳רְבֵּיגַ׳אן.</i> והמדינות הקרובות לבֹז בז. לדבר הזה כרתו האלנים ברית עם מלך ההורקנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כפי הנראה, הורקַניה זו אינה הארץ בדרום הים הכספי (ג׳רג׳אן), כי־אם הארץ מצפון, היא מדינת שִׁרְוַן (דַּגֶּסטַן).</i>, השליט במעבר, אשר סגר עליו [לפנים] המלך אלכסנדרוס [מוקדון] בשערי־ברזל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שלשה שערים (מעבָרים צרים) סגרו על מבואות ההרים: שנים בהרי קוקז — האחד השער הכספי (דֶּרְבֶּנד), והשני השער הקוקזי, שנקרא גם הוא הכספי (דַּרִוֶּלָה) — והשלישי היה בדרום הים הכספי (בהרי מדי הגבוהים). בכל שלשת המעברים הצרים האלה היו מצודות המיֻחסות לאלכסנדרוס הגדול.</i>. וכאשר נִתַּן להם לעבור, יצאו בהמון רב והתנפלו על בני מדי השוכנים לבטח, ושׂמו לבז את הארץ רבת־העם והמלאה כל מיני בקר ומקנה, ואיש לא נועז לעמוד בפניהם. כי גם פַּקוֹרא מלך הארץ נבהל מהם וברח אל מקום נשכח מני רגל, והפקיר את הכֹּל בידי השודדים, ורק בעמל רב מצאה ידו לפדות מהם את אשתו ואת פלגשיו אשר נפלו בשבי, בשַׁלמו כֹּפר נפשן מאה ככר. ככה קל היה מאד לאלנים להוציא את שלל הארץ באין פוצה פה, ואחרי־כן פנו אל ארץ ארמיניה ושמו גם אותה לבז. וכאשר נִסה תִּרְדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טירידַטֶּס.</i>, המושל בארץ בעת ההיא, לצאת לקראתם למלחמה, כמעט נתפשׂ חי בידם בעת הקרָב, כי אחד האלנים השליך עליו חבל ואמר למשוך אותו אחריו, אך יד המלך מצאה לפסוק את הרצועה ולהמלט. המלחמה הוסיפה עוד לעורר את חמת האלַנים, והם הפכו את כל הארץ לשממה, ואחרי־כן יצאו עם שלל גדול, שֹׁד שתי הארצות, ושבו אל גבולם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר מְצָדָה ועל הסיקריים אשר ישבו בה. סילְוָה עלה להלחם במבצר. נאום אלעזר.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי מות בַּסּוּס ירש פלַוִּיּוּס סִילְוָה את משׂרתו והיה לנציב ביהודה. וכל הארץ נכנעה במלחמה, רק מבצד אחד עוד החזיק במרדו. על־כן הקהיל סִילְוָה את הצבא המפֻזר בכל המקומות ויצא להלחם במבצר הזה. ושם המבצר מְצָדָה וראש הסיקריים, אשר כבשו את המבצר, היה אלעזר, איש־חיל ונשוא־פנים, מנכדי יהודה, אשר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי פִתּה יהודים רבים לבלתי תת [את הרומאים] לפקוד את העם בעת אשר נשלח קְוִיריניוּס המעריך אל ארץ יהודה. וגם בימים ההם נוסדו הסיקריים יחד על כל האנשים, אשר בחרו להכּנע לפני הרומאים, וכאויבים הציקו להם באשר יכלו, גזלו את רכושם ושׁבו את בקרם ושלחו אש בבתיהם, באמרם, כי אין לשׂום פדות בין השונאים הנכרים ובין האחים האלה רכי־הלב, הבועטים בחֵרות, אשר העם מחרף את נפשו עליה, והמודים בפיהם, כי בחרו להיות עבדים לרומאים. אולם הטענה הזאת היתה רק כסות־עינים על אכזריותם ותאות־בצעם, והמעשים באו וטפחו על פניהם. כי פגיעתם היתה קשה גם על האנשים, אשר חֻבּרו אליהם והרימו יד ברומאים אתם יחד. ומדי שמוע הסיקריים דברי־תוכחה על תרמית־לבבם, הוסיפו עוד לרדוף בעברת־זדון את המוכיחים, העונים בפניהם רשעתם, כי חרה להם על צדקת דבריהם. ובעת ההיא פרח הזדון למעלה בכל ארץ יהודה ולא היה דבר־תועבה, אשר לא נעשה, וגם אם יתחכם אדם לגלות דרכי־רשע חדשות, יבצר ממנו להוסיף על המעשים ההם. כי דבק הרקב בַּכֹּל ואכל את היחיד ואת הצבור, וכל אחד נצח את חברו בחטאותיו לאלהים, ואיש ברעהו התחרה להרבות עָוֶל לאחיו הקרובים אליו. כי התקיפים לחצו את המון העם, וההמון שקד לאַבֵּד את התקיפים, אלה התאוו תאוה למשול ממשל־עריצים, ואלה השתוקקו לעשות חמס ולבֹז את הון העשירים. והסיקריים היו הראשונים, אשר החלו לעשות רשע וקמו באכזריות־רצח על אחיהם, ולא נבצר מפיהם כל דבר־חרפה ומידיהם כל מעשה־תועבה לאבדם ולכַלותם (את אחיהם). ואחריהם בא יוחנן והראה, כי הסיקריים היו עוד מתונים במעשיהם, ונקל היה בעיניו להמית את כל דורשי היֹשר והטוב, בעשותו בהם מעשים אשר יעָשו לנבלים ולשונאי העם בנפש, כי מִלא גם את עיר־הקדש נאצות נוראות, כמעשה האיש אשר נועז לנַבּל את כבוד האלהים, ועל שלחנו העלה מאכלים אסורים ובטל את חֻקי הטהרה, מצוות התורה ונחלת אבותינו. ועל־כן לא יפָּלא בעינינו, כי לא שמר האיש הזה את חֻקי החמלה והאהבה לרעהו, אחרי אשר עבר ברוח שגעון על חֻקי יראת אלהים. ובּבוא אחריו שמעון בן גיורא — הנשאר דבר רע, אשר לא עשו ידיו? או הנמצא בוז וקלון, שלא הביא על האזרחים החפשים, אשר הקימו אותו לעריץ? הזכר ברית־אהבה, הזכר רחמי־אחים, בהוסיפו אֹמץ במעשי־רצח מיום ליום? הם חשבו, כי דרך איש נבזה ונבל היא לעשות רעה לזרים, ורק השופך את חמתו על אחיו נותן אות לנדבת־לבו. ולשגעון האנשים האלה חֻבּרה הוללות האדוֹמים, כי אלה הטמאים המבישים שחטו בידיהם את הכֹּהנים הגדולים, למען תכבה הגחלת האחרונה, אשר נשארה מיראת האלהים, ואחרי־כן הכריתו את השריד האחרון לסדרי המדינה, ועל מקומו הקימו ממשלת־זדון מאין כמוה בכל העיר. ובקרב השערורה הזאת פרח זרע הנקרא קנאים, אשר כשמם כן היו מעשיהם, כי כל מעשה רע היה להם למופת ומכל התועבות, אשר נעשו לפנים ונשארו לזכרון, לא היתה אף אחת, אשר נמנעו מִקַּנא בה ומעשות כמוה. אמנם הם קראו לעצמם בשם הזה, באמרם, כי הם מקנאים לדברים טובים (לשם שמים), ולא נודע, אם צחוק עשו להם בעשוקים מתוך יֵצר לבם האכזרי כחית־טרף, או כל רֶשע ואון למעשה טוב היה בעיניהם. ואולם כל אחד מהם מצא באחריתו את הגמול הראוי לו, כי האלהים שלם לכֻלם את שכר פעֻלתם, וכל היסורים, אשר יוכל לשאת אדם חי, כֻּלם עברו עליהם, עד בוא הקץ לחייהם, ונוראים ומשֻׁנים היו ענוייהם במותם. ובכל־זאת יצדק האומר, כי סבלותיהם לא הגיעו עד מדת מעשיהם הרעים. הן באמת לא נמצא [בעולם] גמול־צדק למעלליהם. אולם לא פה המקום לספֹּד כהלכה לחללי אכזריותם, ועלי לשוב אל החלק אשר נשאר לי עוד מספור המעשים.",
+                    "ב. שׂר צבא הרומאים יצא עם חילו להלחם באלעזר ובסיקריים היושבים עמו במְצדה וכבש במהרה את כל הארץ מסביב והעמיד חיל־משמר בכל מקומות־הַכֹּשר, גם בנה דָיֵק על כל המבצר מסביב, למען אשר לא יקל לאחד הנצורים לברוח, וקבע משמרות על הַדָּיֵק. והוא חנה במקום, אשר מצא בו חפץ לצור משם על המבצר, כי שם היו סלעי המבצר קרובים אל ההר אשר ממולו, אף כי קשה היה לנהל את הצבא דֵי־מחסורו במקום הזה. ולא הלחם בלבד הובא ממרחק ביגיעה רבה בידי היהודים המֻּפְקדים על הדבר, כי היה עליהם גם להוביל (על כתף בהמות־סבל) את המים, אחרי אשר לא נמצא בכל המקום ההוא אף מעין אחד, וכאשר הכין לו סילוה את כל צרכיו, שׂם את לבו לעבודת המצור, אשר דרשה תבונה רבה ויגיעה קשה, כי חזק היה המבצר מאד וזאת היא תכונתו:",
+                    "ג. מכל עברי סלע רחב־ידים וגבוה מאד נמצאו מורדות תלולים, השוקעים למטה אל תוך תהומות, אשר אין חקר לעמקן ולא תעבור בהן רגל כל חיה. רק בשני מקומות משֻׁפּע הסלע מעט, ושם נמצאים משעולים אליו, וגם הם לא רחבים. שתי הדרכים האלה, אחת עולה ממזרח־שמש, מעבר ים־המלח, והשניה ממערב, ונקל יותר לעבור בה. הדרך הראשונה נקראה בשם הנחש, כי היא צרה ומתעקלת בלי־הרף כנחש, כי ראשי הצוקים הגבוהים סוגרים עליה והיא פונה לאחור פעמים רבות, ואחרי־כן היא מתארכת מעט ומתקרבת בקשׁי אל קִצה. העולה בדרך הזאת צריך להתחזק על עמדו באחת מרגליו חליפות, כי המות נשקף לקראתו, באשר משני עבריו פוערות תהומות עמֻקות את פיהן, ולאימת מראֵיהן לא יעמוד גם לב איש־חיל בקרבו. וההולך שלשים ריס בדרך הזאת מגיע עד כִּפת הגבעה, אשר אין ראש הצוק חד, כי־אם מישור רחב על גבה. יונתן הכהן הגדול הוא אשר בנה לראשונה מבצר במקום הזה וקרא לו מְצָּדָה, ואחרי־כן שקד המלך הורדוס ימים רבים לחזק את המקום. הוא הקים חומה מסביב לכל ראשי ההר, שבעה ריס ארכה, כֻּלה עשויה אבן לבנה, קומתה שתים־עשרה אמה ועביה שמונה אמות, ובנה על החומה מלמעלה שלשים ושבעה מגדלים גבוהים חמשים אמה, ומן המגדלים האלה היה מבוא אל הבתים הבנוים מבית לחומה לכל ארכה. ואת ראש ההר, אשר היתה אדמתו דשנה ופוריה מכל שדה־זרע, יעד המלך לעבודת האדמה, למען אשר לא יגועו ברעב כל החוסים במבצר הזה בהִכּרת להם משען לחם מחוץ. וגם בית־מלכים בנה לו הורדוס במבצר במורד המערב, מתחת לחומה הסוגרת על ראש ההר, והארמון נשקף לצד צפון, וחומת הארמון היתה גבוהה ובצורה מאד, ובארבע קרנותיו היו מגדלים גבוהים ששים אמה. ותכונת חדריו אשר בקרבו והאולמים והמרחצים היתה רבה ועשירה, ובכל מקום התנשאו עמודים עשוּים אבן אחת (שלֵמה) והקירות וקרקע הבתים נרצפו אבני־צבעונים. ובכל מקום אשר היה בו משכן־אדם, בעיר העליונה ומסביב לבית־המלך ולפני החומה, חצב הורדוס בין הסלעים ברֵכות למקוֵה המים, ובזה התחכם להשקות את יושבי המקום, כאִלו נמצאו להם מי־מעיָנות. ומסִלה חצובה בסלעים עלתה מארמון המלך אל ראש ההר ולא נראתה לעיני העומדים מחוץ. אך גם בדרכים הגלויות לא עצרו האויבים לעלות על־נקלה. כי תכונת דרך המזרח לא נתנה לעבור כאשר דברנו למעלה. ואת דרך המערב גדר המלך במגדל הבנוי במקום צר, במרחק אלף אמות ויותר מראש הגבעה, ולא קל היה לפסוח על המגדל או לכבשו, וגם לעוברי־דרך ההולכים לבטח קשה היה לעבור במקום ההוא. ככה שֻׂגב המבצר הזה בידי שמים ובידי אדם גם־יחד נגד האויב העולה עליו למלחמה.",
+                    "ד. ועוד נפלא מאלה היה חֹסן אוצרות הצידה, אשר נצברו בקרב המבצר ונשמרו ימים רבים. כי לחם רב נמצא פה די־צֹרך הנצוּרים וגם יין ושמן למכביר. ומלבד זאת נערמו שם מיני קטניות שונים ותמרים. וכאשר תפשו אלעזר והסיקריים את המבצר בערמה, מצאו שם את כל הצֵידה, והנה היא טובה ורעננה וכמעט לא שֻׁנתה מפרי חדש אשר הֻנח זה מקרוב, אף כי מן העת אשר הֻנחה למשמרת עד אשר נפל המבצר בידי הרומאים עבר זמן מאה שנה. — ואף הרומאים ראו את הצידה והיא לא נשחתה עוד. ואמנם לא ישגה איש באמרו, כי סבת הדבר, אשר נשאר הפרי בתקונו, היא טהרת האויר ברום המצודה הזאת, כי נקי הוא מכל אֵדים עכורים, המרחפים [בשפל] בקרבת האדמה. — במבצר נמצא גם המון כלי־נשק, אשר השאיר שם המלך די עשרת אלפים חמושים, גם ברזל מֻצָּק ונחֹשת ועופרת. והנה סבה גדולה היתה לכל הכבודה הזאת, כי אומרים, אשר הכין הורדוס את המבצר הזה למענו, למצֹא שם לעת־מצֹא מנוס מפני הרעה הכפולה אשר היתה נגד פניו. כי רעה אחת נשקפה לו מעם־היהודים, פן יוריד אותו מכסאו וימליך עליו איש מבית המלכים אשר היו לפניו. והרעה השניה והקשה עוד מן הראשונה היתה אימת קלֵיאופּטרה המולכת במצרים, אשר לא כסתה על מזמותיה וכפעם בפעם אִלצה את אנטוניוס בדבריה ודרשה ממנו להמית את הורדוס ולתת לה את מלכות יהודה למנחה. ומה נפלא הדבר, אשר לא שמע אנטוניוס למצוותיה, אף כי נלכד בשחיתות אהבתה לאין־מרפא והיה לה לעבד, ואיש לא פלל, כי ימנע ממנה את אשר שאלה. אך הדאגות האלה העירו את הורדוס להכין את מבצר מצָדה, ובזאת השאיר לרומאים עבודה לעת קץ המלחמה ביהודים.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי אשר בנה שר צבא הרומאים דָיק על המקום מסביב, כאשר אמרנו כבר למעלה, ושקד להאביד מנוס מן הנצורים, החל את עבודת המצור ומצא לפניו רק מקום אחד, אשר יוכל לשפוך עליו סוללה. מאחורי המגדל, הסוכך על הדרך העולה מפאת־מערב אל ארמון־המלך, ומשם עד ראש־ההר נמצאה רמת־סלעים רחבה למדי ובולטת, והיא כשלש מאות אמה למטה מגֹבה מְצָדָה. לרמה הזאת קראו בשם ״הלבנה״. סילוה עלה על הרמה וכבש אותה וצוה על אנשי־הצבא לשפוך שם סוללה. בנפש חפֵצה מִלאו אנשי־הצבא את מצותו והרבה ידים עסקו בעבודה הזאת, עד אשר העלו סוללה חזקה ברוּם מאתים אמה. ואולם גם הבנין הזה לא היה מוצק כהלכה, וגם נראה, כי קצרה מדת גבהו להיות בסיס למכונות־המצור. על־כן הוקמה עליה במת אבני־גזית גדולות, חמשים אמה רחבה וחמשים אמה קומתה. ומעשה המכונות היה כמעשה כלי־המלחמה הראשונים, אשר המציאו לפנים אספסינוס ואחריו טיטוס בתבונת־כפיהם. מלבד זאת נבנה עוד מגדל גבוה ששים אמה, מצֻפּה כֻלו ברזל, ומראש המגדל הזה הרבו הרומאים לירות מכלי־הקלע המהירים ומהבליסטראות וגרשו על־נקלה את העומדים בראש החומה ולא נתנו להם להרים ראש (להציץ). ובין כה וכה הקים לו סילוה כר גדול וצוה לנגח את חומת־המבצר בלי־הרף, ואחרי עמל רב עשה פרץ בחומה והרס אותה במקום ההוא. אולם הסיקריים הקדימו לבנות להם בחפזון חומה שניה מבית, אשר אמרו בלבם, כי תחזיק מעמד גם בפני המכונות, כי בנו אותה מחֹמר רך, למען תוכל לעצור את הֹלם הכרים. וזה מעשה החומה: הם רבדו שורות קורות גדולות אחת על השנית וחברו אותן בקצותיהן, וככה עשו להם שני דפנים מקבילים ורֶוַח ביניהם כעבִי־חומה, ואת הרֶוח הזה אשר בתָּוך מִלאו עפר. ולבל יִשָּׁפך העפר בהעלותם את גֹּבה הסוללה, חבּרו את קורות־השְּׁתִי בקורות־עֵרֶב (כלונסאות), עד אשר היה כל הבנין כמראה בית. והכרים בהלמם נעצרו על־ידי החֹמר הרך ושבו ריקם, ובנַגחם את העפר התחוח הפכו אותו לחֹמר מוצק. כאשר הכיר סילוה את הדבר הזה, שׂם אל לבו, כי יֵקל בידו לכבוש את החומה הזאת באש, וצוה על אנשי־הצבא ליַדות בה לפידים בוערים בהמון. חיש מהר אחזה האש במצודה, אשר נבנתה עץ ברֻבּהּ, וגם לִהטה במחִלות־העפר עד היסוד ושלחה להבות גדולות למרחוק. והנה בראשונה נשב רוח מצפון (מצפון־מזרח) והפיל אימה על הרומאים, כי הרים את הלהבה למעלה וסחף אותה על פניהם, עד שכמעט נואשו ממכונות־המלחמה, בחשבם, כי תהיינה למאכלת־אש. אולם אחרי־כן נהפך הרוח פתאם והיה לרוח דרום (דרום־מערב) — כאִלו עשתה זאת יד־אלהים — ונשב בחזקה אל העבר השני ונשא את הלהבה אל החומה והרס את כֻּלה עד היסוד. והרומאים ראו בדבר הזה אות ומופת, כי האלהים נלחם להם, ושבו בשמחה אל מחנם וגמרו להבקיע אל אויביהם ביום מחר, ובלילה חִזקו את השומרים והזהירו אותם, פן יברחו אנשים מן המבצר ויִמָּלטו.",
+                    "ו. אולם אלעזר לא חשב להמלט על נפשו. וגם לא עלה על לבו לתת לאחד מאנשיו לעשות כזאת. ובראותו, כי החומה שרופה באש וכי נסתרה ממנו כל דרך־ישועה וכל עצת־גבורה, שִׁוה לנגד עיניו את כל אשר יעשו הרומאים לו ולאנשיו ולנשיהם ולטפם לעת תגבר ידם עליהם, וגמר בנפשו למות הוא וכל אשר עמו, בחשבו, כי זאת היא הישרה מכל הדרכים במעמד הזה. הוא הקהיל את בעלי־הנפש אשר בקרב חבריו ועורר אותם לעשות את המעשה, בדברו אליהם לאמר: ״הוי אנשים גבורי־החיל! הן מני־אז קבלנו עלינו, לבלתי עבֹד את הרומאים, וגם לא אדונים אחרים, זולתי את אלהים לבדו, כי רק הוא מושל האדם באמת ובצדק. והנה הגיעה השעה המצַוָּה עלינו להשלים בפֹעל־כפינו את משאת־נפשנו, ואל נַעטה בשעה הזאת קלון עלינו. ואחרי אשר בחלה נפשנו בעבדות שאין בה סכנה, לא נבחר לנו הפעם חיי־עבדות עם שפטים נוראים — והן זה יהיה חלקנו מאת הרומאים, אם נפֹּל חיים בידם. כי הנה אנחנו היינו הראשונים להרים יד בהם, ואנחנו נשארנו האחרונים להלחם אתם. והנה אני חושב, כי צדקה עשה אתנו אלהים בתִתּו בידֵנו למות מוֹת גבורים בני־חורין, כאשר לא היה לאֵל־יד אחינו, אשר באה מפלתם כחֶתף. והנה גלוי וידוע לפנינו, כי מחר יבוא אֵידֵנו, אך הרשות נתונה לנו לבחֹר מוֹת־גבורים, אנו ומחמדי־עינינו יחד. הן יִבָּצר מן האויבים להניא את עצתנו זאת, אף כי כל חפצם הוא לתפשנו חיים! וגם ממנו יִבָּצר לנַצח אותם במלחמה. ואמנם מתחִלה, לעת אשר קמנו להלחם בעד חרותנו ותלאות רבות מצאונו מידי אחֵינו, ועוד גדולות מאלה מידי אויבינו, — אולי אז היה עלינו לתַכֵּן את רוח אלהים ולהבין, כי חתם את גזר־דינו על זרע היהודים אשר אהב לפנים. כי לוּ הוסיף להאיר את פניו אלינו או רק רגע קטן קצף עלינו, כי אז לא הסתיר את פניו מֵראות את האבדן הגדול הזה ולא הסגיר את עיר־קדשו לאש ולהריסות האויב. ואנחנו — האמנם נדַמה בנפשנו להנצל לבדנו מכל זרע היהודים ולשמור על חרותנו, כאִלו לא חטאנו לאלהים ולא דבק עָול בידינו — תחת אשר לִמַּדנו גם אחרים להָרֵע? התבוננו וראו! הנה הראה לנו אלהים, כי כל בטחוננו היה הבל ותֹהו, בהביאו עלינו צרה נוראה להוביש את תקוותינו הטובות. כי תכונת משׂגב המבצר לא היתה לנו לישועה, ועם כל הלחם הנמצא בידינו לשׂבע והמון הנשק הגדול וכל הכבודה הרבה והעצומה בושנו מכל תקוותינו ולא נוכל להציל נפשנו, — אין זה כי־אם יד אלהים עשתה זאת! הן לא במקרה הפכה האש הנטויה לקראת האויב את פניה אל החומה, אשר הקימו ידינו. רק אות עבֵרה הוא, גמול חטאותינו הרבות, אשר חטאנו במשובה ובזדון לאחינו בני־עמנו. ואמנם על הדברים האלה לנו לתת דין וחשבון לא לפני הרומאים אויבי־נפשנו, כי־אם לפני האלהים, ונוח יהיה לנו משפטו ממשפט השונאים. על־כן תמותנה־נא נשינו בטרם נִטמאו, ימותו־נא בנינו בטרם טעמו טעם עבדות. ואחרי־כן נגמול איש לרעהו חסד־גבורים, ומה טוב ומה יפה יהיה בנשאנו את חרותנו אלֵי־קבר, ולפני מותנו נשחית באש את הרכוש ואת המבצר. ויודע אני נכונה, כי יתעצבו הרומאים אל לבם, אם לא יתפשונו חיים, ויבוֹשו מתקותם למצֹא שלל. רק את הצידה נשאיר להם, למען תהיה לעֵדה אחרי מותנו, כי לא סַפנו ברעב ובמחסור, כי־אם בחרנו במות מחיי־עבדות, כאשר קבלנו עלינו מראש.״",
+                    "ז. אלה הדברים אשר דבר אלעזר. אך דבריו לא נכנסו אל לבות כל העומדים עליו. אמנם רבים מהרו לשמוע לעצתו, וכמעט נגשו בתאות־נפש למַלא אחריה, בחשבם, כי טוב ויפה יהיה להם המות. אולם רכי־הלב בהם התעוררו לחמול על נשיהם וטפם ושִׁוו לנגד עיניהם את המות העתיד לעצמם, והביטו זה אל זה ודמעות עיניהם ענו בהם, כי אין דעתם נוחה מהמחשבה הזאת. ואלעזר ראה את מֹרך־לב האנשים, אשר לא קמה בהם רוח לשמוע לעצתו הכבירה, וחרד פן ימסו באנחותיהם ובדמעותיהם את לב גבורי־החיל אשר הטו אֹזן לדבריו, ועל־כן לא חדל לדבּר על לבם, כי־אם עמד על רגליו מלא־קומתו בלב נכון וברוח אדירה ודבּר אליהם דברים נשגבים על נצח נשמת האדם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: על־דבר אי־המות (אלמות) של הנשמה.</i>, וקרא אליהם בקול גדול וחזק, בנעצו את עיניו בּבוֹכים: ״מה מאד נכזבה תוחלתי! אמֹר אמרתי בלבי, כי אני יוצא למלחמת החרות ואִתּי אנשים גבורי־חיל, אשר קבלו עליהם לבחֹר בחיי־כבוד או במות, והנה לא נבדלתם מכל החשֻׁכּים בגבורתכם ובעֹז־רוחכם, וירֵאים אתם את המות הזה, הבא לפדוֹתכם מצרות נוראות, תחת אשר היה לכם לקבלו מבלי התמהמה ומבלי חכות לעצתי. הן מאז, מן היום אשר הגענו לבינה, לִמדונו חֻקי תורתנו, תורת אלהים, וגם אבות־אבותינו הראונו זאת במעשיהם ובגֹדל נפשם, כי אסון האדם הוא החיים ולא המות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה, כמובן: העולם־הזה, ולא העולם־הבא.</i>. כי המות קורא דרור לנשמות ושולח אותן לשוב אל נוה הטהרה, אשר שם ביתן, לבלתי תוספנה עוד לדַאבה; וכל העת אשר הן אסורות בגוִיה הבָּלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ששולט עליה כליון — ״הנפסדת״ ביונית ובלשון המתרגמים של ימי־הבינים.</i> ושבֵעות רֹגז יחד עמה הן באמת חשובות כמֵתות. כי לא יכּון הקשר בין חלק האלהים ובין החלק הבָּלה. ואמנם הנשמה חושפת את כֹּחה הגדול בעודה אסורה בגוף, כי היא עושה אותו לכלי מקבל רשמי החושים, וגם היא מניעה אותו באין רואה ומגדלה ומרוממה אותו במעשים מעל לתכונתו הכָּלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנפסדה, החדֵלה.</i>; אולם אחרי אשר תפָּטר הנשמה מהסבל המושך אותה אל האדמה, הדבק בה, ותגיע אל משכן נחלתה, רק אז תחליף כֹּח־נצחים ותִגבּר אונים באין־מעצור מעברים, ולא תראה עוד לעיני אדם, כי תהיה כאלהים. והן אין רואה אותה גם בעודה בגוף, כי היא נסתרה מן העין בבואה אליו ונעלמה בצאתה ממנו. ורק תכונה אחת לה — כי אין כליון שולט בה, והיא סבת כל התמורות אשר בגוף, וכל אשר תגע בו הנשמה יחיה ויפרח, וכל אשר תרחק ממנו יִבלה וימות. כה גדול חלקה בַּנֵּצח! הַשֵּׁנה תהיה לנו למופת נאמן על צדקת דברינו, כי בעת השֵּׁנה אין הגוִיה מושכת אחריה את הנשמה, והשעה היא שעת מנוחה נעימה לנשמות העזובות לנפשן, והן באות בסוד אלהים, הקרוב אליהן, ומשוטטות בּכֹּל וצופות עתידות רבות. ולמה זה נירָא מות — תחת אשר אנו אוהבים את המרגֻּעה בעת שנתנו? והלא אִוֶּלת היא בלבנו לרדוף אחרי החֵרות בחיים (בעולם־הזה), בעוד עיננו צרה בחֵרות־נצחים (בעולם־הבא). והנה אם נלך בדרכים, אשר למדנו מאבותינו, עלינו לתת מופת לרבים ולקבל את המות באהבה, ואם נבקש עֵדי־אמת בקרב הנכרים, נתבונן אל דרכי אנשי הֹדוּ, השוקדים על דרכי החכמה כל ימיהם. האנשים המשכילים האלה נושאים את עֹל חיי־הבלם בלי־חמדה, כי חלדם נחשב בעיניהם לעבודה זרה, אשר נגזרה עליהם מידי שמים, וכל ישעם וחפצם להתיר את הנשמות ממאסר הגוִיות, ובאין צר ומצוק ולחץ נגד פניהם, רק מעֹצם תשוקתם לחיי־נצחים הם גולים את אזני חבריהם, כי עוד מעט ילכו ואינם, ואין איש מניא את עצתם, כי־אם כל האנשים מתברכים בהם, וכל אחד נותן בידיהם פקֻדות (בשׂורות) לאֶחיו [המתים], והם מאמינים בלבב שלם, כי חיי הנשמות יחד הם נצח ואמת. ואלה (ההולכים למות) שומעים את דברי הפקֻדות, ואחרי־כן הם נותנים את בשרם לאש, למען אשר תצא הנשמה בטהרה מן הגוף, ומתים לקול שירה וברכה. ונוח לאוהביהם לשלוח אותם לקראת המות מאשר ליתר האנשים לשלוח את בני־עירם לדרך רחוקה, והם (החיים) בוכים על מנת־חלקם ומהללים את המתים, כי זכו לעמוד במערכות הכתובים לחיי־עולם. ואיך לא נבוש ונכָּלם, אם נפֹּל ברוחנו מההֹדים, ובמֹרך־לבנו נעטה חרפה רבה על חֻקי תורתנו, אשר קנאו בהם כל בני־האדם? ולו גם למדנו למבראשונה את הפך הדבר הזה, כי החיים הם תכלית הטוב לאדם והמות הוא אסון נורא, הנה השעה מצַוה עלינו ודורשת ממנו לשאת את המות בלב נכון, כי רצון אלהים הוא, ולא נוכל להמלט מן הגזרה. ורואה אני, כי מימי־קדם הוציא אלהים את המשפט הזה על כל זרע היהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, זכר כאן אלעזר את דברי הפסוק: ״עשה ה׳ אשר זמם, בצע אמרתו אשר צוה מימי קדם״ (איכה ד, י״ז).</i> ואין לנו עצה למצֹא ישועה ממנו, אם נמאן הפעם לפרֹש מן החיים. ואל תלמדו חובה על עצמכם ולא זכות על הרומאים, כי במלחמתנו אִתּם אבדנו כֻלנו. הן לא יד גבורתם עשתה זאת, כי־אם כֹּח נעלה מהם היה סבּת הדבר ונתן להם להתיַמר בנצחון. האם בנשק הרומאים נפלו היהודים היושבים בקיסריה? הן לא עלה על לבם למרוד ברומאים, ובעוד הם מקַדשים את יום־השבת קפץ אליהם המון אזרחי קיסריה ושחט אותם עם נשיהם וטפם, בטרם הספיקו לעמוד על נפשם, ולא שׂם את לבו לדברי הרומאים בעצמם, אשר הודיעו, כי רק אנו המורדים לאויבים נחשבים בעיניהם. ואולי יאמרו, כי יושבי קיסריה היו אנשי־ריב כל הימים לשכניהם היהודים ומצאו הפעם שעת־הכֹּשר לכַלות בהם את חמתם הישנה, אך מה נדבר על־דבר היהודים בבית־שאן? הן אלה ערבו את לבם להלחם ליוָנים בנו, ולא זכרו ברית־אחים לנו במלחמתנו עם הרומאים; ואמנם הרבה הועילה להם אהבתם ואמונתם לאלה (ליוָנים)! הם נרצחו בידיהם בענויים קשים עם כל בני־ביתם יחד, וזה היה שׂכרם, אשר קבלו חֵלף אמונתם בברית. והרעה, אשר לא נתנוּנו לעשות לאלה (ליונים), נִתּנה בראשם, כאִלו הם זממו לעשותה. הלא תדעו, כי אין אף אחת בכל ערי סוריה, אשר לא המיתה את היהודים היושבים בקרבה, אף כי היהודים האלה היו לנו שונאים קשים ורעים מהרומאים. ככה עשו יושבי דמשק, אשר לא ידעו אף לבדות איזו עלילה שיש בה טעם, ומִלאו את עירם רצח תועבה, בשחטם שמונה־עשר אלף נפש, יהודים ונשיהם יחד. וגם שמעו אזנינו, כי מספר היהודים, אשר מתו מוֹת־ענויים בארץ מצרים, עלה על ששים אלף נפש. אמנם היהודים האלה מתו ככה, כי ישבו בארץ לא להם ולא יכלו להשיב לשונאיהם אל חיקם — אולם מה היה לאחינו היושבים בארץ נחלתם, לכל אלה אשר קראו מלחמה על הרומאים? הנבצר מהם דבר, למען חַזק את לבם בתקוה נאמנה לנַצח את שונאיהם? הן נשק נמצא בידם למכביר וחומות ומצודות נשגבות היו להם ורוח נערצה עוררה אותם למלחמה בעד החרות, ולבם היה לב־גבורים אשר לא ישוב מפני כֹל, וכל אלה יחד עודדו אותם למרד. אבל רק למצער הועילו להם כל אלה, ובנַשאם את תקוותינו למעלה נהפכו והיו למקור תלאות נוראות. נפלו, נפלו כל משגביהם! כלם כרעו לפני האויבים, כאלו הוכנו לפאר את נצחונם, ולא להיות לישועה לכל החוסים בהם. ועלינו לאמר: אשרי הנופלים בקרָב, כי מתו בהלחמם בעד חרותנו ולא במכרם אותה [לאויבים]. ומי לא ינוד לגורל ההמון הרב, אשר נכנע תחת ידי הרומאים? ומי לא ימהר לבחֹר במות, בטרם ראו עיניו ברעה אשר מצאה אותם? אלה כרעו למות תחת כלי־המשחית, אלה נשרפו באש, אלה נפחו נפשם תחת שוטי מציקיהם ואלה — נאכל חצי־בשרם בשִׁני חיות רעות, ועוד נשארו בחיים ונקדשו לסעֻדה שנית להיות להן לטרף, לשעשע את לב השונאים ולמלא פיהם שחוק. אולם מאמין אני, כי יש עוד אמללים מאלה — כל אלה אשר נשארו חיים, המתפללים כל היום למָות ואיננו! ואיה העיר הגדולה, עיר ואם לכל זרע היהודים, עם חומותיה הרבות והבצורות עם כל חֹסן מצודותיה ותפארת מגדליה הנאדרים, היא אשר צרה מהכיל את כל הכבודה הרבה הערוכה למלחמה, ולא היה מספר לרבבות האנשים המתנדבים להלחם למענה? איה הקריה הנאמנה, אשר אמרנו, כי אותה אִוה אלהים למושב לו? עד היסוד נהרסה, נהפכה משֹּׁרש, ורק זֵכר אחד נשאר לה — מרבץ מחריביה על משואותיה! וזקנים יגיעי־כח מתאבקים באפר הר־הבית ונשים אחדות מסתופפות בה, אשר השאירון השונאים בחיים להתעלל בהן בחרפה ובכלִמה. וכי ישיב אחד ממנו זאת אל לבו — היעצור כֹּח להביט אל אור השמש, אף אם לא יהיו חייו תלואים לו מנגד? מי האיש, אשר מלאוֹ לבו לשנֹא את עיר אבותיו, מי האיש רך־הלבב החפץ חיים, אשר לא יתמרמר בלבו, כי עודנו חי כיום הזה? הוי מי יתן מוּתנו כֻּלנו, טרם ראו עינינו את העיר הקדושה ההיא נהרסה בידי האויבים, ואת היכל־הקֹדש מחֻלל ונִתּץ. והנה שעשעה נפשנו תקוה, הנאה לאנשי־חיל, אולי תמצא ידנו לקחת מאויבינו את נקמת ירושלים, ואחרי אשר נכזבה תוחלתנו והשאירה אותנו לבד בצרה גדולה, נמהר לבחֹר לנו מיתה יפה. נרחם על נפשותינו ועל נפשות עוללינו ונשינו בעוד לאל־ידינו לרחם עליהם. חן למות נולדנו ולמות הולדנו את צאצאינו, ומן המות לא יִמָּלטו אף המאֻשרים בבני־האדם. אולם חיי חרפה ועבדות ומנת הרואה בקלון אשתו ובניו— כל אלה הרעות לא נגזרו על האדם מברִיָּתו, ורק מִמֹרך־לב נושאים האנשים את סבל הנוראות האלה, כי סרבו לבחֹר מות בשעת הכֹּשר. והנה בגבורה וברוח נדיבה מרדנו ברומאים, וכאשר קראו לנו זה מקרוב להכָּנע בפניהם ולהציל את נפשותינו, לא שמענו לקולם. ומי בקרבנו לא יבין את עֹצם עברתם, כאשר תמצא ידם לתפֹּש אותנו חיים? אוי לבני הנעורים, אשר יפרכו היסורים הרבים את כֹּח עלומיהם, ואוי למלאי־הימים, אשר יִכְשׁל כֹּח זקנתם לשאת את הצרות. ראֹה יראה האחד בהלקח ממנו אשת־נעוריו לחרפות ושמוע ישמע את קול בנו המשַׁוע לעזרת אביו — וידיו תהיינה אסורות ולא יהיה לו כֹח להושיע. לא ולא! עוד ידינו לא אסורות והן מחזיקות בשלח, תהיינה לנו לישועה הפעם! ומוֹת נמות בטרם נהיה עבדים לשונאינו, ובני־חורין נִּשָּׁאר בעזבנו את ארצות החיים, אנחנו, נשינו ובנינו! ככה צוו עלינו חֻקי תורתנו, על זאת מתחננים אלינו נשינו ובנינו! האלהים פקד עלינו את הגזרה הזאת, והיא העצה היעוצה על אף הרומאים ועל חמתם: יראים הם, פן ימות אחד ממנו, טרם ילך שבי לפניהם. נמהר־נא במעשינו ותחת שמחת השונאים על שברנו, אשר אליה הם נושאים את נפשם, נשאיר להם מבוכה ותמהון, בראותם את גבורת־לבנו.״"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים אשר במבצר שמעו לדברי אלעזר ושלחו יד בנפשם, חוץ משתי נשים וחמשה ילדים.</small><br><br>א. עוד טרם כלה אלעזר לדבּר על לב אנשיו, הפסיקו כֻלם את דבריו ומהרו לעשות מעשה, כי מלאו רוח גבורה, אשר נלאו להכיל. וכמו חזקה עליהם יד אלהים, יצאו כֻלם, ורבים בקשו לעבור במרוצתם את רעיהם, בהאמינם, כי בזאת יַראו את גבורתם ונדיבות־לבם, כשלא יהיה חלקם עם האחרונים. ככה גדלה תשוקתם לשחוט את נשיהם, את בניהם, ולשלוח יד בנפשם! וכאשר נגשו לעשות את דברם, לא נפל לבם עליהם — כאשר יחשוב החושב — ולא מָשה מהם הרוח, אשר צלחה עליהם לשֵׁמע דברי אלעזר. אמנם רחמיהם נכמרו על קרוביהם מחמדי־עיניהם, אולם המחשבה, כי יעצו טובה על הנפשות היקרות להם, חִזקה את לבם. הם חבקו את נשיהם באהבה רבה ולחצו אל לבם את הילדים ונשקו להם בדמעות על עיניהם בפעם האחרונה, ויחד עם זה השלימו את עצתם, וידיהם כנכריות נחשבו בעיניהם למעשה הזה. ובהשיבם אל לבם את הרעה, אשר תמצא אותם בנפלם בידי הרומאים, מצאו את נחמתם בצרת הרצח הזה. ולא היה אף איש ביניהם, אשר נבצר ממנו אֹמץ־לב לעשות את הדבר, וכֻלם שחטו את בני־ביתם. אוי לאמללים האלה, אשר לקלה בכל הרעות נחשב בעיניהם לשחוט בידיהם את נשיהם ואת בניהם! ואחרי כַלותם את הדבר הזה, לא יכלו עוד לשאת את מכאוביהם וחשבו, כי חטא יחטאו להרוגים, אם יִוָּתרו בחיים אחריהם אף שעה קלה. על־כן מהרו לאסוף את כל רכושם אל מקום אחד ולשלוח בו אש. ואחרי זאת בחרו בגורל עשרה אנשים מתוכם, אשר ישחטו את כֻּלם. וכל אחד השתרע על הארץ ליד אשתו ובניו ההרוגים וחבק אותם בזרועותיו ופשט ברצון את צוארו לשחיטה בידי האנשים, אשר מִלאו את המעשה הנורא הזה. והאנשים האלה שחטו את כֻּלם בלֹא־רעד, ואחרי־כן הפילו גורל ביניהם, למען ישחט הנלכד בגורל את תשעת חבריו, ואחרי המיתו את כֻּלם יטרוף את נפשו בכפו. וכֻלם בטחו איש ברעהו והאמינו, כי אף אחד מהם לא ישַׁנה אחרי המשפט אשר יצא עליו לשחוט או להִשָּׁחט. לאחרונה מסרו התשעה את עצמם לשחיטה, והאחד, אשר נותר אחריהם, בדק את המון השוכבים על הארץ, פן נשאר אחד מהמטבח הגדול ויבקש ממנו לשלוח בו יד. וכאשר נוכח לדעת, כי כֻלם מתו, הצית אש בכל פִּנות ארמון־המלך, ובכל עֹצם ידו תקע את חרבו בבשרו עד הנִּצב. ונפל מת על־יד קרוביו [הנשחטים]. ככה מתו כֻלם באמונה, כי לא השאירו אחריהם נפש חיה למשוך בעֹל הרומאים. בכל־זאת נסתרו מפניהם אשה זקנה אחת ואשה אחרת ממשפחת אלעזר, אשר נפלאה מיתר הנשים בתבונה ובלמודים [בהשכלתה], ואִתּן יחד עוד חמשה ילדים, כי התחבּאו בצנורות המוליכים את המים אל העיר, בעת אשר יתר האנשים שׂמו את כל לבם לשחוט את קרוביהם. ומספר ההרוגים היה תשע מאות וששים נפש והנשים והטף בכלל. הדבר הנורא הזה נעשה בחמשה־עשר לחֹדש קסַנתּיקוֹס (ניסן).",
+                    "ב. והרומאים אמרו בנפשם, כי עוד תהיה להם מלחמה, ולבשו את נשקם לעת עלות השחר והקימו גשרים על המעברות אשר בין הסוללות ובין פרצי החומה והבקיעו אל העיר. ובראותם, כי אין איש מקרב האויבים ורק שממון נורא בקרב הארמון ודממה מסביב, נלאו להבין את דבר המעשה, ולאחרונה הרימו קול־סְאוֹן, כאִלו אמרו לשלח אבן־קלע. וכאשר שמעו הנשים את הסאון הזה, עלו מן המנהרות וספּרו לרומאים את כל הנעשה, והאשה השניה היטיבה לבאר את הכֹּל ולתאר את המעשה לפרטיו. אך לא נקל היה לרומאים להבין את דבריה, כי לא יבלו להאמין לאֹמץ־הלב הגדול הזה. הם פנו לכבות את האש ובמהרה בקעו להם דרך בקרבּה עד בואם אל ארמון המלך. וכאשר מצאו שם את המון ההרוגים, לא שמחו הפעם על אשר ראתה עינם באויביהם, כי־אם השתוממו על רוחם הנדיבה ועצתם הנאדרה, אשר צחקה למָות ולא שבה אחזר מהמעשה הגדול הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הסיקריים הבורחים אל אלכסנדריה הביאו תלאה על רבים, ולרגלי זה נהרס (נסגר) שם ההיכל, אשר בנה לפנים חוניו הכהן הגדול.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר נכבש המבצר בדרך הזאת, השאיר בו שר־הצבא חיל־משמר ושב עם צבאו אל קיסריה. ולא נותר אף אויב אחד בכל הארץ (ביהודה), כי כֻלה נכנעה במלחמה הארֻכָּה, אשר פגעה גם ברבים מן היהודים הרחוקים, כי קמו בקרבם מהומות והביאו עליהם שואה. וגם אחרי כלות המלחמה ספו בגללה רבים מהיהודים היושבים באלכסנדריה של מצרים, כי נמלטו שמה סיקריים מתוך המהפכה, והמעט היה בעיניהם להציל את נפשם, כי עוד נשאו את נפשם למעשי־מרד חדשים ופִתּו רבים מהאוספים אותם אל בתיהם לקום ולהלחם בעד החרות ולהאמין, כי אין הרומאים טובים מהם (ראוים למשול בהם), ולקבל את עֹל מלכות אלהים לבדו. וכאשר יצאו אחדים מטובי היהודים להפר את העצה הזאת, המיתו אותם הסיקריים ואִלצו בדברים את יתר היהודים לעשות מעשה־מרד. וכראות ראשי הזקנים את משובת האנשים האלה, הבינו, כי תכלה אליהם הרעה, לכשיעלימו עיניהם מן הדבר, וכנסו את כל היהודים יחד וגִלו להם את העצה הנבערה, אשר יעצו עליהם הסיקריים, והראו אותם לדעת, כי יד אלה הביאה את כל הרעה [על ארץ יהודה], והוסיפו לדבר: ״גם הסיקריים הנמלטים אינם יכולים לבטוח בישועתם, בדעתם, כי בני־מות הם לעת יגַלו אותם הרומאים, על־כן הם מושכים אל העֹנש הנאה להם את הנקיים, אשר לא חטאו עמם״. ועוד הרבו הזקנים לדבּר על לב העם, למען יִזָּהר ממוקשי־המות, אשר טמנו לו הסיקריים, ויתרצה אל הרומאים, בהסגירו בידם את האנשים האלה. וכאשר נוכח העם לראות את גֹדל הצרה, הטה אזנו לדברים האלה והתנפל על הסיקריים בחֹזק־יד וסחב אותם אל משפט הרומאים. שש מאות איש נתפשו מיד, והשרידים, אשר נמלטו אל ארץ מצרים [העליונה] ואל העיר נֹא, נלכדו אחרי זמן־מצער והובאו אל אלכסנדריה. וכל רואיהם תמהו ונבהלו על כֹּח־סבלם הכביר ועל תכונת רוחם, אשר האחד יקרא לה בשם מרי־שגעון והשני בשם עזוז־אמונה. כי מעַניהם התחכּמו להביא עליהם כל מיני יסורים נוראים וקרעו את בשרם לגזרים, בדרשם מהם רק אחת — כי יודו במו פיהם, אשר הם מקבלים עליהם את עֹל מלכות הקיסר, ובכל־זאת לא נכנע לבם, ואיש לא הוציא הגה מפיו, כי־אם כֻּלם התחזקו בדעתם והתגברו על יסוריהם הנוראים, כאִלו לא חשו את מכאובי בשרם, וכמעט בשמחת־נפש קבלו את ענוייהם ואת להט־האש. ועוד יותר הכּו הנערים הצעירים את כל רואיהם בתמהון, כי גם מהם לא נכנע אף אחד לבַטא בשפתיו, כי הקיסר אדון לו. ככה נצח עֹז־הרוח את רפיון־הבשר!",
+                    "ב. לוּפוּס היה נציב באלכסנדריה בימים ההם ומִהר להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר התנועה הזאת. וכראות הקיסר, כי לא יחדלו היהודים מחַבּל מזִמות־מרד כל הימים, ירא, פן יתאספו המורדים בהמון עוד הפעם אל מקום אחד וגם ימצאו להם עוזרים, וצוה את לופוס להרוס את מקדש היהודים בארץ הנקרא על שם חוניו. בית־המקדש הזה נמצא בארץ מצרים ונבנה בידי חוניו ונקרא בשמו, וזה הדבר: חוניו בן שמעון, אחד הכֹּהנים הגדולים בירושלים, ברח מפני אנטיוכוס מלך סוריה בעת מלחמתו ביהודים ובא אל אלכסנדריה, וכאשר קבל אותו תלמי באור־פנים משנאתו לאנטיוכוס, הבטיחהו הכהן הגדול, כי יביא את עם היהודים עמו בברית, אם יטה המלך אֹזן לדבריו. והמלך הבטיח את חוניו לתת לו את שאלתו ככל אשר לאל־ידו, ואז בקש ממנו הכהן הגדול, כי ימַלא את ידיו לבנות בית־מקדש בארץ מצרים ולעבֹד שם את אלהים כחֻקי האבות, כי לדבר הזה יחַזק לב היהודים [היושבים בארצו] להלחם בשארית חֵמות עם אנטיוכוס, אשר החריב את בית־המקדש בירושלים, וגם תגדל אהבתם לו (לתלמי) ורבים יתלקטו אליו, למען עבֹד את אלהיהם לבטח.",
+                    "ג. ותלמי שמע לדברים האלה ונתן לחוניו אחֻזת־ארץ דרך שמונים ריס מעיר נֹף (מֶנפי) במדינה הנקראת על שם הִירוֹפוליס. וחוניו בנה שם מבצר והקים לו היכל, אשר לא דמה במראהו להיכל ירושלים, כי היה כתבנית מגדל עשוי אבנים גדולות, ששים אמה קומתו. אולם את המזבח הקים כתבנית המזבח בירושלים, וככה עשה גם לכל כלי־הקֹדש, מלבד צורת המנורה. כי לא עשה לו מנורה עם כֵּן, כי־אם נברשת־זהב מעשה צורף, השולחת את קרניה לעברים, ותלה אותה על שרשרת־זהב. ואת חצר־המקדש הקיף בחומת־לבֵנים ואת דלתות השערים עשה אבן. והמלך נתן לו גם נחלת־ארץ גדולה לאכול את פריה, למען ימצאו הכֹּהנים את לחם־חֻקם לשׂבע ועוד תשאר תרומה גדולה לעבודת אלהים. אמנם חוניו לא עשה את הדבר הזה בלב טהור, כי אמר להכעיס את היהודים אשר בירושלים, בשמרו להם עֶברה על אשר גֹּרש משם. ועל־כן בנה את המקדש להדיח מהם את העם. בזה קם דבר חזון עתיק, אשר מלאו לו אז שש מאות שנה ושֵׁם ישעיהו נקרא עליו, כי הוא נבּא לבנין המקדש הזה במצרים לקץ הימים בידי איש יהודי. זה דבַר בנין המקדש ההוא.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר קבל לופוס נציב אלכסנדריה את מכתב הקיסר, נסע אל המקדש והוציא משם חלק מכלי־הקֹדש וסגר את שערי ההיכל. ואחרי זמן־מצער מת לופוס ופוֹלּינוס ירש את משרתו, והוא לקח את כל כלי־הקֹדש ולא השאיר דבר, כי הִרבה ליָרא את הכֹּהנים ואִלצם להוציא אליו את כל הכלים ולא נתן את האנשים לגשת אל מקום המקדש ברצותם לעבֹד את אלהים, כי סגר את כל השערים ולא יכול עוד איש לבוא בהם, ולא השאיר אף זֵכר לעבודת אלהים במקום הזה. ובעת אשר נסגר ההיכל הזה מלאו שלש מאות וארבעים ושלש שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספר הזה מגֻזם; עכ״פ במקום שלש־מאות צריך להיות מאתים.</i> לבנינו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר יונתן, אחד הסיקריים, אשר הקים מהומות בקירֵינֵי והוציא דבה רעה.</small><br><br>א. כמחלה רעה פשטה משובת הסיקריים גם אל ערי קירֵינֵי. כי הנה טֻלטל שמה יונתן, איש נבל ונבזה, אשר היתה מלאכתו עבודת האורגים, והוא פִתּה רבים מדלת־העם ללכת אחריו והוליך אותם אל המדבר והבטיחם לתת להם אותות ומופתים, ואמנם נסתר מעיני הרבים במעשי תעתועיו ובתרמיתו, אך הטובים והנכבדים בקרב יהודי קיריני שׂמו לבם אליו וספּרו על־דבר מסעו ותחבולותיו לקַטּוּלוּס הנציב בחמש ערי לוּב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנקראו בשם פֶּנֲטַפּוֹליס.</i>. והוא שלח אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים אחריו ונצח באפס־יד את היהודים, אשר לא היו מזֻינים, ורבים מהם הומתו מיד, ומתי־מספר נתפשו חיים והובאו אל קַטולוס. ויונתן, הראש לכל דבר המזִמה הזאת, נמלט על נפשו, אך הרומאים שלחו אחריו לבקשהו בכל הארץ ושקדו הרבה על הדבר, עד אשר נתפש בידם והובא אל הנציב. ובעמדו לפניו התחכם להסיר מעל ראשו את חרב נקמת הרומאים, בתתו לקַטולוס פתחון־פה לעשות מעשי־רשע. הוא דבּר שקר על עשירי היהודים, כי הם הורוהו לעשות את המזמה הזאת.",
+                    "ב. וקַטולוס קבל את דבר הדִבּה בנפש חפצה והפך את המעשה לעלילה גדולה, בהוסיפו עליו דברים נוראים רבים, למען ירָאה גם הוא כגבור מנצח את היהודים במלחמה, והרשיע לעשות מאד, כי נוסף על אמונתו הנמהרה לדבַר הדבּה לִמד עוד את הסיקריים להפיח שקרים. הוא צוה על יונתן לנקוב לפניו בשם אלכסנדרוס, והוא אחד היהודים, אשר זה מזמן התעבּר בו קַטולוס ולא כסה על שנאתו. וגם את בֵּרֵנִיקֵי, אשת אלכסנדרוס, משך קַטולוס אל העלילה והמית אותה עם בעלה לראשונה. ואחרי־כן המית את כל האנשים המצֻינים בעשרם, כאלף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: שלשת אלפים.</i> איש. חשוב חשַׁב, כי יוכל לעשות את זאת באין מכלים דבר, אחרי אשר החרים את רכוש הנרצחים אל אוצר הקיסר.",
+                    "ג. וקַטולוס ירא, פן יפרסמו היהודים היושבים ביתר המדינות את מעשי־רשעתו, ושלח את שקריו למרחוק ופִתּה את יונתן ועוד אחדים מהאסורים עמו לשׂים את עון המרד בראש טובי היהודים אשר באלכסנדריה וברומא, ובמספר האנשים, אשר הוציא עליהם את עלילת השקר הזאת, היה גם יוסף כותב הספרים האלה. אפס כי נכלי קַטולוס לא הצליחו, כאשר היה עם נפשו: כי הוא עלה אל רומא והוליך עמו את יונתן עם אנשיו האסורים באזִקים, והאמין בלבבו, כי איש לא יחקור את דברי השקר אשר העידו לפניו, כאשר צוה אותם. אולם המעשה לא ישר בעיני אספסינוס, והוא חקר למצֹא דבר־אמת, ובהכירו, כי שקר הוא יסוד האַשמה, אשר יצאה על האנשים (טובי היהודים), נִקה אותם מפשע, כי גם טיטוס דבּר טוב עליהם, ועל יונתן פקד את מעשה־ידיו. הוא נשרף חי, אחרי אשר דשו את בשרו בשוטים.",
+                    "ד. וקַטולוס יצא אז בשלום, כי בחסדי שני המושלים לא נגזר עליו עֹנש קשה, מלבד אשר יסרו אותו בדברים. אולם כעבור זמן־מצער אחזה אותו מחלה קשה, והוא התהפך על משכבו ולא מצא מזור, עד אשר מת במכאובים רעים. לא גופו בלבד לקה, כי עוד קשים ממכאוביו היו יסורי נשמתו. חזיונות נוראים בּעתוהו, ובלי־הרף צעק, כי הוא רואה בעיניו את צלמי חללי־ידיו עומדים לפניו. ולא יכול לעצור ברוחו וקפץ מעל משכבו, כאלו הגישו אליו מעַניו כלי־משחית ואש ללַהט את בשרו. ומדי יום ביום רבו מכאוביו ורקב עלה במעיו, עד אשר יצאו מבשרו, וככה קִדם אותו המות ונתן מופת נאמן, כי עין־אלהים צופיה בַכֹּל והוא עושה שפטים ברשעים.",
+                    "ה. ובזה הגיע הקץ לדברי הימים, אשר מסרנו אותם בעצם הדיוק לכל הרוצה לדעת את הליכות מלחמת הרומאים עם היהודים. והנה בדבר דרך מִדְרָשִׁי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: מליצתי (הסגנון).</i> יוציאו הקוראים משפט. אבל בדבר האמת — אבטח ולא אפחד לאמֹר, כי רק אליה לבד כִּוַּנתּי בכל הכתובים האלה."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The War of the Jews",
+        "key": "The War of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..7d155b8321893a5aa3910a980824314b8a3d3b90
--- /dev/null
+++ b/json/Second Temple/Josephus/The War of the Jews/Hebrew/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,979 @@
+{
+    "title": "The War of the Jews",
+    "language": "he",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/The_War_of_the_Jews",
+    "text": {
+        "Preface": [
+            "א. יען כי גדלה המלחמה, שקמה בין היהודים ובין הרומאים, מכל מלחמות דורנו, ולא מהן בלבד, כי־אם גם כמעט מכל המלחמות, שהתחוללו בין מדינה ומדינה ובין עם ועם ושלשמע אזן נודעו לנו — ואלה הסופרים, שלא ראו את המעשים בעיניהם ורק אספו את ידיעותיהם מן השמועה, כתבו עליה דברי דמיונות וספורים סותרים זה את זה, כמעשה המליצים המתחכמים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״בדרך הסופיסטים״</i>, — ואולם חבריהם, שהיו באותו מעמד, זיפו את המעשים מתוך משוא־פנים (לרומאים) או מתוך שנאה (ליהודים) וכתוביהם כוללים שטנה מזה ותשבחות מזה ואין בהם דברי הימים לאמתם, — על־כן שמתי את לבי לתרגם יונית למען יושבי ארצות ממשלת הרומאים את הדברים, אשר חברתי לפני זה בשפת אבותינו, ושלחתי אותם אל הלועזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ״ברברים״ (המלה נמצאה גם בספרות התלמודית) והכונה לעמי המזרח מעבר לנהר פרת והיהודים השוכנים בקרבם.</i> היושבים בארצות העליונות — אני יוסף בן מתתיהו מכהני ירושלים, אשר נלחמתי לראשונה ברומאים ואחרי־כן הייתי עד־ראיה למעשים בעל־כרחי.",
+            "ב. כשפרצה התנועה הכבירה הזאת פשו נגעים בממשלת הרומאים מבית ואוהבי התמורות שבקרב היהודים הרימו ראש בעת השערורה ההיא וגם עצמו במספרם ועשו חיל רב, והמהומה הלכה וגדלה, עד אשר קוו היהודים להשתרר על כל ארצות הקדם, ולעמת־זאת פחדו הרומאים, פן תאבדנה להם המדינות האלה. היהודים שמו מבטחם באחיהם היושבים מעבר לנהר פרת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יהודי ארם נהרים, בבל וחדיב (עיין הערה ב).</i> כי יצאו במלחמותיהם, בעוד אשר חלו הרומאים ממרד שכניהם הגלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: גלטים. על־דבר המרד עיין למטה ספר ד, פרק ה, א.</i>, וגם הקֶלטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה, כנראה, למרד הבטבים (עין ספר ד, פרק ז, ד, ב).</i> לא שקטו תחתם. — כי אחרי מות נירון מלאה כל הארץ מהומה ורבים ראו אז שעת־הכשר לקחת להם את המלוכה, ואנשי הצבא שמחו לקראת התמורות בקוותם למצא שלל רב. ואני חושב, כי לא יתכן להעלים עין למראה האמת הנעדרה בדברים חשובים אלה. הן הפרתים והבבלים והערבים הרחוקים ואחינו היושבים מעבר לנהר פרת ובני חדיב — כלם יודעים מפֹרש מתוך עמל ידי את שרש המלחמה ואת כל פגעיה הרבים והנוראים ואת פרשת אחריתה, — ורק מעיני היונים והרומאים, אשר לא לקחו חלק במלחמה, נעלם דבר אמת, כי הם מוצאים לפניהם דברי חנופה או דברי פלסתר בלבד.",
+            "ג. ועדַין הם מעִזים בנפשם לקרא בשם ״הסטוריות״ (קורות הימים) לספריהם, שאין בהם שום דברים של טעם, ולפי ראות עיני הם גם מחטיאים את מטרתם. הם מתכונים להראות את גדלת הרומאים ואת היהודים הם מגנים ומשפילים תמיד. ואין אני מבין במה יחשבו לגדולים אלה שנצחו את הקטנים, — וגם לא יבושו הסופרים האלה מפני ארך המלחמה ולא מפני המספר העצום של הרומאים, אשר נשאו את סבלה, ולא מפני גדלת שרי הצבא, אשר צרו בזעת אפם על ירושלים. — ואני חושב, כי לא לכבוד הוא לאלה, כשבאים להוריד ערך נצחונם:",
+            "ד. ואין בדעתי להתקנא בסופרים המפריזים במעשי הרומאים ולהאדיר את מעשי אחי; רק אעביר בדיוק את מעשי שני הצדדים ובראש ספורי המעשים אקדיש דברים להלך־נפשי, ואתן ללבי הכואב לבכות על אסונות מולדתי. כי החריבה אותה מלחמה מחוץ, ועריצי היהודים משכו שמה את צבאות הרומאים בעל־כרחם, ויחד אתם את האש, שאכלה את ההיכל, כאשר יעיד על זה מחריב ירושלים בעצמו הקיסר טיטוס, אשר כל ימי המלחמה לא חדל מחמול על העם הסגור בידי המורדים, ופעמים רבות דחה בכונה את כבוש העיר והאריך את המצור לתת זמן לחיבים לשוב בתשובה. ואם יבוא איש ללמד חובה עלי, כי הפרזתי בגנות העריצים ומעשי הרצח אשר עשו, או גדשתי את הסאה בקינותי על אסונות מולדתי, ישא־נא פנים למכאובי, אשר קלקלו את שורת ההסטוריה. כי נפלאה עירנו לפנים מכל ערי ממשלת הרומאים וזכתה לעלות למרום ההצלחה, ועתה הגיעה שעתה לנפול אל תהום היגון. ואם ישקלו כל האסונות שהיו מימות עולם כנגד הפרענות אשר עברה על היהודים, תכריע את כלם. וגם לא ידי עם נכרי הביאו עלינו את כל הצרות האלה — ועל־כן קצר כחי להבליג על אנחותי. ואם ימצא שופט אכזרי, אשר יקשיח לבו מחמלה, הנה עליו לחשוב את ספורי המעשים לדברי הימים ואת הקינות לדברי הכותב.",
+            "ה. והן גם אני אוכל ליסר בצדק את סופרי היונים, שקרו בזמנם מעשים גדולים כאלה, המכריעים בכף מאזנים את כל מלחמות ימי קדומים — כי הם יושבים לכסא משפט ומשפילים את ערך הסופרים הראשונים, ולו גם יעלו על הסופרים ההם במליצת לשונם, הנה נופלים הם הרבה מהם ביֹשר לבם. הם כותבים בידיהם דברי ימי אשור ומדי, כאלו לא הצליחו הסופרים העתיקים למסור אותם כמשפט. — והם רחוקים מאלה בכשרון כתיבתם ובידיעותיהם. הן כל אחד מהסופרים הראשונים השתדל לכתוב את מאורעות זמנו בלבד, וקרבתם אל המעשים הביאה לידי ישרת כתיבתם, כי לא לכבוד נחשב בעיניהם לשקר במעמד עדי המאורעות. הסופר המשאיר לזכרון את הדברים אשר לא נכתבו לפניו, המוסר לדורות עולם את פרשת דברי ימי זמנו — הוא ראוי לשבח ועומד למופת, ולא כל המשנה את התכנית ואת הסדר בדברי אחרים נקרא זריז, כי־אם המספר דברים חדשים ומוסיף על גוף ההסטוריה בנין משלו. ואני, אף כי נכרי הנני, לא חסתי על הוצאותי ועל יגיעותי ברצותי להקדיש ליונים ולרומאים את זכר הגבורות ההן. כי אמנם סופריהם מקרב אחיהם ממהרים לפעור פיהם ולשלח לשונם כדי לקבל פרס או להתערב במחלקת, אבל בפרשת דברי הימים, כאשר הֻטָּל עליהם לספר את האמת בלבד וללקט את פרטי המעשים בעמל רב, הנה הם נאלמים מיד ונותנים לחלשים ולחסרי־הדעת שבהם לכתוב על מפעלי שרי הצבא. על־כן עלינו לקנא לכבוד האמת שבדברי הימים, אשר לא נמצא לה דורש בקרב היונים.",
+            "ו. ואני חושב, כי לא פה המקום לכתוב על קדמות היהודים ומוצאם ולא על יציאתם ממצרים ועל ארצות נדודיהם וגם על הארץ אשר כבשו ואחרי־כן גלו ממנה. כי הִרבּו כבר יהודים לפני לכתוב את דברי ימי אבותינו באר היטב, ואחדים מן היונים תרגמו את הדבר בשפת אבותיהם ולא נטו הרבה מהאמת. על־כן אחל את חבורי זה מן הזמן, אשר בו פסקו דברי הסופרים האלה ונחתמו דברי נביאינו, ומכל המעשים האלה אבחר את מאורעות זמני לדבר עליהם בפרוטרוט ובדיוק ככל אשר יש לאֵל־ידי, ועל כל הדברים אשר קרו לפני אעבור בקצרה ואספר:",
+            "ז. כי אנטיוכוס הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶּס כִּבש בחזק־יד את ירושלים ומשל בה שלש שנים וששה חדשים עד אשר גֹרש מן הארץ על־ידי בני חשמונאי, — ואחרי זמן רָבו יוצאי חלציהם של אלה (החשמונאים) ביניהם בדבר הממשלה ומשכו אל הענין את הרומאים ואת פומפיוס; וכי הורדוס בן אנטיפטרוס שם קץ לשלטון המשפחה הזאת בעזרת סוֹסִיּוּס. ואספר על מרד העם אחרי מות הורדוס בימי מלכות אוגוסטוס ברומא ונציבות קְוִינְטִילִיּוּס וַרוּס בסוריה; ואחרי־כן על ראשית המלחמה בשנת שתים־עשרה למלכות נירון ועל כל הקורות בזמן צֶסְטִיּוּס, ועל המקומות אשר כבשו היהודים בחרבם בשעת הקרבות הראשונים.",
+            "ח. ועוד אדבר על המצודות, שהקיפו בהן היהודים את הערים מסביב, ואחרי־כן על־דבר הפחד אשר נפל על נירון לשֵׁמע מפלת צֶסטיוס, כי חרד לשלום מלכותו, ועל־כן הפקיד את אספסינוס על המלחמה, והוא פרץ עם בנו הבכור אל ארץ יהודה; — ועל תכונת הצבא הרומאי, אשר היה בידי אספסינוס, ועל מספר בעלי בריתו בעת החריבוֹ את ארץ הגליל, ועל הערים אשר כבש בחֹזק־יד וברעש מלחמה, ועל הערים אשר לקח בברית שלום; — ואחרי־כן על־דבר הטכסיסים הטובים של הרומאים במלחמה ועל חִנוך־הקרב בלגיונות; ועל מדות שתי ארצות הגליל וטבע הארץ, על גבולי ארץ יהודה וסגֻלותיה ועל היאורות והמעינות שבה. ואחרי־כן אספר בפרוטרוט על הצרות אשר מצאו כל עיר ועיר. כי הייתי עֵד־ראִיה, או נמצאתי גם אני בצרה. וגם לא אכסה על פגעי אני, כי אני רוצה לדבר גם אל יודעי־המעשה.",
+            "ט. ואחרי־כן — כי בזמן שהיו כבר עניני היהודים יגעים, מת נירון, ואספסינוס, אשר מהר לעלות על ירושלים, לֻקח משם אחר כבוד לעמוד בראש הממשלה. וגם אדבר על האותות והמופתים, אשר קדמו לדבר, ועל־דבר המהפכות ברומא, וכי נקרא אספסינוס לקיסר בעל־כרחו על־ידי אנשי־הצבא; ועל־דבר מריבות־האחים, שקמו בין היהודים אחרי צאתו אל ארץ מצרים להכין את השלטון בידו, ועל העריצים אשר השתררו עליהם ועל המחלקת בין העריצים האלה.",
+            "י. ואוסיף לדבר על טיטוס, אשר עלה מארץ מצרים ופרץ אל הארץ שנית, ואיככה ואיפֹה הזעיק את צבאו ומה היה מספר הצבא ומה הדבר אשר מצא את העיר בגלל המריבה, כאשר קרב טיטוס אליה; וכמה פעמים הרעיש את חומות העיר וכמה סוללות שפך עליה; וגם על גבולות שלש החומות המקיפות את העיר ומדותיהן; וחזק העיר ותכונת הר־הבית וההיכל וגם מדותיהם ומדת המזבח — כל אלה אבאר היטב. ועוד אדבר על מקצת מנהגי המועדים ועל שבע הטהרות ועל עבודת הכהנים המשרתים בקדש, וגם על בגדי הכהֻנה ותלבשת הכהן הגדול ועל תבנית קדשי ההיכל, ולא אכסה דבר וגם לא אוסיף על הדברים אשר ידעתי כחֹק.",
+            "יא. ואחרי־כן אספר על אכזריות מעשי העריצים לאחיהם ועל רחמי הרומאים לעמים זרים, וכמה פעמים גלה טיטוס את רצונו להציל את העיר וההיכל וקרא אל המורדים לשלום. ואתאר גם את צרות העם ויסוריו ואת כל הנוראות אשר עברו עליו מחרב המלחמה ומאש המחלֹקת ומזלעפות הרעב עד קץ מפלתו. ולא אמנע מלדבר על תלאות הפליטים ועל ענויי השבויים. ועוד אספר על שרפת ההיכל שלא ברצון הקיסר ועל כלי הקֹדש, אשר נצלו מן האש והיו לבז, ועל חרבן ירושלים כֻּלה ועל האותות והמופתים אשר בִּשרו את הפרענות מראש; ועל שבי העריצים והמון הנמכרים לעבדים ועל הפקֻדה אשר מצאה את כל אחד ואחד. ואיך כבשו הרומאים את שארית הפלטה אשר נצלה מן המלחמה והרסו את מבצרי הארץ; ואיך עבר טיטוס בכל הארץ והקים בה סדרים ושב אחרי־כן אל איטליה וקדש את חג הנצחון.",
+            "יב. את כל הדברים האלה כללתי בשבעה ספרים ולא השארתי מקום לאיש מיודעי הדבר הזה ומאשר לקחו חלק במלחמה להתרעם עלי או ללמד עלי חובה. כי כתבתי את הדברים למען אוהבי האמת ולא למקרא שעשועים. ועתה אחל את ספורי מן המקום, אשר קבעתי בראש סדר הפרקים."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>על כבוש ירושלים ועשק ההיכל ועל מעשי המכבים מתתיהו ויהודה ועל מות יהודה.</small><br><br>א. בעת מלחמות אנטיוכוס הנקרא אפיפנס עם תלמי הששי על־דבר השלטון בכל ארץ סוריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן נמצא בכל כתבי־היד, ויש מתקנים ״חילת־סוריה״.</i> נפלה מריבה בין תקיפי היהודים, כי שלטה קנאה ביניהם בדבר שלטון־העם וכל אחד מאנשי־המשרה לא רצה להכנע לפני חבריו. חוניו, אחד הכהנים הגדולים, התחזק וגרש מן העיר את בני טוביה, ואלה ברחו אל אנטיוכוס וחלו את פניו להתנפל על ארץ יהודה והבטיחוהו להיות לו לעינים. המלך נעתר אליהם, כי זה מכבר זמם לעשות כדבר הזה, ומהר בעצמו לעלות על העיר בראש חַיִל גדול וכבש אותה בחזק־יד והמית המון גדול מאנשי־שלומו של תלמי ונתן רשות לאנשי־הצבא לבז את העיר באין מעצור, והוא בעצמו בזז את היכל ה׳ והשבית את עבודת התמיד שלש שנים וששה חדשים. והכהן הגדול חוניו ברח אל תלמי וקבל ממנו נחלה במחוז הליופוליס ושם יסד עיר קטנה כדמות ירושלים ובנה בה היכל לה׳ כתבנית בית־המקדש. ועל־זה עוד נשוב לדבר במקום הראוי.",
+                    "ב. ועוד לא שב אף אנטיוכוס אחרי כבשו את העיר מבלי שקוה לדבר מראש, וגם לא מצא ספוקו במעשי העד וברצח הגדול, כי בזדון יצרו הרע ובזכרו את התלאות אשר מצאוהו בשעת המצור, אלץ את היהודים לעזוב את חקי אבותיהם, להשאיר את ילדיהם ערלים ולהקריב בשר־חזיר על המזבח. וכאשר סרבו כל היהודים למלא את מצותו, נמסרו החשובים אשר בהם לטבח. ובכחידֶס ראש המצב, שנשלח בידי אנטיוכוס, הוסיף באכזריות יצרו הרע מעשי רשעה על פקדות המלך הזד ולא נבצרה ממנו כל תועבה. הוא צוה לדוש את בשר היהודים נשואי־הפנים אחד־אחד וחדש בכל יום לעיני השמש את מחזה כבוש, העיר, עד אשר עורר בעצמת רשעתו את הסובלים להתאזר עז ולעמוד על נפשם.",
+                    "ג. ומתתיהו בן חשמונאי מן הכהנים אשר בכפר מודיעין חגר נשק יחד עם בני ביתו — כי חמשה בנים היו לו — והמית את בכחידס במאכלת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: בקופיץ.</i>, ובפחדו מהמון חיל המצב מהר לברוח אל ההרים. שמה התלקטו אליו רבים מבני העם ויחד אתם התחזק וירד מן ההר ויצא לקרב על שרי צבא אנטיוכוס והכה אותם וגרשם מארץ יהודה. במעשה נצחונו זה הגיע לשלטון, כי אחרי גרשו את הנכרים קבלו אחיו היהודים את ממשלתו ברצון. ובמותו עזב את השלטון ליהודה בכור בניו.",
+                    "ד. ויהודה הבין, כי לא ישב אנטיוכוס בחבוק־ידים, ולכן אסף את צבאות אחיו וגם כרת ראשון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: בפעם הראשונה.</i> ברית עם הרומאים, וכאשר הוסיף אנטיוכוס להתנפל בחיל גדול על ארץ יהודה, הכה מכה רבה ופנה ערף. אחרי הנצחון מהר יהודה לעלות על חיל המצב השוכן בעיר, כי לא נשמד עוד, ונלחם אתו ודחף אותו מן העיר העליונה אל התחתונה, וחלק העיר הזה נקרא בשם חקרא (אקרה — מצודה). ואחרי־כן כבש יהודה את הר־הבית וטהר את המקום כלו ובנה עליו חומה והכין כלים חדשים לעבודת השרת והביאם אל ההיכל, כי נטמאו כלי הקדש הישנים. גם בנה מזבח חדש והשיב את עבודת הקרבנות על מכונה. וכאשר קבלה העיר מחדש את מעמד הקדֻשה, מת אנטיוכוס ואת כסא מלכותו ואת שנאתו ליהודים יחד ירש אנטיוכוס (החמישי) בנו.",
+                    "ה. והוא אסף צבא רגלים חמשים אלף וחמשת אלפים רוכבים ושמונים פילים ופרץ בגבול יהודה אל ארץ ההרים וכבש את העיר בית־צור ועל־יד המקום הנקרא בית־זכריה פגש אותו יהודה עם חילו במעבר צר. עוד טרם יצאו שתי המערכות לקרב, ראה אלעזר אחי יהודה את הגדול מכל הפילים המקֻשט במגדל גבוה ובצִנות מצֻפות זהב, וחשב כי הרוכב על הפיל הוא המלך אנטיוכוס, ועל־כן מהר לרוץ מתוך מחנה אחיו ובקע לו דרך בין שורות האויבים והגיע עד הפיל. כראות אלעזר כי נבצר ממנו, מפני גֹבה הפיל, להשיג את האיש, אשר היה כאנטיוכוס בעיניו, דקר את החיה בבטנה, עד אשר נהפכה עליו, והוא נחנק תחת משאה ומת, ושכר לא היה למעשהו, מלבד זכרו הטוב, כי נשא את לבו לגדולות ובחר בשם־תהלה מחיים. כי המפגיע את הפיל היה הדיוט (ולא המלך), ואלו היה זה אנטיוכוס בעצמו, גם אז לא הצליח אלעזר בעז־נפשו רק להראות, כי בחר לו דרך מות מתקוה קלה לנצחון גדול. והדבר הזה היה אות מבשר רעה לאחיו על תוצאות הקרב כלו. כי היהודים נלחמו בגבורה זמן רב, אבל אנשי חיל המלך עלו עליהם במספר וגם השעה היתה משחקת להם. ואחרי אשר נפלו רבים מן היהודים במלחמה נמלט יהודה בראש שרידי צבאו אל נפת גוֹפנא. ואנטיוכוס נכנס אל ירושלים ונשאר שם ימים מספר, ואחרי־כן עלה משם, מפני מחסור הלחם, והשאיר בעיר חיל־מצב, אשר היה בו די הצֹרך לדעתו, ואת יתר הצבא הוליך אל ארץ סוריה לימי החרף.",
+                    "ו. אחרי צאת המלך מן הארץ לא ישב יהודה בחבוק־ידים, כי נספחו עליו רבים מן העם וגם פליטי המלחמה נאספו אליו ובראשם התנפל על־יד הכפר חדשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא בתרגום הרומאי ובספר המכבים (אדסה); במקור ברֹב כה״י אקדסה. וכל הדבר טעות, כי על־יד חדשה לא נהרג יהודה המכבי, רק נצח את נקנור. ובכלל כל פרשת־המעשה היא משבשת כאן. לעמת זאת ב״קדמוניות״ היא מתאימה יותר לדברי ספר המכבים.</i> על שרי צבאות אנטיוכוס, ואחרי אשר הפליא להראות את גבורתו במלחמה וגם המית רבים מן השונאים, נפל חלל; וכעבור ימים אחדים מת גם יוחנן אחיו, כי נלכד בפח אשר טמנו לו אוהבי אנטיוכוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר יורשי יהודה: יונתן, שמעון ויוחנן הורקנוס.</small><br><br>א. יונתן אחי [הגבורים] האלה ירש את משרתם ונהל בזהירות את עסקי אחיו היהודים וחזק את שלטונו בברית אשר כרת עם הרומאים, וגם עשה שלום עם בן אנטיוכוס. אבל כל הדברים האלה לא הועילו לו לשבת שאנן ובטוח. כי טריפון העריץ, שהיה אפיטרופוס לבן אנטיוכוס, זמם לקחת את נפש הילד ובתחלה נסה להמית את כל אוהביו ותפש במרמה את יונתן, שבא בלוית אנשים מתי מספר אל אנטיוכוס, ושם אותו בנחשתים ועלה למלחמה על ארץ יהודה. אבל גֹרש משם בידי שמעון אחי יונתן וברב כעסו על מפלתו הרג את יונתן.",
+                    "ב. ושמעון נהג את משרתו בגבורה וכבש את גזר ואת יפו ואת יבנה ערי שכניו, וגם הרס את המצודה (חקרא) אחרי הכותו את המצב אשר בה; ואחרי־זאת כרת ברית עם אנטיוכוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא אנטיוכוס השביעי (סידטס).</i> בצורו על טריפון בעיר דאֹר, לפני צאתו למלחמה עם המדיים. אבל אף כי עזר שמעון למלך להמית את טריפון, לא מצאה ידו להשביעהו די תאות־בצעו. כי כעבור זמן קצר שלח אנטיוכוס חיל תחת פקדת קנדביוס שר־צבאו לשחת את ארץ יהודה ולשעבד את שמעון. ושמעון היה אז זקן ובא בימים, אך נהל את המלחמה בכח עלומים. הוא שלח לפניו את בניו בראש גבורי הצבא ובעצמו לקח את שארית הצבא ועלה להלחם מן העבר השני. ובמקומות רבים וגם בהרים טמן אורבים חזקים וכבש את כל המעברות. ואחרי נצחון מפאר הושם לכהן גדול והעביר את שלטון המקדונים מארץ יהודה, לקץ מאה ושבעים שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לחשבון היונים, ר״ל שנת נ״א תרי״ט—תר״ך, 142—141 לפני מנין או״ה.</i>.",
+                    "ג. אבל גם הוא מת בענין רע, כי נפל בפח יוקשים, אשר טמן לו תלמי חתנו בעת המשתה. ותלמי תפש גם את אשת שמעון ואת שני בניו ואל השלישי, הוא יוחנן הנקרא גם הורקנוס, שלח מרצחי חרש להמיתו. אבל העלם הקדים לשמוע על־דבר בוא הרוצחים ומהר אל ירושלים ובטח בעם, כי יעמוד לימינו, בזכרו את חסדי אביו ובשנאתו לתועבות תלמי. אמנם גם תלמי נסה להכנס אל העיר דרך שער שני, אבל גֹרש משם בידי העם, אשר קבל את הורקנוס למושל. ותלמי מהר לברוח אל אחת המצודות. ממעל ליריחו הנקראת בשם דגון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א דוֹק או דוך.</i>. הורקנוס ירש את הכהנה הגדולה, אשר היתה לאביו, והקריב זבחים לאלהים, ואחרי־כן מהר לרדוף אחרי תלמי למען הציל את אמו ואחיו.",
+                    "ד. ובהצותו על המצודה גבר הורקנוס במלחמה, אבל צרות לבו הנאמנות היו לו למכשול. כי מדי פעם בפעם כשקשתה המלחמה על תלמי צוה להביא את אם הורקנוס ואחיו על החומה למקום רואים ולדוש את בשרם לעיני השמש, וגם הוליך עליהם אימים, כי ישליך אותם מראש החומה, אם לא יעזבהו יוחנן לנפשו חיש מהר. לשמע הדברים האלה כבשו רחמי הורקנוס ופחדו את כעסו ועברתו. ואמו לא שמה לב ליסורים ולאימת המות. ופרשה את ידיה אל בנה והשביעה אותו לבל יחת מהזדון הנעשה לה ולא יחמול על הרשע, כי ינעם לה מותה בידי תלמי מחיי נצחים, אם רק יתן הזד את הדין על כל הרעה אשר עולל למשפחתה. מדי השיב יוחנן אל לבו את אֹמץ רוח אמו ומדי שמעו את תחנוניה, מהר להתנפל על המצודה, אבל בראותו אותה לקויה ומרוטה שחה נפשו מעֹצם מכאוביו. על־כן ארך המצור זמן רב, עד אשר הגיעה שנת השמטה, אשר בה שובתים היהודים אחת לשבע שנים, כדרך שבת השבוע, ובעבור זה נפדה תלמי מן המצור והמית את אחי יוחנן על אמם וברח לו אל זינון המכֻנה קוֹטילא העריץ, המושל ברבת־עמון.",
+                    "ה. ואנטיוכוס התאנף על המגפה אשר נגף מפני שמעון ויצא להלחם בארץ יהודה וחנה מסביב לירושלים והביא את הורקנוס במצור. והורקנוס פתח את קבר דוד, אשר היה עשיר מכל המלכים, והוציא משם יתר על שלשת אלפים ככר כסף והטה את לב אנטיוכוס לעזוב את המצור בשלמו לו שלש מאות ככר. והוא היה הראשון במושלי היהודים, אשר שכר לו גדוד נכרים ושלם לו מן הכסף הנשאר לו.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר יצא אנטיוכוס למלחמה על המדיים המציא שעת הכֹּשר ליוחנן לקחת ממנו נקמה. הוא מהר לעלות למלחמה על ערי סוריה, בחשבו כי ימצא אותן עזובות מגבורי החיל. וכאשר קוה כן היה. הוא כבש את מֵידבא ואת סַמַּגָּא עם המקומות הקרובים ואת שכם ואת הר־גריזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: מחבר — ארגריזין, כמו שכותבים השמרונים.</i> לקח בחרבו וגם הכניע את עם הכותים, אשר ישב סביב לבית־מקדש כתבנית המקדש בירושלים, ומלבד־זאת לכד ערים רבות בארץ אדום ובכללן את אדורָים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אדוֹרה (ביחיד) ועין בדברי הימים ב, י״א, ט, ושם הֻזכרה גם מָרֵשָׁה (או מוֹרֵשה). שתי הערים האלה נכבשו על־ידי האדומים אחרי חרבן הבית הראשון.</i> ואת מָרֵשה.",
+                    "ז. הוא הגיע גם עד ארץ שמרון ובא אל המקום אשר נמצאה שם עתה סֶבַּסֶּטִּי, העיר הבנויה בידי המלך הורדוס, ובנה עליה מצודים והפקיד את שני בניו אריסטובולוס ואנטיגנוס על מצור העיר. הם לא הרפו מעבודת המצור, ומפני זה חזק הרעב בעיר, עד אשר אכלו יושביה דברים אשר לא באו אל פיהם מימיהם. הנצורים קראו לעזרה למלך אנטיוכוס המכֻנה אספנדיוס, והוא נעתר אליהם ברצון, אבל כרע במלחמה לפני חיל אריסטובולוס, וברח מפני האחים, אשר רדפו אחריו עד בית־שאן, ומשם שבו להלחם ביושבי שמרון וסגרו את המונם עוד הפעם בחומת עירם ואחרי־כן לכדו את העיר והרסו אותה עד היסוד ואת יושביה מכרו לעבדים, וכה הלכו מחיל אל חיל ולא שבתו ממלחמה, עד אשר נגשו בראש צבאם עד העיר בית־שאן והשתערו עליה פתאם והחריבו את כל הארץ אשר מבית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר, מצד ארץ יהודה מדרום.</i> להר הכרמל.",
+                    "ח. אך הקנאה בהצלחת יוחנן ובניו עוררה מחלֹקת בקרב היהודים ורבים התלקטו יחד ולא שקטו עד צאתם למלחמה גלויה, אבל כשלו ונפלו. ויתר חיי יוחנן עברו בשלום ואחרי אשר נהל את עסקי הממשלה בתבונה יתרה שלשים ושלש שנה מת והשאיר אחריו חמשה בנים. הוא היה מאֻשר באדם ובשום דבר לא יכֹל להתאונן על מזלו. כי הוא לבדו זכה לשלשה דברים העולים על כֹּל: למעלת השלטון בעם (כתר מלכות), לכהֻנה גדולה ולנבואה (לרוח הקֹדש). כי רוח אלהים (השכינה) היתה קרובה אליו ולא נעלם ממנו כל דבר העתיד לבוא. הוא צפה מראש ונבא, כי שני בניו הגדולים לא יאריכו ימים בשלטונם ונָאֶה לספר פה את דבר מפלתם, ועד כמה שֻׁנה גורלם ממזל אביהם המאֻשר!"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר אריסטובולוס, הראשון ששם על ראשו נזר מלוכה ומלך שנה אחת ומת אחרי רצחו את אמו ואת אחיו.</small><br><br>א. אחרי מות יוחנן הפך אריסטובולוס בכור בניו את הנשיאות למלוכה והיה הראשון, אשר שם על ראשו את הנזר, במלאת ארבע מאות ושבעים ואחת שנה ושלשה ירחים לשיבת גולת העם אל ארצה מעבדות בבל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המִספר אינו נכון. המעשה היה בשנת ג״א תרנ״ז (104 לפני מאו״ה), תכ״ד לעלית הגולה.</i>. ומאחיו הבדיל לטובה את אנטיגנוס, הקרוב אליו בשנים והאהוב עליו למראה עין, וחלק לו מכבודו ואת יתר אחיו אסר והשליך אל בית־כלא. גם את אמו אסר בנחֻשתים על אשר חלקה עליו בעסקי השלטון, באמרה, כי עזב יוחנן בידה את הממשלה, וכה גדלה אכזריות הבן עד שנתן לה למות ברעב במאסרה.",
+                    "ב. אך גמול מעלליו הרעים לאמו ולאחיו השיג את אחיו אנטיגנוס, אשר אותו אהב מאד ונתן לו חלק במלכותו — כי המית אריסטובולוס גם אותו על עלילות דברים ששמו לו אנשי בליעל מעבדי המלך. בתחלה מאן אריסטובולוס להאמין לדברי הלעז, כי אהב את אחיו וחשב את הלהג הרב לפרי הקנאה. אבל אנטיגנוס שב בהדר־נצחון למועד החג, שבו היהודים מקימים סכות לאלהים על־פי חֻקֵי האבות, ובמקרה נפל אריסטובולוס למשכב בעת ההיא. ולקץ החג עלה אנטיגנוס בלוית אנשי הצבא אשר עמו בעדי תפארה להתפלל אל האלהים בלב נאמן לשלום אחיו החולה. ובאותו מעמד באו אנשי הבליעל אל המלך וספרו לו על פאר אנשי הצבא ועל גאון אנטיגנוס, שאינו כדרך אחד־העם. והעידו עליו כי בא בחיל גדול למען המיתו, כי לא די לו בכבוד־מלוכה בלבד בעוד אשר יש לאל ידו לקחת את המלוכה לעצמו.",
+                    "ג. כמעט בעל־כרחו נפתה אריסטובולוס להאמין לדברים האלה ונזהר לבל יַראה את חשדו בגלוי, וכדי להיות בטוח מכל צרה העמיד את שומרי ראשו במדור אפל מתחת לאדמה — כי הוא שכב על מטת חליו בבירה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה נקראה מצודת אנטוניה במשנה.</i>, אשר הוסב אחרי־כן שמה לשם אנטוניה — ונתן להם פקֻדה לעזוב את אנטיגנוס לנפשו, אם לא יהיה מזֻין, ולהמית אותו, כאשר יעבור עליהם בכלי נשקו, ואליו שלח להודיעו, כי יבוא בלי נשק. אולם המלכה התחברה עם יועצי הרעה ושנתה את הדבר בערמתה, כי הסיתה את שלוחי המלך לבל ימסרו את דבריו, רק יאמרו לאנטיגנוס, כי שמע אחיו על כלי הנשק היפים ועדי המלחמה אשר הכין לו בארץ הגליל, אבל נעצר על־ידי מחלתו לבוא ולראות את כל אלה, ועל־כן ישמח מאד לראותו בפאר נשקו בטרם ישים (אנטיגנוס) את פעמיו לדרך.",
+                    "ד. בשמוע אנטיגנוס את הדברים האלה — והוא היה בטוח באהבת אחיו ולא עלה על לבו לחשדו במחשבה רעה — יצא בכלי נשקו, כאלו אמר להתהדר בהם, וכאשר בא אל הפרוזדור האפל, שנקרא בשם מגדל סטרַטוֹן, נהרג בידי שומרי ראש המלך. ומות אנטיגנוס היה מופת נאמן, כי לשון־הרע מנתקת את מוסרות האהבה וגם את קשרי־הטבע, וכי לא נמצאה בין מדות הנפש הטובות אף אחת שיהיה בכחה לעמוד בפני הקנאה לארך ימים.",
+                    "ה. ומי לא ישתומם לדבר הזה על איש אחד ושמו יהודה, אשר היה ממשפחת האֵסיים ומעולם לא נכשל ולא שקר בהגידו את האותיות. כי בראותו את אנטיגנוס עובר דרך הר הבית קרא בקול גדול אל אוהביו (כי תלמידים רבים ישבו לרגליו): ״הוי, אמותה הפעם, כי נכרתה האמת מפי ואחת מנבואותי שבה ריקם. הן עוד חי זה האיש אנטיגנוס, אף כי נגזר עליו לֵהָרג היום ולמקום מותו נועד מגדל סטרטון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האֵסי חשב, כי זהו מגדל־סטרטון על חוף־הים, שנבנה אחר־כך בידי הורדוס ונקרא בשם ״קיסריה״ (קיסרי).</i> והוא רחוק מפה שש מאות ריס וכבר עברו ארבע שעות היום. הזמן הוביש את דבר נבואתי״. ככלותו את דבריו שקע הזקן במחשבותיו סר וזעף. ואחרי זמן קצר הגיעה השמועה, כי נהרג אנטיגנוס במדור מתחת לאדמה שנקרא גם הוא בשם מגדל סטרטון. והדבר הזה התעה את הרואה הזקן.",
+                    "ו. מוסר הכליות על התועבה הזאת חִזק את מחלת אריסטובולוס. זכר הרצח לא נתן מנוחה לנפשו והוא התהלך כצל ולאחרונה התפרדו מעיו מעצמת יגונו והקיא דם רב. ואחד הנערים המשרתים הוציא את הדם ובגזרת אלהים נכשל במקום אשר נשחט בו אנטיגנוס ושפך את דם הרוצח על כתמי דם אנטיגנוס, אשר נראו עוד לעין. קול צעקה התפרץ מפי רואי הדבר, באמרם, כי בצדיה שפך הנער את הדם. והמלך שמע את הצעקה וחקר לסבת הדבר וכאשר לא נועז איש מהעומדים עליו לפתוח את פיו הפציר בהם מאד, כי נכספה נפשו לדעת את המעשה. וכאשר דבר אליהם קשות ואִיֵם עליהם, גלו לו את הדבר, ואז זלגו עיניו דמעות ואנחה שברה את גופו ובשארית כחותיו קרא: ״הן לא קמה מחשבתי להעלים מעין האלהים הגדולה את כל אשר עשיתי בזדון, ומהר השיגה אותי נקמת דם קרובי השפוך. ועד מתי, גוִיָּה נבזה, תעצרי את נשמתי הנחרפת לאחי ולאמי? עד מתי אסיך להם את דמי טפה טפה? יקחו את הכל בבת־אחת ואל יוסיף אל זועם ללעוג לנסכי בני מעי!״ לדברים האלה גוע מיד, ומלכותו לא ארכה יותר משנה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על מעשי אלכסנדרוס ינאי, אשר מלך עשרים ושבע שנה.</small><br><br>א. ואשת אריסטובולוס שלחה את אחיו לחפשי ממאסרם והקימה למלך את אלכסנדרוס, אשר היה ראוי למשרה זו על־פי שניו ומדות נפשו. ובעלות אלכסנדרוס לשלטון המית את אחיו האחד, אשר חשב בלבו לעשות מלוכה גם הוא, ונשא את ראש אחיו השני, שבחר בחיי מנוחה והתרחק מן השררה.",
+                    "ב. ומלחמה היתה בינו ובין תלמי המכֻנּה לַתּוּרוֹס. כאשר כבש את העיר כפר שיחין (אסוֹכיס) ואלכסנדרוס המית רבים מן השונאים, אך הנצחון נטה לצד תלמי. אבל אחרי אשר נרדף תלמי על־ידי אמו קלֶאוֹפטרה ושב אל ארץ מצרים, כבש אלכסנדרוס במצור את גדר (גדרה) ואת חמתא (אמתוס), הגדול במבצרי עבר הירדן, שבו נמצאו מחמדי אוצרות תאודורוס וזנון. אבל תאודורוס בא עליו פתאם ולקח מידו את אוצרותיו וגם תפש את כבודת המלך והמית מן היהודים כעשרת אלפים איש. בשוב אלכסנדרוס לאיתנו אחרי המכה הזאת פנה אל ארץ החוף ולכד את עזה ואת רַפיה ואת אנתֵּדון, אשר נקראה אחרי־כן על־ידי הורדוס המלך בשם אגריפס.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר כבש המלך את הערים האלה ומכר את יושביהן לעבדים התקומם עליו עם יהודה בימי החג— כי רב המריבות פורצות בקרבם למועדי שמחתם — ויש לחשוב, כי לא היה בכחו להפר את העצה הרעה הזאת, לולא עזרו לו שכירי צבאו הנכרים מארצות פיסִדיּה וקִילִיקיה (כי את בני סוריה לא אסף אל צבא שכיריו, בדעתו את שנאתם הגדולה לעם יהודה). אחרי אשר הכה אלכסנדרוס במתקוממים יותר מששת אלפים איש יצא להלחם בגבולות הערבים ולקח מהם את הגלעד ואת מואב ושם מס על יושבי שתי הארצות ואחרי־כן שב להַצּות על חמתא. תאודורוס נבהל לשמע נצחונותיו וברח מפניו והמלך מצא את המבצר עזוב וריק ותפש אותו באפס־יד והחריבו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי־כן נלחם עם עֹבְדַת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כה הוא שמו על המטבעות והכתבות. ביונית: אוֹבֶדַס, הוא מלך הערבים הנבטיים (בני נבטו, ויש מביאים את השם הזה בקשר עם נביות), המושלים בעבר הירדן ובארץ אדום העתיקה. ראש מבצריהם היה ״הסלע״ (סלע־ערב, לפנים סלע־אדום, ביונית: פֶּטִרָה), וממשלתם הגיעה עד דמשק.</i> מלך הערבים; המלך הזה הכין לו פח בארץ הגולן ואלכסנדרוס נפל במלכֻּדתו וכל חילו נשמד, כי נדחק לתוך בקעה צרה ועמקה ונרמס בפרסות הגמלים הרבים, המלך בעצמו ברח אל ירושלים ובגדל האסון אשר המיט על העם העיר את שנאת הרבים הישנה אליו עד אשר קם מרד גלוי. גם הפעם היתה ידו על העליונה ובמלחמותיו הרצופות עם העם המית לא פחות מחמשים אלף איש מן היהודים בשש שנים, אבל לא יכל לשמוח בנצחונותיו, אשר כּלה בהם את כחות מלכותו. הוא נסה להפסיק את המלחמה ולדבר שלום אל נתיניו המורדים, אבל אלה הוסיפו עוד לשנֹא אותו על שרירות לבו ועל תהפוכותיו, וכאשר שאל אותם, מה היא סבת הדבר ובאיזה מעשה יוכל לשַׁכֵּך את חמתם, ענוהו האנשים, כי רק עם נבלתו יכרתו שלום, אף כי קשה לסלוח לעושה תועבות כאלה גם אחרי מותו. ויחד עם זה שלחו אל דימיטריוס המכנה אֵיקַיְרוֹס (נ״א אַקַּיְרוֹס)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אֵיקַיְרוֹס בר־מזל, מי שהשעה משחקת לו; אַקַּיְרוֹס — רע־מזל. כנראה נקרא המלך הזה (מושל סוריה בימי אלכסנדרוס ינאי) בכנוי הדאשון בפי אוהביו, ובשני בפי שונאיו, אשר סרסו את שם הכבוד שלו בכונה.</i> לעזרה, והוא נעתר אליהם, בקוותו לגדולות מאלה, ובא עם חילו אל הארץ ועל־יד העיר שכם התחברו אליו בני בריתו מן היהודים.",
+                    "ה. ואלכסנדרוס קבל את פניהם באלף רוכבים ושמונת אלפים רגלים שכירי מלחמה. מלבד זאת נמצאו עמו עשרת אלפים יהודים נאמנים בבריתו. ומספר שונאיו היה שלשת אלפים רוכבים וארבעה־עשר אלף רגלים. ועוד בטרם יצאו שני האויבים לקרב נסו שני המלכים להעביר קול איש במחנה אויבו ולחולל שם מרד. כי דימיטריוס קוה להטות אליו את לב שכירי אלכסנדרוס, ואלכסנדרוס — למשוך אחריו את היהודים אשר במחנה דימיטריוס. אבל היהודים לא שבו מחמתם והַהֶלֶנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה נקראו כאן הפיסידים והקיליקים, אשר טעמו מעט מן התרבות היונית ההלניסטית.</i> לא הפרו שבועתם, ועל־כן קראו שני המלכים לחרב לשפוט ביניהם. במלחמה היתה יד דימיטריוס על העליונה, אף כי הרבו שכירי אלכסנדרוס לעשות נפלאות באֹמץ לבם ובעֹז ימינם. אבל תוצאות המלחמה לא היו כאשר דמו שני המלכים בלבם. כי אחרי נצחון דימיטריוס לא הוסיפו היהודים הקוראים לו להחזיק בבריתו, כי חמלו על אלכסנדרוס במפלתו, וששת אלפים מן היהודים עברו אליו בברחו אל הרי יהודה. דימיטריוס לא עצר כח לשאת את התמורה הזאת והבין כי יחליף אלכסנדרוס כח למלחמה וכל העם יעבור אליו, ועל־כן פנה ועלה מן הארץ.",
+                    "ו. אבל המון המורדים הנשאר לא שבת מריב גם אחרי צאת העוזרים מן הארץ, ואלכסנדרוס נלחם בו מלחמה קשה עד אשר עלה בידו להמית. את רב השונאים ולגרש את הנשארים אל עיר בֶּמֶּסֶּלִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות (ספר י״ג, י״ד, ב) נקראה בי־תאומי או בית־אומי.</i> ואחרי־כן הפך את העיר והוליך את הפליטים בשבי אל ירושלים. וכגדֹל אפו ובחרונו עליהם הסיתו יצר לבו הרע למעשי רשע. הוא צוה להוקיע שמונה מאות איש מהשבויים על צלבים בראש העיר, אחרי שחטו לעיניהם את נשיהם וטפם. ולמראה הדבר שתה יין והתחולל עם פילגשיו. פחד גדול נפל על כל העם ובלילה ההוא ברחו שמונת אלפים יהודים מהקמים על המלך מעבר לגבולות יהודה ורק מות אלכסנדרוס שם קץ לגלותם. ככה הקים אלכסנדרוס את השלום במלכותו, אחרי עבודה קשה לקץ זמן רב (באחור זמן), ואימת החרב סרה מן הארץ.",
+                    "ז. ועוד הפעם קמו מהומות [בארץ יהודה] על־ידי אנטיוכוס המכֻנה דיוניסוס, אחי דימיטריוס, והוא האחרון למלכי בית סיליקוס. כאשר יצא זה להלחם עם הערבים פחד ממנו אלכסנדרוס [פן יעבר בגבולו] וחפר חריץ עמֹק לארך כל הארץ אשר בין ההרים בקרבת אנטיפטרס ובין חוף יפו, ועל־יד החריץ הקים חומה גבוהה ומגדלי־עץ בנה עליה לסגור את שערי הארץ. אבל בזה לא הצליח לעצוֹר את אנטיוכוס, כי הוא שלח את המגדלים באש וסתם את החריץ עפר ועבר עם חילו ביד רמה. הוא דחה לפי שעה את רצונו להנקם באלכסנדרוס על אשר לא נתן לו לעבור בארצו, כי מהר להביא מלחמה בגבולות הערבים. מלך הערבים נסוג אחור אל מקום אשר נוח למלחמה ואחרי־כן הפך פתאם את פני רוכביו, אשר היה מספרם עשרת אלפים, והתנפל על חיל אנטיוכוס קֹדם שהספיק להציג את צבאו במערכה. המלחמה היתה קשה מאד, וכל העת שנשאר אנטיוכוס בחיים החזיקו צבאותיו מעמד, אף כי עשתה בהם חרב הערבים שמות נוראות, כי חרף המלך את נפשו למהר עזרה במקום שנגפו אנשיו, עד אשר נפל שדוד ובמותו הפנו הסורים עֹרף ורֻבּם נפלו חללים במערכה או נהרגו בעת מנוסתם והפליטים שרדו אל כפר קנה ושם ספו כֻלם ממחסור לחם, ורק, מתי מספר הצילו את נפשם.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה הביאו אנשי דמשק משנאתם לתלמי בן מינאי את חרתת [הערבי]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אָרֵטַס, אולם צורת השם הערבית מבֹארה מתוך המטבעות והכתבות שלו.</i> אל ארצם והמליכוהו על חילת סוריה. הוא עלה על יהודה והכה את אלכסנדרוס במלחמה, אבל כרת עמו ברית שלום ועזב את הארץ. ואלכסנדרוס כבש את פחל (פֵלָה) ועלה על גרש (גֵרַסָּה), כי חשקה נפשו לבֹז את אוצר תאודורוס שנית, ובנה על העיר דָיֵק משֻׁלש וכבש אותה בסערת מלחמה. ואחרי־כן החריב את ארץ הגולן ואת סיליקיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סיליקיה בארץ הגולן (עיין להלן ספר ד, א, א).</i> ואת הבקעה הנקראת על שם אנטיוכוס ועל אלה כבש את גמלא, המבצר החזק, והוריד את דימיטריוס המושל בו משאתו, כי שמע תלונות רבים עליו, ואחרי־כן שב אל ארץ יהודה במלאת שלש שנים למלחמה הזאת, והפעם קבל העם את פניו ברצון, כי שמח על נצחונותיו. אבל בבוא קץ המלחמה החלה מחלה לענות את המלך וקדחת רביעית הציקה לו מאד. הוא חשב להתגבר על מחלתו בשובו אל עבודת המלחמה ועל־כן התמכר לצאת לקרב שלא בעונתו והכריה את גופו לטרוח ולעבוד למעלה מכחותיו, וכרע תחת כֹּבד משאו. הוא מת בעצם רעש המלחמה והימים אשר מלך היו עשרים ושבע שנה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בתשע שנות מלכות אלכסנדרה נמצא השלטון בידי הפרושים.</small><br><br>א. הוא השאיר את מלכותו ביד אלכסנדרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות נקראה גם סַלוֹמֵי (שלומי, שלומית) ובספרות התלמודית שלמינון או שלמציון (שלום־ציון) ויש עוד גרסאות.</i> אשתו, בבטחו בה כי ישמעו לה היהודים על־נקלה, יען אשר רחקו דרכיה מדרכי אכזריותו וגם התנגדה למעשי תועבותיו, ובזה קנתה את לב העם לאהבה אותה. ותקות המלך לא נכזבה. כי האשה הרפה השכילה להחזיק בידיה את השלטון וזכתה לתהלת מושלת ביראת אלהים. היא נזהרה מאד בחֻקי מסֹרת האבות והרחיקה מן השררה את הבועטים במצוות הקדושות. ומשני בניה אשר ילדה לאלכסנדרוס הקימה את הורקנוס, הוא הבכור, לכהן גדול, כי לו היה משפט הבכורה, ומלבד זאת היה רפה־ידים, ולא נועז לתבוע ממנה את הממשלה, ואת הצעיר, אריסטובולוס, אשר היתה לו נפש לוהטת, השאירה הדיוט.",
+                    "ב. לעֻמת־זאת התערבו בשלטונה הפרושים, חבורה בקרב היהודים, שיצא לה שם, כי היא עולה על חברותיה ביראת אלהים ומרבה לדקדק מהן בבאור החֻקים. אלכסנדרה כִּבּדה את האנשים האלה יותר מן המדה, מיראתה את האלהים, ובידם עלה לגנוב מעט מעט את לב האשה התם, עד אשר היו הם המוציאים והמביאים את כל העם ורשות נתנה להם לרחק ולקרב את הבריות ככל אות נפשם, להתיר ולאסור כרצונם. ובכלל נהנו המה מכל הכנסות המלוכה וברכותיה, ואת ההוצאות והפגעים השאירו לאלכסנדרה המלכה. אמנם היא השכּילה מאד לעשות מלוכה, כי הגדילה את הצבא כל הימים עד הכפילה את מספרו וגם אספה אליה חיל שכירים רב ועצום, וככה הכינה בידה את הממשלה בעמה וגם הטילה את אימתה על המושלים בארצות נכריות. ידה משלה בכֹּל והפרושים משלו בה.",
+                    "ג. הם המיתו את דיוגנס, איש נשוא־פנים ואוהב קרוב לאלכסנדרוס, בפקדם עליו את עונו, כי היה בעצה אחת עם המלך להוקיע את שמונה מאות האנשים. וגם הסיתו את אלכסנדרה לרדוף את יתר האנשים, אשר הפיחו את חמת אלכסנדרוס עליהם. המלכה מלאה את חפצם, ביראתה את האלהים, והם עשו משפט מות בשונאיהם כרצונם. ואנשי המעלה אשר נמצאו בצרה נמלטו אל אריסטובולוס, והוא העיר את לב אמו לשאת פנים למעמד האנשים האלה ולתת להם חנינה ולהרחיק אותם מן העיר, אם היא חושדת בהם, כי אינם נקיים מעון. כשנתנה המלכה לאלה האנשים את נפשם לשלל, נפוצו בכל הארץ. ואלכסנדרה שלחה צבא אל דמשק בטענה להציל את העיר מידי תלמי [בן מינאי]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך היטורים (הערבים המושלים בלבנון, בעקר בארץ כלקיס).</i>, המציק לה כל הימים. אך השיבה את הצבא בטרם עשה מעשה רב. וכאשר חנה טִיגְרַנֶּס מלך ארמֶניה על עיר עכו ושם מצור על קלֵיאוֹפַּטְרָה, שלחה אליו אלכסנדרה מנחה, לכרות עמו ברית. אבל הוא הקדים לעזוב את הארץ, בשמעו כי קמו מהומות בממשלתו מבית כשפרץ לוקולוס אל ארץ ארמֶניה.",
+                    "ד. בימים ההם חלתה אלכסנדרה ואריסטובולוס בנה הצעיר מצא לו שעת הכֹּשר להפיק זממו. ובעזרת אנשי שלומו — כי ידידים רבים היו לו וכלם אהבוהו על אֹמץ רוחו — כבש את כל מבצרי הארץ ובכסף אשר מצא שם אסף לו שכירי מלחמה והכריז את עצמו למלך. וכאשר התאונן הורקנוס על הדבר הזה באזני אמו, חמלה עליו ושמה את אשת אריסטובולוס ואת בניו במאסר באנטוניה — היא המצודה הסמוכה להר־הבית מצד צפון, ונקראה לפנים, כאשר דברתי למעלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פרק ג, י״ג.</i>, בשם בַּרִיס (הבירה) ואחרי־כן קבלה את שמה החדש לכבוד המושל אנטוניוס, כדבר אשר נקראו לכבוד אוגוסטוס (סבסטוס) ועל שם אגריפס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקיסר אוגוסטוס, הראשון במלכי רומא, וידידו וחתנו ופסניוס אגריפה (Agrippa).</i> שתי ערים בשמות חדשים סֶבַּסטי ואגריפס. בטרם הספיקה אלכסנדרה לקרא למשפט את בנה, על אשר נסה להרחיק את אחיו מן השלטון, נאספה אל עמה, אחרי אשר נהלה את הממשלה תשע שנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורקנוס יורש אלכסנדרה מחל על המלוכה לטובת אריסטובולוס, ואחרי־כן נעשה למלך מחדש על־ידי חרתת בעזרת אנטיפטרוס ולבסוף קם פומפיוס לשפוט במריבת האחים.</small><br><br>א. אמנם ירֻשת השלטון היתה להורקנוס, כי בידו מסרה אלכסנדרה את המלוכה בחייה, אבל אריסטובולוס עלה עליו בגבורה ובתבונה. וכאשר פרצה ביניהם מלחמה על־דבר השלטון בקרבת יריחו, עזבו רבים את הורקנוס ועברו אל מחנה אריסטובולוס. הורקנוס מהר לברוח עם שארית חילו אל אנטוניה ותפש את בני התערובות, למען יהיו לו לישועה. אלה היו אשת אריסטובולוס וילדיה. אבל בטרם הגיע הדבר לידי איבת־משחית השלימו האחים ביניהם, אריסטובולוס קבל את המלוכה והורקנוס מחל על הממשלה וקבל את כל ההנחות והכבוד כמשפט לאחי המלך. אלה היו תנאי הברית אשר כרתו ביניהם בבית־המקדש לעיני כל העם וחבקו איש את רעהו בברכת שלום ואחרי־כן החליפו את דירותיהם. אריסטובולוס הלך אל ארמון המלך והורקנוס יצא לגור בבית אריסטובולוס.",
+                    "ב. פחד נפל על שונאי אריסטובולוס, כי נוחלה תקותם בהגיעו למלוכה, ויותר מכלם התרגז אנטיפטרוס, שונא אריסטובולוס מימים. האיש הזה היה אדומי מלדה ובגלל יחס אבותיו ועשרו וכבוד ביתו נעשה לראש עמו, והוא עשה שני דברים: את הורקנוס פִּתּה לברוח אל חרתת מלך ערב, לרשת בעזרתו את המלוכה שנית, ועל לב חרתת דבר לקרב את הורקנוס ולהשיבו לכסא שלטונו. כי הרבה לדבר סרה באזני חרתת על אריסטובולוס ועל מדותיו הרעות, והפליג בשבח הורקנוס והעתיר בדברים לקבל אותו ברצון, כי ככה יאות למושל אדיר במלוכה לתמוך בידי העלובים עשוקי המשפט, והן עוֶל גדול נעשה להורקנוס בהלקח ממנו השלטון הראוי לו במשפט הבכורה. ואחרי אשר הצליח ביד אנטיפטרוס להטות את לב שניהם לחפצו לקח את הורקנוס בלילה וברח עמו מתוך העיר ובמנוסת חפזון נמלטו שניהם אל העיר הנקראה בשם הסלע, היא עיר המלוכה בממשלת הערבים. שם מסר את הורקנוס בידי חרתת והפציר בו בדברים וגם קנה את לבו במתנות רבות ויקרות לשלוח בידי הורקנוס צבא להשיבו לגדֻלתו. ומספר הצבא היו חמשים אלף רגלים ורוכבים. ואריסטובולוס לא יכֹל לעמוד בפני השונאים הרבים, כי עזבו אותו אנשיו לנפשו בקרב הראשון, ונדחף אל ירושלים, וכמעט נפל בשבי אויביו, הנלחמים בו ביד חזקה, לולא טרף עליהם סְקַוְרוּס שר צבא הרומאים את השעה והשבית את מצור ירושלים. כי הוא נשלח אל סוריה מארץ ארמניה במצות פּוֹמְפֵּיוּס מַגנוס, הנלחם עם טִיגְרַנֶּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך ארמניה, עיין בפרק הקודם, ג.</i>, ובבואו אל דמשק, אשר זה מקרוב נכבשה בידי מֶטֶּלּוּס וְלוֹלִיּוּס, לרשת את משרות שניהם, שמע על הדברים הנעשים בארץ יהודה ומהר לעלות שמה כאדם הבא על שכרו.",
+                    "ג. כשבא סְקַוְרוּס אל הארץ מהרו לבוא אליו צירי שני האחים, כל אחד בקש ממנו להיות בעזרו. אבל שלש מאות הככר אשר שלח אריסטובולוס הכריעו את שורת הצדק. כי סְקַוְרוּס קבל את הסכום הזה והפיל על הורקנוס ועל הערבים את אימת הרומאים ופומפיוס, למען ירפו ממצור־העיר. חרתת נבהל ועלה מארץ יהודה אל רבת־עמון וסקורוס חזר אל דמשק. ואריסטובולוס לא אמר די בהמלטו מן הפח, כי אסף את כל חילו ורדף אחרי האויבים והשתער עליהם על־יד המקום הנקרא פַּפִּירוֹן והמית מהם יותר מששת אלפים איש ובכללם גם את פַּלִּיוֹן אחי אנטיפטרוס.",
+                    "ד. ובראות הורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס, כי לא יוכלו הערבים לעזור להם, נשאו עתה את עיניהם אל שונאיהם (הרומאים). וכשבא פומפיוס אל ארץ סוריה וסר אל דמשק פנו שניהם אליו לבקש מחסה; הם לא כפרו את פניו במנחה, רק באו לפניו בחזק הטענות הצודקות, אשר בהן הטו את לב חרתת, וחלו את פניו למאֹס במעשי זדון אריסטובולוס ולהשיב את אחיו למלוכה, כי לו יאתה על־פי מדותיו הטובות ומשפט הבכורה. אבל גם אריסטובולוס לא רצה להתמהמה, כי בטח לבו במנחה אשר נתן לסקורוס, ובא גם הוא אל פומפיוס בכל הדר תפארת מלכים. אבל יען אשר לכלמה נחשב בעיניו להתרפס כדרך עבדים, כי לא הסכין להשפיל את עצמו להנאתו יותר מן המדה, שב אל העיר דיון.",
+                    "ה. לדבר הזה התאנף פומפיוס והטה אזניו לתחנות הורקנוס ואנשיו ויצא להלחם באריסטובולוס ולקח עמו את כל צבא הרומאים ורבים מבני־בריתם בסוריה. הוא נסע דרך פחל ובית־שאן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סקִתּוֹפּוֹליס,</i> ובא אל עיר קָרָוֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קוֹרֶאַי, ושמה הערבי עתה קַרָוָא (האלף במקום היוד הערבית, שאינה נשמעת).</i>, אשר שם ראשית גבול ארץ יהודה כשבאים אליה בדרך היבשה, ושם שמע, כי נמלט אריסטובולוס אל אלכסנדריון, הוא מבצר חזק ונהדר בראש הר גבוה, ושלח אליו פקדה בלשון מושל עריץ לרדת מן המבצר. כמעט בחר אריסטובולוס לסכן את נפשו מלמלא אחרי דבר הפקֻדה הזאת; אבל בראותו, כי לא קמה עוד רוח באנשיו, הטה את אזנו לעצת אוהביו, אשר דברו על לבו להתבונן ולזכור, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפני כח הרומאים האדירים, וירד אל פומפיוס והרבה לדבר לפניו וללמד זכות על עצמו, כי בצדק נאה לו המשרה, ואחרי־כן שב אל המצודה. וכאשר תבע אותו אחיו לעמוד לפני כסא פומפיוס, ירד מן המבצר עוד הפעם ודבר עמו על ישר משפטו, ושוב יצא ופומפיוס לא עצרו. וברוח נפעמה, בין תקוה לפחד, ירד עוד הפעם אל פומפיוס להפיל תחנתו לפניו, כי ימסור בידו את כל השלטון — ושוב עלה אל המצודה, לבל יתראה, כי הפקיר את עצמו לפני זמנו. אבל פומפיוס צוה עליו לעזוב את המבצרים, ובדעתו כי שרי המלך קבלו פקֻדה למלא רק אחרי דברי המלך הכתובים בידו, אִלֵּץ את אריסטובולוס לכתוב לכל אחד ולצוות עליו לצאת מן המבצר. אריסטובולוס מלא את הפקֻדה הזאת, אבל התרגז מאד ושב אל ירושלים והתכונן להלחם בפומפיוס.",
+                    "ו. אולם פומפיוס לא נתן לו זמן להתכונן למלחמה ורדף אחריו מיד, כי החליף עוד כח לשמע הבשורה על־דבר מות מתרדת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מתרידתס, מלך פונטוס, איש־ריב לרומאים.</i>, אשר הגיעה אליו בעמדו על־יד יריחו, הוא מקום משמני ארץ יהודה, ושם האדמה מגַדלת הרבה תמרים וגם צרי. את הצרי מוציאים, כשפוצמים בצורי אבנים את תחתית הגזע ומושכים דרך הפצימות את השְׂרף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כדברי רבן שמעון בן גמליאל: ״הצרי אינו אלא שרף הנוטף מעצי הקטף״.</i>. במקום הזה לן פומפיוס עם מחנהו לילה אחד והשכים בבקר ומהר אל ירושלים. אריסטובולוס נבהל לדבר בוא פומפיוס ויצא לקראתו לדבר אליו תחנונים והפיס את דעתו בהבטיחו לתת לו כסף רב וגם למסור בידו את העיר. אבל מכל דברי הברית האלה לא קם אף אחד. כי כשנשלח גביניוס להביא את הכסף מאנו אוהבי אריסטובולוס להכניסו אל העיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נמסרה בידי פומפיוס והוא כבש את בית־המקדש ובכנס אל קדשי־הקדשים, ויתר מעשיו בארץ יהודה.</small><br><br>א. פומפיוס התקצף מאד לדבר הזה ושם על אריסטובולוס משמר ואחרי־כן נגש אל ירושלים לתור לו מקום, אשר ממנו יביא מלחמה בשעריה. הוא ראה את חומות העיר הבצורות, כי לא נתנו להכבש על־נקלה, ואת פי התהום הנוראה לפני החומה ואת הר־הבית המֻקף מצודות חזקות, מעבר לעמק הצר, והבין, כי יהיה למשגב חדש לאויביו, כאשר תפול העיר בידו.",
+                    "ב. זמן רב לא ידע פומפיוס לשית עצות בנפשו, והנה פרצה מריבה בין יושבי העיר, כי אוהבי אריסטובולוס אמרו לצאת במלחמה ולהושיע את המלך, ואנשי שלום הורקנוס רצו לפתוח את שערי העיר לפני פומפיוס, ומספרם הלך הלוך וגדול, מפני הפחד אשר אחז את העם למראה טכסיסי הרומאים הנאדרים. כאשר נגפה כת אריסטובולוס, נסוגה אחור אל הר־הבית ושרפה את הגשר המחבר אותו עם העיר והתכוננה לעמוד בפני האויב עד כלות כחותיה. אולם הכת השניה הכניסה את הרומאים אל העיר והסגירה בידם את ארמון המלך ופומפיוס הפקיד על העיר את פִּיסוֹן, אחד משרי החילים, ושלח אותו שמה בראש צבאו. פיסון העמיד חיל־מצב בכל פנות ירושלים וכאשר נבצר ממנו למשוך אליו בדברים את הפליטים אשר בבית־המקדש ולכרות אתם ברית, הכין סביב הר־הבית את כל צרכי המלחמה, למען הבקיע אל המקום בחזק־יד ואנשי הורקנוס נהלו אותו בעצותיהם וגם עזרו לו במעשים.",
+                    "ג. פומפיוס צוה לסתום את החריץ לצד צפון ואת העמק כֻּלּוֹ, ואנשי חילו הביאו את כל החֹמר הדרוש לחפצו. אבל קשה היה למלא את החלל, כי היה עמֹק מאד, והיהודים מעל החומה עצרו את עושי המלאכה בכל מאמצי כחותיהם. וכמעט לא עלה בידי הרומאים להשלים את עמלם, לולא שמר פומפיוס את מועדי השבתות, אשר בהם היהודים נזהרים מכל מלאכה על־פי חקי עבודת אלהיהם, וצוה להגביה בימים האלה את הסוללה ומנע את אנשיו לצאת למלחמת־תנופה על היהודים, כי רק לשמור על נפשותיהם הם נלחמים ביום השבת. והנה נסתם פי העמק ופומפיוס צוה להעלות מגדלים גבוהים על הסוללה והקריב את מכונות המלחמה המובאות מצוֹר ונסה להרעיש את חומות הר־הבית אחרי אשר גרשו הבליסטראות את היהודים העומדים לו לשטן על החומה. אבל מגדלי הר־הבית במקום הזה, הנפלאים בגדלם ובהדרם, החזיקו מעמד זמן רב.",
+                    "ד. בשעת התלאות והרעות הרבות, אשר מצאו את הרומאים הצרים על העיר, התבונן פומפיוס לדרכי היהודים והשתומם לאֹמץ־רוחם וכֹח־סבלם ועל כֹּל נפלא בעיניו, כי לא הרפו מעבודת אלהיהם בהתהלכם בין חצים מעופפים ואבני־קלע. כאלו שלטה בעיר מנוחה שלמה מעברים הֹעלו קרבנות התמיד דבר יום ביומו ונעשו כל הטבילות ויתר מנהגי עבודת האלהים לכל פרטיהם ודקדוקיהם. וגם בעצם היום שבו נכבש הר־הבית לא הפסיקו הכהנים את קרבנות היום כחק לעבודת האלהים, אף כי נהרגו לפני המזבח. כי בחדש השלישי למצור עלה בידי הרומאים בקשי להרוס אחד המגדלים ולבקוע בהר־הבית. הראשון אשר מלאו לבו לעלות על החומה היה פַוְסְטוּס קוֹרְנֶלְיוּס בן סוּלָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סולה הוא הדיקטטור הידוע ברומא.</i> ואחריו עלו שני שרי מאות פוּרִיוּס ופַבִּיוּס, ואחרי כל אחד מהם עלו אנשי גדודו והקיפו את הר־הבית מכל רוח והמיתו את אלה [מן היהודים] בעת מנוסתם אל ההיכל ואת אלה — אחרי עמדם על נפשם זמן־מה.",
+                    "ה. ורבים מן הכהנים ראו את האויבים עולים עליהם בחרבות שלופות ולא חתו מפניהם ונשארו על עמדם לעבוד את אלהיהם. ובעוד הם זורקים את דם הקרבן ומתקנים את מעשה הקטרת נשחטו על זבחיהם, כי עבודת האלהים קדמה בעיניהם להצלת נפשם. רבים נהרגו בחרב אחיהם הקמים עליהם ורבים לאין־מספר הפילו את עצמם מראשי המגדלים. ומקצתם יצאו מדעתם למראה הפרענות ושלחו אש מסביב לחומה ונשרפו חיים. מן היהודים נהרגו שנים־עשר אלף איש, ומהרומאים נפלו רק מעטים חללים, אך גדול מהם היה מספר הנפצעים.",
+                    "ו. אולם בעצם הצרות הנוראות האלה לא נגע שום אסון עד נפש העם כמעשה חִלול חביון הקדש בידי זרים. כי פומפיוס נכנס יחד עם בני־לויתו אל ההיכל למקום, ששמה היה מֻתּר לבוא לכהן הגדול בלבד, וראה את המקדש לפני ולפנים, את המנורה ואת השלחן ואת כלי הנסכים ואת כלי הקטרת, כֻּלָּם זהב טהור, ואת סמי הקטֹרת הצבורים וגם את אוצר כסף הקדש, אשר הגיע לאלפַּים ככר. הוא לא שלח את ידו באוצר וגם לא ביתר כלי הקדש, ולמחרת יום כִּבוש הר־הבית צוה על משרתי ההיכל לטהר את המקדש ולהעלות את הקרבנות כחק. הוא הקים את הורקנוס לכהן גדול, בהכירו לו טובה על אשר התמכר למלא ברצון את מצוותיו בשעת המצור וגם הסיר לב רבים מעם הארץ מאחרי אריסטובולוס, כאשר בקשוֹ לבוא לעזרתו. בעבור הדבר הזה עשה פומפיוס מעשה שר־צבא מחֻכּם, למשוך אליו את לב העם מאהבה ולא מיראה. בין השבויים נתפש חותן אריסטובולוס אשר היה גם דודו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שמו היה אבשלום (קדמוניות י״ד, ה, ד).</i>. פומפיוס צוה לכרות את ראשי חַיבי המלחמה בגרזן ולפוסטוס ולחבריו, אשר הראו את גבורתם במלחמה, נתן מתנות יקרות, וגם שם מס על הארץ ועל ירושלים.",
+                    "ז. הוא קרע מגבול היהודים גם את ערי חילת־סוריה, אשר כבשו לפנים במלחמה, ושם אותן תחת פקדת נציב הרומאים וסגר את היהודים בגבולות נחלתם לבד. הוא בנה מחדש את גֶּדֶר, שנהרסה בידי היהודים, מאהבתו לדימיטריוס הגרדי, אחד עבדיו המשחררים. הוא שחרר גם מעֹל היהודים את הערים בתוך הארץ, שלא הספיקו להרסן: את סוסִיתָא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הִפוס.</i> ובית־שאן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סקִתופּוֹליס.</i> ואת פחל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פֶּלָּה.</i> ואת שמרון ואת יבנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ימניה.</i> ואת מרשה ואת אשדוד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אזוטוס.</i> ואת ארתוסה. וככה עשה לערי שפת הים: לעזה ולדאר וגם לעיר אשר נקראה בראשונה מגדל סטרטון ואחרי־כן נבנתה מחדש ברב פאר והדר על־ידי המלך הורדוס ונקראה בשם חדש: קיסרי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קיסריה. שמה בתלמוד בבלי קיסרי ובתלמוד ירושלמי קיסרין.</i> את כל הערים האלה השיב פומפיוס לתושבים השוכנים בהן וספח אותן על הנציבות הסורית. את הנציבות הזאת עם ארץ יהודה וכל הארץ אשר בין מצרים ובין נהר פרת נתן לסקורוס לצוות עליהן והפקיד בידו שני לגיונות. ואחרי־כן מהר לנסוע אל רומא דרך ארץ קִילִיקִיָּה והוליך אִתּוֹ בשבי את אריסטובולוס עם משפחתו, כי שתי בנות ושני בנים היו לו. ואחד הבנים, אלכסנדרוס, נמלט בהיותם בדרך ואנטיגנוס הבן השני הוּבל אל רומא עם אחיותיו יחד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס הנמלט משבי פומפיוס נלחם עם הורקנוס, אבל הכה על־ידי גביניוס ומסר בידו את המבצרים, אחרי־כן ברח אריסטובולוס מרומא ואסף אליו צבא, אך נֻצח בידי הרומאים והושב אל רומא. ויתר מעשי גביניוס וקרסוס וקסיוס.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם פרץ סקורוס בארץ ערב, אך נבצר ממנו להגיע עד הסלע מפני קשי הדרכים. הוא החרים את כל הארץ מסביב, אף כי תלאה קשה מצאה אותו: חיל צבאו התענה ברעב והורקנוס עזר לו בצרה ושלח אליו צידה בידי אנטיפטרוס. וסקורוס ידע, כי אנטיפטרוס הוא איש־שלום לחרתת ושלח אותו אליו לדבר עמו, כי ישלם לו כסף, והוא ישים קץ למלחמה. הערבי התרצה לשלם שלש מאות ככר, ואחרי זאת עזב סקורוס עם חילו את ארץ ערב.",
+                    "ב. ואלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס, אשר נמלט משבי פומפיוס, אסף מקץ ימים חיל גדול והציק להורקנוס, כי עבר בכל ארץ יהודה וכמעט שם קץ לשלטונו, כי כבר ערב את לבו לגשת אל ירושלים ולבנות מחדש את חומתה, אשר נהרסה בידי פומפיוס. אך גבּיניוס, אשר נשלח אל ארץ סוריה לרשת את משרת סקורוס וכבר הראה את כחו במלחמות רבות, יצא לקראת אלכסנדרוס. ואלכסנדרוס ירא מפניו והרבה את מספר צבאו עד אשר היו לו עשרת אלפים רגלים וחמש מאות רוכבים, וגם בצר את מעזי הארץ ובנה את חומת אלכסנדריון והורקניה ומכוֵר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: מכירוס.</i>, אשר מול הרי ערב.",
+                    "ג. גביניוס שלח לפניו את חלק צבאו בידי מרקוס אנטוניוס ונסע אחריו עם כל חילו, וגם בחורי החיל אשר לאנטיפטרוס ויתר צבא היהודים ובראשם מַלּיךְ ופיתוליאוס התחברו עם שרי החילים אשר למרקוס אנטוניוס ויצאו יחד לקראת אלכסנדרוס למלחמה, וכעבור זמן קצר בא גם גביניוס עם צבאו. ואלכסנדרוס לא התמהמה עד אשר יתחברו צבאות שונאיו למחנה אחד, ונסוג אחור מפניהם וכבר נמצא בקרבת ירושלים כאשר הדביקוהו האויבים ואלצוהו להתגרות אתם מלחמה. בקרב הזה אבדו לו ששת אלפים מאנשי צבאו, כי שלשת אלפים נפלו בחרב ושלשת אלפים נלקחו בשביה ועם הנשארים נמלט אלכסנדוס אל מבצר אלכסנדריון.",
+                    "ד. גביניוס עלה על אלכסנדריון ומצא רבים מהיהודים חונים לפני המבצר. הוא נסה לדַבּר אִתּם שלום לפני הקרב והבטיחם להעביר את אשמתם, וכאשר לא רצו לקחת מוסר, המית רבים מהם, ואת הנשארים סגר בתוך המצודה. במלחמה הזאת הפליא לעשות חיל מכל חבריו שר הצבא מרקוס אנטוניוס, אשר אמנם הראה את גבורתו בכל המלחמות, אבל מעולם לא הרבה לעשות גדולות כמעשהו הפעם. גביניוס השאיר צבא לכבוש את המבצר, והוא בעצמו יצא להקים סדרים בערים אשר לא נחרבו עוד [בידי היהודים] ולבנות מחדש את הערים הנחרבות. במצותו נושבו הערים בית־שאן ושֹׁמרון ואנתִּידון ואפּוֹלוֹניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שתי הערים בין יפו ובין מגדל סטרטון. אפולוניה עתה — ארצוף.</i> ויבנה ורפִיה ומרֵשה וַאֲדוֹרַים וגבלא (נ״א גמלא) ואשדוד ועוד ערים רבות ויושביהן הראשונים נהרו אליהן ברצון מעברים.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי הקימו את הדברים האלה שב גביניוס אל אלכסנדריון וחִזק את המצור, עד כי נואש אלכסנדרוס מתקותו ושלח אליו צירים לבקש ממנו חנינה והסגיר אליו את המבצרים הנשארים, את הורקניה ואח מכור, ואחרי־כן מסר בידו גם את אלכסנדריון. את כל המבצרים האלה הרס גביניוס בעצת אם אלכסנדרוס, לבל תפרוץ משם מלחמה חדשה. כי היא באה אל גביניוס לפיסו בדברים, בפחדה לשלום בעלה ויתר בניה השבויים ברומא. ואחרי־כן השיב גביניוס את הורקנוס אל ירושלים ונתן עליו את משמרת בית־המקדש ואת יתר עסקי השלטון מסר לטובי העם. הוא חלק את כל העם לחמשה בתי־דינים. את האחד הקים בירושלים ואת השני בגדר ואת בני הפלך השלישי שם תחת בית־הדין אשר בחמתא, ועל הפלך הרביעי נחשב חבל יריחו ובראש הפלך החמישי הוקמה צפורי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אני משתמש בצורה הרהוטה: על־פי התלמוד הבבלי. בירושלמי: צפורין. ויש גם גרסה צפורים. ביונית: ספפוריס.</i> העיר אשר בגליל. והיהודים שמחו, כי נפדו משלטון היחיד, ומהיום והלאה ינהלו אותם טובי אחיהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״אריסטוקרטיה״ (שלטון טובי העם).</i>.",
+                    "ו. כעבור זמן קצר קמו מהומות חדשות בארץ על־ידי אריסטובולוס, אשר ברח מרומא וקרא למרד ויהודים רבים נלוו אליו, אלה — מתאות־מהפכה ואלה — מאהבתם הישנה אליו. בראשונה כבש את אלכסנדריון ונסה לבנות את חומותיה, אבל כאשר נודע לו, כי שלח עליו גביניוס למלחמה את הצבא אשר לסִיסִינה ולאנטוניוס ולסֶרוִיָּנוֹס, מהר לעלות משם ופנה אל מכוֵר. הוא שלח מעליו את ההמון, אשר לא צלח למלחמה, ונהל עמו רק את אנשי הצבא המזֻיָּנים במספר שמונת אלפים איש. ובכללם היה גם פיתולאוס סגן־הצבא בירושלים, אשר עבר אליו עם אלף איש. הרומאים רדפו אחרי היהודים והתנגחו אתם, אנשי אריסטובולוס נלחמו בגבורה והחזיקו מעמד זמן רב, אבל אחרי־כן לחצו אותם הרומאים וחמשת אלפים מהם נפלו בחרב ואלפים שרדו אל גבעה אחת ואלף הנשארים ואריסטובולוס בראשם בקעו להם דרך בין מערכות הרומאים ומהרו אל מכוֵר. ושם לן המלך לילה אחד בין החרבות וקוה, כי עוד יצליח בידו לאסוף חיל חדש, אם יתנו לו הרומאים להנפש מהמלחמה, וגם חִזק מעט את המבצר ההרוס. כאשר התנפלו עליו הרומאים נלחם אתם בגבורה נפלאה למעלה מכחותיו ועמד בפניהם שני ימים ואחרי־כן נפל בשבי יחד עם אנטיגנוס בנו, אשר ברח יחד עמו מרומא, והובא אל גבּיניוס אסור בנחֻשתים וגביניוס שלח אותו עוד הפעם אל רומא. ומועצת הזקנים עצרה אותו ברומא ואת בניו שלחה אל ארץ יהודה, אחרי אשר הודיע גביניוס במכתב, כי הבטיח את הדבר הזה לאשת אריסטובולוס בשכר המצודות שנמסרו בידו.",
+                    "ז. וגביניוס אמר בלבו לצאת למלחמה על הפרחים, והנה עמד לו תלמי לשטן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לתלמי האחד־עשר (אַוְלֶטָס) מלך מצרים, אשר גֹרש על־ידי העם והרומאים מלאו את ידי גביניוס להשיבו לכסאו.</i>, ולמענו שב מנהר פרת וירד אל ארץ מצרים והורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס הִרבּו להיטיב לו במסע־המלחמה הזה, כי אנטיפטרוס הביא לו כסף וכלי־נשק ולחם וגם חיל־עזר ומלבד־זאת פִּתָּה את יהודי מצרים השומרים על המעבר בקרבת העיר סין<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סין הוא השם העברי של פלוסיון (Pelusium), העיר הסוככת על המצר המחבר את מצרים אל סוריה (עכשו מֵצר סואז).</i> לעזור לגביניוס, אבל הנה עברה רוח מרד בכל ארץ סוריה בצאת גביניוס ממנה, וגם אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס התקומם מחדש ואסף לו חיל גדול מאד ואמר בלבו לבער את כל הרומאים מן הארץ. לשֵׁמע דבַר המבוכות מהר גביניוס לשוב אל ארץ סוריה, וכאשר נודע לו מעשה אלכסנדרוס, ירא מפניו ושלח לפניו את אנטיפטרוס להטות לב חלק המורדים מאחרי אלכסנדרוס, והדבר עלה בידו. ואחרי כל זאת נשארו לאלכסנדרוס שלשים אלף איש וגביניוס גמר להתגרות בו מלחמה, ויצא לקרב והיהודים יצאו לקראתו. וכשנפגשו שני האויבים על־יד הר תבור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: איטבוריון.</i> נפלו עשרת אלפים מן היהודים בחרב ושאריתם נפוצו לכל רוח, וגביניוס בא אל ירושלים וסדר את המדינה כרצון אנטיפטרוס ומשם עלה על הנבָטים והכה אותם במלחמה ושלח לחפשי בסתר את מתרדת ואת אורסן, אשר נמלטו מארץ הפרתים, ובמחנה הצבא הפיץ שמועה, כי ברחו האנשים שלא מדעתו.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה ירש קרסוס את משרתו בסוריה ובא אל הארץ. בצאת קרסוס למלחמה על הפרתים בזז את בית־המקדש בירושלים, בהוציאו ממנו את אלפַּים הככר, אשר לא נגע בהם פומפיוס, ואת כל יתר הזהב. וכאשר עבר את נהר פרת נספה במלחמה, הוא וצבאו עמו יחד. ואין פה המקום לדבר בזה.",
+                    "ט. אחרי מפלת קרסוס מהרו הפרתים לפשוט על ארץ סוריה, אבל קסיוס, שנמלט מחרב הפרתים אל גבול הנציבות (סוריה), גרש אותם משם. ואחרי השקיטו את הארץ מהר לעלות על ארץ יהודה וכבש את טריכי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיר בגליל, שנזכרה כמה פעמים בספר הזה. שמה ביונית: טרכאי, רב החוקרים חושבים, שהיא העיר הנקראת בספרות התלמודית מגדל־נוניה (או נוניא) או סתם מגדל, מגדלא (מחוקרי ישראל גראץ, — וגם קלין). ויש אומרים, כי היא בית־ירח או בית־אריח (ניבויאר).</i> ומכר שלשים אלף מיושביה היהודים לעבדים וגם המית את פיתולאוס, אשר הרים יד ברומאים יחד עם אוהבי אריסטובולוס. ובמעשה הרצח הזה היה אנטיפטרוס יועץ לקסיוס. אנטיפטרוס נשא אשה ממשפחה חשובה בערב ושמה קפרוס, והיא ילדה לו ארבעה בנים, את פצאל ואת הורדוס, אשר היה אחרי־כן למלך, ואחריהם את יוסף ואת פְרוֹרא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית פֶרוֹרַס.</i> ועוד בת אחת, היא שלמית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אני משתמש בשם המקראי. ביונית סלומי.</i>. ואחרי אשר הטה אנטיפטרוס אליו את לב התקיפים בכל המקומות באהבה ובמתנות, משך אליו את מלך ערב, כי התחתן עם משפחתו. ובצאתו למלחמה על אריסטובולוס שלח אליו להפקיד על־ידו את בנו. אחרי־כן הכריח קסיוס גם את אלכסנדרוס לכרות ברית ולשבת במנוחה, ושב אל נהר פרת לבלי תת את הפרתים לעברו, ועל זה נדבר במקום אחר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אריסטובולוס נהרג בידי אוהבי פומפיוס ובנו אלכסנדרוס בימי סציפיון. אנטיפטרוס גמל חסד עם צֵיזר והראה את גבורתו בעזרו למתרדת במלחמה.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר ברחו פומפיוס ואנשי המועצה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הסנט. המעשה ידוע מדברי ימי רומא.</i> מעבר לים יון וציזר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קיסר. ואני משתמש בצורה הרומאית, כדי להבדיל בינו ובין ״קיפר״ במובן מושל.</i> כבש את רומא ותפש את השלטון, קרא דרור לאריסטובולוס ממאסרו ונתן בידו שני לגיונות ושלח אותו בחפזון אל סוריה, בקוותו כי על־ידי האיש הזה ימשוך את לב יושבי המדינה, ארץ יהודה וכל הארצות אשר מסביב, אבל קנאת אדם הֵפֵרה את מחשבת אריסטובולוס הטובה והובישה את תקות ציזר. כי הומת אריסטובולוס ברעל, אשר הגישו לו אוהבי פומפיוס, וימים רבים לא זכה להקבר בארץ אבותיו. כי גופתו נצפנה בדבש למשמרת עד אשר נשלחה בידי אנטוניוס אל היהודים להקבר בין עצמות המלכים.",
+                    "ב. גם בנו אלכסנדרוס מת, כי סציפיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מטלוס סציפיון, חותן פומפיוס, היה אז נציב בסוריה.</i> התיז את ראשו בגרזן בעיר אנטיוכיה במצות פומפיוס, אחרי אשר תבע אותו לבית־דין בדבר הנזק אשר עולל לרומאים. ואת אחי אלכסנדרוס אסף אליו תלמי בן מינאי, אשר משל בארץ כלקיס בהרי הלבנון, כי שלח את בנו פיליפיון אל אשקלון להביאם אליו והוא הוציא את אנטיגנוס ואת שתי אחיותיו בחזקה מידי אמם והביא אותם אל אביו. פיליפיון חשק באחת הבנות ולקח אותה לאשה ובגלל הדבר הזה נהרג אחרי־כן בידי אביו. ותלמי נשא את אלכסנדרה לאשה אחרי המיתו את בנו, ולרגלי הנשואים האלה משך חסד רב לאחותה ולאחיה.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי מות פומפיוס עבר אנטיפטרוס אל ציזר ושרת אותו. כאשר הוליך מתרדת איש פרגמוס את צבאו אל ארץ מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">להציל את ציזר הנמצא במצור באלכסנדריה.</i> ונעצר על־יד מעבר סין והתמהמה באשקלון, הטה אנטיפטרוס את לב הערבים הנאמנים בבריתו לצאת לעזרתו וגם הוא בא אליו להושיעו עם שלשת אלפים אנשי צבא מזֻינים מחיל היהודים, ואף את לב תקיפי סוריה הטה לחזק את ידי הרומאים, כי משך אליו את תלמי היושב בלבנון ואת יַמְלִיכוֹ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: ימבליכוס, אחד ממושלי הערבים, אשר התישבו בגבול סוריה.</i>, ואחריהם נתנו כל הערים ברצון את ידן למלחמה. ולמראה חיל העוזרים הרב, שהביא לו אנטיפטרוס, התאזר מתרדת עז ומהר אל מעבר סין, וכאשר לא נתנו לו בני העיר לעבור, שם עליה מצור. במלחמה על העיר הזאת עשה לו אנטיפטרוס שם בגבורים, כי מהר להבקיע את חלק החומה אשר נטל עליו לכבשו וקפץ ראשון אל תוך העיר עם אנשי צבאו.",
+                    "ד. ככה נפלה סין. וכאשר עבר מתרדת את המקום סגרו בפניו את הדרך יושבי הארץ המכֻנה בשם חוניו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מקום בקצה יאור מצרים (בארץ גשן העתיקה), שהתישב שם חוניו (עיין לעיל, פרק א) ונקרא על שמו, ורב יושביו היו יהודים.</i>, והם היו יהודי מצרים. אבל אנטיפטרוס הצליח לפתותם לבל יתיצבו בפני צבאו — ולא זו בלבד, כי הטה גם את לבם להספיק לחיל כל צרכיו, ועל־כן לא התגרו גם יושבי נף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או מף, מנפי (ממפיס).</i> מלחמה ברומאים, כי־אם נלוו ברצון על צבא מתרדת. והוא הספיק לעבור את הדלתה ויצא להלחם עם שארית המצרים במקום הנקרא בשם ״מחנה היהודים״. בעת המערכה נמצא כל אגף הצבא הימני בצרה גדולה, ואנטיפטרוס הצילו מרעה בהקיפו את האויב מצד שפת הנהר. כי הוא עמד בראש האגף השמאלי וכבר הספיק להתגבר על הצרים העומדים לנגדו ואחרי־כן התנפל מאחור על הרודפים אחרי מתרדת והמית בהט רבים ולנשארים הציק מאד, עד אשר עלה בידו לכבוש גם את מחנם. ומכל צבאו נפלו רק שמונים איש ולעמת זאת אבדו למתרדת שמונה מאות איש בעת אשר פנה ערף לפני האויב. ככה נחלץ מתרדת מן המצר, אף כי כבר נואש במעט מתקוה, ובלי קנאה העיד לפני ציזר על הגבורות אשר עשו ידי אנטיפטרוס.",
+                    "ה. וציזר הרבה להודות לאנטיפטרוס ונתן לו תקוה טובה, ובזה חִזק אותו בבריתו והעירהו לחרף את נפשו עליו ובכל המלחמות הראה אנטיפטרוס את אֹמץ לבו הגדול וגם נפצע פצעים רבים, עד אשר כסו אותות גבורתו את כל בשרו. וכאשר הקים ציזר את המנוחה ואת הסדרים בארץ מצרים ועלה אל ארץ סוריה נתן לאנטיפטרוס משפט אזרח רומאי ועשה אותו חפשי בארץ וכבד אותו כבוד רב ונשא את ראשו באהבה לעיני כֹל, עד אשר קנאו רבים בו. ועל־ידי אנטיפטרוס הקים ציזר גם את משפט הכהֻנה הגדולה בידי הורקנוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ציזר הקים את אנטיפטרוס למנהיג ביהודה. אנטיפטרוס הקים את פצאל לשר־צבא בירושלים ואת הורדוס לנציב בגליל. לקץ זמן קצר נתבע הורדוס לבית־דין ונצל מהמשפט. סקסטוס ציזר נפל בשחיתות בסוס ואת משרתו ירש מורקוס.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם בא גם אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס אל ציזר ועזר שלא ברצונו לגדל את כבוד אנטיפטרוס, כי תחת אשר היה עליו להרים צעקת שבר על מות אביו, אשר הומת ברעל לרגלי הסכסוכים בינו ובין פומפיוס, וכן גם להתאונן על הרשעה אשר עשה סציפיון לאחיו מבלי לחלל את בקשות הרחמים בדברי קנאה ושנאה — בא ללמד חובה על הורקנוס ואנטיפטרוס, אשר הפרו כל חֹק בגרשם אותו עם אחיותיו מנחלת אבותיהם, וטען עליהם, כי הם מרבים לרעוץ את העם בגאות זדונם, וגם בשלחם עזרה לציזר אל מצרים לא עשו זאת מאהבה, כי־אם מיראתם אותו ורצו בזה למחות את זכר מריבותיהם הישנות עמו ולהשכיחו את אהבתם לפומפיוס.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה קרע אנטיפטרוס את בגדיו מעליו והראה את פצעיו וקרא, כי למותר לו לדבר על אהבתו ואמונתו לציזר, כי גם אם יחריש למו פיו, הן יצעק קול דמי בשרו. ויחד עם זה אמר, כי נפלאה בעיניו עזות פני אנטיגנוס זה, אשר הוא בן איש צורר הרומאים ועבד הרומאים הבורח מפניהם, וגם בו דבקו מדות אביו, רוח פרצים ואהבת מריבה, ועוד הוא מנסה להוציא דִבּה על אחרים באזני מושל הרומאים ומקוה למצא טובת־הנאה תחת אשר עליו לשמוח כי נשאר בחיים, וגם הפעם אינו דורש את חלקו בממשלה להמלט ממחסור וממצוק, כי־אם להקים מריבות בין היהודים ולהפוך את חסדי הרומאים להם לקללה.",
+                    "ג. כשמוע ציזר את הדברים האלה הוציא משפטו, כי הורקנוס ראוי יותר לכהנה גדולה ונתן לאנטיפטרוס לבחֹר במשרה כטוב בעיניו. אנטיפטרוס מסר את מדת המתנה בידי הנותן והוקם למנהל (אפיטרופוס) בכל ארץ יהודה וגם קבל רשות לבנות את חומת ירושלים ההרוסה. ואת פרשת הגדֻלה הזאת צוה ציזר לחרות על לוח במקדש הקפיטוליון להיות לעֵד צדקת אנטיפטרוס ולזכרון מעלותיו הטובות.",
+                    "ד. ואנטיפטרוס שִׁלח את ציזר בצאתו מסוריה ושב אל ארץ יהודה. וראשית מעשהו היתה לבנות את חומת ירושלים, אשר נהרסה בידי פומפיוס, ואחרי־כן עבר בארץ והשקיט את המהומה, כי הטיל את אימתו על כל אדם וגם נתן לו עצה טובה לדעת, כי דורשי טובת הורקנוס יחיו בעשר ובמנוחה ויהנו מנכסיהם וישמחו בברכת השלום. אבל האיש אשר ישמע לדברי מחרחרי הריב, ההולכים אחרי בצעם, וישא את נפשו לתקוות כוזבות, ימצא בו (באנטיפטרוס) רודה אכזרי תחת מנהיג־חסד ובהורקנוס שליט עריץ תחת מלך רחום והרומאים עם ציזר יהיו שונאים לאיש ההוא ולא מאַשרים ואוהבים, כי לא יתנו לקחת את השלטון מידי האנשים, אשר שמו אותם לראש. ועם הדברים האלה הקים אנטיפטרוס בלבדו סדר בארץ, בראותו כי הורקנוס הוא איש נרפה ואין בו כח למלוך. את פצאל בכור בניו שם לשר־צבא בירושלים וסביבותיה ולהורדוס הנולד אחריו נתן את המשרה הזאת בארץ הגליל, בשלחו אותו שמה, אף כי היה עוד צעיר לימים.",
+                    "ה. והורדוס היה בעל מעשים מתכונתו ומצא תכף חֹמר לפעֻלה, להראות את אֹמץ רוחו. הוא תפש את חזקיה ראש השודדים, אשר פשט בגדוד רב על המקומות הסמוכים בסוריה, והמית אותו ועוד שודדים רבים, ובדבר הזה, משך את לבות הסורים לאהבה אותו מאד ובכל עריהם וכפריהם היה שמו מרומם על כל לשון, כי השיב להם את השלום והציל את רכושם, וככה הגיע שמו הטוב גם לאזני סקסטוס ציזר, הקרוב לציזר הגדול והנציב בארץ סוריה. ופצאל התחרה באחיו מקנאה טובה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: בריב טוב — תבונת האדם המכיר מעלותיו של חברו ומשתדל להיות כמוהו או להחכימו.</i> והוסיף למשוך אליו את אהבת יושבי ירושלים, ואף כי שלט בעיר על דעת עצמו, לא רמו עיניו במשרתו ולא עטה חרפה על כבודו. ככה זכה אנטיפטרוס לתפארת מלכים בעיני העם ולכבוד גדול בכל הליכותיו כמושל עליון בארץ, ובכל־זאת לא הסיר את חסדו ואת אמִתו מהורקנוס.",
+                    "ו. אבל לא נתן בידי האדם להמלט מקנאת הבריות בעת טובתו! עוד לפני זה אכלה קנאה את לב הורקנוס במסתרים לשמע מַהלל הצעירים, ויותר מכֹּל התעצב על מעשי גבורת הורדוס, והרצים התכופים, אשר באו לפרסם את שמו כפעם בפעם, היו לקוץ בעיני הורקנוס. ובחצר המלך חזקו את קנאתו הולכי־רכיל רבים, אשר חכמת אנטיפטרוס ובניו עמדה להם לשטן, והם דברו באזני הורקנוס, כי בעזבו את השלטון בידי אנטיפטרוס ובניו השאיר לו רק שם מלך לבד, אבל אין לו חלק בממשלה, וגם שאלו אותו, עד מתי יתן להוליך עצמו שולל ויַגדל מלכים לצנינים בצדיו? הן גם עתה אינם מסתפקים במשרת נציבותם, כי־אם נוהגים ממשלה ברמה, כאלו הורידוהו מגדלתו. ועל כן המית הורדוס אנשים רבים ועבר על חֻקי היהודים בזדון מבלי לחכות לפקדתו ומבלי לשאול את פיו ואם הורדוס אינו מלך, רק הדיוט בלבד, עליו לתת את הדין לפני הורקנוס על־פי חֻקי האבות, האוסרים להמית אנשים בלי משפט.",
+                    "ז. לדברים האלה התלקחה חמת הורקנוס מעט מעט, ולמען הפיג את כעסו תבע את הורדוס למשפט. והורדוס שמע לעצת אביו ובטח במעשיו ונסע אל ירושלים, אחרי אשר העמיד חיל משמר בכל ארץ הגליל. הוא בא אל העיר בגדוד חזק — כי לא רצה להכנס שמה בחיל עצום, לבל יֵרָאה בעיני הבריות, כי הוא אומר להוריד את הורקנוס ממשרתו, ובזה גלה לכל, כי לא באפס־יד יסגיר את נפשו בידי מקנאיו. וסקסטוס ציזר חרד לגורל העלם, פן ימצאהו אסון בהלכדו בידי שונאיו, ועל־כן שלח אל הורקנוס להודיעהו דבר מבֹאר, כי עליו לפטור את הורדוס מדיני נפשות. והורקנוס התכַּוֵן בעצמו לדבר הזה מאהבתו את הורדוס ושלח אותו לחפשי.",
+                    "ח. והורדוס אמר בלבו, כי נמלט מהמשפט למרת־רוח המלך ויצא אל דמשק לעמוד לפני סקסטוס וגמר אמר לבל יוסיף לשמוע בקול הורקנוס כאשר יתבע אותו לדין עוד הפעם. ואנשי הבליעל לא חדלו להפיח את כעס הורקנוס, באמרם כי יצא הורדוס בחרי־אף לאסוף את צבאו ולעלות עליו למלחמה. והמלך האמין לדבר, אך היה אובד עצות, בראותו כי איש־ריבו גדול ממנו בכחו. וכאשר הוקם הורדוס על־פי סקסטוס ציזר לשר־צבא בבל ארץ חילת־סוריה ושמרון, ונוסף על חנו בעיני העם היה גם נורא בכח שלטונו, גדל פחד הורקנוס מאד־מאד, והוא חִכּה, כי עוד מעט יעלה עליו הורדוס למלחמה ברב חילו.",
+                    "ט. ואמנם מגורת הורקנוס לא היתה לשוא. כי בחרונו על המשפטי, אשר זממו לעשות לו, אסף הורדוס צבא ועלה על ירושלים להוריד את הורקנוס מגדלתו. וכמעט מלא את מחשבתו, לולא יצאו לקראתו אביו ואחיו וכבשו את כעסו, בהשביעם אותו לצאת ידי חובת נקמתו באימה אשר הפיל על הורקנוס, בהעבירו לפניו את צבאותיו, ולחמול על המלך, אשר מידו בא לו כל החיל חזה, כי הן גם אם תקף עליו רגזו כאשר נתבע לדין, עליו להכיר טובה לאיש, אשר הצילו מרעה, ולא לשלם בעד העול הנעשה לו לבד ולכפות את טובתו על פדות נפשו. — ואם ישיב אל לבו, כי גורל המלחמה הוא בידי אלהים, יבין, כי לא יצליח העול ברב כח. ולכן אין עליו לבטוח בלבב שלם בנצחונו, כשהוא מתכּוֵּן להרים יד במלכו ואוהבו, שגמל לו חסד כפעם בפעם ומעולם לא הקשה ידו עליו, מלבד אשר הטה פעם אחת את אזניו לדברי יועצי רעה ועשה לו צל־עול. והורדוס נעתר לדברים האלה, בחשבו כי די בעבור תקוותיו לעתיד בזה, שהראה את כּחו לעם ירושלים.",
+                    "י. בימים ההם פרצה מהומה בקרב הרומאים השוכנים בגבול אפמיה ומלחמת־אחים קמה ביניהם, כי צִיצִיליוס בַּסּוּס, אשר היה מאוהבי פומפיוס, המית במרמה את סקסטוס ציזר ולקח לו את שלטונו. ויתר שרי החילות. אשר לציזר מהרו שמה עם צבאותיהם לקחת את נקמת הרצח. ובאהבתו לנרצח ולציזר החי גם יחד שלח להם אנטיפטרוס חיל־עזר בידי בניו. המלחמה נמשכה עד שבא מוּרקוּס מארץ איטליה וירש את משרת סקסטוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס הוקם לנציב בכל ארץ סוריה ומליך ירא מפניו והמית את אנטיפטרוס. שרי האלף מסכימים להמית את מליך.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם קמה מלחמה גדולה בין הרומאים, כי קסיוס וברוטוס המיתו את ציזר במרמה, אחרי שעמד בראש הממשלה כשלש שנים ושבעה חדשים. לרגלי הרצח הזה התחוללה מהומה גדולה והשליטים רבו ביניהם, וכל איש שעה בתקוותיו ונמשך אחרי המפלגה אשר אמר למצא בה חפץ. וקסיוס בא אל סוריה להטות אליו את הצבא החונה ליד אפמיה. הוא הקים שלום בין בסוס ובין מורקוס ופדה את אפמיה ממצור והתיצב בעצמו בראש הצבא ויצא להטיל מס על הערים. ונגש מהן את תבואות המסים בחזק־יד.",
+                    "ב. כשנגזר גם על היהודים לשלם שבע מאות ככר, ירא אנטיפטרוס מאימת קסיוס ומלא את ידי בניו ואנשים אחרים מהקרובים אליו לגבות את הכסף מהרה. ובכללם הקים לגובה־מסים גם את מַליך, אחד מאנשי־ריבו, כי השעה היתה דוחקת. הורדוס היה הראשון, אשר הפיס את דעת קסיוס, בהביאו לו את מכסת הכסף העולה בחלקו מארץ הגליל, מאה ככר, ובדבר הזה מצא חן בעיניו מאד. ועם הנשארים דבר קסיוס קשות, כי התרפו במלאכתם, וגם על הערים העיר את כל חמתו: את יושבי גוֹפנא ואמאוס ושתי ערים קטנות מכר לעבדים, והלך להמית את מליך על אשר לא מהר לנגוש את המס. אבל אנטיפטרוס פדה אותו ממות ואת יתר הערים מכליון, כי מהר לכפר את פני קסיוס במאה ככר.",
+                    "ג. אבל בעלות קסיוס מן הארץ לא זכר מליך את חסדי אנטיפטרוס וטמן פח לרגלי האיש הזה, אשר הושיעהו מצרה לא פעם ולא שתים, והתנכל עליו להמיתו על אשר עמד לשטן למעשי רשעתו. ואנטיפטרוס פחד מכֹּח האיש הזה וממזמות ערמתו והלך אל עבר הירדן לאסוף חיל ולשמור על נפשו מנכליו. ובראות מליך, כי נגלה סודו, סבב במצח נחֻשה את בני אנטיפטרוס, את פצאל נציב ירושלים ואת הורדוס פקיד בית־הנשק, והִרבה להצטדק לפניהם וגם להשבע באזניהם והטה את לבם להקים שלום בינו ובין אביהם. ושוב נצל מליך ממות בידי אנטיפטרוס, כי הפיס את דעת מוּרקוּס, נציב סוריה בימים ההם, אשר בקש להמיתו (את מליך) על מחשבות־מרד.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר קמה המלחמה בין קסיוס וברוטוס ובין ציזר הצעיר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מרקוס יוליוס ציזר אוֹקטַוִּיָּנוס, קרובו של ציזר אשר נלקח לו לבן, מי שהיה אחרי־כן ל״ציזר״ (קיסר) ושליט־יחיד (אוטוקרטור, ברומית אימפרטור) ברומא ונקרא בתֹאר אוגוסטוס (הנאור, הנכבד, — ביונית: סבסטוס).</i> ואנטוֹניוס, אספו קַסיוס ומורקוס צבא בסוריה ואחרי הוָכחם לראות, כי סִפֵּק להם הורדוס את רֹב צרכיהם, הקימו אותו לנציב בארץ סוריה ונתנו בידו חיל רגלים ופרשים וקסיוס הבטיחהו גם להקימו למלך ביהודה אחרי כלות המלחמה. אך גדֻלת הורדוס ועתידותיו היו בנפש אנטיפטרוס, כי מליך ירא את הדבר הזה ופִתּה בשֹׁחד את אחד המשקים אשר למלך לתת רעל בכוס אנטיפטרוס, והוא גוע בשעת המשתה. ככה נפל לקרבן תועבת מליך האיש רב־הפעלים בעסקי המדינה וביתר הליכותיו, אשר השיב את השלטון להורקנוס וסמך אותו כל הימים.",
+                    "ה. וכל העם חשד ממליך, כי מידו בא משקה הרעל, והתקצף עליו, אבל הוא כחש בדבר והפיס את דעת העם, ועוד חזק את מעמדו באספו לו אנשי־צבא מזֻינים, כי הבין אשר לא ישב הורדוס בחבוק ידים — ואמנם מהר הורדוס לעלות על ירושלים עם צבא רב לנקום את דם אביו. אבל פצאל אחיו יעץ לו לבל ירדוף אחרי האיש בגלוי, פן תקום מריבה בעם. לדברים האלה נתן הורדוס למַליך לבוא אליו וללמד זכות על עצמו. וגם הסכים עמו בדברים להעביר מעליו את החשד ואחרי־כן קבר את אביו ברֹב תפארת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״עשה פָמְבי לקבורת אביו״.</i>.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי הדבר הזה פנה הורדוס אל שומרון, אשר קמה בה מהומה, והשיב את הסדר בעיר וכהתִמו את מעשהו שב אל ירושלים לימי החג ונהל אתו את הצבא. בעצת מליך, אשר ירא את דבר בואו, שלח אליו הורקנוס פקֻדה, לבל יביא את בני הנכר בשערי העיר, אשר התקדשו יושביה לחג. והורדוס לא שם לב לפקדה הזאת וגם לא נשא את פני המצַוה ונכנס בלילה אל תוך העיר. ועוד הפעם בא אליו מליך לקַדם את פניו והתאבל על אנטיפטרוס. בקֹשי כבש הורדוס את כעסו והתחפש לפניו, ויחד עם זה שלח מכתבים אל קסיוס שונא מליך מכבר והתאונן בהם על רצח אביו. קסיוס השיבהו, כי הוא מסגיר בידו את רוצח אביו ושלח פקדה בסתר אל שרי האלפים אשר לו לתמוך בידי הורדוס בעשותו משפטו.",
+                    "ז. אחרי־כן כבש קסיוס את לודקיא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לַאוֹדִיקַיָּה. על חוף הים בדרום אנטיוכיה, שנמלטו שמה אוהבי ציזר.</i> ומכל עבר נאספו אליו השליטים והביאו לו מתנות וזרי־נצחון, ובמעמד זה מצא הורדוס שעת־הכֹּשר לקחת את נקמתו. ומליך היה אז בצור ולִבּו נבא לו רעה. הוא גמר בדעתו להוציא בסתר את בנו, אשר היה לערבון בידי יושבי העיר, והתכונן לברוח אחרי־כן אל ארץ יהודה. ובעוד הוא רואה, כי רחוקה ישועה ממנו, נשא מרֹב יאוש את נפשו אל גדולות ונפלאות. הוא קוה להקים מרד בעם ולפרק את עֹל הרומאים בעוד קסיוס טרוד במלחמתו עם אנטוניוס. — וגם ליסד מלוכה ביהודה אחרי אשר יצליח בידו על־נקלה להוריד את הורקנוס ממשרתו.",
+                    "ח. אבל הגורל לעג לכל חלומותיו. כי הורדוס צפה את מזמותיו וקרא אותו עם הורקנוס אל המשתה, ואחרי־כן שלח את אחד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור בהוצאת ניזה: אחדים.</i> העבדים העומדים עליו אל העיר, להכין את צרכי הסערה למראה־עין, ובאמת למלא את פקֻדתו ולהגיד לשרי האלפים, כי יֵצאו מן העיר וישבו במארב. ושרי האלפים זכרו את פקדת קסיוס ויצאו חגורי חרבות חוצה לעיר על שפת הים, ושם הקיפו את מליך והמיתו אותו במדקרות רבות. הורקנוס נבהל מיד למראה הדבר הזה ומרב פחד נפל ארצה והתעלף. וכאשר שבה אליו רוח בינתו מהר לחקור את הורדוס, מי האיש אשר פקד להמית את מליך. ועל זה השיב אחד שרי האלפים: ״מצות קסיוס״. וכשמוע הורקנוס זאת, קרא: ״הנה כן הושיע קסיוס אותי ואת ארצי בהמיתו את האיש, אשר חרש רעה על שנינו יחד״. ואין יודע, אם בטא הורקנוס בזה דברים היוצאים מן הלב, או מרֹב פחדו המליט מפיו דברים אלה, כאִלו הסכים לדבר הנעשה. ככה עשה הורדוס נקמות ממליך."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פצאל מנצח את הליכס והורדוס מתגבר על אנטיגנוס במלחמה, היהודים התאוננו על מעשי הורדוס ופצאל, אבל אנטוניוס סלח להם והקיסם לטטררכים.</small><br><br>א. אחרי צאת קסיוס מארץ סוריה קמה מריבה חדשה בירושלים; הֶלִיכּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: פֶלִיכְּס.</i> יחד עם צבאו הרים יד בפצאל, כי אמר לגאֹל את דם מליך מידי הורדוס בהמיתו את אחיו. והורדוס ישב אז יחד עם פביוס הנציב בדמשק ורצה למהר לעזרת אחיו, אבל נעצר מפני מחלתו. בין כה וכה נצח פצאל בכח עצמו את הליכס ודבר עם הורקנוס קשות על כפית טובתו, כי חזק את ידי הליכס וגם לא כִהה באחי מליך בעת תפשו את המבצרים. כי הרבה מבצרים כבש והחזק שביניהם היה מַצַּדָּה.",
+                    "ב. אבל כל הדברים האלה לא עמדו לו בפני גבורת הורדוס, אשר השיב את כל המבצרים אחרי שובו לאיתנו, אך נעתר לתחנוניו לשלוח אותו בשלום ממצדה. הוא גרש גם מארץ הגליל את מריון העריץ השליט בצור, אשר הספיק ללכוד שם שלש מצודות, ולכל הצורים אשר נשבו במלחמה נתן הורדוס את נפשם לשלל ולאחדים מהם נתן מתנות ושלחם מעל פניו, ובזה הפך את לב יושבי העיר לאהבו ולשנא את העריץ. מריון קבל את העריצות מידי קסיוס בעת חלקו את כל ארץ סוריה לעריצים שליטים. משנאתו את הורדוס עזר להביא את אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס ובדבר הזה עשה גם נחת־רוח לפביוס, אשר כפר אנטיגנוס פניו במנחה והטה את לבו לעזרו בעלותו על הארץ. ואת כל הכסף הדרוש לדבר המציא תלמי בעל אחות אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ג. הורדוס יצא על שונאיו וערך מערכה למולם בקרבת שערי ארץ יהודה והתגבר במלחמה וגרש את אנטיגנוס, ואחרי־כן שב אל ירושלים וכל אחיו רצוהו על נצחונו, וגם האנשים, אשר בזו אותו בלבם לפנים, בקשו עתה קרבתו, אחרי התחתנו במשפחת הורקנוס. כי בראשונה נשא לו אשה חשובה מבנות הארץ ושמה דוריס ועתה לקח לו לאשה את מרים בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס והיא גם נכדת הורקנוס, בת בתו, ונעשה קרוב למלך.",
+                    "ד. וציזר ואנטוניוס המיתו את קסיוס על־יד פיליפי ואחרי הנצחון שב ציזר אל איטליה ואנטוניוס פנה אל ארץ אסיה. ובין צירי כל ערי הארץ, אשר באו לקדם את פני אנטוניוס בביתוניה, נמצאו גם טובי היהודים, אשר התאוננו באזניו על פצאל והורדוס, כי לקחו להם את שלטון המדינה בחֹזק־יד והשאירו להורקנוס רק את שם הכבוד לבד. אבל גם הורדוס נמצא באותו מעמד והחניף לאנטוניוס במתנות יקרות ובזה משך את לבו אליו, עד אשר מאן לשמוע את דברי שונאיו. ככה יצאו האנשים בפעם הזאת את פניו [במפח נפש].",
+                    "ה. ושוב באו מאה מראשי היהודים אל אנטוניוס לעיר דפני הקרובה לאנטיוכיה, כשכבר נלכד ברשת אהבת קליאופטרה. והיהודים מלאו את ידי הגדולים ביניהם במעלתם ובכח לשונם לבאר את תלונותיהם על האחים. ולעֻמתם עמד מֶסַּלַה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלמד ומליץ רומאי ידוע ויועץ אנטוניוס.</i> ללמד זכות עליהם. והורקנוס עזר לו מקרבת משפחה, ואנטוניוס שמע את טענות שני הצדדים ושאל את הורקנוס, מי מהם יצלח יותר לעמוד בראש העם. וכאשר ענה הורקנוס, כי הוא בוחר בהורדוס ובית אביו, שמח אנטוניוס, כי היה איש־שלום וידיד לאחים מימי חיי אביהם, אשר קבל אותו באהבה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״עשה לו אכסניה״ במקור.</i> לפנים, בבואו עם גבּיניוס אל ארץ יהודה, — ועל־כן שׂם את שני האחים לנסיכים (טֶטְרַרְכִים) ומלא את ידם למשול בכל ארץ יהודה.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר נרגנו צירי היהודים לדבר הזה, צוה אנטוניוס לתפוש חמשה־עשר מהם ולהושיבם במאסר ואת הנשארים גרש מעל פניו בחרפה. לדבר הזה קמה מהומה גדולה בירושלים ויושבי העיר שלחו עוד הפעם אלף צירים אל צור, כשחנה שם אנטוניוס בדרכו אל ירושלים. הצירים האלה הרימו קול צעקה ושאון ואנטוניוס שלח עליהם את שר העיר צור וצוהו לעשות שפטים בכל הבא לידו, וגם פקד להכין את הממשלה בידי הנסיכים אשר העלה לגדֻלה.",
+                    "ז. בטרם נעשה הדבר, יצא הורדוס בלוית הורקנוס אל שפת הים והרבה לדבר על לב האנשים, לבל יתחזקו במחלֹקת לבלי דעת ותבונה ולא יתחיבו בנפשותיהם ולא יביאו מלחמה קשה על עירם. אבל לדברים האלה גדל עוד רגזם, ואנטוניוס שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמית רבים מהם ורבים כֻּסּוּ בפצעים. ועצמות המתים זכו לבוא לקבורה על־ידי הורקנוס, אשר דאג גם לרפא את הנפצעים. אבל גם הפליטים אשר נמלטו אל העיר (ירושלים) לא ישבו במנוחה, כי הקימו מהומה והרגיזו את אנטוניוס עד מאד, עד אשר צוה בגֹדל אפו להמית גם את האסורים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הפרתים הביאו את אנטיגנוס אל ארץ יהודה ואסרו את הורקנוס ואת פצאל. מנוסת הורדוס. בזת ירושלים. יסורי הורקנוס ופצאל.</small><br><br>א. כעבור שנתים ימים כבשו בַּזַפְרַנּא האחשדרפן הפרתי ופַקּוֹרָא בן מלך הפרתים את ארץ סוריה. ליסַנַּיַס, אשר ירש את כסא אביו המת — הוא תלמי בן מינאי — דבר על לב האחשדרפן להושיב על כסא המלוכה את אריסטובולוס ולהוריד את הורקנוס והבטיחהו לשלם לו בעבור הדבר אלף ככר וחמש־מאות נשים. ופקורא נפתה לדבר הזה והסיע את חילו בדרך שפת הים ואת בזפרנא צוה להתנפל על יהודה בדרך היבשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דרך שפת הים היא ״דרך ארץ פלשתים״ וערי הכנענים הצידונים. — דרך היבשה היא דרך ההרים (הגליל, — עמק יזרעאל — שומרון שכם — בית־אל — ירושלים).</i>. מיושבי החוף לא רצו הצורים לפתוח את שערי עירם לפני פקורא, אולם יושבי עכו וצידון מסרו את עריהם בידו. הוא נתן חלק מרוכביו בידי אחד ממַשקי המלך, אשר נקרא פקורא גם הוא, וצוה עליו לפרוץ בארץ יהודה ולרגל את מצב האויבים ולהפיק עזרה לאנטיגנוס בכל משאלותיו.",
+                    "ב. כאשר השחיתו הפרתים את גבול הכרמל נהרו יהודים רבים לקראת אנטיגנוס והתנדבו לצאת במלחמותיו. הוא שלח אותם אל המקום הנקרא יער האלונים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משערים, כי הוא בעמק השרון בקרבת אפולוניה (ארצוף).</i> לכבשו, ובמלחמה אשר פרצה שם הדפו אוהבי אנטיגנוס את שונאיהם ורדפו אחריהם עד שערי ירושלים, וכאשר גדל מספרם, בקעו להם דרך והגיעו עד ארמון המלוכה. הורקנוס ופצאל קדמו את פניהם בחיל עצום והמלחמה נטשה בחוצות ירושלים. ואנשי הורדוס הניסו בקרב את צריהם וסגרו אותם בהר־הבית והעמידו בבתים הסמוכים ששים איש לשמור עליהם. אבל עם ירושלים התקומם על האחים (בני אנטיפטרוס) ושרף על השומרים את הבתים באש. והורדוס קנא לדם הנרצחים והתנפל על העם והמית ממנו רב; ומדי יום ביומו נהרו המונים המונים להלחם אלה באלה ולא היה קץ לרצח בירושלים.",
+                    "ג. ובהגיע החג הנקרא בשם יום החמשים (שבֻעות) מלאו סביבות הר־הבית והעיר כֻּלה עולי רגלים, אשר היו מזֻינים בּרֻבָּם. ופצאל הקים משמר על חומות העיר והורדוס אחיו עם גדוד קטן שמר על ארמון המלך. הוא התנפל על האויבים הנמצאים במגרש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קצה הצפון.</i> העיר, אשר לא הספיקו לעמוד במערכה, והמית המון גדול מהם והבריח את כל הנשארים. אלה נמלטו אל העיר, ואלה אל הר־הבית, ואלה אל החֵל אשר מחוץ לעיר והורדוס סגר עליהם. בעת ההיא דבר אנטיגנוס על לב בני־העיר לתת לפקורא להכנס אליה ולהקים שלום בין הנלחמים. ופצאל נעתר אליו והכניס את הפרתי עם חמש מאות רוכבים לתוך העיר ונתן להם את ארֻחתם. פקודא טען, כי בא להשבית את המלחמה, אבל באמת כון לעזור את אנטיגנוס. הוא טמן פח לרגלי פצאל ופתה אותו לצאת עמו אל בזפרנה במלאכות השלום. אמנם הורדוס הרבה להזהיר את פצאל, לבל יעשה כדבר הזה וגם יעץ אותו להמית את איש־המזמה — ולא למסור את נפשו בפח מוקשו, כי הלועזים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הברברים. יש לתרגם גם ״הפראים״.</i> הם אנשי־שקר מתכונתם ואין לבטוח בדבריהם. אבל פצאל לא שמע. לדבריו ויצא מן העיר ואת הורקנוס לקח עמו. ופקורא אמר להרחיק ממנו כל חשד והשאיר בידי הורדוס מתי מספר מהרוכבים הנקראים חפשים ובשארית אנשיו יצא לשַׁלֵּח את פצאל.",
+                    "ד. ובבוא פצאל והורקנוס אל ארץ הגליל ראו, כי מרדו כל יושבי הארץ וחגרו את כלי נשקם. ואחרי־כן התיצבו לפני האחשדרפן, אשר היה בעל ערמה יתרה והאיר להם את פניו, בכסותו על מזמתו הרעה. הוא נתן להם מתנות, אך בצאתם את פניו הפקיד עליהם אורבים. כאשר הובלו אל מקום אחד על שפת הים, הנקרא בשם כזיב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גם אכזיב — ביונית אקדפה, בספרות התלמודית גם גזיב.</i>, התבוננו כי רעה נגד פניהם. כי שם שמעו על־דבר אלף ככר הכסף, אשר אמר אנטיגנוס לשלם בעד המלוכה, וגם נודע להם, כי רֹב נשי ביתם נמצאו בין חמש מאות הפילגשים, אשר הקדיש אותן לפרתים. הם ראו כי הלועזים מפקידים עליהם שומרים בכל לילה והבינו כי לא נמנעו הפרתים לשימם במאסר זה מכבר, לולא דחו את המעשה עד אשר יתפשו את הורדוס בירושלים, בפחדם פן יגֻנב אליו דבר ויזהר מפניהם. והדברים האלה לא היו שמועה בלבד, כי בעיניהם ראו מרחוק את השומרים המָפקדים עליהם.",
+                    "ה. ואוֹפֶליוס העתיר דברים על פצאל לברוח על נפשו, כי שמע את כל פרטי המזמה מפי שַׂרַמַּלָּא, העשיר בכל הסורים בימים ההם. אבל פצאל מאן לעזוב את הורקנוס והלך אל האחשדרפן והוכיח אותו בפניו על מזמתו הרעה, ויותר מזה על אשר מלאו לבו לעשות דבר־תועבה גדול כזה למען הבצע, וגם הבטיח להרבות בכֹפר פדיון נפשו על מכסת הכסף אשר ישלם. לו אנטיגנוס בעד המלוכה. הפרתי בחר לו לשון ערומים והרבה להצטדק לפניו והעביר מעליו את החשד בשבועות אמונים ויצא אל פקורא. ואחדים מן הפרתים הנותרים עשו כאשר צֻוו, ותפשו את פצאל ואת הורקנוס, אשר קללו אותם קללות נמרצות על חלול השבועה ועל מעשי מרמתם.",
+                    "ו. ובעת ההיא נשלח שר־המשקים לצוד גם את הורדוס בחרמו והתנכל עליו למשוך אותו חוצה לחומת העיר ולתפשו בכף. אבל הורדוס לא האמין ללועזים מראש, וזה עתה הגיעה לאזניו בשורה, כי נפלה בידי אויביו אגרת אחת, המגלה לו את כל הרעה אשר נגד פניו. על־כן מאן לצאת משערי העיר החוצה, אף כי הרבה פקורא לְהִתַּמֵּם ולדבר על לבו, כי יצא לקראת נושאי האגרת, כי לא נפלה בידי האויבים וגם לא נמצא בה אף שמץ דבר מזמה רעה, רק דברי המעשים אשר עשה פצאל, כי כבר שמע הורדוס מפי אחרים על מאסר אחיו וגם בת הורקנוס [מרים]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה הציג את המלה בחצאי רבוע, כי מרים לא היתה בת הורקנוס. בקדמוניות י״ד, י״ג, ו׳ מבֹאר, כי היועצת היתה אלכסנדרה אם מרים, והיא בת הורקנוס.</i>, חכמת הנשים, באה אליו ופצרה בו, לבל יצא מן העיר ולא יסגיר את נפשו בידי הלועזים, כי כבר גלוי הדבר ומבֹאר, שהם אומרים לשלוח בו יד.",
+                    "ז. ובעוד אנשי פקורא מבקשים עצה למלא מזמתם במסתרים, כי נבצר מהם להתגבר ביד רמה על איש נאדר בגבורה כמוהו, הקדים הורדוס את הסכנה ויצא בלילה עם בני־ביתו הקרובים אליו את פני העיר, ללכת אל ארץ אדום, והשונאים לא ידעו בצאתו, וכאשר נגלה להם הדבר, מהרו לרדוף אחריו. אבל הורדוס שלח את אמו ואת אחיותיו ואת הנערה אשר ארש לו לאשה עם אמה ואחיה הצעיר לעבור לפניו, והוא עם עבדיו עצר במנוחה את הלועזים, וכפעם בפעם התנגח אתם והמית רבים מהם, עד אשר הגיע אל מבצר מצדה.",
+                    "ח. ובעת מנוסתו היו היהודים קשים לו מן הפרתים, כי הקיפו עליו בלי הרף ובמרחק ששים ריס מירושלים התיצבו במערכה למולו ונלחמו אתו זמן רב. אך הורדוס גבר והמית רבים מהם לפי חרב. ואחרי זמן בנה עיר במקום ההוא לזכר נצחונו ופאר אותה בארמנות נהדרים וגם בירה בצורה מאד הקים בה וקרא לה הורדיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית הֵירוֹדֶיוֹן, כמו שגם שם הבונה הוא הירודס, אך כבר נתקבל השם ״הורדוס״.</i> על שמו. — בעת מנוסת הורדוס התלקטו אליו רבים מאנשי חילו ומספרם גדל מיום ליום. וכאשר הגיע אל העיר ריסה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה ישנה תְּרֵיסָה.</i>, אשר בגבול אדום, יצא לקראתו יוסף אחיו ויעץ אותו לשלוח מעליו רבים מבני־לויתו, יען אשר לא תוכל מצדה לשאת את ההמון הגדול הזה — כי מספר אנשיו עלה על תשעת אלפים. הורדוס שמע לעצת אחיו ושלח מעליו את האנשים, אשר היה טרחם גדול משכרם, ללכת אל ארץ אדום ונתן להם צדה לדרך. ואת גבורי החיל השאיר לו ועם האנשים האלה הדרושים לחפצו נמלט אל מבצר מצדה. שם השאיר את הנשים אשר עמו והפקיד עליהן שמונה מאות אנשי־חיל לסתרה ונתן להם די צֵדה לזמן מצור, ואחרי־כן מהר לנסוע אל סלע־ערב (פֶּטְרָה).",
+                    "ט. והפרתים עטו אל השלל בירושלים ופרצו בבתי הבורחים ובארמון המלך ומשכו את ידיהם רק מאוצר הורקנוס, אשר לא נמצא בו יותר משלש מאות ככר. וגם ביתר הבתים לא מצאו את מספר השלל אשר קוו לו, כי הורדוס צפה מזמן את מרמת הלועזים והעביר את חמדת אוצרו אל ארץ אדום, וכמוהו עשה גם כל אחד מהקרובים אליו. ואחרי אשר הוציאו הפרתים את שלל ירושלים עלתה משובת זדונם למעלה, עד אשר שמו דמי מלחמה בשלום ומלאו את כל הארץ חמס, — ככה הכו את העיר מָרֵשָׁה תל שממה. ונקל היה בעיניהם להקים את אנטיגנוס למלך, כי הסגירו בידו גם את פצאל ואת הורקנוס האסורים להתעלל בהם. הוא בעצמו התנפל על הורקנוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: כאשר התנפל הורקנוס לרגליו, נשך וכו׳.</i> ונשך בשניו את אזניו, למען אשר לא יוכל לקבל את הכהֻנה הגדולה לעת תמורה בארץ. כי רק לשלֵמים בגופם מֻתּר לשרת בכהֻנה גדולה.",
+                    "י. אבל לעמת גבורת פצאל קצרה יד אנטיגנוס לעשות דבר. כי פצאל הקדים לנפץ את ראשו אל הסלע, כאשר לא נתנו לו לטרוף את נפשו בכפו או לנפול על חרבו. בדבר הזה הראה, כי הוא אח כשר להורדוס ועטה על הורקנוס חרפה. הוא מת מות־גבורים ובזה השלים לכבוד את מעשי הגבורה שעשה בחייו. אמנם יש עוד שמועה אחרת (לשון אחר): פצאל קם מן המכה, אבל הרופא השלוח אליו מאת אנטיגנוס לכלכל אותו במחלתו מלא את הפצע סם־מות ושם קץ לחייו. ואחת היא, אם תצדק השמועה הראשונה או השניה — כי בשתיהן יחד סבת מותו ראויה לשבח. אומרים, כי לפני צאת נפשו שמע מפי אשה אחת על־דבר מנוסת הורדוס וקרא: ״רב לי, עתה יערב עלי מותי, כי חי האיש אשר יקח את נקמתי משונאי״.",
+                    "יא. ככה מת האיש. אף כי לא מצאו הפרתים את הנשים, אשר להן השתוקקו ביתר שאת, נתנו את שלטון ירושלים בידי אנטיגנוס, ואת הורקנוס הוליכו בשבי אל ארצם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס גֹרש מארץ ערב ומהר אל רומי ושם הוקם למלך היהודים בידי אנטוניוס וציזר יחד.</small><br><br>א. הורדוס נסע בחפזון אל ארץ ערב, כי עוד בחיי אחיו בקש לקחת כסף ממלך הארץ, בדעתו כי רק בכסף יוכל לכפר את פני הלועזים אוהבי הבצע ולפדות את פצאל. הוא אמר בלבו, שאם לא יזכור לו הערבי את חסדי אביו ויקפוץ את ידו מתת לו את הכסף במתנה, אז יקח ממנו את הסכום במלוה וישאיר לו לערבון חלף כסף הפדיון את בן אחיו הנפדה, כי הוליך אתו את בן־אחיו והוא נער בן שבע שנים. הוא רצה לשלם שלש מאות ככר ומלא את ידי הצוֹרים לשאת ולתת בדבר הזה. אבל בגזרת־האלהים היה כל עמלו לריק, כי פצאל מת ושכר לא היה לאהבת הורדוס את אחיו. אמנם גם את הערבים לא מצא נאמנים בבריתו, כי מָלְכוּ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא שמו על המטבעות (מלכו מלך נבטו), ביונית: מלכוס.</i> מלכם שלח אליו וצוהו לעזוב את ארצו מהרה, בטענה כי הוא ירא את הפרתים, אשר שלחו אליו מלאכים לגרש את הורדוס מארץ ערב. ובאמת גמר בנפשו להחזיק בכל הרכוש אשר נתן לו אנטיפטרוס ובעזות מצחו לא רצה לשלם דבר לבניו הנמצאים בצרה חלף מתנותיו, ויועציו בדבר הנבלה היו מתי־און, אשר כמוהו בקשו גם הם למעול בפקדונות אנטיפטרוס. ואלה האנשים היו השרים הקרובים אליו והנכבדים בעיניו.",
+                    "ב. כראות הורדוס, כי נהפכו לו הערבים לשונאים בדבר אשר ממנו קוה, כי יהיו נאמנים באהבתו, דבר אתם קשות ביד שלוחיהם ולא כסה על מרת נפשו ופנה ללכת אל ארץ מצרים. ובלילה הראשון לן במקום מקדש אחד ליושבי הארץ ושם מצא את אנשיו, אשר עזבם לפני זה. וממחרת הגיע אל רִינוֹקוּרוּרָהּ<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא קצה גבול חילת־סוריה מצד נחל מצרים.</i> ושם השיגה אותו הבשורה הרעה על־דבר מות אחיו. אף כי הוסיפה הבשורה מכאובים על צרות לבבו, רָוח לו מעט מדאגותיו והוא יצא לדרכו. אחר זמן נחם הערבי על מעשהו ושלח רצים ממהרים לקרא אליו את הנעלב. אך הם לא מצאו עוד את הורדוס, כי כבר הקדים לבוא אל סין. כאשר בא שמה לא רצו האניות העומדות בנמל להעבירו, והורדוס פנה אל הפקידים לעזרה. ובהוָדע להם שם האיש ומעלתו שלחו אותו בכבוד עד אלכסנדריה. כאשר בא הורדוס אל העיר קבלה, קלֵיאופטרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלכת מצרים האחרונה מבית תלמי, אהובת אנטוניוס.</i> את פניו בתפארה וקותה, כי יהיה לראש־הצבא במלחמה אשר אמרה לקרֹא על אויביה. אבל הורדוס דחה את בקשת המלכה ולא פחד מהקֹר החזק בעצם החֹרף ולא מהמהומות השולטות באיטליה וירד באניה אל רומא.",
+                    "ג. בקרבת ארץ פמפיליה נמצא בצרה גדולה (מפני סערת הים) ונצל מן הסכנה אחרי הטילו הימה את מרבית הכבודה אשר לו, והגיע בשלום אל האי רוֹדוֹס, אשר נחרב מאד במלחמה עם קסיוס, ושם קבלו אותו ידידיו תלמי וצפיניה. ואף כי חסר לו כסף, בנה לו אניה גדולה עם שלש שורות משוטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טרירה ביונית.</i> ובה ירד עם ידידיו אל ברונדיזיון ומשם מהר אל רומי ולראשונה, פנה אל אנטוניוס, בזכרו את ברית אהבתו עם אביו, וספר לו את כל התלאה אשר מצאה אותו ואת משפחתו, עד אשר נטל עליו לעזוב את האנשים הקרובים אליו במצור וירד באניה בעצם החֹרף לבקש ממנו עזרה.",
+                    "ד. התלאה אשר מצאה את הורדוס נגעה עד לב אנטוניוס והוא חמל עליו וזכר את ברית שלומו עם אנטיפטרוס, ובכלל שם את לבו למעלות האיש וגמר אֹמר להקים אותו למלך היהודים, תחת אשר שם אותו לפנים לנשיא. ולא האהבה להורדוס בלבד עוררה את אנטוניוס לעשות את הדבר, כי־אם גם איבתו לאנטיגנוס, כי חשב אותו לאיש־מדון ולשונא הרומאים. וגם לב ציזר היה נכון מאד עם הורדוס, כי זכר לו את מסע אנטיפטרוס ואת מלחמתו במצרים לישועת אביו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוליוס ציזר, אשר לקח אותו לבן.</i> ואת הברית ואת האהבה הישנה, וגם ראה, כי הורדוס הוא גדל־עלילה. הוא הקהיל את המועצה (הזקנים, הסֶנַּט), ומסלה ויחד עמו אטרטינוס הציגו את הורדוס לפני הזקנים וספרו להם על חסדי אביו ועל אהבתו לרומאים, ובכלל דבריהם בארו, כי אנטיגנוס הוא שונא הרומאים מכבר וזה עתה הוסיף להכעיסם, כי לקח את המלוכה מהפרתים ואליהם לא שת את לבו. הדברים האלה עשו רֹשם על הזקנים, ואחרי־כן נגש אנטוניוס אליהם ואמר, כי מלכות הורדוס תביא ברכה לרומאים במלחמתם עם הפרתים. לדבר הזה הסכימו פה־אחד להקים אותו למלך. וככלות האספה יצאו אנטוניוס וציזר והורדוס בַּתָּוך, בין שניהם, ויחד עם יתר הפקידים עלו גם ראשי העם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השופטים (קונסולים).</i> להקריב זבח ולהניח את פתשגן פקֻדת הזקנים בקפיטוליון. וביום הראשון למלכות הורדוס עשה לו אנטוניוס משתה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיגנוס צר על מצדה והורדוס שב מרומי והציל את המבצר ומשם מהר אל ירושלים וגלה, כי לקח סילון שֹׁחד.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם שם אנטיגנוס מצור על מצדה. אמנם די לחם נמצא בידי הנצורים, אבל המים אזלו מכליהם, ועל־כן יעץ יוסף אחי הורדוס בלבו לברוח עם בני־ביתו, בשמעו כי נחם מלכו על העול אשר עשה להורדוס. וכמעט מלא יוסף את מחשבתו לעזוב את המבצר, לולא ירד גשם חזק בלילה אשר אמר לצאת לדרך, וכל מקוי המים מלאו על גדותיהם ולא היה עוד צרך לברוח. הנצורים הגיחו מן המבצר כפעם בפעם והמיתו רבים מאנשי אנטיגנוס, את אלה הכו במלחמה על מרומי שדה, ואת אלה השחיתו מן המארב. אבל לא בכל פעם היתה ידם על העליונה, ויש אשר נגפו לפני אויביהם ושבו בבשת פנים אל המבצר.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם נשלח ונטידיוס שר צבא הרומאים לגרש את הפרתים מארץ סוריה ומדי רדפו אחריהם פרץ בארץ יהודה, באמרו כי הוא רוצה לעזור את יוסף ואת אנשיו, אולם באמת לקח שחד כסף מאנטיגנוס. ונטידיוס חנה בקרבת ירושלים ואחרי קבלו כסף מלא סר מעל העיר עם רֹב צבאו והשאיר את סילון עם חלק החיל, כי לא רצה להסיע את כל הצבא משם, פן יגלה מעשה בצעו לעיני כל. ואנטיגנוס קוה, כי עוד הפעם יבואו הפרתים להצילו, ועד עת בואם החניף לסילון בפחדו ממנו, פן יפר את עצתו (ויוביש את תקותו).",
+                    "ג. והורדוס שב באניה מאיטליה אל עכו והוליך אתו צבא רב מן בני־הנכר והיהודים והסיע את חילו דרך הגליל להלחם באנטיגנוס. ונטידיוס וסילון חזקו את ידי הורדוס, כי דליוס השלוח אליהם מאנטוניוס דבר על לבבם לצאת עמו ולהושיבו על כסא המלוכה. ונטידיוס הקים בימים ההם סדרים בערי סוריה, אחרי המהומות שקמו שם על־ידי הפרתים, וסילון עמד בארץ יהודה ולקח שחד מאנטיגנוס — ובכל־זאת לא נבצר חיל ועז מהורדוס, כי בבואו בגבולות הארץ הרבה את מספר צבאו מיום ליום וכל ארץ הגליל עברה אליו, מלבד יושבי ערים מעטות, וראשית חפצו היתה לעלות על מצדה ולפדות את קרוביו ממצור, אבל העיר יפו עמדה לו לשטן בדרכו, ולראשונה היה עליו לבצר את רוח יושביה, אשר נהפכו לו לאויבים, לבל תקום לו מלחמה מאחור בעלותו על ירושלים. גם סילון התחבר אליו ברצון, כי מצא לו סבה הפעם לסור מעל ירושלים, והיהודים רדפו אחריו והציקו לו. אבל הורדוס חש לעזרתו בגדוד קטן והניס את היהודים והציל מצרה את סילון, אשר לא ידע לעמוד על נפשו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי־כן לכד הורדוס את יפו ומהר ללכת אל מצדה ולהציל את נפשות בני־ביתו. ורבים מעם הארץ נלוו אליו, אלה — מאהבתם הישנה לאביו, ואלה — לשמע גבורתו, ואלה אמרו לשלם לו טובה חלף חסדיו וחסדי אביו יחד, אבל רב העם נמשך אחריו בתקוה, כי הכון יכון כסא מלכותו בידו (ואז ישלם שכר לאוהביו). ככה אסף לו הורדוס צבא עשוי לבלי חת, ואנטיגנוס שם לו מכשולים בדרך ובכל מקומות הכֹּשר צפן לו מארבים, אבל בדבר הזה כמעט לא עשה לו רעה. הורדוס אסף אליו על־נקלה את קרוביו היושבים במצדה וכבש את המבצר ריסה ועלה על ירושלים. ושם התחברו אליו חיל סילון וגם רבים מבני העיר, אשר חרדו מפני עצמת חילו.",
+                    "ה. הורדוס תקע את מחנהו מערבה לירושלים, ושומרי העיר המטירו עליו חצים ואבני קלע, ורבים הגיחו בגדוד מן העיר ונסו להתגרות עם חלוצי חילו. הורדוס צוה לראשונה להעביר קול מסביב לחומה, כי בא לדרוש טוב לעמו ולהושיע את העיר, ועל־כן לא יקח נקמה גם מאויביו, אשר רדפו אחריו בגלוי, רק יתן חנינה לאנשי־ריבו. אבל אנשי אנטיגנוס צעקו לעֻמת אנשיו להשתיקם ולא נתנו את העומדים לשמוע את הדברים ולא לנפּול אל הורדוס. על־כן צוה הורדוס על אנשי חילו לגרש את האנשים מעל החומה, והם ירו בעומדים על החומה והבריחום מראשי המגדלים.",
+                    "ו. באותו מעמד גלה סילון, כי לקח שחד. הוא פתה רבים מאנשי חילו לצעוק בקול על מחסור הלחם ולדרוש בחזקה כסף לכלכלתם וגם לבקש, כי יוליכו אותם אל מקומות טובים לנוח, שם כל ימי החֹרף. ויען אשר היו כל המקומות מסביב לעיר לשממה, כי אנשי אנטיגנוס החריבו את כלם, על־כן נטה סילון את מחנהו משם ונסה להסיע את חילו. הורדוס פגע בראשי החילות, שלישי סילון, ובהמון אנשי הצבא והפציר בהם, לבל יעזבו אותו, כי נשלח מטעם ציזר ואנטוניוס ובפקֻדת מועצת־הזקנים, וגם הבטיחם, כי ביום ההוא ירוח להם ממחסורם. ואחרי חלותו את פניהם מהר לשוט במקומות הקרובים והביא צדה למכביר, ובזה סתם את כל טענות סילון. והורדוס דאג גם לבל תשבת כלכלת הצבא בימים הבאים ושלח מכתבים אל יושבי שמרון, כי היתה העיר הזאת נאמנה בבריתו, לאסוף לחם ויין ושמן ובקר ולהוריד אל יריחו. כאשר נודע הדבר לאנטיגנוס, שלח בכל הארץ להניא את העצה הזאת ולהציג אורבים בדרך מוליכי הצדה. עם הארץ שמע לקול אנטיגנוס ובהמון רב נאספו אנשים מזֻינים ממעל ליריחו. הם רבצו בין ההרים וחכו למובילי הצדה. אבל הורדוס לא ישב בבטלה, כי לקח אתו עשרה גדודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: קוֹהוֹרטות.</i> — חמשה גדודי רומאים וחמשה גדודי יהודים, אשר נמצאו בקרבם גם שכירים, ורוכבים אחדים ומהר אל יריחו. הוא מצא את העיר עזובה, רק חמש מאות איש נשארו בה וישבו במצודה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בצריח־העיר.</i> עם נשיהם וטפם. הורדוס תפש אותם ושלח אותם אחרי־כן לחפשי והרומאים פשטו על שארית העיר והוציאו את אלה, כי מצאו את הבתים העזובים מלאים כל־טוב, המלך השאיר חיל־מצב ביריחו וסר מעל העיר ושלח את הצבא הרומאי לשבת בימי החֹרף בארצות הנאמנות לו, אדום והגליל ושמרון. אולם גם אנטיגנוס קבל בשֹׁחד רשות מסילון לכלכל את חלק הצבא בעיר לוד, כי בזה אמר להחניף לאנטוניוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס כבש את צפורי והכניע את השודדים יושבי המערות ואחרי־כן לקח נקמה ממחירס, אשר היה לו כאויב, ויצא אל אנטוניוס הצר על סמוסטה.</small><br><br>א. והרומאים התפרקו את נשקם וישבו במנוחה ובשלוה, והורדוס לא ידע השקט, כי־אם הציב בארץ אדום כאלפים אנשי־צבא רגלים וארבע מאות רוכבים ואת אחיו יוסף שלח שמה לשמור על הארץ, פן תפשע בו ותעבור אל אנטיגנוס. והוא לקח את אמו ואת כל בני־ביתו, אשר הוציא אותם ממצדה, והוליכם אל העיר שמרון והושיבם שם לבטח, ואחרי־כן פנה להכניע את שארית ארץ הגליל ולגרש משם את חיל משמר אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ב. בעת סופת־שלג עזה מאד הגיע עד העיר צפורי וכבש אותה באפס יד, כי חיל־המצב נמלט על נפשו עוד לפני בואו. בעיר הזאת השיב אח נפש האנשים ההולכים אתו, אשר הציק להם הקר, כי צֵדה נמצאה לרֹב בקרב העיר. אחרי־כן יצא להלחם בשודדים יושבי המערות, כי הם פשטו בכל הארץ מסביב והרבו להרע ליושביה מחרב המלחמה האוכלת. הורדוס שלח לפניו שלשה גדודי רגלים ולהקת רוכבים אחת אל כפר ארבל וכעבור ארבעים יום בא שמה עם שארית חילו. אבל האנשים לא פחדו מפני בואו ויצאו לקראתו בכלי נשקם, כי היו מלֻמדי מלחמה ומרי־נפש כשודדים. כשנפגשו במערכה הבריח אגף השודדים הימני את אגף חיל הורדוס השמאלי. אבל הורדוס מהר לבוא לעזרת אנשיו מן האגף הימני אשר עמד בראשו, ואחרי עצרו בעד מנוסת צבאו התנפל על הרודפים אחריו ושבר את זרוע גבורתם, עד אשר לא יכלו לשאת את כֹּבד המלחמה ופנו עֹרף.",
+                    "ג. והורדוס רדף אחריהם עד הירדן בחרב אוכלת והמית מהם חלק גדול והנשארים נפוצו מעבר לנהר, עד אשר שקטה ארץ הגליל מחמת המציק, כי נשארו רק האנשים אשר הסתתרו במערות, והורדוס האריך להם אפו עד לעת מצֹא, על־כן שלם לראשונה לצבאו את שכרו, פרי־עמלו הקשה, וחָלק לכל איש מאה וחמשים אדרכמונים כסף ולשרי־הצבא מנה יתרה הרבה פעמים. ואחרי־כן שלח את חילו אל נאות החֹרף לנוח. ואת פֵירוֹרא צעיר אחיו שלח לנַצח על כלכלת אנשיו וגם לבנות את חומות המבצר אלכסנדריון. ופירורא מלא את שני הדברים יחד.",
+                    "ד. בימים ההם התגורר אנטוניוס באתונא. וֶנטידיוס שלח את סילון והורדוס להלחם בפרתים ובראשונה צוה עליהם להכין סדרים בארץ יהודה. הורדוס שלח ברצון את סילון מעליו ויצא להלחם בשוכני המערות. המערות האלה נמצאו בצלעות הרים תלולים ומכל עבר לא יכול הצבא לגשת אליהן, כי רק משעולים צרים ונפתלים הוליכו אל פי המערות, והסלע אשר מעבר פני המערות מלמעלה ירד אל תהום עמֻקה והיה זקוף על פי התהום. זמן רב לא ידע המלך לשית עצות בנפשו, כי נבצר ממנו להגיע עד המקום ההוא. ואחרי־כן מצא תחבולה מחֻכָּמה ומסֻכָּנה יחדו. הוא צוה לשלשל את בחורי צבאו בארונות (התלויים בחבלים) ולהציגם על פי המערות. והם שחטו את יושבי המערות עם טפם והשליכו אש על האנשים אשר אמרו לעמוד על נפשם. והורדוס רצה להציל אנשים אחדים ממות וצוה עליהם ביד שלוחיו לצאת אליו. אבל איש מיושבי המערות לא נעתר לדבריו ולא הסגיר את נפשו בידי הורדוס, ואלה אשר נתפשו בעל־כרחם בחרו במות מחיי שבי. גם נמצא שם זקן אחד, אשר אטם אזניו מצעקות אשתו ושבעת בניו, בחלותם את פניו לתת להם כי יצאו בברית שלום, והמית את כֻּלם, וכן עשה את הדבר: הוא צוה עליהם לצאת אחד אחד ועמד על פי המערה והמית כפעם בפעם את הבן היוצא משם. הורדוס ראה את הדבר, מרחוק ורחמיו נכמרו אליהם מאד, הוא פרש את יד ימינו מול הזקן והשביע אותו לחמול על נפשות בניו. אבל הזקן לא שעה אל דבריו, רק חרף וגדף את הורדוס, כי הוא בן חשכים, והמית את אשתו על הבנים, ואחרי־כן השליך את החללים אל התהום וקפץ בעצמו שמה.",
+                    "ה. ככה כבש הורדוס את המערות ואת היושבים בהן. הוא השאיר בגליל את חלק צבאו, אשר היה בו כדי לבצור כל רוח מרד מראש, והפקיד על המצב את תלמי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אצל ניזה: תּוֹלֶמַּיּוֹס, ובהוצאה הישנה: פְּטוֹלֶמַּיּוֹס.</i> ואחרי־כן פנה עם חילו אל שומרון והוליך עמו שלשת אלפים רגלים ושש מאות פרשים להלחם באנטיגנוס. אבל אחרי צאתו סר פחדו מעל האנשים, אשר הסכינו לחרחר ריב בגליל, והם התנפלו פתאם על תלמי שר־הצבא והמיתוהו, ואחרי־כן החריבו את הארץ; והבצות ויתר המקומות הנשכחים מני רגל היו להם למסתור. וכאשר נודע להורדוס דבר המרד, עלה חיש מהר לעזרת אנשיו והמית המון גדול מהמורדים וכבש את כל המבצרים במצור והטיל על הערים לשלם מאה ככר כסף ענשים בעבור המרד.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר גרשו הפרתים מארץ סוריה ופקורא נפל בחרב, שלח ונטידיוס במצות אנטוניוס לעזרה להורדוס אלף רוכבים ושני לגיונות, ואנטיגנוס שלח מכתבים אל מַחַיְרַס מפקד הרומאים וחִלה את פניו לבוא לעזרתו הוא, והרבה להתאונן על רשעת הורדוס וגם הבטיחהו לשלם לו כסף. אבל מַחַיְרַס לא נועז לעבור על מצות שולחו, ומה גם כי נתן לו הורדוס מתנות יתרות, ועל־כן לא הטה אזניו לבגוד בו, אולם התחפש כאוהב אנטיגנוס ויצא לרגל את מחנהו בירושלים, ולא שמע לקול הורדוס, אשר מנעהו מעשות את הדבר. אבל אנטיגנוס הבין, כי מחשבת אוֶן בלב מחירס, ועל־כן סגר בפניו את שערי העיר ונלחם אתו כאויב מראש החומה, עד אשר שב מחירס בבשת פנים אל הורדוס לעיר אמאוס, ומרב כעסו על משוגתו הבה לפי חרב את כל היהודים אשר פגש בדרכו ולא חמל על אנשי־שלום הורדוס, כי לא רצה לשים פדות ביניהם ובין אוהבי אנטיגנוס.",
+                    "ז. לדבר הזה התאנף הורדוס ונשא את נפשו להלחם במחירס כאויב, אבל כבש את כעסו ומהר לנסוע אל אנטוניוס להתאונן על מחירס ועל העול אשר עשו ידיו. ומחירס השיב אל לבו, כי עשה מעשה תעתועים, ורדף אחרי המלך והרבה להפציר בו עד השלימו עמו. אולם הורדוס לא שב ממחשבתו לנסוע אל אנטוניוס. הוא שמע, כי חנה אנטוניוס בחיל גדול לפני סַמּוֹסַטָּה ונלחם עליה — העיר הזאת היא מבצר חזק בקרבת נהר פרת — והחיש את מסעו שמה, כי מצא עתה שעת־הכשר להראות את גבורתו ולהגדיל את חנו בעיני אנטוניוס. וכבוא הורדוס שמה שם קץ במהרה למצור העיר, כי המית רבים מהשונאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: הברבּרים.</i> ולקח מהם שלל גדול. ואנטוניוס, אשר זה מכבר השתומם על גבורת הורדוס, הוסיף יקר על כבודו וחזק אותו בתקותו לכסא המלוכה, ואנטיוכוס המלך הֻכרח להסגיר את העיר סמוסטה (בידי הרומאים)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מות יוסף נגלה להורדוס בחלום הלילה. הורדוס נצל בנס מצרה פעמים. הוא המית את פפוס רוצח אחיו ושלח את ראשו אל פירורא, ואחרי־כן שם מצור על ירושלים ולקח את מרים לאשה.</small><br><br>א. בין כה וכה הורע מעמד הורדוס בארץ יהודה. הוא עזב שם את השלטון בידי יוסף אחיו וצוה עליו לבל יתגרה מלחמה באנטיגנוס עד שובו, בדעתו כי לא יהיה לו מחירס למשען חזק, כאשר הוכיח כבר במעשיו. אבל בשמוע יוסף כי הרחיק אחיו ללכת מאד לא שם אל לבו את מצוותיו ויצא אל יריחו עם חמשה גדודים אשר שלח עמו מחירס. הוא ירד שמה לגזול את תבואת השדה בעצם הקיץ. אבל בהרים ובין המצרים התנפלו עליו האויבים, ויוסף נפל בחרב, אחרי עשותו גבורות במלחמה, וכל צבא הרומאים נכרת. כי הגדודים האלה היו צעירים (טירונים) מארץ סוריה ולא נמצאו ביניהם אנשי־הצבא הנקראים ״ישנים״ (וֶטרנים, מלֻמדי מלחמה), אשר היה בהם כח להגן במלחמה על הצעירים אשר לא ידעו להלחם.",
+                    "ב. ודעת אנטיגנוס לא התקררה בנצחון הזה. הוא העיר את כל חמתו על אויביו וגם התעלל בנבלת יוסף. כאשר תפש את גופות החללים צוה. לכרות את ראש יוסף מעליו, אף כי רצה פירורא אחי יוסף לשלם כֹּפר גוִיתו חמשים ככר. — אחרי נצחון אנטיגנוס קם מרד חדש בגליל, ואוהבי אנטיגנוס סחבו את טובי אנשי שלומו של הורדוס והטביעו אותם ביאור (בים כנרת). גם בארץ אדום, אשר שם בנה מחירס אחת המצודות הנקראת גִתָּא, עברו רבים אל אנטיגנוס. ואֹזן הורדוס לא שמעה דבר מכל הנעשה. אחרי אשר נפלה סמוסטה בידי הרומאים הקים אנטוניוס את סוסיוס על ארץ סוריה וצוה עליו לעזור להורדוס במלחמתו עם אנטיגנוס, ואנטוניוס בעצמו נסע אל מצרים, וסוסיוס שלח לפניו שני לגיונות אל ארץ יהודה, לעמוד לימין הורדוס, והוא עם שאר צבאו נסע אחריהם.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר חנה הורדוס בדפני, אשר על־יד אנטיוכיה, נגלה לו בחלום לילה בהיר, כי מת אחיו, וכשקפץ מעל יצועו בחרדה, באו אליו מבשרי האסון. זמן קצר התאבל הורדוס על הצרה הזאת ואת שארית אבלו דחה [עד עשותו נקמה ברוצחי אחיו], ומהר לעלות על האויבים, בהאיצו באנשיו לעבור מעברות גדולות למעלה מכחם. ובהגיעו אל חבל הלבנון לקח לעזרתו שמונה מאות איש מיושבי ההר וגם לגיון אחד מצבא הרומאים נלוה אליו במקום ההוא. עם הצבא הזה לא חכה הורדוס לאור היום, כי מהר להתנפל על ארץ הגליל והדף את אויביו היוצאים לקראתו אל המקום אשר הגיחו ממנו ותכף פשט אל המבצר ההוא. אבל עוד טרם הספיק הורדוס לכבוש את המבצר בסערה, והנה ירדו גשמים בזעף ואלצו אותו ואת חילו לנוח בכפרים הסמוכים. כעבור ימים אחדים התחבר אליו הלגיון השני, השלוח על־ידי אנטוניוס, ושונאיו יראו את כחו הגדול ועזבו בלילה את המצודה.",
+                    "ד. ומשם פנה הורדוס דרך יריחו להחיש את מעשהו ולמהר את נקמתו ברוצחי אחיו, ושם קרה אותו מופת, אצבע אלהים, כי נחלץ מצרה בהסח הדעת, ועל־כן יצא לו שם אהוב־אלהים. וזה הדבר: רבים משריו אכלו ושתו עמו בלילה ההוא וככלות הסעֻדה ואחרי צאת כל המסבים מבית המשתה נפל הבית תחתיו חיש מהר, ובדבר הזה ראה הורדוס אות המבשר תלאה וישועה יחד לקראת המלחמה העתידה. הוא השכים בבקר והסיע את צבאותיו. וגם אויביו ירדו מן ההרים, כששת אלפים איש, ונִסו להתגרות בחלוצי חיל הורדוס, אבל יראו להתנגח עם הרומאים בזרוע נטיה, ועל־כן עמדו מרחוק והשליכו עליהם אבנים וחניתות ופצעו רבים מן הצבא. וגם הורדוס נפצע בחנית בצלעו מדי רכבו במקום ההוא.",
+                    "ה. ואנטיגנוס רצה להראות, כי לא באֹמץ־רוח אנשיו בלבד, כי גם במספרם הוא עולה על האויבים. על־כן שלח את פפוס, אחד מאוהביו, עם צבא אל שמרון להלחם שם עם מחירס. והורדוס עבר בארץ שונאיו והחריב חמשה מקומות־ישוב והמית אלפים איש מיושביהם, כי שרף את בתיהם באש. ואחרי־כן שב אל מקום תחנותו, כי חנה עם חילו על־יד הכפר הנקרא קָנָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות (י״ד, ט״ו, י״ב) מבֹאר, כי מחנה פפוס נמצא על־יד ישנה (איסני), ואולי הַינו הך.</i>.",
+                    "ו. ומדי יום ביומו נהרו אליו המונים רבים מהיהודים היושבים ביריחו ובשאר מקומות הארץ. אלה עברו אליו משנאתם את אנטיגנוס ואלה לשמע :תהלת נצחונותיו ורבים באו אליו מאהבתם לתמורות מבלי דעת וחשבון. והנה נפש הורדוס נכספה להתנגח עם אויביו על שדה המלחמה וגם אנשי פפוס יצאו לקרב בחפץ־לב, כי לא חתו מגבורת חיל הורדוס ולא נבהלו מעז רוחו. וכאשר יצאו שתי המערכות לקרב, החזיקו אגפי צבא אנטיגנוס מעמד זמן־מה, אבל הורדוס חרף את נפשו, כי זֵכר אחיו הנהרג עורר אותו לעשות חיל, ונלחם בחמת גבורה, כאלו עמד לנֹכח רוצחי אחיו לשלם להם כגמול ידיהם, והתגבר על־נקלה על האגף העומד ממולו, ואחרי־כן פנה גם אל חלקי צבא השונא, אשר התעודד במערכה, והדף אותו ורדף אחריו בלי הרף. המטבֵּח היה נורא, כי אנשי חיל אנטיגנוס נדחפו כלם אל הכפר, אשר ממנו יצאו לקרב, והורדוס הציק למאסף אשר להם והֵצר את צעדיהם והמית אנשים לאיך־מספר, ואחרי־כן הרס אל הכפר עם האויבים יחדו, וכל בית היה שם מלא אנשי צבא מזֻיּנים עד אפס מקום וגם הגגות היו מכֻסים המונות אנשי מלחמה. ואחרי אשר התגבר הורדוס על העומדים בחוצות צוה להרוס את הבתים ולהוציא את הפליטים ממחבואיהם, והמית המונות צפופים, בהפילו עליהם את קורות הבתים, ואת הנמלטים מחָרבות הבתים קדמו אנשי המלחמה בחרבות שלופות ופגרי ההרוגים נערמו תלים תלים, עד כי חסמו את הדרך בעד המנצחים. השונאים לא עצרו כח להתנער מהמכה הזאת. כשהתלקטו בהמון עוד הפעם, ראו את תלי החללים הגדולים בכפר ולא קמה בהם עוד רוח, והם נפוצו לכל עבר. כמעט ערב הורדוס את לבו בגאות נצחונו למהר ולעלות על ירושלים ולהבקיענה אליו, לולא עצרוהו גשמים חזקים. הדבר הזה לא נתן להורדוס לארות את כל פרי נצחונו ולהשלים את תבוסת אנטיגנוס, אשר כבר אמר בלבו לעזוב את העיר.",
+                    "ז. לפנות ערב שלח הורדוס את אוהביו העיפים לחלץ את עצמותיהם, ובעוד הוא כלו מכסה זעה מעמל המלחמה הלך לרחוץ את בשרו כדרך אנשי־הצבא ורק נער אחד נמצא עמו. ועוד טרם הספיק לבוא אל בית־המרחץ והנה קפץ משם לקראתו אחד מאויביו חגור חרב, ואחריו השני, ואחריו השלישי ועוד רבים. האנשים האלה נמלטו משדה־המערכה אל בית־המרחץ מזֻיּנים בכלי נשקם וישבו שם נדהמים ונבהלים ובראותם את המלך רחפו עצמותיהם ממגור. הם החלו לרוץ ועברו רועדים מפחד על פני המלך, אשר כבר התפרק את נשקו, ופנו אל פתח הבית. במקרה לא נמצא אף אחד מן הצבא לחפש את האנשים האלה, והורדוס שמח, כי לא אֻנה לו רע מהם. וככה ברחו כלם ונמלטו.",
+                    "ח. ביום המחרת צוה הורדוס לכרות את ראש פפוס שר־צבא אנטיגנוס, אשר נפל חלל במערכה, ושלח את הגלגֹלת אל פירורא אחיו לכֹפר נפש אחיהם המומת, כי פפוס היה האיש, אשר צוה להמית את יוסף. ולקץ ימי הגשמים עלה הורדוס על ירושלים והגיע עם חילו עד חומת העיר וכמלאת שלש שנים ליום אשר בו הוקם למלך חנה עם צבאו לפני הר־הבית. כי משם היה קל להלחם בעיר, וגם פומפיוס כבש לפנים את העיר מן העבר ההוא. הורדוס שׂם על אנשי־הצבא את עבודות המצור והחריב את מגרשי העיר וצוה על אנשיו להעלות שם שלש סוללות ולהקים עליהן מגדלי מצור ואחרי־כן הפקיד על העבודה את הזריזים מקרב חבריו ויצא אל שמרון לקחת לו לאשה את בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס הארוסה לו מכבר, כאשר דברנו למעלה, ובדחותו את עבודת המצור מפני נשואיו, הראה, כי הוא בז למערכות שונאיו.",
+                    "ט. ואחרי חתֻנתו שב הורדוס אל חומת ירושלים עם חיל גדול מבראשונה, כי התחבר אליו סוסיוס בצבא עצום, רוכבים ורגלים, אשר שלח לפניו בדרך היבשה, והוא בעצמו נסע בדרך הצידונים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דרך הכנענים (הפיניקים) — לאֹרך חוף הים (עיין למעלה, פרק י״ג, א).</i>. וכאשר נאסף כל הצבא במספר אחד־עשר לגיונות אנשי־צבא רגלים וששת אלפים רוכבים, מלבד חיל־העזר שבא מארץ סוריה, וגם הוא היה עצום במספרו, חנו כֻלם בקרבת חומת ירושלים הצפונית. הורדוס סמך על פקֻדת מועצת־הזקנים, אשר הוקם למלך על־פיה. וסוסיוס מלא אחרי דברי אנטוניוס, אשר שלח אותו עם צבאו לעמוד לימין הורדוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס כבש בעזרת סוסיוס את ירושלים בחֹזק־יד. קץ אנטיגנוס. על קלֵיאופטרה ותאות בצעה.</small><br><br>א. בקרב העם היושב בעיר רבתה המהומה. המונות נקהלו לפני היכל ה׳ והחלשים אשר בהם בקשו את דבר־אלהים ואנשי הרוח קמו ביניהם להנבא לזמן ההוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נוסח אחר על־פי ההוצאה הישנה: ״החלשים נקהלו לפני היכל ה׳ וברכו ושבחו את הנאספים אל עמם בימים ההם, כי זכו לחסד האלהים״.</i>. ומרי הנפש פשטו בגדוד והרבו שֹׁד וחמס והרבו לבֹז את הלחם במסִבּות העיר ולא השאירו מספוא לסוסים וצֵדה לאנשים. ואנשי המלחמה התיצבו במערכה להגן על העיר מפני המצור וגרשו את אנשי־הצבא שופכי הסוללות מקרבת החומה. ומיום ליום התחכמו להמציא מעצורים חדשים בעד מכונות המצור. ויותר מכֹּל עלו על שונאיהם בעבודת המחתרות, אשר חתרו תחתיהם.",
+                    "ב. המלך הקים אורבים להניא את מעשי השֹׁד ובעזרתם מנע את השודדים לבל יגיחו מן העיר. וכנגד מחסור הלחם צוה להביא אֹכל מרחוק. אמנם גבורי היהודים נלחמו בעֹז־רוח לאין ערוך, אבל הרומאים חזקו מהם בדעת טכסיסי המלחמה, על־כן נשמרו הנצורים מהִלחם עם הרומאים פנים אל פנים, בדעתם כי בנפשם הדבר, רק הגיחו עליהם פתאם מן המנהרות — וטרם הספיקו הרומאים להרעיש חלק החומה, כבר מצאה ידם לבנות חומה חדשה. בכלל לא רפתה זרועם במלחמה ולא התבלעה עצתם; הם קבלו עליהם להחזיק מעמד עד הקץ. ועל אף החיל הגדול והעצום, אשר הקיף עליהם, עמדו היהודים על נפשם חמשה חדשים במצור — עד אשר עלו אנשים מתי מספר מבחורי חיל הורדוס על החומה והוסיפו אֹמץ להבקיע אל תוך העיר, ובראשם עמדו שרי מאות אחדים מצבא סוסיוס. לראשונה נכבש המקום מסביב להר־הבית, ומשם פרץ הצבא אל כל עברים כשטף זרם ברצח נורא, כי הרומאים התמרמרו מאד על ארך המצור והיהודים אשר בחיל הורדוס שקדו לבלי השאיר שריד לקמיהם. אנשים לאין מספר נדחפו אל המבואות הצרים ואל הבתים וגם אל היכל ה׳ ונשחטו שם, ואיש לא חמל על עוללים ועל זקנים ולא על נשים חדלות־כח. ואף כי העביר המלך קול בקרב הצבא ודרש לתת חנינה לאויבים, לא שמעו אנשי־הצבא לקולו ולא השיבו ימינם אחור, כי־אם רצחו זקן ונער, כאלו נטרפה דעתם. והנה ירד אנטיגנוס מן הבירה ושכח את גדֻלתו לפנים ולא שם לב אל מצבו הפעם, רק נפל לרגלי סוסיוס להתחנן על נפשו. אבל סוסיוס לא חמל עליו בצרתו וצחק עליו בזדון וקרא לו בשם ״אנטיגוני״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שם אשה, לגנאי על מֹרך לבו.</i>. אולם לא נהג בו מנהג אשה ולא שלח אותו לחפשי ממאסרו, רק צוה לשימו בנחשתים ולשית עליו משמר.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר התגבר הורדוס על אויביו נטל עליו לבצר את רוח בני בריתו הנכרים. כי המון הזרים מהר לראות את ההיכל בעיניו ולהביט אל קדשיו. המלך עצר אותם מעשות הדבר, בהרבותו לדבר על לבם וגם להגזים עליהם. וגם פגע בהם בכלי נשקו — כי חשב אשר יהיה לו נצחונו קשה ממגפה רעה, אם תחזינה עיני זרים את צפוני המקדש. הוא עצר גם בעד מעשי השֹׁד בעיר, בהציקו לסוסיוס בדבריו, כי שאל אותו, הטרם יחשבו הרומאים להכין את כסא מלכותו בארץ ציה, בהפכם את ירושלים לעיר ריקה מיושב ובהוציאם ממנה את כל רכושה? ועוד אמר, כי הוא חושב למשפט, אשר גם שלטון כל העולם אינו שוה לו למצֹא כֹפר דם אזרחי ירושלים, הנשפך כמים. וסוסיוס השיבהו דבר, כי לצדק התיר את ידי אנשי הצבא לבֹז את העיר חלף עבודתם הקשה בעת המצור. ואז אמר הורדוס, כי ישלם בידיו לכל איש את שכרו מכספו הוא. ככה פדה הורדוס את שארית ירושלים וגם הקים את דברו, כי שלם בנדבת לב לכל איש ואיש מן הצבא את שכרו, ולשרי החילים נתן מנות כערכם, ואת סוסיוס פקד במתנות מלכים, ואיש לא יצא בידים ריקות. וסוסיוס הקדיש לאלהים זר זהב ואחרי־כן עלה עם חילו מעל ירושלים והוליך אתו בשביה את אנטיגנוס האסור. והאיש הזה דבק בחיים בכל נפשו ושגה בתקוות כוזבות עד בוא קצו, כאשר קדם את פניו הקרדֹם ושלם לו כגמול מֹרך־לבו.",
+                    "ד. בשבת הורדוס על כסא המלוכה הִפלה בין יושבי ירושלים. לאנשי־שלומו הנאמנים נתן כבוד וחִזק את לבם לאהבה אותו, ואת אוהבי אנטיגנוס הכריע לטבח. וכאשר אזל הכסף מאוצרו, צוה להתיך את כל הכסף הנמצא בידו ושלח אותו למנחה לאנטוניוס ולקרובים אליו. אבל בדבר הזה לא הצליח הורדוס לפדות את נפשו מכל צרה, כי כבר נלכד אנטוניוס ברשת אהבת קליאוֹפַּטְרָה ובכל מעשיו היה לעבד תאותו. ואחרי אשר השמידה קליאוֹפַּטְרָה את כל בני־ביתה, מבלי השאיר שריד למשפחתה, צמאה לדם אחרים. היא הכתה בלשון את נגידי הסורים באזני אנטוניוס והסיתה אותו להכותם נפש, למען יֵקל לה לרשת את רכושם. ואחרי־כן פרשה את רשת תאות בצעה על היהודים והערבים וחבלה מזמות למגר למות את שני מלכיהם, את הורדוס ואת מלכו.",
+                    "ה. ואנטוניוס נתן לה רק חלק שאלתה, כי לתועבה נחשב בעיניו להמית את שני האנשים הטובים האלה, את שני המלכים הנאדרים; אבל לא נמנע מהפר את בריתו עם אוהביו הקרובים האלה, כי קרע חבלים רבים מעל גבולותיהם, וביניהם את ארץ התמרים בחבל יריחו, אשר שם מקום הצרי, ונתן אותם לקליאופטרה וגם מסר בידה את כל הערים בדרום נהר אֶלַתֵּירוֹס, מלבד צור וצידון. וכאשר היתה לשלטת בכל הארץ הזאת שלחה את אנטוניוס בצאתו להלחם בפרתים עד נהר פרת, ואחרי־כן באה אל ארץ יהודה דרך אַפַּמֵּיָה ודמשק. ושם עלה בידי הורדוס לשַׁכּך את כעסה במתנות רבות. הוא חכר מידי המלכה את המדינות אשר נקרעו מעל גבולו בעד מאתים ככר לשנה, ושלח אותה עד סין ברֹב כבוד ויקר. וכעבור זמן קצר שב אנטוניוס מארץ הפרתים והוביל אתו שי לקליאופטרה את אַרְתַּבַּז בן טִגְרָן, אשר נפל בשביה. את הפרתי הזה עם הכסף ועם כל השלל מהר אנטוניוס להקדיש לה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטוניוס שמע לקול קליאופטרה ושלח את הורדוס להלחם בערבים. אחרי מלחמות קשות היתה יד הורדוס על העליונה. על־דבר הרעש הגדול.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר פרצה מלחמת אַקְטְיוּם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המלחמה המכריעה בין אנטוניוס ובין ציזר־אוקטבינוס.</i>, התכונן הורדוס לצאת לעזרת אנטוניוס, כי כבר הונח לו מן המהומות בארץ יהודה, אחרי כבשו את הורקניה, המקום אשר תפשה אותו אחות אנטיגנוס. אבל בערמת קליאופטרה נעצר הורדוס מלצאת במלחמות אנטוניוס ומהיות עמו יחד בצרה. כבר אמרנו, כי יעצה המלכה דבר־בליעל על שני המלכים והסיתה את אנטוניוס להפקיד את הורדוס על המלחמה בערבים, בחשבה למצא אחת משתי אלה: אם תהיה יד הורדוס על העליונה — אז תמשול היא בארץ ערב, ואם ינָגף במלחמה — אזי תשלוט ביהודה. ככה קותה להפיל את אחד השליטים בידי השני.",
+                    "ב. אבל מחשבתה הרעה היתה להורדוס לישועה. בתחלה לקח ערבון (בני תערובות) מהאויבים ואחרי־כן אסף לו חיל רוכבים גדול והתנפל עליהם על־יד דְיוֹספּוֹלִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש חושבים, כי זו עיר דיון.</i> והכה אותם במלחמה, אף כי עמדו על נפשם בגבורה. לשמע המפלה הזאת קמה תנועה גדולה בין הערבים, והם נאספו בהמון אין־מספר אל קְנָת, אשר בחילת־סוריה, לקדם שם את פני היהודים. והורדוס הגיע שמה עם צבאו ובקש לעשות מלחמה בתחבולות וצוה לבצר בחומה את מקום תחנותו. אבל המון צבאו לא שמע בקולו, כי כבר זחה דעתו בנצחונו הראשון, והוא מהר להתנפל על הערבים והניס אותם בראשית הקרָב והחל לרדוף אחריהם. אבל ברדפו אחרי אויביו נפל הורדוס בפח, כי בגד בו אַתֵּינִיּוֹן, אחד משרי צבא קליאופטרה, אשר היה איש־ריבו כל הימים, ושלח עליו את יושבי קנת, להלחם בו. וכאשר קמו גם אלה על הורדוס, החליפו הערבים כח והפכו את פניהם והתחברו במערכה המונים המונים במקום סלעים ולא־דרך והניסו את צבא הורדוס והכינו לו מטבח נורא. פליטי המלחמה ברחו אל אָרְמִיזָה למקום המחנה, אבל הערבים הקיפו עליו ותפשו אותו עם כל האנשים הנמצאים שם.",
+                    "ג. זמן קצר אחרי הפֻּרענות הזאת בא הורדוס בראש חיל־עזר, אך עבר את המועד. ואמנם סבת המגפה הזאת היתה, כי המרו שרי־החילים את פיו: הן לולא התחוללה המלחמה פתאם, כי אז לא מצא לו אתיניון שעת־הכשר למלא את מזמתו הרעה. הורדוס מהר לעשות נקמה בערבים ופשט על ארצם כפעם בפעם וכה יסר אותם על נצחונם האחד פעמים הרבה. אולם בעוד הוא לוקח נקמה מאויביו, והנה נוספה לו פרענות חדשה, שבאה בידי שמים. כי בשנה השביעית למלכותו בעצם ימי מלחמת אקטיום רגזה ארץ יהודה תחתיה בראשית האביב והמיתה בהמה לאין־מספר, וגם שלֹשים אלף איש נהרגו. אמנם לצבא לא אֻנה כל רע, כי חנה בשדה, אך השמועה, אשר דרכה להפליג בדברי הנוראות, הגיעה אל מערכות הערבים והוסיפה להם אֹמץ. הם חשבו, כי נהפכה כל ארץ יהודה, ואמרו בלבם לרשת את הארץ הריקה מאין יושב, ומהרו לפשוט עליה ולפני צאתם זבחו לאלהיהם את צירי היהודים אשד נמצאו בתוכם. המון היהודים נבהל מפני המלחמה העתידה, כי לא קמה בו עוד רוח מעֹצם הפגעים, אשר התגלגלו עליו זה אחר זה, והורדוס אסף את אנשי־חילו ונִסה לחזק את רוחם, בדברו אליהם לאמר:",
+                    "ד. ״מוזר הדבר בעיני, כי אחזה אתכם פלצות כיום הזה. אִלּוּ למראה נגעי האלהים נפלה רוחכם בקרבכם, החרשתי — אך לא יאות לאנשי־חיל להִמוג מפחד בקום עליהם אדם. הן גם לדבר הזה אין את רוחי להחבא מפני האויב אחרי הרעש, כי מאמין אני, אשר למוקש שלחהו האלהים לפני הערבים, למען יתנו לפנינו את הדין. כי לא בכלי מלחמתם ולא בכח ימינם הם בוטחים הפעם, כי־אם באסון אשר קרה אותנו פתאם. אך לשוא היא תקות אנוש, אשר אין יסודה בחילו ובגבורתו, רק בצרות אחרים ובפגעיהם. כי לא לעולם ימצא האדם פגע וצרה וגם לא לעולם חסן וישועה, וכל עין רואה צבא וחליפות בגורל האדם לטוב ולרע יחדו. בינו את הדבר מן המופתים אשר קרו אתכם. הן במלחמה הראשונה היתה ידנו על העליונה, ואחרי־כן גברו עלינו שונאינו וקרוב הדבר כי הפעם יתפשו במזמותיהם אשר הם חושבים להכריענו. הן הבִּטחה היתֵרה לא תדע להזָהר והפחד מלמד עצה ותחבולה, ועל־כן גם מחִתַּתְכֶם מוסיפה לי אֹמץ ותקוה: כי כאשר העזתם פניכם לבלי־חֹק והעפלתם לעלות על האויב מבלי שמוע לקולי, הנה מצא לו אתיניון עת רצון לבגוד בגד. אך עתה הנני רואה אתכם מתמהמהים ושבורי־לב למראה־עין, והדבר הזה הוא בעיני עֲרֻבּת הנצחון. והנה עליכם להשאר במעמד הזה עד עת מצֹא, אולם בהגיע עת המלחמה תעוררו את רוח גבורתכם ותלמדו את אנשי הבליעל להבין, כי רעת האדם אף פגע האלהים לא יעצרו כח להחליש את עזוז היהודים כל עוד נפשם בם! ואיש מכם לא יתן לערבי להיות למושל בביתו וברכושו, אחרי אשר תפש אותו בכפו כמעט לא פעם ולא שתים, ואל תחרֵדנה אתכם תנועות היסודות אשר אין בהם רוח־חיים, ואל תחשבו כי הרעש הוא אות ומופת לאסון חדש כי יבוא. כי חֻקי הטבע מושלים בפגעי היסודות ולא יוסיפו להביא שֹׁד על האדם, מלבד הנזק הצפון בהם. אמנם יש אשר יבוא איזה פגע קל כאות מבשר רעב או דבר לעתיד, אולם לכל האסונות יש גבול אשר לא יעברוהו. ואף גם זאת, היוכל נצחון שונאינו במלחמה להזיק לנו יותר מאשר עשה הרעש? והנה יש לי אות חזק, כי יפלו אויבינו במלחמה, והאות הזה לא פגע ומקרה הוא וגם לא מעשה אשר בא להם מידי זרים. כי הם המיתו את צירינו באכזריות רשע, לעבור על כל חֻקי האדם, ואת הדבר הזה עשו למען עקוד אותם לקרבן לאלהים, להצליח את מלחמתם. אבל הם לא ימלטו מעין האלהים הגדולה ומזרועו האדירה, ובמהרה יתנו לפנינו את הדין, אם עוד תפעם בלבנו רוח גבורת אבותינו ונקום בעֹז לקחת נקם מהם על אשר הפרו ברית ושבועה. ואל יצא איש מכם להלחם בעד אשתו ולא בעד בניו וגם לא בעד ארץ אבותיו הנמצאה ברעה, רק ילך לקחת את נקמת דם צירינו השפוך. וההרוגים יעברו לפניכם במלחמה ויפליאו לעזרכם משרי צבאותיכם החיים. וגם אני אצא בראשכם לקדם את פני הסכנה, בדעתי כי לקולי תשמעו. הן יודעים אתם, כי לא יעמוד איש בפני עֹצם גבורתכם, אם לא תחפזו במעשיכם ולא תגרמו לעצמכם רעה״.",
+                    "ה. בדברים אלה חִזק הורדוס את לב אנשי־צבאו, ובראותו כי שבה אליהם רוח גבורתם, הקריב זבחים לאלהים, ואחרי הקרבן עבר את הירדן בראש חילו וחנה על־יד רבת־בני־עמון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שמה היוני פילדלפיה (על שם תלמי השני פילאדלפוס).</i> בקרבת האויבים ונִצָּה אתם על־יד המצודה אשר נמצאה בין שני המחנות בתּוֶך, והתכונן למלחמה קרובה, כי גם השונאים שלחו לפניהם אנשים מתי־מספר לכבוש את המצודה. אבל חלוצי־חצבא, אשר שלח המלך, הדפו אותם מהר ותפשו את ראש הגבעה, ולמחרת היום עלה הורדוס עם חילו וסִדר אותו במערכה וקרא את הערבים לצאת אליו למלחמה. אבל איש מהם לא יצא לקראתו, כי חרדה גדולה נפלה על האנשים וגם ראש־הצבא אלתם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אלתמוס, והשם הערבי כהלכתו לא נודע (ואולי ארתם).</i> נמוג מפחד, ולכן נגש המלך והשחית את החֵל [הסוכך על מחנה האויבים]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית הַרַקוֹמה, ונמצאה גם במשנה (כרכום, כרקום).</i>. ולדבר הזה באו הערבים במצוק ויצאו למלחמה בלי סדרים, ורגלִים התבוללו ברוכבים. ואמנם עלו במספרם על היהודים, אך נפלו מהם ברוח גבורתם, אף כי השליכו את נפשותיהם מנגד, בראותם כי רחוקה מהם ישועה.",
+                    "ו. וכל העת אשר עמדו הערבים על נפשם, לא נפל מהם רב, אך כאשר הפנו את ערפם ספו רבים מהם בחרב היהודים, ורבים היו למרמס לרגלי אחיהם. חמשת אלפים נפלו מהם חללים בדרך מנוסתם, והנשארים נדחקו מבית לחֵל. והורדוס הקיפם ושם עליהם מצור וכבר היו עתידים להכנע לפני חרב הורדוס, והנה אזלו המים מכליהם והצמא החיש את מפלתם. המלך קבל את פני שלוחיהם בגאוה ובוז, ועוד הִרבה להציק להם, כאשר אמרו לתת לו חמש מאות ככר כֹּפר פדיון נפשם. וכאשר הוסיף הצמא ללהט בקרבם, יצאו המונים המונים והסגירו את נפשותיהם לרצונם בידי היהודים ובחמשה ימים נאסרו מהם ארבעת אלפים איש בנחֻשתים. וביום הששי נואש ההמון הנשאר מעזרה ויצא לקרב, והורדוס נלחם עמו והכה כשבעת אלפים איש בחרב. ובמכה העצומה הזאת נקם את נקמתו בערב ובצר את רוח גאון אנשיה, עד אשר נבחר גם לראש על־ידי העם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדבר הזה אינו נכון. בקדמוניות ט״ז, י, ט מבֹאר, כי אוגוסטוס קיסר רצה לתת להורדוס את מלכות ערב, אך נחם על מחשבתו, בהודע לו דברי המריבות שבין הורדוס ובין בניו.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס נמנה למלך מטעם אוקטוינוס הקיסר, כי הביא לו מתנות רבות, והוא שלם לו, בהשיבו לו את חלק ארצו, אשר נקרע מעליה בידי קלֵיאופטרא, וגם את חבל נחלת זינון.</small><br><br>א. תכף אחרי הנצחון הזה קדמה את הורדוס הדאגה, פן תלָקח מידו הממשלה על אהבתו לאנטוניוס, אחרי שהיתה יד אוקטוינוס־ציזר על העליונה בסביבות אקטיום. אבל מגורתו הגדולה לא קמה, כי אוקטוינוס לא חשב אשר תבוסת אנטוניוס היא שלֵמה כל הימים אשר ישאר הורדוס נאמן עמו. ובכל־זאת יעץ המלך בלבו לקדם את פני הסכנה ונסע באניה אל רוֹדוֹס, אשר ישב שם אוקטוינוס בימים ההם, ובא אליו בלי נזר מלוכה, ודמה לאיש הדיוט במראהו ובלבושו, אולם למלך בגֹדל רוחו, כי לא כחד ממנו דבר אמת ודבר אליו פנים אל פנים: ציזר, בידי אנטוניוס הוקמתי למלך והנני מודה לפניך, כי בכל דרכי בקשתי להועיל לאנטוניוס, ואף בדבר הזה לא אכסה את האמת תחת לשוני, כי גם במלחמה היו עיניך רואות את הכרת טובתי לאנטוניוס, לולא עצרוני הערבים. ובכל־זאת שלחתי אליו צבא־עזר כאשר היה לאל־ידי וגם המצאתי לו לחם וצידה הרבה רבבות כור. ואף אחרי המגפה על־יד אקטיום לא עזבתי את איש־חסדי, והייתי לו ליועץ נאמן, כאשר לא יכֹלתי עוד לעזרהו במלחמה, ואמרתי לו, כי באחת יוכל לתקון את אשר עות, — אם ימסור את קליאופטרה למָות. גם כסף הבטחתי לו וגם מבצרים להשגב בהם ואמרתי, כי אצא עמו יחד במלחמותיו, אחרי המיתו את האשה הזאת. אבל דודי־קליאופטרה הכבידו את אזניו וגם האלהים עצר בעדו, כי בחר בך ונתן בידך את השלטון. אמנם נפלתי בנופלים עם אנטוניוס יחדו, ואחרי אשר בגד בו מזלו הנה אני מניח לפניך את הנזר. ואליך באתי, בבטחי כי צדקתי תהיה לי לישועה ובתקותי כי תחקור לאמון־רוחי בבריתי ולא תזכור, מי האיש אשר דבקתי באהבתו.",
+                    "ב. ולדברים האלה השיבהו אוקטוינוס: ״שלום לך, והתחזק על כסא מלכותך. הן לך יאתה לנהל ממשלה ברבים, כי הראית את כל חֹזק אהבתך. ועתה נסה־נא לשמור את בריתך לאלה אשר הצליחו בדרכיהם מאיש־חסדך, כי הנה גם אני מקוה ממך לגדולות על נדבת רוחך. ואף אמנם גמל לי אנטוניוס טובה כאשר שמע בקול קליאופטרה ומאס בעצתך, כי בשכר אוַלתו הזאת מצאתי את לבבך נאמן לפני, וכבר החִלות להיטיב לי, כי הנה כתב אלי דידיוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנציב אשר הוקם בסוריה על־ידי אוקטוינוס.</i> בדבר העזרה אשר הספקת לו נגד המתגוששים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הגלדיטורים של אנטוניוס, אשר נמצאו בעיר קיזיקוס ומהרו דרך ארץ סוריה לעזרתו.</i>. ועתה אוציא פקדה להכין את הממלכה בידך ואנסה גם אני לגמול לך חסד, לבל תתהה על חסדי אנטוניוס״.",
+                    "ג. ככה דבר אוקטוינוס טובות עם המלך ושם על ראשו את הנזר והוציא כתב־פקֻדה להיות לעד על המתנה הזאת, ועם המכתב בִּשׂר ברבים את מהלל האיש בדברי־חן. הורדוס נשא את פניו במנחה ואחרי־כן בקש אותו לחמול על אַלֶכְּסָא, הוא אחד מאוהבי אנטוניוס, אשר בא להתחנן לפניו. אולם הקיסר לא יכול לכבוש את כעסו והרבה לדבר קשות עם הורדוס המֵליץ עליו וגם השיב את פניו. ואחרי הדברים האלה, בנסוע אוקטַוינוס אל מצרים דרך ארץ סוריה, יצא הורדוס לקבל את פניו בפעם הראשונה בכל עֹשר מלכותו ורכב על־ידו בפקדו את צבאותיו בסביבות עכּו וגם עשה משתה לו ולכל אוהביו, ואחרי־כן נתן לכל אנשי־הצבא להיטיב את לבם ככל אות נפשם; ומלבד־זאת שקד להמציא מים לרֹב לאנשי־הצבא מדי עברם דרך ארץ הנגב עד סין וגם בעת שובם בדרך הזה, עד אשר לא חסר הצבא דבר ממזונותיו. ואוקטוינוס וכל אנשי־הצבא הראו לדעת, כי קטנה מלכות הורדוס הרבה מדי נדבת לבו. על־כן נשא אוקטוינוס את פני הורדוס בבואו אל ארץ מצרים אחרי מות אנטוניוס וקלֵיאופטרה ועשה לו יקר וגדֻלה וסִפּח על מלכותו את חבל הארץ אשר קרעה מידו קלֵיאופטרה והוסיף עליה מחוץ את גדר ואת סוסיתא ואת שמרון, וגם את הערים אשר על שפת הים עזה ואנתדון ויפו ומגדל סטרטון. ועוד נתן לו למנחה ארבע מאות גַּלִּים להיות שומרים לראשו, והם אשר היו לפנים נושאי כלי קלֵיאופטרה. אמנם סבת המתנות האלה, אשר העניק אוקטוינוס להורדוס, היתה נדבת לב המקבל.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי האַקטְיַדה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מחזור של ארבע שנים, שבסופו קבע אוגוסטוס חג עם משחקים באקטיון, לזכר נצחונו על אנטוניוס. החג הראשון היה בשנת ג״א־תשל״ג, 28 לפני המנין הנהוג.</i> הראשונה הוסיף הקיסר על מלכות הורדוס את חבל הארץ הנקרא טרַכוֹן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה הוראת המלה הזאת הנמצאה גם בספרות התלמודית היא מנוס ביונית — רוץ, כמו השם הערבי שבזמננו אל־לג׳א. — כי שם היה מפלט לשודדים.</i>. (חבל ארגֹב) וגם את ארץ הבשן הקרובה אליו ואת ארץ חַוְרָן, וזאת סבת הדבר: זֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס החוכר את נחלת לִיסַנִּיס לא חדל לשלוח את השודדים מחבל ארגֹב על יושבי דמשק, ובני העיר ברחו אל וַרוֹן הנציב אשר בסוריה וחִלו את פניו להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר מצוקותיהם. וכאשר שמע הקיסר את הדבר שלח פקֻדה לבער את השודדים מן הארץ. וַרוֹן עלה עליהם עם צבאותיו וטהר את הארץ מהאנשים האלה ולקח אותה מזֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס, ואחרי זמן פחד הקיסר, פן תֵּהפך הארץ עוד הפעם לקן השודדים הפושטים על דמשק, ומסר אותה בידי הורדוס. וכאשר בקר הקיסר בפעם השניה את האפַרכיה (נציבות סוריה) בשנת עשר [למלכותו] הקים את הורדוס לנגיד־ראש (אפיטרופוס, מפקח) בכל ארץ סוריה, עד כי לא יכלו נציבי הרומאים לשלוט בארץ מבלי שאל בעצתו. ואחרי מות זֶנּוֹדוֹרוֹס נתן הקיסר להורדוס גם את כל הארץ אשר בין טרכון ובין ארץ הגליל (הגולן). ועוד גדול מכל הכבוד הזה היה בעיני הורדוס הדבר, כי אותו אהב הקיסר מכל האנשים אחרי אגריפס, ובעיני אגריפס יקר מכל האנשים זולת הקיסר. וכאשר הגיע המלך למרום הצלחתו, גדלה ועצמה רוחו הנדיבה והוא נשא את נפשו הגדולה אל מעשי הצדקה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על הערים אשר פאר אותן הורדוס והערים אשר בנה ועל יתר מוסדותיו, כי הראה את נדבת לבו גם לבני הנכר והצליח בכל דרכיו.</small><br><br>א. בשנת חמש־עשרה למלכו חדש הורדוס את בנין היכל ה׳ והרחיב את החצר מסביב לו פי שנים ובנה עליה חומה והוציא על הדבר הזה כסף רב לאין־מספר ועשה את המלאכה בתפארת, אשר אין ערוך אליה. ועל הדבר הזה יעידו האולמים (האסתוניות) הגדולים מסביב למקדש והמצודה אשר עליו מצפון, כי את האולמים יסדו ובנו ידי הורדוס מחדש ואת המצודה הרחיב ופזר לדבר הזה הון עצום, עד אשר לא נפלה ביפיה מארמון מלכים, וקרא לה בשם אנטוניה לכבוד אנטוניוס. גם את בית־המלכות אשר לו הקים בעיר העליונה — שני בנינים גדולים וכלילי־יפי, אשר גם היכל ה׳ לא דמה אליהם בהדרו, וקרא להם על שמות שני ידידיו, לאחד קיסריון ולשני אגרפִּיון.",
+                    "ב. אולם לא רק בבתים אשר בנה חקק הורדוס את זכר אוהביו ואת שמותיהם, כי עוד הגדיל מזה לכבד אותם במבנה ערים שלמות. כי בארץ שמרון בנה עיר והקיף עליה מסביב חומה נהדרה בארך עשרים ריס והביא אל העיר ששת אלפים תושבים וחלק להם לנחלה אדמה פוריה, ובתוך העיר אשר יסד הקים היכל גדול ומסביב לו הקדיש ככר לקיסר שלשה חצאי ריס, וקרא לעיר בשם סבַסטֵי, וליושביה נתן משפטים נבחרים.",
+                    "ג. ובאשר הוסיף הקיסר לתת להורדוס ארץ על גבולו, בנה שם היכל לכבודו על־יד מקורות הירדן, כֻלו שיש לבן. ושם המקום ההוא פַּנֵּיאָס (פַּמָיִס). שם מתרומם אחד מראשי ההרים לגֹבה אין־חקר. ובצלע ההר מלמטה נפתח פי מערה מכֻסה, ובקרב המערה כמראה נקרת־צור תלולה, השוקעת אל תהום עמֻקה מאד, והיא מלאה מי־מנוחות, וחוקרי עֹמק־המים לא יכלו להגיע עד תחתית המצולה גם בחבל ארֹך מאד. מירכתי המערה הפונים החוצה פורצים מעינות, ושם מוצא הירדן לדעת אחדים. ועוד נבאר את זה לאשורו בדברים הבאים.",
+                    "ד. ובעיר יריחו בין מצודת קפרוס ובין ארמון המלך הישן הקים המלך ארמון חדש וטוב מן הראשון ונוח ממנו למושב וקרא לו על שם שני אוהביו. ובכלל לא נוכל לאמר, כי נשאר בכל המלכות אף מקום אחד ראוי, אשר לא עשה בו כבוד לקיסר. ואחרי אשר מלא את ארצו היכלות הוסיף לכבד אותו באפרכיה והקים קיסריונים (בניני תפארה לכבוד הקיסר) בערים רבות.",
+                    "ה. הוא בחר לו על שפת הים עיר אחת אובדת, ושמה מגדל סטרטון, כי היתה יפת־נוף וראויה להתכבד, ובנה מחדש את כלה אבנים לבנות וקשט אותה בארמון מלכים נהדר, ובו הראה לכל את תכונת רוחו הגדולה, כי בכל חוף הים בין דֹאר ובין יפו, ששם נמצאה העיר בתָוך, לא היה נמל לאניות, ועל־כן היו כל האניות היורדות בים מארץ הצידונים (פיניקיה) אל מצרים מפליגות בלב הים, כי פחדו מרוח דרומית־מערבית, אשר גם בעת נשיבתה בנחת היתה מכה גלים אדירים אל סלעי החוף ומשברי הגלים היו מרתיחים את מצולת הים למרחקים. אך המלך לא חס על הכסף ועל העמל הרב ברצותו לכבד את אוהביו וכבש את איתני הטבע והקים במקום ההוא נמל גדול מנמל פִּירֵיוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא הנמל הידוע של אתיני (אתונא בלשון התלמוד).</i> ובירכתי הנמל שם מבואות עמוקים לאניות.",
+                    "ו. ואף כי טבע המקום היה לו לשטן במעשהו, נלחם עם המעצורים הקשים וגם יכול להם, והקים בנין מֻצק, אשר לא עצר הים כח להרסו, וכלל אותו ביפיו כמעשה הדבר אשר יעשה בלי עמל ויגיעה רבה. הנה כבר דברנו, כי קבע הורדוס את גדל הנמל במדה ושלשל אבנים בעֹמק עשרים חבל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אורגיות, החבל הוא ארבע אמות — כל אחת רגל וחצי, ויש עוד חבל ארך יותר, די שמונה, ואף די עשר רגלים.</i> לתוך הים, ולרב האבנים היה אֹרך חמשים רגל וקומתן תשע רגלים ורחבן עשר רגלים, ואבנים אחדות גדלו עוד במדתן מאלה. וכאשר נסתם פי המצולה, צוה הורדוס להרחיב את חלק הסכר העולה מתוך המים עד מאתים רגל. ועל מאת הרגל החיצונות הקים שתות לעצור את שטף גלי הים, והחלק הזה בקרא בשם ״פרוֹקֻמִיָה״ (עוצר הגלים), והחלק הנשאר היה ליסוד חומת־אבנים, המקיפה את הנמל. ובחומה התנוססו מגדלים גבוהים והגדול ביניהם ביפיו נקרא דרוּסִיוֹן, כשם הבן החורג לקיסר (דרוסוּס).",
+                    "ז. כפות רבות הוקמו שם למחסה לבאים באניות, והמרצפת המקיפה אותן בעגול היא מקום רחב־ידים לטַיָלים. ומבוא הנמל מצד צפון, כי רוח הצפון קלה במקום הזה מיתר הרוחות. ומשני צדי המבוא שלש מצבות־ענק נטועות על עמודים. המצבות משמאל לבאים מן הים אל החוף נשענות על מגדל מֻצק והמצבות מעבר ימין עמדו על שני סלעים זקופים ומחֻבּרים העולים בחסנם גם על המגדל אשר ממולם. הבתים הקרובים אל הנמל נבנו גם הם מאבנים לבנות ומרחק אחד היה בין רחובות העיר המשתרעים עד החוף. ולמול פי הנמל מתנשא היכל הקיסר בראש גבעה, והוא נפלא בגדלו וכליל יֹפי. ובקרבו פסל ענק תבנית הקיסר, שנעשה כדמות פסל זֶוס אשר באולימפיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היצירה הידועה של פֵידִיאַס הפַּסָּל איש אתונא.</i> ואינו נופל ממנו במדתו. ועל־ידו פסל האלילה רומא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמל העיר.</i>, הדומה לפסל הירה אשר בארגוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מעשי ידי הפַּסָּל הידוע פוליקלטס.</i>. ואת העיר הזאת נתן הורדוס נדבה לאֶפַּרכיה (לנציבות סוריה) ואת הנמל ליורדי הים הסרים אליו ואת כל כבוד המוסד נתן לקיסר, כי קרא לעיר ״קיסריה״ (קיסרי, קיסרין) על שמו.",
+                    "ח. ואת יתר הבנינים, את האמפיתיאטרון ואת התיאטרון ואת השוָקים יסד הורדוס כמשפט לאיש אשר נקראה העיר על שמו. הוא תקן שם משחקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משחקי מתחרים במרוץ, במרוץ הסוסים, מתגוששים ועוד.</i> אחת לחמש שנים וגם אותם קרא על שם הקיסר. ובפעם הראשונה קבע פרסים גדולים מאד למנצחים באולימפידה המאה ותשעים ושתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ג״א תשמ״ט—תשנ״ג, י״ב עד ח לפני המנין הנהוג.</i>, ולא המנצחים במשחקים בלבד, כי־אם גם השניים והשלישים להם נשאו משאות כיד המלך. הוא בנה מחדש גם את העיר אנתדון, אשר חרבה במלחמה, וקרא לה בשם אגרפיון. ומִגֹּדל אהבתו לידידו זה חרת את שמו גם מעל לשער אשר בנה להיכל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה בבית־המקדש.</i>.",
+                    "ט. גם באהבתו לאביו ולאמו נפלא הורדוס מיתר האנשים. לאביו שם מצבת־זכרון בעיר אשר בנה בעמק היפה במלכותו, המלא נחלי מים ועצי חמד, וקרא לה בשם אַנְטִיפַּטְרִיס, וממעל ליריחו הקים מבצר נשגב בחסנו וכלול בהדרו והקדיש אותו לאמו בקראו את שמו קִפְּרוס. ולזכר פצאל אחיו בנה בירושלים מגדל על שמו ואת תכנית המגדל הזה ואת הדר גדלו עוד נספר בדברינו הבאים. וגם יסד עיר בעמק הצר מצפון בואכה יריחו וקרא לו פַצָאֶלִּיס.",
+                    "י. וכאשר עשה הורדוס זכר עולם לקרוביו ולאוהביו, לא זלזל גם בזכר עצמו; על־כן בנה מבצר בהר הפונה אל ארץ ערב וקרא לו הורדיון (הֵירוֹדִיּוֹן) על שמו. ואף הרמה העשויה בידי אדם, במרחק ששים ריס מירושלים, אשר דמות לה כמראה שֵׁד, גם לה קרא הורדוס בשם הזה וכלל את יפיה בכבוד וברוח נדיבה, כי את ראש הרמה הקיף מגדלים עגֻלים ואת כל הככר המֻקף מלא ארמנות נהדרים, ולא רק מראה הבתים בפנים היה תאוה לעינים, כי־אם גם מחוץ היה עֹשר רב שפוך על הקירות והקרנות והגגות. המלך פִזר כסף רב למשוך ממרחק מים רבים עד ראש הרמה, ובשפוע הגבעה חצב מאתים מעלות שיש לבן צח, כי היתה הגבעה גבוהה למדי, אף כי כֻלה נעשתה בידי אדם. וגם בתחתית הגבעה הקים הורדוס בניני מלכים אחרים, בתי מסכנות לכלי בית המלך ובתי משכן לעבדיו, עד כי דמתה המצודה הזאת לכל חֻקיה לעיר שלֵמה בתחום ארמון־מלכים.",
+                    "יא. ואחרי אשר יסד הורדוס את כל אלה הראה את נדבת רוחו גם לערים אשר מחוץ. הוא הקים גִמנסיאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מקומות לתרגילי המרוץ, ההתאבקות, הטלת חניתות וכדומה.</i> בטריפוליס, בדמשק ובעכו ותקן את חומת גְבָל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית בִּבּלוֹס.</i> ובנה אכסדרות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן: מדורות מרֻוחים לאספות.</i> ואולמים [אסתוניות]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סטואה ביונית. בעברית סטיו, אצטונית, אסתונית וגם אצטבא, מבואות־עמודים ארֻכִּים לטיול ולאספות.</i> והיכלות ושוָקים בבארות (בַּיְרות) ובצור. בצידון ובצור הקים הורדוס תיאטראות וליושבי לודקיה על שפת הים כרה תעלות להביא מים העירה ולאשקלונים יסד בתי־מרחץ וחפר בארות נחמדות. ומלבד אלה הקים שם אולמי־עמודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פֶּרִיסְטִילוֹן. אולם־עמודים מרֻוָּח לאספות.</i> נפלאים בפאר מלאכתם ובגדלם. ולערים אחרות נתן שדי־עצים ושדי־חציר, וערים רבות קבלו ממנו גם אדמה לנחלה, כמשפט הערים הנחשבות על מלכותו. ובערים אחרות תקן משרות קבועות לראשי גמנסיאות ונתן להם את ארֻחתם שנה שנה ודרש מהם — כאשר עשה ליושבי האי קוֹס — שלא יחדלו הפרָסים כל הימים. וגם לחם הפיק הורדוס לכל שואל די מחסורו, וליושבי רודוס פזר כסף לרֹב כפעם בפעם, למען יתקנו את צי הים אשר להם. ואת היכל פִּתִּיּוֹן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היכל אפולון בדלפי.</i> השרוף בנה מכספו והִרבה את הדרו מבראשונה. ומי יוכל למנות את כל המתנות אשר העניק הורדוס ליושבי לֻקִּיָּה וסַמּוֹס ולתַנות את נדבותיו לבני יוֹנִיָּה כֻּלה, לאיש ואיש כפי מחסורו, והאם האתונים והלַקֵּידימונים ויושבי נִיקוֹפּוֹלִיס ופֶרְגַמּוֹן אשר במוּסִיָּה לא שבעו את ברכותיו?<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ז)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לוקיה (ליקיה) ומוּסיה (מיסיה) באסיה הקטנה.</i> הן גם תקן את הרחוב הגדול בעיר אנטיוכיה אשר בסוריה, כי לא יכול איש לעבור בו מפני זֻהמתו, ורצף אותו באֹרך עשרים פרסה מרצפת שיש לבן ובנה אולם (סטיו) ארֹך על כל פני המרצפת למחסה מגשם.",
+                    "יב. ואם יבוא איש ויאמר, כי בדברים האלה גמל הורדוס חסד לערים יחידות, הנה בטובה אשר עשה ליושבי אֵילִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במערב הפלופונסוס.</i> אָצל ברכה רבה לא לכל עמי יון בלבד, כי־אם גם לכל באי העולם, אשר הגיע אליהם שֵׁמע משחקי המתנצחים באולימפיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא העיר הגדולה באֶליס, מקום המשחקים האולימפיים אחת לארבע שנים (בכל שנה חמישית).</i>. כי בראות הורדוס, אשר עוד מעט יחדלו המשחקים האלה מחֹסר כסף. ובזה יאבד השריד האחרון ליון הקדומה, תקן פרסים למחזור חמש השנים, אשר בו סר אל אולימפיה בדרך נסעו אל רומא, והגדיל עוד לעשות מזה, בהכינו תרומת כסף למשחקים האלה לאֹרך ימים, ועל־כן לא יסוף זכרו לעולם בגלל הפרסים אשר קבע. ומי יוכל לפרוט את כל חסדיו, בקראו שמטה לחובות־כספים ולמסים, כמעשׂהו ליושבי פצאלס ובלניה, וגם מעל יושבי ערי הפרזות בקיליקיה הֵקל את על המסים שנה שנה. ונדבת ידו עוד גדלה ועצמה מזה, לולא פחד, פן יקנאו בו רבים ופן יאמרו, כי עלתה בלבו מחשבה זרה ללכת בגדולות ובנפלאות ממנו, בהִכָּבדו במעשי חסדיו בערים נכריות על־פני מושליהן.",
+                    "יג. גם תכונת גופו דמתה לגֹדל נפשו. הוא היה צַיָּד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קוּנֵיגָטֶס, היא המלה התלמודית: קניגי.</i> מצליח כל הימים והפליא לעשות בעבודת הציד, כי היה משכיל לרכוב על הסוס. ביום אחד הכריע בצידו ארבעים חיה, כי הארץ הזאת מגדלת חזירים וצבאים ועיָרים נמצאו בה לרֹב. והורדוס היה גם גבור־חיל במלחמה, עד אשר לא יכול איש לעמוד בפניו. גם בעת משחקי המתאבקים פחדו רבים ממנו, בראותם אותו מטיל את החנית ישר אל המטרה, וקולע בקשתו אל השערה. ונוסף על מעלות נפשו וכֹח גופו היה איש מצליח בכל דרכיו. ורק פעם או שתים נגף במלחמה, וגם המכשֵׁלה הזאת לא מידו יצאה, כי־אם מבגד זרים או מפחזות אנשי חילו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על מות אריסטובולוס והורקנוס הכהנים הגדולים ומרים המלכה.</small><br><br>א. אולם כגֹדל אֹשר הורדוס מחוץ, ככה גדל היגון אשר נגזר עליו מבית. וראשית מזלו הרע היתה אשתו, אשר הִרבה לאהבהּ על פני כֹל. כי בהגיע הורדוס לממשלה שלח מעל פניו את אשתו הראשונה, אשר לקח בהיותו הדיוט, והיא אחת מבנות ירושלים ושמה דּוֹרִיס, ונשא את מִרים בת אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס, ובגללה קמו מריבות בקרב ביתו בזמן קרוב. ועוד גדלו ועצמו אחרי שוב הורדוס מעיר רומא. לראשונה גרש הורדוס מן העיר את בנו אנטיפטרוס, הנולד לו מדוריס, ושלח אותו מעל פני בני מרים, ואחרי־כן המית את הורקנוס אבי אם מרים, אשר בא אליו מארץ הפרתים, בהתגוללו עליו, כי זמם לקחת את נפשו. כי בַּזַּפְּרַנא לקח את הורקנוס בשביה בפשטו על ארץ סוריה, ואחיו היהודים היושבים בעבר נהר פרת חמלו עליו ופדו אותו ממאסרו. ולו שמע הורקנוס לקול היהודים האלה, כאשר יעצו אותו, לבל ישוב אל הורדוס, כי אז נצל ממות. אך נשואי בת בתו היו לו למוקש, כי בטח בדבר הזה והלך אל ארץ מולדתו, אשר נכספה נפשו לראותה. ואמנם לא היה לשטן להורדוס ולא בזה הכעיס את רוחו, כי־אם בדבר, אשר לו יאתה המלוכה במשפט.",
+                    "ב. מרים ילדה להורדוס חמשה ילדים, שתי בנות ושלשה בנים. צעיר־בניה גדל ברומא ושם מת. ואת שני בניה הגדולים יעד הורדוס למלוכה, בעבור כבוד משפחת אמם ועל אשר נולדו לו אחרי שבתו על כסא מלכותו. ויותר מזה חִזקה אותו בדבר אהבתו למרים אשתו, אשר בערה בקרבו כאש ועצמה מיום ליום, עד כי לא חש את המכאובים אשר הביאה עליו אהובת נפשו. כי מרים שנאה את הורדוס שנאה עזה כאהבתו אשר אהבה. ולה היה המשפט לשטום את בעלה על מעשיו הרעים. ובבטחה כי דבק בה לב בעלה, היתה מיסרת אותו בדברים פנים אל פנים על תועבותיו אשר עשה להורקנוס אבי אמה ולאריסטובולוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: יונתן. ואולי זאת טעות במקום ״יהודה״ — וזה היה כנראה שמו העברי של הכהן הגדול האחרון לבית החשמונאים.</i> אחיה. כי גם על הנער הזה ועל ימי עלומיו לא חמל הורדוס, ואחרי תתו לו את הכהֻנה הגדולה בהיותו בן שבע־עשרה שנה, צוה להמית אותו מיד. כי כאשר לבש הנער את בגדי הקדש ועלה לשרת על המזבח במועד החג, זלגו עיני העם דמעות. והורדוס קנא בנער הזה ושלח אותו אל יריחו בלילה, ושם טבלו הגַלים את בשרו בברֵכה עד אשר יצאה נשמתו, כאשר צוה עליהם המלך.",
+                    "ג. על המעשים האלה דברה מרים קשות עם הורדוס ושפכה חרפות נוראות על ראש אחותו ואמו. אמנם המלך היה כמחריש מגֹדל אהבתו אליה, אבל את לב הנשים אכלה קנאה עזה. הן התמַכּרו להעלות את חמת הורדוס עליה עד להשחית והכו אותה בלשון לפניו, כי זנתה עליו, ובדו דברים רבים למען יאמין הורדוס לשטנתן, ובכלל דבריהן ספרו, כי שלחה מרים את תמונתה לאנטוניוס אל ארץ מצרים ובעצמת נאפופיה גלתה את יפיה מרחוק לאיש הזה, הנותן לנשים חילו, אשר בכחו לקחת אותה בחֹזק יד. כלהט ברק החרידה הדִבה הזאת את הורדוס, כי האהבה הפיחה בקרבו קנאת גבר עזה והוא שם אל לבו את עלילות קליאופטרה הנוראות, אשר הכריעו למות את לסניס ואת מלְכוֹ הערבי, וחרד מאד, פן תלקח אשתו ממנו, וגם אימת מות נפלה עליו.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר שם הורדוס את פעמיו לדרך רחוקה, הפקיד את אשתו בידי יוסף בעל שלֹמית אחותו, אשר היה נאמן בעיניו ואהוב לו מקרבתו אליו, ובסתר צוה עליו להמית את מרים, כאשר יוציא עליו אנטוניוס משפט מות. ויוסף גלה את הסוד למרים, לא במחשבת בליעל, כי־אם ברצותו להראותה את אהבת בעלה הגדולה אליה עד כי גם המות לא יוכל להפריד בינו ובינה. וכאשר שב הורדוס מדרכו וישב עם אשתו יחד וברֹב שיחו הראה לה את תשוקתו העזה ונשבע לה, כי לא יאהב עד עולם אשה זולתה, ענתה אותו מרים: ״את כל עזוז אהבתך הראית בפקֻדתך אשר נתת בידי יוסף להמיתני״.",
+                    "ה. וכששמע הורדוס, כי נגלה דבר סודו, יצא כמעט מדעתו וקרא: ״יוסף לא נועז לגלות לך את דבר פקֻדתי, לולא פִתּה אותך מאחרי״. מכאב לבו אבדה רוח בינתו; הוא קפץ מעל משכבו ורץ בחמתו בבית המלכות אנה ואנה. ושלֹמית אחותו מצאה הפעם עת רצון להפיח כזבים ולחזק את קנאת הורדוס ביוסף. ומעצמת קנאת הורדוס נטרפה דעתו ומיד צוה להמית את שניהם (את יוסף ואת מרים). אולם כשוב אליו בינתו יסרוהו כליותיו על המעשה וכשֹׁך חמתו התגברה אהבתו עוד הפעם ואש תאותו התלקחה בקרבו, עד אשר מאן להאמין כי מתה מרים, ובנוח עליו רוח עועים היה מדַבּר אליה כדַבּר אל החיים, עד אשר ארכו הימים והוא הכיר את כל האסון אשר קרהו, ואז גדל אבלו עליה כגֹדל אהבתו אותה בחיים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>עלילות דברים על בני מרים. אנטיפטרוס קבל את משפט הבכורה עליהם. הם עומדים למשפט לפני כסא הקיסר והוא מקים שלום ביניהם ובין הורדוס.</small><br><br>א. והבנים ירשו את משטמת אמם ומדי העלותם על לבם את מעשה הנבלה אשר עשה אביהם חשבו אותו לשונאם בנפש. ככה עשו מימיהם הראשונים כאשר גדלו ברומא, ועוד הוסיפו לשנאו אחרי שובם אל ארץ יהודה, וכאשר הלכו הנערים הלוך וגדול בשנים, כן גדלה גם שנאתם. ובהגיע עת נשואיהם והאחד לקח לאשה את בת דודתו שלֹמית, אשר עמדה לפנים על־יד אמם לשטנה, והשני נשא את בת אַרְכֵילַאוֹס מלך קַפּוֹדקיא, ערבו האחים את לבם להראות את שנאתם לעינים. ובעֹז נפש הצעירים מצאו הולכי רכיל חפצם ואנשי בליעל אחדים דברו אל המלך יום יום, כי רעה נגד פניו משני בניו אלה, כי חתן ארכילאוס אומר לברוח אל חותנו למצֹא מחסה, למען יוכל אחרי זאת להתאונן על אביו באזני הקיסר. וכאשר שׂבע הורדוס את דברי המלשינים האלה קֵרב אליו את אנטיפטרוס בנו, אשר ילדה לו דוריס, להיות לו למשען בפני אחיו, וגִדל את כבודו בכל הליכותיו.",
+                    "ב. ושני האחים נלאו לשאת את התמורה הזאת, ובראותם את בן האשה ההדיוטית הולך וגדול, לא יכלו בגאון מולדתם להבליג על כעסם ולכל מקרה אשר עצָבם הראו את אפם וחמתם לעינים. מיום ליום גדלה משטמתם, ואנטיפטרוס מצא חפצו בדבר הזה לעלות למעלה. הוא הִרבה לדַבּר חלקות באזני אביו והתחכם לבדות על אחיו עלילות מעלילות שונות, ופעם היה בעצמו מוציא עליהם דִבּה לפניו, ויש אשר שלח את האנשים הקרובים אליו לדבר עליהם רעות, עד אשר הִשׂכּיל להוביש את כל תקוות אחיו לירֻשת הממלכה. על־פי צואת הורדוס נעשה אנטיפטרוס ליורש הכסא וכן היה בעיני כֹל. בכבוד מלכים נשלח אל הקיסר, בעדי עדיים ובעבֻדה רבה ורק הנזר לא היה על ראשו. לימים מצא אוֹן בנפשו להעלות את אמו על יצועי מרים. בשתים עשה מלחמה באחיו, בחנֻפה ובדברי רכיל, ובערמתו פתה את אביו להשיא מות על בניו.",
+                    "ג. הורדוס סחב אחריו את אלכסנדרוס אל רומא והתאונן עליו באזני הקיסר, כי התנכל להמיתו ברעל. בקֹשי מצא אלכסנדרוס כֹּח לשפוך את יגונו, בהכירו כי הקיסר הוא שופט נבון, המיטיב לבחון את לב אנטיפטרוס וגם חכם במשפטו מהורדוס. על־כן הצניע לכת ולא גלה על עונות אביו, אולם הפר בחזקת־היד את כל הדִבּה הרעה אשר הוציא עליו. וגם נקה מאשם את אחיו, אשר נמצא אתו יחד בצרה, ואחרי־כן התאונן על מזמת אנטיפטרוס הרעה ועל החרפה אשר נעשתה לו ולאחיו. הוא בטח בבֹר לבבו, וגם כח מליצתו היה לו לעזרה, כי היה מפליא לדבר מאד. וכאשר קרא אלכסנדרוס באחרית דבריו, כי טוב לו ולאחיו למות בידי אביהם, אחרי שהטיל עליהם אשמה אשר כזו, העיר את חמלת כל העומדים שם, עד אשר זלגו עיניהם דמעות, וגם מצא חן בעיני הקיסר מאד, והוא העביר מעליהם את כל דברי האשמה והקים שלום ביניהם ובין הורדוס והִתְנָה אתם, כי ישמעו לקול אביהם לכל אשר יצום, ולו המשפט לתת את מלכותו לנחלה לבנו הטוב בעיניו.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הדברים האלה שב המלך מרומא, ולמראה עין העביר את אשמת בניו, אולם לא חדל לחשוד בהם, כי אנטיפטרוס מפיח־המדנים הלך אתו יחדו. אך לא גלה על שנאתו מיראתו את האיש, אשר הקים שלום ביניהם (הקיסר). וכאשר עבר הורדוס באניה אל ארץ קיליקיה וירד אל היבשה בְּאֶלַיּוּסָה, עשה לו ארכילאוס משתה־ידידים להודות לו על פדות נפש חתנו. ארכילאוס שמח לַשלום מאד, וכבר הואיל לכתוב אל אנשי־שלומו ברומא לעזור לאלכסנדרוס בריבו. הוא שלח את הורדוס עד זֶפִירְיוֹן ונתן לו מתנות עד שלשים ככר.",
+                    "ה. ובבוא הורדוס אל ירושלים הקהיל את העם והציג לפניו את שלשת בניו והצטדק על־דבר מסעו והִרבה להודות לאלהים וגם לשבח את הקיסר, אשר הקים את ביתו הנופל ונתן לבניו את השלום, אשר הוא דבר גדול מהמלוכה, והוסיף לדבר: ״את השלום הזה אכין ביתר־עֹז, כי הנה הקים אותי הקיסר לאדוני הממשלה ונתן לי את המשפט לבחור ביורש כסאי. ובזה אני ממלא את רצונו והוא גם רצוני. את שלשת הבנים האלה אני מקים למלכים ומתפלל אל אלהים (כי יברכם) — ואחריו אני מבקש אתכם לשמוח בדבר הזה. הן לאחד תֵּאות המלוכה על־פי משפט הבכורה, ולשני אחיו בגלל יחש משפחתם, כי הנה הממלכה היא גדולה ותצלח לממשלת מלכים רבים. ועליכם להזהר לכבד את שלשת הבנים האלה, אשר חִבּר אותם הקיסר יחד ואביהם הקים אותם למושלים, ואל תתנו להם כבוד אשר לא יאות להם בצדק ובמשפט, כי־אם לכל אחד כפי מספר שניו. ואם יחשוב איש, אשר בהרבותו בכבוד אחד האחים ממדת שניו יתן שמחה בלבו, הן לא תשוה השמחה הזאת בכעס האח השני, אשר יגָרע מכבודו. וגם אני אגזור משפט, מי ומי ראויים לבוא בחברת שלשת בני אלה ולהיות להם לקרובים ולאוהבים, והם יערבוני את השלום. יודע אני היטב, כי מיצר לב חברים רעים תצא מריבה וקנאה, ואם יהיו להם חברים להועיל, — ישמרו דרכי אהבה (ושלום). ואמנם אני דורש מבני אלה וגם מכל שרי צבאות חילי, כי רק אלי תהיינה עיניהם נשואות כיום הזה. כי לא את המלוכה, רק את כבוד המלוכה לבד נתתי בידי בני, למען ישׂבעו מברכותיה, אולם כל כֹּבד (חֹזק) השלטון ישאר בידי, ולוּ גם יהיה הדבר בעל־כרחי. וכל איש ואיש יתן־נא אל לבו ויזכור את מדת ימי, את ארחות חיי ואת צדקתי לפני האלהים, הן עוד טרם זקנתי, כי אוָאש מחיי במהרה, ולא הלכתי אחרי חמדות־בשרים, אשר כֹּח להן לקצר שנות עלומים. וגם בעבודת־אלהים יצאתי ידי חובתי, ועל־כן אבטח, כי אאריך ימים הרבה. והאיש אשר יעבוד את בנַי בקוותו ליום חליפתי הוא יתן לפני את הדין גם על אשר עשה להם. כי לא מקנאה ביוצאי חלצי אני רוצה להרחיק מהם כל עבודת חנֻפה, כי־אם יודע אני, אשר הכבוד מלַמד את בני־הנעורים משובה וזדון. וכאשר ישיב אל לבו כל איש המתהלך לפני בני, כי בעשותו דבר להועיל ישא ברכה מידי חֵלף מעשיו, ואם יפיח מדנים — לא יראה שכר מדותיו הרעות גם מידי האיש אשר חפץ ביקרו — אז אבטח בדבר, כי כלכם תדרשו טובתי, והלא היא גם טובת בני, כי גם להם ייטב, אם תשאר הממשלה בידי ושלום יהיה ביני וביניהם. ואתם, בני היקרים, זכרו לראשונה את חבלי הטבע הקדושים, אשר בהם תכּון האהבה גם בקרב חיות רעות. והשנית — זכרו את הקיסר, אשר הקים שלום ביניכם, והשלישית — שימו לבכם אלי, אשר לי המשפט לצוות עליכם — ואיני עושה זאת ורק הנני מדבר על לבכם: שמרו ברית אחים! והנה אני נותן לכם בגדי מלכות ועבֻדת מלכים. ואל האלהים תפלתי, כי ישלים את עצתי הטובה, אם תחיו בשלום״. לדברים האלה חבק באהבה את כל אחד משלשת בניו ושִׁלח את העם. ורבים מן הקהל הנאסף התפללו גם הם, כי תצליח עצת־המלך. והאנשים, אשר נשאו את לבם לתמורות, עשו כאִלו לא שמעו דבר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תועבות אנטיפטרוס ודוריס. בגלל גלפירה יצאה דבה על אלכסנדרוס. פירורא נחשד במעשה זר ונס אשמת שלֹמית נגלתה, והמלך סלח לפשעיהם. הורדוס ענה את הסריסים ואלכסנדרוס נאסר בנחֻשתים.</small><br><br>א. השנאה הכבושה נשארה בלבות האחים והם נפרדו במחשבות רעות — מבראשונה. אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס נרגנו על אשר נתן לאנטיפטרוס משפט הבכורה, ואנטיפטרוס קנא באחיו על אשר היו לו למשנִים. אמנם הוא היה איש מזמות מתכונתו וידע לעצור במלים ובערמתו הרבה הבין לכסות את שנאתו לאחיו. אולם אחיו הגאים ביחש משפחתם היו מגלים בלשונם את כל מחשבות לבם. ואנשים רבים עמדו עליהם להגדיל את רגזם, ויותר מאוהביהם הנאמנים עשו זאת החנפים, אשר התגנבו אליהם לרגל את צפוניהם. וכל דבור אשר נזרק מפי אלכסנדרוס מצא דרכו מיד אל אנטיפטרוס ואחרי־כן נמסר עם תוסֶפת משלו אל הורדוס. וגם בדַבּר אלכסנדרוס דברים לתמו לא היה בטוח משוט־לשון, כי כל מוצא שפתיו שֻׁנה למצֹא בו מחשבה זרה, ומה גם כשדבּר ככל אשר עם לבו — כי נוספו על דבריו כזבים רבים והדבר הקטן נעשה לגדול מאד. ואנטיפטרוס שלח אליו כפעם בפעם אנשים מחרחרי ריב, למען יוכל אחרי־כן לסמוך את שקריו על איזה שרש דבר, בדעתו כי שמץ־אמת מחזק את האמונה בכל דברי להג. לעֻמת־זאת היו כל אוהבי אנטיפטרוס שומרי־סוד מתכונתם ועוד הוסיף להטות את לבם בכסף, לבל יגלו דבר מצפוניו. — אמת בפי האומר, כי כל חיי אנטיפטרוס היו תעלומת־רשע! גם את העומדים על אלכסנדרוס פִּתּה במתן שחד או בדברי חלקות, אשר התחכם בהם תמיד למצא את כל חפצו, למען יבגדו באדוניהם וימסרו לו את כל המעשים אשר עשה ואת כל ניב שפתיו. ואת כל דבריו עשה אנטיפטרוס בדעת ובחשבון כמעשה המשַׂחק בחזיון־עלילה ובתחבולה רבה מצא מסלות שונות לדברי שקריו אל לב הורדוס. הוא התחפש כאח נאמן ושלח מלשינים אחרים אל אביו, וכאשר יצא דבר רע על אלכסנדרוס במעמד אביו, היה אנטיפטרוס שׂם לו סתר פנים, כאלו בא במקרה ונכנס לתוך הדברים, בתחלה נסה להכחיש את השמועה ואחרי־כן חִזק כלאחר־יד את כל הדִבּה והעיר את חמת המלך. וכל הדברים נדרשו סמוכים למזמת אלכסנדרוס הרעה, למען יֵרָאה, כי הוא אומר בלבו להמית את אביו. ואיש לא השכיל לחַזק את אמונת־המלך בעלילות השקר האלה, כאשר עשה אנטיפטרוס בעמדו על אחיו למליץ־ישׁר.",
+                    "ב. והורדוס נרגז מאד לשמועות האלה ומיום ליום רפתה אהבתו לשני הצעירים, ובמדה הזאת הוסיף לאהוב את אנטיפטרוס. ויחד עמו רחקו מן האחים גם השרים והעבדים בחצר המלך. אלה נטו מעליהם על דעת עצמם ואלה עשו זאת במצות המלך, כמעשה תלמי הנכבד בין כל אוהבי הורדוס, וגם אחי המלך וכל בני ביתו. וכל הגדֻלה היתה לאנטיפטרוס. ועוד רע ומר מזה היה לאלכסנדרוס, כי גם אֵם אנטיפטרוס עלתה לגדֻלה יתרה, היא האשה אשר יעצה רעה עליו ועל אחיו וקשה היתה להם מכל אם חורגת, בשנאהּ אותם ביתר שאת, כי היו בני צרתה המלכה. וכל העומדים בחצר המלך שרתו את אנטיפטרוס, כי אליו נשאו את עיניהם, ויותר מזאת, כי חזקו עליהם דברי המלך ומצותו, לבל ידרכו כל אנשי המשרה על סף בית אלכסנדרוס ולא יבואו עמו בדברים. ואימת הורדוס היתה מוטלת על אוהבי אלכסנדרוס לא בארץ יהודה בלבד, כי־אם גם בארצות נכריות. כי לו נתן הקיסר תֹּקף ועז מכל המלכים, עד אשר היה לאל־ידו להוציא את הבורחים גם מן הערים אשר לא סרו למשמעתו. והצעירים (בני מרים) לא ידעו מכל עלילות שוטניהם, ועל־כן לא נזהרו ונפלו בשחיתותיהם על־נקלה. כי לא הוכיח אותם אביהם פנים בפנים; ורק מעט מעט נגלה להם הדבר, בראותם יום יום, כי סר לבו מעליהם והוא מהיר לכעוס לכל שמועת עֹצב. אנטיפטרוס השכיל להעלות עליהם גם את שנאת דודו פירורא והרבה לבקש את קרבת דודתו שלֹמית, כאלו היתה אשת נעוריו, וגם לסכסך אותה באחיו כל הימים. וגם גלפירה אשת אלכסנדרוס עזרה לו להפיח את חמת שלֹמית, כי היתה מרבה לדבר על יחש משפחתה והתפארת, אשר לה המשפט להיות הגברת לכל נשי בית המלך, כי לבית אביה יצאה מגזע טֶמֶּנּוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טמנוס מלך ארגוס, לפי האגדה היונית בן אריסטומכוס בן קליאודַיוס בן הילוס בן הגבור הידוע הֶרַקְלֵס. לפי מסרת הֶרוֹדוֹטוֹס (ספר ח, קל״ז) היה פרדיקס הראשון למושלי מקדוניה מיוצאי חלציו של טמנוס זה; ארכילאוס, שהיה כנראה ממשפחת אצילים מקדונים, התיחש אליו.</i> ולבית אמה ממשפחת דריוש בן וִשְׁתַּסְפָּא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא דריוש מלך פרס הידוע, אשר בימיו וברשותו נבנה הבית השני בירושלים.</i>; ולעמת־זאת הרבתה לחרף את אחות הורדוס ואת נשיו על בוז משפחתן וגם אמרה עליהן, כי לא בחר המלך בכל אחת מהן על יחש אבותיה, ורק על יפי־תארה לבד. ונשים רבות היו להורדוס, כי הֻתַּר ליהודים על־פי חקי אבותיהם להרבות נשים. וגם רבות מצאו חן בעיני המלך. וכל הנשים האלה שטמו את אלכסנדרוס על אשר דברה עליהן גלפירה בצואר עתק ושפכה עליהן בוז וחרפות.",
+                    "ג. אריסטובולוס הפך את לב שלֹמית לשנֹא אותו, אף כי היתה, חותנתו. זה מכבר קצפה עליו וחרונה גדל עוד בגלל גדופי גלפירה, — כי אריסטובולוס היה בז לאשתו כל הימים על אשר יצאה ממשפחת חשֻׁכּים, באמרו כי הוא נשא אשה הדיוטית בעוד אשר לקח לו אלכסנדרוס בת מלכים לאשה. ואשתו בכתה לפני שלמית אמה וגלתה לה את הדבר וגם הוסיפה לספר: ״אלכסנדרוס והקרובים אליו מתפארים, כי אחרי הכינם את הממלכה בידם יתנו את אמות יתר אחיהם עם השפחות לשלוח בפלך את ידיהן ואת הבנים אחיהם יקימו לסופרים בכפרים, והם אומרים בלעג, כי לדבר הזה היו להם (לאחיהם) אומנים טובים״. לשֵׁמע זאת לא יכלה שלֹמית להתאפק וספרה להורדוס את כל הדברים האלה, והיא היתה נאמנה עליו מאד, בתתה דֹפי בחתנה. ועוד דִבה אחת נוספה אז והציתה כאש את חמת המלך, כי הגיעה השמועה לאזניו, אשר שני בניו מעלים תמיד על שפתיהם את שם אמם ומקללים את רוצחי נפשה, וכפעם בפעם מדי תתו מבגדי מרים לנשיו, הנופלות ממנה ביחש משפחתן, הם מאַיְמים, כי תחת בגדי מלכות יתנו לבושן שק בזמן קרוב.",
+                    "ד. לשמע הדברים האלה חרד המלך מפני הצעירים על רום לבם, ובכל־זאת לא נואש עוד מקוות להם, כי ישובו מדרכיהם. על־כן קרא להם לבוא לפניו, כאשר התעַתּד לנסוע אל רומא, וגער בהם מעט כמלך ויותר מזה דבר על לבם כאב והוכיח אותם בדברים לאהוב את אחיהם, וגם הבטיחם למחות את פשעיהם, אם ייטיבו את דרכיהם לעתיד. והם כחשו בכל העלילות אשר יצאו עליהם, בטענם כי שקר יסודן, וגם אמרו, כי יַראו את צדקתם במעשים, אבל גם עליו מֻטל להרחיק ממנו כל שפתי־שקר ולא להאמין להן על־נקלה, כי לא יחדלו אנשי בליעל לטפל עליהם כזבים, אם יטה לדבריהם אֹזן קשבת.",
+                    "ה. בדברים האלה הניחו הבנים את דעת אביהם על־נקלה והרחיקו מהם את הסכנה באותו־מעמד, אבל הם הבינו, כי עוד ישׂבעו ממרורים בעתיד, בדעתם כי שלֹמית עוינת אותם וגם דודם פירורא רודף את נפשם, ושני אלה היו חזקים וקשים מהם, ומה גם פירורא, אשר היתה לו יד בכל עסקי המלוכה ורק הנזר הבדיל בינו ובין אחיו. ותבואת רכושו (שנה בשנה) היתה מאה ככר, כי לו היה פרי עבר הירדן כֻּלו, אשר קבל במתנה מאת אחיו. והורדוס הקים אותו לנסיך (טטררכוס) ואת המשרה הזאת השיג למענו מידי הקיסר, וגם כִּבּד אותו להתחתן עם בית המלך, בתתו לו את אחות אשתו לאשה. ואחרי מות האשה הזאת יעד לו הורדוס את בתו הבכירה ונתן לה שלוחים שלש מאות ככר. אולם פירורא השתמט מלשאת את בת המלך, כי חשקה נפשו באחת השפחות. לדבר הזה קצף עליו הורדוס ונתן את בתו לאשה לבן אחיו, אשר נפל אחרי־כן במלחמה עם הפרתים. ולא ארכו הימים והורדוס השיב את חמתו מפירורא וסלח למחלתו (למחלת אהבתו).",
+                    "ו. עוד לפנים, בחיי המלכה (מרים), הֻכּה פירורא בלשון, כי הוא מתנכל להמית את המלך ברעל, ועדים רבים גלו את אשמתו בימים ההם, עד אשר נפתה הורדוס להאמין לדברים, אף כי אהב את אחיו אהבה עזה. הוא צוה לענות רבים מהחשודים בדבר, והגיע לאחרונה גם עד אוהבי פירורא. אבל איש מהם לא הודה במזמת פירורא הרעה, ורק נגלה הדבר, כי התכונן לקחת את אהובתו ולברוח אתה אל הפרתים, וקסטבד בעל שלֹמית, אשר נתנה לו המלך אחרי המיתו את בעלה הראשון בעון זמה, עזר לפירורא בעצתו ונתן לו יד לברוח. גם שלֹמית לא נִקתה מעלילת דבר. כי פירורא אחיה העיד בה, אשר באה במסֹרת הברית עם סוּלי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: סילַיוס.</i>, המשנה לעֻבדת מלך הערבים, שונא הורדוס בנפש, ואמרה להנשא לו. ואף כי נלכדה שלֹמית באשמה הזאת, וגם צדקו יתר הדברים אשר ענה בה פירורא, בכל־זאת נתן לה המלך חנינה, וגם העביר את חטאת פירורא.",
+                    "ז. והסערה אשר התחוללה בבית המלך פקדה עתה את אלכסנדרוס וחלה כֻּלה על ראשו. שלשה סריסים נכבדים היו בחצר המלך, אשר נשא את פניהם במשרות רמות: את האחד הפקיד לתת את הכוס על ידו ואת השני להגיש את הלחם לפניו והשלישי היה מכין את יצועיו וישן עמו בחדר. את הסריסים האלה פתה אלכסנדרוס במתנות רבות למלא תאותו. וכאשר נודע הדבר למלך, צוה לענותם ותחת סבל ענוייהם הודו על קרבתם לאלכסנדרוס וגם גלו לפניו את הדברים אשר הבטיחם אלכסנדרוס בעת פתוחו אותם, כי אמר להם: ״למה לכם לבטוח בהורדוס הזקן, אשר לא ידע להִכּלם, הצובע את שערותיו? — הבגלל הדבר הזה לצעיר תחשבוהו? פנו אלי, כי אני אירש את הממשלה בזמן קרוב, ברצון אבי או בעל־כרחו, ואז אעשה נקמות באויבי ואת אוהבי אשביע אֹשר ועדנים ואתכם אפקוד לטובה על פני כל״. והם הודיעו גם את המלך, כי כבר עובדים אילי הארץ במסתרים את אלכסנדרוס, ושרי החילים וראשי הגדודים מתאספים אליו בלאט.",
+                    "ח. לדברים האלה התחלחל הורדוס מאד, עד כי לא מצא עז בנפשו לפרסם את דברי העדים האלה, רק שלח מרגלים יומם ולילה לחקור את כל הדברים הנעשים והמדֻבּרים ואת האנשים החשודים הסגיר תכף להורגים. וחצר המלך מלא שערורה נוראה, כי מכעס או משנאה הלך כל איש רכיל ברעהו, ורבים מצאו חפצם בחמת המלך המשַׁכּלת להנקם מאנשי עברתם. וכל דבר שקר נאמן מיד, והעֹנש בא סמוך לדִבּה חיש מהר. ויש אשר נאשם איש מיד אחרי ענותו רעה בחברו, ויחד עם האיש, אשר גלה את אשמתו, הובל גם הוא לטבח. כי פחד המלך לנפשו מאד ולא נתן לחקור ולדרוש, ורגזו תקף עליו, עד אשר לא עצר כח להביט במנוחה אל פני האנשים הנקיים מאשם, וגם על אוהביו הקרובים היתה ידו נטויה. על רבים מהם אסר לבוא בשער המלך והוכיח בדברים קשים את האנשים, אשר לא מלָאוֹ לבו ליסרם ביד רמה. בקרב הרעה אשר קמה על אלכסנדרוס נוסדו עליו אנטיפטרוס וקרוביו לאגֻדה אחת [להבאיש את ריחו בעיני אביו] ולא היה דבַר דִבּה אשר נבצר מהם. והמלך נבהל מאד מתעתועי אנטיפטרוס ומכזביו, עד אשר נדמה בעיניו, כי אלכסנדרוס עומד עליו בחרב שלופה להרגהו. על־כן צוה לתפוש אותו פתאם ולאסרו בנחֻשתים, ואת אוהביו עִנה להוציא מפיהם דבר. רבים מהם נשאו את יסוריהם במנוחה ומתו מבלי להעיד דבר־שקר, אבל נמצאו בקרבם אנשים, אשר עיפה נפשם מרֹב מכאוביהם וענו שקר באלכסנדרוס ובאריסטובולוס, כי הם זוממים לנפש המלך ומחכים לשעת הכֹּשר להמית אותו בעת הציד ולברוח אחרי־כן אל רומא. אמנם כַּחש הדברים ענה בפניהם, כי רק באֹנס נזרקו מפי העדים, אך המלך האמין להם בנפש חפצה, כי מצא לו כסות עינים להצדיק את מאסר בנו ולהראות כי לא עבר על חֻקי הצדק."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס הקים שלום בין אלכסנדרוס ובין פירורא ובין הורדוס.</small><br><br>א. אלכסנדרוס ראה, כי לא יצלח בידו להפוך את מחשבת אביו, על־כן אמר בלבו לשלם לדורשי רעתו מדה כנגד מדה. הוא כתב ארבעה ספרים נגד אויביו ובהם הודה על מזמתו הרעה, אולם הראה, כי גם רבים מהאנשים, האלה נמצאו אִתּו בעצה אחת, ויותר מכּלם הרעו לעשות פירורא ושלֹמית ועל האשה הזאת ספר, כי פעם אחת אִלצה אותו לעשות אִתּה זמה בלילה. הספרים האלה הגיעו לידי הורדוס וענו דברים רבים ונוראים בגדולי מלכותו, והנה מהר ארכילאוס לבוא אל ארץ יהודה, כי חרד לנפשות חתנו ובתו, והיה להם לעוזר מחֻכָּם בהפרו בתחבולותיו את מחשבת המלך, הרעה עליהם. כי בגשת ארכילאוס אל הורדוס קרא בקול גדול: ״איה חתני הנבל? איפה אמצא את ראש רוצח־האב, למען אפוצץ אותו בידי? וגם את בתי אשלח אחרי בעלה הנאה. הן גם אם לא היתה אתו יחד במזמתו הרעה, כבר נטמאה כי היתה לו לאשה. מה יפָּלא בעיני אֹרך אפך למבקש רעתך, כי עוד חי הוא אלכסנדרוס. הן מהרתי לבוא אליך מקפודקיא, כי חשבתי, שכבר נשא את עונו, למען אחקר אתך יחד את בתי, אשר נתתי לו לאשה בנשאי פנים לכבודך. ועתה הנה אני רואה, כי עלינו להועץ על־דבר שניהם ואם ירך לבך, לב האב, מענוש את בנך הצודה את נפשך, נמסור איש את משפטו בידי אחיו וקנא כל אחד ממנו את קנאת השני״.",
+                    "ב. בדברים האלה הניח ארכילאוס מעט את דעת הורדוס, אשר מאן להטות אליו אזנו לראשונה. הוא נתן בידו את הספרים אשר חבר אלכסנדרוס לבחון אותם ובראש כל פרק ופרק עמד והתבונן עמו בדבר. ועתה מצא ארכילאוס מקום להשלים את עצתו המחֻכּמה ומעט־מעט העביר את האשמה על ראשי האנשים הנקובים בספר ויותר מכלם — על ראש פירורא. בראותו את המלך שומע את דבריו באמונה, קרא אליו: ״עלינו לחקור את הדבר, פן כרו אנשי הבליעל שוחה לרגלי הצעיר והוא לא התנכל עליך. כי אין אני רואה דבר, אשר יוכל להשיאו לעשות מעשה תועבה כזה. הן כבר שׂבע מכבוד המלוכה וגם קוה לרשת את כסאך, ואולי פתוהו אחרים והטו את דעת עלומיו הקלה למעשים רעים לטובתם. והן לא צעירים בלבד נפלו בפח אנשי ערמה כאלה, כי־אם גם זקנים ונבונים, ומשפחות מהֻללות וממלכות שלמות הֻכּוּ בידיהם חֵרם״.",
+                    "ג. הדברים האלה מצאו חן בעיני הורדוס וחמתו העזה על אלכסנדרוס שככה מעט, ורגזו קפץ על פירורא, כי עליו נשאו ארבעת הספרים את דבריהם. וכראות פירורא את זעף המלך ואת אהבתו הגדולה לארכילאוס, אשר לא יפלא ממנה דבר, הבין כי לא ימצא ישועה בדרך כבוד ובקש להציל את נפשו בהשפילו את כבודו. הוא הרפה מאלכסנדרוס והתרפס לפני ארכילאוס, אך האיש הזה ענהו, כי אינו רואה דרך לבקש עליו רחמים, אחרי אשר רבו אותות אשמתו וברור הדבר, כי יעץ רעה על המלך ומידו קמה כל הרעה אשר מצאה את הצעיר, — רק אם ישמע לקולו ויעזוב את דרכי ערמתו ולא יוסיף עוד לכחש בדברים, כי־אם יודה על כל דברי האשמה ויבקש את אחיו ואוהבו לסלוח לחטאתו, ואם יעשה כדבר הזה, עזור יעזר לו גם הוא (ארכילאוס) בכל כחו.",
+                    "ד. ופירורא שמע לעצת ארכילאוס והתקין את עצמו לעורר רחמים על נפשו ולבש שחורים ונפל בבכי לרגלי אחיו — כמעשהו זה פעמים רבות — ובקש ממנו להעביר את חטאתו והודה בפיו, כי הוא איש נבל ועשה את הדברים הנקובים בספר האשמה. ובכה על טרוף דעתו ועל שגעונו ואמר, כי סבת הדבר היא אהבתו לאשתו. וכאשר למד פירורא חובה על עצמו והעיד בפיו על אשמתו, קם ארכילאוס לעזרתו ובקש עליו רחמים מאת הורדוס לשכך את חמתו, בתתו לו מופתים אשר קרו בביתו. כי עוד הרבה יותר ממנו שבע צרות ומכאובים מאחיו, אבל כבש את כעסו ונקמתו, כי מאן לעבור על ברית אחים. כי הממלכות דומות לגופים גדולים, ותמיד חלקן שרוי בדלקת מפני כֹבד המשא, אבל אין לכרות את החלק הזה, כי־אם להעלות לו ארוכה בנחת ולרפאותו.",
+                    "ה. ארכילאוס הרבה עוד לדבר על לב הורדוס ולהעיר את רחמיו על אחיו, אולם לא שב מחמתו השפוכה על אלכסנדרוס, והודיע כי התיר את ברית נשואיו עם בתו והוא אומר להשיבנה אל ביתו, בדברים האלה הפך את לב הורדוס, עד אשר עמד לדבר לפניו טובות על הצעיר ולבקש ממנו, כי יתן את בתו לאשה לבנו עוד הפעם. למען יאָמנו דבריו ענהו ארכילאוס בערמה, כי הוא מפקיד את בתו בידו לתִתּה לאשה לכל אשר יחפוץ, זולת אלכסנדרוס, וגם הודיעהו, כי יקר בעיניו מכֹּל לשמור את חק קרבת משפחתם. אולם הורדוס השיבהו, כי למנחה מידו יחשב בנו בעיניו, אם לא יתיר את קשרי הנשואים, כי כבר נולדו בנים לצמד הזה והאשה טובה מאד בעיני הצעיר, ואם תשאר לו, תשמור אותו מחטאים, ואם תלקח ממנו, אזי יִוָּאֵשׁ מכּל חפצו. הן תענוגי־המשפחה מחלישים את זדון לב האדם. בקֹשי נרצה ארכֵילאוס לדברי הורדוס והשלים עם העלם וגם הקים ברית־שלום בינו ובין אביו ואמר, כי הדבר נחוץ לשלוח אותו אל הקיסר, כי כבר כתב אליו והודיעהו את כל הדברים האלה.",
+                    "ו. ככה הצליחה תחבולת ארכילאוס להציל את חתנו. ואחרי־כן עשו משתה ושמחה לכבוד השלום. ובצאת ארכילאוס לדרכו נתן לו הורדוס למנחה שבעים ככר וכסא־זהב רצוף אבני־חן וסריסים וגם פילגש אשר נקראה בשם פַּנּוּכִיס. ולרעי ארכילאוס נתן הורדוס מתנות לכל איש כפי מעלתו, ובמצות המלך נתנו גם קרוביו תשורות יקרות לארכילאוס, והורדוס וגדולי המלוכה שלחו אותו עד אנטיוכיה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אֵירִיקְלֶס מבאיש את ריח בני מרים ולא הועילו להם דברי אֶוַּרַטּוּס הטובים.</small><br><br>א. כעבור זמן קצר סר אל ארץ יהודה איש אחד, אשר היה גדול במזמותיו מארכילאוס, והפר את השלום אשר הקים האיש הזה לטובת חתנו בחכמתו וגם המיט את אלכסנדרוס למות. האיש הזה היה לַקוֹני במשפחתו ושמו אֵירִיקְלֶס ובתאוה בצעו רץ להרע אל מלכות יהודה, כי לא יכלה עוד ארץ יון לכלכל אותו עם צרכיו הרבים. הוא הביא אל הורדוס מתנות יקרות לצוד את לבבו וקבל חליפתן מתנות כפולות ומכֻפּלות, אולם נפשו מאסה במנחה טהורה, כי רק בדם אמר למצֹא שכרו במלכות. הוא סבב את המלך בחנֻפה ובחלקת־לשון ורומם את שמו בשפתי שקר וחיש מהר תִּכּן את רוח הורדוס והבין לשַׂמח את לבבו בכל הליכותיו ומעשיו ונחשב לאחד מאוהביו הראשונים, כי גם על מולדתו נשא הסְפַּרְטִיַּטִּי הזה חן וכבוד בעיני המלך וכל העומדים עליו.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר הכיר אֵירִיקלס את נגעי בית־המלוכה וידע את המריבות בין האחים ואת מחשבת המלך על כל אחד מבניו, נעשה לאוהב קרוב לאנטיפטרוס וגם התחפש כאוהב אלכסנדרוס, בסבבו אותו בכחש, כי הוא מודע לארכֵילאוס. על־כן ראה אלכסנדרוס את פניו במהרה כפני אוהב נאמן וגם הציג אותו לפני אריסטובולוס אחיו. ואיריקלס נִסה הרבה בימי חייו להתחפש ולשנות את פניו בדרכים רבים, אבל כבר נשכר מראש לאנטיפטרוס למַגר את אלכסנדרוס, והוכיח אותו (את אנטיפטרוס) על אשר לא ישים לבו לאחיו העומדים לשטן לתקוותיו (לכסא המלוכה) הראויות לו על־פי משפט הבכורה, ואת אלכסנדרוס היה מיַסר על אשר יתן לאחיו בן האשה ההדיוטית לרשת את המלוכה, והיא תֵאות רק לו, כי הוא בן מלכה וגם אשתו היא בת מלכים, ומה גם כי ארכילאוס יהיה לו למשען. ואיריקלס רמה את הצעיר, באמרו כי הוא אוהב לארכילאוס, עד אשר נחשב בעיניו ליועץ טוב. ועל־כן לא כסה ממנו אלכסנדרוס דבר והתאונן באזניו על כל הרעה אשר עשה לו אנטיפטרוס וגם אמר לו, כי לא יפלא הדבר אם יקח הורדוס רוצח נפש אמם את מלכותה מידו ומיד אחיו. איריקלס התחפש כאח לצרה ודבר על לבו לנחמו. ואחרי אשר הוציא גם מפי אריסטובולוס טענות כאלה ולכד את שני האחים יחדו בדברי תלונה על אביהם, יצא מלפניהם וגלה את סודם לאנטיפטרוס וגם הוסיף לדבר שקר, כי נוסדו אחיו עליו לקחת את נפשו ורק נשאר להם לקום עליו בחרב. חלף הדבר הזה קבל איריקלס כסף רב מידי אנטיפטרוס ויצא להלל אותו באזני אביו. ולאחרונה התמכר בשֹׁחד רב להכריע את אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס, בעמדו לשטן עליהם לפני אביהם. הוא בא אל הורדוס ואמר לו: הנה אני משלם לך טובה תחת טובה ומציל את חייך חלף חסדיך הרבים ואת אור עיניך במחיר נדבותיך. הן זה מכבר הוחדה החרב לקחת את נפשך וימין אלכסנדרוס נטויה להמיתך, אולם אני מנעתי אותו להחיש את מעשהו, בסבבי אותו בכחש, כי גם ידי תכּון עמו. ככה דבּר אלכסנדרוס: ״המעט בעיני הורדוס, אשר מלך בארצות לא לו, בהמיתו את אמנו ובקחתו לו את מלכותה, — כי עוד הקים ממזר ליורש המלוכה ומסר בידי אנטיפטרוס המשחית את נחלת אבותינו? על־כן אקח נקם ממנו על דם הורקנוס ומִרים, כי בלי מעשה־רצח לא אוכל לקבל את המלוכה מידי אב אכזרי כזה. הן יום יום הוא משביע אותי רֹגז ובכל דבר היוצא מפי הוא מוצא דֹפי ומחשבה רעה. לזכר משפחה רמה זרה, אני נוחל קלון תמיד על לא דבר, בשמעי את קול אבי מדַבּר: ״הן אלכסנדרוס לבדו הוא רם היחש, ועל־כן הוא מתעב את אביו על בוז משפחתו״. ובעת הציד אני מרגיז את אבי כשאיני פותח פי, ומדי הללי את אבי, הוא שומע לעג מתוך דברי, ותמיד הוא מקשיח את רחמיו ממני, כי רק את אנטיפטרוס לבד הוא אוהב. על כל הדברים האלה ינעם לי המות, אם לא תצלח המזמה בידי; אולם אם תמצא ידי להמית את אבי, אבקש לראשונה מחסה אצל קרובי ארכילאוס, כי נקל יהיה לי להמלט אליו, ואחרי־כן אלך אל הקיסר, אשר לא ידע עד היום הזה את דרכי הורדוס. ולא אעמוד לפניו כבראשונה, רועד מפחד אבי הנצב ממולי, וגם לא אפתח את פי להעיד את הרעות אשר עשה לי בלבד, כי בתחלה אתַנה את צרות כל העם ואדבר על המסים המעיקים עליו עד כלות הנפש, ואספר מה הם מעשי־המותרות והזדון אשר כלה בהם הורדוס את הכסף, שנגש מאת העם במצצו את דמו, ומי הם האנשים אשר עשו עֹשר מעמל ידינו, וכמה כסף הוציא להיטיב לערים נכריות. גם אדרוש שם את דם זקן־אמי ואת דם אמי ואודיע את כל התועבות אשר עשה אבי, ולא יֵעָשה לי כמשפט רוצח־אב״.",
+                    "ג. כדברים האלה ענה איריקלס באלכסנדרוס והרבה במחלל אנטיפטרוס, כי הוא לבדו אוהב את אביו, ועל־כן הוא עומד לאחיו לשטן במזמתם הרעה. והמלך לא שקט עוד מרגזו הראשון, ולשמע הדברים האלה עלתה חמתו עד להשחית. ואנטיפטרוס מצא הפעם שעת־הכֹּשר לשלוח אל המלך אנשים אחרים להעיד על אחיו, כי באו בסתר בדברים עם יוּקוּנדוּס וטִירַנּוֹס שרי הרוכבים למלך לפנים, אשד נדחו ממשמרותיהם על מעשי־שגגה. ולדברים האלה התאנף הורדוס מאד וצוה מיד לענות את האנשים. אבל הם לא הודו אף באחת העלילות אשר יצאו עליהם, והנה הובא אל הורדוס מכתב אחד, אשר שלח אלכסנדרוס אל שר המבצר אלכסנדריון לבקשתו, כי יקבל אותו ואת אחיו אחרי המיתם את אביהם וגם יסגיר בידם את הנשק ויתר כלי המלחמה למצֹא בהם חפץ. אלכסנדרוס אמר, כי המכתב הזה הוא מעשה דִיּוֹפַנְטוֹס. דִיּוֹפַנְטוֹס היה סופר למלך ואיש עז־נפש והבין לכתוב ככתב איש ואיש. הוא זִיֵּף כתבים רבים ולאחרונה הומת בעונו זה. הורדוס צוה לענות את שר המבצר, אך המעֻנה לא הוציא מפיו דבר מכל אשר ענו בו עדי השקר.",
+                    "ד. אף כי מצא המלך, כי אין עוד דברי העדים האלה מספיקים, צוה לשום משמר על בניו, אך לא אסר אותם בנחֻשתים, ואת איריקלס, אשר הביא את כל הקללה על ביתו ואשר חבל במזמותיו את כל מעשה התועבה, קרא בשם מיטיבו ואיש־חסדו ונתן לו חמשים ככר למנחה. ואיריקלס מהר לעזוב את ארץ יהודה בטרם יוָדע דבר־אמת ונסע אל ארץ קפודקיא והוציא כסף גם מידי ארכילאוס — בספרו לו בעזות מצח, כי הקים שלום בין הורדוס ובין אלכסנדרוס. ואחרי־כן שב אל ארץ יון ופזר את הכסף, אשר עשה לו במעשי רשעתו, למעשי־נבלה חדשים. שתי פעמים התלוננו עליו לפני הקיסר, כי הפיח ריב בארץ אֲכַיָּה ונִצֵּל את עריה, ולאחרונה הגלה אותו הקיסר, וזה היה דבר העֹנש אשר מצא אותו על דם אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס.",
+                    "ה. ונאה להציג פה מול הספרטיטי המביש הזה את אֱוַרֶסְטוֹס איש קוֹס, אשר היה אוהב קרוב לאלכסנדרוס בימי התגורר איריקלס בארץ יהודה, וכאשר חקר אותו המלך בדבר העלילה אשר הוציא האיש הזה, נשבע לו שבועת אמונים, כי לא שמע מפי הצעירים דבר רע. אבל הדברים האלה לא היו להועיל לאֻמללים, כי הורדוס היה נכון להטות אזן קשבת רק לדברי רעה, ואהוב היה לו האיש, אשר האמין והתרגז עמו יחד [לעלילות השקר]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בהסכמת הקיסר האשים הורדוס את בניו לפני בית־דין בבארות, והם לא הובאו אל בית־הדין ונשפטו משפט מות, וכעבור זמן קצר נשלחו אל שמרון והומתו.</small><br><br>א. שלֹמית הגדילה עוד את סאת אכזריות הורדוס ואת כעסו על בניו. כי אריסטובולוס רצה למשוך אל הסכנה את האשה הזאת, אשר היתה דודתו וחותנתו, ושלח אליה להזהירה, כי תציל את נפשה מפני המלך המתכונן להמיתה, כי עוד הפעם הכו אותה בלשון על עונותיה הראשונים, אשר היא אומרת להנשא לסולי הערבי בסתר ולגלות לאויב הזה את מצפוני המלך. הדבר הזה היה הגל האחרון, אשר דחף את הצעירים הטובעים לתוך המצולה, כי שלֹמית רצה אל המלך והודיעה את העצה היעוצה לה מאת אריסטובולוס. והמלך לא יכול עוד למשול ברוחו וצוה לאסור את שני בניו בנחֻשתים ולהפריד ביניהם, וגם שלח מהר אל הקיסר את ווֹלוּמְנִיּוּס ראש המחנה ואת אוֹלִמְפּוֹס ידידו, להביא לפניו את פתשגן כתב־האשמה ודברי העדים. והם נסעו באניה אל רומי ונתנו את מכתב המלך על־ידי אוקטַוינוס, הקיסר קצף על הצעירים מאד וחשב, כי לא יאות לו לקחת מהאב את המשפט לעשות בבניו כרצונו, ועל־כן השיב את הורדוס עם המכתב, כי הוא ממלא את ידו להיות שליט בדבר כטוב בעיניו, וגם חוה את דעתו, כי ייטיב לעשות, אם יחקור את דבר־העלילה לפני אספת קרוביו ומשפחתו ושרי הרומאים באפרכיה יחד, וכאשר ילכדו הבנים במחשבתם הרעה עליו — ימסור אותם להורג; אולם אם יגָלה הדבר, כי רק לנוס אל נפשם לבד אמרו בלבם, עליו להקל ממדת ענשם.",
+                    "ב. והורדוס שמע לדברים האלה ונסע אל בארות, כאשר צוה עליו הקיסר, והקהיל שם את בית־הדין. ומשרי הרומים ישבו למשפט — כי כן כתב אליהם הקיסר —: סַטּוּרְנִינוּס ופֶדַנְיוּס עם המשנים (הצירים, הלֵגטים) העומדים עליו ואתם יחד ולומניוס הנציב — ואחריהם קרובי המלך ואוהביו וגם שלמית ופירורא. ומלבדם כל נכבדי ארץ סוריה, רק המלך ארכֵילאוס לא נמצא ביניהם, כי היה חשוד בעיני הורדוס מפני קרבתו לאלכסנדרוס. ואת בניו לא נתן הורדוס לבוא אל המשפט, כי הבין, אשר במראם לבד יעוררו עליהם את רחמי כל השופטים, ואם גם יפתחו את פיהם ללמד זכות על עצמם, יראה אלכסנדרוס על־נקלה, כי בתהו כל יסוד האשמה. על־כן נשארו האחים במשמר בכפר פְּלַטַּנֵּי אשר לצידונים.",
+                    "ג. והמלך קם על רגליו להרשיע את בניו, כאלו עמדו לפניו. אמנם על־דבר מזמת הרצח דִבּר בשפה רפה, כי לא יכול למצֹא אותות ומופתים עליה, אולם הרבה לדבר על גדופי הבנים ועל לעגם, על גאות זדונם ועל מעשי הוללותם הרבים אשר עשו לו והראה לשופטים כי קשים עוד אלה ממות. ובראותו, כי אין איש מן השופטים משיב־אותו על דבריו, החל לקלל את יומו, כי רע ומר לו לנצח הפעם את בניו וכמפלה נחשב הדבר לנפשו. וככלותו לדבר שאל לדעת כל אחד מהשופטים. סטורנינוס הוציא את משפטו ראשונה, כי יאות לו ליסר את הצעירים, אולם לא בעֹנש מות, כי לא ישר בעיניו חדבר להוציא משפט מות על בני איש נכרי בעוד שלשת בניו עומדים עליו. וכמוהו חוו את דעתם שני מִשְׁנִים, ועוד שופטים אחדים החזיקו אחריהם. ווֹלומניוס היה הראשון, אשר דרש משפט אכזרי, ואחריו דנו גם יתר השופטים כּלם את הצעירים למות. אלה אמרו להחניף בדבר הזה להורדוס ואלה עשו זאת משנאתם אותו. ואף איש לא הוציא את משפטו מכעסו על הנאשמים. ועיני כל יושבי ארץ סוריה וארץ יהודה היו נשואות לתוצאות העלילה הזאת. אולם איש לא רצה להאמין, כי תגדל אכזריות הורדוס עד אשר יוציא את בניו להורגים. המלך סחב את בניו אל צור ומשם נסע באניה אל קיסרי ושת עצות בנפשו למצא את הדרך אשר בו ימית את הצעירים.",
+                    "ד. ואיש־צבא זקן היה למלך ושמו טֵרוֹן ולו היה בן והוא אוהב נאמן וקרוב מאד לאלכסנדרוס. וגם האב אהב את הצעירים ומרב כעסו (לשמע משפטם) יצא מדעתו, וראש דברו היה לסובב בחוצות ולצעוק, כי נרמס הצדק ברגל זדון ואבדה האמת ונהפכו סדרי־בראשית והחיים מלאו חמס ועוד דברים אשר שׂם הצער בפי איש מר־לבב המואס בחיים. ולאחרונה העז פניו לבוא אל המלך ולקרֹא באזניו: ״הנה עיני רואות, כי אתה האֻמלל בין כל בני־האדם, כי על־כן תאמין לדברי אנשי בליעל על הנפשות היקרות עליך, ונאמנים עליך שלֹמית ופירורא, אשר פעמים רבות הוצאת עליהם משפט מות, בדברם סרה בילדים האלה. והן כל חפצם הוא להכרית את יורשי כסאך, אשר להם המשפט, ולהשאיר את המלוכה בידי אנטיפטרוס לבד, כי בו בחרו למלך, בחשבם להטותו אל כל אשר יחפצו. הטרם תראה, כי מות האחים יהפוך את לב אנשי־הצבא לשנֹא את אנטיפטרוס? כי אין איש אשר לא ינוד לצעירים האלה ורבים משרי החילים מגלים את כעסם לעינים״. בדברו את זאת נקב לפניו את שמות הנרגנים ומיד צוה המלך לתפוש אותם וגם אותו ואת בנו.",
+                    "ה. והנה קפץ אחד הגלבים בחצר המלך ושמו טריפון, אשר רוח עִועים עברה עליו להעיד עדות רעה בנפשו, וקרא: ״הן גם אותי הסית זה האיש טֵרון להמיתך בתער הגלבים בעת גלחי את בשרך, וגם תשורות יקרות אמר לתת לי מידי אלכסנדרוס. וכשמוע הורדוס את הדברים האלה צוה לעַנות את האב ואת הבן ואת הגלב ולחקור מפיהם דבר. אולם טֵרון ובנו כחשו והגלב לא הוסיף על דבריו הראשונים. על־כן צוה המלך לדוש את בשר טֵרון ביתר עֹז. הבן חמל על אביו והבטיח את המלך לגלות לו את כל הדברים, אם יתן חנינה לנפשו. וכאשר מִלא הורדוס את בקשתו ספר לו, כי שמע אביו לקול אלכסנדרוס ורצה לרצחו (את הורדוס) נפש. יש אומרים, כי בדה (בן טֵרון) את הדברים האלה להניח לאביו ממכאוביו. ויש אומרים, כי דבר־אמת היה בפיו.",
+                    "ו. והורדוס העמיד את שרי־הצבא ואת טרון למשפט אספת־העם והאשים אותם והעיר עליהם את חמת כל העם. ומיד רגם ההמון אותם ואת הגלב בעצים ובאבנים. ואחרי הדבר הזה שלח הורדוס את בניו אל סבסטי (שמרון) הקרובה לקיסרי וצוה להמיתם בחנק. וכאשר נעשתה פקֻדתו צוה להעביר חיש מהר את גופות החללים אל מבצר אלכסנדריון ולקבר את עצמותיהם בקבר אלכסנדרוס אבי־אמם. זה היה דבר מות אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נעשה שנוא לכל. המלך אמר לשדך את בני ההרוגים עם קרוביו, אך אנטיפטרוס שנה את הזווגים. על נשי הורדוס ובניו.</small><br><br>א. ועתה היתה ירֻשת הממלכה לאנטיפטרוס באין מכלים דבר. והנה התעוררה עליו שנאת העם, כי כל האנשים ידעו, אשר הוא לבדו חבל את כל עלילות הרשע על אחיו. ומחִתּה גדולה נפלה עליו, בראותו את בני אחיו הנרצחים הולכים וגדלים. גלפירה ילדה לאלכסנדרוס שני בנים, את טגרן ואת אלכסנדרוס, ולאריסטובולוס נולדו מבֵרניקי בת שלֹמית שלשה בנים: הורדוס, אגריפס ואריסטובולוס. את גלפירה השיב הורדוס עם שִׁלוחיה אל בית אביה בקפודקיא, אחרי המיתו את אלכסנדרוס, ואת ברניקי אשת אריסטובולוס נתן לאשה לדוד אנטיפטרוס, אחי אמו. כי אנטיפטרוס אמר להשיב אליו את לב שלֹמית, אשר התעברה בו, ותקן את הנשואים האלה. וגם את פירורא סבב אנטיפטרוס במתנות ונשא את פניו בכל עת ולאוהבי הקיסר ברומי פזר כסף רב. גם כל העומדים על הנציב סטורנינוס בסוריה שבעו ממתנותיו. אך במדה אשר הִרבה לתת להם, גדלה שנאתם אליו, כי לא פזר את כספו ברוח נדיבה ובאהבה, כי־אם באֹנס. וסוף הדבר היה, כי לא נקשרו האנשים, אשר קבלו את מתנותיו, אליו לאהבתו, ושנאת האנשים, אשר לא פקד אותם במנחותיו, גדלה ועצמה. מיום ליום הוסיף אנטיפטרוס מַתָּת, בראותו דבר אשר לא חכה לו — כי המלך שם עינו על היתומים ובחמלתו הגדולה עליהם הוא מראה, כי נחם על הרעה אשר עשה לבניו הנרצחים.",
+                    "ב. פעם אחת הקהיל הורדוס את קרוביו ואת אוהביו והציג לפניהם את הילדים ודבר אליהם בדמעות על עינים. ״שטן אכזרי לקח ממני את אבות הילדים האלה ונוסף על קרבתי אליהם עלי לצאת עוד ידי חובת החמלה על היתומים. על־כן אנסה, אולי יצלח בידי להיות אב־זקן מלא רחמים, אחרי היותי אב אֻמלל מאד, ואפקיד את אלה בידי האנשים היקרים לי מכֹּל. פירורא, את בתך אני מארש לבכור בני אלכסנדרוס, למען תהיה לו אתה לגואל ולמגן. ולבנך, אנטיפטרוס, אני נותן את בת אריסטובולוס, למען תהיה לאבי היתומה, ואת אחותה יקח לאשה בני הורדוס, הנולד לבת כהן־גדול. וכל היקרים בעיני ישימו את דברי אלה אל לבם ואל יפר איש מהם את עצתי. ולפני האלהים אפיל תחנתי, כי יחזק את הקשרים האלה לטובת מלכותי ולטובת יוצאי חלצי וישקיף על הילדים משמים בעיני חסדו וייטיב להם מאבותיהם״.",
+                    "ג. וככלות הורדוס לדבר זלגו עיניו דמעות. הוא חִבּר את ידי הילדים וחבק כל אחד ואחד באהבה ושלח את הנאספים מעליו. ואנטיפטרוס התעצב לדבר הזה מיד והכרת פניו ענתה בו, כי הוא סר וזעף. הוא חשב, כי כבוד היתומים בעיני אביו יוריד אותו מִגדֻלתו וסכנה עתידה לשלטונו, אם מלבד ארכילאוס יהיה גם פירורא הנסיך לעזר לבני אלכסנדרוס. הוא השיב אל לבו, כי העם שונא אותו בנפש וחמל על היתומים וזכר את כבוד אחיו הנרצחים בחייהם על־פני כל היהודים ואת שמם הטוב אשר נשאר אחרי מותם. ועל־כן בקש לו דרך להתיר את הקשרים האלה.",
+                    "ד. אנטיפטרוס פחד לסובב את אביו בנכלי ערמה, בראותו כי הוא איש קשה ונרגז עד להשחית לכל דבר חשד, ועל־כן לבש עֹז לבוא אל אביו ולהתחנן אליו פנים בפנים, לבל יעביר ממנו את המשרה אשר נתן בידו ולא ישאיר לו את שם המלך בלבד, בתתו את תֹּקף השלטון בידי אחרים. כי לא יוכל להחזיק בשבט־הממשלה, אם יקבל בן־אלכסנדרוס על ארכילאוס אבי אמו גם את פירורא למגן. ולזאת חִלה את פני המלך לשנות את הזווגים האלה, כי משפחת המלוכה היא גדולה ועצומה. כי תשע נשים היו להורדוס ושבע מהן ילדו לו בנים ובנות ואלה הם: אנטיפטרוס נולד לדוֹרִיס והורדוס למרים בת הכהן הגדול. את אַנְטִפַּס וארכילאוס ילדה לו מלְתַּקִּי משמרון וגם בת נולדה לה ושמה אוֹלִימְפִּיַּס, והיא היתה לאשה ליוסף בן אחי המלך. וקלֵיאופטרה מבנות ירושלים ילדה לו את הורדוס ואת פיליפוּס ומִפַּלַּס נולד לו פצאל. ועוד שתי בנות היו לו ושמותיהן רֹקְסַנֵּי ושלֹמית, האחת נולדה לו מפַאִידְרָה והשניה מאֶלְפִּיס. גם שתי נשים עקרות היו להורדוס, האחת בת דודו והשניה בת אחיו (או אחותו). ומלבד כל אלה היו שתי אחיות לאלכסנדרוס ולאריסטובולוס ממרים. ויען אשר היתה המשפחה גדולה ועצומה, בקש אנטיפטרוס לשנות את הזווגים.",
+                    "ה. והמלך קצף על אנטיפטרוס מאד, בראותו כי אין לבו טוב על היתומים. וכבר עלתה בנפשו מחשבה על־דבר הנרצחים, אולי היו חללי רעת אנטיפטרוס ועלילות שקריו. בפעם ההיא השיב את אנטיפטרוס דברים רבים בחרי־אף וגרשהו מעל פניו. אולם אחרי־כן הטה אותו אנטיפטרוס בחלקת לשונו לשַׁנות את הדבר כרצונו והורדוס נתן את בת אריסטובולוס לו לאשה ולבנו נתן את בת פירורא.",
+                    "ו. צא ולמד, מה גדול היה כח אנטיפטרוס למצא חפצו בחלקת לשונו, כי השיג מאת המלך דבר, אשר נבצר משלֹמית להשיג מָשְׁלוֹ. אף כי היתה שלֹמית אחות המלך והרבתה להתחנן אליו גם על־ידי לִיוִיָּה אשת הקיסר, כי יתן לה להנשא לסולי הערבי, נשבע לה הורדוס, כי לאויבת רעה תחָשב בעיניו, אם לא תחדל להוגיע אותו בדבריה, ולאחרונה נתן אותה בעל־כרחה לאשה לאחד מאוהביו ושמו אַלֶּכְּסָא, ואת האחת מבנותיה נתן לבן אלכסא ואת השנית לדוד אנטיפטרוס, אחי אמו. ומבנות מרים נִשאה האחת לאנטיפטרוס בן אחותו והשניה לבן אחיו פצאל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נמאס בעיני כֹל. הוא נשלח אל רומי עם צואת הורדוס. פירורא מאן לגרש את אשתו ועזב את אחיו ומת בביתו.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר האביד אנטיפטרוס את תקוות היתומים ושנה את הזווגים לטובתו חשב, כי הגיע בתקותו למלוכה אל חוף מבטחים והוסיף שלוה על רשעתו, עד אשר היה לטֹרח [על כל הבריות]. בראותו, כי אין לאל־ידו להפר את שנאת הבריות, בקש למצֹא מנוחה בהפילו את אימתו [על כל סביבותיו], ופירורא החזיק בידו, בחשבו, כי כבר נכונה המלוכה בידו. מלבד זאת נוסדו הנשים בחצר המלך יחד להקים מבוכות חדשות. כי אשת פירורא עם אמה ואחותה התחברו לאם אנטיפטרוס והרבו מעשי עזות בקרב הארמון. ואשת פירורא ערבה את לבה לחרף גם את בנות המלך, והורדוס שטם אותה מאד על הדבר הזה, ואף כי שנא המלך את הנשים, פרשו את מצודתן על יתר האנשים. רק שלֹמית לבדה עמדה להן לשטן ודברה רעות באזני המלך על אגֻדתן, כי לא תצא ממנה טובה למלכותו. וכאשר נודעה לנשים דבת שלֹמית הרעה, פחדו מכעס הורדוס וחדלו להתאסף ולהתרועע בגלוי והתחפשו במעמד המלך כאלו הן צוררות אשה רעותה, וגם רבו ביניהן. ואנטיפטרוס שִׁנה יחד אתן את טעמו ולמראה־עין התעבר בפירורא. אבל במסתרים היו מתאספים יחד בלילות ומטיבים את לבם, וכאשר הוסיף המלך לשמור את צעדיהם, כן חזקה אגֻדתם. ומעיני שלֹמית לא נעלם הדבר והיא גלתה את הכל להורדוס.",
+                    "ב. וחמת הורדוס נצתה ויותר מכֹּל חרה אפו באשת פירורא, כי הרבתה שלֹמית לדבר עליה סרה. הוא אסף את קרוביו ואוהביו למועצה ושם על האשה הזאת חטאות שונות, והרבה לדבר על זדון לבה נגד בנותיו וגם ספר, כי שכרה את הפרושים בכסף להתקומם עליו והפכה בתרופות שונות את לב בעלה לשנאו, ולאחרונה פנה אל פירורא ודבר אליו לבחור באחת משתי אלה: בברית אחים עמו או באהבת אשתו, פירורא השיבהו, כי נקל יהיה לו לפרוש מן החיים מלעזוב את אשתו. והורדוס נבוך ולא מצא מענה ושם את פניו אל אנטיפטרוס וצוה עליו, לבל יבוא בדברים עם אשת פירורא, וגם לא עם בעלה ועם אחד האנשים הקרובים אליה. למראה־עין לא עבר אנטיפטרוס על פקֻדת אביו, אבל בסתר היה יושב אתם לילות רצופים. וביראת אנטיפטרוס את המרגלת [שלמית] התחכם להשיג בעזרת אנשי־שלומו אשר באיטליה רשות לנסוע אל רומי. האנשים האלה כתבו אל הורדוס, כי עליו לשלוח את אנטיפטרוס אל הקיסר בזמן קרוב. והורדוס לא דחה את הדבר ושלח אותו עם עבֻדָּה נהדרה ונתן בידו כסף רב וגם שלח עמו את צואתו, אשר על־פיה הוקם אנטיפטרוס למלך, וליורש כסאו נועד הורדוס, הנולד למרים בת הכהן הגדול.",
+                    "ג. גם סוּלִי הערבי, שלא מלא את מצות הקיסר, מהר לנסוע באניה אל רומי להתעצם עם אנטיפטרוס ולהצדיק את נפשו מהדברים אשר טען עליו מחדש ניקולאוס איש דמשק. מריבה קשה קמה בין סולי ובין אדוניו המלך חרתת על אשר המית את כל אוהביו וגם את שׂהֵם (סואימוס) התקיף בכל אנשי הסלע. סולי כִפּר בכסף רב את פני פַבַּטּוּס פקיד הקיסר וקוה לו, כי יחזיק בידו גם נגד הורדוס. אולם הורדוס הרבה לתת שחד לפבטוס מסולי איש־ריבו והסיר את לבו מעליו והטה אותו לנגוש את הכסף כמצות הקיסר. סולי מאן לשלם ועוד התאונן על פבטוס באזני הקיסר, כי לא נהג את משרתו לטובתו הוא (לטובת הקיסר), רק לטובת הורדוס לבד. לדברים האלה קצף פבטוס על סולי מאד, וכאשר הוסיף הורדוס לשאת את פניו ולכבדו, בגד בסולי וגלה למלך את סודותיו, כי נתן שחד לקורינתוס, אחד משומרי ראשו, ועל־כן יהיה טוב למלך להזהר ממנו. המלך האמין לדברים האלה, כי אמנם גדל קורינתוס האיש הזה בחצר המלוכה, אבל היה ערבי מלדה, הורדוס צוה לחפשו מהר יחד עם שגי ערבים אחרים אשר נמצאו בביתו, אחד — אוהב סולי והשני — זקן־שבט. האנשים עֻנו והודו על אשמתם, כי הסיתו את קורינתוס בכסף רב להמית את הורדוס. גם סטורנינוס הנציב אשר בסוריה חקר את האנשים ואחרי־כן נשלחו אל רומי.",
+                    "ג. והורדוס לא חדל מהציק לפירורא, כי יגרש את אשתו, אולם לא מצא תחבולה להנקם באשה הזאת, אף כי סבות רבות היו לו לשנאהּ, ולאחרונה עלתה חמתו עד להשחית ונאץ גם את אחיו בגללה וגרש את שניהם יחדו. ופירורא קבל באהבה את החרפה הזאת ונסע אל גבול נסיכותו ונשבע, כי רק מות הורדוס ישים קץ לגלותו — וכל עוד אחיו בחיים לא ישוב אליו. הוא לא רצה גם לנסוע אל אחיו בחלותו, באשר הפציר בו לבקרהו. כי חכה הורדוס למות ובקש לצוות לפירורא דברים אחדים. אולם הורדוס נצל ממות אחרי הואשו מחייו, וכעבור זמן קצר חלה פירורא, והורדוס לא שלם לו כפעלו, כי־אם בא אליו לבקרו וסעדהו בחמלה על מטת חליו. אך פירורא לא יכול להתגבר על מחלתו ומת אחרי ימים מעטים. והורדוס אהב אותו עד יום מותו, ולא שם לבו לשמועה אשר יצאה על אחיו, כי אמר להמיתו בסם־מות. הוא צוה להביא את גופת פירורא אל ירושלים ופקד על כל העם לעשות לו אבל גדול וגם תקן לו קבורה נהדרה מאד. ככה בא הקץ על אחד רוצחי אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הורדוס חקר את דבר מות פירורא ומצא את סם־המות אשר הכין לו אנטיפטרוס, ואחרי־כן גרש את דוריס ומרים והעביר את בנה הורדוס מנחלתו.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי הדבר הזה השיגה הנקמה גם את אנטיפטרוס, ראש מחוללי הרצח. הנקמה החלה במות פירורא. כי אחדים מעבדיו המשחררים באו אל המלך סרים וזועפים ואמרו, כי הומת אחיו ברעל, כי הקריבה לפניו אשתו מאכל, אשר לא הוכן כחֹק, ובטעמו מן המאכל הזה חלה מיד. כי הנה הביאו אמה ואחותה לפני שני ימים אשה אחת יודעת ברפואות מארץ ערב להכין שקוי אהבה לפירורא, ותחת השקוי הזה נתנה לו האשה סם־מות, כי סולי (הערבי) הסית אותה לעשות את הדבר.",
+                    "ב. מחשבות רעות רבות בִּעתו את המלך, והוא צוה ליסר בענויים את השפחות וגם בני־חורין אחדים. ואחת הנשים קראה בקול גדול מעצמת מכאוביה: ״האל מושל הארץ והשמים ינקם באשה, אשר הביאה עלינו את כל הקללה הזאת, באם אנטיפטרוס״. שיח האשה הזאת היה למלך לשֹׁרש דבר וממנו חקר ודרש למצא את האמת. והאשה גלתה לו דבר אהבת אם אנטיפטרוס לפירורא ולנשי ביתו, כי נאספו יחד במסתרים וגם פירורא ואנטיפטרוס שתו אתן כל הלילה אחרי שובם מחצר המלך ולא נתנו לאחד ממשרתי הבית וגם לא לאחת השפחות להִמצא אתם בחדר. אשה בת־חורין גלתה את הדבר הזה.",
+                    "ג. ואת השפחות הבדיל הורדוס וצוה לחקור אותן בענויים אחת אחת וכֻלן העידו פה אחד כדברי האשה וגם הוסיפו לספר, כי על־פי חוזה שעשו ביניהם נסע אנטיפטרוס לרומא ופירורא לעבר הירדן. הנה כפעם בפעם נדברו איש אל רעהו, כי אחרי אשר המית הורדוס את אלכסנדרוס ואת אריסטובולוס יכַלה את חמתו גם בהם ובנשיהם, כי האיש, אשר רצח את מרים ואת בניה, לא ישא פני אדם. ועל־כן טוב לברוח למרחקים מפני החיה הטורפת הזאת. הנשים הוסיפו לסַפּר, כי אנטיפטרוס היה מתאונן לפעמים באזני אמו, שכבר זרקה בו שיבה בעוד אביו מוסיף עלומים מיום ליום, ועוד מעט יקדם אותו המות, טרם יעשה מלוכה באמת. הן גם אם ימות אביו — ומתי יהיה הדבר הזה? — ישאר לו רק זמן קצר לשמוח בירֻשת המלוכה, כי הנה הולכים וגדלים ראשי התנין (ההידרה)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תמונה ידועה מהמִתּולוגיה היונית.</i>, אלה בני אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס. וגם תקותו להנחיל את המלוכה לבניו אחריו נגזלה ממנו בידי אביו, אשר לא כתב בצואתו את המלוכה אחרי מותו (אחרי מות אנטיפטרוס) לבניו, כי־אם להורדוס בן מרים. אולם בדבר הזה אבדה חכמת הזקן, כי הוא אומר בלבו, אשר צואתו תשאר בתקפה, והן הוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לא נתפרש מי זה ״הוא״: הורדוס או אנטיפטרוס.</i> ישים את לבו, כי לא ישאר אחד מכל משפחתו בחיים. והמעט בעיני הורדוס, כי הוא מַרבּה לשנֹא את בניו מכל האבות האכזרים אשר היו מימות עולם — כי עוד יותר מהם הוא שונא את אֶחיו. על־כן נתן לו (לאנטיפטרוס) זה מקרוב מאה ככר, לבל ידבר עם פירורא דבר. וכאשר שאל פירורא: ״ומה היא הרעה אשר עשינו לו?״ השיבהו אנטיפטרוס: ״מה טוב יהיה, אם אחרי הפשיטו אותנו ערֻמים יתן לנו להמלט בעור שִׁנינו! אולם קשה להמלט מחית־טרף כמוהו, — הן גם לאהוב איש את רעהו בגלוי לא יתן לנו. ועל־כן עלינו להתאסף במסתרים. אבל הדבר יעשה בגלוי, אם נהיה לאנשי־חיל בעֹז רוחנו ובכֹח ידינו.״",
+                    "ד. את הדברים האלה גלו הנשים תחת סבל ענוייהן, והוסיפו לסַפר, כי יעץ פירורא בנפשו לברוח אִתּן אל הסלע (פֶּטרה). והורדוס האמין לכל הדברים האלה בגלל דבר מאה הככר, כי רק עם אנטיפטרוס בלבד דבּר עליהם. לראשונה העיר את חמתו על דוריס אם אנטיפטרוס והפשיט אותה את כל עדיה, אשר נתן לה במחיר הרבה ככר, ואחרי־כן גרש אותה מעל פניו. ולנשי בית פירורא שלח וצוה לרַפא את פצעי ענוייהם. הפחד דִכּא את נפשו מאד ולכל חשד קל התרגז וצוה לעַנות גם אנשים רבים חפים מפשע, ביראו פן יפסח על אחד החַיָּבִים.",
+                    "ה. בין כה וכה פנה הורדוס אל אנטיפטרוס השמרוני, אשר היה סוכן על בית אנטיפטרוס, ובענותו אותו הוציא מפיו דבר, כי שלח אנטיפטרוס מארץ מצרים סם־מות בידי אנטיפילוס, אחד מחבריו, להמית את המלך, ואת הסם הזה קבל תודיון, דוֹד אנטיפטרוס, ונתן אותו לפירורא, כי את ידו מלא אנטיפטרוס להמית את הורדוס בעוד הוא (אנטיפטרוס) נמצא ברומא ורחוק מכל חשד. ופירורא נתן את הסם בידי אשתו. המלך שלח אחרי האשה הזאת וצוה עליה להביא לפניו את הפקדון מיד. היא יצאה מעל פניו להביא את הרעל, אולם הפילה את עצמה מעל הגג לקדם את היסורים העתידים לה מאת המלך. נדמה כי היתה בזה יד אלהים, אשר רצה לשלם לאנטיפטרוס כגמול ידיו: האשה לא נפלה ארצה על ראשה, כי־אם על חלק אחר מגופה ונצלה ממות. כשהובאה אל המלך צוה להשיב את רוחה, כי התעלפה בעת נפלה, ושאל לסבת הדבר, אשר הפילה את עצמה, ונשבע לה כי לא יעשה בה נקמה, אם תגלה את האמת, אולם אם תכסה ממנו דבר — יצוה לשׁחוק את עצמותיה בכלי־הבלע, עד אשר לא ישאר שריד מגופה לבוא אל קבר.",
+                    "ו. לדבר הזה החרישה האשה מעט, ואחרי־כן פתחה את פיה ואמרה: ״ולמה עלי לשמור את הסודות אחרי מות פירורא ולהציל את אנטיפטרוס, אשר השיא מות על כֻּלנו? הַקשיבה, מלכי, לדברי ויחד עמך ישמע האלהים ויהיה לי לעד צדקתי. כי מי יוכל להוליך אותו תועה? כאשר ישבת ושפכת דמעות על־יד מטת פירורא, קרא אלי פעם אחת ואמר: ״אוי לי, רעיתי, מה שגיתי בדבר מחשבת אחי הטובה עלי, כי שנאתי אותו חלף אהבתו העזה וגם אמרתי לרצוח את נפש האיש, אשר הוא מרבה להָמר עלי עוד טרם בא מותי. אולם הנה קבלתי את שכרי על תועבת לבי, ואני מבקש ממך להביא את הרעל, אשר הביא אותו אנטיפטרוס והוא נמצא בידך למשמרת, ולכלות אותו לעיני כרגע, לבל אשא עמי אל השאול את נקמת האלהים״. ואני עשיתי כמצותו והבאתי את הרעל ואת רֻבּו שפכתי לעיניו על האש, אבל מעט ממנו שמרתי על כל צרה שלא תבוא, כי יראתי אותך מאד״.",
+                    "ז. בדברה זאת הביאה את הקֻפּסה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תבת־עץ קטנה (חפיסה קטנה). במשנה נקראה קֻפסת־הבשמים גם רבצל (דובצל).</i>, אשר נמצא בה עוד מעט מן הרעל. המלך צוה להקריב את כלי־הבלע ולענות את אחי אנטיפילוס ואמו, והם הודו, כי הביא אנטיפילוס ממצרים את הקֻפּסה עם הסם, אשר לקח מידי אחיו, איש רופא חולים באלכסנדריה. וכמו רחפו רוחות אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס בחצר המלך לחקור ולדרוש ולגלות כל תעלומה, כי גם אנשים רחוקים מחשד נמשכו אל האשמה. ככה נגלה הדבר, כי ידעה מרים בת הכהן הגדול את המזמה הרעה, ואחיה עֻנו בידי המלך והודו על הדבר הזה. והמלך פקד את עזות האם על בנה, כי מחה מצואתו את שם הורדוס, אשר נמנה לפני זה ליורש אנטיפטרוס."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>בתילוס הוכיח את אשמת אנטיפטרוס. אנטיפטרוס לא ידע דבר ושב מרומא והורדוס העמידהו למשפט.</small><br><br>א. בעת ההיא בא גם בַּתִּילוֹס להוסיף על דברי העדים והוכיח באותות נאמנים את מזמות אנטיפטרוס. בתילוס היה אחד מעבדי אנטיפטרוס המשֻׁחררים והביא בידו עוד סם־מות, עשוי מראש פתנים ומחמת זוחלי־עפר אחרים, מוכן לפירורא ולאשתו, להתנקש בנפש המלך, אם יבָּצר מהסם הראשון להכריעו. ונוסף על האותות האלה, עדי המזמות אשר חבל אנטיפטרוס נגד אביו, הביא בתילוס את המכתבים אשר הכין אנטיפטרוס בערמתו לכרות שוחה לאחיו, כי ארכילאוס ופיליפוס, שני בני המלך אשר גדלו ברומא, היו כבר בחורים מלאי רוח עלומים, ואנטיפטרוס פחד מהם, פן יהיו לו למכשול בתקוותיו לעתיד, ובקש לאבדם. הוא שלח אגרות — אלה נכתבו בשקר בשם אוהביו ברומא, ואלה נכתבו בידי אנשי־שלומו, אשר נפתו לו בכסף — לשטנה על אחיו הצעירים, כי הם מרבים לדבר סרה באביהם, והם מבַכִּים את אלכסנדרוס ואריסטובולוס לעיני השמש וכועסים מאד על אשר קרא להם אביהם לשוב אל חצרו. כי הורדוס שלח אחריהם להשיבם אליו, ובדבר הזה הרגיז את אנטיפטרוס מאד.",
+                    "ב. ועוד בשבת אנטיפטרוס בארץ יהודה, טרם ישום את פעמיו לדרך, השיג בכסף מכתבים כאלה מרומא להוציא דבה על אחיו, ולמען אשר לא יחשוד בו אביו עמד לפניו ללמד זכות על האחים, באמרו כי חלק הדברים הכתובים באגרות הוא שקר ושאריתם הם חטאות־נעורים. ועתה הרבה לפזר כסף לכותבי השטנה על אחיו ונסה למחות את עקבות הדבר, בקנותו בגדים יקרים ומצעות־צבעונים, כוסות כסף וזהב ועוד חפצים יקרים למכביר, למען אשר יוכל לכתוב על חשבון מחיר הדברים האלה גם את יתר הוצאותיו. כי פזר מאתים ככר ולכסות־עינים היה לו הריב עם סולי. אולם העונות הקטנים הרבים האלה נמחו מפני אשמתו הגדולה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס משתמש כמעט במבטא התלמוד ״קים ליה בדרבה מיניה״.</i>, כי כל העדים הנחקרים ענו פה אחד בדבר מזמתו הרעה אשר יעץ על אביו, והמכתבים כאלו צעקו בקול, כי התמכר לרצוח את אחיו שנית. ואיש מהנוסעים אל רומא לא גלה את אֹזן אנטיפטרוס על־דבר המעשים אשר קרו בארץ יהודה, אף כי עברו שבעה חדשים למן היום אשר בו מצא הורדוס את סודו עד שובו אל הארץ. ככה שנאו כל האנשים את אנטיפטרוס! ואולי סתמו רוחות הנרצחים את פי האנשים אשר בקשו להודיעהו דבר. הוא שלח אגרת ובִשר לאביו, כי ישוב אל ארצו במהרה, וגם סִפר על הכבוד אשר עשה לו הקיסר בשלחו אותו לשלום.",
+                    "ג. והמלך שקד לתפוש בכפו את מבקש נפשו ופחד מאד, פן תגיע השמועה אל אנטיפטרוס וימלט לנפשו. על־כן עשה גם הוא במרמה ודבר אליו ידידות עם המכתב והעיר אותו להחיש את בואו, כי במהרו לשוב ישים קץ למריבה עם אמו, יען לא נעלם מעיני אנטיפטרוס הדבר אשר עשה המלך בשלחו את אמו מעל פניו. כאשר הגיע אנטיפטרוס בדרכו אל טַרַס (טַרֶנְס), קבל מכתב וממנו נודע לו לראשונה מות פירורא. אנטיפטרוס התאבל מאד לשמועה הזאת, ורבים הרבו להללו על הדבר הזה, באמרם כי הראה את גֹדל אהבתו לדודו, אולם הרואה יראה, כי התעצב אנטיפטרוס אל לבו על אשר לא קמה מזמתו הרעה, ולא על מות פירורא דודו שפך דמעות, רק על אשר נלקח ממנו עוזרו לרעה. וכבר פחד פחד בלבו על הדברים אשר אמר לעשות, פן יגלה הרעל [אשר הכין לאביו]. בבואו אל קיליקיה קבל את מכתב אביו, אשר דברנו עליו למעלה, ומהר לצאת לדרך. ובנסעו באניה אל קֶלֶנְדְּרִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיר חוף במדינת קיליקיה ומבצר חזק.</i> עלתה בלבו מחשבה על־דבר המעשה אשר נעשה לאמו ולבו נבא לו רעה. הנבונים אשר בקרב חבריו יעצוהו, לבל יסגיר את נפשו בידי אביו בטרם יחקור היטב,  איזו סבה היתה מאתו לגרש את אמו, כי הם פחדו, פן תדבק גם בו  העלילה אשר יצאה על אמו. אולם הנמהרים בחברי אנטיפטרוס, אשר חשקה נפשם לראות את ארץ מולדתם, לא שמו את לבם לשלומו ולטובתו ויעצו אותו להחיש את מסעו, פן יביא את אביו לחשוד בו במחשבה זרה, ובזה יתן פתחון־פה לשוטניו [להוציא עליו דבה רעה]. הן גם עתה, אם באמת התחולל איזה דבר נגדו, לא נעשה רק באשר נמצא אנטיפטרוס בארץ רחוקה, כי איש לא יעֵז לקום עליו בפניו. על־כן לא יתכן הדבר להפסיד את הטובה הגלויה מפני חשד אשר לא ידע שחרו ועליו למהר ולהפקיד את נפשו בידי אביו, למען חזק את העטרה הרועדת מעל לראשו כשהוא (אביו) נמצא לבדו [בלי עוזר]. ואנטיפטרוס שמע לעצת האנשים האלה — כי יד אלהים עשתה זאת — ועבר באניה את הים עד בואו אל סבסטוס, הנמל אשר בקיסרי.",
+                    "ד. לתמהון לבבו קדם את פני אנטיפטרוס שממון רב. כי כל האנשים רחקו ממנו ואף אחד לא נועז לצאת לקראתו. כי זה מימים היה אנטיפטרוס שנוא לכל, ועתה נתנה רשות להראות את השנאה ברבים. ורבים שטו מעליו, בפחדם את אביו, כי הלעז על אנטיפטרוס מלא את כל העיר ורק אנטיפטרוס לבדו לא ידע דבר מכל אשר נגזר עליו. מה גדל כבוד אנטיפטרוס בצאתו מרומא, ומה נקלה היתה קבלת־פניו [בשובו אל ארצו]! הוא השיב אל לבו, כי אסונות נכונים לו מבית, אולם בערמתו התנכר לעיני רואים ובעוד לבו מת בקרבו ממגור התחזק לבל ישנה את עֹז פניו, כי כבר אבד מנוס ממנו ולא יכול להציל את נפשו ממסגרותיו וגם לא הֻגד לו דבר ברור מכל אשר עבר בבית אביו, כי ככה גזר המלך. ועוד נשאר לו שמץ תקוה לחשוב, כי לא קרה דבר רע, ואם גם נחקר שֹׁרש הדבר — אולי יעלה בידו להצדיק את עצמו בעזות מצחו ובנכליו, כי רק באלה לבד שם מבטחו להחלץ מן המצר.",
+                    "ה. הוא התכסה בכלי המגן האלה והלך אל ארמון המלך בלי אוהביו, כי הם גֹרשו בחרפה לפני השער הראשון. ואז נמצא בבַּית וַרוס הנציב אשר בסוריה. אנטיפטרוס בא אל אביו החדרה וערב את לבו לגשת אליו ולחבקו. אולם אביו שלח את שתי ידיו לעצרו והטה את ראשו אחורנית וקרא בקול: ״כן נאה לרוצח נפש אב, אשר דבקו בו אשמות גדולות כאלה, כי יאמר לנפל על צוארי! מות, ראש נבל־רשע, ואל תגע בי טרם תצטדק על כל אשמותיך. אני מציב אותך למשפט ונותן לך לַדין את וַרוס, אשר בא הנה בשעת־רצון. לך לך והכן סנגוריה עליך ליום המחרת, כי אני נותן לך זמן לחַבּל מזמות ערמה״. מרֹב הבהלה לא עצר אנטיפטרוס כח להשיב דבר ויצא את פני אביו. אמו ואשתו הלכו לקראתו וספרו לו את כל דברי העדים. והוא התנער ממבוכתו והחל לחשׁוב דברי זכות על עצמו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנטיפטרוס נאשם לפני וַרוס וראיות מֻבהקות הוכיחו את מחשבת הרצח. הורדוס דחה את ענשו עד שובו לאיתנו ושִׁנה את צואתו.</small><br><br>א. ליום המחרת אסף המלך את קרוביו ואוהביו למשפט וקרא גם לאוהבי אנטיפטרוס. והוא ישב בראש יהד עם ורוס וצוה להביא את כל העדים ויחד אתם הובאו גם עדים חדשים מעבדי אם אנטיפטרוס, אשר נתפשו זה מקרוב ובידם מכתב שלוח ממנה אל בנה, לאמר: ״הנה הגיעו כל הדברים ההם (הידועים!) לאזני אביך. הזהר מבוא אליו, אם לא תשיג עזרה מאת הקיסר״. וכאשר הובאו אלה האנשים עם יתר העדים יחדו, בא אנטיפטרוס החדרה ונפל על פניו לרגלי אביו ודבר אליו: ״אני מפיל תחנתי לפניך, אבי, לבל תמהר להוציא דיני, ותהיינה נא אזניך קשובות לדברי צדקתי, ואני אוכיח, כי חף אני מפשע, אם יהיה לך הדבר לרצון״.",
+                    "ב. אולם הורדוס השתיק אותו בגערה ופנה אל וַרוס ואמר: ״אני מאמין, וַרוס, כי עיניך ועיני כל שופט צדק תחזינה מישרים, אשר אנטיפטרוס זה הוא בן משחית בכל דרכיו. אך ירא אני אותך, פן תבוז גם לי על גורלי המר ותאמר בלבבך כי בצדק באו עלי כל הרעות האלה, אחרי אשר הולדתי בנים מבישים וחטאים. אולם באמת יאות לנוד לי ולחמול עלי, כי הייתי אב אוהב ורחום לבנים נבלים כאלה. כי את בנַי הראשונים העליתי למלוכה בנעוריהם ואמנתי אותם ברומא, למען יהיו לאוהבי הקיסר, וגדלתי אותם, עד אשר קנאו בהם מלכים אחרים, ובאחרונה מצאתי את לבם חורש און עלי. והם מתו בעונם בגלל אנטיפטרוס, כי לטובת הצעיר הזה, יורש כסאי, עשיתי את הדבר, למען תכון המלוכה בידו בשלוה. אולם החיה הרעה והנבזה הזאת, אשר שׂבעה את אֹרך אפי, בעטה מרֹב טובה. הוא ראה אותי מאריך ימים — וזקנתי לא נתנה לו מרגוע. ולא עצר בנפשו לעשות מלוכה, מבלי יַסד אותה ברצח אביו. ואמנע צדק בעצתו עלי, כי למה השיבותי את הבן הזה המגֹרש מארץ ולמה מאסתי בבנים אשר ילדה לי בת מלכים, למען הקים אותו ליורש־כסאי? אני מודה לדבריך, וַרוס, אם אמור תאמר, כי נטרפה דעתי. הפכתי את לב הבנים ההם לשנֹא אותי, בהובישי את תקוותיהם הצודקות למען אנטיפטרוס זה. והאֻמנם גמלתי גם להם טובה, כאשר עשיתי לבן הזה? בעודני חי חִסרתי אותו מעט ממלך ולעיני כֹל כתבתי לו בצואתי את כסא המלוכה אחרי וחלקתי לו חמשים ככר, לכלכל את ביתו, ועוד פזרתי לו כסף לאין־מספר מאוצרי. הן בנסעו אל רומא נתתי על־ידו שלש מאות ככר ומכל בני־ביתי נשאתי את פניו לבדו לפני הקיסר, באמרי עליו, כי הוא גואל נפש אביו. ובמה נחשבה חטאת הבנים ההם מול עון אנטיפטרוס? ובמה נחשבו אותות אשמתם מול דברי העדים אשר ענו במרצח הזה? הנה רוצח האב נועז להוציא קול ומקוה עוד הפעם לכסות את האמת בנכליו. וַרוס! השמר לנפשך! הנה מכיר אני את החיה הרעה וצופה מראש, כי תשים עליה מסוה צדיק תמים ותשפוך דמעות־רמיה. הלא זה האיש יעץ אותי להזהר מפני אלכסנדרוס בעודו בחיים ולבלתי הפקיד את נפשי בידי שום אדם! זה האיש אשר היה נגש אל יצועי להביט אנה ואנה, אם לא נמצא אורב לנפשי. זה האיש אשר שמר עלי בעת שנתי ושקד להרחיק ממני כל פחד ודאגה. זה האיש אשר במתק אמרותיו בקש לנחם אותי מאבלי על בני הנרצחים, והוא גם חרץ משפטו בדבר אהבת אחיו החיים אלי, הוא המגן הסוכך עלי, הוא השומר לראשי. וַרוס, וַרוס! מדי העלותי על לבבי את ערמתו בכֹּל ואת כחו לאחז את העינים, אחדל להאמין בנפשי, כי עוד חי הנני, ולפלא נחשב בעיני, כי עלה בידי להמלט מאיש המזמות העמֻקות הזה. והנה אם רוח רעה שמה את ביתי לשממה ומקימה לי לשונאים כפעם בפעם את האנשים האהובים לי מכל, לא נשאר לי רק להתאבל על הגורל אשר עִות משפטי ולבכות במסתרים על משואות ביתי. אולם איש מכל הצמאים לדמי לא ימלט את נפשו, ולוּ גם תקיף האשמה את כל בני יחד!״",
+                    "ג. ובדבר הורדוס זאת עצר במלים מצרת נפשו ורמז לניקולאוס, אחד מידידיו, לבאר את פרטי האשמה. והנה הרים אנטיפטרוס את ראשו — כי כל העת שכב על הארץ לרגלי אביו — וקרא בקול: ״הנה אתה, אבי, למדת עלי זכות בדבריך. איך אחשב לרוצח־אב, אחרי אשר הודית בפיך, כי הייתי שומר לראשך כל הימים? את אהבתי אליך קראת בשם אחיזת עינים! והן אם הייתי ערום בכל הליכות,, איכה טח לבי מהבין, כי לא נקל יהיה לי לחבל תועבה כזאת ולהסתירנה מעיני אדם ולעולם לא אוכל להעלימנה מפני השופט הגדול היושב בשמים, הרואה כל דבר והוא נמצא בכל מקום? האם נסתרה מעיני אחרית אחי, אשר שלם להם אלהים על מזמותיהם הרעות? ואיזה דבר יכול להעיר את חמתי עליך? האמנם התקוה לכסא המלוכה? הלא כמלך נחשבתי! או הפחד מפני שנאתך? האם לא הייתי אהוב עליך? או היראה, פן ימשל בך איש אחר? הן בשמרי עליך הייתי נורא על כל סביבי. או מחסור הכסף? ובידי מי הספקת לפזר כסף יותר ממני? ואלו הייתי משחית את דרכי מכל בני האדם ונשמת חיה טורפת נמצאה בקרבי — הוי אבי, — האמנם לא היו חסדיך הגדולים כובשים אותי, אחרי אשר נשאת את ראשי — כאשר העידות בפיך — ובחרת בי מכל בניך הרבים והקימותני למלך ובהמון חסדיך שמתני לקנאת הרבים? — אוי לי על נסיעתי הארורה הזאת, כי נתתי שעת־כּשׁר למקנאי ועת־חפץ ארֻכּה למבקשי רעתי. והן למענך, אבי, עזבתי ארץ מולדתי לריב את ריבך, פן יעטה סולי חרפה על עטרת שיבתך. העיר רומא תעיד צדקתי, עדי הוא הקיסר, מושל העולם, אשר לא פעם ולא שתים קרא לי בשם ״אוהב־אב״. קבל־נא, אבי, את האגרת הזאת אשר שלח אליך, כי נאמנים דבריה מכל דברי הולכי רכיל אשר עמך. תהיה היא לבדה למליץ ישרי ותתן עדיה על אהבתי הרבה אליך. זכור, כי בלי חמדה יצאתי באניה למרחקים, הן ידעתי את השנאה הכבושה אלי בכל הממלכה. רק אתה, אבי, הבאת עלי שואה מבלי הדעת, כי חזקה ידך עלי לתת למקנאי עת־חפץ לעלילות רשעתם. והנה באתי לעמוד לפני עדי אשמתי, אני רוצח־האב, אחרי אשר לא אֻנה לי רע מסכנת הדרכים בים וביבשה. אולם רואה אני, כי עדותי זאת לא תועילני. הן כבר יצא משפטי לחובה מאת האלהים ומאתך, אבי! אולם אם כבר נחתם דיני, הנה אני מבקש אתכם, כי לא תשימו מבטחכם בדברים, אשר הוציאו עדים זרים תמה סבל ענוייהם בלבד, — ועליכם להקריב גם אלי את המדורה. ירטשו כלי־הזעם את כל קרבי ואל יחמול איש על מכאובי גופי הנבזה בשמעו קול נאקתי, כי אם באמת רוצח־אב הנני, איני רוצה למות בלי יסורי ענויים״. את הדברים האלה קרא אנטיפטרוס באנחה וגעה בבכי ועורר את חמלת כל האנשים וגם את רחמי וַרוס. רק לב הורדוס חזק בקרבו ולא הוריד דמעה, כי ידע אשר נאמנו דברי עדי האשמה.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה פתח ניקולאוס איש דמשק את פיו במצות המלך והרבה לספר על ערמת אנטיפטרוס ובזה הפיג את רחמי האנשים, אשר נכמרו אליו, ואחרי־כן קרא עליו שִׂטנה קשה ושם בראשו את כל דברי־השערוריה אשר נעשו בחצר המלך, ויותר מכל פקד עליו את דם שני אחיו, בהראותו במופתים, כי הם חללי נכליו הרעים. ואחרי־זאת הוסיף ניקולאוס לדבר על הפחים אשר טמן אנטיפטרוס לאחיו החיים, בחשבו כי יהיו לו למכשול בירֻשת המלוכה. כי הלא הוא האיש, אשר הכין סם־מות לאביו — ומדוע יעצור ברוחו נגד אחיו? אחרי־כן זכר את האשמה בדבר הרעל והעביר את דברי העדים זה אחר זה, ומדי דברו הזכיר ברֹגז את פירורא, אשר גם אותו הפך אנטיפטרוס לרוצח־אחיו, וככה השחית את כל הנפשות היקרות בעיני המלך ומלא את כל ביתו תועבה. ועוד דברים רבים הוסיף ניקולאוס על אלה, להוכיח את האשמה, עד אשר כלה לדבר.",
+                    "ה. וַרוס צוה על אנטיפטרוס ללמד זכות על עצמו. אולם הוא לא הוציא מפיו רק את הדבר הזה: ״אלהים הוא עדי, כי לא נמצא בי דבר עול״, והחריש וישב על מקומו. וַרוס צוה להביא את הרעל ונתן לשתות ממנו לאחד האסירים, אשר נחרץ עליו משפט מות, וכאשר טעם האסיר ומת מיד ישב ורוס יחד עם הורדוס ודבר עמו בסתר וכתב אל הקיסר על־דבר המשפט. ולמחרת היום הלך לדרכו. והמלך אסר את אנטיפטרוס בנחֻשתים ושלח אל הקיסר צירים להודיעהו את האסון הזה.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי הדברים האלה נתפש אנטיפטרוס במומה אשר יעץ על שלֹמית. כי אחד מבני בית אנטיפטרוס בא מרומא ובידו מכתב מאחת המשרתות את לִיוִיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה ״יוליה״ — הכונה ללִיוִיָּה אשת הקיסר אוגוסטוס השניה.</i> ושמה אַקְמִי. עם המכתב הזה שלחה אל המלך את אגרות שלֹמית, אשר נמצאו בין כתבי ליויה, והודיעה אותו, כי היא ממציאה אותן לידו בסתר מאהבתה אליו. באגרות נמצאו דברי שקוצים גדולים על המלך וגם שטנות קשות. את האגרות זיֵּף אנטיפטרוס ופתה בשחד את אקמי לשלוח אותן אל הורדוס. והדבר הזה נגלה מתוך האגרת אשר שלחה (אקמי) אליו (אל אנטיפטרוס). וככה כתבה אליו האשה באגרת ההיא: ״עשיתי את הטוב בעיניך. כתבתי אל אביך ושלחתי אליו את האגרות ההן (הידועות) ואני מאמינה, כי לא יחמול המלך על אחותו בהוָדע לו הדבר הזה. ואתה תיטיב לעשות בזכרך את הדבר אשר הבטחתני, אחרי אשר ימלא כל חפצך לטובה״.",
+                    "ז. ובהִגלות דבר המכתב הזה יחד עם דברי האגרות הכתובות בידי שלֹמית, החל המלך לחשוב, אולי חבּר אנטיפטרוס גם את האגרות נגד אלכסנדרוס, והתעצב אל לבו מאד בדעתו, כי כמעט הוריד גם את אחותו לשחת בעלילות הבן הזה. הוא לא רצה עוד לדחות את נקמתו בו על כל תועבותיו. אך בעוד הוא מתכונן לעשות שפטים באנטיפטרוס והנה תקפה עליו מחלה קשה. הוא הודיע את הקיסר במכתב על־דבר אקמי ומעלליה הרעים נגד שלֹמית ואחרי־כן פקד להביא אליו את צואתו ושִּׁנה אותה וצוה את מלכותו אחריו לאנטיפס בנו, כי מאס באחיו הגדולים ממנו ארכילאוס ופיליפוס, אשר הכה אנטיפטרוס גם אותם בלשון. ולקיסר כתב הורדוס בצואתו אלף ככר, מלבד מתנות אחרות. וגם לאשת הקיסר ולבניו ולאוהביו ולעבדיו המשחררים — קרוב לחמש מאות ככר. וליתר אוהביו חלק הורדוס אחֻזות גדולות וכסף רב. ובמנחות יקרות פקד גם את שלֹמית אחותו. ככה סדר הורדוס את צואתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>נשר הזהב השלך לארץ. אכזריות הורדוס לפני מותו. הוא נסה לטרוף נפשו בכפו, וצוה להמית את אנטיפטרוס ומת אחרי חמשה ימים.</small><br><br>א. ומחלת המלך גברה עליו, כי רפיון הזקנה וצרות לבבו חִבּרו עליו יחד להכריעהו. כבר היה כבן שבעים שנה והאסונות אשר באו עליו מידי בניו דִכּאו את נשמתו מאד, עד כי גם בהיותו בריא בגופו לא יכֹל לשמוח בחייו. וגם הדבר אשר נמצא עוד אנטיפטרוס בחיים [היה לו למגנת לב ו]חִזק את מחלתו. אולם הורדוס לא רצה להמיתו כלאחר־יד, ועל־כן דחה את הדבר עד אשר ירוַח לו מחליו.",
+                    "ב. ולהוסיף על סאת מכאוביו קם בימים ההם מרד בקרב העם. שני חכמים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס משתמש במלה ״סופיסטים״ בלי נותן טעם לפגם.</i> נמצאו בעיר אשר יצא להם שם, כי הם יודעים באר היטב את תורת אבותינו, ועל־כן גדל כבודם מאד על־פני כל העם, שם האחד היה יהודה בן צפירא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א צפורא (יתכן גם שפירא, ספירא, או שפורא, ספורא), ובקדמוניות: צריפא״.</i> ושם השני מתתיה בן מרגלא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בקדמוניות: מרגלות.</i>, ורבים מבני הנעורים ישבו לפני החכמים האלה בדרשם את התורה ובכל יום ויום נאסף מסביב להם מחנה בחורים גדול. וכאשר נודע להם, כי המלך גוֵֹע מיגונו וממחלתו, נזרק דבר מפיהם בקהל תלמידיהם, כי הנה הגיעה שעת־הכֹשר לקנא לכבוד אלהים ולהרוס את הפסלים, אשר הוקמו נגד חֻקי האבות. כי אסור על־פי החֹק לתת בבית־המקדש צלמים וחצאי־פסלים וכל הדברים העשוים כתבנית בעלי־חיים, והנה הקים המלך נשר זהב ממעל לשער הגדול, ואת הנשר הזה דרשו החכמים לנתֹּץ ואמרו, כי גם אם תצא סכנה מהדבר הזה, יהיה טוב ויפה למות על תורת האבות, כי נשמות האנשים, אשר מתו מות ישרים כזה, תזכינה לחיי עולם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אַתַּנַּסִּיָה (מלה זו נמצאה במדרשים) והסופרים המשכילים השתמשו כאן במלה ״אלמות״.</i> ואֹשר נצחים יהיה חלקן בנעימים. ורק האנשים השפלים, אשר לא קנו חכמה לנפשם, אינם מבינים במה ייטיבו לנפשם, ועל־כן הם בּוחרים למות על מטת חליָם ומואסים במות הגבורים.",
+                    "ג. עוד הם מדברים והנה פשטה השמועה, כי מת המלך, והצעירים חגרו אונים ונגשו לבצע את מעשיהם ובעצם היום, למראה ההמון הגדול, הנמצא בהר הבית, הורידו את עצמם בחבלים ארֻכּים מעל הגג ונתצו בקרדֻמות את נשר־הזהב. הדבר הזה הֻגַּד לשר־צבא המלך מיד והוא מהר בחיל גדול ותפש ארבעים צעירים והוליך אותם אל המלך. בתחלה שאל אותם הורדוס, אם הם האנשים, אשר נועזו לנפץ את נשר הזהב, והם הודו בדבר. אחרי־כן שאל אותם, מי הוא אשר צוה אותם לעשות את הדבר, והם השיבוהו: ״חֻקי התורה״. ואחרי זאת הוסיף לשאלם, מדוע פניהם צוהלים בעת אשר הם הולכים לקראת המות, ועל זה ענוהו, כי אחרי מותם ישבעו רֹב טובה.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה עלתה חמת־המלך עד להשחית. הוא התגבר על כֹּבד מחלתו וקם ויצא אל העם הנאסף והִרבה ללמד חובה על האנשים האלה, אשר חללו את הקֹדש, וגם שם עליהם עלילות דברים, כי החֹק הזה להם לכסות־עינים ובאמת בקשו להם גדולות מאלה, ודרש לדון אותם משפט מגדפי אלהים. ההמון פחד, פן ילָכדו רבים באשמה הזאת, ועל־כן בקש מאת המלך לענוש לראשונה רק את האנשים אשר עשו את המעשה בידיהם, ואחריהם את הנתפשים בעת המעשה, ולהשיב את חמתו מן הנשארים. בקֹשי נעתר המלך לדברי העם וצוה לשרוף באש את האנשים אשר הורידו את עצמם בחבלים, יחד עם החכמים, ואת יתר העצורים נתן בידי עבדיו להמיתם.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי המעשה הזה אכלה מחלת הורדוס את כל בשרו והתהפך במכאובים רבים. אמנם הקדחת לא היתה קשה, אולם הגרב (יקוד) הכה את כל עורו, עד אשר נלאה כַלכּל וחבלים היו במעיו תמיד וברגליו פשׂו מכות טריּוֹת, כאלו חלה בהדרוקן, ודלקת קמה בבטנו, ובמבושיו עלה רקב והֵרַם תולעים. ונוסף על זה לא יכול לנשום רק בזקיפה והנשימה היתה קשה לו מאד, ופלצות אחזה את כל אבריו. ואנשי הרוח אמרו, כי יסוריו הקשים היו עֹנש האלהים על דם החכמים השפוך. אולם בעוד הוא נלחם עם יסוריו הקשים הוסיף לאהוב את החיים וקוה כי ירוח לו מחליו ובקש למצֹא תעלה. הוא עבר את הירדן להתרפא בחמי קלרהי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או קלירהי.</i>. המים האלה נופלים אל ים־המלח והם מתוקים וטובים לשתיה. שם צוו עליו הרופאים לטבול את כל בשרו בשמן חם, אבל כשהושב בערֵבה (אמבטי) מלאה שמן, התעלף והפך את עיניו כמת. מהומה קמה בקרב המשרתים ולקול צעקתם שבה אליו רוחו. עתה נואש הורדוס מכל ישועה וצוה לחלק לאנשי־הצבא חמש מאות דרכמונים לאיש ואיש וכסף רב לשרי הצבא ולאוהביו.",
+                    "ו. והורדוס שב אל יריחו וכבר גברה עליו מרה שחורה, עד אשר כמעט רצה להפיל את פחדו על המות בעצמו ולבו מִלא אותו לעשות תועבה נוראה: הוא צוה לאסוף את האנשים נשואי־הפנים מכל ארץ יהודה אל המקום הנקרא הִפּוֹדְרומוֹס (מקום מרוץ הסוסים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלשון התלמוד והמדרש אפודרומין, לעֻמת זאת אצטדין (סטַדיון, כמראה אמפיתאטרון) הוא מקום התחרות הרצים, והמאבק עם החיות. וכו׳.</i> ולתתם שם על מסגר, וקרא לאחותו שלֹמית ולבעלה אלֶכְּסא ואמר אליהם: ״ידעתי, כי יעשו היהודים חג ביום מותי. אולם יש לאל־ידי לתקן לי מספד — על־ידי אחרים — וגם לערוך לי קבורה מפֹארה, אם תרצו למלא אחרי מצותי. כאשר תצא נשמתי — תמהרו לקחת את האנשים העצורים ולהקיף אותם באנשי־צבא ולהמיתם, למען תתאבל עלי כל ארץ יהודה וכל בית ובית יבכה בעל־כרחו״.",
+                    "ז. הורדוס צוה את הדבר הזה, והנה באו אגרות מאת הצירים, אשר שלח אל רומא, להודיעהו, כי אקמי הומתה במצות הקיסר ואנטיפטרוס נשפט למות [על־פי הקיסר] והם הוסיפו לכתוב, כי הקיסר ממלא את ידי האב לענוש את בנו ענש גלות, אם ירצה בדבר. הבשורה הזאת נתנה שמחה בלב המלך עד אשר הבליג על מחלתו מעט־קט. אבל תכף הציקו לו מחסור המזון והשעול החזק, ובעצמת מכאוביו אמר לשלוח יד בנפשו, למען החיש את מותו. הוא לקח תפוח ודרש לתת לו שַׂכין, כי כן היה מנהגו לחתוך את התפוחים ולאכלם, ואחרי־כן הביט לעברים, אם לא יהיה לו איש לשטן במעשהו, והרים את ימינו לתקוע את השכּין בלבו. אולם אחיאב בן־דודו קפץ אליו והשיב את זרועו אחור. ובחצר המלך קמה תכף מהומה גדולה כאלו כבר מת המלך, והשמועה הגיעה אל אנטיפטרוס והוא שמח ולבש עֹז וחִלה את פני השומרים עליו להתיר אסוריו ולשלחהו לחפשי בכסף רב. אולם ראש השומרים לא שלח אותו לחפשי, רק מהר לרוץ אל המלך ולספר לו את הדבר. והמלך התחזק על מחלתו וקרא בקול גדול לשלוח את שומרי ראשו ולהמית את אנטיפטרוס, ואת גופתו צוה לקבור בהורקניה. ואחרי הדברים האלה שִׁנה את צואתו עוד הפעם והקים את בכור בניו (החיים) ארכילאוס אחי אנטיפס ליורש כסא המלוכה ואת אנטיפס לנסיך (טֶטְרַרְכוֹס).",
+                    "ח. ואחרי רצח (אנטיפטרוס) בנו חי עוד הורדוס חמשה ימים. ולקץ הימים האלה מת; מן היום אשר המית את אנטיגנוס ותפש בידו את השלטון עברו שלשים וארבע שנה, ומיום אשר בו הוקם למלך בידי הרומאים מלאו שלשים ושבע שנה, ורק אנשים מעטים הצליחו כמוהו ועשו חיל בכל מעשיהם. אף כי היה הדיוט במשפחתו, הגיע למלוכה והחזיק בה זמן רב כזה, ואחרי מותו צוה אותה ליוצאי חלציו. ורק בעסקי משפחתו היה הורדוס אֻמלל מאד. בטרם נודע דבר מותו לאנשי־הצבא יצאה שלֹמית עם בעלה ושלחה לחפשי את האסורים, אשר צוה המלך להמיתם, באמרה כי נחם הורדוס על דברו — ונתנה להם ללכת איש אל ביתו. וכאשר יצאו האנשים האלה בשלום, הודיעו (שלֹמית ובעלה) לאנשי־הצבא [את דבר מות הורדוס] והקהילו אותם עם יתר העם יחד לאסֵפה באמפיתיאטרון אשר ביריחו. ושמה יצא אליהם תלמי, אשר בידו הפקיד המלך את טבעתו עם חותמו, וברך את זכר המלך ונחם את העם, ואחרי זאת קרא את המכתב אשר השאיר המלך לאנשי־הצבא ובו בקש מהם לשמור את הברית ליורש מלכותו. וככלות תלמי לקרא את המכתב הזה הסיר את החותם מעל צואת המלך הנוספה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הצואה נקראה ביונית דִּיַּתֵּיקֵי (וכן גם במשנה) ותוספת־הצואה אֶפִּידִיַּתֵּיקֵי.</i> וקרא אותה באזני העם. על־פיה קבל פיליפוס לנחלה את חבל ארֹגב (ארץ טרַכון) והארץ אשר מסביב ואנטיפס נמנה לנסיך, כדבר אשר אמרנו למעלה, וארכילאוס הוקם למלך, ואת ידיו מלא הורדוס להביא את טבעתו ואת תעודות הממשלה החתומות אל הקיסר, כי בידו העֹז והתֹּקף לקיֵם את צואת הורדוס כרצונו ועליו נטל לאַשֵׁר אותה, וביתר הפרטים השאיר הורדוס את דברי הצואה הראשונה.",
+                    "ט. בקול תרועה ברכו האנשים את ארכילאוס ואנשי־הצבא נגשו אליו גדודים גדודים ואִתָּם יחד כל העם, להבטיחהו כי יהיו נאמנים בבריתו, וגם התפללו אל האלהים לשלום מלכותו. ארכילאוס לא חמל על כסף והוציא את כל יקר המלוכה לפאר את קבורת המת. מטתו היתה כֻלה זהב, משֻׁבּצת אבני־חפץ והמצע עליה נעשה תולעת שני, וממעל לו היתה גופת המלך מכֻסה ארגמן, ועל ראשה נזר הזהב ובימינה שרביט המלוכה. ומסביב לארון המת הלכו בני המלך והמון קרוביו ובראשם נושאי כליו (שומרי ראשו) גדוד התְּרַכִּים והגרמנים והגַלים, כֻּלם חגורי נשק כערוכים למלחמה. ולפניהם עברו יתר אנשי־הצבא בכל כלי נשקם, כֻּלם בסדר ישר, אחרי שרי הצבא וראשי הגדודים, ואתם יחד חמש מאות ילידי־בית הורדוס ועבדיו המשֻׁחררים נושאים קטֹרת בידם. גופת המלך הובלה כשבעים ריס עד הגיעהּ אל הורדיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוצאה הישנה: כמאתים ריס. אולם ניזה תקן על־פי פרק כ״א, י שבעים ריס (שם מבֹאר, כי הוֹרדיון רחוקה מירושלים שבעים ריס). ויש חושבים כי מאתים ריס הם המרחק בין יריחו, ששם מת הורדוס, ובין הורדיון (דרך ירושלים).</i>, ושם נקברה כמצות המת. ובזה כלו דברי ימי הורדוס."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס עשה סעדת־הבראה לעם. מריבה גדולה קמה בקרב ההמון, והוא שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמיתו כשלשת אלפים איש.</small><br><br>א. על ארכילאוס הוטל לנסוע אל רומא, ומן הדבר הזה יצאה מהומה חדשה. כי אחרי התאבלו על אביו שבעה ימים עשה משתה גדול לעם, לזכר קבורת אביו, כי הדבר הזה הוא חק ליהודים ועל־ידו התרוששו רבים, אשר קצרה ידם לעשות כֵּרה להמון הרב ומלאו את הדבר בעל־כרחם, כי העובר על החֹק הזה כמפר מצוה יחָשב. אחרי זאת לבש ארכילאוס בגדים לבנים ועלה אל בית־המקדש ושם קִדם העם את פניו בברכות רבות, והוא ישב בראש בימה גבוהה על כסא זהב וממרום שבתו ברך את העם על הכבוד אשר עשה לו בעת הלוית אביו והודה אותו על אשר נשא את פניו כפני מלך אשר נכון כבר כסא המלוכה בידו; והוסיף לדבר, כי יזהר מנהוג שְׂרָרָה וגם לא יקָרא בשם מלך, עד אשר יקים הקיסר בידו את ירֻשת הכסא, כי הוא הנהו השליט העליון גם על־פי צואת אביו; ועל־כן לא קבל (ארכילאוס) את הנזר, אשר אמר הצבא לשים על ראשו בעיר יריחו. לעֻמת־זאת אמר, כי נכון לבו באהבה וברצון לשלם לאנשי־הצבא ולעם כגמול מעשיהם הטובים עמו, אחרי תת השליטים העליונים את הממלכה בידו, וגם יבקש בכל דרכיו להיטיב להם מאביו.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה שמח העם ובקש תכף לתכן את רוח ארכילאוס, בדרשו ממנו גדולות. אלה צעקו אליו להקל עליהם מהמסים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מסי הקרקעות (המסים הישרים).</i>, ואלה בקשו לבטל את המכָסים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מסי הסחורה בשוק (מסים בלתי־ישרים).</i>, ורבים דרשו ממנו להוציא את האסירים לחפשי. ארכילאוס קבל ברצון את כל הבקשות האלה, למצֹא חן בעיני העם. ואחרי הקריבו את הזבחים היטיב את לבו בחברת אוהביו. ולעת נטות היום התאספו רבים מן האנשים, אשר נשאו את נפשם לתמורות (למרידות), להתאבל על אסונם, אסון הפרט, כי כבר כלו ימי אבל הכלל על המלך, והחלו להָמֵר על האנשים המומתים בידי הורדוס על נפצם את נשר הזהב אשר על שער המקדש. והמספד הזה לא נעשה במסתרים, כי הרימו האנשים קול יללה עד לב השמים וגעו בבכי כמצֻוים ועושים ותופפו על לבביהם בכֹח עד אשר הקיפה הזעקה את כל העיר. ובדבר הזה אמרו לכבּד את אלה אשר הערו נפשם למות על חֻקי התורה וטהרת המקדש. הם צעקו בקול לגאול את דם הנהרגים האלה מידי האנשים אשר היו נשואי פנים בעיני הורדוס, ועל־הכל — להוריד את הכהן הגדול אשר הקימהו הורדוס ולתת להם לבחר באיש ירא־אלהים וטהור ממנו.",
+                    "ג. לדברים האלה התרגז ארכילאוס, אולם דחה את עֹנש המורדים, כי מהר לצאת לדרך ופחד, פן יעצור מרד העם את מסעו, כי יתגרה אתו מלחמה. על־כן לא יצא תכף נגד המורדים ביד־רמה, רק נסה להשקיטם בדברים ושלח אליהם את שר־צבאו לדרוש מהם, כי יחדלו ממעשיהם. שר־הצבא בא אל הר־הבית ולא הספיק עוד לפתוח את פיו והנה גרשו אותו המורדים, בהשליכם בו אבנים. וככה עשו גם ליתר האנשים, אשר יצאו אליהם להטות למוסר את אזנם, כי ארכילאוס שלח אנשים רבים אליהם לדבר על לבם, ואת פני כֻלם השיבו המורדים בחרי־אף, ובזה הראו, כי לא יחבקו את ידיהם כאשר יתלקטו אליהם רבים מן העם. וכן היה. בהגיע חג־המצות, הנקרא בפי היהודים פסח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס כותב: פסחא (הצורה הארמית).</i>, אשר בו הם מרבים להקריב זבחים לאלהים, נאסף מכל הארץ המון עולי־רגל לאין־מספר, והאנשים אשר הספידו את החכמים עמדו עליהם בהר־הבית להפיח בהם את אש המרד. ארכילאוס נבהל מפני הדבר הזה ועוד טרם פשטה מחלת המרד בכל העם שלח אל ההמון שר־אלף עם גדוד צבא לבצר בחֹזק־יד את רוח מחוללי המרד. למראה הגדוד התעבר העם מאד, וסקל רבים מאנשי־הצבא באבנים ושר־האלף נפצע ובקֹשי נמלט ממות. ואחרי־כן שב ההמון להקריב את הזבחים כאלו לא נעשה דבר. אולם ארכילאוס נוכח הפעם לראות כי בלי שפך־דם לא יוכל לעצור בעם, ושלח עליו את כל אנשי המלחמה. צבא הרגלים עבר חוצץ דרך רחובות העיר, והרוכבים נשלחו אל השדה ואנשי־הצבא התנפלו פתאם על מקריבי הזבחים והמיתו כשלשת אלפים איש, ויתר העם נפוץ אל השדה. ואחרי־כן באו צירי ארכילאוס וצוו על כל איש לשוב לביתו. וכל עולי־הרגלים עזבו את משוש חגם ויצאו מן העיר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארכילאוס יצא אל רומא עם להקת קרוביו. אנטיפטרוס קרא עליו שטנה לפני הקיסר וניקולאוס למד עליו זכות, והוא יצא זכאי.</small><br><br>א. ארכילאוס יצא בדרך הים בלוית אמו ואוהביו פּוֹפְּלַס ותלמי וניקולאוס והשאיר את פיליפוס למנצח על עסקי המלוכה ולפקיד בביתו. יחד עמו יצאו לדרך גם שלֹמית עם בניה ובני אחי המלך וחתניו ולמראה־עין התנדבו לחזק את ידי ארכילאוס בירֻשת המלוכה, אולם באמת שמו את לבם ללמד עליו חובה על המטבח הגדול אשר עשה בהר־הבית.",
+                    "ב. ובעיר קיסרי פגש אותם סַבּינוס נציב סוריה, אשר עלה אל ארץ יהודה לשמור את כסף עזבון הורדוס. אולם וַרוס לא נתן לו לנסוע משם והלאה, כי הִרבּה ארכילאוס לחלות את פניו בידי תלמי. בפעם הזאת נשא סַבּינוס את פני וַרוס ולא מהר לעלות על המבצרים ולא סגר בפני ארכילאוס על אוצרות אביו ואמר, כי יֵשב במנוחה עד אשר יוציא הקיסר את משפטו, ונשאר בקיסרי. אולם כאשר פנו שני האנשים העוצרים אותו איש איש לדרכו, כי וַרוס שב אל אנטיוכיה וארכילאוס יצא באניה אל רומא, מהר סַבּינוס לעלות על ירושלים ותפש את ארמון המלך וגם קרא אליו את שרי המבצרים ואת גזברי המלך ונסה לחקור את חשבונות הכספים ולקחת בידו את המבצרים. אולם פקידי המלוכה לא עברו על פקֻדת ארכילאוס והוסיפו לעמוד על משמרתם באמונה, באמרם כי בזה הם עובדים את הקיסר ולא את ארכילאוס בלבד.",
+                    "ג. בין כה וכה יצא גם אנטיפס לדרך, לריב [עם ארכילאוס], באמרו כי יפה כח צואת אביו הראשונה, אשר על פיה הוקם למלך, מכח הצואה הנוספת. ושלֹמית ועוד רבים מקרוביו הנוסעים עם ארכילאוס אל רומא הבטיחוהו עוד לפני צאתם, כי ידם תכון עמו. הוא הוביל אתו את אמו וגם את תלמי אחי ניקולאוס, אשר בטח בו, כי כחו גדול להכריע את הכף לטובתו, יען כי שמר לו הורדוס את אמונתו כל הימים והוא היה הנכבד בכל אוהביו. ועוד יותר האמין אנטיפס בנואם אֵירֵנַיּוּס על כח מליצתו — ועל־כן מאס בעצת האנשים, אשר דברו על לבו לעזוב את המלוכה לארכילאוס, כי לו יאתה על־פי משפט הבכורה ותֹקף הצואה השניה. וברומא עמדו לו לעזרה כל בני בית אביו, אשר היו עוינים את ארכילאוס מאד. וראש דברים היה לבקש שלטון חפשי (אבטונומיה), אשר ינצח עליו נציב רומאי, — ואולם אם לא יצליח חפצם זה בידם — אמרו בלבם לבקש את אנטיפס למלך.",
+                    "ד. גם סבינוס עמד לימינם בדבר הזה, כי כתב שטנה על ארכילאוס אל הקיסר והרבה עם המכתב להלל את אנטיפס. ושלֹמית ובניה אספו את כל דברי האשמה ונתנו אותם בידי הקיסר. לדברים האלה כתב ארכילאוס ראשי־פרקים להוכיח את צדקתו ושלח את טבעת אביו יחד עם הדברים האלה אל הקיסר בידי תלמי. והקיסר השיב אל לבו את טענות שני הצדדים והתבונן לגֹדל המלוכה ולמכסת תבואתה וגם למספר בני בית הורדוס, ואחרי זאת קרא את האגרות השלוחות אליו מוַרוס ומסבינוס, והקהיל את טובי הרומאים לאספה, ובראש האספה הושיב את גַיּוּס בן אגריפס הנולד ליוליה בתו, אשר לקחהו הקיסר לו לבן, ומִלא את ידי בעלי הריב להגיש את עצומותיהם.",
+                    "ה. לראשונה עמד על רגליו אנטיפטרוס בן שלֹמית ללמד חובה על ארכילאוס, כי הוא היה גדול בכח לשונו מכל אנשי־ריבו. הוא אמר, כי רק בדברי־פה בלבד נצב ארכילאוס לריב על ירֻשת המלוכה, כי במעשה־ידיו כבר התנהג כמלך, וכמצחק הוא בדבריו הפעם באזני הקיסר, יען אשר לא חכה עד הוציאו משפטו בדבר נחלת הורדוס. הן אחרי מות הורדוס הכין לו אנשים בסתר לשים על ראשו את הנזר, וכבר ישב על כסא־מלכים ועשה מעשי מלך, בשנותו את סדרי הצבא ובהרימו את מעלות השרים, גם הבטיח למלא את משאלות העם הרואה את פניו כפני מלך וקרא דרור לאסורים, אשר שם אותם אביו בנחֻשתים על עונות קשים. ועתה בא אל השליט העליון לבקש ממנו את צל המלוכה, אחרי גזלו בידיו את עצם המלוכה, ובאמת הוא מקים את הקיסר לשופט בדבר שֵׁם המלוכה בלבד ולא בדבר השלטון. ומלבד זאת נשא אנטיפטרוס חרפה על ארכילאוס, כי גם את מספד אביו הפך לצחוק, בבּקר היה שׂם עליו מעטה אֵבל ובלילה שתה לשכרה ועשה מעשי־תעתועים; ועוד הוסיף אנטיפטרוס לספר, כי המעשים האלה העלו את כעס ההמון והיו לסבת המרד. ועמוד־התוך, אשר נשען עליו אנטיפטרוס בדבריו, היה מספר החללים הרבים מסביב להיכל ה׳: ״אלה האנשים באו אל יום טוב ובאכזריות רצח נשחטו על זבחיהם. ובחצר בית־המקדש נערמו הרוגים בהמון גדול, אשר כמוהו לא אכלה גם חרב שונאים נכרים במלחמת־פתאם. אמנם אבי ארכילאוס צפה את אכזריותו מראש, ועל־כן לא נתן תקוה בלבו לעשות מלוכה עד העת אשר קשתה עליו מחלת נשמתו מתחלואי גופו ונבצר ממנו לעשות את דברו בדעת ובחשבון ולא ידעה נפשו את מי הוא שׂם ליורש כסאו בצואה הנוספת, ומה גם שעשה את הדבר הזה מבלי מצֹא ערות־דבר באיש אשר כתב לו את המלוכה בצואתו הראשונה, בהיותו בריא בגופו ובעת אשר דעתו היתה עוד נכונה בקרבו. ואולם אם גם יחשוב איש, כי יפה כח המשפט אשר הוציא המלך בחליו, הנה עליו להודות, כי אִבֵּד ארכילאוס את המלוכה בידים בנאצותיו אשר עשה לנבל את מלכותו. ומה יהיה משפט המושל הזה אחרי קבלו את המלוכה מידי הקיסר, אם כבר ערך מטבח כזה בטרם נכונה המלוכה בידו?״",
+                    "ו. כאלה וכאלה הוסיף אנטיפטרוס לדַבֵּר והעיד לו עדים נאמנים את קרוביו הרבים, העומדים עמו יחד לחזק כל פרט ופרט מדברי האשמה, ואחרי־זאת כלה את דבריו. ואחריו עמד ניקולאוס על רגליו להצדיק את ארכילאוס בריבו והוכיח בדברים, כי הרצח בהר־הבית נעשה באֹנס, יען אשר הרימו הנרצחים יד באיבה לא במלכות בלבד, כי־אם גם בקיסר, אשר מידו כל משפטה. ומלבד זאת הראה ניקולאוס לדעת, כי את יתר דברי האשמה עשה ארכילאוס בעצת האנשים, אשר באו עתה ללמד עליו חובה; וגם חרץ משפטו, כי בדבר הזה יפה כח הצואה הנוספת מכח הצואה הראשונה — על אשר מסר בה המת בידי הקיסר להכין את המלוכה בידי יורשו, והן האדם המבין להפקיד את שלטונו בידי מושל העולם לא יוכל לשגות במשפטו מי האיש אשר לו תֵאות ירֻשתו; אין זאת, כי־אם במחשבה צלולה בחר הורדוס באיש הזה להעמידו בראש העם, בדעתו את האיש אשר יקימהו על נחלתו.",
+                    "ז. וכאשר באר ניקולאוס את דבריו, נגש ארכילאוס ונפל לרגלי הקיסר מבלי דַבּר דבר. והקיסר צוה עליו בדברי־חן לקום על רגליו וגלה את דעתו, כי הוא ראוי לשבת על כסא אביו, אולם לא הוציא משפט מבֹאר. ואחרי שלחו את הנאספים השיב אל לבו ביום ההוא את הדברים אשר שמעו אזניו ונמלך בדעתו אם להקים למלך אחד מבני הורדוס הנקובים בצואתו, או לחלק את מלכותו לכל בני משפחתו, בחשבו למשפט, כי עליו להשביע רצון את הנפשות הרבות האלה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מלחמה עזה קמה בין היהודים ובין צבא סַבּינוס, ומטבח גדול נעשה בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. עוד טרם הוציא הקיסר את משפטו בדבר הזה חלתה מַלְתַּקִּי אם ארכילאוס ומתה ואגרות באו מוַרוס הנציב בסוריה על־דבר מרד היהודים. כי וַרוס צפה מראש את המרד הזה בבואו אל ירושלים אחרי צאת ארכילאוס באניה ובקש לבצור את רוח מחרחרי הריב. כל עין ראתה, כי לא ישב ההמון במנוחה, ועל־כן השאיר וַרוס בקרב העיר אחד משלשת הלגיונות אשר הביא אתו מסוריה ושב אל אנטיוכיה. אחריו בא סבינוס אל ירושלים ונתן במעשיו ליהודים תואנה לקום על נפשם, כי אִלֵּץ בחֹזק־יד את שרי המבצרים להסגיר אליו את המצודות וחקר בשרירות לבו למצֹא את אוצרות המלך. ובדבר הזה בטח לא באנשי־הצבא, אשר השאיר וַרוס בירושלים, בלבד, כי־אם גם בהמון עבדיו, אשר לכלם נתן כלי־נשק ועל־ידם בקש למצֹא בצע. ובבוא חג החמשים (השבועות), — כי כן קוראים היהודים לאחד ממועדי השנה אשר להם מקץ שבעה שבועות [לחג המצות] על־פי מספר הימים, — לא עלה ההמון אל ירושלים לעבוד את אלהיו כחֹק בלבד, כי־אם גם לשפוך את כעסו [על המעשים הרעים]. המון לאין־מספר נאסף מארץ הגליל ומאדום ומיריחו וגם מעבר הירדן, ועולי־הרגל הקרובים מארץ יהודה עוד עצמו במספרם ובנדבת רוחם מאלה. הם נפרדו לשלשה מחנות ונטשו בשלשה מקומות: האחד מצפון להר־הבית, השני — ליד מקום מרוץ הסוסים (הָאִפּוֹדְרוֹמִין) אשר לצד דרום והשלישי בקרבת ארמון המלך במערב. הם הקיפו את הרומאים מכל עבר ושמו עליהם מצור.",
+                    "ב. וסַבּינוס ירא את ההמון הגדול הזה ואת עז נפשו ושלח רץ אחרי רץ אל וַרוס, לבקש ממנו עזרה חיש מהר מבלי התמהמה, פן יאבד כל הלגיון הרומאי. והוא עלה על המגדל הגבוה מכל חומת ירושלים, אשר קרא לו הורדוס על שם אחיו פצאל, הנהרג בידי הפרתים, ומשם נתן אות לאנשי־הצבא בני הלגיון להשתער על האויבים, והוא בעצמו נמוג מפחד ולא נועז לרדת אל אנשיו. אנשי־הצבא שמעו לקולו ובקעו להם דרך אל הר־הבית ושם פרצה מלחמה קשה ביניהם ובין היהודים. וכל העת אשר לא נלחם בהם איש ממעלה גברו הרומאים למודי־המלחמה על המון היהודים, אשר לא נֻסו בקרָב. אולם כאשר עלו יהודים רבים אל האולמים (האסתוניות) אשר למעלה ומשם השליכו אבני־קלע על ראשי הרומאים, נפלו מהם חללים רבים, וקשה היה להם לעמוד בפני האויבים הזורקים עליהם אבנים ממעלה וגם להתעודד בפני ההמון הגדול אשר שת עליהם והתגרה אִתּם מלחמה.",
+                    "ג. ובראות הרומאים, כי קמה להם המלחמה משתי רוחות, שלחו אש באולמים הנפלאים בגדלם ובהדרם ומיד הקיפו עמודי אש את היהודים הנמצאים שם, ואלה מתו בלהבה, ואלה קפצו למטה אל שונאיהם ומתו בחרבם, ואלה הפילו עצמם מעל החומה אחורנית אל התהום. וגם נמצאו אנשים אשר נואשו מישועה ונפלו על חרבם טרם יהיו למאכֹלת אש. ואלה אשר ירדו בחומה אל הרומאים נמוגו מפחד ושונאיהם הכריעום על־נקלה. ואחרי אשר נפלו חללים רבים מקרב היהודים ויתרם נבהלו ונפוצו לכל רוח התנפלו אנשי־הצבא על אוצר בית־המקדש העזוב וגזלו כארבע מאות ככר. ואת פלֵטת האוצר, אשר לא נגנבה בידי הצבא, אסף סַבּינוס אליו.",
+                    "ד. הריסת הבנינים הנהדרים ורצח האנשים הרבים הרגיזו את היהודים מאד ואנשים רבים ועצומים ומלֻמדי־מלחמה התקוממו על הרומאים היושבים בארמון המלך והקיפום סביב. הם הזהירו אותם כי ימיתו אותם בחרב, אם לא ימהרו לעזוב את העיר, וגם הבטיחו את סבינוס, כי לא יגעו בו לרעה, כאשר יבחר לצאת עם הלגיון את פני העיר. גם רֹב צבא המלך נלוה אל הקושרים, אולם ראשי גבורי המלך, שלשת אלפים בני סבסטי (שמרון) ובראשם רוּפוּס וגרַטּוּס — גרטוס היה שר צבא־הרגלים למלך ורופוס היה שר־הרוכבים, — אשר כל אחד מהם נחשב גם מבלעדי צבאו למשען חזק במלחמה בגבורתו ובחכמתו, חזקו את ידי הרומאים. היהודים צרו על ארמון המלך בחֹזק־יד ונסו להרעיש את חומותיו ונשאו את קולם אל אנשי סבינוס כי יֵצאו משם ולא יהיו להם לשטן בדרכם, כי נושאים הם את לבם אל החֹפש אשר היה לאבותיהם ואשר נעדר מהם זמן רב. אמנם סַבּינוס היה נכון לעזוב את העיר, אולם לא האמין ליהודים המבטיחים אותו, בחשדו בהם, כי הם אומרים לטמון לו פח בדבריהם הרכים, ומלבד־זאת קוה לעזרת וַרוס, ועל־כן נשא את המצור."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>זקני חיל הורדוס נלוו אל המורדים. יהודה הגלילי הִרבה שֹׁד בארץ. שמעון ואַתּרוֹנְגַּיּוֹס לקחו להם את המלוכה.</small><br><br>א. ובימים ההם קמו מהומות רבות בקרב הארץ (ארץ־ישראל) והרבה אנשים מצאו שעת־הכֹּשר לעשות מלוכה. בארץ אדום התקשרו אלפים איש מזקני צבא הורדוס ויצאו בחרב להלחם עם חיל המלך, אשר עמד בראשו אחיאב ממשפחת המלוכה. ואחיאב נלחם אתם מתוך המצודות בלבד ונמנע מצאת עליהם לקרב בשדה. גם בצפורי אשר בגליל התקומם יהודה בן ראש השודדים חזקיה, אשר מלא לפנים את כל הארץ חמס, עד שנתפש בכף המלך הורדוס. והמון גדול נאסף אליו ויחד עמו פרץ בבית־נשק המלך ובנשק הנמצא שם חגר יהודה את חבריו להלחם בכל האנשים אשר נשאו את עיניהם אל הממשלה.",
+                    "ב. ובעבר הירדן קם אחד מעבדי המלך ושמו שמעון, ובטח ביפי קומתו ובחֹסן גופו ושם על ראשו את נזר המלוכה. הוא אסף אליו המון שודדים ופשט בארץ מסביב ושרף את בית המלך אשר ביריחו וגם שלח באש אחֻזות־עשירים רבות, למען הוצא את שללן על־נקלה. וכמעט שׂם למאכֹלת־אש כל נוף יפה, לולא יצא לקראתו גְּרַטּוּס, שר הרגלים אשר למלך בראש הרובים מארץ טרכון ואנשי המלחמה הטובים מבני סבסטי. ובקרב הזה נפלו רבים מבני עבר הירדן חללים, ושמעון אמר להמלט דרך נקרה צרה, אולם גרטוס סגר עליו את הדרך והכה אותו בעת מנוסתו בצוארו מן הצד והמיתהו. ועוד אנשים התקוממו בעבר הירדן ושלחו באש את ארמון המלך אשר בבית־הרם (בית־רמתה) בקרבת הירדן.",
+                    "ג. גם רועה אחד ערב את לבו בימים ההם לריב על־דבר המלוכה, ושמו אַתּרוֹנְגַּיּוֹס. ואת תקותו למלוכה העירו כֹח־גופו ואֹמץ־רוחו, אשר לא ירא מות, וגם ארבעת אחיו הדומים לו בתכונותיהם חזקו את ידיו. לכל אחד מאחיו נתן גדוד חמשים ומנה אותם לשרי־צבא ולאחשדרפנים ושלחם לבֹז בז, ואת עצמו חשב למלך ורק הדברים הגדולים באו אליו. הוא שׂם על ראשו את הנזר בימים ההם וימים רבים פשט על הארץ עם אחיו יחד. הם קבלו פקֻדה להמית את הרומאים ואת אנשי־שלום המלך (סיעת בית הורדוס), אולם גם כל איש יהודי לא נמלט מהם בעת נפלו בידם עם דברי חפץ. פעם אחת נועזו להתנפל גם על גדוד שלם נושא לחם ונשק מצבא הרומאים בקרבת העיר אמאוס והמיתו את שר־המאה אַרֵיוס עם ארבעים מאנשיו, וגם יתר אנשי־הצבא נמצאו בסכנת־מות, לולא חשו לעזרתם גרַטוס ובני סבסטי והניסו את השודדים. ועוד רעות רבות עוללו האחים האלה ליושבי הארץ ולנכרים כל ימי עשותם מלחמה. אך לקץ הימים נתפשו שלשה מהם בכף, הבכור נפל בידי ארכילאוס והשנים בידי גרטוס ותלמי ולאחרונה הסגיר גם האח הרביעי את נפשו בידי ארכילאוס. אולם קצם זה בא אחרי־זמן. ובימים ההם (אחרי מות הורדוס) מלאו את כל ארץ יהודה מלחמה ושֹׁד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ורוס הכניע את היהודים המורדים והוקיע כאלפים מורדים על צלבים.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר קבל וַרוס את מכתבי סַבּינוס ושרי־החיָלים פחד, פן תאֻנה רעה ללגיון כֻּלו, ומהר לצאת לעזרתו. הוא לקח עמו את שני הלגיונות הנותרים ואת ארבע להקות־הרוכבים הנמנות עליהם ונסע אל עכו וצוה על המלכים והשליטים לשלוח אליו שמה חיל־עזר. בעברו דרך עיר בארות אסף אליו משם אלף וחמש מאות אנשי־צבא. וכאשר הגיע אל עכו, באו אליו גם יתר צבאות הברית, וחרתת הערבי, השונא את הורדוס, הביא עמו חיל גדול רוכבים ורגלים. וַרוס שלח את חלק הצבא אל ארץ הגליל הסמוכה לעכו ובראש החיל הזה הפקיד אחד מידידיו ושמו גַּיּוּס. גיוס הניס את כל היהודים אשר יצאו לקראתו ולכד את העיר צפורי ושלח אותה באש ואת יושביה מכר לעבדים. ועם יתר הצבא נסע וַרוס בעצמו דרך שמרון ולא נגע בעיר לרעה, בראותו כי לא מרדה בו בעת המהומה, אשר הקיפה את יתר המקומות. הוא חנה על־יד אחד הכפרים ושמו אַרוּס, אשר היה לאחֻזה לתלמי, ועל־כן בזזו אותו הערבים, בפקדם את חמתם גם על אוהבי הורדוס. ומשם נסע וַרוס אל כפר אחד מֻקף חומה ושמו צַפָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית סַפְּפוֹ; נ״א: סַמְפוֹ, ולא נודע מקומו.</i> וגם אותו בזזו הערבים עם כל סביבותיו בעברם עליהן (נ.א.: עם כל אֹרחות־הצֵדה אשר מצאו בדרכם). וגם העיר אמאוס נשרפה, אחרי אשר ברחו יושביה ממנה, כי ככה צוה וַרוס להנקם בה על רצח אריוס ואנשיו.",
+                    "ב. ומשם עלה וַרוס על ירושלים ולמראה צבאו העצום נפוץ מחנה היהודים לכל רוח. הם נמלטו על נפשם אל השדה, ויושבי העיר פתחו את שעריה לפני וַרוס ופרקו מעליהם את אשם המרד, באמרם כי איש מהם לא הרים יד ברומאים, ובעל־כרחם קבלו את המון עולי־הרגלים, אשר צר עליהם ועל הרומאים יחד, והם לא עזרו למורדים במלחמתם. גם יוסף, קרובו של ארכילאוס, ורופוס וגרטוס עם צבא המלך ואנשי סבסטי יצאו לקדם את פני וַרוס ואנשי הלגיון הרומאי עברו לפניו כמנהגם בכל עדי נשקם. וסַבּינוס לא ערב את לבו לְהֵראות את פני וַרוס ומהר לעזוב את העיר ולפנות אל חוף הים. וַרוס שלח את חלק הצבא לשוט בארץ ולתפוש את מחוללי המרד, ושבוּים רבים הובאו אליו. את האנשים, אשר למראה־עיניו לא הרבו לעשות מרי, שם במשמר וּמראשי החַיָּבים הוקיע על צלבים כאלפים איש.",
+                    "ג. לוַרוס הֻגד, כי בארץ אדום נשארו עוד כעשרת אלפים אנשי חיל מזֻיָּנים. הוא שלח מעל פניו את הערבים, כי ראה בהם, שלא נלחמו כדרך אנשי בריתו וכל חפצם היה רק לכלות את נקמתם, ומשנאתם הרבה להורדוס הרבו להשחית את הארץ מאשר עלה על רוחו. ואחרי־כן מהר יחד עם לגיונותיו ושם את פניו להלחם במורדים. אולם היהודים לא יצאו לעֻמתו למלחמה, כי שמעו לעצת אחיאב ומסרו את עצמם בידי הרומאים. וַרוס סלח לעון המון המורדים ורק את העומדים בראשם שלח אל הקיסר לעמוד לפניו למשפט. הקיסר העביר את חטאת האנשים, ורק את בני משפחת המלך — כי היו בין המורדים אחדים מהקרובים אל בית הורדוס — שפט משפט מות, כי הרימו יד במלך, אשר היה גואלם הקרוב אליהם. ככה השיב וַרוס את המנוחה בירושלים והפקיד לשמור על העיר את הלגיון, אשר חנה שם לפנים, ואחרי־זאת שב אל אנטיוכיה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים הרבו להתלונן על ארכילאוס ובקשו כי יֻתַּן להם נציב רומאי. הקיסר שמע את דבריהם וחלק לבני הורדוס את נחלת אביהם כרצונו.</small><br><br>א. ובעוד ארכילאוס יושב ברומי, והנה קם ריב חדש בינו ובין היהודים, אשר עוד לפני המרד קבלו רשות מוַרוס לשלוח צירים אל הקיסר ולבקש ממנו את חֹפש עמם. מספר הצירים הבאים היה חמשים איש ואליהם נלוו יהודים מיושבי רומא כשמונת אלפים איש ומעלה. הקיסר הקהיל את פקידי הרומאים ואת אוהביו לאספה אל מקדש אפולון אשר בפַלַּטיון (הגבעה הפַלַּטּינית), הוא הבית אשר יסד אותו הקיסר וכלל את הדרו ועשרו עד להפליא — ושמה באו הצירים בלוית המון היהודים הרב ולעֻמתם נצבו ארכילאוס ואוהביו יחד. וקרובי ארכילאוס ואנשי שלומם עמדו מרחוק, כי לא מלאם לבם לעזור לארכילאוס בריבו משנאתם וקנאתם אליו, וגם בושו מפני הקיסר לשים את ידם עם שוטניו לעיני השמש. אל הקרובים האלה נוסף עתה גם פיליפוס, אשר שלח אותו וַרוס באהבתו אותו אל רומא לעשות שם שני דברים: לחזק את ידי ארכילאוס וגם לקבל מנחלת אביו את חלקו, אם יעלה על רוח הקיסר לחלק את נחלת הורדוס לכל יוצאי חלציו.",
+                    "ב. ואחרי אשר צוה הקיסר על שוטני ארכילאוס לדבר, החלו לפרט את התועבות הרבות אשר עשה הורדוס: ״לא עֹל מלך נשאנו על שכמנו, כי־אם עֹל עריץ רשע ואכזרי מכל העריצים אשר קמו מימות־עולם. הוא הרג ואבּד את רֹב העם והנשארים בחיים נמקו בעֹצר רעה ויגון, עד אשר קנאו במתים שנגזרו מידו. ונקל היה בעיניו לדוש את בשר נתיניו, כי גם על ערים שלמות עברה רעתו. הוא מצץ את לשד ערי מלכותו, למען פָּאר ערים נכריות ובדם היהודים אמר למצֹא חן בעיני עמים זרים. ותחת חֹסן־אֹשר העם לפנים וחֻקי האבות אשר חי בהם המיט עליו עֹני ופריצות עד אין גבול, והצרות אשר עברו על היהודים מידי הורדוס בשנים מעטות הכריעו בכף מאזנים את כל האסונות אשר התחוללו על אבותינו כל העת למן היום אשר שבו עולי הגולה מבבל בימי המלך אחשורוש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קְסֶרְקְסֶס במקור. זו היא שגגת המחבר ואולי צריך להיוה אַרְתַּקְסֶרְקְסֶס אחשורוש, והכונה ליסוד המעלת בימי עזרא.</i>. וכה שחה רוח העם, וכה הסכין לפגעיו הרבים, עד אשר בחר לרצונו להיות עבד־עבדים על־פי משפט הירֻשה. על־כן נכון לבו לקרא בשם מלך לארכילאוס בן הרשע הגדול הזה אחרי מות אביו ויחד עמו התאבל על מות הורדוס והתפלל לשלום מלכותו. אולם ארכילאוס שקד להראות, כי איננו ילד זנונים להורדוס וחנך את מלכותו בדם שלשת אלפים בני ירושלים, ואלה החללים, אשר מלא בהם את בית־המקדש ביום חג, הם היו הזבחים אשר הקריב לאלהים, להכין את מלכותו בידו. ולכן צדקו האנשים, אשר הצילו את נפשם מן הרעה הזאת, בהפכם הפעם את פניהם לעמוד לקראת מַכּיהם כמשפט המלחמה. והנה אנו מחלים את פני הרומאים, כי יחמלו על שארית יהודה ואל ישליכו את פלֵטתה לפני חיות־טרף אכזריות, רק יחברו אותה אל ארץ סוריה ויעמידו בראשה נציבים מקרבם. ואז יראו הכל עין בעין, כי היהודים האלה, אשר הוציאו עליהם שוטניהם קול, כי הם אנשי ריב ואוהבי מלחמה, יודעים לשמוע בקול נציבים ארכי־אפים״. בשאלתם זו כלו היהודים את דברי תלונתם, ואחריהם קם ניקולאוס ובטל את כל הטענות אשר טענו על המלכים, וקרא שטנה על העם, כי [הוא קשה־עֹרף ו]אינו מקבל עליו שררה ומתכונתו הוא ממרה את פי מלכיו, וגם נתן דֹפי בקרובי ארכילאוס, אשר היתה ידם עם שוטניו.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר שמע הקיסר את דברי כל בעלי הריב שלח את הנאספים מעליו. וכעבור ימים מִספר נתן את חצי המלכות לארכילאוס וקרא לו בשם נשיא־עם (אֶתּנַרְכוֹס) וגם הבטיחהו, כי ישימהו למלך, אם יראה במעשיו, כי יאות לו הכבוד הזה. ואת מחצית המלכות הנשארת חלק לשני חבלי נסיכים (טֶטְרַרְכִיּוֹת) ונתן לשני בני הורדוס, את האחד לפיליפוס ואת השני לאנטיפס, אשר רב עם ארכילאוס על־דבר המלוכה. לאנטיפטרוס נפלו לנחלה עבר הירדן והגליל עם מאתים ככר תבואות השנה. אולם הבשן וחבל ארגֹב (טרכון) וארץ חַורן וחלק גבול זֵינוֹן בסביבות אינו (אִנַּנוֹ)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השם הזה כנראה משֻׁבּש. נמצאת עוד גרסה יַמְנִיָּה (יבנה) והיא בודאי טעות. — אפשר גם לחשוב, כי בעברית יהיה זה עינו או הינו, זינון הוא זינודורוס הנזכר בספר א, כ, ד.</i> נפלו בחלק פיליפוס ותבואות נחלתו עלו למאה ככר. ועל ממשלת ארכילאוס נחשבו ארץ אדום וכל ארץ יהודה וארץ שמרון, אשר הֻנח לה מרביעית המס, כי לא מרדה יחד עם יתר המדינות. והערים אשר סרו למשמעת ארכילאוס היו: מגדל־סטרטון (קיסרי) וסבסטי, יפו וירושלים. ואת ערי היונים עזה, גדר וסוסיתא (הִפּוֹן) קרע הקיסר מעל הממלכה וספח אותן אל נציבות סוריה, ותבואות השנה בארץ נחלת ארכילאוס היו ארבע מאות ככר. ושלֹמית קבלה את כל אשר כתב לה המלך בצואתו וגם הוקמה לשליטה בערים יבנה ואשדוד (אזוטוס) ופצאליס. ומלבד־זאת נתן לה הקיסר את בית המלך באשקלון, ומכל אחֻזתה אספה ששים ככר תבואות השנה, אולם הקיסר העמיד את נחלתה תחת שלטון־הפלך אשר לארכילאוס. וגם ליתר בני בית הורדוס חלק הקיסר את המנות הראויות לתת להם על־פי צואת המלך. ולשתי בנות הורדוס אשר לא היו עוד לאיש הוסיף הקיסר על נחלתן חמש מאות אלף כסף (שקל, דינר) ונתן אותן לנשים לשני בני פירורא. ואחרי אשר הציב הקיסר את גבולות בני המלך, חלק ביניהם את אלף הככר אשר עזב לו הורדוס למנחה ובחר לו רק כלי־חפץ אחדים לא־יקָרים, למזכרת כבוד המת."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשה אלכסנדרוס הרמאי. ארכילאוס יצא בגולה. גלפירה מתה, וחלומות־נבואה גלו להם את הדברים מראש.</small><br><br>א. ובימים ההם קם איש אחד, יהודי מלֵדה, אשר גדל בעיר צידון בבית עבד רומאי משֻׁחרר, ושׂם עליו לשקר את שם אלכסנדרוס הנהרג בידי הורדוס, אשר היה דומה לו במראהו, ונסע אל רומא, בבטחו כי לא יענה כחשו בפניו. ואיש ימינו היה אחד היהודים היודע את כל הדברים הנעשים במלכות ומפיו למד האיש לסַפּר, כי עבדי המלך, אשר נשלחו להמית אותו ואת אריסטובולוס, חמלו עליהם ונתנו להם להמלט ותמורתם הביאו פגרי אנשים דומים להם במראיהם. בדברים האלה התעה את היהודים יושבי כרתים (אי קרֵיטֵי) וקבל מהם מתנות יקרות ונסע משם אל מֵלוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אחד מאיי הקיבלַדים בים־יון (בים הָאֵיגֵיִי).</i>. ובמקום הזה הרבה עוד לאסוף כסף, כי נאמנו דבריו מאד על היהודים התושבים, וגם משך את לב היהודים אשר אספוהו אל ביתם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האכסנאים שלו.</i> ללוותו במסעו אל רומא. וכאשר ירד מן האניה בדִיקְאַרכיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עכשו פוּטֵאוֹלי בקרבּת נפולי באיטליה, החוף אשר ירדו בו הנוסעים מארצות המזרח אל רומא.</i> נתנו לו היהודים יושבי המקום תשורות רבות ואוהבי בית אביו (הורדוס) שלחו אותו אל רומא בכבוד מלכים. אמנם פניו דמו לפני אלכסנדרוס ובדבר הזה הטה את הבריות להאמין בו, כי גם האנשים אשר היטיבו להכיר את אלכסנדרוס פנים אל פנים נשבעו, כי זה הוא האיש, וכל היהודים אשר ברומא נהרו לראותו והמון לאין־מספר נאסף ברחובות העיר, אשר שם נִשא האיש על כפים. כי היהודים אשר באו עמו ממֵלוֹס התהוללו מאד, עד אשר נשאו אותו באפריון וגם פזרו את כספם לתת לו עבֻדת מלכים. ",
+                    "ב. והקיסר היטיב להכיר את סמני אלכסנדרוס — כי העמיד אותו הורדוס [לפנים] למשפטו — ועוד לפני ראותו את האיש הבין, כי הוא מרַמה את הבריות בדמותו, אולם גם הוא נפתה להאמין מעט לתקוה הטובה ושלח את קֶלַּדּוּס, אחד ממיֻדעי אלכסנדרוס, וצוהו להביא אליו את הצעיר וכאשר הביט קלדוס בפני האיש הכיר מיד, כי הם שונים מפני אלכסנדרוס, והתבונן אל בשרו, כי כֻלו קשה (גס) כבשר העבד ונוכח לראות את תרמית הדבר, ועוד יותר הרגיזה אותו עזות פני האיש, כי בשאֹל אותו קלדוס לשלום אחיו אריסטובולוס השיבהו דבר, כי גם הוא נמלט ממות, אך נשאר בקפרוס, כי נשמר לנפשו מנכלי שונאיו. ואמנם יקשה הדבר לתפוש אותם, בהפרדם איש מעל אחיו. קלדוס משך את האיש הצדה ואמר לו: ״נפשך תהיה לך לשלל מידי הקיסר, אם תגלה את שם האיש, אשר הסיתך לעשות דבר־תרמית כזה!״ האיש אמר, כי יודיעהו את שם המסית, והלך אחריו אל הקיסר וגלה לו את דבר האיש היהודי, אשר מצא חפץ בתאר־פניו למען בוא על שכרו, וגם הודה בפיו, כי קבל בכל עיר ועיר המון מתנות, כאשר לא קבל אלכסנדרוס כל ימי חייו. הקיסר צחק למשמע אזניו וצוה להושיב את המכזב, אשר קרא עליו שם אלכסנדרוס, לעבוד עבודת פרך בספינות, כי יאתה העבודה הזאת לכֹח גופו, ואת המסית צוה להמית. ולאנשי־מֵלוס לא עשה דבר, כי כבר שלמו במיטב כספם על מעשי תעתועיהם.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר נכונה הממשלה בידי ארכילאוס בארץ נחלתו, זכר את המריבות הראשונות ורעץ באכזריות לא את היהודים בלבד, כי־אם גם את השמרונים. על־כן שלחו היהודים והשמרונים צירים אל הקיסר בשנה התשיעית לממשלת ארכילאוס [להתאונן על מעשיו] והוא נשפט על־פי הקיסר לגלות אל וִיֶּנַּה, העיר אשר בגַליה, וכל רכושו החרם לאוצר הקיסר. ועל ארכילאוס יאמר, כי טרם נקרא לעמוד למשפט הקיסר ראה בחלומו כדמות תשע שבלים גדולות ומלאות, אשר אכלו אותן השורים. הוא שלח לקרא למנחשים (לפותרי חלומות) וגם לכשדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">החוזים בכוכבים ומגלים את העתידות על־פיהם (עיין דניאל, ב, ב).</i> אחדים (כַּלְדָאִים), ושאל מהם את פתרון הדבר. בעוד זה אומר בכה וזה אומר בכה הגיד שמעון ממשפחת האֵסיים, כי השבלים הן שָׁנים והשורים הם אות לחליפות החיים, כי בחרשם את האדמה הם משנים את פניה, ודבר החלום הוא, כי ימלוך ארכילאוס [תשע] שנים כמספר השבלים וימות אחרי בוא חליפות רבות בחייו. וארכילאוס שמר את הדבר וכעבור חמשה ימים נקרא למשפט הקיסר.",
+                    "ד. ואני חושב למשפט להזכיר פה גם את חלום אשתו גלפירה בת ארכילאוס מלך קפודקיא, אשד היתה לראשונה אשת אלכסנדרוס, הוא אחי ארכילאוס, אשר עליו אנו מדברים, ובן להורדוס המלך והומת בידיו, כאשר הראינו למעלה. ואחרי רצח אלכסנדרוס היתה גלפירה לאשה ליובה מלך לוב (ליביה, באפריקא), וכאשר מת גם בעלה זה, שבה אל בית אביה וישבה שם באלמנותה, והנשיא ארכילאוס ראה את פניה וחשק בה מאד, ועל־כן מהר לשלח מעליו את מרים אשת חיקו ונשא את גלפירה. היא באה אל ארץ יהודה, אולם ימים מעטים אחרי בואה שמה ראתה בעיניה והנה אלכסנדרוס עומד עליה ומדַבּר: ״המעט היה לך להנשא אל ארץ לוב, כי קטנה עוד זאת בעיניך, עד אשר הוספת לשוב אל עיר נָוי ובחרת לך בעל שלישי, והוא אחי! הוי, עזת־המצח! אני לא אסלח לחרפתך זו ואסוף אאסוף אותך אלי בעל־כרחך!״ גלפירה גִלתָה את דבר החלום הזה, אף כי האריכה רק שני ימים אחריו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ארץ ממשלת ארכילאוס נהפכה לנציבות. מרד יהודה הגלילי. שלש מפלגות היהודים.</small><br><br>א. וארץ ארכילאוס נהפכה לאפרכיה (נציבות רומאית) ואליה נשלח נציב ממעמד הרוכבים ושמו קוֹפּוֹנִיּוּס, ובידו הפקיד הקיסר את כל השלטון, וגם נתן לו לדון דיני נפשות. ובימיו הסית איש אחד מהגליל ושמו יהודה את בני ארצו למרד [ברומאים], באמרו כי חרפה תהיה להם, אם יטו את שכמם לסבול וישלמו מס לרומאים, ומלבד מלכות השמים ישאו עליהם גם עֹל בשר־ודם. והחכם הזה יסד לו כת מיֻחדה, שלא דמתה ליתר הכתות [של היהודים].",
+                    "ב. כי שלשה מיני חכמי הדת (פילוסופים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בשם פילוסופים השתמש המחבר כדי להסביר את אזן הקורא היוני.</i> נמצאו בקרב היהודים. על האחד נמנים הפרושים, ועל השני — הצדוקים, ועל השלישי — אלה הנקובים בשם אסיים, והם נוהגים חסידות. האסיים הם יהודים מלֵדה, אולם הם עולים על יתר היהודים באהבתם איש את רעהו. הם נִזָּרים מתענוגי הבשר, בראותם בהם רעה, ולמעלה טובה נחשב בעיניהם למשול ברוחם ולכבוש את יצרם. גם חיי הנשואים נמאסים בעיניהם, אולם הם אוספים אליהם בני אנשים זרים בעודם רכים בשנים ונוחים לשמוע בלמודים, ומקרבים אותם באהבת־אבות וחורתים על לוח־לבם את חֻקיהם. אמנם אין הם רוצים בזה להעביר את נשואי האשה ואת נחלת־האלהים הקשורה בהם, אולם הם גודרים עליהם מפריצות הנשים, בהאמינם כי אף אחת מן הנשים אינה שומרת את אמונתה לבעלה האחד.",
+                    "ג. הם מואסים בחיי עֹשר, ונפלא הוא שתוף הרכוש אצלם, עד כי לא נמצא בקרבם איש מֻפלג בנכסים. כי חֹק הוא להם, אשר כל הנלוה על חבורתם (שיטתם)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר משתמש במלה ״הַיְרֶסִיס״ (שיטה, השקפה), כאלו היו האסיים ישיבה של פילוסופים.</i> יפקיר את רכושו לכל החבורה (המִסדר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית טגמה, — מִסדר (אוֹרדן).</i>, ולא נמצאה בהם חרפת העֹני, ולא גאות העֹשר, כי נכסי כל היחידים התערבו יחד ורכוש אחד לכֻלם, כאִלו היו אחים מבטן. הם חושבים, כי השֶׁמן מטמא את הגוף, וכאשר נמשח אחד מהם בשמן בלי רצונו, מֻטל עליו למרק את בשרו. כי יפים בעיניהם מכֹּל העור אשר לא רֻכּך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן דרשו רֹב המתרגמים, ואפשר להבין במקום ״לא רֻכַּך״ — לא־רֻחץ, מגֹאל.</i> והבגדים הלבנים. והפקידים על רכושם נבחרים בידי כל חבריהם וכן גם הממֻנים על כל דבר נבחרים על דעת כֻּלם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנוסח בפנים מסֻפק ומשֻׁבּש. י״א: וכל אחד בלי הבדל מחֻיב לדאוג לצרכי חבריו.</i>.",
+                    "ד. לא עיר אחת היא נחלת האסיים, כי בכל עיר ועיר יושבים רבים מהם. ולאנשי חבורתם הבאים ממקום אחר הם מוציאים את כל רכושם לשלט בו כאלו היה שלהם, ואלה האורחים מתהלכים כרֵעים ומיֻדעים בבתי חבריהם, אשר לא ראו את פניהם עד היום ההוא. ועל־כן אינם לוקחים אִתּם דבר בצאתם למסעיהם, מלבד כלי־הנשק כנגד השודדים. ובכל עיר נמצא משגיח אחד מבני החבורה, אשר נבחר לנהל את האורחים בבגדים ובלחם. בענוַת הלוכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קטסטולי. הוראת המלה היא גם ״מלבוש״ וי״א ״במלבושם״.</i> ובמראה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור פה: σχήμα (habitus). מראה, חיצוניות, מעמד (עמידה), מצב, צורה ואין לתרגם מלה זו בדיוק.</i> גופם הם דומים לילדים אשר מורא רבם שרוי עליהם, אינם לובשים בגדים ולא סנדלים חדשים בטרם נקרעו הישנים או בלו מרֹב זמן, אינם קונים דבר איש מעמיתו ואינם מוכרים דבר אחד לשני, וכל אחד נותן לחברו משלו את הדבר הדרוש לחפצו ולוקח ממנו את הדבר אשר יש לו צֹרך בו. וגם בלי שכר אין האחד מונע את חברו לקחת ממנו את הדבר אשר רצה בו.",
+                    "ה. בדרך מיֻחדה הם עובדים את אלהים: לפני עלות השמש אינם מוציאים מפיהם דבר חֹל והם פונים אליו (אל השמש) בתפלות אשר קבלו מאבותיהם, כאלו הם מחלים את פניו לעלות. ואחרי הדבר (עלות השמש) הפקידים שולחים אותם איש איש אל המלאכה, אשר הוא יודע אותה (רגיל בה), והם עושים את מלאכתם בלי הרף עד חמש שעות ביום, ואחרי־זאת הם מתאספים אל מקום אחד וחוגרים אזור־בד ורוחצים את בשרם במים קרים ואחרי טהרתם הם פונים כֻּלם למדור מיֻחד, ששמה אינם נותנים לבוא לאיש זר, אשר לא מחברתם, והם הולכים בטהרה כהולך למקום קדוש ובאים אל מקום הסעֻדה הזה. ובבואם שמה, הם יושבים במנוחה והאופה עובר עליהם ומניח לפני כל איש את לחמו בסדר והמבשל מגיש לכל אחד קערה עם תבשיל אחד. והכהן מתפלל לפני אכלם, וקֹדם התפלה אסור עליהם לטעום דבר. ואחרי כלותם את הארֻחה קורא הכהן תפלה שנית. ככה הם פותחים וגומרים את סעֻדתם בתפלה לאלהים המכַלכל חיים. ואחרי זאת הם פושטים את בגדי הקֹדש ושבים לעשות את מלאכתם עד ערב. וגם בסעֻדת הערב הם עושים כן. ובבוא אליהם אורחים (מבני חבורתם) הם סועדים אתם יחד. ואין קול וצוחה מחלל את הדממה בבית (בעת אכלם). וכל איש נותן לחברו לדַבּר בסדר, ובעיני העומדים מחוץ נחשבה הדממה אשר בבית לסוד כמוס. ואולם סבת השתיקה היא, כי אין המסֻבּים שותים יין לעולם והם מודדים את מאכלם ומשתם רק די שׂבעם.",
+                    "ו. האסיים אינם עושים דבר מבלי אשר יצוו עליהם פקידיהם, מלבד שני דברים, אשר להם הרשות לעשותם על דעת עצמם, והם מעשי העזרה ומעשי הצדקה. הרשות נתונה להם להפיק עזרה לכל שואל די מחסורו וגם לפרֹש לחם לרעבים ככל אות נפשם. אולם אסור להם להעניק לקרוביהם מבלי שאֹל את פי העומדים בראשם. והם אינם כועסים, רק כאשר נאה להם בצדק, וכובשים את רוחם ושוקדים לנצֹר אמונים ולהקים שלום [בין איש לחברו]. וכל דבר אשר יצא מפיהם חָמור בעיניהם מדבר־שבועה, והם גדרו עליהם לבלי הִשָּׁבע, בחשבם כי הדבר הזה (שבועת אמת) קשה יותר משבועת שקר. והם אומרים, כי כבר נחתם דין האדם, אשר לא יאָמנו דבריו בלתי אם בנשאו את שם אלהים. והם שוקדים בכל כֹּחם ללמד את ספרי הראשונים ויותר מכֻּלם את הספרים אשר נמצאה בהם תועלת לנשמתם ולגופם. ומהם הם חוקרים ודורשים את תכונות שרשי הצמחים המעלים ארוכה ואת כחות האבנים להסיר כל מחלה.",
+                    "ז. וכי ירצה איש להִספח על חבורתם, לא יוכל להכנס מיד, כי הם נוטלים עליו להשאר מחוץ שנה אחת וללכת בדרכיהם, ולדבר הזה הם נותנים לו גרזן (מעדר) קטן ואת האזור, אשר בא זכרו למעלה, ובגד לבן. לאחרי אשר עמד האיש בנסיון כל העת והראה לדעת, כי הוא מושל ברוחו, הוא מוסיף לקרוב אל מנהגי חייהם ולוקח חלק בטבילותיהם במי־טהרה, אולם טרם נִתְּנה לו רשות לצאת ולבוא ביניהם ולהיות כאחד מהם, כי אחרי הראותו את כחו לכבשׁ את יצרו הם בוחנים את מדותיו עוד שתי שנים, ורק כאשר הוכיח, כי הוא ראוי לדבר הזה, הוא מקבל רשות לבוא בסודם, וטרם יגע בלחם החבורה הוא מוסר לפניהם שבועה נוראה, ראשונה, כי יעבוד את האלהים בצדקה, והשנית, כי ישמור משפט ומישרים לבני־האדם, ולא יעשה רעה לחברו על דעת עצמו וגם לא במצות אחרים, וישנא תמיד את הרשעים ויריב את ריב הצדיקים, וינצור אמונים לכל אדם ומה גם לשליטים, כי מבלי רצון האלהים לא תכּון הממשלה בידי אדם, וכי בהגיעו לשררה לא ירום לבבו במשרתו ולא יבָּדל מנתיניו בבגדים יקרים ולא בעדי תפארה, ויאהב את האמת בכל עת ויחרף את דוברי השקר על פניהם, וישמור את ידיו מגזל ואת טהרת נשמתו מכסף נמאס, ולא יסתיר דבר מאחיו בני חבורתו ולא יגלה את סודותיהם לזרים, ואף אם יעֻנה עד מות. ומלבד זאת נשבע האיש, כי במסרו את דברי תורתם לא ישַׁנה מן הלשון אשר קבל בעצמו, וימנע מן השֹׁד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״ליסטיה״. הדבר תמוה ואינו כאן במקומו, ויש מי שתרגם: ״השחתה״ (סרוס הכתבים הקדושים).</i>, וישמור מאד על ספרי חבורתם ועל שמות המלאכים. בדברי השבועה האלה האסיים מזהירים את כל הנלוים אל חבורתם.",
+                    "ח. ואת האנשים, שנתפשו על עונות חמוּרים, הם מגרשים מקרב חבורתם. ויש אשר ימות המגֹרש הזה ברעה וביגון, כי הוא אסור בכבלי נדריו וחֻקיו ולא יוכל לנגֹע בלחם זרים, ועליו לאכול את צמח השדה, עד אשר יכלה בשרו ברעב ויגון. על־כן רחמו (האסיים) על רבים מאלה ואספום אליהם כל עוד נפשם בם, באמרם כי חבלי־המות כפרו על עונותיהם.",
+                    "ט. בדיניהם הם חוקרים היטב ושופטים בצדק, ולא יֵשבו למשפט כאשר ימעט מספרם ממאה איש, ואת גזר־דינם אין להשיב. ואחרי האלהים הם מכבדים מאד את שם המחוקק, ולאיש המחרף אותו הם עושים משפט מות. ולמִדה טובה נחשב בעיניהם למלא את מצות הזקנים והגדולים בשנים. ובהאסף עשרה אנשים מהם אין האחד פותח את פיו בלי רצון התשעה. והם נזהרים לבל יירקו במעמד אדם ולא לצד ימין, ובימי השבתות הם מחמירים באִסור מלאכה מכל היהודים. ולא די להם שהם מכינים את המאכלים לעצמם מערב שבת, לבל יבעירו אש ביום [הקדוש] ההוא, כי אינם נועזים להעתיק כלי ממקומו ולצאת־חוץ (להִפּנות לצרכיהם). וביתר הימים הם חופרים במעדר (ביתד) — וזה הוא הגרזן הקטן אשר הם נותנים לחבריהם החדשים — חור עמֹק רגל באדמה ומכסים אותו במעילם, לבל יכלימו את אור האלהים, ועושים את צרכיהם, ואחרי־כן הם מושכים את העפר התחוח, לכסות את החור, ולמעשה הזה הם בוחרים להם מקומות שוממים. ואף כי הטלת הצֵאה היא צֹרך־הטבע לאדם, הם חושבים כי היא מטמאה את הגוף ונוהגים לרחוץ אחריה את בשרם במים.",
+                    "י. ולפי ימי נזרם הם מתחלקים לארבע מעלות. והחברים הצעירים נופלים במעלתם מהזקנים, עד כי בגעת אלה בהם יטבלו את בשרם, כאלו נטמאו במגע איש נכרי. והם מאריכים ימים, ורבים מהם חיים מאה שנה ויותר. ורואה אני את שרש הדבר בדרכי־חייהם הפשוטים ובסדריהם הנאים. והם בזים לכל צרה ומתגברים בעֹז־רוחם על כל מכאוב, ויקר בעיניהם מות כבוד ותהלה מחיי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית אתנסיה (המלה נמצאה גם בספרות המדרשית).</i> עולם. המלחמה עם הרומאים חשפה את כֹּח נשמתם, אשר לא שב מפני כֹּל. כי כאשר נדוש בשרם בגלגל ונמתחו כל אבריהם, כאשר נשרפו חיים או נשחקו עצמותיהם וכל כלי־רצח עברו עליהם, ומעניהם נטלו עליהם לקלל את שם מחוקקם או לטמא את בשרם בדבר אשר לא יאָכל, עמדו בנסיון ולא עשו אף אחת מאלה, גם לא התחננו אל מעניהם ולא שפכו דמעות לפניהם, רק נשאו את יסוריהם באור־עינים ולעגו לאנשים אשר הקריבו אליהם את כלי־המשחית ובשמחה השלימו את נשמותיהם לאלהים, כי הוא ישיבן להם [לקץ הימין].",
+                    "יא. הנה הם מאמינים באמונה שלמה, כי הגופות כלים, יען אשר אין חָמרם מתקַיֵם, אולם הנשמות תשארנה לנצח ומות לא ישלט בהן, יען כי צמחו מהאור העליון (אַיְתֵּר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">αἰθήρ.</i> ובלהטי הטבע נמשכו אל הגופות כמו אל בתי־כלא, ואחרי עזבן את מוסרות הבשר כאִלו הן נמלטות לחפשי מעבדות ארֻכּה ומתנשאות בשמחה למרום. והם מכַונים לדעה אחת עם בני ההֶלֵנים, בהראותם, כי הנפשות הטובות חיות מעבר לים אוקינוס, במקום אשר אין גשם ושלג וחֹם שולטים בהן לרעה ורוח ים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זפירוס. רוח קרה משיבת נפש. ומעין זה אמרו חז״ל (אבות ד, כב): ״יפה שעה אחת של קֹרת רוח בעולם הבא.״</i> מנשבת שם תמיד מים אוקינוס ומשיבה נפש. ונחלת הנשמות הרעות היא קרן חשכה, מקום סער וסופה ויסורי נצח. ואני חושב, כי גם היונים חשבו כדבר הזה, כאשר נתנו לנחלה לגבוריהם, אשר קראו להם בשם הֵרוֹאִים (אדירים) והֵמתּוֹאים (חציי־אלהים — בני־אלהים), את איי המאֻשרים, ואת הנשמות השפלות הושיבו בשאול (הַדֶּס), בנחלת הרשעים, הן כה יאמרו אחדים בשיחות מני קדם (מִתּולוגיה), כי שם נושאים את עונם סִיסִיפוֹס וטַנְטַלּוֹס ואִכּסִיּוֹן וטִיטִיאוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארבעה גבורים מהמִתּוֹלוגיה היונית (עין בהערות שבסוף הספר).</i>, ובזה הם רוצים להראות, לראשונה כי אין הנשמות כלות, ואחרי־כן להורות את האדם לבחֹר בטוב ולמאֹס ברע, כי הטובים עוד יתחזקו במעשי טובתם כל ימי חייהם, בקוותם לשכר אשר ימצאו אחרי מותם, והרעים יעצרו מלכת אחרי יצרם, כי גם אם ימָלטו מעֹנש כל ימי חייהם, הנה נצפנו להם יסורי נצחים אחרי מותם, וזאת היא גם דעת אלהים (תיאולוגיה), אשר האסיים מלמדים בדברם על הנשמה, והיא קסם, אשר הם מצודדים בו את נפש האדם, ולא ימָלט ממנו איש אשר טעם מפרי חכמתם.",
+                    "יב. ובקרבם נמצאים אנשים המתאמרים לדעת את העתידות מראש. כי מילדותם שקדו ללמוד את ספרי הקֹדש וקנו להם דרכי־קדֻשה שונים. וגם התבוננו בדברי הנביאים, וכמעט לא שגו מעולם בנבואותיהם לעתיד.",
+                    "יג. ויש עוד כת שניה לאסיים, ואנשיה אינם שונים במנהגיהם ובחֻקותיהם מיתר אחיהם, ורק במשפטם על הנשואים נבדלו מהם, בחשבם כי האנשים, אשר אינם נושאים נשים, פורקים מעליהם חלק גדול מן החיים — את נחלת־אלהים. ועוד דבר גדול מזה: הן אם כל האנשים יחשבו זאת, יעבור זרע האדם מן העולם. אולם הם בודקים שלש שנים את הארושׂות ואחרי הכירם על־פי שלש טהרות, כי הן יכולות ללדת בנים, הם נושאים אותן לנשים. והם אינם נגשים אל נשיהם בעת הריונן, להראות, כי לא למלא את תאותם לקחו להם נשים, רק למען החיות זרע על האדמה. והנשים רוחצות את בשרן בסדין (בחלוק), בעוד אשר הגברים שמים עליהם אזור. אלה הליכות הכת הזאת.",
+                    "יד. ומשתי הכתות הנשארות הפרושים הם האנשים, אשר יצא להם שם חכמים יודעים לבאר את החֻקים באר היטב, והם יצרו את הכת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב כאן שוב הַירֶסִיס (שיטה, השקפה).</i> הראשונה [בין היהודים]. הם אומרים, כי הכל תלוי בגזֵרָה (הֵימַרְמֵנֵי — ההשגחה)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הימַרְמני הוא מֻשג מאמונת היונים — המצודה הפרושה על כל החיים, הגורל.</i> ובאלהים, ורק מעשה הצדק (הטוב) והפכו (הרע) נמצא ברֻבּוֹ בידי האדם, אפס כי גם הגזרה מסַיעת לו בכל דבר. והם אומרים, כי כל הנשמות אינן כלות, אולם רק נשמות הטובים עוברות אל גוף שני (חדש)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כמו שמבֹאר להלן (ספר ג, ח, ה). הכונה היא לדבר אשר יבוא לקץ הימין — לאמר: לתחית המתים — ואין פה אמונה בגלגול הנפש (מֶטֶמְפְּסִיכוֹסִיס) של ההודים והמצרים.</i>, ונשמות הרשעים נדונות ליסורי עולם, והצדוקים, הם בני הכת השניה, כופרים בגזרה בכלל ואומרים, כי האלהים הוא רחוק ממעשה הרע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה הציג ״הרע״ בחצאי רבוע. לאמר: רחוק ממעשה האדם בכלל, ואינו מתערב בו.</i> ואינו משגיח אליו. והם אומרים, כי נִתּן לאדם לבחֹר בטוב או ברע וכל איש פונה אל אחד משני אלה על דעת עצמו, והם כופרים גם בנצח (השארת) הנשמה וגם בעֹנש ובשכר העתידים בשאול (הַדֶּס — כאן: בעולם הבא). והפרושים אוהבים איש את רעהו ודורשים שלום לכל העם. והצדוקים קשים גם לאחיהם (בני חבורתם) ומקבלים את פני חבריהם בכעס, כאלו היו נכרים להם. אלה הדברים היו לי לסַפּר על־דבר החכמים (הפילוסופים) בקרב היהודים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מות שלֹמית. הערים אשר בנו הורדוס ופיליפוּס. פילַטוס הביא לידי מרידות. טִבֶּריוס אסר את אגריפס וקַיוס הוציאוֹ ממאסרו והקימו למלך. גלות הורדוס־אנטיפס.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר נהפכה ממשלת ארכילאוס לנציבות הוסיפו שני האחים הנותרים, הנסיכים פיליפוס והורדוס, המכֻנה אנטיפס, למשול בנחלותיהם. ושלֹמית השאירה במותה את מחוז ממשלתה עם יבנה ומטעי התמרים אשר בפצאליס לליויה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בכל ההוצאות (גם אצל ניזה) נמצא כאן ולהלן יוליה במקום ליויה — בשם יוליה נקראה בת הקיסר אוגוסטוס, ואשתו של אגריפס (הנזכר לעיל בספר א, כ, ד, ועוד). העיר הזאת היא יוליס — בית־צידא בגולן התחתון סמוך לים כנרת.</i>, אשת אוגוסטוס. וכאשר מת אוגוסטוס, אחרי עמדוֹ בראש הממשלה חמשים ושבע שנה וששה חדשים ושני ימים, עבר שלטון הרומאים אל ידי טִבֶּריוס בן ליויה, והורדוס ופיליפוס נשארו נסיכים בנחלותיהם. ופיליפוס בנה את עיר קיסריה בפַנֵּיאַס על־יד מקורות הירדן זאת העיר יוליס בארץ הגולן. והורדוס בנה את טבריה בארץ הגליל ובעבר הירדן יסד עיר וקרא אותה על שם יוליה (יוּלִיַּס).",
+                    "ב. וכאשר נשלח פִּילַטוּס לנציב (ביהודה) על־פי טבריוס צוה להביא בלילה בסתר אל ירושלים את צלמי הקיסר הנקראים סִמנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדגלים הגדולים של גדודי הצבא (הקוהורטות), שהיו משֻׁבצים תמונה קטנה של הקיסר (signa).</i>. ולעת הבֹּקר קמה מבוכה גדולה בקרב היהודים לדבר הזה. האנשים אשר נמצאו מקרוב נבהלו למראה הזה, כי חֻללה תורתם, יען אשר נאסר עליהם לשים כל פסל וכל תמונה בעיר [הקֹדש], ולשמע הרֹגז, אשר תקף את יושבי העיר, נהר גם עם־הארץ אל ירושלים מעברים. הם מהרו אל עיר קיסריה, להתיצב לפני פילטוס ולהתחנן אליו, כי יוציא את הסמנים מירושלים ויתן כבוד לחֻקי תורתם. וכאשר השיב פילטוס את פניהם, נאספו מסביב לביתו ונפלו לארץ וכה שכבו חמשה ימים וחמשה לילות ולא משו ממקומם.",
+                    "ג. וביום הששי ישב פילטוס על בימה באצטדין (סטדיון) הגדול וקרא אליו את ההמון וסִבּב בכחש, כי הוא אומר להשיבו דבר, ונתן אות לאנשי־הצבא לעשות כאשר צוה עליהם מראש ולהקיף את כל היהודים בכלי־נשקם. ובראות היהודים, כי אנשי־הצבא עומדים מסביב להם בשלש שורות, נאלמו מפחד־פתאם, כי לא חכו למראה הזה. ופילטוס קרא אליהם, כי יצוה להמית אותם, אם ימאנו לקבל את צלמי הקיסר, ואל אנשי־הצבא נתן אות לשלוף את חרבותיהם. והיהודים נפלו כלם ארצה — כאלו נוסדו יחד לעשות את הדבר — והטו את צואריהם וצעקו בקול, כי טוב להם למסור נפשם לממיתים מעבור על חֻקי דתם. ופילטוס תמה מאד ליראת־האלהים האדירה הזאת ומיד צוה להוציא את הסמנים מירושלים.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הדברים האלה עורר פילטוס מהומה שניה, בפזרו את כסף הקדשים, הנקרא בשם קרבן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בספר נחמיה (י, ל״ה; י״ג, ל״א) נזכר ״קרבן העצים״. — ואולי נקראו גם הסכומים המיֻחָדים לספוק זבחי התמיד בשם ״קרבן״.</i> (קֻרבנא), לחפור תעלת מים ממרחק ארבעים פרסה. לדבר הזה כעס העם מאד, ובבוא פילטוס אל ירושלים הקיפו בני העיר את הבימה [אשר עמד עליה] והרימו קול צעקה. אולם הוא צפה את המהומה מראש וצוה על אנשי־צבאו המזֻינים להתחפש במלבושי בני העם ולהתערב בין ההמון וגם הזהיר אותם לבל יוציאו את חרבותיהם, רק יכו במקלותיהם את היהודים הצועקים — ונתן להם אות מעל הבימה להחל את פקֻדתו. וכאשר הֻכּוּ היהודים במקלות מתו רבים מהם מן המכות ורבים נרמסו ברגלי אחיהם בדרך מנוסתם. ולמראה האסון אשר מצא את ההרוגים ירא העם ושקט.",
+                    "ה. ובימים ההם הלך אגריפס — והוא בן אריסטובולוס, אשר המיתוֹ הורדוס אביו לפנים — אל טִבּריוס הקיסר, לדַבּר לפניו רעה על הנסיך הורדוס (אנטיפס). וטִבּריוס לא קבל את שטנתו, אולם אגריפס נשאר ברומא והחניף לאנשים נשואי הפנים ויותר מכלם לגַיוס בן גֶּרְמַנִּיקוּס, אשר היה עוד כאחד העם (הדיוט) בימים ההם. ופעם אחת עשה לו משתה והִרבּה לדבר אליו דברי שלום ואהבה, ואחרי־כן נשא את ידיו בתפלה לאלהים, כי יתנהו לראות במהרה אותו (את גיוס) בגדֻלתו ובשלטונו אחרי מות טבּריוס. ואחד ממשרתי הבית הודיע את הדבר לטִבּריוס והוא כעס על אגריפס ושם אותו במאסר ובששה חדשים עִנה אותו בחרפה בבית־כלא, עד יום מותו (של טבּריוס), והוא משל עשרים ושלש שנה וששה חדשים ושלשה ימים.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר הוקם גַיוס לקיסר צוה לפתח את אגריפס ממוסרותיו ונתן לו לנחלה את ארץ פיליפוס — אשר נאסף אל עמיו — וקרא לו בשם מלך. וכאשר עלה אגריפס למשרה הזאת, קנא בו הורדוס (אנטיפס) הנסיך והתאוה גם הוא למלוכה. כי אשתו הֵרוֹדִיַּס חִזקה את תקותו לדבר הזה, בהוכיחה אותו בפיה, כי הוא רפה־ידים, ואלו רצה לנסוע אל הקיסר, כי אז זכה גם הוא למשרה עליונה: הן בהקים הקיסר למלך את אגריפס, אשר היה איש הדיוט, נקל יהיה לו להרים אותו במעלתו, באשר הוא נסיך. הורדוס (אנטיפס) נפתה לדברים האלה ונסע אל גיוס, אולם הקיסר שפט אותו על תאות יצרו לגלות אל אספמיה (נ״א: אל גליה), כי [בעת צאתו אל רומא] נסע אחריו אגריפס לעמוד לו לשטן, ובידיו (בידי אגריפס) מסר גיוס גם את נשיאות אנטיפס (אחרי הגלותו אותו). גם אשת הורדוס (אנטיפס) הלכה עמו בגולה אל אספמיה (גליה), והוא מת בארץ ההיא."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>גיוס צוה להקים את מצבת תבניתו בבית־המקדש והדבר אשר עשה פֶּטרוניוּס בזה.</small><br><br>א. ולב הקיסר גַיוס רם באשרו, עד אשר נתן את נפשו כאלהים וגם בקש להקרא בשם אלהים. ואחרי הסירו את עטרת ארץ מולדתו, בהמיתו את אנשי המעלה, פרש את מצודת רשעתו גם על ארץ יהודה. הוא שלח את פֶּטְרוֹנִיּוּס עם צבאו אל ירושלים, להקים את מצבות פסלי תמונתו (האנדרטאות שלו) בקרב ההיכל, וצוה עליו להמית את האנשים המוחים בידו ולמכור את כל יתר היהודים לעבדים, אם לא ירצו לקבל את הפסלים. אולם לא כן חשב האלהים על הפקֻדה הזאת. פטרוניוס הסיע את שלשת הלגיונות אשר לו מאנטיוכיה ולקח עמו רבים מאנשי בריתו אשר בסוריה ועלה על ארץ יהודה. רבים מן היהודים לא האמינו לשמועה, כי הרומאים יוצאים עליהם למלחמה, והמאמינים בדבר לא מצאו עצה לעמוד על נפשם. אך במהרה נפלה אימה על כל העם, כי הגיע צבא־הרומאים אל עכו.",
+                    "ב. ועכו נבנתה בחוף ארץ הגליל, בעמק הגדול, והרים סביב לה משלש רוחות. מרוח מזרח סוככים עליה הרי הגליל, הרחוקים ממנה ששים ריס, ומצד דרום הר הכרמל, כמרחק מאה ועשרים ריס, וגבות מאלה הוא ההר הסוגר עליה מצפון, הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם ״סֻלם הצוריים״ (סולמא דצור), והוא רחוק מהעיר מאה ריס. במרחק שני ריסים מהעיר עובר הנהר הנקרא על שם בֶּלֵיאוֹס (או בֵּל) ואינו מאריך בשטפו, ועל־ידו נמצאה מצבת מֶמְנוֹן ובקרבתו ככר גדולה מאה אמה ונפלאה מאד, כי היא עגֻלה וחלולה ושם מקום חול הזכוכית, ומדי הוסיפו הספינות הקרֵבות שמה להוציא ממנו את כל החול, ככה יוסיף המקום להתמלא חול חליפות, כי כמצֻוים ועושים הרוחות גורפים אל המקום הזה את החול הנוצץ מעברים, ותכונת הבור משַׁנה את החול לזכוכית חיש מהר. ועוד נפלא מזה הוא הדבר, כי בשטוף הזכוכית על גדות החלל הזה ובהשפכה החוצה היא משַׁנה את מראֶהָ מחדש ונהפכה לחול כבראשונה. אלה תכונות המקום הזה.",
+                    "ג. והיהודים עם נשיהם וטפם נאספו בעמק אשר ממול עכו והתחננו אל פטרוניוס, כי יחוס על חֻקי אבותיהם ויחמול על נפשותיהם. הוא שם את לבו להמון העצום והטה את אזנו לתחנוניו והשאיר את הצבא ואת הפסלים בעכו, והוא הלך אל ארץ הגליל והקהיל את העם ואת כל נשואי־הפנים אל טבריה וספר להם את פרשת גבורת הרומאים ואת הדברים אשר צוה הקיסר להזהיר את היהודים. הוא הראה אותם לדעת, כי לא מחכמה הם מבקשים ממנו רחמים, כי כל העמים אשר נכנעו לפני ממשלת הרומאים הקימו בכל עיר ועיר את צלמי הקיסר על־יד פסלי אלהיהם, ורק הם לבדם ממאנים לשמוע בקולו וכמעט מתקוממים עליו בגאוה ובוז.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר ענוהו היהודים בשם תורתם וחֻקי אבותיהם, כי אסור עליהם להציג תמונת סמל אלהים, ומה גם פסל דמות בשר־ודם, ולא בקרב ההיכל בלבד, כי־אם גם ביתר המקומות בארצם, השיבם פטרוניוס: ״הן גם עלי לשמור את פקֻדת אדוני, ואם אעבור עליה בחמלתי עליכם, הלא בן־מות אהיה בצדק ובמשפט, ואמנם לא אני אלחם בכם, רק האיש אשר שלחני, והן גם אני נכנע למצותיו כמוכם״. לדברים האלה קרא העם קול גדול, כי הוא נכון לכל סבל על חֻקי האבות. אך פטרוניוס השתיק את צעקתו ואמר: ״אם כן, מלחמה לכם בקיסר!״ היהודים השיבוהו, כי הם מקריבים פעמים ביום זבחים לשלום הקיסר ועם הרומאים, אולם אם ירצה להציג בהיכל את הצלמים, הנה מֻטל עליו לשחוט את כל עם היהודים לראשונה, כי ברצון ימסרו את נפשותיהם לטבח עם טפם ונשיהם. לשמע הדברים האלה השתאה פטרוניוס מאד על אֹמץ־לב האנשים האלה ועל יראתם את אלהים, אשר לא תשוב מפני כֹל, וחמל עליהם בראותו כי הם נכונים לקראת המות. ובפעם ההיא נפרדו מבלי אשר נעשה דבר.",
+                    "ה. ובימים הבאים קרא אליו פטרוניוס את טובי היהודים, להוָעץ אתם בלבד, וגם הקהיל את כל בני העם לאספה והפציר בהם ודבר על לבם, ועוד יותר מזה הטיל אימתו עליהם ושִׁוה לנגד עיניהם את חֹזק־יד הרומאים ואת זעם הקיסר גיוס וגם את הדחק, אשר נמצא בו הוא בגלל הדבר הזה. אולם בראותו, כי אין העם מַטה אזן לדבריו, ובשימו אל לבו, כי עוד מעט ותשאר הארץ לא־זרועה — כי היו הימים ימי הזרע וכבר עברו חמשים יום והעם הלך בטל כל העת — אסף את העם בפעם האחרונה ואמר: ״אני נוטל עלי לסַכּן את עצמי, אולי יעזור אותי אלהים להשיב את מחשבת הקיסר, למען נשמח כּלנו יחד בישועתנו, — ואם יפקיד עלי הקיסר את חמתו, הנה אני נכון להקריב את נפשי כֹּפר כל העם הרב הזה״. ואחרי־כן שלח פטרוניוס מעליו את העם, אשר הִרבּה לברכו על מעשהו זה, ולקח עמו את הצבא ושב אל אנטיוכיה, ומשם מִהר להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר מסעו אל ארץ יהודה ועל־דבר תחנוני העם, וכתב כי אין לו עצה אחרת, אם לא ירצה להכות את הארץ חרם עם יושביה יחד, בלתי־אם לתת ליהודים לשמור את חֻקי דתם ולהפיל את דברי הפקֻדה. וגַיוס לא ענה את פטרוניוס בנחת על דברי האגרת הזאת, כי איֵם עליו לעשות לו משפט מות על אשר התרפה למלא את פקֻדתו, אולם במקרה נעצרו נושאי אגרות הקיסר שלשה חדשים בסער־הים, וצירים אחרים, אשר הוליכו אתם אל פטרוניוס את בשורת מות גַיוס, נסעו בשלום. ועל־כן קבל פטרוניוס את הבשורה הזאת עשרים ושבעה יום טרם הגיעו אגרות הקיסר אליו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>שלטון קלודיוס ומלכות אגריפס. מות אגריפס והורדוס (אחיו). הבנים אשר נשארו אחריהם.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר מלך גַיוס שלש שנים וששה ירחים נהרג במזמות ערומים וקלוֹדיּוּס הוקם למושל בעל־כרחו בידי הצבא העומד ברומא. אולם מועצת־הזקנים שמעה לקול שני היועצים העליונים (הקונסולים) סֶנְטִיוס סַטּוּרְנִינוּס ופוֹמְפּוֹנִיּוּס סֶקּוּנְדּוּס ומלאה את ידי שלשת הגדודים (קוהורטות) הנאמנים בבריתה לשמור על העיר. ואחרי זאת נקהלו הזקנים בהיכל הקפיטוליון והוציאו משפט להקדיש מלחמה על קלודיוס בגלל מעשי גַיוס ואכזריותו ולהעמיד בראש השלטון את טובי העם (אריסטוקרטיה), אשר בידם היתה הממשלה לפנים, או לבחור מדעתם מושל, אשר לו תֵאות המשרה.",
+                    "ב. במקרה נמצא גם אגריפס ברומא בימים ההם ומועצת־הזקנים קראה אליו להועץ עמו בדבר, וגם קלודיוס שלח ממחנהו לקרא לו, כי אלה ואלה מצאוהו דרוש לחפצם. ובראות אגריפס, כי היה יהיה קלודיוס לקיסר ברֹב חילו, מהר ללכת אליו. וקלודיוס שלח אותו למלאך אל מועצת־הזקנים, להודיע אותה את מחשבות לבו, כי אחרי אשר נמשך בעל־כרחו אחרי אנשי־הצבא, לא יצדק בעיניו הדבר לבַיש את נדיבות רוחם, וגם אינו מאמין כי שלום יהיה לו [אם ימשוך ידו מן השלטון], יען רעה נגד פני האיש, אשר נקרא [לפנים] בשם ״מושל״. ומלבד־זאת הודיע את חברי המועצה, כי ינהג את משרתו כמושל־חסד ולא כעריץ, ודי יהיה לו כבוד השם אשר נִתּן לו ובכל הליכות הממשלה ישאל בעצת העם. הן גם לולא היה איש רך ומתון ביצרו, כבר ראה בעיניו את מות גַּיוס הרע, ובמופת הזה קנה לו מוסר חכמה.",
+                    "ג. את הדברים האלה מסר אגריפס לזקני־המועצה והם ענו, כי הם בוטחים בצבא ובמחשבתם הטובה ולא ישלימו ברצון עם העבדות. כשמוע קלודיוס את דברי הזקנים שלח עוד הפעם את אגריפס, להודיעם את דברו, כי לא ימצא כֹח בנפשו לבגוד במבקשי טובתו, על־כן ילָחם בהם על אפו ועל חמתו, וטוב יהיה לבחור למלחמה מקום אחר מחוץ לעיר, פן תביא עצתם הנבערה אשם על כל העיר וגבעותיה תרוינה דם רצח אחים. ואגריפס שמע את דברי קלודיוס והגיד אותם לזקנים.",
+                    "ד. בין כה וכה שלף אחד מאנשי־הצבא את חרבו וקרא בקול: ״אחי, אנשי־הצבא, על מה ולמה אנו אומרים לשפוך את דם אחינו ולהתגרות מלחמה בקרובינו אשר במחנה קלודיוס, הלא הוא מושל־חסד, אשר לא מצאנו בו דֹפי ועול. היצדק מעשנו זה כנגד אחינו, אשר אנחנו אומרים לצאת עליהם בחרב?״ לדברים האלה קפץ אל תוך אספת־הזקנים ומשך אחריו את כל חבריו. ואימה חשכה נפלה מיד על טובי העם, כאשר ראו בעיניהם, כי נשארו עזובים. וכאשר הביטו מסביב ונוכחו, כי אין עוזר להם, מהרו ללכת אל קלודיוס בעקבות אנשי־הצבא. ולפני החומה יצאו לקראתם אנשים בחרבות שלופות, כי אמרו להחניף בזה לאיש אשר שחקה לו השעה. והזקנים העוברים בראש היו ברעה גדולה, כי טרם שמע קלודיוס על־דבר קנאת אנשיו, לולא רץ אגריפס אל הקיסר ואמר לו, כי רע ומר יהיה המעשה, אם לא יבצור את רוח האנשים, אשר פשטו על טובי העם, פן יאבדו לו האנשים הנותנים כבוד לכסא מלכותו, והוא ידמה למלך בארץ ציה.",
+                    "ה. וכשמוע קלודיוס את הדברים האלה עצר את רוח אנשי־צבאו, וקבל את חברי המועצה אל מחנהו ודבר אתם טובות, וגם יצא אתם במהרה, להקריב זבחי־תודה לאלהים על שלום ממשלתו. ולאגריפס נתן מיד את כל מלכות אבותיו והוסיף עליה את טְרַכוֹן וארץ חורן, אשר נתן אוגוסטוס לפנים להורדוס. ומלבד אלה עוד מלכות שנית, הנקראת על שם לִיסַנִּיַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בן תלמי בן מינאי, הנזכר בספר הראשון, ארץ אָבֵל (אַבּילִינִי) מול הלבנון (אנטיליבַּנוס).</i>, והוציא דבר־פקֻדה גלוי לכל העם לקַיֵּם את המתנה הזאת, ועל פקידי העיר צוה לָחֹק את דבר נתינתו על לוחות־הנחשת ולהניחם למשמרת בקפיטוליון. גם להורדוס אחי אגריפס — והוא גם חתנו, בעל בתו בֶּרְנִיקֵי — נתן הקיסר למתנה את מלכות כַלְקִיס.",
+                    "ו. בזמן קרוב נהר אל אוצר אגריפס עֹשר רב מתבואות ממשלתו הגדולה. אולם הוא לא פזר את הכסף לדברים קטנים, רק החל להקיף את ירושלים בחומה בצורה מאד, ואלו השלים את העבודה, כי אז לא היה שכר לרומאים [אחר־כך] בצורם על העיר. אולם בטרם הספיק אגריפס להרים את החומה למעלה קִדם אוהו המות בעיר קיסרי, והימים אשר מלך [על כל ארץ יהודה] היו שלש שנים, ועוד לפני זה מלך שלש שנים בארצות שני הנסיכים. הוא השאיר אחריו שלש בנות, אשר נולדו לו מאשתו קִפּרוס, את ברניקי ואת מרים ואת דרוּסִילָה, ובן אחד ממנה ושמו אגריפס, אשר היה עוד צעיר מאד. על־כן עשה קלודיוס את מדינות המלך עוד הפעם לנציבות (אפרכיה) ושלח שמה לנציב את קוּסְפִּיוּס פַדּוּס, ואחריו את טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס ושניהם לא נגעו במנהגי יושבי הארץ ונהגו את העם בשלום ובמנוחה. ואחרי־זאת מת גם הורדוס מלך כלקיס והשאיר אחריו שני בנים, אשר נולדו לאשתו [השניה] ברניקי, והם בֶּרְנִיקְיַנּוּס והורקנוס, וגם את אריסטובולוס הנולד למרים אשתו הראשונה. והאח השני לאגריפס, אריסטובולוס שמו, נשאר הדיוט עד יום מותו, והשאיר אחריו בת ושמה יוֹטָפֵי (יודפי). אלה השלשה היו בני אריסטובולוס בן הורדוס, כאשר דברתי למעלה, ואריסטובולוס ואלכסנדרוס נולדו להורדוס ממרים, ואביהם המית אותם. ובני משפחת אלכסנדרוס מלכו בארמֶניה הגדולה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מבוכות רבות בימי קוּמַנּוּס. קוַדְרַטּוּס שם קץ להן. אגריפס עזב את כלקיס וקבל ממלכה גדולה ממנה.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי מות הורדוס, המושל בכלקיס, הקים קלודיוס את אגריפס בן אגריפס למלך בנחלת דודו, וביתר חלקי הארץ (באפרכיה) ירש קוּמַנּוּס את משרת הנציב אחרי אלכסנדרוס, ובימיו החלו מהומות ועוד הפעם נעשה מטבח ליהודים. כי למועד חג־המצות נאסף המון עולי־רגלים, ולמעלה מאולם (מסטיו) המקדש עמד גדוד הרומאים, כי כן היה דרכם לעמוד על המשמר מזֻינים כפעם בפעם בימי החגים ולשמור על המון הנאספים, לבל יצא ממנו דבר־מרד. והנה הרים אחד מאנשי־הצבא את בגדו והטה את גופו בקלון (כיוצא חוץ) והִפנה ליהודים את אחוריו והוציא קול כדרך האדם הנזקק לדבר. כל העם התרגז מאד בראותו זאת ודרש מקומנוס בקול צעקה לענוש את איש־הצבא. אולם בני־הנעורים, אשר לא יכלו לכבוש את יצרם, והנרגנים בטבעם מקרב ההמון יצאו לקרב והרימו אבנים והשליכו אותן אל אנשי־הצבא. וקומנוס פחד פן ישתער עליו כל העם, ושלח אנשי־חיל רבים לעזור לאחיהם. וכאשר פשטו אנשי־הצבא באולמים, נפלה אימה נוראה על היהודים והם עזבו את ההיכל לברוח אל העיר. מבוכה גדולה קמה במוצאי הר־הבית, אשר שם נדחקו המוני הבורחים, וכעשרת אלפים איש נרמסו ברגלי אחיהם או נחנקו ומתו. ככה נהפך החג הזה לאבל כבד לכל העם ובכל בית היה נהי ואנחה.",
+                    "ב. ואחרי הפרענות הזאת קמה מבוכה חדשה בגלל מעשה שֹׁד. כי בדרך המלך על־יד בית חורון התנפלו שודדים על כבודת סּטֶפַנּוּס, אחד מעבדי הקיסר, ובזזו את כֻּלהּ. קומנוס שלח את אנשי־צבאו אל הכפרים הסמוכים למקום השֹׁד וצוה לאסור את יושביהם ולהביאם אליו, כי מצא בהם עון על אשר לא רדפו אחרי השודדים לתפשם. ואחד מאנשי־הצבא מצא את ספר התורה הקדושה באחד הכפרים וקרע אותו והשליכהו אל האש. מכל עברים חרדו היהודים, כאלו היתה כל ארצם לנגדם למאכֹלת אש. לבשורה הראשונה נזעקו כלם ברוח קנאתם הרַבָּה לקדשיהם וכחצים עפים מכלי־קלע רצו אל קיסריה, לחלות את פני קומנוס, לבל ימנע את מעשה־נקמתו באיש, אשר הִרבה לחרף את אלהיהם ואת תורתם. הנציב הבין, כי לא תשקוט סערת העם עד אשר יפַיס את רוחו, ועל־כן גזר להביא את איש־הצבא ולהעלות אותו לגרדֹם בין מערכות המתלוננים עליו. והיהודים שבו אל עריהם.",
+                    "ג. וכעבור זמן קצר פרצה מריבה בין בני הגליל ובין השמרונים, כי בקרבת הכפר גֶּנָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה: גנים, עין־גנים, בנחלת יששכר לפנים, עכשו ג׳נין.</i>, בעמק הגדול אשר בארץ שמרון, עברו יהודים רבים, בעלותם אל ירושלים לחֹג את חגם, והנה נהרג אחד הגלילים. ולשמע הדבר מהרו אנשים רבים מארץ הגליל לעלות למלחמה על השמרוֹנים. ונשואי־הפנים אשר בקרב השמרונים הלכו אל קומנוס והתחננו אליו לקַדם את הפֻּרענות הגדולה ולנסוע אל ארץ הגליל, לעשות נקמה במחוללי הרצח, כי רק בדבר הזה יחדל ההמון להלחם. אולם קומנוס דחה את תחנוני האנשים מפני צרכי השעה ושלח את השואלים מעל פניו במפח־נפש.",
+                    "ד. ובהגיע שמועת הרצח אל ירושלים סער לב העם מאד, ועולי־הרגל עזבו את חגם ומהרו אל שמרון, באין מפקד־מלחמה, ולא שמעו לקול טובי העם, אשר מנעום מעשות הדבר. ובקרב ההמון התערבו גם שודדים ומורדים ובראשם אלעזר בן דינאי ואלכסנדרוס, הם פשטו על השמרונים היושבים בקרבת מחוז עקרבים (עקרבתא) והמיתו אותם ולא חמלו על זקן וילד ואת כפריהם שלחו באש.",
+                    "ה. וקומנוס יצא מקיסריה ולקח אתו להקת רוכבים, הנקראים בשם סֶבַּסְטִינים, והושיע את השמרונים, אשר נהפכה ארצם שממה, ולקח בשבי רבים מאנשי חיל אלעזר, ויותר מאלה המית בחרב. וכאשר אמר גם יתר ההמון הגדול לעלות למלחמה בשמרונים, לבשו ראשי ירושלים שקים ושמו אפר על ראשם ויצאו לקראת האנשים ודברו על לבם לשוב לבתיהם בשלום, לבל יעירו את חמת הרומאים, לעשות שפטים בירושלים על המעשים אשר היו בשמרון, רק יחמלו על העיר ועל ההיכל ועל טפם ועל נשיהם, אשר רעה נגד פניהם בגלל גאֻלת דם איש יחיד מבני הגליל. היהודים שמעו לדברים האלה וההמון נפוץ, אבל רבים מן העם פנו לשלוח ידם בגזל, באין מכלים דבר, וכל הארץ מלאה חמס ושד, ומרי־הנפש נסו להתקומם כפעם בפעם. טובי השמרונים הלכו אל צור לבקש מאוּמִידִיּוּס קְוַדְרַטּוּס, והוא נציב סוריה בימים ההם, כי יריב את ריבם ולנקם במחריבי ארצם. אבל גם נכבדי היהודים ובראשם יונתן בן חנן הכהן הגדול באו שמה ואמרו, כי מאת השמרונים יצאה המהומה הזאת ומידם בא הרצח, ובפשע קומנוס קרו המעשים הרעים, כי מאן לענוש את החיבים בדם הנרצח.",
+                    "ו. קוַדרטוס הטיל על שני הצדדים לחכות עד אשר יבוא אל מקומותיהם ויחקור היטב את כל הדבר, ואחרי־כן בא אל קיסריה וצוה מיד להוקיע על צלבים את האנשים אשר נפלו בשבי קומנוס. ומשם נסע אל לוד ושם הטה אזנו עוד הפעם לתלונות השמרונים וצוה להביא אליו שמונה עשר מן היהודים, אשר שמע עליהם, כי לקחו חלק במלחמה, והתיז את ראשיהם בגרזן. ועל שנים מראשי היהודים עם הכהנים הגדולים יונתן וחנניה ובנו חנן ועוד אחדים מנשואי־הפנים בקרב היהודים צוה לנסוע אל הקיסר, וכמו כן שלח אליו גם את אנשי השם מבין השמרונים. מלבד־זאת פקד גם על קומנוס ועל צֶלר שר־האלף לנסוע באניה אל רומא, להצדיק מעשיהם לפני קלודיוס. וככלותו את הדבר נסע מלוד אל ירושלים בעצם חג המצות ודאה את העם חוגג את המועד במנוחה, ושב אל אנטיוכיה.",
+                    "ז. וברומא שמע הקיסר את דברי קוּמַנּוּס והשמרונים וגם אגריפס (הצעיר) נמצא שם והתנדב לעזור ליהודים בריבם, בראותו כי רבים מגדולי הרומאים תומכים בידי קומנוס. והקיסר הרשיע את השמרונים במשפט וצוה להמית שנים מראשיהם ואת קומנוס הגלה בעונו ואת צֶלֶר שלח בנחֻשתים אל ירושלים וצוה להסגירו בידי היהודים, להתעלל בו ולסחוב אותו דרך כל העיר ולכרות את ראשו.",
+                    "ח. ואחרי הדברים האלה שלח הקיסר את פֶלִכְּס אחי פַּלַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פַּלַּס היה עבד משֻׁחרר ואחד מראשי השליטים ברומא בימי קלודיוס.</i> לנציב ביהודה ובשמרון ובגליל ובעבר הירדן. ואת אגריפס העביר ממלכותו אשר בכלקיס ונתן לו ממלכה גדולה ממנה, כי מסר בידו את כל הארץ (אפרכיה), אשר היתה לפיליפוס לפנים, את חבל ארגֹב (טרכון) ואת הבשן ואת הגולן, ועוד הוסיף על אלה את מלכות ליסניס ואת חבל הנסיכות (טטררכיה) אשר היה לוַרוס. קלודיוס מת אחרי עמדו בראש הממשלה שלש־עשרה שנה ושמונה חדשים ועשרים יום, ועזב את הממשלה בידי יורשו נירון, כי בנכלי אשתו אַגְרִיפִינה הקים אותו על נחלת השלטון, אף כי היה לו בן יוצא ירכו, הוא בְּרִיטַנִּיקוּס, אשר נולד לו ממֶסַּלִּינָה אשתו הראשונה, ובת היתה לו ושמה אוֹקטַוִּיָּה ואותה נתן לאשה לנירון. גם פַּיְטִינָה אשתו ילדה לו את אַנְטוֹנִיָּה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקיסר נירון הוסיף ארבע ערים על נחלת אגריפס ושארית ארץ יהודה סרה למשמעת פלכּס. הסיקריים והקוסמים ונביא־השקר הקימו מהומות. ריב בין היהודים והיונים על־דבר העיר קיסריה.</small><br><br>א. הנה מעללי הקיסר נירון, אשר עשה בגאות זדון, ברום לבו באשרו ועשרו, לנבּל את מזלו, ודרכיו [הרעים], ואשר המית את אחיו ואת אשתו ואת אמו יולדתו; ומהם העביר את אכזריות חמתו על טובי הארץ, ומעשי תעתועים אשר עולל באהלי (סקֵינֵי, סְצֶנָה)־משחקים ובבית־חזיון כאשר נטרפה דעתו — כל הדברים האלה היו לשיחה בפי כל הבריות, ועל־כן אפסח עליהם ואשים את פני אל הדברים אשר עברו על היהודים בימיו.",
+                    "ב. על ארמניה הקטנה המליך נירון את אריסטובולוס בן הורדוס ועל מלכות אגריפס הוסיף ארבע ערים עם מחוזיהן, והן אָבֵל ויוליַס בעבר־הירדן וטַרִיכֵי עם טבריה בגליל. ועל שארית ארץ יהודה הקים את פֶלִכְּס לנציב. והוא לקח בשבי את אלעזר ראש השודדים, אשר מִלא את הארץ חמס עשרים שנה, עם רבים מאנשיו ושלח אותם אל רומא. ולא היה קץ למספר השודדים הרב, אשר הוקיע פלִכּס על צלבים, ולחברי השודדים האלה מקרב יושבי הערים, אשר גִלה את עונם ויִסר אותם קשה.",
+                    "ג. וכאשר טהרה הארץ מהשודדים האלה צמח וגדל בירושלים מין שודדים אחרים, אלה הנקובים סיקריים. הם היו רוצחים את האנשים בעצם היום ובראש חוצות העיר ובחרו להם להתערב ביום מועד בקרב ההמון החוגג, בהסתירם תחת בגדיהם חרבות קצרות, ובהן המיתו את אנשי־חרמם, וכאשר נפלו האנשים חללים, היו הרוצחים צועקים חמס יחד עם כל ההמון, ועל־כן נחשבו לאנשי אמונים ואיש לא יכול לגלותם. יונתן הכהן הגדול היה הראשון אשר נשחט בידיהם ואחריו נרצחו אנשים רבים מדי יום ביומו. ועוד רע ומר מהאסונות היה הפחד אשר נפל על־פני כל, כי כמו בעת מלחמה ירא כל איש, פן יבוא מותו פתאם, ומרחוק נזהר מפני אנשי ריבו, וגם חדל לבטוח באוהביו הקרובים, אבל בעוד האנשים נזהרים ושומרים את נפשותיהם — מצאה אותם פתאם חרב מרצחיהם. כה מהירים היו האורבים האלה במלאכתם וכה השכילו להֵעלם מן העין!",
+                    "ד. ועל אנשי הדמים האלה נוספה עוד כת אחת, אנשי בליעל, אשר ידיהם היו נקיות מדם, אולם במחשבות לבם הִרבו עוד אשם ותועבה מאלה (מאנשי הדמים) וכמרצחים החריבו גם הם את שלות העיר. אלה היו אנשים תועים ומתעים, אשר התאמרו, כי הם עומדים בסוד אלהים וכל יצר לבם היה להקים מרד ומהפכות בקרב העם, ובדבריהם מסכו עליו רוח שגעון ומשכו רבים אל המדבר, באמרם כי שם יַראה להם האלהים את אותות הגאֻלה. ופלִכּס חשד בהם, כי ממעשיהם יצמח מרד, ועל־כן שלח עליהם אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים והמית מהם המון רב.",
+                    "ה. אולם עוד יותר מהמכה הזאת הִרבה נביא־השקר מארץ מצרים לעשות ליהודים רעה. כי בא אל הארץ קוסם אחד והטה רבים להאמין בו, כי נביא הוא, עד אשר אסף אליו כשלשים אלף איש והתעה אותם ללכת אחריו מן המדבר אל ההר הנקרא הר הזיתים, ומשם אמר לעלות על ירושלים בחזק־יד ולהתגבר על חיל משמר הרומאים ולהיות למלך (לעריץ, טירנוס) על כל העם ולשום את האנשים ההולכים אחריו לנושאי כליו. אולם פלִכּס הפר את עצתו, כי יצא לקראתו עם צבא הרומאים וגם כל העם (היהודים) חִזק את ידו במלחמה. וכאשר החל הקרב נמלט המצרי לנפשו עם אנשים מתי־מספר, ורבים ועצומים מן האנשים אשר עמו נפלו בחרב או נתפשו חיים, ויתר המונו נפוץ איש איש לביתו להִסָּתר.",
+                    "ו. אולם כדרך הגוף החולה, אשר הדלקת עוברת בו ממקום למקום, ככה קמה להבה חדשה אחרי שקוע האש הזאת, כי המכשפים והשודדים התחברו יחד והסיתו רבים לצאת ביד רמה וחזקו את רוחם להלחם בעד חרותם והפילו אימת מות על כל הנכנעים לפני שלטון הרומאים, באמרם להוציא בזרוע נטויה לחפשי את האנשים, אשר קבלו עליהם ברצון את העבדות. הם נפרדו לגדודים ופשטו בקרב הארץ ובזו את בתי העשירים ואת בעליהם המיתו ואת הכפרים שלחו באש וברשע זדונם מלאו את כל ארץ־יהודה חמס. והמלחמה הזאת גדלה ועצמה מיום ליום.",
+                    "ז. ועוד מהומה אחת קמה מסביב לעיר קיסריה, כי היהודים רבו שם עם הסורים, אשר ישבו בתוכם, וטענו, כי להם היא העיר הזאת, יען אשר יִסד אותה איש יהודי, הוא המלך הורדוס. והסורים הודו, כי בונה העיר היה איש יהודי, אולם אמרו, כי העיר נוסדה למען היונים, כי אלו רצה הורדוס להקדיש אותה ליהודים, לא הקים בתוכה פסלים (אנדרטאות) ומקדשים (לאלילים). בגלל הדבר הזה רָבו אלה ביניהם וקנאתם גדלה מיום ליום, עד אשר לקחו חרב בידם, ועזי הנפש מבין היהודים והיונים יצאו לקרב מדי יום ביומו. כי לא היה לאל־ידי זקני היהודים לבצור את רוח אוהבי הריב אשר אִתּם, ולחרפה נחשב בעיני היונים להסוג אחור מפני היהודים. היהודים עלו על היונים בעשרם ובכח בשרם, אולם היונים נשגבו במעוז הצבא, כי רֹב אנשי־הצבא הרומאים במקומות ההם נאספו מארץ סוריה והיו קרובים ליונים יושבי קיסריה ונכונים לעמוד לימינם בכל עת. ושרי־הצבא שקדו להשקיט את המהומה ופעם בפעם תפשו את אוהבי הקרב ודשו את בשרם בשוטים וגם הושיבום בבתי־אסורים. אבל יסורי התפושים לא למדו את הנשארים לשבת מריב ולא הפילו עליהם אימה. ונהפוך הוא, כי חזקו עוד את רוח המריבה. ופעם אחת, כאשר גברו היהודים על שונאיהם בקרב, יצא פלִכּס בעצמו אל השוק להפיל עליהם את מוראו וצִום לעזוב את המקום. וכאשר לא שמעו היהודים לקולו, שלח עליהם את אנשי־צבאו והמית רבים מהם וגם נתן לבֹז את רכושם. אבל גם אחרי הדברים האלה לא חדלה המריבה, ועל־כן בחר פלִכּס את טובי היהודים והיונים ושלח אותם לצירים אל נירון להגיש לפניו עצומותיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פֶסְטוּס ירש את משרת פלִכּס, ואחרי־כן בא אַלְבִּינוּס במקומו, ואחריו פְלוֹרוּס, אשר הכריח באכזריותו את היהודים למלחמה.</small><br><br>א. פֶסְטוּס ירש את משרת הנציב מפלִכּס ושקד לשרש את הספחת, אשר הרבתה לפשות בארץ. הוא תפש רבים מן השודדים והמית מהם לא מעט. אולם אַלְבִּינוּס, אשר קם לנציב אחרי פסטוס, לא הלך בדרכיו ולא נבצר ממנו כל דבר־נבלה, ונקל היה בעיניו לנהג את משרתו בזדון ולמלא אוצרותיו כסף־חמסים, לגזול מכל איש את רכושו וגם להכביד על כל העם את עֹל המסים, כי עוד מלאו לבו לקרֹא דרור לאסורים, אשר נתפשו במעשי שֹׁד, בקחתו כֹּפר מקרוביהם. ורק האיש אשר קפץ את ידו מתֵּת כסף נשאר במאסרו כאחד הנבלים. לדבר הזה הוסיפו דורשי־המהפכה בירושלים אֹמץ והעזו פנים, כי אדיריהם הטו את לב אַלבּינוס בשֹׁחד עד אשר נתן להם להפיח את אש המרד באין מכלים דבר. וחלק העם, אשר לא מצא חפצו בחיי־מנוחה ושלום, נטה אחרי הנרגנים האלה אנשי ברית אלבינוס, וכל איש נבל אסף לו גדוד והתיצב בראשו כראש־שודדים או כמושל עריץ ונושאי כליו עזרו לו לעשוק את האזרחים השקטים. ועל העשוקים הוטל לתת בעפר פיהם, תחת לצעוק חמס, כי האנשים, אשר לא פגעה בהם הרעה, פחדו, פן תהיה גם אחריתם מרה, והחניפו לרשעים אנשי־מות. ומחסום הושם לפי כל איש, לבל ידבר כאשר עם לבבו, ועריצים רבים רדו בזדון, וזרע החרבן העתיד נשלך אל האדמה.",
+                    "ב. אף כי היה אלבינוס איש־חמס אשר כזה, בא אחריו גֶּסִיּוּס פלוֹרוּס והראה לדעת, כי למולו גם אַלְבִּינוּס לצדיק גדול יחשב. כי אלבינוס עשה את מעשיו במשאון והצניע ללכת בדרכי רשעתו, וגסיוס התפאר בתועבותיו לעיני כל העם ועשה את מעשהו כתלין שלוח להוציא משפט החַיָּבים ולא נבהל מכל שֹׁד ורצח ומכל עול וחרפה. במקום הרחמים היה רשע אכזרי ובמעשי הנבלה לא ידע בֹּשת. ואיש לא הבין כמוהו לכסות את פני האמת בשקריו ולמצא דרכי ערמה ומזִמה למעשי נכליו. ונקל היה בעיניו לקחת בצע מאיש ואיש, כי נִצל ערים שלמות והשחית קהלות רבות וכמעט העביר קול בכל הארץ, כי הרשות נתונה לכל איש לגזול גזל כאַות נפשו, אם יקבל (פלורוס) חלק מן החמס. בתאות בצעו הֵשַׁם מחוזות שלמים ורבים עזבו את נחלת אבותיהם וברחו אל מדינות זרות.",
+                    "ג. וכל הימים אשר ישב הנציב הראשי צֶסְטִיּוּס גַּלּוּס בסוריה לא נועז איש לשלוח אליו צירים לצעוק חמס על מעשי פלורוס. אך בבוא גלוס אל ירושלים למועד חג המצות הקיפו אותו כל בני ההמון הגדול, אשר לא מעט מספרו משלש מאות רבוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־דבר המספר הגדול הזה עיין עוד להלן, ספר ו, ט, ג.</i>, וחִלה את פניו לרחם על מצוקות העם וגם צעק לפניו על פלורוס, כי הוא מחריב העם. פלורוס היה באותו מעמד, כי עמד על־יד צסטיוס והקשיב לצעקות העם בצחוק לעג שאנן. וצסטיוס השקיט את סערת העם והבטיחהו, כי יהפוך את לב פלורוס לטובה עליהם בעתיד, ואחרי זאת שב אל אנטיוכיה. ופלורוס שלח אותו עד קיסריה, למען אחז את עיניו וכבר חשב בלבו להסית את העם למעשי־מלחמה, בהבינו כי רק בדבר הזה יוכל לכסות על עלילות רשעתו. הוא ידע, כי בעת שלום יהיה עליו להזהר, פן ילכו היהודים אל הקיסר להתלונן על מעלליו, אולם אם יעלה בידו להפיח מרד בקרבם, תשכיח הרעה הגדולה את אשמותיו הקטנות. ולמען סכסך את העם ברומאים העלה פלורוס את סאת מצוקותיו מיום ליום.",
+                    "ד. ובימים ההם נצחו היונים אשר בקיסריה במשפט הקיסר נירון והביאו בידיהם את פתשגן כתב גזר־דין הקיסר, כי להם תֵּאות הממשלה בעיר, והדבר הזה היה ראשית המלחמה, בשנת שתים־עשרה לשלטון נירון, היא שנת שבע־עשרה למלכות אגריפס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ג״א תתכ״ו (66 למנין הנהוג).</i>, בחדש ארטמיסיוס (אִיָּר), אם גם סבת המלחמה לא יאתה לצרות הגדולות אשר יצאו ממנה, וזה הדבר: ליהודים היושבים בקיסריה היה בית־כנסת במקום אחד, אשר אדוניו היה יוני מקיסריה. והיהודים בקשו כל הימים לקנות את המקום להם לאחֻזה וגם אמרו לשלם כסף יתר מדי שויו, אולם היוני השיב את פני היהודים בבוז ולמען הרעימם החל להקים בחצרו בנינים חדשים ויִסד שם בתי־חרשת והשאיר ליהודים משעול צר, אשר קשה היה לעבור בו. לראשונה התנפלו קצרי־הרוח אשר בקרב היהודים על עושי המלאכה, להשבית את העבודה. אולם פלורוס מנע אותם בחֹזק־יד מהמעשה הזה. במבוכה הזאת פנו אל פלורוס ראשי היהודים ואתם יוחנן המוכס (חוכר המסים) והבטיחוהו, כי ישלמו לו שמונה ככרי כסף, אם יעצור את המלאכה. פלורוס הבטיח אותם, כי ימלא את כל חפצם, אם יקבל את הכסף, אך כאשר הגיע הכסף לידיו עזב את קיסריה ויצא אל סבסטי והשאיר את בעלי הריב לעשות כטוב בעיניהם, כאלו מכר ליהודים בכסף את הרשות להלחם בשונאיהם ככל אות נפשם.",
+                    "ה. ולמחרת היום, ביום השבת, כאשר נאספו כל היהודים בבית־הכנסת, יצא איש מחרחר ריב מקרב היונים יושבי קיסריה והפך סיר נפוח עם פיו למטה והציג אותו לפני מבוא בית־הכנסת וזבח עליו צפרים לקרבן. בדבר הזה חרף את היהודים מאד, כי חלל את חֻקי תורתם וטִמא את המקום. נכבדי היהודים והמיֻשבים בדעת אמרו, כי עליהם לפנות בדבר המריבה הזאת אל הנציב. אולם רוח אוהבי־המחלֹקת ובני־הנעורים היתה כאש בוערת והם מהרו להלחם באויביהם. ולעֻמתם התיצבו היונים במערכה, כי את מקריב הזבח שלחו במחשבת ערומים לפניהם, וכמעט התחולל קרב בין שני המחנות. ויוקונדוס שר הרוכבים, אשר צֻוה לעמוד בפרץ, נגש אל המקום ולקח את הסיר ונסה להשבית את הריב. אולם עצתו הטובה שבה ריקם מפני זדון היונים יושבי קיסריה, והיהודים מהרו לקחת את ספרי התורה ולצאת אל נרבתא — היא אחת אחֻזותיהם במרחק ששים ריס מקיסריה. שנים־עשר מטובי היהודים ואתם גם יוחנן (המוכס) באו אל פלורוס לסבסטי והתאוננו על המעשים אשר נעשו ובקשו עזרה ממנו וגם הזכירוהו בלשון כבוד את דבר שמונת ככרי הכסף. וכשמוע זאת פלורוס שם את האנשים במאסר, בהתגוללו עליהם כי הוציאו את ספרי התורה מקיסריה.",
+                    "ו. ולשמע הדבר הזה מרה נפש כל העם אשר בירושלים מאד, אולם עוד כבשו את כעסם הפעם. אך פלורוס התמכר להפיח את אש המלחמה. הוא שלח אל בית־המקדש והוציא משם שבעה־עשר ככר, בטענו כי הם דרושים לקיסר. מיד קמה מבוכה בקרב העם ומכל עברים מהרו המונים אל בית־המקדש ובצעקות עד לב השמים קראו בשם הקיסר והתחננו אליו להצילם מרשעת פלורוס, ואחדים מחפֵצי־המרד שפכו חרפות וגדופים על פלורוס והביאו סל (של צדקה) ובקשו פרוטות למענו, כי הוא עני ואביון. אבל לשמע הדברים האלה לא נטה פלורוס מדרך בצעו ועוד הוסיף להתעבר ולבקש כסף־חמסים. ותחת ללכת אל קיסריה ולכבות את אש המלחמה אשר יצאה משם ולבער את כל סבות המהומה — כי הלא קבל את שכרו על הדבר הזה — מהר לעלות על ירושלים בצבא רוכבים ורגלים, למצֹא שלל רב לעצמו בנשק הרומאים ולתת את פחדו ואימתו על־פני כל יושבי העיר.",
+                    "ז. והעם אמר להפר את כעס פלורוס בעוד מועד ויצא לקראת אנשי־הצבא בברכה וגם רצה לקבל את פני פלורוס בכבוד רב. אולם הוא שלח לפניו את קַפּיטוֹן שר־המאה עם חמשים רוכבים וצוה את יושבי ירושלים, כי ישובו אל בתיהם ולא יעזו את פניהם לסובב בכחש אהבתם את האנשים, אשר זה לא כבר חרפו אותם בקלון ובוז. הן אם בעלי נפש הם — הלא יאות להם לבוז לו גם בפניו ולהוכיח לא באמרי פיהם בלבד, כי־אם גם בפֹעל כפיהם, כי הם אוהבים את החֹפש. ההמון נבהל לדברים האלה, וגם רוכבי קפיטון קפצו אל תוכו, והיהודים נפוצו טרם הספיקו לברך את פלורוס לשלום ולהראות לאנשי־הצבא את אֹמן רוחם. הם שבו לבתיהם והלילה עבר עליהם בפחד ובשברון־לב.",
+                    "ח. ופלורוס לן בלילה ההוא בארמון המלך, ובבֹּקר הקים בימה לפני הארמון וישב עליה לכסא משפט. הכהנים הגדולים וראשי העם ונשואי הפנים אשר בעיר באו אליו ונצבו לפני הבימה ופלורוס צוה עליהם להסגיר בידו את חורפיו ואמר להם, כי יקח את נקמתו מהם, אם לא יביאו אליו את החַיָּבים. טובי העם הודיעוהו, כי העם הוא רודף שלום, ובקשו ממנו לסלוח לעון האנשים אשר לא שמרו לשונם, כי לא יפלא הדבר, אם נמצא בהמון רב כזה אנשים עזי־נפש אחדים וצעירים נבערים מתבונה, ואין לאל־ידם להבדיל את החַטאים, כי כבר נחם כל איש על אשמתו והוא מכחש בדבר אשר עשה, ואם הוא (פלורוס) דורש באמת ובתמים לחזק את השלום בקרב העם ולהציל את העיר למען הרומאים, עליו לשים לב לרבים הנקיים מאשם ולהעביר בגללם את עון המעטים ולא להרגיז את כל העם הגדול הרודף שלום באשמת נבזים אחדים.",
+                    "ט. לדברים האלה חרה אף פלורוס מאד וקרא בקול אל אנשי־הצבא לבֹז את השוק העליון ולהמית את כל הנמצאים שם. באהבת בצעם שמחו אנשי־הצבא לפקֻדת הנציב ובזזו את המקום אשר נשלחו אליו וגם פרצו בכל הבתים ושחטו את יושביהם. ברחובות העיר נחפזו האנשים לברוח והנתפשים נרצחו באכזריות חמה, ולא היה שֹׁד ורצח אשר לא עשו הרומאים ביום ההוא. אנשי־הצבא תפשו אזרחים אוהבי־שלום והביאו אותם אל פלורוס והוא צוה לדוש את בשרם בשוטים ולהוקיעם על צלבים. ומִספר כל הנהרגים ביום ההוא, האנשים והנשים והטף, היה שלשת אלפים ושש מאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה בכל ההוצאות הישנות, ובהוצאות ניזה: שש מאות ושלשים.</i>. ואת סאת הפרענות הגדילה עוד אכזריוּת הרומאים, אשר לא נראתה עוד כמוה, כי נועז פלורוס לעשות דבר, אשר לא עולל עוד איש לפניו: הוא צוה להלקות לפני הבימה אנשים ממעמד הרוכבים ולהוקיעם על צלבים, אף כי האנשים היהודים האלה נשאו משרת כבוד בקרב הרומאים.."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ברניקי התחננה אל פלורוס על היהודים לחנם. אש המרד שקעה, אולם פלורוס הפיח אותה מחדש.</small><br><br>א. ובעת ההיא נמצא המלך אגריפס באלכסנדריה, כי נסע שמה לברך את אלכסנדרוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טבריוס אלכסנדרוס, שהיה מקֹדם נציב ביהודה (לעיל, פרק י״א, ו; פרק י״ב, א).</i>, אשר שלח אותו נירון אל מצרים ומלא את ידו להיות שם לנציב. אולם ברניקי אחות אגריפס היתה אז בירושלים ולבה חלל בקרבה למראה רשעת הצבא. פעם בפעם שלחה את שרי הרוכבים אשר לה ואת שומרי ראשה לבקש את פלורוס, כי יאסף את ידי המרצחים. אולם פלורוס לא שם לבו למספר הנרצחים הגדול ולא למעלת האשה, אשר שלחה אליו לבקש רחמים עליהם, כי רק אל בצעו לטש את עיניו, ולא שמע לקולה. וחמת זדון אנשי־הצבא נתכה גם על המלכה ונקל היה בעיניהם להתעלל ביהודים הנתפשים ולשחוט אותם לעיניה, כי גם אותה הכו נפש כמעט, לולא קדמה לברוח אל חצר המלך ושם ישבה כל הלילה יחד עם שומרי ראשה, בפחדה פן יפרצו אנשי־הצבא בבית. היא באה אל ירושלים לשלם את נדרה לאלהים, כי חֹק הוא לאנשים, אשר יצאו בשלום ממחלה רעה או מצרה אחרת, לקבל עליהם בנדר, כי שלשים יום בטרם יביאו את קרבנם ינזרו מן היין ו[לא] יגלחו את שערם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הדבר נשתבש כנראה על־ידי המעתיקים הנכרים של המקור היוני.</i>. ובשַׁלם ברניקי את נדרה עמדה יחפה לפני הבימה והתחננה אל פלורוס [על עמה], אך פלורוס לא בוש מפניה, וגם חייה היו תלואים לה מנגד.",
+                    "ב. הדברים האלה נעשו בששה־עשר לחדש ארטֶמיסיוס (איָּר) וממחרת היום מהר כל העם אל השוק העליון והתאבל על ההרוגים בזעקה גדולה ומרה וקללות רבות נזרקו מפי ההמון כנגד פלורוס. וראשי העם יראו את הדבר הזה מאד ויצאו יחד עם הכהנים הגדולים וקרעו את בגדיהם והתנפלו לרגלי העם והפצירו בו לכבוש את כעסו, לבל יעלה את חמת פלורוס עד להשחית ולא יוסיף צרות חדשות על כל הרעה אשר מצאתהו. ההמון נפתה במהרה למלא אחרי הדברים האלה, כי נשא את פני האנשים המפילים לפניו תחנוניהם וגם בטח, כי לא יוסיף פלורוס לעשות רשע.",
+                    "ג. ופלורוס התעצב אל לבו, בראותו כי כבתה אש המרד, ובקש לו עצה להפיח אותה מחדש. הוא שלח לקרא לכהנים הגדולים ולחשובי העם ואמר להם, כי רק בזה יתנו מופת, כי לא יוסיף העם מעשי מרד, אם יצאו לקבל בכבוד את פני אנשי־הצבא הבאים מקיסריה, כי עוד שני גדודים (קוהורטות) עלו משם. בעוד טובי ירושלים מזעיקים את העם [למלא אחרי דברי הנציב] שלח פלורוס פקֻדה אל שרי־המאות אשר בשני הגדודים, לבל ידברו שלום ליהודים היוצאים לקראתם לברכם ויתנפלו עליהם בחרב, אם יחרפו אותו בפיהם. והכהנים הגדולים אספו את העם בהר־הבית ובקשו אותו לצאת לקראת הרומאים לשלום ולקַדם את פני הגדודים בברכה טרם תבוא עליהם רעה נוראה. אולם שוחרי המרד מאנו לשמוע בקולם ואחרי הרצח בירושלים נספח רֹב העם על מרי־הלב האלה.",
+                    "ד. אז יצאו כל הכהנים ומשרתי בית ה׳ ונשאו לפניהם את כלי המקדש ואת בגדי הכהֻנה, אשר בהם היו משרתים בקדש, והמנגנים והמשוררים אשר במקדש לקחו אתם את כלי השיר וכלם התנפלו לרגלי העם וחלו את פניו לשמור על כלי הקדש אשר בידיהם ולבלי תת פתחון־פה לרומאים לבֹז את אוצרות בית־האלהים. מה נורא היה מראה הכהנים הגדולים בשימם עפר על ראשם ובקרעם את בגדיהם ובחשפם את סגור לבם; הם קראו אל האנשים הידועים בנקבם שֵׁם כל אחד מהם, וגם התחננו אל כל העם, לבל יהיה הדבר הקטן הזה קל בעיניהם ולא יסגירו את עיר קדשם בידי הרוצים להחריבנה: ״מה בצע יהיה לאנשי־הצבא הרומאים, כאשר יתנו להם היהודים כבוד? ובמה יונח לכם מהרעה אשר מצאתכם, אם לא תצאו לקבל את פניהם כיום הזה? אולם אם תקדמו בכבוד את פני הבאים כמשפט, הלא תסתמו בזאת את פי פלורוס, המבקש לו תֹאנה להקדיש עליכם מלחמה, וככה תהיה לכם עירכם לשלל ולא תוסיפו לשׂבוע מכאובות. הן מעשה כסל נורא יהיה, כאשר ישמע עם גדול כזה בקול מחרחרי ריב מתי־מספר, תחת לאַלֵץ אותם להודות לדברי הרבים״.",
+                    "ה. כדברים האלה דברו הכהנים הגדולים על לב העם וגם השקיטו את רוח הנרגנים בדברי אימה וכבושים, ואחרי־כן יצאו בראש העם במנוחה ובסֵדר לקדם את אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר קרבו אליהם ברכו אותם לשלום. אולם הרומאים לא ענו לברכתם ומריבי־פלורוס הרימו קול צעקה. והדבר הזה היה האות הנתון לרומאים: מיד הקיפו אנשי־הצבא את ההמון והכו אותו במקלות וגם רדפו אחרי הבורחים ורמסום בפרסות סוסיהם. רבים נפלו ביום ההוא ממכות הרומאים ורבים ועצומים מאלה היו למרמס לרגלי אחיהם. כי נורא היה הדחק בשערי העיר, כאשר רצה כל אחד לעבור את חברו ולהִמלט, והדבר הזה עצר את כל הבורחים. ונורא היה גם מות הכושלים במנוסתם, כי נחנקו ונרמסו ברגלי האצים אחריהם, עד אשר לא נכרו עוד פניהם ולא נשאר אף חלל אחד אשר ידעו בו קרוביו כי זה הוא, לקברו עם אבותיו. ואנשי־הצבא פרצו עם הפליטים יחד בשערי העיר והכו מבלי הרף את האנשים אשר נפלו בידם ולחצו את ההמון דרך המגרש הנקרא ביזיתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בספרות התלמודית ביציתא, בצעתא.</i> אל העיר ובקשו לבקוע להם דרך ולכבוש את הר־הבית עם הבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) יחד. כי פלורוס התאוה ללכדם, ועל־כן הוציא את אנשי־צבאו מחצר המלך ונסה להבקיע אל הבירה. אולם מומתו הרעה לא קמה, כי התיצב העם לקרב לעֻמת אנשי־צבאו והשיב את ימינם אחור. רבים עמדו על גגות הבתים והמטירו משם אבנים על ראשי הרומאים, וכאשר עיפה נפש אלה ממטר אבני הקלע ממעלה וגם קצרה ידם לפלס דרך בין המונות האנשים, אשר סגרו את רחובות ירושלים, נסוגו אחור ושבו אל מקום מחנם אשר בחצר המלך.",
+                    "ו. והמתקוממים יראו, פן יעלה פלורוס עוד הפעם דרך הבירה ויכבוש את הר־הבית, ועל־כן מהרו לעלות ולהרוס את האולמים המחברים את הר־הבית אל הבירה. ובדבר הזה התקררה תאות פלורוס ואהבת בצעו. כי כל מזמתו היתה לבֹז את אוצר בית־המקדש, ועל־כן השתוקקה נפשו להבקיע אל המצודה. ואחרי אשר נהרסו האולמים שלח לקרא לכהנים הגדולים ולמועצת־העם (הסנהדריה) ואמר להם, כי יצא את פני העיר וישאיר בה מספר אנשי־צבא כטוב בעיניהם. הם הבטיחו, כי יעשו ככל אשר לאל־ידם להקים את המנוחה ולהפר את עצת המרד, אם ישאיר להם גדוד (קוהורטה) אחד, רק לא את הגדוד אשר נלחם ביהודים, כי מרה עליו נפש כל העם על הצרות אשר עולל לו. ופלורוס הבדיל להם גדוד אחד למלא את משאלותיהם ושב עם שארית חילו אל קיסריה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צסטיוס שלח את נֵאַפוליטנוס שר־האלף לחקור את המעשים שקרו ביהודה. אגריפס נשא נאום לפני היהודים להפר את מחשבת המרד.</small><br><br>א. פלורוס בקש לו דרך אחרת להביא מלחמה בשערי ירושלים ושלח אל צסטיוס מכתב מלא כזבים על־דבר מרד היהודים והתגולל עליהם, כי התגרו אתו מלחמה, וגם סִפּר, כי מהם יצאה הרעה, אשר עשה הוא להם. אולם גם ראשי ירושלים לא חבקו את ידיהם, כי מהרו לכתוב אל צֶסטיוס — וברניקי יחד אתם — על כל התועבות אשר עשה פלורוס בירושלים. וכאשר קרא צסטיוס את דברי פלורוס ואת דברי היהודים נועץ את שרי צבאותיו, והם החליטו, כי יעלה צסטיוס עם צבאו על ירושלים, למען יעשה שפטים ממתקוממים, כאשר יאמן הדבר, כי פרץ שם מרד, או יחזק את השלום עם היהודים, אם נשארו נאמנים בבריתו. אך צסטיוס בחר לשלוח אחד מחבריו, למען יחקור את המעשים אשר היו בירושלים ויתַכּן את רוח היהודים היושבים שם ויודיע אותו דבר־אמת, על־כן שלח אל ארץ יהודה את נֵאַפּוֹלִיטַנּוּס, אחד משרי־האלף. בקרבת יבנה פגש הציר הזה את אגריפס המלך בשובו מאלכסנדריה וספר לו על־דבר משלחתו ועל סבת הדבר.",
+                    "ב. והכהנים הגדולים וראשי היהודים והמועצה יצאו לקראת המלך לברכו, ואחרי תתם לו כבוד התאוננו באזניו על האסונות אשר מצאו אותם וספרו לו את מעשה האכזריות של פלורוס. אמנם אגריפס נרגז לדברים האלה, אולם בתחבולות פקד את אפו על היהודים, אשר חמל עליהם בלבבו, בבקשו להשפיל את רוחם ולהרחיק מהם כל מחשבת נקמה, פן יאמרו בלבם, כי סבלו על לא עון בידם. האנשים האלה היו בחירי העם, וכלם היו רודפי שלום, כי חסה עינם על רכושם, ועל־כן הבינו את מחשבת המלך הטובה עליהם. גם עם ירושלים יצא כששים ריס מן העיר לקבל את פני אגריפס ונאפוליטנוס, ולפני ההולכים עברו נשי ההרוגים בקול בכי תמרורים, ולשמע יללתן קשר כל העם מספד והתחנן אל אגריפס להיות לו לעזר בצרתו, וגם צעק אל נאפוליטנוס על כל הרעה אשר עשה להם פלורוס, ובהגיעם העירה הראה להם העם את השוק החרב ואת הבתים ההרוסים. ואחרי זאת פתו היהודים בעזרת אגריפס את נאפוליטנוס לעבור עם אחד מעבדיו בכל העיר עד השִׁלֹּה, למען יראה בעיניו, כי היהודים נכנעים לפני הרומאים, ורק את פלורוס בלבדו הם שונאים על תועבותיו הגדולות אשר עשה להם בעברת זדון. נאפוליטנוס סבב בכל העיר ונוכח לדעת, כי באמת היהודים אוהבים את השלום, ואחרי־כן עלה אל הר־הבית ושם הקהיל את העם והרבה להלל אותו על אמון רוחו לרומאים, וגם העתיר עליו דברים והעירהו לשמור את השלום, ואחרי זאת התפלל לאלהים בעזרת הנכרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: במקום המקדש המֻתָּר לו.</i> ושב אל צסטיוס.",
+                    "ג. והמון היהודים פנה אל המלך ואל הכהנים הגדולים ובקש אותם לשלוח צירים אל הקיסר נירון, להתאונן על מעללי פלורוס, כי הלא אם יחרישו היהודים למעשה רצח נורא כזה, יתנו לחשוד בהם, כי באמת היה מרד בקרבם, ואם לא ימהרו להוכיח מי החל להתגרות בהם, ירָאה הדבר כאלו הוציאו הם את החרב מתערה. גלוי היה, כי לא ישוב העם אל המנוחה, אם ימנע אותם איש משלוח את הצירים. אגריפס שם אל לבו, כי לאיש צר ואויב יחָשב, אם ימלא את ידי האנשים לכתוב שטנה על פלורוס, וגם הבין, כי לא טוב יהיה, אם יעלים את עיניו מתאות־המלחמה, אשר פשתה בקרב היהודים. על־כן קרא לעם להאסף אל לשכת־הגזית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית קְסוּסְטוֹס.</i> ועמד במקום רואים על־יד אחותו לפני ארמון החשמונאים, הבנוי ממעל ללשכת־הגזית לעבר העיר העליונה, — וגשר חבּר את המקדש אֶל לשכת הגזית. — ואלה הדברים אשר דבר אגריפס [לפני העם]:",
+                    "ד. אלו ראיתי, כי כלכם נושאים את נפשכם להלחם ברומאים ולא הכרתי, כי יש בכם אנשים ישרים ומחֻכּמים, הבוחרים בשלום, לא באתי אליכם ולא ערבתי את לבי לתת לכם את העצה הזאת. כי למותר הוא לדבר על הדרך הישרה באזני אנשים, אשר נוסדו כלם יחד בעצה נבערה, והנה אני רואה את הנרגנים ביניכם, כי הם בני־נעורים, אשר לא הכירו עוד את כל תלאות המלחמה, או אנשים אשר לקחה לבם תקוה נבערה לחרות, וגם אוהבי בצע אחדים, האומרים למצֹא שכר בעֹשק החלשים בהתמוטט סדרי הארץ. ולמען יקנו האנשים האלה בינה וישובו מדרכם הרעה ולא יסָפו הטובים בעצת המעטים האלה הנבערה, הנה חשבתי למשפט לאסוף את כלכם ולדבר באזניכם לטוב לכם כאשר עם לבבי. ואל ירים איש מכם קול שאון, אם לא יערבו דברי לאוניו. הן האיש, אשר יבצר ממנו לכבוש את תשוקת המרד אשר בלבבו, יוכל להחזיק בדעתו גם אחרי עצתי. לעֻמת־זאת לא יהיה שכר לדברי גם בקרב הרוצים להקשיבם, אם לא ישקטו כל העומדים מסביב. הנה אני יודע, כי רבים מכם מתַנים בשפת־יתר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר משתמש פה במבטא ״מזמרים, (קוראים) מזמורים לרשעות הנציבים ולחרות״.</i> את רשעת הנציבים השליטים ומשמיעים שירי־תהלה לחֹפש. ועוד טרם אבוא לחקור, מי אתם ובמי אתם אומרים להלחם, אני רוצה לנתק את ארג טענותיכם. אם רק להגן על נפשכם מפני הרשעה אתם רוצים, למה לכם לרומם את החֹפש על שפתיכם? ואם אתם חושבים, כי קצר כֹּחכם לשאת את חיי העבדים, הלא למותר הן כל תלונותיכם על הנציבים, כי גם אם יהיו אלה אנשי־צדק, תשאר לכם העבדות לחרפה תמיד. התבוננו־נא בשני הדברים האלה יחדו וראו מה רפה שֹׁרש המלחמה. לראשונה אדבר על טענותיכם נגד הנציבים. הן מֻטל עליכם לכבד את הרָשות ולא לעורר את רגזהּ! אם על עונות קלים אתם באים עליהם בגדופים קשים, הנה רק לרעתכם אתם מגלים את רשעת האנשים אשר חרפתם, ותחת עשותם לכם רעה לפנים במסתרים ובבושה, מעתה הם מביאים עליכם שׁואה לעיני השמש! כי רק הסֵבל מרפה את כח המכה, והעלובים הנושאים את עלבונם במנוחה משיבים את זרוע עולביהם אחור! אולם אם באמת פקידי הרומאים הם נוגשים קשים עד אשר קצר כח סבלכם, הנה במה חטאו לכם כל הרומאים והקיסר, אשר בהם אתם אומרים להתגרות מלחמה? הן לא במצותם בא אליכם נבל להציק לכם, כי מרחוק לא יראו יושבי המערב את המעשים אשר במזרח, ואף לא נקל להם לשמוע משם את הדברים האמורים פה. והן תסכילו עשות, אם תפקדו את עון האחד על הרבים ועל דבר קטן תצאו להלחם בעם רב כזה, אשר לא ידע גם את דבר החטאת אשר שמתם עליו. ואולי יהיה בזמן קרוב שכר לתלונותינו. הן הנציב הזה לא ישאר בקרבנו כל הימים ויֵאות לנו לחשוב, כי במקומו יבואו אנשים טובים ממנו. ואם תעוררו הפעם את המלחמה, לא יקל לכם לשבות ממנה וגם לא להאריך אותה בלי אסונות ופגעים. ואמנם גם עבר הזמן לשגות באהבת החרות. — לפנים היה מֻטל עלינו להלחם עליה לבל תלקח מידינו, כי רע ומר הוא גורל העבדים, ועל־כן נאה וישר הדבר להלחם בו טרם יבוא. אולם האיש, אשר נכנע פעם ואחרי־כן התקומם (למען הסיר את עֻלו מעל צואריו], הלא עבד מתפרץ הנהו ולא אוהב חֹפש. אז, בימים אשר עלה פומפיוס על הארץ, הֻטּל על היהודים לחגור את כל כחותיהם לבלי תת לרומאים לבוא בשעריה. אולם אבות אבותינו והמלכים המושלים בהם, אשר היו גדולים וטובים הרבה ממנו בעשרם ובכח בשרם ובאֹמץ נפשם, לא עצרו כח לעמוד בפני חלק־מצער מחיל הרומאים. ואתם, אשר ירשתם מאבותיכם את הסבל ואשר קטן ודל כֹּחכם מחֹסן אבותיכם, שהטו את שכמם לסבול לראשונה, — התחשבו באמת ובתמים לעמוד בפני כל תֹּקף ממשלת הרומאים? הן גם האתּונים, אשר שלחו לפנים את עריהם באש למען חֵרות היונים, ובצאת עליהם אחשורוש (קסֶרקסֶס) היהיר, אשר נסע באניות בדרך היבשה ועבר ברגל ארחות ימים, ומי הים לא עצרו כח לשאתו ומרחבי הערב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אירופה.</i> צרו מהכיל את חילו העצום, שברו (האתונים) את קרן אסיה הגדולה על־יד סַלַּמִּיס האי הקטן, עד אשר ברח המלך מפניהם עם אניה אחת והם רדפו אחריו — גם הם עובדים עתה לרומאים, והעיר אשר משלה לפנים בכל ארצות־יָון (הֶלַּס) שומרת את הפקֻדות הבאות מארץ איטליה. וגם הלקדֵימונים, אשר עשו גבורות על־יד תֶּרְמֹפִילֵי ועל־יד פְלַטִּיָּה ופרצו עם מלכם אַגֶּסּילָאוּס בלב ארץ אסיה, נכנעו באהבה תחת עֹל האדונים האלה. והמקדונים, הרואים עד היום במחזה את תמונת פיליפוס, ועוד לא משו מעיניהם זכרונות הימים הראשונים, כאשר פשטו עם אלכסנדרוס יחד ליסד להם ממשלת עולם — גם הם נושאים דומם את חליפות הגורל ועובדים את האדונים, אשר אליהם עבר מזלם. ועוד עמים לאין־מספר, אשר לבם מלא אהבת הדרור על כל גדותיו — התרפסו לפני הרומאים, ורק אתם לבד תחשבו, כי לחרפה לכם לעבוד את האדונים, אשר נכנע כל העולם תחתיהם? ומה הצבא והנשק, אשר תבטחו עליהם במלחמה? ואֵי הצי האדיר, אשר תכבשו בו את הים מידי הרומאים? ואיה האוצרות, אשר יספקו את צרכיכם? התחשבו, כי על המצרים או על הערבים אתם יוצאים למלחמה? הטרם תראו את גֹדל ממשלת הרומאים? והאמנם לא תדעו את מדת קֹצר כֹּחכם? והאם לא כשל כחנו פעם בפעם במלחמתנו עם העמים השכנים, — ואולם ממשלת הרומאים לא נמוטה בכל מרחבי העולם? ועוד הם מוסיפים לבקש להם גדולות מאלה. כי קטנו בעיניהם גבולות ממשלתם, נהר פרת במזרח ונהר אִיסטְרוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דנוביוס (דונוי).</i> בצפון, וארץ לוּב בדרום, אשר תרו אותה עד קצה המדבר, וגדֵירה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא קָדֵשׁ אשר בספרד (עכשו קַדִּיקס, בפי הרומאים גָדֶס).</i> אשר במערב — עד אשר בקשו להם עולם חדש מעבר לים אוקינוס והביאו חרב מלחמה אל גבולות הבריטנים, אשר לא ידע איש את שמם עד היום הזה. ומה [תוכלו עשות]? האֻמנם עשירים אתם מהגַלים וגבורי־כֹח מהגרמנים וחכמים מהיונים ורבים ועצומים מכל גויי הארץ? ועל מה תבטחו במלחמתכם עם הרומאים? הן יאמר איש מכם: קשה עֹל העבדות מנשוא! אולם הן יותר מכם קשה הדבר ליונים, הנדיבים בכל העמים אשר נמצאו תחת השמש והיושבים בארץ רחבת ידים — ובכל־זאת הם כורעים לשש אגֻדות שבטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמן הממשלה של הנציבים במקדון ובאַכיָּה (נציבים ממדרגה שניה, ממעלת הפרֵטורים) היה שש אגֻדות שבטים.</i>. וככה עושים המקדונים, אשר יפה כחם מכחכם לבקש חיי־דרור. ומה דבר חמש מאות הערים אשר בעסיה?<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מערב אסיה הקטנה, פרגמוס.</i> הלא גם מבלעדי חיל־משמר בקרבם הם משתחוים לאדון אחד ולשבטי השופטים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקונסולים (הקונסולרים). נציב אסיה הקטנה היה ממדרגה ראשונה, ממעלת השופטים הראשים (הקונסולים).</i>, ומה אדבר על ההֶנִיּוֹכִים והקוֹלְכִים ועל משפחות הטַוְרִים, על הַבּוֹסְפּוֹרָנִים והעמים היושבים מסביב לים פוֹנְטוֹס ולים מַיּוֹטִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פונטוס — הים השחור. מיוטיס — הים האזובי. שם ישבו העמים הנזכרים.</i>? הן לפנים לא הסכינו לשמוע אף בקול מושל מאחיהם, ועתה הם עובדים לשלשת אלפים אנשי־צבא, וארבעים אניות־מלחמה מספיקות להכין את השלום בים הזועף, אשר לפנים לא יכול אדם לעבור בו. ומה יוכלו לספר לנו על־דבר החרות יושבי בִּתּוּנִיָּה וקַפּוֹדקיא, עם פַּמְפִילִיָּה והלוּקים והקִילִיקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלם ישבו במזרח עסיה (אסיה הקטנה).</i>; אך כלם משלמים מס מבלעדי חרב־מלחמה. ועוד מה? הנה התְּרַכִּים, היושבים בארץ אשר רחבה דרך חמשה ימים וארכה דרך שבעה ימים, והארץ קשה וחזקה מארצכם הרבה, והקרח הגדול עוצר בעד האויבים הבאים על הארץ, וגם הם נכנעים לפני אלפים איש מצבא משמר הרומאים. והאִילִירִים, היושבים על־ידם בין נהר איסְטרוֹס וגבול דַּלְמַטִּיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל העמים האלה ישבו בצפון חצי־האי הַבַּלְקַנִי.</i> — האם אינם נכנעים תחת שני לגיונות רומאים ועוזרים בידם לבצור את רוח הדַקִּים? והדַלְמַטִּים, אשר פעמים רבות התנערו להלחם על חרותם ואחרי כל מגפה ומגפה חגרו מחדש כח וגבורה להתקומם, הטרם ישקטו עתה תחתיהם, אף כי רק לגיון אחד נמצא בארצם? אבל אם יתעוררו עמים שונים למרוד באדוניהם, בשימם את מחסם במשגבי ארצם — הנה למי יאות הדבר הזה יותר מן הגַלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הגלים — הקֶלטים, שישבו בארץ צרפת.</i>, אשר הקים עליהם הטבע מבצרי־חֹסן. כי ממזרח סוגרים עליהם הרי האַלְפּים ומצפון הנהר רֵינוס, מדרום ההרים הפּירֵנַיִּים וים־אוקינוס ממערב, ואף כי נמצאו לַגלים מצודות מעוז כאלה והם עם גדול ועצום, אשר לו שלש מאות וחמשה שבטים, ואף כי מקורות הברכה — כאשר יאמר האומר — נמצאו בארצם מבית ובתבואת אדמתם הרבה יוכלו לכלכל את כל העולם, בכל־זאת הם נוטים שכמם לסבוֹל ומשלמים לרומאים מס ונותנים להם לשלוט בכל מגד ארצם. ולא באהבתם את השלום או ממֹרך־לב עושים הגלים את הדבר — הן שמונים שנה נלחמו בחֹזק־יד בעד חרותם — רק מיראתם את עצמת הרומאים וגם את מזלם, אשר הפליא לעזור להם מחרב עֻזם. ועל־כן הם עובדים לאלף ומאתים אנשי־צבא רומאים, אף כי המספר הזה הוא קטן ממספר עריהם כמעט. הן גם בצאת האִבֵּרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שישבו בספרד.</i> להלחם על חרותם [ברומאים] לא היה להם להועיל הזהב, אשר חפרו מאדמת ארצם ולא המרחק הגדול שבין ארצם ובין הרומאים בדרך הים ובדרך היבשה ולא גבורת שבטי הלוּסִיטַנִים והקַנְטַבְּרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במערב ספרד ובצפונה.</i> בעת הקרב, ואף לא ים־האוקינוס המציף את ארצם, אשר גם יושבי המקום יראים את משבריו מאד. כי הרומאים עברו בחרב מלחמה את עמודי הֶרַקְלֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עמודי (או שערי) מֶלְקַרְתְ (בפי הצידונים), עכשו מצר ים גִּבְּרַלְתָּר (ג׳בל אלטארק).</i> ופלסו להם נתיבות בין העבים המכסים את ההרים הפירניים והעבידו את כל העמים האלה. ודי לו ללגיון אחד לשמור על גבורי־החיל הרחוקים האלה. הנמצא בכם איש, אשר לא שמעה אזנו על המונות הגרמנים? הן בעיניכם ראיתם פעם בפעם את האנשים הגדולים והחסֻנים האלה, כי אל כל מקום שולחים הרומאים את אסיריהם. והנה העמים הרבים האלה, אשר אין קץ לגבול ארצם ואשר עֹז גבורתם עולה עוד על מדת קומתם, כי בכֹח רוחם הם בזים למות ובחמתם הם נוראים ואכזרים מחיתו־טרף — גם את רוחם בצרו הרומאים על הנהר רינוס ושבטיהם, אשר נפלו בידי הרומאים, היו להם לעבדים, ויתר העם ברח ונמלט [מפני המנצחים]. ואם בחומת ירושלים תשימו מחסכם — התבוננו אל מבצרי מעוז הבריטַנים: הן ים־אוקינוס מקיף עליהם מכל עבר והאי, אשר עליו הם יושבים, אינו נופל בגדלו מכל עולם־הישוב, וגם עליהם באו הרומאים באניות ושמו אותם לעבדים, וארבעה לגיונות שומרים על האי הגדול הזה. והעוד עלי להרבות דברים ולהעלות על לבכם, כי הפַּרְתּים, גוי גבור־מלחמה, הרודה בעמים אין־מספר ואין קץ לצבאות חילו, — גם הם שולחים בני־תערובות אל הרומאים ובארץ איטליה רואה כל איש את זרע מלכי ארצות הקדם עובד לרומאים למען השלום! והנה כמעט כל העמים תחת השמש משתחוים לרומאים, — והאם אתם לבדכם תעצרו כח להלחם בהם? הטרם תשימו אל לבכם את אחרית אנשי קרתחדשת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרכידון, קרתַּגִּין (Carthago) בצפון אפריקי (בקרבת טוניס).</i>, אשר התגאו בחַנִּבַּעַל גבורם הגדול והתימרו בכבוד מוצאם מגזע הצידונים (הפיניקים) — וכרעו תחת גבורת ימין סקִפִּיוֹן (סציפיו). וגם יושבי קִירֵינִי, אשר יצאו מזרע הלַקּוֹנִים, והמַרְמַרִידִים, השבט היושב עד קצה המדבר, והסִירְטִים, אשר נתנו את פחדם על כל שומעי שמם, והנַסַּמּוֹנים והמַוְרים ועמי הנודדים לאין־מספר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל אלה ישבו באפריקי הצפונית ממערב למצרים.</i> — כלם לא עצרו כח לעצור בעד גבורת הרומאים. הן גם את כל הארץ הגדולה, אשר היא שלישית עולם הישוב, ולא קל הוא למנות את העמים היושבים בה, היא הארץ אשר בין גבול הים האטלנטי ועמודי הרקלס ובין הים האדֹם (ים סוף), כבשו הרומאים על יושביה, הם שבטי הכושים (האֵתּיוֹפים), אשר אין להם מספר. ומלבד חלק תבואת אדמתם די כלכל את כל יושבי העיר רומא שמונה חדשים בשנה הם משלמים עוד מסים שונים ונותנים בנפש חפצה את תרומתם לצרכי הממשלה, ואינם חושבים את פקֻדותיה — כמעשכם אתם — לדבר־חרפה, אף כי רק לגיון אחד חונה בקרבם. ואם עלי עוד להרבות דברים ולתנות לפניכם את עצמת הרומאים, הנה אזכיר אתכם על־דבר ארץ מצרים הקרובה אלינו, אשר היא משתרעת עד ארץ כוש וארץ ערב המאֻשרה (תימן) בואכה ארץ הֹדו, ומספר העם היושב בה שבעים וחמשה רבוא מלבד יושבי אלכסנדריה — על המספר הזה מעידה לנו מכסת מס הגלגֹלת — וגם היא אינה חושבת את ממשלת הרומאים לכלִמה, אף כי נמצא לה מרכז<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קֶנְטְרוֹן ביונית (centrum).</i> מרד גדול בעיר אלכסנדריה בגלל המון יושביה הרב וחֹסן עשרה — הן ארכה שלשים ריס ורחבה אינו נופל מעשרה — והיא מרבה לשלם לרומאים בחדש אחד ממכסת המס אשר אתם משלמים בשנה מלאה, ומלבד הכסף היא מנהלה את כל עם רומא בלחם ארבעה חדשים בשנה. והן מכל עבר מקיפים מבצרים את הארץ הזאת, מדבּר שממה, אשר לא תדרוך בו רגל אדם, או ימים בלי נמלים או נהרות ובִצות. אולם כל המשגבים האלה לא עמדו בפני מזל הרומאים ובשני לגיונות המצב השוכנים בעיר (אלכסנדריה) הם רודים בכל ארץ מצרים הרחבה ובוצרים את רוח המקדונים הגאיונים. ואחרי אשר חזקה יד הרומאים על כל עמי־הארץ, איפה תבקשו לכם עוזרים במלחמתכם, האם בארצות לא־נושבות? או אולי יקוה אחד מכם למצֹא ישועה מעבר לנהר פרת או יאמין, כי אחיו היושבים בארץ חַדִּיַּב (אדיבֵיני) יצאו עמו בקרב? הלא על דבר קטן כזה לא יסַכּנו את עצמם במלחמה קשה ונוראה, ואם גם ייעצו לעשות כדבר הרע הזה, לא יתנו אותם הפרתים להפיק רצונם, כי הם שוקדים מאד להכין את ברית המנוחה עם הרומאים, וכי יצא אחד העמים הנכנעים תחתיהם להלחם ברומאים, הלא תופר הברית הזאת. לא נשאר לכם רק לשים מהסכם בישועת אלהים, אולם הן גם הוא מחזק את ידי הרומאים, כי בלעדי עזרת אלהים לא היה לאל־ידם להקים ממשלה אדירה כזאת. השיבו אל לבכם, כי יקשה מכם למלא אחרי כל מצות האלהים כדת וכדין, גם אם תצאו למלחמה עם אויבים חלשים, — ולכן יהיה עליכם לעבור על החֻקים והמצוות, אשר בגללם אתם מצפים לישועת אלהים, ובדבר הזה תרגיזוהו עד הסתירו פניו מכם. הן אם תשמרו את חֻקי השבת ולא תעשו בה כל מלאכה, נפֹל תפלו בידי אויביכם על־נקלה, כאשר נפלו אבותיכם בידי פומפיוס בחזקו את עבודת המצור בימים אשר שבתו ממלחמה. ואם תאמרו לחלל את חֻקי התורה במלחמה, הן לא ישאר לכם דבר, אשר למענו תצאו למלחמה הזאת. הנה כל עמלכם ויגיעכם הוא לבל תעברו על מצוה קלה מתורת אבותיכם, ואיך תקראו לאלהים להלחם לכם, אם בזדון תעברו על חֻקי עבודתו. ואולם כל איש היוצא למלחמה בוטח באחת משתי אלה: בעזרת האדם או בישועת אלהים. ואם אבדה תקותו לשתיהן יחד, אינו יוצא לקרָב, רק בחפצו להסגיר את נפשו בידי אויביו. ומי מוחה בידכם להמית בידיכם את טפכם ונשיכם ולהעלות על המוקד את עיר תפארתכם? הלא בעשותכם מעשה־תעתועים כזה יהיה שכר לפעֻלתכם — כי תנצלו מחרפת המפלה לפני אויביכם. הן טוב ויפה הדבר, בהתכונן האניה לסערה העתידה עוד טרם תצא מן החוף, לבל תהיה פתאם לטרף לגלים ולא תרד תחתיות [בזעף הים]. ואמנם גם נאה לנו לרחם על נפש האיש אשר נפל בצרה פתאם בהסח הדעת, אולם הן לעג נלעֹג למִסת האנשים אשר הביאו שואה על נפשם בדעה צלולה. הנמצא בכם איש תמים, אשר יאמין בנפשו, כי הרומאים ילחמו בכם על־פי חוזה [שתעשו אתם], ובהיות ידם על העליונה יטו לכם חסד ולא ישרפו את עיר הקדש כמעשיהם בערי יתר העמים, ואף לא יכריתו את כל זרעכם? והן גם הנותרים בכם לא ימצאו מפלט, כי יד הרומאים מושלת בַּכֹּל ופחדם על־פני כֹל. ולא עליכם לבד תביאו רעה רבה, כי גם על היהודים היושבים בכל עיר ומדינה. הלא אין עם בעולם, אשר לא נדחו אליו פזורי אחיכם, ואם תקראו למלחמה, שחֹט ישחטו אויבינו את כֻּלם ובעון מזִמַּת אנשים מתי־מספר ישפך בכל עיר ועיר דם היהודים כמים, וכל שופכיו לא יאשמו. ואולם אם לא יֵעשה הדבר הזה (לא ישָׁפך דם היהודים) שום תשימו אל לבכם, כי דבר עוֶל עשיתם, בצאתכם למלחמה על אנשים ארכי־אפים אשר כאלה. ואם גם לא תעלה באזניכם צעקת נשיכם ובניכם, אנא חמלו על עיר אבותיכם זאת ועל האולמים הקדושים, חוסו על מקדשנו ושמרו על ההיכל עם קדשיו. כי לא יהיה מעצור לרוח הרומאים לעת תגבר ידם עליכם ולא יוסיפו לחמול על קדשינו, אחרי כפותכם טובתם. והנה אני מעיד בי את כל קדשיכם ואת מלאכי אלהים הקדושים ואת עיר אבותינו היקרה לנפשות כֻּלנו, כי לא מנעתי מכם דבר להצילכם מן הסכנה, ואתם הוָעצו בדבר, אם להחזיק בשלום, למען תהיה ידי עמכם — או ללכת אחרי אש קנאתכם ולסכן בעצמכם — ונפשי לא תבוא בסודכם״.",
+                    "ה. וככלות אגריפס את הדברים האלה זלגו עיניו דמעות וגם אחותו בכתה עמו, ובדמעותיהם עלה בידם לשַׁכּך את חמת העם. ההמון הרים קול, כי אין חפצו להִלחם ברומאים ורק בפלורוס לבד, אשר עשה לו רעה. ולדברים האלה ענה אגריפס: ״אולם במעשיכם הן כבר הקדשתם מלחמה על הרומאים, כי לא הוספתם לשלם את המס לקיסר וגם הרסתם את אולמי הבירה. ורק בזה תסירו מכם את אשמת המרד, כאשר תחדשו את האולמים ותשלמו את המס. כי לא פלורוס הוא בעל הבירה ולא לו אתם משלמים את המס״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים החלו להלחם ברומאים. על־דבר מנחם.</small><br><br>א. העם שמע לדברים האלה ועלה יחד עם המלך ועם ברניקי אל הר־הבית והחל לבנות את האולמים ההרוסים. וראשי העם ואנשי המועצה (הסנהדריה) נפוצו בכפרים לגבות את המסים, ובזמן קצר אספו ארבעים ככר, כמספר אשר נשאר עוד לשלם. ככה דחה אגריפס את סכנת המלחמה לזמן קצר, ונסה עוד הפעם לדַבּר על לב העם להכנע תחת פלורוס, עד אשר ישלח הקיסר נציב אחר במקומו. אולם לדברים האלה התרגז העם וחרף את המלך וגם שלח אליו, כי יעזוב את העיר, ואחדים מסוד המורדים נועזו גם להשליך בו אבנים. וכאשר נוכח המלך לראות, כי לא יעלה עוד בידו לבצור את רוח חפֵצי המרד, ונלאה לשאת את כל החרפות אשר נשפכו עליו, שלח את ראשי העם וגדוליו לקיסריה אל פלורוס, כי יבחר מהם אנשים לגבות את המסים בקרב הארץ, והוא שב אל ארץ מלכותו.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא נוסדו יחד אנשים, אשר חגרו את כל כחם לעורר את המלחמה, ומהרו אל המבצר הנקרא מִצָדָה (מַסַּדָּה) ולכדו אותו פתאם ושחטו את כל הרומאים אנשי־המצב והושיבו תמורתם במבצר את אנשי שלומם. בעוד הם עושים את הדבר הזה יצא בחור עז־פנים ושמו אלעזר, בן חנניה הכהן הגדול, והוא פקיד בבית־המקדש בעת ההיא, והסית את הכהנים המשרתים, לבל יקבלו זבחים מידי בני הנכר. והדבר הזה היה ראשית המלחמה ברומאים. כי בטלו היהודים במעשים האלה את קרבן הקיסר. ואף כי הרבו הכהנים הגדולים וחשובי העם לדבר על לבם, לבל יפרו את החֹק להקריב זבחים לשלום המושלים, לא שמעו האנשים לקולם, בבטחם בגֹדל המונם, כי גבורי הכֹּח מקהַל חפֵצי המרד חזקו את ידיהם, ועיניהם היו נשואות אל אלעזר העומד בראשם.",
+                    "ג. אז נאספו גדולי העם והכהנים הגדולים, ואִתּם גם חשובי הפרושים, להוָעץ יחד בדבר הסכנה, כי הגיעה הרעה עד מרום קצה. והם החליטו לנסות עוד הפעם לדבר על לב המורדים והקהילו את העם לפני שער הנחֹשת הפונה מחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית קדימה. ולראשונה הרבּו ליסר את הנאספים על עזות רוחם, כי מלאם לבם למרד ולהביא מלחמה נוראה בשערי עיר אבותיהם. ואחרי־כן הוכיחו אותם בדברים על טענותיהם הנבערות, ואמרו: ״הן אבותינו הִרבו לפאר את ההיכל במתנות בני הנכר וכל הימים היו מקבלים ברצון נדבות עמים זרים ולא עלה על לבם לבעט בזבחי איש ואיש — כי הדבר הזה הוא חטאה גדולה — ועוד הוסיפו לכבד את הנכרים, בהעמידם את מתנותיהם, אשר הקדישו לאלהים, בבית־המקדש סביב, ושם נשארו לעיני כֹל עד היום הזה. ואתם רוצים להוציא את חרב הרומאים מתערה ומבקשים תואנה להתגרות בהם מלחמה וגוזרים חֻקים חדשים בדבר קרבנות בני הנכר. ויחד עם סכנת המלחמה אתם מביאים חטאת על העיר, כי ישמע הדבר, אשר רק בקרב היהודים בלבד אסור לבן־הנכר להקריב לאלהים ולהתפלל אליו. ואִלו גזר אחד מכם חק כזה על אחד־העם (הדיוט), הלא קצוף קצבתם עליו, באמרכם כי הדבר הוא שנאת הבריות. ועתה אתם מחשים, כאשר הופרה ברית הרומאים והקיסר. אולם אנו יראים, פן ימָנעו האנשים, אשר בטלו את הזבחים לשלום הרומאים והקיסר, להקריב גם את זבחיהם הם, ופן תפר הממשלה גם את ברית עירנו, אם לא תחכמו לקחת מוסר ולהקריב את הזבחים מחדש ולהסיר את החרפה מעל ראש הרומאים בטרם יוָדע הדבר לנעלבים״.",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה הביאו את הכהנים יודעי ימי הדורות הראשונים והם בארו לעם, כי אבותיו היו מקבלים תמיד את קרבנות הנכרים. אולם איש מחפצי המרד לא הטה אזנו לדבר. והכהנים המשרתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לֵיטוּרְגּוֹי, λειτουργοί. כן בהוצאה הישנה, לאמר, כהני המשמר. אך בהוצאת ניזה : לֵיסְטְרִיקוֹי, ληστριχοί, — השודדים.</i>, אשר העירו את סערת המלחמה, לא היו באותו מעמד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: לא שעו אל הדבר (לא קמו ולא זעו).</i>. וכראות טובי העם, כי לא יוכלו עוד לעצור את המרד וכי סערת הרומאים תחול על ראשם לראשונה, שקדו להסיר את האשמה מעליהם ושלחו צירים אל פלורוס ובראשם את שמעון בן חנניה, וצירים אחרים אל אגריפס, ובראשם את שאול ואנטיפס וקוֹסטוֹבַּר, קרובי בית־המלך. הם בקשו את פלורוס ואגריפס למהר עם צבאותיהם אל ירושלים ולהכניע את המורדים, בטרם יקשה הדבר מאד. כבשורת נחומים היה הדבר באזני פלורוס ובאמרו להפיח את אש המלחמה לא ענה את הצירים דבר. ואגריפס חמל על היהודים וגם על הרומאים, אשר עליהם הקדישו מלחמה, ורצה להציל לרומאים את השלום עם היהודים וליהודים את מקדשם ואת עיר תפארתם, בדעתו, כי גם לו לא תהיה המלחמה להועיל, ועל־כן שלח לעם ירושלים לעזרה שלשת אלפים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: שני אלפים.</i> רוכבים מארץ חורן והבשן וחבל ארגב תחת פקֻדת דריוש שר־הרוכבים ופיליפוס בן יקים שר־הצבא.",
+                    "ה. ובבוא הצבא הזה אל ירושלים החליפו טובי־העיר כֹּח ויחד עמם הכהנים הגדולים וכל אוהבי־השלום אשר בקרב העם, וכבשו את העיר העליונה. אולם בעיר התחתונה ובהר־הבית התחזקו המורדים, מבלי הרף נלחמו אלה ואלה באבנים ובמיני־קלע וכל העת עפו חצים משתי רוחות. ולפעמים יצאו גדודים קטנים להלחם פנים אל פנים. והמורדים הפליאו לעשות באֹמץ רוחם, אולם אנשי חיל המלך עלו עליהם בדעת הקרב וחגרו כח לכבוש את הר־הבית ולגרש ממנו את מחללי ההיכל, ולעֻמתם נִסו המורדים תחת פקֻדת אלעזר לתפוש בחֹזק־יד גם את העיר העליונה על חלקי העיר אשר נמצאו בידם. ושבעה ימים נלחמו ביניהם ברצח ואלה ואלה לא משו מחלקי העיר אשר לכדו.",
+                    "ו. והיום השמיני היה חג קרבן העצים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא יום חמשה־עשר באב.</i>, אשר בו נהג כל העם להביא עצים אל המזבח, לבל יחסר טרף לאש־התמיד ולא תכבה כל הימים. והמורדים לא נתנו לאנשי ריבם לקחת חלק בעבודת־אלהים. יחד עם בני העם החלשים נמשכו אל הר־הבית רבים מן הסיקריים — בשם הזה נקראו השודדים הנושאים חרבות קצרות תחת כנפי בגדיהם, ואותם ספחו המורדים אליהם והחליפו כח להשתער על שונאיהם, ואנשי צבא המלך נגפו לפניהם, כי נפלו מהם במספרם ובעֹז רוחם, ונלחצו לעזוב את העיר העליונה. והמורדים הבקיעו אותה ושרפו באש את בית חנניה הכהן הגדול ואת ארמונות אגריפס וברניקי, ואחרי־כן יצאו לשלח אש גם בבית גנזי הכתבים (הארכיונות), כי בקשו להשחית את שטרי־החובות לכל הלוים ולהשבית את גבית הכספים, ואמרו למשוך אחריהם את לבות האנשים הרבים השקועים בחובות ולקרא חֹפש לעניים, למען יתקוממו על העשירים. פקידי אוצר־הכתבים נמלטו לנפשם והמורדים הציתו אותו באש, ואחרי שרפם את המקום הזה, הוא עוֹרק העיר, יצאו להִלחם באויביהם. רבים מטובי העם ומהכהנים הגדולים ירדו אל המִנהרות והסתתרו שם ורבים ברחו יחד עם צבא המלך אל חצר המלך אשר מעל לעיר העליונה ומהרו לסגור בעדם את השערים, וביניהם היו גם חנניה הכהן הגדול וחזקיה אחיו והצירים אשר נשלחו אל אגריפס. וביום ההוא הרפו המורדים מהם, כי הסתפקו בנצחונם ובשרפה אשר שרפו.",
+                    "ז. אולם ביום המחרת, הוא יום חמשה־עשר לחדש לואוס (אב)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה צריך להיות כאן: ביום הששה עשר (ממחרת חג קרבן העצים).</i>, מהרו המורדים לעלות על הבירה (אנטוניה) ולשום מצור על אנשי־הצבא השומרים עליה. שני ימים צרו על הבירה וביום השלישי תפשו את האנשים והמיתום לפי חרב ואת המצודה שלחו באש. ואחרי זאת עלו להלחם בחצר המלך, אשר ברחו שמה אנשי חיל אגריפס, ונפרדו לארבעה ראשים ונִסו להבקיע אל החומה. ומקרב העומדים מבית לא ערב איש את נפשו לצאת ולהלחם בשער עם ההמון הגדול הקם עליהם, ועל־כן עמדו על הצוות והמגדלים וירו משם בצריהם ושודדים רבים נפלו חללים. והמלחמה לא שבתה לילה ויום, כי המורדים בטחו, אשר יוָאשו הנצורים מישועה, כאשר יאזל הלחם מכליהם, והנצורים קוו, כי ייעפו הצרים עליהם מכֹּבד המלחמה.",
+                    "ח. ובעת ההיא יצא איש אחד ושמו מנחם — והוא בן יהודה המכֻנה הגלילי, אשר היה חכם גדול<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״חכם (סוֹפִיסְטֶס) נורא מאד״. ועיין למעלה פרק ח, א. גם מנחם הוא חכם (סופיסטס), כמבֹאר להלן.</i> ויִסר בימי קויריניוס את היהודים, כי הם עובדים את הרומאים על־פני האלהים — ולקח עמו את רעיו ומיֻדעיו ועלה על מצדה ושם פתח בחֹזק־יד את בית־הנשק אשר למלך הורדוס והוציא משם את כלי־הנשק וחלק אותם לעם־הארץ ולשודדים אחרים ושׂם אותם לנושאי כליו ובראשם בא בשערי ירושלים והתיצב בראש המורדים לנהל את המצור. אך למורדים לא היו מכונות־מצור וגם לא יכלו לערות את יסודות החומה לעיני הנצורים היורים בהם, על־כן חתרו מרחוק תחת אשיות אחד המגדלים וסמכו אותם על קורות עץ ואחרי זאת הציתו את הקורות באש ועזבו את המקום ההוא. וכאשר היו הקורות למאכֹלת־אש, נפל המגדל תחתיו פתאם, אולם מבית לו נראתה חומה בנויה חדשה, כי הנצורים צפו מראש את מזמת המורדים, ואולי כבר התמוטט המגדל בעת אשר חתרו תחתיו, ועל־כן מהרו לבנות עליהם מצודה שניה. והצרים, אשר כבר אמרו בלבם, כי תפשו את האויבים בכפם, נבהלו למראה הזה, אשר בא בהסח הדעת. אבל הנצורים שלחו אל מנחם ואל יתר ראשי המרד לכרות אִתּם ברית ולצאת בשלום. והמורדים כרתו ברית לאנשי־צבא המלך וליהודים בלבד ונתנו להם לצאת בשלום וללכת לדרכם. ובמצודה נשארו רק הרומאים ורוחם נפלה בקרבם, כי לא עצרו כֹח לבקוע להם דרך בחֹזק־יד בקרב ההמון הגדול הזה ולחרפה היה בעיניהם להתחנן אל היהודים, כי יכרתו אִתּם ברית שלום, וגם לא האמינו בהם, כי יקַימו את הברית בכרתם אותה. על־כן עזבו את המחנה, אשר היה [לאל־ידם של השונאים] לכבשו על־נקלה, ונמלטו אל מגדלי ארמון המלך, הנקראים בשמות הִפִּיקוֹס, פצאל ומרים, ואנשי מנחם הבקיעו אל המקום, אשר ברחו ממנו אנשי־הצבא הרומאים, והמיתו את הנחשלים, אשר נפלו בידם, כי לא קדמו להמלט, ובזזו את כבוּדת הצבא ושרפו את המחנה באש. והמעשים האלה היו בששי לחדש גּוֹרְפִּיאַיוֹס (אלול).",
+                    "ט. ולמחרת היום נתפש הכהן הגדול חנניה, אשר הסתתר בצנור המים מסביב לחצר המלך, והומת בידי השודדים יחד עם חזקיה אחיו. והמורדים הקיפו את המגדלים ושמו עליהם משמר, לבל יברח משם אחד מאנשי־הצבא. ואחרי אשר כבש מנחם את המצודות והמית את חנניה הכהן הגדול רמו עיניו ואכזריותו גדלה מאד. הוא אמר בלבו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד לשטן לו בממשלתו, והיה לשליט עריץ, עד אשר קצר כח הרבים לשאת את עֻלו ואנשי אלעזר התקוממו על מנחם ונדברו איש אל רעהו: ״מה בצע, כי מרדנו ברומאים מאהבת הדרור אשר בלבנו, אם נפקיר את חרותנו לאיש מקרב אחינו ונשים אותו אדון לראשנו? הן גם מבלעדי מעשיו הרעים הוא נופל בגבורתו ממנו. ואם יֻטַּל עלינו להעמיד אדם בראש הממשלה, הנה תֵאות המשרה לכל אדם ולא לו״. הם נוסדו יחד והתנפלו עליו בעזרת בית־המקדש, כאשר עלה שם להתפלל לפני ה׳ כלול בהדרו בפאר בגדי מלכים ונהל אחריו את הקנאים המזֻינים. וכאשר רצו אליו אנשי אלעזר, נלוה אליהם גם יתר העם, בחרון אפו על מנחם, והוציא אבנים ורגם בהן את החכם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עין בהערה הקודמת.</i>, כי האמין, אשר במות האיש הזה יבוא קץ לכל המרד. זמן קצר עמדו אנשי מנחם על נפשם, אולם בראותם, כי כל ההמון משתער עליהם, ברחו איש אל אשר יכול לברוח, והאנשים אשר נתפשו הֻכּו נפש והעם התחקה גם אחרי עקבות המתחבאים. רק מתי־מספר נפדו ממות בנוסם בסתר אל מצדה ואתּם יחד אלעזר בן יאיר, איש קרוב למשפחת מנחם, ואחרי־כן היה למושל במצדה. ומנחם ברח אל המקום הנקרא עֹפל, ושם הסתתר במֹרך לבו, עד אשר לכדו אותו אויביו והוציאוהו ממחבואו וענו אותו עד מות ביסורים קשים. וכדבר הזה נעשה גם לשרי־צבאו ולאבשלום, החשוב בכל עבדי העריץ.",
+                    "י. והנה כבר אמרתי, כי עזר העם לדָבר הזה, בהאמינו, כי בזה יונח לו מהמרד כֻּלו. אולם אנשי אלעזר לא המיתו את מנחם בשקדם לשים קץ למלחמה, כי־אם למען יוכלו להלחם ביתר שאת. ואף כי הִרבּה כל העם לבקש את המורדים, כי יחדלו ממצור אנשי־הצבא הרומאים, הכבידו עליהם את ידם ביתר שאת, עד אשר קצרה רוח אנשי מֶטִּילִיּוּס — כי הוא היה שר־הצבא לרומאים, — ושלחו אל אנשי אלעזר, לכרות להם ברית ולתת להם רק את נפשם לשלל, וחלף הדבר הזה אמרו להסגיר בידם את נשקם ואת יתר רכושם, והיהודים מהרו לשמוע לקול תחנוניהם ושלחו אליהם את גוֹרִיוֹן בן נִיקוֹמֵידֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתרגום הרומי: בן נִיקוֹדֶמוּס, והשם הזה מזכיר את נקדימון בן גוריון, הידוע לנו מן התלמוד.</i> ואת חנניה בן צדוק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: בן צדוקי.</i> ואת יהודה בן יונתן, לִכרות אתם ברית ולהשבע להם. ואחרי הִכּרת הברית ירד מטיליוס עם אנשי־צבאו. כל העת אשר חגרו עוד הרומאים את נשקם לא נגע בהם איש מן המורדים ולא גלה על מזמתו הרעה, אבל כאשר מסרו כלם את מגניהם וחרבותיהם, למַלא אחרי דברי הברית, ופנו לדרכם בטוחים מפחד רעה, התנפלו עליהם אנשי אלעזר והקיפו אותם מכל עבר והמיתו אותם; והרומאים לא עמדו על נפשם ולא בקשו מהם רחמים, ורק הזכירו אותם בקול רם את הברית ואת השבועה. ככה נשחטו כֻלם מלבד מטיליוס, כי לו לבד נתנו היהודים את נפשו לשלל, בהתחננו אליהם ובהבטיחו אותם להתיהד ולמול את בשר ערלתו. והנה האסון הזה במה נחשב לרומאים? — הלא מהמונם הרב והעצום נפקדו רק מתי־מספר. אולם בעיני היהודים נדמה הדבר לראשית המפלה. הם הכירו הפעם, כי אחרי הדברים האלה לא יוכלו עוד למלט נפשם ממלחמה ושמו אל לבם, כי עיר קדשם נטמאה בתועבה כזו, אשר לא תנקה במשפט אלהים, גם אם לא יקחו הרומאים מהם נקמה, ואֵבל גדול קם בקרב העם והעיר מלאה מבוכה. וכל אחד מאוהבי השלום הלך סר וזעף, בדעתו כי גם הוא ישא את עון המורדים, ומה גם כי נעשה הרצח ביום השבת, הוא יום מנוחה ליהודים, אשר בו הם עובדים את אלהיהם בקדֻשה ובמעשים טובים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צרות היהודים ומעשי הרצח בכל המקומות.</small><br><br>א. וביום ההוא ובשעה ההיא — כאִלו נעשה הדבר בגזרת אלהים — עשו בני קיסריה טבח גדול ביהודים היושבים אתם, עד כי נשחטו בשעה אחת עשרים אלף איש ויותר, והעיר קיסריה שממה מיושביה היהודים. כי גם את הפלטים תפש פלורוס והוליך אותם בנחֻשתים לעבודת פרך בספינות. ולשמע המגפה הגדולה, אשר היתה בקיסריה, התעבר כל העם מאד ופשט על כפרי הסורים ועריהם הקרובות להחריבם. היהודים התנפלו על רבת־עמון (פילדלפיה) ועל חשבון ועל גרש (גֶּרַסָּה) ועל פחל (פֶּלָּה) ועל בית־שאן (סְקִתּוֹפּוֹלִיס), ואחרי־כן גם על גדר (גַּדַּרָה) ועל סוסיתא (הִפּוֹס) ועל ערי ארץ הגולן והרסו אחדות מהן ואת שאריתן שרפו באש ומשם פנו אל קֶדֶשׁ (קַדַּסָּה) אשר לצורים ואל עכו (פְּטוֹלֶמַאִיס) ואל גבע ואל קיסריה לשלח בהן אש. וגם הערים סֶבַּסְטֵי (שמרון) ואשקלון לא יכלו לעמוד בפני היהודים, אשר הציתו אותן באש, ואחרי־כן הרסו את אַנְתִּידוֹן ואת עזה וכפרים רבים מסביב ושמו אותם לבז והכריתו את כל הגברים אשר נפלו בידם עד אין־מספר.",
+                    "ב. אבל גם הסורים המיתו המון רב מן היהודים, אשר לא נפל ממספר חלליהם הם, כי שחטו בעריהם את היהודים הנופלים בידם, ולא משנאה בלבד עשו את הדבר, כמעשיהם לפנים, כי־אם גם בבקשם לקדם את הסכנה העתידה. כי מהומה נוראה קמה בכל ארץ סוריה וכל עיר נחלקה לשני מחנות אויבים וכל מחנה חשב, כי רק בקדמו להכריע את משנהו ימצא רֶוח והצלה. ואחרי אשר הִרבו [הסורים] לשפוך דם ביום נדדה שנתם בלילה. כי גם אחרי הכחידם את כל היהודים היושבים בקרבם לא שקטו מאימת האנשים המתיהדים אשר בכל עיר ועיר, כי לא ערבו את לבם להמית את החשודים האלה אשר ביניהם וחרדו מהם כאלו היו יהודים מלֵדה. וגם האנשים, אשר נחשבו לרודפי שלום לפנים, נתעו הפעם באהבת בצעם לעשות טבח במריביהם, כי בזזו את רכוש הנרצחים באין פוצה פה ואספו את הבזה אל בתיהם כאסוף שלל הנופלים במלחמה. ושֵׁם האיש המרבה לאסוף שלל היה מהֻלל כשם גבור חיל, אשר נצח רבים. והערים היו מלאות פגרי אדם באין קובר, נבלות זקנים ועוללים וביניהן גם פגרי נשים ערֻמות כבעצם יום צאתן מבטן. וכל הנציבות (סוריה) מלאה תאניה ואניה, ונוראה ממעשי הרצח אשר בכל מקום ומקום היתה אימת השמועות הרעות על הדברים אשר עוד יעָשו.",
+                    "ג. עד העת ההיא היו קרבות ליהודים רק עם בני הנכר, אולם בהצותם על בית־שאן ראו בעיניהם, כי גם אחיהם היהודים נהפכו להם לאויבים. כי היהודים אשר בבית־שאן התיצבו במערכה יחד עם יושבי העיר [הנכרים] ובדרשם שלום לעירם לא זכרו ברית אחים ויצאו להלחם בבני־עמם. אולם אזרחי בית־שאן לא האמינו בנדיבות רוחם ופחדו מהם, פן יקומו עליהם בלילה מבית ויביאו עליהם שואה נוראה, למען יתרצו בדמם אל אחיהם, לכפר את עון בגדם, ועל־כן צוו [האזרחים הנכרים] על היהודים לרדת עם כל בני ביתם אל החֹרשה אשר בקרבת העיר, כי בזה יחזקו את ברית השלום אתם ויתנו מופת, כי נאמן לבם עם אנשים נכרים. היהודים מלאו אחרי הדבר בתם־לב ושני ימים ישבו בני בית־שאן במנוחה והוליכו את היהודים שולל, למען יאמינו לדבריהם. ובלילה השלישי תרו את מחנה היהודים וראו, כי לא שמו להם שומרים ורבים מהם נמו שנתם — ושחטו את כֻּלם במספר שלשה־עשר אלף איש ובזזו את כל רכושם.",
+                    "ד. נאה לזכור פה את הרעה אשר מצאה את שאול בן שמעון, אחד נשואי הפנים בעיר. הוא היה איש־מופת בכח בשרו ובעֹז־רוחו, ובשני אלה עשה רעות לאחיו בני עמו, כי יצא מדי יום ביומו אל השדה והמית רבים מהיהודים הצרים על בית־שאן, ויש אשר הניס את כלם והוא לבדו הכריע את הקרב כֻּלו. ועתה באה עת פקֻדתו, אשר יאתה לו על רצח אחיו. כאשר כתרו בני בית־שאן את היהודים בחֹרשה וירו בהם, הוציא האיש את חרבו מתערה, אך לא התנפל בה על שונאיו, כי ראה את המונם רב ועצום ממנו, רק צעק מעֹצר כאב לבו: ״אזרחי בית־שאן! אני מקבל מידכם את הגמול הנאה לי על מעשי, אחרי אשר נתתי לכם אות אהבה ואמונה בדם אחַי הרבים. עלינו לקדם בברכה את בגד הנכרים, כי הרבינו לפשוע ולחטֹא לאחינו. מות ארורים נמות, בטרפנו את נפשותינו בכפינו, כי לא לנו יאות לנפול בחרב שונאינו. והיה לי הדבר הזה לכפר על הדם אשר שפכתי ולתנות את מהלל גבורתי ולא יוכל איש מאויבי להתפאר, כי הכריעני בחרבו והריע למפלתי״ — וככלותו דבריו הביט בעיני חמלה וזעם יחד אל בני משפחתו מסביב, כי אשה ובנים היו לו וגם הורים באים בימים. הוא משך את אביו בשערות שיבתו ודקר אותו בחרבו, ואחרי זאת שחט את אמו, אשר קבלה את המות באהבה, ועל אלה המית את אשתו ובניו וכמעט נפל כל אחד על חרבו ברצון, כי כלם שקדו למות טרם ישחטום השונאים. וכאשר המית שאול את כל בני ביתו התיצב על החללים במקום רואים והרים את ימינו למעלה לעיני כֹל ושחט את עצמו, בתקעו בבשרו את החרב עד הנצב. ומי לא ינוד לעלם הזה עם חֹסן גופו ואֹמץ רוחו? אולם בצדק נשא את עונו חלף אמון לבו לבני־נכר.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי הרצח בבית־שאן קמו יושבי יתר הערים על היהודים אשר בקרבם. האשקלונים המיתו כאלפים וחמש מאות איש ויושבי עכו רצחו אלפים איש ושמו רבים במאסר, הצורים המיתו יהודים במספר גדול ורבים מהם אסרו בנחֻשתים והפקידו עליהם מִשמר. ויושבי סוסיתא וגדר עשו כמוהם והמיתו את היהודים עזי־הנפש בנחֻשתים ושמו משמר על החלשים. וככה עשו יושבי יתר ערי סוריה, כי אזרחי כל עיר ועיר שנאו את היהודים או יראו אותם. רק אזרחי אנטיוכיה וצידון ואפמֵיה חמלו על היהודים היושבים בקרבם ולא נתנו אותם למות וגם לא שמו עליהם מאסר, ואולי עשו זאת [הנכרים] יען אשר בטחו בגֹדל המונם ולא פחדו פן יקומו עליהם היהודים. אולם יותר מזה אני חושב, כי רחמו על האנשים, אשר לא הכירו בהם מחשבות מרד. גם בני גרש (גרסה) לא עשו רעה ליהודים היושבים בתוכם וגם שלחו עד הגבול את היהודים, אשר רצו לעזוב את עירם.",
+                    "ו. גם במלכות אגריפס קמו עלילות רעות על היהודים. בנסוע המלך לאנטיוכיה אל צסטיוס גלוס, עזב את ממשלתו בידי אחד מרעיו ושמו נואֵר, אשר היה קרוב למשפחת המלך שוהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שֹׁהַים (בנראה בערבית סֻהַיְם, ברומית Sohaemus) היה נסיך (טֶטרַרכוס) בחלק ארץ היטורים אשר בלבנון, ומת עוד בימי קלודיוס. ב״חיי יוסף״ פרק יא מבֹאר, כי נואֵר זה (שם נקרא ורוס) היה נכד שֹׁהַים, וכנראה נתן אגריפס כבוד לזכר המת ולא ענש את נכדו.</i>. והנה באו אליו מארץ הבשן אנשים, כשבעים במספר, והם הידועים והנבונים בכל טובי היהודים היושבים שם, ובקשו ממנו לתת להם אנשי־צבא, למען יהיה לאֵל־ידם לבצור את רוח הקושרים כאשר יפרוץ מרד בגבולם. ונוֹאר שלח אליהם בלילה אנשי־צבא מארמון המלך והמית את כּלם. הוא נועז לעשות את הדבר הזה, מבלי שאֹל את פי אגריפס, כי תאוַת בצעו היתה גדולה לאין־גבול והשיאה אותו לעולל דבר תועבה נוראה לאחיו ולהביא אשם על המלוכה. ועוד הוסיף לעשות רעה לעם בזדון לבו, עד אשר שמע אגריפס את הדבר, והוא לא מצא עֹז בנפשו להמית את האיש, בתתו כבוד לשוהים, אולם לקח מידו את המשרה, — והמורדים כבשו את המבצר הנקרא קפרוס, אשר ממעל ליריחו, ושחטו את חיל־המצב ואת המצודות החריבו עד היסוד. ובימים ההם קם גם המון היהודים היושבים במכור (מכירוס) ודרש מאת אנשי המצב הרומאים לעזוב את המבצר ולמסרו בידם, והרומאים יראו, פן ילקח המבצר מהם בחֹזק־יד, וכרתו עם היהודים ברית, כי יתנו להם לצאת לשלום, וכאשר נכרתה האמָנה, מסרו הרומאים את המבצר בידי היהודים, ובני מכור השתררו על המצודה ושמו בה חיל משמר.",
+                    "ז. ובעיר אלכסנדריה היה ריב בין היהודים ובין יושבי המקום כל הימים, למן העת אשר נשא אלכסנדרוס [הגדול] את פני היהודים המתנדבים לחזק את ידיו במלחמתו עם המצרים ונתן להם חלף אמון־לבם את הזכות לשבת בעיר ומשפט אחד עם היונים [האזרחים]. ובימי יורשיו (הדיֵדוכים) נשארה ליהודים הזכות הזאת, וגם חלקו להם המלכים מקום למשכן, למען יוכלו לשמור על חֻקי דתם ולא יתערבו בבני הנכר, ונוסף על זה נתנו להם רשות להִקרא בשם מקדונים. וכאשר כבשו הרומאים את הארץ הזאת, לא נתן ציזר הראשון, ואף לא אחד השליטים אשר קמו אחריו, לגרוע מזכיות היהודים, אשר נתן להם אלכסנדרוס. אולם הקטטות בין היהודים ובין היונים לא חדלו, וכאשר הוסיפו הנציבים לענוש יום־יום רבים משני העמים יחד, התלקחה אש המריבה ביתר־שאת. ובימים ההם, בפרוע פרעות ביהודים היושבים ביתר הארצות, עלתה הלהבה באלכסנדריה למרום, ופעם אחת קראו האזרחים לאספת־עם להוָעץ בדבר משלוח צירים אל נירון ויחד עם היונים נהרו אל האמפיתיאטרון גם יהודים רבים. וכראות אותם אנשי ריבם צעקו בקול גדול, כי שונאים באו אליהם לרַגל את צפוניהם, ואחרי זאת קפצו עליהם להרים בהם יד. רֹב היהודים נפוצו ונמלטו. אולם שלשה אנשים מהם נלכדו בידי היונים, אשר סחבו אותם לשרפם חיים, וכל היהודים התעוררו לנקום את נקמתם. לראשונה השליכו אבנים ביונים ואחרי־כן תפשו לפידים בידיהם ומהרו אל האמפיתיאטרון והגזימו על היונים, כי ישרפו את הבית על כל העם אשר בו. וכמעט מִלאו אחרי דברם, לולא בצר נציב העיר טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס את רוחם. לראשונה לא רצה ללמדם מוסר בחרב שלופה, ועל־כן שלח אליהם את האנשים נשואי־הפנים לבקשם, כי ישבתו מריב, פן יעירו עליהם את חמת צבא הרומאים. אולם הנרגנים אשר ביניהם דחו בשאט בנפש את עצת השלום וגם חרפו וגדפו את טבריוס.",
+                    "ח. ובראות טבריוס, כי מבלעדי עֹנש קשה לא ישקטו המורדים, שלח עליהם את שני לגיונות הרומאים אשר בעיר ויחד אתם חמשת אלפים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: שני אלפים.</i> אנשי־צבא, אשר באו אז מארץ לוב לשבר היהודים ולאסונם, ונתן להם רשות להמית את היהודים וגם לבֹז את רכושם ולשרוף את בתיהם. ואנשי־הצבא מהרו ללכת אל המקום הנקרא דלתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קצה יאור נילוס, שמראהו כדַלת עברית עתיקה, היא דלתא היונית.</i>, כי שם היתה שכונת־היהודים, ולמלא את פקֻדת הנציב. אולם הדבר לא עלה בידם בלי שפך דם. כי היהודים התחברו יחד לעמוד על נפשם, ואת המזֻינים אשר בקרבם שלחו לפניהם במערכה וזמן רב עצרו בעד הרומאים. אולם כאשר פנו עֹרף, נפלו חללים לאין־מספר. והמטבח היה נורא מכל עברים: אלה הומתו בשדה (בחוץ) בחרב אויביהם, ואלה נדחפו אל בתיהם ושם עלו על המוקד, כי שרפו הרומאים עליהם את הבתים אחרי הוציאם את כל שללם, ולא חמלו על עוללים ויונקים ולא בושו מפני שיבה, ובערו בחרב משכלת את כל העם מקטן ועד גדול, עד אשר נהפך כל המקום למצולת־דם ובה נערמו חמש רבבות חללים, וגם היהודים הנשארים היו עדי אובד, לולא שמו את פניהם לבקש רחמים על נפשם. ואלכסנדרוס (טִבּריוס) חמל עליהם וצוה את הרומאים להרפות מהם. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר היה מנהגם לשמוע לקול מצַוה, אספו את ידם לאות הראשון, אולם המון בני אלכסנדריה (הנכרים) לא יכול להשקט, כי גדלה שנאתו ליהודים, ורק בחֹזק־יד הפרידו אותם הרומאים מעל הפגרים.",
+                    "ט. זה היה דבר האסון אשר מצא את היהודים באלכסנדריה. וכראות צסטיוס, כי קמה מלחמה על היהודים בכל מקום, לא רצה עוד להתמהמה. הוא לקח עמו מאנטיוכיה את הלגיון השׁנים־עשר כֻּלו ואלפים אלפים איש בחור ליתר הלגיונות ועוד ששה גדודי (קוהורטות) רגלים וארבע להקות (אַלות) רוכבים, ומאנטיוכוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך קֻמחי, או קומנֵנֵי (עיין ספר ה, יא, ג)</i> לקח אלפים רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים, כֻּלם רובי קשת, וגם מאגריפס קבל חיל רגלים כמספר הזה וכאלפים רוכבים, ומלבד אלה נלוה אליו שהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אין זה שׁהים הנזכר למעלה, כי־אם בן עזיז מלך חמת (אֶמֶסְה).</i> עם ארבעת אלפים איש, שלישיתם רוכבים ושאריתם רובי קשת. ובראש הצבא הזה בא צסטיוס ושם נאספו אליו עוזרים רבים מן הערים, והם לא היו למודי מלחמה כאנשי־הצבא, אולם בתאות־הקרב וגם בעֹז שנאתם את היהודים מלאו את חסרון הלמודים האלה. וגם אגריפס בא אל צסטיוס, להראותו את הדרך ולנהל אותו בעצה טובה. צסטיוס לקח עמו חלק מצבאו ויצא להלחם על אחת מערי הגליל הבצורות ושמה זבלון (נ״א: חבולון — היא כבול), והיא גבול ארץ היהודים מול עכו. הוא מצא את העיר עזובה מאדם — כי נמלטו יושביה אל ההרים — ומלאה כל טוב. וצסטיוס צוה על אנשי־צבאו להוציא את שלל העיר ולשרוף אותה באש, אף כי השתומם ליפי העיר, אשר בתיה נבנו כדמות הבתים אשר בצור ובצידון ובבארות. ואחרי זאת פשט בכל הארץ ובזז את כל המקומות הקרובים ושלח את הכפרים מסביב באש ושב אל עכו. וכאשר נפוצו הסורים — ובראשם בני בארות — לתת את הארץ לבז, ערבו היהודים את לבם לצאת ממחבואם, בשמעם כי עזב צסטיוס את הארץ, והתנפלו פתאֹם על הצבא הנשאר שם והמיתו בו כאלפים איש.",
+                    "י. וצסטיוס יצא מעכו והלך אל קיסריה ואת חלק הצבא שלח לפניו אל עיר יפו וצוה עליו להציג מִשמר בעיר, אם יעלה בידו לכבשה פתאֹם, או לחכות עד אשר יעלה הוא עם כל חילו, אם יגלה דבר בואו ליושבי העיר. הצבא השלוח פשט על העיר משתי רוחות, החלק האחד בא מדרך היבשה והשני מדרך הים, ועל־כן נכבשה העיר על־נקלה ויושביה לא הספיקו להמלט וגם לא לעמוד על נפשם במערכה, כי מהרו הרומאים להתנפל עליהם והמיתו אותם לפי חרב עם הנשים והטף. ומספר ההרוגים היה שמונת אלפים וארבע מאות. גם אל מחוז נרבתא אשר בקרבת קיסריה שלח צסטיוס רוכבים רבים, אשר השחיתו את הארץ והכריתו חלק גדול מיושביה ובזזו את רכושם ואת הכפרים שלחו באש.",
+                    "יא. ואל הגליל שלח צסטיוס את צֵיסֶנִיּוּס גַלּוּס, מפקד הלגיון השנים־עשר, והפקיד בידו חיל רב במספר, כדי לבצור את רוח העם היושב בארץ. וצפורי הבצורה בכל ערי הגליל קדמה את פני צֵיסֶנִיּוּס בברכת שלום וגם יתר הערים עשו בעצתה הטובה ושקטו. וכל המורדים והשודדים אשר בגליל שׂרדו אל ההר, הנמצא בטבור הארץ והנשקף על־פני צפורי, הוא הנקרא הר עצמון. וגַלוס הוליך את חילו להלחם בהם. וכל העת אשר נמצאו המורדים במרום היה נקל להם לעמוד על נפשם בפני הרומאים העולים עליהם וגם המיתו מהם כמאתים איש. אולם כאשר סבבו הרומאים את ההר והגביהו לעמוד, כרעו המורדים לפניהם במהרה, כי לא היה להם נשק ולא עצרו כח לשאת את כֹּבד מלחמת אנשי־הצבא המזֻינים. ובדרך מנוסתם לא יכלו להסתתר מפני סוסי הרוכבים. רק מעטים נמלטו אל מקומות נשכחים מני רגל ואלפים איש ויותר נפלו חללים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי צסטיוס בארץ יהודה. הוא צר על ירושלים ועזב פתאם את המצור. התלאות אשר מצאוהו במנוסתו.</small><br><br>א. וכראות [ציסניוס] גַלוס, כי תמו המורדים מארץ הגליל, הפך עם צבאו אל קיסריה. וצסטיוס חִבּר את כל צבאותיו ועלה להצות על אנטיפטרס ובשמעו, כי במגדל (מצודה) אחד, הנקרא אֲפֵק, התלקטו היהודים בחיל גדול, שלח צבא שמה להִלחם. פחד הצבא הזה נפל על היהודים, והם נפוצו עוד טרם התראו אתו פנים. הרומאים מצאו את המחנה שומם מאדם ושלחו באש את הכפרים הקרובים. מאנטיפטרס עלה צסטיוס על לוד ותפש את העיר הריקה מאדם, כי כל העם עלו אל ירושלים לחֹג את חג הסכות ורק חמשים איש פגש שם צסטיוס והמית אותם בחרב ואת העיר שרף ונסע משם לעלות על ירושלים. הוא עבר דרך בית־חורון וחנה במקום אחד הנקרא גבע (או גבעה) במרחק חמשים ריס מירושלים.",
+                    "ב. וכראות היהודים, כי המלחמה הולכת וקרבה אל העיר הראשה (המטרופולין), עזבו את חגם ולקחו בידיהם כלי נשק, ובבטחם בהמונם הגדול הגיחו מן העיר בתרועת מלחמה בלי מערכה וסדר וגם לא שמו את לבם למנוחת השבת, אף כי נהגו תמיד לקדש את היום הזה בכל תֹּקף. אולם החֵמה העזה, אשר הסיחה את דעת היהודים מקדשי דתם, הוסיפה להם אֹמץ וגבורה למלחמה: הם התנפלו על הרומאים ברוח עצמה, עד אשר הבקיעו את מערכותיהם ופרצו בתוכם והרבו את חלליהם, ולולא מהרו הרוכבים לסובב את היהודים ולולא חש גם חלק הצבא, אשר לא נלאה עוד מכֹּבד המלחמה, לעזרה למערכת הרומאים השדודה, כי אז אבד כל צבא צסטיוס במלחמה. מקרב הרומאים נפלו חמש מאות וחמשה־עשר חללים ומהם כארבע מאות רגלים ושאריתם רוכבים. ומהיהודים נפלו בחרב רק עשרים ושנים איש. ויותר מכל היהודים הפליאו לעשות חיל שני קרובי מונבז מלך חדיב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מונבז היה בנה של הֶלֶני (הילני המלכה) ואחיו ויורשו של איזט מלך חדיב וכלם קבלו את דת ישראל וקנו להם נחלות ואחֻזת קבר בירושלים. וגם רבים מקרוביהם התישבו בירושלים ולקחו חלק במלחמת החֹפש.</i>, מונבז וכנדאי (קנדיאוס), ויחד עמם גם נִיגֶר איש עבר הירדן ושִׁילָא (סילס) הבבלי, אשר שרת לפנים במחנה המלך אגריפס ועבר אל היהודים. ואחר אשר נהדפו היהודים, הנלחמים עם הרומאים פנים אל פנים, ושבו אל העיר, התנפל שמעון בן גיורא בערף הרומאים, העולים בדרך בית־חורון, והפיץ חלק גדול מחיל המאסף ולקח ממנו הרבה בהמות־סבל והוביל אל ירושלים. שלשה ימים התמהמה צסטיוס בבית־חורון, והיהודים הספיקו לתפוש את ראשי ההרים ושמו משמר על מעברות הארץ והראו, כי לא ישבו בחבוק ידים, כאשר יחלו הרומאים להסיע את מחנם.",
+                    "ג. ואגריפס ראה, כי רעה נגד פני הרומאים מהמון השונאים הרב, אשר כבש את ארץ ההרים, ועל־כן נסה לבוא בדברים עם היהודים, אולי יצליח בידו לפתות את כֻּלם, כי יחדלו מהִלחם, או לסכסך את הנבערים אוהבי הריב בצריהם [רודפי השלום]. על־כן שלח אל יושבי ירושלים שני אנשים נשואי־פנים וידועים להם מאד, את בָּרקאי (בורקיוס) ואת פָיבּוֹס והבטיח אותם, כי יכרות צסטיוס ברית שלום עמם והרומאים יסלחו לכל פשעיהם, אם יפרקו את כלי נשקם מעליהם ויעברו אליהם. והמורדים יראו, פן יעבור כל העם אל אגריפס, בהאמינו כי יכֻפּר עונו, ועל־כן מהרו להמית את שליחיו. הם רצחו את פָיבּוֹס נפש עוד טרם פתח את פיו ובָרְקָאִי כֻסה בפצעים, אך הצליח להמלט. וכּאשר כעס כל העם [על מעשה התועבה הזה], התנפלו עליו המורדים והכוהו באבנים ובעצים וגרשו אותו אל תוך העיר.",
+                    "ד. בעצם המהומה הזאת, אשר קמה בקרב יושבי ירושלים, מצא לו צסטיוס שעת־הכֹּשר להתנפל על העיר והסיע שמה את כל צבאו ורדף אחרי היהודים הנסוגים מפניו עד שערי ירושלים ושׂם את מחנהו במקום הנקרא צופים (סקוֹפּוֹס) במרחק שבעה רִיסים מן העיר. שלשה ימים לא השתער על העיר, ואולי האמין, כי יסגירו אותה יושביה בידו, — ושלח אנשי־צבא רבים לבֹז את הכפרים אשר מסביב לירושלים, וביום הרביעי, הוא יום שלשים לחדש הִפֶּרבֶּטַּיְאוֹס (תשרי), הציג את הצבא במערכות מלחמה לעלות על העיר. אולם המורדים שמו עיניהם על העם היושב בעיר [לבל יפול אל הרומאים]. הם נבהלו למראה סדר מערכות־הרומאים ועזבו את חלקי העיר אשר מחוץ לחומה ונסוגו אחור אל תוך העיר ואל הר־הבית. וצסטיוס נסע אחריהם ושרף את חלק העיר הנקרא ביציתא (ביזיתא) וגם ״העיר החדשה״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנזכרה לעיל טו, ה. הם המגרשים בצפון ירושלים, שנבנו בימי החשמונאים והורדוס, כאשר התגדלה העיר, ובספר ה, יב, ד, יבֹאר, כי חלק העיר החדשה הזאת נקרא בשם ״העיר החדשה התחתונה״.</i> ואת המקום הנקרא ״שוק הקורות״ (שוק העצים) וחנה מול ארמון המלך. ולוּ רצה צסטיוס ביום ההוא להרעיש בחזקת־יד את חומות העיר, כי אז לכד את ירושלים מיד וגם שם קץ למלחמה, אולם ראש מחנהו טוּרַנִּיּוּס פְּרִיסְקוֹס ורֹב שרי הרוכבים אשר לו לקחו שֹׁחד מידי פלורוס ופתו אותו לבל ישתער על העיר. ובגלל הדבר הזה ארכה המלחמה מאד ונגזר על היהודים לשאת עוד צרות נוראות עד בוא הקץ.",
+                    "ה. ובעת ההיא נפתו רבים מטובי העם לדברי חנן בן יונתן וקראו את צסטיוס אל העיר ואמרו לפתוח לפניו את שעריה. אולם בגֹדל אפו לא שם לב לדברים האלה ולא האמין לאנשים האלה, עד אשר שמעו המורדים על־דבר הבגד וגרשו את חנן ואנשיו מעל החומה ודחפו אותם אל בתיהם וסקלו באבנים אחריהם. ואחרי־זאת עמדו בראשי המגדלים וירו משם בשונאים המעפילים לעלות. חמשה ימים נִסו הרומאים להרעיש את החומה מכל צד ולא יכלו להלחם עליה, וביום הששי לקח צסטיוס רבים מבחורי־צבאו ואת רובי הקשת והשתער על הר־הבית מרוח צפון והיהודים נלחמו בהם מן האולמים (האסתוניות) ופעמים רבות גרשו את האנשים אשר קרבו אל החומה, אך לאחרונה תקף עליהם המון החצים ואבני הקלע, עד אשר נסוגו אחור וירדו מעל החומה. כי אנשי צבא הרומאים העומדים ראשונה במערכה סמכו את מגניהם אל החומה ואחריהם הדביקו העומדים בשורה, השניה את מגניהם אל מגני הראשונים וכמוהם עשו גם יתר שורות הצבא, עד אשר הקימו את הסוכך, הנקרא בפיהם ״צָב״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית testudo.</i>, וממנו נרתעו כל חִצי־שונאיהם ואבני קלעם ושבו ריקם. ואנשי־הצבא יכלו הפעם לחתור תחת החומה, וכל רע לא אִנה להם, וגם התכוננו לשלח אש בשער הר־הבית.",
+                    "ו. פלצות נוראה אחזה את המורדים ורבים מהם מהרו לברוח מתוך העיר, בחשבם כי תפול במהרה בידי אויביהם. הדבר הזה היה למשיב נפש ליושבי ירושלים, וכאשר הוסיפו המורדים להמלט מעל החומה, כן הוסיפו אלה להתקרב אל השערים ואמרו לפתוח אותם ולקבל את פני צסטיוס כפני מושיע וגואל. ואלו האריך צסטיוס את המצור עוד זמן מצער, כי אז לכד את העיר חיש מהר. אך מאמין אני, כי בעונות הנבלים הסתיר אלהים את פניו גם ממקדשו, ועל־כן לא נתן כי יבוא קץ למלחמה ביום ההוא.",
+                    "ז. כי צסטיוס לא שם את לבו למפח־נפש הנצורים וגם לא למחשבת העם הטובה אליו ואסף אליו פתאם את אנשי־צבאו, ובלי פגע ומכה נואש מתקותו ונואל להסיע את מחנהו מן העיר. והשודדים, אשר לא חכו לדבר הזה, לבשו עֹז למראה מנוסת צסטיוס ורדפו אחרי המאסף אשר לרומאים והמיתו רבים מחיל הרוכבים והרגלים. ביום ההוא חנה צסטיוס במקום תחנותו הראשון, אשר בגבעת צופים, וביום המחרת עלה משם ובזה חִזּק את רוח שונאיו והם הצרו מאד את צעדי המאסף וגם התיצבו לשני עברי הדרך וירו על אגפי הצבא. והמאסף אשר לרומאים לא נועז להפנות את פניו מול שונאיו, אשר ירו בו מאחור, בחשבוֹ, כי אין קץ למספר רודפיו. וגם לא מצאו הרומאים כח לבצור את רוח המתנפלים עליהם משני עבריהם, כי היו עמוסים משא לעיֵפה ויראו פן ינתקו את שורות המערכה, ובעיניהם ראו את היהודים, כי אין סבל ומשא על שכמיהם והם קלים במרוצתם. לכן נטלו עליהם לסבול צרות רבות, מבלי יכֹלת לשלם גמול לשונאיהם. לכל אֹרך־הדרך נגפו הרומאים ורבים נפלו שדודים מתוך מערכותיהם ובמספר ההרוגים העצומים היו גם פְּרִיסְקוּס מפקד הלגיון הששי ולוֹנְגִּינוּס שר־האלף ושר להקת הרוכבים האֵימִילִית ושמו יוּקוּנְדוּס. בדי עמל הגיעו הרומאים אל מקום מחנם לפנים אשר בגבע, ורבים מאנשי־הצבא השליכו בדרכם את כל הנשק מעליהם, בגבע התמהמה צסטיוס שני ימים והיה כאובד עצות וביום השלישי ראה, כי עָצמו שונאיו וכל המקומות מסביב מלאים יהודים, והבין כי לרעתו התמהמה במקום הזה ואם יחכה עוד מעט יִוָּספו רבים על שונאיו.",
+                    "ח. למען החיש את מנוסת הצבא צוה צסטיוס להשליך את כל הדברים אשר הם לטֹרח בדרך מסעו. על־כן המיתו הרומאים את כל הפרדים והחמורים ובהמות־המשא, מלבד הבהמה הנושאה את כלי־הקלע ומכונות המלחמה, כי בכלים האלה החזיקו לגֹדל ערכם, ומה גם כי פחדו, פן יפלו בידי היהודים, אשר יהפכו אותם מול פניהם, — ואחרי־כן הוליך אותם צסטיוס אל בית־חורון. והיהודים לא הִרבו להציק להם בארץ המישור, אך כאשר נדחקו הרומאים אל בקעה צרה במורד ההר, קדמו היהודים אותם: אלה סגרו עליהם את מוצא הבקעה, ואלה רדפו אחריהם ולחצו אותם אל תוך הבקעה. וכל ההמון הגדול התיצב במרום ההר התלול אשר ממעל למסלה וכסה את מערכות הרומאים בברד חצים ואבני־קלע. גם הרגלים נבוכו ולא מצאו תחבולה לעמוד על נפשם. והרוכבים נמצאו עוד בצרה נוראה מהם, כי נבצר מהם ללכת לדרכם בסדר תחת מטר אבני־הקלע וגם לא יכלו לעלות בסוסיהם על צוקי הסלעים ולהדוף את שונאיהם. ומן העבר השני נמצאו תהומות ופחתים, אשר נפלו שמה הרומאים, כאשר מעדו רגליהם, ומנוס אבד מהם ואפסה כל תקוה לעמוד על נפשם. ומגֹדל צרתם הרימו קול זעקת שבר ויללת נואשים. ולקול נאקתם ענו היהודים קול ענות גבורה ותרועת נצחונם, בחַזְּקם איש את אחיו. וכמעט השמידו היהודים את כל חיל צסטיוס, לולא כִּסה עליהם הלילה, ובחשׁך הספיקו הרומאים להמלט אל בית־חורון. והיהודים חנו עליהם מסביב ושמרו על מוצאי הבקעה.",
+                    "ט. וצסטיוס נוכח לראות, כי לא יוכל לצאת משם לדרכו ביד רמה ובקש תחבולה לברוח מפני האויב [במסתרים]. הוא בחר מן הצבא כארבע מאות אנשים אמיצי־לב והציג אותם על החֵל [אשר לפני מחנהו] וצוה עליהם להרים על נס את דגלי משמרת המחנה, למען יתעו היהודים להאמין, כי שם נמצא כל הצבא. והוא לקח עמו את שארית הצבא במסתרים והקדים ללכת דרך שלשים ריס. לאור הבֹּקר הכירו היהודים, כי מקום המחנה ריק, והתנפלו על ארבע מאות האנשים, אשר הוליכו אותם שולל, והמיתו אותם בחציהם במהרה ורדפו אחרי צסטיוס. אולם הוא הספיק בלילה להקדימם מהלך רב וביום החיש את מנוסתו, ומרב בהלה ופחד השליכו אנשי־הצבא בדרך את מכונות־הרעש (אילי הברזל) ואת הבליסטראות ואת יתר מכונות המלחמה, והיהודים לקחו אותן לשלל ואחרי־כן נלחמו בהן עם הרומאים. היהודים רדפו אחרי הרומאים עד אנטיפטרס וכאשר לא הדביקו אותם במקום ההוא נטו מעליהם ואספו את מכונות־המלחמה ופשטו את החללים וקבצו את יתר השלל ומהרו לשוב אל ירושלים בקול תרועה. כי מהיהודים נפלו רק חללים מתי מספר ומהרומאים עם עוזריהם יחד מתו כחמשת אלפים ושלש מאות רגלים ושלש מאות ושמונים רוכבים. הדברים האלה נעשו בשמיני לחֹדש דיוס (מרחשון), שנת שתים־עשרה לממשלת נירון."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צסטיוס שלח צירים אל נירון. יושבי דמשק הרגו את היהודים אשר בתוכם. בני־ירושלים חדלו לרדוף אחרי צסטיוס ושבו לעירם והתכוננו למלחמה והקימו שרי־צבא רבּים וביניהם את כותב הספר. מקצת מעשי יוסף בגליל.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי האסון אשר קרה את צסטיוס עזבו רבים מנכבדי היהודים את העיר, אשר דמתה לאניה טובעת בים. גם האחים קוֹסְטוֹבַּרוֹס ושאול יחד עם פיליפוס בן יקים, שהיה ראש־מחנה לאגריפס המלך, נמלטו מתוך העיר ובאו אל צסטיוס. רק אנטיפס, אשר היה לפנים אתם יחד בחצר המלך במצור, מאן לעזוב את העיר בימים ההם, ואחרי־כן נהרג בידי המורדים, ואת דבר מותו נספר [למטה]. צסטיוס שלח את שאול ואת האנשים אשר עמו לארץ אֲכֵיָה אל נירון, לספר לו על־דבר מצוקתם ולשים את אשמת המלחמה בראש פלורוס, ובטח, כי יקל לו מהסכנה, העתידה לו, כאשר יעיר הקיסר את כל חמתו על האיש הזה.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא שמעו יושבי דמשק על מגפת הרומאים והתעוררו להמית את היהודים היושבים בקרבם. עוד לפני הימים ההם חשדו אזרחי העיר ביהודים ואספו אותם אל הגמנסיון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בית־הלמוד למשחקים שונים (התאבקות באגרופים, בחרבות ועוד).</i> ושמו עליהם משמר, ועל־כן היה נקל להם לבצע את מזמתם, אולם הם פחדו מפני נשיהם, אשר כֻּלן — מלבד נשים אחדות — דבקו בדת היהודים, — ועל־כן שקדו בכל עז להסתיר מהן את הדבר. הם התנפלו על היהודים, אשר ישבו צפופים במקום צר ולא היו מזינים, ושחטו את כֻּלם בשעה אחת במספר עשרת אלפים וחמש מאות נפש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: עשרת אלפים איש.</i>, ואיש לא מחה בידם.",
+                    "ג. ובשוב היהודים הרודפים אחרי צסטיוס אל ירושלים, משכו אליהם את אחיהם, אשר עוד היו נאמנים בברית הרומאים, את אלה בחֹזק־יד ואת אלה בדברי רצון, והתאספו כֻלם בהר־הבית והקימו שרי־צבא רבים לפַקד במלחמה. יוסף בן גוריון והכהן הגדול חנן נבחרו לראשי השליטים בכל העיר ונטלו עליהם לחזק את חומת ירושלים. ואת אלעזר בן שמעון, אשר בידו היו כל בזת הרומאים והכסף שלקחו היהודים מצסטיוס וגם כסף רב מאוצר העם, לא שמו היהודים בראש הממשלה, בראותם כי היה יהיה למושל עריץ בעזרת הקנאים הנלוים אליו, נושאי כליו. אולם כעבור זמן־מצער אזל הכסף מאוצר הצבור והפעם הצליח בידי אלעזר לצודד את העם בכשפיו, עד אשר נכנע תחת שלטונו.",
+                    "ד. ועל ארץ אדום נתנו היהודים שני שרי־צבא, האחד יהושע בן צפא (סַפְּפַס), מן הכהנים הגדולים, והשני אלעזר בן הכהן הגדול חנניה. ועל ניגר, ראש ארץ אדום בימים ההם, אשר היה מילידי ארץ עבר־הירדן (פֶרַיָּה) ונקרא על שמה ״איש עבר־הירדן״ (איש פֶרַיָּה), צוו להִכּנע תחת שני שרי־הצבא האלה. וגם מיתר חלקי הארץ לא הסיחו את דעתם: אל יריחו נשלח יוסף בן שמעון לשר־צבא, ואל עבר־הירדן — מנשה, ואל מחוז תמנה (תמנתה) נשלח יוחנן האֵסי וגם לוד ויפו ואמאוס נפלו בחלקו. ולמפַקד בחבל גופנא ועקרבים (עקרבתא) הוקם יוחנן בן חנניה, ועל שתי ארצות הגליל — יוסף בן מתתיה ועל גבול שלטונו נחשבה גם גמלא הבצורה בכל ערי הארץ הזאת.",
+                    "ה. וכל אחד משרי־הצבא משל במדינה, אשר הפקד עליה, כפי נדבת רוחו וכפי כח תבונתו. ויוסף, אחרי בואו אל ארץ הגליל, בקש למצֹא חן בעיני כל יושבי הארץ, בדעתו כי בדבר הזה יצליח לעשות טובה רבה, אם גם ישגה ביתר הדברים. הוא ראה, כי ימשוך אליו את לב טובי הארץ בתתו להם חלק בשלטון, ואת לב כל העם — בשימו עליו אנשים ידועים ונבונים מילידי הארץ, על־כן בחר לו שבעים אנשים חכמים מזקני העם ושם אותם למושלים בכל ארץ הגליל. ובכל עיר ועיר שׂם שבעה שופטים, להביא אליהם כל דבַר ריב קטן, אולם את הדבר הקשה ואת דיני הנפשות צוה לשלוח אליו ואל שבעים הזקנים אשר עמו.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי אשר שׂם יוסף משפטי צדק בכל עיר ועיר מבית, שׂם את פניו לחַזק את הארץ. ובדעתו, כי הרומאים יעלו על ארץ ישראל דרך הגליל, בִּצּר את כל משגבי הארץ, את יודפת (יוטפטי) ואת באר־שבע ואת צלמין (סֵלַמֵּין) ואת כפר־איכו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">Καφαρεχώ. כנראה משֻׁבּש.</i> ואת יָפָה ואת סיגף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בחיי יוסף פרק לז: סִיגוֹי — משֻׁבּש. ואולי זה משרש שָׂגב.</i> ואת ההר הנקרא תבור (אִיטַבִּירִיּוֹן) ואת טַרִיכֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיין ספר א, ח, ט בהערה.</i> ואת טבריה, ומלבד אלה בנה חומות על המערות אשר מסביב לים כנרת בחלק הארץ הנקרא הגליל התחתון, ובגליל העליון בנה את המקום הנקרא סלע עַכְבָּרָה ואת צפת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: סֶפְּף.</i> ואת ימנית (או יבנית) ואת מֵרון, ובארץ הגולן את סיליקיה ואת סגנה (סוגני) ואת גמלא. רק לבני צפורי בלבד נתן יוסף לבנות את חומות העיר על דעת עצמם, בראותו כי הם עשירים בכסף ונכונים למלחמה גם באין מְצַוֶּה עליהם. וככה בנה גם יוחנן בן לוי בעצמו את חומת גוש־חלב במצות יוסף. לעמת־זאת טרח יוסף בבנין יתר המצודות, כי בא אל כל מקום ונצח על העבודה, הוא אסף בארץ הגליל חיל רב, אשר עלה במספרו על עשר רבבות (מאה אלף) אנשים צעירים. ולכֻלם חלק כלי־נשק ישנים, כאשר מצאה ידו לאסוף, וְזִיֵּן אותם.",
+                    "ז. ויוסף ראה, כי כח הרומאים הגדול, אשר לא יעמוד איש בפניו, יסודו במשמעת הטובה ובשנוני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מה שאנו קוראים ״תרגילים״.</i> המלחמה אשר להם. אמנם מדחק השעה לא יכול יוסף ללמד את אנשיו [את מלאכת המלחמה], אולם בהכירו, כי משמעת הצבא תלויה במספר הפקידים הרב, סדר את הצבא כדרך הרומאים ושם עליו שרי־צבא רבים. הוא חלק את אנשי־צבאו לקבוצים שונים, ובראשם העמיד את שרי־העשרות ועליהם שרי־מאות וממעלה להם שרי־אלפים, ועל כֻּלם הקים מפקדים, לעמוד בראש חילות גדולים. הוא לִמד אותם את הדרך למסור את סִמני הפקֻדה (בעת מלחמה), ואת אותות החצוצרות, להסיע את המחנה או לאסוף את הצבא, ואת מעשי אגפי המערכה בעלותם על האויב או בהקיפם אותו, וגם הורה אותם, באיזו דרך יטה האגף המנצח במלחמה לבוא לעזרת האגף הנִּגף במערכה, ואיך יחזקו אנשי־הצבא איש את אחיו לשאת את כֹּבד המלחמה. ותמיד הראה אותם, מה הם הדברים המחזקים את אֹמץ־הרוח ואת כּח הגוף. וביותר הִקנה להם את הליכות המלחמה, בבארו לפניהם את טכסיסי הרומאים בכל פרטיהם ובהזכירו אותם, כי נטלו עליהם להלחם בגבורי החיל, אשר בחֹזק־גופם ועֹצם־רוחם כבשו את כל עולם הישוב כמעט. הוא אמר להם, כי ינסו את כח משמעתם במלחמה עוד לפני צאתם לקרב ויראו אם יעצרו כח לחדול מדרכיהם הרעים, אשר הסכינו בהם, מדרכי הגנבה והגזל והעֹשק, ולא יוסיפו להונות את אחיהם ולא יבקשו שכר לעצמם בנזק האנשים הקרובים אליהם. כי סִמן טוב הוא לגורל המלחמות, אם כל אנשי הצבא היוצאים בהן נלחמים בלב טהור וישר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסף משתמש במֻשג הנמצא בשפות האריות והוא חסר בשפות השמיות, ועכשו נהגו לתרגם אותו עברית: ״תודעה״ (טובה או רעה).</i>, ולבני הבליעל מלחמה לא באויביהם בלבד, כי־אם גם באלהים.",
+                    "ח. ככה הרבה יוסף לדבר על לב אנשיו כל הימים. ומספר העם, אשר נאסף אליו והיה מוכן למערכה, עלה עד ששים אלף רגלים ושלש מאות וחמשים רוכבים, ומלבד אלה היו לו ארבעת אלפים וחמש מאות שכירי מלחמה, אשר הִרבּה לבטוח בהם. ושש מאות בחורי חיל היו שומרים לראשו. ועל־נקלה כלכלו הערים את כל אנשי־הצבא האלה, זולת השכירים, כי כל עיר ועיר שלחה את חצי אנשי־החיל לעבודת הצבא ואת המחצית השניה — להמציא להם את לחמם וכל צרכיהם. ככה נחלק העם: אלה חגרו כלי־נשק, ואלה יצאו לעבוד בכל מלאכה. ואנשי המלחמה שלמו לאחיהם על הלחם, אשר נתנו להם, בסוככם עליהם מכל צרה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יוחנן איש גוש־חלב ונכליו ומעשי יוסף להפר את מזמותיו. יוסף השיב אליו ערים אחדות, שמרדו בו.</small><br><br>א. ככה הוציא והביא יוסף את יושבי הגליל, אך איש־מזמות מעיר גוש־חלב ושמו יוחנן בן לוי קם לו לשטן. הוא היה ערום ונוכל מכל אנשי הבליעל, אשר קנו להם שם במעשי נבלה כאלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דברי המקור נשמעים לשני פנים. ויש מי שתרגם: ״הוא היה ערום ונוֹכל מכל אנשי־השם (גדולי הארץ, נשואי הפנים) במעשי הנבלה האלה״, כלומר, מיתר גדולי הגליל אנשי־ריבו של יוסף (יוסטוס, יהושע בן צפיא ועוד).</i>. לראשונה היה יוחנן איש עני וימים רבים היה חֹסר־הכסף לשטן למזמות רשעו. הוא היה משכיל על־דבר שקר והבין לשים את חותם האמת על כזביו, והתרמית נחשבה בעיניו למדה טובה, ובה נהג גם בהליכותיו עם אוהביו היקרים. הוא ידע להתחפש כאיש אוהב הבריות, אולם למען בצעו נקל היה לו לשפוך דם אדם כמים, ותמיד בקש גדולות לנפשו, ולמען השיג את משאת־נפשו עולל מעשי רשע נבזים. לפנים היה שודד יחידי, ואחרי־כן מצא לו חבר־משחיתים, אשר לא היו רבים במספרם בתחלה, אך גדלו ועצמו מיום ליום, ועינו היתה פקוחה, לבל יבוא בסודו איש, אשר יתָּפש בכף על־נקלה, ורק אנשים חזקים בכח גופם ואמיצי־רוח ויודעי־מלחמה אסף אליו, עד אשר התלקטו אליו ארבע מאות איש, ורֻבּם פליטי ארץ הצורים והכפרים אשר בה, ובראש האנשים האלה מִלא את כל הגליל חמס ונתן את פחדו על הרבים, אשר חכו באימה למלחמה הבאה.",
+                    "ב. יוחנן בקש להיות שר־צבא (בגליל) ועוד הלך בגדולות מאלה, אולם מחסור הכסף לא נתן לו להפיק את מזמתו. ובראותו, כי יוסף אוהב אותו מאד על כשרון מעשהו, דבר על לבו למלא את ידו לבנות את חומת עירו, ובדבר הזה אסף כסף רב, אשר נגשׂ את העשירים, ואחרי זאת חבל עצת ערומים: בדעתו, כי כל היהודים היושבים בסוריה נזהרים מן השמן אשר לא נעשה בידי אחיהם, קבל רשות [מיוסף] לשלוח אליהם שמן אל הגבול. הוא שלם במטבע הצורים, אשר מחירו ארבעה [דרכמונים] אַתּיקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בכסף של אַתִּיקי.</i> לכל ארבעה הינים ומכר במחיר זה חצי ההין, והנה ארץ הגליל היא ארץ זבת שמן, והשנה ההיא היתה שנת ברכה ויוחנן לבדו שלח שמן רב אל המקומות אשר היה שם מחסור, ועל־כן אסף לו כסף רב עד לאין־מִספּר. ומיד פזר מכספו לרעת האיש, אשר נתן לו לשלוח את ידיו בסחורה. הוא חשב, כי בהורידו את יוסף ממשמרתו יעלה בידו להשתרר על ארץ הגליל, ועל־כן צוה את השודדים אשר עמו להרבות מעשי חמס ושֹׁד, למען תרבה השערורה בקרב הארץ, ואז יוכל להתנפל מן המארב על ראש הגליל בצאתו לעזרת הסובלים ולהכותו נפש, או להבאיש את ריחו בעיני יושבי הארץ, אם לא ישים את לבו למעשי השודדים. ואחרי־כן הפיץ ממרחק את השמועה, כי יוסף אומר למסור את הארץ בידי הרומאים. ועוד עלילות רבות עשה, להוריד את האיש מגדֻלתו.",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם יצאו צעירים אחדים בני כפר דבתרתה (דַּבַּרִתָּה), מן הצופים אשר הציג יוסף בעמק הגדול (בעמק יזרעאל), ושמו אורב לתלמי, נאמן בית אגריפס וברניקי, וגזלו ממנו את כל הכבודה, אשר הוליך עמו, ובה היו בגדים יקרים למכביר וגביעי כסף רבים ושש מאות זהב. הם לא יכלו לחלק את הגזלה ביניהם בסתר והביאו את כל השלל ליוסף אל טריכי. הוא הוכיח אותם על מעשה החמס שעשו לאנשי המלך והניח את כל השלל בידי חנני, הנכבד בכל יושבי טריכי, ואמר בלבו להשיב את הגזלה לבעליה בשעת הכֹּשר. אולם הדבר הזה הביא על יוסף רעה גדולה. כי כאשר נוכחו החומסים לדעת, כי לא יקבלו חלק מן המלקוח, קצפו על יוסף מאד, וגם הבינו את מחשבתו, להשיב את יגיע כפיהם למלכים, להתרצות אליהם. על־כן ברחו החומסים בלילה אל הכפרים והודיעו את כל יושביהם, כי בגד יוסף בהם. והמהומה הקיפה גם את הערים הקרובות ולפנות בֹקר באו במרוצה כעשר רבבות אנשים מזֻינים אל טריכי להִנקם ביוסף. וההמון הגדול הזה נאסף במקום מרוץ הסוסים (האִפּוֹדְרוֹמִין), אשר בטריכי, והרים קול צעקה בחרי־אף: אלה צעקו להוריד את יוסף ממשרתו ואלה דרשו לשרוף את הבוגד באש. ואת חמת ההמון חזקו עוד יוחנן (בן לוי) ואיש אחד ושמו יהושע בן צפיא (סַפְּפִיס), ראש העיר טבריה בימים ההם. ואוהבי יוסף ושומרי ראשו נבהלו מחמת ההמון ונמלטו כלם אל נפשם, מלבד ארבעה אנשים. יוסף ישן עוד שנתו ונֵעור כאשר נגשו האנשים לשלוח אש בבית. וארבעת עבדיו הנאמנים יעצו אותו לברוֹח. אולם יוסף לא שׂם את לבו לדבר אשר נשאר עזוב באין מֵגֵן עליו וגם לא ירא את המון הקושרים הרבים. הוא קרע את בגדיו ושׂם אפר על ראשו והטה את ידיו לאחור וקשר את חרבו מגבו וקפץ אל ההמון. ולמראה הדבר הזה חמלו עליו קרוביו ואוהביו ואנשי טריכי יותר מכלם. ואולם האנשים אשר באו מחוץ לעיר וגם האנשים הקרובים, אשר לא יכלו לשאת את יוסף, הוסיפו לקלל אותו ודרשו ממנו להוציא אליהם כרגע את כסף הצבור ולהודות על הברית אשר כרת [עם שונאיהם] בבגד. כי בהביטם אל מראה יוסף האמינו, שלא יכחש בדברים אשר נחשד בהם, אחרי אשר עשה את הדבר לעורר רחמיהם, למען יסלחו לחטאתו. אולם באמת השפיל יוסף את עצמו בתחבולה, כי התחכם לסכסך את המתעברים בו איש באחיו למען הדבר אשר העלה את חרון אפם. הוא הבטיח אותם להודות על כל מעשיו, וכאשר נתנו לו האנשים לדבר, קרא אליהם: ״את הכסף הזה לא רציתי לשלוח אל אגריפס וגם לא אמרתי למצֹא בו חפץ לנפשי, כי לא יכֹלתי לחשוב את איש־ריבכם לאהוב־נפשי ואת נזק הכלל — לשכר לעצמי. למענכם עשיתי זאת, בני טריכי, בראותי כי אין לעירכם כל משגב ומחסה, על־כן אמרתי להוציא את הכסף הזה למבנה חומותיכם. ואמנם יראתי את יושבי טבריה ואת בני יתר הערים, פן ילטשו את עיניהם אל השלל, ובחרתי להסתיר אצלי את האוצר, למען אוכל לבנות את החומה. ואם לא ימצא הדבר חן בעיניכם, הוצא אוציא אליכם את הכסף המובא ואתן לכם לבז. והנה אני יעצתי טוב עליכם — ואתם צאו ועשו שפטים בשוחר טובתכם!״",
+                    "ד. לדברים האלה הריעו יושבי טריכי לקראת יוסף בקול ברכה, אולם בני טבריה ויתר הערים החלו לחרף אותם ולבַעֲתָם. אלה ואלה עזבו את יוסף לנפשו ורבו ביניהם. ויוסף התחזק עתה ברבות אנשי שלומו, כי מספר בני טריכי היה כארבעים אלף, והוא פנה אל כל הנאספים לדַבּר עמם כאשר עם לבבו, ויִסר אותם בדברים קשים על פחזותם והבטיח אותם, כי בכסף הנמצא יבנה את חומת טריכי וגם ישים את לבבו להמציא חסות ליתר הערים, כי לא יחסר כסף, אם תהיה עצת שלום ביניהם בדבר הוצאת הכסף, ולא ירגזו באיש המוצא להם מקור לכסף.",
+                    "ה. וככה סבב יוסף את האנשים בכחש, ורֹב ההמון שב לביתו, אף כי היה סר וזעף. רק אלפים אנשים חגורי חרב אמרו להתנפל על יוסף, אולם הוא מהר להמלט אל ביתו, והם סבבו את הבית בדברי־אימים. נגד האנשים האלה חבל יוסף עצת מרמה חדשה. הוא עלה על גג ביתו והשקיט את השאון בתנופת יד ימינו וקרא אל האנשים, כי אינו מבין מה הם דורשים ממנו, כי בתוך הקולות והשאון אינו יכול לשמוע דבר, אולם הוא נכון למלא את כל משאלותיהם, אם ישלחו לו אנשים נבחרים אל הבית פנימה, לדבר עמו במנוחה. לשמע הדבר הזה באו אל הבית טובי האנשים וראשיהם. והוא משך אותם אל קרן פנת הבית ואחרי־כן צוה לסגור את שער החצר ולדוש את בשרם בשוטים, עד אשר נחשפו מעיהם. וההמון עמד מסביב וחשב, כי האריכו האנשים הבאים אל הבית בדברי עצומותיהם. ופתאם צוה יוסף לפתוח את שערי החצר ולהוציא משם את האנשים הטובלים בדמם. ולדבר הזה נבהלו האנשים הנותנים עליו את פחדם והשליכו מעליהם את נשקם ונמלטו על נפשם.",
+                    "ו. אחרי הדברים האלה גדלה עוד קנאת יוחנן והוא טמן עוד הפעם פח לרגלי יוסף. הוא התחפש כאיש חולה ובקש את יוסף במכתב לתת לו להתרפא במימי טבריה. ויוסף לא הבין את מחשבתו הרעה וכתב אל פקידי העיר (טבריה) לקבל את פני יוחנן בכבוד ולספק לו את כל צרכיו. יוחנן הפיק את רצונו מדבַר יוסף וכעבור שני ימים פִּתָּה את אנשי העיר בדברי כחש ובשֹׁחד למרוד ביוסף. ושילא (סילס), אשר הפקידהו יוסף לשמור על העיר, שמע את הדבר ומהר לכתוב אליו על מעשה המזמה. וכאשר קבל יוסף את המכתב, יצא חיש ממקומו ונסע כל הלילה ולעת עלות השחר בא אל טבריה, וכל המון יושבי העיר יצא לקראתו, ויוחנן חשד ביוסף, כי למענו בא אל העיר, ובכל־זאת שלח אליו בידי אחד ממכיריו, לכחש לו על־דבר מחלתו ולאמר, כי הוא שוכב במטה, ועל־כן אינו יכול לצאת אליו ולכבדהו. וכאשר הקהיל יוסף את בני טבריה אל האצטדין ונִסָּה לדַּבּר אתם על השמועה אשר הגיעה לאזניו, שלח יוחנן שמה אנשי־צבא מזֻינים וצוה עליהם להמית את יוסף, וכאשר חשפו האנשים את חרבותיהם, ראה אותם העם והרים קול צעקה. ולשמע הצעקה פנה יוסף לאחוריו ובראותו את להבות החרבות השלופות לשחטו קפץ למטה אל החוף — כי עמד על תל גבוה שש אמות לדבר משם אל העם — וירד מהר אל אחת הסירות העומדות שם ונמלט עם שני שומרי ראשו אל תוך היאור (ים כנרת).",
+                    "ז. ואנשי צבא יוסף לקחו את נשקם מהר ויצאו להִלחם במבקשי נפשו. ויוסף פחד, פן תתלקח לרגלי הדבר הזה מלחמת־אחים, אשר תחריב את כל העיר בעון מתי־מספר, ושלח ציר אל אנשי־הצבא להודיעם, כי ידאגו רק להגן על נפשם ולא ימיתו גם לא יחרפו אחד מן החַיָּבים. ואנשי־הצבא עשו כמצותו ושבו למנוחתם, אולם יושבי הארץ אשר מסביב שמעו על־דבר המזמה ועל־דבר יועץ הרע ונאספו להכות את יוחנן, והוא מהר להמלט אל גוש־חלב, עיר אבותיו. ומכל ערי הגליל נהרו אל יוסף רבבות אנשים מזֻינים והודיעו בקול, כי באו להלחם ביוחנן, החורש און על כל העם, ולשרוף עליו את העיר, אשר נתנה לו מנוס ומחסה בקרבה. ויוסף ענה אותם, כי הוא מקבל ברצון את אותות אהבתם, ושִׁכֵּך את חמתם, כי בחר לו לכבוש את אוהביו בחכמה ולא רצה להכותם נפש. ואחרי אשר נודעו לו שמות האנשים, אשר התקשרו עליו יחד עם יוחנן בכל עיר ועיר, — כי בנפש חפצה גלה העם את שמותיהם, — שלח אליהם צירים להזהירם, כי יֵצא לבֹז את רכושם ולשרוף את בתיהם באש עליהם ועל בני משפחתם, אם לא יעזבו את יוחנן בעוד חמשה ימים, ובדבר הזה הִטה מאחרי יוחנן חיש מהר כשלשת אלפים איש והם באו אליו ופרקו את כלי־נשקם והניחום לרגליו. וליוחנן נשארו רק כאלפַּים איש — וכֻלם פלטים מארץ סוריה, והוא שב להתנכל במסתרים על יוסף, אחרי אשר לא יכול לו לעיני השמש. הוא שלח בלאט מלאכים אל ירושלים להכות את יוסף בלשון, כי אסף לו חיל לריב, וגם הוציא קול, כי לא יארכו עוד הימים ויוסף יבוא בשערי העיר (ירושלים) להיות שם למושל עריץ, אם לא יֻתַּן עליו משמר. העם היושב בירושלים הבין את עלילות יוחנן ולא שׂם לב אל דבריו, אולם טובי העם, אשר קנאו ביוסף, ואחדים מראשי הממשלה (בירושלים) שלחו בסתר כסף אל יוחנן לאסוף לו שכירים ולהלחם ביוסף וגם נמנו וגמרו ביניהם להוריד אותו (את יוסף) ממשרת ראש־הצבא, ובראותם, כי בגזרת פיהם לבד לא ישיגו את חפצם, שלחו אלפים וחמש מאות אנשי־חיל מזֻינים ועליהם את יועזר בן נומיקוס ואת חנניה בן צדוק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לעיל, פרק יז, נחשב חנניה בן צדוק בין הקנאים הראשונים, אנשי אלעזר בן חנניה (אחד הצירים אשר כרתו את הברית עם מטיליוס), ובספר חיי יוסף (לט) מבֹאר, כי חנניה השלוח אל יוסף היה מן הפרושים ושם אביו לא נזכר.</i> ואת שמעון ויהודה בני יונתן, — כלם אנשים מטיבים לדַבּר, — להטות את לב העם מאחרי יוסף ולדרוש ממנו דין וחשבון על מעשיו, כאשר יבוא אליהם ברצון, או גם להלחם בו, אם יַקשה את לבו להחזיק במשרתו. אוהבי יוסף [אשר בירושלים] כתבו אליו, כי נשלח צבא אל הגליל, אולם את שרש הדבר לא הודיעוהו, יען אשר נועצו שונאיו עליו בסתר. ועל־כן לא הקדים יוסף להזהר. ארבע ערים פשעו בו ועברו אל מריביו, והן צפורי וגמלא (נ״א: וגברה) וגוש־חלב וטבריה. אולם בידו הצליח להשיב אליו את הערים בלי מלחמה ובתחבולות ערמה תפש בכף את ארבעת שרי החילים [השלוחים מירושלים] עם גבורי צבאם ושלח אותם לשוב אל ירושלים. וחמת העם בערה על האנשים עד להשחית, והוא רצה להמית אותם ואת כל הנלוים אליהם לשַׁלחם, לולא קדמו לברוח.",
+                    "ח. ומן היום ההוא והלאה ירא יוחנן את יוסף ולא יצא מחומת גוש־חלב החוצה. וכעבור ימים אחדים פשעה טבריה ביוסף עוד פעם, ויושביה שלחו לקרֹא אליהם את אגריפס המלך. אמנם המלך לא הספיק לבוא למועד הקבוע, ורק רוכבים רומאים מתי־מספר באו אל העיר ביום ההוא, ולדבר הזה הודיעו יושבי טבריה, כי הפרו את בריתם עם יוסף. והשמועה על־דבר המרד הזה הגיעה לאזני יוסף בטריכי, כאשר שלח את אנשי־צבאו לאסוף צֵדה, ולא יכול לעלות לבדו על המורדים וגם לא רצה להשאר על עמדו, בפחדו פן ימהרו אנשי המלך לבוא בשערי העיר בעוד הוא מתמהמה, וגם לא יכול לדחות את מעשהו ליום המחרת, כי היה יום השבת, ועל־כן גמר בנפשו ללכוד את הקושרים בערמה. הוא צוה לסגור את שערי טריכי, פן יגלה שמץ מדבַר עצתו לאנשים הקמים עליו, ולאסוף את כל הסירות השטות בים כנרת — כי נמצאו אז שם מאתים ושלשים סירות ובכל אחת היו ארבעה מַלָּחִים ולא יותר. ובסירות האלה מהר יוסף להפליג אל טבריה, וצוה על הסירות להעצר במרחק גדול מן העיר, עד אשר לא היה קל משם לראות, כי הן ריקות מאדם, והוא עם שבעת שומרי ראשו, אשר לא היו חגורי נשק, קרב אל העיר, עד אשר נראה לעיני יושביה. וכאשר ראו אותו מראש החומה אנשי־ריבו, אשר זה עתה המטירו עליו חרפות, נבהלו מאד, בחשבם כי כל הסירות מלאות אנשי־צבא מזֻיָּנים. הם השליכו את כלי־נשקם והניפו ענפי־זית, להתחנן אליו, כי יחמול על העיר.",
+                    "ט. ויוסף הרבה להפחידם וליַסרם בדברים, על אשר הם מכַלים את כחם במלחמות אחים, אחרי שקבלו עליהם להלחם ברומאים, ועושים מעשי תעתועים לשמחת נפש שונאיהם, ואחרי זאת הוכיח אותם, כי הם מבקשים את נפש האיש, השוקד על שלומם ושלוָתם ואינם בושים לסגור את שערי עירם בפני הבונה את חומותיה. וגם אמר אליהם, כי יקבל ברצון את האנשים, אשר יבואו להצטדק לפניו ויתנו לו ערֻבּה על אמון לב אנשי העיר. לשמע הדבר הזה ירדו אל יוסף מיד עשרה אנשים מטובי בני טבריה והוא קבל אותם וצוה להוליכם אל אחת הסירות העומדות מרחוק. ואחרי־כן דרש, כי ירדו אליו עוד חמשים איש מראשי זקני המועצה, למען יקח גם את ערֻבּתם. ועוד מצא לו טענות חדשות להוסיף ולקרֹא אלי אנשים, למען יכרות אִתּם ברית. ואת החובלים (הקברניטים) פקד לחפש את האנשים ולנסוע אתם בחפזון אל טריכי ולאסור אותם בבית־הכלא. וככה אסף אליו את כל יועצי העיר שש מאות איש וכאלפים מטובי העם וצוה להוליכם בסירות אל טריכי.",
+                    "י. וכל האנשים צעקו בקול, כי ראש מחוללי המרד הוא איש אחד ושמו קלֵיטוֹס, ובקשו את יוסף לכלות בו את חמתו. אולם יוסף לא רצה להמית איש וקרא ללוי, אחד משומרי ראשו, וצוהו לרדת אל החוף ולקצץ את ידי קליטוס, אך לוי ירא לרדת לבדו אל המון שונאיו הרבים ומאן לעשות את הדבר. ובראות קליטוס את יוסף קם בחמתו בסירה, כאלו הוא אומר להתנפל עליו ולעשות בו שפטים, התחנן אליו מן החוף להשאיר לו אחת משתי ידיו. ויוסף נעתר אליו, אך דרש ממנו, כי יכרות את ידו בעצמו. קליטוס הוציא בימינו את החרב וכרת את שמאלו. כה נפל פחד יוסף עליו! ככה בא יוסף עם סירות ריקות ושבעת שומרי ראשו ולקח את עם טבריה בשבי והשיב אליו את העיר. ואחרי ימים מעטים ראה, כי התקוממו עליו בני העיר יחד עם יושבי צפורי, ומסר את העיר לאנשי־צבאו למשׁסה. וכאשר אסף אליו את כל רכוש האזרחים השיב אותו לבעליו. וככה עשה גם בעיר צפורי, כי כל חפצו היה ללַמד את האנשים מוסר אחרי הכניעו אותם ובהשיבו להם את כספם משך אליו את אהבתם מחדש."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים התכוננו למלחמה. ושמעון בן גיורא הרבה שֹׁד בארץ.</small><br><br>א. ככה שקטו המהומות בארץ הגליל. וכאשר חדלו יושביה לריב ביניהם התמכרו להכין את הכל לקראת המלחמה עם הרומאים. ובעת ההיא בנוּ חנן הכהן הגדול וגדולי העם, אשר לא היו מאוהבי הרומאים, את חומת ירושלים והכינו מכונות רבות למלחמה. ובכל קצות העיר צרפו היהודים חצים וכל מיני קלע וכלי־נשק, והמונים המונים למדו בני־הנעורים את ידיהם לקרב בלי סדר, וכל העיר מלאה המֻלה ושאון. והאזרחים השקטים נבוכו מאד ורבים השכילו לראות מראש את הצרות העתידות לבוא וקראו לבכי ולמספד. גם אותות ומופתים היו אז [בשמים ובארץ] ורודפי השלום ראו בהם סִמן רע לעתיד, אולם אוהבי המלחמה הפכו אותם ופתרו אותם לטובה כאוַת נפשם. ומראה העיר לפני עלות הרומאים היה כמראה עיר נוטה למות. וחנן חשב בלבו להשבית מעט־מעט (או: לזמן קצר) את התכונה למלחמה, אולי יהפוך את לב המורדים ויָפֵר את העצה הנבערה, שיעצו המכֻנים בשם קנאים, למען ייטב לעם. אך הוא נפל שדוד בזרוע רמה, ובדברים הבאים נסַפֵּר, מה היתה אחריתו.",
+                    "ב. ובמחוז עקרבים (עקרבתא) אסף אליו שמעון בן גיורא אנשי־ריב רבים ושם את פניו אל החמס. ונקל היה בעיניו לשום לבז את בתי העשירים, כי גם את בשרם נתן למַכּים ומרחוק הראה לדעת, כי יהיה לרודה עריץ בעמו. וכאשר שלחו חנן וראשי ירושלים צבא להלחם בו, לקח אתו את אנשיו וברח אל השודדים אשר במצדה, ואתם ישב עד אשר נרצחו חנן ויתר שונאי נפשו, ומשם פשט כל הימים על ארץ אדום. וכאשר גדל מספר ההרוגים בארץ ולא חדל השֹׁד והחמס, אספו ראשי האדומים צבא והקימו שומרים בכפרים. אלה הדברים אשר נעשו בימים ההם בארץ אדום."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>נירון שלח את אספסינוס להלחם ביהודים.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר הגיעה שמועת המפלות בארץ יהודה לאזני נירון, נפלו עליו חרדה ופחד במסתרים; אולם לעין רואים עטה גאוה וזעם, באמרו, כי לא מגבורת האנשים (היהודים) יצא הדבר, רק מקַלות דעת שרי־הצבא (הרומאים). הוא חשב, כי נאה לכבוד תפארת שלטונו להביט בבוז על התלאות האלה ולהראות, כי נעלה היא נשמתו מכל הנוראות אולם דאגתו ורגזו גלו את מבוכת לבבו.",
+                    "ב. הוא התבונן בדבר, מי האיש, אשר בידו יפקיד את ארצות־המזרח הסוערות, למען ינָקם ביהודים על מרדם ויציל מידם את העמים מסביב, אשר גם בהם פשׂה הנגע הזה,— ומצא, כי רק אספסינוס הוא האיש הדרוש לחפצו והוא לבדו יוכל לקבל עליו את כֹּבד המלחמה הגדולה הזאת, כי הוא איש־מלחמות מנעוריו, ושיבה זרקה בו על שדה־הקרב, וזה מכבר הקים שלום בארצות המערב, אשר החרידון הגרמנים ממנוחתן, ובחרב ימינוֹ הכניע את ארץ בריטניה, אשר לא נודע שמהּ עד היום ההוא, ובדבר הזה זִכה את אביו (של הקיסר) קלודיוס בחג־נצחון בלי עמל וזֵעת אפים.",
+                    "ג. במעשי אספסינוס אלה ראה הקיסר סִמן טוב לעתיד, בהכירו, כי טעם זקנים ונסיון המלחמה גם יחד נמצאו בו, וגם בניו יהיו לערֻבּה נאמנה על ישר לבו, וכח־עלומיהם יהיה למשען לתבונת אביהם. ואולי עשתה זאת יד אלהים, אשר סדר את הדברים מראש! כי שלח נירון את האיש הזה לקחת בידו את כל צבאות הרומאים אשר בסוריה, ולמען עורר את רוחו הרבה לדַבּר אִתּו חלקות ועשה לו כבוד גדול בשעת הדחק הזאת. מארץ אֲכַיָּה, אשר נמצא שם אספינוס יחד עם נירון, שלח את טיטוס בנו אל אלכסנדריה, להעלות משם את הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי, והוא עבר את ים הֶלֶסְפּוֹנְטוֹס ונסע אל ארץ סוריה בדרך היבשה ושמה אסף אליו את צבאות הרומאים ורבים מחיל הברית, אשר שלחו מלכי הארצות הסמוכות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים נגפו מגפה גדולה על־יד אשקלון. אספסינוס נסע אל עכו.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי אשר הכו היהודים את צסטיוס גבה לבם בנצחונותיהם, אשר לא קִווּ להם מראש, ולא עצרו כח לכבוש את תשוקת המלחמה וכמו להט אותם מזלם להעביר את המלחמה למרחקים. כי כל אנשי־החיל מהרו להאסף ולעלות על אשקלון, היא עיר עתיקה לימים, רחוקה חמש מאות ועשרים ריס מירושלים, אשר איבת עולם היתה בינה ובין היהודים, ועל־כן אמרו הפעם להגיח עליה ראשונה. ובראש המתנפלים עמדו שלשה שרי־חיל ואנשי־מעלה בגבורתם ובחכמתם, והם ניגֶר איש עבר־הירדן ושילא הבבלי ויחד אתם יוחנן האֵסי. ואמנם עיר אשקלון היתה בצורה למשגב, אולם כמעט היתה ריקה מאנשי מלחמה. כי רק גדוד רגלים אחד ולהקת רוכבים שמרו עליה ובראשם שר־הצבא אַנְטוֹנִיּוּס.",
+                    "ב. והיהודים החישו את מסעם בזעף ועמדו לפני שערי העיר במהרה, כאלו מקרוב באו. אולם מעיני אנטוניוס לא נעלם דבַר מסעם והוא יצא לקראתם עם רוכביו ולא חת מגֹדל המונם ולא מעֹז רוחם והחזיק מעמד בפניהם בעצם גבורה, כאשר השתערו עליו בפעם הראשונה, וגרש את המעפילים לעלות על החומה. כי המון אשר לא נֻסה בקרָב הִצה פה על גבורי חיל מלֻמדי מלחמה, ורגלים נלחמו ברוכבים ואנשים צפופים בלי סדר התנגחו עם צבא מחֻבּר במערכה והשתרעו בכל נשק הבא לידם על אנשי־צבא מזֻינים מכף רגל ועד ראש, ומרי־נפש, אשר עשו מעשיהם בחמת אפם ולא בהשכל ודעת, ערכו מערכה נגד אנשי־צבא השומרים את פי מפקדיהם, אשר כוננו את כל צעדיהם לאות הנתון להם — על־כן כשלו היהודים באפס־יד. וכאשר התמוטטו שורות המערכה הראשונות, כי נלחצו להסוג אחור מפני הרוכבים, נדחפו אל תוך השורות האחרונות, אשר שתו גם הן אל החומה, וחרב איש היתה באחיו, ולאחרונה ברחו כל היהודים מפני דהרות הרוכבים ונפוצו על־פני כל העמק. ושם נמצא כר רחב לרוכבי הסוסים, והמקום עזר לרומאים להרבות את חללי היהודים. הרוכבים מהרו לעבור את הבורחים במרוצתם ולסגור עליהם את הדרך, ואחרי־כן הפנו את פניהם למולם והפיצו את הפליטים אשר התלקטו במנוסתם והכו בהם לאין־מספר. ורבים הקיפו את פליטי היהודים בכל המקומות אשר פנו שמה וצנפו אותם והמיתום ברמחיהם על־נקלה. וגֹדל המון היהודים לא הועיל להם בעת צרתם והרומאים, אשר היו מתי־מספר, כמו עצמו ורבו בעשותם חיל במלחמה. והיהודים נִסו להלחם במזלם הרע ועמדו על נפשם, כי בושו ממנוסתם המהירה, וגם קוו להסב את גורל המלחמה, אולם הרומאים לא חדלו מעשות חיל. וכה ארכה המלחמה עד הנשף ועשרת אלפים מן היהודים נפלו בחרב וביניהם שני שרי־הצבא יוחנן ושילא והנותרים כֻּסּוּ רֻבָּם פצעים ושרדו עם שר־הצבא הנשאר ניגר אל שעלית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סַלִּיס, נ״א: חַאַלִּיס.</i>, והיא עיר מצער לאדומים. ומן הרומאים נפצעו מתי־מספר במלחמה הזאת.",
+                    "ג. אולם גם אחרי הצרה הזאת לא סר גאון היהודים, ונהפוך הוא, כי חִזקה עוד הרעה את עזות פניהם ולא שמו לבם להמון החללים המתבוססים לרגליהם, וזכר נצחונותיהם הראשונים השׁיאם להביא עליהם מגפה שנית. הם לא חכו עד אשר ירפאו פצעיהם ואספו את כל חילם ובשארית חֵמות ובהמון גדול מבראשונה מהרו במרוצה אל אשקלון. אולם גם הפעם מצא אותם כפגע הראשון, גמול חֹסר דעת הקרָב ויתר מגרעותיהם למלחמה. כי אנטוניוס טמן להם אורב במעברות הארץ והם נפלו אל הפח מבלי דעת, ועוד טרם הסתדרו במערכה הקיפו עליהם הרוכבים ועוד הפעם נפלו חללים שמונת אלפים איש ומעלה והנשארים נמלטו על נפשם ויחד אתם גם ניגר, אשר הפליא להראות את גבורתו בעת מנוסתו. כי נלחצו היהודים בידי רודפיהם אל מגדל־מבצר אחד בכפר הנקרא בֶּלְצֶדֶק (נ״א: בֶּצֶדֶל, בֶּזֶדֶל), ואנשי אנטוניוס לא יכלו להתמהמה לפני המגדל, כי קשה היה לכבשו וגם לא רצו לתת לשר־הצבא הגדול מכל היהודים בגבורתו לצאת בשלום, ועל־כן שלחו אש בחומה, וכאשר עלתה הלהבה מן המגדל שבו הרומאים לדרכם בשמחה וחשבו בלבם, כי מת ניגר. אולם הוא קפץ אל תוך מערה עמֻקה בירכתי המצודה ונצל מן הלהבה. ואחרי שלשה ימים שמע את נהי האנשים, אשר חקרו למצֹא את עצמותיו ולקברו, וענה לקולם. וכאשר יצא בשלום נפעמה רוח היהודים ושמחו שמחה גדולה, כי מאת האלהים באה ישועת האיש הזה, אשר נועד להוציא ולהביא את צבאותיהם במלחמה העתידה.",
+                    "ד. ואספסינוס פקד את הצבא בעיר אנטיוכיה, היא העיר הגדולה בארץ סוריה, ועל־פי גדלהּ וחֹסן אשרהּ היא שלישית במעלתה בכל חלק העולם הסר לשלטון הרומאים, ושם אסף אליו גם את אגריפס המלך, המחכה לקראת בואו עם כל חילו, ומִהר לנסוע אל עכו. ובעיר הזאת קדמו את פניו אנשי צפורי עיר הגליל, אשר הם לבדם מכל יושבי הגליל דרשׁו שלום לרומאים, כי היטיבו לראות מאין יבוא עזרם וידעו את כל חֹזק, הרומאים, ועל־כן מהרו עוד לפני עלות אספסינוס לתת את ערֻבּתם לצֵסֶניוס גַּלוס וכרתו עמו ברית וקבלו חיל־משמר, ועתה יצאו בברכת שלום לקראת המצביא [החדש] והבטיחוהו, כי בכל אוַת־נפשם יהיו נאמנים בבריתו גם נגד אחיהם. וראש־הצבא מִלא את שאלתם ונתן להם חיל רוכבים ורגלים, אשר תמצא ידו לשמור את שלום העיר ולהגן עליה משֹׁד בעלות עליה היהודים למלחמה, כי לא קל היה בעיניו הנזק אשר ימצא אותו בהלקח ממנו לפני המלחמה העתידה העיר צפורי, היא הגדולה בכל ערי הגליל, הבנויה במקום משגב והמֻקפה חומה, אשר תהיה לו למבצר לעֻמת העם היושב בגליל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תאור ארץ הגליל, ארץ שמרון וארץ יהודה.</small><br><br>א. שתים הן ארצות הגליל: האחת מכֻנה בשם הגליל העליון והשנית בשם הגליל התחתון, ומסביב להן נמצאו ארץ הצידונים (פיניקיה) וארץ סוריה. וממערב שמש גבולות הארץ הם עכו עם בנותיה והר הכרמל, אשר היה לפנים לבני הגליל, ועתה הוא נחשב על גבול הצורים. ובקרבתו נמצאה גבע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גבה. עיין ספר ב, י״ח, א.</i> עיר הרוכבים, אשר נקראה בשם הזה, כי ישבו בה רוכבים מצבא המלך הורדוס, אשר נפטרו מעבודתם. וגבול הדרום הן ארץ משרון ועיר בית־שאן עד מי הירדן. ומרוח קדם גבול הגליל הן ארצות סוסיתא (היפוס) וגדר וארץ הגולן, ושם נמצאו גם גבולות מלכות אגריפס. ומרוח צפון סובב הגבול על צור וארץ נחלתה. ואֹרך הגליל התחתון מעיר טבריה עד כבול (חבולון)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: זבולון. את אֹרך הגליל מונה יוסיפוס במובן הרֹחב הגיאוגרפי, ואת רחבה במובן האֹרך הגיאוגרפי, לעמת זאת בעבר הירדן (להלן, ג) וביהודה (ה) הוא מכַוֵּן את אֹרך הארץ ורחבה למובנים הגיאוגרפיים.</i> בקרבת חוף עכו, ורחבה מן הכפר אשר בעמק הגדול ושמו כִּסָּלוֹת (כסלות־תבור) עד באר־שבע. ומשם רֹחב הגליל העליון עד כפר בקע (בַּקַּה), הוא קצה גבול ארץ הצורים. וארכהּ מכפר תֵּלָה אשר על הירדן עד מֵרון (מידות).",
+                    "ב. ואף כי שתי ארצות הגליל קטנות במדה ומכל עברים הן מֻקפות ערי־נכר, בכל־זאת עצרו יושביהן. בכל המלחמות את האויבים מעלות על הארץ, כי היו הגלילים אנשי־מלחמה מנעוריהם ועצומים במספרם כל הימים ומעולם לא שלט מֹרך־לב באנשים ומעולם לא חסרה הארץ גברים [יוצאים לקראת נשק], כי כֻלה ארץ דשנה ואדמת־מִרעה וגם עצים שונים צומחים בה ועֹשר תנובת הארץ מושך גם את לב האנשים הרחוקים מאהבת עבודת־האדמה. וכל הארץ נזרעה בידי יושביה ולא נמצא בה אף חבל שומם אחד. ובגלל ברכת האדמה הטובה ערי־הגליל הרבות והמון הכפרים מלאים אדם (מרֻבּים באֻכלוסים) וגם מספר יושבי הקטן שבכפרים הוא חמשה־עשר אלף.",
+                    "ג. ואף כי ארץ הגליל נופלת במדתה מעבר־הירדן (ארץ פֶרַיָּה), הנה היא עולה עליה בחֵילה ובעֹשרה, כי כֻּלה ארץ זרועה ופוריה בכל מקום, וארץ עבר־הירדן, הגדולה מהגליל הרבה, היא אדמת רכסים שוממה, וקשה לגִדול עצי־פרי טובים — ואמנם גם פה החלקות הטובות מלאות מֶגֶד שדה, ובעמקים צומחים כל מיני עצי־פרי, ויושבי הארץ מגַדלים זיתים וגפנים ותמרים לרֹב; הפלגים היורדים מראשי ההרים משקים את האדמה לרויה, ואִתּם יחד מקורות נאמנים, השוטפים כל ימי השנה, גם בחרבוני קיץ בעת יֹבש הפלגים. ואֹרך ארץ עבר־הירדן ממכור עד פחל, ורחבּהּ מרַבּת־עמון עד הירדן. ועיר פחל האמורה היא גבול צפון והירדן גבול מערב. ומעבר לגבול הארץ בדרום נמצאה ארץ מואב, ובגבול המזרח הן ארץ ערב וארץ חשבון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סִלְבּוֹגִיטִיס, נ״א: אֶסְבּוֹגִיטִיס.</i> והערים רבת־עמון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פילדלפיה.</i> וגרש (גרסה).",
+                    "ד. וארץ שמרון נמצאה בין הגליל ובין ארץ יהודה בתוֶך. ותחלתה מן הכפר הנקרא גנים (גיניה), אשר בעמק הגדול, וסופה בקרבת פלך עקרבים, ובתכונתה אינה שונה מארץ יהודה, כי שתיהן ארצות הרים ועמקים רבים והן טובות לעבודת האדמה ונותנות יבול רב, וגם עצים נמצאים בהן למכביר ועושים פרי־הַבָּר ופרי־הגנים. אמנם ארצות צמאון הן מתכונת אדמתן (אינן עשירות במוצאי מים), אך מי הגשמים מרַוים אותן לרֹב. מי הנחלים השוטפים פה הם נפלאים במתקם והמון המרעה הטוב מביא שפע ברכה לחלֵב הבּהמה, אשר אין כמוהו ביתר הארצות. ועֵד נאמן על מעלות שתי הארצות וברכת אדמתן הוא המון יושביהן הרב.",
+                    "ה. והגבול בין שתי הארצות הוא הכפר עַנְוַת, הנקרא ברקאי, ומעבר הדרום למקום הזה היא ארץ יהודה — והכפר הזה הוא גבולה מצפון, וגבול הדרום לפי מדת ארכה הוא הכפר הסמוך לגבולות ערב הנקרא בשם יַרְדֵּן. ולרחבּהּ ארץ יהודה משתרעת מנהר הירדן עד יפו ובין שני הגבולים בתוֶך מקום העיר ירושלים. על־כן קראו לה רבים בצדק בשם טבור הארץ. וגם אין ארץ יהודה חסרה שפע־ימים, כי היא נמשכת לאֹרך שפת הים עד עכו. והארץ נחלקת לאחד־עשר חבל, ועל כֻּלם מושלת העיר ירושלים כקרית מלוכה, כי היא מתרוממת על כל סביבותיה כדמיון הראש המתרומם מעל לגוף. ויתר הערים נחלקות לפלכים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טוֹפַּרְכִיוֹת.</i>, הנקראים על שמן. גופנא הפלך השני ואחריו עקרבים (עקרבתא) ואחריו תמנה ולוד, אמאוס ופֶלֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלי ספק פלך בית־לפתפני, הנזכר להלן (ספר ד, ה, א. עיין שם), ונשתבש השם כאן מאד.</i> ואדום ועין־גדי, הורדיון ויריחו. ואחרי הערים האלה גם יבנה ויפו וסביבותיהן<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יוסיפוס מונה י״א פלכים (מחוזות), מלבד יבנה ויפו, שכנראה חֻבּרוּ אל הנציבות הסורית. לעֻמת־זאת פליניוס הרומאי מחשב עשרה פלכים, ופלך יפו בכלל, ואינו מזכיר את אדום ועין־גדי (תולדות הטבע, ב, טו.)</i>. ועל הארצות האלה נוספו מחוז גמלא והגולן והבשן וחבל ארגוב (ארץ טרכון) הם חלקי מלכות אגריפס. כי ראשית מלכות אגריפס היא בהרי הלבנון ועל־יד מקורות הירדן, ומשם היא נמשכת לרחבהּ עד ים טבריה (כנרת, גנוסר), וארכה מן הכפר הנקרא ערפה (ארפה) עד יולִיַס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">היא יוליס — בית צידא, שבנה פיליפוס (ספר ב, ט, א) בגולן התחתון, סמוך לים־כנרת.</i>. והיהודים והסורים יושבים בה יחד. בדברים האלה הודעתי בקצור נמרץ את תכונות ארץ יהודה והארץ אשר מסביב."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יוסף התנפל על צפורי ונלחץ לשוב אחור, טיטוס בא בחיל גדול אל עכו.</small><br><br>א. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר שלח אספסינוס לעזרת בני צפורי, והם אלף רוכבים וששת אלפים רגלים, ובראשם שר־האלף פלַצידוס, חנו לראשונה בעמק הגדול ואחרי־כן נפרדו, הרגלים באו אל העיר לשמור עליה והרוכבים נשארו במקום תחנותם הראשון. ואלה ואלה יצאו כפעם בפעם ממקומם ופשטו בארץ והרבו לעשות רעה לאנשי יוסף היושבים במנוחה, כי בזזו את סביבות הערים והכו את האנשים הנועזים לצאת אל השדה. על־כן מהר יוסף לעלות על צפורי וקוה לכבוש את העיר, אשר ידיו חִזקו את חומותיה, בטרם פשעה בארץ הגליל, ושמו אותה למשגב, למען יקשה לרומאים ללכדו, והדבר היה לו עתה למוקש, כי נכזבה תוחלתו לקחת את העיר בחֹזק־יד וגם נבצר ממנו להפוך את לב יושבי צפורי עליו לטובה. ובמסעו זה חִזק יוסף את המלחמה בקרב הארץ, כי הרומאים קצפו עליו על אשר התנפל פתאם על העיר ולא נתנו לו מנוח בלילה וביום, כי השחיתו את הארץ ושדדו את כל רכוש יושביה הנמצא בשדה, וכפעם בפעם המיתו את בחורי המלחמה ומכרו לעבדים את הזקנים והחלשים. וכל ארץ הגליל מלאה אש ודם, ולא נמצא מכאוב ויגון אשר לא עבר עליה, ורק מנוס אחד נשאר לעם הבזוז והשסוי — בערים אשר חִזק יוסף את חומותיהן.",
+                    "ב. וטיטוס נחפז לעבור דרך הים מאכֵיה אל אלכסנדריה, אף כי היו אז ימי הגשמים, וקבל את הצבא כאשר פקד עליו אביו והחיש את מסעו והגיע במהרה אל עכו. ושם מצא את אביו וחִבּר את שני הלגיונות המהֻללים, אשר הביא עמו, והם הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי, אל הלגיון החמשה־עשר, אשר בידי אביו. ועליהם נוספו שמונה־עשר גדודים (קוהורטות) ועוד חמשה גדודים ולהקת רוכבים אחת באו מעיר קיסריה וחמש להקות רוכבים מארץ סוריה. ועשרה גדודים היו בני אלף רגלים האחד, ובכל אחד משלשה־עשר הגדודים הנותרים היו שש מאות רגלים. וכל להקת רוכבים היתה בת מאה ועשרים איש. וגם חיל־עזר רב ממלכי הברית נאסף שמה (אל עכו), כי אנטיוכוס (מלך קומחי) ואגריפס ושׁהים (מלך חמת) הביאו כל אחד אלפַּים אנשי־צבא רגלים רובי־קשת ואלף רוכבים, ומלכו הערבי (מלך נבטו, היושב בסלע) שלח אלף רוכבים וחמשת אלפים רגלים, כֻּלָּם רובי־קשת. וככה הגיע כל צבא הרומאים עם חיל המלכים עד ששים אלף איש, רוכבים ורגלים, מלבד משרתי הצבא אשר הלכו אחריו במספר רב ועצום, וגם הם לא נבדלו בדעת הקרב מחבריהם יוצאי המלחמה, כי בעת שלום למדו את טכסיסי הקרב יחד עם אדוניהם ובעת מלחמה היו אִתּם יחד בצרה ואיש לא עלה עליהם בדעת הליכות המלחמה ובגבורה, מלבד אדוניהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צבאות הרומאים ומחנותיהם ויתר שבחיהם ומעלותיהם.</small><br><br>א. ומי לא ישתומם לדברים האמורים על תבונת הרומאים, כי לִמדו את עבדיהם לא רק לשרת אותם לצרכי חייהם, כי־אם גם להועיל להם בעת מלחמה. ואם יתבונן איש ליתר טכסיסי צבאותיהם, יבין וידע, כי רק בתבונת כפיהם עשו להם הרומאים את הממשלה הגדולה הזאת ולא קבלו אותה למתנה ממזלם. כי אינם מחכים לעת מלחמה לאחוז את החרב, ולא רק בשעת דחקם הם שולחים ידיהם לקראת נשק, למען אסוף אותן בזמן־שלום, כי־אם דמיונם כאנשים אשר נולדו עם כלי מלחמתם יחד, וכל הימים אינם שובתים מלשאת את משמרת עבודת המלחמה, ואינם חושבים את חרבם לשעת הכֹּשר. שנוני־המלחמה אשר להם אינם שונים ממלחמת־אמת, וכל אחד מאנשי־הצבא מתרגל בעבודת המלחמה מדי יום ביומו בכל אַות־נפשו כבעת צאתו לקרב, ועל־כן נקל להם להפליא גבורה במלחמה. ואין מבוכה שולטת במערכותיהם, אשר הסכינו לסדרים, ואין פחד לנגד עיניהם, ואין יגיע המלחמה אוכל את כֹּחם; על־כן הנצחון רודף אחריהם תמיד, כי אין דומה להם בדרכיהם אלה. ואמנם לא ישגה אדם בקראו לשנוני־מלחמתם בשם מלחמה בלי שפך־דם ואת מעשיהם בעת הקרב בשם שעשועי־מלחמה עם שפך־דם. וגם בהגיח עליהם האויב פתאם לא יקל בידו להפילם תחתיו. כי הרומאים הפורצים בגבול האויב אינם נגשים למלחמה בטרם יבצרו את מחנם בחומה, וגם אינם שׂמים את מחנם בכל מקום או בלי סדרים, וגם לא כֻלָּם שולחים ידם במלאכה הזאת בערבוביה, כי במצאם מקום עקֹב הם הופכים אותו לראשונה למישור, ואחרי־כן הם מודדים את מקום המחנה כתבנית רבוע, ולאחרונה באים עושי המלאכה עם כל כלי עבודתם.",
+                    "ב. ואת הככר אשר מבית למצודת המחנה הם חולקים לאהלי הצבא. וחֵל־המצודה מחוץ הוא כמראה חומה, שעליה מתנוססים מגדלים ברוָחים שוים. ובין המגדלים האלה הם מקימים את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי־החצים (הקטפולטות) ואת הבליסטראות (רומי־האבנים, הבליסטות) ואת יתר מכונות הקלע, וכל הכלים האלה ערוכים לירות בהם. וארבעה שערים הם מקימים בחומת המחנה לכל רוחות השמים, והשערים מרֻוחים מאד, למען יוכלו לעבור בהם עם בהמות־הסבל, ורחבים כדי יכלת אנשי־הצבא להגיח מהם במהרה [על האויב]. ואת חלל המחנה מבית הם מחלקים למגרשים וביניהם הם תוקעים את אהלי שרי־החיָּלים ובטבור המחנה הם שמים את אהל המצביא הראש כדמות היכל, עד כי דמות המחנה כמראה עיר כמעט, עם שוק ומקום קבוע לבעלי־המלאכות וכסאות למושב המִּשנים וראשי־הגדודים, השופטים בכל דברי הריב בין אנשי־הצבא. עושי־המלאכה הרבים משלימים את בנין המצודה וכל אשר בקרבה בחפזון נשגב מכח בינת אדם. ויש אשר הם מקיפים את המחנה בחריץ, אשר מדת עמקו ורחבו היא ארבע אמות.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי כלות אנשי־הצבא את המלאכה הזאת הם חונים במנוחה ובמשטר איש על דגלו. ואת כל הדברים הם ממלאים בסדר ובבטחה, וככה הם מביאים את העצים ואת הצֵדה הדרושה להם וגם את המים על־ידי משמרות קבועים, כי אסור לכל אחד לאכול את סעֻדת היום (הערב) או פת־שחרית בעת אשר ימצא חפצו בדבר, רק כֻּלָּם אוכלים בבת־אחת, והחצוצרה נותנת להם אות לישן את שנתם או לעמוד על המשמר או להשכים ממשכבם, ואין הם עושים דבר מבלי פקֻדה. וכעלות השחר נגשים אנשי־הצבא אל שרי־המאות לברכם. ושרי־המאות הולכים לקַדם בברכת־הבֹּקר את פני שרי־האלפים. ואחריהם כל שׂרי החיָּלים מתאספים לברך את המפקד הראשי. והוא נותן להם את הסִמן כחֹק היום ומוסר בידם את יתר הפקֻדות, למען יגַלה אותן כל איש לאנשי־הצבא העומדים למשמעתו. וכן הם עושים גם במערכות הקרב, וממהרים לפנות אל המקום הדרוש. וכאיש אחד הם יוצאים למלחמה ואוספים את ידיהם לאות הפקֻדה.",
+                    "ד. והחצוצרה נותנת להם את האות להסיע את מחנם בעת הצֹרך. ואין איש נשאר במנוחה, כי לקול האות ממהרים הם כהרף־עין לפרק את אהליהם ולתקן את הכל למסע, ועוד הפעם נותנת להם החצוצרה אות להתכונן והם טוענים בחפזון את כל הכבודה על העיָרים ויתר בהמות המשא, ועומדים נכונים ומצפים כרצים מתחרים לפני מחיצת המעגל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה באצטדין או באמפיתיאטרון (קרקוס) בעת המרוץ על־מנת לקבל פרס.</i>. ואחרי זאת הם שולחים אש במצודת מחנם, בדעתם כי נקל יהיה להם להקימה מחדש במקום הזה וביראם פן ימצאו שונאיהם בה חפץ. והחצוצרות נותנות להם אות שלישי, להחל את מסעם, ומעירות את האנשים, אשר פגרו מסבת־מה, להחיש את מעשיהם, לבל יִפָּקד איש מכל הצבא, והכּורז העומד לימין ראש־הצבא שואל אותם שלש פעמים בלשון הרומית, אם הם מוכנים למסע, והם עונים שלש פעמים בקול רם ובלבב שלם, כי הם נכונים, ויש אשר הם מקדימים את פי השואל ומרימים ברוח מלחמה את קולם ונושאים למעלה את יד־ימינם.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי זאת הם יוצאים לדרך, וכֻלם צועדים במנוחה ובסדר, וכמו בעת מלחמה שומר כל איש את מקומו במערכה, והרגלִים לובשים שריונות וקובעים וחגורים נשק פיפיות על שתי ירכיהם, החרב אשר משמאלם היא הארֻכּה והמאכלת אשר מימינם אינה עולה על גמד בארכּהּ. ובחורי הצבא הרגלי, השומרים לראש המִפקד, נושאים חנית (לונכי) ומגן, ויתר אנשי־הצבא מזֻינים ברמחים ובשלטים ארֻכּים [רבועים], וכל איש נושא מַשׂור וסל, מעדר וגרזן. רצועות וּמַגַּל־יד. וצֵדה לשלשה ימים, וכמעט לא נבדל איש־הצבא הרגלי מבהמת־משא. והרוכבים נושאים חרב ארֻכּה על ירך ימינם ובידם חנית ארֻכּה, ושלט אֹרך רבוע נטוי על צלע הסוס, ובאשפה הרוכבים כשלשה או כארבעה כידונים בעלי להבות רחבות ואינם קטנים במדתם מן החנית. ובקובעיהם ושריוניהם דומים הרוכבים לרגלים. וגם בחירי הרוכבים השומרים לראש שר־הצבא אינם שונים בנשקם מאחיהם העוברים בלהקותיהם. ובראש המסע הולך הלגיון, אשר נפל עליו הגורל.",
+                    "ו. אלה משפטי הרומאים בעת מסעיהם ובעת חנותם, וכלי־נשקם השונים. והם אינם יוצאים למלחמה בלי עצה (ישוב־הדעת) ובמקרה (באקראי), כי כל דבר נעשה תמיד במחשבה ולעת גזרם דבר הם ממלאים אותו מיד. על־כן כמעט אין הם שוגים במעשיהם, וכאשר יכשלו פעם, יתקנו את המעֻוָּת על־נקלה. והם חושבים, כי טוב להם אם יקרה אותם פגע בעשותם דברם במועצות ודעת מאשר תבוא עליהם טובה במקרה (בהסח הדעת), כי הטוב אשר הגיע לאדם פתאֹם משיא אותו לעשות דבריו בקלות־ראש. ולעֻמת־זאת תלַמד בחינת השכל את האדם — הבוש מתוחלתו — לבקש עצה ותחבולה לבל יִשָּׁנה הדבר עוד פעם, כי הטוב הבא לאדם מבלי דעתו אינו פֹעל ידיו של המקבל, אולם בהתגולל עליו צרה בדבר הנעשה בהשכל ובדעת מצֹא ימצא תנחומים, בהכירו כי מִלא את דברו בכֹבד־ראש.",
+                    "ז. ובשנוני־המלחמה הרומאים מחזקים לא רק את גופם, כי־אם גם את רוחם. וגם האימה מועילה להם בדבר הזה. ואף כי חֻקיהם זוקקים עֹנש־מות לא על המנוסה מן המחנה לבד, כי־אם גם על עברות קלות מזו, — הנה אימת שרי־הצבא גדולה עוד ממורא החֻקים על פניהם. ורק בתתם כבוד רב לאנשי־הצבא המשֻׁבּחים, המפקדים שומרים על עצמם לבל יחָשבו כרשעים אכזרים בעשותם שפטים בחַיָּבים. וכה חזקה משמעת שרי־הצבא על־פני הרומאים, עד כי בעת שלום מראם נהדר מאד, ובמערכה כל אנשי־הצבא הם כבשר אחד. שורותיהם מה נצמדו יחד, תנועותיהם מה קלות, אזניהם מה נטויות להקשיב את הפקֻדה, והעינים מה לטושות להביט אל האותות, והידים מה נכונות לקראת המעשה! ובהגיע שעת עלילה הם קצרי־רוח ובעת סבל הם ארכי־אפים, ובעמדם במערכה לא יִכָּשׁלו לעולם מפני תחבולות שונאיהם ולא מפני מעצורי המקום וגם לא מפני גזרת הגורל, כי רצון הנצחון מתגבר בקרבם על פגעי הגורל. היפלא אפוא הדבר, כי העם, אשר העצה והתבונה עוברות בראש מערכותיו וצבא בעל מעשים כזה ממהר למלא אחרי העצה — הרחיב את גבולות ממשלתו עד נהר פרת במזרח וים אוקינוס במערב ועד משמני ארץ לוב בדרום והנהרות איסטרוס (דונה) ורינוס בצפון? הן כמעט יאמר האומר, כי אין הקנין שׁוֶֹה בקונהו.",
+                    "ח. את כל הדברים האלה דרשתי פה, ויותר אשר רציתי להלל בהם את הרומאים אמרתי לנחם בהם את המנֻצחים ולהשיב את אוהבי המרד מדרכיהם. ואולי יוסיף ציור הליכות הרומאים דעת לאוהבי חכמה, אשר נעלם מהם הדבר. ועתה אשוב אל הדברים, אשר נטיתי מהם הצדה למען זאת."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פְּלַצִּידוס עלה על יודפת לכבשה ונִגף לפני היהודים. אספסינוס פרץ בארץ הגליל.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס וטיטוס בנו נשארו בעַכּו, לסַדר את צבאותיהם. וּפְלַצִּידוס, אשר פשט על הגליל, המית המון רב מן השבוים אשר בידו, והם הזקנים והחלשים, אשר עיפה נפשם להורגים, ובראותו כי אנשי המלחמה נמלטים כפעם בפעם אל ערי המבצר הבנויות בידי יוסף, מהר לעלות על יודפת, ראש מבצרי הארץ. כי חשב לתפוש את העיר על־נקלה, בהתנפלו עליה פתאם, וגם האמין, כי בדבר הזה יקנה לו שם גדול בעיני שרי־הצבא וגם יועיל להם הרבה בהליכות המלחמה, כי אחרי הִכָּבַשׁ המבצר החזק בכל הארץ ייראו בני יתר הערים ויִכָּנעו תחת הרומאים. אולם מה מאד נכזבה תוחלת פלצידוס! לבני יודפת נודע דבר בואו והם קדמו את פניו מחוץ לשערי העיר והתנפלו על הרומאים פתאם בהמון רב ומוכן למלחמה, והשליכו את נפשם מנגד כגבורי־חיל הנלחמים בעד עירם הנמצאה בצרה ובעד נשיהם וטפם, והניסו את שונאיהם חיש מהר, אחרי פצעם רבים מצבא הרומאים. ומספר ההרוגים היה רק שבעה אנשים, כי נסוגו הרומאים אחור בסדר ולהבת רודפיהם לא יכלה לפלח את בשרם המכֻסה שריון ומגן כלו, וגם הרבו היהודים בנשקם הקל לירות ברומאים מרחוק מהתנגח אתם פנים אל פנים. גם מבין היהודים נפלו שלשה אנשים ונפצעו אחדים. ככה הבין פלצידוס, כי יִבָּצר ממנו לכבוש את העיר, ונמלט על נפשו.",
+                    "ב. אספסינוס גמר לעלות בעצמו על ארץ הגליל ונסע מעכו וצוה על צבאו לצאת למסע כדרך הרומאים. את כלי־הנשק מחיל־העזר ואת רובי־הקשת צוה לשלח לפניו, למען יעצרו את האויב מהתנפל עליהם פתאם וגם יתורו את היערים החשודים, אשר יוכלו להסתתר בהם אורבים. ואחרי החלוצים האלה נסע גם חלק אנשי־הצבא כבדי־הנשק, רגלים ורוכבים, ואחריהם הלכו עשרה איש למאה (צנטוריה), אשר נשאו מלבד הכבודה גם חבלי־מדה למֹד את מקום מצודת המחנה, ויחד אתם סוללי הדרכים, אשר נועדו להסיר מכשול מדרך הצבא ולישר את ההדורים וגם לחצוב את היערים העוצרים את הצבא במסעו, למען אשר לא ייעף הצבא מקֹשי הדרכים. ואחרי הסוללים האלה שלח אספסינוס את הכבודה אשר לו ולשרי־צבאותיו עם רוכבים רבים לסוכך עליה. ואחרי הכבודה נסע הוא בעצמו עם בחורי הרגלים והרוכבים ונושאי החניתות. ואחריהם הלכו הרוכבים אשר לכל לגיון ולגיון, כי מספר הרוכבים הנלוים אל כל לגיון מאה ועשרים איש. ואחריהם נסעו הפרדים נושאי מכונות־הרעש (אילי הברזל) ויתר מכונות המלחמה. ואחריהם שרי־החילים וראשי־הגדודים (הקוהורטות) ושרי־האלפים עם שומרי ראשם מבחורי הצבא. ואחריהם סִמני (דגלי) הלגיונות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הסמנים הם הדגלים הגדולים, שבחם משבעה תמונת הקיסר, — עץ למעלה, ספר ב, פ, ב — ג. הנשר הוא פסל הקבוע על מוט.</i> עם צלם נשר בתוך, כי לפני כל לגיון רומאי עובר הנשר, הוא מלך כל העופות והחזק בכלם, אשר נחשב בעיניהם (של הרומאים) לסמל הממשלה ולאות, כי ינצחו את אויביהם בצאתם עליהם למלחמה. ואחרי קדשי הצבא האלה נסעו המחצצרים, ואחריהם כל מערכות הלוחמים מסֻדרות בשורות, ובכל אחת ששה אנשים לרחבה, ואחריהם הלך שר־מאה להשגיח על המערכה כחֹק. ועבדי כל לגיון ולגיון הלכו אחרי צבא הרגלים ונשאו אִתם על כתף פרדים ויתר בהמות־סבל את כבודת אנשי־הצבא. ואחרי כל הלגיונות נסע המון שכירי המלחמה, ואחריהם חיל־המאסף, רגלים מזֻינים ורוכבים רבים, להגן על הצבא מאחור.",
+                    "ג. ככה נסע אספסינוס עם חילו ובא בגבולות הגליל ושׁם שָׂם את מחנהו ועצר את רוח אנשי־צבאו המשתוקקים לצאת לקרב, כי לראשונה חשב להפיל את אימתו על השונאים, בהראותו את כל עֹצם חילו, ולתת להם זמן להנחם ממעשיהם, אם ירצו לשוב מדרכם עוד לפני המלחמה. ויחד עם זה הכין את הכל לקראת מצור המבצרים. למראה המפקד הרומאי נחמו רבים על מרדם וכל יושבי הגליל נבהלו מפניו. והאנשים אשר חנו יחד עם יוסף לא רחוק מצפורי בגבול העיר הנקראה גרסיס (גריס) שמעו, כי המלחמה הולכת וקרובה אליהם ועוד מעט ויתראו עם הרומאים פנים, ולא חכו לקרב הראשון, ועוד טרם ראו את האויב עין בעין ברחו ונפוצו לכל רוח. וליוסף נשארו מתי־מספר, ובראותו כי לא תמצא ידו לקַדם את פני השונאים בחיל קטן כזה וכי נפלה רוח היהודים ואם יאָמנו דבריהם בעיני הרומאים, יצאו המונים המונים לכרות אתם ברית שלום, על־כן ירא יוסף מאד לגורל כל המלחמה וגמר להרחיק מן הסכנה ולקח עמו את הנשארים ונמלט אל טבריה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אספסינוס כבש את עיר גדר (נ״א: גברה) ועלה על יודפת ואחרי מצור ממֻשך נפלה העיר בידו באשמת בוגד אחד.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס עלה על עיר גברה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: גדרה, גם ערבה.</i> וכבש אותה מיד, כי מצא אותה עזובה מאנשי־מלחמה, ובבואו בשעריה צוה להמית את כל בחוריה, אולם הרומאים לא שׂמו פדות בין זקן ונער, בשנאתם הגדולה ליהודים ובזכרם את התועבה אשר נעשתה לצסטיוס. ולא את העיר לבד שלח אספסינוס באש, כי־אם גם את כל הכפרים והערים הקטנות אשר מסביב; את אלה מצא ריקות מאדם, ובאלה מכר את היושבים לעבדים.",
+                    "ב. ובבוא יוסף אל העיר, אשר בקש להִשָּׂגב שם מפני האויב, חרדו יושביה חרדה גדולה, כי אמרו אנשי טבריה אל לבם, אשר לא נמלט יוסף על נפשו לולא נואש כלה מתקות הנצחון במלחמה. ואמנם לא שגו האנשים במחשבתם על יוסף, כי כבר צפה את אחרית היהודים הרעה והבין, כי רק באחת יִוָּשעו, אם יִנָּחמו על מעשיהם. ואף כי האמין יוסף, אשר יסלחו הרומאים לחטאתו, בכל־זאת נקל היה לו למות שבעתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית ״הרבה פעמים״. ויש מי שתרגם ״מאה״ וגם ״אלף״ פעמים.</i> מבּגֹד בארץ אבותיו ומִנַּבּל את משרת שר־הצבא, אשר הפקיד העם בידו, כדי למצֹא רֶוח והצלה בידי העם, אשר נשלח להלחם בו. על־כן גמר אֹמר לכתוב אל ראשי הממשלה בירושלים ולהודיעם את הדברים לאשורם, מבלי להפריז במדת כח השונאים — פן יֵצא עליו שם רע, כי הוא רך־לבב — וגם מבלי להקטין את הסכנה — פן יבואו ראשי העם להתחזק במרדם, אחרי החִלם להנחם על מעשיהם. ועם המכתב הזה דרש יוסף מהם לענות אותו במהרה, אולי הם בוחרים לכרות ברית שלום עם הרומאים, או לשלוח לו צבא, אשר כח בידו לעמוד בפני השונאים, אם יגזרו משפטם להלחם ברומאים. ואת המכתב הזה נתן יוסף בידי רצים ממהרים להביאו אל ירושלים.",
+                    "ג. ואספסינוס גמר לעלות על יודפת להשחיתה, בשמעו כי נמלטו לתוכה רבים מאויביו ובדעתו כי המקום הוא משגב חזק לבני הגליל. הוא שלח לפניו חיל רגלים ורוכבים ליַשר את הדרך העולה שמה, כי היתה דרך מלאה אבנים וקשה היה ללכת בה ברגל ורוכבי הסוסים לא יכלו לעבור בה כלל. לקץ ארבעה ימים כלו האנשים את עבודתם ובקעו מסלה רחבה למעבר אנשי־הצבא, וביום החמישי, בעשרים ואחד לחדש ארטמיסיוס (אִיָּר)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ג״א תתכ״ז — 67 למנין הנהוג.</i>, מהר יוסף לבוא מטבריה אל יודפת ולחזק את לב היהודים אשר נפל עליהם. ואחד הפליטים הנופלים אל הרומאים הביא לאספסינוס את הבשורה הטובה, כי בא האיש הזה אל המבצר, ועל־כן החיש אספסינוס ועלה להלחם בעיר, כי אמר בלבו להכניע את כל ארץ יהודה בכבשו את המבצר הזה, אם יעלה בידו לתפוש את יוסף בכפו. הוא שמח לבשורה הזאת כמוצא אֹשר רב, בהאמינו, כי בגזרת האלהים נפל האיש הזה — אשר נחשב לגדול בחכמתו מכל שונאיו — בפחת אשר כרה לו בידיו, — ומיד שלח אלף רוכבים תחת פקדת פלצידוס ושר־העשרה אֵיבּוּטִיּוּס, איש גבור־חיל וחכם־לב, וצוה אותם לסגור על העיר, פן ימָלט יוסף ממנה.",
+                    "ד. ולמחרת היום לקח אספסינוס את כל צבאו ונסע גם הוא אחרי הרוכבים עד בואו לעת ערב לפני חומת יודפת. הוא חנה עם צבאו מצפון לעיר על גבעה רחוקה ממנה שבע פרסאות, כי בקש להראות לאויביו עין בעין את כל חילו העצום ולהפיל עליהם את פחדו. וכן היה, אימה חשכה נפלה על היהודים, עד אשר לא מצא איש כח בנפשו לצאת משערי החומה. אולם הרומאים לא רצו להשתער על העיר בלילה ההוא, כי קצרה נפשם מעמל הדרך כל היום, על־כן הקיפו את העיר במערכה כפולה ועליה הציגו בשורה שלישית את הרוכבים לסגור על כל מוצאי העיר. אבל הדבר הזה הפיח בלב היהודים עֹז וגבורה למלחמה, כי ראו אשר אבד מהם מנוס. כי אמנם האֹנס מפליא לגַבּר חילים במלחמה!",
+                    "ה. וכעלות הבֹּקר התנפלו הרומאים על העיר. והיהודים החונים בשדה (לפני שערי העיר) החזיקו מעמד בראשונה לפני הרומאים. אך כאשר שלח אספסינוס את רובי־הקשת ואת הקלעים ואת כל היורים למיניהם וצוה עליהם לירות ביהודים, והוא העפיל לעלות עם חיל הרגלים על ראש הסלע התלול, אשר משם היה קל לתפוש את החומה, חרד יוסף לגורל העיר ויצא להלחם ברומאים בראש כל חיל היהודים. הם התנפלו בהמון על הרומאים וגרשו אותם מן החומה והגדילו להראות את גבורת ימינם ועֹצם רוחם. אולם מספר הנופלים מקרב היהודים לא קטן ממספר חללי שונאיהם. כי במדה שהוסיף היאוש גבורה ליהודים, ככה חזקה הבֹּשת (פן יִנָּגפו לפני שונאיהם) את רוח הרומאים, ואלה נלחמו בדעת הקרב ובכח ימינם ואלה באֹמץ לב ובחמת עֶברה, וכל היום ערכו מלחמה, ובלילה שקטו. והיהודים פצעו רבים מן הרומאים והמיתו בהם שלשה־עשר איש, ומהם נפלו שבעה־עשר חללים ושש מאות איש נפצעו.",
+                    "ו. וביום המחרת יצאו היהודים עוד הפעם מן העיר לקראת הרומאים הנלחמים עליה והתנגחו אתם ביתר עֹז, כי החיל אשר עשו ביום אתמול, בעוד אשר לא קוו להחזיק מעמד — הוסיף להם כח ועצמה לעמוד אף הפעם על נפשם בפני הרומאים, אשר גם הם נלחמו בשארית גבורה, יען אשר בושו, כי לא עלה בידם לנצח את אויביהם חיש מהר ולמפלה נחשב הדבר בעיניהם, וחמתם בערת מאד. ועד היום החמישי השתערו הרומאים על החומה בלי־הרף, ובני יודפת יצאו לקראתם ונלחמו אתם לפני השערים. והיהודים לא חתו מעֹצם כח שונאיהם וגם הרומאים לא עיפו ממצור העיר הקשה.",
+                    "ז. והעיר יודפת נמצאה כמעט כֻּלה בראש סלע תלול, המֻקף מעברים תהומות אין־חֵקר, ובנסות איש להשקיף למטה תחשכנה עיניו מעֹמק פי התהום, ורק מרוח צפון נמצאה דרך אל העיר, כי שם נבנתה בצלע ההר, ואת המקום הזה בִּצר יוסף בהקימו את חומת העיר, לבל יוכלו האויבים להגיע משם אל ראש ההר, המתנשא למעלה. ועוד הרים הקיפו את העיר מסביב, ועל־כן נסתרה מכל עבריה מעיני אדם טרם הגיע אליה. זאת היתה תכונת יודפת הבצורה.",
+                    "ח. אספסינוס אמר להתגבר על טבע המקום וגם על אֹמץ־לב היהודים המגִנים עליו וגמר לחזק את עבודת המצור. הוא קרא את שרי צבאותיו להוָּעץ אִתּם בדבר מלחמת התנופה במבצר, והם יעצו עצה לשפוך סוללה במקום אשר משם יוכלו לגשת אל החומה. על־כן שלח את כל הצבא להביא את החֹמר הדרוש, והם חצבו בהרים אשר מסביב לעיר ויחד עם העצים הביאו אבנים לאין־מספר. ולמחסה מן החצים העפים ממעלה מתח חלק הצבא מקלעת ענפים על משוכות עצים, ותחת הצפוי לא נזקו אנשי־הצבא כמעט ממטר אבני הבליסטראות, אשר נתך עליהם מן החומה, ושפכו את הסוללה במנוחה, וחבריהם עדרו את התללים הקרובים והספיקו להם עפר לעבודה. ככה נחלק הצבא לשלשת משמרות בעבודה הזאת, ואיש לא הלך בטל. והיהודים השליכו מן החומה צורי־אבנים גדולים וכל מיני קלעים על צפוי אנשי המלחמה, ואף כי לא הצליחו לפלח אותו, החרידו בקול המֻלת מַפּצם את עושי המלאכה.",
+                    "ט. אחרי־כן הציג אספסינוס מסביב את מכונות הקלע, ומספר הכלים היה מאה וששים, וצוה לנגח בהם את היהודים העומדים על החומה. זורקי החצים (הקטפולטות) הקיאו להבי־ברזל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לונכות (לונכיאות).</i> ואבנים גדולות בנות משקל ככר עפו מן הבליסטראות ולפידי אש וחצים נגרו בהמון ולא נתנו ליהודים לדרוך ברגליהם על החומה, ואף לצאת ולבוא בחוצות העיר. כי גם המון דורכי־הקשת הערבים וכל הרובים והקַלָּעים ירו על העיר עם המכונות יחד. וכאשר נבצר מהיהודים להשיב מלחמה לאויביהם מראש החומה, לא חבקו את ידיהם, רק עשו כמעשה שודדים והגיחו מן העיר חבורות חבורות וקרעו את צפוי בעלי־המלאכה והכו בהם, ומדי הניסם אותם הרסו את הסוללה ושלחו את המשוכה עם כל הקורות באש. לאחרונה הבין אספסינוס, כי סבת הנזק היא פרוד חלקי הסוללה, כי הרוָחים אשר בין החלקים נותנים ליהודים מקום לפרוץ בו, ועל־כן צוה לחבר את כל המשוכות לאחת, ובזה התלכדו גם חלקי הצבא העובד במלאכה ולא יכלו עוד היהודים להבקיעם.",
+                    "י. והסוללה הלכה הלוך וגדול וכמעט הגיעה עד מרום צנות החומה. ויוסף הבין, כי רעה נגד פניו, אם לא ימצא תחבולה לסַכּל את עצת הרומאים. ועל־כן אסף את הבונים וצוה אותם להוסיף על גֹבה החומה, וכאשר ענוהו האנשים, כי אין לאֵל־ידם לעשות את המלאכה תחת מטר־החצים ואבני־הקלע, מצא תחבולה להגן עליהם. הוא צוה להקים מחיצת עצים [על החומה] ולשטוח עליה עורות בקר חדשים (לחים), אשר התכנסו בפני אבני־הקלע ועצרו אותן ויתר החצים והחניתות צנחו מעליהם ושבו אחור. וגם לפידי האש דעכו בלֵחָם. ותחת המחסה הזה עבדו הבונים במנוחה יומם ולילה והרימו את חומת העיר עשרים אמה. וגם הקימו עליה מגדלים רבים ושׂמו עליה צנה חזקה. והרומאים, אשר האמינו, כי עוד מעט תעמודנה רגליהם בקרב העיר, התעצבו אל לבם מאד על הדבר הזה, כי נבהלו מתחבולת יוסף ומאֹמץ לב בני העיר.",
+                    "יא. וגם אספסינוס התרגז לתחבולת יוסף המחֻכּמה ולעֹז רוח אנשי יודפת, אשר החליפו כֹח למראה החומה הבנויה והגיחו משערי העיר על הרומאים, ומדי יום ביומו התנגשו אִתּם בגדודים קטנים וחבלו עליהם מזִמות ערמה כמעשה השודדים וגזלו כל אשר בא לידם, ואת יתר מלאכת הרומאים שלחו באש, עד אשר עצר אספסינוס את צבאו מהלחם וגמר לחנות מסביב לעיר ולכבשה בהכריתו לה משען לחם. הוא חשב, כי בבוא מחסור ומצוק יפנו אליו אנשי העיר לבקש חנינה, ואם יקשו את ערפם, יסופו ברעב. ועוד אמר בלבו, כי גם במלחמה יקל לו להכניעם, אם ירפה מהם הפעם ויתנפל עליהם לקץ ימים, כאשר יכשל כֹּחם. על־כן צוה לשמור על כל מוצאי העיר ומבואיה.",
+                    "יב. ולחם נמצא בעיר לרֹב וגם יתר מיני מזונות, מלבד מלח. אולם מים חסרו שם, כי לא היו מעינות בקרב העיר ויושביה מצאו ספוקם במי־גשמים, ואין הגשמים מצוים בה בימות הקיץ, ויען אשר החל המצור בעצם הימים ההם, תקפה עצבת נוראה את לב האנשים, ביראם פן יגועו בצמא, וצערם גדל מאד, כאִלו כבר אזלו כל המים מכליהם. אך יוסף ראה, כי העיר עשירה בכל מיני אֹכל והאנשים אשר בה גבורי חיל ורצה להאריך את זמן המצור, למען הכזיב את תקות הרומאים, ועל־כן חלק את המים במשורה לכל יושבי העיר. אולם הזהירות הזאת היתה קשה ליושבי העיר ממחסור, ובמדה אשר לא יכלו לשתות לרויה ככל אַוַּת־נפשם הלך צמאונם הלוך וגדול ונפשם היתה שוקקה כאלו כבר התעלפה בצמא. ואמנם מחסור המים הזה לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים, כי בהשקיפם ממעל בעד חומת העיר ראו את האנשים נאספים אל מקום אחד ומחלקים את המים במדה, וכוננו אל המקום ההוא את כלי־הקלע המהירים והמיתו יהודים רבים.",
+                    "יג. ואספסינוס האמין, כי לא ימשכו עוד הימים, עד אשר יאזלו כל מי הבארות והנצורים יסגירו בידו את עירם בעל־כרחם. אולם יוסף אמר להכזיב את תקותו זאת וצוה רבים מאנשי העיר לטבול בגדיהם במים ולתלות אותם מסביב לצנות החומה, עד אשר נטפה כל החומה מים. לדבר הזה נפלה רוח הרומאים, כי נבהלו בראותם את היהודים — אשר אמרו עליהם בלבם, כי אין להם מים לשתות — מפזרים מים רבים למעשי תעתועים. על־כן נואש ראש־הצבא מתקותו לכבוש את העיר במחסור ובמצוק ופנה עוד הפעם להִלחם בה בחֹזק־יד, ולדבר הזה נשאו היהודים את נפשם, אחרי אשר אפסה כל תקותם להושיע את עירם ולהציל את נפשותיהם, כי בחרו למות בחרב מלגוע ברעב ובצמא.",
+                    "יד. ואחרי התחבולה הזאת מצא יוסף עוד עצה טובה לעצמו. דרך נִקרה צרה וקשה למדרך רגל, אשר לא שוטטו בה עיני הרומאים, בחלק העמק ממערב, שלח מכתבים בידי אנשיו אל היהודים הרחוקים כטוב בעיניו וקבל מהם מתנות, עד כי נמצאו לו מיני אֹכל רבים, אשר כבר חסרו ליושבי העיר. הוא צוה את שלוחיו לזחול על ארבע, בעברם על צופי הרומאים ולכסות את בשרם בעורות למען ידמו לכלבים בעיניהם. אבל לאחרונה גלו הצופים את ערמת יוסף וחנו סביב על הנקרה.",
+                    "טו. יוסף נוכח עתה לראות, כי לא תוכל העיר להחזיק מעמד לאֹרך־ימים וכי קשה יהיה לו להציל את נפשו, אם ישאר בעיר. ועל־כן נועץ עם טובי־העיר לברוח ממנה. אולם הדבר נודע לכל בני העיר והם נבהלו אליו והקיפוהו בהמון וחִלו את פניו לבל יעזוב אותם, כי אליו לבדו נשואות עיניהם. הן אם ישאר בעיר, לא יחדלו מקוות לישועה, כי כל איש יֵצא למלחמה תחת פקֻודתו ברוח נכונה. וגם לא יאות לו לברוח מפני האויבים ולעזוב את אוהביו לנפשם, כי בזה יעשה כמעשה החובל הקופץ בעת הסערה מתוך האניה, אשר ירד אליה בעת מנוחת הים, ויפיל את עירם אל התהום, כי איש מהם לא יעצור כח לצאת לקראת האויב אחרי עזוב אותם האיש, אשר בו עשו חיל.",
+                    "טז. ויוסף כסה מהם, כי הוא אומר לשים לדרך פעמיו, למען מַלֵּט את נפשו, והודיע אותם, כי רק לטובתם הוא מבקש לעשות את הדבר, כי בהשארו בעיר לא יועיל להם הרבה, אם יעלה בידם להחלץ מן המצר, ואם יפלו בנופלים, יאבד אִתּם יחד חנם. אולם אם יצליח בידו להמלט מן המצור, הנה יוכל לעשות להם ישועה גדולה, כי יאסוף את יושבי ארץ הגליל במהרה ויביא מלחמה חדשה על הרומאים וימשוך אותם לסור מעל העיר. והן גם אינו רואה, במה יוכל להועילם, אם ישאר אצלם — הלא נהפוך הוא, כי בזה הוא מעורר את חמת הרומאים לחזק את המצור, כי חשוב בעיניהם מאד לתפוש אותו בכפם, אולם כאשר ישמעו הרומאים, כי ברח מן המבצר, יונח לעיר הרבה מחרון־אפם. אבל בדברים האלה לא הניח יוסף את דעת האנשים ועוד הלהיב את רוחם להחזיק בו. הנערים והזקנים והנשים עם עולליהן השתטחו לפניו ביללה וחבקו את רגליו וכלם החזיקו בו וגעו לפניו בבכיה והתחננו אליו להשאר אתם יחד בצרה. ואין אני חושב, כי עשו זאת מקנאתם בו פן יִמָּלט מצרה, כי־אם בהאמינם אשר ממנו תבוא ישועתם. הם בטחו, כי לא תאֻנה להם רעה, אם ישאר יוסף בקרבם!",
+                    "יז. ויוסף הבין, כי רק אם תהיינה אזניו קשובות לדברי האנשים, ידברו אליו תחנונים, ואולם אם יתחזק בדעתו — יתנו עליו משמר; וגם תשוקתו לעזוב את העיר רפתה מאד לשמע בכי העם — על־כן גמר בלבו להשאר בעיר, והתאזר בגבורת היאוש אשר תקפה את כל העיר וקרא אל העם: ״הנה הגיעה השעה לצאת לקרָב, כי אין לנו עוד תקוה להמלט; וטוב יהיה, כי נקנה לנו שם טוב במחיר חיינו ולפני מותנו במלחמה נפליא לעשות גבורות לזכרון לדור אחרון״. ובדבּרו זאת פנה למלא אחרי דברו. הוא יצא עם גבורי המלחמה והפיץ את שומרי הרומאים והבקיע אל מקום מחנם ונתק את העורות אשר התכסו בהם שופכי הסוללה ושלח אש במעשה ידם. וגם ביום השני עשה כדבר הזה, וככה עשה גם ביום השלישי ועוד ימים רבים ולילות רצופים לא נלאה להלחם באויב.",
+                    "יח. והרומאים נמצאו בצרה מדי הגיחו היהודים מן העיר, כי בושו להסוג אחור מפניהם, וכאשר נטו היהודים מהם לא יכלו לרדוף אחריהם, כי פגרו מלכת תחת משא כלי־נשקם. והיהודים היו מחישים את מעשיהם כפעם בפעם ונמלטים אל העיר טרם מצאה אותם רעה. עליכן צוה אספסינוס על אנשי־חילו לכבוש את כעסם ולבלי הלחם באנשים ההולכים למות, כי יאוש מפיח שארית גבורה בקרבם, אולם חמתם תשקע בהחטיאם את המטרה כדעוך אש קוצים, ולרומאים יאות לנצח בהשקט ובבטחה, כי אינם עושים מלחמה באֹנס, רק למען הרחיב את גבולם. ואת מושכי־הקשת הערבים והקלעים הסורים ורובי־האבנים שלח להרגיע את היהודים, גם המון כלי־הקלע הגדולים לא נח ולא שקט. והיהודים נטו מעל כלי־המשחית האלה, אולם לעת הצליחו לגשת אל שונאיהם מקרוב והחצים העפים למרחוק העבירו אותם, קשתה ידם על הרומאים, כי נלחמו ברוח עזה ושמו את נפשם בכפם; וכאשר עיפו הלוחמים בשתי המערכות, מהרו חבריהם לבוא תמורתם.",
+                    "יט. ככה ארך זמן המצור והנצורים הוסיפו להגיח משערי העיר, ואספסינוס האמין כמעט, כי היהודים שמו עליו מצור תחת מצור; וכאשר קרבו הסוללות אל מרום החומה, צוה להביא את האיל (איל־הברזל). האיל הוא קורה ארֻכּה כדמות תֹּרן [של אניה] ובקצה נמצא מטיל־ברזל כתבנית איל, ועל־כן נקראה בשם הזה. ובתוֶך היא תלויה בחבלים — כעל מוט עגלה — על קורה שניה הנטועה משתי קצותיה על עמודים חזקים. ואנשים רבים מושכים את הקורה לאחור ואחרי־כן הם דוחפים אותה כלם יחדו אל עבר פניהם והיא מנגחת את החומה במטיל הברזל אשר בקצֶהָ. ולא נמצא מגדל נשגב או חומה עבה, אשר יוכלו לעמוד לארך ימים בפני המהלומות האלה, וגם אם ישאו אותן בראשונה. ראש צבא הרומאים אמר לנסות את כֹּחו בדבר הזה, כי רצה הפעם לקחת את העיר בחֹזק־יד, בראותו אשר מצור העיר מביא נזק לרומאים, כי אין היהודים אוספים את ידיהם. הרומאים הקריבו אל העיר את זורקי־החצים (הקטפולטות) ויתר כלי־הקלע, לגרש בהם את השונאים, אשר נסו לעצור אותם מעל החומה, והחלו לירות ביהודים ויחד אתם קרבו רובי־הקשת והקַלעים. וכאשר לא ערבו עוד היהודים את לבם לעלות על החומה הקריבו אנשי־צבא אחרים את איל־הברזל, המצֻפה כלו זמורות וממעל לצִפוי נמצא עוד מכסה עור לסוכך על המכונה ועל האנשים אשר עליה. למגח הראשון הזדעזעה החומה, וצעקת יושבי העיר עלתה השמימה, כאלו כבר נפלו בידי אויביהם.",
+                    "כ. ובראות יוסף, כי הרומאים שולחים את כל מכותיהם אל מקום אחד ועוד מעט תבקע החומה, התחכם לעצור רגע קטן את כֹּח המכונה. הוא צוה להוריד שקים מלאים קש ומֹץ אל המקום אשר יראו את האיל נִשׂא שמה תמיד, למען יתעה במהלכו וגם למען יקבלו השקים הרכים את מגח האיל ויחלישו את כחו. בגלל הדבר הזה כלו הרומאים זמן רב לריק, כי בכל מקום אשר כוננו אליו מכונת הרעש, שמה שלשלו האנשים את שקיהם ממעלה והשיבו את מגח האיל אחור, עד כי לא נפגעה החומה. ולאחרונה מצאו הרומאים תחבולה להפר את עצת היהודים, כי עשו להם מוטות ארֻכּים וקשרו בקצותיהם חרמשים ובזה כרתו את השקים. ומני אז החלה המכונה לנגח ביתר עֹז והחומה, אשר נבנתה זה עתה, התמוטטה תחתיה. על־כן מהרו אנשי יוסף להגן על נפשם באש. הם לקחו את כל חֹמר השרפה, אשר מצאה ידם, והגיחו מן העיר בשלשה ראשים ושרפו את מכונות הרומאים ואת מקלעות סֻכּותיהם ואת סוללותיהם גם־יחד, והרומאים לא עמדו על נפשם, כי נבהלו מעֹז אף שונאיהם ולא קמה בהם רוח, ובעוד הם מבקשים להעזר עלתה הלהבה למעלה, כי כהרף־עין לִחכה האש את הכֹּפר והזפת והגפרית ואכלה סביב, וברגע אחד היו לבער כל בניני הרומאים, אשר הקימו בזֵעת אפם.",
+                    "כא. ובאותו מעמד עשה איש אחד מן היהודים ושמו אלעזר בן שמי, יליד כפר סבא (או סב) בגליל, דבר־גבורה לשם ולזֵכר עולם, כי הרים אבן גדולה מאד והשליך אותה בכח גדול מראש החומה על מכונת הרעש, עד אשר התיז את ראש האיל, ואחרי זאת קפץ לתוך מחנה השונאים ולקח משם את ראש האיל ובמנוחה גדולה נשא אותו על החומה, וכל האויבים שמו אותו למטרה לחציהם והוא נתן את בשרו למכים, כי לא היה מכֻסה מגן, וחמשה חצים נחתו בו. אך אלעזר לא שׂם לב לדבר הזה, עד אשר עלה על ראש החומה. וכל האנשים ראו עין בעין את מעשה גבורתו. ואז קרס מעצמת מכאובי פצעיו ונפל למטה עם ראש האיל. ואחריו הפליאו לעשות גבורה שני האחים נטירא ופיליפוס, אנשי כפר רוּמָא, גם הם ילידי הגליל, כי קפצו אל תוך הלגיון העשירי והתנפלו בעֹצם־יד ובזרוע נטויה על הרומאים, עד אשר נתקו את שורותיהם, ובכל מקום אשר פנו שמה הפיצו את כל האויבים מפניהם.",
+                    "כב. ואחרי הדברים האלה לקחו יוסף ויתר אנשיו עוד הפעם לפידי אש והניסו את הלגיון החמישי ואת הלגיון העשירי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אולי צריך להיות הלגיון החמשה־עשר.</i> ושרפו את המכונות ואת הסוככים יחד עם הסוללה, ויתר הרומאים קִדמו את פני הסכנה והעלו מִכסֵה עפר על המכונות ועל כל מלאכת העץ אשר להם. לעת ערב החליפו הרומאים כח והקריבו עוד הפעם את איל־הברזל לנגח את החומה במקום אשר התרועעה. ואז ירה אחד הלוחמים [היהודים] מעל החומה ופגע את אספסינוס בעקבו. הפצע היה קל, כי כח המכה רפה ממרחק המקום. אולם מהומה גדולה קמה בקרב מחנה הרומאים לדבר הזה, כי למראה דם המכה נבהלו העומדים מקרוב והשמועה עברה בכל הצבא, ורבים הרפו מעבודת המצור ורצו בפחד ובבהלה לראות את פני המפקד. ולראשונה מהר טיטוס לבוא, כי חרד לנפש אביו, והמון הצבא נמוג מאהבתו לראש־הצבא ובראותו את חרדת בנו. אבל אספסינוס מהר להשיב את נפש בנו המפחד ולהשקיט את סערת הצבא, כי הבליג על מכאוביו ושקד להראות את פניו לעיני כל האנשים, אשר פחדו לחייו. ובדבר הזה העירם לגַבּר חיָלים במלחמתם עם היהודים. כי כל איש מאנשי־הצבא שמח עתה לצאת לקראת הסכנה ולקחת נקמה בעד המפקד, ובקול צעקה חִזקו איש את אחיו ומהרו אל החומה.",
+                    "כג. המונים המונים מאנשי צבא יוסף נפלו חללים מחִצי האויבים ומאבני הקלע, ובכל־זאת לא משו מן החומה והמטירו אש וברזל ואבנים על שולחי האיל, אשר עמדו תחת מצפה הענפים. אולם כמעט לא עשו רעה לרומאים, בעוד אשר הם נפלו חללים בלי הרף, כי האויב היה רואה אותם והם לא ראוהו, יען אשר בלפידי האש האירו את פניהם ונעשו למטרה לחצי השונא, אשר ראה אותם כמו בעצם היום, ואולם הם לא ראו את מכונות הקלע למרחוק, ועל־כן היה קשה להם להשמר מפגעיהן. וכח כלי־הרובים המהירים וזורקי החצים היה חזק מאד, עד כי פלחו אנשים רבים בבת־אחת, והלם אבני הבליסטראות עקר את צוות החומה ופוצץ את קצות המגדלים, ולא נמצא המון אנשים גדול, אשר לא היה בכח מטר האבנים הגדולות והכבדות לנפץ את כֻּלו מבלי השאיר לו שריד. את כח המכונות האלה יבין כל איש מהמעשים אשר קרו בלילה ההוא, כי איש אחד מהעומדים על־יד יוסף נפגע באבן שלוחה [מאחת המכונות], והיא הסירה את ראשו וצנפה את גלגלתו במרחק שלשה ריסים. ובבֹּקר נפגעה אשה הרה בבטנה בצאתה מפתח ביתה והילד הגיח מבטן אמו מהלך חצי ריס. כה גדול היה כח הבליסטראות! אולם עוד נורא מזה היה קול רעש המכונות ונפץ אבני הקלע. ותלי פגרים התגלגלו בהמֻלה מעל החומה, וצעקת הנשים בתוך העיר עלתה עד לב השמים ולקולן ענתה אנקת החללים מחוץ. ובמקום המלחמה נטפה כל החומה דם ועל ערֵמות הנופלים כמעט יכלו השונאים לעלות עד מרום החומה. ונורא מכל הפחדים האלה היה הד ההרים מסביב, אשר ענה לכל הקולות ולא היה קץ לבלהות הלילה ההוא על אֹזן שומעת ועין רואה. רבים ממגני יודפת מתו אז מות גבורים, ועוד רבים מהם נפצעו. אחרי יגיע רב נבקעה החומה לעת אשמֹרת הבקר תחת מפץ המכונות, אשר לא חדל אף רגע, אך טרם הספיקו הרומאים להטיל את מכונות־העליה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מכונת־העליה היא סֻלם עם גשר מתפרק, שמטילים אותו למקום הפרץ בחומה, למען יעלו אנשי־הצבא.</i> ולעלות בהן אל פרץ החומה, מהרו היהודים לכסות את בשרם בכלי־נשקם ולבצר את מקום הפרץ.",
+                    "כד. אחרי מנוחה קצרה מעמל הלילה אסף אספסינוס את צבאו לפנות בקר לכבוש את העיר בסערה, וברצותו לגרש מתוך פרצי החומה את היהודים, העומדים לו לשטן, צוה לגבורי הרוכבים אשר לו לרדת מעל סוסיהם ולחגור את כל כלי־זינם ולהתיצב בשלש שורות לפני פרץ החומה ולשלוח את חניתותיהם לפניהם, למען אשר יבקיעו לראשונה אל העיר, אחרי אשר יטילו את מכונות־העליה, ואחריהם הציג במערכה את גבורי הרגלים, ואת יתר הרוכבים ערך ממול החומה לאֹרך כל צלעות ההרים, לבל יוכל אחד הבורחים מן השבי להִסָּתר. ומאחוריהם הציג את רובי־הקשת וצוה עליהם לכונן חציהם על יתר, וכה אמר גם אל הקַלעים ואל המנצחים על המכונות ואת יתר אנשי־צבאו צוה לקחת סֻלמות ולהגישם אל חלקי החומה אשר טרם נבקעו, למען ינסו היהודים לעצור את השונאים האלה ויעזבו את משמר פרץ־החומה, בעוד אשר הנשארים יסוגו אחור מפחד החצים ואבני הקלע ויפנו את דרך מבוא החומה.",
+                    "כה. יוסף הבין את מחשבת אספסינוס, ועל־כן שלח את הזקנים ועיפי המלחמה אל יתר חלקי החומה, בהאמינו כי לא יקרה אותם פגע, ואל מקום פרץ־החומה שלח את גבורי צבאו, ובראש כֻּלם ששה ששה אנשים (לגדוד) על־פי הגורל, לעבור לפניהם, וגם הוא היה בין הששה. הוא צוה עליהם לאטום את אזניהם, לבל יבהלו מקול תרועת הלגיונות, ולכרוע על ברכיהם ולכסות עליהם בשלטיהם נגד החצים ואבני הקלע, וגם אמר להם להסוג אחור מעט עד אשר יריקו רובי־החצים את אשפותיהם, ולהיות עתידים לרגע, אשר בו יטילו הרומאים את מכונות־העליה על פרץ החומה, — למען התנפל עליהם ולצאת לקראת השונאים על הגשרים אשר להם: ״היום הזה ילָחם כל איש מכם לא למען הצל את עירו, רק למען קחת נקם על חרבנה, על־כן ישים לנגד עיניו את מראה הזקנים והטף הנשחטים בידי האויב ואת פני הנשים העתידות לֵהרג במהרה ויאסוף את כל זעמו על הצרות הבאות וישפוך אותו על ראשי עושי הרעה״.",
+                    "כו. ככה ערך יוסף את צבאו להלחם משני עבריו. ובראות יושבי העיר אשר לא לקחו חלק במלחמה, הנשים והטף, כי העיר מֻקפה במערכה משֻׁלשת, — כי איש מהרומאים השומרים על מוצאי העיר מכבר לא נשלח להלחם [בפרץ החומה] — ועל־יד החומה הפרוצה עומדים אויבים וחרבות שלופות בידיהם, וההרים אשר ממעל לעיר נוצצים מרֹב נשק, והרובים הערבים דורכים את קשתותיהם, הרימו קול יללת נהי, כאלו כבר בא האסון אשר יראו ממנו. ויוסף ירא פן תרפינה הנשים את לב קרוביהן בבכין, וצוה לסגור אותן בבתיהן ולהפיל אימה עליהן, למען תשקטנה תחתיהן, והוא פנה אל מקומו בפרץ החומה, אשר עלה לו בגורל, ואל הרומאים המקריבים את סֻלמיהם מול יתר חלקי החומה לא שׂם את לבו, ובצפּיתו צִפּה אל רעם כּלי־הקלע.",
+                    "כז. פתאם תקעו מחצצרי כל הלגיונות והצבא הריע לעֻמתם בקול ענות גבורה, ואור היום חשך בפני המון החצים ואבני הקלע, אשר עפו מכל עבָרים. אולם אנשי יוסף שמרו את פקֻדתו ואטמו את אזניהם, לבל ישמעו את קול הצעקה והשאון, וכסו את בשרם, לבל יפגעו בהם החצים, וכאשר הטילו הרומאים את מכונות־המעבר, קפצו היהודים על הגשרים טרם דרכו עליהם רגלי המשליכים אותם, והתנגחו עם העולים על הגשרים וגִלו את כל אֹמץ נפשם וגבורת ידם, ואף כי הגיעו מים עד נפש, שקדו בכל כֹּחם להראות, כי לא נופלים הם בגבורתם מצריהם הבטוחים מפחד רעה. הם לא הרפו מן הרומאים עד אשר נפלו חללים או הכריעו אותם. אולם מעט מעט עיפו מכֹּבד המלחמה ולא נמצאו אנשי־חיל חליפתם, בעוד אשר בצבא הרומאים באו כפעם בפעם אנשי־צבא חדשים למלא חיש מהר את מקום העיֵפים. על־כן חִזקו הרומאים איש את אחיו והתלכדו יחד והתכסו במגניהם עד היותם כגוף מֻצק אחד ובעבי המערכה כֻּלה לחצו את היהודים, וכמעט עלו על החומה.",
+                    "כח. ובעת הצרה הזאת לִמד האֹנס את יוסף עצה טובה — כי כן הוא דרך האֹנס להפליא מזמות לעת תקֹף היאוש — והוא צוה לשפוך שמן רותח על האויבים המתלכדים במגניהם. ואנשיו הביאו במהרה את השמן בהמון, כאלו כבר היה מוכן אצלם לדָבר, ושפכו אותו מכל עבר על הרומאים, ואחרי־זאת השליכו עליהם גם את כדי השמן הלוהטים מחֹם. השמן הקודח הזה לִהט את הרומאים והפיץ את מערכותיהם, ובמכאובים נוראים התגלגלו מעל החומה, כי על־נקלה חדר השמן דרך הנשק הסוכך עליהם והשתפך על־פני כל גופם מקדקדם ועד פעמי רגליהם ואכל את בשרם כאש להבה, יען אשר תכונת השמן להתחמם על־נקלה ולהתקרר רק מעט מעט מפני דשנו. והרומאים היו חבושים ואסורים בקובעיהם ובשריוניהם ולא עצרו כח להרחיק מהם את השרפה, על־כן קפצו למעלה וגם התעטפו מעצמת מכאובם עד אשר נפלו מעל הגשרים. ואלה אשר הפכו את פניהם מול אחיהם, המעפילים לעלות אחריהם, כרעו על־נקלה בידי היהודים, אשר הכו בהם מאחור.",
+                    "כט. אולם גם בעצם התלאה הזאת לא כשל כח הרומאים — כאשר לא אבדה גם עצה מן היהודים. — ואף כי ראו אנשי־הצבא את צרת חבריהם הנכוים, הוסיפו לעלות אחריהם על היהודים שופכי השמן וכל אחד חרף את רעהו, כי הוא עומד לו לשטן בדרך גבורתו. והיהודים מצאו תחבולה חדשה, ושפכו קש יוני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שם הצמח ביונית ״טיליס״ ותרגמתי על־פי השם הרומי foenum graecum). בגרמנית נקרא זה גם ״חציר־חרובים״ (Bockshornkraut) והוא צמח תרמילי, אשר גרגריו המבֻשלים נותנים דֶּבֶק.</i> מבֻשׁל על קרשי רצפת הגשרים, להכשיל את הרומאים, והם מעדו וצנחו למטה. ולא יכלו עוד אנשי־הצבא לעמוד על רגליהם ברצותם לפנות לאחור או לעלות על האויב; אלה נפלו אחורנית על הגשר ונרמסו ברגלי אחיהם ורבים נפלו על מכסה הסוללה ובמפלתם היו למטרה לחצי היהודים. כי כאשר כשלו הרומאים היתה הרוָחה ליהודים ולא הֻטל עוד עליהם להלחם בהם פנים אל פנים ומצאו שעת־הכֹּשר לירות בהם מרחוק. ואחרי הרעה הרבה, אשר מצאה את אנשי־הצבא ביום ההוא, קרא אליהם ראש־הצבא למשוך את ידיהם בבוא הערב. רבים מהם נפלו חללים ועוד רבים מאלה נפצעו. ומהיהודים נפלו רק ששה חללים וכשלש מאות פצועים נִשׂאו ממקום הקרב. המלחמה הזאת היתה בעשרים לחֹדש דַּיְסִיּוֹס (סיון).",
+                    "ל. ואספסינוס אמר לנחם את לב אנשי־צבאו אחרי הפגע הזה, אולם ראה, כי חמתם התלקחה מאד ואין הם דורשים תנחומים, כי־אם מבקשים לעשות מעשה, על־כן צוה להרים את הסוללות ולהקים שלשה מגדלים, חמשים רגל גֹּבה האחד, ולצַפּות אותם ברזל מכל עבריהם, למען יהיו מֻצקים בכֹבד משקלם ולא תשלֹט בהם האש. ואחרי־זאת העמיד את המגדלים בראשי הסוללות והעלה עליהם את נושאי הרמחים ואת רובי־הקשת וגם הציג בהם כלי־קלע קלים ויחד אִתּם את הקַלעים החזקים. והרומאים, אשר לא נראו מפני גֹבה המגדלים והַצִּנות, ירו בעומדים על החומה, אשר היו למול עיניהם. והיהודים לא יכלו לנטות הצדה על־נקלה מפני החצים ואבני הקלע, אשר עפו מעל לראשיהם, וגם לא להלחם באויביהם הנעלמים, ולמגִנת לבם ראו בעיניהם, כי אין ידם משיגה לשלח את הקֶלע עד מרום המגדלים, וגם אין האש שולטת בצפוי הברזל, על־כן ירדו מראש החומה ויצאו כפעם בפעם השערה לגרש את השונאים המעפילים לעלות. ככה החזיקו עוד אנשי יודפת מעמד, אף כי בכל יום ויום נפלו רבים מהם חללים ונבצר מהם לגמול לשונאיהם רעה, מלבד אשר עצרו אותם בהשליכם את נפשם מנגד.",
+                    "לא. ובימים ההם שלח אספסינוס את טרַיָּנוס, ראש הלגיון העשירי, עם אלף רוכבים ואלפים רגלים על יפה, אחת הערים הקרובות אל יודפת, אשר התעוררה למרוד ברומאים, בראותה, כי בני יודפת עומדים על נפשם בפני האויב זמן רב, כאשר לא האמין איש מראש. טרַיָּנוס חשב, כי יקשה בידו לכבוש את העיר, אשר נוסף על משגב מקומה היתה מֻקפה חומה כפולה. בראותו, כי יצאו יושבי העיר לקראתו מוכנים לקרב, התנפל עליהם והניסם מהרה וגם רדף אחריהם. בהגיע הבורחים עד החומה הראשונה הדביקו אותם הרומאים ובאו יחד אתם בשעריה. וכאשר בקשו היהודים לבוא גם מבית לחומה השניה, סגרו לפניהם אחיהם יושבי העיר את שעריה, כי פחדו פן יפלו האויבים יחד אִתּם אל העיר. אכן אחת גזר האלהים למסור את יושבי הגליל בכף הרומאים להרג ולאבדן! האנשים עמדו בהמון גדול ודפקו בשערי העיר ונקבו את שמות אחיהם והפצירו בהם למלט את נפשם, ועוד הם מתחננים, והנה נפלו חללים, כי את החומה הראשונה כבשו האויבים ואת השניה סגרו לפניהם אחיהם. הם נלחצו בין המצרים, בין שתי החומות בתוֶך ונדחקו יחדו, ורבים המיתו איש את אחיו או נפלו על חרבם, ורבים כרעו בחרב הרומאים, כי לא קמה בם עוד רוח להלחם בהם, ומלבד פחד האויבים דִכּא בגד אחיהם את נפשם. הם מתו במאֵרה על שפתיהם, ולא את הרומאים קללו, כי־אם את אחיהם, עצמם ובשרם. ומספּר כל הנופלים היה שנים־עשר אלף איש. טרַיָּנוס הבין, כי העיר ריקה עתה מאנשי־חיל, וגם אם נמצאו בקרבה אנשים, לא יעמוד לבם מפני גֹדל יראתם, אולם הוא קִדֵּש את כבוש העיר לראש־הצבא ושלח מלאכים אל אספסינוס לבקשהו, כי ימַלא את ידי בנו טיטוס להשלים את הנצחון [למען יִקָרא שמו עליו]. ואספסינוס אמר בלבו, כי עוד עבודה רבה נכונה לכובשי העיר, ועל־כן נתן בידי בנו חמש מאות רוכבים ואלף אנשי־צבא רגלים. טיטוס מהר לעלות על העיר והציג את צבאותיו במערכה והפקיד על האגף השמאלי את טרַיָּנוס, והוא עמד בראש האגף הימני. וכאשר הביאו אנשי־הצבא מכל עברים סֻלמות, לעלות בהם על החומה, נלחמו הגלילים זמן קצר, ואחרי־כן עזבו את המצודה, ואנשי טיטוס קפצו אל תוך העיר וכבשו אותה במהרה. אולם כאשר נטשו הרומאים בתוך העיר, קמה עליהם מלחמה קשה, כי בחורי החיל התנפלו עליהם ברחובות והנשים השליכו עליהם מן הבתים כל דבר אשר בא לידן. וכשש שעות ארכה המלחמה הזאת, עד אשר ספו כל היהודים אנשי המלחמה ויתר העם נפל ברחובות העיר ובבתיה בחרב הרומאים, אשר לא חמלו על זקן ונער ולא חִיו כל נפש זכר, מלבד הילדים, כי אותם מכרו לעבדים עם הנשים יחדו. ומספר כל ההרוגים יחד עם הנופלים במלחמה הראשונה [בין החומות] היה חמשה־עשר אלף איש, ומספר השבוים אלפַּים ומאה ושלשים. הצרה הזאת באה על יושבי הגליל ביום עשרים וחמשה לחדש דַיסיוס (סיון).",
+                    "לב. וגם השמרונים לא נחלצו אז מצרה, כי הם נאספו בהר גריזים, אשר למקום קדוש הוא נחשב בעיניהם, ונשארו במקום ההוא. אולם אספתם זו נתנה עֵדיה, כי למלחמה הם נושאים את נפשם, ולא לקחו מוסר מהרעה אשר מצאה את שכניהם [היהודים]. לשמע נצחונות הרומאים גדלה קנאתם, ולא שמו לב לרפיון כחם, רק חכו בקֹצר רוח לעת מהומה. ואספסינוס יעץ לקדם את פני המרד הזה ולהפר את מזמותיהם, כי אף אם נמצאו מִשמרי הרומאים בכל ארץ שמרון, בכל־זאת ירא מפני ההמון הגדול הנאסף והערוך למלחמה. על־כן שלח עליו את צֶרְאַלִּיס, ראש הלגיון החמישי, עם שש מאות רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים. וכראות צֶרְאַלִּיס את השונאים הרבים העומדים בראש ההר, אמר בלבו, כי לא יוכל להעפיל ולעלות בשלום על ראש ההר למען יתגרה אִתּם מלחמה, ועל־כן עמד למטה ושמר על ההמון כל היום. ולא נמצאו אז לשמרונים מים די מחסורם, כי הימים היו ימי עצם הקיץ וההמון לא הספיק לְהִצְטַיֵּד, והשמש להטה מאד ביום ההוא, עד אשר גועו אחדים מן השמרונים בצמא, ורבים מהם ברחו אל הרומאים, כי בחרו בחיי עבדים ממָות אשר כזה. וכאשר שמע צראליס מפיהם, כי גם נפשות הנשארים התעטפו עליהם מהיסורים הנוראים, עלה על ראש ההר וערך את צבאו במעגל מסביב לאויבים ולראשונה קרא עליהם לכרות אִתּוֹ ברית ולפרק את כלי־נשקם, למען יתן להם את נפשם לשלל. וכאשר לא שמעו השמרונים לדבריו, השתער עליהם והמית את כֻּלָּם יחד, אחד־עשר אלף ושש מאות איש. והדבר הזה נעשה ביום עשרים ושבעה לחדש דַיסיוס (סיון). אלה הרעות אשר מצאו את השמרונים.",
+                    "לג. ויושבי יודפת חִזקו את לבם להביש את תקות הרומאים ולא שבו אחור מפני כל הנוראות. אולם ביום הארבעים ושבעה [למצור העיר] התרוממה סוללת הרומאים ממעל לחומת העיר, ואחד מבני העיר נפל אל אספסינוס ביום ההוא ובִשׂר לו, כי רק מתי־מספר נשארו להגן על העיר, וגם הם רפי־אונים, כי כשל כחם מלילות הנדודים התכופים ומִכֹּבד הקרָבות הרצופים ולא יוכלו לעמוד על נפשם בפני הנלחמים אִתּם ביד חזקה. והאיש הוסיף עוד לדבר, כי גם בערמה יִלָכדו יושבי העיר על־נקלה, אם ינסה איש להתנפל עליהם לעת האשמורה האחרונה (אשמֹרת הבֹּקר), יען כי אז הם אומרים למצֹא שעת מרגוע מהבלהות, ותרדמת שחרית נופלת על האנשים העיפים והיגעים, וגם הצופים נמים את שנתם. על־כן יעץ האיש להשתער על העיר בשעה הזאת. ואמנם אספסינוס לא הרבה להאמין בדברי הפליט, בדעתו כי היהודים נאמנים בברית אחים ואינם פוחדים מכל יסורים. כי עוד לפני זאת נתפש אחד מפליטי יודפת ועמד בכל העִנויים הקשים, כאשר דשו האויבים את בשרו וגם שמו אותו באש, לחקור ממנו את הדברים אשר נעשו בעיר, והוא לא הוציא אף הגה מפיו וקבל באור־פנים את המות, כאשר הוקע על הצלב. אולם נדמה בעיניו (בעיני אספסינוס), כי שמץ אמת נמצא בדברי הבוגד, ואולי גם כל דבריו נאמנים, וגם הבין, כי בנפול הרומאים בפח לא תצמח להם רעה גדולה, על־כן צוה לשים משמר על הבוגד והכין את צבאו לעלות על העיר ולכבשה.",
+                    "לד. ולמועד האמור עלו הרומאים חרש על החומה. לראשונה עלה טיטוס עם דומיטיוס סַבּינוס, אחד משרי־האלף, בראש מתי־מספר מן הלגיון החמישי והלגיון העשירי. הם שחטו את הצופים [הנמים] ובאו אל העיר ואחריהם עלו סקסטוס קַלִוַריוס (נ״א צראליס) שר־האלף ופלָצִידוּס עם צבאותיהם. וכבר נכבש ראש הגבעה ורגלי הרומאים עמדו בתוך העיר, וכבר עלה השחר — ועוד לא חשו המנֻצחים, כי נפלו בידי הרומאים, כי רבים שקעו בתרדמה עזה אחרי עמלם הקשה. וגם הנעוֹרים משנתם לא ידעו דבר, כי במקרה פשט אז ענן־ערפל על העיר ועיניהם חשכו מראות. ורק כאשר פרצו כל צבאות הרומאים בתוך העיר, הקיצו האנשים, למען יראו בעיניהם את האסון אשר מצאם ויוָכחו ברגע מותם, כי נפלה עירם ביד צר. והרומאים זכרו את כל התלאות אשר עברו אליהם בעת המצור ולא נתנו חנינה לאיש ולא ידעו רחמים, רק לחצו את העם מראש העיר אל המורד בחמת רצח. גם האנשים, אשר היה עוד בהם כח להִלחם, לא יכלו לעמוד על נפשם במקום הקשה ההוא (במורד). הם נדחקו ברחובות והתגלגלו במקומות המשֻׁפּעים, והמון הצבא הרומאי נשפך כזֶרם מראש ההר וכסה עליהם. והדבר הזה העיר רבים מבחורי חיל יוסף לטרוף את נפשם בכפם, כי בראותם אשר אין לאל־ידם להמית אף איש אחד מן הרומאים, מאנו למות בידי השונאים ונאספו יחד אל מקום אחד בקצה העיר ושלחו יד בנפשם.",
+                    "לה. ואחדים משומרי העיר הספיקו להִמלט לשמועה הראשונה על־דבר כבוש העיר ועלו על אחד המגדלים בצפון העיר ועמדו על נפשם עת־מזער, וכאשר שתו עליהם המונות האויבים מסביב, פרשו אליהם היהודים את ידיהם לשלום, אך אחרו את המועד וברצון נתנו לרומאים העולים לשחטם. וכמעט יכלו הרומאים להתגאות, כי בקץ המצור לא נפל אף אחד מהם חלל, לולא נהרג אחד הרומאים בעת כבוש העיר, הוא אנטוניוס שר־המאה אשר נפל בפח. כי אחד האנשים הרבים והעצומים אשר נמלטו אל המערות, התחנן אליו להושיט אליו את ידו, לאות כי יציל את נפשו ויעזור לו בעלותו מן המערה, ואנטוניוס לא נזהר ושלח אליו את ידו, והיהודי מִהר לתקוע את החנית בין רגליו והמית אותו כרגע.",
+                    "לו. ביום ההוא המיתו הרומאים רק את ההמון אשר ראו עיניהם. ובימים הבאים חקרו את המחבואים ושחטו את האנשים אשר הסתתרו במנהרות ובמערות, והמיתו זקן ונער, ורק לנשים ולעוללים נתנו את נפשם לשלל. ומספר השבוים היה אלף ומאתים, אך מספר המתים בעת הכבוש ובמלחמות אשר היו לפניו הגיע עד ארבעים אלף. ואספסינוס צוה להרוס את העיר עד היסוד ולשלוח באש את כל מצודותיה. ככה נפלה יודפת בשנת שלש־עשרה לממשלת נירון בראש־חדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אשה אחת גלתה לרומאים את מחבוא יוסף — הוא אמר להסגיר את נפשו בידי הרומאים והתוַכּח עם האנשים העוצרים אותו מעשות את הדבר. הליכותיו עם אספסינוס, כאשר הובא אליו, והדברים אשר נעשו לו אחרי־כן.</small><br><br>א. והרומאים חִפשו את יוסף בגֹדל חמתם עליו, ויותר מכֻּלם התמַכּר ראש־הצבא לתפשו בכף, בחשבו כי בדבר הזה יכריע את גורל המלחמה; הם בדקו אותו בין החללים ובקשו אותו בכל המחבואים. כאשר נבקעה העיר, התגנב יוסף בעזרת אלהים בין שורות האויבים וירד אל בור עמֹק המחֻבּר אל מערה רחבת־ידים, אשר לא נראתה לעיני העומדים ממעל. ושם מצא ארבעים אנשים נשואי־פנים, אשר הסתתרו גם הם, ואִתּם צֵדה די ארֻחת ימים רבים. ביום התחבא יוסף, בדעתו כי האויבים נחִתּים בכל העיר, ובלילה עלה מן הבור לבקש לו דרך להמלט מן העיר ורִגל את משמר הרומאים. ובראותו, כי שומרים נמצאו על כל הדרכים, אשר בקש להמלט בהן, ירד עוד הפעם אל המערה. שני ימים הסתתר שם, וביום השלישי נתפשה אשה אחת בידי הרומאים וגלתה להם את המקום, אשר נמצאו בו יוסף וחבריו, ואספסינוס שלח בחפזון שני שרי־אלף, את פּוֹלִינוּס ואת גַּלִּיצִיָּנוּס, לתת את בריתם ליוסף ולפתותו, כי יעלה אליהם.",
+                    "ב. האנשים יצאו אל המקום ההוא וקראו אל יוסף והבטיחו אותו באמונה, כי תהיה לו נפשו לשלל, אולם לא עצרו כח לפתותו. כי ידע את משפט האיש, אשר עשה רעות כאלה [לרומאים], ועל־כן לא האמין לאנשים טובי־הלב הקוראים בשמו, בפחדו פן נשלחו למשוך אותו משם, למען יעשו הרומאים בו שפטים. ואז שלח אליו אספסינוס מלאך שלישי, את נִקָּנור שר־האלף, אחד ממיֻדעי יוסף ואנשי־שלומו לפנים. ובהגיע נקנור אל הבור סִפר ליוסף את תכונות הרומאים להקדים רחמים לרֹגז, אחרי הכותם את אויביהם במלחמה, וכי שרי־הצבא מרבים להשתומם למעשי גבורותיו מאשר הם שונאים אותו, וגם המצביא הראש לא שקד לשלוח אותו אליו לעשות בו נקמות, כי גם מבלעדי בואו אל הבור יכול למלא את הדבר הזה, ורק גמר בנפשו להציל את האיש גבור־החיל. ועוד הוסיף לדבר אליו, כי אִלו חָרש אספסינוס עליו רעה, לא היה שולח אליו את אוהבו, לחלל את מדת האהבה, הטובה בכל מדות האדם, במעשה בגד, הנבזה מכל המעשים שבעולם, וגם הוא (נקנור) לא היה שומע למצותו להונות את אוהבו.",
+                    "ג. ואת הדברים האלה השיב יוסף אל לבו, והנה בערה עליו חמת אנשי־הצבא העולים עם נקנור, והם אמרו לשלח אש במערה. אך שר־החיל השיב את ידיהם אחור, באמרו כי הוא רוצה לתפוש את האיש חי. ויוסף שמע את קול נקנור, המדבר אליו רכות, ואת צעקת אנשי־הצבא הרבים, המהלכים עליו אימים, ועל לבו עלה זכר חלומות הלילה, אשר גלה לו אלהים בהם את הצרות הבאות על היהודים ואת עתידות מלכי הרומאים. כי הבין יוסף לפתור חלומות וגם לבאר את חידות דברי האלהים (הנשמעים לשני פנים), בלמדו את הנבואות אשר בספרים הקדושים, כי היה כהן ויצא מזרע הכהֻנה. וברגע ההוא נחה עליו רוח ממרום, והוא שׂם לנגד עיניו את החזיונות הנוראים, אשר ראה בחלומו זה מקרוב, והתפלל אל אלהים חרש לאמר: ״בורא ישראל, הנה טוב בעיניך לשבור את קרן עמך ולהצליח את מעשי הרומאים כֻּלם, ובי בחרת לגלות את העתידות, על־כן אני תוקע את כפי לרומאים ברצון למען אחיה, ואתה עדי, כי לא בוגד אני בלכתי אליהם, רק עבדך, עושה רצונך״.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי התפלה הזאת נעתר יוסף לדברי נקנור. וכראות האנשים, אשר היו יחד עמו במחבואו, כי הוא שומע לדברי הקוראים אליו, הקיפו אותו כֻלם וצעקו בקול: ״מר יבכו חֻקי אבותינו, אשר הוריד אותם אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי ניזה; בהוצאות הישנות: ״ומה יבוש אלהים״.</i>, בבראו ליהודים נשמות אשר לא תיראנה מות. ואתה, יוסף, חפץ חיים — האמנם תעצור כח לראות אור בכבלי עבד? מה מהרת להתכחש לנפשך! התזכור כמה אנשים פתית לצאת אלי מות בעד החֵרות? לשקר עשית לך שֵׁם בגבורים, לשוא יצא שֵׁמע חכמתך, העל־כן תשא את נפשך הפעם למצֹא ישועה מידי האנשים, אשר נלחמת בהם בזרוע נטויה, — וגם אם תבטח בישועתם — התרצה בה? אולם אם הכה אותך מזל הרומאים בסנוֵרים, עד אשר שכחת את עצמך [ואת מעשיך הראשונים], הנה אנחנו, אנחנו נשמור על כבוד נחלת אבותינו. אנו מושיטים לך את ימיננו ואת חרבנו, ואם תבחר במות, תמות כראש צבאות היהודים, ואם תמאן, תמות מות בוגדים״. ובדברם זאת הרימו את חרבותיהם ואמרו להכותו נפש, אם יסגיר את עצמו בידי הרומאים.",
+                    "ה. יוסף ירא פן תהיה בו יד האנשים וגם חשב, כי ימעל בפקֻדת אלהים, אם ימות בטרם יודיע את הבשורה השומה בפיו. ובצר לו פנה אל האנשים בדברי חכמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור בא כאן:φιλοσοφεΐν.</i>: ״מה זה ועל מה זה לנו, חברי, לשלוח יד בנפשנו? ולמה נפריד בין שני הדבֵקים היקרים, הגוף והנשמה? שומע אני את דבריכם, כי שֻׁניתי והייתי לאיש אחר — אולם הלא הדבר הזה ידוע גם לרומאים. טוב למות במלחמה — אתם אומרים, אמת ונכון, — אולם כמשפט המלחמה, לאמר: בידי המנצחים. ואִלו מחרב הרומאים ברחתי, היתה לי הצדקה למות בחרבי ובזרוע ימיני. אולם אם חסה עינם לחמול על האויב, הן לנו המשפט לחמול על נפשותינו ביתר־שאת! הלא נבער ונסכל בעשותנו בידינו את הדבר, אשר מנענו את ידיהם מעשותו במלחמה. ״יפה למות בעד החרות״ — גם אני רואה את דבריכם — אולם רק למות במלחמה עם האויבים, הגוזלים את חרותנו. ועתה אין הרומאים יוצאים לקראתנו למלחמה ואינם אומרים להמיתנו. ולא רק הפוחד מפני המות בעת הצֹרך נחשב לרך־לבב, כי־אם גם הבוחר במות באין־אונס. והנה מה נירא בעלותנו אל הרומאים? האמנם את מר־המות? — אולם הבעבור הדבר הזה עלינו להמית את עצמנו בודאי מפני הספק, פן ימיתונו הרומאים? את העבדות אנו יראים — קרא האחד. אשרינו, מה טובה חרותנו ברגע הזה! מעשה־גבורה יעשה השולח יד בנפשו — יאמר השני. לא ולא! אין זה מעשה־גבורה, רק מֹרך־לב מאין כמוהו. וככה אחשוב למשפט, כי איש רך־לב הוא הקברניט, אשר ירא את רוח הסערה והטביע את אניתו בים. הן בשלחנו יד בנפשנו נעבור על חֻקי הטבע, השולטים בכל היצורים, וגם נחטא לאלהים, הבורא אותנו. הלא אין בקרב היצורים אף אחד מאַבּד את עצמו לדעת, כי חק הטבע הנאמן גוזר על כֻּלם לבחור בחיים. על־כן נחשבים בעינינו לאויבים כל הקמים עלינו לגזול ממנו את חיינו לעיני השמש, וגם מהאורבים עלינו בסתר אנו לוקחים את נקמתנו. והטרם תבינו, כי יקצוף אלהים בראותו את האדם בועט במנחתו? הן מידו קבלנו את רוח חיינו ובידו אנו מפקידים אותה לאָספה אליו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תרגום חפשי. במקור: ״ממנו קבלנו את הַהֱיות (ההויה), ואת הבִּלְתִּי־הֱיּוֹת־עוֹד (החדלון) אנו משיבים לו בחזרה״.</i>. אמנם הגופים כֻּלם עתידים למות, כי נעשו מחֹמר אובד (עובר, נפסד), אולם הנשמה לא תמות, רק תעמוד לנצח, יען אשר היא חלק האלהים השוכן בגופים. והנה אם יכלה (יבזבז) איש את הפקדון, אשר שם בידו אדם (בשר־ודם), או ישחית אותו (יקלקלנו), הן לנבזה ואיש־כזבים (רמאי) יחשב, ועתה אם יזרה האדם מבשרו את פקדון האלהים, האמנם תחשבו, כי יסתר מעיני העלוב (הַנִּזָּק)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: האלהים.</i>? הן לצדק נחשוב לעשות שפטים בעבדים הבורחים, ואם גם נמלטו מידי אדונים נבזים [הרודים בהם בפרך], ואנחנו לא נביא עלינו חטאת בברחנו מפני האלהים הטוב בכל האדונים? הטרם תּדעו כי הפורשׁים מן החיים על־פי חֻקי הטבע, המשלמים לאלהים את המִלוה אשר קבלו ממנו במועד אשר בחר הנותן (בעל־החוב) להפרע מהם, אלה האנשים יזכּו לשם־עולם וביתם וזרעם יכּונו לאֹרך ימים ונשמותיהם הטהורות והישרות (יראות האלהים) תִּשְׁכֹּנָה בחבל גורלן אשר בקדש־קדשי השמים ומשם תרדנה אל גופות טהורים לתקופת דורות נצחים (לקץ־הימין). ואולם נשמות האנשים, אשר טרפו נפשם בכפם, תרדנה אל השאול (הַדֶּס, גיהנום) מקום צלמות, והאלהים אביהם (שבשמים) יפקוד על בניהם את רשע אבותיהם. כי את הדבר הזה שנא האלהים, והמחוקק החכם מכל אדם גזר עליו עֹנש. ועל־כן חֹק לנו להשליך את כל השולח יד בנפשו בלי קבורה עד בוא השמש, אף כי אנו חושבים לצדקה לקבור את אויבינו. ומחוקקי עמים אחרים גזרו גם לכרות את זרוע האיש, אשר עשה הדבר הזה, כי משפט היד המפרידה בין הגוף ובין הנשמה להפרד מן הגוף. על־כן, חברי, טוב לנו להישיר את מחשבות לבנו, לבל נוסיף על הרעות, אשר עשה לנו אדם, עוד מעשה רֶשע להכעיס את יוצרנו. ואם נראה לפנינו רֶוח והצלה, נפדה את נפשותינו; הן לא חרפה תהיה לנו, אם נוָּשע בידי האנשים, אשר הראינו אותם את גבורתנו במעשים רבים ועצומים כאלה, ואם נגזר עלינו מות — נמות תחת ידי כובשינו. בינו זאת, כי לא אעבור אל מערכת האויבים למען אבגוד בנפשי (למות בידיהם), כי בדבר הזה הלא אסכיל עשות הרבה מהבורחים אשר נפלו אל האויב, כי הם עשו את הדבר להציל את נפשם, ואני אצא לקראת המות, — לקראת מותי אני! ובכל־זאת — מי יתן, כי יטמנו לי הרומאים פח. ואחרי תתם לי את בריתם שלום, אני נכון למות בשמחה מידם, כי עוֹנם, בחללם את השבועה, יהיה לי לנחמה גדולה משלל רב״.",
+                    "ו. כאלה וכאלה הוסיף יוסף לדַבּר על לב חבריו, להטותם ממחשבתם הרעה לשלוח יד בנפשם. אולם מרֹב יאושם הכבידו את אזניהם משמוע, כדרך אנשים אשר זה מזמן הקדישו את עצמם למות. על־כן כעסו עליו מאד ומהרו אליו מכל עברים בחרבות שלופות וחרפו אותו על מֹרך־לבו וכל אחד הראה במעשיו, כי יכּה את יוסף בחרבו מיד. אולם יוסף קרא לאחד בשמו והביט על השני בעין מפקד־מלחמה ואת השלישי אחז בימינו ואל הרביעי דִבּר תחנונים, כי בצַר לו מצא לו דרכים שונים לעורר את רחמיהם עליו וככה מנע את חרבות כִּלם מדם. כי כדרך החיה, אשר כִּתּרוה הצדדים, הפך את פניו כפעם בפעם מול האיש הקרב אליו. וגם בתוך מצרי־המות פחדו היהודים את שר־צבאם והשיבו ימינם אחור, והחרבות נשמטו מידיהם, ורבים, אשר זה עתה הגישו את הלהבה אליו, הורידו אותה מבלי משים.",
+                    "ז. וגם בעת המצוקה הזאת לא נבצרה מזִמה מיוסף; בהאמינו כי האלהים ישמור עליו מרעה, השליך את נפשו מנגד וקרא אל חבריו: אם אחת גזרתם למות, הבו ונפיל גורלות, מי ממנו ימית את חברו. והנלכד בגורל יפול בחרב הבא אחריו, וככה יהיה משפט אחד לכֻלנו, ולא יטרוף כל איש את נפשו בכפו, והן לא לצדק יהיה הדבר בהִנחם איש ממחשבתו אחרי רצח אחיו, ונפשו תהיה לו לשלל״. הדברים האלה נאמנו בעיני האנשים והם נפתו לדבריו להפיל גורלות, וגם הוא אִתּם יחד. וברצון פשט הזוכה בגורל את צוארו ללהט חרב חברו הבא אחריו, בדעתו, בי עוד מעט ימות גם שר־הצבא. כי יקר מחיים היה להם למות עם יוסף יחד. לאחרונה נשאר אך יוסף עם חברו לבד, — אולי היה זה מקרה ואולי אצבע אלהים, — והוא לא רצה להלכד בגורל ולמות, וגם לא לטמא את ידו בדם אחים, אם ישאר האחרון, ועל־כן פִּתּה את חברו לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ולחיות.",
+                    "ח. ככה יצא יוסף בשלום ממלחמתו עם הרומאים וגם עם אחיו בני עמו, ונקנור הוליך אותו אל אספסינוס. וכל הרומאים מהרו מעברים לראות את פניו, ושאון גדול קם בקרב ההמון הרב הנדחק מסביב לשר־הצבא [היהודי]. אלה הריעו בשמחה על מפלתו ואלה צעקו למולו בקול פחדים, ואלה בקעו להם דרך בחֹזק־יד, למען יראוהו מקרוב. והעומדים מרחוק דרשו בקול רם לעשות שפטים באויב, והקרובים אליו זכרו את מעשיו ותמהו על תמורת גורלו. ומשרי־החילים לא היה אף איש, אשר לא שכח עתה את כעסו על יוסף ולא נד לו למראה צרתו. ויותר מכֻּלם רִחם טיטוס על יוסף בגלל כח סבלו הגדול בכל הרעות אשר מצאוהו, וגם חמל על שנות עלומיו. למראה האיש הזה, הנמצא עתה בידי אויביו, זכר את גבורתו הראשונה במלחמה, ושם אל לבו את מנת חיי האדם ואת הגלגל החוזר מהרה במלחמה, והבין, כי אין תקומה לכל מעשי איש. על־כן הטה את לב רֹב האנשים הקרובים אליו לחמול על נפש יוסף וגם היה לו למשען כביר לפני אביו לפדות את נפשו. אספסינוס צוה לשים משמר חזק על יוסף, באמרו לשלֹח אותו בקרוב אל נירון.",
+                    "ט. וכשמוע יוסף את הדבר הזה שלח אל אספסינוס, כי יש לו דבר סוד לספר לו לבד. ואספסינוס הוציא מעליו את כל האנשים, מלבד טיטוס ושני אוהביו, ואז קרא אליו יוסף: ״אתה חושב, אספסינוס, כי יוסף הנלכד בידך הוא שבוי־מלחמה לבד, אולם באמת אני ציר שלוח לדַבּר אליך גדולות. הן יודע אני את חֻקי היהודים ולא נעלם ממני איזוהי דרך־מות ישרה שיָבֹר לו שר־הצבא, [על כן לא באתי אליך] לולא שלחני אלהים. הנה אתה אומר לשלח אותי אל נירון, — למה הדבר הזה? העוד יאריכו ימים נירון ויורשי כסאו זולתך? אתה, אספסינוס, תהיה קיסר, הנה שליט־יחיד אתה, ועמך טיטוס בנך. ולא רק אדון לנפשי תהיה אתה הקיסר, כי־אם גם אדונֵי היבשה והים וכל זרע האדם. ואני נוטל עליך לחַזק עלי את המשמר, למען עשות בי נקמות בהגלות לך, כי דברתי תעתועים באזניך בשם אלהים״. בדַבּר יוסף את זאת לא רצה אספסינוס להאמין לו לראשונה, באמרו בלבו, כי בחר לו יוסף דרכי ערמה, להציל את נפשו, אולם מעט מעט התעוררה בו האמונה, כי כבר הטה אלהים את לבו לבקש לו את הממשלה והראה לו את שרביט המלוכה באותות ובמופתים אחרים, וגם שמעה אזנו, כי קמה נבואת יוסף בדברים רבים. ומאוהבי אספסינוס, אשר שמעו את הסוד, אמר האחד, כי הוא משתאה ליוסף, מדוע לא נִבּא גם על מפלת יודפת ולא צפה כי יפול בשבי הרומאים, הלא זה האות, כי בדה את דבריו, להסיר את החֵמה מעליו. ויוסף ענה, כי באמת נבּא ליושבי יודפת, אשר מקץ ארבעים ושבעה יום יפלו בנופלים והוא יִתָּפש חי. אספסינוס צוה לחקור את הדבר חרש מפי השבוים ומצא, כי כנים דברי יוסף, ומני אז האמין בנבואותיו. אמנם לא פדה את יוסף ממשמר ולא התיר את אסוריו, אך נתן לו בגדי־כבוד והעניק לו דברי־חפץ שונים בעין יפה והאיר לו את פניו מן היום ההוא והלאה, וטיטוס הרבה גם הוא כבוד [ליוסף]."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>יפו נכבשה וטבריה הסגירה את עצמה בידי האויבים.</small><br><br>א. וביום הרביעי לחדש פַּנֵּימוס (תמוז) שב אספסינוס אל עכו ומשם נסע אל קיסריה, אשר על שפת הים, היא העיר הגדולה בכל ערי יהודה ורֹב יושביה הם יונים. בני העיר קדמו את צבא הרומאים ואת המפקד הראש בברכות נצחון ובתרועה ששון מאהבתם את הרומאים ועוד יותר משנאתם ליהודים המנצחים, והמונים המונים נוסדו על יוסף ודרשו לעשות לו משפט מות. ואספסינוס ידע, כי הבקשות האלה יצאו מפי המון נבער, ולא שם אליהן את לבו והיה כמחריש. ושני לגיונות הושיב אספסינוס בקיסריה לימי הגשמים, כי ראה את העיר נוחה לדבר הזה, ואת הלגיון החמשה־עשר שלח אל בית־שאן, לבל יהיה כל הצבא לטֹרח על קיסריה, כי בעיר הזאת, הבנויה בעמק על שפת הים, החֹם בימות הגשמים הוא נעים [ומשיב נפש] ובימות הקיץ הוא קשה עד למחנק.",
+                    "ב. בימים ההם התקבצו אנשים רבים, אשר גֹרשו מן הערים לרגלי המלחמות מבית ואשר נמלטו ממהפכת האויב, ובנו את העיר יפו ההרוסה בידי צסטיוס לעיר משגב להם. ויען אשר נבצר מהם לפשֹׁט על מקומות היבשה, אשר נלחמו עליהם האויבים, על־כן שמו את פניהם לשֹׁד הים. הם בנו להם ספינות שודדים רבות והרבו לעשות שֹׁד וחמס בדרך הים אשר בין סוריה וכנען (פיניקיה) ובין ארץ מצרים, עד אשר לא יכלה עוד אניה להפליג בים הזה מפחדם וממוראם. וכאשר הגיע שֵׁמע עלילותיהם לאזני אספסינוס, שלח על יפו אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים, והם באו אל העיר בלילה, כי לא נמצא בה משמר, יען אשר שמעו בני העיר, כי צבא הרומאים הולך וקרב ולא נועזו לעצור את שונאיהם ביד חזקה, רק ברחו אל אניותיהם ולנו שם, הרחק ממטחוֵי קשת.",
+                    "ג. ולעיר יפו אין נמל מתכונת המקום, כי שפת הים היא שם כמעט שורת־רכסים ישרה, ורק משני קצותיה היא מתעקלת מעט. שתי הקרנות האלה הן צוקי סלעים גבוהים וראשי סלעים בולטים אל תוך הים, ושם נראו עוד כבלי אַנְדְּרוֹמֶדָה ומעידים, כי ספור־הפלא (הַמִּתּוֹס) הזה הוא עתיק לימים, ורוח הצפון סוער בכח לקראת החוף ומעלה משברים חזקים לפני הסלעים העומדים לו למעצור! ועל־כן קשה מפרץ־הים הזה ליורדי האניות מרַחבי הים. במקום הזה עמדו הפעם אנשי יפו בספינותיהם, ופתאם קם עליהם רוח סערה לפנות בקר, הוא הנקרא בפי יורדי הים הזה בשם ״רוח הצפון השחור״, והטביע ספינות רבות בהתנגחן אשה עם רעותה, וספינות אחרות נִפץ אל הסלעים. ורבים לא מצאו עצה בלתי־אם להמלט נגד הזרם אל לב הים, כי יראו מצוקי הסלעים אשר בחוף ומהרומאים העומדים עליהם, ושם כסו עליהם גלי הים, אשר עלו למרום בסערה. הנמלטים לא מצאו מקום מנוס וגם הנשארים על עמדם לא הצילו נפשם, כי כח הסערה דחף אותם מתוך הים אל החוף, והרומאים הדפו אותם מן העיר. ונוראה היתה צוחת האנשים בהתנגח הספינות ביניהן, ונורא היה קול נֵפץ הספינות, ורבים־מן ההמון הגדול מצאו להם קבר בגלי הים, ורבים נֻפּצו במפלת הספינות, ורבים נפלו על חרבם, כי קל היה להם המות הזה מרדת אל מצולת הים. אולם רֹב האנשים נסחפו בזרם הים ונֻפּצו אל צוקי הסלעים, עד אשר אדַם הים מדמם למרחוק, והחוף מלא חללים. וכאשר חתרו פליטים והגיעו אל החוף, קמו עליהם הרומאים והמיתום. ומספר הפגרים, אשר הקיא הים, היה ארבעת אלפים ומאתים. ואחרי אשר כבשו הרומאים את העיר בלי מלחמה הפכו אותה לשממה.",
+                    "ד. ככה נפלה העיר יפו בידי הרומאים שנית, אחרי עבור זמן קצר. ולמען אשר לא יתקבצו שודדי־הים במקום הזה שנית, הקים אספסינוס מחנה במקום מצודת העיר והציג שם חיל רוכבים עם רגלים. על הרגלים צוה להשאר במקום ההוא ולשמור את המחנה, ואת הרוכבים שלח לפשֹׁט על הכפרים הסמוכים וערי הפרזות מסביב ליפו להשחיתם. הם מִלאו אחרי מצותו ופשטו יום יום על הארץ עד אשר הכריתו את יושביה והשַׁמו את כֻּלהּ.",
+                    "ה. וכאשר הגיע אל ירושלים שֵּמע האסון אשר מצא את יודפת, לא רצו רבים לראשונה להאמין בדבר הזה, כי נורא היה האסון מהכיל וגם לא נמצא עדי־ראִיה לדבר. כי לא נשאר אף פליט אחד להביא את הבשורה הרעה הזאת, רק מאליה נפוצה השמועה על מפלת העיר, כדרך כל מעשה נורא, אך כעבור זמן קצר נגלתה האמת מפי בני המקומות הקרובים והיתה חזקה מן הספק (נעלה מכל ספק) בעיני כל. ועל המעשים שהיו עוד נוספו דברים אשר לא כן, והֻגד ליושבי ירושלים, כי גם יוסף נפל חלל בעת מפלת יודפת. ולשמע הדבר הזה היה אבל גדול בירושלים, כי על יתר ההרוגים בכו רק הקרובים אליהם משפחות משפחות, ואולם המִספד על שר־הצבא היה לאֵבל לכל העם. ובעוד אשר נשאו אלה נהי על אנשי בריתם, ואלה על קרוביהם ואלה על אוהביהם, בכו כל יושבי ירושלים על מות יוסף. והנהִי והאבל לא חדלו שלשים יום. ורבים שכרו להם מקוננים לענות בחלילים לקינותיהם.",
+                    "ו. אולם ברבות הימים נגלתה כל האמת ונודעו הדברים הנעשים ביודפת לאשורם ויושבי ירושלים הָראו לדעת, כי שוא היתה השמועה על מות יוסף וכי הוא חי וגם גדול כבודו בעיני הרומאים מכבוד יתר השבוים. ועתה חזקה עברתם על יוסף החי, כחֹזק אהבתם הראשונה אליו בהחשבו למת בעיניהם. אלה חרפו אותו על מֹרך־לבו ואלה — על בגד־מעלו, וכל העיר מלאה גדופים וקללות, אשר נשפכו על ראשו. כי המכות הוסיפו עוד להרגיז את היהודים ומפלותיהם הציתו את חמתם עד להשחית. כי האסון, המלמד את האנשים הנבונים להִזהר לנפשם ולשמור עליהם לבל יפלו שנית בפח, היה ליושבי ירושלים למקור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״למרכז״.</i> רעות חדשות וקץ צרה אחת היה להם לראשית צרה שניה. ועוד גדל כעסם על הרומאים, כי בקשו להִנקם גם ביוסף בעשותם בהם נקמה. אלה המהומות היו בירושלים בימים ההם.",
+                    "ז. ואספסינוס אמר לתור את מלכות אגריפס, כי המלך בקש מידו את הדבר, ברצותו לקבל את פני המפקד יחד עם כל חילו בביתו בכל עֹשר מלכותו וגם לרפא בעזרתו לנגעי ממשלתו. על־כן נסע אספסינוס מקיסריה, אשר על שפת הים, אל קיסריה, הנקראה על שם פיליפוס, ושם נתן מנוחה לחילו עשרים יום והוא עשה משתה כל הימים וגם הקריב לאלהים זבחי תודה על נצחונותיו. בעת ההיא הגיעה אליו הבשורה, כי קם מרד בעיר טבריה וגם העיר טריכי התקוממה, — ושתי הערים היו חלק ממלכות אגריפס — ועתה מצא ראש־הצבא שעת־הכשר לצאת עליהן למלחמה, באמרו להכניע כליל את היהודים בכל מושבותיהם וגם להקים שלום לאגריפס בשתי הערים האלה חֵלף נדבת רוחו. הוא שלח את טיטוס אל קיסריה [אשר על שפת הים], להביא את הצבא החונה שם אל בית־שאן, היא הגדולה בכל עשר הערים (דֶּקַפּוֹליס) והקרובה אל טבריה, ושמה בא גם הוא ואסף אליו את בנו עם צבאו ויצא בראש שלשה לגיונות וחנה במרחק שלשים פרסה מטבריה במקום נראה לעיני המורדים ושמו צנבריי (סֶנַבְּרִיס). הוא שלח את וַלֶּרִיָּנוּס שר־העשרה עם חמשים רוכבים לדבר שלום עם יושבי העיר (טבריה) ולהטות את לבם לבוא עמו בברית, בשמעו כי בני העיר רודפים שלום ורק מורדים מתי־מספר מושכים אותם להלחם בעל־כרחם. וַלֶּרִיָּנוּס הגיע אל קרבת החומה וירד מעל סוסו וגם הוריד את הרוכבים הבאים עמו מעל סוסיהם, לבל יחשבו בני העיר, כי בא להתגרות בהם מלחמה. אולם עוד טרם פתחו הרומאים את פיהם, הגיחו עליהם מן העיר גבורי המורדים בכלי־נשקם, ובראשם עמד איש ושמו יהושע בן שפט (נ״א: טופא)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקומות אחרים נקרא בן צפיא (למעלה, ספר ב, כ״א, ג; חיי יוסף, י״ב). אך ספק הוא, אם הוא בעצמו האיש מזרע הכהנים הגדולים המָזכר למעלה, ספר ב, כ, ד, כי זה נשלח אל ארץ אדום.</i>, ראש גדוד השודדים. גם אִלו בטח ולירינוס, כי תהיה ידו על העליונה, לא ערב את לבו לעבור על מצות ראש־הצבא ולהלחם, ומה גם הפעם, כאשר היתה רעה נגד פני אנשיו המעטים, אשר לא התכוננו להלחם בשונאים הרבים המוכנים לקרב, ומלבד־זאת נבהל מעֹז פני־היהודים, אשר לא עלה על לבו, ועל־כן עזב יחד עם חמשת אנשיו את הסוסים וברח ברגל. ואנשי יהושע הביאו את הסוסים העירה בתרועת נצחון, כאלו כבשום מהרומאים במלחמה ולא במרמה.",
+                    "ח. זקני העם ונשואי־הפנים אשר בטבריה יראו את הדבר הזה וברחו אל מחנה הרומאים והלכו יחד עם המלך ונפלו לרגלי אספסינוס להתחנן על נפשם. הם חִלו את פניו, לבל יסיר חסדו מאתם ולא יפקוד את עון תעתועי אנשים מעטים על יושבי העיר כֻּלה, רק יחמול על העם הדורש את שלום הרומאים כל הימים וינקם בחַיָּבי־המרד לבד. כי לולא שמרו המורדים על יושבי העיר עד היום הזה, אזי כבר מהרו אלה מזמן לכרות ברית עם הרומאים. ראש־הצבא הִטה את אזניו לדברי התחנונים האלה, אף כי חרה אפו בכל יושבי העיר לשמע שֹׁד הסוסים, כי ראה גם את אגריפס חרד מאד לשלום העיר. ואחרי אשר כרתו הזקנים האלה ברית שלום בין יושבי העיר ובין הרומאים, הבינו יהושע ואנשיו, כי לא יוכלו עוד לשבת במנוחה בטבריה וברחו על נפשם אל טריכי. וכעבור יום אחד שלח אספסינוס לפניו את טרַיָּנוס עם רוכביו אל ראש הגבעה [ממול טבריה] להתבונן משם אל יושבי העיר, אם כלם רודפים שלום באמת. וכראות טרַיָּנוס, כי נאמן העם בברית הזקנים אשר בקשו עליו רחמים, לקח עמו את צבאו ופנה אל העיר. ויושבי טבריה פתחו את שערי עירם לפניו ויצאו לקראתו בקול ברכה וקראו לו בשם מושיעם ומיטיבם. וכאשר נדחקו אנשי־הצבא הבאים אל העיר, כי היו מבואיה צרים מאד, צוה אספסינוס לפרוץ בחומת הדרום ולהרחיב את המבוא לאנשי־צבאו. הוא נשא את פני אגריפס וצוה על אנשי־צבאו לבל ישלחו ידיהם בבזה ולא יעשו רעה ליושבי העיר, ולמען אגריפס חמל על חומת טבריה ולא הרס אותה כליל, אחרי אשר ערב המלך לפניו את יושבי העיר, כי ישמרו את ברית אמונתם לרומאים כל הימים. ככה השיב אספסינוס אליו את העיר הנדחת, אשר מצאו אותה צרות רבות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>כבוש טריכי. ציור הירדן וים גנוסר.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי הדברים האלה יצא אספסינוס את פני העיר וחנה בינה ובין טריכי בתוֶך. הוא צוה להקיף את מחנהו במצודה חזקה, בחשבו מראש, כי יתמהמה במקום הזה לרגלי המלחמה. כי אל עיר טריכי התאספו כל המורדים, בבטחם במשגב העיר הבצורה הזאת וביאור הנמצא בקרבתה, הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם ים גנוסר (ים כנרת). כטבריה, ככה גם העיר הזאת בנויה לרגלי הר וגם עליה סוכך היאור, ומכל עברים בצר יוסף את חומותיה, ורק טבריה היתה הזקה ממנה, יען כי את המצודה הסוגרת על טבריה הקים יוסף בראשית המרד כאשר היה לו עוד כסף וחיל למכביר, אולם טריכי קבלה רק את שיָרי נדבת לבו. ולבני העיר היו סירות (ספינות) רבות ביאור למצֹא שם מנוס כאשר ינגפו במלחמתם ביבשה וגם היו מוכנות למלחמת־הים לעת מצֹא. וכאשר בצרו הרומאים את מחנם לא נבהלו אנשי יהושע מפני המון־האויבים הרב ולא מפני טכסיסיהס הטובים ומהרו להלחם בהם, ובעלותם עליהם פתאם הפיצו את עושי המלאכה והשחיתו חלק ממעשה ידיהם; וכאשר ראו, כי אנשי־הצבא המזֻיָּנים (כבדי הנשק) מתאספים לצאת לקראתם, פחדו פן תמצאם רעה ומהרו לברוח אל אחיהם, והרומאים רדפו אחריהם ולחצו אותם אל הספינות. והם הפליגו אל מקום, אשר יכלו להשיג משם את הרומאים בקלעיהם ושם הטילו את עָגני ספינותיהם וסדרו אותן במערכה, להלחם מהן בשונאים העומדים על היבשה. וכשמוע אספסינוס, כי נאספו המורדים בהמון גדול במישור אשר לפני העיר, שלח שמה את [טיטוס] בנו עם שש מאות מבחירי רוכבין.",
+                    "ב. וטיטוס הכיר, כי חיל האויבים רב ועצום ממנו ושלח אל אביו לאמר, כי דרוש לו צבא גדול יותר. ובראותו, כי רבים מרוכביו נושאים את נפשם להלחם עוד בטרם תבוא עזרתם, אבל נמצאו ביניהם מתי־מספר הפוחדים במסתרים מפני המון היהודים הרב, עמד במקום גבוה [למען יִשָּׁמע קולו למרחוק] וקרא אל צבאו לאמר: ״רומאים! בפתח דברי נאה לי להזכירכם את מוצאכם, למען תשימו אל לבכם מי אתם ובמי אתם עתידים להלחם. הן מזרוע גבורתנו לא נמלט אף אחד מגויי הארצות. רק היהודים האלה — ובזה נדבר בשבחם — לא חדלו להלחם בנו גם אחרי כל מגפותיהם עד היום הזה. ונורא יהיה הדבר, אם הם יתעודדו אחרי נפלם ואנחנו ניעף בנצחונותינו! אני רואה בשמחה את פניכם, המפיקים עֹז ותאות־מלחמה, אולם אני ירא, פן יפיל ההמון הגדול הזה את פחדו על אחדים מכם במסתרים. ואלה האנשים ישיבו־נא אל לבם עוד הפעם מי הם ולקראת מי הם עומדים במערכה. אמנם היהודים האלה מרי־נפש מאד ואינם יראים מפני המות, אולם הם נבערים מדעת טכסיסי מלחמה, כי לא למדו ידיהם לקרב, ועל־כן נאה להם שם אספסוף (אֻכלוס) משם צבא. והאם עלי להפטיר דברים באזניכם על דעת המלחמה אשר לנו ועל הסדר השולט במערכותינו? הן בעת השלום אנו לבדנו מלמדים ידינו לקרב, למען אשר לא נשקול בעת המלחמה את מספרנו נגד מספר צרינו. ומה תועיל לנו עבודתנו בצבא כל הימים, אם חֵלק כחלק נלחם באנשים שלא עבדו בצבא? ושימו עוד אל לבכם, כי אתם יוצאים למלחמה בנשק כבד נגד שונאים קלי־הנשק ואתם רוכבים על סוסים והם יוצאים לקראתכם ברגל ומפקדיכם נמצאים אתכם בקרב והם באים בלי ראש ומנהל. וזכרו, כי המעלות הטובות מרבות את מספרכם כהֵנה וכהנה, ומגרעות שונאיכם ממעיטות את ערך מספרם מאד, כי לא מספר האנשים — ואם גם כֻּלם בני־חיל — מכריע את גורל הקרָב, כי־אם גבורת הלוחמים, אף אם הם מתי־מספר, כי קל להם לעמוד במערכה ולחַזק איש את רעהו, ואולם הצבאות הגדולים מַרבים להזיק לעצמם מאשר לשונאיהם והנה עז־נפש ואֹמץ־רוח ויאוש יוצאים לפני מערכות היהודים והרגשות האלה מתחזקים בעת ישועה, אך בעת מכשול קטן ידעכו כליל. ואנחנו נלחם בגבורה ובמשמעת וברוח נדיבה, אשר תעלה למעלה בעשותנו חיל וגם לא תפול עלינו בעת כשלון. — ודעו גם, כי גדולות אתם מבקשים במלחמה הזאת מאויביכם היהודים. הם מחרפים את נפשם להלחם בעד חרותם ובעד ארץ מולדתם, ואנחנו — היש לנו דבר גדול מכבוד שמנו, פן יאמר האומר, כי אחרי אשר הכנענו את כל עולם הישוב אספנו ידינו מן היהודים, באשר הם אנשים בערכנו. והתבוננו, כי אין לנו לירֹא פן תהיה מכתנו אנושה. הן רבים באים לעזרנו והם קרובים אלינו, אולם עוד יש לאל־ידנו למהר ולארות את פרי הנצחון הזה ועלינו להחיש את מעשנו בטרם יבואו העוזרים, אשר שלחם אבי אלינו, למען אשר לא יתערב זר בנצחוננו ובזה יגדל שמנו ביתר שאת. ואני חושב, כי השעה הזאת היא שעת הדין לאבי ולי ולכם, כי היא תראה, אם הוא ראוי לנצחונותיו הראשונים ואם אני ראוי להיות בנו ואם אתם אנשי־הצבא הראוים לי. הן דרך אבי להכות את שונאיו תמיד ואני לא אערב את לבי להֵרָאות את פניו בנוסי מהמלחמה. והאם לא תבושו גם אתם בהנגפכם לפני שונאיכם למראה עיני מפקדכם היוצא לפניכם במלחמה? דעו וראו, כי אחרף את נפשי לצאת לפניכם ואתנפל לראשונה על האויב. ואל־נא תשארו אתם מרחוק, בטחו בי, כי באלהים אגַבּר חֲיָלים והאמינו, כי רק על הדרך הזה תהיה תפארתנו ולא בהלחמנו עם אויבינו מרחוק!״",
+                    "ג. וכדַבּר טיטוס את זאת נפלה רוח אלהים על האנשים, עד אשר התעצבו אל לבם בראותם, כי בא אליהם טרינוס עם ארבע מאות רוכבים לעזרה עוד לפני המלחמה, וחשבו כי בצאתו אתם יחד בקרָב ימעיט את ערך נצחונם. ומלבד טרינוס שלח עוד אספסינוס את אנטוניוס סילון עם אלפים רובי־קשת וצוה עליהם לכבוש את ההר אשר ממעל לעיר ולגרש את העומדים על החומה. וסילון ואנשיו עצרו את היהודים אשר בעיר, האומרים לצאת לעזרת אחיהם אל השדה, וטיטוס היה הראשון אשר קפץ על סוסו אל תוך מחנה אויביו, ואחריו מהרו כל אנשיו בצעקה ובתרועת מלחמה להתפשט לאֹרך המישור, אשר נמצאו בו האויבים, ועל־כן נדמו בעיני הרואים, כי גדלו ועצמו במספרם. והיהודים נבהלו מפני זעף הרומאים ומפני טכסיסי מלחמתם, ובכל־זאת נִסּוּ לעמוד על נפשם שעה קלה בפני האויב המשתער עליהם, עד אשר הפנו עֹרף מפני רמחי הרוכבים והלם עקבות סוסיהם הרבים. טבח גדול היה בהם בכל מקום והפליטים נפוצו וכל אחד מהר לברוח אל העיר כל עוד נפשו בו. וטיטוס רדף אחריהם, את אלה הכה מאחור והמיתם ואת אלה הפיץ בהתלקטם יחד ואת אלה הדביק והכם מִפָּנים. ורבים כשלו איש ברעהו והוא התנפל עליהם והמיתם וסגר על כֻּלם את הדרך במנוסתם אל החומה והשיב אותם אל השדה, עד אשר בקעו להם דרך בחזקת־היד בכח המונם הרב ונמלטו מידו אל העיר.",
+                    "ד. ובקרב העיר קדמה את פניהם מחדש מריבה גדולה. כי אזרחי טריכי חמלו על רכושם ועל עירם ולא רצו להלחם ברומאים מבראשונה, ומה גם עתה אחרי המפלה. אולם המון הפליטים הזרים הכביד את ידו עליהם, ומספרם היה רב ועצום. ובאשר גדל האף ביניהם קמה צעקה גדולה ומהומה, וכמעט היתה חרב איש באחיו. והשאון הזה הגיע עד אזני טיטוס, אשר עמד קרוב לחומה, והוא קרא בקול: ״הנה השעה היא שעת רצון, ולמה אתם מחשים, אנשי־צבאי, כאשר הסגיר אלהים את היהודים בידינו? צאו וקחו לכם את הנצחון, הטרם תשמעו את הצעקות האלה? מלחמת־אחים פרצה בין הפליטים, אשר נמלטו מידינו. לנו היא העיר, אם נחיש מעשנו! אמנם מלבד החפזון דרוש לנו עמל ועֹז־נפש — אך כל דבר גדול אינו נקנה רק על־ידי סכנה, ועלינו להקדים את המעשה בטרם ישלימו האויבים יחד — כי האֹנס יקים שלום ביניהם מהרה — ובטרם יבואו גם אחינו לעזרתנו, — למען אשר נוכל להתפאר, כי אנחנו המעטים הכּינו את ההמון הגדול הזה וידנו לבדה כבשה את העיר״.",
+                    "ה. לדברים האלה עלה טיטוס על סוסו וירד למטה אל היאור וחצה את המים, להבקיע אל העיר ראשונה, ואחריו מהרו כל הרוכבים אשר לו. ופחד גדול נפל על שומרי החומה למראה עֹז־הרוח של טיטוס, ואיש לא עצר כח לעמוד בפני הרומאים ולהניא את מחשבתם. ואנשי יהושע עזבו את משמרותיהם, אלה ברחו דרך היבשה ואלה רצו אל היאור לקראת אויביהם ונפלו בחרב; אלה נהרגו בעלותם על הספינות ואלה בנסותם לשׂחות ולהדביקן אחרי הפליגן ביאור. וטבח גדול היה בקרב העיר, כי הזרים, אשר לא מצאה ידם להִמלט, נהרגו בעמדם על נפשם בפני השונאים, ויושבי העיר נרצחו, אף כי לא שלחו ידיהם אל החרב. כי הם קוו לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ובטחו בתם לבם, כי לא היתה ידם עם חפצי המלחמה, ועל־כן לא לקחו חלק בקרב ועמדו מרחוק [ובכל־זאת הכו בהם הרומאים], עד אשר כלה טיטוס להמית את החיבים, וחמל על יושבי המקום והשיב את חרבו אל תערה. והבורחים אל היאור שמעו, כי נלכדה העיר, והפליגו במים רחוק מן השונאים מאד.",
+                    "ו. וטיטוס שלח רוכבים אחדים לבַשֵּׂר לאביו את מפעלו. ואספסינוס שמח על גבורת בנו ועל נצחונו והאמין, כי בדבר הזה בִּצע חלק גדול מהמלחמה, ובא אל העיר וצוה להקיף עליה ולשמור את כל מוצאיה, לבל ימלט משם פליט, ונתן פּקֻדה להמית כל איש היוצא מן העיר. וביום השני ירד אל היאור וצוה לבנות ספינות־שַׁיִט, להלחם מהן עם הבורחים, והספינות נבנו במהרה, כי היו שם עצים רבים והמון אנשי־מלאכה.",
+                    "ז. והיאור הזה נקרא גנוסר על שם הארץ הקרובה אליו (עמק גנוסר), ורחבו ארבעים ריס וארכו מאה וארבעים. ומֵימיו מתוקים וטובים לשתות, כי הם דקים (צלולים) ממי האגמים הגסים (העכורים) וגם טהורים (זכים), כי מכל עבריו מֻקף היאור חוף [יבש] וחול. ומֶזג המים השאובים הוא טוב, כי הם נוחים (חמים) ממי נהרות וממי מעינות ועם זה הם קרים תמיד ממי יאורות רחבי־ידים כיאור הזה. והמים הנשארים מגֻלים בחוץ קרים כמי שלג, וככה עושים יושבי הארץ [בשאבם את המים] בלילות הקיץ. ומיני הדגים השורצים בקרב היאור שונים בטעמם ובמראיהם מהדגים אשר בכל מקום. ומימי־הירדן חותכים את היאור בתוֶך. למראה־עין מקור הירדן נמצא על־יד פַּנֵּיאַס (פּנַיוֹן, פַּמיס), ובאמת הוא פורץ מן הברֵכה הנקראת בשם הקערה (פיאַלי) ושוטף שמה (אל פניאס) מתחת לאדמה והברֵכה הזאת נמצאה בואכה ארגב (טרכון) ורחוקה מאה ועשרים ריס מקיסריה והיא קרובה לדרך המלך מימין. ועל מראֶהָ מסביב נקראה הברֵכה העגֻלה קערה. ומֵי הברֵכה מגיעים עד גּבה שפתה ואינם שוקעים למטה לעולם וגם אינם משתפכים על גדותיה, ואיש לא ידע לפנים, כי מן הברכה הזאת יוצא הירדן, עד אשר בא פיליפוס נסיך ארץ טרכון וגלה את הדבר במופת. הוא זרה מֹץ על־פני הקערה, ואחרי־כן מצא, כי נסחף המֹץ אל פּניאס, אשר שם בקשו הראשונים את מקורות הירדן, ובמקום ההוא צף על־פני המים. ופניאס הוא מקום יפֵה־נוף, והמלך אגריפס הוסיף עוד תפארה על הדר תכונתו, כי קִשט אותו בכל עֹשר מלכותו. ומהמערה הנמצאה פה יוצא הירדן החוצה ונראה לעינים, ואחרי־כן הוא עובר את הבצות והאגמים על־יד יאור סמך (״ימא דסמכא״ — סמכוניטיס, עכשו חוּלָה), ומשם הוא שוטף מאה ועשרים ריס, ובקרבת עיר יוליס הוא משתפך אל ים גנוסר וזורם בתוֶך, ובצאתו משם הוא עובר מהלך רב בערבה (ערבת הירדן) ונופל אל ים המלח (ים־הכֹּפר — אספליטיס).",
+                    "ח. ולאֹרך יאור גנוסר משתרעת ארץ הנקראת גם היא בשם הזה (עמק, בקעת גנוסר), והיא נפלאה בתכונתה וביפיה. ואדמת הארץ הזאת שמֵנה, ועל־כן לא יחסר בה כל צמח האדמה ויושביה נטעו בה כל מיני מטעים. כי מזג האויר הטוב נוח לצמחים שונים זה מזה (בתכונתם). ופה צומחים לאין־מספר אגוזים, הדורשים להם קרה יותר מכל הנטעים, ועל־ידם עולים תמרים, היונקים את להט השמש, ובקרבת אלה ואלה גדֵלים עצי־תאנים ועצי־זיתים, אשר יפה להם האויר הממֻצע, עד אשר יאמר האומר, כי הטבע חגר את כל כחותיו לחַבּר פה את כל המינים השונים הנלחמים זה בזה, וגם תקופות השנה מקַנאות אשה ברעותה וכל אחת רוצה לכבוש את הארץ לעצמה. ואדמת הארץ מצמיחה את הפֵּרות השונים האלה למיניהם בדרך נפלאה — ועוד יותר מזה — היא שומרת עליהם כל השנה. מלכי כל עצי פרי, הגפן והתאנה, נותנים את פריָם תשעה חדשים רצופים בשנה ויתר פרי־העץ הולך ובשל אִתּם זה אחר זה כל ימי השנה. ומלבד מזג האויר הטוב, עוד מקור נאמן וחזק מביא ברכה לארץ, הוא הנקרא בפי יושבי המקום בשם כפר נחום. ויש חושבים את המקור הזה לאחד מעורקי (גידי) יאור מצרים (נילוס), כי הוא מגַדל דג כתבנית עורב־המים אשר ביאור אלכסנדריה. והארץ הזאת משתרעת לאֹרך ים גנוסר שלשים ריס ורחבה עשרים ריס. אלה תכונות המקום הזה.",
+                    "ט. ואחרי אשר הוכנו כל ספינות־המלחמה הושיב בהן אספסינוס מִספר אנשי־צבא, אשר תמצא ידו להכות את הבורחים אשר על היאור. והיהודים אשר נדחפו אל הסירות לא יכלו עוד לחתור אל היבשה, למען המלט על נפשם, כי שם ארבו להם צריהם בכל מקום, וגם לא להלחם עם שונאיהם פנים בפנים, כי סירותיהם היו קטנות כדרך סירות השודדים ולא היה בהן כֹּח לעמוד בפני ספינות האויבים, וגם האנשים מתי־המספר אשר בכל אחת הסירות פחדו לגשת אל הרומאים הרבים, אשר עמדו צפופים יחד. הם סבבו מרחוק את הספינות, ויש אשר קרבו אליהן מעט והשליכו אבנים ברומאים ממרחק או עברו עליהם, למען הכותם מקרוב. אולם גם בזה וגם בזה הִרבו לעשות רעה לעצמם. כי בהשליכם אבנים לא השיגו דבר, מלבד אשר צללו כלי־נשק שונאיהם כל פעם אשר פגעה בהם האבן, — ולעֻמת־זאת שׂמו עצמם למטרה לקלעי הרומאים, ואלה אשר נועזו לגשת אל הרומאים נפגעו בטרם עשו רעה לרומאים וטבעו עם סירותיהם יחד במצולה. וכאשר נסו היהודים לבקוע להם דרך בין האויבים נדקרו רבים ברמחיהם, ויש אשר קפצו הרומאים בחרב שלופה אל סירותיהם, וגם הקיפו סירות אחדות ולקחו אותן בשבי על האנשים היושבים בהן. והטובעים הצפים על־פני המים נהרגו בחצי האויבים או נחנקו תחת כֹּבד ספינותיהם, וכאשר אחז איש אובד־עצה בקיר ספינת האויב, קצצו הרומאים את ידו או כרתו את ראשו. ורבים היו חללי היהודים אשר ספו בכל מיני מיתה, והנשארים נלחצו בדרך מנוסתם אל היבשה בידי הרומאים, אשר כִּתּרו את סירותיהם וסגרו עליהם את הדרך ודקרו רבים מהם בעודם בתוך היאור, ורבים הספיקו לעלות על היבשה והרומאים התנפלו עליהם והמיתום שם. וצבע היאור היה אדֹם מדם וכֻלו היה מלא חללים, כי לא נמלט איש. ובימים הבאים עלתה צחנה נוראה בכל הארץ מסביב, ואיֹם היה המראה לעינים. כי החוף היה מלא שברי ספינות מנֻפצות וגם פגרי־אדם נפוחים, אשר נשחתו מלהט השמש ונרקבו והשחיתו את האויר, עד אשר לא היתה הצרה הזאת לאֵבל ליהודים בלבד, כי־אם גם לזרא לרומאים. זה היה קץ מלחמת המים. ומספר חללי היהודים יחד עם הנופלים בעיר לראשונה היה ששת אלפים וחמש מאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: חמשת אלפים ושבע מאות.</i>.",
+                    "י. ואחרי המלחמה ישב אספסינוס לכסא משפט בטריכי. הוא הִפְלָה בין יושבי המקום ובין ההמון הזר, אשר הבין, כי ממנו יצאה המלחמה, ושאל בעצת שרי־צבאותיו, אם לתת חנינה גם לזרים האלה. ושרי־הצבא אמרו, כי יגרום רעה לעצמו, בתתו להם את נפשותיהם לשלל, יען אשר לא יוכלו האנשים הגולים ממשכנותיהם לשבת במנוחה אחרי צאתם לשלום, ובכל מקום אשר ימצאו מנוס יכבידו את ידם על האזרחים לשלחם [ברומאים]. גם אספסינוס ידע, כי לא יאות להציל את האנשים ממות, כי אחרי מנוסתם יקומו במציליהם, ובקש לו דרך להעביר אותם מן העולם. הוא ראה, כי בהמיתו אותם באותו מעמד יביא עליו מלחמה ביושבי הארץ, כי לא יוכלו להטות שכמם לסבול, בראותם ברצח המון גדול כזה המבקש רחמים, וגם לא מלָאוֹ לבו לשלח את האנשים בברית שלום ולהתנפל עליהם במעל. ואחרי־כן חזקו עליו דברי אוהביו, אשר אמרו, כי לא יאשם כל העושה תועבה ליהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״אין דבר תועבה לגבי היהודים״.</i> וכי יש לתת את הבכורה לדבר המועיל על הדבר הנאה (היאה), אם לא יכּונו שניהם יחדו. בשפתי מרמה נתן אספסינוס לאנשים חנינה וצוה עליהם ללכת בדרך העולה אל טבריה לבד. האנשים האמינו לדבר אשר אליו נשאו את נפשם ויצאו עם רכושם בבטחה בדרך אשר צוה עליהם. אולם הרומאים כבשו את כל הדרך העולה אל טבריה ולא נתנו לאיש לנטות הצדה, וככה סגרו אותם בעיר. ואחרי־כן בא אספסינוס והציג את כֻּלָּם במקום המרוץ (האצטדין) וצוה להמית את הזקנים והאנשים אשר לא יצלחו למלאכה, ומספרם כאלף ומאתים. ומן הצעירים הבדיל את גבורי החיל, כחמשת אלפים איש, ושלח אותם אל נירון לאִיסְתְּמוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: אל מֵצר קורינתּוס, שישב שם הקיסר בעת ההיא.</i>, ואת יתר העם, כשלשים אלף וארבע מאות איש, מכר לעבדים, מלבד האנשים אשר הפריש לאגריפס, כי נתן בידו את כל ילידי מלכותו לעשות בהם כטוב בעיניו. והמלך מכר גם אותם לעבדים. ויתר ההמון הזר היו בני ארגֹב (טרכון) והגולן וסוסיתא (היפוס) וגבול גדר (גדרה), רֻבּם מורדים ובורחים ואנשי־משחית, אשר מעשיהם הרעים בעת שלום השיאו אותם לצאת למלחמה. הם נתפשו בשמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפִּאַיּוֹס (אלול)."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>מצור גמלא ומפלתה.</small><br><br>א. הגליליים, אשר התקוממו ברומאים אחרי מפלת יודפת, נכנעו לפניהם לשֵׁמע המגפה אשר היתה בטריכי, והרומאים כבשו את כל מבצרי הגליל מלבד גוש־חלב והר־תבור, אשר החזיקו בו היהודים. וגם העיר גמלא, אשר מעבר לים כנרת, מול טריכי, מרדה עוד ברומאים. העיר הזאת נחשבה על גבול אגריפס וכמוה גם הערים סוֹגַנִּי וסיליקיה, וכֻלן הן ערי הגולן, וסוגני היא בארץ הנקראה הגולן העליון וגמלא — בגולן התחתון; וסיליקיה — בקרבת יאור סמך. ורֹחב היאור הזה שלשים ריס וארכו ששים והאגמים אשר לו משתרעים עד דַּפְנֵי, ושם ארץ מעינות מים, אשר מהם יוצא הנהר המכֻנה בשם הירדן הקטן, ומימיו נופלים אל הירדן הגדול בקרבת מקדש עגל־הזהב. ועם יושבי סוגני וסיליקיה כרת אגריפס ברית־שלום בראשית המרד. אולם גמלא לא נכנעה תחתיו, כי יושביה בטחו במשגב עירם, אשר היתה חזקה מיודפת. כי ממעל להר גבוה מתנשא שם צוק זקוף ובתוך הוא מעלה גבנון ומשתרע במישור למעלה ונוטה [תלול] לפנים ולאחור, והוא דומה בתבניתו לגמל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קַמֶּלוֹס.</i>, ועל־כן נקרא בשם הזה (גמלא), אף כי יושבי המקום אינם מבטאים את השם הזה מבֹאר כמשפטו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">משפט מוזר מאד. נראה, שכִּוֵּן יוסף לקוראים היונים וספּר כי היהודים מבטאים ״גמלא״ במקום ״קמלוס״ היוני, ולא שׂם אל לבו, כי היונים שאלו את המלה הזאת מן השפה העברית והם הם ששִׁנו את בטויה מגימל לכף!</i>. משתי צלעותיו וממול פניו מֻקף הסלע הזה תהומות, אשר אין איש יכול לעבור בהן, ורק מאחור, אשר שם הכֵּף מסתעף מן ההר, אין הדרך אליו כה תלולה. אולם גם במקום הזה חפרו יושבי המקום חריץ עמֹק מן הצד (באלכסון) לסגור על מבואי העיר. ועל הצלע הזקופה נבנו הבתים צפופים מאד, עד אשר דמתה כל העיר התלולה כתלויה על פי התהום וצונחת למטה. ופני העיר היו למול רוח דרומית, והצוק המתרומם לאין־חקר ממעל לעיר גם הוא נשקף לצד דרום, ועליו נמצאה מצודת העיר (מרום העיר, הצריח), ולמטה ממנה היתה צלע ההר הזקופה באין חומה, כי נפלה אל תהום עמֻקה. ומקור מים נמצא מבית לחומה בקצה העיר.",
+                    "ב. ואת העיר הזאת, אשר ככה שָׂגבה בתכונתה, חִזק עוד יוסף במנהרות ובשׁוּחות. ואף כי יושבי המקום הִרבו לבטוח בתכונת חֹסן עירם גם מיושבי יודפת, נפלה גמלא מיודפת במספר אנשי המלחמה אשר בקרבה. ובהאמינם במעוז מקומם לא נתנו ללוחמים חדשים לבוא בשעריה בהמון, כי כבר מלאה העיר פליטים מהקרבות הראשונים, אשר בקשו מנוס במבצר הנשגב הזה, ושבעה חדשים שָׂגבה העיר בפני הצבא, אשר שלח אגריפס לצור עליה.",
+                    "ג. ואספסינוס הסיע את חילו מחַמַּת (חמתן), אשר שם חנה בקרבת טבריה — אם נבאר את השם חמת, נאמר אשר הוא ״חמים״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מים חמים, מרחצאות חמים (תֶּרְמַי ביונית).</i>, כי נמצא שם מעין מים חיים המעלים רפואה — ועלה על גמלא. הוא ראה, כי לא יהיה לאל־ידו לשים חיל־משמר על העיר מסביב מפני תכונת המקום, ועל־כן העמיד צופים רק במקומות אשר מצאה ידו וכבש את ההר אשר ממעל לעיר. ואחרי אשר בצרו הלגיונות שם את מחנם, כדרכם במלחמה, החל אספסינוס לשפוך סוללה מאחורי העיר (בצפון) והפקיד על הסוללה בצד מזרח, אשר שם נמצא המגדל הגבוה בכל העיר, את הלגיון החמשה־עשר, והלגיון החמישי שפך סוללה על חלק העיר בתוֶך, ואת החריצים והבורות סתמו אנשי הלגיון העשירי. ובעת ההיא נגש אגריפס המלך אל החומה ונסה לדבר אל המורדים, כי יסגירו את עירם, ואחד הַקַּלָּעים ירה בו אבן ופגע במרפקו הימני וקרובי המלך מהרו לסוכך עליו, והרומאים התעוררו לחַזק את עבודת המצור, כי קצפו על הדבר אשר נעשה למלך וגם חרדו לנפשם, באמרם, כי האנשים העושים רֶשע כזה לאחִיהם דורש טובתם לא ישובו מכל אכזריות־זדון בהצותם על אויבים זרים.",
+                    "ד. ועבודת הסוללה שָׁלמה מהר, כי רב היה מספר הידים העוסקות בה, וכל אנשי־המלחמה היו מהירים במלאכתם והרומאים הקריבו את מכונות הרעש. וחרש ויוסף והאנשים הקרובים אליהם, הם טובי העיר, נבהלו מאד לדבר הזה, אך ערכו את אנשי־חילם המזֻינים למלחמה, בחשבם, כי לא יוכלו לשאת את המצור זמן רב, יען אשר לא נמצאו להם די מים ולחם וצֵּדה, על־כן אספו את האנשים ועלו על החומה וזמן מצער נלחמו באנשי־הצבא, המקריבים את המכונות, אולם מכונות־הקלע והבליסטראות הכו בהם וגרשו אותם אל העיר. והרומאים הביאו את אילי־הברזל והרעישו את החומה בשלשה מקומות ונשפכו דרך פרצי החומה [כזרם חזק] בתקיעת חצוצרות ובמשק כלי־נשקם ובתרועת נצחון אל תוך העיר והשתערו על יושביה. והיהודים עמדו על נפשם במבוא העיר בחֹזק־יד ולא נתנו את הרומאים לעבור, ואחרי־כן חזקה עליהם יד אויביהם הרבים והעצומים, הבאים עליהם מעברים, והם נסוגו אחור ועלו אל מרומי העיר. אך פתאם הפנו פניהם והתנפלו על האויבים, המעפילים לעלות אחריהם, ולחצו אותם אל מורד ההר התלול והמיתו בהם רבים, אשר לא מצאו מעמד במקום הצר והקשה הזה, כי לא יכלו הרומאים להלחם ביהודים העומדים מלמעלה ולא עצרו כח לבקוע להם דרך בקרב המון אחיהם, ההורסים לעלות על העיר אחריהם. ועל־כן בקשו להם מחסה על בתי האויבים, אשר היו שפלים לארץ. וכאשר נמלאו הבתים אנשים כרעו תחת סבל משאם ונהרסו, וכל בית נופל הרס את הבית העומד תחתיו, ומפלת הבית הזה הפכה גם היא את הבתים אשר מתחתיו והמון גדול מהרומאים נהרג. כי מרֹב מבוכתם קפצו רבים על הגגים, אף כי ראו אותם נופלים תחתיהם, ורבים נקברו תחת מפלת הבתים ורבים רסקו את חלקי גופם במנוסתם ועוד רבים מהם נחנקו באבק אשר כסה עליהם. ובני גמלא ראו בזה אות, כי אלהים עוזר להם במלחמתם ולא שמו לב אל פגעיהם ורדפו אחרי השונאים. הם דחפו אותם מעל הגגות והמיתו את הכושלים ברחובות התלולים ובלי הרף ירו ממעלה בשונאיהם הנופלים והכו בהם. כי מפלת הבתים הספיקה להם אבנים לרֹב ואת נשק הפיפיות המציאו להם החללים, כי הסירו את החרבות מעל הרומאים הנופלים ודקרו בהן את האויבים המטים למות. ורבים מן הרומאים התנפלו מעל הגגות הנוטים להשבר ומתו. וגם לבורחים לא היה קל להמלט, כי לא ידעו את הדרכים, וענן האבק לא נתן להם להכיר איש את פני רעהו והם נדחקו יחד וכשלו איש באחיו ונפלו.",
+                    "ה. ויתר הרומאים מצאו ביגיע רב את מוצאי העיר ועזבו אותה. ואספסינוס נשאר כל העת עם אנשיו הנמצאים בצרה, כי התעצב אל לבו מאד בראותו את העיר נהפכת על אנשי־צבאו, ושכח להִשמר לנפשו ועלה מבלי הדעת מעט־מעט אל מרום העיר ושם נשאר ברעה גדולה עם אנשים מתי־מספר, כי גם טיטוס בנו לא היה עמו יחד, יען אשר נשלח אל מוצִיָּנוס, נציב ארץ סוריה. ואספסינוס חשב, כי לא לישועה וגם לא לתפארת יהיה לו, אם יפנה ערפו לברוח מפני אויביו, וזכר את המלחמות אשר התענה בהן מימי נעוריו ואת מעשי גבורותיו, וכמו נחה עליו רוח אלהים. הוא התלכד עם אנשיו יחד וכֻלם חבּרו את כלי־נשקם (מגניהם) עד היותם כבשר אחד, ובזה התחזק אספסינוס בפני השונאים הנלחמים אתו מראש הגבעה ולא פחד מגֹדל המונם וגם מאבני־הקלע, אשר השליכו עליו, וכראות אנשי־הצבא את כח רוחו הנפלא הרפו מעט קט ממנו. וכאשר הונח לו מעט ממציקיו, נסוג אחורנית בשובה ונחת ולא הפנה את ערפו אל האויב עד הגיעו בשלום מחוץ לחומה. ורבים ועצומים מצבא הרומאים מתו במלחמה הזאת ובין המתים נמצא שר־העשרה אַיבּוּטִיּוּס, אשר הפליא לעשות גבורות לא במלחמה זו, שנספה בה, בלבד, כי־אם גם בכל הקרבות אשר לפניה, ורעות רבות ונוראות עולל ליהודים. ואחד משרי־המאות ושמו גַלּוּס, אשר הקיפוהו שונאיו מסביב בעת המבוכה, הסתַּתּר באחד הבתים ושמע את שיחת בני־הבית בעת־הסעֻדה על הדבר אשר אנשי העיר אומרים לעשות לרומאים וגם לו ולאנשיו, והוא וחבריו היו סוריים [ועל־כן הבינו את שפת היהודים], בלילה קם גַלוס ושחט את כל יושבי הבית ומהר עם אנשי־צבאו להמלט אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ו. ואחרי המגפה נמס לבב הרומאים, בזכרם, כי לא קמה עוד עליהם פרענות גדולה כזאת, ועוד יותר מזה נכלמו אנשי־הצבא על אשר עזבו את המפַקד לנפשו בהיותו בצרה גדולה, ואספסינוס דבר על לבבם לנחמם וכסה על התלאה אשר מצאה אותו, לבל יראה בעיניהם פתח־דברו כמוסר־תוכחת. וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״הנה טוב יהיה, כי נשא שכם אחד במנוחת גבורים את פגעי המלחמה ונשיב אל לבנו, כי מעולם לא נקנה הנצחון בלי קרבנות־דם. דרך המזל לסֹב אחורנית (גלגל חוזר בעולם), ואחרי אשר הכּינו את היהודים לרבבותיהם נגזר גם עלינו להקריב קרבן קטן לאלהים. והנה כאשר לא יאות לאיש־המעלה להתגאות בלי חֹק בעת טובה, ככה לא יאות גם לאיש־חיל להִוָּאש בשעת צרה, כי חליפות הטוב והרע ממהרות לבוא. ואיש־מופת הוא האדם, אשר לא זחה דעתו בעת אשרו, למען אשר יוכל לשאת במנוחת־רוח גם את פגעיו. הנה הרעות, אשר מצאו אותנו, לא ממֹרך ידינו באו לנו ולא מגבורת היהודים, רק תכונת המקום הרעה הביאה להם שכר ולנו נזק. ואולי יוכיח אתכם איש, כי לא משלתם ברוחכם. כי כאשר ברחו אויביכם מפניכם אל מרומי העיר היה טוב לכם לעזבם לנפשם ולא לרדוף אחריהם עד הראש ולבוא בצרה, כי בכבשכם את העיר התחתונה היה לאֵל־ידכם לצור על הבורחים האלה עד אשר ירדו אליכם להלחם, למען תוכלו לנצחם במנוחה ובבטחה; אולם אתם נחפזתם לקראת הנצחון באין מעצור לרוחכם ולא שמתם את לבכם להשמר לנפשותיכם. אך לא נאה לרומאים לצאת למלחמה בלי ישוב־הדעת ולהתהולל בעת הקרב, כי בתבונתנו ובסדרי מערכותינו גברנו תמיד על שונאינו — וזאת (הפחזות) היא דרך העמים הנכרים (הברברים) ודרך היהודים יותר מכֻּלם. על־כן טוב יהיה, אם נשוב אל דרכי המלחמה אשר לנו, ונתקצף על הרעה אשר מצאה אותנו ללא־צדק, ולא נתעצב אל לבנו, וימצא כל איש מכם נחמה נכונה בכח גבורות ימינו, ואז יעלה בידכם לגאֹל את דם אחיכם הנהרגים ולקחת נקמה בהורגיהם. וגם אני אנסה לעשות הפעם, כאשר עשיתי עמכם בכל הקרבות עד היום הזה, ואהיה ראשון לצאת לפניכם ואחרון לעזוב את המערכה״.",
+                    "ז. בדברים האלה חִזק אספסינוס את רוח אנשי־צבאו, ושמחת יושבי גמלא על נצחונם היתה עד ארגיעה, אף כי היה הנצחון ישועה גדולה, אשר באה להם בהסח־הדעת. כעבור זמן קצר שׂמו אל לבם, כי אפסה כל תקוה להציל את נפשם בברית עם הרומאים וגם אבד מנוס מהם, וכבר חסרה להם צֵדה, ועל־כן התעצבו אל לבם מאד ורוחם נפלה בקרבם. אך לא חדלו לבקש ישועה בכל מאמצי כחם, וגבורי־החיל אשר ביניהם התיצבו בפרצי החומה והנשארים שמרו על יתר חלקי החומה מסביב. כאשר חִזקו הרומאים את הסוללות ונִסו להתנפל על החומה מחדש, נמלטו רבים מיושבי העיר דרך הנקיקים הקשים לעבור ברגל, אשר לא נמצאו שם שומרי הרומאים, ורבים ברחו דרך המנהרות. והאנשים אשר נשארו בעיר, ביראם פן יפלו בידי האויבים בעת מנוסתם, ספו בחֹסר־כֹּל, כי כל הלחם הנמצא בעיר נאסף למען אנשי־המלחמה השומרים עליה.",
+                    "ח. בכל הצרות האלה הוסיפו בני גמלא לעמוד על נפשם ביד חזקה. בעצם ימי המצור עשה אספסינוס כלאחר־יד מלחמה גם ביושבי הר־תבור (אִיטַבּוּרִיּוֹן). ההר הזה הוא בין העמק הגדול ובין בית־שאן בתוֶך, והוא מתרומם לגֹבה שלשים ריס בקֵרוב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גוזמה, אולי צ״ל שלשה ריס. בימינו גֹבה הר־תבור קרוב לחמשה ריס — 613 מטר.</i>, ורק מרוח צפונית עולה אליו דרך קשה, וראש ההר הוא מישור ומדתו עשרים וששה ריס מסביב, וכֻלו מֻקף חומה. את החומה הקים יוסף בארבעים יום, בהביאו את כל החֹמר מתחתית ההר וגם מים הביא עמו, כי יושבי המקום שותים מי גשמים לבד. כנגד ההמון הגדול הנאסף במקום הזה שלח אספסינוס את פלצידוס עם שש מאות רוכבים. ופלצידוס ראה, כי אין לאֵל־ידו לעלות על ההר, וקרא אל ההמון לרדת בשלום והבטיח לכרות אתו ברית. והיהודים ירדו אליו במחשבות ערומים, לסַכּל את עצתו הרעה, כי פלצידוס דִבּר אתם רכות, באמרו בלבו לתפוש אותם בעמק, והם ירדו מן ההר למלא למראה־עין את דברי הרומאים, ובלבם אמרו להתנפל עליהם פתאם לתֻמם. אולם ערמת פלצידוס נצחה את מזמות היהודים. כי כאשר התגרו אתו היהודים מלחמה, הוליך אותם שולל בנוסו מפניהם ומשך אותם לרדוף אחריו רחוק בעמק, ופתאם הפך את פניו והמית רבים מהם, ועל הנשארים סגר את הדרך העולה אל ההר. ורבים מן היהודים עזבו את הר תבור וברחו אל ירושלים. וכאשר לא היו עוד מים לשתות ליושבי המצודה, כרתו ברית עם פלצידוס והסגירו את ההר ואת נפשותיהם בידו.",
+                    "ט. ומיושבי גמלא ברחו עזי־הנפש ונמלטו על נפשם, והחלשים ספו ברעב. ואנשי־המלחמה החזיקו עוד מעמד במצור עד יום עשרים ושנים לחֹדש הִפֶּרְבֶּרֶטַּיּוֹס (תשרי)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנת ד״א תתכ״ח — 67 למנין הנהוג.</i>. כי ביום ההוא באשמֹרת הבֹקר התגנבו שלשה אנשים מן הלגיון החמשה־עשר בלאט אל המגדל הזקוף אשר ממולם וחתרו תחתיו. והצופים בראש המגדל לא ראו אותם בעלותם, כי חֹשך הלילה כסה עליהם, וגם לא חשו אותם בבואם. אנשי־הצבא נשמרו מכל המֻלה ובידם עלה לגולל חמש אבנים גדולות ולהִמלט. ופתאֹם נהפך המגדל תחתיו בקול שאון גדול והצופים התגלגלו אתו יחד אל התהום. והשומרים אשר על החומה נבהלו מאד ועזבו את משמרותיהם וברחו, ורבים נועזו לבקוע להם דרך בין מערכות הרומאים ונפלו בחרב, ואִתם היה גם יוסף, אשר ירה בו אחד הקלעים בעת מנוסתו דרך פרץ החומה. לקול ההרס קמה מבוכה גדולה בין יושבי העיר ומחִתּה נוראה נפלה עליהם, בחשבם, כי כבר פרצו כל האויבים לתוך העיר. בקרב המבוכה גוע חָרֶש, כי שכב חולה על מטתו והפחד והמחלה חברו עליו יחד להכריעהו. אולם הרומאים זכרו את תבוסתם הראשונה ולא באו בשערי העיר עד יום עשרים ושלשה לחֹדש הזה.",
+                    "י. וטיטוס שב בעת ההיא והתאנף מאד על המכה אשר היתה בחיל הרומאים שלא בפניו, ובחר לו מאתים רוכבים וגם לקח עמו אנשי־צבא רגלים ובא בראשם בשערי העיר בלאט. אולם הצופים ראוהו בבואו והרימו קול צעקה ולקחו את נשקם בידיהם. ובהוָּדע הדבר לאנשי העיר, כי באו הרומאים אל תוכה, תפשו אלה את נשיהם ובניהם וסחבו אותם אחריהם לברוח אתם יחד אל ראש ההר ביללה ובזעקה, ואלה יצאו להִלחם בטיטוס ונפלו חללים איש אחרי אחיו. והאנשים, אשר לא מצאה ידם להמלט אל ראש ההר, קפצו בצר להם מתוך העיר ונפלו בידי שומרי הרומאים. ונוראה היתה אנקת החללים בכל מקום, ודמם הציף את כל העיר ונשפך למטה במורד. ואספסינוס בא לעזרת אנשיו בראש כל חילו ועלה להלחם בפליטים אשר נמלטו אל ראש ההר. כי הגבעה התרוממה לאין־חקר והיתה מכסה אבנים מסביב וקשה היה לעלות עליה, ועתה היתה מלאה המון אדם ומורדותיה התלולים סוככו עליה. וכאשר העפילו הרומאים לעלות עליה, ירו בהם היהודים חצים וכל מיני קלע וגם גוללו עליהם אבנים גדולות והשחיתו בהם, תחת אשר חִצי הרומאים לא יכלו להגיע עד מרום מעמדם. אולם לאסון היהודים שלח אלהים רוח סערה אל עֵבר פניהם והיא משכה אליהם את הצי הרומאים והשיבה את חציהם אחור או דחפה אותם הצדה. מפני כח הסערה לא יכלו היהודים להתחזק במורד התלול, כי לא מצאו שם מעמדלרגליהם וגם נבצר מהם לראות את השונאים העולים עליהם. והרומאים עלו על ההר והקיפו את היהודים והמיתו מהם את כל הלוחמים העומדים על נפשם וגם לא חמלו על האנשים הפושטים אליהם יד לבקש חנינה, כי זֵכר אחיהם הנִגפים בעת עלותם על העיר לראשונה הקשיח את לבם מאד. וכאשר נואשו היהודים מעזרה, תפשו רבים את טפם ונשיהם והתגלגלו אתם אל התהום, אשר פיה עמֹק מאד לצלע ההר. וזעם הרומאים היה קל יותר מִקּשִׁי־לב היהודים הנתפשים, כי מספר הנשחטים בידי הרומאים היה ארבעת אלפים ולעֻמתם נמנו חמשת אלפים חללים, אשר התנפלו מראש ההר. ואיש לא נשאר בחיים, מלבד שתי נשים בנות אחי פיליפוס, הוא פיליפוס בן יקים, איש נשוא־פנים ונסיך מטעם המלך אגריפס, וגם הן נצלו ממות בהצליחן להחבא מזעם הרומאים בעת מפלת העיר. כי ביום ההוא לא חמלו הרומאים גם על נפש עוללים ותפשו רבים מהם והשליכום מראש הגבעה. ככה נפלה גמלא בעשרים ושלשה להִפַּרְבֶּרֶטַּיּוֹס (תשרי) והמרד החל בה בעשרים ואחד לגוֹרְפִּיַּיּוֹס (אלול)."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>גוש־חלב נמסרה בידי הרומאים, ויוחנן ברח אל ירושלים.</small><br><br>א. רק גוש־חלב לא נכבשה עוד בידי הרומאים, היא עיר קטנה בגליל, אשר יושביה היו רודפי־שלום, כי ברֻבּם עבדו את אדמתם ומשאת נפשם כל הימים היתה ברכת השדה לבד. אולם לאסונם באו לגור בקרבם רבים מהמון השודדים, והנגע פשׂה גם בחלק אזרחי העיר. והאיש, אשר עורר אותם למרד ונצח על קהלם, היה יוחנן בן איש אחד ושמו לוי, והוא בעל כשפים (איש מרמה) ורב־מזמות בכל דרכיו, אשר הלך בגדולות ובנפלאות ממנו תמיד והיה איש־מעשה חרוץ להשלים את תקוותיו וכל עין ראתה, כי הוא חפץ במלחמה למען ישלח ידו אל השלטון. את פקֻדת האיש הזה שמרו כל המורדים בגוש־חלב, ובגללם לא מהרו האזרחים לשלוח צירי שלום אל הרומאים ולפתוח את שערי עירם לפניהם, רק אמרו לקדם את פניהם במלחמה. ואספסינוס שלח עליהם את טיטוס עם אלף רוכבים ואחרי־כן הסיע את הלגיון העשירי אל בית־שאן, והוא עם שני הלגיונות הנותרים שב אל קיסריה לתת מרגוע לאנשיו אחרי עבודת המלחמה הקשה בלי הרף, וגם חשב לחזק את גופות אנשי־הצבא ואת רוחם בטוּב הערים האלה לקראת הקרבות העתידים, בהבינו מראש, כי עוד עבודה קשה נשארה לו בירושלים, אשר היא קרית מלכים והעיר הראשה לכל העם, יען אשר אליה נהרו כל פליטי המלחמה. כי משגב העיר הזאת מתכונתה וחֹזק חומותיה הבצורות נתנו דאגה רבה בלב אספסינוס, והוא ידע, כי גם בלי חומה ומצודה יקשה בידו לבצור את רוח הגבורים היושבים בקרבה. על־כן רצה לחזק את אנשיו לקרב כדרך המתגוששים (אתליטים).",
+                    "ב. וכאשר הגיע טיטוס עם רוכביו עד גוש־חלב, ראה, כי על־נקלה יעלה בידו להשתער על העיר ולכבשה, אולם ידע, כי בכבוש אנשי־צבאו את העיר ביד חזקה יערכו מטבח נורא ליושבי העיר. וכבר היה לו הרצח לזרא וגם חמל על המון האנשים, אשר יִסָּפוּ בלא משפט בעון הרשעים המעטים. על־כן בחר לו להטות אליו את יושבי העיר בברית שלום ועמד לפני החומה המלאה המון אנשים, אשר היו ברֻבּם מחֶבר הפריצים (המקֻלקלים), וקרא אליהם: ״נפלא בעיני הדבר, במה אתם בוטחים להשגב מנשק הרומאים לבדכם, אחרי אשר נפלו בידינו כל הערים, והלא עיניכם רואות, כי ערים חזקות ובצורות מעירכם כרעו תחת תנופת ידינו הראשונה, והערים אשר כרתו ברית עם הרומאים בטוחות ושאננות ונהנות מכל אשר להן. גם עתה אני נותן לכם את בריתי שלום ולא אפקוד על רום עיניכם. אמנם לתקות החֵרות יש סליחה, אולם עון המַקשים את ערפם בדברים, אשר נשגבו מכחותיהם, לא יכֻפּר עד עולם. ואם לא תשמעו לדברי החנינה והרחמים (״אהבת האדם״) האלה ולא תכרתו אִתּנו ברית־שלום אנסה להכניעכם בכל עֹז כלי־נשקי, ועוד מעט תִּוָכחו, כי משחק למכונות הרומאים היא חומת עֻזכם, אשר בה שמתם מבטחכם, ואתם לבדכם מכל יושבי הגליל תראו לעיני כֹל, כי שבוים עזי־מצח אַתּם״.",
+                    "ג. אף אחד מאזרחי העיר לא יכול לענות לדברים האלה, באשר לא נִתּן להם לעלות על החומה, כי כל החומה נכבשה בידי השודדים; והם הציגו גם משמר בשערים, לבל יֵצא איש לכרות ברית עם הרומאים ולהביא את רוכביהם אל העיר. ויוחנן לבדו פנה אל הרומאים לאמר: ״העצה היעוצה מצאה חן בעיני ויש לאל־ידי לדַבּר על לב המסרבים או למנעם בחזקת־היד. אולם עליך, טיטוס, לתת ליהודים לשמור את היום הזה כמשפטו, כי הוא יום השבת, ובו אסור לנו לצאת למלחמה וגם לדבר שלום אל האויב. הן לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים, כי חֹק לנו לשבות בכל יום שביעי, ואם תאלצו אותנו לעבור על החֹק הזה, תהיה אשמתכם, אתם המחטיאים, גדולה מאשמת האנוסים. ואמנם אם תדחה, טיטוס, את המועד, לא תאֻנה אליך רעה, הלא גם אם יאמר אחד מאתנו בלבו לברוח בלילה הזה, הן יש לאל־יד הרומאים לחנות סביב לעיר ולשמור על כל מוצאיה. אולם לשכר גדול יהיה לנו, אם לא נעבור על חֻקי אבותינו. ואמנם אם יפליא איש חסדו לתת את ידו לשלום לאנשים, אשר לא יחלו לדבר הזה, ולפדותם מצרה, הנה נאה לו לכבד גם את חֻקי האנשים האלה״. בדברים האלה התחכם יוחנן לטיטוס, כי באמת לא היה ראש חפצו לשמור את השבת כהלכה, כי־אם להציל את נפשו. הוא ירא, פן יִתָּפש בכף, אם תפול העיר בידי האויב מיד, ובקש לו דרך לברוח בלילה ולפדות את חייו. ויד אלהים היתה בדבר הזה, כי הציל את יוחנן, למען שַׁחת בידו את ירושלים, והוא נתן בלב טיטוס להאמין לדברי האיש, וגם להסיע את מחנהו רחוק מן העיר אל קדש (קוּדַסי), היא כפר חזק לצורים בגבול הארץ, ואיבת עולם ומלחמה בין יושביה ובין הגלילים, ומספר יושבי הכפר הוא גדול ומעוז המקום היה להם למשגב בהצותם על היהודים.",
+                    "ד. ויוחנן ראה בלילה, כי אין משמר הרומאים מסביב לעיר, ומצא לו שעת־הכֹּשר לקחת את אנשי־צבאו וגם רבים מן האנשים השקטים יחד עם נשיהם וטפם ולברוח אתם אל ירושלים. פחד השבי ואימת־המות הוסיפו כח לאנשים האלה, לנהל אחריהם במרוצה נמהרה את המון הנשים והטף עשרים ריס, ואחרי־כן פגרו אלה מלכת. ונוראה היתה יללת המון הנשים והילדים העזובים לנפשם, כי כאשר הוסיפו קרוביהם לרחק מהם, חשבו כי האויב הולך וקרוב אליהם, וכבר ראו בחזון את השובים העומדים עליהם, ועל־כן נחפזו במנוסתם בפחד; ולקול המֻלתם במרוצתם הפנו את ראשיהם לראות פן הדביקו אותם הרודפים, אשר הם בורחים מפניהם. ורבים תעו בלא־דרך, וגם בדרך המלך קמה מריבה ביניהם, כי כל אחד רצה לעבור את השני, והרבה נרמסו ברגלים. שבר הנשים והילדים היה אָיֹם ומחריד כל נפש, נשים רבות מצאו כח לקרֹא בקול רם בשמות בעליהן ולהתחנן אליהם ביללה לחכות להן. אולם מצות יוחנן חזקה על האנשים להציל את נפשם ולברוח אל המקום, אשר משם יקח מהרומאים גם את נקם בני ביתם העזובים, אם יפלו בשבי. ככה נפוץ המון הבורחים, כי כל אחד נחפז לברוח חיש מהר, ככל אשר לאל־ידו.",
+                    "ה. וביום השני נגש טיטוס אל החומה לכרות את הברית עם יושבי גוש־חלב, ואזרחי העיר פתחו לפניו את שעריה ויצאו עם בני ביתם לקראתו וקדמו את פניו בברכה וקראו לו בשם מיטיבם ופודה עירם ממשמר [העריץ]. הם ספרו לו את דבר מנוסת יוחנן וחִלו את פניו לחמול עליהם ולבוא אל העיר ולעשות שפטים בשארית המורדים. וטיטוס דחה את בקשות אנשי העיר עד עת מצֹא ושלח חלק רוכביו לרדוף אחרי יוחנן, והם לא יכלו להדביקו, כי כבר קדם להמלט אל ירושלים, אולם מן האנשים הבורחים עמו המיתו כששת אלפים נפש, וגם הקיפו את הנשים והטף כשלשת אלפים נפש, והביאו אל טיטוס. והוא קצף מאד, כי לא עלה בידו הפעם להנקם ביוחנן על מעשי תרמיתו, אך מצא נחמה בתוחלתו הנכזבה למראה ההרוגים והשבוים הרבים. הוא בא בשערי העיר לקול ברכת האזרחים וצוה על אנשי־צבאו להרוס חלק החומה כמשפט ללוכד עיר והשקיט את רוח מחרחרי־הריב, בהפילו עליהם את פחדו, ולא הִרבה לענשם. כי הבין, אשר רבים יכו בלשון את מריביהם הנקיים מעון כגֹדל שנאתם אליהם, אם יבוא לעשות משפט בחַיָּבים, ועל־כן חשב, כי טוב יהיה לו להשאיר את החַיָּב מֻטל בפחד מאשר להמית יחד אתו את הזכאים. כי בדבר הזה יקח הפושע מוסר ויפחד תמיד מן הענש וגם יבוש מפני האנשים אשר נתנו לו חנינה, תחת אשר עֹנש האנשים הנספים בלא אשם הוא מעֻות אשר לא יוכל לתקון. הוא הציג מצב בעיר, לשמור על המנוחה ולעצור את אוהבי התמורות ולחזק את ידי רודפי השלום. ככה נכבשה ארץ הגליל כֻּלה, ובזֵעת־אפים רַבּה פנו להם הרומאים את הדרך אל ירושלים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על יוחנן מגוש־חלב. על הקנאים וחנן הכהן הגדול והמריבות אשר ביניהם.</small><br><br>א. ובבוא יוחנן אל ירושלים חרד כל העם לקראתו ומסביב לכל אחד מאנשים הבורחים עמו נאסף המון גדול לחקור את דבר הפגעים אשר [מצאו את היהודים] מחוץ. אמנם נשימת האנשים הקצרה והלוהטת ענתה. בפניהם, כי נמצאו במֵצר, ובכל־זאת לבשו גאוה בצרתם והודיעו, כי לא, ברחו מפני הרומאים, רק באו להלחם בהם ממקום־מבטח. כי ללא חכמה וללא הועיל נחשב בעיניהם לחרף את נפשם במלחמה בעד גוש־חלב ועוד ערים קטנות, אשר אין בהן כח, תחת לשמור על כחותיהם ועל נשקם ולחשוך אותם לימי המלחמה בעד העיר הראשה. ואחרי־כן דברו על מפלת גוש־חלב וספּרו בלשון נקיה על־דבר נטִיָּתם מפני האויב, אך רבים הבינו, כי הנטיה הזאת היתה מנוסה, וכאשר הגיעה השמועה בדבר ההמון אשר נפל בשבי, אחזה פלצות את כל העם, בשומו אל לבו, כי אלה הם אותות גדולים מבַשרי מַפּלה בעתיד. אולם פני יוחנן לא לבשו בֹשת לזכר האנשים אשר עזב אותם לנפשם. הוא חזר על בני ירושלים ובתקוות כוזבות הֵעיר את לבם למלחמה, בסַפרו להם, כי אין כח לרומאים, ובהרימו את ערך חיל היהודים, וגם לעג לאִוֶּלת התמימים [הפוחדים מפני המלחמה], באמרו, כי גם בעשותם להם כנפים לא יעלו הרומאים בחומת ירושלים אחרי כל הרעות אשר מצאו אותם על־יד כפרי הגליל, כי בחומות הכפרים האלה השחיתו את כל מכונותיהם.",
+                    "ב. לדברים האלה נפתו רבים מבני־הנעורים והתעוררו לצאת למלחמה; אולם הנבונים והזקנים צפו כֻּלם כאחד את הרעה אשר תמצא אותם וספדו על העיר, אשר נגזר עליה להחרב. והעם נמצא במבוכה גדולה, אך בטרם קמה עוד בירושלים מלחמת־אחים כבר חָלק לב העם היושב בארץ. כי טיטוס פנה מגוש־חלב אל קיסריה, ואספסינוס יצא מקיסריה אל יבנה ואל אשדוד והקים את בריתו עם הערים האלה והשאיר בקרבן מצב ושב אל קיסריה והוליך עמו המון אנשים גדול, אשר נפלו בידו על־פי דברי הברית. ואז קמו מהומות ומלחמות־אחים בכל עיר ועיר, ובכל מקום אשר שאפו היהודים רוח אחרי תנופת יד הרומאים היתה יד איש באחיו, ומריבה קשה היתה בין חפצֵי־הקרָב ובין רודפי־השלום. ובראשיתה פגעה המריבה בבתים, אשר זה מכבר שלטה קנאה ביניהם, ואחרי־כן קמו גם האוהבים הקרובים איש באחיו וכל אחד התחבר עם האנשים אשר היו מחשבותיו במחשבותיהם, והמונים המונים ערכו מערכה אלה לקראת אלה. והמריבה פשׁתה בכל מקום; אולם אנשי המרד ודורשי הקרב התגברו בכח עלומיהם ובעֹז נפשם על הזקנים והנבונים. ובראשונה פשטו אחד אחד לבֹז את יושבי הארץ, ואחרי־כן התחברו לגדודים ומִלאו את הארץ חמס. ובמעשי הזדון והרֶשע לא נבדלו בעיני אחיהם מהרומאים הזרים, ורבים מן העשוקים חשבו, כי עוד יקל להם בנפלם בידי הרומאים.",
+                    "ג. והרומאים אנשי המצב אשר בערים לא יצאו לעזרת העשוקים או הושיעו להם רק מעט, כי יראו פן תמצא אותם רעה וגם שנאו את עם היהודים מאד, עד אשר שׂבעו ראשי להקות־השודדים בכל המקומות את החמס אשר עשו בארץ והתחברו יחד, וכל עדת־המרֵעים הבקיעה אל ירושלים. כי העיר הזאת היתה בעת ההיא בלי ראש ומושל ועל־פי חֻקי האבות קבלה אל שעריה כל איש מזרע היהודים מבלי להשמר מפניו ובימים ההם חשבו יושבי העיר כלם, כי כל הגדודים הנוהרים אליה הם אוהבים הבאים לעזור להם. והנה בדבר הזה היה דַי להחריב את העיר גם מבלעדי מלחמת־אחים. כי המונות אנשים ריקים ובטלים, אשר לא הצליחו למלחמה, אכלו את הלחם, אשר היה בו כדי למַלֵּא את סֵפק אנשי המלחמה, ונוסף על חרב האויב הביאו גם מלחמות־אחים ורעב בשערי העיר.",
+                    "ד. ועוד רבים משודדי הארץ נאספו אל העיר והתחברו עם השודדים אשר מבית, הקשים עוד מהם, ולא נבצר מהם כל מעשה נורא. ונקלה היתה בעיניהם סאת רשעם וזדונם, בהרבותם שֹׁד וחמס ובפשטם את שמלות האנשים לעורם, כי שׂמו גם אל הרצח את פניהם, ולא עשו את דברם בלילה ובמסתרים וגם לא שלחו את ידם באנשים חשֻׁכּים, כי־אם בעצם היום ולעיני השמש יצא מעשה־הרצח, ובנשואי הפנים החלו. לראשונה תפשו את אַנְטִפַּס, אשר היה ממשפחת המלוכה וגם מגדולי העיר ובידו הפקיד העם את אוצר הצבור, ואסרו אותו בכלא, ואחריו שׂמו במאסר את לוי, אחד מנשואי־הפנים, ואת צופא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אפשר לקרֹא גם צופא, שופא.</i> בן רעואל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: אַרֶגֶטֶס.</i>, אשר יצא גם הוא מבית המלוכה, ואחריהם עוד אנשים מורמים מעם. ופחד גדול נפל על כל יושבי ירושלים וכל אחד בקש ישועה לנפשו, כאלו כבר הֻכּתה העיר במלחמה.",
+                    "ה. אולם השודדים לא אמרו די בשימם את האסורים על מסגר, כי ראו רעה נגד פניהם בשמרם על אנשים תקיפים כאלה זמן רב, פן תמצא יד קרוביהם הרבים לבוא לעזרתם ופן יתרגז גם העם על מעשה התועבה ויקום עליהם ביד חזקה. על־כן יעצו עֵצה להמית את האסורים ושלחו אליהם את יוחנן, אחד מבני קהלם, איש מהיר במלאכת־הרוצחים, אשר נקרא בשם ״בן האילה״ בלשון עם־הארץ, ויחד עמו באו עוד עשרה אנשים מזֻינים אל בית־הכלא ושחטו את האסירים. ועל התועבה הנוראה הזאת הוציאו עוד הרוצחים על האנשים שמועת שקר ואמרו, כי באו בדברים עם הרומאים להַסגיר בידם את ירושלים ובזה רצו לבגוד בחֵרות העם, והתפארו במעשי הנבלה לעיני כל, כי עשו חסד לעיר והושיעו אותה מצרה.",
+                    "ו. לדברים האלה נפלה רוח־העם מאד והפחד גבר עליו, ובמדה הזאת הוסיפו האנשים האלה אֹמץ, עד אשר לקחו בידם את המשפט למַלא את ידי הכהנים הגדולים. הם בזו לבתי האבות, אשר מהם נבחרו הכהנים הגדולים חליפות במשפט הירֻשה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפרשה הזאת היא סתומה. וכנראה כִּוֵּן פה המחבר לסגני הכהנים הגדולים ולראשי המשמרות. ובכלל אינו נזהר בשמוש התאר ״כהנים גדולים״. בימים ההם נחשבה הכהֻנה הגדולה לנחלת משפחות מעטות (ביתוס, פיאבי, קמחית, חנין ועוד), אשד שמשו מימי הורדוס, וכל חברי המשפחות האלה נקראו ״כהנים גדולים״ או ״בני כהנים גדולים״.</i>, והקימו להם כהנים בני בלי־שם וחשֻׁכּים, למצֹא בהם עוזרים למעשי תועבותיהם. כי האנשים, אשר הגיעו למשרה העליונה ללא־צדק, נטלו עליהם למלא את רצון האנשים, אשר מִלאו בה את ידם. בלשון רכיל ודִבּה הפיחו מדנים בין ראשי העם, למצֹא חפצם בריבות האנשים העומדים להם לשטן, וכאשר מלאה סאת רשעת מעשיהם לבני־האדם, השיאם זדון לבם לנַבּל את כבוד האלהים ולבוא ברגליהם המטֻמאות [הרוחצות בדם] אל היכל הקֹדש.",
+                    "ז. ולאחרונה קם העם בעושי התועבה, כי העיר את לבבו הזקן בקרב הכהנים הגדולים חנן [בן חנן], איש חכם באדם, אשר כמעט עלה בידו להציל את העיר, אלו נמלט מידי מבקשי רעתו. והם (השודדים) שמו את היכל ה׳ למצודת משגַבּם ושמה נמלטו ממהומות העם, וכה נהפך להם המקדש למבצר עריצים. ועל מעשיהם הנוראים הוסיפו עוד לעג, להעציב את לב העם מכל עלילותיהם, כי נִסּוּ לתַכּן את פחד העם ולהראות את עֹצם ידם וערבו את לבם לבחור את הכהנים הגדולים על־פי הגורל, אף כי משפט הירֻשה היה רק למשפחות [הכהנים הגדולים], כאשר אמרנו. הם סמכו את המעשה הרע הזה על חֹק עתיק, באמרם, כי גם לפנים נבחרו הכהנים הגדולים על־פי הגורל. ובאמת חשבו לבַטל בזאת את המנהג ולתפוש להם את השלטון, בהקימם בידם את המשרה העליונה.",
+                    "ח. על־כן קראו לאחת ממחלקות הכהֻנה הגדולה ושמה יָכין (נ״א: יקים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אֶנְיָכִין אצל ניזה. נ״א: אֶנְיָכִים, אֶנְיָקִים. יכין הוא המשמר הכ״א, יקים — המשמר הי״ב (דברי הימים א, כ״ד; י״ב, י״ז). החֹק הישן, אשר סמכו עליו הקנאים, הוא כנראה דבר הכתוב (שם, פסוק ה): ״ויחלקם בגורלות״, והם דרשו זאת גם לגבי הכהֻנה הגדולה.</i> ובחרו להם כהן גדול בגורל. ובמקרה זכה בגורל — ובזה נראה כל גֹדל רשעתם — איש אחד ושמו פינחס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: פני, פניאס.</i> בן שמואל מכפר־חפתא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתוספתא מבֹאר, כי לא היה מבּני חשֻׁכִּים, כי־אם מחתני משפחת הנשיא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל, אשר הזכירהו יוסף לשבח.</i>, אשר לא יצא מהכהנים הגדולים וגם לא הבין מה היא הכהֻנה הגדולה, כי היה אכר עובד־אדמה. אולם הם סחבו אותו בעל־כרחו מן השדה וכמעשה המשחקים בבית־החזיון קשטו אותו במסֵכה זרה והלבישו אותו את בגדי הקֹדש ולִמדו אותו את מעשה עבודתו לעת מצֹא. למעשה תעתועים ולצחוק ילדים היתה הנבלה הזאת בעיניהם. אולם עיני יתר הכהנים, העומדים מרחוק, זלגו דמעות למראה החֹק המחֻלל והם נאנחו על המשרה הקדושה הנרמסה ברגלים.",
+                    "ט. ולמראה העזות הגדולה הזאת קצר כח סבל העם, ויושבי ירושלים מהרו כאיש אחד להסיר את עֹל הנוגש. והאנשים נשואי־הפנים בקרב העם, גוריון בן יוסף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה, ב, כ, ג, הֻזכר יוסף בן גוריון.</i> ושמעון בן גמליאל, הקהילו את כל העם לאספה והעתירו עליו דברים וגם חִלו את פני כל איש ואיש להחיש נקמה בשונאי החֵרות ולטהר את בית־המקדש משופכי הדם. וגם אנשי־המעלה בין הכהנים הגדולים, יהושע בן גמלא וחנן בן חנן, הרבו להוכיח את העם על רפיון ידיו ועוררו אותו בעצרותיו לקום על הקנאים, כי בשם הזה קראו לעצמם אנשי־הזדון, באמרם, כי הם מקנאים למעשים טובים (לשם שמים), ולא כן הדבר, כי קנאו רק בעלילות רעות והתמַכּרו להוסיף עוד עליהן.",
+                    "י. וכאשר נאספו כל יושבי ירושלים יחד וכֻלם קצפו על כבוש בית־המקדש ועל מעשי החמס והרצח, אולם איש לא ערב את לבו להתגרותמלחמה בעושי הרשע, בחשבו, כי יבצר ממנו להתגבר עליהם — וכן היה הדבר באמת — התיצב חנן בן חנן בקרב העם והביט כפעם בפעם אל עבר ההיכל ודבר אל העם בדמעות על עינים, לאמר: ״מי יתן מותי בטרם ראו עיני את בית־האלהים מלא את כל התועבות האלה, בטרם היו המקומות הקדושים, אשר לא יעבור בהם זר, למרמס לרגלי מרצחים. אך הנה אני עומד לפניכם בלבוש הכהֻנה הגדולה ונושא את השם הגדול והנכבד בין כל שמות הכבוד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לכהנים הגדולים שנדחו ממשרתם נשאר שם הכבוד והכנסות הכהֻנה הגדולה וגם מלבושי הכהן הגדול. ואין לדעת, אם הכונה כאן לתֹאר הכבוד (כהן גדול) או לשם הקדוש אשר על הציץ.</i>, חי אני ועלי לשמור את נפשי, ולא זכיתי למות בשם טוב לעת זקנתי. ואם גם יחיד נשארתי [כערער] בערבה, נכון אני לחרף את נפשי לבדי למען כבוד אלהים, כי מה יסכּון לי להאריך ימים בקרב עם אובד, אשר טחו עיניו מראות את הצרות ולבו מת בקרבו מחוש את יסוריו ומכאוביו. עשוקים אתם כל היום — ונוטים שכמכם לסבול! אתם מֻכּים ונמרטים, ונושאים את בשרכם בשִׁניכם ואין איש נאנח ברמה על דם הנרצחים. אוי לי על ממשלת הזדון הזאת! אולם למה עלי לחרף את הזדים? הלא באשמתכם ובאֹרך־אפכם גדלו ועשו חיל! הן בהוָסדם עליכם לראשונה, בהיותם עוד מתי מספר, ראיתם את מעשיהם ולא שמתם אל לב, החרש החרשתם ונתתם להם להרבות מספרם, וגם כאשר חגרו חרב, חבקתם את ידיכם והסבֹּתם את כלי מלחמתם למול פניכם. ותחת לבצור את רוחם בראשונה, כאשר שפכו בוז וחרפות על אחיכם (נ״א: על הנדיבים), לא התבוננתם אל פֹּעל ידיהם, ובזה השאתם את הנבלים לעשות חמס ושֹׁד, וכאשר שׂמו בתים לשַׁמה, לא פצה איש את פיו, ועל־כן היה נקל בידם לתפוש גם את אדוני הבתים, ואחרי זאת נסחבו אלה בראש חוצות, ועוזר לא היה להם. על־כן הוסיפו הנבלים אֹמץ לעַנות בבתי־כלאים את האנשים אשר בגדתם בהם. ולא אֹמַר לכם, מי הם האנשים ומה מספרם; אבל זכרו, כי איש מכם לא יצא להציל את אלה האסורים בלא עון ובלא משפט, והלא נקל היה לראות מראש, כי יוצאו האנשים למות! ואחרי־כן ראינו גם את זאת בעינינו, כי הייתם כעדר בהמות נבערות, בהלקח ממנו החיות הטובות לקרבן, ואיש מכם לא הוציא קול ולא הניף את ימינו. שימו אפוא בעפר פיכם ודֹמו למראה בית־המקדש הנרמס ברגלים, כי אתם הרחבתם את צעדי הפריצים האלה לספות זדון על זדון, ולא לכם המשפט להתאונן על רום עיניהם. כי עוד הגדילו במעשיהם, לוּ מצאו להם דבר גדול מבית־המקדש להחריבהו. והנה עתה הם מושלים במרום משגב העיר, כי לא שם מקדש יִקָּרֵא להר־הבית כיום הזה, כי־אם שם מצודה או מבצר. השליטים העריצים האלה בוטחים במשגב חומותיהם ואתם רואים את שונאיכם עומדים ממעל לראשכם. ומה היא עצתכם הפעם ובמה תרגיעו את רוחכם? הלעזרת הרומאים אתם נושאים את פניכם, כי יבואו הם לפדות את מקדשכם? הוי, ככה ירד מעמד עירנו וכה גדלה הרעה אשר מצאה אותנו, עד כי באמת ינודו השונאים לשִׁברנו: הוי, עניים אמללים! הטרם תתעוררו ותִלָּפתו תחת סבל מכותיכם? ואיך לא תביטו אל מעשה בהמת השדה ולא תלמדו ממנה לעמוד על נפשכם בפני מכיכם? ואיך לא תזכרו את הרעות אשר שָׂבע כל אחד מכם, ואיך לא תשימו לנגד עיניכם את היסורים אשר נשאתם, ולא תגברו חיָלים להלחם במציקיכם? אבד, אבד מכם יצר לב האדם הטוב והרגש הנעלה מכֹּל — רגש אהבת החרות. לעבדים נרצעים היינו ועינינו אל יד אדונינו, כאִלו העבדות מנת חלקנו ונחלה לנו מאבותינו. לא! אבותינו נלחמו מלחמות רבות ועצומות בעד החרות ולא הכניעו את ערפם לפני המצרים ולא לפני המדיים, כי מאנו לשמוע בקול נוגש. ולמה לי להרבות דברים על מעשה אבותינו? הנה מלחמה לנו עתה ברומאים ולא אשפוט הפעם, אם טובה היא ומועילה, או רעה ומזיקה, אך על מה ולמה אנו יוצאים למלחמה הזאת? האם לא בעד חרותנו? ועתה, אם קצה נפשנו לשאת את עֹל מושלי העולם כֻּלּוֹ, איכה נִכָּנע תחת שבט עריצים מקרב אחינו? הן אם יעבוד איש אדונים זרים, יוכל לתלות את הדבר במזלו אשר בגד בו; אולם להֵעָנוֹת תחת עֹל נבלים היושבים מבית — זה הוא חלק רכי־לבב, הבוחרים בעבדות. והנה הואלתי לדבר אליכם על הרומאים, ולא אכסה מכם את הדבר, אשר עלה על לבי בין יתר הדברים (תוך כדי דבור), כי גם אם נִפֹּל בידם — מי יתן ולא יקום הדבר אשר יָצא מפי (אל תפתח פה לשטן!) — לא תגדל צרתנו מהרעה אשר פקדו עלינו האנשים האלה. ואיך לא נבכה בראותנו את מתנות האויבים ההם, אשר הרימו לבית־מקדשנו, ועל־ידן את השלל אשר נפל בידי אחינו אלה בהמיתם את נדיבי עיר־הקֹדש וברצחם נפשות אנשים, אשר גם השונאים היו אוספים ידם מהם בעת נצחונם? והנה הרומאים לא עברו מעולם את גבול העזרה המֻתָּרה להם ולא בזו למצוותינו הקדושות ובחרדה היו מביטים מרחוק אל חומת המקדש, ואלה האנשים, אשר נולדו בארצנו וגֻדלו בחֻקי תורתנו, אלה הנקראים בשם ״יהודים״ — מתהלכים בקרב המקדש בידים נוטפות דם אחים. ומי יירא עתה לצאת למלחמה עם שונאינו מחוץ? הלא הם נוחים לנו הרבה יותר, אם נדַמה אותם לאויבים האלה מבית! ואם יאות לקרֹא לכל המעשים בשמותיהם הראוים להם, הן יצדק האומר, כי הרומאים אנשי־ברית תורתנו, ואלה צרינו מבית הם אויביה. אולם אני חושב נאמנה, כי אתם הנאספים פה כֻּלכם נוכחתם לדעת מראש, אשר שונאי חרותנו אלה הם בנים משחיתים, ואיש לא יוכל למצֹא את העֹנש הנאה להם כגמול תועבותיהם, ועוד לפני שמעכם את דברַי נרגזתם על האסונות אשר מצאוכם מידם. אמנם רבים מכם יראים את המון האנשים ואת עֹז רוחם ופוחדים ממרום מִשכּנם. אולם הלא מידכם יצא הדבר הזה, בהעלימכם עיניכם מהם, ואם התמהמהו הפעם — עוד ירבו ויעצמו, כי מספרם הולך וגדול מיום ליום, יען אשר כל איש נבל יעזוב אתכם וילך אל בני מינו, וגם זדון לבם יחזק, כאשר לא יעמוד לו איש לשטן, וממרום שבתם יחליפו כח וילחמו בנו בעבי מגִנם, אם נתֵּן להם זמן להִשָּׂגב שם. אולם האמינו לדברי! אם נעלה להלחם בהם, יהיה מוסר עונם למכשול לפניהם וזֵכר מעשיהם יפיל את משגב חומותיהם. ואולי ילחם לנו האלהים, אשר נאצו אותו האנשים האלה, וישיב את אבני הקלע אל עבר פניהם והרשעים ימותו בחציהם השלוחים ולבם ימס כמים בראותם את פנינו. ואם גם יש סכנה בדבר הזה, הנה אשרי האיש אשר יפול חלל לפני שערי המקדש, בהשליכו את נפשו מנגד לא בעד אשתו ובניו, כי־אם בעד האלהים ומשכן קדשו! גם אני אצא לפניכם בעצה ובגבורה ולא יבצר ממני דבַר מזמה להצילכם, ועיניכם תראינה, כי לא אחמול על נפשי״.",
+                    "יא. כדברים האלה דבּר חנן על לב העם לצאת לקראת הקנאים, אף כי לא נעלם מעיניו, אשר יקשה בידו להתגבר על האנשים הרבים האלה, המלאים כח עלומים ואֹמץ־רוח, אשר גם הכרת חטאתם הקשיחה את לבם, וגם הבין, כי לא ימסרו את עצמם בידי אויביהם עד צאת נפשם, בדעתם כי לא יכֻפּר להם עון ידיהם. בכל־זאת בחד לצאת לקראת כל צרה (שלא תבוא) מהעלים עיניו למראה השערורה הנוראה הזאת. והעם קרא בקול, כי ילך אחריו אל כל אשר יצונו וכל איש היה נכון לחרף את נפשו.",
+                    "יב. ובעת אשר דבּר חנן אל העם ופקד את האנשים הראוים לקרָב, שמעו הקנאים את דבר עצתו, כי אנשי־שלומם, אשר נמצאו בכל מקום, גלו להם את כל אשר נעשה בקרב העם. הם התרגזו מאד והגיחו בהמון ובגדודים קטנים מהר־הבית ולא חמלו על כל איש אשר פגשו בדרכם. וחנן הקהיל במהרה את אזרחי ירושלים והם עלו במספרם על הקנאים, אך נפלו מהם בכלי־נשקם וגם לא היו ערוכים למלחמה כמוהם, אולם תאות המלחמה מלאה את חסרונות אלה ואלה. כי חמת הנקמה, אשר בערה בבני העיר, חִזקה את ידיהם מכל כלי־נשק, והקנאים אשר בהר־הבית נלחמו בעֹז־נפש ולא שמו לבם לכל המון שונאיהם. כי בני ירושלים האמינו, אשר לא יוכלו עוד לשבת בעירם, אם לא יכריתו את השודדים ממנה, והקנאים הבינו, כי עתידים הם לכל מיני יסורים, אם לא יתגברו על אויביהם. אלה התנגחו באלה והכעס והשנאה יצאו לפניהם בקרב. לראשונה המטירו איש על רעהו אבנים ברחובות העיר ולפני המקדש, וגם נלחמו בחניתותיהם מרחוק, וכאשר פנו בני המחנה האחד לאחור, רדפו אחריהם צריהם והכום בחרב. ורבים נפלו חללים מזה ומזה, ולא מעט היה גם מספר הפצועים, וכאשר נפצע אחד מבני העיר, אספו אותו קרוביו אל ביתו, אולם הנפצע מחבר הקנאים הובא אל בית־המקדש ודמו נשפך על אדמת הקֹדש. ובצדק יאמר האומר, כי הדם הזה טִמא את הקדשים. כאשר נלחמו פנים אל פנים, היתה יד השודדים על העליונה. אולם יושבי העיר נלחמו בזעם ועֶברה ומספרם הלך הלוך וגדול והעם חרף את הנחשלים, והעומדים מאחור, אשר נדחקו גם הם להלחם, לא נתנו לאחיהם לפנות עֹרף, עד אשר השתער כל העם על צריו, ואלה לא יכלו עוד לעמוד על נפשם בפני התקיפים מהם. ומעט מעט נסוגו אל הר־הבית, ואנשי חנן הבקיעו אִתּם יחד אל חצר המקדש. ורעדה אחזה את הקנאים, כאשר נלקחה מידם החומה הראשונה, והם נמלטו אל חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית וסגרו עליהם את השערים. וחנן נמנע להביא מלחמה בשערי הקֹדש. ומה גם כי ירו השונאים מלמעלה. הוא חשב, כי גם אם ינצח, יעבור על מצות התורה, בהביאו את העם אל שערי בית־המקדש בטרם יתקדש. על־כן בחר ששת אלפים אנשים מזֻינים בגורל והציג אותם לשמור על האולמים (האסתוניות), ואחרי־כן באו אחרים במקומם, כי על כל העם הֻטל לעמוד חליפות על המשמר. אולם ראשי העם פטרו רבים מאנשי־המעלה מעשות את הדבר ונתנו להם לשכור בכסף עניים ולשלוח אותם אל המשמר תחתם.",
+                    "יג. אפס כי את כל האנשים האלה הכריע איש אחד, הוא יוחנן, אשר ספרנו על־דבר מנוסתו מגוש־חלב, כי היה איש־מרמה מאין כמוהו ונשא בלבו תאות־ממשלה באין־מצרים וזה מזמן חבל מזמות לקחת לו את השלטון. ובימים ההם התחפש כאיש אוהב־העם ולא סר מחנן ביום, כאשר נועץ עם טובי העם וגם לא בלילה, מדי עברו לפקד את אנשי המשמר, ואחרי־כן גלה את סודותיו לקנאים וכל עצה אשר יעץ העם נודעה לאויבים על־ידו בטרם עוד התבררה והתלבנה; הוא שקד להרחיק ממנו כל חשד, ועל־כן הרבה להתרפס לפני חנן וראשי העם, אולם במַלאו פיו את תהלת האנשים השיג את הפך רצונו, כי החֹנף הרב הגדיל עוד את החשד. ויען כי היה דרכו ללכת אל כל מקום אשר לא נקרא שמה, יצא עליו הקול, שהוא מגלה סוד, כי בראות ראשי העם, אשר הקנאים יודעים את כל דברי מועצותיהם, לא מצאו איש כיוחנן חשוד לגלות את הדברים. אולם לא קל היה להם להפטר ממנו, כי היה איש־חיל במעשי רשעו, וגם לא יצא מקרב חשֻׁכִּים ורבים מאנשי הסנהדריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן: המועצה הראשית.</i> סוככו לראשו. על־כן יעצו להשביע אותושבועת אמונים, כי הוא דורש טוב לעם. ויוחנן נשבע בנפש חפצה, כי יאהב את העם ולא יגלה את עצתו ואת מעשיו לאויבים, וגם יעזור במחשבה ובמעשה לבער אחרי חורשי הרעה. ואנשי חנן האמינו בשבועתו ולא הוסיפו לחשוד בו ונתנו לו לבוא אל מועצותיהם, וגם שלחו אותו לציר־אמונים אל הקנאים, לדבר על לבם לשבת מריב. כי התאמצו בכל כחם לבלתי טמא את המקדש בידיהם ולבלתי שפך בו דם איש אחד מאחיהם.",
+                    "יד. ויוחנן עשה מעשה, כאלו נשבע שבועת אמונים לקנאים ולא לראשי העם. כי הוא בא אל הר־הבית ועמד בין הקנאים וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״לא פעם ולא שתים חרפתי את נפשי למענכם, פן יעלם מכם דבר מכל אשר יעצו אנשי חנן עליכם. והנה עתה רעה גדולה נגד פנַי ונגד פני כֻלכם, אם לא תהיה אתנו יד אלהים להצילנו. כי אין עוד חנן רוצה להתמהמה, וכבר פִּתּה את העם לשלוח צירים אל אספסינוס, למען יבוא במהרה ויכבש את העיר. וגם יעץ לתפוש אתכם בידו, כי צוה על כל העם להתקדש ליום מחר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">דבר־הטהרה הזה לא התברר. יש חושבים, כי כזב יוחנן לקנאים, שחנן רוצה להקריב הטאת הצבור (ויש חושבים: פרה אדֻמה). ואין הדבר מתאים במלואו לדין התורה ולדברי חז״ל.</i>, למען יבוא אל המקדש לעבוד את האלהים או יתגרה בכם מלחמה בזרוע נטויה. איני יודע, עד מתי תעצרו כח לעמוד בפני המשמר המקיף עליכם ולערוך מערכה למול המון גדול אשר כזה״. ואחרי זאת הוסיף לדבּר: ״יד אלהים עשתה זאת, כי נבחרתי לציר־אמונים ונשלחתי לדבר שלום אליכם. דעו, כי חנן אומר לסובב אתכם בכחש בדברים האלה, למען יוכל להתנפל עליכם בעת אשר לא תִשָּׁמרו לנפשותיכם. ולא נשארה לכם רק אחת משתי אלה: להתחנן אל חיל־המשמר כי יתן לכם את נפשותיכם לשלל, או להמציא לכם עזרה מחוץ. ואם יש אתכם אנשים מתברכים בלבבם, כי ימצאו סליחה אחרי הִכשלם בקרָב, הנה הם שוכחים את מעשי זדונם או שוגים במחשבתם, כי אחרי תשובת העושקים ישלימו אִתם העשוקים מיד. והן גם בעשותם תשובה לא ינָקו העולבים משנאה וחמת הנעלבים מתגברת בעשותם חיל; והנה אוהבי הנרצחים וקרוביהם אורבים לנפשותיכם, וגדולה היא חמת העם על אשר נאצתם כל חֹק ומשפט, ואם גם יחמול עליכם חלק האזרחים, כאין יחָשב לעֻמת ההמון הרב אשר יקשיח רחמיו מכם״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקנאים קראו לאדומים והם עלו על ירושלים מיד וחנו בשדה לפני השערים הסגורים. משא יהושע הכהן הגדול ומענה שמעון האדומי.</small><br><br>א. בנכלי השקרים האלה הפיל יוחנן פּחד על כל הקנאים, וטרם ערב את לבו לבטא בפיו מי ומי הם העוזרים מחוץ; אולם בדבריו רמז אל האדומים. ולהרגיז את ראשי הקנאים, למען ייראו לנפשם, סִפּר להם כזבים על אכזריות חנן והעיד עליו, כי הוא אומר לעשות שפטים בהם על פני כֹל. וראשי הקנאים היו, האחד אלעזר בן שמעון, אשר נאמן על הקנאים מאד, כי היה משכיל למצֹא עצה ותחבולה והבין למלא אחרי עצתו, והשני זכריה בן אמפיקלוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן אצל ניזה. ובהוצאה הישנה: בן פלך. וכנראה הוא זכריה בן אבקולס שהֻזכר בתלמוד (גיטין נ״ו, ועוד), שלא נתן להקריב לשלום הקיסר.</i>, שניהם ממשפחות כהנים. וכשמוע האנשים האלה על־דבר הסכנה, העתידה לכל אנשיהם בכלל ולנפשותיהם בפרט, וגם כי חנן ואנשיו רוצים להכין את שלטונם וקוראים את הרומאים לעזרתם — כי גם בדבר הזה כזב להם יוחנן — נבוכו מאד ולא מצאו עצה, כי באו בין המצרים והשעה היתה דוחקת מאד. הם האמינו, כי אזרחי ירושלים נוסדו יחד להשתער עליהם בקרוב, למען החיש את הדבר ולהכרית מהם כל משען מחוץ, וגם יראו פן תכלה אליהם הרעה בטרם יִוָּדע שמץ דבר לאחד מבני בריתם, על־כן גמרו לקרֹא את האדומים לעזרה. הם כתבו אליהם אגרת קצרה והודיעום, כי חנן אומר לבגוד בעם ולהסגיר את העיר בידי הרומאים, והם, הקנאים, קמו להלחם בעד החֵרות ועתה הם נתונים בהר־הבית במצור, ורק זמן מצער נשאר להם לבקש ישועה, ואם לא ימהרו (האדומים) לבוא לעזרתם, יפלו בידי חנן ובידי מבקשי נפשם והעיר תִּכָּנע לפני הרומאים. ועוד הרבה דברים שׂמו הקנאים בפי מלאכיהם לדבּר אל ראשי האדומים, ולצירים נבחרו שני אנשים רבי־פעלים היודעים לכלכל דבר ולהטות לב אנשים למעשים אשר כאלה, וגם קלים ברגליהם — כי הדבר הזה היה נחוץ עוד יותר! הקנאים ידעו, כי האדומים יִפָּתו לדבריהם מיד, כי הם עם פריץ ואוהב מדנים, המחכה תמיד לעת מהומה ושמח לכל מהפכה, ואם ישמעו גם מעט דברי חֹנף ותחנונים מפי הצירים, יקחו את כלי־נשקם וימהרו לקרָב כהולך לקראת החג. ועל הצירים הֻטל להחיש את דברם, וככה עשו שני השליחים, אשר נקראו זה וזה בשם חנניה, כי התנדבו לרוץ אֹרח והתיצבו במהרה לפני ראשי האדומים.",
+                    "ב. ראשי האדומים נבהלו מאד בקראם את האגרת ובשמעם את דבריהצירים, וכמשתוללים סבבו בקרב העם והזעיקו אותו למלחמה. עוד לפני המועד הנתון נאסף המון האדומים, כי כֻלם חגרו את חרבותיהם להלחם בעד חרות עיר־הקֹדש. כעשרים אלף איש חֻבּרו במערכה ועלו על ירושלים, ובראשם ארבעת שרי צבאותיהם, יוחנן ויעקב בני סוסא, שמעון בן כתלא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אצל ניזה: בן תקועא.</i> ופינחס בן קלוצות (קלוסות, קלושות).",
+                    "ג. חנן ושומרי העיר לא ראו את הצירים בצאתם, אולם לא נעלם מעיניהם הדבר, כי האדומים עולים על העיר. כי חנן שמע את הדבר בעוד זמן וצוה לסגור את שערי העיר ולהציג משמר על החומה. הוא לא רצה להחל במעשי־איבה נגד האדומים, כי־אם לדבר על לבם לפני המלחמה. ויהושע [בן גמלא], הוא זקן הכהנים הגדולים אחרי חנן, התיצב בראש המגדל אשר ממול האדומים וקרא אליהם, לאמר: ״אמנם מהומות רבות הקיפו את עירנו, אולם אף באחת מהן לא הרביתי לתמֹהּ על מזלה [הרע] כמו [היום הזה], בראותי, כי דברים שלא עלו במחשבה מסַיְעים לנבלים האלה. אתם מהרתם הֵנה לחַזק ידי אנשי בליעל משחיתים ולהלחם בנו בנפש חפצה, ומי יתן, כי תחישו כה לקול הקורא לפדות את עיר קדשנו מידי אויבים נכרים! ואִלו ראיתי, אשר העומדים במערכותיכם דומים לאנשים הקוראים לכם, כי אז לא היה דבַר בואכם מוזר בעיני, כי אין דבר מחַזק את האהבה כמו קרבת המדות. הן אם יבוא איש לבדוק את האנשים האלה לאחד אחד, יגֻלּה לו, כי כל אחד מהם הוא בן־מות, אשר חִיַּב את ראשו רבבות פעמים. כי הם חלאת כל ערי הארץ וצֵאָתן, אנשים פוחזים, אשר פזרו לראשונה את רכושם, ואחרי־כן למדו את ידיהם למעשי זדון בכפרים ובערים אשר מסביב, ולאחרונה התגנבו במסתרים אל עיר־הקֹדש. הם שודדים ומרצחים, המטַמאים בעצמת חטאותיהם את אדמת הקֹדש, וכל עין רואה אותם סובאים בבית־המקדש באין פוצה פה וממלאים מחמַס הנרצחים את כרסם, אשר לא תדע שָׂבעה. והנה אנחנו רואים אתכם בכל עדי נשקכם, כאשר היה לכם המשפט לבוא, אִלו קראו לכם אנשי העיר בעצה אחת לעזור להם ולהִלחם באויבים נכרים. והאם לא יאמר האומר, כי תעתועי הגורל לפניו בראותו עם שלם בא לעזרת חֶבֶר־נבלים. ואמנם כל העת נבצר ממני להבין, מה הוא הדבר, אשר הבהיל אתכם לבוא הֵנה חיש מהר, הן בלי סבה גדולה לא הואלתם לקחת אִתכם את כל כלי־זינכם ולהִלחם למען השודדים באחיכם, עצמכם ובשרכם. באזננו שמענו על־דבר הרומאים ועל־דבר מעשה בגד — הן דברים כאלה נזרקו זה עתה מפי אחדים מבני בריתכם בקול המֻלה — וגם כי באתם לפדות את העיר. מכל נאצות אנשי הבליעל נפלאות בעינינו מזמות השקר האלה. בדעתם כי זה דרככם לאהב, את החֹפש, ועל־כן אתם נכונים בכל עת לצאת למלחמה על האויבים הבאים מחוץ, — לא מצאו להם עצה אחרת להעיר את חמתכם עלינו, בלתי־אם הוציאו עלינו שֵׁם, כי בגדנו בחֵרות, אשר אליה תאוַת נפשנו. אולם עליכם להתבונן, מי ומי האנשים המכים אותנו בלשון, ועל מי הוציאו את השם הרע, ולברר את האמת לא מתוך דברי השקר אשר טפלו עלינו, כי־אם מתוך דברי המעשים לאשורם. אי זה רוח עבר עלינו לקרֹא אלינו את הרומאים הפעם, תחת אשר היה בידינו לבלי מרֹד בהם בתחלה, או להכנע, מפניהם לעת ראשית המרד, בטרם היתה כל הארץ מסביב לשממה? והן עתה לא יקל הדבר בידינו גם אם נתמכר לעשותו בלֵבב שָׁלם, כי רמו עיני הרומאים אחרי כבשם את הגליל, וחרפה קשה לנו ממות לבקש את רחמיהם בעת אשר קרבו להלחם בנו. אמנם בעיני גדול השלום מן המות, אולם כבר יצאתי לקרָב ולקחתי חלק במלחמה — ועל־כן אבחר למות בשם טוב מהאריך ימים בשבי. ומה הוא הדבר אשר ענו בנו: האם אנחנו, ראשי העם, שלחנו אל הרומאים בסתר [לדבר שלום אליהם] או כל האזרחים גמרו לעשות את הדבר פה־אחד? אם אנחנו עשינו את הדבר — נקבו־נא בשמות אנשי שלומנו השלוחים, בשמות העבדים, אשר היתה ידם אתנו בבגד הזה. הנלכד אחד מהם בצאתו או נתפש בדרך שובו? וידי מי לקחו מהם את המכתבים? ואיך יכֹלנו להסתיר את מעשינו מעיני האזרחים הרבים, אשר בכל עת ובכל שעה אנו יוצאים ובאים ביניהם, ולמתי־מספר הנמצאים במצור, אשר נבצר מהם לרדת מהר־הבית אל תוך העיר — רק להם לבד נגלו דברי הסתר הנעשים בארץ?! והאמנם רק עתה נודעו להם הדברים, לאשורם, כאשר הגיע הזמן לתת את הדין על כל מעשי זדונם — תחת אשר לפנים, בשבתם עוד לבטח בקרבנו, לא נחשד אף איש מאתנו על הבגד? ואם בראש העם שמו את האשם, הנה לא נאסף העם להִוָּעץ במסתרים ואיש לא נעדר ביום הקהל, ולוּ באמת ובתמים יעץ את העצה הזאת, כי אז מהרה השמועה הנכונה להגיע אליכם בטרם הלשינו האנשים האלה עלינו. ומה הגיע אליכם? ואם גזר העם לכרות ברית עם הרומאים, הלא היה עליו לשלוח מלאכי־שלום, ומי הם האנשים אשר מלא את ידיהם בזה? קראו־נא בשמותיהם! אולם לא כן הדבר! כל המעשה הוא תחבולת האנשים האלה, ההולכים למות, למען הרחיק את עת פקדתם הקרובה אליהם. ואם באמת נגזר על העיר להִסָּגר בבגד בידי אויביה, הנה אלה המלשינים לבדם יערבו את לבם למַלא את הדבר, כי תועבה אחת עוד נשארה, אשר לא נסו בה ידיהם, והיא — הבגד. ואם הואלתם לבוא הנה עם כלי־נשקכם, הלא יאות לכם מעשה טוב וישר — להלחם לעיר הקֹדש ולהכרית ממנה את העריצים, אשר בערו את המשפטים מן הארץ ורמסו ברגל־זדון את חֻקי תורתנו ושמו את החרב על כסא המשפט. כי תפשו בראש חוצות אנשים נקיים מעון, נכבדים ונשואי־פנים, וענו בכבל נפשם ולא שמעו לקול צעקתם ותחנוניהם והכו אותם נפש. ואם לא למלחמה עליתם עלינו, הן לא יִבָּצר מכם לראות בעיניכם, כי דברתי אליכם לאמונה, ועֵדַי יהיו הבתים, אשר החריבו האנשים האלה בחמס ידיהם, ונשי ההרוגים ומשפחותיהם, העוטות אֵבל, וגם יגיעו לאזניכם קול היללה והמספד בכל העיר, כי אין איש אשר לא טָעם את טַעם פגישת הרשעים הרעה. וכה גדלה שרירות לבם, עד אשר נקל היה בעיניהם להעביר את דרכי זדונם ואת חמסם מגבולות הארץ ומן הערים אשר מחוץ אל עיר־הקֹדש, היא הפנים והראש לכל העם, — כי עוד הוסיפו לעשות בהעבירם את מדותיהם אלה מן העיר אל המקדש, הוא היה להם למשגב ולמקלט וגם לבית־אוצר הנשק, אשר צפנו שם להלחם בנו. והמקום, אשר הוא בית־תפלה לכל עמי תבל ונכבד לשֵׁמע אֹזן גם לזרים יושבי קצות הארץ — היה למרמס (למדרס) לרגלי חיות רעות (פריצי אדם), אשר גדלו בקרבנו. ועתה, בראותם כי אפסה להם כל תקוה, הם עושים מעשי תעלולים לסכסך עמים בעמים וערים בערים ולגרות את העם, למען יתקע את חרבו במעיו. על־כן טוב ונאה לכם — כאשר דברתי אליכם — לבער את הרשעים האלה מקרבנו ולקחת מהם נקם על תרמית לבם, כי נועזו לקרֹא לכם לעזרתם תחת אשר היה להם לירֹא אתכם, פן תקומו לעשות בהם שפטים. ואם אתם בושים להשיב את פני הקוראים אליכם, הן יש לכם עוד דרך אחת: לפרק את כלי־נשקכם ולבוא בשערי העיר במשפט אחינו וקרובינו ולעמוד בין בעלי־בריתנו ובין שונאינו בתוֶך, ושופטים תהיו לנו. שימו אל לבכם, מה גדול יהיה שכר האנשים ההם, כאשר יוכלו לעמוד למשפט על חטאותיהם הנוראות אשר עשו לעיני כל, תחת אשר לא נתנו לאנשי־שלומינו הנקיים לפתוח את פיהם למען הצדיק את מעשיהם. ורק למענכם תהיה להם הצדקה הזאת, כי הואלתם לבוא הנה. ואם אין את רצונכם לעזור לנו בנקמתנו וגם לא לשפוט בינינו, עוד נשארה לכם דרך שלישית: הרפו ממנו ומהם יחד, ואל תוסיפו על סאת צרותינו ואל תחַזקו את ידי המֵרעים היועצים רעה על העיר. ואם יש אתנו אנשים החשודים בעיניכם מאד על אהבת הרומאים, הלא תוכלו לשמור על מוצאי העיר וכאשר יתבָּרר במעשה, כי כֵנים דברי המלשינים, יהיה לאֵל־ידכם לבוא בשערי העיר ולעשות משפט בחַיָּבים, אשר נחקרה אשמתם. כי האויב לא יוכל למהר ולבוא אל העיר לפניכם — הן אתם חונים בקרבתה! אולם אם כל אלה הדברים אינם טובים וישרים בעיניכם, אל תתמהו על הדבר, בראותכם את השערים סגורים על מסגר, עד אשר תתנצלו את כלי־זינכם״.",
+                    "ד. אלה הדברים דִבּר יהושע. אולם המון האדומים לא שׂם אליהם את לבו, יען אשר היטב חרה לו, בראותו כי לא נִתַּן לו לבוא העירה. ושרי צבא האדומים התרגזו מאד, בשמעם כי עליהם לפרק את נשקם ואמרו, כי זה דרך שבויי המלחמה להשליך את הנשק במצות אנשים [אחרים]. ושמעון בן כתלא, אחד מראשי האדומים, השקיט בכח את רגשת הצבא ועמד במקום גבוה, למען יִשָּׁמע קולו באזני הכהנים הגדולים, וקרא אליהם לאמר: ״לא יפָּלא ממני הפעם, כי נסגרו חלוצי לוחמי הדרור בהר־הבית, בראותי כי נמצאו בקרבכם אנשים הסוגרים בפני העם את שערי העיר, אשר היא נחלת היהודים כֻּלם, ובעוד הם מתכוננים לקַבּל את פני הרומאים — ואולי גם לעַטֵּר את השערים לכבודם — הם מדַבּרים עם האדומים רק מראשי המגדלים ומצוים עליהם לפשוט את כלי־זינם, אשר חגרו למלחמת החרות, ואף כי אינם מאמינים לקרוביהם אלה ומסרבים להפקיד בידם את משמר העיר, הם שמים אותם לשופטים בריבם, ובעת אשר הם מתאוננים על אנשים אחדים, כי המיתו את אחיהם בלא משפט, הם בעצמם מוציאים משפט חרפה על עם כֻּלו. הנה סגרתם היום בפני אחיכם את שערי העיר, הפתוחים לכל בני־הנכר הבאים לעבוד את האלהים, ואחת אתם אומרים, כי מהרנו הֵנה לשפוך דם ולהקים מלחמות־אחים, תחת אשר חשנו רק לדבר אחד — לשמור על החרות למענכם. כי אמנם זאת היא גם אשמת הנצורים, אשר חטאו לפניכם. אני חושב, כי ככה נאמנות גם הטענות אשר מצאתם עליהם! רואה אני, כי כבדה ידכם על כל דורשי טובת העם מבית ושַׂמתם אותם במשמר וסגרתם את שערי העיר בפני בל בני עם־הארץ הקרובים אליכם וצויתם עליהם בגאון ובחרפה למַלא את פקֻדתכם. ואחרי כל אלה אתם אומרים, כי עריצים מושלים בכם, ובשם הזה אתם קוראים לאנשים, אשר בהם אתם רודים בזדון! ומי יוכל לשאת את לעג דבריכם, בראותו את המעשים מכחישים אותם (מטפחים על פניכם)? ואולי תאמרו, כי גם האדומים סוגרים בעדכם את שערי העיר — אלה האנשים, אשר אינכם נותנים להם לבוא אל מקדש אבותינו! והן בצדק נוכל להוכיח את הנצורים בהר־הבית, אשר התנדבו לבער את הבוגדים הנקראים בפיכם בשם נשואי־פנים ואנשים נקיים מעון — כי הם בני חברתכם ואנשי סודכם — ולא החלו את משפטם מכם ולא הכריתו את ראשי הבוגדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״ולא חתכו את החלקים הראשיים של הבגד״.</i>. אולם אם האנשים האלה התרפו בעת צרה, הנה אנחנו האדומים נשמור על בית אלהינו ועל עיר אבותינו ונצא להלחם בעדם כנגד האויבים הבאים מחוץ והבוגדיםאשר מבית. וחמושים נשאר פה לפני החומה, עד אשר ילאו הרומאים לשים לב לכם או תשובו מדרכיכם ותלמדו לאהב את החֹפש״.",
+                    "ה. לדברים האלה הריע המון האדומים קול גדול, ויהושע ירד מעל החומה סר וזעף, בראותו כי לא יקחו האדומים מוסר ומלחמה תהיה לעיר מפנים ומאחור. אפס כי גם דעת האדומים לא נחה עליהם, כי כעסו מאד על חרפתם בהִסָּגר שערי העיר בפניהם ובטחו בכח הקנאים, ועתה ראו, כי אין איש בא לעזרתם, והיו כאובדי עצות, ורבים נחמו על מסעם, ובכל־זאת בושו פן ישובו אל בתיהם מבלי שכר לפעֻלתם, והבֹּשת התגברה על מוסר כליותיהם, ועל־כן נשארו על עמדם אצל החומה, אף כי נמצא מחנם ברעה. כי בלילה התחוללה סופה עזה מאד, ורוחות חזקים סערו והביאו אִתּם מטר־סוחף, וברקים האירו זה אחר זה בלי הרף, ורעמים נוראים התגוללו וקול המון הארץ הרועשת היה לחרדת אלהים, ונראה כי נהפכו תחתיהם מוסדי העולם להביא שואה על האדם, ונדמה כי המופתים האלה [בשמים ובארץ] הם אותות לדבר גדול (המתרחש ובא).",
+                    "ו. ומחשבה אחת עלתה בלב האדומים וגם בלב יושבי העיר. האדומים אמרו בלבם, כי קצף אלהים על מסעם ולא יהיה להם מנוס מזעמו על אשר עלו להלחם בעיר־הקֹדש. ואנשי חנן חשבו, כי נצחו מבלי לעמוד במערכה, וכי האלהים נלחם להם. ואלה ואלה לא היטיבו לראות את העתידות ונבאו לאויביהם את הדברים אשר נגזרו על עצמם. האדומים התלכדו יחד להחם איש את בשר רעהו וכסו במגניהם על ראשיהם, לבל ירבה הגשם להציק להם. וצרת נפש הקנאים גדלה מאד, ביראתם את הרעה אשר תמצא אותם, ועוד יותר מזה התעצבו אל לבם בפחדם לגורל האדומים, ונאספו יחד להִוָּעץ, אולי ימצאו תחבולה להגן עליהם. וחמי־הלבב יעצו לבקוע להם דרך בין חיל־המשמר בזרוע נטויה ולהתנפל אל תוך העיר ולפתוח את השערים לפני בני־בריתם ביד רמה. הם בטחו, כי יברחו אנשי המשמר מפניהם, אם ישתערו עליהם לפתע פתאם, כי רבים מהם אינם מזֻינים ואינם יודעים מלחמה, וקשה יהיה הפעם להקהיל את יושבי העיר, אשר נמלטו אל בתיהם מפני המטר; וגם אם הדבר בחזקת סכנה, עליהם לשאת כל רעה ואין להם להעלים עיניהם מן ההמון הגדול הזה ההולך למות באשמתם. אולם הנבונים אשר בקרב הקנאים מאנו לבקוע להם דרך בחזקת היד, כי ראו אשר כל המקומות מלאים שומרים מזֻינים, ועוד יותר חזק המשמר בשערי העיר מפחד האדומים. הם ידעו, כי עיני חנן משוטטות בכל העיר ובכל שעה הוא פוקד את חיל־המשמר. וכן היה הדבר באמת בכל הלילות, רק לא בלילה ההוא. ולא קלות־דעת חנן עשתה זאת, כי־אם יד הגזֵרה אשר הכריעה אותו ואת המון שומרי העיר, היא הגזרה, אשר מסכה תרדמה על שומרי האולמים בנשף ההוא לעת זעף הסערה ונתנה בלב הקנאים לקחת את המַשׂורים אשר בבית־המקדש ולכרות את משקוף השער. ויללת הסופה וקול הרעמים המתגוללים בלי הרף עמדו להם, ולא נשמע קול ההמֻלה.",
+                    "ז. הם יצאו בהֵחבא מהר־הבית והגיעו עד החומה ובמשורים אשר בידיהם פתחו את השער אשר למול מחנה האדומים. ובראשונה קמה מהומה בקרב האדומים, בחשבם כי אנשי חנן פתחו את השער להתגרות בהם מלחמה, וכל אחד שלח את ידו אל החרב להגן על נפשו, אך במהרה הכירו את האנשים היוצאים לקראתם ובאו יחד עמם בשערי העיר. ואִלו פשטו האדומים ברחובות העיר מיד, נקל היה להם להכרית את כל העם מקטן ועד גדול בלי מעצור, — כה גדלו כעסם וחמתם! אולם לראשונה מהרו האדומים לחלץ את הקנאים מן המצור, כי האנשים אשר קבלו אותם אל תוך העיר דברו אליהם תחנונים, לבל יתנכרו לבני־בריתם, אשר למענם באו, בעת צרתם, ולא יביאו עליהם שואה נוראה, רק יתפשו בתחלה את האנשים השומרים עליהם, ואחרי זאת יפנו אל העיר, כי הלא אם יחרידו את כל יושבי העיר, יִבָּצר מהם להתגבר על השומרים. כי לשֵׁמע הדבר יערכו מערכה עליהם ויסגרו על מוצאי הר־הבית."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי רצח האדומים בבואם אל העיר בעת הסערה, והנוראות אשר עשו הקנאים. מות חנן, יהושע וזכריה. האדומים שבו לבתיהם.</small><br><br>א. דברי הקנאים מצאו חן בעיני האדומים, והם עלו דרך העיר אל בית־המקדש. והקנאים, אשר כלו עיניהם מיחל אל האדומים, החליפו כח למראה בואם ויצאו לקראתם מחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית, ואחרי־כן התחברו אליהם והשתערו יחד אתם על המשמר, שחטו שומרים אחדים אשר נמו שנתם, ויתר השומרים הקיצו והרימו קול צעקה, וכל חיל־המשמר התעורר בבהלה ולקח את כלי־נשקו ומהר לצאת לקרָב, וכל העת אשר חשׁבו השומרים, כי מלחמה להם בקנאים לבד, נלחמו באֹמץ לב, כי בטחו בעצם מספרם, אולם בראותם, כי מחוץ נוהרים אויבים חדשים אליהם, הבינו, כי באו האדומים בשערי העיר ונמוגו מפניהם וזרקו את כלי־נשקם והחלו לבכות ולהיליל. רק צעירים מתי־מספר חגרו עֹז לעמוד על נפשם בפני האדומים וזמן רב סוככו על ההמון, אשר השיב את ידיו אל חיקו. צעקת האנשים גלתה את הדבר לכל יושבי העיר, אולם איש לא ערב את לבו לצאת למלחמה, בהִוָּדע כי הבקיעו האדומים אל העיר, וכל ההמון הגדול לא מצא עצה, רק ענה בקול צעקה ויללה לקול זעקת השומרים. ונהי בכי הנשים עלה למרום, כי לכל אחת היו קרובים בין השומרים הנמצאים בצרה. והאדומים והקנאים יחד הריעו לעֻמת אלה תרועת נצחון, והמון הגשם והסופה היה נורא מכל הקולות. והאדומים לא ידעו רַחם, כי נוסף על יצר לבם האכזרי התלקחה עוד חמתם על יושבי העיר, הסוגרים בפניהם את שעריה, לרגלי התלאות אשר מצאו אותם בעת הסופה. הם לא שׂמו פדות בין המבקשים מהם רחמים ובין הלוחמים אתם, והכו בחרבותיהם גם את האנשים, אשר הזכירו אותם כי הם עצמם ובשרם והשביעו אותם לכַבּד את המקום הקדוש. ויושבי העיר לא מצאו מנוס ולא היתה להם כל תִּקוה להִנצל מרעה. הם נדחקו יחדו ואיש אחרי רעהו הֻצעו חללים, וכאשר נלחץ ההמון אל מקום אשר לא היה שם דרך לנטות, ומרצחיהם הֵצֵרוּ את צעדיהם, לא מצאו רבים עצה וקפצו מהר־הבית למטה אל העיר, ונדמה לי, כי המיתה, אשר בחרו לרצונם, היתה קשה מהרצח, אשר ברחו ממנו. ובכל חצַר בית ה׳ החיצונה שטפו נחלי דם ולפנות הבֹּקר נערמו שמונת אלפים וחמש מאות חללים.",
+                    "ב. אולם בכל הרצח הזה לא שב אף האדומים. הם שמו את פניהם אל העיר ופשטו על הבתים ושלחו את ידם בבזה והמיתו כל איש הבא בידם. הם חשבו, כי יכלו את זמנם לריק, בהכותם את המון העם היושב בעיר, ובקשו את הכהנים הגדולים, ורֹב אנשיהם נטשו לחקור את מקום מחבואם. במהרה תפשו אותם ושחטום והתיצבו על החללים והתקלסו בחנן על אהבת העם אליו וביהושע על דבריו אשר דבר אליהם מן החומה. ובעצמת רשעתם לא נתנו לקבור את עצמות ההרוגים, אף כי חֹק ליהודים להזהר מאד בקבורת אדם וגם את התלוים במשפט בית־דין הם מורידים לפני בוא השמש וקוברים אותם. ואיני שוגה בדברי, כי במות חנן החלה מפלת העיר. כי התמוטטה חומת מעוז היהודים וכלתה אליהם הרעה ביום אשר ראו עיניהם את הכהן הגדול, העומד עליהם לישועה, נשחט בראש חוצות. כי היה חנן איש־מופת בכל מדותיו ורודף צדק מאין כמוהו, וממרום מעלת משפחתו והדר משרתו והכבוד אשר היה לו על־פני כל העם, אהב את השפלים והנדכאים ונתן להם כבוד אנשים כערכו. והוא אהב את החֵרות בכל נפשו וגם חשק מאד בשלטון־עם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: דימוקרַטיה.</i>, וכל הימים היה דוחה את טובתו מפני טובת הרבים (הכלל), והשלום היה יקר לו מכֹּל. והוא ידע, כי אין תקומה לפני הרומאים, ובכל־זאת הכין בעל־כרחו את כל צרכי המלחמה, למען אשר יוכלו היהודים להצליח בה, אם לא יכרתו ברית־שלום עם השונאים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך הוא בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה ישנה: ״הוא הבין, כי יכרעו היהודים במלחמה בעל־כרחם, אם לא ימהרו לכרות ברית שלום״.</i>, ובאמת נוכל לאמר, כי לוּ נשאר חנן בחיים, השלֵם השלימו היהודים [עם הרומאים]. כי היה מפליא לדבר ולצודד את לב העת, וכבר הכניע מפניו את האנשים העומדים לו לשטן, וגם אם נלחמו היהודים, היו מעבידים את הרומאים עוד עבודה גדולה, בעמוד בראשם איש אשר כזה. ונפש יהושע [בן גמלא] היתה קשורה בנפש חנן, ואף כי נפל האיש הזה במעלה מחנן, היה גבוה בערכו מכל העם. אני מאמין, כי האלהים, אשר גזר להחריב את העיר המטֻמאה ורצה לטהר [באש] את בית־מקדשו, הכרית את האנשים האלה העומדים לפניו בפרץ באהבתם את המקדש. ושני הגברים האלה, אשר לפני ימים מעטים לבשו עוד את בגדי הקֹדש ונצחו על עבודת אלהים בכל קצות העולם ואשד נכבדו על־פני כל יושבי תבל הבאים אל ירושלים, התגוללו ערֻמים בעפר לעיני השמש ובשרם היה למאכל לכלבים ולחיות השדה. אני חושב, כי גם כל מעלה טובה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: אֲרֶטֵי.</i> בכתה על האנשים האלה וקוננה על הרעה אשר מצאתם. ככה מתו חנן ויהושע.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי מות הכהנים הגדולים עלו הקנאים והמון האדומים על עם ירושלים ושחטו אותם כשחוט בהמה טמֵאה וכל איש מדלת העם הומת במקום אשר נתפש בכף, ואת אנשי־המעלד, ואת הצעירים הבדילו הרוצחים ואסרו אותם בבתי־כלאים, בהאמינם, אולי יפֻתּה אחד מאלה לעבור אליהם בטרם יבוא מותו. אולם איש לא שׂם לב לדבריהם, וכֻלם בחרו במות ולא רצו להתחבר לסוד המרֵעים האלה לאבדן מולדתם, והם נשאו עִנויים קשים ונוראים על אשר מאנו [לעשות את דבר הנבלים], כי דשו את בשרם בשוטים ומתחו את אבריהם בכלי־משחית, עד אשר לא נשאר מתום בבשרם למעַניהם, ורק אחרי־כן זכו למות בחרב. זהנתפשים ביום נרצחו בלילה ונבלותיהם הוצאו והָשלכו על־פני השדה ופִנו מקום לאסירים חדשים. ומחִתָּה נוראה נפלה על כל העם, ואיש לא נועז לבכות לעיני רואים על החלל הקרוב אליו וגם לא להביא אותו לקבורה, ורק במסתרים שפכו האנשים דמעות, בסגרם את דלתיהם, ובעוד הם נאנחים הביטו לעבָרים, פן יגיעו דבריהם לאֹזן אחד משונאיהם; כי תכף נעשה למתאבל כמשפט המת, אשר קשר עליו מספד, ובלילות היו יושבי ירושלים צוברים מעט עפר לכסות בו את בשר החללים, ורק המחרף את נפשו למות עשה זאת ביום. ככה נהרגו שנים־עשר אלף איש, בחורים מנדיבי העם.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר נלאו האנשים לטבוח טבח לאין־קץ, עשו להם התוליםוהקימו בית־דין ומשפט. ובדרך הזה אמרו להמית את זכריה בן ברוך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ניזה: בן בריס.</i>, אחד מאנשי־השם. הוא הרגיז אותם בנדבת לבו, כי שנא כל תועבה ואהב את החֹפש, וגם היה עשיר, ועל־כן קוו לשני דברים: למלא אוצרותיהם חמס, וגם להִפּטר מן האיש, אשר כּח בידו להפילם. על־כן הוציאו פקֻדה לאסוף שבעים איש מראשי העם אל בית־המקדש, ומסרו בידם — כמו בבית־חזיון — את דמות (תפקיד) השופטים, אשר אין להם כּח ושלטון, והעמידו לפניהם את זכריה למשפט ומצאו בו ערוַת דבר, כי אמר להסגיר את העיר בידי הרומאים ושלח צירים אל אספסינוס בבָגֶד. ואף עד אחד לא נמצא לענות בזכריה, וגם לא היה כל אות לעונו, אולם האנשים (הקנאים והאדומים) אמרו, כי הם בטוחים באשמתו, וחשבו, כי זה הוא אות נאמן על האמת. וזכריה ראה, כי אפסה כל תקוה להציל את נפשו, יען אשר נקרא במרמה אל בית־כלא ולא אל בית־הדין, ועל־כן לא רצה לפרוש מן החיים בטרם ידַבּר ככל אשר עם לבבו. הוא קם לפני השופטים ודִבּר בלעגי שפה על צדקת המלַמדים עליו חובה ובדברים קצרים בטל את כל דברי האשמה אשר יצאה עליו. ואחרי־כן פנה אל אנשי־ריבו וסִפּר את כל מעשי תועבותיהם, ועוד הִרבּה לדַבּר במר־נפשו על השערוריה הגדולה אשר בַּכֹּל. והקנאים התגעשו מאד, ורק בקֹשי כבשו את כעסם ולא שלפו את חרבותיהם, כי קבּלו עליהם לשמור על דמות בית־הדין ועל צחוק־המשפט עד תֻּמו, וגם אמרו לנסות את השופטים, אם יזכרו את חֻקי הצדק בעת מצוקתם. אולם כל שבעים השופטים הצדיקו את הנאשם פה־אחד, כי בחרו למות עמו יחד מהטות את דינו למות. וכאשר יצא זכריה צדיק בדינו, הרימו הקנאים קול צעקה וכֻלם קצפו על השופטים, כי לא הבינו את תֹּקף המשרה, אשר נִתּנה על שכמם לצחוק ולקלסה, ושני קנאים עזי־נפש התנַפלו על זכריה והמיתוהו, בקראם אליו בלעג־זדון בעת נפלו שדוד: ״הא לך גם משפטנו, אנחנו נותנים תֹּקף לצדקת־דינך״, ואחרי־כן השליכו את נבלתו מהר־הבית אל העמק אשר למטה, והפכו את פניהם אל השופטים והכו אותם בנצבי חרבותיהם בחרפה ובוז ודחפו אותם מחומת הר־הבית, ורק לדבר הזה פדו את נפשותיהם מרצח, למען אשר יפוצו בעיר לבַשׂר לכל יושבי ירושלים, כי היו לעבדים.",
+                    "ה. והאדומים נחמו על בואם אל ירושלים, כי המעשים בעיר היו להם לזרא. אחד הקנאים בא אליהם בסתר והקהילם לאספה והודיע אותם כל תועבותיהם אשר עשו יחד עם הקוראים להם, וסִפר להם את כל הרעה אשר מצאה את העיר מידם, לאמר: ״הנה יצאתם אל המערכה, בחשבכם כי הכהנים הגדולים מוסרים את העיר בידי הרומאים, ואף כי לא נמצא שמץ דבר להוכיח על עלילת הבגד, ועתה עיניכם רואות את האנשים, אשר סבבו אתכם בכחש, למען תבואו להגן עליהם, והנה הם עושים מעשי שונאים עריצים, ועליכם היה למנוע אותם ממעשי־זדון למבראשונה. ואחרי אשר התחברתם להם לשפוך דם־אחים, עליכם הפעם לשים קץ לעלילותיהם הרעות, ואל תשארו פה להוסיף אֹמץ לרשעים, העוברים על חֻקי אבותיכם. וגם אם יש ביניכם אנשים, הכועסים עד היום הזה על אשר נסגרו שערי העיר בפניכם ולא נפתחו לרוָחה, למען תבואו בהם חמושים, השיבו אל לבכם, כי כבר עשיתם נקמות במנדיכם. כי חנן מת ובלילה אחד נשמד כמעט כל העם, ולא נעלם מכם, כי גם רבים מאנשי־שלומכם נחמו על הרעה אשר עשו, מדי ראותם את אכזריות האנשים, אשר קראו אתכם לעזרה. הן גם מפניכם אינם בושים, אף כי מידכם באה ישועתם, ועושים תועבות נוראות לעיני בני־בריתם. ועונותיהם יחולו על ראשכם, אתם האדומים, אם לא תעמדו להם לשטן או לא תבָּדלו מעליהם ומעל מעשיהם הרעים. גלוי וידוע לפניכם, כי דבר הבגד היה עלילת שקר, ואין איש חושב, כי יעלו הרומאים על העיר במהרה, וגם חיל חזק סוכך על העיר ולא באפס־יד יִשָּׁבר, ואתם שובו לבתיכם ולא תבואו עוד בסוד המרֵעים, ובזה תזכו את נפשותיכם מכל עונותיכם, אשר כשלתם בהם בערמת האנשים האלה״."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>האדומים עזבו את העיר והקנאים הרבו מעשי רצח. הרומאים רצו לעלות על העיר ואספסינוס עצרם עד עת מצֹא.</small><br><br>א. האדומים הטו אֹזן לדברים האלה ובתחלה הוציאו לחפשי כאלפים מאזרחי ירושלים, אשר נמצאו במאסר, ואלה מהרו לברוח מתוך העיר ולבוא אל שמעון [בן גיורא], אשר עוד נדבר עליו בקרוב. ואחרי זאת עזבו האדומים את ירושלים ושבו איש לביתו. הם יצאו את פני העיר פתאם, ושתי המפלגות בירושלים לא חכו לזה. העם לא ידע, כי נחמו האדומים על מעשיהם, ושאף רוח לרגע קטן, בחשבו כי הונח לו מעֹל אויביו. והקנאים הוסיפו עוד גאוָה, כאלו לא נעזבו מבני־בריתם, רק נחלצו מידי אנשים, אשר הביטו עליהם בעין צרה ובקשו למנוע אותם מאשם. כי עתה לא הֻטל עליהם עוד לדחות את מעשי רשעתם או להִמָּלך בדבר תחלה, ובחפזון גדול יכלו לחַבּל כל אחת ממזמותיהם הרעות והחישו למלא אחרי עצתם כהרף עין. הם הרבו להמית את גבורי החיל ואת נדיבי העיר, כי באלה קנאו על מעלותיהם, ומאלה פחדו, פן יקומו להם לשטן; הם האמינו, כי רק בהכריתם את כל אנשי־המעלה, מבלי השאיר להם שריד, יוכלו לשבת בֶּטַח. ככה נרצחו אנשים רבים וביניהם גם גוריון, איש רם המעלה והיחש, חובב שלטון־עם ומלא רוח אהבת הדרור מכל יתר היהודים, כי ישרת לבו ויתר מעלות רוחו הכריעו אותו לטבח. וגם ניגר איש עבר־הירדן לא נמלט מידם, הוא האיש, אשר הפליא גבורה במלחמותיו עם הרומאים. וכאשר סחבו אותו ברחובות העיר, צעק מרה וגלה את סִמני הפצעים [שקבל במלחמת החרות]. אולם כאשר הוּצא משערי העיר נואש מישועה והפיל את תחנתו לפני מרצחיו, כי תהיה לו קבורה, אולם הם הודיעו אותו, כי לא יורידו את גויתו אל האדמה, אשר ככה חשקה בה נפשו, ואחרי זאת מסרו אותו לטבח. ובעת מותו קלל ניגר את האנשים, כי יבואו הרומאים וינקמו מהם את דמו, וחרב ורעב ויתר מוראי המלחמה יחולו על ראשיהם, ועוד הוסיף לקללם, כי תהיה יד איש באחיו. והאלהים הביא את כל דברי הקללה הזאת על הרשעים ושִׁלם להם בצדק כגמול ידיהם: כעבור זמן קצר קמו מריבות ביניהם וכל איש טעם את טעם שגעון חברו. כאשר נהרג ניגר בידם, הונח להם מפחדם, פן יבוא איש לשים קץ לשלטונם, אולם לא נשארה מפלגה בקרב העם, אשר לא שׂמו לה עלילות דברים להעבירה מן העולם. ואחרי אשר מריבי הקנאים כבר ספו כֻּלּם, הגיעה העת למצֹא את אשם אנשי השלום, אשר לא רבו עמהם. ככה באו בטענה על אחד העם, אשר לא דבק בהם בלבב שלם, ואמרו, כי הוא גבה־לבב (גס־רוח), והתגוללו על השני, אשר נספח עליהם מבלי לבטל את דעתו מפניהם, כי הוא בז להם, וגם האנשים, אשר החניפו להם ביתר שאת, נחשדו על מחשבה רעה. והם לא הבדילו בין אשמה גדולה ובין קטנה, ורק עֹנש אחד גזרו על החיָּבים — הוא עֹנש המות. ואיש לא נמלט מן העֹנש הזה, מלבד העניים והחשֻׁכּים, אשר יצאו משפל המעלה ולא בֹרכו בנכסים.",
+                    "ב. וכל שרי צבאות הרומאים שמחו על מריבות האחים בקרב שונאיהם כמוצאי שלל רב ורצו למהר ולעלות על העיר, וגם האיצו באספסינוס, בחשבם כי יצליח כל חפצו בידו הפעם, ודברו אליו, כי עתה האלהים נלחם להם, בסכסכו את אויביהם איש באחיו, אולם הגלגל חוזר מהרה, ואולי ייעפו היהודים ממלחמת־האחים או יִנָּחמו על מעשיהם וישלימו ביניהם. ולדברים האלה ענה אותם אספסינוס: ״דעו, כי שגיתם מאד בעצתכם בפעם הזאת. אמנם משתוקקים אתם להראות את כח ידיכם ואת הדר נשקכם כדרך העומדים בבית־חזיון, אך הדבר הזה קשור בסכנה ואתם אינכם שׂמים לב לתועלתכם ולשלומכם. הן אם תמהרו לעלות על העיר מיד, תקימו בידיכם ברית־שלום בין שונאינו, ובעֹצם ימינם ישתערו עלינו. ואם תתנו להם אַרְכּה, ימעט אחרי־כן מספר שונאינו, כי תאכל אותם אש המריבה. כי האלהים מיטיב לערוך את המלחמה ממני, והוא יסגיר את היהודים בידי הרומאים חנם ויתן את הנצחון לצבאותינו בלי עמל וסכנה. ובעוד האויבים הולכים וכלים איש בידי רעהו, כי קמה עליהם קללה נוראה, מלחמת־אחים, טוב לנו להתבונן אליהם מרחוק ולשבת במנוחה, מאשר להתערב בריב אנשים הולכים למות, הנלחמים ביניהם ברוח שגעון. ואם יחשוב איש מכם, כי לא יישר הנצחון בלי מלחמה, עליו להשיב אל לבו, כי ניטיב לעשות לנפשותינו, בהשיגנו את משאלות לבנו לבטח, מהכניס את עצמנו בסכנת מלחמה. דעו לכם, כי גם האנשים המפיקים את רצונם באֹרך־אפם ובתבונתם קונים להם שם טוב ותהלה כחבריהם, אשר השלימו את חפצם בתפארת ישׁע ימינם. והנה במדה אשר יהיו האויבים הולכים ודַלים יחליפו צבאותינו כֹח מעמלם הקשה וילכו הלוך וחזק. ואמנם גם אין השעה עת־רצון לאנשים השוקדים לעשות להם בנצחונם שֵׁם תפארה, כי אין היהודים דואגים עתה להכין להם נשק וגם לא לחַזק את חומותיהם ולאסוף להם חיל־עוזרים, למען יהיה לנו הדבר לרעה, בתתנו להם אַרכּה, — רק חונקים הם איש את רעהו במלחמת־האחים ובמחלֹקת, וכל יום הם סובלים צרות ורעות נוראות, אשר גם בעלותינו עליהם ובכבשנו אותם לא נעשה להם כמוהן. ואם ירצה איש לשמור את נפשו, עליו לתת להם להמית איש את אחיו עד תֻּמם. ואם לתהלת הנצחון תשאו את נפשכם, הן לא תגדל תפארתכם בהתנפלכם על על אויב כזה, אשר אכלה אותו חרב מבית, כי יֵאָמר בצדק, אשר לא מידכם בא הנצחון, כי־אם מן המחלֹקת״.",
+                    "ג. כל שרי החילים הודו לדברי אספסינוס. וכעבור זמן קצר נגלה הדבר, כי היתה עצתו עצה מחֻכּמה. כי מדי יום ביומו נפלו אל הרומאים אנשים רבים, אשר ברחו מפני הקנאים. אמנם קשה היתה מנוסתם, כי הציגו הקנאים משמר בכל מוצאי העיר ואת כל איש אשר תפשו שם שפטו משפט מות, באמרם כי אל הרומאים הוא נופל. אולם כל נותן שֹׁחד יצא לשלום, ורק האיש, אשר לא מצאה ידו לשַׁלם, נחשב לבוגד. על־כן קנו העשירים בכסף את המנוסה מן העיר, ורק העניים הבורחים נשחטו. וכאשר נערמו תלי הרוגים במסלות [על־יד מוצאי העיר] נחמו רבים, אשר יעצו לנפול אל הרומאים, ובחרו למות בקרב העיר, כי קוו להקבר בקברות אבותיהם ובזה רָוַח להם מעט מאימת המות, אולם הקנאים הרבו עוד תועבה באכזריות זדונם ולא נתנו לקַבּר את עצמות הנרצחים בעיר ובשדה, כאִלו כרתו ביניהם ברית לחלל את חֻקי האבות (התורה) ואת חֻקי הטבע גם־יחד ולהוסיף עוד חַטאה לאלהים על כל הרעות אשר עשו לאדם! הם השאירו את הפגרים בחוץ להעלות בָּאְשָׁם תחת קרני השמש, ומשפט אחד היה לקובר עצמות קרוביו ולבורחים מן העיר — משפט מות! ועל האיש, אשך גמל את החסד הזה לאחיו המת, נגזר להִשאר בלי קבורה. סוף דבר, בעת הצרה הזאת אבדו כל המדות הטובות — ומדת הרחמים יותר מכֻּלּן. כי כל דבר מעורר רחמים הִרגיז את לבות הרשעים האלה, אשר העבירו את עברתם מן החיים אל הנרצחים והשיבו אותה מן המתים אל החיים, והנשארים בחיים נמוגו מפחד לבבם וקנאו באֹשר המתים, אשר נחו מצרותיהם, והאנשים, אשר עֻנו בבתי־כלָאים, חשבו גם את המתים המתגוללים בלי קבורה למאֻשרים באדם. כי כל חֻקי האדם נרמסו ברגל הזדים וחֻקי אלהים היו לצחוק ולקלס בעיניהם, ולחזיונות הנביאים הלעיגו וקראו להם בשם להג מרמה. כי הרבו הנביאים לדַבּר על הטוב ועל הרע, והקנאים בעטו בתוכחותיהם ובזה קִימו גם את דברי הנבואה על קץ העיר. כי יצא דבר לפנים מפי האנשים האלה (הנביאים), אשר תפול העיר ובית־המקדש יהיה למאכֹלת אש במלחמה, לעת תקום מריבת־אחים וידי היהודים תטמאנה את משכנות האלהים; ואף כי ידעו הקנאים את הנבואה הנאמנה הזאת, התמַכּרו לקיֵם אותה בידיהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>עריצות יוחנן. עלילות הקנאים במצדה. אספסינוס כבש את גדר. מעשי פלצידוס.</small><br><br>א. ויוחנן [בן לוי] אמר להיות לשליט עריץ וחשב, כי לא נאה לו הכבוד חלק כחלק עם חבריו, ומעט מעט משך אליו את הרעים אשר בקרב הנבלים ויחד אִתּם נפרד מעל המפלגה (מפלגת הקנאים). הוא מאן למַלא אחרי עצת חבריו תמיד וברוח מושל היה מוצא את פקֻדותיו, וכל עין ראתה, כי הוא שולח את ידו אל שלטון־יחיד (מונרכיה). אלה נכנעו לפניו מיראה ואלה מאהבה, כי הפליא לצודד את הלבבות במרמה וכחש. ורבים חשבו, כי יהיה להם הדבר לישועה בהִפָּקד עון תועבותיהם על האחד ולא על הרבים. גם היה רב־פעלים במעשיו ובתחבולותיו, ואנשים רבים נעשו לו לנושאי־כלים (לעבדים). אולם עוד חלק גדול מחבריו עמד לו לשטן, אלה מקנאתם בו, בחשבם כי חרפה להם להִכּנע תחת ידי איש, אשר היה לפנים אנוש כערכם, ואלה משנאתם לשלטון־יחיד. הם הבינו, כי לא יעלה בידם להורידו מגדֻלתו. על־נקלה, אחרי אשר יקח את השלטון בידו, וגם ירדוף אותם, בהתגוללו עליהם על אשר עמדו לו לשטן בממשלה. על־כן בחר כל אחד מהם לשאת כל צרה ופגע במלחמתו עם יוחנן מהיות לו לעבד ולהִמֹק בבית־שביו. וככה קמה מריבה בין האנשים האלה ובין צורריהם, אשר עמד יוחנן בראשם כמשפט מלך. אלה ואלה עמדו על המשמר מבית, אך טרם התנגחו בכלי־נשקם, או נלחמו ביניהם רק מעט, ולעֻמת־זאת חֻבּרו יחד להשחית בעם, ואיש התחרה ברעהו, כי ירבה לאסוף שלל מחמס יושבי ירושלים. ככה נפקדה העיר בשלשה שפטים רעים ונוראים: במלחמה [מחוץ] ובשלטון עריץ ובמריבת אחים, והמלחמה היתה קלה בכף מאזנים מיתר האסונות, על־כן ברחו רבים מפני אויביהם בני עמם אל השונאים הנכרים וקבלו מידי הרומאים את פדות נפשם, אשר נואשו ממנה בשבתם בקרב אחיהם.",
+                    "ב. ועוד נגע רביעי נוסף אז להביא שואה על העם. לא רחוק מירושלים נמצא מבצר חזק, אשר בנו אותו המלכים, להפקיד בו את אוצרותיהם לעת תמורות מלחמה וגם להִשָּׂגב בו לנפשם, ושמו מצָדָה. את המבצר הזה תפשו האנשים הנקראים סיקריים ולראשונה פשטו על המקומות הקרובים וגזלו שם את הצֵדה הדרושה להם בלבד, כי יראתם [מפני הרומאים] מנעה אותם להרבות חמס. אולם בשמעם, כי חיל הרומאים יושב במנוחה וכי קמו מריבות ושלטון עריץ ומלחמת־אחים בקרב היהודים אשר בירושלים, החלו לעשות תועבות גדולות. ולמועד חג המצות, אשר אותו עושים היהודים לזכר גאֻלתם בעת צאתם מעבדות מצרים ושובם אל ארץ אבותיהם, יצאו הסיקריים בלילה, בהתחבאם מעיני רואים, לבל יהיו להם לשטן, ופשטו על עיר מצער אחת ושמה עין־גדי. וטרם הספיקו אנשי־החיל אשר בעיר לקחת את נשקם ולהאסף, מהרו הסיקריים להפיצם ולגרשם מתוך העיר והמיתו את החלשים, אשר לא היה להם כּח לברוח, את הנשים והילדים, שבע מאות נפש ומעלה. ואחרי זאת הוציאו את כל שלל הבתים וגזלו את כל פרי הבכּוּרים ונשאו אתם אל מצדה, ואחרי זאת שדדו את כל הכפרים אשר מסביב למבצר והחריבו את כל הארץ, ומדי יום ביומו התרבה מספר המשחיתים, אשר באו אליהם מעבָרים. וגם ביתר קצות ארץ יהודה, אשר ישבו שם השודדים עד העת ההיא בחבּוק־ידים, התחוללו זוָעות, כדרך הגוף החולה, אשר קמה בו דלקת בחלק הראש והמחלה עוברת אל כל האברים. כי המריבה והמהומה בעיר הראשה התירו את ידי כל הנבלים אשר בארץ לעשות חמס, וכל אחד הוציא את גזלת כפר מגוריו אל המדבר. ושם התאספו יחד ונשבעו איש לרעהו והגיחו בגדודים, אשר היו קטנים במספרם מצבא־מלחמה וגדולים מלהקות שודדים, על מקדשים וערים, ובכל מקום, אשר פקדו עליו את חמתם, מצאה את האנשים רעה גדולה כצרת הנגפים במלחמה, והשודדים לא נתנו להם זמן להנקם בהם, כי מהרו לברוח עם הבזה אשר בידם. ולא נמצא מקום בארץ יהודה, אשר לא היה עדי אובד עם ירושלים יחדו.",
+                    "ג. הדברים האלה נגלו לאספסינוס מפי הבורחים הנופלים אליו. אף כי שמרו המורדים על כל מוצאי ירושלים והמיתו את כל האנשים אשר נגשו אליהם, בכל־זאת הצליחו רבים להסתר מהם ולברוח אל הרומאים, והם דברו על לב ראש־הצבא (הרומאי) להגן על העיר ולהציל את שארית העם. כי על אהבתם לרומאים הומתו רבים בחרב והנותרים נמצאים באימת מות. אספסינוס חמל עליהם בצרתם הפעם והסיע את חילו לצור על ירושלים למראה־עין ובאמת — לפדות את יושבי העיר ממצור. אולם בתחלה נטל עליו להכניע את שארית הארץ, לבל תקום לו מלחמה מאחור בעת צורו על ירושלים. הוא עלה על גדור (גדרה), העיר הראשה והחזקה בכל עבר־הירדן, וברביעי לחדש דִּיסְטְרוֹס (אדר) בא בשערי העיר, כי טוּבי העיר הסתירו את עצתם מהמורדים ושלחו אליו צירים להסגיר את העיר בידו, יען אשר חשקה נפשם בשלום וגם רצו לשמור על רכושם, כי עשירים רבים ישבו בגדור. ואנשי־ריבם לא ידעו על־דבר השליחים ורק כאשר קרב אספסינוס אל העיר נודע להם המעשה. הם נואשו מתקותם להתחזק לבדם בעיר, כי רבים היו שונאיהם מבית וגם ראו את הרומאים בקרבת העיר. על־כן תפשו את דוֹלץ (דּוֹלֶסּוֹס), הגדול בין יושבי העיר במעלתו ובכבוד ביתו, אשר חשדו בו, כי הוא יעץ לשלוח את הצירים אל אספסינוס, ושחטו אותו, ובגֹדל חמתם התעללו בנבלתו, ואחרי זאת ברחו מן העיר. ולמחרת היום הגיע חיל הרומאים עד שערי העיר ואזרחי גדור קדמו את פני אספסינוס בברכה והוא נשבע להם להקים את בריתו אתם וגם נתן להם מצב רוכבים ורגלים לשמור על העיר, פן יעלו הבורחים עליה. כי יושבי גדור פרצו בידיהם את חומת עירם טרם דרשו הרומאים את הדבר, ובזה נתנו ערֻבּה, כי הם רודפי שלום, וגם ברצותם להלחם ברומאים לא יוכלו למלא חפצם.",
+                    "ד. ואספסינוס שלח את פלצידוס עם חמש מאות רוכבים ושלשת אלפים רגלים לרדוף אחרי המורדים פליטי גדור, והוא עם שארית צבאו שב אל קיסריה. וכראות הפליטים פתאם את הרוכבים הרודפים אחריהם נדחקו לפני הקרָב אל כפר אחד הנקרא בית־נמרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בית־נמרים או בית־נמרין. במקור: בֵּית נַבְּרִיס.</i> ובו מצאו בחורים רבים והריקו חלק מהם לרצונם וחלק בחֹזק־יד והתנפלו יחד אתם על חיל פלצידוס. וכאשר הגיחו היהודים מן הכפר נסוגו הרומאים אחור מפניהם בתחלה והתחכמו למשוך אחריהם את השונאים רחוק מן החומה ובהגיעם למקום חפצם הקיפו את היהודים וירו בהם, הרוכבים סגרו עליהם את הדרך והרגלים נלחמו בהם מקרוב והכו בהם. והיהודים חרפו את נפשם במלחמה ונפלו חללים ושכר לא היה לגבורתם, כי בהשתערם על האויבים העומדים במערכה, אשר סוכך עליהם נשקם כחומת מבצר, לא מצאו מקום לשלוח אליו את חציהם וגם לא עצרו כח לבקוע להם דרך בין שורות הרומאים, ולעֻמת־זאת הרבו חִצי השונאים לפלח את קרביהם, כי נדמו היהודים כבהמות נבערות, הקופצות על חרב הצַיָּד, אלה הֻכּו לפי חרב ואלה נפוצו ונרמסו בפרסות סוסי הרוכבים.",
+                    "ה. פלצידוס אמר לסגור בעדם (בעד היהודים הבורחים) את הדרך אל הכפר, ועל־כן מהר עם רוכביו כפעם בפעם אל העבר ההוא, ואחרי־כן הפך את פניו וירה בבורחים. הקרובים היו מטרה לחציו והרחוקים יראו ושבו אחור; אך לאחרונה בקעו להם הגבורים אשר בחיל היהודים בחֹזק־יד דרך בין שורות הרומאים ונמלטו אל חומת הכפר. ושומרי החומה נבוכו מאד, כי לא יכלו לסגור את השער לפני פליטי גדור, יען אשר גם בניהם וקרוביהם נמצאו יחד עמם, וגם הבינו, כי יפלו בחרב, אם יתנו להם לבוא בשערי העיר. ומגורתם קמה: כי בעוד הפליטים נדחקים לפני החומה, כבר הדביקום רוכבי הרומאים וכמעט באו אִתם יחד אל הכפר, לולא מהרו היושבים לסגור את השער. אולם פלצידוס השתער עליהם בגבורה ונלחם אִתּם עד הערב, ואחרי־כן הבקיע אל החומה ותפש את כל יושבי הכפר. ההמונים הנחשלים הֻכּו לפי חרב וגבורי החיל נמלטו לנפשם. ואנשי פלצידוס הוציאו את שלל הבתים ושלחו את הכפר באש. ופליטי הכפר נפוצו בכל הארץ מסביב והפליגו בדבר הצרה אשר מצאתם וגם אמרו, כי צבא הרומאים הולך וקרב, ובדבר הזה החרידו את כל יושבי המקומות הקרובים, ורבים נלוו אליהם בהמון וברחו אתם יחד בדרך יריחו, כי רק בעיר הזאת אמרו למצֹא רֶוח והצלה, בבטחם במשגב חומותיה ובהמון יושביה. ופלצידוס נשען על כח רוכביו וגם הוסיף אֹמץ בנצחונותיו הראשונים, על־כן רדף אחרי הפליטים עד הירדן והמית את הנופלים בידו כפעם בפעם, ולאחרונה לחץ את כל ההמון אל שפת הנהר, ושם נעצרו היהודים ולא יכלו לעבור, כי גאו מי הנהר (הירדן) מפני הגשמים, ופלצידוס ערך מערכה לקראתם. בעל־כרחם יצאו היהודים למלחמה, כי אבד מהם מנוס, והתיצבו בשורה ארֻכה לארך שפת הנהר, כמטרה לחצי האויב ולשטף סוסיו. והרוכבים המיתו רבים מהם והפילו אותם אל תוך הנהר. חמשה־עשר אלף נפש נפלו בחרב הרומאים, וההמון אשר נלחץ בחזקת היד לקפוץ אל הירדן היה לאין־מספר. וכאלפים ומאתים איש נלקחו בשבי ויחד אִתּם שלל כבד מאד, חמורים וצאן וגמלים ובקר.",
+                    "ו. המגפה הזאת לא נפלה מיתר מגפות היהודים ועוד גדלה בעיניהם מן האסונות הקודמים, כי כל דרך מנוסתם היתה מלאה חללים, ומעבר הירדן נסגר מכֹּבד הפגרים, ואף ים המלח מלא גויות אדם, אשר סחפו אליו מי הנהר בהמון. ופלצידוס הלך מחיל אל חיל ומהר אל הערים הקטנות אשר מסביב וכבש את אָבֵל (אבל־השטים, אבילה) ואת יוּלִיַס (בית־הרם, או בית־רמתה) ואת בית־הישימות ואת כל הארץ עד ים המלח והושיב בכל עיר את אנשי־עצתו מן היהודים הנופלים אל הרומאים. ואחרי־כן הושיב את אנשי־צבאו באניות ותפש את הבורחים על־פני ים המלח. ככה נפלה בידי הרומאים כל ארץ עבר־הירדן בברית ובמלחמה, מלבד המבצר מכור אשר שׂגב מהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אספסינוס שמע על המעשים אשר היו בארץ גליה ומהר לכלות את מלחמת היהודים. ציור יריחו והעמק הגדול. על־דבר ים המלח.</small><br><br>א. בימים ההם הגיעה אל אספסינוס בשורת המרד, אשר פרץ בארץ גַּלִּיָּה, כי וִינְדֶּקְס וגדולי עם־הארץ פשעו בנירון, ופרשת המעשים האלה כתובה על ספרי הזכרונות לאשורה. הבשורה הזאת העירה את אספסינוס להחיש את המלחמה, כי צפה מראש את מלחמות־האחים [ברומא] ואת הרעה אשר נגד פני הממשלה כֻּלָּהּ, ועל־כן אמר להקים שלום בארצות המזרח ולהקל בזאת את המוראים בארץ איטליה. וכל העת אשר עצרוהו הגשמים הכין את המנוחה במקומות הנכנעים והציב בתוכם משמר והקים שרי־עשרות על הכפרים ושרי־מאות על הערים, וגם בנה רבות מן הערים הנהרסות ולראשית האביב לקח את מַרבּית חילו ונסע מקיסריה אל אנטיפטרס ושם שב שני ימים והקים סדר בעיר וביום השלישי נסע הלאה והחריב ולִהט באש את כל הארץ אשר מסביב. אחרי הכניעוֹ את כל מחוז תִּמנה פנה אל לוד ואל יבנה, אשר כרתו אתּוֹ ברית־שלום, והושיב בהן את היהודים אשר נכנעו לפניו ומצאו חן בעיניו, ומשם עלה על אמאוס וכבש שם את מעברות ההרים בדרך ירושלים, ושׂם במקום ההוא את מחנהו והקיף עליו מצודה והשאיר שם את הלגיון החמישי, ומשם פנה אל מחוז בית לפתפי (או בית לפתנפי)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרוב לודאי, כי זה הוא מחוז (או פלך) בית־לחם ונטופה (נחמיה ז, כו), במשנה: בית־נטופה (שקלים, ט, ה). ויש אומרים: בית־פלט או בית לבאות, ואינו נראה, כי הם בקרבת באר־שבע — בקצה ארץ אדום. ועיין למעלה, ספר ג, ד, ה.</i> ושלח אותה באש, וגם את כל הארץ מסביב לגבול אדום, ואחרי־כן צוה להקים מבצרים במקומות הכֹּשר וגם לכד שני כפרים גדולים בארץ אדום בתּוֶך, את בית־גברֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בתרגום הרומי. במקור: בֵּתַרִיס; נ״א: בֵּתַּבְּרִיס, והיא: בית־גוברין.</i>, ואת כפר טבא, והמית עשרת אלפים איש ויותר וכאלף נפש לקח בשבי ואת יתר העם גרש מנחלתו והעמיד בכפרים האלה משמר מאנשי־חילו, למען יפשוט על ארץ ההרים להחריבנה. והוא עם שארית חילו שב אל אמאוס ומשם נסע אל ארץ שֹׁמרון ועבר על העיר הנקראה בשם ״עיר־חדשה״ (נאפוליס) ובפי יושבי המקום — מַבַּרְתָּא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">י״א, כי זה הוא מעברתא, ויש קורים ״מבָרכתא״ (העיר המבֹרכה, על שם הר הברכה, הר גרִזים).</i>, ומשם ירד אל קָרָוָה (קוריאי) ולן במקום ההוא ביום השני לחדש דיסיוס (סיון), ובמחרתו שם את פניו אל יריחו, ושם התחבר אליו טרַיָּנוס, אחד משרי־צבאו, אשר העביר את חילו מעבר־הירדן, כי כבר נכנעה כל הארץ ההיא לפניהם.",
+                    "ב. המון גדול מיושבי יריחו מִהר עוד לפני בוא הרומאים לברוח אל ארץ ההרים מול ירושלים, ואנשים רבים נשארו ונפלו בחרב, והרומאים־לכדו את העיר העזובה. העיר יריחו בנויה בעמק, אולם ממעל לה רמה ארֻכּה מאד, קרחה ושוממה. לרוח צפון היא נמשכת עד גבול בית־שאן, ולרוח דרום עד ארץ סדום (הסדומים) וקצה ים המלח, ומול הרמה הזאת נמצאה רמת עבר־הירדן, תחלתה על־יד יוליס (בית הרם) וצפונה לה, והיא נמשכת לרוח דרום עד סומורה הקרובה לגבול סלע־ערב. ובארץ הזאת נמצא גם ההר הנקרא בשם הר־הברזל, המשתרע עד ארץ מואב. והארץ בין שתי הרמות האלה בתָוֶך נקראה בשם ״העמק הגדול״ (ככר־הירדן, ערבות הירדן), תחלתו על־יד כפר צנבריי, והוא מגיע עד ים המלח. ואֹרך העמק הזה אלף ומאתים ריס ורחבו מאה ועשרים והירדן עובר בקרבו בתוֶך דרך שני יאורות השונים בתכונותיהם, ים המלח וים טבריה (כנרת, גינוסר), כי הראשון הוא מלא מלח ולא נמצא בקרבו דבר, אשר בו רוח חיים, ומימי השני הם מתוקים ומגַדלים יצורים חיים. ובימות־החמה מראה העמק הזה כשרוף באש ומרֹב היֹבש האויר מחניק ומביא חליים. וכל העמק הוא ככר שוממה, מלבד נחל הירדן, ועל־כן התמרים על שפת הנהר דשנים ונותנים פרים לרֹב, אולם הרחוקים ממנו הם רעים ושֹׁערים.",
+                    "ג. ובקרבת יריחו נמצא מקור מים חיים עשיר, אשר מֵימיו טובים מאד להשקות את האדמה. המקור הזה נפתח בקרבת העיר הישנה, היא הראשונה בערי הכנענים, אשר כבש יהושע בן־נון, ראש צבא העברים, בחרב. ועל המקור הזה מסֻפר, כי לפנים היה משחית את תנובת השדה ואת פרי העצים וגם מזיק לילודי אשה, ומֵימיו היו מביאים מחלה ומוֶת לכל הברואים, אולם אחרי־כן נרפאו המים ונהפכו להיות בריאים ומַפְרִים בידי אלישע הנביא, הוא אוהב אליהו ויורשו. כי הנביא הזה גר בתוך יושבי יריחו, אשר קדמו את פניו באהבה רבה, ושִׁלם להם טובה תחת טובה ואָצל להם ברכה עומדת לעד, כי נגש אל המקור והשליך אל המים כלי חרש מלא מלח, ואחריהן נשא את ימין צדקו לשמים והסיך נסך לכַפּר את פני הארץ ולכרות אתה ברית ובקש ממנה לרַפֵּא את המים ולפתוח גידים מתוקים, ואל האלהים התפלל כי יותיר לטובה את יושבי הארץ בפרי אדמתם ובפרי בטנם ולא ימנע מהם את מֵי הברכה האלה כל הימים, אשר יחזיקו בתֻמם. ובתפלה הזאת, אשר הקדים לה הנביא מעשים בתבונות כפיו, רִפּא את המקור, ותחת אשר היו המים לפנים משַׁכּלים ומביאים דֶּבר ליושבי הארץ, החלו מהיום ההוא וחלאה להביא ברכה לפרי בטנם וליבול ארצם. כי גדול מאד כֹּח המים להרוות את האדמה, עד אשר בנגעם רק בפניה יביאו עליה ברכה גדולה יתר ממי מעינות אחרים, המשקים את הארץ לרויה. ותחת אשר שכר המעינות ההם אינו גדול גם אם ילקחו מהם מים רבים, הנה המועט במקור הזה מחזיק ברכה מרֻבה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">תרגמתי על־פי הגהת ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״ובעוד אשר המרבים להשקות ממנו את האדמה אינם רואים שכר גדול, הנה הממעיט במימיו מוצא ברכה רבה״.</i>. ומלבד־זאת המקור מרוה ככר גדולה מיתר המעינות כֻלּם, כי אֹרך עמק יריחו הוא שבעים ריס ורחבו עשרים ריס, והוא מגַדל פרדסים נחמדים צפופים, ובהם עולים עצי תמרים רבים, שונים בטעמם ובשמותיהם, והמינים הדשנים נדרכים [ביקבים] ומוציאים דבש לרֹב, אשר אינו נופל בטעמו הרבה מדבש הדבורים הרבות אשר בארץ הזאת. ושם נמצא עץ הקטף (עץ הצרי), היקר בכל פרי הארץ ההיא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ספר א, ו, ו.</i>, והכֹּפֶר ועץ המֹר, ובצדק יֹאמר האומר, כי הארץ הזאת היא גן אלהים, אשר בו גדלים העצים היקרים וכלילי היֹפי למיניהם למכביר. ואמנם הארץ הזאת היא מבֹרכה גם ביתר פרי האדמה ולא נקל למצֹא בעולם הישוב מקום אשר כמוה, כי האדמה משיבה את הזרע המָשלך אליה בברכה מרֻבּה. ואני חושב, כי חֹם האויר הרָוה ומזג המים הם סבת הברכה יחד, כי כח המים מצמיח את הנטעים ומשגשג אותם ולֵח האויר מחַזּק את שרשיהם באדמה ונותן להם כֹּח להתעודד בחרבוני קיץ. כי בימי־החמה הארץ הזאת היא כיקוד אש, ועל־כן אין איש יוצא ממקומו על־נקלה, אך המים השאובים לפני עלות השמש מַרבּים להתקרר בחוץ, ותכונתם היא הפך תכונות האויר אשר מסביב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סגֻלה זו נמצאה גם במי גינוסר (לעיל, ספר ג, י, ז).</i>. אולם בימי הקֹר המים מתחממים וטובים מאד לרחוץ בהם; אמנם גם מזג האויר הוא רך מאד בימים האלה, ועל־כן לובשים יושבי הארץ בגדי בד על בשרם בעת אשר יורדים שלגים בשאר ארץ יהודה. מיריחו עד ירושלים מהלך מאה וחמשים ריס, ועד הירדן ששים ריס, והארץ בין יריחו ובין ירושלים היא מקום ציה, מלאה אבני נגף. ובין יריחו ובין הירדן נמצא מקום מישור וגם הוא ערבה שממה וארץ לא־זרועה. ובזה ספרתי את כל מעלות ארץ יריחו המבֹרכה.",
+                    "ד. ונאה לדבר גם על תכונת ים המלח. הוא אשר אמרתי, כי מימיו הם מרים ואין בו נפש חיה, ומימיו הקלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הקלים — אינו מובן, להפך, הם כבדים במשקל, וזהו בטוי בלתי מֻצלח של תכונת המים לשאת למעלה את כל הדברים הכבדים, כאלו היו קלים.</i> נושאים על־פניהם את כל הדברים הכבדים ביותר המָשלכים אליהם, וקשה מאד לאדם לטבול במי הים הזה, גם אם ינסה לעשות זאת בכל מאמצי כחו. כאשר הגיע אספסינוס אל שפת הים, אמר לחקור את תכונותיו, וצוה לקחת אנשים, אשר לא ידעו לשׂחות, ולכפות את ידיהם על אחוריהם ולהשליכם אל תוך המצולה, אך כֻּלם צפו על־פני המים, כאלו צנפה אותם רוח למעלה. ונפלאות הן חליפות צבע המים, כי שלש פעמים ביום הים משנה את מראה פניו לנֹגה קרני השמש ומופיע בעתרת צבעים שונים. במקומות רבים הוא מקיא מקרבו גושי מלח (חֵמָר, כֹּפֶר) שחורים והם נִשאים על־פני המים ודומים במראם ובגדלם לשוָרים כרותי ראש. עושי־המלאכה על־פני הים נגשים אל הגוּשים האלה ואוספים את הרגבים המדֻבּקים אל תוך ספינותיהם. וכאשר הם ממלאים את הסירות, לא נקל להם להוציא מהן את הרגבים. כי הסירה נדבקת אל הכֹּפֶר הנטפל אליה, ורק דמי־נדה או מי־רגלים עוצרים להפריד בין הדבקים האלה. והכֹּפר הזה הוא טוב למלא בו את סדקי האניות וגם מעלה ארוכה לגוף, ועל־כן מערבים אותו בסמי־רפואה רבים. ואֹרך היאור הזה חמש מאות ושמונים ריס, כי הוא משתרע עד צֹער אשר בערָב למטה, ורחבו מאה וחמשים ריס. וסמוכה לים־המלח היא ארץ סדום, אשר היתה לפנים מבֹרכה במגד אדמתה ובכל טוּב עריה ועתה היא כֻלּה ארץ שרֵפה; על־כן יֵאָמר, כי ברקים להטו את הארץ הזאת בחטאות יושביה. ועוד עתה נשארו עקבות (רשמי) אש האלהים, ויש לראות שם צללי חמש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טעה בדבר תורה!</i> ערים. וגם האפר הולך ומתחדש בפרי המקום ההוא, אשר צבע קלִפתו דומה לצבע פרי עץ־מאכל, אולם בהִתָּלשו בכף הוא כָלה כעשן וכאבק<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לגפן סדום המָזכּרה בתורה.</i>. והמראה הזה מוסיף אמון לשיחות מני קדם (המִתּים) על־דבר ארץ סדום."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי כבוש גדרה(!) התכונן אספסינוס לצור על ירושלים, והנה הגיעה אליו בשורת מות נירון והוא שִׁנה את עצתו. שמעון איש־גרש.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס גמר להקיף את ירושלים מכל עבריה והקים מצודות למחנהו ביריחו ובחדיד ובשתיהן השאיר מצב מצבא הרומאים ומחיל עוזריהם. הוא שלח אל גרש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גֶּרַסָּה. ואין זו העיר היונית בעבר־הירדן הנזכרה למעלה, רק עיר יהודיה, שלא נודע טיבה. ויש מתקנים: גַּזַרָה=גזר.</i> את לוציוס אניוס ונתן בידו את חלק הרוכבים וחיל רגלי גדול. הוא עלה על העיר וכבש אותה מיד והמית אלף מבחורי היהודים, אשר לא מהרו לברוח, ואת בני־ביתם לקח בשבי ואת רכושם נתן לאנשי־צבאו לשלל. ואחרי־כן שרף את הבתים ויצא להלחם בכפרים אשר מסביב. אנשי־החיל נמלטו והחלשים הֻכּו בחרב והמקומות העזובים היו למאכֹלת אש. ככה נכבשו במלחמה כל ההר והעמק ונלקחו מידי יושבי ירושלים כל מוצאי העיר. והקנאים שמרו מאד על האנשים האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים, וגם מאנשי־ריבם, אשר לא השלימו עם הרומאים, אבד מנוס, כי סגר עליהם הצבא המקיף את כל העיר מעבָרים.",
+                    "ב. ואספסינוס שב אל קיסריה והתכונן לעלות עם כל חילו על ירושלים, והנה באה אליו הבשורה, כי נהרג נירון, כעבור שלש־עשרה שנה ושמונה חדשים ושמונה ימים למלכו. כל דברי נירון ודרכיו הרעים, אשר נִבַּל את כבוד שלטונו, במסרו את הממשלה בידי נבלים גדולים כנִימְפִידִיּוּס וטִיגֶלִּינוּס ובידי נבזים מקרב עבדיו המשֻׁחררים, וגם דבַר קצו הרע, כאשר התנכלו האנשים האלה עליו להמיתו והוא נעזב מכל שומרי ראשו וברח עם ארבעת עבדיו המשֻׁחררים הנאמנים אל מגרש העיר ושם טרף את נפשו בכפו, והמורידים אותו מכסאו נשאו את עונם כעבור זמן קצר, וכן גם דבַר קץ המלחמה בגַליה, וכל דברי גַלְבָּה, אשר הוקם למושל יחיד (לקיסר) ובא אל רומא מארץ אספמיה, ואחרי־כן יצא עליו שם רע בקרב אנשי־הצבא, כי הוא איש שפל ונבזה והוא נהרג בראש השוק אשר ברומא, ובמקומו הוקם אָתּוֹן למושל יחיד, וכל דברי אָתּוֹן ומלחמתו עם שרי־הצבא אשר לוִיטֶלִּיּוּס ומַפּלתו, וכל דברי המהומות בימי ויטליוס והמלחמה על־יד היכל הקפיטוליון, עד אשר הכו אַנטוֹנִיּוּס פְּרִימוּס ומוּצִיָּנוּס אותו ואת כל לגיונות גרמניה לפי חרב, ובזה שמו קץ למלחמת־האחים [ברומא] — כל הדברים האלה אין אני רוצה לסַפּר פה לאשורם, כי המעשים האלה ידועים לכל ההמון, וגם נכתבו בספר בידי יונים ורומאים רבים. ורק למען השאיר את הקשר בין המעשים ולבלי נַתּק את שלשלת דברי הימים אזכיר בראשי־פרקים את הדברים: אספסינוס דחה לראשונה את המלחמה בירושלים ועיניו היו נשואות אל האיש, אשר יהיה למושל אחרי נירון. וגם בשמעו, כי היה גלבה לקיסר, לא רצה להחל את המלחמה, טרם אשר ימלא גם הוא (הקיסר החדש) את ידו בזה. על־כן שלח אליו את טיטוס בנו לברכו ולקַבּל מפיו פקֻדה בדבר ארץ יהודה. ולדבר הזה יצא גם אגריפס באניה אל גלבה יחד עם טיטוס. הם עברו באניות גדולות (אניות־מלחמה) — כי הימים היו ימי החֹרף — על ארץ אְכַיָּה ושמעו, כי נהרג גלבה אחרי מלכו שבעה חדשים ושבעה ימים, ואָתּוֹן נחל את שלטונו, כי לקח לו את הממשלה בחֹזק־יד. אגריפס גמר ללכת אל רומא ולא שׂם אל לבו את תמורת השלטון. ואת לב טיטוס העיר האלהים לנסוע מארץ יון אל סוריה והוא מִהר לשוב אל קיסריה לעמוד לפני אביו. ושניהם חכו בדאגה לעתידות הממשלה, כי שלטון הרומאים דמה אז לאניה מטֹרפת בים, ולא שתו את לבם למלחמת היהודים, כי חרדו לגורל ארץ מולדתם וחשבו, כי אין עתה שעת־הכֹּשר להלחם בעם נכרי.",
+                    "ג. אולם מלחמה אחרת קמה על היהודים בעת ההיא. שמעון בן גיורא מילידי עיר גרש (גרסה) היה איש צעיר לימים ונופל בערמתו מיוחנן המושל בעיר, אולם גדל ממנו בחֹזק־גופו ובעזות־נפשו, ובעבור זאת גֹרש בידי חנן הכהן הגדול מחבל עקרבים, אשר החזיק בו, ופנה אל השודדים המושלים במצדה. לראשונה היה חשוד בעיני האנשים ההם, ועל־כן צוו עליו לשבת עם האנשים, אשר הביא עמו בשפל העיר, והם ישבו במרומי המקום. אולם אחרי־כן נגלה להם, כי הוא קרוב אליהם בדרכיו ונאמן בבריתם, ומני אז החל לצאת במלחמותיהם, בהגיהם מן המבצר, והחריב אִתּם יחד את המקומות מסביב. אבל בידו לא עלה להטות את לבם לדברים גדולים מאלה, כי כבר הסכינו לשבת במבצר ויראו להרחיק ממאורתם. אולם שמעון התאוה לעשות מִמשל עריץ ובקש גדולות לנפשו, ובהגיע אליו השמועה, כי מת חנן, פנה אל ארץ ההרים והעביר קול מסביב, כי יקרא דרור לעבדים ויתן שלל רב לבני־חורין, ולדבר הזה התלקטו אליו אנשי־בליעל מכל עבר.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר אסף לו שמעון גדוד חזק, פשט על הכפרים בארץ ההרים, ומיום ליום הלך מספר אנשיו הלוך וגדול, עד אשר ערב את לבו לרדת גם אל ארץ המישור, וכבר נתן את פחדו על הערים, וגם רבים מגדולי העם ראו, כי עצמה ידו והוא עושה חיל בכל דרכיו, ונפתו ללכת אחריו וחילו לא היה עוד אספסוף עבדים ושודדים לבד, כי נמצאו בקרבו גם אזרחים רבים, אשר שמרו את פקֻדותיו כדבר מלך שליט. הוא פשט על נפת עקרבים (עקרבה) ועל כל הארץ עד אדום־רבּה. ובכפר אחד הנקרא עין (או: נעין) בנה חומה ועשה לו כתבנית מבצר לשבת בו לבטח ובעמק הנקרא פרעתֵי (או: פארן)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוספה הזאת היא על־פי הנוסח המשבש, הנמצא בכ״י אחדים: φαράν במקום φάραγγα (עמק).</i> הרחיב הרבה מערות, ורבות מהן מצא דרושות לחפצו ושם אותן לבתי־מסכנות לטמון שם את אוצרותיו ולאסוף שמה את השלל, וגם הניח שם את פרי האדמה, אשר בזז, ורבים מגדודיו שכנו במקום ההוא. וגלוי היה, כי הוא מלמד את חילו לקרב ואוסף לו כלי־מלחמה, למען עלות על ירושלים.",
+                    "ה. והקנאים יראו, פן יתנפל שמעון על העיר, ואמרו להפר את עצתו בטרם יתחזק מאד, ויצאו לקראתו בחרב בהמון גדול. אבל שמעון קִדם את פניהם במערכה, והמית רבים מהם לפי חרב, ואת הנשארים גרש אל תוך העיר, אך טרם ערב את לבו להשתער בחֹזק־יד על חומת העיר ונטה מעליה, ונסה להכניע לראשונה את ארץ אדום, ועלה על גבולה בראש עשרים אלף אנשי־צבא מזֻינים. ראשי האדומים הקהילו בחפזון את אנשי המלחמה בקרב הארץ, עשרים וחמשה אלף שולפי חרב, ושלחו רבים לשמור על ארצם בפני הסיקריים היושבים במצדה, ואחרי־כן יצאו לקראת שמעון אל גבול ארצם. שמעון התנגש אתם ונלחם בהם כל היום, ולא נגף לפניהם, אך לא עצר כח להכותם, ושב אל נעין, והאדומים הלכו לבתיהם, וכעבור זמן קצר עלה שמעון על ארצם בחיל גדול מבראשונה, וחנה על־יד כפר אחד ושמו תקוע, ושלח את אחד מחבריו ושמו אלעזר אל המבצר הקרוב הורדיון לדַבּר על לב אנשי המשמר, כי יסגירו אותו בידו. השומרים קבלו את פני אלעזר ברצון, כי לא ידעו את סבת בואו, אולם כאשר פתח את פיו ודרש מהם למסור את המבצר בידו, שלפו את חרבותיהם, ואלעזר לא מצא מנוס והתנפל מראש החומה אל העמק אשר למטה ומת מיד. פחד נפל על האדומים בראותם את חיל שמעון הגדול, ועל־כן אמרו לשלוח מרגלים לפני המלחמה לתור את מחנה אויביהם.",
+                    "ו. אחד מראשי האדומים, ושמו יעקב, התנדב לעשות את הדבר הזה ובלבו צפן מחשבת בגד. הוא יצא מאלוּרוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש משערים, כי זה חלחול (יהושע ט״ו, נ״ח).</i>, הכפר, אשר בו נאסף חיל האדומים, ומהר לכרות ברית עם שמעון ולמסור בידו את ארץ מולדתו, ושמעון נשבע לו, כי תשאר לו משרת כבודו כל הימים, ואז הבטיח יעקב את שמעון, כי יעזור לו להכניע את כל הארץ, ואחרי־כן עשה לו שמעון כֵּרה גדולה בכבוד ויקר והבטיחהו להרים את קרנו ברב פאר, וכאשר שב יעקב אל אנשיו דבר אליהם שקרים להפליג במספר צבא שמעון, ואחרי־כן היה דברו בלאט אל שרי־הצבא, וגם פִּתּה את ההמון אחד אחד לקבל את פני שמעון ולתת בידו את השלטון בלא מלחמה. ובעוד הוא עושה דברו, שלח מלאכים אל שמעון לקרֹא לו וגם הבטיחהו להפיץ את האדומים מפניו. וכן עשה: כאשר קרב חיל שמעון, קפץ יעקב ראשון על סוסו וברח יחד עם מתי־סודו. פלצות אחזה את האדומים וכלם נשמטו מן המערכה לפני הקרב ושבו איש למקומו.",
+                    "ז. ככה עלה בידי שמעון לבוא בגבול אדום בלי מלחמה, כאשר לא קוה מראש. הוא התנפל פתאם על העיר הקטנה חברון ולכד אותה והוציא ממנה שלל גדול וגם גזל הרבה פרי האדמה. לדברי אנשי המקום חברון עתיקה לימים מכל ערי הארץ הזאת וגם נבנתה לפני מֹף (מנפי, ממפיס) אשר במצרים ומִספר ימיה אלפים ושלש מאות שנה והם מספרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">גם פה כותב הסופר: ״מוסרים אגדה (מִתּוס)״, על דבר שנמצא בספר התורה!</i>, כי העיר הזאת היתה משכן אברהם אבי היהודים אחרי עלותו מארם נהרים (מסופוטמיה), ואומרים, כי משם ירדו בני אברהם מצרימה. וגם מצבות קברותיהם נראות בעיר הזאת עד היום הזה והן עשויות שיש יפה, לכבוד ולתפארת. ובמרחק ששה ריס מן העיר נראה שם אֵלָה גדולה, ולדברי האנשים האֵלָה הזאת עומדת מראשית בריאת העולם עד עתה. — ושמעון יצא מחברון ועבר בכל ארץ אדום והחריב את הכפרים והערים ושחת את כל הארץ, עד אשר לא יכלה עוד לנהל בלחם את המונו העצום, כי מלבד אנשי־המלחמה עלו עם שמעון עוד ארבעים אלף איש. אולם שמעון הוסיף להחריב את הארץ יותר מדי ספקו בזדון לבו ובעברתו על העם (האדומים), עד אשר נהפכת ארץ אדום למדבר ציה וכמראה היער, המכֻרסם כֻּלו אחרי הארבה, ככה נשארה ארץ אדום שוממה מאחורי צבא שמעון. כי שרף ונתץ ורמס ושם לבער את כל פרי השדה ואחרי צבאו היתה האדמה הפוריה נוראה מארץ מלֵחה, ובכל הארץ החרבה לא נשאר זֵכר, כי היתה לפנים עושה פרי.",
+                    "ח. הדברים האלה החרידו את הקנאים עוד הפעם, והם לא נועזו לצאת לקראת שמעון ולהתראות אִתּוֹ פנים, ורק שׂמו מארבים במעברות ההרים ולקחו בשבי את אשת שמעון עם רבים מעבדיה, ושמחו מאד לדבר הזה, כאלו מצאה ידם לתפוש את שמעון בעצמו, ושבו אל העיר ואמרו בלבם, כי עוד מעט ויניח שמעון את כלי־נשקו ויתחנן אליהם על אשתו. אולם לא חמלה תקפה את שמעון לשמע העשׁק הזה, כי־אם חֵמה עזה, והוא נגש אל חומת ירושלים כחית־טרף פצועה, אשר לא עצרה כֹּח לתפוש את המכּה אותה וכלתה את חמתה בכל אשר מצאה לפניה, ואחז את כל האנשים החלשים והזקנים היוצאים משערי העיר ללקט את ירק השדה או לקושש עצים וענה אותם וגם הכּם נפש ובכבד־אפו כמעט טרף את בשר החללים, אף תפש רבים וקצץ את ידיהם ושלח אותם העירה, באמרו להפיל אימה על השונאים וגם לסכסך את העם באנשים אשר עשו לו רעה. והוא צוה על קצוצי הידים להודיע בעיר, אשר נשבע שמעון באלהים המשגיח על כל יושבי הארץ, כי ירעיש את חומת העיר ויעשה לכל העם כאשר עשה להם ולא יחמול על נער וזקן ולא יבדיל בין הנקיים ובין החַיָּבים, אם לא תוּשב אליו אשתו חיש מהר. לדבר הזה נבהלו כל יושבי ירושלים וגם הקנאים חרדו מאד ושלחו אליו את אשתו, ואז שככה חמתו, ורגע קטן חדל לשפוך דם כמים.",
+                    "ט. לא בארץ יהודה בלבד היו מחלֹקת ומלחמות־אחים, כי־אם גם בארץ איטליה. כי גלבה נהרג בשוק במרומי עיר רומא, ואָתּוֹן הוקם למלך ונלחם עם וִיטֶלִּיּוּס, אשר שׂם גם הוא נזר מלכות על ראשו, כי בחרו בו הלגיונות אשר בגרמניה, וכאשר פגש אתּוֹן על־יד בֵּדְרִיָּקוֹן (נ״א: פְּרֵגְדיַּקּוֹן) בארץ גליה את וַלֶּנְס וצֶצִינָה, שרי־צבא ויטליוס, התגבר עליהם ביום הראשון, וביום השני היתה יד צבא ויטליוס על העליונה. ואחרי אשר נשפך דם רב טּרף אתּון את נפשו בכפו בעיר ברוכסלון, בשמעו על־דבר מפלתו, ושלשה חדשים ושני ימים עמד בראש הממשלה. וצבאותיו עברו אל מפקדי חיל ויטליוס, והוא (ויטליוס) נסע עם הצבא אל רומא. — ובין כה וכה נסע אספסינוס מקיסריה בחמישי לחדש דַּיְסיוס (סיון) ויצא להלחם בארצות היהודים, אשר לא נכנעו עוד לפניו. הוא עלה על ארץ ההרים וכבש שני פלכים, את ארץ גופנא ואת ארץ עקרבתה (עקרבים), וגם את הערים הקטנות בית־אל ועפרים (עפרין), והציג שם משמר ורכב עד שערי ירושלים, ורבים מהנופלים בידו הומתו בחרב ורבים נלקחו בשבי. וצראליס, אחד משרי החילים, לקח עמו את חלק הרוכבים והרגלים והחריב את ארץ אדום העליונה ולכד פתאֹם את כפתרא, הנקראה בשקר בשם עיר, ושרף אותה, ואחרי־זאת עלה על עיר אחרת, הנקראה כפר־ביש (כַּפַּרַבִּיס), ושם מצור עליה. חומתה היתה חזקה מאד, וצראליס אמר בלבו להתמהמה בקרבתה זמן רב, והנה פתחו לפניו יושביה פתאם את שעריהם ויצאו לקראתו בענפי זית והסגירו את עירם בידו. צראליס הכניע אותם ועלה משם על עיר אחרת עתיקה מאד, היא חברון, הבנויה — כאשר אמרתי לפני זה — בארץ ההרים לא רחוק מירושלים. הוא כבש את מבואי העיר בחֹזק־יד וצִוה להמית את כל המון אנשי־המלחמה הנשאר בתוכה, ואת העיר שרף באש. וככה נכנעו כל המקומות בארץ יהודה, מלבד הורדיון ומצדה ומכור, אשר נתפשו בידי השודדים, ועיני הרומאים היו נשואות אל ירושלים.",
+                    "י. וכאשר הציל שמעון את אשתו מידי הקנאים, שב עוד הפעם אל שארית האדומים והרדיף את העם הזה ממקום למקום ואִלץ את הרבים לברוח אל ירושלים, אולם גם שמה רדף אחריהם והקיף עוד פעם על החומה והכרית את כל היוצאים לעבוד בשדה מדי תפשו אותם בכפו. מחוץ שִׁכּלה חרב הרומאים וחרב שמעון הנוראה ממנה, ומבית הציקו לעם הקנאים, הקשים מהרומאים ומשמעון גם יחד, ועל כֻּלם עלה חֶבר הגלילים בחכמתו להרע ובמעשי זדונו. כי האנשים האלה העלו את יוחנן לגדֻלה, ומן היום, אשר עשה ממשלה, שלם להם גמול חסדם, ונתן להם לעשות כטוב בעיניהם. ובתאות שֹׁד וחמס, אשר לא ידעה שָׂבעה, בדקו הגלילים את בתי העשירים, ורצחו את הגברים והתעללו בנשים בזדון, ובעודם מגֹאלים בדם זבחיהם נתנו את הגזלה ביין ושתו לשכרה, וכשׂבע נפשם עוללו מעשי תעתועים, כי עשו את שערותיהם ולבשו שמלות נשים, ומשחו את בשרם בשמן המֹר, ולמען התיַפּות קרעו בפוך עיניהם. ולא רק את עדי הנשים שׂמו עליהם, כי גם עגבת נשים חמדו להם, ובעצמת זמתם בקשו דרכי אהבים אסורים. הם התגוללו בקרב העיר כמו בבית־זונות וטמאו אותה כֻּלה במעשיהם הנתעבים. ובפָנים כמראה נשים הרבו לרצוח בזרוע ימינם, ועוד הם הולכים הלוך וטפוף ברגליהם, נהפכו פתאם לאנשי־מלחמה, והוציאו חרבות מתחת בגדי הצבעונים, ודקרו בהן את כל הנמצא. וכאשר נמלט איש מידי יוחנן, קדם שמעון את פניו בתאות רצח, והבורח מפני העריץ מבית נפל בחרב העריץ אשר מחוץ. וכל הדרכים נסגרו בפני אנשי השלום, האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים.",
+                    "יא. ועל יוחנן קמה מריבה מקרב אנשי חילו; כל האדומים, אשר היו ביניהם, נפרדו מהם וגמרו להתנפל על העריץ, כי קנאו בעֹצם ידו ושנאו אותו על אכזריותו. הם התנגשו עם הקנאים והמיתו מהם רבים והנשארים נדחפו אל חצר המלך הבנויה בידי גְרַפְטֵי, הוא קרוב אִיזט מלך חדיב. אולם האדומים הרסו אתם יחד אל המקום הזה וגרשו ממנו את הקנאים אל הר־הבית, ונטשו לבֹז את אוצרות יוחנן, כי מקום מושב העריץ היה בחצר־המלך ההיא, ושם צבר את כל הבִּזה אשר מצאה ידו. בין כּה וכה התלקטו כל הקנאים הנפוצים בעיר אל המקדש והתחבּרו לבורחים, ויוחנן התכונן לצאת אתם למלחמה לקראת האדומים ועַם ירושלים. אמנם האדומים לא יראו את תנופת יד הקנאים, כי היו גבורים מהם במלחמה, אך פחדו משגעונם, פן יתגנבו פתאם בלילה מבית־המקדש וימיתו אותם וישלחו באש את כל העיר. על־כן נאספו יחד ונועצו את הכהנים הגדולים למצֹא דרך ישרה להִשָּׁמר מעלילות הקנאים. אולם האלהים בלע את כל רוח עצתם, עד אשר מצאו להצלתם רפואה מרה ממות. הם גמרו לקרֹא לשמעון, למען הסיר מעליהם את עֹל יוחנן, ולהביא בתפלה ובתחנה עריץ שני בשערי העיר. העצה הזאת נצחה, והם שלחו את מתתיה אל שמעון ובקשו את האיש הנורא הזה לבוא בשערי העיר; וגם פליטי ירושלים, הבורחים מפני הקנאים, הפצירו בשמעון, כי כלתה נפשם לשוב אל נחלותיהם. בעינים רמות נעתר שמעון לקול תחנוניהם לבוא ולהשתרר עליהם ובא אל תוך העיר לפדותה מידי הקנאים והעם קדם את פניו בברכה כפני מושיע ומגן. אולם בהגיע שמעון עם חילו אל העיר, נתן את לבו להכין את שלטונו, וגם הקוראים לו לעזרה נחשבו לאויבים בעיניו, כאנשים אשר נקרא להלחם בהם.",
+                    "יב. ככה היה שמעון למושל ירושלים בשנה השלישית למלחמה בחֹדש קְסַנְתִּיקוֹס (ניסן). ויוחנן והמון הקנאים נסגרו בהר־הבית והפסידו את כל רכושם בעיר — כי חיש מהר היה לבז בידי אנשי שמעון — ולא ידעו מאין תבוא ישועתם. שמעון השתער בעזרת העם על הר הבית, אולם הקנאים התיצבו באולמים ועל צנות המגדלים וגרשו את המתנפלים עליהם. ורבים מאנשי שמעון נפלו חללים ורבים נפצעו, כי ממרום שבתם השכילו הקנאים לקלוע ולא החטיאו את המטרה. משגב המקום היה לישועה לקנאים, ועוד הוסיפו לבנות ארבעה מגדלים אדירים, ומהם הגביהו לשלח את חציהם אל האנשים. המגדל האחד הוקם בקרן מזרחית־צפונית, השני מעל ללשכת הגזית, והשלישי מן הקצה האחר למול העיר התחתונה, והרביעי נבנה על ראש לשכות בית־המקדש, במקום אשר שם נהג אחד הכהנים לעמוד בכל ערב שבת ולתקוע בחצוצרה לאות כי בא הלילה (ליל־שבת), וככה עשה גם ליום המחר בערב, כי האות הראשון לִמד את העם לשבות מכל עבודה, והאות השני — לשוב אל המלאכה. בראשי המגדלים האלה הציגו הקנאים את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת הבליסטראות וגם את הרובים והָקַּלָּעים אשר להם. על־כן לא הוסיף עוד שמעון להתנפל כפעם בפעם [עליהם], כי נפל לב רבים מאנשיו, ובכל־זאת החזיק מעמד בפני הקנאים בעֹצם ידו, אף כי אבני־הקלע, המתעופפות מן המכונות למרחוק, המיתו רבים מאנשי־המלחמה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אנשי־הצבא הרומאים ביהודה ובמצרים קראו אה אספסינוס לקיסר. — הוא פתּח את יוסף מן האזִקים.</small><br><br>א. גם את עיר רומא מצאו צרות נוראות בעת ההיא. ויטליוס בא עם צבאו מארץ גרמניה ועוד הוליך עמו אספסוף גדול מלבד אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר צרו מקומות מחני־הצבא (הקסרקטין) מהכיל את ההמון הגדול הזה, הפך את כל העיר רומא למקום מחנה ומִלא כל בית ובית אנשי־צבא. והאנשים האלה, אשר לא ראו עֹשר ויקר מימיהם, הביטו בעיניהם אל כל חֹסן הרומאים ואל הכסף והזהב, אשר מצאו בכל מקום, וקשה היה להם לכבוש את תאות בצעם, וכמעט שלחו את ידיהם בבזה והמיתו את העומדים להם לשטן. אלה הדברים היו בארץ איטליה בימים ההם.",
+                    "ב. ואספסינוס כִּלה לכבוש את המקומות הקרובים אל ירושלים ושב אל קיסריה ושמע שם על־דבר המהומות בארץ איטליה וגם נודע לו, כי היה ויטליוס למושל יחיד. ואף כי הבין אספסינוס כחֹק לשמוע מצות אדוניו ולהכנע, כהבינו להיות נגיד ומצוה, בכל־זאת נרגז מאד לבשורה הזאת ולחרפה נחשב בעיניו לשמע בקול ההולל הפרוע הזה, אשר הפקיר את כל עניני הממשלה. הוא התעצב אל לבו מאד על הצרה הזאת ולא יכול להבליג על יסוריו, וגם לא לעשות מלחמה עם שונאים זרים בעת חרבן מולדתו. אולם במדה אשר בערה חמתו והִשִּׁיאה אותו לעשות מעשי־נקם, עצרה אותו רוח בינתו, בשומו אל לבו את המרחק הגדול ובדעתו, כי הגלגל החוזר בעולם יתנכל להביא עוד חליפות רבות, בטרם יגיע עד ארץ איטליה, ומה גם כי היה עליו להפליג בים בעת החֹרף. על־כן כבש את חמתו המתלקחת בקרבו.",
+                    "ג. אולם שרי־החֲיָלות ואנשי־הצבא נועצו איש את רעהו להקים מהפכה וצעקו בכעס: ״הנה אנשי־הצבא ברומא המתענגים על רֹב שלום, אלה מוגי־הלב הנבהלים לשמע אֹזן על־דבר מלחמה, נותנים את השלטון בידי אנשי־שלומם כטוב בעיניהם, והם מקימים להם מושלים למלא את תאות בצעם, ואנחנו, אנשי־המלחמה, אשר עבדנו עבודה קשה, אנחנו, אשר כבר הלבינו שערותינו תחת קובע המלחמה, יושבים ומחשים ונותנים את הממשלה לאחרים, אף כי נמצא בקרבנו איש, אשר נאה לו לעשות ממשלה מכל חבריו? ובמה נגמול לו טובה חֵלף חסדיו אתנו, אם נאחר לעשות את הדבר למועד הזה? כי בצדק תֵּאות הממשלה לאספסינוס ולא לויטליוס, ולנו המשפט להקים מלך ולא לאנשים, אשר המליכו את זה! כי המלחמות, אשר התענֵּינו בהן, אינן קלות ממלחמות הצבא העומד בגרמניה, ואין אנו נופלים בגבורת נשקנו מהאנשים, אשר הביאו להם עריץ משם. והן בלי מלחמה נצליח את מעשינו, כי מועצת הזקנים ועַם הרומאים לא יתנו את משפט הבכורה למשובת ויטליוס על חכמת אספסינוס, ולא יבחרו להם לראש עריץ אכזרי תחת מושל־חסד ואיש עקר — במקום אבי־בנים. כי ערֻבּה נאמנה לשלום המלכות היא נחלת־הכסא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן על־פי ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״מעלת המושלים״.</i> הכּשֵׁרה. אם יאתה הממשלה לבינת הזקנים, הנה נמצאה המדה הזאת באספסינוס, ואם כח העלומים נאה למלוכה, הנה נמצא אתנו טיטוס בנו, וזקנת האחד ועלומי השני שקולים יחד לטובת השלטון. ולא אנחנו לבד נִתּן כח לבחירינו במעֹז שלשת הלגיונות וחיל־עזר מלכי הברית אשר אתנו, כי־אם גם כל ארצות המזרח וגם ארצות המערב (אירופה), הרחוקות מפחד ויטליוס, תהיינה נאמנות בבריתנו, וגם בארץ איטליה נמצאו עוזרים לנו, הלא הם אחי אספסינוס ובנו הצעיר. והנה אל הבן הזה יִלָּוו רבים מהבחורים בני־המעלה, ואחי אספסינוס הוא פקיד על משמר־העיר ובמשרתו הזאת יהיה לנו לעזר לא מעט בכבשנו את הממשלה, אולם אם נשב בעצלתים, הנה תקים מועצת־הזקנים את הממשלה בידי האיש ההוא, הנבזה גם בעיני אנשי־חילו, השומרים על מלכותו״.",
+                    "ד. ככה נדברו אנשי־הצבא איש אל אחיו, ואחרי־כן נאספו והתחזקו יחד וקראו את אספסינוס לקיסר, וביקשו ממנו להציל את הממשלה הנמצאה ברעה. ואף כי דאג אספסינוס מכבר לעתידות הממשלה, לא מִלא אותו לבו לקחת את השלטון לעצמו, כי בחר מנת הדיוט היושב במנוחה מפאר מלכות הקשור בסכנה. על־כן מאן אספסינוס למלא את רצון הצבא, אולם שרי החַילים הציקו לו מאד ואנשי־הצבא כִתּרוהו בחרבות שלופות ואמרו להמיתו נפש, אם ינער את כפיו מכבוד המשרה. הוא הפציר בהם והִרבּה לדבר אליהם ולבאר, מדוע הוא מואס בממשלה, אך לא עצר כח לשנות את דעתם, ולאחרונה נדרש למשאלותיהם.",
+                    "ה. מוּצִיֵּנוּס וכל שרי הַחֲילים דברו על לב אספסינוס לנהג מנהג מושלים, ויתר הצבא דרש ממנו לצאת בראשו למלחמה על כל העומדים לו לשטן, אולם אספסינוס גמר להכין את שלטונו באלכסנדריה, בדעתו אשר ארץ מצרים היא מבחר חלקי ממשלת הרומאים, כי היא מנהלת את רומא בלחם, ועל־כן האמין, כי רק בהשתררו על הארץ הזאת יוכל להוריד את ויטליוס ממשרתו, גם אם תהיה ידו על התחתונה במלחמה, כי לא יוכל המון עיר רומי לשאת את הרעב, ומלבד זאת אמר למשוך אליו את שני הלגיונות החונים באלכסנדריה, כי הִתאוה להִשָּׂגב בפני כל תמורות הגורל בארץ הזאת, אשר קשה להבקיע אליה בדרך היבשה, ומעֵבר הים אין בה נמלים, כי ממערב סוככת עליה לוב, ארץ הצמא, וגבול הדרום לצד ארץ כוש הוא סוֵן (סיאֵני) עם משברי היאור, אשר נבצר מכל אני־שיט לעבור בהם, וממזרח משתרע הים האדֹם (ים סוף) עד קופטוס, ומצודת הצפון היא הארץ, המשתרעת עד גבול סוריה, ויחד עמה הים הנקרא בשם ים מצרים, אשר אין בו אף נמל אחד. ככה ארץ מצרים מֻקפת חומה מכל עבריה. ואֹרך הארץ בין סין (פלוסיון) ובין סוֵן אלפים ריס, אולם דרך האניה מִפְּלִינְתִּינִי עד פֶּלוּסִיּוֹן הוא שלשת אלפים ושש מאות ריס. והאניות המפליגות במימי יאור מצרים (נילוס) מגיעות עד העיר הנקראת על שם הפילים (יֵב, אלפנטיני), ושם עוצרים עליה משברי הנהר הנזכרים מנסוע הלאה. וחוף אלכסנדריה קשה לאניות גם בעת שלום, כי מבוא הים צר שם מאד, ונתיב האניות מתפתל מפני הסלעים, אשר מתחת למים. ועל חלק המבוא מצד שמאל סוככות שָׁתות עשויות בידי אדם, ומעבר ימין נמצא לפני המבוא האי פַּרוֹס, אשר כבר דברתי עליו, ובו מגדל גבוה, המאיר את דרך יורדי הים למרחק שלש מאות ריס, למען יוכלו להטיל את עגני אניותיהם מרחוק בעת לילה, כאשר יקשה מהם להגיע אל היבשה. וגם מסביב לאי הזה נמצאו שָׁתות גדולות, מעשי ידי אדם, וגלי הים מתפוררים לפניהן וגם לפני המצודות, אשר ממולן ומשבריהם הגדולים מרתיחים את מפרץ הים והם מסֻכָּנים מאד במקום הצר הזה. אולם מבית למפרץ הים חוף אלכסנדריה הוא חוף מבטחים, וגֹדל הנמל שלשים ריס, ודרך הנמל הזה באים אל מצרים כל הדברים החסרים לחֹסן הארץ, ומשם יוצא עודף חֹסן התושבים אל כל קצוי תבל.",
+                    "ו. על־כן שׂם אספסינוס את לבו לשלוט בארץ הזאת ולהכין בזה את ממשלתו ומִהר לשלוח אל טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס, הנציב במצרים ובאלכסנדריה, ולהודיעהו, כי התנדב הצבא לקרֹא אותו למלך, והוא נטל עליו בעל־כרחו את כל כֹּבד השלטון, וגם לבקש ממנו, כי יהיה איש־ימינו ועוזרו. וכקרֹא אלכסנדרוס את דברי האגרת, שמח מאד, ומִהר להשביע את צבאו ואת עם מצרים לתת את ידם לקיסר החדש. אלה ואלה שמעו לדבריו ברצון, כי ידעו את האיש ואת גבורתו וחכמתו למראה־עין. אספסינוס מִלא את ידי אלכסנדרוס להכין את ממשלתו, והוא ערך את כל הדברים לקראת בואו. כהרף־עין נפוצה השמועה על־דבר הקיסר, הבא מארץ המזרח, וכל עיר ועיר קראה חג לבשורה הטובה והקריבה זבחים לשלום אספסינוס, וגם הלגיונות במוּסִיָּה ובפַנּוֹנִיָּה, אשר התקוממו זה מקרוב לשֵׁמע זדון לב ויטליוס, נשבעו בשמחה רבה להכיר את אספסינוס למושל. והוא הסיע את חילו מקיסריה והלך אל בארות, ושם קדמו את פניו צירים רבים מארץ סוריה וגם מיתר מדינות (אפרכיות) המזרח, ומסרו לו נזרים ומכתבי־ברכה מכל עיר ועיר. גם מוצינוס נציב סוריה בא אל בארות והודיע את אספסינוס, כי נכון לב כל עם הארץ בבריתו וכל עיר נשבעה לו שבועת אמונים.",
+                    "ז. וכראות אספסינוס, כי השעה משחקת לו כרצונו וכבר הצליח בידו רֹב חפצו, השיב אל לבו, כי יד אלהים העלתה אותו לגדֻלה וגזרת הצדק המושל בעולם השלימה בידו את השלטון. הוא זכר את כל האותות — כי מופתים רבים בִּשׂרו לו את שלטונו העתיד — וגם את דבר יוסף, אשר ערב את לבו לקראו בשם קיסר עוד בחיי נירון, ונבהל בהעלותו על לבו, כי האיש הזה עודנו אסור תחת ידו, ועל־כן קרא למוצינוס וליתר שרי־הצבא ולאוהביו, וספר להם את מפעלי יוסף ואת כל הרעה, אשר מצאה את הרומאים מידיו בעיר יודפת, ואחרי־כן את דבר נבואתו, אשר נחשבה בזמנה בעיניו לחזון־בדים, יליד הפחד, אולם עתה הוכיחו הזמן והמעשים, כי היא דבר אלהים, והוסיף לדבּר: ״לחרפה יהיה הדבר, אם כמשפט העבדים יִעָשה לאיש, אשר נִבּא לי את שלטוני וגלה לי את קול האלהים וחלקו יהיה כחלק יתר האסירים״. לדברים האלה צוה להביא את יוסף ולהתיר אסוריו. והחסד הזה, הנעשה לשבוי נכרי, היה אות לטובה לשרי־הצבא, כי גם להם ישלם אספסינוס ביד נדיבה. וטיטוס, אשר נצב לפני אביו, קרא: ״הן נצדק במעשנו, כאשר נגֹל מעל יוסף את חרפתו בחרב; אם לא נתיר את הכבלים, רק נרתק אותם, יהיה משפטו כמשפט איש, אשר לא נאסר מעולם — כי כדבר הזה יֵעשה לאיש, אשר נאסר על לא עון.״ העצה הזאת מצאה חן בעיני אספסינוס, ובפקֻדתו יצא אחד מאנשי־הצבא וגדע את הכבלים בקרדֹם. ככה קבל יוסף בשכר נבואתו את כבודו הראשון, ומן היום ההוא והלאה נאמן לצופה עתידות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי תבוסת ויטליוס ומותו מִהר אספסינוס אל רומא, וטיטוס בנו שב להלחם בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. ואספסינוס נדרש לכל הצירים במשאלותיהם והפקיד בכל עיר ועיר פקידים ישרים ובני־המעלה ונסע אל אנטיוכיה, ושם נועץ לאן יפנה, והוציא משפט, כי טוב לו למהר אל רומא מלנסוע אל אלכסנדריה, כי ראה את העיר הזאת בטוחה בבריתו, בעוד אשר בארץ רומא קמו מהומות על־ידי ויטליוס. על־כן שלח את מוצינוס אל איטליה ונתן בידו צבא גדול, רוכבים ורגלים. אולם מוצינוס ירא לנסוע בעצם ימי החרף בדרך הים, ועל־כן נהל את צבאו ברגל דרך ארץ קפודקיה ופריגיה.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא לקח עמו אַנְטוֹנִיּוּס פְּרִימוּס את הלגיון השלישי מן הצבא החונה במוּסיה, כי הוא היה נציב בארץ ההיא, ומִהר להקדיש מלחמה על ויטליוס. ויטליוס שלח לקראתו את צֶצִינָה אַלֵּינוּס עם צבא רב, כי בטח באיש הזה, אשר השכיל לנצח את אָתּוֹן. צצינה יצא מרומא והחיש את מסע צבאו, עד אשר מצא את אנטוניוס בקרבת קרֵמוֹנָה העיר אשר בגַליה, והיא גם עיר הגבול לארץ איטליה. אולם בראות צצינה את המון אויביו ואת טכסיסי מלחמתם הטובים לא נועז להתנגש אתּם, ובהבינו, כי לא יעלה בידו להסוג אחור לבטח, גמר לבגוד באדוניו והקהיל את שרי־המאות ואת שרי־האלפים אשר לו ופתּה אותם לעבור אל אנטוניוס, בהשפילו את חסן ויטליוס ובהרימו למעלה את עֹצם ידי אספסינוס. הוא אמר להם: ״הנה ויטליוס נושא רק שם מלכים, אולם כל תֹּקף המלוכה. נמצא בידי אספסינוס. על־כן טוב לנו למהר ולהפוך את הצרה לרוָחה ולהפר בעצמנו את הסכנה, בטרם נכרע במלחמה. כי אספסינוס יעצור כֹּח לכבוש את שארית הממשלה גם זולתנו וּויטליוס לא יוכל להציל את כסאו אף בעזרתנו״.",
+                    "ג. ככה הִרבּה צצינה לדבר על לבות אנשיו ועבר עם חילו יחד אל אנטוניוס. אולם בלילה ההוא נחמו אנשי־הצבא ממחשבתם, כי פחדו מחמת שולחם, פן תהיה ידו על העליונה. הם שלפו את חרבותיהם, ורצו להכות את צצינה נפש, וכמעט מִלאו את רצונם, לולא נפלו שרי־האלפים לרגליהם והתחננו אליהם על נפשו. אנשי־הצבא השיבו את ידיהם מהמית את צצינה, אך אסרו אותו בנחשתים והתכוננו לשלח אותו אל ויטליוס. וכשמוע אנטוניוס את הדברים האלה, ערך את אנשיו והוליך אותם להלחם במתקוממים, ואלה עמדו על נפשם מעט מזער ואחרי־כן פנו עֹרף ונמלטו אל קרֵימונה. פרימוס לקח עמו את רוכביו, וסגר על מוצאי המבצר, ואחרי־זאת הקיף את רֹב צבאם לפני שערי העיר והכה את האנשים לפי חרב ויחד עם פליטיהם הבקיע אל העיר ונתן אותה לאנשי־צבאו לבז, וסוחרים רבים מן הנכרים וגם רבים מאזרחי העיר נפלו בחרב ויחד אתם נשמד כל צבא ויטליוס, שלשים אלף ומאתים איש. אולם גם מאנשי־צבא אנטוניוס, הבאים עמו ממוסיה, נפלו ארבעת אלפים וחמש מאות חללים. ואחרי־כן הוציא פרימוס את צצינה לחפשי ושלח אותו אל אספסינוס לבשר את דבר המעשה. ובבואו קבל אותו אספסינוס באור־פנים וכסה על חרפת בגדו בעשותו לו כבוד, אשר לא קִוָּה לו.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר הגיעה הבשורה אל סַבּינוס, היושב ברומא, כי אנטוניוס הולך וקרב, התאזר עֹז ואסף את גדודי אנשי־הצבא, השומרים על העיר בלילות וכבש בעזרתם את היכל הקפיטוליון בלילה ובבֹּקר נלוו אליו רבים מנכבדי העם וגם דומיטיַנוס בן אחיו, אשר בו שמו מבטחם, כי יתגבר על האויב. ויטליוס לא שם לבו לצבא פרימוס, והֵעיר את כל חמתו על סבינוס והמתקוממים עמו, כי ביצר לבו האכזרי צמא לדם נדיבי העם ושלח את חלק הצבא, אשר בא עמו [מגרמניה], להשתער על הקפיטוליון. בגבורה רבה נלחמו אנשי־הצבא האלה, וגם צריהם העומדים במקדש למעלה, אך לאחרונה התגברו הלגיונות הבאים מגרמניה בעֹצם מספרם וכבשו את הגבעה. בדרך פלא נמלטו דומִיטיַנוּס ורבים מראשי הרומאים, ויתר ההמון כֻּלו הֻכּה לפי חרב, וסבינוס הובא אל ויטליוס והומת. ואנשי־הצבא בזזו את קדשי ההיכל, ואחרי־זאת שלחו אותו באש. וכעבור יום אחד בא אנטוניוס עם חילו אל שערי העיר, ואנשי ויטליוס יצאו לקראתו להלחם ברחובות העיר והֻכּו שלש פעמים ונשמדו כֻלם. ויטליוס יצא שכּוֹר מארמון המלוכה, כי הִרבּה לאכול ולהיטיב את לבו — כאלו ידע כי זאת היא סעֻדתו האחרונה — וההמון סחב אותו ברחובות העיר, והִרבּה ליסרו ולענותו בכל מיני ענויים, ושחט אותו בראש חוצות רומא. וימי מלכותו היו שמונה חדשים וחמשה ימים. ולוּ נגזר עליו להאריך ימים, כי עתה קצרו ממשלת רומא למלא את שׂפק תאותו. ומספר יתר החללים היה חמשים אלף ומעלה. הדברים האלה קרו בשלישי להדק אַפֶּלַּיּוֹס (כסלו), וביום המחרת בא מוצינוס בראש צבאו אל רומא ומנע את אנשי אנטוניוס מבּוא עוד בדמים, כי הוסיפו לבדוק בבתים ולהמית רבים משרידי ויטליוס וגם מן האזרחים, אשר נחשדו בעיניהם כי ידם נכונה עמו, ובגֹדל כעסם לא רצו לחכות עד אשר יפֹרש הדבר במשפט. מוצינוס הביא את דומיטינוס והקים אותו למושל בעם עד אשר יבוא אביו. והעם הנפדה מכל צרותיו הריע תרועת שמחה וברך את שם הקיסר אספסינוס ושמח, כי נכונה הממשלה בידו וכי סר מעליו שבט ויטליוס.",
+                    "ה. ואספסינוס נסע אל אלכסנדריה וקבל שם את הבשורה הטובה מרומא ושמה נאספו צירים מכל קצות הארץ לברכו. והעיר הגדולה הזאת, השניה לרומא בעולם, צרה מהכיל את המון הבאים. ואחרי אשר קמה ישועה לרומאים, שלא קוו לה מראש, וכל הממשלה נכונה בידי אספסינוס, שׂם אספסינוס את פניו להכניע את שארית יהודה. הוא גמר לשוב אל רומא לקץ החֹרף ואת בנו טיטוס שלח בראש צבא בחור לכבוש את ירושלים. טיטוס העביר את חילו ברגל אל נִיקוֹפּוֹלִיס, הרחוקה עשרים ריס מאלכסנדריה, ושם הושיב את צבאו באניות מלחמה ונסע דרך היאור (נילוס) בנפת מֶנְּדֶּס עד העיר תמוּיִס, ושם הוריד את הצבא והסיע את צבאו ביבשה וחנה על־יד העיר הקטנה צֹעַן (טָנֵס, טַנִּיס) ובלילה השני לן בְּהֵרַקְלִיּוֹפּולִיס ובלילה השלישי בסין (פֶּלוּסיוֹן) ושם נתן מנוחה לחילו שני ימים, וביום השלישי עבר את מעברות סין (פלוסיון) ואחרי־כן נסע במדבר דרך יום אחד ושׂם את מחנהו בקרבת מקדש האל זֶוס קַסִּיוּס, ובלילה השני לן באוֹסְטְרַקִּינִי, ובמקום תחנותו זה לא נמצאו מים, כי יושבי המקום מביאים שמה את המים ממרחק. אחרי־כן נח טיטוס ברִינוֹקוּרוּרָה, ומשם הגיע אל רָפִיה (רפיח) ביום הרביעי, והעיר הזאת היא תחלת גבול סוריה. וביום החמישי שׂם טיטוס את מחנהו בעזה ומשם בא אל אשקלון. ואחרי־כן נסע מאשקלון וחנה ביבנה, ומיבנה נסע אל יפו. ומיפו בא אל קיסריה, ושם חשב לאסוף גם את יתר צבאותיו."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>מלחמות הקנאים בירושלים והצרות אשר מצאו את העיר.</small><br><br>א. בדרך, אשר אמרנו למעלה, עבר טיטוס את המדבר הגדול אשר ממעל (צפונה) למצרים עד ארץ סוריה ובא אל קיסריה ושם אמר לפקד את צבאותיו [ולהלחם ביהודים]. אולם בעת אשר היה עוד טיטוס באלכסנדריה יחד עם אביו ועזר לו להכין את הממשלה החדשה, אשר הפקיד אלהים בידו, גדלה ועצמה מלחמת־האחים בירושלים, כי שלש מפלגות קמו הפעם וכל אחת רָבה בצרותיה, עד אשר יאמר האומר, כי היה הדבר הזה לחסד־מעט בקרב הרעות ולאות גמול אלהים [לרשעים]. כבר למעלה סֻפר על־דבר זדון הקנאים נגד העם, אשר ממנו היתה ראשית מפלת העיר, וגם פֹּרש מאַין צָמח [הזדון הזה] ואיך פרח ועלה למעלה ודבַר כל הרעות אשר הביא לרגליו, ולא ישגה איש באמרו על המעשה הזה, כי הוא מריבה, אשר נולדה מתוך מריבה (מחלֹקת גוררת מחלֹקת), כדרך החיה הרעה, אשר חסרה את טַרפּהּ מן החוץ והחלה לאכול את בשר עצמה.",
+                    "ב. כי אלעזר בן שמעון, הוא אשר סכסך לראשונה את הקנאים בעם והוליך אותם אל הר־הבית, התעַבּר בעת ההיא ביוחנן, באמרו, כי נלאה לשאת את תועבותיו יום־יום — כי לא חדל יוחנן משפוך דם — ובאמת, יען אשר לא רצה להכנע לפני עריץ הבא אחריו [להסיג את גבולו] והתאוה לעשות ממשלה בעם ולקחת את השלטון לעצמו. הוא משך אחריו את יהודה בן חלקיה ואת שמעון בן חצרון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או עֶצרון.</i>, שני אנשי־חיל, ויחד אתָּם את חזקיה בן חובר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: חוֹבָרִי.</i>, איש נשוא־פנים, ולכל אחד מהם נלוו קנאים רבים. הם תפשו את חומת בית ה׳ הפנימית ושמו את נשקם מעל לשערי הקֹדש נֹכח פני ההיכל. ולחם היה להם לשׂבע, כי כל מתנות הקֹדש נמצאו תחת ידי האנשים האלה, אשר כל אשם [ומעל בקדשים] כאין נחשב בעיניהם, ועל־כן גברו חֲיָלים. בכל־זאת לא נועזו להתנפל על צריהם, כי היו מתי־מספר, אך התחזקו במקום אשר תפשו בידם ועמדו במרדם. במדה אשר עלה עליהם יוחנן במספר אנשיו, נפל מהם בערך מקום תחנותו, כי השונאים עמדו ממעל לו ולא היה לו שכר בהתנפלו עליהם. ובכל־זאת לא הִרפּה יוחנן מהם בחמתו, אף כי בכל קרָב מצאו אותו רעות רבות יותר מאשר עשה לאנשי אלעזר, ולא שקט ולא נח. והקרָבות בין אלה ואלה לא חדלו, ואבני־הקלע והחצים נזרקו כל הימים, וכל פנות המקדש רוו מדם הרוגים.",
+                    "ג. ושמעון בן גיורא, אשר קרא לו העם לעזרו בצרתו, כאשר קוה אליו, כי ממנו תבוא ישועתו, והקים אותו לשליט עריץ לרצונו — משל עתה בעיר העליונה ובחלק העיר התחתונה והחליף כֹּח לקרב עם אנשי יוחנן, בראותו, כי קמה להם מלחמה מלמעלה. אולם מדי התנגחו אִתּם היתה ידו על התחתונה, תחת אשר עצמוּ עליהם שונאיהם, העומדים על גביהם. וכאשר נלחם יוחנן מפנים ומאחור, היה מזיק ונזק גם־יחד, כי במדה אשר נגף לפני אנשי אלעזר, בהיות מצבו שפל מהם, ככה הצליח במלחמתו עם אנשי שמעון, כי הגביה מהם לשבת. הוא בכֹח ימינו עצר את הנלחמים בו מלמטה, ואת [הקנאים], המורים עליו מן המקדש ממעל, השקיט במכונות המלחמה. כי היו לו כלי־קלע מהירים וגם זורקי־רמחים ורומֵי־אבנים, ובכלי־המשחית האלה הגן על עצמו בפני אנשי מלחמתו, ועוד הוסיף לעשות, בהמיתו רבים ממקריבי הזבחים. כי אף אשר היו הקנאים (אנשי אלעזר) פריצים עושים כל מעשה רשעה, בכל־זאת נתנו לכל הרוצה להביא זבח לבוא אל הקֹדש, והיו בודקים את בני העיר הבאים בחשד ובזהירות רבה, ואת הזרים היו חוקרים בלבד. וכאשר עלה בידי האנשים האלה לשַׁכּך את אכזריות הקנאים ולבוא בשערי המקדש, נפלו לקרבן מלחמת־האחים, כי אבני־הקלע השלוחות מן המכונות היו מגיעות עד המזבח ונופלות על הכהנים ועל מקריבי הזבחים. ורבים, אשר עלו מקצות הארץ אל המקום המהֻלל והמקֻדש בקרב כל באי עולם, נפלו חללים על־יד זבחיהם והשקו מדמם את המזבח הנכבד גם ליונים ולכל הלועזים (הגויים), ונבלות בני העיר והזרים, הכהנים והעם התערבו יחד, ובכל קצות חצר־האלהים נאסף דם החללים לאגמים. הוי, העיר האֻמללה, האמנם גם מידי הרומאים הגיעו אליך נוראות כאלה, בבואם אל שעריך לטהר אותך באש משקוצי בניך? כי לא הוספת להיות עוד מִשְׁכּן האלהים וגם לא יכלת להשאר חבל נחלתו אחרי אשר היית לבית־קברות לבניך ובית־מקדשך נהפך לשדה־מתים! ואולי עוד תשובי לראות בטובה, אם תעצרי כֹח לכפר את פני האלהים, אשר שמך לשממה! אך משפט הכתב הזה דורש ממני להבליג על מרי־לבי, כי לא פה המקום לקונן על צרות עמי, רק לספר את פרשת המעשים. ועל־כן אוסיף לדבר על הליכות מלחמת־האחים.",
+                    "ד. ככה נחלקו עוכרי ירושלים לשלשה מחנות: אנשי אלעזר, השומרים על בכּורי הקֹדש, הִצו ברוח שכרון על יוחנן, ויוחנן ואנשיו בזזו את בני העיר ורָבו בשמעון ואנשיו. וגם לו היתה העיר לטֶרף במלחמתו עם צריו. ומדי היות מלחמה ליוחנן מפנים ומאחור, חצה את אנשיו להלחם לשני עברים: אלה ירו מן האולמים בשונאיהם העולים עליהם מן העיר, ואלה הגַנו על עצמם במכונות־מלחמה בפני המורים עליהם מבית־המקדש. וכאשר רָוח לפעמים ליוחנן מצריו העומדים למעלה, כי עיפו ממלחמתם או שתו לשכרה ושבתו מריב לזמן־מה, היה יורד בלב אמיץ עם רבים מאנשיו להלחם בשמעון ושולח אש בבתים המלאים צידה מכל המינים בחלק העיר אשר פנה שמה. וכדבר הזה היה גם שמעון עושה, מדי רדפו אחרי יוחנן לעת ברחו מפניו. ככה השחיתו שניהם את הלחם, אשר הכינה העיר לעת מצור, ובזה עשו טובה לרומאים, כי נתקו בידיהם את עורק כֹּחם. כי כל המקומות מסביב להר־הבית היו למאכֹלת אש ו[חלק] העיר אשר בין שני השונאים בתוָך נהפך לשדה־מערכה שומם וכמעט כל הצידה הנמצאה בירושלים היתה לבָער — הצידה אשר היתה מַספקת את צרכי יושבי העיר למצור שנים לא מעט. ולאחרונה הסגיר הרעב את העיר בידי האויב — אמנם איש לא האמין, כי יקום הדבר הזה, — ורק ידי המורדים עשו והבינו זאת!",
+                    "ה. ובעת אשר היתה העיר לשדה־מלחמה בין חורשי רעה ואספסוף ריקים ופוחזים, נדמה העם הסגור בין הלוחמים בתוֶך לגוף גדול הנכרת אברים אברים. הזקנים והנשים לא ידעו מאין יבוא עזרם והתפללו אל הרומאים ועיניהם כלו מיַחל למלחמה הבאה מן החוץ, אשר תפדם מכל צרותיהם מבית. בהלה נוראה ופחד נפלו על יושבי ירושלים, כי נסתרה מהם עצה לשַׁנות את מצבם ולא נשארה להם תקוה להשלים [עם הרומאים]. ומנוס אבד מאוהבי השלום; כי בכל מקום היו עיני השומרים צופיות ולמרות המריבות אשר ביניהם חשבו ראשי השודדים, כי האזרחים המדברים שלום אל הרומאים והחשודים במחשבתם לברוח אליהם — הם שונאים בנפש לכֻלם יחד, ועשו להם מטבח. ואמנם רק בעצה הזאת השלימו ביניהם — להמית את האנשים הטובים הראוים לישועה. וקול צוחת הלוחמים לא נדם יומם ולילה, ונוראה ממנו היתה יללת הסובלים [במסתרים]. כי הצרות, אשר התגוללו עליהם מבלי־הרף, היו להם למקור דמעה תמיד. אמנם חרדתם סגרה בעד נאקותיהם: הם כבשו מגֹדל פחדם את מכאוביהם ברובם ונאנקו דֹם — אולם אנחותיהם העצורות היו להם כענויי שחת. ואיש לא נשא את פני אחיו [ההולכים למות] בעודם בחיים ולא דאג להביא את ההרוגים אל קבר — וסבת שני הדברים יחד היה מפח־נפש האנשים, אשר נואשו מחייהם — כי אלה, אשר לא היה חלקם במלחמות־האחים, קבלו עליהם ברצון את כל הבא עליהם, בדעתם, כי הם בני־מות באין מנוס. והמורדים דרכו על החללים, אשר נערמו מסביב להם, והתנגחו איש את רעהו בשארית עֶברה, כאלו שאפו רוח עִועים מהפגרים המֻצעים לרגליהם. הם חִבּלו מחשבות־רצח חדשים לבקרים ומִלאו אחרי עצתם הרעה מיד, ולא נבהלו מכל דרכי נאצה ורֶשע. ואף בעצי הקדש מָעל יוחנן ובנה לו מהם מכונות־מלחמה. כי לפנים יעצו הכהנים הגדולים והעם לחַזק את יסודות ההיכל ולהרים אותו עשרים אמה, והמלך אגריפס פזר כסף לרֹב והביא מן הלבנון את העץ הדרוש לבנין, גזעי עצים נפלאים בהדר גזרתם ובגדלם. אולם המלחמה השביתה את העבודה, ויוחנן גזר את העצים והקים לו מגדלים, בראותו, כי אֹרך העצים יספיק כנגד הנלחמים אתו ממעלֵה המקדש. הוא אמר להקריב את המגדלים אל בית־המקדש ולהציגם מאחורי החומה למול האכסדרה במערב, כי רק שם יכול להעמיד אותם, תחת אשר שאר חלקי הר־הבית נפסקו על־ידי מדרגות למרחוק.",
+                    "ו. ויוחנן קוה להתגבר על אויביו בעזרת המכונות אשר עשה, בחללו את הקֹדש, אך אלהים הוביש את יגיע כפיו והביא את הרומאים על העיר בטרם הספיק להציג אף אחד מן המגדלים. כי טיטוס אסף את כל חלקי צבאו וצוה את אנשיו לעלות על העיר והסיע אותם מקיסריה. תחת פקֻדתו נמצאו שלשת הלגיונות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר: החמישי, העשירי והחמשה־עשר.</i>, אשר החריבו את ארץ יהודה לפני זה יחד עם אביו, וגם הלגיון השנים־עשר, אשר נִגף לפנים יחד עם צסטיוס. ללגיון הזה יצא שם בגבורים, ועוד התמַכּר להלחם ביתר עֹז למחות את זֵכר מפלתו. טיטוס פקד על הלגיון החמישי לצאת לקראתו דרך אמאוס ועל הלגיון העשירי לעלות אליו דרך יריחו. והוא נסע עם צבאותיו הנשארים ואליהם נלוו גם חיל מלכי הברית, המון גדול מאד, ועוזרים רבים מארץ סוריה. גם את חסרון אנשי־הצבא בארבעת הלגיונות, כמספר אשר לקט אספסינוס ושלח עם מוצינוס אל איטליה, מִלאו הפעם האנשים הבאים עם טיטוס. כי אלפים איש בחור באו אליו מן הצבא החונה באלכסנדריה ושלשת אלפים מחיל־המשמר אשר על נהר פרת. ועל כל ידידי טיטוס גדל טִבּריוס אלכסנדרוס ברוחו הנדיבה ובחכמתו, הוא אשר היה לפנים נציב במצרים ועתה נלקח אחר כבוד להיות למצביא הראש חֵלף הדבר אשר עשה, כי היה הראשון אשר תמך בימינו את הממשלה החדשה בתחלתה ובאמונה רבה נקשר אליה על כל צרה שלא תבוא. והוא הלך אחרי טיטוס להיות לו ליועץ בדברי המלחמה, כי היה גדול מחבריו במדת שניו ובדעת זקנים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס עלה על ירושלים ותר את המקום ונמצא בסכנה. מקום מחנהו. סוללי הדרכים.</small><br><br>א. בעלות טיטוס על ארץ שונאיו הלכו לפניו עבדי המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חיל אגריפס.</i> וכל צבא הברית ואִתּם יחד הסוללים ומודדי המחנה, ואחריהם נושאי כבודת שרי־הצבא, ואחרי אנשי־החיל המזֻינים הסוככים על אלה נסע טיטוס בעצמו עם בחורי הצבא ונושאי הרמחים (הלונכיאות), ומאחוריו חיל הרוכבים אשר ללגיונות; אלה נסעו בראש לפני מכונות־המלחמה ויחד אִתּם שרי־האלף עם בחורי צבאם ושרי הגדודים (הקוהורטות), ואחריהם דגלי הצבא (הסמנים) עם הנשר בתוֶך, ולפניהם המחצצרים הנותנים את האותות, ואחר אלה כל צבא המערכה מסֻדר בשורות, ששה ששה אנשים ברֹחב. ואחרי הצבא הלכו משרתי כל לגיון ולגיון ולפניהם כבודת הצבא, ומאחורי כל הצבא נסעו השכירים וחיל־המאסף השומר עליהם. ככה הסיע טיטוס את הצבא בסדר, כמשפט הרומאים, ועלה דרך ארץ שמרון ונכנם לראשונה אל גופנא, אשר נתפשה לפני זה בידי אביו, ובה נמצא מצב הרומאים, ושם לן לילה אחד והשכים בשחר ופנה קֵדמה ועבר עוד מעברה וחנה במקום הנקרא בלשון היהודים עמק הקוצים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש חושבים, כי זהו המקום הנקרא בכָאים (שמואל ב, ו, כ״ג) בקרבת גֶבע.</i> בקרבת כפר אחד הנקרא גבעת שאול<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב את השם העברי ותרגם את מובנו ליונית.</i>, הרחוק כשלשים ריס מירושלים. ובבואו שמה לקח עמו כשש מאות מבחורי רוכביו והלך לתור את העיר מסביב ולבחון את חֹזק חומותיה ולתַכּן את רוח היהודים, אולי יִבּהלו בראותם אותו ויכנעו לפניו בטרם יתנגח אִתּם. לאזניו הגיע דבר האמת, כי העם, המדֻכּא בידי אנשי־הריב והשודדים, חושק בשלום, אבל אינו ממלא אחרי רצונו, כי כשל כֹּחו לקום על נפשו.",
+                    "ב. כל העת אשר רכב טיטוס בדרך המלך העולה אל החומה לא יצא לקראתו איש משערי העיר. אולם כאשר נטה מן הדרך הזאת על־יד מגדל פְּסֶפִינוֹס ונהג את גדוד הרוכבים הצדה, הגיחו פתאם אנשים לאין־מספר אצל המגדלים הנקראים מגדלי־הנשים מתוך השער אשר לנֹכח מזכרת (מצבת־הזכרון של) הילני והבקיעו את שורות אנשיו והתנגחו פנים אל פנים עם הרוכבים ההולכים בדרך המלך ולא נתנו להם להתחבר עם אחיהם הנוטים מעליהם וסגרו את הדרך על טיטוס עם רוכבים מתי־מספר. אלה לא יכלו עוד לעלות, כי הככר לפני חומת העיר נחרשה כֻלּה תלמים וחריצים מסביב לשׂדי בתי האילנות וגם גנים עברו בה לארכה ולרחבה וגדרות רבות הפרידו ביניהם. ומלבד־זאת ראה טיטוס, אשר לא יצלח בידו לשוב במרוצה אל אנשיו, כי האויבים נצבו ביניהם בהמון גדול, וכבר הפכו הרוכבים העולים בדרך המלך את פניהם [לשוב אל מחנם], כי רבים מהם לא ידעו את הרעה, אשר נמצא בה המלך<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר קורא לטיטוס ״מלך״ ו״קיסר״ בחיי אביו.</i>, וחשבו, כי גם הוא נסוג אחור, ונמלטו על נפשם. וכראות טיטוס, כי רק בגבורתו לבד יוכל למצֹא ישועה, הפך את סוסו וקרא אל חבריו אשר עמו ללכת אחריו וקפץ אל תוך המון אויביו לבקוע לו דרך ביניהם בחֹזק־יד ולשוב אל אנשיו. והפעם נגלה לעין מבין, כי מְסִבּוֹת המלחמות ופגעי המלכים בידי האלהים המה: אף כי הרבו המורים לירות בטיטוס, אשר לא היה לו קובע ולא שריון — כי לא יצא להלחם, רק לתור [את מחנה האויב] — לא נגע חץ אחד בבשרו, כי כל החצים ואבני־הקלע פסחו עליו ושבו ריקם, כאלו נשלחו להחטיא את המטרה. והוא גזר בחרבו בלי־הרף על ימין ועל שמאל ורבים, אשר נלחמו אִתּו, הדף בפרסות סוסיו אל עבר פניו וגם רמס את הנופלים לארץ. למראה אֹמץ־לב הקיסר הרימו שונאיו קול צעקה וחִזקו איש את רעהו להתנפל עליו, אולם בכל מקום אשר דפק שמה את סוסו, נסו אויביו מפניו והמונם נפוץ מעליו. חבריו, אשר היו עמו בצרה, דבקו אחריו, אף כי מטר חצים ואבני־קלע נִתַּךְ עליהם מאחור ומשני צדיהם, ורק תקוה אחת נשארה להם להציל את נפשם, אם יגיעו למקום חפצם יחד עם טיטוס בטרם יקיפו אותם האויבים. רק שנים מהם הרחוקים [מטיטוס] נפלו חללים. את האחד הקיפו היהודים ברכבו על סוסו ודקרוהו בחנית, ואת השני המיתו בקפצו למטה ולקחו את הסוס. ועם הנותרים שב טיטוס בשלום אל המחנה. ככה עשו היהודים חיל בקרָב הראשון הזה והדבר עורר בלבם תקוה נמהרה, והשעה הקלה אשר שחקה להם נתנה להם אֹמץ־לב הרבה ובטחון בעתיד.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר התחבר בלילה הלגיון הבא מאמאוס אל צבאו, יצא הקיסר משם (מגבעת־שאול) לפנות בֹּקר והגיע אל המקום הנקרא צופים (סקוֹפוֹס), אשר שם מתגלה העיר לעיני רואים ובית־המקדש מופיע בכל גדֻלתו, ועל־כן נקראה בצדק הרמה הסמוכה לעיר מצפון בשם צופים. במרחק שבעה ריסים מן העיר צוה טיטוס על שני הלגיונות לחנות שם יחדו, ועל הלגיון החמישי — לחנות מאחורי אלה שלשה ריסים, כי קצר כֹּחו מעמל המסע בלילה ועל־כן גמר טיטוס לתת לו מקום מנוחה, למען יוכל לבנות לו שם מצודה לבטח. וכאשר החלו הלגיונות להקים את המצודות, בא גם הלגיון העשירי מדרך יריחו, אחרי השאירו שם חלק אנשי־הצבא המזֻינים לשמור על המעברה, אשר לכד אספסינוס לפנים. הלגיון הזה צֻוה לחנות במרחק ששה ריסים מירושלים בהר הנקרא הר־הזיתים, אשר מפאת מזרח לעיר, ונחל עמֹק מפריד בינו ובינה, ושֵׁם הנחל קדרון.",
+                    "ד. והמלחמה הקשה מן החוץ, אשר התגוללה פתאם על העיר, הפסיקה בפעם הראשונה את מריבות האחים הנִצים ביניהם בלי־הרף. בבהלה השקיפו המורדים על הרומאים החונים בשלשה מקומות, ונוסדו יחדו בעצה רעה ונדברו איש אל רעהו: ״למה אנחנו מחשים ואיזה רוח עבר עלינו לשאת במנוחה את שלשת המצודים אשר נבנו עלינו לעצור את רוח אפנו? הנה אנשי מלחמתנו מוסיפים אֹמץ באין מכלים דבר — ואנחנו סגורים בחומותנו ואוספים את ידנו ומניחים את כלי־נשקנו ומביטים אל החזיון הזה, כאִלו דבר יפה היה ונעשה לטובתנו! גבורים אנחנו — צעקו בקול — להלחם בינינו בלבד, והרומאים יראו ברכה בריבנו ויתפשו את העיר באפס־יד״. כדברים האלה דברו בהתאספם יחד ותפשו את כלי־נשקם והגיחו במרוצה להלחם בלגיון העשירי. הם קפצו דרך הנחל והתנפלו בצעקה נוראה על האויבים הבונים את מצודת המחנה. והאנשים האלה נפרדו אז לגדודים רבים למלא את עבודתם ולרגלי הדבר הזה פרקו את רֹב נשקם, כי האמינו, אשר לא יערבו היהודים את לבם להתנפל עליהם, וגם אם יתנדבו לעשות כדבר הזה תפֵר מלחמת־האחים את עצתם — על־כן נבהלו עתה לדבר הבא עליהם פתאם ועזבו את מלאכתם, ואחדים נחפזו לברוח, ורֻבּם רצו לקחת את נשקם, אבל בטרם הסבו את פניהם אל השונאים הֻכּו [בחרבותיהם]. כי היהודים התאזרו עֹז בראותם את נצחון חלוציהם ומספרם הלך הלוך ורב, והמונם גדל עוד הרבה פעמים יותר בעיניהם ובעיני השונאים, כי היתה השעה משַׂחקת להם. כי אנשי־הצבא (הרומאים) הסכינו לעמוד במערכה ישרה ולמדו להלחם בסדר על־פי הפקֻדה הנתונה להם, ומהומה גדולה היתה בהם הפעם, כאשר קמה עליהם מלחמה בטרם יכלו לערוך מערכה. על־כן נסוגו הרומאים אחור בפני השונאים המתנפלים עליהם פתאם, אבל מדי הפוך הנרדפים את פניהם אל היהודים המדביקים אותם, עצרו בעד מרוצתם וגם פצעו רבים מהם, אשר לא נזהרו בשטף רדיפתם. אולם מספר המגיחים מן העיר גדל כפעם בּפעם, והמבוכה רַבָּה בקרב הרומאים, עד אשר נדחפו ממקום המחנה. וכמעט היה כל הלגיון עדי אובד, לולא מהר טיטוס לעזרתו, בהגיע לאזניו שמועת הדבר. הוא הִרבּה ליסר את האנשים על מֹרך לבם והפך את פני הבורחים, והתנפל עם בחורי הצבא אשר אִתּו על אגף היהודים מן הצד, והמית בהם לא מעט וגם פצע רבים, וגרש את כֻּלם ודחף אותם אל הנחל אשר למטה. והיהודים נמצאו ברעה גדולה בהתגלגלם במורד ההר, אבל אחרי עלותם מן הנחל הפכו את פניהם אל הרומאים ונלחמו בהם מעבר לנחל, וכה ארך הקרב עד חצות היום, וכאשר ירדה השמש מעט מרוח דרום, הציג טיטוס במערכה את אנשי־הצבא, אשר באו עמו לעזרה, ועוד אנשים מן הגדודים למול המגיחים מן העיר, ואת שארית הלגיון שלח אל ראש הר־הזיתים להקים מצודה.",
+                    "ה. ובעיני היהודים נדמה הדבר למנוסת האויבים, והצופה אשר עמד להם על ראש החומה הניף את מעילו, ולאות הנתון הזה פרץ המון חדש מתוך העיר בזרם חזק מאד, עד אשר דמתה מרוצתו למרוצת חיות־טרף, ובאמת לא עצר איש מהעומדים במערכה לשאת את כֹּבד גבורת היהודים וכאִלו נתּך על הרומאים ברד מכלי־קלע: הם נתקו את שורותיהם ופנו עֹרף ונמלטו אל ראש ההר. רק טיטוס נשאר עם אנשים מתי־מִספר במורד ההר. אמנם אוהביו, אשר בושו מפני ראש־הצבא ונשארו יחד עמו ולא פחדו מהסכנה, הרבו לדבר על לבו, כי יסוג אחור מפני היהודים [מרי הנפש] ההולכים למות, ולא יחרף את נפשו בעד אנשי־צבאו, תחת אשר עליהם מֻטל להשאר ולהגן עליו, וגם ישים אל לבו את ערכו, כי הוא ראש־הצבא וגם מושל העולם, ולא עליו לעמוד במערכה כאחד אנשי־הצבא, פן יביא עליו שואה, והוא כתֹרן אשר הכל נשען עליו. אולם טיטוס לא הטה את אזנו לשמוע, והתיצב למול האויבים הרצים אליו ונלחם פנים אל פנים עם המעפילים לעלות והכה בהם, ואחרי־כן ירד מן ההר והבקיע אל המון היהודים והדף אותם. הם נבהלו מאד מאֹמץ לבו ומעֹצם גבורתו, אולם לא ברחו אל העיר, רק נטו מעליו לשני עברים ורדפו אחרי אנשי־הצבא הבורחים אל מרום ההר. וטיטוס התנפל על השונאים מן הצד ובצר את רוחם. בין כה וכה ראו אנשי־הצבא, בוני המצודה בראש ההר, את אחיהם הבורחים למטה, ועוד הפעם נפל עליהם פחד ומהומה קמה ביניהם, וכל הלגיון נפוץ, בחשבו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפני עֹצם רוח היהודים, וגם טיטוס בעצמו פנה עֹרף, כי לולא הדבר הזה לא יכלו אנשי־הצבא לברוח ולעזוב אותו לנפשו. וכאלו נפלה מחִתּת אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר השתמש פה בתמונה לקוחה מן המִתּולוגיה היונית: ״פחד פַּנִּי״ (השגורה גם בלשונות אירופה).</i> על האנשים: כי הסתובבונאנה ואנה, ופתאם ראו אחדים מהם את ראש־הצבא בקרב האויבים ופחדו מאד פן ימצאנו אסון, והרימו קול צעקות להודיע את הדבר בכל הלגיון. הבושה הפכה את פני אנשי־הצבא, והם החלו לחרף איש את אחיו על מנוסתם ועוד יותר על אשר עזבו את הקיסר לנפשו. ואחרי־כן התנפלו על היהודים בכל כחם והבריחו אותם בפעם אחת ממורד ההר ודחפו אותם אל הנחל. לאט לאט פנו היהודים אחור ולא חדלו להלחם, אולם הרומאים גברו עליהם בגֹבה מעמדם והדפו אותם אל העמק. טיטוס מהר עם אנשיו לרדוף אחריהם, ואת הלגיון שלח לבנות את המצודה מחדש, והוא עם העומדים עליו בראשונה עצרו את השונאים. ואם עלינו להודיע דבר אמת, מבלי להפריז על המדה מתוך חֹנף וגם מבלי להקטין את הדבר מתוך קנאה, יֵצֵא מדברינו, כי הקיסר בעצמו הציל את כל הלגיון הנמצא בצרה פעמַים, וגם נתן לו להקיף ולבצר את מצודת מחנהו לבטח."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מריבה־אחים חדשה בירושלים. היהודים טמנו פח לרומאים וטיטוס יסר את הצבא על פחזותו.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר שבתה המלחמה לפני שערי העיר למִצער, התעוררה מחדש המריבה אשר מבית, כי הגיע מועד חג־המצות בארבעה־עשר יום לחֹדש קְסַנְתּיקוֹס (ניסן), אשר הוא לדעת היהודים ראשית זמן צאתם מעבדות מצרים. ואנשי אלעזר פתחו את שערי המקדש וקבלו את כל בני העם הבאים שמה לעבוד את האלהים. ויוחנן עשה את החג כסות־עינים למזמתו הרעה ושקד לשלוח את החשֻׁכים מקרב אנשיו, אשר היו גם ברֻבּם טמאים, עם חרבות מתחת למדיהם, אל בית־המקדש לתפשו. ובבוא האנשים אל העזרה הפשילו את בגדיהם והראו פתאם את כלי־נשקם. מהומה גדולה קמה מיד סביב לבית־המקדש וצעקה עלתה למרום, כי בני העיר, שעמדו מרחוק למלחמת־האחים, חשבו, כי לנפשות כֻּלּם אורבים המרצחים, והקנאים הבינו, כי עליהם לבדם נטשה החרב, ועל־כן עזבו את משמר השערים וקפצו אל צנות המגדלים בטרם השיבו מלחמה אל חיק שונאיהם, ונמלטו אל המנהרות אשר מתחת למקדש. ובני העם נלחצו אל המזבח ונדחקו סביב לבית־המקדש ונרמסו ברגלים וגם הֻכּו במקלות ובחרבות לאין־מספר, ורבים מן האזרחים השקטים נהרגו בידי אנשי ריבם משנאת חנם או מקנאת איש, כאלו נלחמו אתם בשער. וכל איש, אשר היה לו לפנים דבר קטטה עם אחד המרצחים ופניו הֻכּרו עתה בבית־המקדש, נחשב לאחד הקנאים ונסחב ליסורים קשים. ואחרי אשר עשו אנשי יוחנן נוראות באנשים הזכאים והנקיים, נתנו סליחה לחַיָּבים ושלחו לחפשי את היוצאים מן המנהרות, ותפשו בידם את חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית ואת כל הנשק הצבור שם והחליפו כֹח להלחם בשמעון. ככה נהפכה המלחמה המשֻׁלשת אשר לפני זה למלחמת שתי מפלגות.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא גמר טיטוס להעתיק את מחנהו מהר־צופים אל קרבת העיר ובחר לו מאנשי־צבאו רוכבים ורגלים כדי לעצור בעד היהודים לעת אשר יפרצו מן העיר, והציג אותם במערכה, ועל יתר צבאותיו פקד ליַשר את כל המקום עד חומת העיר. הם הרסו את כל הגדרות והמחיצות אשר הקימו יושבי המקום סביב לגני הירק ולשׂדי בתי האילנות, וכרתו את כל עצי־הפרי אשר נמצאו שם, וככה סתמו את כל השוחות והפחתים במקום ההוא, וגם את אבני־המכשול חצבו בקרדֻמים, והפכו למישור את כל המקום אשר בין הר־צופים ובין מצבות הורדוס הסמוכות לברכה הנקראת עין־התנין (עין הנחשים).",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם טמנו היהודים מוקש לרומאים, וזה הדבר: אמיצי־הלב מבין המורדים יצאו מחוץ למגדלים הנקראים ״מגדלי הנשים״, כאלו גֹרשו מן העיר בידי אוהבי השלום, ולמראה־עין חרדו, פן יעלו עליהם הרומאים והתלכדו יחד והתחבאו איש תחת כנפי רעהו, ובין כה וכה התיצבו חבריהם על החומה והתחפשו כבני עם ירושלים והרימו קול: ״שלום, שלום״ ובקשו מהרומאים לכרות אתם ברית וקראו אליהם לבוא אל העיר והבטיחום לפתוח את שעריה, ובעוד הם קוראים כדברים האלה השליכו אבנים על חבריהם אשר יצאו מן העיר, כאלו אמרו לגרש אותם מעל החומה. ואלה שמו להם פנים כאלו הם רוצים לכבוש את מבוא העיר, ודברו תחנונים אל בני העיר, ומהרו מדי פעם בפעם אל הרומאים ושבו אחור כנבהלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי גרסת ניזה: ״וכפעם בפעם הפכו את פניהם כנבהלים אל הרומאים העולים עליהם״.</i>. ואנשי־הצבא הרומאים לא נמנעו מהאמין בדבר הערמה הזאת וחשבו, כי שונאיהם נסגרו בידיהם לעשות בהם נקמות וקוו, כי אנשי העיר יפתחו את שעריה לפניהם, ולכן מהרו לעשות מעשה. אולם בעיני טיטוס נחשד דבר הקריאה מן העיר, אשר באה לפתע פתאם, כי עוד לפני יום אחד קרא אל העיר דברי שלום ביד יוסף ולא מצא אזנים קשובות, על־כן צוה הפעם לאנשי־הצבא להשאר על עמדם. אבל אחדים מאנשי־הצבא המָפקדים לשמור על עושי המלאכה הקדימו לקחת את נשקם ולרוץ לקראת שערי העיר. והאנשים אשר גֹרשו מן העיר למראה־עין נסוגו מפניהם לראשונה, אך כאשר הגיעו אל המקום אשר בין מגדלי העיר מהרו במרוצה והקיפו את הרומאים והציקו להם מאחור, והעומדים על החומה המטירו עליהם חצים ואבני־קלע מכל המינים יחד, ורבים מהם נפלו חללים, ועוד יותר נפצעו, כי לא קל היה להם להמלט מחומת העיר בעת אשר לחצו אותם אויביהם מאחור. וגם הבושה על האִוֶּלת אשר עשו ויראתם מפני שרי־הצבא אלצו אותם להתחזק בעת מפלתם. על־כן עמדו על־נפשם זמן רב, ואחרי אשר קבלו מכות גדולות מן היהודים והשיבו אל חיקם כמספר המכות אשר הֻכּו, הצליח בידם לאחרונה להדוף את האויבים הסובבים אותם. הם נסוגו אחור והיהודים רדפו אחריהם ויֹרו בהם עד מצבת הילני.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי אשר עלה הדבר הזה בידי היהודים, לבשו גאוה לבלי חֹק ושפכו את לעגם על מערכות הרומאים, אשר נפלו במלכֹּדת ערמתם, והניפו את מגִניהם ורקדו בתרועת גיל. ואת פני אנשי־הצבא השבים קדמו גערות שרי החילים ופני הקיסר הזועמים, כי דִבּר אליהם קשות: ״הנה היהודים האלה, אשר היאוש לבדו הולך לפניהם במלחמה, עושים את כל דבריהם בעצת־מזמה ובאים עלינו בנכלים וטומנים לנו פחים, וגם מצליחים בעלילותיהם, כי הם שומעים לקול מפקדיהם ואוהבים איש את אחיו ושומרים ברית אמונים ביניהם, והרומאים, אשר כל הימים היו עושים חיל בטכסיסי מלחמתם ובמשמעתם לשרי צבאותיהם, נִגפו הפעם, כאשר נהפך לבם לעזוב את המדות האלה. הם נופלים, כי אינם יכולים לעצור את ימינם, ועוד חרפה גדולה מזאת — הם יוצאים במלחמה באין שר ומפקד, בעת אשר הקיסר נמצא אִתּם בקרָב״. וטיטוס הוסיף לדַבּר: ״הן חֻקי המלחמה יאנחו במרירות ומה יגדל כאֵב אבי בשמעו את דבר המכה הזאת. הוא האיש, אשר שיבה זרקה בו על שדה־המלחמה וכל ימיו לא מצאה אותו מגפה אשר כזאת. והן חֻקי המלחמה גוזרים תמיד עֹנש־מות על דבר קל, אשר עשה איש־הצבא בעברו על סדרי המערכה, ועתה ראו עיני החֻקים האלה חַיל מלא עוזב את משמרתו. אולם בִּין יבינו הפעם עזי־הנפש אשר בכם, כי גם הנצחון מבלי פקֻדה לחרפה נחשב בעיני הרומאים!״ את הדברים האלה קרא טיטוס באזני שרי־החילים והראה לדעת, כי הוא רוצה לשפוט את האנשים בכל חֹמר הדין. ולבות האנשים חללו בקרבם בחכותם לעֹנש־המות, אשר יעשה להם כמשפט, אולם הלגיונות הקיפו את טיטוס והתחננו על אחיהם אנשי־הצבא וגם נפלו לרגליו וחִלו את פניו להעביר את אשם פחזות המעטים, בזכרו את משמעת כל הצבא הטובה, כי עוד ימחו האשֵׁמים את זֵכר מפלתם זאת במעשי גבורתם בעתיד.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס הטה את אזניו לבקשות האלה, כי גם הוא מצא חפץ בדבר, בחשבו, כי את היחיד החוטא יש לענוש בכל חֹמר המעשה, אולם את הרבים יאות ליסר רק בדברי תוכחת. הוא סלח לעון אנשי־הצבא, אחרי אשר הִרבּה ליסרם בדברים, כי יקנו חכמה לעתיד, ואחרי־זאת התבונן בדבר, איכה ינקום ביהודים על מרמתם. מקץ ארבעה ימים נהפך כל המקום לפני החומה למישור, וטיטוס רצה להעתיק את כבודת הצבא ואת ההמון הנשאר (נושאי הכלים) בלא פגע, ועל־כן הציג את מבחר גבורי צבאו למול החומה במערבה מרוח צפון לרוח מערב בעֹמק שבע שורות. הוא העמיד בראש המערכה את הרגלים, ואת הרוכבים מאחריהם, אלה ואלה היו שלש שלש שורות, והרובים התיצבו לאחרונה בשורה השביעית. המערכה הגדולה הזאת עצרה כֹח לשַׁבּר את זרוע היהודים המגיחים מן העיר, ועל־כן עברו בהמות־הסבל אשר לשלשת הלגיונות וההמון אשר לרגליהם לבטח. וטיטוס בעצמו שם את מחנהו במקום קרוב כשני ריסים אל העיר, מול קרן החומה אשר נמצא שם המגדל הנקרא פְּסֶפִינוֹס, אשר שם חוג החומה המשתרע לצפון העיר סובב לצד מערב. וחלק הצבא הנשאר חנה לנֹכח המגדל הנקרא הִפִּיקוֹס, גם הוא במרחק שני ריסים מהעיר. רק הלגיון העשירי נשאר במקום תחנותו על הר־הזיתים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תבנית ירושלים.</small><br><br>א. והעיר ירושלים היתה מֻקפה בשלש חומות בצורות מכל עבריה, מלבד המקומות אשר סוככו עליהם נקרות עמֻקות, אשר לא תעבור בהן רגל איש, כי שם נמצאה רק מצודה אחת. העיר נוסדה על שתי גבעות צופות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אשר פני האחת מוסבּים מול פני רעותה.</i> ועמק מפריד ביניהן בתוֶך, והעמק הזה חסם בעד הבתים הצפופים משתי הגבעות האלה. האחת, אשר נמצאה עליה העיר העליונה, היא גבוהה הרבה מאחותה וגם ישרה ממנה בארכה. על חסנה נקראה הגבעה הזאת בשם ״מצודת דוד המלך״, הוא אבי שלמה, בונה בית־המקדש הראשון, ובימינו נקראה בשם השוק העליון. הגבעה השניה היא הנקראה בשם חקרא (אקרא), אשר עמדה עליה העיר התחתונה והיא עקומה משתי רוחותיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: אינה ישרה, נוטה לצדדים.</i>. ממול הגבעה הזאת נמצאה גבעה שלישית, אשר היתה לכתחלה שפלה מגבעת חקרא ועמק רחב הפריד בין שתיהן. אולם אחרי־כן בימים, אשר מלכו החשמונאים, סתמו את העמק הזה, ברצותם לחַבּר את העיר אל בית־המקדש ועִדרו את ראש חקרא והשפילו את קומתה, למען אשר יתרומם בית־המקדש עליה. והגיא הנקרא בשם עמק עושי הגבינה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: עמק הטוּרוֹפּוֹיים או טוּרוֹפּוֹיוֹן.</i>, אשר אמרנו עליו, כי הוא מפריד בין העיר העליונה ובין הגבעה התחתונה, משתרע עד השִׁלֹח — בשם הזה אנו קוראים למעין מים חיים (מתוקים) חזק. ומחוץ מֻקפות שתי הגבעות, אשר נוסדה עליהן העיר, נְקָרות עמֻקות, ומפני מורדות־הגבעות התלולים מכל הרוחות אין לעלות אל העיר משום עבר.",
+                    "ב. והנה משלש החומות האלה האחת היא החומה הישנה, אשר נוסדה על הגבעה המתרוממת מעל לנבכי התהום, וקשה היה להבקיע אליה, כי מלבד משגב המקום היה גם בנינה איתן, מעשה ידי דוד ושלמה, והמלכים המולכים אחריהם החרו החזיקו בעבודה הזאת. ראשית החומה הזאת היתה ברוח צפון על־יד המגדל הנקרא הִפִּיקוֹס ומשם השתרעה לעבר לשכת הגזית (הַקְסוּסְטוֹס) ומשם נגעה בבנין המועצה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, בית־הדין, הסנהדריה; לפי מסֹרת התלמוד היתה הסנהדריה יושבת בלשכת הגזית, ומכאן נראה, אולי, כי היה מושבה בבנין הסמוך ללשכה ההיא.</i> וכלתה בקרבת אולם־המערב אשר לבית־המקדש. ולעֶברהּ השני, מרוח מערב, החלה במקום ההוא ועברה דרך המקום הנקרא בית צוא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית βησού, ויש רואים בבית־צואה את מקום שער האשפות המֻזכר בנחמיה (ג, י״ג, י״ד).</i> אל שער האסיים, ומשם נסבה לרוח דרום ועברה על מעין השִׁלֹח, ומשם סבבה עוד הפעם ונטתה לרוח מזרח אל ברכת שלמה, עד הגיעה אל המקום הנקרא עֹפל, ופגעה באולם־המזרח אשר להר־הבית. והחומה השניה החלה על־יד השער הנקרא מת אשר לחומה הראשונה והקיפה את רוח הצפון לבד<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך בהוצאת ניזה. בהוצאה הישנה: ״הקיפה את רוח הצפון אשר למצודה״ (חקרא). וצדיך עיון.</i> והשתרעה עד מצודת אנטוניה. וראשית החומה השלישית היה מגדל הִפּיקוס ומשם לרוח צפון השתרעה עד מגדל פספינוס, ואחרי־כן ירדה אל מול מצבת הילני, היא שהיתה מלכת חריב ובת המלך איזט. ומשם נמשכה לאֹרך מערות המלכים וסבבה את מגדל הפנה על־יד אבן הזכרון הנקראה מצבת הכובס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">או סורק־הצמר. ״שדה־כובס״ הֻזכּר בישעיה, ז, ג.</i> ופגעה בחומה הישנה וכלתה אל נחל קדרון. את החומה הזאת הקים אגריפס על העיר שׁחֻבּרה לירושלים, אשר ישבה כֻלה פרזות, כי העיר צרה מהמון יושביה ומעט מעט פרצה מתוך חומותיה, ויושביה ספחו על גבול העיר את מורד הגבעה אשר מצפון להר־הבית, הרחיבו את העיר הרבה ובנו את הגבעה הרביעית הנקראת ביזיתא (בציתא), המתרוממת למול אנטוניה וחריץ עמֹק מפריד ביניהן. החריץ הזה נחפר במחשבה תחלה, פן יגעו יסודות אנטוניה בגבעה הזאת, ויֵקל להגיע אליהם וגם יקטנו בגבהם. ועֹמק החריץ הוסיף הרבה גם על גֹּבה המגדלים. חלק העיר הנבנה מחדש נקרא בפי יושבי המקום ״ביזיתא״ ואולי יש לתרגם את השם הזה יונית: ״העיר החדשה״. וכאשר שאלו יושבי העיר הזאת חומה להגן עליהם, החל אגריפס המלך — אבי המלך המושל עתה, הנקרא כשמו — לבנות את החומה, אשר דברנו־עליה, אך ירא את הקיסר קלודיוס, פן יחשֹׁד בו, כי בבנין המבצר הגדול הזה הוא מכַוֵּן לחולל תמורות ולקשור קשר — ועל־כן השבית את עבודת החומה, ורק את יסודותיה בלבד הציב. ובאמת נבצר מידי אדם לכבוש את העיר, אִלו הצליח אגריפס לכלות את מלאכת החומה אשר החל. כי אָשיות החומה חֻבּרו מאבני גזית, עשרים אמה ארכן ועשר אמות רחבן, ולא קל היה לחתור תחתיהן בכלי־ברזל, וגם מכונות־מלחמה לא עצרו כֹח, לערער אותן. ועבי החומה היה עשר אמות וקומתה היתה עולה הרבה על עביה, לולא הופרה עצת המיסד הנעלה. אחרי־כן שקדו היהודים על מלאכת החומה הזאת, אולם לא יכלו להרים אותה אלא עד עשרים אמה, והצנות עליה היו גבוהות שתי אמות, ולמעלה מהן בַּחונים בני שלש אמות, עד אשר־הגיע גֹּבה החומה כֻלה עד עשרים וחמש אמה.",
+                    "ג. וממעל לחומה התרוממו מגדלים, עשרים אמה רחבם ועשרים אמה גבהם, רבועים ומֻצקים כמו החומה בעצמה, ובטוּב דבק האבנים וביפין לא עלו עליהן כל אבני היכל, ועל יסודות המגדלים המֻצקים, אשר היו עשרים אמה, נבנו חדרים מפֹארים ועליות על גבם, ובהן אגנים למקוה מי־הגשמים ושלַבּים רחבים אל כל עליה ועליה. בחומה השלישית היו תשעים מגדלים כאלה ובין כל מגדל ומגדל רֶוַח מאתים אמה, ומגדלי החומה התיכונה היו ארבעה־עשר, והחומה הישנה נחלקה לששים מגדלים. וכל מעגל חומת העיר מסביב היה שלשים ושלשה ריס. והנה כל החומה השלישית הזאת היתה נפלאה בתכונתה, אך נפלא עוד ממנה היה המגדל פּסֶפִינוֹס בקרן צפון־מערב, אשר על־ידו חנה טיטוס. כי גבהו הגיע עד שבעים אמה ולעת עלות השמש היו משקיפים מראשו על־פני ארץ ערב עד הים, קצה נחלת העברים. והוא היה בן שמונה קרנות. ממעל המגדל הזה נמצא מגדל הִפִּיקוֹס, אשר בנה אותו המלך הורדוס יחד עם שני המגדלים הסמוכים אליו, והם נפלאו בגדלם וביָפיָם ובחסנם בין מגדלי העולם כֻּלּוֹ. כי מלבד רוח המלך הנדיבה וקנאתו לכבוד ירושלים כללו את הדר הבנינים האלה רגשות לב האדם אשר בו, בהקדישו אותם לזכרון שלש נפשות היקרות בעיניו מכּל, נפשות אחיו ואוהבו ואשתו, אשר על שמם קרא את המגדלים — הלא הם אשתו, אשר המית אותה מקנאת אהבתו — כאשר ספרנו למעלה, ואחיו ואוהבו, אשר אבדו לו במותם מות גבורים במלחמה. והנה מגדל הִפּיקוס, הנקרא על־שם אוהב המלך, היה רבוע, רחבו וארכו עשרים וחמש אמה וגבהו שלשים אמה, ולא היה בו מקום נבוב. ממעל למבנה־הסלעים המֻצק הזה נמצא מקוה למי הגשמים עמֹק עשרים אמה, ולמעלה ממנו בית שתי דיוטות גבוה עשרים וחמש אמה, אשר נמצאו בו חדרים מחדרים שונים, ועוד למעלה ממנו שני מגדלים גבוהים שתי אמות ובַחונים גבוהים שלש אמות, עד אשר הגיע גֹּבה כל המגדל לשמונים אמה. והמגדל השני, הנקרא על שם פצאל אחי הורדוס, היה שוה במדת ארכו ורחבו ארבעים, ארבעים אמה, וגם קומת יסודו המֻצק היתה ארבעים אמה, וממעל ליסוד הזה נמצא אולם על־פני כל המגדל גבוה עשר אמות ועליו סככו צנות ואַתּיקים, ובתוֶך נבנה ממעל לאולם מגדל שני, אשר נחלק לחדרים נהדרים, וגם מרחץ נמצא בו, עד אשר נראה, כי אין המגדל הזה נופל מבית מלכים. וראש המגדל היה מקֻשט בצִנות ומגדלים קטנים ממעל להן. וגֹבה כֻּלּוֹ היה כתשעים אמה ובתבניתו דמה למגדל המאור אשר בפַרוֹס, המַנחה את הבאים לחוף אלכסנדריה, אולם עוד עלה עליו במדתו סביב. בימים ההם היה המגדל הזה למצודת נוגש לשמעון [בן גיורא]. והמגדל השלישי הוא מרים, הנקרא בשם המלכה, ויסודו המֻצק היה עשרים על עשרים אמה וגם קומתו היתה עשרים אמה. והעליות אשר על גבו עלו עוד בהדרן ובתפארתן על יתר המגדלים, כי חשב המלך, אשר נאה לפאר את המגדל הנקרא על שם אשתו יותר מהמגדלים האחרים, הנקובים בשמות הגברים, תחת אשר היו המגדלים האלה חזקים יותר ממגדל האשה. וכל גֹּבה המגדל היה חמשים וחמש אמה.",
+                    "ד. זאת היתה מדת המגדלים. אולם למראה־עין עלו עוד יותר בגבהם בגלל תכונת המקום, כי החומה הישנה, אשר ממנה התרוממו, נוסדה על גבעה גבוהה והתנוססה ממעל לגבעה ככִפָּה גבוהה שלשים אמה, ועל־כן נוסף עוד הרבה על מדת המגדלים העומדים במרום החומה. ונפלא היה גם גֹּדל האבנים, כי לא מאבני השדה הוקמו המגדלים האלה, ואף לא מאבנים, אשר ישא אותן אדם בכתף, כי־אם מאבני־גזית, כֻּלָּן שַׁיִש לבן, ואֹרך האבן האחת היה עשרים אמה ורחבה וקומתה עשר, עשר אמות, והן חֻבּרו אשה אל אחותה, עד כי נדמה כל מגדל לעֵין רואה כבנוי כֻּלּו מסלע אחד, אשר חלו בו אחרי־כן ידי הַסַּתָּתים ונתנו לו את תבניתו ועשו מקצועותיו, ולא נִכּרו הסדקים בין האבנים המדֻבּקות. המגדלים האלה נמצאו בצפון החומה, ומבית חֻבּר אליהם ארמון המלך, אשר קצרה לשון אדם למנות את שבחו, כי היה כלול בהדרו ובפאר חסנו. ומסביב לו התנוססה חומה גבוהה שלשים אמה, אשר נמצאו בה ברוָחים שוים מגדלי־תפארה וחדרים גדולים לסעֻדה ויציעות־אורחים למאות. מי יוכל לתאר את מרצפת הבנינים האלה, אבנים מאבנים שונות ויקרות, אשר הובאו מכל הארצות למכביר. ומה נפלא היה סִפּוּן החדרים בגֹדל קורותיו המצֻפּות לתפארה, ולא היה קץ למִספר החדרים ולעֹשר תכונתם ושפעתם. וכל חדר היה מלא כלי־בית, ורֹב הכלים אשר בהם היו כסף וזהב, ואִסטוָניות מסביב לחדרים השתרגו יחד ועמודים מעמודים שונים נמצאו בהם, וחלל האויר היה ירֹק כֻּלּו, כי עצים מעצים שונים צמחו שם ובין העצים היו שבילים ארֻכּים לשוח ומסביב לאלה נמצאו ברֵכות עמֻקות ומִקוֵי־מים מלאים ובכל מקום מזרקות־נחֹשת רבים מאד, אשר קלחו מהם מים, ומסביב לברֵכות היו מגדלים קטנים רבים, שובכים ליוֹני הבית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הורדוס אהב לגַדל יונים, ועל שמו נקראו יוני הבית בתלמוד — יוני הרדֵיסאות״.</i>. אכן לא יוכל איש לפרש את כל הדר ארמון המלך כהלכה, ועד היום הזה מאדיב את הנפש זכרון השממה, אשר עשתה בו אש השודדים. כי לא הרומאים שלחו את הבנינים האלה באש, רק שונאי העיר מבית, כאשר ספרנו למעלה, כי בראשית המרד יצאה אש מן הבירה (אנטוניה) ועברה אל ארמון המלך ואכלה את עליות שלשת המגדלים."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>תכנית המקדש.</small><br><br>א. כבר דברתי, כי נוסד בית־המקדש בראש גבעה בצורה ובראשונה נשא המישור, אשר במרום הגבעה, בקֹשי את ההיכל והמזבח, כי מכל עבריה היתה תלולה על־פני התהום. המלך שלמה, הוא אשר בנה את ההיכל, הקיף את חלק המזרח חומה והעלה על הסוללה (הַסֶּכר) אולם אחד. וההיכל נשאר חשוף מיתר צדדיו. אולם בדורות הבאים אחרי שלמה הוסיף העם כל הימים להעלות עפר [מסביב להיכל], עד אשר התיַשר ראש הגבעה והתרחב, ואחרי־כן פרצו בחומת הצפון (של העיר) והוסיפו [על תחום המקדש] כמדה, אשר היה בה אחרי־כן כדי להקים חומה מסביב לכל המקדש. שָׁתות בנויים שלש מדרגות הוקמו על הגבעה מסביב, משרשיה למטה עד ראשה למעלה, ובזה בצעו היהודים מעשה גדול, אשר לא קוו אליו — אחרי אשר השקיעו בעבודה הזאת עמל דורות אין־חקר ופזרו את אוצרות הַקֹּדש, אשר הובלו מכל אפסי ארץ שי לאלהים — ואחרי־כן בנו את החומה העליונה ואת החומה התחתונה מסביב למקדש. ובמקום הַשֶּׁפל נבנתה החומה על יסוד גבוה שלש מאות אמה ובמקומות רבים עלתה עוד קומת אָשיוֹתיה. אולם מוסדות הבנין לא נראו בכל עמקם, כי נִסְתַּם העמק [לרגלי החומה] הרבה, למען יַשֵּׁר את רחובות העיר. ואבני היסוד היו גדולות ארבעים אמה, כי עֹשר הכסף ורוּח העם הנדיבה חִזקו את מאמצי הַכֹּח במדה אשר לא תאֻמן כי תסֻפּר, והדבר, אשר לא נועז איש לפנים לצפות לו, תם ונשלם אחרי עבודה נצחת לקץ עִדָּן ועִדנים.",
+                    "ב. והבנינים, אשר הוקמו על האשיות האלה, היו נאים למוסדיהם הנפלאים. כי כל האולמים (האסטוניות) היו כפולים (סטיו לפנים מסטיו) והעמודים, אשר נשענו עליהם, היו גבוהים עשרים וחמש אמה, וכל אחד מהם היה אבן אחת, שיש לבן, ספונה בלוחות ארזים, ועֹשר תכונת העמודים האלה והדר פִּתּוחיהם וחֵן מזגם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההרמוניה שלהם.</i> היו תאוה לעין־רואה, אף כי לא הוסיפו על התפארה הזאת מעשה צלמים (ציורים) ולא מעשי פסלים. ורֹחב האולמים היה כשלשים אמה. וכל אֹרך האולמים מסביב היה כששה ריסים, יחד עם אולמי אנטוניה (הבירה). וכל הככר מתחת לרקיע<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חצר המקדש, שלא היה מכֻסה גג.</i> היה רצוף אבני צבעונים, אבנים מאבנים שונות. והעובר דרך הככר הזה (הר־הבית, החצר החיצונה) אל המקדש השני הגיע עד מחיצת אבנים מסביב למקדש (הסורג), אשר היתה גבוהה שלש אמות וכלילת יֹפי במלאכתה, ובמחיצה הזאת נמצאו ברוָחים שוים עמודים המודיעים את חֻקי הטהרה (הקדֻשה), אלה בכתב יון ואלה בכתב רומא, לאמר, כי אסור לאיש נכרי לבוא אל הקֹּדש, כי המקדש השני (חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית, העזרה) נקרא בשם קֹדש ובארבע־עשרה מעלות עלו אליו מן המקדש הראשון (החצר החיצונה, הר־הבית) והוא היה רבוע ממעלה [למקדש הראשון] וגם לו היתה חומה מסביב. והחומה הזאת היתה גבוהה מחוץ כארבעים אמה, אך המעלות כסו את חלקה, ומבית היה גֹבה החומה עשרים וחמש אמה, יען אשר נשענה החומה בבנינה למקום גבוה יותר, ועל־כן לא נראתה בכל קומתה, כי כסתה עליה הגבעה. ובין ראש ארבע־עשרה המעלות ובין החומה נמצא רֶוַח עשר אמות כֻּלו מישור (החֵיל). ומשם העלו מדרגות בנות חמש מעלות אל השערים (שערי העזרה). ומספר השערים מצפון ומדרום היה שמונה, ארבעה בכל אחת משתי הרוחות, ושני שערים לרוח מזרח מפני הצֹרך, כי מהעבר הזה נמצאה עזרה מֻקפה חומה לנשים, למען תוכלנה לעבוד את אלהים, ועל־כן היה דרוש שם שער שני, אשר נחצב מול השער הראשון, וגם ביתר הרוחות נמצאו שער אחד בדרום ושער אחד בצפון לעבור בהם אל עזרת הנשים. כי נאסר לנשים לבוא ביתר השערים ולעבור את מחיצת העזרה אשר להן. והמקום הזה (העזרה) הֻתּר לנשי ירושלים ולנשי היהודים אשר מחוץ לתקן בו את עבודת אלהים. ובחלק [של המקדש השני, העזרה] אשר לרוח מערב לא היה שער, ובנין החומה היה מלא מהעבר הזה (בלי פרץ שער) לכל ארכה, והאולמים (האִסטוָניות) אשר בין השערים מבית לחומה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם כנראה ״אולמי השערים״, הנזכרים (ביחיד) בספר יחזקאל (מ, ט ועוד).</i> השתרעו לפני הלשכות ונשענו על עמודים יפים וגדולים מאד. אף כי לא היו האולמים האלה כפולים, לא נבדלו במאומה — מלבד גדלם — מן האולמים אשר בשפל המקדש.",
+                    "ג. ותשעה ממספר השערים היו מצֻפּים כֻּלָּם זהב וכסף, הדלתות והמשקופים [והמזוזות] גם יחד, ורק השער האחד, הוא השער החיצון אשר להיכל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא שער ניקנור, הידוע מן המשנה, בצד מזרח.</i>, היה מצֻפּה נחשׁת מקורינתוס ובהדרו הרב עלה על השערים המכספים והמזהבים. ובפתח כל שער היו שתי דלתות, שלשים אמה גֹבה האחת וחמש־עשרה רחבה. פתחי השערים גדלוּ ורָחבוּ מבית למבוא לשני עבריו והיו לאכסדרות, אשר מראה מִגדלים להן, שלשים אמה רֹחב האחת ושלשים אמה ארכה וארבעים אמה ומעלה קומתה, וכל אחת נשענה על שני עמודים וחוט שתים־עשרה אמה סבב את העמוד האחד. ומדה אחת היתה לכל השערים, מלבד השער אשר ממעל לשער הקורינתי (שער ניקנור), הוא אשר העלה מעזרת הנשים מרוח מזרח ונמצא ממול לפתח ההיכל (האולם), כי הוא היה גדול יותר הרבה, רום קומתו הגיע עד חמשים אמה ודלתותיו היו גבוהות ארבעים אמה ובעֹשר תפארת עֶדיוֹ עלה על כל חבריו והיה מצֻפּה כסף וזהב סגור. ואת צפוי הזהב על תשעת השערים הנותרים עשה אלכסנדרוס אבי טִבּריוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא אחי פילון הידוע מאלכסנדריה ואבי טבריוס המומר, מי שהיה נציב ביהודה ואחר־כך במצרים, וראש הצבא הרומאי הצר על ירושלים.</i>. חמש־עשרה מעלות העלו ממחיצת עזרת הנשים אל השער הגדול והן היו שפלות מחמש המעלות, אשר עלו בהן אל יתר השערים.",
+                    "ד. ובית ה׳ (ההיכל)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כל הבית נקרא בשם היכל, וביחוד נקרא בשם זה החלק המערבי (הקֹדש עם קֹדש־הקדשים), הנקרא בספר מלכים ״ההיכל לִפְנָי״, והחלק המזרחי נקרא במשנה (על יסוד יחזקאל ויואל) בשם ״אולם״.</i> נמצא בקרב מקום המקדש ובשתים־עשרה מעלות עלו אליו, ולעבר פניו היתה מדת קומתו שוה אל מדת רחבו, מאה אמה, ומאחור היה הבנין צר ארבעים אמה מהמדה הזאת, כי לעֵבר פניו פשטו לשתי צלעות הבית כדמות כתפות (אגפים), עשרים אמה האחת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מפני זה נמשל בית־המקדש לארי (רובץ) במשנה (מדות ד, ו).</i>. ופתח השער הראשון (החיצון)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זה הוא ״פתחו של אולם״, הידוע מן הספרות התלמודית. ויש סתירה בנדון מדתו בין דברי המחבר ובין דברי המשנה.</i> אשר לבית היה גבוה שבעים אמה ורחב עשרים וחמש אמה, ודלתים לא היו לו, כי היה מכֻון כנגד מרחבי השמים ואפסי־תבל, אשר אין להם גבול. ומעֵבר פניו היה הבית כֻּלּוֹ מכֻסה זהב. ודרך הפתח הופיע הבית הראשון, הוא ההיכל אשר מחוץ (האולם), הגדול מאד וכל אשר מסביב לשער הפנימי (שער ההיכל לִפְנָי, או ההיכל סתם) האיר את עיני הרואים בנֹגה זהבו. כי הבית הפנימי (ההיכל) נבנה עם עליה ממעלה (שתי דיוטות) ורק הבית הראשון אשר לפניו (האולם) לא נפסק בקומתו. והתרומם למעלה תשעים אמה, וארכו היה חמשים אמה ורחבו עשרים אמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן האֹרך מכֻון (מצפון לדרום) והרֹחב ממזרח למערב.</i>. והשער מבעד לבית הזה (המוליך מן האולם אל ההיכל) היה כֻלּוֹ מצֻפּה זהב, כאשר אמרתי, וככה גם הקירות מסביב לו. וממעל לשער נמצאה גפן זהב, אשר ירדו ממנה אשכלות כקומת איש. והנה הבית הפנימי (ההיכל) נבנה עם עליה, ועל־כן נראה שפל בקומתו מהבית החיצון (האולם) ודלתות זהב היו לו, חמשים וחמש אמה קומתן ושש־עשרה אמה רחבן. ולפניהן נמצא מסך (פרֹכת) בבלי כמדה הזאת, עשוי מעשה חושב, תכלת ובוץ (שֵׁשׁ) ותולעת־שני וארגמן. ועבודת המסך היתה נפלאה, כי תערֹבת המינים האלה לא נעשתה בלי דעת ותבונה, כי־אם להראות את צלם העולם, ועלה במחשבה לתת בתולעת־השני את סמל האש, ובבוץ את סמל האדמה, בתכלת את סמל האויר ובארגמן את סמל הים; אלה (תולעת־השני והתכלת) נבחרו לזה לפי דמות צבעיהם, והשש והארגמן על־פי מוצאם, כי את הראשון מצמיחה האדמה והשני בא מן הים. והפרֹכת היתה רקומה תבנית כל השמים וצבאם מלבד החיות (מזלות גלגל החמה).",
+                    "ה. והעובר מבית לאלה (הפרֹכת ושער ההיכל) היה בא אל החלק התחתי אשר להיכל, גבהו ששים אמה וארכו ששים ורחבו עשרים אמה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן האֹרך ממזרח למערב והרֹחב מצפון לדרום.</i>. וגם חלק ששים האמה נחלק לשנים. החלק הראשון, אשר נבדל ממנו, היה ארֹך ארבעים אמה, ובו נמצאו שלשת הדברים הנפלאים, הכלים אשר יצא שמם לתהלה בקרב כל באי עולם, הלא הם: המנורה והשלחן ומזבח־הקטרת. הנרות רמזו לשבעת הכוכבים הנבוכים (הפּלַנֶּטים), כי זה היה מספר הקנים היוצאים מן המנורה. ושנים־עשר הלחם, אשר על שלחן־השרת, רמזו לגלגל החיות (מזלות החמה) ולחדשי השנה. והמזבח, הנושא עליו שלשה־עשר סמי קטֹרת משפע הימים והמדבר והארץ הנושבת, הראה, כי תבל ומלואה היא מהאלהים ולאלהים. ההיכל אשר לפני ולפנים היה ארֹך עשרים אמה. וגם הוא נבדל בפרֹכת מחלק ההיכל אשר מחוץ לו. וכל דבר לא נמצא בו. ואסור היה לכל אדם להכנס ולנגוע ולהסתכל בו. הוא נקרא בשם ״קדש־הקדשים״. מסביב לצלעות ההיכל התחתון נמצאו תאים רבים, תחתיים, שניים ושלישיים. ולכל אחד מהתאים האלה היה מבוא מעבר השער. והחלק העליון (העליה שעל־גבי ההיכל) לא היה מֻקף סביב, ועל־כן היה צר יותר. וגבהו היה ארבעים אמה והיה דל מהחלק התחתון. ואם נחבר את ארבעים האמה אל ששים האמה אשר להיכל התחתון, יצאו לנו מאה אמה קומת ההיכל כֻּלּוֹ.",
+                    "ו. ופני ההיכל מחוץ לא חסרו אף דבר אחד המרהיב את הלב והמצודד את העינים. כי בכל מקום היה מצֻפּה לוחות זהב כבֵדים ולעת עלות השמש היה זורע נֹגה כמראה אש לוהטת, וכאשר העפיל איש להתבונן אל ההיכל, אלץ אותו הנֹגה להסב את עיניו מנגדו, כאִלו עִורו אותן קרני השמש. ולזרים העולים אל ירושלים נראה למרחוק כדמות הר מכֻסה שלג, כי במקומות אשר לא צֻפּה זהב היה לבן־צח, ועל ראש כפתו היו נעוצים וָוֵי זהב מוּחדים, לבל ירד שמה עוף השמים ולא יזַהם את המקום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מעין שפוד כזה נקרא במשנה ״כלה עורב״.</i>. ומאבני ההיכל הגיעו אחדות למדת ארבעים וחמש אמה בארכן, וקומתן חמש אמות ורחבן שש. ולפני ההיכל נמצא המזבח (מזבח העולה), חמש־עשרה אמה קומתו, וארכו ורחבו חמשים אמה על חמשים אמה, בנין רבוע, ופנותיו היוצאות ממנו היו כדמות קרנות והמעלה על המזבח השתרע מדרום בשפוע קל (בכבש), וכל ברזל לא נגע בו מעולם. ואת ההיכל והמזבח עִטרה מחיצה בגֹבה אמה, עשויה מאבנים נאות, חמדה לעינים, והיא הבדילה בין הכהנים ובין העם. לזבים ולמצֹרעים היה אסור לבוא בשערי העיר כֻּלה, ולנשים דווֹת נאסר לבוא בשערי המקדש. אולם גם בעת טהרתן לא היה להן המשפט לעבור את הגבול, אשר דברנו עליו למעלה. ומן הגברים נעצר כל איש, אשר לא התקדש כליל מטֻמאתו, לבוא אל החצר הפנימית. וגם הכהנים, אשר לא הִטֶּהָרוּ, לא יכלו לבוא שמה.",
+                    "ז. ובני משפחת הכהֻנה, אשר לא יכלו לשָׁרֵת בקֹדש מפני מום אשר בבשרם, היו באים לפנים מן הקלעים עם אחיהם הכשרים ומקבלים את חלקי הזבחים על־פי משפט הכהֻנה, אך לבושיהם היו בגדי חֹל. כי רק הכהנים המשרתים שׂמו עליהם בגדי קֹדש. ואל המזבח וההיכל קרבו רק הכהנים, אשר לא נמצא בהם פסול, בלבוש בוץ (שש), ונאסר עליהם באִסוּר חמוּר לשתות יין מפני כבוד עבודת אלהים, פן יקרה להם מכשול בעת שרתם בקֹדש. גם הכהן הגדול עלה אִתּם יחד אל המקדש, אולם לא בכל ימי השנה, רק בשבתות ובראשי־חדשים, במועדי השנה הכתובים בתורה, וכן גם ביום עצרה לכל העם מימים ימימה. ובשרת הכהן הגדול בקֹדש היה לבוש אזור (מכנסי) בד על ירכיו עד מתניו וממתניו ולמעלה נשא כתֹנת בד על בשרו, ועל הכֻּתֹּנת מעיל כליל תכלת, היורד על הרגלים, עם שפה וגדילים עליה ועל הגדילים נעשו פעמוני זהב ורמוני זהב, פעמון ורמון. הפעמונים היו סִמן לרעם והרמונים סִמן לברק. והחֵשב (חֵשב האפוד), המהדק את המעיל אל החזה, היה רקום חמש רצועות חוטים שונים מָשזרים, מעשה חושב, זהב וארגמן ותולעת־שני ובוץ (שש) ותכלת, אלה המינים אשר ספרנו, כי מהם נרקמה הפרֹכת להיכל. גם האפוד נרקם מחמשת המינים האלה, אולם בו נמצא זהב יותר. ומראה הבגד הזה (האפוד) היה כתבנית שריון המכסה על הבשר. ושני שלטי זהב קטנים (כתפות) חִבּרו את האפוד ובהם שֻׁבּצו אבני־שֹׁהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כתב: סַרְדּוֹנִיכִים. ובתרגום השבעים: זמרגדים. ובמקומות אחרים תרגמו שֹׁהם: ברילוס, פרָסינוס.</i> גדולות ויפות, ועליהן נחרתו שמות שבטי העם. ומהעבר השני (מעבר־פני הכהן הגדול) היו תלויות שתים־עשרה אבנים יקרות אחרות, שלש שלש בארבעה טורים, ואלה הן: אֹדם, פטדה וברקת, נפך, יהלֹם וספיר, שבו, אחלמה ולֶשֶׁם, ישפה, שֹׁהם ותרשיש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">השמות היוניים: סַרדיון, טֹפַּז, זמרגד, אַנְתְּרַכּס, יַסְפִּיס, סַפּיר, אֲכַטֶּס, אַמֶּתִּיסְטוֹס, לִינוּרְיוֹן (או לונקורליון), אונִיקט, בִּירִילוֹס, כְרִיזוֹלִתּוס — בשנוי קצת מסדר תרגום־השבעים (שמות, כ״ח, י״ז־כ). ובאמת גם סדר האבנים בתרגום השבעים אינו מתאים לסדר המקרא, כי תרגמו — במקום שנמצא במקרא יַסְפיס — יהלם ואוֹנִיקס במקום יָשְׁפֵּה, ואין לדעת את ההתאמה הנכונה בין שמות המקרא והשמות היוניים.</i>, ועל כל אחת מהן נכתב אחד משמות השבטים. ואת ראשו כסה הכהן הגדול במצנפת שש ומסביב לה פתיל תכלת, ועל הפתיל מסביב זר זהב, הנושא פתּוחי חותם הכתב הקדוש, אלה היו ארבע אותיות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לפי עדות יוסף נמצא אפוא השם בן ארבע על הציץ, ולא ״קֹדש לה״.</i>. אולם לא בכל עת נשא הכהן הגדול את הבגדים האלה, כי לבש בגדים פשוטים מהם (בגדי לבן) מדי בואו אל הדביר. רק פעם אחת בשנה בא לבדו אל המקום הזה, ביום אשר בו צֻוה כל העם לעַנות את נפשו לאלהים. ויתר דברי העיר וההיכל ומשפטיהם וחֻקיהם אכתוב לכל פרטיהם בפעם אחרת, כי עוד דברים רבים נשארו לסַפּר עליהם.",
+                    "ח. והבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) נמצאה בקרן הפנה, אשר בה נפגשו שני אולמות המקדש הראשון (הר־הבית), האולם אשר לרוח צפון והאולם אשר לצד מערב. היא נבנתה בראש סלע גבוה חמשים אמה ותלול מכל עבריו ובנינה היה מעשה ידי המלך הורדוס, אשר הראה בה את תכונת רוחו הנדיבה ביתר שאת. לראשונה צוה לצפות את הסלע מן היסוד בלוחות אבן, למען יהיה כלול בהדרו וגם יצנח כל איש אשר ינסה לעלות עליו או לרדת ממנו, ולפני בניני המצודה נמצאה חומה, שלש אמה קומתה, ומבית למחיצה הזאת התרוממה המצודה (אנטוניה) בכל שׂיאה עד גֹבה ארבעים אמה. בשטחה ובתכנית בנינה דמתה המצודה מבית לארמון מלכים, כי נחלקה לחדרים רבים למיניהם, שונים במראיהם ובתכונתם, לאולמים ולבתי־מרחץ ולחצרות רחבי־ידים למחנה־הצבא, עד כי נמצא בה כל טוּב חמדות העיר והדר בית מלכות. כֻּלָּהּ היתה כתבנית מִגדל אחד, אשר מארבע פנותיו נפרדו ארבעה מגדלים אחרים וכֻלם היו גבוהים חמשים אמה, מלבד המגדל לרוח דרום־מזרח, אשר היה גבוה שבעים אמה, עד כי נקל היה להשקיף ממנו על כל הר־הבית. במקום אשר נגעה המצודה באולמי הר־הבית נמצאו מדרגות ממנה לשני הצדדים (לשני האולמות, הצפוני והמערבי), ובהן היו אנשי צבא המשמר יורדים — כי תמיד חנה בה מצב הרומאים — ועומדים חמושים באולמים למועד החג לשמור על העם, פן יפרוץ בקרבו מרד. כי כאשר היה הר־הַקֹּדש למִצפה העיר כֻּלה, ככה היתה הבירה למִצפה בית־המקדש ובה שכן המצב השומר על כל שלשה אלה (העיר, המקדש ואנטוניה) יחד, ובעיר העליונה נמצאה מצודה לעצמה — הלא היא ארמון הורדוס. והגבעה ביזזתא (בציתא) נפרדה מאנטוניה, כאשר ספרנו למעלה, והיא היתה רמה מכל הגבעות וחֻבּרה אל חלק העיר החדשה והיא לבדה כסתה על מראה הר־הבית מצפון. והנה אני חושב לדבּר באר היטב על העיר ועל החומה במקום אחר, ועל־כן יספיקו לי הדברים האמורים לעניני."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על העריצים שמעון ויוחנן. בעת אשר סבב טיטוס את החומה נפצע נקנור וטיטוס התעורר לחזק את מלאכת המצור.</small><br><br>א. וזה מספר אנשי המלחמה מן המורדים אשר בקרב העיר. עשרת אלפים איש פקודי שמעון, מלבד האדומים. וחמשים שלישים על עשרת האלפים ושמעון היה שליט עליון על כּלּם. והאדומים אנשי בריתו היו כחמשת אלפים איש, ועליהם עשרה שרי־צבא ונשואי־פנים, אשר בהם היו יעקב בן סוֹסא (שושא, צובא) ושמעון בן כִתלא. וליוחנן, אשר כבש את הר־הבית, היו ששת אלפים אנשי־חיל ועליהם עשרים שלישים, וגם הקנאים התחברו אליו הפעם אחרי שבתם מריב ומספרם אלפים וארבע מאות ועליהם אלעזר, אשר עמד בראשם לראשונה, ושמעון בן ארי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בנוסחאות אחרות נקרא בן יאיר.</i>. ובעוד הם נלחמים ביניהם — כאשר ספרנו — היו אלה ואלה מפילים גורל על העם היושב בעיר, וכל האזרחים, אשר לא חֻבּרו אתם במעשי רשעתם, היו לבז לשתי המפלגות המריבות. בידי שמעון נמצאה העיר העליונה והחומה הגדולה עד קדרון, ומלבד אלה גם חלק החומה הישנה, אשר נטה לצד מזרח וירד אל חצר בית מונבז, הוא מלך ארץ חדיב מעבר לנהר. ובידיו היה גם המעין (השִּׁלח) וחלק חקרא (אקרה), היא העיר התחתונה, עם ארמון הילני אֵם מונבז. ויוחנן תפש את הר־הבית וחלק גדול מן הככר אשר מסביב ואת העֹפל ואת הנחל הנקרא קדרון. ואת המקום אשר בּיניהם בתוֶך שלחו באש, למען יהיה להם לשדֵה מלחמת־אחים. כי גם בעת אשר חנו הרומאים לפני חומת העיר לא שבתה המריבה מבית. רק למצער נרפאה משובת יוחנן ושמעון בהניחם לראשונה יחד משערי העיר על השונאים, אולם אחרי זאת שבו אל סורם ולבם חָלק כבתחלה; הם נלחמו איש באחיו וכלכלו את כל דבריהם לשמחת לב הצרים על העיר. כי הרעה, אשר מצאה אותם מידי הרומאים, לא היתה קשה מהצרות, אשר עוללו איש לאחיו בידיהם, ואחריהם לא יכלה עוד שואה להוסיף על נגעי העיר. כי נוראים היו האסונות, אשר קרו את ירושלים לפני בוא מפלתה [מכל אשר מצא אותה אחרי המפלה] וכובשיה הגדילו לעשות בנצחונם, לאמר: המריבה כבשׁה את העיר והרומאים כבשו את המריבה, אשר היתה חזקה הרבה יותר מחֹסן חומותיה הבצורות. ובאמת נאה לנו לתלות את כל הנוראות ביהודים ולראות במעשי הרומאים משפט צדק; אולם כל איש ישים אל לבו את המעשים ויחרץ משפטו!",
+                    "ב. אלה היו הליכות ירושלים בימים ההם. וטיטוס סבב בראש רוכבים בחורים את חומת העיר מחוץ ותר לו מקום, אשר ממנו ישתער על החומה. אולם בכל אשר הביט לא מצא חפץ, כי מעבר הנחלים לא נמצאה כל דרך אל העיר, ומן העבר השני נראתה לעיניו החומה הראשונה החזקה מאד והוא פחד, פן תִּשׂגב מפני כל מכונות־הרעש. ועל־כן יעץ להתנפל על העיר אצל מצבת־הזכרון ליוחנן הכהן הגדול, כי במקום הזה היתה המצודה הראשונה שפלה יותר והחומה השניה לא התלכדה בה, יען אשר לא שמו אנשי ירושלים את לבם לבצר את העיר החדשה גם במקומות אשר לא רב מספר יושביהם. ומשם היה נקל לצרים להבקיע אל החומה השלישית. בדרך הזאת אמר טיטוס בלבו ללכוד את העיר העליונה ואת הר־הבית יחד. ובעת אשר תר את החומה מסביב נפצע אחד מאוהביו ושמו נקנור בשכמו השמאלית, כי הוא נגש יחד עם יוסף קרוב אל החומה ונסה לדַבּר שלום אל העומדים עליה למעלה, אשר היה מיֻדָּעם מכבר. בדבר הזה הכיר הקיסר לדעת את חרון־אף היהודים, אשר לא עצרו כח לאסוף את ידיהם גם מדורשי שלומם הבאים להצילם, ובזה התעורר עוד יותר לעבוד במלאכת המצור ושלח את הלגיונות אשר לו להחריב את כל המקום אשר לפני העיר, וגם צוה עליהם לאסוף את כל העצים הדרושים לשפוך הסוללות. הוא פקד את צבאו בשלש שורות, למלא את העבודה, ובין הסוללות בתוֶך הציג את היורים ורובי־הקשת, ולפניהם את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי־הרמחים (הקטפולטות) ואת מכונות רומי־האבנים (הבליסטראות), לעצור בעד האויבים מהגיח על עושי המלאכה ולגרש מעל החומה את האנשים, אשר יבקשו לעמוד להם לשטן. חיש מהר נחטבו העצים וכל המקום לפני חומת־העיר נהפך לשממה. ובעת אשר אספו הרומאים את כל הדברים הדרושים לשפך הסוללות וכל הצבא יגע בעבודה הזאת, לא ישבו היהודים בחבוק ידים. עַם העיר, אשר סבל את הַשֹּׁד והרצח לבלי הרף, החליף הפעם כח, כי קוד, לשאוף רוח מהיום והלאה, כאשר יהיו המורדים טרודים במלחמה מחוץ, וגם האמין, אשר יוכל לקחת שפטים בחַיָּבים (עושי התועבות) לעת אשר תהיה יד הרומאים על העליונה.",
+                    "ג. ואנשי יוחנן האיצו בו לצאת בראשם למלחמה עם האויבים מחוץ לשערי העיר, אבל הוא שקט תחתיו, כי ירא את שמעון. לעֻמת־זאת לא חבק שמעון את ידיו, כי הוא היה קרוב יותר אל הצרים. הוא הציג על החומה את מכונות־הקלע, אשר גזלו היהודים לפנים מידי צסטיוס ומידי מצב אנטוניה, שנפל בידם, אולם בידי רֹב היהודים היו המכונות לבלי הועיל, כי לא נִסּוּ בהן. רק מתי־מספר למדו את הדבר מפי הבורחים (הרומאים), אשר נפלו אליהם, ואם גם לא היטיבו לירות מכלי־הקלע. לעֻמת־זאת המטירו על הרומאים אבנים וחצים וגם הגיחו אליהם בגדוד והתגרו אתם מלחמה מקרוב. ולאנשי המלאכה (הרומאים) היתה מקלעת הענפים הפרושה על מצודתם (משוכתם) למחסה, וכלי־הקלע עצרו בעד האויבים המגיחים אליהם. כי לכל הלגיונות היו כלי־קלע נפלאים, וביותר ללגיון העשירי נמצאו כלי־קלע מהירים ומזיקים מאד ובליסטראות גדולות, ולא לבד את הפורצים מן העיר הניסו המכונות האלה, כי־אם גם את העומדים על החומה, כי משקל האבנים אשר פלטו המכונות היה ככר, והן היו עפות במרחק שני ריסים ויותר, ולא רק הנפגעים על־ידן לא עצרו כח לשאת את כֹּבד נפילתם, כי־אם גם העומדים מאחוריהם. לראשונה נִסּוֹ היהודים להזהר מפני אבני־הבליסטראות, כי היו לבנות, ולא שאונן בלבד בִּשֵּׂר את בואן, כי־אם גם מרחוק נִכּרו בצבען הנוצץ. וצופים היו ליהודים, אשר עמדו בראשי המגדלים וגלו להט את הדבר מדי פעם כאשר פערה המכונה את פיה והאבן הגיחה ממנה, בקראם אליהם בלשון עמם: ״הבֵּן (בן הקלע)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן הוא בהוצאת ניזה: υίός — ואפשר כי זה לשון ערומים; בהוצאה הישנה פשוט ίός — לאמר: החֵץ או האבן השלוחה.</i> הולך!״ אז נפוצו היהודים, אשר אליהם כוננה אבן־הקלע, והשתוחחו לארץ, וכאשר נשמרו לנפשותיהם נפלה האבן ביניהם ולא נגעה בהם. ואחרי־כן התנַכּלו הרומאים להשחיר את האבנים השלוחות, ויען אשר לא נראו עוד האבנים מרחוק כבראשונה, הצליחו הרומאים בקלעם ובמכה אחת המיתו אנשים רבים. אולם היהודים לא שמו את לבם לפגעים הרעים ולא נתנו לרומאים לשפוך את הסוללה במנוחה, כי עמדו על נפשם בתחבולה ובאֹמץ־לב ועצרו בעד מעשי השונאים בלילה וביום.",
+                    "ד. כאשר כלתה מלאכת הסוללות, מדדו הבונים הרומאים את המרחק ביניהן ובין החומה בפתיל פשתים עם משקֹלת עופרת, אשר השליכו מראשי הסוללות מהם והלאה, כי לא מצאו להם עצה אחרת נגד המורים עליהם מראש החומה, ובראותם, כי מעתה יהיה לאל־יד מכונות־הרעש (הכרים, אילי הברזל) להשיג את חומות העיר, הגישו את כלי־המלחמה האלה. וטיטוס הקריב את מכונות־הקלע אל חומת העיר, למען אשר לא יכשילו היהודים העומדים למעלה את הכרים, וצוה לנגח את החומה. פתאם נשמע קול רעש גדול, כי חומת ירושלים נֻגחה בשלשה מקומות, ולקול הרעש צללו אזני יושבי העיר וצעקה גדולה היתה בחוצותיה, וחלחלה אחזה את המורדים אנשי־המלחמה בראותם, כי רעה נגד פני כֻלּם, ועל־כן גמרו בנפשם להתחַבּר יחדו ולעמוד על נפשם. האנשים, אשר היו עד־עתה כאויבים, קראו איש אל אחיו: ״הן כל מעשינו עד היום הזה היו כנפש שונאינו, וגם אם לא יתן האלהים עצת שלום בינינו לאֹרך ימים, עלינו לעזוב דרכי קנאת אחים ולצאת יד־אחת למלחמה על הרומאים״. ושמעון הודיע את האנשים אשר בהר־הבית, כי יתן להם לעלות לבטח על החומה, ויוחנן מִלא את ידי אנשיו לעשות את הדבר, אף כי לא האמין לדברי שמעון. ואנשי־המלחמה אשר בעיר שכחו את שנאתם ואת מריבתם והיו לבשר אחד ועלו על החומה והשליכו מעליה לפידי אש רבים על המכונות וירו מבלי הרף על מניעי הכרים. ומרי־הנפש אשר בהם הגיחו גדודים גדודים משערי העיר וקרעו את הצפוי הסוכך על מכונות־המלחמה והתנפלו על אנשי־הצבא העומדים תחתיו, ואף כי לא היו מלֻמדי מלחמה, התגברו עליהם בעזוז רוחם. אך טיטוס מִהר כפעם בפעם לעזרת אנשיו הנמצאים בצרה והעמיד לשני עברי המכונות את הרוכבים והרובים להבריח את היהודים עם לפידיהם, וגם השיב אחור את היהודים המורים מעל החומה. ואחרי זאת צוה לחַזק את עבודת הכרים, אולם חומת העיר לא הזדעזעה מהֹלם הכרים. רק האיל אשר ללגיון החמשה־עשר העתיק מעט פנת מגדל אחד, אך לחומה בעצמה לא קרה כל רע, כי לא נפגעה מיד יחד עם המגדל, אשר היה בולט הרבה ולא עצר להרעיש עמו על־נקלה את חלק החומה הסובבת.",
+                    "ה. זמן קצר ישבו היהודים במנוחה ולא הגיחו מן העיר, ופעם אחת הכירו, כי נפוצו הרומאים למלאכתם בקרב מחנם, בחשבם כי נסוגו היהודים מפניהם, באשר כשל כחם ופחד נפל עליהם, — ולמראה הדבר הזה פרצו המורדים בהמון רב מתוך מגדל הִפִּיקוֹס דרך השער הנעלם ושלחו באש את בניני הרומאים וגם העפילו להבקיע עד מצודות מחנם. לקול צעקת היהודים מהרו הרומאים הקרובים להתיצב במערכה והנמצאים מרחוק נהרו לעזרתם. אולם המורדים התחזקו באֹמץ לבם על טכסיסי הרומאים והצליחו להניס את העומדים במערכה, אשר פגעו בהם לראשונה, ויחד אתם גם את הנאספים לעזרתם. ומלחמה נוראה פרצה מסביב למכונות־המלחמה, כי היהודים בקשו לשרפן והרומאים התאמצו לסַכּל את עצתם. וצעקת הנלחמים הפרועה עלתה השמימה, ורבים מהעומדים ראשונים במערכה נפלו חללים. אולם היהודים נלחמו כנואשים וידם היתה על העליונה ואש נגעה במצודות הרומאים וכמעט עלו כֻלּן על המוקד עם המכונות יחדו, לולא עמדו על נפשם רבים מפקודי אלכסנדריה בשארית גבורה, כאשר לא קוו מראש, וקנו להם שם תפארה בקרב הזה, ובזה נתנו זמן לקיסר לאסוף את גבורי הרוכבים ולהתנפל על האויבים. הוא המית בידו שנים־עשר מחלוצי היהודים, ולמראה הנגף הזה פנה ההמון הנשאר עֹרף, והקיסר רדף אחריו ולחץ את היהודים אל תוך העיר והציל את בניני הרומאים מאש. וגם אחד היהודים נתפש חי במלחמה הזאת, וטיטוס צוה להוקיע אותו על צלב לפני החומה, למען יראו הנשארים וייראו ויכנעו לפניו. ואחרי אשר נסוגו היהודים אחור נפגע גם יוחנן ראש האדומים, בדבּרו עם אחד ממכיריו מאנשי־הצבא לפני החומה, כי אחד הערבים ירה בו חץ והמיתהו מיד, ואסון גדול היה ליהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאות הישנות, ואצל ניזה: לאדומים.</i> ואֵבל כבד למורדים במותו, כי היה איש גבור־חיל בזרוע ימינו וגם נשוא־פנים בתבונתו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחד המגדלים הבנוים בידי הרומאים נבקע ונפל תחתיו. הרומאים כבשו את החומה הראשונה ועשו מטבח גדול. טיטוס השתער על ההומה השניה. מעשי לָנְגִּינוּס הרומאי וקַסְטוֹר היהודי.</small><br><br>א. בלילה ההוא קמה פתאם מהומה גדולה במחנה הרומאים. כי טיטוס צוה לבנות שלשה מגדלים, חמשים אמה האחד, להציג על כל אחת הסוללות ולהניס מראשם את היהודים, ופתאם נהרס אחד המגדלים בעצם הלילה ולקול הנפץ הגדול נפלה חרדה על כל המחנה, והרומאים חשבו, כי האויבים השתערו עליהם, וכל אחד רץ לחגור את כלי־נשקו. ומהומה קמה בקרב הלגיונות ומבוכה, כי איש לא ידע להגיד את שרש הדבר, ובזה גדלה עוד מצוקת האנשים, וכאשר לא ראו את האויב לעיניהם, יראו איש את אחיו, וכל אחד שאל בבהלה את חברו העומד על ימינו לאות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האות הסודי, המשמש לאנשי־הצבא להכיר איש את משנהו.</i> הצבא, כאלו הבקיעו היהודים אל המחנה. הם היו כאנשים אשר נפלה עליהם מחִתּת אלהים, עד אשר חקר טיטוס את המעשה וצוה להודיע את הדבר בכל המחנה, ואחרי עמל רב שבתו הרומאים ממהומתם.",
+                    "ב. והיהודים עמדו על נפשם בכח ועֹז, אולם מגדלי הרומאים הביאו עליהם רעות רבות, כי היו למפגע למכונות־הקרָב, אשר הוקמו בראשי המגדלים, וגם למטילי־החניתות ורובי־הקשת ורומי־האבנים. והיהודים לא יכלו להשיב מלחמה לשונאיהם, המגביהים לשבת מהם, וגם לא מצאו עצה ללכוד את המגדלים, כי נבצר מהם להפוך אותם מפני כֹבד משאם, וגם לא יכלו לשלח אותם באש, כי היו מצֻפּים ברזל, וכאשר נסוגו היהודים רחוק ממטחוי קשת, לא היה לאל־ידם לעצור את מהלֻמות הכרים, אשר נגחו את החומה בלי הרף ומעט מעט השלימו את חפצם. כבר הזדעזעה החומה מפני הנִיקוֹן — בשם הזה קראו היהודים בעצמם למכונת־הרעש הגדולה אשר לרומאים, כי היתה נוצחת בכל מקום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוראת השרש ״ניק״ ביונית נצחון. ניקון הוא בינוני (המנצח). המלה הזאת נמצאת גם במשנה (כלים).</i>, והנצורים עיפו זה מזמן מכֹּבד הקרבות התכופים ולילות הנדודים אשר עמדו על המשמר רחוק מחלקי העיר הנושבים. וגם קלוּת דעתם עמדה להם לסַכּל את כל עצתם, עד כי חשבו למותר לשמור על החומה הראשונה, כי בטחו בשתי החומות הנשארות, על־כן הרפו רבים את ידיהם ונסוגו אחור. וכאשר עלו הרומאים בפרץ החומה, אשר הבקיע הניקון, עזבו כל היהודים את משמרותיהם וברחו אל החומה השניה. והרומאים באו מבית לחומה ופתחו את השערים והביאו שמה את כל הצבא. ככה כבשו הרומאים את החומה הראשונה לקץ חמשה־עשר יום (למצור ירושלים) בשביעי לחֹדש אַרְטֶמִיסִיּוֹס (אִיָּר), והרסו חלק גדול ממנה והחריבו את צפון העיר, כמעשה צסטיוס לפנים.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס העביר את צבאו אל המקום הנקרא, בשם ״מחנה האשורים״, אחרי כבשו את כל הככר עד נחל קדרון וקרב במטחוי קשת אל החומה השניה להשתער עליה במהרה. היהודים נפרדו לשני ראשים והגֵנו על החומה ביד חזקה. אנשי יוחנן נלחמו בהם מן הבירה (אנטוניה) ומאולם הצפון אשר להר־הבית ולפני מצבת המלך אלכסנדרוס, וחיל שמעון התיצב במבוא העיר על־יד מצבת יוחנן הגדול וסכך על החומה עד השער, אשר משם באו המים אל מגדל הִפּיקוס. כפעם בפעם הגיחו מן השערים והתראו פנים עם האויבים, וכאשר נהדפו אחור, הוסיפו להלחם אִתּם מעל החומה. אמנם בהתנגחם עם הרומאים כשלו לפניהם, כי לא ידעו את טכסיסי מלחמתם, אולם בהלחמם אִתּם מעל החומה היתה ידם על העליונה, הרומאים נאזרו בגבורה ובדעת הקרָב והיהודים התחזקו בעֹז נפשם, אשר גדל עוד מפני הפחד, וגם כֹּח סבלם עמד להם. כי היהודים קוו להנצל והרומאים להחיש את נצחונם. אלה ואלה לא עיפו ולא יגעו, וכל היום השתערו הרומאים על החומה, והקרבות על־יד שעריה נמשכו בלי־הרף, ולא נשארה צורת מלחמה אשר לא נִּסּוּ בה. ורק בקשׁי השבית הלילה את המלחמה, אשר החלה לאור השחר, אולם כל לילה היה ליל נדודים ללוחמים משני העברים וקשה היה להם מאור היום, כי היהודים יראו, פן תפול החומה בידי אויביהם והרומאים — פן ישתערו היהודים על מחנם. על־כן לא פרקו מעליהם את נשקם כל הלילה והיו נכונים למלחמה לעת עלות עמוּד השחר. והיהודים התחרו איש באחיו לחרף את נפשם, למען הפיק את רצון שרי צבאותיהם, וביותר היה כבוד שמעון ומוראו על פניהם, כי כל אחד מפקודיו נקשר בו בכל לב, עד אשר היה מוכן לשלוח יד בנפשו לעת יצוהו. והרומאים גם הם גברו חילים, כי ידעו אשר הנצחון ירֻשה להם ולא הסכינו להנגף לפני אויביהם. גם מלאכת המלחמה כל הימים ושנוני הקרב מבלי הרף וגאות גֹדל ממשלתם הוסיפו להם עָצמה, ויותר מאלה חִזק טיטוס את ידם, כי תמיד היו עיניו צופות את הכל בכל מקום. ונורא היה בעיני אנשי־הצבא להראות אותות מֹרך־לב במעמד הקיסר, ההולך אִתּם יחד בקרב, בדעתם, כי עֵד־ראיה למעשה הלוחם המשכיל הוא הפעם האיש, אשר ישלם לו כגמול ידיו, וגדול יהיה שכר האיש, אשר יכיר בו הקיסר, כי הוא גבור־חיל. על־כן התנדבו רבים להפליא גבורה נשגבה מכחותיהם. בימים ההם ערכו היהודים פעם מערכה בחיל רב לעֻמת הרומאים לפני החומה, ובעוד אשר נלחמו שתי המערכות ממרחק קפץ לָנְגִּינוּס, אחד מרוכבי הרומאים, על סוסו לתוך שורות היהודים והתנפל עליהם והפיצם והמית שנים מגבוריהם, את האחד הכה בפניו, כאשר התיצב לקראתו, ואחרי־כן שלף את חנית האיש הזה והכה את השני בצלעו, בהפנותו עֹרף לפניו, ואחרי־כן שב במרוצה מתוך מערכת האויבים אל אנשיו, מבלי אשר נפצע בבשרו. האיש הזה קנה לו שם בגבורים ורבים קנאו במעשה גבורתו והתאוו אף הם לעשות כמוהו. גם היהודים לא שמו לב לפגעיהם וכל מחשבותיהם היו רק להשחית באויביהם, וקל היה המות בעיניהם, אם נפלו חללים אחרי המיתם אחד משונאיהם. ובעיני טיטוס לא היה שלום אנשי־צבאו קל מהנצחון ולמעשה המעפיל להלחם בלי ישוב־הדעת קרא בשם שגעון. הוא חשב, כי הגבורה הנכונה קשורה בתבונת האדם הנזהר, כי לא יקרהו אסון, ועל־כן צוה לאנשיו להראות את אותות גבורתם מבלי לסַכּן את עצמם.",
+                    "ד. טיטוס הקריב את מכונת־הרעש אל המגדל התיכון אשר לחומה הצפונית, ושם ישב במארב נוכל אחד מקרב היהודים ושמו קַסְטוֹר עם עשרה אנשים דומים לו במדותיהם, ויתר השומרים ברחו מפני רובי־הקשתות. זמן־מה רבצו קסטור וחבריו תחת חסות צנת המגדל, אך כאשר התנועע המגדל, קמו ועמדו תחתיהם, כל איש במקומו, וקסטור פרשׂ בידיו כמבקש רחמים וקרא בשם הקיסר וחִלה את פניו בקול תחנונים לחמול עליו ועל חבריו. בתם לבו האמין טיטוס לדברים האלה וחשב, כי החלו היהודים להנחם על מעשיהם, וצוה להפסיק את תנופת האיל וגם הזהיר את אנשיו מירות על המתחננים, ואל קסטור קרא לדבּר ככל אשר עם לבו. קסטור ענהו, כי הוא רוצה לרדת אליו בברית שלום, ועל הדבר הזה השיב טיטוס, כי מחשבתו הטובה מוצאה חן בעיניו, וגם ישמח מאד, אם יעשו כל היהודים כמעשהו, והוא נכון לתת את בריתו שלום לעיר ומעשרת האנשים אשד עם קסטור התחפשו חמשה כאִלו הסכימו עמו בעצתו ובקשו גם הם רחמים, והנשארים צעקו בקול, כי לא יהיו לעבדים לרומאים כל עוד יש לאֵל־ידם למות מות בני־חורין. זמן ממֻשך רבו אלה עם אלה, וכל העת שבתו הרומאים מרעש החומה. וקסטור שלח אל שמעון להודיעהו, כי יוכל להִוָּעץ במנוחה בדבר אשר עליו לעשות נגד השונאים ההורסים אל העיר, כי עוד זמן רב יעצור לסובב בכחש את מפַקד הרומאים. ובעוד הוא שולח את הצירים שם לו כסות־עינים, כאִלו הוא מדַבּר על לב האנשים המַמרים את קולו לכרות ברית, והם התחפשו כאלו אינם אובים לשמוע לו, והרימו את חרבותיהם השלופות מעל לצנת המגדל ושלחו אותן בשריונותיהם, כאלו הם שוחטים את עצמם. תמהון הכה את לב טיטוס והעומדים עליו למראה קשי־לב האנשים: הם לא יכלו לראות מלמטה את הדברים הנעשים לאשורם, ועל־כן התפלאו מאד לאֹמץ־רוח האנשים ונדו לשברם. בין כה וכה ירה אחד האנשים בקסטור בחטמו, והוא מהר להוציא את החץ ולהראותו לטיטוס והתאונן על העוֶל אשר נעשה לו. הקיסר התאנף ברובה החץ ושלח את יוסף הנמצא עמו יחד לתת את ימינו לקסטור. אך יוסף אמר, כי לא יוכל ללכת שמה, בדעתו, כי אין נכונה בפי המתחננים, וגם עצר בעד אוהביו, אשר מלאם רוחם לעלות אל קסטור. ואחד הבורחים אשר נפלו אל הרומאים, ושמו אַיְנֶיַּס, הודיע, כי הוא נכון לעשות את הדבר, וכאשר קרא אליו קסטור, כי יקח אחד הרומאים גם את צרור כספו, מהר אַיְנֶיַּס לעלות על המגדל ולפרוש את כנף בגדו. אולם קסטור הרים אבן ורמה בו, ואמנם לא פגע באיש הזה, כי נשמר לנפשו [ונטה הצדה], אולם פצע את אחד אנשי־הצבא, אשר נגש שמה. כראות הקיסר את המִרמה הזאת, הבין, אשר חמלתו על האויב תהיה לו למחִתּה, כי רק איש קשה־לב לא יפול על־נקלה בפח ערומים. הוא כעס על אשר נלכד בערמה וצוה לחַזּק את תנופת מכונות־הרעש. וכאשר רעש המגדל תחתיו, שלחו אותו אנשי קסטור באש, ומתוך האש קפצו אל אחת המנהרות אשר מתחתם ובזה התעו את הרומאים להשתומם עוד הפעם למעשה גבורתם, כי חשבו, אשר השליכו האנשים את עצמם אל תוך האש."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרומאים כבשו את החומה השניה ושמו את פניהם לכבוש את החומה השלישית.</small><br><br>א. בזה כבש הקיסר את החומה [השניה] ביום החמישי אחרי כבשו את הראשונה, וכאשר ברחו היהודים מפניו, פרץ שמה, עם אלף חמושים ועם בחורי הצבא העומדים עליו, במקום, אשר נמצאו שם חנֻיות הצמר ובתי מלאכת הנפחים ושוק הבגדים אשר לעיר החדשה, והרחובות נטו באלכסון אל החומה. ואני חושב, אשר אִלו מִהר טיטוס להרוס את רֹב החומה הזאת, או החריב בכל חֹמר חֻקי המלחמה את העיר הנכבשה, כי אז לא התערב נזק בנצחונו. אולם הוא אמר בלבו, כי יבושו היהודים, בראותם, אשר הוא יכול לגמול להם רעה ולא עשה זאת, ועל־כן לא הרחיב את פרץ החומה, עד אשר יהיה נקל לו להסוג אחור [בעת הצֹרך], ובבואו אל תוך העיר נתן פקֻדה לאנשי־צבאו, לבל ימיתו איש מהתפושים ולא יציתו את הבתים באש, וגם הבטיח את המורדים, כי יתן להם לצאת במנוחה מן העיר ולהלחם בו כטוב בעיניהם, למען אשר לא יבֻלע לעם ירושלים, ואת יושבי העיר — כי ישיב להם את נחלתם ורכושם. כי יקר היה בעיניו מאד להציל את העיר למענו ואת בית־המקדש למען העיר. אמנם את לב העם מצא נכון למצותיו מני אז, אולם בעיני אנשי־המלחמה [שבין היהודים] נדמתה חבּת־הבריות אשר לו לאות חסרון־כח, והם חשבו, כי טיטוס פונה אליהם בדברים האלה, באשר קצרה ידו לכבוש את שארית העיר. הם אִיְּמו על אנשי ירושלים בעֹנש מות, אם יבטאו בשפתיהם למסור את עירם, וגם שחטו את כל האנשים, אשר הרימו קולם לדרוש שלום, ואחרי־כן השתערו על הרומאים הבאים אל העיר, אלה יצאו לקראתם ברחובות ואלה נלחמו בהם מן הבתים, ואלה הגיחו מן השערים אשר ממעל ויצאו מחוץ לחומה, ושומרי החומה [הרומאים] נבעתו מפניהם וקפצו מעל המגדלים וברחו אל המחנות. והרומאים הנמצאים מבית לחומה צעקו צעקה גדולה, כי מכל עברים שתו עליהם היהודים, וגם העומדים מחוץ צעקו בקול, כי דאגו לאחיהם הנלכדים. ומספר היהודים גדל מרגע לרגע, ודעתם את הרחובות הרבתה להועיל להם, ועל־כן פצעו רבים מן הרומאים והדפום מתוך החומה. והרומאים נאלצו להשאר על עמדם זמן רב, כי נבצר מהם להִמָּלט בהמון דרך הפרץ הצר, וכמעט נפלו כל הבאים אל העיר בחרב, לולא החיש להם טיטוס עזרה. כי הוא העמיד בראשי הרחובות את דורכי־הקשתות והתיצב בעצמו במקום אשר נדחקו בו הרבים והשקיט את השונאים בחצים. ויחד עמו היה דוֹמִיטִיּוּס סַבִּינוּס, איש־חיל, אשר הראה את גבורתו גם במלחמה הזאת. הקיסר נשאר במקום ההוא ולא חדל להמטיר חצים ולעצור בעד היהודים, עד תֹּם כל אנשי־הצבא לצאת [מן המצר].",
+                    "ב. ככה גֹרשו הרומאים מן החומה השניה אחרי אשר לכדו אותה. ואנשי־המלחמה אשר בעיר לבשו גאוה וברום לבבם על החיל אשר עשו האמינו, כי לא יהינו עוד הרומאים לעלות על העיר, וגם אם יעלו עליהם למלחמה, לא יִנָּגפו הם (היהודים) לפניהם לעולם. האלהים התעה את רוח בינתם על כל תועבותיהם, ועל־כן טחו עיניהם מראות, כי חיל הרומאים הוא גדול לאין־ערך מההמון אשר גרשו מן העיר, וגם לא שמו לבם לרעב המתרגש עליהם. אמנם הם יכלו עוד לשׂבוע משֹׁד בני העיר ולשתות לרויה את דם יושבי ירושלים; אולם האנשים הטובים (אוהבי השלום) היו זה מכבר במצוק, ורבים גועו ממחסור־מזון. אך באבדן העם ראו המורדים רֶוַח והצלה לנפשם, בחשבם כי המשפט למצֹא ישועה (להשאר בחיים) הוא רק לשונאי השלום, אשר קבלו עליהם לחיות לרעת הרומאים, אולם ההמון הרב, אשר לא בחר בדרכי אלה, נחשב בעיניהם לנטל כבד, והם שמחו בראותם אותו פוחת והולך. אלה היו הליכותיהם עם היושבים בקֶרב העיר. וכאשר נסו הרומאים עוד הפעם לבוא בקרב העיר, הזדַינו המורדים וסוככו בבשרם על פרץ החומה ושלשה ימים נלחמו ביד חזקה ברומאים ולא נתנו להם לעבור, וביום הרביעי השתער עליהם טיטוס ביתר עֹז ולא יכלו לעמוד בפניו; הם נגפו במקום אשר היתה שם תבוסתם לראשונה ונמלטו משם. וטיטוס כבש עוד הפעם את החומה [השניה] וצוה מיד להרוס את כל חלקה ברוח הצפון, ועל המגדלים אשר בצלע החומה מנגב העמיד צופים וחשב מחשבות לעלות על החומה השלישית."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס הרפה מעט מעבודת המצור, ובראותו כי לא נפל רוח היהודים, חִזק את המצור מחדש ושלח את יוסף לדַבּר שלום אל אחיו.</small><br><br>א. טיטוס גמר להִנפש מעט מעבודת המצור ולתת בזה זמן למורדים להשיב את הדבר אל לבם, אולי יכנעו מפניו בראותם את הריסות החומה השניה או ביראתם מפני הרעב — באשר לא יספיק החמס את צרכיהם לאֹרך ימים. בזמן המרגוע הזה מצא טיטוס חפץ, כי הגיע יום השִׁלום, אשר בו היה חק לרומאים לשקול על־ידי אנשי־הצבא את משכֻּרתם. הוא צוה על שרי החַיָּלים לסדר את הצבא במקום נשקף לעיני האויבים ולתת לכל אחד את מכסת הכסף. ואנשי־הצבא עברו כחֹק עם חרבות שלופות מנדניהן וחמושים בכל כלי־נשקם, והרוכבים הוליכו את סוסיהם הערוכים למלחמה. והככר אשר לפני העיר הבריק למרחוק מנֹגה הכסף והזהב [של כלי־הנשק], ולא היה כמראה הזה מחזה־שעשועים לרומאים [לשַׂמח את לבם] וחזון אימה לאויבים. כל החומה הישנה ורוח הצפון אשר להר־הבית כֻּסו אנשים, אשר נהרו לראות במחזה. ומרחוק נראה, כי כל הבתים היו מלאים אנשים נטויי גרון, ונדמה, כי לא נמצא מקום בעיר, אשר לא כסו אותו המונות אדם. מחִתּה נוראה נפלה גם על אבירי־הלב למראה החיל הגדול הזה וברַק נשקו והדרת מערכותיו. ואני חושב, כי גם המורדים נִחמו על מעשיהם למחזה הזה, לולא זכרו את הרעה הגדולה, אשר הביאו על העם, ונואשו מתקותם לקבל חנינה מאת הרומאים. הם ידעו, כי ימותו מות נבלים, כאשר יכנעו תחת הרומאים, וחשבו, כי ייטב להם הרבה המות במלחמה. וכה נגזרה גזרה, כי יסופו הצדיקים עם הרשעים, והעיר תחרב עם המורדים יחדו.",
+                    "ב. בארבעה ימים כלו הרומאים לשלם לאנשי־הצבא אשר בכל לגיון ולגיון את משׂכֻּרתם, וביום החמישי ראה טיטוס, כי אין איש יוצא אליו מהיהודים לדַבּר שלום, וחצה את צבאו והחל לשפוך סוללות על הבירה (מצודת אנטוניה) ועל מצבת יוחנן [הכהן הגדול], כי מצד המצבה הזאת חשב לכבוש את העיר העליונה, ומצד הבירה את הר־הבית, — וכל עוד לא נפל הר־הבית בידו לא יכול להשתרר על העיר לבטח. בכל אחד משני המקומות האלה נשפכו שתי סוללות, אחת לכל לגיון. האדומים ואנשי־המלחמה, פקודי שמעון [בן גיורא], הגיחו מן העיר להשיב אחור את ידי עושי המלאכה על־יד המצבה, ואת העובדים על־יד הבירה עצרו אנשי יוחנן והמון הקנאים. ולא בקלע־היד לבד הפליאו להעזר ממרום שבתם, כי־אם גם במכונות־המלחמה קשתה ידם על הרומאים, יען כבר למדו ידיהם לעבוד עבודתן, כי בעשותם בהן יום־יום קנו להם נסיון. שלש מאות כלי־קלע מהירים וארבעים בליסטראות (רומי־אבנים) היו להם, ובאלה הכשילו את כֹּח הרומאים בשפכם את הסוללות. וטיטוס ידע, כי ישועת העיר תהיה לו לברכה וחרבּנה יהיה לו לקללה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״וטיטוס ידע, כי העיר תנצל או תחרב לעצמו״.</i>, ובעוד הוא מחזק את עבודת המצור לא שב ממחשבתו לדבּר על לב היהודים, כי יקחו מוסר, ואל מעשיו צרף גם עצה טובה, ובדעתו, כי יש אשר הדבר [הנכנס אל הלב] מפליא לעשות מן החרב, פנה אל הלוחמים להסגיר בידו את העיר, אשר כבר נכבשה כמעט, וגם שלח את יוסף לדבר אתם בשפת אבותיהם, אולי יטו אזנם לדברי אחיהם בן־עמם.",
+                    "ג. יוסף סבב את החומה ותר לו מקום, אשר יִשָּׁמע ממנו קולו ולא ישיגהו שם חץ שלוח, והרבה לדַבּר תחנונים אל יושבי העיר לאמר: ״חוסו על נפשותיכם ועל נפשות אחיכם, חוסו על עיר אבותיכם ועל מקדשכם, ואל תהיו קשים ורעים להם מהנכרים (האויבים). הן אין לרומאים חלק ונחלה ביניכם, ובכל־זאת הם מכבדים את מקדשי שונאיהם, ועד היום הזה לא שלחו בהם את ידיהם לרע, ורק אתם לבדכם, אתם שתילי המקומות הקדושים האלה, נושאים את נפשכם להחריבם, וגם אם תעמוד להם הצלה [לא מידכם תבוא]. הן עיניכם רואות, כי חומותיכם הגדולות והבצורות כבר נפלו, והחומה הזאת הנשארה היא רפה ודלה מהנכבשות. שימו אל לבכם, כי אין לעמוד בפני עזוז הרומאים, והן כבר משכתם בעֻלם מתמול־שלשום. אם גם טוב ויפה להִלחם בעד החֵרות — הנה הדבר הזה הוא נאה לכתחלה. אולם מי שכרע פעם אחת ונכנע זמן רב, ואחרי־כן הוא מנסה לפרק את העֹל מעל צואריו, עושה מעשה־מי שמתהפך בחבלי מות ולא מעשה אוהב החרות. אמנם יאות לנַבּל כבוד אדונים רפי־ידים, אבל לא להרים יד במושלים, אשר כל העולם עובד להם. היש ארץ בעולם, אשר נמלטה משבט הרומאים, מלבד מקומות השרב או הקרח, אשר אין בהם חפץ? בכל מקום עבר המזל אליהם (תפשו את השלטון) והאלהים השׂם חליפות לממשלות העמים עוזר עתה לשליטי איטליה. גם לחית הארץ וגם לבני־האדם נתן חֹק ולא יעבור, כי עליהם להכנע בפני התקיפים מהם והשליט בקרבם הוא אשר לו עצם הנשק. על־כן נכנעו גם אבותינו לפני הרומאים, אף כי היו גדולים וטובים ממנו ברוחם ובכח גופם ובכל חֹסן, ולולא ידעו, כי האלהים עוזר לרומאים, כי אז לא עשו כדבר הזה, ואתם אומרים להתחזק ולעמוד בפני הרומאים ובמה תשימו מבטחכם? הן כבר נלכדה העיר ברֻבּהּ, ואם גם נשאר עוד חלק החומה לעומדים מבית, הן מצבם קשה ממצב שבויי־מלחמה. כי לא נעלם מעיני הרומאים דבַר הרעב אשר בעיר, האוכל עתה את בשר העם, ולא יארכו הימים והוא יגע גם עד נפש אנשי־המלחמה. והלא אם יחדלו הרומאים להרעיש את חומת העיר ולא ישתערו עליכם בחרבות שלופות, הנה אויב נורא רובץ בקרבכם מבית, אשר לא תוכלו לו במלחמה, והוא הולך הלוך ועצום משעה לשעה. האמנם תקחו חרב בידכם להלחם גם ברעב, ורק אתם לבדכם מכל בני־האדם תעצרו כח לכבוש את זלעפותיו? מה טוב יהיה לכם בהנחמכם על מעשיכם עד אשר לא יבוא קץ האסון, ותבקשו ישועה כל עוד יש לאֵל־ידכם להשיגנה. כי לא יזכרו לכם הרומאים את מעשיכם הראשונים, אם לא תקשו את לבבכם עד הקץ, כי מתכונתם הם מתונים בנצחונם ודרכם לכבוש את כעסם בפני תועלתם. הן לא יהיה להם הדבר לתועלת בכבשם עיר ריקה מאדם וארץ שאיה, ועל־כן רוצה הקיסר לתת לכם את בריתו שׁלום. אולם לא יציל ממות נפש־אדם, אם יכבוש את העיר בחֹזק־יד, ועל כֹּל יקשיח את רחמיו מהאנשים, אשר לא הטו אֹזן לקולו בדברו טוב אליהם בעת צרתם הגדולה. הלא מפלת שתי החומות הראשונות היא ערֻבּה נאמנה, כי בעוד זמן מצער תִּכָּבש גם החומה השלישית, ואף אם לא יצליח כל כלי־משחית לערער את מבצרכם, הנה הרעב ילחם בכם לרומאים.״",
+                    "ד. בעוד יוסף מדַבּר את דברי התוכחות האלה התלו בו רבים מהעומדים על החומה ורבים שפכו עליו חרפות ובוז ואחדים ירו בו. כאשר ראה יוסף, כי לא הטה את לב האנשים בדברי העצה הנכוחים, פנה להזכיר להם את דברי ימי אבותיהם ונשא את קולו ואמר: ״הוי בנים אמללים, אשר שכחתם מאין תבוא עזרתכם, האם בחרב ובזרוע תלחמו עם הרומאים? מי הוא האויב, אשר נצחנו אותו בדרך הזאת? האם לא האלהים בורא היהודים הוא שעשה בכל עת שפטים בעושקיהם? ואיך לא תסבו את עיניכם לראות את המקום, אשר ממנו אתם יוצאים למלחמה, ולא תכירו את עוזרכם, אשר חללתם את שמו? האמנם לא תזכרו את נפלאות האלהים בימי אבותינו ואת האויבים, הרבים והעצומים, אשר השמיד לפנים במקום הקדוש הזה? רעדה תאחזני מדי דבּרי על מעשי אלהים באזנים טמאות כאלה. אך הסכיתו ושמעו, למען תדעו, כי לא ברומאים לבד אתם עושים מלחמה, כי־אם גם באלהים. נכו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר עֵרב כאן את שם פרעה־נכֹה בשם פרעה.</i> מלך מצרים לפנים, הוא הנקוב גם בשם פרעה, יצא בחיל עצום וגזל את שׂרה המלכה, אמנו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אֵם עמנו.</i>. ומה עשה בעלה אברהם אבינו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אבי אבינו.</i>? האם יצא להלחם בחרב עם הַזֵּד הבליעל, אף כי היו לו שלש מאות ושמונה־עשר שלישים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלה חניכי אברהם. יוסיפוס השתמש כבר בחֹמר מדרשי.</i> ולכל אחד מהם נמצא חיל לאין־מספּר? או הטרם חשב, כי כל החיל הזה הוא כאפס, אם לא יהיה אלהים בעזרו, והרים את ידיו הטהורות אל המקום, אשר טמאתם אתם כיום הזה, לשחר את פני העוזר הגדול, אשר לא יפָּלא ממנו דבר? והאם לא הושבה המלכה לבעלה עד ערב היום הבא וכל רע לא אֻנה לה, והאם לא השתחוה המצרי [לאלהים] במקום הזה, אשר מלאתם אותו דם־אחים, וכֻלּוֹ רועד מפחד חזיונות־לילה — ולא ברח [אל ארצו] אחרי כפּרו במנחת זהב וכסף את פני העברים אהובי אלהים? והאם עלי לספר לכם על מושב אבותינו במצרים? הטרם התענו בעֹל מלכים זרים ארבע מאות שנה, ותחת לעמוד על נפשם בחרב נקמה ולהִוָּשׁע בכח ימינם הפקידו את נפשם בידי אלהים? ומי מכם לא ידע את העָרֹב, אשר מִלא את ארץ מצרים, ואת החלאים הרעים, אשר השחיתוה, ואת המאֵרה ביבול הארץ, כאשר אזלו המים מן היאור (נילוס), ואת עשר המכות, אשר ירדו רצופות, עד אשר שלחו [המצרים] את אבותינו ממצרים בלי שפיכת־דם ובלי סכנה ושמרו עליהם בדרכם? וכאשר גזלו הארמים (הסורים)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ככה, במקום הפלשתים של המקרא.</i> את ארון־הקדש מידינו, האם, לא הקיפה הצעקה את כל שדה פלשתים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: פַּלֶסְטִינֵי.</i> עם פסל דגון? האם לא עלתה צעקת כל עם הגוזלים (את הקֹדש] בעלות רקב במעורי בשרם ובצאת מעיהם יחד עם מאכלם — עד אשר השיבו ידי העושקים את הארון למקומו בקול צלצלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״קוּמבַּלּים״.</i> ובתֻפּים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״טוּמפַּנים״.</i> והביאו כל מיני קרבנות לכַפֵּר את המקדש? האלהים עשה את כל התשועות האלה לאבותינו, כאשר לא בטחו בזרועם ובחרבם והפקידו בידו את גורלם! וכאשר משך אחריו סנחריב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב כאן: סנחֵרים במם, כדרך השבעים.</i> את כל המונות ארץ אסיה וחנה על העיר הזאת, הֲבִידֵי אדם נשברה זרועו? הטרם השליכו [אבותינו] את הנשק מידיהם ופרשׂו אותן בתפלה [לאלהים] ומלאך־האלהים השמיד את כל החיל הזה, אשר לא יִמָּנה, בלילה אחד? וממחרת השכים מלך אשור ומצא מאה ושמונים וחמשה אלף פגרים וברח עם הנשארים אל ארצו, אף כי לא לקחו העברים חרב בידם ולא רדפו אחריו. הלא תדעו גם את עבדות בבל, אשר חי שם העם בגלות שבעים שנה ולא קם להשיב לו את חדותו, עד אשר התעורר כֹּרש לעשות את הדבר הזה למצֹא חן בעיני אלהים, ועל־ידו נשלחו [מגלותם] לעבֹד את האלהים, אשר כרת אתם ברית. בקצרה אֹמַּר לכם, כי מעולם לא עשו אבותינו גבורות בעֹז־ידם ומעולם לא בושו מתקותם, כאשר לא חגרו את כלי־נשקם ורק שׂמו מִבְטַחָם באלהים. מדי שבתם בארצם במנוחה עשו חיל ברצון השופט העליון, ולעת צאתם למלחמה כשלו תמיד ונפלו. כה היה הדבר, בעת אשר צָר מלך בבל על העיר הזאת, וצדקיהו מלכנו נלחם בו ולא שמע לנבואת ירמיהו, ונפל בשבי האויב ועיניו ראו בחרבן העיר וההיכל, אף כי היה טוב וישר הרבה מנשיאיכם אתם, והעם אשר עמו עלה בצדקתו על המונכם כיום הזה. הן כאשר קרא אליהם ירמיהו בקול, כי הרגיזו את האלהים בתועבותיהם, אשר עשו להכעיסו, וכי יכרעו [לפני האויב], אם לא יסגירו את העיר [בידו], לא שלחו בו המלך והעם יד! ומה אתם עושים עתה? אם גם לא אזכיר את מעשיכם בקרב העיר, כי תִלְאֶה לשוני לפרש את כל מעשי רשעתכם כהלכה — הן גם אותי אתם מנאצים וממטירים עלי חצים על אשר באתי לדבּר על לבכם למען הושיעכם, ואתם מתרגזים עלי מאד לעת שׂאֵתי על שפתי את זֵכר עונותיכם, ולטֹרח עליכם לשמוע את דברי המעשים, אשר אתם עושים יום יום! ועוד דבר: כאשר חנה על העיר הזאת אנטיוכוס הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶס, אשר הִרבּה לנבּל את שם אלהים, יצאו אבותיכם לקראתו בחרב, והם נפלו חללים במלחמה, והעיר היתה לבז בידי האויבים, ובית־המקדש שמם שלש שנים וששה חדשים! והאם עלי עוד להוסיף דברים? מי העיר את הרומאים לעלות על עמנו — האם לא אשמת יושבי הארץ? מתי החל זמן עבדותנו — האם לא במלחמת האחים בימי אבותינו? הלא שגעון אריסטובולוס והורקנוס והמריבה אשר ביניהם עוררו את פומפֵּיוס לבוא אל העיר, והאלהים הכניע לפני הרומאים את האנשים, אשר לא היו ראוים לחיי־חֹפש. אחרי מצור שלשה חדשים הסגירו את עצמם בידיהם, אף כי לא הרבו עונות לחלל את הקדשים ולהפר את החֻקים במעשיכם היום, ואף כי הרבה הרבה עלו, גדלו מכם בחסנם ותכונתם למלחמה. ואיך לא נזכור את קץ אנטיגנוס בן אריסטובולוס, אשר בימי מלכותו שפט האלהים את העם החוטא למפלה עוד הפעם, והורדוס בן אנטיפטרוס הביא עמו את סוֹסִיּוּס, וסוֹסִיּוּס הביא עמו את חיל הרומאים, וששה חדשים נמצאו אבותינו במצור, עד אשר השיגם גמול אשמתם והם נפלו בשבי והעיר היתה לבז לשונאים? מעולם לא נִתַּן בידי העם להצליח בחרב, ותמיד היתה המפלה סמוכה למלחמה. על־כן אני חושב, כי נאה ליושבי ארץ־הקדש להפקיד את כל משפטם בידי אלהים ולמאוס בכח זרוע האדם, למען ימצאו חן בעיני השופט העליון. ואתם — המלאתם אף אחד הדברים, אשר צוה עליהם המחוקק את הברכה, או הנזהרתם אף באחד הדברים, אשר פקד עליהם את המאֵרה? עד כמה הרביתם לחטוא מאבותיכם, אשר נפלו בידי אויביהם חיש מהר! הן קל היה בעיניכם לעשות עוֹן במסתרים, לגנוב ולארוב ולנאף, כי עוד תתחרו איש באחיו במעשי רצח ושֹׁד, ואתם בוקעים לכם דרכי־רשעה חדשים ומוזרים, והמקדש נהפך למקוה כל [שודד ורוצח] ומקום משכן אלהים נטמא בידי בניו, המקום הקדוש, אשר גם הרומאים התפללו אליו מרחוק ורבים מהם עזבו מנהגי־עמם ודבקו בחֻקינו. האַחרי כל התועבות האלה אתם מחכים לעזרת האלהים, אשר חללתם את שמו? ואם גם אנשים ישרים אתם ובידים נקיות אתם מחַלים את פני אלהים, כבֹר ידי מלכנו בעת התפללו [אל האלהים] לעוררו מידי מלך אשור — כאשר השמיד האלהים את כל החיל הגדול בלילה אחד — האם כמעשה מלך אשור עשו גם הרומאים, ועל־כן לכם המשפט לקוות, כי יחדש לכם אלהים את עזרתו כקדם? האם לא לקח מלך אשור כסף מידי מלכנו לבלתי החריב את העיר, ואחרי־כן הפר את שבועתו ועלה לשרוף את ההיכל? ואולם הרומאים עולים עליכם לדרוש מידכם את המס כחֹק להם, אשר שִׁלמו אבותיכם לאבותיהם, ואם יקבלו את המס, לא יחריבו את העיר ולא יגעו בקדשיה ויתנו לכם את כל נחלתכם, ובני־ביתכם ישארו בני־חורין, ואתם תמשלו ברכושכם כטוב בעיניכם, וגם את חֻקי־קדשֵׁנו ישמֹרו. הן תועי־לב אתם בחשבכם, כי יעשה אלהים לצדיקים האלה כמעשהו לרשעים לפנים. והלא דרך האלהים הוא להחיש את נקמתו בעת רצונו, ולכן השמיד את חיל אשור בלילה הראשון לחנותו על העיר, ואִלו באמת היה עמנו ראוי לחיי־חֹפש והרומאים היו ראוים לעֹנש, כי אז פגע אלהים בהם מיד, כאשר עשה לאשור, בעת אשר נלחם פומפֵּיוס בעמנו או אחרי־כן לעת עלות סוֹסִיּוּס על העיר, או בזמן אשר החריב אֶספַּסיָנוס את ארץ הגליל, או לאחרונה, כאשר נגש טיטוס אל העיר. אולם מַגְנוּס (פומפיוס) וסוֹסִיּוּס כבשו את העיר בחֹזק־יד וכל רעה לא מצאה אותם, ואספסינוס עוד עלה לגדֻלה אחרי הלחמו בנו וקבל את נזר המלוכה, ולטיטוס נפתחו מקורות הארץ בברכה רבה, אשר כזבו מימיהם לכם לפנים. הלא תדעו, כי לפני בוא טיטוס דללו מֵי הַשִּׁלֹּחַ ויתר המעינות אשר בקרבת העיר, עד כי הֻטל עליכם לקנות לכם מים במשורה (בכדים), ועתה כל המקורות האלה נותנים את מימיהם לרויה לאויביכם, לא רק דֵי צֹרך האנשים והבהמה, כי־אם גם דֵי השקוֹת את הגנים. וכבר היה האות הזה פעם אחת לפני חרבן העיר, כאשר עלה מלך בבל, אשר דברתי עליו, להלחם בירושלים וכבש אותה ושלח אותה באש על ההיכל, אף כי אין אני חושב, אשר הרבו בני הדור ההוא מעשי־רשע כמוכם היום. על־כן אני מאמין, כי זה הוא אות, אשר עזב אלהים את המקדש ועבר אל מחנה צָרֵיכֶם, אשר אתם נלחמים בהם הפעם. הן כל איש ישר יברח מבית טמא, ונפשו תגעל ביושביו — והאמנם תחשבו, כי האלהים יִשָּׁאר אִתּכם אחרי כל מעשי תועבותיכם, הוא אשר עינו צופה כל תעלומה ואזנו שומעת גם בעת אשר אתם מחרישים? והנמצא דבר, אשר עשיתם אותו בלאט ובמסתרים, אם יש אִתּכם סוד, אשר לא נגלה לאויביכם? הלא אתם עושים נבלה ביד רמה (בפומבי) ומדי יום ביומו אתם רָבים ביניכם, מי מכם יַרבה להרֵע, ונושאים את רשעתכם לעיני השמש, כאלו למעלה טובה נחשבה בעיניכם. ובכל־זאת עוד נשארה לכם דרך ישועה, אם תרצו בה, כי האלהים מרבה לסלוח למודים ועוזבים. הוי לבות־הברזל! פרקו מעליכם את נשקכם, עוררו רחמיכם על עיר אבותיכם, אשר נהפכה כבר למעי־מפלה, הביטו מאחריכם וראו את צבי־עֶדְיְכֶם, אשר אתם מפקירים בידיכם, את תפארת העיר, הדַר המקדש, יקַר מתּנות עמים רבים, ומי יערוב את לבו לשלח בכל אלה את האש? מי ירצה, אשר לא תוספנה עוד עיניו לראות את אלה? והיֵש לנו דבר יקר מאלה להצילהו? הוי, אבירי־לב, הקשים מאבן! אם לא תביטו על הדברים האלה בעיני־בשר, חמלו על משפחותיכם ותעבורנה לנגד עיני כל איש מכם תמונות בניו ואשתו והוריו, אשר יסופו במהרה ברעב או בחרב. יודע אני, כי יחד אתכם נמצאו בצרה גם אמי ואשתי, משפחתי נשואת־הפנים ובית־אבי המפֹאר מקדם, ואולי יֵרָאה בעיניכם, כי רק למענם אני נותן לכם את העצה הזאת. המיתו אותם בידיכם, ויהיה דם קרובי כֹּפר ישועת נפשכם, וגם אני נכון למות, אם תקחו מוסר אחרי מותי!״"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>רבים מבני ירושלים מתאמצים לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. הרעב והמצוקות הקשות, שעברו על הנשארים בעיר.</small><br><br>א. כאשר קרא יוסף את הדברים האלה בדמעות על עיניו, לא נכנע לב המורדים ולא האמינו, כי תהיה להם נפשם לשלל, כאשר ימסרו את עצמם [בידי השונאים], אולם בני העיר התעוררו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. אלה מכרו את רכושם בלא־כסף ואלה מכרו את תכשיטיהם היקרים ובלעו את מטבעות־הזהב, לבל תשיגם יד השודדים, ואחרי־כן ברחו אל הרומאים, וכאשר הוציאו את הזהב מקרבם, נמצא להם כסף די־מחסורם, וטיטוס שלח רבים לחפשי ונתן לכל אחד לבחֹר מקום־מושב לו כטוב בעיניו, ובדבר הזה חִזק עוד את היהודים אשר בעיר ברצונם לנפֹּל אליו, למען החלץ מכל צרותיהם, מבלי היות עבדים לרומאים. אולם חברי יוחנן ושמעון שמרו על מוצאי העיר בפני האנשים האלה יותר מאשר שקדו לסגור על מבואיה בפני הרומאים. וכל איש, אשר דבק בו צל חשד, נשחט בידיהם מיד.",
+                    "ב. עשירי ירושלים תמו לגוע גם בהשארם בתוך העיר. המורדים שׂמו על רבים עלילות דברים, כי הם אומרים בלבם לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, והמיתום ולקחו את רכושם. וככֹל אשר כבד הרעב בעיר, כן חזק זדון המורדים ומיום ליום גדלו שתי הרעות גם יחד. וכאשר נעלם הלחם מעיני הרואים, פרצו המורדים בבתים ובדקו שם, ובמצאם לחם הִכּו את יושבי הבתים על אשר כִּחשו בדבר, וכאשר לא מצאו לחם בבית, עִנו את בעליו על אשר השכיל לטמון את המזונות. והכרת פני האנשים ענתה בהם, אם נשאר להם לחם אם לא: אלה אשר היה להם עוד כח נחשדו, כי נמצאה להם צידה למכביר, ואלה אשר שֻׁפּוּ עצמותיהם שֻׁלחו לחפשי, כי לא לחכמה נחשב להמית את האנשים, אשר יגועו עוד מעט במחסור כֹּל. העשירים נתנו בסתר את כל רכושם באיפת־חטים והעניים הסתפקו במדת־שׂעורים, ואחרי־כן נסגרו בחביון פנות בתיהם ובגֹדל רעבונם בלעו את הגרעינים כמו־שהם או אפו את לחמם בחפזון, לעת אשר רָוַח להם מעט מהרעב ומהפחד. ובשום מקום לא נמצא שלחן ערוך, כי הוציאו הרעבים את המאכלים מן האש בטרם בֻּשלו דַּיָּם, ובלעום בעודם בכפם.",
+                    "ג. מה עלובים היו מזונות יושבי ירושלים, ודָמֹעַ דָמעה כל עין לַמראה הנורא, כאשר תפשו להם התקיפים את המאכלים והחלשים מררו בבכי. כי דרך הרעב לדַכּא את כל רגשות האדם, ויתר על כֹּל הוא משבית את רגש־הבֹּשת. הנשים טרפו את הצידה מידי בעליהן, והבנים מידי אבותיהם, ועוד גדול מזה היה הכאב למראה האִמות, אשר הוציאו מפי עולליהן את לחמם, וכאשר התעטפו מחמדי־נפשן ברעב בעודם מֻנָחים בזרועותיהן, לא חמלו עליהם ולקחו מהם את רסיסי־חייהם [האחרונים]. ובאכלם ככה את לחמם לא נסתרו מעיני המורדים, אשר שוטטו בכל עבר, ולא נחלצו ממעשי חמסם. כי בראות המורדים בית סגור על מסגר, היה להם הדבר לאות, כי יושבי הבית מוציאים את לחמם לאכלו, ומהרו ושברו את הדלתות ופרצו אל הבית, וכמעט חנקו את האנשים להוציא את המאכל מגרונם. הם היו מכים את הזקנים המחזיקים את מזונם בידם, וסוחבים את הנשים בשערותיהן על הסתירן את הצידה בכפיהן, לא נשאו פני איש־שיבה ולא חמלו על נפש עוללים, כי היו מרימים את הילדים עם טרפם בין שִׁניהם ומשליכים אותם ארצה. וכאשר מהרו האנשים להקדים את פני החומסים ולבלוע את טרפם, הרבו השודדים ליסרם באכזריות חמה, כאלו נעשה להם דבַר־עָוֶל. הם מצאו דרכי ענויים נוראים לחקור את האנשים, אם נמצא מזון בידם, כי סתמו את נקביהם בעדשים (באפונים) ודקרו את אחוריהם בשבטים חדים. תסַמר שערת איש לשֵׁמע דברי היסורים, אשׁר סבל כל אחד מיושבי ירושלים, למען יודה על פת־לחם אחת ויגלה קֹמץ־קמח אחד, אשר הניח במסתרים. ואת הדברים האלה עשו מעַניהם לא מתוך דחקם — הן לוּ היה כדבר הזה, לא היתה סאת אכזריותם גדולה כה, כי כִפּר עליה האֹנס — כי־אם למען הראות את זדון נפשם וגם לצבור להם מזון לימים הבאים. וכאשר יצאו אנשים בלילה והתגנבו בלאט אל מקום השומרים הרומאים ללקט אורות־שדה וירקות, וכבר חשבו, כי נמלטו מכף שונאיהם, פגעו בהם המורדים וגזלו מידם את כל אשר הביאו אתם, ואף כי הפצירו בהם האנשים וגם השביעום בשם אלהים הנורא להשאיר להם חלק המזונות, אשר אספו בנפשם, לא שמעו להם ולא השיבו להם דבר. ועל העשוקים היה לשמוח בחלקם, אשר רק טרפם נלקח מהם ונפשם היתה להם לשלל.",
+                    "ד. ובעוד העניים סובלים את כל הנוראות האלה מידי נושאי כלֵי העריצים, הובלו נשואי־הפנים והעשירים למשפט העריצים עצמם. על אלה מצאו עלילת־שקר, כי יעצו בנפשם עצת־בליעל, והמיתום בעלילה הזאת, ועל אלה התגוללו, כי אמרי למסור את העיר בידי השונאים. ועל־הרֹב נמצאו עֵדי־שקר להעיד באנשים, כי אמרו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים. האיש אשר הֻצג ככלי־ריק בידי שמעון נשלח אל יוחנן, והנמלט בעור־שִׁניו מידי יוחנן נפל בידי שמעון. שניהם שתו חליפות את דם יושבי ירושלים והפילו גורלות ביניהם על נחלת האֻמללים. אמנם רָבו איש באחיו על־דבר השלטון, אולם דעה אחת היתה לשניהם בכל מעשי־רשע. וכאשר לא נתן האחד למשנהו לקחת חלק במעשי רשעתו, אשר עולל לאחרים, נחשב בעיניו לאיש מביש, והאיש, אשר נשאר מרחוק למעשה אכזרי, התעצב אל לבו, כאִלו החמיץ מצוה גדולה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: והאיש, אשר לא היה חלקו בדבר, נעצב על השארו מרחוק למעשה האכזרי — כאלו היה דבר טוב.</i>.",
+                    "ה. אכן נבצר מכֹּח אדם לפרט את כל חטאות האנשים האלה לאחת אחת! סוף דבר: אף אחת מערי הארץ לא סבלה כסֵבל ירושלים, ואף אחד מדורות עולם לא הרבה לעשות רשע כאנשי־הבליעל האלה, אשר חרפו לאחרונה גם את גזע העברים, למען תקטן מדת חטאתם בעיני הנכרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לשון המקור סתומה. אפשר גם להבין: ״למען אשר תקטן מדת חטאתם, (כי חטאו] לנכרים״. לאמר: הם כחשו במוצאם היהודי ובזה הצדיקו את עלילותיהם, שעשו ליהודים הזרים להם. ולא פרש המחבר, למה הוא רומז בזה, לא פה ולא להלן.</i>. ובזה הודו במו־פיהם, כי הם עבדים ואספסוף והמון ממזרים וחלאת־העם, וכן היה הדבר באמת. ידי האנשים האלה החריבו את העיר, הם אשר אלצו את הרומאים לתת את שמם על הנצחון הזה בעל־כרחם, וכמעט בעצמם סחבו את האש, אשר בידי הרומאים המתמהמהים, אל המקדש. במנוחת־נפש הביטו מן העיר העליונה אל המקדש הבוער ולא התעצבו אל לבם ולא שפכו דמעה, ורק נפש הרומאים דאבה לשרפה הזאת. אך על זאת נדבר עוד אחרי־כן במקום הראוי, כאשר נספר על המעשים ההם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים נצלבו למול החומה. אנטיוכוס אפיפןם. היהודים הרפו את בניני המצור אשר לרומאים.</small><br><br>א. והסוללות, אשר צוה טיטוס לשפוך על העיר עלו למעלה, אף כי הרבו היהודים אשר על החומה להשחית באנשי־צבאו. הוא שלח להקת־רוכבים וצוה עליה לארוב בעמקים לאנשים היוצאים מן העיר ללקט להם אֹכל. במספר המלקטים האלה היו גם אחדים מאנשי־המלחמה, אשר לא עצרו כח למצֹא להם טרף בחמס־ידם, ויתרם היו עניי־העם, אשר נמנעו לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, ביראם פן תמצא רעה את בני־ביתם, כי לא קוו אשר יעלה בידם להִסָּתר מן העיר בברחם יחד עם נשיהם ובניהם, וגם לא מִלא לבם אותם לעזוב את אלה בידי השודדים, פן ימיתו אותם על מנוסתם הם. הרעב הוסיף להם אֹמץ לצאת מן העיר, אבל כאשר יצאו ממנה בהחבא נגזר עליהם לנפֹּל בידי הרומאים. ובעת התּפשם בכף עמדו על נפשם מפני האֹנס, כי יראו את המות. ואחרי אשר עמדו במלחמה נדמה להם, כי עברה שעת־הכֹּשר לבקש רחמים. על־כן דשו הרומאים את בשרם ועִנו אותם בכל יסורי־מות וצלבו אותם למול החומה. אף כי חמל טיטוס על האמללים האלה — כי מספר הנתפשים הגיע עד חמש מאות בכל יום, ולפעמים עָצם מספרם יותר — לא ראה דרך אחרת לפניו, כי לסכנה נחשב בעיניו להוציא לחפשי אנשים, אשר נתפשו בחֹזק־יד, וגם לא יכול לשום משמר על רבים ועצומים כאלה, אשר נדמו כאלו הם שומרים לשומריהם. ועוד יותר לא מלאו לבו למנוע את הדבר, כי אמר לתת במחזה הזה מופת ליהודים אשר בעיר, למען ידעו, כי סופם יהיה כסוף האנשים האלה, אם לא יסגירו את עצמם בידו. בחמתם ובשנאתם ליהודים הרבו אנשי־הצבא להתעלל בנתפשים וקבעו את כל אחד בצלב בדרך אחרת, וכאשר עצם מספר הנתפשים, צר המקום לצלבים, אף לא נמצאו דֵי צלבים לגופות המוּקעים.",
+                    "ב. אולם המורדים לא רצו להנחם על מעשיהם למראה הפרענות הזאת, ונהפוך הוא, כי התחכמו עוד לתת בזה לקח־חכמה ליתר העם. הם סחבו אל החומה את קרובי הבורחים ואת יושבי העיר, האומרים לכרות ברית עם השונאים, והראו את כל היסורים, אשר סבלו הנמלטים אל הרומאים, וספרו להם, כי אלה המעֻנים באו להתחנן על נפשם ולא היו שבויי־מלחמה. בדבר הזה השיבו אחור ידי רבים, אשר היו עתידים לנפֹּל אל הרומאים, עד אשר נגלה דבר־אמת. כי גם אחרי כל אלה נמלטו אנשים רבים לקראת השפטים אשר חכו להם, בחשבם, כי המות בידי האויבים יניח להם ממצוקות הרעב. טיטוס צוה לקצץ את ידי רבים מהנתפשים, למען לא יחָשבו בעיני־בני העיר כפליטים, אשר נפלו אל האויב בשלום, ולמען יאָמנו דבריהם למראה מכאוביהם. הוא שלח אותם אל שמעון ואל יוחנן לדרוש מהם, כי ישבתו הפעם מריב ולא יאלצו אותו להחריב את העיר, ואם ינחמו על מעשיהם, יפדו בדבר הזה את נפשותיהם ממות ואת עיר אבותיהם הגדולה מחרבן ובבית־המקדש לא תדרוך רגל זרים. ויחד עם זה הלך וסבב טיטוס בסוללות והאיץ בעושי־המלאכה, להראות, כי ישקוד על דברו לעשותו. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה קללו העומדים על החומה את הקיסר ואת אביו וקראו בקול: ״בוז נבוז למָות ויקר הוא בעינינו מן העבדות, ועל־כן נוסיף להרע לרומאים בכל כֹּח־ידנו כל עוד נפשנו בנו. מה לנו ולעיר־קדשנו, אשר אומר אתה, כי חָרֹב תחרב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: ״ומה לנו ולעיר־קדשנו, אחרי דברך, כי מות נמות״.</i>, הן יש לאלהים מקדש נעלה על ההיכל הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: ״ההיכל האובד״, ואפשר להבין גם ״ההיכל הנפסד״.</i> — העולם כֻּלו. ואמנם גם ההיכל הזה ינצל בידי השוכן בו, ואם יהיה אלהים בעוזרינו, נצחק לכל מורָאיך, כי לא תמצא ידך לבצע את דברך. הן קץ כל מעשה הוא בידי אלהים״. ככה צעקו האנשים ועֵרבו את דבריהם בחרפות ובגדופים.",
+                    "ג. בימים ההם בא אל מחנה הרומאים אנטיוכוס אֶפִּיפַנֶּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מלך ארץ קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּנֵי) על נהר פרת העליון.</i> עם אנשי־צבא מזֻיָּנים רבים ועם גדוד שומרים לראשו הנקראים ״מקדונים״, כֻּלּם בני גיל אחד, גבוהי־קומה, אשר זה לא כבר יצאו משנות הילדות, מזֻיָּנים ומחֻנכים כדרך המקדונים, ועל־כן נקראו בשם הזה, אף כי רבים מהם לא היו מבני העם הזה. מושל קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּנֵי), עד שבגד בו גורלו, היה המאֻשר בכל המלכים אשר תחת שלטון הרומאים; רק לעת זקנתו הוכיח גם הוא, כי לא יאות לאדם להקרא ״מאֻשר״ עד בוא יומו. בן המלך הזה, אשר בא אל מחנה הרומאים בעצם עת גדֻלת אביו, הודיע, כי הוא משתומם מאד על אשר הרומאים מתרַפּים להבקיע אל החומה. הוא היה גבור־מלחמה ועז־נפש מאד מתכונתו, ורק פעמים מזער נכשל במעשי אֹמץ־רוחו. טיטוס צחק וענהו: ״הן עבודה אחת לשנינו״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">״עבודה משותפת לנו״, לאמר: כמוני כמוך.</i>. ולדברים האלה מהר אנטיוכוס עם המקדונים אל החומה. בהיותו איש־חיל מלֻמד־מלחמה הצליח להזהר מחִצי היהודים בעת יְרוֹתוֹ בהם. אולם הצעירים אשר עלו עמו נגפו כֻלּם ורק מתי־מספר שָׂרדו מהם. הם בושו, כי הבטיחו [את הרומאים] על שקר, וחרפו את נפשם במלחמה, ואחרי־כן שבו מכֻסי־פצעים והוכיחו בזה, כי גם המקדונים האמתיים, הרוצים לנצח את אויביהם, לא יצליחו בחפצם באין מזל אלכסנדרוס [הגדול] הולך לפניהם.",
+                    "ד. והרומאים החלו לשפוך את הסוללות בשנים עשר לחֹדש ארטֶמיסיוֹס (אִיָּר) וכלו את עבודתם בעמל רב בעשרים ותשעה לחֹדש, אחרי יגעם שבעה־עשר ימים רצופים. ארבע סוללות גדולות שפכו הרומאים ושתים מהן כוננו למול הבירה, האחת היתה מעשה ידי הלגיון החמישי בתוך הברֵכה הנקראת בשם סְתְּרוֹטִיּוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוראת המלה לא התבררה כהלכה.</i>, והשניה — נעשתה בידי הלגיון השנים־עשר והיתה רחוקה ממנה עשרים אמה. רחוקה הרבה משתי אלה היתה הסוללה, אשר עשה הלגיון העשירי בצד צפון, במקום הנקרא ברכת־השקֵדים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אמיגדַלוס ביונית. יש גורסים: ״ברכת המגדל״. משערים, כי זו היא אחת הברכות (התעלות), שחפר חזקיהו המלך.</i>, ובמרחק שלשים אמה ממנה שפך הלגיון החמשה־עשר סוללה בקרבת מצבת הכהן הגדול. הרומאים הקריבו את כלי־הרעש (לנפץ את החומה), אך יוחנן חתר חתירה תחת יסודות אנטוניה עד מקום הסוללות וסתם את חלל המחתרת במוטות, ובהביאו שמה עצים משוחים בזפת ובגפרית, הציתם באש, וכאשר אכלה הלהבה את המוטות, נפלה המחתרת כֻּלּה תחתיה, ובקול רעש גדול התפוצצה הסוללה ושקעה בתוכה. לראשונה התרומם רק עשן ואבק, כי כמעט נחנקה האש תחת מעי־המפֹלה. אולם כאשר היו גם עצי הסוללה השוקעת למאכלת־אש. פרצה הלהבה החוצה, ופלצות אחזה את הרומאים למראה הדבר אשר נעשה פתאֹם, וכאשר הכירו את דבר המזמה, נפל לבם בקרבם, כי נכזבה תקותם לעתיד אחרי המקרה הזה. הם חשבו, כי אך למותר הוא להם לעמוד עתה בפני האש, כי מה בצע בכַבּותם אותה, אחרי אשר היו הסוללות לבָער.",
+                    "ה. וכעבור שני ימים השתערו אנשי שמעון גם על יתר הסוללות, אחרי אשר הביאו אליהן הרומאים את מכונות־הרעש והחלו לנַפּץ את החומה. טִפְתָּאי אחד מבני גַרִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א גַרְסִיס.</i>, העיר אשר בגליל, ומַגַּסַּרוֹס, מעבדי חצר־המלך, אשר היה משרת למרים, ואתם איש אחד מחדיב, בן נַבַּטָּאי, אשר נקרא במקרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ואולי ״על שם המקרה״. קשה לחשוב, כי גבור־חיל כּזה היה חגר.</i> בשם חגירא, לאמר: הַפִּסֵּחַ, לקחו בידיהם לפידי־אש והגיחו אל מכונות הרומאים. ומכל בני ירושלים לא נמצא אף אחד, אשר עלה בעֹז־רוחו על האנשים האלה ואשר היה כמוהם נורא על סביביו. הם עשו את מעשיהם, כאלו הלכו לקדם את פני אוהביהם ולא להתראות פנים בצריהם, ולא נמלכו בדעתם ולא נעצרו בלכתם, כי־אם קפצו אל תוך מערכת האויבים והציתו את המכונות באש. ואף כי המטירו עליהם הרומאים מכל עבר חצים ואבני־קלע והניפו עליהם את צורי חרבותם, לא זעו האנשים ממקום הסכנה, עד אשר אחזה האש את המכונות. וכאשר עלתה הלהבה למרום, מהרו הרומאים מכל מקומות מחניהם לבוא לעזרת אחיהם והיהודים עמדו להם לשטן, כי נלחמו בהם מראש החומה וגם התנגחו פנים בפנים עם השונאים, אשר נסו לכבות את הבערה, ולא חמלו על בשרם ולא נשמרו לנפשותיהם. הרומאים משכו אליהם את מכונות־הרעש מתחת מכסה הזמורות הבוערות באש, והיהודים החזיקו במכונות בתוך הלהבה ותפשו את הכרים ולא הרפו מן הברזל הלוהט. משם עברה האש אל הסוללות, בטרם הספיק הצבא הסוכך עליהן להניא את הדבר. וכראות הרומאים, כי הקיפה אותם האש מסביב, נואשו מתקנתם להציל את הבנינים האלה ונסוגו אל מחנם. והיהודים רדפו אחריהם, כי עצם מספרם מרגע לרגע על־ידי אחיהם הפורצים משערי העיר לעזרתם, ונצחונם הוסיף להם עֹז ועצמה, ואש קנאתם עברה כל חֹק. הם הגיעו עד מצודות מחנה הרומאים והתנגחו עם שומרי המחנה. כי לפני המחנה עומד משמר עד בוא חליפתו, וחֹק חמוּר לרומאים, אשר העוזב את משמרתו, מאיזו סבה שהיא — אחת דתו להמית. אנשי המשמר בחרו למות מות־גבורים ממות־נבל ונשארו על עמדם, ולמראה צרתם שבו רבים מהבורחים בבֹשת־פנים. הם העמידו על חֵל המחנה את כלי־הקלע המהירים ועצרו בהם את ההמון הפורץ מן העיר, אשר לא שׂם לב לשלומו ולא שמר את נפשו<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאמר, שיצאו בלי נשק־מגן.</i>. והיהודים התנגחו עם היוצאים להלחם אִתּם ולא נזהרו מנפֹל על צורי חרבותיהם, ובכֹבד גופם הכו את שונאיהם לארץ. היהודים לא הפליאו לעשות בכֹח ימינם, כי־אם נצחו באֹמץ־רוחם. והרומאים חַתּוּ מפני עֹז־נפשם ולא מפני הרעה אשר עוללו להם.",
+                    "ו. וטיטוס מהר לבוא מקרבת הבירה, אשר הלך שמה לתור מקום למבנה סוללות חדשות, והִרבּה לחרף את אנשי־הצבא על מֹרך־לבם, אשר אחרי כבשם את חומות אויביהם, הביאו סכנה על חומותיהם הם ונשארו במצור, בתִתּם ליהודים להגיח אליהם כדרך הנמלטים מתוך כלא. טיטוס יצא בעצמו עם בחורי צבאו והשתער על השונאים מן הצד. אולם היהודים לא שׂמו לב לדבר, אשר היתה להם מלחמה גם מפנים, והפכו את פניהם אל טיטוס ונלחמו בו בזרוע נטויה. מערכות השונאים התערבו יחד, והאבק עלה למרום וכסה כל עינים, ולקול אנקת הנלחמים צללו כל אזנים, עד כי איש לא יכל להבדיל בין צָרוֹ ובין איש־בריתו. היהודים לא הוסיפו לבטוח בזרוע־עֻזם, ובכל־זאת החזיקו מעמד בגבורת־יאוש. והרומאים חגרו אונים בקַנאם לכבודם ולתהִלת חרבם, וגם מראה הקיסר היוצא לפניהם במלחמה עודד את גבורתם. ואמנם לוּ נמשכה המלחמה עד תֻּמה, כי אז השמידו הרומאים בעֹצם קנאתם את כל היהודים העומדים לקראתם, אולם היהודים לא חִכּו עד אשר יָכרע גורל המלחמה ומהרו לשוב אל העיר. אפס כי למראה חרבן הסוללות לא קמה עוד רוח ברומאים, בהכירם, אשר בשעה אחת היתה כל עבודתם הקשה לבָער, ורבים נואשו מתקותם לכבוש את העיר במכונות־המלחמה, כדרכם תמיד."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס הקים חֵל מסביב לחומות העיר. הרעב שׂם בתים ומשפחות חֵרם.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס נועץ את שרי צבאותיו. הנמהרים שבהם אמרו להקריב את את כל הצבא אל החומה ולנסות להבקיע אותה בחֹזק־יד, באמרם, כי עד־עתה נלחמו ביהודים רק גדודים גדודים ועל־כן לא הצליחו, אולם בעלות כל הצבא על העיר לא ישאו היהודים את תנופת ידו, כי החצים ואבני־הקלע יכַסום כנחל שוטף. המתונים שבהם דרשו לשפוך סוללות עוד הפעם והמתונים ביותר לא יעצו גם את הדבר הזה, כי־אם לחנות לפני העיר ולשמור על מוצאיה ולהכרית מיושביה כל משען־לחם, לשבות ממלחמה ולהסגיר את ירושלים בידי הרעב. כי אין להלחם באנשים נואשים, אשר כל חפצם הוא למות בחרב, כי מבלעדי החרב הם צפוים לרעה גדולה עוד ממנה. אך טיטוס גלה דעתו, כי לא יאות לו לשבת בחבוק־ידים עם חיל עצום אשר כזה וגם למותר יהיה לו להלחם עם שונאים, העתידים לאכול איש את בשׂר אחיו. גם הראה לדעת, כי יכבד ממנו לשפוך סוללות (חדשות) מפני חֹסר עצים ועוד יקשה מזה לשמור על מבואי העיר, כי לא יצלח בידו להקיף את העיר מפני גָדלה ומעצורי המקום, והדבר הזה יהיה לרעת הרומאים לעת אשר יתנפלו עליהם [היהודים מתוך החומה], וגם אם ישמרו הרומאים על מוצאי העיר הגלוים, יתחכמו היהודים למצֹא להם שבילים נעלמים בשעת־דחקם, כי מיטיבים הם לדעת את המקום, ואם יעצרו כֹח להמציא להם צידה במסתרים, ארוך יארך זמן המצור, ויש לירֹא פן ישפיל אֹרך הזמן את כבוד הנצחון, כי הלא ברֹב ימים ישלם כל דבר וחפץ, ורק הממהר לנַצח זוכה לשם טוב. על־כן יעץ טיטוס לרומאים להקיף בחֵל (בדָיֵק) את העיר מסביב, למען יוכלו להזהר בנפשותיהם וגם להחיש את דברם, כי רק בדרך הזה יסגרו על כל מוצאי העיר וליהודים לא יִשָּׁאר בלתי־אם להִוָּאש מכל ישועה ולמסור את העיר בידיהם, או להתמוגג ברעב — ואז יִלָּכדו באפס־יד. מלבד־זאת אמר טיטוס, כי לא יַרפּה מיתר דרכי המלחמה, וגם ידאג לבנות את הסוללות מחדש, אם לא יוסיפו האויבים להרגיזם ביד־חזקה, ואם יחשוב איש, כי העבודה הזאת היא גדולה וקשה למלאותה, עליו להשיב אל לבו, כי לא נאה לרומאים לאחוז במעשים קטנים, ובלא עמל רב לא יִכּוֹן לאדם לעשות גדולות [בלתי לאלהים לבדו]<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ההוספה נמצאת בהוצאה הישנה.</i>.",
+                    "ב. עצת טיטוס טובה בעיני שרי־החַיָּלות, והוא צוה להפקיד את העבודה בידי כל צבאותיהם. וכמו רוח אלהים נפלה על אנשי־הצבא, וכאשר חלקו ביניהם את בנין הדָּיֵק התחרו הלגיונות זה בזה, וגם חלקי הלגיונות התנצחו ביניהם. וכל איש־צבא אמר למצֹא חן בעיני שר־העשרה, ושר־העשרה — בעיני שר־המאה, ושר־המאה — בעיני שר־האלף, ושרי־האלפים נשאו את נפשם להכּבד לפני ראשי הלגיונות, וקנאת ראשי הלגיונות עמדה למשפט הקיסר. כי בכל יום ויום היה סובב את המקום לא פעם ולא שתים ומתבונן אל כל המלאכה. ראשית הַחֵל היתה ממחנה אשור, אשר שם נמצא מקום תחנותו (של טיטוס), ומשם נמשך דרך נחל קדרון אל עבר הר־הזיתים, ומשם נָסַב דרומה והקיף את ההר עד הסלע, הנקרא ״שובך היונים״ (פֶרִיסְטֵרֵאוֹן) ואת הגבעה הסמוכה לו, אשר ממעל לעמק בקרבת הַשִּׁלֹּחַ, ומשם נטה הדָּיֵק מערבה וירד אל עמק (תּעלת) המקור הזה ועלה משם אל מצבת חנן הכהן הגדול ונקף את ההר, אשר חנה בו פומפיוס לפנים, ומשם נטה צפונה והגיע עד כפר אחד, הנקרא בית־עדשים (אפונים), ואחריו הקיף את מצבת הורדוס ופגע במזרח במקום מחנה טיטוס, אשר משם היתה תחלתו. ואֹרך הַחֵל הזה היה ארבעים ריס חסר אחד, ושלש־עשרה מצודות נבנו עליו מחוץ ומדת כֻּלן יחד מסביב עשרה ריסים. בשלשה ימים נשלמה כל העבודה הזאת, אשר לא נפלה בערכה מעבודת חדשים [רבים], בחפזון אשר לא יֵאָמן כי יסֻפּר. ואחרי אשר סגר טיטוס על העיר בַּדָּיֵק הזה ושׂם צבא־משמר במצודות, סבב באשמֹרת־הלילה הראשונה את החֵל לפקוד את המשמר, ובאשמֹרת השניה שלח את אלכסנדרוס, ובאשמֹרת השלישית סבבו ראשי הלגיונות על־פי הגודל. ועל־פי הגורל חלקו להם שומרי הַדָּיֵק את שעות הַשֵּׁנה וכל הלילה עברו הלוך ושוֹב בָּרֶוַח אשר בין המצודות בַּתָּוֶך.",
+                    "ג. ואחרי אשר נסגרו כל מוצאי העיר, נכרתה מהיהודים שארית תקוָתם להִוָּשע, והרעב המאמיר השמיד את העם לבתיו ולמשפחותיו. הגגות היו מלאים נשים ועוללים גוְֹעים, וברחובות נערמו פגרי זקנים. נערים ובחורים נפוחי־רעב תעו כצללים בשוָקים ונפלו לארץ באשר הדביקם המות. וקרוביהם, אשר תַּמּוּ לגוֹע גם הם, לא מצאו כֹח להביאם אל קבר, וגם האנשים הבריאים משכו את ידיהם מהמון הפגרים הרב, ביראם מהביט אל פני הרעה, אשר תשיג גם אותם. כי רבים נפלו מתים על הפגרים, אשר אמרו לקָברם, ורבים נעו אל מקום קבורתם בטרם הגיעה עִתּם. ואיש לא הוריד דמעה בצרה ואיש לא ספד למתים, כי דִכּא הרעב כל רגשות אדם. בעינים יבשות ובשפתים נַעוות הביטו האנשים ההולכים למות אל חבריהם, אשר קדמו למצֹא שנת עולם. דממה עמֻקה הקיפה את כל העיר וליל־המות השחור כסה עליה. אך נוראים מהאימות האלה היו מעשי השודדים, אשר סבבו כמנַצלי קברים בבתים ופשטו את המתים וקרעו מעליהם את מכסיהם והלכו להם בצחוק־זדון. הם בדקו את צורי חרבותיהם בבשר המתים וגם דקרו את המתעלפים בעודם בחיים, לנסות את כֹּח חרבם. אולם כאשר דברו הגוְֹעים אליהם תחנונים לשלוח בהם את ידם ואת להב חרבם [ולשים קץ ליסוריהם], בזו להם והניחו להם להתעטף ברעב. וכל אחד מן הגוססים כונן את עיניו אל ההיכל וראה שם [בפעם האחרונה] את המורדים, אשר נשארו אחריו בחיים. לראשונה צוו המורדים לקבור את המתים בכסף הצבור, כי לא יכלו לשאת את צחנת הפגרים. וכאשר לא מצאה עוד ידם לשַׁלם, השליכו את המתים מעל החומה אל העמקים.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר סבב טיטוס בעמקים וראה אותם מלאים פגרים והביט אל המֻגלה הרַבָּה השוטפת מקרב הנבלות המסריחות, נאנח ונשא את ידיו למרום ובקש את האלהים להיות עֵד־צדקו, כי לא ידיו עשו את הדבר הזה. כל אלה הדברים היו בקרב העיר, ולא הוסיף עוד איש מן המורדים להגיח משעריה, כי לבם נפל עליהם, והרעב נגע גם עד בשרם. והרומאים התענגו על רֹב טובה, כי היה להם לחם למכביר וגם יתר המזונות, אשר הובאו מארץ סוריה ומהמדינות (האפרכיות) הסמוכות, ורבים מהם התיצבו בקרבת החומה והראו את המון מאכליהם הרבים, לחַזק את רעבון האויבים בשׂבע אשר להם. אולם גם האסון הזה לא הכניע את לב המורדים הקשה. וכראות זאת טיטוס, חמל על שארית העם ובקש להציל את הנותרים, ועל־כן החל עוד הפעם לשפוך את הסוללות, אף כי קשה היה להמציא את העצים הדרושים, כי כל האילנות אשר מסביב לעיר נכרתו לעבודת הסוללות הראשונות. ועל־כן הביאו אנשי־הצבא עצים חדשים ממקומות רחוקים תשעים ריס, ובידם עלה לשפוך על הבירה בלבד ארבע סוללות גדולות הרבה מהראשונות. והקיסר חזר כפעם בפעם על הלגיונות להחיש את העבודה למען הראות לשודדים, כי כבר נתפשו בכפו [ואבד מהם מנוס]. אולם בלבם כבר מת כל רגש־נֹחם על מעשיהם הרעים, וכאִלו נפרדו נשמותיהם מגוִיותיהם ואלה ואלה כזרות נחשבו להם. כל צרה לא הֵרַכּה את לבם וכל מכאוב לא נגע בבשרם. הם פשטו על העם החלל וקרעו את בשרו ככלבים ומלאו את בתי־הכלאים אנשים נמַקי־רעב."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרג רב בירושלים וחלול הקדש.</small><br><br>א. ושמעון [בן גיורא] המית ביסורים קשים גם את מתתיהו, אשר בעזרתו כבש את העיר. הוא מתתיהו בן ביתוס מהכֹּהנים הגדולים, אשר היה נאמן ונכבד מאד על־פני כל העם; בעת אשר התענו יושבי ירושלים בעֹל הקנאים שכבר נלוה אליהם גם יוחנן, הטה מתתיהו את לב העם לקרֹא את שמעון, כי יבוא אל העיר לעזרה, ולא הביא אותו בברית־שבועה, כי לא חשב, אשר ידו תהיה בו לרעה. אולם כאשר בא שמעון אל ירושלים ועשה בה ממשלה, חשב את מתתיהו לשונא־נפשו כיתר בני העם ואמר, כי רק באִוַּלתו יעץ עליו [להביאו אל העיר]. בימים ההם נתפש מתתיהו והוּעד בו, כי הוא דורש טוב לרומאים, ושמעון לא נתן לו ללַמד זכות על עצמו והוציא את משפטו למות עם שלשת בניו יחדו — כי בנו הרביעי הקדים להמלט אל טיטוס. וכאשר התחנן מתתיהו אל שמעון להמיתו ראשונה, לבל תראינה עיניו במות בניו, ודרש ממנו לגמול לו את החסד הזה חֵלף הטוב, אשר עשה לו בפתחו לפניו את שערי העיר — [לא שמע לקולו ו]צוה להמיתו לאחרונה. הוא הוּצא למול מחנה הרומאים ובניו נשחטו לעיניו, ואחרי־כן נשחט גם הוא, כי כה צוה שמעון על חנן בן בַּגַּדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: בן בּוֹמַדּוֹס, הוא חנן איש־אמאוס המֻּזכר להלן.</i> האכזרי בכל נושאי־כליו, וגם לעג למתתיהו לאמר: אולי יֵצאו לעזרתו הרומאים, אשר אמר לנפול אליהם! אף לא נתן להביא את גויות ההרוגים אל קבר. יחד עם אלה נהרגו חנניה בן מַסְבַּל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: בן מַסַּמְבַּלוֹס.</i> הכהן, איש נשוא־פנים, וסופר המועצה אריסטֵיוס איש־אמאוס ואתם חמשה־עשר מאנשי־המעלה בקרב העם. ואת אבי יוסף הושיבו [המורדים] בבית־כּלא ושׂמו עליו משמר והכריזו, כי איש מיושבי ירושלים לא ידבר עם חברו ולא יאספו יחדו לדבר הזה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפסוק הזה סתום. יש מתרגמים: איש לא ידבר עמו (עם אבי יוסף).</i>, ואת כל המקוננים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ואולי ״המשתתפים בצרתם״.</i> המיתו, מבלי לחקור אותם.",
+                    "ב. את הדברים האלה ראה יהודה בן יהודה משרי צבא שמעון, אשר הָפקד על־ידו לשמור על אחד המגדלים. ובמקצת התעורר לבו לחמול על חללי הרצח האכזרי, ועוד יותר מזה רצה לשמור את נפשו, ואסף עשרה אנשים נאמנים בבריתו ופנה אליהם בדברים: ״עד מתי נִשָּׂא את הרעות האלה? העוד יש לנו תקוה להִוָּשע, אם נשמֹר באמונה את ברית הנבל? הטרם הגיע הרעב גם עָדינו ועוד מעט ויבואו הרומאים בתוך העיר? והאין שמעון מחלל את בריתו גם עם אנשי־חסדו, ועלינו לפחוד פן יעשה בנו שפטים — בעוד אשר הרומאים נאמנים בבריתם? הבה נסגיר בידיהם את החומה ונמלט את נפשותינו וגם את העיר! ולשמעון לא יעָשה עול — הוא האיש, אשר כבר אמר נואש לנפשו — אם ימהר לתת את הדין״. כאשר הטו עשרת אלה אֹזן לדבר, שלח יהודה לפנות הבֹּקר את יתר האנשים אשר תחת פקֻדתו אל כל רוח, למען לא יִגָּלה דבר עצתו. ולעת השעה השלישית קרא אל הרומאים מראש המגדל [לבוא]. רבים מן הרומאים בזו לדבריו, ורבים לא האמינו להם והנשארים התמהמהו, בהבינם, כי לקץ זמן־מצער יכבשו את העיר באפס־יד. וכאשר רצה טיטוס לגשת אל החומה עם חמושיו, כבר נודע הדבר לשמעון, והוא מהר לכבוש את המגדל ואחז באנשים והמיתם לעיני הרומאים והתעלל בגויותיהם והשליכן מראש החומה.",
+                    "ג. בעת ההיא סבב יוסף את החומה — כי לא חדל לדבּר שלום אל יושבי העיר — ואבן שלוחה פגעה בראשו ומיד נפל לארץ והתעלף. למראה מפלתו הגיחו היהודים מן העיר וכמעט סחבו אותו אל העיר, לולא מהר הקיסר לשלוח אנשי־צבא להגן עליו. ובעוד אלה ואלה נלחמים, הורם יוסף שלא מדעתו מן הארץ, ורק שמץ לקחה אזנו מהדברים הנעשים מסביב, והמורדים הריעו תרועת־ששון, בהאמינם, כי עלה בידם להמית את האיש, אשר זממו לקחת את נפשו. הדבר נשמע בעיר, ולב ההמון הנשאר נפל עליו, בהאמינו, כי אמת נכון הדבר וכי מת האיש, אשר שמו בו מבטֶחָם כל האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים. וכאשר שמעה אֵם יוסף בבית־הכלא, כי מת בנה, אמרה לשומרים: ״מיודפת [ועד הנה] האמנתי זאת (כמת נחשב בעיני), כי לא יכולתי עוד לשמֹח בחייו״<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">רואה אני את התרגום הזה מן התרגום השני: אמרה לשומרים, אשר היו מיודפת: ״אני מאמינה בזאת וכו׳״. — הכונה: מן היום, אשר בגד יוסף ביודפת, נחשב בעיני כמת״.</i>. אולם בהיותה לבדה עם נערותיה בכתה על מותו ואמרה: ״זה הוא שכר ברכת רחמי — כי לא אוכל לקבור את עצמות בני, אשר אליו קויתי, כי יביא אותי אלֵי קבר!״ אך שמועת השוא לא עצבה אותה זמן רב ולא הרנינה את לב המורדים. כי במהרה קם יוסף ממכּתו ונגש אליהם וקרא, כי לא יארכו עוד הימים והם יתנו לפניו את הדין על אשר פצעוהו, ואל העם קרא עוד הפעם לכרות ברית. למראה יוסף התאזר העם עֹז ובהלה נפלה על המורדים.",
+                    "ד. ומן הבורחים אל הרומאים יש אשר קפצו בשעת־דחקם בחפזון מן החומה אליהם, ויש אשר יצאו למראית־עין להלחם באויבים ואחרי־כן נמלטו אליהם. אך פה מצאו אותם רעות גדולות, אשר היו קשות להם מכל התלאה אשר בעיר. כי הנה השׂבע אשר במחנה הרומאים השיא עליהם מות קשה ממוֹת־הרעב בירושלים, באשר באו אל מחנה הרומאים נפוחי־רעב ומראיהם כחולי־הִדְרוֹקָן, וכאשר מלאו את בטנם הריקה בהמון מאכלים, נבקעו מעיהם, — מלבד האנשים, אשר לקחו מוסר מהדבר הזה וכבשו את יצרם ורק מעט־מעט הביאו את המאכל אל הקבה, אשר לא הסכינה לקבּלו. וכאשר נחלצו האנשים מהצרה הזאת, קמה עליהם מכה אחרת. אנשי־הצבא הסורים מצאו את אחד הבורחים באספו זהב מפלֵטת קֵבתו, כי דרך הנמלטים היה לבלוע את הזהב לפני ברחם, כאשר אמרנו למעלה, יען אשר היו המורדים בודקים את כֻּלּם. ובקרב העיר נמצא זהב בהמון רב, עד כי שלמו האנשים שנים־עשר אתיקים (דרכמונים) בעד חתיכת זהב, אשר מחירה היה לפנים עשרים וחמשה (אתיקים). וכאשר נגלה דבַר המזמה, אשר עשה הפליט האחד, עברה הרִנה במחנה הרומאים, כי כל הבורחים מִלאו את כרסיהם במטבעות־זהב, והמון הערבים והסורים בִּקעו את בטן הבורחים המתחננים על נפשם ובדקו את קבותיהם. אני חושב למשפט, כי גדול היה האסון הזה מכל הצרות, אשר מצאו את היהודים, כי בלילה אחד נבקעו בטני אלפַּים איש!",
+                    "ה. וכאשר נודע לטיטוס דבר התועבה הזאת, כמעט אמר בלבבו להקיף את האשֵׁמים בגדוד רומאי ולהמית את כֻּלם כרגע — לולא שָׂם לבו אל ההמון הרב של הנבָלים וראה, כי מספר חַיבי־העֹנש גדול הרבה מונים ממספר הנרצחים. הוא קרא לשרי צבאות הברית ולראשי הלגיונות — כי גם על אחדים מאנשי־הצבא הרומאים יצא שֵׁם רע בדבר הזה — ודִבּר קשות עם כל אחד מהם, באמרו, כי רע בעיניו דבַר התועבה הזאת, אשר עשו אנשים נלחמים תחת דגלו למען סָפק־בצע ולא בושו מפני כבוד כלי־נשקם, העשוים גם הם כסף וזהב. ואת הערבים והסורים יִסר טיטוס על אשר הם חושבים בצאתם למלחמה שאינה שלהם, כי להם המשפט לעשות ככל אַוַּת נפשם הרעה, ואחרי־כן הם תולים את אכזריותם ואת שנאתם ליהודים ברומאים, וככה דבק השם הרע גם באנשים מקרב הצבא (הרומאי). הוא אִיֵּם עליהם, כי יעשה משפט־מות באיש, אשר יוסיף לעשות דבר תועבה כזאת, ועל אנשי־הצבא צוה לחקור אחרי הנחשדים ולהביאם אליו. אך נראה, כי חמדת־הכסף בָּזָה לכל עֹנש, ונוראה היא התשוקה הנטועה בלב האדם למצֹא שלל, ואין תאוה מעבירה אותו מן העולם כאהבת הבצע, כי ליתר תאוותיו יש מדה וגם היראה מכניעה אותן. ואמנם הדבר הזה היה אצבע אלהים, אשר שפט את כל העם לכליון, והפך כל נתיב־ישועה לדרך־מות. כי גם אחרי אשר אסר הקיסר לעשות את הדבר במוראי־מות עוד נועזו האנשים לשלוח יד בבורחים בלאט. עוד טרם הספיקו הנמלטים מתוך העיר להֵראות לעיני הרומאים, פגעו בהם הנכרים (הלועזים, הברברים) ושחטום, בהביטם כה וכה, אם לא יראה את מעשיהם אחד הרומאים, ואחרי־כן שסעו את החללים להוציא מהם את הבצע המגֹאל בדמים, כי מתי־מספר היו האנשים, אשר נמצא זהב בקרבם, ומרביתם היו חללי התקוה הכוזבת. האסון הזה עצר בעד רבים מן העם, אשר אמרו בנפשם לברוח ולנפול אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ו. וכאשר לא השיגה עוד יד יוחנן לגזול (מאת העם), שׂם את פניו למעול בקדשים וצוה להַתּיך רבים מקדשי ההיכל והרבה כלי־שרת לעבודת אלהים, את הקנקנים והקערות והשלחנות, וגם על מזרקי־היין, אשר שלחו הקיסר אוגוסטוס ואשתו מתנה אל בית־המקדש, לא חמלה עינו. והנה מלכי הרומאים כבדו את ההיכל תמיד והוסיפו עליו פאר, ועתה בא היהודי הזה וגזל את מתנות הזרים, ואל העומדים עליו אמר, כי במלחמה לשֵׁם־שמים מֻתָּר להשתמש בקדשי־שמים ולמגִני ההיכל המשפט לקבל ממנו את לחם־חֻקָּם. על־כן הוציא גם את יין־הקֹדש ואת השמן [הכתית], אשר שמרו אותם הכהנים להקריבם על עולת־התמיד — והם נמצאו בבית־המקדש לפנים — וחִלק אותם לאנשי־המונו, ואלה משחו את בשרם בלי אימה בשמן־הקֹדש ושתו מיין־הנסכים [לרויה]. אמנם אין בכֹחי לעצור בדברים, אשר שׂם בפי יגון־נפשי! אני חושב, אשר לו פִגרו הרומאים לקחת את נקמתם באנשי־הבליעל, כי אז פתחה האדמה את פיה ובלעה את העיר, או בא עליה מבול סוחף והציף אותה, או הברקים, אשר ירדו לפנים על סדום מן השמים, שׂמו אותה לבער. כי נמצא בקרבה דור רשע, אשר הִרבּה להכעיס את אלהים מהדורות החטאים, אשר נדונו בעֳנָשׁים האלה, ובשגעון הדור החוטא הזה נספָּה העם כֻּלּוֹ.",
+                    "ז. ולמה עלי לספר את כל הצרות לאחת אחת? בימים ההם נמלט אל טיטוס מנוח<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: מַנַּיּוֹס.</i> בן אלעזר וסִפּר, כי דרך שער אחד משערי העיר, אשר הָפקד עליו לשמרו, הוצאו אחד־עשר רבוא וחמשת אלפים ושמונה מאות ושמונים חללים מן היום, אשר בו שׂמו הרומאים את מחנם בקרבת העיר, הוא הארבעה־עשר לקסַנתּיקוס (ניסן) עד ראש־חדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז), וכל ההמון הזה היו עניים בלבד, והנה האיש הזה לא עמד על הפגרים ברצותו למנותם, רק עשה זאת באֹנס, בשַׁלמו שכר [למוציאי הפגרים] מכסף הצבור. ואת יתר האנשים קברו בני־ביתם. ודרך הקבורה היה להוציא את המתים מתוך השער ולהשליכם למטה. ואחרי מנוח נמלטו רבים מנשואי־הפנים והודיעו, כי ששים רבוא מתים הָשלכו משערי ירושלים ומספר יתר חללי הרעב הוא לאין־חקר. כאשר כשל כֹּח האנשים להוציא את גוִיות המתים העניים, צברו אותן צבורים צבורים בבתים הגדולים אשר בעיר וסגרו על הפגרים. איפת־חטים אחת נמכרה בככר־כסף, ואחרי־כן, כאשר נסגרה העיר בדָיֵק, ולא יכלו עוד יושביה ללקט להם ירקות, גדל המצוק ועלה למעלה ראש, עד אשר בדקו את תעלות־השופכים וחפשו בגללי־הבקר להוציא משם דבר אשר יֵאָכֵל. והדברים, אשר היו לגֹעל־נפש לכל רואיהם לפנים, נעשו עתה למאכל־העם. כשמוע הרומאים את הדבר הזה, נדו לאסון העם, אולם המורדים, אשר ראו את הדברים בעיניהם, לא שבוּ ממעשיהם, כי־אם החזיקו במרדם, עד אשר הגיעה הרעה גם אליהם. כי הגזרה, שנגזרה על העיר, אשר קרב לבוא קִצה, הכתה את עיניהם בסנוֵרים [ולא ראו ולא שׂמו אל לב]."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>תלאות היהודים עברו כל מדה. הרומאים התנפלו על הבירה.</small><br><br>א. וצרות ירושלים עצמו מיום ליום, כי כאשר גדלו התלאות עלה גם רֹגז המורדים, והרעב, אשר שת קציר לעם, כבר החל להציק גם להם. מראה ערֵמות הפגרים הרבים היה לזוָעה לעין־רואה, וצחנתם הֶעלתה רוח־קטב, ותִלי הגוִיות היו למכשול לאנשי־המלחמה בהגיחם מן העיר, כי היה עליהם לדרוך על חללים, כמעשה הלוחמים במערכה, הבוקעים להם דרך ביום הרג רב. אך גם בבוססם את הגויות לא סמרו שערותיהם ולא התעוררו רחמיהם, אף לא ראו אות, מבַשׂר רעה בַּחרפה, אשר הביאו על המתים, ובידים מגֹאלות בדם אחיהם רצו משערי העיר להתגרות מלחמה באויביהם, כאִלו אמרו ליַסר את האלהים על אשר האריך להם במדת־דינו. כי לא תקוה לנצחון הוסיפה עוד להפיח עֹז בלב המורדים, כי־אם היאוש מכל ישועה יצא לפניהם במלחמותם. ואף כי עבדו הרומאים עבודת־פרך בהביאם את העצים ממרחק, עלה בידם להשלים את עבודת הסוללות מקץ עשרים ואחד יום, אחרי חשׂפם — כאשר אמרתי למעלה — את כל הארץ מסביב לעיר במרחק תשעים ריס. ומראה הארץ עורר חמלה בלב כל רואה, כי בהִגָּדע כל האילנות במקומות, אשר עטו לפנים עצי־פרי ופרדסים, נהפכה כֻלה לשאִיָּה. וגם האישׁ הנכרי, אשר ראה לפנים את ארץ יהודה ואת מגרשי ירושלים כלילי־היֹפי והביט עתה אל המקומות האלה בחֻרבנם, לא עצר כֹּח למנוע קולו מבכי ולהבליג על אנחותיו למראה המהפכה הנוראה הזאת. כי מחתה המלחמה את כל עקבות הדַר העיר לפנים, ולוּ הגיע שמה פתאֹם איש, אשר ידע את המקומות האלה לפנים, כי אז נבצר ממנו להכירם, ובדרוך רגליו על אדמת ירושלים היה עליו לבקש את מקומה אַיּוֹ.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר תמה מלאכת הסוללות, באו ימי דאגה ומגור לרומאים וליהודים יחדו. כי היהודים הבינו, אשר נפֹל תפֹּל העיר בידי האויבים, אם לא יצלח חפצם לשרוף את הסוללות האלה, כמעשיהם אשר עשו לסוללות הראשונות. והרומאים חשבו, כי לא יעלה בידם לכבוש את העיר לעולם, אם גם הסוללות האלה תאבדנה, כי לא נמצאו עוד עצים [לעבודה חדשה] וכבר כשל כֹּח אנשי־הצבא מהעבודה הקשה, וגם רוחם השתוחחה בקרבם אחרי המפלות הרצופות. ואף התלאות אשר בירושלים המסו את לב הרומאים יותר מאשר דכאו את רוח אנשי העיר. לשוא קוו הרומאים, אשר הרעות תַּכשלנה את כֹּח צריהם במלחמה, כי היהודים הבישו כפעם בפעם את כל תקוותיהם: הם השחיתו את הסוללות בתחבולותיהם, ומכונות־הרעש לא יכלו להרעיש את חומות העיר המוצקות, וגם בזרוע נטויה לא עצרו הרומאים כֹּח לכבוש את העיר, כי התגברו עליהם היהודים בהלחמם בהם פנים בפנים, — ועוד יותר התעצבו הרומאים בשומם אל לבם, כי אחרי מלחמת־האחים בירושלים והרעב ויתר פגעי המלחמה וכל הנוראות אשר מצאו את היהודים, לא סר אֹמץ־רוחם, ועל־כן האמינו, כי איש לא יוכל לעמוד בפניהם בצאתם להלחם מלחמת־תנופה וכי גם הצרות לא תעצרנה להחליש את כֹּח־סֻבּלם. הם חשבו בלבם: מה יבָּצר מהאנשים האלה לעשות לעת תהיה השעה משַׂחקת להם? הלא גם האסונות מוסיפים להם כֹּח ואיָל! על־כן שקדו הרומאים לחַזק את משמר הסוללות מאד.",
+                    "ג. ואנשי יוחנן המגִנים על הבירה (אנטוניה) הכינו להם משׂגב לעתיד, לכשתִּבָּקע חומת המצודה, וגם נִסו להגיח אל הסוללות בטרם יספיקו הרומאים להציג עליהן את הכרים, אולם הפעם לא הצליחו במזמתם. כי בצאתם עם הלפידים, לא הספיקו לגשת אל הסוללות ופנו עֹרף. הסבה הראשונה לדבר היתה, כי לא עשו את הדבר בלב אחד ובהשכל ובדעת, ולא יצאו חוצץ כּלם, כי־אם בגדודים [קטנים], וגם אלה התפרדו ונזהרו [יותר מן המדה] ויראו לנפשם. סוף דבר: הם עשו את מעשיהם שלא כדרך היהודים. כי לא נִכּרו בהם הפעם מעלות לוחמי עם־יהודה, עֹז הנפש וקנאת־הקרָב, שטף המרוצה בהמון צפוף ושיבה מהירה בטרם תבוא רעה. ובצאתם על אויביהם בלא רוח נכונה כדרכם תמיד, מצאו את הרומאים חזקים מבתחלה, כי סוככו בבשרם ובכלי־נשקם על הסוללות בכל מקום, עד אשר לא מצאו להם היהודים נתיב להבקיע שמה ולהצית שם אש — וגם כל אחד מן הרומאים היה מוכן לבלתי עזוב את המערכה עד צאת נפשו. כי ידעו אנשי־הצבא, אשר כל תקוותיהם תאבדנה, אם תִּשָׂרף גם המלאכה הזאת באש, ומלבד זאת בושו מאד לנפשם, פן תכריע ערמת היהודים את גבורתם הם, ורוח היהודים הנואשה — את תֹּקף נשקם, וההמון הרב יתגבר על למודי־המלחמה — ויד היהודים תהיה בעֹרף הרומאים. גם כלי־הקלע היו לעזרה לרומאים, כי ירו ביהודים הקמים אליהם, וכאשר נפל בהם הנופל, היה למכשול לכל המעפילים לעלות אחריו, ואימת המות שברה את רוחם, ולא נועזו ללכת הלאה. והיהודים, אשר הגיעו במרוצתם אל האויב קרוב ממטחוי־קשת, נבהלו למראה שונאיהם, העומדים צפופים במערכות מלחמה, ולא ערבו את לבם להלחם בהם פנים בפנים, והנשארים נרתעו מפני החניתות הרבות [אשר לאויביהם] ונסוגו אחור במרוצה. לאחרונה שבו כלם במפח־נפש אל החומה, וכל איש חרף את רעהו על מרך־לבו. המלחמה הזאת היתה בראש־חֹדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז). וכאשר נסוגו היהודים אחור, הקריבו הרומאים את כלי־הרעש, והיהודים המטירו עליהם מראש המצודה (אנטוניה) אבנים ואש לוהט וכל מיני קלע, אשר השיגה ידם בעת דחקם. אף כי הרבו היהודים לבטוח במעוז חומתם ובזו לכלי־המשחית, בכל־זאת נִסו להניא את הרומאים מגשת אליהם. והרומאים האמינו, כי היהודים חוגרים את כֹּחם לבלי תת לכרים לנגח את הבירה, יען כי חומתה היא דלה ורפה, והיו בטוחים, כי התמוטטו אשיותיה, ועל־כן התמכרו להלחם ביתרון־אונים. אמנם החומה לא הזדעזעה תחת מכת הכרים, אולם הרומאים לא נבהלו מפני היהודים היורים עליהם, ולא שמו לב לפגעים המוכנים להם מידי העומדים בראש החומה, והוסיפו לנגח את המצודה בחֹזק־יד. וכאשר כשל כּחם בעבודה הזאת, והאבנים השלוחות אליהם מכל־עבר הפיצו את שורותיהם, באו אנשי־צבא אחרים וסוככו על בשרם במגִניהם וחתרו בידיהם ובדרבנותיהם תחת יסודות המצודה, ואחרי עמל רב עלה בידם להוציא משם ארבע אבנים. הלילה בא והפסיק את המלחמה ובלילה ההוא נבקע חלק החומה, אשר הרעישו אותו הרומאים באילי־הברזל, ונהרס פתאם במקום, אשר חתר בו יוחנן לפנים בהתנקשו לסוללות הרומאים, כי נפלה המנהרה תחתיה.",
+                    "ד. אך מוזר היה הרֹשם, שעשה המקרה הזה בלבות היהודים והרומאים. היהודים, אשר היה להם להתעצב אל לבם לַשׁבר, אשר בא אליהם בהסח־הדעת, בטרם הספיקו למצֹא להם מבטח אחר, חגרו עֹז, כאלו נשארה עוד החומה בשלֵמותה. ושמחת הרומאים על פרץ החומה, אשר לא קוו לו, ערבה למראה החומה השניה, אשר הקימו אנשי יוחנן מִבַּיִת למול החומה הפרוצה. אמנם למראית־עין נקל היה לכבּשׁ את החומה הזאת מאשר את החומה הראשונה, כי דרך פרצי ההרס היה קל לרומאים לעלות עליה, וגם חשבו הרומאים נכונה, כי החומה החדשה הזאת רפה הרבה מחומת הבירה הישנה, כי נבנתה בחפזון בשעת הדחק, ועל־כן תהָרס במהרה. אולם איש לא ערב את לבו לעלות בפרץ החומה, וכל אחד ירא להחל בדבר, בדעתו, כי הוא הולך לקראת המות בבטחה.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס הבין, כי בתקוות טובות ובדברים נכונים יוכל לחַזק את רוח אנשי־המלחמה, כי דברים מעוררים והבטחות טובות משכיחים לפעמים את מוראי הסכנה, ויש אשר הם מביאים את האדם לבוז למות. על־כן צוה להקהיל את גבורי־החיל אשר בקרב אנשיו ונשא אליהם את דבריו לאמר: שמעו אלי, חבֵרַי, היוצאים עמי במלחמה. לוְ בא אדם להעירכם לעשות דברים שאין בהם סכנה, היתה התוכחת הזאת לחרפה לכם ויחד עם זאת היתה גם לאות ולעֵד על מֹרך־לב המוכיח אתכם. אני חושב, כי יש לעורר את האנשים בדברים רק למעשים גדולים ומסֻכּנים, ואולם את הדברים הקטנים עליהם למלא מכֹּח עצמם. אני חושב כמוכם, כי יקשה מכם לעלות על החומה, ואולם עלי להוסיף, כי נאה מאד לאנשים מבקשי המַעלה להלחם במכשולים, ויפה למות בשֵׁם טוב (שם גבורים), וגבורת האיש המחרף את נפשו ראשונה לא תשוב ריקם. בתחלה אעיר אתכם על דבר אחד, אשר רבים מכם נבהלים מפניו, — הוא אֹרך־רוח היהודים וכח־סבלם הגדול בצרותיהם. הן כדַי בזיון יהיה, אם אתם הרומאים — אתם אנשי־חֵילי, אשר למדתם את מלאכת המלחמה בעתות־שלום ומאז הסכנתם לנצח במלחמותיכם — תכרעו לפני כֹּח זרוע היהודים או לפני עֹצם רוחם בשעה הזאת, לעת קץ הנצחון, אשר נִתּן לנו בעזרת אלהים. הן כל מפלותינו אינן רק פרי שגעון היהודים הנואשים, אולם צרות היהודים הן מעשי גבורתנו, אשר גדלו ועצמו בעזר אלהים: מריבת האחים והרעב והמצור והחומה שנפלה תחתיה בלי רעש המכונות — האין זה אצבע אלהים, אות כעסו עליהם ואות ישועתו לנו? ולא לנו יאות לכרוע לפני החלשים ממנו, ועוד יותר מזה — לבגוד בברית אלהים. ואיך לא נכָּלם בראותנו את היהודים האלה, אשר לא יגדל קלונם בהכנעם לפנינו, כי כבר למדו להיות עבדים — והנה הם בזים למוֶת, למען לא יוסיפו להטות שכמם לסֵבל, וכפעם בפעם הם פורצים בתוך מערכותינו, ואמנם אינם מקוים להתגבּר עלינו, כי־אם באים להראות את גבורתם לבד. ואנחנו? הנה אנחנו מושלים בכל הארץ כמעט ובמרחבי הים, והלא אם [גם לא תהיה ידנו על התחתונה] רק לא ננַצח את אויבינו — יחָשב לנו הדבר לחרפה נצחת, ובכל־זאת לא נִסינו אף פעם להשליך את נפשנו מנגד במלחמה עם צרינו — ואנחנו מחכים כל הימים, עד אשר יכרית אותם הרעב או במקרה יכרעו לפנינו, ויושבים בחבוק ידים עם כל המון נשקנו הרב, אף כי נִתּן הפעם בידינו להשלים את הנצחון בּחרפנו את נפשנו מעט. אם נעפיל ונעלה על המצודה — והיתה לנו כל העיר. אין אני מאמין, כי תקום לנו מלחמה מבית לחומה, אך לו גם יהיה כדבר הזה — הנה מרום־מעמדנו, אשר משם נוכל לעצור את נשימת צרינו, הוא ערֻבּה נאמנה לנצחון. ואני לא אבוא פה לזַמר את תהלת מות־גבורים במלחמה ולא אדבר אל חיי־הנצחים העתידים לאבירים, אשר נפלו חללים, כי־אם רוצה אני לברך את האנשים, אשר לא כמחשבותי מחשבותיהם, כי ימותו בשלום מְמוֹתי־תחלואים ויחד עם גופם תִּשָּׁפט גם נשמתם לקבורת־עולם. מי מכם לא ידע, כי את נשמות הגברים הטובים, אשר הפרידה חרב המלחמה ביניהן ובין גויותיהן, יחבק היסוד הטהור בכל היסודות, הוא האַיתֵּר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">האויר הדק והנעים המרחף בשׂדי־הנצח (אליסיון).</i>, וירים אותן בין כוכבים, ומשם יופיעו הגבורים האלה בדמות רוחות טובים ואבירים הסוככים על יוצאי־חלציהם, ועל הנשמות הגוְֹעות מגוף חולה, ולוְ גם תהיינה טהורות מכל דֹּפי ומכל כתם, יכסה ליל־אפלה מתחת לאדמה, ותהום־נשיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: לֶתֵּי.</i> תקדם את פניהן, כי עם קץ חייהן וכליון־בשרן יסוף גם זכרן? ואם נגזר על בני־האדם, כי בעל־כרחם יבוא קץ לחייהם, והחרב היא שליח (שַׁמַּש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: ״המשרת״.</i>) הגזרה הזאת, הנוח לאדם מכל מחלה, האֻמנם לכבוד יהיה לנו, אם לא נפרע לצרכינו את החוב, שמוטל עלינו לשַׁלם אחרי־זמן לַגורל בעל־כרחנו? והנה את כל הדברים האלה אמרתי, לכשלא יוכלו גבורי־החיל להושיע את נפשם. אולם הלא נִתָּן בידי המגברים חיָלים להציל את חייהם גם בעת צרה גדולה. הן לראשונה לא יקשה מכם לעלות בפרץ הזה, ומלבד זאת יֵקל לכם מאד לכבוש את החומה החדשה. ואם רבים ועצומים מכם יחגרו עֹז לעשות מעשה, יחַזק האחד את לב משנהו ויהיה לו לעזרה, ולמראה אֹמץ־לבכם יפול לב שונאיכם במהרה. ואולי יעלה הדבר בידכם גם בלי שפך־דם, אם תחֵלו אותו הפעם. אמנם כאשר תעפילו ותעלו ביד רמה, הלֹא נַסֵּה ינסו האויבים לעצרכם, אולם אחרי אשר תעשו בלָאט ותתחזקו [עליהם] פעם אחת, לא יוסיפו לעמוד בפניכם, גם אם תקדמו [אותם] במתי־מספר. ולי תהיה לחרפה, אם לא אשלם לאשר יעפיל לעלות על החומה לראשונה כגמול ידיו, עד כי יקַנאו בו רואיו, וכי יִשָּׁאר בחיים, יהיה נגיד ומצוה לחבריו, ואם יפול במלחמה, ישא משאת־כבוד אחרי מותו לזכר נשמתו.״",
+                    "ו. בדבֵּר טיטוס את הדברים האלה לא חדל ההמון הגדול לירֹא מפני גֹדל הסכנה. רק אחד מאנשי־הצבא אשר בגדודים ושמו סַבּינוּס, בן משפחה סורית, גלה הפעם, כי הוא עולה על חבריו בעֹז־ימינו ובכֹח־נפשו, אף כי האדם הרואה לעינים, שהביט אל מבנה גופו, לא יכול להאמין, כי איש־חיל הוא באמת, כי היה שחור בעורו, צנום ודל־בשר. אולם נשמת גבור נערץ שכנה בגוִיה הדקה, אשר צרה מהכיל את כֹּח־הנפש הזה. הוא קם ראשון על רגליו ואמר: ״ברצון אקריב לך את נפשי ואעלה לראשונה על החומה ואתפלל, כי מזלך הטוב ימַלא אחרי אֹמץ־לבי ומחשבתי הנכונה, אך אם אבוש מתקותי, דע לך, כי לא תבוא מפלתי בהסח־הדעת, כי־אם בדעה צלולה אבחר במות למענך״. לדברים האלה הרים בשמאלו את המגן לסוכך בו מעל לראשו ובימִינו שלף את החרב וקפץ אל החומה. הדבר הזה היה קרוב לשש שעות ביום. אחריו הלכו עוד אחד־עשר איש, אשר הם לבדם קִנאו בגבורתו. והשומרים העומדים על החומה הטילו עליהם חניתות לאין־מספר וגם ירו בהם חצים מכל עבר. אולם סַבּינוס רץ לקראת חניתות אויביו, ואף כי כסו אותו החצים, לא נעצר בשטף מרוצתו, עד אשר הגיע למרום המצודה והניס את האויבים. כי נבהלו היהודים מפני זרוע־עֻזו ותֹקף־נפשו וחשבו, כי יחד עמו עולים אנשים רבים ועל־כן פנו עֹרף. אך בצדק עלינו לחרף את הגורל המקנא במעלות האדם והבוצר את הרוח המפליאה לעשות חיל. כי כאשר השלים הגבור הזה את רצונו, מעדו רגליו בהכָּשלו באבן אחת, והוא נפל מלא־קומתו ארצה בהמֻלה רבה. ולקול ההמֻלה הביטו היהודים מאחריהם ובראותם, כי הוא נופל לארץ ואין איש אתו, החלו לירות בו מעברים. הוא קם מעל הארץ וכרע על אחת מברכיו, ובסוככו על בשרו במגִנו עמד על נפשו לראשונה וגם פצע רבים מהשונאים הנגשים אליו. אולם מרֹב פצעיו צנחה יד־ימינו, ועוד טרם יצאה נשמתו נקבר תחת המון חצים וקלעים — הוא הגבר, אשר ראוי היה לקבל טובה יתרה על גבורתו. אולם מות־הגבורים היה נאה לגֹדל־רוחו. ומיתר הרומאים, אשר העפילו לעלות, המיתו היהודים שלשה אנשים, אשר הגיעו עד מרום המצודה, בפוצצם את עצמותיהם באבנים, ושמונת הנשארים נסחבו למטה [בידי חבריהם] מכֻסים בפצעים ונִשׂאו אל המחנה. הדבר הזה היה בשלישי לחֹדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז).",
+                    "ז. וכעבור יומַים נועדו עשרים איש מהשומרים הרומאים הסוככים על הסוללה, ומשכו אליהם את נושא־הנשר אשר ללגיון החמישי ושני אנשים מלהקות הרוכבים וגם את אחד המחצצרים, ובתשע שעות בלילה עלו בלאט על הבירה דרך פרץ החומה ושחטו את שומרי המצודה הראשונים הנמים את שנתם וכבשו את החומה וצוו את המחצצר לתת אות. לקול החצוצרה נעורו פתאם משנתם יתר שומרי המצודה ומהרו לברוח, בטרם הספיקו לראות את מספר האנשים הבאים. כי הפחד וקול החצוצרה התעו אותם לראות בעיניהם כדמות המון־אויבים רב העולה עליהם למלחמה. וכשמוע הקיסר את קול החצוצרה, צוה להריע ולהזעיק את הצבא במהרה, ויחד עם ראשי־הלגיונות עלה בפרץ החומה בראש בחורי חילו. כאשר ברחו היהודים מפניהם אל הר־הבית, פרצו הרומאים גם במנהרה, אשר חפר יוחנן לסוללותיהם. המורדים משני המחנות הנפרדים, אנשי יוחנן ואנשי שמעון, עצרו בעד הרומאים ונלחמו בהם בשארית אונים והשליכו את נפשם מנגד במדה אשר אין למעלה ממנה, כי הבינו, אשר תהיה תבוסתם שלמה בבוא הרומאים אל הר־הבית — בעוד אשר הרומאים חשבו, כי הדבר הזה יהיה ראש נצחונם. מסביב למבואי הר־הבית התחוללה מלחמה עזה, כי הרומאים בקשו להבקיע בחֹזק־יד אל המקדש ולכבשו, והיהודים הדפו אותם אחור אל הבירה (אנטוניה). והחניתות והחצים לא היו הפעם ליהודים ולרומאים להועיל, כי שלפו את חרבותיהם ונלחמו פנים בפנים, ובהתלקח הקרב לא ידעו אלה ואלה איה מערכות לוחמיהם, כי התלכדו יחד ונדחקו במקומות הצרים, ובתוך הצעקות הנוראות לא נשמע קול המפקדים. ורבים ועצומים נפלו חללים מן היהודים והרומאים, והלוחמים רמסו את הנופלים ורסקו את אבריהם ואת כלי־נשקם. וכל העת נשמע במקום, אשר נעתק שמה כֹּבד המלחמה, קול ענות גבורה, תרועת העושים חיל, יחד עם קול יללת הפונים עֹרף, ולא היה מקום לכושלים לברוח בו ולא רֶוַח לרדוף אחריהם. ובהתערב שתי המערכות יחד גברה יד האחת במקום אחד ויד השניה במקום אחר. והעומדים בשורה הראשונה לא יכלו בלתי־אם לנפול או להפיל את אויביהם באבֹד מהם כל מנוס, כי אלה ואלה נדחפו בידי חבריהם הנלחמים מאחוריהם ולא נשאר אף רֶוַח קטן ליוצאי הקרב. לאחרונה התגברו היהודים בעֹז קנאתם על הרומאים מלֻמדי־המלחמה, והקרָב בא עד קצו, אחרי אשר נמשך מתשע שעות בלילה עד שבע שעות ביום. היהודים יצאו לקרָב בכל המונם ועשו גבורות נפלאות, ביָראם פן יפלו בידי אויביהם. והרומאים נלחמו רק בחלק צבאם, כי טרם הספיקו להגיע שמה הלגיונות, אשר בהם שׂמו הלוחמים מבטחם. על־כן שמחו הרומאים בחלקם, כי עלה בידם לכבוש את הבירה.",
+                    "ח. ויוּליָנוס שר־המאה מארץ ביתוּניה, איש מבני הנדיבים, עלה בדעת־הקרָב ובכח־גופו וגם בעֹז־נפשו על כל האנשים, אשר ידעתי במלחמה הזאת. הוא עמד בַּבִּירָה על־יד טיטוס וראה את הרומאים, והנה הם נסוגים אחור ואין בהם כֹּח לעמוד על־נפשם, והגיח לבדו אל־תוך היהודים המנצחים והניס אותם עד קרן החצר הפנימית אשר למקדש. הם ברחו כֻלם יחד, בחשבם כי עֹצם־ידו ועזוז־רוחו אינם דרך־אדם. והוא קפץ בקרב הבורחים הנפוצים מעליו אנה ואנה והמית את הנופלים בידו. והקיסר ראה את הדבר הזה ותמַה מאד מאד ויתר רואיו שׂערו שׂער. אולם גם אחריו רדף הגורל, אשר לא יִמָּלט ממנו בשר־ודם: על רגליו היו סנדלים מסֻמרים כחֹק לאנשי־הצבא והמסמרים היו צפופים וחדים, וברוצו על־גבי מרצפת־האבנים מעדו רגליו והוא נפל ארצה אחורנית. לקול שאון נשקו במפלתו הפכו הבורחים את פניהם אליו והכו אותו מכל עבר ברמחיהם ובחרבותיהם. אולם בעבי־מגִנו השיב יוּליָנוס זמן רב את חרב שונאיו אחור וכפעם בפעם נִסּה לעמוד על רגליו, אך המון המכים אותו השליך אותו לארץ. וגם בשכבו מָחַץ בחרבו רבים [מהמתנפלים עליו], ולא במהרה נפל שדוד, כי הקובע והשריון סוככו על חלקי גופו הנוחים לדקירה, וגם כנס את צוארו (ערפו), ורק כאשר נקצצו ראשי יתר אבריו וראה, כי אין איש מחרף את נפשו לבוא לעזרתו, עיפה נפשו להורגים. ועצב נורא דכא את לב הקיסר בראותו איש גבור־חיל כזה נרצח לעיני חבריו הרבים. הוא רצה להחיש לו עזרה, אך לא יכל לעשות את הדבר ממקום עָמדו והאנשים [הקרובים], אשר יכלו לעָזרוֹ, נמוגו מפחד ולא משו ממקומם. ואחרי אשר שׂרר יוּליָנוס זמן רב אל המות ונלחם בממיתיו ופצע את כֻּלם מלבד מתי־מעט, נהרג בעמל רב והשאיר את שמו לתהלה לא בפי הקיסר בלבד, כי־אם גם בפי השונאים. והיהודים לקחו להם את נבלת המת, ואחרי זאת גרשו את הרומאים ולחצו אותם אל חומת אנטוניה. במלחמה הזאת הפליאו לעשות גבורות אַלֶּכּסא וגִפְתָּאי מצבא יוחנן, ומאנשי שמעון מַלכִּיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יתכן גם: מלאָכי.</i> ויהודה בן מֶרְטוֹן, וגם יעקב בן סוֹסא ראש האדוֹמים, ושני אחים מקרב הקנאים שמעון ויהודה בני אֲרִי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: בני יאיר.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס צוה להרוס את הבירה, ושלח את יוסף לדבר עוד הפעם אל המורדים דברי־מוסר.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס צוה על אנשי־הצבא אשר עמו להרוס את יסודות הבירה ולפתוח מבוא רחב ונוח לכל חילו. והוא שלח לקרֹא ליוסף, כי שמע אשר ביום ההוא, הוא יום שבעה־עשר לחדש פַּנֵּמוֹס (תמוז), שבת קרבן־האלהים, הנקרא בשם קרבן־התמיד, מחֹסר אנשים [הראוים להקריבו כהלכה] והעם התעצב על זה מאד. הוא צוה את יוסף לדבּר אל יוחנן עוד הפעם כדברים הראשונים לאמר: ״אם תקף עליך יצרך הרע לעשות מלחמה, הלא יש לאל־ידך לצאת עם כל הרוצים להלחם, מבלי להחריב את העיר ואת ההיכל עמך יחד, ולא תטמא את המקדש ולא תנאץ את האלהים; והרשות נתונה לך לחַדש את עבודת הזבחים הנפסקת בידי אנשים, אשר תבחר מקרב היהודים כטוב בעיניך״. ויוסף בחר לו מקום, אשר משם יִשָּׁמע קולו לא באזני יוחנן בלבד, כי־אם גם באזני יתר היהודים, וקרא עברית את הדברים, אשר שָׂם הקיסר בפיו, ועוד הרבה תחנונים לרחם על עיר־האבות ולהפיץ את האש, אשר כבר לחכה את ההיכל, ולהקריב לאלהים את הזבחים. העם נכלם מדברי יוסף והחריש. והעָריץ הִרבּה לחרף ולקלל את יוסף, ולאחרונה הוסיף, כי אינו ירא פן תפול העיר, אשר היא נחלת אלהים. ויוסף ענהו קול גדול, לאמר: ״אמן ואמן! הן אתה שקרת על טהרת העיר הזאת למען אלהים, ובית־המקדש לא נטמא בידיך, ולא חטאת לאשר אתה מקוה לעזרתו הפעם. והוא מקבל את לחם־אִשו כחֹק. הוי, כבד־עון, הן אם יגזול ממך איש את לחם־חָקך, חשוב תחשבהו לאויב לך, ואתה קובע את האלהים ועושק את קרבנות־ניחוחיו מימי עולם — ועודך נושא את נפשך אליו, כי יהיה לך לעזר במלחמה? ואיך תאמר לשית חטאת (חטאתך אתה) על הרומאים, אשר הם מכבדים את דתנו עד היום הזה ומחזקים [את דבריהם עליך] להקריב לאלהים את הזבחים, אשר השביתו ידיך? ומי לא יאָנח ולא יתאבּל על התמורות המוזרות שהיו בעיר, בראותו את הנכרים והשונאים מבקשים לכפר על פשעיך, ואתה, איש [יהודי מבטן ומלדה], אתה, אשר גדלת על חֻקי התורה בועט בחקים האלה, יותר מכל בני־הנכר, אולם גם לך, יוחנן, לא יהיה הדבר לחרפה, אם תשוב ממעשיך הרעים לעת אשר קרב הקץ. הואילה להציל את העיר! ויהיה לך יכניה מלך יהודה למופת נאה: הן כאשר עלה עליו מלך בבל למלחמה, מהר לצאת אליו בטרם תפול העיר בידי אויביו, ובחר ללכת בשביה יחד עם בני־ביתו, כי לא רצה לתת את המקומות הקדושים האלה בידי השונא ולראות את בית־האלהים בוער באש ועל־כן נשאר שמו לברכה בדברי־הקֹדש בפי כל היהודים וזכרו לא ימוש כל ימות עולם וכבודו יהיה חדש עמו, כי דור לדור יספר תהלתו לנצח נצחים. מה נאה הוא המופת הזה, והן עליך לעשות כמוהו, גם אם ידוע תדע, כי בנפשך הדבר! אולם אני נותן לך ערֻבּה, כי תמצא חנינה בידי הרומאים, זכור, כי פי אחיך מדבּר אליך את העצה הזאת, כי יהודי אני, המבשר לך [את ישועתך], ועליך לשים אל לבך, מי הוא יועצך ומאין בא. כי לא בחרתי להשאר בחיים בשבי האויב, למען אתנכּר לעמי ואשכח את אבותיו. הנה אתה מחרף אותי עוד הפעם ומקלל אותי בקול גדול. אכן ראוי אני לעֹנש גדול מזה, אשר באתי להוכיחכם בדברים, למרות הגזרה אשר יצאה עליכם, ונסיתי להציל את האנשים, אשר נחתּם גזר־דינם בידי אלהים! מי לא יֵדע את כתבי נביאינו הקדמונים ואת החזון אשר נשאו בימיהם על העיר האֻמללה הזאת? והנה דבר החזון נמלא הפעם! הלא הם, אשר ראו את העתידות, כי נפול תפול העיר הזאת, כאשר יחל איש לשפוך בה את דם אחיו. והטרם מלאה העיר יחד עם הר־הקֹדש חללי ידיכם? הנה אלהים, הוא ולא אחר, מעלה עליכם עם הרומאים את האש לטהר את המקדש ולכלות מעל־פני האדמה את העיר המלאה תועבות גדולות כאלה.״",
+                    "ב. את הדברים האלה קרא יוסף בקול נהי ובדמעות על עיניו, עד אשר שם בכיו מחנק לגרונו ולא הוסיף לדבּר. הרומאים נדו לו בצרתו והשתוממו על מערכי־לבו. אולם אנשי יוחנן הוסיפו עוד רֹגז על הרומאים ותשוקתם בערה בהם לתפוש אותו (את יוסף) בכפם. אך דברי יוסף עשו רֹשם על נדיבי ירושלים. אמנם מקצתם לא נועזו עוד להמלט על נפשם, כי אימת משמרות המורדים היתה עליהם, ועל־כן נשארו בירושלים, אף כי היטיבו לראות מראש את אחריתם הרעה ואת אבדן העיר. אולם נמצאו בקרבם גם אנשים, אשר שמרו את שעת־הכֹּשר לצאת מן העיר לבטח, וברחו אל הרומאים. במספרם היו יוסף ויהושע הכהנים הגדולים וגם בני כהנים גדולים, הלא הם שלשה בני ישמעאל, אשר נכרת ראשו בקירֵינֵי, וארבעת בני מתתיהו, ובן אחד של מתתיהו אחר, אשר ברח אחרי רצח אביו, אשר המיתוֹ שמעון בן גיורא על שלשת בניו, כאשר סֻפּר למעלה. ויחד עם הכהנים הגדולים ברחו עוד רבים מנדיבי העם אל הרומאים. והקיסר האיר להם את פניו, ובדעתו, כי לא ינעם להם לשבת בקרב בני־הנכר, אשר דתיהם זרות להם, שלח אותם אל עיר גוֹפנא ויעץ להם להשאר שם ולחכות, עד אשר יונח לו מן המלחמה, ואז יקים את כל אחד מהם על נחלתו. העצה הזאת מצאה חן בעיניהם, והם יצאו אל העיר הקטנה הנתונה להם, לשבת בה בשלום ובבטח. אך כאשר לא הוסיפו האנשים להִרָאות העבירו המורדים קול, כי עוד הפעם נשחטו הבורחים, וגלוי היה, כי זממו בזאת להפיל אימה על יתר האומרים לברֹח. וגם הפעם הצליחו בערמתם זמן־מה, כאשר הצליחו לפנים, והיהודים יראו לנפשם וחדלו לברֹח אל הרומאים.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס צוה להשיב את האנשים מגוֹפנא ולהעבירם יחד עם יוסף מסביב לחומה, למען יראו פניהם לעיני כל העם, ומני אז הוסיפו רבים לנפול אל הרומאים. הבורחים התאספו כֻלם יחד והתיצבו לפני מערכות הרומאים והתחננו אל המורדים בבכי ויללה: ״אנא, פתחו את שערי ירושלים לפני הרומאים והצילו את עיר־אבותינו, ואם תמאנו לעשות כדבר הזה — צאו כלכם מהר־הבית והשאירו את בית המקדש לפלֵטה, כי לא יערבו הרומאים את לבם לשרוף את המקדש, אם לא תחזק עליהם יד האֹנס״. אולם בדברים האלה רק העלו את חמת המורדים, ואלה חרפו אותם בקול גדול והציגו לפני שערי המקדש את כלי־הקלע המהירים ואת זורקי החניתות (קַטַּפּוּלְטוֹת) ואת הבליסטראות, עד כי נראה כל הר־הבית מסביב כדמות שדת־קברות מרֹב הפגרים. וההיכל דמה לבית־משמר־הקברות. הם קפצו אל הקֹדש ואל המקומות האסורים למדרך־רגל בכלי־נשקם, וידיהם מגֹאלות בדם אחיהם הנרצחים; וכֹה עצמו תועבותיהם, עד אשר עלה קצף הרומאים בראותם, כי הם מטמאים את קדשיהם בזדון, — כקצף אשר היו היהודים קוצפים על הרומאים, לוּ באו אלה לחלל את מקדשם. כי מאנשי צבא הרומאים לא נמצא אף אחד, אשר לא הרים את עיניו אל־בית־המקדש ברעד ולא התפלל, כי ישובו השודדים ממזמתם הרעה, טרם יבוא השבר האחרון.",
+                    "ד. וטיטוס כעס מאד על הדבר הזה והִרבּה לדבר קשות אל אנשי יוחנן, בקראו אליהם לאמר: ״הוי נבלים טמאים, האם לא הקימו ידיכם את הסורג הזה מסביב לקֹדש? האם לא העמדתם בסוֹרג את העמודים האלה, אשר נחרת עליהם בכתב יוני ובכתבנו (רומית), כי לא יהין איש זר לעבור את המחיצה הזאת? והאם לא מִלֵּאנוּ אנחנו את ידיכם להמית את כל העובר על הדבר הזה, אף אם יהיה אזרח רומאי? הוי אנשי־בליעל! איכה תדרכו על החללים במקום הקדוש הזה, ואיככה תטמאו אותו בדם אחיכם ובדם בני־נכר יחד? מעיד אני עלי את אלהי אבותי ואת האלהים, אשר האיר פניו לפנים אל המקום הזה — ואמנם אני מאמין, כי עתה העלים עיניו מכם — מעיד אני עלי את צבאותי ואת היהודים אשר אתי, וגם אתם, אתם הֱיוּ עֵדַי, כי לא אני הקשיתי את ידי עליכם לטמא את המקדש הזה. ואם תרחיקו את מערכותיכם מן המקום הזה, לא יקרב איש רומאי אל מקדשכם ולא יחללהו, ואני שמור אשמור על ההיכל למענכם, גם על אפכם ועל חמתכם.״",
+                    "ה. וכאשר קרא יוסף לפני העם את הדברים האלה בשם הקיסר, בזו להם המורדים והעָריץ, בהאמינם, כי לא מרחמי הקיסר עליהם יצאו הדברים, כי־אם ממֹרך־לבו. וכראות טיטוס, כי לא יחמלו האנשים על נפשותיהם ולא יחוסו על ההיכל, צוה בלי־חמדה לחַדש את המלחמה. הוא לא יכול לעלות על המורדים בכל חילו הרב, כי צר המקום לשאת את כל המונו, ועל־כן בחר לו את הטובים והגבורים אשר בכל מאה ומאה מאנשי־חילו, והפקיד אלף אלף איש מהם על־ידי שר־אלף, ובראש כֻּלם העמיד את צֵרֵאלִּיס וצוה עליו להתנפל על שומרי המקדש בתשע שעות בלילה. וגם הוא לא הסיר מעליו את נשקו ואמר לצאת במלחמה אִתּם יחד. אולם אוהביו מנעו אותו מלמלא את חפצו מפני גֹדל הסכנה, וגם שרי־החַיָּלים הניאו אותו ממחשבתו, באמרם אליו, כי ייטיב לעשות בהשארו בבירה, לשפוט משם את מעשי אנשי־הצבא, מאשר יֵרד אל המלחמה וישים את נפשו בכפו. כי בראות עיני אנשי־הצבא את הקיסר בכל עת המלחמה, יתנדבו לעשות חיל. הקיסר הטה אזנו לדברים האלה והודיע את אנשי־הצבא, כי רק לדבר הזה יִשָּׁאר ולא יֵצא אִתּם להלחם, למען יוכל לשפוט למראה־עיניו את מעשי גבורותיהם, וכל איש גבור־חיל לא ישוב בטרם ישא מַשׂאת מאִתּוֹ, והירא ורך־הלבב לא יִפָּטר מעֹנש, כי הוא יהיה שופט נאמן ועֵד־ראיה לכל הדברים אשר יַעֲשׂוּ, הוא האיש, אשר בידו לענשם או לשַׁלם להם בעד מפעליהם. בדברים האלה שלח מעל פניו את האנשים לקשור את המלחמה, והוא הלך אל מקום־צופים בבירה (באנטוניה) ומשם חכה בקֹצר־רוח למעשים העתידים לבוא.",
+                    "ו. אולם אנשי־הצבא השלוחים לא מצאו את השומרים ישֵׁנים, כאשר קוו מראש, ואלה קפצו עליהם בקול צעקה גדולה והחלו להכות בהם. לשֵׁמע הצעקה הגיחו המורדים מבַּית בהמונות צפופים. הרומאים עצרו את תגרת השורות הראשונות של אויביהם, והשורות הבאות אחריהן התערבו בקרב אלה ורבים לא הכירו את פני אחיהם ונלחמו בהם, כאִלו היו שונאיהם. כי לצעקת הלוחמים היהודים והרומאים גם יחד לא שמע איש את קול חברו ובחשׁך הלילה לא ראה איש את רעהו לעינים. רבים הֻכּוּ בסנוֵרים מעֹצם קנאתם, ועיני רבים חשכו מפחד. על־כן היתה יד איש בכל אשר פגע בו, מבלי לדעת מי הוא. הרומאים, אשר התלכדו במגִניהם והגיחו בשורות מחֻבּרות, לא נִגפו הרבה מהעורון הזה, ומה גם כי זכרו כֻלָּם את המאמר, אשר היה לאות ביניהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">סמן־הצבא (פַּרולה).</i>. והיהודים, אשר נפוצו כפעם בפעם והשתערו על האויב ופנו עֹרף בלי משטר, נחשבו לפרקים כאויבים בעיני אחיהם, וכאשר נסוג האחד אחור, פגשו אותו חבריו בחֹשך כפני רומאי המגיח אליהם. על־כן הרבו היהודים לפצוע את אחיהם מאשר היתה בהם יד הרומאים, עד אשר עלה עמוד השחר, והנלחמים ראו איש את פני אחיו, אז נפרדו בקרָב והתיצבו כל אחד במערכתו וירו איש באויבו וגם הגֵנו על עצמם בטכסיסי־מלחמה. ואלה ואלה מֵאנו להסוג אחור ולא עיפו מכֹּבד המלחמה, כי הרומאים לבשו רוח־קנאות והתחרו איש באיש ושורה בשורה, בדעתם, כי עיני הקיסר צופות למעשיהם, וכל איש האמין, כי היום הזה יעלה אותו לגדֻלה, אם ילחם ביתר עֹז. אף קנאת היהודים גדלה, ביָראם לנפשותיהם וּבחָרדם לגורל מקדשם, וגם העָריץ עמד על־ידם ודִבּר על לב הנחשלים, את אלה הכה בשוט ועל אלה הִלֵּךְ אימים ועוררם לקרָב. על־כן עמדה המלחמה כל העת במקומה, ורק מעט־מזער הכריעה אחת המערכות את אויבתה ובמהרה נלחצה לאחור, כי לא היה רֶוַח לברֹח או לרדוף אחרי הכושל. וכל העת לא חדלה צעקת הרומאים מעל הבירה בעת תמורות המלחמה, בחַזקם בתרועתם את ידי אחיהם המנצחים ובעודדם את הנחשלים, האומרים לפנות עֹרף. הדבר היה כמלחמה בבית־חזיון. ומעיני טיטוס והעומדים עליו לא נעלם כל דבר אשר נעשה בקרָב. וכעבור ארבע שעות היום נפרדו מערכות הלוחמים, אשר החלו את המלחמה בתשע שעות בלילה, ונשארו על עמדן במקום אשר נפגשו זו את זו, ובידי אחת מהן לא עלה להכריע את צרתהּ והנצחון נשאר בין שתיהן בתָּוֶך. רבים מהרומאים עשו חיל בקרָב, ומן היהודים הפליאו להלחם: מאנשי שמעון יהודה בן מריות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן היא בהוצאת ניזה. ובהוצאה הישנה: בן מרטון, כמו לעיל, סוף פרק א.</i> ושמעון בן יאשיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: בן הושעיה או אושעיה.</i>, ומן האדומים יעקב בן סוֹסא ושמעון בן כָּתְלָא<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מֻזכּר לעיל, ספר ד, ד, ד, בשנוי שם אביו.</i>, ומאנשי יוחנן גִפְתָּאִי ואלֶכּסא, ומן הקנאים שמעון בן אֲרִי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מֻזכּר לעיל, סוף פרק א.</i>.",
+                    "ז. בין כה וכה הרסו יתר אנשי חיל הרומאים את יסודות הבירה בשבעה ימים ופלסו דרך רחבה אל הר־הבית. כאשר קרבו הלגיונות אל החומה הראשונה, הסובבת את הר־הבית, החלו לשפוך סוללות. הסוללה האחת למול קרן חצר בית־ה׳ הפנימית אשר בפאת צפון־מערב, השניה למול האכסדרה אשר בצפון, ומשתי הסוללות הנשארות הֹעלתה האחת לעבר האולם המערבי בחצר בית־ה׳ החיצונה, והשניה — חוצה לה לפאת צפון. המלאכה הזאת התנהלה ביגיע רב ובזעת־אפים, כי היה על הרומאים להביא את העצים בדרך רחוקה מאה ריס, וכפעם בפעם מצאה אותם רעה מידי היהודים המגיחים עליהם פתאם. כי הרומאים, אשר ידעו, כי להם הנצחון, לא הִרבּוּ להזהר, בעוד אשר היהודים, הנואשים מישועה, הוסיפו עֹז במר־נפשם. מדי צאת אחדים מרוכבי הרומאים אל השדה ללקט עצים או מספוא, היו שולחים רסן מעל־פני סוסיהם ונותנים להם לרעות בשדה, והיהודים היו מגיחים מן העיר בהמון רב וחוטפים את הסוסים האלה. ובהִשָּׁנות המקרים כפעם בפעם חשב הקיסר, — וכה היה הדבר — כי קלוּת־דעת אנשי־צבאו גרמה לנזק הזה יותר מגבורת היהודים, וגזר אֹמר לענוש קשה את האשֵׁמים ולהעיר בזאת את לבות הנשארים לשמור על סוסיהם. הוא צוה להוציא להורג את אחד מאנשי־הצבא, אשר אבדו להם הסוסים, ובזה הפיל אימה על חבריו, והם החלו לשמור על הסוסים ולא נתנו אותם עוד לרעות בשדה, וגם יצאו לצרכיהם ברכבם על סוסיהם, כאִלו חֻבּרו להם. ככה הוסיפו הרומאים לצור על הר־הבית ולשפוך את הסוללות.",
+                    "ח. וכעבור יום אחרי עלות הרומאים [אל הבירה] התאספו רבים מן המורדים, אשר החמס אזל מכליהם והרעב הציק להם, והתנפלו על שומרי הרומאים בהר־הזיתים, קרוב לאחת־עשרה שעות ביום. הם חשבו, כי יעלה בידם על־נקלה לבקוע להם דרך בין שורות הרומאים, בעלותם עליהם פתאם לעת אשר הם [נחים מעבודת היום ו]נפנים לצרכי־גופם, אולם הרומאים הכירו את דבר בואם ונזעקו מהרה מכל המשמרים הקרובים ועצרו בעדם, לבל יעפילו לעלות על מצודתם ולהבקיע אל מחנם. בין היהודים והרומאים התלקחה מלחמה קשה ואלה ואלה עשו גבורות, כי הרומאים נלחמו בחֹזק־יד וגם דעת המלחמה עמדה להם, והיהודים חגרו שארית חֵמות, ואיש לא יכול לעמוד מפני זעמם. הבֹּשת חִזקה את זרוע הרומאים הנלחמים, ואת גבורת היהודים חִזק המחסור (האֹנס), כי לחרפה נחשב בעיני הרומאים לתת ליהודים, הנלכדים כבתוך רשת, להמלט מן הפח. והיהודים ראו לפניהם רק דרך ישועה אחת, בהבקיעם את חומת הרומאים. לאחרונה פנו היהודים עֹרף ונלחצו אל הנחל, ואחד מרוכבי הרומאים ושמו פֵּדַנִּיּוּס קפץ אליהם על סוסו הדוהר באלכסון, ובשטף מרוצתו תפש את אחד האויבים, והוא עלם גבור־כח ומזֻין מכּף־רגלו ועד ראשו, באחזו אותו בעקבו, ומשך אותו למעלה. כה השכיל להטות את גופו מן הסוס בעצם מרוצתו וכה הפליא להראות את עֹצם תנופת ימינו וכֹח בשרו הרב וגם את גֹדל תבונתו במרכּב הסוס! כאדם אשר עלה בידו לגזול כלי־חמדה, מהר ונשא את השבוי אל הקיסר. וטיטוס התפלא לכֹח האיש, ועל התפוש הוציא משפט־מות על אשר נועז להרוס אל חומת הרומאים. והוא בעצמו שׂם את לבו לקרָבות בהר־הבית והאיץ את עבודת הסוללות.",
+                    "ט. בקרבות האלה מצאו את היהודים רעות רבות, ומעט מעט עלו וגברו נוראות המלחמה וכבר הגיעו עד ההיכל. על־כן עשו היהודים כמעשה האדם בגויה, אשר עלה בה רקב, לחתוך את האברים, אשר דבק בהם הרקבון, לבל יעבור אל יתר הגוף. הם שִׁלחו באש את האולמים לרוח צפון ולרוח מערב, אשר חבּרו את הר־הבית אל הבירה, ואחרי־כן פרצו באולמי הר־הבית עוד עשרים אמה. ככה החלו ידי היהודים לשרוף את המקדש. וכעבור שני ימים, בעשרים וארבעה לחדש האמור (פַּנֵּמוֹס, תמוז), הציתו הרומאים באש את האולם (האסתּוָנית) הקרוב אליהם, ואחרי אשר אכלה בו הלהבה מדת חמש־עשרה אמה, קצצו היהודים את קורות האולם, כאשר עשו תחלה, ולא למען הפקיר את הבנינים האלה (האולמים) בפעם אחת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פסוק סתום, ויש מתרגמים: ולא לעצור [את האש] מן הבנינים האלה בפעם אחת...</i>, כי־אם למען הרוס את החלקים המחַבּרים אותם עם הבירה. על־כן לא מנעו היהודים את הרומאים לשלוח אש באולם, אף כי היה הדבר הזה לאל־ידם, והשיבו את ידיהם אל חיקם למראה האש השלוחה, ונתנו לה טרף במדה, אשר היתה להם להועיל. והקרבות סביב המקדש לא חדלו וכל העת הגיחו גדודים מן הרומאים ומן היהודים ונלחמו אלה באלה.",
+                    "י. ובימים ההם יצא ממחנה היהודים איש אחד קטן בגופו (גוץ) וחדל־אישים במראהו, בן חשֻׁכִּים, אשר לא נמצאה בו אף אחת המעלות, ושמו יונתן, וקרב אל מצבת יוחנן הכהן הגדול והרבה לחרֵף בפה מדבּר עתק את מערכות הרומאים וקרא לגדול מקרב גבוריהם לצאת אליו למלחמה. רבים מאנשי־הצבא הרומאים, העומדים במקום ההוא, הביטו אל האיש בבוז, אלה חרדו למראה עיניהם, ואלה השיבו את הדבר אל לבם והשכילו להבין, כי לא טוב לצאת לקרָב עם איש הולך למות. כי הנואשים מישועה הם מרי־נפש, אשר לא ישובו מפני כֹל ולא יבושו גם מפני אלהים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">על־פי ההוצאה הישנה; בהוצאת ניזה: והאלהים מאיר להם את פניו.</i>, ולא דבר־גבורה הוא, כי־אם מעשה עזות־פנים, לצאת למלחמה על אנשים כאלה, אשר מנצחם לא ימצא כבוד רב והנכשל בפניהם יגרום חרפה וגם רעה רבה לנפשו. זמן רב לא יצא אחד הרומאים אליו לקרב. והיהודי הִרבּה לשפוך עליהם לעג ולחרפם על מֹרך־לבם, כי היה בעל לשון מדברת גדולות ושונא הרומאים בנפש. לאחרונה קפץ אליו איש אחד מלהקות הרוכבים ושמו פוּדֶס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בתרגום הרומאי (בהוצאת הַוֶּרקמפ): פּוּדֶנְס.</i>, כי חרה אפו בו על דבריו ועל עזות פניו, ולמראית־עין בז ליהודי הזה קטן־הקומה, מבלי חשוב את דרכו. ובצאתו לקראת יונתן היתה ידו על העליונה בכל דבר, אך [חיש מהר] התכחש לו מזלו, והוא נפל ארצה ויונתן מהר לרוץ אליו והמיתו בחרב, ואחרי־כן עלה ועמד על נבלתו ונופף ביד־ימינו את החרב המלאה דם וביד־שמאלו את המגן והריע תרועת נצחון למול־צבא הרומאים והִרבּה להתפּאר במעשהו ולחלל ולגדף את הרומאים רואי המעשה. אך בעוד הוא מרקד [על החלל] ומפטיר בשפה, ירה בו אחד משרי־המאה, ושמו פְּרִיסְקוֹס, ופלח אותו בחץ. למראה הדבר הריעו הרומאים תרועת־שמחה והיהודים הרימו זעקת־שבר, ויונתן התעַות במכאוביו ונפל על נבלת שונאו ומת, ובזה הראה, כי עד מהרה בא במלחמה הגמול לאדם, אשר גבה לבו בעשותו חיל."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים טמנו פח לרומאים ורבים נשרפו באש. דברים חדשים על הרעב בירושלים.</small><br><br>א. והמורדים אשר בהר־הבית לא חדלו להלחם פנים בפנים עם אנשי־הצבא העומדים על הסוללות מדי יום ביומו. וביום עשרים ושבעה לחֹדש האמור (תמוז) הכינו להם מוקש באולם המערב, כי מִלאו את כל החלל אשר בין צִפוי הקורות ובין הגג זרדים יבשים ושׂמוּ בתוכם חֵמָר וזפת, ואחרי־כן התחפשו כאִלו כשל כֹּחם ונסוגו אחור למראית־עין. ובראות הרומאים את הדבר לא נזהרו רבים מהם ומהרו באף ובחֵמה להציק את צעדי הבורחים והעמידו סֻלמות לפניהם ועלו בהם וקפצו אל האולם. אולם הנבונים במחנה הרומאים חשדו ביהודים, כי טמנו להם פח בהסוגם אחור פתאם. ובכל־זאת מלא האולם המון אנשים, אשר העפילו לעלות, ובין כה וכה שלחו היהודים את כל האולם באש. כאשר התנשאה פתאם שלהבת־האש למרום, נפלה אימה גדולה על הרומאים העומדים מחוץ, וחבריהם הנמצאים באולם היו אובדי־עצות, כי מכל עברים הקיפה עליהם האש. אלה הפילו את־עצמם למטה אל העיר, אלה צנחו אל האויבים, ורבים קפצו למטה אל אחיהם בקַוותם לישועה ורסקו את אבריהם, ורבים מאד נשרפו באש בטרם מצאו עצה, ואחדים בחרו למות על חרבם מעלות על המוקד. והאש פשטה למרחוק ואכלה גם את האנשים, אשר מצאו להם מיתה אחרת. אף כי היטב חרה לקיסר על הנספים, כי עלו אל האולם בלי פקֻדה, נכמרו רחמיו עליהם, וכאשר נבצר מכֹּח איש להמציא עזרה לאובדים, היה להם הדבר הזה לנחמה בצרתם, בהביטם אל צער האיש, אשר למענו חרפו את נפשותיהם, כי כל אחד מהם שמע את צעקת הקיסר וראה אותו קופץ בבהלה ומדבר על לב האנשים אשר מסביב להמציא רוָחה לאחיהם ככל אשר יש לאֵל־ידם. ולשֵׁמע צעקות הקיסר ולמראה יגון נפשו מת כל אחד ברצון, כי היה הדבר בעיניו כאֵבל נהדר על מותו. ואחדים נִצלו ממות־שׂרפה, בהִסּוֹגם אל קיר האולם הרחב. אולם היהודים שתו עליהם סביב, וזמן רב עמדו הרומאים הנפצעים על־נפשם עד אשר נהרגו אחד אחד.",
+                    "ב. לאחרונה כרע למות עלם אחד ושמו לוֹנְגּוּס, ומותו כאִלו שפך הדר על המקרה הנורא הזה, כי הוא היה הגבור בכל האובדים ההם, אשר כֻּלָּם היו ראוים לשם־תהלה. גם היהודים השתוממו על חֹסן כֹּחו, וכאשר נבצר מהם להמיתו בדרך אחרת, קראו אליו לרדת אליהם לשלום. אולם ממחנה הרומאים קרא אליו אחיו קוֹרְנֵליוֹס קול גדול, כי לא יעשה כדבר הזה לנַבּל את כבוד משפחתו ולעטות קלון על צבא הרומאים. הוא שמע לדברי אחיו ולעיני שתי המערכות שלף את חרבו ונפל עליה. ומאנשי־הצבא, אשר סבבה אותם האש, נִצל ממות איש אחד ושמו אַרְטוֹריוֹס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה; בהוצאה הישנה: סַרטוֹריוֹס.</i> בערמתו, כי צעק בקול גדול אל חברו היושב עמו יחד באהל במחנה הרומאים, והוא אחד אנשי־הצבא ושמו לוּציוּס, לאמר: ״אני אשׂים אותך ליורש כל רכושי, אם תגש הֵנה לקבל אותי [בנפלי]״. לוּציוּס מִהר אל המקום לקבל אותו ברצון, וארטוריוס קפץ אליו ונשאר חי, אולם חברו נלחץ מכֹּבד משאו אל מרצפת־האבנים ונפשו יצאה מיד. אחרי הפֻּרענות הזאת נפל לב הרומאים עליהם. ואף כי לא מצאו תנחומים בעת ההיא, הנה היה להם האסון להועיל, כי לִמד אותם להזהר מפני נכלי היהודים, אשר הרבו להרע להם, כי לא ידעו אנשי־הצבא את המקום ולא תִּכּנו את רוח האנשים [הנלחמים בהם]. והאולם נשרף עד ל״מגדל יוחנן״, הוא אשר הקים אותו יוחנן [בן לוי] בעת אשר נלחם בשמעון מעל לשער היוצא אל לשכת־הגזית. ואת החלק הנשאר הרסו היהודים אחרי אשר נפלו כל הרומאים העולים. וביום השני שרפו הרומאים גם את אולם־הצפון כֻּלּוֹ עד אולם־המזרח, אשר חֻבּרו יחד בקרן הבנויה מעל לנחל קדרון, מקום נורא בעמקו. אלה הדברים נעשו מסביב לבית־המקדש בימים ההם.",
+                    "ג. ומהאנשים הגוְֹעים מרעב בקרב העיר מת המון רב לאין־מספר אחרי מצוקות וצרות, אשר עָצמוּ מִסַּפֵּר. כי בכל בית קמה מלחמה לעת נראה שם צֵל דבר אשר יֵאָכל. והאוהבים נִצּוּ יחדו בזרוע וטרפו איש מידי אחיו את הפרורים הדלים, למען החיות את נפשם. גם בגוְֹעים לא האמין איש, אשר אין להם כֹּל, והשודדים התנפלו על הגוססים ובדקו בהם, פן טמן איש בכנף־בגדו דבר־מאכל והוליך אותם שולל בהתחפשו כנוטה למות. מגֹדל הרעב פערו האנשים את פיהם ככלבים שוטים, וכשכּורים מתהוללים בסבאם נפצו את הדלתות, ובאבוד מהם כל עצה פרצו בבית אחד שתים או שלש פעמים. המחסור אִלצם לשׂום כל דבר בין שִׁניהם, והם אספו את הדברים, אשר בחלו בהם גם החיות הטמאות, ולא נמנעו ללעסם ולבלעם. לאחרונה לא משכו את ידיהם גם מהחגורות ונעלי־העור הישנות, אף קרעו את העורות מעל המגִנים ולעסו אותם. מאכל אלה היה שארית חציר יבש, ואלה אספו גידים ומכרו את המדה הקטנה בארבעה אתיקים (דרכמונים). ולמה לי עוד לפרט את כל הדברים שאין בהם רוח־חיים, אשר לא בושו היהודים לאכלם בתגרת הרעב? רק אגַלה מעשה אחד, אשר לא נשמע כמוהו בדברי ימי היונים והנכרים, דבר, אשר יסמר שערות ראש המסַפּר, והשומע לא ירצה להאמין לו, ואני לא באתי להתהדר בסַפְּרי מעשים זרים לדורות הבאים, ומה נעים היה לי לפסוח על המעשה הנורא הזה, לולא נמצאו עֵדים אין־מספר על אמתּת הדבר, וגם לא רציתי להיות כפוי־טובה לעיר־אבותי בהסתירי דבר מכל הנוראות אשר מצאוה.",
+                    "ד. אשה אחת מארץ עבר־הירדן היתה [בירושלים] ושמה מַריָה בת־אלעזר מכפר בֵּית־אֵזוֹב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר כותב ״בית־אזובא״ ומתרגם את הוראת השם ליונית.</i>, בת משפחה נדיבה ועשירה. עם יתר המון הפליטים באה גם היא אל ירושלים ושם נסגרה במצור. העריצים גזלו ממנה את כל רכושה, אשר הביאה אִתּהּ מעבר־הירדן אל העיר, ואת שארית אוצרותיה ואת הצֵדה, אשר השׂכּילה להכין לה, היו חומסים ממנה חברי העריצים, אשר פרצו אל ביתה מדי יום ביומו. והאשה מלאה חֵמה עזה וכפעם בפעם חֵרפה וקִללה את השודדים. כי אמרה להרגיזם, למען יקחו את נפשה. אולם אף כי הרבתה להרעימם תמיד, לא חמל עליה איש לשום קץ לחייה, וכבר נלאתה להכין טרף לזרים, כי לא נמצא עוד לחם בכל פנות העיר, ומפני זלעפות הרעב חמרמרו מעיה ויבש לשַׁדָּה, ומצוקות הרעב הוסיפו עוד להצית אש באפה, ובעת הצרה הזאת שמעה לקול זעמה לשַׁכּח רחמי אם ולקחה את ילדהּ — והוא היה יונק־שדים — וקראה אליו: ״הוי עולל אֻמלל! למי ולמה אשמור עליך הפעם? הנה השונא עומד מחוץ, והרעב וריב־האחים משַׁכְּלים מבית. הן בית־עבדים הוא נחלתנו בידי הרומאים, אם גם תהיה לנו נפשנו לשלל, והרעב ישית לנו קציר בטרם נעבֹד את אלה, והמורדים קשים לנו משני השפטים האלה יחד. מוּת! היֵה לבָרות לאמך ולרוח רעה לעריצים, וגם למשל ולשנינה בפי החיים, כי רק הדבר הזה נשאר למַלא את סאת יסורי היהודים.״ לדברים האלה המיתה את בנה ואחרי זאת צלתה אותו ואכלה את מחציתו, ואת הנשאר הניחה למשמרת. המורדים מהרו לבוא אל ביתה, כאשר עלה באפם ריח זבח הרצח הזה, ואִיְמו עליה, כי ישחטו אותה מיד, אם לא תראה להם את הטבח אשר הכינהּ. היא קראה אליהם: ״עוד השארתי לכם מנה יפה!״ וגִלתה לפניהם את שארית בשׂר עוללה. פלצות אחזה את בשר האנשים, עד אשר לא יכלו למוש ממקומם ועיניהם חשכו מראות, והאשה הוסיפה לדבּר: ״הן לי הילד הזה, בשר מבשרי הוא, פרי בטני! אכלו — הלא אכלתי גם אני, אל יֵרך לבבכם מלב אשה ואל תוסיפו רחמים מרחמי אם, ואם את האלהים אתם יראים ובעוט תבעטו בזבחי, — ראו, כי כבר אכלתי מבשרו וגם הנשאר יהיה לי לאכלה״. לדברים האלה יצאו האנשים מן הבית אחוזי חלחלה, כי מֹרך־לבם לא נתן אותם לעשות את הדבר הזה לבדו, ועל־כן השאירו את המזון לאם השכולה. ושֵׁמע המעשה הזה פשט בכל העיר, וחזון־הבלהות לא מש מעיני איש ואיש, כאלו ידיו עשו את הדבר. ומני אז התחזקו הרעבים בכל תֹּקף לשים קץ לחייהם ושִׁבּחו את המאֻשרים, אשר נאספו אל עמם בטרם שמעו או ראו נוראות כאלה.",
+                    "ה. המאורע הזה נודע במהרה במחנה הרומאים. אלה לא רצו להאמין לדברי השמועה, ואלה נדו לאמללים, אך רבים הוסיפו עוד לשנֹא את היהודים לדבר הזה. והקיסר הצטדק על המעשה לפני אלהים באמרו: ״הנה דברתי שלום אל היהודים והבטחתי אותם לשמור את חֵרותם ולסלוח לכל מעשי זדונם, אולם הם בחרו במריבה תחת ברית־אחים ובמלחמה תחת שלום [עם השונא] ובכּרו את הרעב על השׂבע והשלוה, וידיהם החלו לשלח אש בבית־מקדשם, אשר שמרנו על כבודו אנחנו. על־כן נאים להם מאכלים באלה. אולם אני אכסה עתה על תועבות רצח הבן הזה בחרבות העיר ולא אתן לשמש הסובב את כל העולם להשקיף על עיר, אשר האִמות אוכלות בה את בשר בניהן. ואמנם הלחם הזה נאה יותר לאָבות, הממאנים להתפרק את נשקם אחרי צרות רבות כאלה״. בדבּרו זאת חשב טיטוס על היאוש הנורא של אנשי ירושלים, וכי אנשים, אשר מצאו אותם כל המצוקות האלה, לא יוסיפו לקחת מוסר, אחרי אשר לא שׂמו את הדבר אל לבם בעוד מועד, בטרם באה עליהם הרעה הגדולה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>אחרי תֹם מעשה הסוללות הקריבו הרומאים את הכרים אל החומה ולא הצליחו. טיטוס צוה לשלֹח אח שערי המקדש באש. בזמן קצר נשרף הבית נגד רצון טיטוס.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר כלו שני הלגיונות לשפוך את הסוללות, צוה טיטוס ביום השמיני לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב) להקריב את אילי־הברזל אל האכסדרה המערבית אשר למקדש הפנימי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כן בהוצאה הישנה. אצל ניזה: המקדש החיצון; ועיין בהערות.</i> (לעזרה). עוד לפני זה נִגחה החזקה בכל מכונות־הרעש ששה ימים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">פסוק קשה. המתרגם האשכנזי קוהוט הציע לתרגם: לפני (אומן) הסוללות האלה נגחה החזקה בכל מכונות־הרעש מן הבֹּקר את החומה (במקום ἕξ הוא קורא ἔξ).</i> את החומה ולא הצליחה במעשיה, כי גם ממנה וגם מחברותיה עצמו האבנים הגדולות והדבק החזק ביניהן. אחדים מצבא הרומאים חתרו תחת שער־הצפון ואחרי עמל רב הוציאו את האבנים הראשונות, אולם נעצרו על־ידי האבנים אשר מאחוריהן והשער נשאר על מכונו, עד אשר נכזבה תקות הרומאים למצֹא חפצם במכונות ובכלי־המעדר, והקריבו את סֻלמותיהם אל האולמים. והיהודים לא עמדו להם לְשטן במעשם זה וחכּו עד עלות הרומאים למעלה, ואז התנגחו אִתּם והדפום והשליכום למטה אחורנית, פגשו אותם והמיתום, אף הכו בחרבותיהם רבים מן הרומאים הקופצים מן הסֻלמות, בטרם הספיקו עוד להתכסות במגִניהם, והרסו סֻלמות אחדים מלאים אנשי־צבא, בהפכם אותם ממעלה, והכינו לעומדים עליהם מַטבח גדול. ונושאי־הנשרים נלחמו בחֹזק־יד להגן עליהם, כי לחרפה נוראה נחשב ביניהם, אשר יגזול האויב אותם, אך לאחרונה לכדו היהודים גם את הנשרים והשמידו את כל העולים. והנשארים ראו את המגפה, אשר היתה באחיהם, ויראו ושבו לאחור. מן הרומאים לא נפל אף אחד, בטרם עשה ככל אשר מצאה ידו, ומן המורדים הפליאו גבורה עוד הפעם הגבורים, אשר עשו להם שם בקרבות הראשונים, ועוד נוסף עליהם אלעזר בן אחי שמעון העריץ. כראות טיטוס, כי חמלתו על מקדשי נכרים הביאה רעה על אנשי־צבאו, צוה לשלֹח את השער (של המקדש, העזרה) באש.",
+                    "ב. ובעת ההיא נפלו אל טיטוס חנן איש אַמַּאוס, הוא אחד מנושאי כלי שמעון, אשר הִרבּה לשפוך דם מחבריו, ואַרכֵלַאוס בן מַגַּדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה (ספר ה, יג, א). נכתב חנן בן מגדת, וכנראה היה ארכלאוס אחיו.</i>. הם קוו למצֹא חנינה לפניו, כי ברחו אליו אחרי נצחון היהודים. טיטוס כעס על ערמת האנשים האלה וגם שמע על־דבר מעשיהם האכזרים, אשר עשו לבני־עמם, ונפשו אִוְּתה להמית את שניהם, באמרו, כי באו אליו בעת דחקם ולא ברוח נכונה, וגם אינם ראוים לחנינה, אחרי אשר התמלטו מתוך עירם, כשכבר עלתה על המוקד מרֹע מעלליהם. בכל־זאת שמר טיטוס את אמונתו וכבש את כעסו ושלח את האנשים לחפשי, אם כי לא נהג בהם כמעשהו עם יתר הבורחים. וכבר הגישו אנשי־הצבא את האש אל השערים, וכאשר נמס הכסף אחזה האש את חלקי העץ, ומשם יצאה להבה גדולה אל האולמים. וכראות היהודים את האש אשר מסביב להם, כשל כּחם ונפל לבם עליהם ופלצות נוראה אחזה אותם, ולא עצר איש כֹּח לעמוד על נפשו ולכבות את הלהב, כי כֻלם עמדו נדהמים והביטו אל הבערה. אולם גם בעצם יגונם למראה האולמים הנשרפים, לא לקחו המורדים מוסר להציל את שארית מקדשם, ועוד התלקחה חמתם ברומאים, כאִלו כבר היה גם ההיכל למאכֹלת־אש. והאש להטה את האולמים כל היום ההוא וכל הלילה אחריו, כי הרומאים עצרו כֹּח להצית את האולמים באש רק אחד אחד ולא את כֻּלּם יחד.",
+                    "ג. וביום השני צוה טיטוס על חלק מאנשי חילו לכבות את האש וליַשר מסלה רחבה על־יד השערים ללגיונות, ואחרי זאת הקהיל אליו את שרי־צבאותיו. ששת גדולי־השרים נאספו יחד והם טבֶּריוס אלכסנדרוס מפַקד כל הצבא, וסֶקסטוס צֵרֵאליס ראש הלגיון החמישי, וְלַרַצִיוס לֶפידוס ראש הלגיון העשירי, וטיטוס פְּרִיגיוס ראש הלגיון החמשה־עשר, ופרוֹנטוֹן לִיטֶרְנִיוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאת ניזה: הֶטֶּריוס.</i> ראש מחנה שני הלגיונות אשר מאלכסנדריה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">למעלה (ספר ה, א, ו) מבֹאר, כי רק אלפים איש באו עם טיטוס מאלכסנדריה, ומזה מבֹאר, כי כאן ״שני הלגיונות״ (כך כתוב במקור) הם גוזמה. ראש הלגיון הי״ב לא השתתף במועצה, כי בכלל היה הלגיון הזה נזוף מזמן מפלתו תחת פקֻדת צֶסטיוס.</i>, ומַרקוס אנטוניוס יוליָנוס נציב ארץ יהודה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, הנציב של כל הארץ הנכבשה בעת המצור על ירושלים, הוא מרקוס אנטוניוס יולינוס, שכתב ספר תולדות המלחמה עם היהודים, והסופרים הרומאים המאֻחרים השתמשו בו.</i>, ויחד אִתּם נקהלו גם יתר הנציבים ושרי־האלפים, וטיטוס נועץ אתם בדבר ההיכל. אלה יָעצו לעשות בו ככל חֹמר משפט המלחמה, כי לא יחדלו היהודים ממחשבות־מרד כל העת אשר יהיה ההיכל על מכונו, הוא המקום, אשר אליו הם מתאספים מכל עברים. ואלה יעצו להציל את בית־המקדש, אם יעזבו אותו היהודים ולא יוסיפו להניח בו את כלי־נשקם, ולשרוף אותו רק כאשר יעלו עליו היהודים לעשות משם מלחמה, כי בעשותם זאת, יהפך למבצר־אויב ולא יוסיף עוד להיות בית־אלהים, ולא על הרומאים יפול האשם הזה, כי־אם על היהודים, אשר אִלצו אותם לעשות את הדבר. אולם טיטוס גלה את דעתו, כי לא יאות לקחת נקמה מהבית הזה, אשר אין בו רוח־חיים, על חטאות אדם ולהשחית באש את הבנין הנהדר, אם גם יעלו אליו היהודים להלחם משם, כי הדבר הזה יהיה נזק הרומאים, ואם ישאר ההיכל על מכונו, יתנוסס כאבן־נזר בכתר־מלכותם. דברי טיטוס נתנו אֹמץ בלב פרוֹנטוֹן ואלכסנדרוס וצֵרֵאַליס, והם הסכימו לדעתו. אחרי זאת שלח טיטוס מעליו את הנאספים וצוה על שרי־החילים לתת לאנשי־הצבא להנפש ולהחליף כֹּח למלחמה העתידה, ואל בחורי הגדודים אמר לבקוע דרך בין החָרבות ולכבות את האש.",
+                    "ד. ביום ההוא תקפה הבהלה על היהודים ולא מצאו בנפשם כֹּח להלחם. אולם למחרת היום אספו את כל חילם והתאזרו עֹז והגיחו בשתי שעות ביום דרך שער הקדים אל הרומאים, השומרים על חצר בית־ה׳ החיצונה. והשומרים קִדמו את פני המגיחים ביד חזקה וסוככו על עצמם במגִניהם אל עבר פניהם והתלכדו יחד במערכה, עד אשר דָמוּ לחומת־עֹז. ובכל־זאת נגלה הדבר, כי לא יוכלו להחזיק מעמד זמן רב וכשול יכשלו לפני המון צריהם ועֹז קנאתם. אבל הקיסר, אשר הביט אל המלחמה מראש הבירה, לא נתן את מערכותיו למוט ומהר לבוא לעזרה בראש בחורי הרוכבים. היהודים לא עצרו כֹח לשאת את תנופת יד הרוכבים, וכאשר נפלו מהם העומדים בשורות הראשונות, פנו הנשארים עֹרף. אולם כאשר אמרו הרומאים לשוב מן המערכה, חזרו אליהם להצר את צעדיהם, ואז הפכו גם הרומאים את פניהם ועוד הפעם נמלטו היהודים על נפשם. ובחמש שעות ביום נלחצו היהודים אל חצר בית־ה׳ הפנימית ונסגרו שם.",
+                    "ה. וטיטוס שב אל הבירה והחליט להשׂתער ממחרת היום כעלות השחר על ההיכל בראש כל חילו ולכבשו. אולם האלהים כבר גזר מימים ראשונים לתת את היכלו למאכֹלת־אש והנה בא יום־הדין לקץ העתּים, הוא היום העשירי לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב), אשר בו נשרף גם בית־המקדש הראשון בידי מלך בבל. ומידי היהודים יצאה האש לראשונה ומעִמָּם היתה הסִבּה. כי אחרי שוב טיטוס ממקום המלחמה, שאפו המורדים רוח מעט ויצאו עוד הפעם להַצּוֹת ברומאים. שומרי ההיכל התנגחו עם השונאים המכַבּים את הבערה (בחצר בית ה׳ הפנימית), ואלה הניסו את היהודים ורדפו אחריהם עד ההיכל. ואחד אנשי־הצבא לא חכה לפקֻדת המצביא ולא נבהל מהמעשה הנורא אשר אמר לעשות, כאִלו צֻוָּה למלא את הדבר מפי הגבורה, ותפש בידו לפיד בוער מתוך האש, ואחד מחברי האיש הרים אותו למעלה, והוא שלח את האש אל חלון־הזהב, אשר בקרבתו היה המבוא מצד צפון אל הלשכות הסובבות את ההיכל. וכאשר התלקחה הלהבה, הרימו היהודים קול צעקה נוראה, בהכּירם את גֹדל האסון, ומהרו מכל עברים לעצור בעד האש ולא חסו על חייהם ולא חמלו על כֹּחותיהם, בראות עינם באבדן מקדשם ובית־חייהם, אשר למענו שמרו את נפשותיהם.",
+                    "ו. ואיש אחד רץ לבשׂר את הדבר לטיטוס, אשר נח באהלו מעמַל המלחמה. הקיסר קפץ כמו־שהוא מעל משכבו ומהר במרוצה אל ההיכל לעצור את האש, ואחריו הלכו כל שרי־הצבא, ואחריהם הלגיונות, אשר חרדו מרבצם. וצעקה נוראה וקול שאון גדול עלו למרום, כאשר התנועע החיל הרב והעצום הזה בלא סדרים. והקיסר נשא את קולו והרים את יד־ימינו לתת אות לנלחמים, כי יכַבּו את האש, אולם שומע לא היה לו, כי לצעקה הנוראה צללו אזני אנשי־הצבא ולא שׂמו לב לאות, אשר נתן להם בידו, כי תקפה על אלה סערת המלחמה ועל אלה — קנאת הנקמה. וגם דברי־תוכחה, וגם דברי־אימים לא יכלו לעצור בעד רוח הלגיונות בהרסם אל ההיכל, כי זעמם ועברתם הלכו לפניהם, והם נדחקו במבואי בית־המקדש, ורבים נרמסו ברגלי חבריהם, ורבים נפלו בתוך חרבות האולמים הלוהטות והעשנות, ותלאות המנצחים מצאו גם אותם. וכאשר קרבו אנשי־הצבא אל ההיכל, הכבידו אזניהם משמוע את מצוות הקיסר וקראו אל העומדים לפניהם להוסיף עוד אש על המוקד. והמורדים נואשו מתקותם להציל את המקדש, בראותם את חרב המות מקיפה אותם מעברים, ופנו עֹרף לפני האויב. ומרבית הנמצאים בהיכל היו בני העם, אנשים רפי כֹח, בלי נשק בידם, והרומאים שחטו מהם את כל הבא לידם. ומסביב למזבח נערם המון חללים ועל מעלות ההיכל נגרו נחלי דם, וגוִיות הנשחטים למעלה התגלגלו מהן.",
+                    "ז. וכראות הקיסר, כי אין לאל־ידו לכבוש את כעס אנשי־צבאו המתהוללים והאש מוסיפה לאכול סביב, בא עם שרי צבאותיו אל הבית לפְנַי ולפנים והביט אל דביר ההיכל ואל כל אשר בו וראה, כי גדול הרבה הדר בית־המקדש מן השמועה אשר בפי הנכרים, ובצדק מתגאים בו היהודים ומרבים בשבחו. בראותו, כי לא נגעה עוד הלהבה עד ההיכל לפנים, רק אכלה את הלשכות הסובבות אותו לבד, עלתה בלבו מחשבה נכונה, כי עוד יוכל להציל את הבנין, ומהר החוצה ונִסה בעצמו לדבּר על לב אנשי־הצבא, כי יכַבּו את האש, וצוה את לִבֵּרַלִּיוּס שר־מאה, מנושאי־הרמחים השומרים לראשו, לחבוט במקלות את המַמרים לקולו ולגרשם. אולם חמת אנשי־הצבא ושנאתם ליהודים גברו על הכבוד, אשר כבדו את הקיסר, וגם על יראת העֹנש מידו, ורוח קנאתם במלחמה לא ידעה מעצור. רבים נמשכו אחרי תאות בצעם, באמרם בלבם, כי היכל הבית מלא אוצרות מפה אל פה, אחרי ראותם אותו מחוץ, והנה הוא מצֻפּה זהב כֻּלו מסביב. וכאשר יצא הקיסר לבצור את רוח אנשי־הצבא, מהר איש אחד מאחריו להניח אש במחשך בין צירי השער. ובהֵרָאות הלהבה פתאֹם גם בבית מבפנים, נסוגו הקיסר ושרי־הצבא, ואיש לא עצר עוד את העומדים מחוץ להוסיף אש על הלהבה. ככה היה בית־המקדש למאכֹלת אש על אף הקיסר ועל חמתו.",
+                    "ח. מי האיש אשר לא יַרבּה להָמֵר על חרבן הבית הזה, הוא הנפלא מכל הבנינים, אשר ראו עינינו ואשר שמעו מהם אזנינו, והנעלה מכֻּלם בגדלו ובהדרו ובתפארתו לכל חלקיו וגם במהלל כבוד קדֻשתו? אך דבר אחד יהיה לו לנחמה גדולה, בשומו אל לבו, כי מקרה אחד לכל אשר בו רוח־חיים וגם לבנינים [הנהדרים] ולמקומות [הקדושים], וכֻלם לא יִמָּלטו מפני הגזרה אשר יצאה עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הֵימַרְמֵנֵי (היא מָיְרָה) = הגורל, מנת היקום, שעל־פי המִתּולוגיה היונית גם האֵלים לא יִמָּלטו ממנה.</i>. ומי לא ישתומם על מועד החרבן הנכון לתקופת הזמנים? כי קץ הבית השני שמר — כאשר אמרתי למעלה — את החדש ואת היום, אשר בו נשרף הבית הראשון בידי הבבלים. ולמן בנין הבית הראשון — הוא הבית, אשר הקים המלך שלֹמה — עד חרבן הבית בימינו, אשר היה בשנה השנית למלכות אספסינוס, מלאו אלף ומאה ושלשים שנה ושבעה ירחים וחמשה־עשר יום. ומבנין הבית השני, הוא מעשה ידי הנביא חגי בשנה השניה למלכות כֹּרש, עד חרבנו בידי אספסינוס נשלמו שש מאות ותשע ושלשים שנה וארבעים וחמשה יום<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספרים אינם מדֻיקים ומקור החשבון לא נודע, ועיין בהערות.</i>."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>צרות היהודים הנשרפים בבית־המקדש. על נביא־השקר ועל האותות, אשר בשׂרו את האסון מכבר.</small><br><br>א. ובעת אשר בער ההיכל באש, גזלו הרומאים כל דבר הבא לידם וערכו מטבח נורא לכל היהודים אשר פגעו בהם, ולא חמלו על עוּלים ומלאי־ימים ולא הדרו פני שרי־קֹדש, כי־אם המיתו זקנים ועוללים, הדיוטות וכהנים יחד, וחרב האויב אכלה את כל משפחות העם מסביב, וגם המבקשים חנינה וגם העומדים על נפשם נשחטו בלא חמלה; וקול משק הלהבה העולה למרום התערב בקול אנקת החללים, ומפני גֹבה הר־הבית וגֹדל הבנין הלוהט באש נדמה לעין רואה, כי כל העיר בוערת. ואיש לא יוכל לשער בנפשו דבר נורא ואיֹם מקול הצעקות במעמד ההוא. כי קול תרועת הלגיונות הרומאים השוטפים ואנקות המורדים, אשר הקיפו אותם האש וחרבות השונאים, ויללת העם העזוב העומד מלמעלה, אשר נדחף בבהלה אל תוך האויבים לקראת המות, ונאקות השבר — כל אלה חֻבּרו יחד. ולקול הצעקות העולות מהר־הבית ענתה צעקת העם אשר בעיר, כי אנשים רבים, אשר כִּלה הרעב את כֹּחם ולשונם דבקה אל חִכָּם, ראו את האש אשר בבית־המקדש ומצאו כֹח בנפשם לקשור מספד־תמרורים וגם להרים קול צעקה. והֵד הרמה אשר מעבר לנחל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: אשר מארץ־העֵבר (פרַיה), וזהו שם עבר־הירדן ביונית. אך קשה לחשוב, כי כתב המחבר גוזמה כזו, ומפני זה יש מתרגמים מעבר [הנחל] = מעבר לקדרון.</i> וההרים שמסביב לעיר חִזק את הצעקה הנוראה, אולם הכאב היה גדול ונורא מכל הצעקות האלה יחד. לעין הרואה נדמה, כי הר־הבית בוער כֻּלו מתחתית שרשיו, כי מכל פנותיו יצאו להבות־אש. אולם נחלי־הדם גברו עוד על להבות־האש, ומספר הנשחטים היה רב ועצום ממספר שוחטיהם, ובכל מקום לא נראתה־האדמה תחת מכסה החללים, ואנשי־הצבא דרכו על תלי פגרים ברדפם אחרי הבורחים. בעמל רב הדפו השודדים את הרומאים ונמלטו אל חצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, ומשם אל תוך העיר, ושרידי העם ברחו אל האולם החיצון. ואחדים מן הכֹּהנים הוציאו לראשונה את השפודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם הנקראים במשנה ״כלה עורב״ — הנטועים על הגג, כדי לגרש משם את העופות המזֹהמים (לעיל, ספר ה, ה, ו).</i> אשר על גג ההיכל עם קרקעיותיהם העשויות עופרת והשליכו אותם אל הרומאים, וכאשר לא היה שׂכר לפעלם זה והאש התנשאה למרום והגיעה עדיהם, עלו על קיר ההיכל הרחב שמונה אמות ונשארו שם. ושני טובי הכֹּהנים ראו לפניהם שני דרכים — לעבור אל הרומאים ולהציל את נפשם, או להשאר למעלה עד אשר ימצא אותם גורל הנשארים, ובחרו להפיל את עצמם אל תוך האש ולהשרף יחד עם ההיכל. אלה היו מאיר בן בִּלְגָה ויוסף בן דלָיָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בלגה ודליה הם שמות שני משמרות־כהֻנה, החמשה־עשר והשלשה־ועשרים. (דברי הימים א, כ״ד, י״ד, י״ח).</i>.",
+                    "ב. והרומאים חשבו, כי למותר הוא לרחם על הבנינים אשר מסביב אחרי שרפת ההיכל, והעבירו את הכּל באש: את שרידי האולמים ואת השערים — מלבד שׁנַים, הם אחד משערי המזרח ושער הדרום, וגם את השערים האלה הרסו לאחר זמן. הם שרפו גם את לשכות בית־האוצר, אשר נמצא שם המון כסף לאין־מספר ובגדים וכלי־חפץ, אשר לא ימָנו מרֹב. בקצרה, שם נערם כל עֹשר היהודים, כי הניחו שם העשירים את כל כבוד ביתם. משם עברו הרומאים אל האולם הנשאר בחצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, ושמה נמלטו מבני־העם נשים וילדים ועֵרב רב כששת אלפים נפש. ואנשי־הצבא לא חכו עד אשר יוציא הקיסר את משפט השרידים ושרי־החילים יתנו להם פקֻדה, כי־אם מהרו אל האולם בחמת־נקם ושִׁלחו בו אש. הקופצים מתוך האש [נפּצו את עצמותיהם ו]מתו והנשארים נשרפו חיים ואיש לא נִצל מהם. נביא־שקר אחד השיא מות על האנשים: הוא קם ביום ההוא והעביר קול בין יושבי העיר, כי האלהים מצַוה לעלות אל המקדש ולקבּל את אותות הישועה. והנה נביאים רבים נשלחו בימים ההם בידי העריצים אל העם לחַזק את לבו ולהודיעו, כי עוד מעט תבוא ישועת אלהים, למען ימעט מספר הבורחים הנופלים אל הרומאים, וגם האנשים, אשר לא יפחדו מאימת השומרים [על מוצאי העיר], יתעוררו להשאר בעיר בתקותם זאת. בעת צרה מאמין האדם לכל דבר על־נקלה, ובבוא אליו נוֹכל להבטיח לו רֶוַח ופדות ממצוקותיו הקשות, יהָפך הסובל לעבד נרצע לתקוותיו.",
+                    "ג. כדברים האלה דברו מתעים נוכלים, בנשאם את שם אלהים לשוא, והוליכו את העם האמלל שולל, כי נפתה אחרי דבריהם ולא שׂם את לבו לכל האותות והמופתים המבשׂרים לו את החרבן בעתיד ולא האמין בהם. ככה עמדו היהודים כהלומי־רעם, אשר טחו עיניהם מראות וטפש לבם מהבין, ולא הקשיבו לאותות אלהים, ואלה היו האותות: האחד, כי נראה ממעל לעיר כוכב במרום, אשר היה לו מראה חרב, וגם דָרַך כוכב תועה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: קומֵיטיס.</i> בשמים ולא מש משם שנה שלמה. והשני, כי בהתאסף עולי־רגלים לחֹג את חג־המצות, עוד לפני המרד ותנועת המלחמה, ביום השמיני לחֹדש קסַנתּיקוס (ניסן)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קשה לחשוב, כי כבר בשמיני לניסן נאספו עולי־הרגלים לחֹג את חג־המצות, ונראה, כי הכונה היא: זמן קרוב לפני חג המצות, שבו עלו לרגל.</i>, עלה בתשע שעות בלילה אור גדול והגיה את המזבח ואת ההיכל, עד אשר נראו כמו בעצם יום בהיר; והמראה הזה ארך חצי שעה. והנה בעיני האנשים, אשר לא למדו חכמה, נראה, כי הדבר הזה הוא סִמן טוב. אולם המבינים בכתבי־הקֹדש דרשו מיד את הדבר על המעשים אשר היו אחר זמן. ולמועד החג ההוא המליטה פרה אחת עגל, כאשר הוליך אותה איש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: כאשר הוליך אותה הכֹּהן הגדול. וּגִרסת ניזה עִקר.</i> לשחוט אותה לקרבן בתוך חצר בית ה׳. וגם שער הקדים להיכל לפנים, אשר היה עשוי כֻלו נחֹשת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הפונה לשער העזרה, הוא שער נִקָּנור.</i> וכבד מאד, עד כי בעמל רב מצאה יד עשרים איש לסגרו בערב, ואשר נשען במסגרותיו על קורות מצֻפּות ברזל ועל בריחים נעוצים עמֹק אל הסף העשוי כֻלו אבן אחת — נראה פתאֹם פתוח לרוָחה מאליו בשש שעות בלילה, ושומרי המקדש רצו להודיע את הדבר לפקיד המשמר, והוא עלה למעלה, ורק אחרי עמל רב ועבודה קשה עלה בידו לסגור את השער. וגם בדבר הזה ראו ההדיוטות אות לטובה, כי יפתח להם האלהים את שערי הברכה. אולם המשכילים הבינו, כי חלפה פתאם שלות ההיכל, והשער הסגור נפתח למען האויב, והודיעו, כי האות הזה הוא מופת גלוי לחרבן. לא עברו ימים רבים אחרי חג־המצות ההוא, והנה נראה בעשרים ואחד לחדש ארטֵמיסיוס (אִיָּר) מראה אלהים, אשר לא יאמן כי יסֻפּר. אמנם לסִפּור־בדים ירָאה בעיני רבים הדבר אשר אספּר, לולא היו עדי־ראיה להצדיק את דברי, וגם הפֻּרענות הבאה מִלאה אחרי המופת הגדול. וזה הדבר: לפני בוא השמש נראו במרום בכל הארץ כדמות מרכבות־מלחמה ומערכות אנשי־צבא מזֻינים, המפלסים להם דרך בין העבים ומקיפים את הערים מסביב, ובעת החג הנקרא בשם יום החמשים (חג השבועות) עלו הכהנים בלילה אל חצר בית ה׳ הפנימית לשרת בעבודת הקדש כחֹק, וספּרו, כי שמעו קול רעש ואחרי־כן קול המון רב: ״נסעה ונלכה מזה״ (נעברה מזה). ועוד דבר נורא מזה: ארבע שנים לפני המלחמה, בעוד נמצאה ירושלים בשלוָתה והתענגה על רֹב טובה, בא אכר הדיוט אחד ושמו ישוע בן חנניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: ישוע בן חנן.</i> אל העיר למועד החג, אשר בו חֹק לכל היהודים להקים סֻכּות לכבוד אלהים, והחל פתאם לקרא בקול רם בחצר בית ה׳: ״קול ממזרח, קול ממערב, קול מארבע רוחות. קול על ירושלים וההיכל, קול על חתן וכלה, קול על כל העם״. ואת הדברים האלה הוסיף לקרֹא ביום ובלילה בסבבו בכל רחובות העיר. ואחדים משועי העם קצפו עליו בדבר הקללות האלה ותפשו את האיש והרבו להכותו וליסרהו. אולם הוא לא הרים את קולו לבקש על נפשו ולהשיב דבר למַכּיו, ולא חדל להשמיע את הקריאה אשר קרא. וראשי העם חשבו לצדק, כי רוח אלהים נמצאה באיש הזה והוליכו אותו אל נציב הרומאים, והוא צוה לדוש את בשרו בשוטים, עד אשר נחשׂפו עצמותיו. אולם האיש לא בקש רחמים ולא הזיל דמעות, ובשארית כֹּחו הרים קול יללה לכל מכה ומכה: ״הוי, הוי, ירושלים!״ וכאשר שאל אותו אלבּינוס — כי הוא היה הנציב בימים ההם — מי הוא ואֵי מזה בא, ועל מה ולמה הוא קורא את הקריאה הזאת, לא ענה על אחת משאלותיו ולא חדל להוציא מפיו את הנהי על העיר, עד אשר גזר אלבינוס, כי נטרפה עליו דעתו, ושלח אותו לנפשו. וכל העת עד בוא המלחמה לא פנה ישוע אל אחד מיושבי ירושלים, ולא נראה בדַבּרו עם בן־אדם, כי־אם הוציא נהי מפיו ברגש רב, כאִלו התפלל לאלהים, [את המלים:] ״הוי, הוי, ירושלים״ מדי יום ביומו, ומעולם לא בטא בשפתיו דבר קללה למַכּיו המתעללים בו יום יום, וגם לא ברך את האנשים הנותנים לו לחם לאכול, כי רק מענה אחד נמצא בפיו, והוא המשׂא הנורא [על ירושלים], ויותר מכֹּל הרבה לצעוק במועדי השנה. ואת הדברים האלה קרא שבע שנים וחמשה חדשים, ולא נִחר גרונו, ולא עיף ולא יגע, עד אשר בא מצור ירושלים וראה בעיניו, כי קמו דברי נבואתו, ואז נאלם לנצח. כי פעם אחת סבב בחומה וקרא בקול איֹם: ״הוי, הוי על ירושלים ועל העם ועל ההיכל״, ולאחרונה הוסיף: ״אוי, אוי גם לי״, כי אבן אחת שלוחה מכלי־קלע פגעה בו והמיתה אותו מיד, ובעוד הוא קורא בקול את נבואתו יצאה נפשו.",
+                    "ד. אם ישים איש אל לבו את הדברים האלה, ימצא, כי עין אלהים פקוחה על האדם, והוא מגלה לבני־אנוש את דרכי הישועה, ורק מסכלותם ומרֹע מעשיהם הם בוחרים להם דרכי־מות. ככה עשו היהודים את מקדשם רָבוּע אחרי אשר נהרסה הבירה אף כי נמצא כתוב בספריהם, כי יבוא חרבן העיר וההיכל גם־יחד, כאשר יהיה בית־המקדש רבוע. והדבר, אשר הרבה להעיר את לבם למלחמה הזאת היה גם הוא דבר חזון סתום, אשר נמצא בכתבי־הקֹדש, כי בימים ההם יקום מארצם איש, אשר ימלוך בכל העולם. הם דרשו את החזון הזה על אחד מאחיהם, ורבים מן החכמים נבוכו בפתרון הנבואה, ולא הבינו, כי היא מראָה על מלכות אספסינוס, אשר נקרא לקיסר בארץ יהודה. אפס לא נִתּן לאדם להמלט מגזר־דינו גם בצפותו אותו מראש. על־כן דרשו היהודים את חלק דברי הנבואה לטובתם, ולשאריתם לא שמו לב, עד אשר בא חרבן עירם וקִצם הרע הוכיח על סכלותם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הרומאים העלו את נשריהם אל הר־הבית וקדמו את טיטוס בהדר כבוד. הדברים, אשר קרא טיטוס באוני היהודים המבקשים רחמים, ומעבה היהודים, אשר העיר את חמת טיטוס.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר ברחו המורדים אל העיר, והיכל ה׳ וכל אשר מסביב לו בערו באש, העלו הרומאים את דגליהם (הנשרים, הסִמנים) אל מקום המקדש והציגו אותם למול שער הקדים וקראו את טיטוס בתרועת־ברכה למושל מנַצח (אימפּרַטור). ואנשי־הצבא הרבו לגזול ולמלא את ידיהם חמס, עד אשר נמכר בארץ סוריה משקל זהב בחצי המחיר אשר היה לו לפנים. והכהנים אשר על קיר ההיכל החזיקו עוד מעמד, ונער אחד מהם צמֵא למים והתחנן אל השומרים הרומאים לתת לו את בריתם, וסִפר להם, כי הוא צמא מאד. השומרים חמלו על הנער הנמצא בצרה ונתנו לו את בריתם שלום, והוא ירד ושתה מן המים וגם נתן אל הכד אשר הביא עמו, והלך לו וברח ועלה למעלה אל אחיו, ואיש מן השומרים לא עצר כֹּח לתפשו, הם חרפו אותו על אשר חלל את אמונתו, והוא ענה להם, כי לא עבר על הדבר אשר הבטיחם, יען שלא כרת אִתּם ברית להשאר אצלם, כי־אם לרדת ולקחת את המים, והנה עיניהם רואות, כי מִלא את שני הדברים באמונה. ואנשי־הצבא, אשר הוליך אותם הנער שולל, השתוממו על ערמתו הרַבּה, העולה על מדת שָׁניו. וביום החמישי אִלֵּץ הרעב את הכהנים לרדת מעל המקדש, והשומרים הוליכו אותם אל טיטוס. הם בקשו ממנו לתת להם את נפשם לשלל, אך הוא השיבם דבר, כי כבר נסגרו בפניהם שערי הרחמים, יען חָרב ההיכל, אשר למענו היה חומל עליהם למשפט, וגם נאה לכהנים לסוּף יחד עם מקדשם. ואחרי־זאת צוה להמיתם.",
+                    "ב. וכראות העריצים והאנשים אשר אִתּם, כי נִגפו במלחמה בכל מקום, וחומת האויב הקיפה עליהם, עד אשר אבד מהם מנוס, שלחו אל טיטוס לקחת עמו דברים. והקיסר, אשר היה אוהב הבריות מתכונתו, אמר בלבו להציל את העיר, וגם אוהביו החזיקו אחרי עצתו. בחשבו, כי יכָּנעו השודדים מפניו הפעם, עמד בקצה המערב לחצר בית ה׳ החיצונה, אשר שם נמצאו השערים הפונים אל לשכת־הגזית, בקרבת הגשר המחבר את הר־הבית לעיר העליונה, והגשר היה בתּוֶך בין העריצים ובין הקיסר. ומסביב לכל אחד עמדו אנשיו בהמון רב. היהודים העומדים עם שמעון ויוחנן קוו בכליון־עינים למצֹא חנינה, והרומאים הסובבים את הקיסר חכּוּ למוצא פי היהודים. טיטוס צוה על אנשי־צבאו לכבוש את כעסם ולבלתי יְרוֹת באויבים, והציג את המליץ (התֻּרגמן) לפניו ופתח בדברים לאות, כי הוא המנַצח, וכה אמר: ״הנה כבר שׂבעתם את הרעות, אשר מצאו את עיר־אבותיכם, אתם האנשים, אשר לא השיבותם אל לבכם את כל עֹז חילנו ואת כל רפיון־כֹּחכם, ובקנאה נבערה וברוח־שגעון הבאתם את הקץ על עמכם ועל עירכם ועל מקדשכם. ואמנם הצדק היה לי לכַלות אתכם מעל־פני האדמה, כי למן הימים הראשונים, אשר כבש אתכם פומפיוס בחֹזק־יד, לא חדלתם ממעשי־מרד, עד אשר יצאתם למלחמה על הרומאים ביד רמה. ובמי בטחתם, כי עשיתם את הדבר הזה? האם בגֹדל המונכם? הנה חלק מצער מחיל הרומאים הספיק להכריעכם! או בעזרת בני־בריתכם? היש עַם מחוץ לגבול ממשלתנו, אשר יעלה על לבו לבחור בברית היהודים מברית הרומאים? ואולי נשענתם על כֹּח זרועכם? הן יודעים אתם, כי גם הגרמנים [אדירי הכֹּח] עובדים אותנו. או בעֹז חומותיכם הבצורות שׂמתם מַחסכם? האם יש חומה נשגבה ממעוז ים־אוקינוס, הסוכך על הבריטַנים, אשר נכנעו גם הם לפני חרב הרומאים? או אולי בטחתם באֹמץ־רוחכם ובתחבולות. שרי־צבאותיכם? הלא ידעתם, כי גם בני קרת־חדשת כרעו לפנינו. אין זאת, כי העירה אתכם נגד הרומאים אהבת הבריות אשר לרומאים, כי בראשונה נתַנו לכם למשול בארצכם כטוב בעיניכם והקימונו עליכם מלכים מקרב אחיכם, ואחרי־כן שמרנו על חֻקי תורתכם ונתנו לכם לחיות כאשר עם לבבכם, לא רק בארצכם, כי־אם גם בקרב עמים אחרים, ועוד הוספנו להיטיב עמכם, כי מִלאנו את ידכם להרים תרומה לעבודת אלהיכם ולאסוף נדבות כטוב בעיניכם, ולא יסרנו בדברים את נושאי המתנות ולא עמדנו להם לשטן, למען תּרבּו עֹשר לרעתנו ובכספנו אנו תתכוננו להלחם בנו. מרֹב טובתנו שמַנתּם ובשׂבע נפשכם בעטתם באנשי־חסדכם וכדרך נחשים, אשר אין להם לחש, תקעתם את עֻקציכם בבשר המתרפקים עליכם. בזיתם את נירון בלבכם על קלות־דעתו, ותחת אשר שקטתם תחתיכם במחשבות־זדון זמן רב, כדרך המכות והחבלים העצורים בגוף עד אשר יתגלו בבוא עליו תחלואים קשים, הראיתם הפעם את כל יצר לבכם הרע, ולא בושתם לשאת את נפשכם לתקוות גדולות לבלי־חֹק. ואחרי־כן בא אבי אל הארץ הזאת, והוא לא עלה עליכם לעשות בכם שפטים על הדבר אשר עשיתם לצֶסטיוס, כי־אם למען שַׁחֵר למוסר את אזניכם. כי לוּ בא להכרית את עמכם, הלא היה עליו למהר ולעקור את שֹׁרש הזדון ולהחריב את העיר הזאת מיד, אך הוא לא עשה כזאת, כי־אם השחית את ארץ הגליל ואת סביבותיה, ונתן לכם זמן להִנָּחם על מעשיכם. אולם אהבת־הבריות הזאת היתה בעיניכם לאות רפיון־כֹּח, ואֹרך־אפינו חִזק את עזות־לבכם. ואחרי מות נירון עשיתם כמעשה הנבלים, כי בקוּם מלחמות־אחים בקרבנו הוספתם אֹמץ, וכאשר יצאתי עם אבי אל ארץ מצרים, מצאתם לכם שעת־הכֹּשר להרבות תכונה למלחמה, ולא בושתם להחריד את מנוחת האנשים העולים לכסא־המלוכה, אשר ידעתם בהם, כי היו שרי־צבא אנשי־חסד. ואחרי־כן מצאה כל הממשלה מחסה בנו, וכל הארצות נחו ושקטו, וגם העמים הנכרים שלחו אלינו מלאכים לברכנו, ורק היהודים לבדם היו לנו לאויבים, ואתם שלחתם את ציריכם מעבר לנהר פרת להקים מרד, והעליתם מצודות חדשות על חומותיכם, ומריבות וקנאת־עריצים ומלחמות־אחים השחיתו בכם, כמשפט לאנשי־בליעל, — ורק להם לבד! — ואחרי־זאת עליתי על העיר הזאת, ואבי נתן בידי פקֻדה נוראה על אפו ועל חמתו. והנה שמעתי, כי העם רוצה להשלים אתנו, ושמחתי, ועוד לפני המלחמה קראתי לכם לשבות מריב, וזמן רב חמלתי על האויבים הנלחמים בי, ונתתי את בריתי לנופלים אלי, ושמרתי אמונים לבורחים, ורחמתי על רבים משבויי־החרב, וענשתי את המתעללים בהם עֹנש קשה, ובלי חמדה הקרבתי את מכונות־המלחמה אל חומותיכם ועצרתי בעד רוח אנשי־צבאי וחמת־רצחם עליכם כל היום, ואחרי כל נצחון עשיתי כמעשה הנִּגָּף במלחמה ודברתי אליכם שלום, וכאשר קרבתי אל המקדש, הואלתי עוד הפעם לעזוב את חֻקי המלחמה וקראתי אליכם לרחם על קדשיכם אתם ולהציל את ההיכל למענכם, וגם הבטחתי אתכם להוציאכם בשלום ונשבעתי לכם לפדות את נפשותיכם, וגם נתתי לכם לבחור במקום אחר ולהלחם אתנו משם כטוב בעיניכם. אולם אתם מאסתם את כל דברי, וידיכם שלחו אש בהיכל. ואחרי כל אלה — הוי טמאים נבזים! — באתם כיום הזה לדבּר אלי דברים! ומה תוכלו עוד להציל, אחרי אשר אבדו לכם הקדשים האלה? ובמה נחשבה בעיניכם פדות נפשכם אחרי אבדן ההיכל? והן גם עתה עודכם עומדים בכלי־נשקכם, ובהגיע מים עד נפש אינכם רוצים להתנכּר ולדבּר תחנונים. הוי, עלובים! במי עוד תשימו מבטחכם? עמכם חלַל־חרב, היכלכם — שַׁמה ושאיה, עירכם — מרמס לרגלי, וביָדי רוחכם ונשמתכם! אולי תחשבו לכם את הדבר לגבורה בלכתכם לקראת המות? אך לא אוסיף לדון עוד ברוח שגעונכם! אם תפרקו את כלי־נשקכם ותסגירו את עצמכם בידי — אתן לכם את נפשכם לשלל, וכבעל־בית ארך־אפים אעשה שפטים באשר אין לו תקנה, ואת הפלֵטה אציל למעני.״",
+                    "ג. לדברים האלה ענו המורדים, כי לא יוכלו לכרות עמו ברית, יען נשבעו לבלתי עשות את הדבר הזה לעולם. ועל־כן בקשו ממנו, כי יתן להם לצאת דרך החומה עם נשיהם ובניהם, למען ילכו להם אל המדבר ויעזבו את העיר בידו. לשֵׁמע הדבר הזה חרה אף טיטוס באנשים האלה, העתידים לנפול בידו בקרוב, כי מלאם לבם לדרוש ממנו דברים, כאִלו נצחו במלחמה, וצוה להודיע אותם, כי לא יוסיפו לנפול אליו ולקוות, אשר ישמור להם את הברית, כי לא יחמול על נפש איש, ועל־כן עליהם להלחם בכל כֹּחם ולהִוָּשע בזרוע־ימינם, אם יעלה הדבר בידם, ומן היום ההוא והלאה יעשה להם ככל חֹמר משפטי המלחמה. ועל אנשי־הצבא צוה לשרוף את העיר (התחתונה) ולהוציא את שללה. אנשי־הצבא שבתו ביום ההוא, וביום השני שרפו את הארכיון (בית־הפקודות) ואת המצודה (חקרא) ואת בית־המועצה ואת העֹפל, והאש הגיעה עד ארמון הֵיליני, הבנוי בתוך המצודה. גם הרחובות והבתים המלאים חללי רעב היו למאכֹלת־אש.",
+                    "ד. וביום ההוא שלחו בני המלך אִיזַט ואֶחיו וגם רבים מטוּבי ירושלים, אשר נאספו אִתּם יחד, להתחנן אל הקיסר, כי יכרות אִתּם ברית. ואף כי היטב חרה לטיטוס על כל שארית העם, לא כבש את יצרו הטוב, וקבּל את פני האנשים בשלום ונתן אותם במשמר, ואחרי־כן אסר את בני המלך ואת קרוביו והוליך אותם אל רומא, למען יהיו לו לבני־תערובות."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>מעשי המורדים, צרותיהם ויסוריהם. טיטוס כבש את העיר התחתונה.</small><br><br>א. והמורדים מהרו ללכת אל ארמון המלך, אשר רבים מבני ירושלים בטחו במשׂגַּבּו והניחו בו את רכושם, והניסו את הרומאים משם והכו נפש את כל העם הנאסף שם, כשמונת אלפים וארבע מאות נפש, וגזלו את כל הכסף. ושנַים מן הרומאים נתפשו חיים, האחד מחיל־הרוכבים והשני מן הצבא הרגלי. את הרגלי שחטו היהודים מיד וסחבו את נבלתו אל העיר. והרוכב אמר, כי יוכל לגַלות ליהודים דבר, אשר יהיה להם לישועה, והובל אל שמעון. ואחרי אשר לא נמצא דבר בפיו, נמסר על־ידי ארדַּלא, אחד משרי־הצבא, לעשות לו משפט־מות. ארדַּלא עקד את ידיו לאחוריו וכסה את עיניו והוציאו אל מול מחנה הרומאים להמיתו. אך בעוד היהודי שולף את חרבו מתּערהּ, מִהר השבוי לברוח אל הרומאים. ובהמלט האיש מפני השונאים, לא צוה טיטוס להמיתו, אבל חשב, כי אין מקום בצבא־הרומאים לאדם, אשר נתפש חי בידי שונאיו. על־כן לקחו הרומאים ממנו את כלי־נשקו וגרשו אותו ממחנה צבאם. והדבר הזה נחשב בעיני בעל־נפש לעֹנש קשה ממות.",
+                    "ב. וביום השני גרשו הרומאים את השודדים מן העיר התחתונה ושלחו באש את כֻּלהּ עד הַשִּׁלֹּחַ. ואף כי שמחו למראה העיר הבוערת, הנה נואשו מתקותם לשאת את שללה, כי כבר הספיקו המורדים לְנַצֵּל את כֻּלה ויצאו עם הבז אל העיר העליונה. הם לא נחמו על מעשיהם הרעים גם בפעם הזאת, ועוד התפארו כדרך אנשים העושים טובה רבה. למראה העיר היוקדת אמרו באור־פנים, כי הפעם יערב להם מותם, אחרי אשר נשמד כל עם ירושלים ובית־המקדש נשרף והעיר בוערת באש, ולא נשאר דבר לאויביהם. אולם גם בהגיע הצרה למרום־קִצה לא חדל יוסף מלבקש מהם רחמים על שארית העיר והִרבּה ליַסר אותם על אכזריותם ועל חטאותיהם וגם להורותם דרך ישועה, אך שׂכר לא היה לדבריו, כי־אם לעג וקלס. ויען אשר לא נאותו המורדים להסגיר את נפשם בידי האויב ולהפר בזה את שבועתם, אף לא עצרו כֹח לצאת על הרומאים למלחמה ולקוות לישועה, כי היו סגורים כמו בכלוב, וגם לא יכלה ימינם להשאר במנוחה, אחרי אשר הסכינה לשפוך דם כל היום, — על־כן פשטו לפני העיר וארבו בין החרבות לנפשות האנשים האומרים לנפול אל הרומאים. רבים נתפשו בכף, והם שחטו את כֻּלם, כי מרֹב המצוק לא היה כח לאיש להשמט מידם, ואת נבלותיהם השליכו למאכל לכלבים. אולם בעיני אלה היתה כל מיתה קלה ממות־רעב, ועל־כן בחרו גם לנוס אל הרומאים, אף כי נואשו כבר מתקותם למצֹא חנינה, וברצון נפלו בידי המורדים המרצחים. ובקרבת העיר לא היתה אף כברת־ארץ ריקה, כי בכל מקום נמצא אחד מחללי הרעב או המרד — או היה מלא המונים של חללי הרעב והמרד יחד.",
+                    "ג. עוד צל תקוה נשאר לעריצים ולחֶבר השודדים אשר אתם, כי יעלה בידם להמלט דרך המנהרות: הם בטחו, כי לא יוכלו הרומאים למצאם בברחם שמה, ואמרו בנפשם להתחבא שם, עד אשר יחריבו הרומאים את העיר כליל ויסורו מעליה, ואז יוכלו גם הם להמלט על נפשם. אולם תקותם זאת היתה חלום, כי לא נגזר עליהם להסתר מעיני האלהים וגם מעיני הרומאים. אך עד בוא פקֻדתם בטחו במחסה הנקָבות אשר מתחת לאדמה, והרבו לשרוף בעיר יותר מהרומאים, ואת הבורחים מן השרפה אל המחתרות המיתו בהמון ושללו את רכושם. וכאשר מצאו בידי איש פת־לחם, גזלו אותה ובלעוה בעודה טבולה בדם [בעליה]. וגם בקרבם כבר פרצו מריבות־אחים בגלל השלל אשר גזלו, ולולא מִהֲרָה מפלת העיר לבוא, כי אז החלו לאכול גם את בשר המתים בחמת־יאושם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הקיסר שפך סוללות על העיר העליונה והקריב את כלי־הרעש וכבש את העיר.</small><br><br>א. וכראות הקיסר, כי העיר העליונה היא תלולה מכל עבריה ולא יוכל לכבשה בלי סוללות־מלחמה, חִלק את העבודה הזאת בין אנשי־חילו ביום עשרים לחֹדש לוֹאוֹס (אב). וקשה היה להביא את כל העצים הדרושים, כי נחשפו, כאשר אמרתי, כל המקומות מסביב לעיר במרחק מאה ריס למען הסוללות הראשונות. ארבעת הלגיונות הקימו את בניני־המלחמה ממערב לעיר, למול חצר המלך, והמון צבא־הברית ויתר החיל שפך סוללה על לשכת־הגזית ועל הגשר ועל מגדל שמעון [בן גיורא], הוא אשר הקים אותו למשגב בעת מלחמתו עם יוחנן.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם נאספו שרי־צבא האדומים בסתר ויעצו עצה להסגיר את עצמם בידי הרומאים ושלחו חמשה אנשים אל טיטוס ובקשוהו לכרות אִתּם ברית. טיטוס קוה, כי גם העריצים יכָּנעו מפניו, בסור מעליהם האדומים, אשר נטלו חלק במלחמה בראש. אחרי הִמָּלכו זמן רב בדעתו הסכים לאחרונה ושלח מעליו את האנשים. והאדומים התכוננו לעזוב את העיר, והנה נודע הדבר לשמעון והוא מִהר להמית את חמשת האנשים, אשר יצאו לדבר עם טיטוס, ואת ראשי האדומים עם יעקב בן סוֹסא נשוא־הפנים ביניהם תפש ואסר בכלא, אף צוה לשמור על המון האדומים, אשר היו כאובדי־עצות בהלקח מהם נשיאיהם, ולהציג על החומה אנשי־משמר זריזים. אולם נבצר מכֹּח השומרים לעצור בעד הפליטים הרבים, הנופלים אל השונא, ואף כי גדל מספר ההרוגים, רבּו ועצמו מהם הנמלטים, והרומאים קבלו את כֻּלם, כי טיטוס בטוּב־לבו לא נזקק לפקֻדותיו הראשונות, וגם אנשי־הצבא כבר שׂבעו מדם ולא הוסיפו להמית את הבורחים, ועוד קִוו לבוא על שׂכרם, כי רק את אזרחי־העיר שלחו לחֹפש, אולם את יתר ההמון עם הנשים והטף מכרו לעבדים ולא הרבו במחירם, כי גדל מאד המון הנמכרים ומספר הקונים היה מצער. ואף כי העביר טיטוס קול, לבלי יפול אליו איש בגפו, למען יצאו אליו האנשים לבתיהם ולמשפחותיהם, בכל־זאת קבל גם את היחידים בחסד והקים בית־דין להבדיל מהם את הראוים לעֹנש־מות. והנמכרים לעבדים היו לאין־מספר, ורק בני ירושלים, ארבעים אלף נפש ויותר, נפדו מעבדות, כי שלח אותם הקיסר ללכת אל כל הטוב בעיניהם.",
+                    "ג. ובימים ההם יצא אחד הכהנים, ושמו יהושע בן תֵּבוּתִי, אשר נשבע לו הקיסר להציל את נפשו, אם ימסור בידו חלק מכלי־הקֹדש, והוציא אליו מקיר ההיכל שתי מנורות־זהב כתבנית מנורות ההיכל ושלחנות ומזרקים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: גביעים (קרטֵירים).</i> וקערות, כֻּלם זהב סגור וכבדים במשקלם מאד. מלבד זאת נתן לו גם את הפרֹכת ואת בגדי הכהנים הגדולים עם אבני־החן ועוד רבים מכלי עבודת־הקֹדש. גם שומר אוצר־המקדש, ושמו פינחס, נפל בידי הרומאים וגִלה להם את מקום כתנות הכהנים ואַבנטיהם, גם הרבה ארגמן ותולעת־שני, אשר נצבר שם לצרכי הפרֹכת, ומלבד זאת הרבה קנמון וקציעה והמון בשמים (סמים) אחרים, אשר בללו אותם והקריבו קטֹרת לאלהים יום־יום. ונוסף על אלה מסר הרבה מיתר כלי־המקדש וגם מעדי־הקֹדש ואף כי נתפש בחֹזק־יד, עשה לו טיטוס כמשפט בורחי־המלחמה ונתן לו את נפשו לשלל.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר כלתה עבודת הסוללות לקץ שמונה־עשר יום בשביעי לחֹדש גורְפִּיאַיּוֹס (אלול), הקריבו הרומאים את מכונותיהם אל החומה, ורבים מן המורדים נואשו הפעם מתקותם להציל את העיר, אלה עזבו את החומה ועלו אל המצודה ואלה ירדו אל המנהרות. ורבים התיצבו על החומה ונלחמו בשונאים המקריבים את מכונות־הרעש, אולם הרומאים התגברו עליהם בגֹדל המונם ובכֹח־ידם, ומה גם כי נלחמו ברוח גבורה עם שונאים, אשר נמס לבבם וכשל כֹּחם, וכאשר נבקע חלק החומה ואחדים מן המגדלים כרעו תחת הכרים המנַגחים, מהרו מגִני העיר לברוח. וגם על העריצים נפלה מחִתּה נוראה וגדולה עוד יותר מהצרה אשר מצאתם; כי עוד טרם נִסּוּ הרומאים לעלות על החומה, נמוגו אלה מפחד ובקשו להם מנוס. ואלה האנשים, אשר הרימו לפנים למָרום קרנם והשתבחו במעשי תועבותיהם, שחו עתה לארץ ועצמותיהם רחפו ממגור, עד אשר נדו כל רואיהם לתמורה הזאת ושכחו, פי הם נבזים מאדם. הם אמרו לרוץ אל החֵל [אשר הקימו הרומאים] ולהדוף את השומרים מפניהם ולהבקיע להם דרך ולהמלט. אולם בהביטם כה וכה ראו, כי אין אִתּם אנשיהם הנאמנים בבריתם מתמול שלשום, כי נמלט כל איש אל אשר מצאה ידו בצרה הזאת. והנה מהרו אליהם אנשים והגידו, כי כבר נבקעה כל חומת המערב והרומאים פרצו בתוך העיר, ואלה ספרו. כי מבקשי נפשם הולכים וקרבים, ואנשים אחרים, אשר עיניהם ראו זרות מגֹדל פחדם, אמרו, כי נראה כבר האויב עומד בראש המגדלים. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה נפלו העריצים על פניהם ובכו על תעתועי־לבבם, וזמן רב לא עצרו כֹּח לקום ולברוח, כאלו נִתּקו עורקיהם. וגם בדבר הזה יראה כל איש את יד־האלהים הקשה על הרשעים ואת מזל הרומאים, כי העריצים שדדו את מבטחם בידיהם וברצונם הטוב ירדו מן המגדלים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הם המגדלים הידועים הִפִּיקוס, פצאל ומרים, אשר תאר אותם המחבר למעלה.</i>, אשר שם לא יכלו האויבים לתפשם ביד חזקה לעולם, בלתי־אם ברעב. והרומאים, אשר עבדו בזעת־אפים לכבוש את החומות הרפות, כבשו באפס־יד את המגדלים, אשר נבצר מהם ללכדם בכלי־מלחמה, כי שלשת המגדלים, אשר תארתי את צורתם למעלה, שׂגבו מכל מיני מכונות שבעולם.",
+                    "ה. העריצים עזבו את המגדלים — ונכון הדבר, כי בידי אלהים הָשלכו משם — וברחו אל העמק אשר מתחת השִּׁלֹּחַ. וכאשר השיבו רוחם מעט ורָוַח להם מפחדם, מהרו לרוץ אל החֵל הקרוב שמה, אולם לא מצאו בנפשם די־עֹז בצרתם הגדולה, כי הפחד והאסונות הכשילו את כֹּחם — ובידי השומרים עלה להדפם ולהפיצם, ואחד אחד נמלטו אל המנהרות. וכאשר כבשו הרומאים את החומה, הקימו את נִסֵּיהם בראשי המגדלים ומחאו כף בקול־תרועה ופצחו פה בשירת־נצחון, כי סוף המלחמה היה קל להם מתחלתה, ובלא שפך־דם עלו על החומה האחרונה. הם לא האמינו כמעט למראה עיניהם, ובהביטם סביב ואין איש מן האויבים, נדהמו ונבוכו. ואחרי זאת פרצו כנחל ברחובות, והכו בחרב את כל הנופל בידם, והמיתו אנשים לאין־מספר, ושרפו את הבתים באש על הנמלטים בתוכם. ואחרי אשר הִרבּו להרוס ולנתּוץ את הבתים, באו בתוכם לשלוח ידם אל הבזה, ומצאו את החדרים מלאים חללי רעב, ושׂערו שׂער לַמראה ויצאו בידם ריקות. אך אם גם נרתעו אנשי־הצבא מפני המתים האלה, הנה לא חסה עינם על החיים, וכל הנמצא נדקר בידיהם הם הקימו תלי חללים ברחובות והציפו את כל העיר במצולת דם, עד אשר כבה הדם את הלהבה במקומות רבים. לעת ערב השיבו הרוצחים את ידיהם ובלילה פשׂתה הלהבה, וביום השמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפּיאַיּוֹס (אלול) עלה השחר על מוקד ירושלים, היא העיר, אשר כה רבּו צרותיה ומצוקותיה בימי המצור, ולוּ ראתה טובה בכל ימי היותה כמדת צרותיה אלה, כי אז קַנֵא קנאו כל באי־עולם באשרה. ורק עָוֹן אחד הביא עליה את כל האסונות האלה, כי הצמיחה דור [נבל ומשחית] אשר כזה, ומידו בא עליה הקץ."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>פקֻדות הקיסר אחרי בואו אל העיר. מספר השבוים וחללי המלחמה. על־דבר הפליטים, אשר שׂרדו אל המנהרות, ושמעון ויוחנן בכללם.</small><br><br>א. וטיטוס בא אל העיר והשתומם עליה מאד ובפרט על חֹזק חומותיה ומגדליה, אשר עזבו אותם העריצים בשגעונם. בראותו את גֹּבה־המגדלים הַמֻצק ואת גֹּדל סלעי הבנין ואת הַדֶּבק המכֻוָּן ביניהן וגם את מדת עֲבִי המגדלים וקומתם, קרא: ״האלהים נלחם לנו — כי רק יד האלהים החזקה גרשה את היהודים מן המצודות האלה, כי מה תעשינה ידי אדם ומכונותיו למגדלים אשר כאלה?״ הוא הִרבּה עוד לדבּר עם אוהביו, ואחרי־כן שלח לחפשי את אסירי העריצים, אשר נמצאו עצורים במצודות, וצוה להרוס את שארית העיר ולהפיל את חומותיה, והשאיר רק את המגדלים האלה (השלשה) לזֵכר מזלו הטוב, אשר עמד לו במלחמה וּמִגֵּר לפניו את העיר הבצורה, אשר נבצר מידי אדם לכבשה.",
+                    "ב. וכאשר עיפו ידי אנשי־הצבא מכֹּבד הרצח, נראה בעיר המון רב מיושביה, אשר נצלו מן המטבֵּח. והקיסר צוה להמית רק את המזֻיָּנים העומדים על נפשם ולקחת את יתר העם בשבי. ואנשי־הצבא עשו כמצותו ועוד הוסיפו להמית גם את הזקנים ואת החלשים, ואת הבריאים והאנשים, אשר מצאו בהם חפץ, דחפו אל הר־הבית וסגרו אותם בעזרת־הנשים. והקיסר הפקיד את אחד עבדיו המשֻׁחררים לשמור עליהם, ואל פרונטון אוהבו אמר לעשות משפט כל איש ואיש. פרונטון צוה להמית את כל המורדים והשודדים, אשר גִלה מהם איש את תועבות רעהו, ומקרב הצעירים הבדיל את הגדולים בקומה ואת יפי־התֹאר וחשף אותם לחג־הנצחון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">טריומפוס, ביונית: טריאמבוס.</i>, ומיתר העם אסר כל בחור מבן שבע־עשרה ומעלה ושלח אותם לעבוד בסבלות מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה בהרי לוב, הסמוכים למצרים, מקומות מכרֵה הזהב.</i>. ורבים מהם נתן טיטוס למנחה למדינות שונות להעבירם בבתי־חזיון, למען ימותו איש בחרב אחיו או במלחמה עם חיות רעות. והקטנים מבני שבע־עשרה נמכרו לעבדים. ובעוד פרונטון שׂם פדות בין הנתפשים, והנה גועו מהם כאחד־עשר אלף איש ברעב, כי מנעו מהם השומרים את לחמם מגֹדל שנאתם אליהם, וגם רבים מהם מאנו לנגוע בלחם אשר נִתּן להם. ואמנם לא נמצא די־לחם להמון השבוים הרב.",
+                    "ג. ומספר השבוים, אשר נתפשו בכל עת המלחמה, היה תשע רבבות ושבעת אלפים, ומספר המתים בכל עת המצור היה מאה ועשרה רבוא. רֻבּם יהודים, אך לא ילידי המקום (ירושלים). כי מכל עברים נאספו אנשים אל ירושלים למועד חג־המצות, ופתאֹם סגרה עליהם המלחמה. ובאשר צר המקום לשאתם, פרץ ביניהם לראשונה דֶבֶר־הַוּוֹת, ואחרי־כן בא הרעב והִרבּה את חלליהם. ואמנם לא נבצר מירושלים להכיל המון עצום כזה, והדבר הזה נגלה, כאשר מָנה צֶסטיוס את היהודים. כי ברצות צסטיוס להראות את תפארת ירושלים לקיסר נירון, למען אשר לא יבוז לעם היהודים, בקש את הכהנים למצֹא את מספר העם הגדול, אם יש הדבר לאֵל־ידם. והנה הגיע החג הנקרא פסח (פסחא), אשר בו היהודים מקריבים זבחים מתשע שעות עד אחת־עשרה שעה, והחבורה הנמנית על קרבן אחד לא מעטה מעשרה אנשים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: גברים.</i>, כי לא יכול אדם לאכול מבשר הקרבן לבדו — ורבים הצטרפו גם לחבורות בנות עשרים איש —, והכהנים מנו את הזבחים ומספרם היה עשרים וחמשה רבוא וחמשת אלפים ושש מאות, והמקריבים אותם היו אנשים טהורים, אשר התקדשו לחג, כי למצֹרעים ולזבים ולנשים דווֹת וליתר הטמאים היה אסור לאכול מבשׂר הזבח, וגם בני־הנכר [הערלים] הבאים אל ירושלים לעבוד את האלהים לא לקחו בו חלק.",
+                    "ד. והנה רֹב העם, אשר נמצא אז בירושלים, נאסף מכל הארץ, כאִלּוּ נגזרה גזרה על כל העם להסגר כמו בבית־כלא. וכאשר התלקחה המלחמה מסביב לירושלים, היתה העיר מלאה המונות אדם; על־כן עצם מספר החללים ממספר המתים בכל מגפה רעה הבאה בידי אדם או בידי שמים. — ואחרי אשר המיתו הרומאים חלק האנשים היוצאים אליהם ואת שאריתם לקחו בשבי, חקרו למצֹא את האנשים המסתתרים במנהרות וקרעו את שכבת האדמה אשר על־גבן ואת כל הנופלים בידם הכו לפי חרב. ובמנהרות נמצאו כאלפַּים פגרים, מהם פגרי אנשים, אשר טרפו את נפשם בכפם, ורֻבּם חללי רעב. ונוראה היתה צחנת הפגרים, אשר עלתה באף הרומאים הפורצים במנהרות, ורבים מהם מִהרו לעזוב את המקום. אך נמצאו גם אנשים, אשר תאות בצעם השיאתם לרדת ולפַלס להם דרך על ערמות הפגרים. כי הרבה כלי־חפץ נגלו במחתרות, ואין דרך אשר לא תישר בעיני חומד־כסף. הם הוציאו רבים מאסירי העריצים, כי גם בבוא צרתם עד קִצּה לא חדלו ממעשי־רשעתם. ואמנם אלהים שִׁלם לשניהם יחד כגמול ידיהם. כי יוחנן, אשר התענה ברעב יחד עם אָחיו בקרב המנהרות, פנה כדַל שואל אל הרומאים לתת לו את בריתם, אשר בעט בה לפנים לא פעם ולא שתים. וגם שמעון, אשר נלחם זמן רב עם המצוק, הסגיר את עצמו בידי השונאים, כאשר נסַפּר עוד למטה. הוא הושׂם במשמר והֻקדש להרֵגה ביום חג־הנצחון. ויוחנן נשפט למאסר־עולם. — הרומאים שרפו את כל קצות העיר ונתצו את החומה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נפלה לפני זה חמש פעמים בידי אויביה, ועתה חרבה בפעם השניה. קורות העיר בקצרה.</small><br><br>א. ככה נפלה ירושלים בשנה השנית למלכות אספסינוס בשמיני לחֹדש גוֹרפִּיאַיוֹס (אלול). וכבר לפני זה נכבשה חמש פעמים [בידי אויביה] ועתה חרבה בפעם השנית. אַסוֹכַיּוֹס מלך מצרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה לשִׁישק מלך מצרים, אשר לכד את ירושלים בימי רחבעם בן שלֹמה. במצרית נקרא: שֶׁשוֹנְק, ועל יסוד זה אצל רבים מסופרי היונים: סֶסוֹנְכִיס. בספר הקדמוניות קרא לו מחברנו — איסוֹקוֹס (בנוסחאות סוּסקוס=שושק, כמו שנמצאה בכתוב מלכים א, י״ד, כ״ה).</i>, ואחריו אנטיוכוס, ואחריו פומפֵּיוס, ואחרי אלה סוֹסיוס יחד עם הורדוס — כבשו כֻלם את העיר, אולם השאירו אותה על תִּלָּהּ. ועוד לפני אלה כבש מלך בבל את העיר והחריבה במלֹאת אלף וארבע מאות וששים ושמונה שנה וששה חדשים ליום הוָּסְדָהּ. והראשון, אשר בנה את העיר, היה מושל הכנענים, אשר נקרא בלשון אבותינו ״מלך צדיק״ (מלכי־צדק)<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המחבר אינו מוסר את השם העברי, כי־אם כותב את הוראתו בלבד.</i>, וכשמו כן היה, כי הוא הראשון אשר כִּהֵן לאלהים והוא אשר בנה את המקדש<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: הירון.</i> לראשונה וקרא שֵׁם ירושלים לעיר, אשר היה שמה שָׁלֵם בתחלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כאן גלה המחבר דעתו, כי השם ירושלים מחֻבּר משתי מלים, והאחת היא המלה היונית ירוֹ (Hiero), לאמר: הקדושה, וכן חשבו גם רבים מן הסופרים היונים. ואת שנוי השם שָׁלֵם לירושלים יִחֵס למלכי־צדק מלך שָׁלֵם, אשר בנה, לדעתו, בקרב העיר מקדש (או מזבח) ועשה אותה לעיר־הקדש.</i>. דָּוִד מלך היהודים גרש את עם הכנעני מירושלים והושיב בקרבה את אֶחיו ואחריו, לקץ ארבע מאות ושבעים ושבע שנה וששה חדשים, הרבה העיר בידי הבבלים. ומימי דוד, הוא מלך היהודים הראשון, אשר משל בירושלים, עד חרבן העיר בידי טיטוס עברו אלף ומאה ושבעים ותשע שנה. ומראשית הִוָּסְדָהּ עד חרבנה האחרון עברו אלפים ומאה ושבעים ושבע שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספרים אינם מדֻיקים וסותרים זה את זה.</i>. אולם כל קדמות העיר וכל עָשׁרהּ הגדול והמון בניה הרבים הנפוצים בכל אפסי תבל וכל גֹדל תהלת עבודת־האלהים בקרבה, — כל אלה לא עמדו לירושלים בהגיע קִצָּהּ. אלה דברי אחרית מְצוֹר ירושלים."
+                ]
+            ],
+            [
+                [
+                    "<small>ירושלים נהרסה כליל מלבד שלשה מגדלים. טיטוס הקהיל את אנשי־הצבא והִללם על גבורתם ונתן להם מתנות ושלח רבים לבתיהם.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר לא השיגה עוד יד אנשי־הצבא לטבּוח ולבֹז בז, כי לא נשאר להם דבר לכלות בו את חמתם, — כי הן לא ידעו [הרומאים] חמלה ולא היו מושכים ידיהם, לוּ מצאו דבר להשחיתו, — צוה טיטוס עליהם להרוס את כל העיר עם ההיכל עד היסוד ולהשאיר רק את המגדלים העולים על חבריהם בשׂיאם, הם פצאל, הִפִּיקוֹס ומִרים, ואת חלק החומה הסוגר על העיר ממערב, למען יהיה שם מקום־מחנה לחיל־המשמר הנשאר בירושלים, והמגדלים יספרו לדורות אחרונים את פרשת העיר הגדולה עם מצודותיה החזקות והבצורות, אשר הכניעו הרומאים בגבורת ידיהם. ואת יתר חלקי החומה הגיעו הרומאים לארץ והפכו (את ירושלים) למשואות, עד אשר לא יאמין העובר (על תּל־שממונה), כי היתה במקום הזה לפנים עיר נושבה. זה הקץ, אשר הביאו המורדים ברוח־שגעונם על ירושלים, העיר המעטירה, אשר התברכו בה כל בני־האדם.",
+                    "ב. והקיסר גמר להעמיד שם למשמר את הלגיון העשירי ועמו להקות אחדות מחיל־הרוכבים וגדודי־רגלים מספר. ואחרי אשר כלה טיטוס את כל מעשי המלחמה, חשקה נפשו לברך את כל הצבא על נצחונותיו ולחלק את המתנות הראויות לגבורי־החיל. על־כן צוה להקים לו בימה גדולה במקום־תחנותו הראשון בתָּוך, ועמד עליה יחד עם שרי־צבאו וקרא באזני כל הצבא, לאמר: ״היום הזה יש עם לבי לברך אתכם על חסדכם ואמתכם אתי כל הימים. והנה אני מודה אתכם על משמעתכם במלחמה, אשר חֻבּרה אל גבורתכם בכל הסכנות הרבות והעצומות. הן בזה הגדלתם את חֹסן ארצכם ונתתם אותו מופת לעיני כל הגויים, כי המון האויבים הרב ומשגב חומותיהם הבצורות ועֹז נפשם אשר אין לו חקר וכל חמת־רוח הצרים, הפראים כחיות־השדה, — כל אלה לא יוכלו לעמד בפני גבורת הרומאים, ולוּ גם תהיה פעמים רבות השעה משחקת לשונאיכם. הנה שׂמתם אחרית טובה למלחמה, אשר ארכה ימים ושנים. והן גם בצאתכם לקרָב לא פללתם, כי תפליאו לעשות מאשר השיגה ידכם כיום הזה! ועוד הוספתם לעשות לכם שם כבוד ותפארת, כי השכלתם לבחֹר מקרבכם מושלים ושליטים בכל מלכות הרומאים ונתתם את המשרה בידם, ושלחתם אותם אל ארץ־אבותיכם וכל העם קבל אותם בלבב שלם ונכנע למשפטיהם והחזיק טובה לכם על אשר בחרתם בהם. והנה כֻלכם עשיתם גדולות ונפלאות, ואני שמח בכם ויודע, כי אין מכם איש, אשר קצרה נדיבות־רוחו מכֹּחותיו. אולם לאלה האנשים, אשר הושיע להם כח ימינם הגדול להלחם ביתר עֹז, לאלה, אשר פארו במעשי־גבורתם את דרך חייהם וגם השכילו לעטר את צבאותי הוד והדר בנצחונותיהם — אני רוצה לתת כבוד ויקר חֵלף גבורתם, ולא אקפח את השׂכר הראוי לאנשים, אשר התנדבו לעשות גדולות מחבריהם. ואמנם יקר בעיני מאד לשקֹד על הדבר לעשותו, כי יערב עלי לשלם ללוחמים את שׂכר גבורתם מאשר לענשם על משוגותיהם.״",
+                    "ג. ומיד צוה טיטוס על האנשים הממֻנים לדָבר לפרוט את שמות האנשים, אשר עשו גבורות במלחמה. הוא קרא את האנשים אחד אחד לגשת אליו והלל את נצחונותיהם בשמחה רבה, כדרך האדם השׂמח במעשה־ידיו, ועִטר אותם בזרי־זהב וקשר להם שרשרות־זהב על צואריהם ונתן להם חניתות־זהב ארֻכּות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: קטנות.</i> ודגלים עשוים כסף ואת כל אחד מהם גִדַּל במעלת משׂרתו. וגם משלל המלחמה הרים להם זהב וכסף ובגדים יקרים ויתר הבָּז ביד רחבה, ואחרי אשר נשא טיטוס בעצמו את ראש כל הנזכרים לכבוד ולתהלה, ברך את כל הצבא, ולקול תרועה גדולה ירד מן הבימה והלך להקריב את קרבנות־הנצחון. לפני המזבחות עמדו פרים בהמון רב, והוא צוה לשחוט את כלם ולחלק את בשרם לאנשי־הצבא, למען ייטיבו את לבבם, והוא עם שרי־הצבא עשה משתה שלשה ימים, ואחרי־כן שלח מעליו את כל צבא־הנכרים ונתן לכל איש ללכת אל המקום הטוב בעיניו. וללגיון השנים־עשר זכר את חרפתו, כי נִגף לפנים לפני היהודים, כאשר עמד צֶסטיוס בראשו, והֶגלה אותו מארץ סוריה, אשר שם היה מקום־תחנותו לפנים בַרַפַּנֵּיאָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">מצפון להרי הלבנון, בארץ סוריה.</i>, ושלח אותו אל הארץ הנקראה מֶלִיטֵינֵי, אשר על נהר פרת, בגבול ארמיניה וקפודקיה, ושני לגיונות כִּבֵּד להשאר עמו עד בואו אל ארץ מצרים, הם הלגיון החמישי והחמשה־עשר. אחרי־כן ירד עם הצבא אל קיסריה אשר על שפת הים ושם הניח את המון השלל הרב וגם צוה לשום משמר על השבוּים, כי קֹר ימי הגשמים לא נתן לו לנסוע באניה אל איטליה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס ערך חזיונות בקיסריה, אשר בנה פיליפוס. על־דבר שמעון העריץ, אשר נתפש בכף ונשמר לחג־נצחון הרומאים.</small><br><br>א. ובימים, אשר חנה טיטוס לפני ירושלים ושׂם מצור עליה, הלך אספסינוס באנית־משׂא ועבר מאלכסנדריה אל רודוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אי בין מצרים ובין אסיה הקטנה, שהֻזכּר כבר הרבה פעמים.</i> ומשם נסע באניות־מָשוֹט<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טרִיאַרוּת. אניות עם שלש שורות שַׁיָּטִים.</i> וירד אל החוף בכל הערים, אשר עבר עליהן, ויושביהן קבּלו את פניו בברכה, כה הפליג בַּיָּם מיוֹניה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה: מחוף אסיה הקטנה והאיים אשר בינה ובין ארץ יון העִקרית (הֶלַס).</i> אל ארץ הֶלַּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ארץ יון העקרית (אַטיקי, פֵּלוֹפונֶסוס ועוד).</i>, ומשם דרך אי קֶרְקִירָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא הנקרא עכשו קוֹרפו.</i> אל קרן ארץ יַפִּיגִיָּה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ו)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קרן דרום־מזרח של איטליה (חצי־האי האַפֵּנִינִי).</i>, ומשם הלאה בדרך היבשה. — וטיטוס נסע מקיסריה אשר על חוף הים ובא אל קיסריה הנקראה על־שם פיליפּוס, ושם ישב ימים רבים וערך חזיונות־שעשועים שונים. ורבים מן השבוּים מתו — אלה הָשלכו לחיות רעות ואלה נאלצו להלחם איש באחיו עד מות. ובעיר הזאת הֻגד לטיטוס, כי נתפש שמעון בן גיורא. וזה הדבר:",
+                    "ב. שמעון היה בעיר העליונה בעת מצור ירושלים, וכאשר לכדו צבאות הרומאים את החומה ופרצו בתוך העיר והחלו להחריבה, לקח עמו את רעיו הנאמנים ואִתּם יחד סַתָּתים עם כלי־ברזל הדרושים לעבודתם וגם צֵדה דֵי סִפּוק צרכיהם ימים רבים, ועם כל אלה ירד אל אחת המנהרות הנעלמות. הם הגיעו עד קצה הַנִּקבה (המחתרת) הישָׁנה ומצאו אדמת־סלעים והחלו לחצוב בה בקַווֹתם, אשר אחרי האריכה את החפירה יעצרו כֹח לעלות לבטח על־פני הארץ ולהמלט. אולם כאשר נִסּוּ למלא אחרי עצתם, נוכחו במהרה לדעת כי נכזבה תוחלתם, אחרי אשר בעמל רב הצליח בידי החוצבים לצעוד הלאה מעט מעט, ואף כי אכלו את לחמם במשורה, ראו, כי עוד מעט יאזל מכליהם. ואז אמר שמעון בלבו, כי יעלה בידו לבַעת את הרומאים ולהוליכם שולל: הוא לבש מכנסי־בד לבנים ועטה מעיל ארגמן ועלה פתאם מן האדמה במקום אשר היה שם המקדש לראשונה. כאשר ראו אותו הרומאים, אחזה אותם רעדה ובראשונה לא יכלו למוּש ממקומם, אולם אחרי־כן ערבו את לבם לגשת אליו ולשאלו מי הוא. ושמעון מאן לגלות את שמו להם וצוה לקרֹא לשר־הצבא. הם מהרו לרוץ אל שר־צבאם ושבו יחד עם טֶרֶנְטִיּוּס רוּפוּס, הוא אשר השאירהו טיטוס לראש על הצבא. וכאשר גִלה לו שמעון את כל הדבר באמונה, צוה טרנטיוס לאסרו והודיע את טיטוס, כי נתפש בכף. ככה שִׁלם אלהים לשמעון כגֹדל רשעתו ליושבי ירושלים, אשר השׂתרר עליהם בעברת־זדון — בהסגירו אותו בידי צריו ושונאיו בנפש, ולא בהלחמו בזרוע נטויה נפל בידיהם, כי־אם לרצונו הפקיר את עצמו לאויביו, למען יעשו בו שפטים, תחת אשר לפנים המית הוא רבים באכזריות־חֵמה על עוֹן אשר כזה, בשׂוּמוֹ להם לשֶׁקר עלילות־דברים, כי אמרו לנפול אל הרומאים. אכן לא תמלט הרִשעה מעברת אלהים וימין־צדקו לא תקצר, וגם אם יאריך אפו לפושעים בו, נַקה לא ינַקם, ועוד יפליא את נקמתו ברשעים, אשר יתברכו בלבבם, כי נמלטו מעֹנש, בראותם, כי לא מצאה אותם יד הדין מהרה! ומבשׂרו חזה זאת שמעון הפעם בעת נפלו בידי הרומאים אנשי־עברתו. ואחרי אשר עלה שמעון מתחתית האדמה, נגלה המון מורדים רבים, אשר ירדו גם הם אל המנהרות. — והקיסר שב אל קיסריה אשר על שפת הים, ושמה הובא אליו שמעון אסור בנחֻשתים. וטיטוס צוה לשמור עליו, כי חשׂך אותו ליום חג־הנצחון ברומא."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>טיטוס עשה חגים ומסר יהודים רבים לטבח. על־דבר הצרה אשר מצאה את יהודי אנטיוכיה בעלילת המומר אנטיוכוס ורשעתו.</small><br><br>א. בשבת טיטוס בקיסריה אשר על שפת הים עשה חג ליום הולדת אחיו ברֹב פאר ולכבודו הקדיש רבים מן היהודים לטבח. מספר היהודים, אשר ספו בהאבקם עם חיות רעות ואשר נשרפו על המדורה ואשר מתו איש בחרב אחיו, עלה על אלפים וחמש מאות. אולם כל זה לא שָׁוָה לרומאים, וכל המיתות המשֻׁנות, אשר נעשו ליהודים, היו לעֹנש קל בעיניהם. אחרי זאת נסע הקיסר אל בארות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">העיר הצידונית הישנה, שנהפכה למושבה (קולוניה) רומאית — ברומית וביונית: בֵּרוּטוּס, עכשו: בַּיְרוּתּ.</i>, היא עיר אשר לרומאים בגבול הצידונים, וגם שם התמהמה ימים רבים וחגג בהדר רב את יום הולדת אביו וערך חזיונות מלאי־תפארת והוציא כסף רב לכל מיני שעשועים, וגם התּיר המון רב מהשבוים לטבח, כאשר עשה בחג הראשון.",
+                    "ב. ובימים ההם יצאה עלילה רעה גם על שארית היהודים באנטיוכיה וצרת־מות מצאתם, כי בני אנטיוכיה הקימו מהומה גדולה בעיר לרגלי שמועת־שוא, אשר הוציאו מלשינים על היהודים, וגם בגלל המעשים, אשר היו לפני זמן־מצער. ואמנם מוטל עלי לספר את פרשת המעשים בקצרה, למען אוּכל לבאר ביֶתר־ענין את הדברים, אשר קרו אחריהם.",
+                    "ג. היהודים הם עם מפֻזר ומפֹרד בכל קצוות תבל בקרב גויי הארצות, ועל כֹּל גדל מספר היהודים היושבים בסוריה, כי היא הארץ הקרובה אליהם (אל ארץ־ישראל), ויותר מכֻּלם עצמו המונות היהודים בעיר אנטיוכיה, כי המלכים, אשר מלכו אחרי אנטיוכוס, נתנו להם לשבת בעיר לבטח. אמנם אנטיוכוס, הנקרא אֶפִּיפַנֶּס, עשה שַׁמות בירושלים ונִצל את ההיכל, אולם אלה, אשר נחלו אחריו את המלוכה, השיבו ליהודים את כל כלי־המקדש העשוים נחשׁת, להעמידם בבית־הכנסת אשר להם, וגם נתנו להם חֹק אחד ומשפט אחד עם היונים היושבים בעיר. וגם המלכים, אשר ישבו אחריהם לכסא, הלכו בדרכיהם וגמלו טובה ליהודים, ועל־כן עצמו אלה במספרם והִרבּו את תפארת מקדשם בכלי־חפץ ובמתנות יקרות, וגם משכו אחריהם תמיד אל עבודת אלהיהם (אל דתם) המון גדול מן היונים וספחו אותם עליהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בדיוק: ובאיזה דרך עשו אותם (את היונים) לחלק עצמם (=לעצם מעצמיהם), כלומר: גירו אותם והפכום ליהודים.</i>. ובהגיע שמועת המלחמה אל אנטיוכיה, כעבור זמן־מצער אחרי בוא אספסינוס באניה אל ארץ סוריה, התלקחה המשטמה ליהודים בלב כל יושבי העיר, ואז קם אנטיוכוס, אחד מראשי נכבדי־היהודים בגלל אביו, אשר היה ראש קהִלת היהודים באנטיוכיה, והלך אל אזרחי־העיר הנאספים בבית־החזיון והכה לפניהם בלשון את אביו ואת יתר היהודים וקרא עליהם שִׂטנה, כי הם אומרים לילה אחד להצית אש בכל פִּנות העיר, וגם הסגיר בידי האזרחים אורחים יהודים אחדים, בהעידו בהם, כי לקחו גם הם חלק בעצה הזאת. לשֵׁמע הדברים האלה לא עצר עם אנטיוכיה כֹּח לכבוש את כעסו וצוה להביא אש ולהעלות את האנשים האלה על המוקד, והם נשרפו כֻּלם כרגע בבית־החזיון. ואחרי־כן מהר ההמון לרוץ אל שכונת היהודים ולהחיש נקמות בהם, כי אמרו להציל בזה את עירם. ואנטיוכוס הוסיף לחַזק את חמת האזרחים, וברצותו לתת אות נאמן, כי נהפך לאיש אחר ולמד לשנֹא את דת־היהודים, עמד להקריב זבח כחֹק היונים, וגם צוה לאַלץ את יתר היהודים לעשות כמעשהו, למען אשר המסרבים למלא את הדבר יגלו במעשיהם, כי הם חורשי־הרעה. ובני אנטיוכיה נִסו לעשות כדבר אנטיוכוס, ורק יהודים מספר נפתּו למלא את מצותם, ואלה אשר המרו את פיהם הֻכּו נפש. ואנטיוכוס לקח אנשי־צבא מהנציב הרומאי והִרבּה להציק לאזרחים: היהודים אשר באנטיוכיה ולא נתן להם לנוח ביום השבת, כי־אם הקשה ידו עליהם לעשות בו כל מלאכה כמו ביתר ימי השבוע. וכֹה הכביד את הלחץ על היהודים, עד כי בטלה מנוחת השבת לא באנטִיוכיה לבד, כי בהפתח משם הרעה פשטה גם אל יתר ערי סוריה לזמן־מצער.",
+                    "ד. ואחרי הרעות האלה, אשר מצאו את יהודי אנטיוכיה בימים ההם, קמה עליהם עתה צרה חדשה, אשר רצינו לדבּר עליה ועל־כן הקדמנו את הדברים האלה. כי הנה פרצה אש באנטיוכיה ואכלה את השוק הרָבוּעַ ואת הארכיון (בית־שלטון־העיר) ואת בית־גנזי־הכתבים ואת הבַּסיליקוֹת, ורק אחרי יגיעה רבה שקעה הלהבה, אשר חשבה לשרוף את כל העיר. ואנטיוכוס קם והתגולל על היהודים, כי מידיהם יצא הדבר הזה. והנה גם לולא היתה שנאה כבושה בלב יושבי אנטיוכיה ליהודים, נקל היה להם להאמין לדבַר הַדִּבּה הזאת בסערת לבבם על המעשה, ומה גם אחרי הרעה אשר עוללו ליהודים לפנים. ועל־כן מצא אנטיוכוס אזנים קשובות וכל האנשים האמינו, כאלו ראו עיניהם את היהודים בשלחם בידיהם את האש, וכמֻכּים בשגעון מהרו כֻלם בעברה־וזעם להתנפל על האנשים, אשר יצאה עליהם הַדִּבּה. רק בעמל גדול עלה בידי הצִיר הרומאי נַיּוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">נ״א: גניוס.</i> קוֹלֶגה לכבּוֹש את כעסם, בדרשו להודיע לראשונה את הקיסר את דבר המעשה, כי כבר שלח אספסינוס את צֶסֶניוּס פֵּיטוּס להיות נציב בסוריה, אולם זה לא הספיק עוד לבוא אל אנטיוכיה. ואחרי־כן חקר קוֹלֶגה ודרש היטב וגלה את דבר האמת, כי אף אחד מהיהודים, אשר שׂם אנטיוכוס בראשם את האשם, לא לקח חלק בדבר, וכל המעשה יצא מידי אנשים נבזים אחדים, אשר הציקו להם נושיהם, ועל־כן האמינו, כי בשלחם אש בשוק ובבתי־הקהל יִפָּטרו מכל חובותיהם. אולם כל העת אשר ארכה חקירת האשמה הזאת כלו עיני היהודים מיַחל למשפטם ועצמותיהם רחפו מפחד וממגור."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>קבלת פני אספסינוס ברומא. הגרמנים התקוממו על הרומאים ונכנעו מיד. הסַרמַטים פשטו על ארץ מוּסיה וגֹרשו אל גבול ארצם.</small><br><br>א. וכאשר הגיעה אל הקיסר טיטוס הבשורה על־דבר אביו, כי חשקו בו כל ערי איטליה אשר עבר עליהן, ומה גם כי קִדמה עיר רומא את פניו באהבה רבה ובתפארה, שׂמח שמחה גדולה ונפשו עלזה מאד, כי הוּנח לו מכל הדאגות אשר דאג לאביו. כי בעוד אספסינוס נמצא במרחקים דבקו בו לבות כל אנשי איטליה, כאִלו כבר בא אליהם, וכֹה ערגה נפשם אליו, עד אשר נדמה בעיניהם, כי הוא שוכן בקרבם. ואהבתם היתה נקיה מכל אֹנס. כי חברי המועצה זכרו את כל הצרות, אשר מצאום בהמיר הארץ מושליה, ועל־כן התכוננו לקַדם בברכה את פני המושל הזקן ונשוא־הפנים, המפֹאר בכל יקר מעשי־גבורתו במלחמה, וכלם ידעו, כי ישא את נפשו רק להכין את שלום נתיניו. והעם, אשר כשל כחו במלחמות־האחים, עוד הוסיף לערוג אל הקיסר, כי קִוה, אשר הפעם תהיה לו פדות שלמה מכל צרותיו, והאמין, כי יחד עם המנוחה תבוא עליו הברכה, ויותר מהם נשאו אנשי־הצבא את עיניהם אל אספסינוס. כי היטיבו לדעת את כל גֹדל נצחונותיו במלחמה, אחרי אשר שׂבעה נפשם את חֹסר־דעת יתר מפַקדיהם ואת מרך־לבּם, ועל־כן חפצו לגֹל את חרפתם מעליהם ויִחלו לקבל את פני האיש, אשר רק ידו תמצא להושיעם ולעטרם בתפארה. למראה האהבה הזאת, אשר רחש לב כל בני־העם, לא יכלו אנשי־המשׂרה נשואי־הפנים להתאפק, כי־אם מהרו לצאת לקראתו מרחק רב מעיר רומא. וגם יתר בני־העם לא עצרו לדחות את קבלת פניו, וכזרם מים נשפך המון־אדם [משערי העיר], כי טוב ונעים היה לכל איש לצאת מן העיר מהִשָׁאר בקרבה. וזאת היתה הפעם הראשונה, אשר ראתה העיר בנחת־רוח, כי נותרו בה רק מתי־מעט, יען אשר קטן מספר הנשארים בעיר ממספר היוצאים ממנה. וכאשר באה הבשורה, כי הקיסר הולך וקרֵב, והאנשים, אשר מהרו לעבור, הודיעו, כי האיר את פניו לכל איש ואיש היוצא לקראתו, רץ גם ההמון הנִשׁאר עם האנשים והטף אל דרכי העיר לראות את פניו, ובכל מקום אשר הגיע שמה הקיסר מדי עברו, הריע העם תרועת שמחה לחין־מראהו ולמאור פניו, וכל איש קרא בקול, כי הקיסר הוא המֵיטיב והוא המושיע, ולו לבדו יאות להיות מושל ברומא. וכל העיר מלאה זרי־פרחים וענני־קטֹרת. רק בעמל רב בקע לו אספסינוס דרך בין ההמון הגדול העומד עליו, ובא אל ארמון־המלכים ושם הקריב לאלֹהי־העיר זבחי־תודה על אשר שׁב בשלום, וכל ההמון הגדול יצא להיטיב את לבו. לשבטיהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שריד מההסתדרות הרומאית העתיקה לשבטים (טִיטִיִים, רַמְנִיִים, לוּצֵרִים ועוד).</i> ולמשפחותיהם ולשִׁכניהם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: לחבורות הגרות בשכונה אחת.</i> עשו בני־העיר משתה ושמחה והתפללו אל אלהים וחִלו את פניו להכין את ממשלת הקיסר אספסינוס ברומא לאֹרך־ימים ולהקים את השלטון בידי בניו ובני־בניו אחריו לדורות־עולם באין שטן ומכשול. ככה קבלה העיר רומא את פני אספסינוס בשמחה, ועוד הפעם עלתה מעלה מעלה ברֹב אָשרה.",
+                    "ב. זמן־מה קֹדם לכן, כשנמצא עוד אספסינוס בגבול אלכסנדריה וטיטוס בנו חנה סביב לירושלים וצר עליה, התעורר חלק גדול מהגרמנים למרֹד [ברומאים], ובעצה אחת עם המורדים היו גם רבים ועצומים מן הַגַּלִּים, ויחדו הלכו בגדולות וקוו לפרוק מעליהם את עֹל שלטון הרומאים. וראשית הדבר, אשר השׂיא את הגרמנים להרים יד ולמרֹד, היתה תכונת רוחם [הסוערת], כי לא הסכינו לעשות מעשיהם במחשבה צלולה, והיו מוכנים תמיד לשׂום את נפשם בכפם על כל תקוה קלה. ומלבד זאת עָצמה שנאתם לנוגשׂיהם, בדעתם, כי מכל העמים השׂכילו הרומאים לבד להעבידם ביד חזקה. אולם יותר מכֹּל אזרה אותם שעת־הכּשׁר הזאת בגבורה. הם ראו בהמוט הממשלה ברומא מפני חליפות המושלים הרבות ושמעו, כי כל ארצות הישוב, אשר נכנעו לפניה, חלות ורועדות תחתיהן. על־כן חשבו, כי בקרב צרות הרומאים ומריבותיהם ימצאו להם עת רצון וברכה. ויועצי העצה, אשר עודדו אותם בתקוותיהם אלה, היו קלַסִּיקוס וצִיוִיליוּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה הישנה: וִיטִילוס, ויטֶליוס, וטעות היא. שם ראש המורדים ברומאית: צִיוִילִיס (Civilis).</i>, שנַים משרי־צבאם, אשר גִלו במעשיהם, כי זה מזמן נשאו את נפשם לַמרד הזה, אבל רק עתה ערבו את לבם להשלים את רצונם לעיני השמש, כי שעת־הכּשׁר הפיחה בקרבם רוח־גבורה. הם אמרו לנסות את הדבר בעזרת המוני הגרמנים, אשר היו שואפי־מרד בכל נפשם. וכבר היה חלק גדול מן הגרמנים אתם בעצה אחת בדבר הזה, וגם הנשארים לא שִׁנו מהם במחשבותיהם. והנה, כאִלו מאלהים יצא הדבר, שלח אספסינוס מכתב אל פֶּסִּילִיוּס צֵרֵאַלִּיס, אשר היה לפנים נציב בגרמניה, ושׂם משרה עליונה על שכמו וצִוה אותו ללכת אל ארץ בריטניה ולמשול בה. ובצאת צֵרֵאליס לדרכו, כאשר צֻוה, שמע על־דבר מרד הגרמנים, כי כבר התלקטו יחדו, וערך לקראתם מלחמה והמית רבים מהם בקרָב ואִלץ את הנשארים לעזוב את משובתם ולקחת מוסר. ולוּ לא מהר צראליס לעלות על מקומות המורדים, גם אז היה קרוב עֹנש הגרמנים לבוא. כי בהגיע השמועה הראשונה על־דבר המרד אל רומא ודוֹמִיטִיָּנוס שמע את הדבר, לא עשה כמעשה בני־גילו — כי היה עוד צעיר לימים מאד — ולא התמהמה לקחת עליו את העבודה הכבירה הזאת, כי מבטן ומלֵּדה שכנה בקרבו רוח גבורת אביו, וגם היה מלֻמד־מלחמה יותר ממִדת שנותיו. על־כן מִהר מיד לצאת למלחמה על הפראים. וכשהגיעה אליהם השמועה, כי הוא הולך וקרב, נמס לבבם, עד אשר נכנעו לפניו לרצונם, ומגֹדל חרדתם חשבו להם לטובה רבה, כי בלי צרה ויסורים שבו למשוך בעֹל כבראשונה. ודוֹמִיטִיָּנוס השאיר גדודי־צבא בכל המקומות אשר מסביב לגַליה, לשמור עליהם לבלתי יוסיפו עוד יושביהם להקים מהומה על־נקלה, ושב אל רומא מעֻטר כבוד ותהלה על מעשי נצחונותיו, אשר היו נעלים ממִדת שנותיו ונאים לבן איש גבור־חיל כאביו.",
+                    "ג. בימים ההם, כאשר פרץ המרד הנזכר בארץ גרמניה, נועזו גם הַסְּקִתִּים להתנפל על הרומאים. כי שבטי הסקִתּים, הנקראים בשם סַרמַטים והם המון גדול ורב, עברו בלאט את נהר אִיסְטְרוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא נהר דַנוֹביוס (דוֹנה).</i> ובאו אל ארץ מוּסיה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגבול הונגריה של זמננו.</i>. בכֹח גדול השתערו על הרומאים ופגיעתם היתה קשה, כי לפתע פתאם עלו על הארץ, ועל־כן הצליחו להמית רבים מחיל־המשמר, וכאשר יצא לקראתם הציר, אשר היה שופט לפנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: פרוֹקוֹנסול.</i>, (פוֹנְטֵיוס) אַגרִפּס, המיתו אותו אחרי מלחמה קשה, ואחרי־כן פשטו בכל המדינה, הסרה למשמעת הרומאים, ונהלו אתם [את האנשים והבהמה] ונשאו את כל אשר בא לידם. וכשמוע אספסינוס את הדבר, כי ארץ מוסיה היתה לבז ולשממה, שלח את רוּבְרִיוּס גַּלּוּס לעשות שפטים בסַרמַטים, והוא המית רבים מהם במלחמותיו, והנשארים ברחו בחרדה אל ארצם. בזה שם שר־הצבא קץ למלחמה ושקד להקים את המנוחה במדינה ולהגן עליה לימים הבאים. הוא חִזק והִרבּה את חיל־המשמר במקום ההוא, לבל יוכלו הפראים לעבור את הנהר מן היום והלאה. וכה בא קץ המלחמה אשר במוסיה חיש מהר."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר נהר־השבת, אשר ראה טיטוס בדרך עברו בסוריה. בני אנטיוכיה באו אל טיטוס לדבר רעה על היהודים, ולא שמע אליהם. על־דבר תהלוכת־הנצחון של טיטוס ואספסינוס.</small><br><br>א. והקיסר טיטוס ישב ימים רבים בבארות, כאשר דברנו למעלה, ואחרי־כן הסיע את צבאו משם. ובכל ערי סוריה, אשר עבר עליהן, ערך חזיונות־שעשועים בעֹשר רב, ושלח את השבוים היהודים לשַׂמח את הרבים במראה מותם. ובדרך עברו ראה טיטוס נהר אחד, אשר שוֶֹה הדבר להגיד את תכונתו. הוא נמצא בדרך בין עַרְקה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כך צריך לכתוב, כנראה, על יסוד בראשית י׳ י״ז.</i> אשר במלכות אגריפס ובין רֵפַנֵּאָה, ויש לו תכונה נפלאה: הוא מלא מים בעת שטפו ואינו מפגר בזרמו. אחרי־כן הוא נעלם ששה ימים רצופים לכל ארכו עד מקורותיו ושטחו נראה יבש כֻּלו. אולם ביום השביעי הוא שולח את מימיו עוד הפעם, כאִלו לא חלה בו כל תמורה. וכבר נחקר הדבר, כי את חֻקיו אלה שומר הנהר באמונה כל הימים ועל־כן קראו לו ״נהר השבת״ (סַבַּטיקוס) על שם היום השביעי הקדוש ליהודים.",
+                    "ב. וכשמוע אזרחי אנטיוכיה, כי טיטוס הולך וקרֵב, שמחו שמחה גדולה ואיש לא רצה להשאר בביתו, כי־אם כֻּלם מהרו ללכת ולקדם את פניו ויצאו לקראתו משערי העיר דרך שלשים ריס. ולא הגברים בלבד, כי־אם גם הנשים יחד עם הטף נהרו אליו מן העיר, ובראותם אותו מרחוק, התיצבו לשני עברי הדרך ופרשׂו אליו את ידיהם וקראו לו לשלום ובעתרת ברכות הפכו את פניהם ולִוּוּ אותו העירה. אך בין המון הברכות נשמעו כל העת דברי־בקשה לגרש את היהודים מתוך העיר. טיטוס לא השיבם על הבקשה הזאת ושמע את דבריהם והחריש. ופחד גדול נפל על היהודים, כי לא ידעו את אשר טיטוס חושב עליהם ואת אשר הוא אומר לעשות. וטיטוס לא נשאר הפעם באנטיוכיה, כי מהר ללכת למסעיו עד בואו אל זִיגְמָה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">זיגמה — הוראתה: עֹל, ארכובה, ומכאן אנו רואים, כי נמצאה על ארכובת נהר פרת (ששם נמצאו הערים העתיקות כרכמיש ותפסח), וכנראה השֵׁם זיגמה הוא תרגומו של ״פַּדַּן״ (עֹל), שֵׁם הארץ לפנים (פַּדַּן־אֲרָם).</i> אשר על נהר פרת, ושם יצאו לקראתו צירים שלוחים מאת ווֹלוֹגֶז מלך הפרתים והביאו לו נזר־זהב לכבוד נצחונו על היהודים, והוא קבל את התשורה ועשה משתה לצירי המלך, ומשם שב אל אנטיוכיה. ויועצי העיר ואזרחי אנטיוכיה הפצירו בו ללכת אל בית־החזיון, אשר שם נאסף כל עם־העיר לקבל את פניו, והוא נעתר להם ברֹב חסדו. אולם כאשר הוסיפו להציק לו בדבריהם ולדרוש ממנו בלי־הרף, כי יגרש את היהודים מן העיר, ענה אותם בדברים נמרצים, לאמר: ״הן עיר־אבותיהם חרבה ולא אוכל להגלותם שמה. ואֵי זה המקום, אשר ירצה לקבלם?״ ואנשי אנטיוכיה הניחו את בקשתם הראשונה ופנו אל טיטוס בבקשה שנית, כי ישבּר את לוחות־הנחשׁת, אשר נחקקו עליהם משפטי (זכיות) היהודים. אולם גם בדבר הזה לא נענה להם טיטוס, כי־אם השאיר ליהודי אנטיוכיה את כל משפטיהם, אשר היו להם בארץ הזאת מכבר, ואחרי־כן נסע אל ארץ מצרים. בדרך מסעו עבר על ירושלים, ובראותו שממת צלמות מסביב, שִׁוָּה לנגד עיניו את הדַר העיר לפנים, והעלה על לבו את זֵכר בניני־ההדר, אשר נהרסו עד היסוד, וכל התפארת, אשר היתה פה מימי־קדם, ונאנח במרירות על אבדן העיר, ולא גבה לבו על אשר מצאה ידו לכבוש עיר גדולה כזאת בכֹח ובעֹז, כי־אם קלל פעמים רבות את מחוללי המרד, אשר הביאו על העיר את הפֻּרענות הגדולה הזאת, וככה הראה לעינים, כי הוא ממאן לעשות לו שֵׁם גבורה באיד השונאים חללי־ידו. ומעֹשר העיר הרב נגלה עוד חלק גדול בתוך החרבות: הרבה מצאו הרומאים בעצמם, ועוד יותר גִלו אחרי־כן על־פי עדות השבוים, זהב וכסף ויתר כלי חפץ ויקר, אשר טמנו בעליהם באדמה בעת המלחמה, כי לא ידעו מה ילד יום.",
+                    "ג. וטיטוס נסע אל מצרים, כאשר היה עם לבבו, ועבר את המדבר במהרה והגיע עד אלכסנדריה, וגמר לצאת באניה אל איטליה. ואת שני הלגיונות אשר נסעו עמו השיב אל המקומות, אשר באו משם: את הלגיון החמישי אל ארץ מוסיה, ואת החמשה־עשר אל ארץ פַנּוֹנִיָּה. ומן השבוים לקח עמו את שמעון ואת יוחנן, ומן הנותרים הבדיל לו שבע מאות בחורי־חמד, העולים על חבריהם בקומתם וביפי־מראֵיהם, וצוה להובילם בחפזון אל ארץ איטליה, למען יעביר אותם לפניו בתהלוכת־הנצחון. וטיטוס בצע את מחשבתו, ונסע באניה והגיע בשלום אל מחוז־חפצו, והעיר רומא חרדה לקראתו וקבלה אותו בשמחה, כאשר עשתה לאביו. ועוד גדל כבוד טיטוס, כי גם אביו יצא לקראתו לקדם את פניו. ולב עַם־רומא פחד ורחב למראה שני המושלים בשבתם יחד, כראות פני אלהים. וכעבור ימים מצער גמרו אזרחי־רומא לערוך חג אחד לכבוד שני המנצחים יחדו, אף כי המועצה הוציאה משפט לעשות חג לכל אחד בפני עצמו. והיום הנועד לחג־הנצחון נודע לעם מראש. ובבוא היום ההוא לא נשאר בביתו אף אחד מכל המון יושבי־העיר, הרבים לאין־מספר, כי כֻלם יצאו וכבשו את כל המקומות, אשר יכלה כף־רגל לעמוד שם, והשאירו רק מַעבר צר [לתהלוכת־הנצחון].",
+                    "ד. בעוד לילה פקדו שרי־הלגיוגות את כל הצבא הנמצא בעיר לגדודיו ולמערכותיו והציגו אותו בסדר לפני השערים, ולא על־יד ארמון המלכים אשר בעיר העליונה, כי־אם בקרבת מקדש אִיסִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שֵׁם אלילה מצרית, אשר עבודתה היתה אז נפוצה ברומא.</i>, אשר שם לנו שני השליטים בלילה ההוא, וכאשר החל עמוד־השחר לעלות, יצאו אספסינוס וטיטוס בעדי זֵרי־דפנים ובלבוש־ארגמן, כחֹק לרומאים מימי־קדם, ונכנסו אל אולמי אוֹקטַוִּיָּה, כי שמה נאספו היועצים והשרים ראשי־העם וגם נשואי־הפנים ממעמד־הרוכבים וחִכּו לבואם. ולפני האולמים הוקמה להם בימה, ועל הבימה עמד כסא־שן כפול. על הכסא הזה ישבו שני השליטים בעלותם על הבימה, ואז הריע הצבא לקראתם בקול תרועת־ברכה, וכל איש הִרבּה לתַנות את פרשת מעשי־גבורתם. ואנשי־הצבא לא חגרו את כלי־נשקם, כי־אם לבשו כתנות־משי ועִטרו את ראשיהם בדפנים, ואספסינוס קבל את ברכותיהם ורצה להשיבם דבר ונתן להם אות להחריש. וכאשר קמה דממה גדולה מסביב, עמד על רגליו והליט את רֹב ראשו באדרתו וקרא את התפלה כחֹק, ועמו יחד התפלל גם טיטוס. ואחרי התפלה דבּר אספסינוס אל כל הנאספים דברים קצרים ושלח את אנשי־הצבא לאכול את לחם־הבֹּקר (אריסטון), אשר הכינו להם המושלים כמשפט־היום, והוא הלך אל השער, אשר בו עברו תמיד תהלוכות־הנצחון, ועל־כן נקרא על שם חג־הנצחון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ברומית: porta triumphalis.</i>, ושם סעדו שניהם (הוא וטיטוס) את לבם ולבשו את בגדי־הנצחון והקריבו לאלהים על המזבחות, אשר נבנו בשער, ושלחו לפניהם את התהלוכה לעבור דרך מקומות החזיון (תיאטראות), למען יֵקל על ההמון לראותה.",
+                    "ה. קשה לפרוט כהלכה את המון שכיות־החמדה הרבות ואת תפארת כל כלי־היקר למיניהם, ולפרש את יפי־מלאכתם ואת חין־ערכם ואת נפלאות־תכונתם — כי לא נעדר שם דבר, אשר יעלה במחשבת האדם, כי כמעט כל הברכה, אשר צברו לפנים ידי בני־אדם מאֻשרים, כלים מכלים שונים, וכל נפלאות עמים רבים וחֹסן עשרם — כל אלה חֻבּרו יחד ביום ההוא ונתנו עֵדֵיהם על גֹדל ממשלת הרומאים. כסף וזהב ושן בכל צורה ותבנית ובכל מעשה־חושב נִשׂאו בהמון רב, ולא נִכּר, כי הם עוברים בתהלוכה, כי היו בעיני רואיהם כנחל שוטף, בגדים עשוים ארגמן יקר ושמלות מרֻקמות מלאכת־הבבלים, אשר דָמוְ באמת לציורי־צבעונים, אבני־חן מגֻוָּנוֹת, משֻׁבּצוֹת בנזרי־זהב ובמסגרות אחרות, העברו לאין־מספר, עד אשר אמר הרואה בנפשו, כי לחנם נחשבו לכלי־יקר. גם פסלי־אלים נִשׂאו לפני התהלוכה, פסלים נפלאים בגדלם וביפי מלאכתם, אשר לא נעשתה כלאחר־יד, וכֻלם מחֹמר יקר מאד, ואחריהם בעלי־חיים רבים למיניהם, כל אחד בעדיוֹ המיֻחד. וגם המון האנשים נושאי הכבודה הרַבּה הזאת היה לבוש שָׁני עם רקמת־זהב. אולם אלה, אשר נבחרו לצאת בעצם התהלוכה, עלו על הכֹּל ביקַר תפארת־עדיָם והכו את כל רואיהם בתמהון. גם קהל השבוים העוברים בין אלה נראה בעדי־עדיים, בבגדי־רקמה והדר־צבעים, אשר כסו על הרזון אשר עלה בבשרם מעצמת צרותיהם. ונפלאה מכֹּל היתה מלאכת הבנינים הצוענים הנִשׂאים בכתף. כי גדלם הפיל אימה על האנשים, פן יכרעו תחת משאם, כי רבים מהם היו בני שלש עליות וגם בני ארבע עליות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">קומות, מדרגות.</i>, ולב רואיהם פחד ורחב למראה עתרת עשרם. רבים מהם היו עטופים יריעות רקומות זהב ובכל־מקום היו מצֻפּים זהב ושֵׁן מעשה־חושב, ובהמון תמונות נראתה המלחמה עין בעין לכל חלקיה השונים. כי פה נגלה מראה נוה שאנן הנהפך לשממה, ושם נראו מערכות אויבים רבים נופלים בחרב, אלה בורחים ואלה הולכים בשבי, וגם דמות חומות מתנשאות למרום הנבקעות במכונות־מלחמה, ומצודות נשגבות נלכדות, וערים מלאות־אדם מֻקפות חומות חזקות, אשר עלו הרומאים למרומיהן, ומראה הצבא הנשפך כנחל אל העיר מבית לחומה ועושה מטבח מעבָרים, ודמות החלשים הנושאים את ידיהם לבקש רחמים, ובית־המקדש הבוער באש, והבתים שנעשו קברי יושביהם, ומחזה נהרות השוטפים בארץ ציה וצלמות ולא באדמת זרע, אשר אינם מרוים את האדם והבהמה, כי עוברים הם דרך ארץ־שרפה מסביב. — כל אלה הפגעים, אשר הביאו היהודים עליהם במלחמה הזאת. מלאכת הבנינים האלה וגדלם תארו את כל הדברים האלה לעיני האנשים, אשר לא ראו אותם, כאִלו היו באותו מעמד. כי בכל אחד מהמגדלים הצוענים הֻצג ראש־העיר הנלכדה, כמו שהיה בשעת־מעשה (בעת נפלו בשבי). ואחרי־כן עברו גם אניות רבות ואחריהן שלל המלחמה לאין־קץ, ומכל השלל נפלאו ביותר הכלים, אשר לֻקחו בבית־המקדש בירושלים: שלחן־הזהב, אשר היה משקלו הרבה ככרים, והמנורה העשויה גם היא זהב טהור. ואמנם שָׁנתה מלאכת המנורה הזאת מדרך כל המנורות אשר בידינו. כי מן הבסיס התרומם הגזע (העמוד, הירֵך) בתָּוֶך, וממנו נִטשו ענפים דקים, אשר דמו בצורתם לקלשון שלש־השנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית טרִיאַיְנֵי, והכַּונה לשלשת הקנים היוצאים מן המנורה מכל צד, והם היו דקים מיֶרך המנורה.</i>, ובראש כל קנה מלמעלה נר־נחֹשת. ומספר הקנים היה שבעה לכבוד שבעת ימי השבוע אשר ליהודים. — וכמאסף לכל השלל עבר ספר תורת היהודים, ואחרי השלל עברו אנשים רבים הנושאים בידיהם צלמי נִיקֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלילת הנצחון; ברומית: victoria.</i> עשוים כֻּלם שֵׁן וזהב. ואחריהם נסע אספסינוס ראשונה ואחריו טיטוס, ודוֹמיטיָנוס רכב על סוסו ליָדם, וגם הוא לבש עדי־עדיים ומראה סוסו היה נחמד לעינים.",
+                    "ו. וקץ התהלוכה היה בקרבת היכל יופיטר הקַפּיטולי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בגבעה הקַפּיטולית, לא רחוק מהשוק (forum).</i>. ובהגיע העוברים שמה עמדו, כי חֹק עתיק היה לרומאים מימי־קדם לעמוד במקום הזה, עד אשר יודיע המבשׂר, כי מת ראש צבא־האויבים. ושמעון [בן גיורא] היה האיש [אשר נגזר עליו למות], אחרי עברו בתהלוכה עם יתר השבוים. עתה הפילו חבל על צואריו וסחבו אותו אל מקום אשר ממעל לשוק, והמוליכים אותו דשו את בשרו בדרך [עד בואם אל המקום, אשר] חק לרומאים להמית שם את עושי־הרעה הנדונים למות. וכאשר הגיעה הבשורה, כי בא קצו (של שמעון), הריע העם תרועת־ששון, ואז החלו [השליטים] להקריב את הזבחים. ואחרי אשר נעשו הזבחים כחֹק וכמשפט ועלו לרצון, הלכו אספסינוס וטיטוס אל ארמון־המלך וקראו אל המשתה רבים מן העם. ולנשארים נערכו בבתיהם שלחנות מלאים כל טוב. כי ביום הזה חגגה עיר רומא את חג נצחון צבאותיה על השונאים, וגם את אחרית מלחמות־האחים בקרבּה ואת תחלת תקוותיה הטובות לימים הבאים.",
+                    "ז. ואחרי חג־הנצחון, כאשר הכין אספסינוס את ממשלת הרומאים, צוה לבנות מקדש לאיריני<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אלילת השלום; ברומית: Pax.</i>. מלאכת המקדש שָׁלמה במהרה ועבודתו היתה למעלה מכל מחשבת־אנוש. כי פזר אספסינוס את עשרו הרב ברוח נדיבות נעלה והעלה עוד את תפארת המקדש במעשי הַצַּיָּרים והפַּסָּלים, שלל־הנצחונות מימי־קדם, והניח במקדש כל שכיות ארצות רחוקות, אשר הוטל לפנים על בני־האדם לכתּת את רגליהם ולעבור כל קצוי־עולם, מדי חָשׁקם לראות את החמֻדות הפזורות אלה בכֹה ואלה בכֹה, גם הניח שם את כלי־הזהב מבית־מקדש היהודים, כי נכבדו בעיניו מאד. ואת ספר תורת־היהודים ואת פרֹכת־הארגמן אשר לדביר הניח בארמון־המלך וצוה לשמור עליהם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר המבצר מָכוֹר והדרך אשר כבשו בה הרומאים אותו ואת יתר המבצרים.</small><br><br>א. ואל ארץ יהודה נשלח הציר<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לֶיַטוּס.</i> לוּצִילִיּוּס בַּסּוּס וקבל את הצבא מידי צֵרֵאַלִּיס וִיטֶליָנוס, והכניע בשלום את מבצר הורדיון עם היושבים בו, ואחרי־כן אסף את כל צבא מַצַּב־הרומאים, אשר נחלק לגדודים רבים ונפוץ בארץ, וגם לקח את הלגיון העשירי והחליט לעלות על מָכוֹר ולשים עליו מצור, כי נחוץ היה מאד לכבוש את המבצר, פן יתעוררו רבים לשוב ולמרוד, בבטחם במשׂגַּב חומותיו. ואמנם תכונת המבצר חִזקה את תקות היושבים בו להציל את נפשם והפילה מגור ופחד על העולים להלחם בו. כי חומתו סגרה על ראש סלע המתרומם עד לב השמים, ועל־כן היה קשה להבקיעו; עם זה לא נתנה תכונת המקום לגשת אליו, כי מסביב הקיפוהו תהומות נעלמות בעמקן מעין־רואים ולא נקל היה לרגל לעבור בהן, אף נבצר מיַד אדם לסתּום אותן. כי העמק החוסם את מכור מצד מערב נמשך ששים ריס עד ים המלח, ואל העבר הזה שולחת גבעת מכור את מרום־קַרנהּ. ואף כי העמקים אשר בצפון ובדרום נופלים במדתם מהעמק הזה, הנה גם הם לא נתנו לגשת אל המבצר למלחמה. רק הבקעה לצד מזרח, אשר מדת עמקה אינה קטנה ממאה אמה, נעצרה על־ידי ההר הנשקף ממול מָכוֹר.",
+                    "ב. אלכסנדרוס מלך היהודים היה הראשון, אשר התבונן אל תכונת המקום הזה ובנה בו מבצר, ולקץ הימים הרס אותו גַבִּינְיוּס במלחמתו עם אריסטובולוס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">עיין לעיל, ספר א, ח, ה. שם מבֹאר: אחרי נצחו את אלכסנדרוס בן אריסטובולוס.</i>. ובשבת הורדוס על כסא המלוכה נכבד בעיניו מכֹּל לשים את עיניו אל המבצר הזה ולחזק את חומתו ביתר שאת, כי קרוב הוא אל גבול הערבים ונשקף ממרום־מכונו כמגדל־צופים על ארץ ערב. על־כן לקח אחֻזת ארץ גדולת והקיף אותה חומה ויסד שם עיר, ומן העיר הזאת עלתה דרך אל מרום הגבעה וגם על ראש הגבעה למעלה שׂם חומה מסביב והציג מגדלים בכל קרניה, ששים אמה גֹבה המגדל. ומבית לחומה הקים בית־מלכים בתָּוֶך, בנין נהדר בחדריו הגדולים וכלילי־היֹּפי, ובמקומות, אשר מצא בהם חפץ, חפר בארות לאסוף בהם את מי־הגשמים, למען יּמָּצאו לָרֹב. ככה התחרה הורדוס במעוז תכונת המקום, ועוד הוסיף על משׂגַּבּו הטבעי מצודות עשויות בידי־אדם. גם המון חצים ואבני־קלע ומכונות־מלחמה הניח במבצר והשׂכיל להמציא ליושביו את כל הדברים דֵי־מחסורם, למען יוכלו להתחזק ימים רבים לעת מצור.",
+                    "ג. ובחצר המלך צמח פִּגָם (פיגן) נפלא בגדלו, כי לא נפל מכל עצי־תאנים בגבהו ובעביו, ועליו ספרו, כי עמד מימי הורדוס ועוד היה עומד ימים רבים מאד, לולא כרתו אותו היהודים, אשר תפשו את המקום. ובעמק החוסם את העיר מצד צפון נמצא מקום אחד ושמו בעֵרה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: Bearas.</i>, ושם גדֵל שֹׁרש, הנקרא גם הוא בשם הזה. צבע השֹׁרש הזה דומה לאש, ולפנות ערב הוא מפיץ זֹהר, וכאשר יגש אליו איש וירצה לתפשו ביד, לא יקל הדבר בידו, כי יִשָּׁמט השֹׁרש מידו ולא יעמוד במקומו, עד אשר יביא איש מי רגלי אשה או דם־נדה ויַזה עליו. אך גם בהעשות הדבר הזה בן־מות הוא כל הנוגע בשֹׁרש, אם לא ישא את השֹׁרש כשהוא תלוי למטה בידו. אולם יש גם דרך אחרת ללכוד את השֹׁרש בלי פגע, וזה הדבר: חופרים באדמה מסביב לו עד הִשָּׁאר רק מעט מצער ממנו בקרקע, ואחרי־כן אוסרים אליו כלב, וברצות הכלב ללכת אחרי בעליו יעקור את השרש על־נקלה. אמנם הכלב ימות במהרה, כאלו נתן את חייו כֹּפר האיש, האומר לתלוש את השֹׁרש, אולם מעתה לא יהיה כל פחד לנגד עיני הנוגע בו. והגה האנשים חומדים את השֹׁרש הזה ואינם שבים אחור מפני הסכנה הגדולה, כי כֹּח נפלא נמצא בו לגרש במהרה את כל אלה הנקובים בשם רוחות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: דימונים (Daemonia).</i>, לאמר: נשמות בני־בליעל, הנכנסות בקרב האנשים החיים והממיתות אותם, אם לא ימהרו להמציא להם עזרה ולהקריב אליהם את השֹׁרש. ובמקום הזה נוזלים מעינות חמים רבים ושונים בטעמם מאד: מהם מעינות נושאים מים מרים ומהם מקורות מים חיים נעימים ומתוקים מאין כמוהם, וגם נחלים קרים שוטפים שם ממקורות מקבילים, היוצאים למטה בעמק. ולא זה בלבד, כי נמצא שם דבר, אשר הוא לפלא לעיני כל רואה: בקרבת המקום מתגלה מערה, אשר חללהּ אינה עמֹק וממעלה מכַסה עליה סלע זקוף. ומעל לסלע כשני דדים קרובים זה לזה, ומתוך האחד פורץ מעין קר מאד, והשני פולט מקרבו נחל חם, ובהתבולל מֵי שׁני המקורות יחד, יוצא מרחץ נעים מאד ומעלה ארוכה לכל מחלה, ועל כֹּל — למחלת העצבים. וגם רגבי גפרית ומלח סדומית<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">אַלְוָן (Alaun).</i> נמצאו שם.",
+                    "ד. בַּסּוֹס תר את המקום מסביב וגמר להבקיע אליו בסתמו את העמק אשר ממזרח, ונגש אל העבודה ושקד בכל עֹז למהר ולהגביה את הסוללה, למען יֵקל לו בדבר הזה להביא את המקום במצור. והיהודים הסגורים במבצר נבדלו מן הזרים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">יש מתרגמים: הנכרים (כלומר, מי שאינם יהודים), וקשה הדבר, כי בודאי לא השתתפו אלה במרד, וקרוב יותר: היהודים הזרים, הפליטים הרבים אשר נמלטו אל המבצר.</i>, אשר היו כאספסוף בעיניהם, וגזרו עליהם לשבת בעיר התחתונה ולהיות ראשונים לפֻּרענות, והם תפשו את המבצר אשר למעלה וישבו בו, כי התחזקו במעוז המקום וגם קִוו מראש למצֹא ישועה, כי האמינו, אשר ישלחו אותם הרומאים בשלום, אם יסגירו בידיהם את המקום. אולם בתחלה בקשו עוד לנסות דבר, אולי יעלה בידם להחלץ מן המצור. על־כן הגיחו מן המבצר מדי יום ביומו והתנגחו עם שופכי הסוללות ורבים מהם נפלו חללים, וגם המיתו רבים מן הרומאים. כי אלה ואלה עשו חיל לעת אשר ידעו לכַוֵּן את השעה. היהודים השכילו לנצח את הרומאים בהשתערם עליהם פתאם, בטרם הספיקו להזהר, ויד עושי הסוללות היתה על העליונה, כאשר הקדימו לראות את היהודים היוצאים לקראתם וקבלו את פניהם בַּעֲבִי־מגִנָּם. אולם לא הקרבות האלה נועדו לשים קץ למצור העיר, כי־אם מעשה אחד, שהיה במקרה ולא עלה במחשבה תחלה, אִלֵּץ את היהודים למסור את מבצרם. בקרב הנצורים היה עלם אחד אמיץ־לב ונאדר בכח־ימינו ושמו אלעזר, אשר מדי הַגיח היהודים מן העיר עשה נפלאות והֵעיר לבות רבים לצאת עמו יחד ולהפריע את עבודת הסוללות, ובעת אשר נלחם עם הרומאים פנים בפנים הִרבּה להשחית בהם ובקע דרך רחבה לכל המתנדבים להגיח עמו על האויב וגם סוכך עליהם בעת הסוגם אחור, למען יוכלו לשוב אל העיר בלי פגע. ופעם אחת, כאשר כלה הקרָב ושתי המערכות נטו האחת מעל רעותה, בז אלעזר לאויבים וחשב, כי איש מהם לא יחדש את הקרב הפעם, ונשאר עומד מחוץ לחומה ודבּר עם העומדים למעלה ושׂם את כל לבו אליהם, והנה מִהר אחד ממחנה הרומאים, שמו רופוס והוא איש מצרי, וקפץ פתאם, בטרם עלה הדבר במחשבת איש, אל העלם והניף אותו תנופה יחד עם כלי־נשקו, ובעוד הבהלה אוחזת את העומדים על החומה למראה הדבר, מצאה ידו להעביר את אלעזר אל מחנה הרומאים. וראש־הצבא צוה להפשיטו ערֹם ולהקים אותו במקום נראה לעיני יושבי העיר ולדוש את בשרו בשוטים. ורחמי היהודים נכמרו מאד אל העלם הנמצא בצרה, והצעקה הקיפה את כל העיר ויושביה הִרבּו לבכות לשברו מהָמֵר על היחיד. וכראות בַּסּוּס את צרת לב האנשים, מצא חפצו בדבר וחִבּל תחבולת־ערמה להרבות את עצבונם ולאלצם, כי יסגירו את המבצר בידו, למען הציל את נפש אלעזר, ותקותו לא נכזבה. הוא צוה לחצוב צלב, למען הוקיע עליו את אלעזר מיד. וכראות אנשי העיר את הדבר הזה עצמוּ מכאובי־לבם, והם קראו בקול יללה גדולה, כי גדול הכאב מנשׂא. וגם אלעזר חנן אליהם קולו, כי לא יתעלמו למראה מותו הקשה, וטוב יותר כי ימהרו להציל את נפשם בהכּנעם לפני זרוע הרומאים ולפני מזלם, אחרי אשר גברה ידם על הכֹּל. לשֵׁמע דבריו נפל לב בני־העיר עליהם, וכאשר הפצירו בהם רבים ובקשו רחמים עליו, כי היה אלעזר בן משפחת נדיבים גדולה ועצומה מאד — כבשו רחמיהם את יצרם, והם שלחו בחפזון צירים אל הרומאים לדבר אליהם, כי יסגירו בידם את המבצר, אם יתנו להם לצאת בשלום יחד עם אלעזר. והדבר ישר בעיני הרומאים וראש־צבאם. ההמון הזר, היושב בעיר התחתונה, שמע על־דבר הברית הזאת, אשר נכרתה עם היהודים בלבד, וגמר לברוח חרש בלילה. כאשר פתחו את שערי העיר, הודיעו אלה, אשר כרתו את הברית, את בַסוס על־דבר מחשבות האנשים האלה — מי יודע, אולי שנאו אותם וקנאו בהם, ואולי פחדו פן יפקדו הרומאים עליהם את עון הבורחים. גבורי־החיל מבין היוצאים מן העיר (הזרים) מהרו לבקוע להם דרך ולהמלט, ומן הנשארים בעיר הומתו כל הגברים, כאלף ושבע מאות נפש, והנשים והילדים נמכרו לעבדים. אך תחת זה קבּל עליו בסוס לשמור את דברי הברית לאנשים, אשר הסגירו את העיר בידו, ושלח אותם לשלום והשיב להם את אלעזר.",
+                    "ה. אחרי אשר כִּלה בַּסוס את מעשהו זה, מִהר להסיע את צבאו אל היער הנקרא בשם יַרדֵּי, כי הֻגד לו, אשר נאספו שם רבים מן הבורחים, שנמלטו לפנים ממצור ירושלים וגם ממָכוֹר. ובהגיעו שמה נוכח לדעת, כי אמת היה דבר השמועה, וצוה לראשונה על הרוכבים להקיף את כל המקום מסביב, לבל יוכלו היהודים מרי־הנפש לבקוע להם דרך במחנה השונאים, מפני הרוכבים, ואחרי זאת שלח את הרַגלים לכרות את כל עצי היער, אשר נמלטו אליו השרידים. היהודים לא ראו אפוא כל דרך לפניהם בלתי־אם להלחם בשארית־גבורה. הם קפצו בהמון ובקול צעקה והשתערו על הרומאים המקיפים אותם, ואלה קדמו את פניהם בחֹזק־יד. היהודים נלחמו בנפש מרה וביאוש והרומאים ברוח־קנאות, ועל־כן ארך הקרָב זמן רב. אולם אחרית המלחמה לא היתה שוָֹה לשתי מערכות הלוחמים, כי מקרב הרומאים מתו שנים־עשר בחרב ומתי־מספר נפצעו, וממערכת היהודים לא יצא אף אחד בשלום, כי כֻלם נפלו חללים — ומספרם לא מעט משלשת אלפים — ויחד אִתּם שר־צבאם יהודה בן ארי, אשר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי היה ראש־גדוד בעת מצור ירושלים ואחרי־כן ירד אל אחת המנהרות ונמלט על נפשו בסתר.",
+                    "ו. ובימים ההם שלח הקיסר אל בַּסוס ואל לִבֶּריוס מַקסימוס, אשר היה נציב (אפוטרופוס) בארץ, וצוה עליהם למכּור<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המלה היונית המסַמנת את המובן הזה נשמעת גם: להשׂכיר, להחכיר.</i> את כל ארץ היהודים. כי לא בנה הקיסר שם עיר, כי־אם השאיר את כל הארץ למענו (לקחהּ לו לנחלה), זולת המקום אשר נתן למושב לשמונה מאות אנשי־חיל הנפטרים מעבודת־הצבא, הוא הנקרא אמאוס, דרך שלשים ריס מירושלים. ועל היהודים בכל מקומות מושבותיהם שׂם הקיסר מס שני דרכמונים לגלגֹלת, להרים אותו מימים ימימה תרומה לקַפּיטוליון<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">לאליל יֻפּיטר הקַפּיטולי, ובאמת לממלא־מקומו — הקיסר.</i>, כמשפטם לפנים לשַׁלם לבית־המקדש בירושלים. זה היה מצב היהודים בימים ההם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על צרות אנטיוכוס מלך קֻמחי (קוֹמַגֵּינֵג), ועל האַלַנִּים, אשר הרבו שֹׁד בארצות מדי וארמיניה.</small><br><br>א. בשנה הרביעית לשבת אספסינוס על כסא הממשלה מצאו צרות רבות את אנטיוכוס מלך קֻמחי עם כל בני ביתו. וזה הדבר: צֵיסֶנִּיּוּס פֵּיטוּס, אשר הוקם בימים ההם לנציב בסוריה, עשה מעשה, אשר לא נגלתה סבּתו כהלכה — אולי היה בו שֹׁרש דבר־אמת ואולי לא היה בלתי־אם פרי שנאת הנציב לאנטיוכוס. הוא שלח מכתבים אל הקיסר והודיעהו, כי אנטיוכוס ובנו אֶפִּיפַנֶּס יעצו עצה למרוד ברומאים וכרתו ברית עם מלך הפַּרתּים, וטוב יהיה למהר ולתפשם, בטרם יחלו לעשות מעשיהם ויביאו מהומת־מלחמה על כל ממשלת הרומאים. כאשר הגיעה השִׂטנה (ההלשנה) הזאת אל הקיסר, לא יכול להעלים עיניו ממנה, בדעתו, אשר גבולות שני המלכים הם סמוכים, ומן הנכון אפוא להזהר מאד, כי הנה מקום שִׁמְשַׁת (סַמּוֹסַטי), העיר הגדולה בארץ קֻמחי, הוא על נהר פרת, ולוּ זממו הפרתים באמת להתקומם, היה נקל להם לעבור את הנהר במקום הזה והעיר היתה להם למשגב חזק. על־כן נאמנו דברי פֵיטוס [בעיני הקיסר] והוא קבּל רשות לעשות ככל הטוב בעיניו לשלום הארץ. והנציב לא התמהמה, ובטרם עוד לקחה אֹזן אנטיוכוס ואנשיו שמץ דבר, פרץ בארץ קֻמחי בראש הלגיון הששי ועוד גדודים שונים ולהקות־רוכבים אחדות, ויחד עמו יצאו למלחמה גם אריסטובולוס, מלך הארץ הנקראת כַּלְקִידִיקֵי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">חושבים, כי הוא אריסטובולוס מלך ארמיניה, בן הורדוס מלך כַלקיס (אחי אגריפס הראשון), וכנראה, היתה גם לו ארץ כלקיס (בקרבת הלבנון או בסוריה הצפונית) לנחלה.</i>, ושׁוֹהֵים, המושל במדינה אשר שמה חֲמָת (אֶמְסָה). ובבוא פֵיטוס בגבולות הארץ לא עמד איש בפניו, כי אף אחד מבני־המדינה לא רצה להרים יד [ברומאים]. ובהגיע השמועה הזאת אל אנטיוכוס לפתע פתאֹם, לא עלתה בלבו מחשבה להלחם ברומאים, כי־אם אמר לעזוב את כל המלוכה כמו־שהיא ולקחת את אשתו ובניו ולברוח אִתּם יחד. בדבר הזה קִוה להראות לרומאים, כי נקי הוא מכל העלילה אשר שׂמו עליו. הוא יצא והרחיק מן העיר דרך מאה ועשרים ריס ותקע את אהלו בשדה.",
+                    "ב. פֵּיטוס שלח אנשי־צבא ללכוד את שִׁמְשַׁת ועל־ידם הכין את ממשלתו בעיר, ועם שארית צבאו יצא אל אנטיוכוס להלחם בו. אך גם בעת הצרה הזאת לא ערב המלך את לבו להרים יד ברומאים, כי־אם בכה על גורלו וחכה לכל התלאה אשר תמצא אותו. אולם בניו הצעירים מלֻמדי־המלחמה ומלאי כֹח־העלומים לא יכלו לקבל את הפֻּרענות באהבה מבלי לעמוד על נפשם. אֶפִּיפַנֶּס וקַלִינִיקוס החליטו להעָזר בגבורת־ימינם. ומלחמה קשה פרצה וארכה כל היום, והם הראו את עצמת גבורתם, וזרועם לא כשלה, ולפנות ערב נפרדו האויבים. אך גם אחרי אשר כלה הקרָב בדרך הזה, לא מלא לב אנטיוכוס אותו להשאר על עמדו, כי־אם לקח את אשתו ובנותיו וברח אתן אל קיליקיה, ובמעשה הזה הֵמס את לב אנשי־צבאו. הם חשבו, כי הפקיר את מלכותו, ועל־כן קמו ועברו אל הרומאים, ונראה היה, כי כֻלם נואשו מתקותם. אֶפִּיפַנֶּס ועוזריו נאלצו למלט נפשם מידי האויבים, בטרם יֵעָזְבו מכל עוזריהם, והוא ועשרה רוכבים עמו צלחו את נהר פרת, וכאשר הוּנח להם מפחד האויב, נסעו אל ווֹלוגֵז מלך הפרתּים, והוא לא קבל את פניהם כּפני פליטי־מלחמה, כי־אם נתן להם כבוד רב, כאלו נמצאה עוד בידם משׂרתם הישנה.",
+                    "ג. כאשר הגיע אנטיוכוס אל טַרְסוּס אשר בקיליקיה, פקד עליו פֵּיטוס שר־מאה אחד לאסרו בנחֻשתים ולשלחו אל רומא. אולם אספסינוס לא נתן להביא אליו את המלך בבגדי־אסירים, כי זכר לו את אהבתו הישנה ולא ישר בעיניו לנצור לו חמה בדבר עלילת־המלחמה, אשר לא נחקרה כל־צרכה. על־כן צוה להסיר את הנחֻשתים מעליו בעודו בדרך ודחה את זמן בואו לרומא ונתן לו לשבת בלַקֵּדֵמוֹן עד עת־מצֹא, וגם חָלק לו תרומת כסף רב, לא די מחית־ביתו לבד, כי־אם גם דֵי חיי־מלכים. וכאשר נודע הדבר לאֶפִּיפַנֶּס ולאחיו, אשר חרדו מאד לגורל אביהם, רָוַח להם מדאגותיהם הגדולות והקשות וגם תקוה קמה להם להשלים עם הקיסר, בשלוח אליו ווֹלוֹגֵז מכתבים לדבּר טוב עליהם. כי אמנם ראו טובה רבה [בחצר מלך־הפַּרתּים], אך לא עצרו כֹח להשאר לאֹרך ימים מחוץ לגבול ממשלת הרומאים, וכאשר נתן להם הקיסר חנינה, שבו אל רומא וגם אביהם מִהר לבוא אליהם מלַקֵּדַמוֹן והם ישבו שם בכבוד גדול.",
+                    "ד. ועַם־הָאַלַּנים, אשר כבר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי הוא אחד משבטי הסקִתּים היושבים על נהר טַנַּיִּס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הוא נהר דון.</i> ועל ים מאוֹטִיס<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הים האזובי.</i>, נשא את לבו בימים ההם לפשוט על ארץ מדי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה למדי הצפונית־מערבית, היא ארץ אַזַּ׳רְבֵּיגַ׳אן.</i> והמדינות הקרובות לבֹז בז. לדבר הזה כרתו האלנים ברית עם מלך ההורקנים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ד)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כפי הנראה, הורקַניה זו אינה הארץ בדרום הים הכספי (ג׳רג׳אן), כי־אם הארץ מצפון, היא מדינת שִׁרְוַן (דַּגֶּסטַן).</i>, השליט במעבר, אשר סגר עליו [לפנים] המלך אלכסנדרוס [מוקדון] בשערי־ברזל<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ה)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שלשה שערים (מעבָרים צרים) סגרו על מבואות ההרים: שנים בהרי קוקז — האחד השער הכספי (דֶּרְבֶּנד), והשני השער הקוקזי, שנקרא גם הוא הכספי (דַּרִוֶּלָה) — והשלישי היה בדרום הים הכספי (בהרי מדי הגבוהים). בכל שלשת המעברים הצרים האלה היו מצודות המיֻחסות לאלכסנדרוס הגדול.</i>. וכאשר נִתַּן להם לעבור, יצאו בהמון רב והתנפלו על בני מדי השוכנים לבטח, ושׂמו לבז את הארץ רבת־העם והמלאה כל מיני בקר ומקנה, ואיש לא נועז לעמוד בפניהם. כי גם פַּקוֹרא מלך הארץ נבהל מהם וברח אל מקום נשכח מני רגל, והפקיר את הכֹּל בידי השודדים, ורק בעמל רב מצאה ידו לפדות מהם את אשתו ואת פלגשיו אשר נפלו בשבי, בשַׁלמו כֹּפר נפשן מאה ככר. ככה קל היה מאד לאלנים להוציא את שלל הארץ באין פוצה פה, ואחרי־כן פנו אל ארץ ארמיניה ושמו גם אותה לבז. וכאשר נִסה תִּרְדָּת<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ביונית: טירידַטֶּס.</i>, המושל בארץ בעת ההיא, לצאת לקראתם למלחמה, כמעט נתפשׂ חי בידם בעת הקרָב, כי אחד האלנים השליך עליו חבל ואמר למשוך אותו אחריו, אך יד המלך מצאה לפסוק את הרצועה ולהמלט. המלחמה הוסיפה עוד לעורר את חמת האלַנים, והם הפכו את כל הארץ לשממה, ואחרי־כן יצאו עם שלל גדול, שֹׁד שתי הארצות, ושבו אל גבולם."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר מְצָדָה ועל הסיקריים אשר ישבו בה. סילְוָה עלה להלחם במבצר. נאום אלעזר.</small><br><br>א. ואחרי מות בַּסּוּס ירש פלַוִּיּוּס סִילְוָה את משׂרתו והיה לנציב ביהודה. וכל הארץ נכנעה במלחמה, רק מבצד אחד עוד החזיק במרדו. על־כן הקהיל סִילְוָה את הצבא המפֻזר בכל המקומות ויצא להלחם במבצר הזה. ושם המבצר מְצָדָה וראש הסיקריים, אשר כבשו את המבצר, היה אלעזר, איש־חיל ונשוא־פנים, מנכדי יהודה, אשר ספּרנו עליו למעלה, כי פִתּה יהודים רבים לבלתי תת [את הרומאים] לפקוד את העם בעת אשר נשלח קְוִיריניוּס המעריך אל ארץ יהודה. וגם בימים ההם נוסדו הסיקריים יחד על כל האנשים, אשר בחרו להכּנע לפני הרומאים, וכאויבים הציקו להם באשר יכלו, גזלו את רכושם ושׁבו את בקרם ושלחו אש בבתיהם, באמרם, כי אין לשׂום פדות בין השונאים הנכרים ובין האחים האלה רכי־הלב, הבועטים בחֵרות, אשר העם מחרף את נפשו עליה, והמודים בפיהם, כי בחרו להיות עבדים לרומאים. אולם הטענה הזאת היתה רק כסות־עינים על אכזריותם ותאות־בצעם, והמעשים באו וטפחו על פניהם. כי פגיעתם היתה קשה גם על האנשים, אשר חֻבּרו אליהם והרימו יד ברומאים אתם יחד. ומדי שמוע הסיקריים דברי־תוכחה על תרמית־לבבם, הוסיפו עוד לרדוף בעברת־זדון את המוכיחים, העונים בפניהם רשעתם, כי חרה להם על צדקת דבריהם. ובעת ההיא פרח הזדון למעלה בכל ארץ יהודה ולא היה דבר־תועבה, אשר לא נעשה, וגם אם יתחכם אדם לגלות דרכי־רשע חדשות, יבצר ממנו להוסיף על המעשים ההם. כי דבק הרקב בַּכֹּל ואכל את היחיד ואת הצבור, וכל אחד נצח את חברו בחטאותיו לאלהים, ואיש ברעהו התחרה להרבות עָוֶל לאחיו הקרובים אליו. כי התקיפים לחצו את המון העם, וההמון שקד לאַבֵּד את התקיפים, אלה התאוו תאוה למשול ממשל־עריצים, ואלה השתוקקו לעשות חמס ולבֹז את הון העשירים. והסיקריים היו הראשונים, אשר החלו לעשות רשע וקמו באכזריות־רצח על אחיהם, ולא נבצר מפיהם כל דבר־חרפה ומידיהם כל מעשה־תועבה לאבדם ולכַלותם (את אחיהם). ואחריהם בא יוחנן והראה, כי הסיקריים היו עוד מתונים במעשיהם, ונקל היה בעיניו להמית את כל דורשי היֹשר והטוב, בעשותו בהם מעשים אשר יעָשו לנבלים ולשונאי העם בנפש, כי מִלא גם את עיר־הקדש נאצות נוראות, כמעשה האיש אשר נועז לנַבּל את כבוד האלהים, ועל שלחנו העלה מאכלים אסורים ובטל את חֻקי הטהרה, מצוות התורה ונחלת אבותינו. ועל־כן לא יפָּלא בעינינו, כי לא שמר האיש הזה את חֻקי החמלה והאהבה לרעהו, אחרי אשר עבר ברוח שגעון על חֻקי יראת אלהים. ובּבוא אחריו שמעון בן גיורא — הנשאר דבר רע, אשר לא עשו ידיו? או הנמצא בוז וקלון, שלא הביא על האזרחים החפשים, אשר הקימו אותו לעריץ? הזכר ברית־אהבה, הזכר רחמי־אחים, בהוסיפו אֹמץ במעשי־רצח מיום ליום? הם חשבו, כי דרך איש נבזה ונבל היא לעשות רעה לזרים, ורק השופך את חמתו על אחיו נותן אות לנדבת־לבו. ולשגעון האנשים האלה חֻבּרה הוללות האדוֹמים, כי אלה הטמאים המבישים שחטו בידיהם את הכֹּהנים הגדולים, למען תכבה הגחלת האחרונה, אשר נשארה מיראת האלהים, ואחרי־כן הכריתו את השריד האחרון לסדרי המדינה, ועל מקומו הקימו ממשלת־זדון מאין כמוה בכל העיר. ובקרב השערורה הזאת פרח זרע הנקרא קנאים, אשר כשמם כן היו מעשיהם, כי כל מעשה רע היה להם למופת ומכל התועבות, אשר נעשו לפנים ונשארו לזכרון, לא היתה אף אחת, אשר נמנעו מִקַּנא בה ומעשות כמוה. אמנם הם קראו לעצמם בשם הזה, באמרם, כי הם מקנאים לדברים טובים (לשם שמים), ולא נודע, אם צחוק עשו להם בעשוקים מתוך יֵצר לבם האכזרי כחית־טרף, או כל רֶשע ואון למעשה טוב היה בעיניהם. ואולם כל אחד מהם מצא באחריתו את הגמול הראוי לו, כי האלהים שלם לכֻלם את שכר פעֻלתם, וכל היסורים, אשר יוכל לשאת אדם חי, כֻּלם עברו עליהם, עד בוא הקץ לחייהם, ונוראים ומשֻׁנים היו ענוייהם במותם. ובכל־זאת יצדק האומר, כי סבלותיהם לא הגיעו עד מדת מעשיהם הרעים. הן באמת לא נמצא [בעולם] גמול־צדק למעלליהם. אולם לא פה המקום לספֹּד כהלכה לחללי אכזריותם, ועלי לשוב אל החלק אשר נשאר לי עוד מספור המעשים.",
+                    "ב. שׂר צבא הרומאים יצא עם חילו להלחם באלעזר ובסיקריים היושבים עמו במְצדה וכבש במהרה את כל הארץ מסביב והעמיד חיל־משמר בכל מקומות־הַכֹּשר, גם בנה דָיֵק על כל המבצר מסביב, למען אשר לא יקל לאחד הנצורים לברוח, וקבע משמרות על הַדָּיֵק. והוא חנה במקום, אשר מצא בו חפץ לצור משם על המבצר, כי שם היו סלעי המבצר קרובים אל ההר אשר ממולו, אף כי קשה היה לנהל את הצבא דֵי־מחסורו במקום הזה. ולא הלחם בלבד הובא ממרחק ביגיעה רבה בידי היהודים המֻּפְקדים על הדבר, כי היה עליהם גם להוביל (על כתף בהמות־סבל) את המים, אחרי אשר לא נמצא בכל המקום ההוא אף מעין אחד, וכאשר הכין לו סילוה את כל צרכיו, שׂם את לבו לעבודת המצור, אשר דרשה תבונה רבה ויגיעה קשה, כי חזק היה המבצר מאד וזאת היא תכונתו:",
+                    "ג. מכל עברי סלע רחב־ידים וגבוה מאד נמצאו מורדות תלולים, השוקעים למטה אל תוך תהומות, אשר אין חקר לעמקן ולא תעבור בהן רגל כל חיה. רק בשני מקומות משֻׁפּע הסלע מעט, ושם נמצאים משעולים אליו, וגם הם לא רחבים. שתי הדרכים האלה, אחת עולה ממזרח־שמש, מעבר ים־המלח, והשניה ממערב, ונקל יותר לעבור בה. הדרך הראשונה נקראה בשם הנחש, כי היא צרה ומתעקלת בלי־הרף כנחש, כי ראשי הצוקים הגבוהים סוגרים עליה והיא פונה לאחור פעמים רבות, ואחרי־כן היא מתארכת מעט ומתקרבת בקשׁי אל קִצה. העולה בדרך הזאת צריך להתחזק על עמדו באחת מרגליו חליפות, כי המות נשקף לקראתו, באשר משני עבריו פוערות תהומות עמֻקות את פיהן, ולאימת מראֵיהן לא יעמוד גם לב איש־חיל בקרבו. וההולך שלשים ריס בדרך הזאת מגיע עד כִּפת הגבעה, אשר אין ראש הצוק חד, כי־אם מישור רחב על גבה. יונתן הכהן הגדול הוא אשר בנה לראשונה מבצר במקום הזה וקרא לו מְצָּדָה, ואחרי־כן שקד המלך הורדוס ימים רבים לחזק את המקום. הוא הקים חומה מסביב לכל ראשי ההר, שבעה ריס ארכה, כֻּלה עשויה אבן לבנה, קומתה שתים־עשרה אמה ועביה שמונה אמות, ובנה על החומה מלמעלה שלשים ושבעה מגדלים גבוהים חמשים אמה, ומן המגדלים האלה היה מבוא אל הבתים הבנוים מבית לחומה לכל ארכה. ואת ראש ההר, אשר היתה אדמתו דשנה ופוריה מכל שדה־זרע, יעד המלך לעבודת האדמה, למען אשר לא יגועו ברעב כל החוסים במבצר הזה בהִכּרת להם משען לחם מחוץ. וגם בית־מלכים בנה לו הורדוס במבצר במורד המערב, מתחת לחומה הסוגרת על ראש ההר, והארמון נשקף לצד צפון, וחומת הארמון היתה גבוהה ובצורה מאד, ובארבע קרנותיו היו מגדלים גבוהים ששים אמה. ותכונת חדריו אשר בקרבו והאולמים והמרחצים היתה רבה ועשירה, ובכל מקום התנשאו עמודים עשוּים אבן אחת (שלֵמה) והקירות וקרקע הבתים נרצפו אבני־צבעונים. ובכל מקום אשר היה בו משכן־אדם, בעיר העליונה ומסביב לבית־המלך ולפני החומה, חצב הורדוס בין הסלעים ברֵכות למקוֵה המים, ובזה התחכם להשקות את יושבי המקום, כאִלו נמצאו להם מי־מעיָנות. ומסִלה חצובה בסלעים עלתה מארמון המלך אל ראש ההר ולא נראתה לעיני העומדים מחוץ. אך גם בדרכים הגלויות לא עצרו האויבים לעלות על־נקלה. כי תכונת דרך המזרח לא נתנה לעבור כאשר דברנו למעלה. ואת דרך המערב גדר המלך במגדל הבנוי במקום צר, במרחק אלף אמות ויותר מראש הגבעה, ולא קל היה לפסוח על המגדל או לכבשו, וגם לעוברי־דרך ההולכים לבטח קשה היה לעבור במקום ההוא. ככה שֻׂגב המבצר הזה בידי שמים ובידי אדם גם־יחד נגד האויב העולה עליו למלחמה.",
+                    "ד. ועוד נפלא מאלה היה חֹסן אוצרות הצידה, אשר נצברו בקרב המבצר ונשמרו ימים רבים. כי לחם רב נמצא פה די־צֹרך הנצוּרים וגם יין ושמן למכביר. ומלבד זאת נערמו שם מיני קטניות שונים ותמרים. וכאשר תפשו אלעזר והסיקריים את המבצר בערמה, מצאו שם את כל הצֵידה, והנה היא טובה ורעננה וכמעט לא שֻׁנתה מפרי חדש אשר הֻנח זה מקרוב, אף כי מן העת אשר הֻנחה למשמרת עד אשר נפל המבצר בידי הרומאים עבר זמן מאה שנה. — ואף הרומאים ראו את הצידה והיא לא נשחתה עוד. ואמנם לא ישגה איש באמרו, כי סבת הדבר, אשר נשאר הפרי בתקונו, היא טהרת האויר ברום המצודה הזאת, כי נקי הוא מכל אֵדים עכורים, המרחפים [בשפל] בקרבת האדמה. — במבצר נמצא גם המון כלי־נשק, אשר השאיר שם המלך די עשרת אלפים חמושים, גם ברזל מֻצָּק ונחֹשת ועופרת. והנה סבה גדולה היתה לכל הכבודה הזאת, כי אומרים, אשר הכין הורדוס את המבצר הזה למענו, למצֹא שם לעת־מצֹא מנוס מפני הרעה הכפולה אשר היתה נגד פניו. כי רעה אחת נשקפה לו מעם־היהודים, פן יוריד אותו מכסאו וימליך עליו איש מבית המלכים אשר היו לפניו. והרעה השניה והקשה עוד מן הראשונה היתה אימת קלֵיאופּטרה המולכת במצרים, אשר לא כסתה על מזמותיה וכפעם בפעם אִלצה את אנטוניוס בדבריה ודרשה ממנו להמית את הורדוס ולתת לה את מלכות יהודה למנחה. ומה נפלא הדבר, אשר לא שמע אנטוניוס למצוותיה, אף כי נלכד בשחיתות אהבתה לאין־מרפא והיה לה לעבד, ואיש לא פלל, כי ימנע ממנה את אשר שאלה. אך הדאגות האלה העירו את הורדוס להכין את מבצר מצָדה, ובזאת השאיר לרומאים עבודה לעת קץ המלחמה ביהודים.",
+                    "ה. ואחרי אשר בנה שר צבא הרומאים דָיק על המקום מסביב, כאשר אמרנו כבר למעלה, ושקד להאביד מנוס מן הנצורים, החל את עבודת המצור ומצא לפניו רק מקום אחד, אשר יוכל לשפוך עליו סוללה. מאחורי המגדל, הסוכך על הדרך העולה מפאת־מערב אל ארמון־המלך, ומשם עד ראש־ההר נמצאה רמת־סלעים רחבה למדי ובולטת, והיא כשלש מאות אמה למטה מגֹבה מְצָדָה. לרמה הזאת קראו בשם ״הלבנה״. סילוה עלה על הרמה וכבש אותה וצוה על אנשי־הצבא לשפוך שם סוללה. בנפש חפֵצה מִלאו אנשי־הצבא את מצותו והרבה ידים עסקו בעבודה הזאת, עד אשר העלו סוללה חזקה ברוּם מאתים אמה. ואולם גם הבנין הזה לא היה מוצק כהלכה, וגם נראה, כי קצרה מדת גבהו להיות בסיס למכונות־המצור. על־כן הוקמה עליה במת אבני־גזית גדולות, חמשים אמה רחבה וחמשים אמה קומתה. ומעשה המכונות היה כמעשה כלי־המלחמה הראשונים, אשר המציאו לפנים אספסינוס ואחריו טיטוס בתבונת־כפיהם. מלבד זאת נבנה עוד מגדל גבוה ששים אמה, מצֻפּה כֻלו ברזל, ומראש המגדל הזה הרבו הרומאים לירות מכלי־הקלע המהירים ומהבליסטראות וגרשו על־נקלה את העומדים בראש החומה ולא נתנו להם להרים ראש (להציץ). ובין כה וכה הקים לו סילוה כר גדול וצוה לנגח את חומת־המבצר בלי־הרף, ואחרי עמל רב עשה פרץ בחומה והרס אותה במקום ההוא. אולם הסיקריים הקדימו לבנות להם בחפזון חומה שניה מבית, אשר אמרו בלבם, כי תחזיק מעמד גם בפני המכונות, כי בנו אותה מחֹמר רך, למען תוכל לעצור את הֹלם הכרים. וזה מעשה החומה: הם רבדו שורות קורות גדולות אחת על השנית וחברו אותן בקצותיהן, וככה עשו להם שני דפנים מקבילים ורֶוַח ביניהם כעבִי־חומה, ואת הרֶוח הזה אשר בתָּוך מִלאו עפר. ולבל יִשָּׁפך העפר בהעלותם את גֹּבה הסוללה, חבּרו את קורות־השְּׁתִי בקורות־עֵרֶב (כלונסאות), עד אשר היה כל הבנין כמראה בית. והכרים בהלמם נעצרו על־ידי החֹמר הרך ושבו ריקם, ובנַגחם את העפר התחוח הפכו אותו לחֹמר מוצק. כאשר הכיר סילוה את הדבר הזה, שׂם אל לבו, כי יֵקל בידו לכבוש את החומה הזאת באש, וצוה על אנשי־הצבא ליַדות בה לפידים בוערים בהמון. חיש מהר אחזה האש במצודה, אשר נבנתה עץ ברֻבּהּ, וגם לִהטה במחִלות־העפר עד היסוד ושלחה להבות גדולות למרחוק. והנה בראשונה נשב רוח מצפון (מצפון־מזרח) והפיל אימה על הרומאים, כי הרים את הלהבה למעלה וסחף אותה על פניהם, עד שכמעט נואשו ממכונות־המלחמה, בחשבם, כי תהיינה למאכלת־אש. אולם אחרי־כן נהפך הרוח פתאם והיה לרוח דרום (דרום־מערב) — כאִלו עשתה זאת יד־אלהים — ונשב בחזקה אל העבר השני ונשא את הלהבה אל החומה והרס את כֻּלה עד היסוד. והרומאים ראו בדבר הזה אות ומופת, כי האלהים נלחם להם, ושבו בשמחה אל מחנם וגמרו להבקיע אל אויביהם ביום מחר, ובלילה חִזקו את השומרים והזהירו אותם, פן יברחו אנשים מן המבצר ויִמָּלטו.",
+                    "ו. אולם אלעזר לא חשב להמלט על נפשו. וגם לא עלה על לבו לתת לאחד מאנשיו לעשות כזאת. ובראותו, כי החומה שרופה באש וכי נסתרה ממנו כל דרך־ישועה וכל עצת־גבורה, שִׁוה לנגד עיניו את כל אשר יעשו הרומאים לו ולאנשיו ולנשיהם ולטפם לעת תגבר ידם עליהם, וגמר בנפשו למות הוא וכל אשר עמו, בחשבו, כי זאת היא הישרה מכל הדרכים במעמד הזה. הוא הקהיל את בעלי־הנפש אשר בקרב חבריו ועורר אותם לעשות את המעשה, בדברו אליהם לאמר: ״הוי אנשים גבורי־החיל! הן מני־אז קבלנו עלינו, לבלתי עבֹד את הרומאים, וגם לא אדונים אחרים, זולתי את אלהים לבדו, כי רק הוא מושל האדם באמת ובצדק. והנה הגיעה השעה המצַוָּה עלינו להשלים בפֹעל־כפינו את משאת־נפשנו, ואל נַעטה בשעה הזאת קלון עלינו. ואחרי אשר בחלה נפשנו בעבדות שאין בה סכנה, לא נבחר לנו הפעם חיי־עבדות עם שפטים נוראים — והן זה יהיה חלקנו מאת הרומאים, אם נפֹּל חיים בידם. כי הנה אנחנו היינו הראשונים להרים יד בהם, ואנחנו נשארנו האחרונים להלחם אתם. והנה אני חושב, כי צדקה עשה אתנו אלהים בתִתּו בידֵנו למות מוֹת גבורים בני־חורין, כאשר לא היה לאֵל־יד אחינו, אשר באה מפלתם כחֶתף. והנה גלוי וידוע לפנינו, כי מחר יבוא אֵידֵנו, אך הרשות נתונה לנו לבחֹר מוֹת־גבורים, אנו ומחמדי־עינינו יחד. הן יִבָּצר מן האויבים להניא את עצתנו זאת, אף כי כל חפצם הוא לתפשנו חיים! וגם ממנו יִבָּצר לנַצח אותם במלחמה. ואמנם מתחִלה, לעת אשר קמנו להלחם בעד חרותנו ותלאות רבות מצאונו מידי אחֵינו, ועוד גדולות מאלה מידי אויבינו, — אולי אז היה עלינו לתַכֵּן את רוח אלהים ולהבין, כי חתם את גזר־דינו על זרע היהודים אשר אהב לפנים. כי לוּ הוסיף להאיר את פניו אלינו או רק רגע קטן קצף עלינו, כי אז לא הסתיר את פניו מֵראות את האבדן הגדול הזה ולא הסגיר את עיר־קדשו לאש ולהריסות האויב. ואנחנו — האמנם נדַמה בנפשנו להנצל לבדנו מכל זרע היהודים ולשמור על חרותנו, כאִלו לא חטאנו לאלהים ולא דבק עָול בידינו — תחת אשר לִמַּדנו גם אחרים להָרֵע? התבוננו וראו! הנה הראה לנו אלהים, כי כל בטחוננו היה הבל ותֹהו, בהביאו עלינו צרה נוראה להוביש את תקוותינו הטובות. כי תכונת משׂגב המבצר לא היתה לנו לישועה, ועם כל הלחם הנמצא בידינו לשׂבע והמון הנשק הגדול וכל הכבודה הרבה והעצומה בושנו מכל תקוותינו ולא נוכל להציל נפשנו, — אין זה כי־אם יד אלהים עשתה זאת! הן לא במקרה הפכה האש הנטויה לקראת האויב את פניה אל החומה, אשר הקימו ידינו. רק אות עבֵרה הוא, גמול חטאותינו הרבות, אשר חטאנו במשובה ובזדון לאחינו בני־עמנו. ואמנם על הדברים האלה לנו לתת דין וחשבון לא לפני הרומאים אויבי־נפשנו, כי־אם לפני האלהים, ונוח יהיה לנו משפטו ממשפט השונאים. על־כן תמותנה־נא נשינו בטרם נִטמאו, ימותו־נא בנינו בטרם טעמו טעם עבדות. ואחרי־כן נגמול איש לרעהו חסד־גבורים, ומה טוב ומה יפה יהיה בנשאנו את חרותנו אלֵי־קבר, ולפני מותנו נשחית באש את הרכוש ואת המבצר. ויודע אני נכונה, כי יתעצבו הרומאים אל לבם, אם לא יתפשונו חיים, ויבוֹשו מתקותם למצֹא שלל. רק את הצידה נשאיר להם, למען תהיה לעֵדה אחרי מותנו, כי לא סַפנו ברעב ובמחסור, כי־אם בחרנו במות מחיי־עבדות, כאשר קבלנו עלינו מראש.״",
+                    "ז. אלה הדברים אשר דבר אלעזר. אך דבריו לא נכנסו אל לבות כל העומדים עליו. אמנם רבים מהרו לשמוע לעצתו, וכמעט נגשו בתאות־נפש למַלא אחריה, בחשבם, כי טוב ויפה יהיה להם המות. אולם רכי־הלב בהם התעוררו לחמול על נשיהם וטפם ושִׁוו לנגד עיניהם את המות העתיד לעצמם, והביטו זה אל זה ודמעות עיניהם ענו בהם, כי אין דעתם נוחה מהמחשבה הזאת. ואלעזר ראה את מֹרך־לב האנשים, אשר לא קמה בהם רוח לשמוע לעצתו הכבירה, וחרד פן ימסו באנחותיהם ובדמעותיהם את לב גבורי־החיל אשר הטו אֹזן לדבריו, ועל־כן לא חדל לדבּר על לבם, כי־אם עמד על רגליו מלא־קומתו בלב נכון וברוח אדירה ודבּר אליהם דברים נשגבים על נצח נשמת האדם<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">במקור: על־דבר אי־המות (אלמות) של הנשמה.</i>, וקרא אליהם בקול גדול וחזק, בנעצו את עיניו בּבוֹכים: ״מה מאד נכזבה תוחלתי! אמֹר אמרתי בלבי, כי אני יוצא למלחמת החרות ואִתּי אנשים גבורי־חיל, אשר קבלו עליהם לבחֹר בחיי־כבוד או במות, והנה לא נבדלתם מכל החשֻׁכּים בגבורתכם ובעֹז־רוחכם, וירֵאים אתם את המות הזה, הבא לפדוֹתכם מצרות נוראות, תחת אשר היה לכם לקבלו מבלי התמהמה ומבלי חכות לעצתי. הן מאז, מן היום אשר הגענו לבינה, לִמדונו חֻקי תורתנו, תורת אלהים, וגם אבות־אבותינו הראונו זאת במעשיהם ובגֹדל נפשם, כי אסון האדם הוא החיים ולא המות<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הכונה, כמובן: העולם־הזה, ולא העולם־הבא.</i>. כי המות קורא דרור לנשמות ושולח אותן לשוב אל נוה הטהרה, אשר שם ביתן, לבלתי תוספנה עוד לדַאבה; וכל העת אשר הן אסורות בגוִיה הבָּלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ג)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">ששולט עליה כליון — ״הנפסדת״ ביונית ובלשון המתרגמים של ימי־הבינים.</i> ושבֵעות רֹגז יחד עמה הן באמת חשובות כמֵתות. כי לא יכּון הקשר בין חלק האלהים ובין החלק הבָּלה. ואמנם הנשמה חושפת את כֹּחה הגדול בעודה אסורה בגוף, כי היא עושה אותו לכלי מקבל רשמי החושים, וגם היא מניעה אותו באין רואה ומגדלה ומרוממה אותו במעשים מעל לתכונתו הכָּלה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">הנפסדה, החדֵלה.</i>; אולם אחרי אשר תפָּטר הנשמה מהסבל המושך אותה אל האדמה, הדבק בה, ותגיע אל משכן נחלתה, רק אז תחליף כֹּח־נצחים ותִגבּר אונים באין־מעצור מעברים, ולא תראה עוד לעיני אדם, כי תהיה כאלהים. והן אין רואה אותה גם בעודה בגוף, כי היא נסתרה מן העין בבואה אליו ונעלמה בצאתה ממנו. ורק תכונה אחת לה — כי אין כליון שולט בה, והיא סבת כל התמורות אשר בגוף, וכל אשר תגע בו הנשמה יחיה ויפרח, וכל אשר תרחק ממנו יִבלה וימות. כה גדול חלקה בַּנֵּצח! הַשֵּׁנה תהיה לנו למופת נאמן על צדקת דברינו, כי בעת השֵּׁנה אין הגוִיה מושכת אחריה את הנשמה, והשעה היא שעת מנוחה נעימה לנשמות העזובות לנפשן, והן באות בסוד אלהים, הקרוב אליהן, ומשוטטות בּכֹּל וצופות עתידות רבות. ולמה זה נירָא מות — תחת אשר אנו אוהבים את המרגֻּעה בעת שנתנו? והלא אִוֶּלת היא בלבנו לרדוף אחרי החֵרות בחיים (בעולם־הזה), בעוד עיננו צרה בחֵרות־נצחים (בעולם־הבא). והנה אם נלך בדרכים, אשר למדנו מאבותינו, עלינו לתת מופת לרבים ולקבל את המות באהבה, ואם נבקש עֵדי־אמת בקרב הנכרים, נתבונן אל דרכי אנשי הֹדוּ, השוקדים על דרכי החכמה כל ימיהם. האנשים המשכילים האלה נושאים את עֹל חיי־הבלם בלי־חמדה, כי חלדם נחשב בעיניהם לעבודה זרה, אשר נגזרה עליהם מידי שמים, וכל ישעם וחפצם להתיר את הנשמות ממאסר הגוִיות, ובאין צר ומצוק ולחץ נגד פניהם, רק מעֹצם תשוקתם לחיי־נצחים הם גולים את אזני חבריהם, כי עוד מעט ילכו ואינם, ואין איש מניא את עצתם, כי־אם כל האנשים מתברכים בהם, וכל אחד נותן בידיהם פקֻדות (בשׂורות) לאֶחיו [המתים], והם מאמינים בלבב שלם, כי חיי הנשמות יחד הם נצח ואמת. ואלה (ההולכים למות) שומעים את דברי הפקֻדות, ואחרי־כן הם נותנים את בשרם לאש, למען אשר תצא הנשמה בטהרה מן הגוף, ומתים לקול שירה וברכה. ונוח לאוהביהם לשלוח אותם לקראת המות מאשר ליתר האנשים לשלוח את בני־עירם לדרך רחוקה, והם (החיים) בוכים על מנת־חלקם ומהללים את המתים, כי זכו לעמוד במערכות הכתובים לחיי־עולם. ואיך לא נבוש ונכָּלם, אם נפֹּל ברוחנו מההֹדים, ובמֹרך־לבנו נעטה חרפה רבה על חֻקי תורתנו, אשר קנאו בהם כל בני־האדם? ולו גם למדנו למבראשונה את הפך הדבר הזה, כי החיים הם תכלית הטוב לאדם והמות הוא אסון נורא, הנה השעה מצַוה עלינו ודורשת ממנו לשאת את המות בלב נכון, כי רצון אלהים הוא, ולא נוכל להמלט מן הגזרה. ורואה אני, כי מימי־קדם הוציא אלהים את המשפט הזה על כל זרע היהודים<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כנראה, זכר כאן אלעזר את דברי הפסוק: ״עשה ה׳ אשר זמם, בצע אמרתו אשר צוה מימי קדם״ (איכה ד, י״ז).</i> ואין לנו עצה למצֹא ישועה ממנו, אם נמאן הפעם לפרֹש מן החיים. ואל תלמדו חובה על עצמכם ולא זכות על הרומאים, כי במלחמתנו אִתּם אבדנו כֻלנו. הן לא יד גבורתם עשתה זאת, כי־אם כֹּח נעלה מהם היה סבּת הדבר ונתן להם להתיַמר בנצחון. האם בנשק הרומאים נפלו היהודים היושבים בקיסריה? הן לא עלה על לבם למרוד ברומאים, ובעוד הם מקַדשים את יום־השבת קפץ אליהם המון אזרחי קיסריה ושחט אותם עם נשיהם וטפם, בטרם הספיקו לעמוד על נפשם, ולא שׂם את לבו לדברי הרומאים בעצמם, אשר הודיעו, כי רק אנו המורדים לאויבים נחשבים בעיניהם. ואולי יאמרו, כי יושבי קיסריה היו אנשי־ריב כל הימים לשכניהם היהודים ומצאו הפעם שעת־הכֹּשר לכַלות בהם את חמתם הישנה, אך מה נדבר על־דבר היהודים בבית־שאן? הן אלה ערבו את לבם להלחם ליוָנים בנו, ולא זכרו ברית־אחים לנו במלחמתנו עם הרומאים; ואמנם הרבה הועילה להם אהבתם ואמונתם לאלה (ליוָנים)! הם נרצחו בידיהם בענויים קשים עם כל בני־ביתם יחד, וזה היה שׂכרם, אשר קבלו חֵלף אמונתם בברית. והרעה, אשר לא נתנוּנו לעשות לאלה (ליונים), נִתּנה בראשם, כאִלו הם זממו לעשותה. הלא תדעו, כי אין אף אחת בכל ערי סוריה, אשר לא המיתה את היהודים היושבים בקרבה, אף כי היהודים האלה היו לנו שונאים קשים ורעים מהרומאים. ככה עשו יושבי דמשק, אשר לא ידעו אף לבדות איזו עלילה שיש בה טעם, ומִלאו את עירם רצח תועבה, בשחטם שמונה־עשר אלף נפש, יהודים ונשיהם יחד. וגם שמעו אזנינו, כי מספר היהודים, אשר מתו מוֹת־ענויים בארץ מצרים, עלה על ששים אלף נפש. אמנם היהודים האלה מתו ככה, כי ישבו בארץ לא להם ולא יכלו להשיב לשונאיהם אל חיקם — אולם מה היה לאחינו היושבים בארץ נחלתם, לכל אלה אשר קראו מלחמה על הרומאים? הנבצר מהם דבר, למען חַזק את לבם בתקוה נאמנה לנַצח את שונאיהם? הן נשק נמצא בידם למכביר וחומות ומצודות נשגבות היו להם ורוח נערצה עוררה אותם למלחמה בעד החרות, ולבם היה לב־גבורים אשר לא ישוב מפני כֹל, וכל אלה יחד עודדו אותם למרד. אבל רק למצער הועילו להם כל אלה, ובנַשאם את תקוותינו למעלה נהפכו והיו למקור תלאות נוראות. נפלו, נפלו כל משגביהם! כלם כרעו לפני האויבים, כאלו הוכנו לפאר את נצחונם, ולא להיות לישועה לכל החוסים בהם. ועלינו לאמר: אשרי הנופלים בקרָב, כי מתו בהלחמם בעד חרותנו ולא במכרם אותה [לאויבים]. ומי לא ינוד לגורל ההמון הרב, אשר נכנע תחת ידי הרומאים? ומי לא ימהר לבחֹר במות, בטרם ראו עיניו ברעה אשר מצאה אותם? אלה כרעו למות תחת כלי־המשחית, אלה נשרפו באש, אלה נפחו נפשם תחת שוטי מציקיהם ואלה — נאכל חצי־בשרם בשִׁני חיות רעות, ועוד נשארו בחיים ונקדשו לסעֻדה שנית להיות להן לטרף, לשעשע את לב השונאים ולמלא פיהם שחוק. אולם מאמין אני, כי יש עוד אמללים מאלה — כל אלה אשר נשארו חיים, המתפללים כל היום למָות ואיננו! ואיה העיר הגדולה, עיר ואם לכל זרע היהודים, עם חומותיה הרבות והבצורות עם כל חֹסן מצודותיה ותפארת מגדליה הנאדרים, היא אשר צרה מהכיל את כל הכבודה הרבה הערוכה למלחמה, ולא היה מספר לרבבות האנשים המתנדבים להלחם למענה? איה הקריה הנאמנה, אשר אמרנו, כי אותה אִוה אלהים למושב לו? עד היסוד נהרסה, נהפכה משֹּׁרש, ורק זֵכר אחד נשאר לה — מרבץ מחריביה על משואותיה! וזקנים יגיעי־כח מתאבקים באפר הר־הבית ונשים אחדות מסתופפות בה, אשר השאירון השונאים בחיים להתעלל בהן בחרפה ובכלִמה. וכי ישיב אחד ממנו זאת אל לבו — היעצור כֹּח להביט אל אור השמש, אף אם לא יהיו חייו תלואים לו מנגד? מי האיש, אשר מלאוֹ לבו לשנֹא את עיר אבותיו, מי האיש רך־הלבב החפץ חיים, אשר לא יתמרמר בלבו, כי עודנו חי כיום הזה? הוי מי יתן מוּתנו כֻּלנו, טרם ראו עינינו את העיר הקדושה ההיא נהרסה בידי האויבים, ואת היכל־הקֹדש מחֻלל ונִתּץ. והנה שעשעה נפשנו תקוה, הנאה לאנשי־חיל, אולי תמצא ידנו לקחת מאויבינו את נקמת ירושלים, ואחרי אשר נכזבה תוחלתנו והשאירה אותנו לבד בצרה גדולה, נמהר לבחֹר לנו מיתה יפה. נרחם על נפשותינו ועל נפשות עוללינו ונשינו בעוד לאל־ידינו לרחם עליהם. חן למות נולדנו ולמות הולדנו את צאצאינו, ומן המות לא יִמָּלטו אף המאֻשרים בבני־האדם. אולם חיי חרפה ועבדות ומנת הרואה בקלון אשתו ובניו— כל אלה הרעות לא נגזרו על האדם מברִיָּתו, ורק מִמֹרך־לב נושאים האנשים את סבל הנוראות האלה, כי סרבו לבחֹר מות בשעת הכֹּשר. והנה בגבורה וברוח נדיבה מרדנו ברומאים, וכאשר קראו לנו זה מקרוב להכָּנע בפניהם ולהציל את נפשותינו, לא שמענו לקולם. ומי בקרבנו לא יבין את עֹצם עברתם, כאשר תמצא ידם לתפֹּש אותנו חיים? אוי לבני הנעורים, אשר יפרכו היסורים הרבים את כֹּח עלומיהם, ואוי למלאי־הימים, אשר יִכְשׁל כֹּח זקנתם לשאת את הצרות. ראֹה יראה האחד בהלקח ממנו אשת־נעוריו לחרפות ושמוע ישמע את קול בנו המשַׁוע לעזרת אביו — וידיו תהיינה אסורות ולא יהיה לו כֹח להושיע. לא ולא! עוד ידינו לא אסורות והן מחזיקות בשלח, תהיינה לנו לישועה הפעם! ומוֹת נמות בטרם נהיה עבדים לשונאינו, ובני־חורין נִּשָּׁאר בעזבנו את ארצות החיים, אנחנו, נשינו ובנינו! ככה צוו עלינו חֻקי תורתנו, על זאת מתחננים אלינו נשינו ובנינו! האלהים פקד עלינו את הגזרה הזאת, והיא העצה היעוצה על אף הרומאים ועל חמתם: יראים הם, פן ימות אחד ממנו, טרם ילך שבי לפניהם. נמהר־נא במעשינו ותחת שמחת השונאים על שברנו, אשר אליה הם נושאים את נפשם, נשאיר להם מבוכה ותמהון, בראותם את גבורת־לבנו.״"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>היהודים אשר במבצר שמעו לדברי אלעזר ושלחו יד בנפשם, חוץ משתי נשים וחמשה ילדים.</small><br><br>א. עוד טרם כלה אלעזר לדבּר על לב אנשיו, הפסיקו כֻלם את דבריו ומהרו לעשות מעשה, כי מלאו רוח גבורה, אשר נלאו להכיל. וכמו חזקה עליהם יד אלהים, יצאו כֻלם, ורבים בקשו לעבור במרוצתם את רעיהם, בהאמינם, כי בזאת יַראו את גבורתם ונדיבות־לבם, כשלא יהיה חלקם עם האחרונים. ככה גדלה תשוקתם לשחוט את נשיהם, את בניהם, ולשלוח יד בנפשם! וכאשר נגשו לעשות את דברם, לא נפל לבם עליהם — כאשר יחשוב החושב — ולא מָשה מהם הרוח, אשר צלחה עליהם לשֵׁמע דברי אלעזר. אמנם רחמיהם נכמרו על קרוביהם מחמדי־עיניהם, אולם המחשבה, כי יעצו טובה על הנפשות היקרות להם, חִזקה את לבם. הם חבקו את נשיהם באהבה רבה ולחצו אל לבם את הילדים ונשקו להם בדמעות על עיניהם בפעם האחרונה, ויחד עם זה השלימו את עצתם, וידיהם כנכריות נחשבו בעיניהם למעשה הזה. ובהשיבם אל לבם את הרעה, אשר תמצא אותם בנפלם בידי הרומאים, מצאו את נחמתם בצרת הרצח הזה. ולא היה אף איש ביניהם, אשר נבצר ממנו אֹמץ־לב לעשות את הדבר, וכֻלם שחטו את בני־ביתם. אוי לאמללים האלה, אשר לקלה בכל הרעות נחשב בעיניהם לשחוט בידיהם את נשיהם ואת בניהם! ואחרי כַלותם את הדבר הזה, לא יכלו עוד לשאת את מכאוביהם וחשבו, כי חטא יחטאו להרוגים, אם יִוָּתרו בחיים אחריהם אף שעה קלה. על־כן מהרו לאסוף את כל רכושם אל מקום אחד ולשלוח בו אש. ואחרי זאת בחרו בגורל עשרה אנשים מתוכם, אשר ישחטו את כֻּלם. וכל אחד השתרע על הארץ ליד אשתו ובניו ההרוגים וחבק אותם בזרועותיו ופשט ברצון את צוארו לשחיטה בידי האנשים, אשר מִלאו את המעשה הנורא הזה. והאנשים האלה שחטו את כֻּלם בלֹא־רעד, ואחרי־כן הפילו גורל ביניהם, למען ישחט הנלכד בגורל את תשעת חבריו, ואחרי המיתו את כֻּלם יטרוף את נפשו בכפו. וכֻלם בטחו איש ברעהו והאמינו, כי אף אחד מהם לא ישַׁנה אחרי המשפט אשר יצא עליו לשחוט או להִשָּׁחט. לאחרונה מסרו התשעה את עצמם לשחיטה, והאחד, אשר נותר אחריהם, בדק את המון השוכבים על הארץ, פן נשאר אחד מהמטבח הגדול ויבקש ממנו לשלוח בו יד. וכאשר נוכח לדעת, כי כֻלם מתו, הצית אש בכל פִּנות ארמון־המלך, ובכל עֹצם ידו תקע את חרבו בבשרו עד הנִּצב. ונפל מת על־יד קרוביו [הנשחטים]. ככה מתו כֻלם באמונה, כי לא השאירו אחריהם נפש חיה למשוך בעֹל הרומאים. בכל־זאת נסתרו מפניהם אשה זקנה אחת ואשה אחרת ממשפחת אלעזר, אשר נפלאה מיתר הנשים בתבונה ובלמודים [בהשכלתה], ואִתּן יחד עוד חמשה ילדים, כי התחבּאו בצנורות המוליכים את המים אל העיר, בעת אשר יתר האנשים שׂמו את כל לבם לשחוט את קרוביהם. ומספר ההרוגים היה תשע מאות וששים נפש והנשים והטף בכלל. הדבר הנורא הזה נעשה בחמשה־עשר לחֹדש קסַנתּיקוֹס (ניסן).",
+                    "ב. והרומאים אמרו בנפשם, כי עוד תהיה להם מלחמה, ולבשו את נשקם לעת עלות השחר והקימו גשרים על המעברות אשר בין הסוללות ובין פרצי החומה והבקיעו אל העיר. ובראותם, כי אין איש מקרב האויבים ורק שממון נורא בקרב הארמון ודממה מסביב, נלאו להבין את דבר המעשה, ולאחרונה הרימו קול־סְאוֹן, כאִלו אמרו לשלח אבן־קלע. וכאשר שמעו הנשים את הסאון הזה, עלו מן המנהרות וספּרו לרומאים את כל הנעשה, והאשה השניה היטיבה לבאר את הכֹּל ולתאר את המעשה לפרטיו. אך לא נקל היה לרומאים להבין את דבריה, כי לא יבלו להאמין לאֹמץ־הלב הגדול הזה. הם פנו לכבות את האש ובמהרה בקעו להם דרך בקרבּה עד בואם אל ארמון המלך. וכאשר מצאו שם את המון ההרוגים, לא שמחו הפעם על אשר ראתה עינם באויביהם, כי־אם השתוממו על רוחם הנדיבה ועצתם הנאדרה, אשר צחקה למָות ולא שבה אחזר מהמעשה הגדול הזה."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>הסיקריים הבורחים אל אלכסנדריה הביאו תלאה על רבים, ולרגלי זה נהרס (נסגר) שם ההיכל, אשר בנה לפנים חוניו הכהן הגדול.</small><br><br>א. אחרי אשר נכבש המבצר בדרך הזאת, השאיר בו שר־הצבא חיל־משמר ושב עם צבאו אל קיסריה. ולא נותר אף אויב אחד בכל הארץ (ביהודה), כי כֻלה נכנעה במלחמה הארֻכָּה, אשר פגעה גם ברבים מן היהודים הרחוקים, כי קמו בקרבם מהומות והביאו עליהם שואה. וגם אחרי כלות המלחמה ספו בגללה רבים מהיהודים היושבים באלכסנדריה של מצרים, כי נמלטו שמה סיקריים מתוך המהפכה, והמעט היה בעיניהם להציל את נפשם, כי עוד נשאו את נפשם למעשי־מרד חדשים ופִתּו רבים מהאוספים אותם אל בתיהם לקום ולהלחם בעד החרות ולהאמין, כי אין הרומאים טובים מהם (ראוים למשול בהם), ולקבל את עֹל מלכות אלהים לבדו. וכאשר יצאו אחדים מטובי היהודים להפר את העצה הזאת, המיתו אותם הסיקריים ואִלצו בדברים את יתר היהודים לעשות מעשה־מרד. וכראות ראשי הזקנים את משובת האנשים האלה, הבינו, כי תכלה אליהם הרעה, לכשיעלימו עיניהם מן הדבר, וכנסו את כל היהודים יחד וגִלו להם את העצה הנבערה, אשר יעצו עליהם הסיקריים, והראו אותם לדעת, כי יד אלה הביאה את כל הרעה [על ארץ יהודה], והוסיפו לדבר: ״גם הסיקריים הנמלטים אינם יכולים לבטוח בישועתם, בדעתם, כי בני־מות הם לעת יגַלו אותם הרומאים, על־כן הם מושכים אל העֹנש הנאה להם את הנקיים, אשר לא חטאו עמם״. ועוד הרבו הזקנים לדבּר על לב העם, למען יִזָּהר ממוקשי־המות, אשר טמנו לו הסיקריים, ויתרצה אל הרומאים, בהסגירו בידם את האנשים האלה. וכאשר נוכח העם לראות את גֹדל הצרה, הטה אזנו לדברים האלה והתנפל על הסיקריים בחֹזק־יד וסחב אותם אל משפט הרומאים. שש מאות איש נתפשו מיד, והשרידים, אשר נמלטו אל ארץ מצרים [העליונה] ואל העיר נֹא, נלכדו אחרי זמן־מצער והובאו אל אלכסנדריה. וכל רואיהם תמהו ונבהלו על כֹּח־סבלם הכביר ועל תכונת רוחם, אשר האחד יקרא לה בשם מרי־שגעון והשני בשם עזוז־אמונה. כי מעַניהם התחכּמו להביא עליהם כל מיני יסורים נוראים וקרעו את בשרם לגזרים, בדרשם מהם רק אחת — כי יודו במו פיהם, אשר הם מקבלים עליהם את עֹל מלכות הקיסר, ובכל־זאת לא נכנע לבם, ואיש לא הוציא הגה מפיו, כי־אם כֻּלם התחזקו בדעתם והתגברו על יסוריהם הנוראים, כאִלו לא חשו את מכאובי בשרם, וכמעט בשמחת־נפש קבלו את ענוייהם ואת להט־האש. ועוד יותר הכּו הנערים הצעירים את כל רואיהם בתמהון, כי גם מהם לא נכנע אף אחד לבַטא בשפתיו, כי הקיסר אדון לו. ככה נצח עֹז־הרוח את רפיון־הבשר!",
+                    "ב. לוּפוּס היה נציב באלכסנדריה בימים ההם ומִהר להודיע את הקיסר על־דבר התנועה הזאת. וכראות הקיסר, כי לא יחדלו היהודים מחַבּל מזִמות־מרד כל הימים, ירא, פן יתאספו המורדים בהמון עוד הפעם אל מקום אחד וגם ימצאו להם עוזרים, וצוה את לופוס להרוס את מקדש היהודים בארץ הנקרא על שם חוניו. בית־המקדש הזה נמצא בארץ מצרים ונבנה בידי חוניו ונקרא בשמו, וזה הדבר: חוניו בן שמעון, אחד הכֹּהנים הגדולים בירושלים, ברח מפני אנטיוכוס מלך סוריה בעת מלחמתו ביהודים ובא אל אלכסנדריה, וכאשר קבל אותו תלמי באור־פנים משנאתו לאנטיוכוס, הבטיחהו הכהן הגדול, כי יביא את עם היהודים עמו בברית, אם יטה המלך אֹזן לדבריו. והמלך הבטיח את חוניו לתת לו את שאלתו ככל אשר לאל־ידו, ואז בקש ממנו הכהן הגדול, כי ימַלא את ידיו לבנות בית־מקדש בארץ מצרים ולעבֹד שם את אלהים כחֻקי האבות, כי לדבר הזה יחַזק לב היהודים [היושבים בארצו] להלחם בשארית חֵמות עם אנטיוכוס, אשר החריב את בית־המקדש בירושלים, וגם תגדל אהבתם לו (לתלמי) ורבים יתלקטו אליו, למען עבֹד את אלהיהם לבטח.",
+                    "ג. ותלמי שמע לדברים האלה ונתן לחוניו אחֻזת־ארץ דרך שמונים ריס מעיר נֹף (מֶנפי) במדינה הנקראת על שם הִירוֹפוליס. וחוניו בנה שם מבצר והקים לו היכל, אשר לא דמה במראהו להיכל ירושלים, כי היה כתבנית מגדל עשוי אבנים גדולות, ששים אמה קומתו. אולם את המזבח הקים כתבנית המזבח בירושלים, וככה עשה גם לכל כלי־הקֹדש, מלבד צורת המנורה. כי לא עשה לו מנורה עם כֵּן, כי־אם נברשת־זהב מעשה צורף, השולחת את קרניה לעברים, ותלה אותה על שרשרת־זהב. ואת חצר־המקדש הקיף בחומת־לבֵנים ואת דלתות השערים עשה אבן. והמלך נתן לו גם נחלת־ארץ גדולה לאכול את פריה, למען ימצאו הכֹּהנים את לחם־חֻקם לשׂבע ועוד תשאר תרומה גדולה לעבודת אלהים. אמנם חוניו לא עשה את הדבר הזה בלב טהור, כי אמר להכעיס את היהודים אשר בירושלים, בשמרו להם עֶברה על אשר גֹּרש משם. ועל־כן בנה את המקדש להדיח מהם את העם. בזה קם דבר חזון עתיק, אשר מלאו לו אז שש מאות שנה ושֵׁם ישעיהו נקרא עליו, כי הוא נבּא לבנין המקדש הזה במצרים לקץ הימים בידי איש יהודי. זה דבַר בנין המקדש ההוא.",
+                    "ד. וכאשר קבל לופוס נציב אלכסנדריה את מכתב הקיסר, נסע אל המקדש והוציא משם חלק מכלי־הקֹדש וסגר את שערי ההיכל. ואחרי זמן־מצער מת לופוס ופוֹלּינוס ירש את משרתו, והוא לקח את כל כלי־הקֹדש ולא השאיר דבר, כי הִרבה ליָרא את הכֹּהנים ואִלצם להוציא אליו את כל הכלים ולא נתן את האנשים לגשת אל מקום המקדש ברצותם לעבֹד את אלהים, כי סגר את כל השערים ולא יכול עוד איש לבוא בהם, ולא השאיר אף זֵכר לעבודת אלהים במקום הזה. ובעת אשר נסגר ההיכל הזה מלאו שלש מאות וארבעים ושלש שנה<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">המספר הזה מגֻזם; עכ״פ במקום שלש־מאות צריך להיות מאתים.</i> לבנינו."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "<small>על־דבר יונתן, אחד הסיקריים, אשר הקים מהומות בקירֵינֵי והוציא דבה רעה.</small><br><br>א. כמחלה רעה פשטה משובת הסיקריים גם אל ערי קירֵינֵי. כי הנה טֻלטל שמה יונתן, איש נבל ונבזה, אשר היתה מלאכתו עבודת האורגים, והוא פִתּה רבים מדלת־העם ללכת אחריו והוליך אותם אל המדבר והבטיחם לתת להם אותות ומופתים, ואמנם נסתר מעיני הרבים במעשי תעתועיו ובתרמיתו, אך הטובים והנכבדים בקרב יהודי קיריני שׂמו לבם אליו וספּרו על־דבר מסעו ותחבולותיו לקַטּוּלוּס הנציב בחמש ערי לוּב<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">שנקראו בשם פֶּנֲטַפּוֹליס.</i>. והוא שלח אנשי־צבא רוכבים ורגלים אחריו ונצח באפס־יד את היהודים, אשר לא היו מזֻינים, ורבים מהם הומתו מיד, ומתי־מספר נתפשו חיים והובאו אל קַטולוס. ויונתן, הראש לכל דבר המזִמה הזאת, נמלט על נפשו, אך הרומאים שלחו אחריו לבקשהו בכל הארץ ושקדו הרבה על הדבר, עד אשר נתפש בידם והובא אל הנציב. ובעמדו לפניו התחכם להסיר מעל ראשו את חרב נקמת הרומאים, בתתו לקַטולוס פתחון־פה לעשות מעשי־רשע. הוא דבּר שקר על עשירי היהודים, כי הם הורוהו לעשות את המזמה הזאת.",
+                    "ב. וקַטולוס קבל את דבר הדִבּה בנפש חפצה והפך את המעשה לעלילה גדולה, בהוסיפו עליו דברים נוראים רבים, למען ירָאה גם הוא כגבור מנצח את היהודים במלחמה, והרשיע לעשות מאד, כי נוסף על אמונתו הנמהרה לדבַר הדבּה לִמד עוד את הסיקריים להפיח שקרים. הוא צוה על יונתן לנקוב לפניו בשם אלכסנדרוס, והוא אחד היהודים, אשר זה מזמן התעבּר בו קַטולוס ולא כסה על שנאתו. וגם את בֵּרֵנִיקֵי, אשת אלכסנדרוס, משך קַטולוס אל העלילה והמית אותה עם בעלה לראשונה. ואחרי־כן המית את כל האנשים המצֻינים בעשרם, כאלף<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">ב)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">בהוצאה ישנה: שלשת אלפים.</i> איש. חשוב חשַׁב, כי יוכל לעשות את זאת באין מכלים דבר, אחרי אשר החרים את רכוש הנרצחים אל אוצר הקיסר.",
+                    "ג. וקַטולוס ירא, פן יפרסמו היהודים היושבים ביתר המדינות את מעשי־רשעתו, ושלח את שקריו למרחוק ופִתּה את יונתן ועוד אחדים מהאסורים עמו לשׂים את עון המרד בראש טובי היהודים אשר באלכסנדריה וברומא, ובמספר האנשים, אשר הוציא עליהם את עלילת השקר הזאת, היה גם יוסף כותב הספרים האלה. אפס כי נכלי קַטולוס לא הצליחו, כאשר היה עם נפשו: כי הוא עלה אל רומא והוליך עמו את יונתן עם אנשיו האסורים באזִקים, והאמין בלבבו, כי איש לא יחקור את דברי השקר אשר העידו לפניו, כאשר צוה אותם. אולם המעשה לא ישר בעיני אספסינוס, והוא חקר למצֹא דבר־אמת, ובהכירו, כי שקר הוא יסוד האַשמה, אשר יצאה על האנשים (טובי היהודים), נִקה אותם מפשע, כי גם טיטוס דבּר טוב עליהם, ועל יונתן פקד את מעשה־ידיו. הוא נשרף חי, אחרי אשר דשו את בשרו בשוטים.",
+                    "ד. וקַטולוס יצא אז בשלום, כי בחסדי שני המושלים לא נגזר עליו עֹנש קשה, מלבד אשר יסרו אותו בדברים. אולם כעבור זמן־מצער אחזה אותו מחלה קשה, והוא התהפך על משכבו ולא מצא מזור, עד אשר מת במכאובים רעים. לא גופו בלבד לקה, כי עוד קשים ממכאוביו היו יסורי נשמתו. חזיונות נוראים בּעתוהו, ובלי־הרף צעק, כי הוא רואה בעיניו את צלמי חללי־ידיו עומדים לפניו. ולא יכול לעצור ברוחו וקפץ מעל משכבו, כאלו הגישו אליו מעַניו כלי־משחית ואש ללַהט את בשרו. ומדי יום ביום רבו מכאוביו ורקב עלה במעיו, עד אשר יצאו מבשרו, וככה קִדם אותו המות ונתן מופת נאמן, כי עין־אלהים צופיה בַכֹּל והוא עושה שפטים ברשעים.",
+                    "ה. ובזה הגיע הקץ לדברי הימים, אשר מסרנו אותם בעצם הדיוק לכל הרוצה לדעת את הליכות מלחמת הרומאים עם היהודים. והנה בדבר דרך מִדְרָשִׁי<sup class=\"footnote-marker\">א)</sup><i class=\"footnote\">כלומר: מליצתי (הסגנון).</i> יוציאו הקוראים משפט. אבל בדבר האמת — אבטח ולא אפחד לאמֹר, כי רק אליה לבד כִּוַּנתּי בכל הכתובים האלה."
+                ]
+            ]
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "The Jewish Wars, trans. Y.N. Simhoni, Warsaw, 1923",
+            "http://beta.nli.org.il/he/books/NNL_ALEPH001300952/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Josephus"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "מלחמת היהודים",
+        "enTitle": "The War of the Jews",
+        "key": "The War of the Jews",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "פתח דבר",
+                "enTitle": "Preface"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..0463aaf31ecf1c16ee39f33b4c5653f51f573946
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,366 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הנטיעה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "<big>Concerning Noah’s Work as a Planter (De Plantatione) <br>Analytical Introduction</big>",
+            "The first part of this treatise, extending to the end of § 139, treats firstly of God’s planting and then of man learning to copy His work. The second part (§ 140 onwards) should be entitled Περὶ μέθης, for it deals with the vine only with respect to its fruit. The title of the treatise is, therefore, inappropriate.",
+            "A. 1–139",
+            "(<i>a</i>) 1–72. The first Planter and His plant.",
+            "(α) 1–27. The universe and its component parts planted.",
+            "(β) 28–31. Trees planted in man, the microcosm.",
+            "(γ) 32–46. The names of the two trees in Eden point to an allegorical interpretation. “Eden” is “delight” in the Lord. “Eastward” is “in the light.” “The tree of Life” is the man of Gen. 1:27 in the image of God. The earthly man of Gen. 2 is placed in Paradise to be tested amid the virtues, the plants of a rational soul.",
+            "(δ) 47 ff. That Israel, God’s special inheritance, may be planted in Eden is Moses’ prayer.",
+            "(ε) 62–72. God the Portion of Inheritance of Levi and of those who have the Levite mind.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) Lessons learned from the First Planter, and copies of His planting (73–139).",
+            "(α) 74–93. Abraham’s planting (Gen. 21:33). The <i>tree</i> the “hide” of 10,000 cubits; the <i>place</i> the well, which is without water (Gen. 26:32 LXX), and so symbolic of the fruitless search for knowledge, and of the discovery of our own ignorance; the <i>fruit</i> the invocation of the Name “Eternal God,” which connotes “Benefactor,” whereas “Lord” connotes Master.”",
+            "(β) 94–139. Our planting (Lev. 19:23–25). Ere we can plant <i>fruit</i> trees we must <i>migrate</i> to the God-given land, <i>i.e</i>. the mind must find the way of Wisdom. The beginner bidden to <i>prune, i.e</i>. cut out all hurtful things, <i>e.g</i>. the harlot and the toady from Friendship, superstition from Religion. Jacob’s peeled rods and the leper’s flesh, both white <i>all over</i>, serve as a pattern. Philo attempts to explain the command to prune the fruit itself.",
+            "The fourth year, in which the fruit is “holy for praise to the Lord” leads to a discourse on the number 4, on <i>praise</i> as the fruit of education, on <i>thanksgiving</i> as creation’s chief duty, illustrated by the story of the birth of Mnemosyne. As the fifth year is ours for food, after the fourth year of thanksgiving, so “Issachar” or “Reward” was born next after “Judah” or “Praise.”",
+            "B. 140–177",
+            "We now pass on to the vine-culture of Noah. As the vine is the means of Drunkenness (and the just man made himself drunk with it), we have to consider the subject of drunkenness. Moses’ views will be given later (in <i>De Ebrietate</i>). Let us now examine what the philosophical schools say about it. They put the question thus, “Will the wise man get drunk?” (139–141). But before stating the arguments on either side, we note that the term “get drunk” (μεθύειν) may be used for hard drinking (οἰνοῦσθαι) simply, or for drinking carried to the point of foolish behaviour (ληρεῖν). All condemn the latter, but one school holds that if μεθύειν is used in the less offensive sense, the wise man may freely indulge in it; another, “that he cannot safely do so, and will therefore avoid all carousals, unless social duties necessitate his participation in them.”",
+            "The arguments of the thesis: “The wise man will get drunk” are now stated.”",
+            "(1) As μέθυ and οἶνος are admittedly synonyms, their derivatives μεθύειν and οἰνοῦσθαι must be synonyms also. (This is preceded by a disquisition on “homonyms” and “synonyms.”) (§§ 149–155.)",
+            "(2) μεθύειν is properly μετὰ τὸ θύειν, (“after sacrificing”), and the ancient and right use of wine was orderly and religious in marked contrast to present custom. If μεθύειν is used in this sense, it is suitable to the wise man (§§ 156–164).",
+            "(3) Another derivation of μεθύειν is from μέθεσις (relaxation), and the blessings of relaxation and cheerfulness are pointed out.",
+            "(4) A dialectical argument, that, as soberness is found in the fool as well as in the wise man, its opposite, drunkenness, is common to both (§ 172).",
+            "(5) An argument from the use of the term μέθη in various writers, showing that they identified μεθύειν with οἰνοῦσθαι, and did not associate it with λῆρος (§§ 173 f.).",
+            "At this point the disputant professes to meet the arguments of the other side. The first of these is the argument of Zeno, that, since no man could trust the drunken man with a secret, drunkenness is unsuitable to the wise man. This is refuted (§§ 175–177). The rest of the disquisition is lost."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>CONCERNING NOAH’s WORK AS A PLANTER</big> <br>[1] We have said in the former book all that the occasion called for regarding the husbandman’s art in general. In this book we shall give such an account as we can of the art of a vine-dresser in particular. For Moses introduces the righteous man not as a husbandman only, but specially as a vine-dresser; his words are: “Noah began to be a husbandman tilling the ground, and he planted a vineyard” (Gen. 9:20).",
+                "[2] It is incumbent on one, who is going to discourse on the work of planters and husbandmen as carried on in this or that place, to begin by marking well the plants set in the universe, those most perfect of all plants, and their great Planter and Overseer. It is the Lord of all things that is the greatest of planters and most perfect Master of His art. It is this World that is a plant containing in itself the particular plants all at once in their myriads, like shoots springing from a single root. ",
+                "[3] For, when the Framer of the World, finding all that existed confused and disordered of itself, began to give it form, by bringing it out of disorder into order, out of confusion into distinction of parts, He caused earth and water to occupy the position of roots at its centre; the trees, that are air and fire, He drew up from the centre to the space on high; the encircling region of ether He firmly established, and set it to be at once a boundary and guard of all that is within. (Apparently its name “Heaven” is derived from the former word.) And (surpassing wonder!) this Doer of wondrous works caused earth, a dry substance in danger of being dissolved by water, to be held by water, and air, of itself coldest of all things, to be held by fire whose very nature is heat. ",
+                "[4] How can it be other than a prodigy that the dissolving element should be held together by that which it dissolves, water by earth; and that on the coldest element the hottest should be seated unquenched, fire upon air?",
+                "The elements of which we have spoken are the perfect branches of the whole, but the stock, far greater and more productive than all of them, is this world, of which the growths that have been mentioned are offshoots."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] We must consider, therefore, where He caused its roots to strike, and on what it rests as a statue on its pedestal. It is unlikely that any material body has been left over and was moving about at random outside, seeing that God had wrought up and placed in orderly position all matter wherever found. ",
+                "[6] For it became the greatest artificer to fashion to full perfection the greatest of constructions, and it would have come short of full perfection, had it not had a complement of perfect parts. Accordingly this world of ours was formed out of all that there is of earth, and all that there is of water, and air and fire, not even the smallest particle being left outside. ",
+                "[7] It follows that outside there is either empty space or nothing at all. If there is empty space, how comes it that a thing that is full and dense and heaviest of all existences does not sink down by sheer weight, having nothing solid external to it to hold it up? This would seem to be of the nature of a phantom, since our understanding ever looks for a material basis, which it expects everything to have, even if it be but an empty thing, but above all the world, since it is the largest of material bodies, and holds in its bosom as parts of itself a mass of other material bodies. ",
+                "[8] Let anyone then, who would fain escape the confusion of face, which we all feel when we have to leave problems unsolved, say plainly that no material thing is so strong as to be able to bear the burden of the world; and that the everlasting Word of the eternal God is the very sure and staunch prop of the Whole.",
+                "[9] He it is, who extending Himself from the midst to its utmost bounds and from its extremities to the midst again, keeps up through all its length Nature’s unvanquished course, combining and compacting all its parts. For the Father Who begat Him constituted His Word such a Bond of the Universe as nothing can break. ",
+                "[10] Good reason, then, have we to be sure that all the earth shall not be dissolved by all the water which has gathered within its hollows; nor fire be quenched by air; nor, on the other hand, air be ignited by fire. The Divine Word stations Himself to keep these elements apart, like a Vocal between voiceless elements of speech, that the universe may send forth a harmony like that of a masterpiece of literature. He mediates between the opponents amid their threatenings, and reconciles them by winning ways to peace and concord."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] On this wise was the tree planted which yields all fruit that grows. On this wise when planted was it held fast. Among lesser plants, that did not partake of its universal character, some were created with a capacity of moving from one place to another, others, meant to be stationary, lacked such capacity for change of place. ",
+                "[12] Our name for those which have the power of locomotion is animals. These took to (<i>i.e</i>. were so made as naturally to belong to) the several main divisions of our universe, land animals to earth, to water those that swim, the winged creatures to air, and to fire the fire-born. It is said that the production of these last is more patent to observation in Macedonia than elsewhere. The stars found their place in heaven. Those who have made philosophy their study tell us that these too are living creatures, but of a kind composed entirely of Mind. Of these some, the planets, appear to change their position by a power inherent in themselves, others to do so as they are swept along in the rush of our universe, and these we call fixed stars.",
+                "[13] The creations endowed with a nature incapable of taking in impressions, to which the name of “plants” is specially given, do not share the power of locomotion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] Of twofold kind were the beings which the great Maker made as well in the earth as in the air. In the air He made the winged creatures perceived by our senses, and other mighty beings besides which are wholly beyond apprehension by sense. This is the host of the bodiless souls. Their array is made up of companies that differ in kind. We are told that some enter into mortal bodies, and quit them again at certain fixed periods, while others, endowed with a diviner constitution, have no regard for any earthly quarter, but exist on high nigh to the ethereal region itself. These are the purest spirits of all, whom Greek philosophers call heroes, but whom Moses, employing a well-chosen name, entitles “angels,” for they go on embassies bearing tidings from the great Ruler to His subjects of the boons which He sends them, and reporting to the Monarch what His subjects are in need of. Two kinds again did He assign to earth, land animals and plants. For He willed her to be at once both mother and nurse. ",
+                "[15] For, even as in woman and all female kind there well up springs of milk when the time of delivery draws near, that they may furnish necessary drink of a suitable kind to their offspring; even so in like manner did the Creator bestow on earth, the mother of land animals, plants of all sorts, to the end that the new-born might have the benefit of nourishment not foreign but akin to them. ",
+                "[16] Furthermore, while He fashioned the plants head downwards, fixing their heads in the portions of the earth where the soil lay deepest, He raised from the earth the heads of the animals that are without reason and set them on the top of a long neck, placing the fore feet as a support for the neck. ",
+                "[17] But the build allotted to man was distinguished above that of other living creatures. For by turning the eyes of the others downwards He made them incline to the earth beneath them. The eyes of man, on the contrary, He set high up, that he might gaze on heaven, for man, as the old saying is, is a plant not earthly but heavenly."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[18] Now while others, by asserting that our human mind is a particle of the ethereal substance, have claimed for man a kinship with the upper air; our great Moses likened the fashion of the reasonable soul to no created thing, but averred it to be a genuine coinage of that dread Spirit, the Divine and Invisible One, signed and impressed by the seal of God, the stamp of which is the Eternal Word. ",
+                "[19] His words are “God in-breathed into his face a breath of Life” (Gen. 2:7); so that it cannot but be that he that receives is made in the likeness of Him Who sends forth the breath. Accordingly we also read that man has been made after the Image of God (Gen. 1:27), not however after the image of anything created. ",
+                "[20] It followed then, as a natural consequence of man’s soul having been made after the image of the Archetype, the Word of the First Cause, that his body also was made erect, and could lift up its eyes to heaven, the purest portion of our universe, that by means of that which he could see man might clearly apprehend that which he could not see. ",
+                "[21] Since, then, it was impossible for any to discern how the understanding tends towards the Existent One, save those only who had been drawn by Him—for each one of us knows what he has himself experienced as no other can know it—He endows the bodily eyes with the power of taking the direction of the upper air, and so makes them a distinct representation of the invisible eye. ",
+                "[22] For, seeing that the eyes formed out of perishable matter obtained so great reach as to travel from the earthly region to heaven, that is so far away, and to touch its bounds, how vast must we deem the flight in all directions of the eyes of the soul? The strong yearning to perceive the Existent One gives them wings to attain not only to the furthest region of the upper air, but to overpass the very bounds of the entire universe and speed away toward the Uncreate."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] This is why those who crave for wisdom and knowledge with insatiable persistence are said in the Sacred Oracles to have been called upwards; for it accords with God’s ways that those who have received His down-breathing should be called up to Him. ",
+                "[24] For when trees are whirled up, roots and all, into the air by hurricanes and tornadoes, and heavily laden ships of large tonnage are snatched up out of mid-ocean, as though objects of very little weight, and lakes and rivers are borne aloft, and earth’s hollows are left empty by the water as it is drawn up by a tangle of violently eddying winds, it is strange if a light substance like the mind is not rendered buoyant and raised to the utmost height by the native force of the Divine spirit, overcoming as it does in its boundless might all powers that are here below. Above all is it strange if this is not so with the mind of the genuine philosopher. ",
+                "[25] Such an one suffers from no weight of downward pressure towards the objects dear to the body and to earth. From these he has ever made an earnest effort to sever and estrange himself. So he is borne upward insatiably enamoured of all holy happy natures that dwell on high. ",
+                "[26] Accordingly Moses, the keeper and guardian of the mysteries of the Existent One, will be one called above; for it is said in the Book of Leviticus, “He called Moses up above” (Lev. 1:1). One called up above will Bezeleel also be, held worthy of a place in the second rank. For him also does God call up above for the construction and overseeing of the sacred works (Exod. 31:2 ff.). ",
+                "[27] But while Bezeleel shall carry off the lower honours conferred by the call above, Moses the all-wise shall bear away the primary honours. For the former fashions the shadows, just as painters do, to whom Heaven has not granted power to create aught that has life. “Bezeleel,” we must remember, means “making in shadows.” Moses on the other hand obtained the office of producing not shadows but the actual archetype of the several objects. Nor need we wonder at such distinctions. It is the wont of the Supreme Cause to exhibit the objects proper to each, to some in a clearer, more radiant vision, as though in unclouded sunshine, to others more dimly, as though in the shade."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] As we have now brought to a close our discussion of those objects on a larger scale which are set to grow in the field of the universe, let us note the way in which God the all-wise fashioned the trees that are in man, the microcosm. To begin with, then, He took our body, as though He were taking some deep-soiled plot of ground and made the organs of sense as tree-beds for it. ",
+                "[29] Having done this He set a sense in each of them, as a plant highly valuable for cultivation, hearing in the ear, sight in the eyes, in the nostrils scent, and the rest in their appropriate and congenial positions. I may cite as a witness to what I say the sacred poet, where he says “He that planteth the ear, doth He not hear? He that fashioneth the eyes, shall He not behold?” (Psalm 94:9). ",
+                "[30] And all the other faculties of the body including legs and hands and every part, whether inner or outer, are nothing else than noble shoots and growths. ",
+                "[31] The better and more perfect growths He planted in the dominant faculty, which holds the central position, and possesses in a pre-eminent degree the capacity for yielding fruit. These growths are insight, apprehension, accurate judgement, constant practice, powers of memory, varying conditions, chronic dispositions, scientific capacity taking many forms and directions, certainty of knowledge, ability to take in and retain the principles and implications of virtue in every shape. Not one of these is any mortal man whatever capable of growing. The One Grower of them all is the Uncreate Artificer, Who not only has made these plants once for all, but is ever making them in the case of each man who is from time to time begotten."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] In agreement with what I have said is the planting of the garden; for we read, “God planted a garden in Eden facing the sun-rising, and placed there the man whom He had moulded” (Gen. 2:8). To imagine that he planted vines and olive and apple and pomegranate trees or the like, would be serious folly, ",
+                "[33] difficult to eradicate. One would naturally ask What for? To provide Himself with convenient places to live in? Would the whole world be considered a sufficient dwelling for God the Lord of all? Would it not evidently fall short in countless other ways of being deemed meet to receive the Great King? To say nothing of the irreverence of supposing that the Cause of all things is contained in that which He has caused, and to say nothing of the fact that the trees of His planting do not yield annual fruits as ours do. ",
+                "[34] For whose use and enjoyment, then, will the Garden yield its fruits? Not for that of any man; for no one whatever is mentioned as dwelling in the garden, for we are told that Adam, the man first moulded out of the earth, migrated thence. ",
+                "[35] As for God, <i>He</i> stands in no need of food any more than of aught else. For one who uses food must in the first place experience need, and in the next place be equipped with organs by means of which to take the food that comes in, and to discharge that from which he has drawn its goodness. These things are not in harmony with the blessedness and happiness of the First Cause. They are utterly monstrous inventions of men who would overthrow great virtues like piety and reverence by representing Him as having the form and passions of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] So we must turn to allegory, the method dear to men with their eyes opened. Indeed the sacred oracles most evidently afford us the clues for the use of this method. For they say that in the garden there are trees in no way resembling those with which we are familiar, but trees of Life, of Immortality, of Knowledge, of Apprehension, of Understanding, of the conception of good and evil. ",
+                "[37] And these can be no growths of earthly soil, but must be those of the reasonable soul, namely its path according to virtue with life and immortality as its end, and its path according to evil ending in the shunning of these and in death. We must conceive therefore that the bountiful God plants in the soul as it were a garden of virtues and of the modes of conduct corresponding to each of them, a garden that brings the soul to perfect happiness.",
+                "[38] Because of this He assigned to the garden a site most suitable, bearing the name of “Eden,” which means “luxuriance,” symbol of a soul whose eyesight is perfect, disporting itself in virtues, leaping and skipping by reason of abundance of great joy, having set before it, as an enjoyment outweighing thousands of those that men deem sweetest, the worship and service of the Only Wise. ",
+                "[39] One, after taking a sheer draught of this bright joy, a member indeed of Moses’ fellowship, not found among the indifferent, spake aloud in hymns of praise, and addressing his own mind cried, “Delight in the Lord” (Psalm 36:4), moved by the utterance to an ecstasy of the love that is heavenly and Divine, filled with loathing for those interminable bouts of softness and debauchery amid the seeming and so-called good things of mankind, while his whole mind is snatched up in holy frenzy by a Divine possession, and he finds his gladness in God alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] A proof of what I have said is the nearness of the garden to the sunrising (Gen. 2:8); for, while folly is a thing sinking, dark, night-bringing, wisdom is verily a thing of sunrise, all radiancy and brightness. And even as the sun, when it comes up, fills all the circle of heaven with light, even so do the rays of virtue, when they have shone out, cause the whole region of the understanding to be flooded with pure brilliancy.",
+                "[41] Now, whereas man’s possessions have animals of great ferocity to watch and guard them against being attacked and overrun, the possessions of God are guarded by rational beings: for it says, “He stationed there the man whom He had fashioned,” that is to say, the trainings in and exercises of the virtues belong to rational beings only. ",
+                "[42] This they received at the hands of God, as a pre-eminent privilege above the lives of the irrational creatures. And that is why it is stated in the most vivid manner possible that He set the mind, which is the real man in us, amid holiest shoots and growths of noble character, since among beings void of understanding there is not one capable of tilling virtues, for they are by nature utterly incompetent to apprehend these."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] We need, then, be at no loss to know why there are brought in into the ark, which was built at the time of the great Flood, all the kinds of wild beasts, but into the Garden no kind at all. For the ark was a figure of the body, which has been obliged to make room for the savage and untamed pests of passions and vices, whereas the garden was a figure of the virtues; and virtues entertain nothing wild, nothing (we may say outright)that is irrational.",
+                "[44] It is with deliberate care that the lawgiver says not of the man made after God’s image, but of the man fashioned out of earth, that he was introduced into the garden. For the man stamped with the spirit which is after the image of God differs not a whit, as it appears to me, from the tree that bears the fruit of immortal life: for both are imperishable and have been accounted worthy of the most central and most princely portion: for we are told that the tree of Life is in the midst of the Garden (Gen. 2:9). Nor is there any difference between the man fashioned out of the earth and the earthly composite body. He has no part in a nature simple and uncompounded, whose house and courts only the self-trainer knows how to occupy, even Jacob who is put before us as “a plain man dwelling in a house” (Gen. 25:27). The earthy man has a disposition of versatile subtlety, fashioned and concocted of elements of all sorts. ",
+                "[45] It was to be expected, then, that God should plant and set in the garden, or the whole universe, the middle or neutral mind, played upon by forces drawing it in opposite directions and given the high calling to decide between them, that it might be moved to choose and to shun, to win fame and immortality should it welcome the better, and incur a dishonourable death should it choose the worse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[46] Such, then, were the trees which He Who alone is wise planted in rational souls. Moses, lamenting over those who had become exiles from the garden of the virtues, implores alike God’s absolute sovereignty and His gracious and gentle powers, that the people endowed with sight may be planted in on the spot whence the earthly mind, called Adam, has been banished. ",
+                "[47] This is what he says: “Bring them in, plant them in the mountain of Thine inheritance, in the place, O Lord, which is ready, which Thou wroughtest for Thee to dwell in, the sanctuary, O Lord, which Thy hands have made ready: the Lord is sovereign for ever and ever” (Exod. 15:17 f.). ",
+                "[48] So Moses, beyond all others, had most accurately learned that God, by setting the seeds and roots of all things, is the Cause of the greatest of all plants springing up, even this universe. It is at this evidently that he points in the present instance by the words of the Song itself just quoted, by calling the world “the mountain of Thine inheritance,” since that which has been brought into being is, in a peculiar degree, the possession and portion of him who has made it. ",
+                "[49] So he prays that in this we may be planted. He would not have us become irrational and unruly in our natures. Nay, he would have us comply with the ordering of the All-perfect, and faithfully copying His constant and undeviating course, pursue without stumbling a life of self-mastery: for to attain the power to live as nature bids has been pronounced by the men of old supreme happiness.",
+                "[50] And mark how well the epithets that follow harmonize with that which was put first. The world, we read, is God’s house in the realm of sense-perception, prepared and ready for Him. It is a thing wrought, not, as some have fancied, uncreate. It is a “sanctuary,” an outshining of sanctity, so to speak, a copy of the original; since the objects that are beautiful to the eye of sense are images of those in which the understanding recognizes beauty. Lastly, it has been prepared by the “hands” of God, his world-creating powers. ",
+                "[51] And to the end that none may suppose that the Maker is in need of those whom He has made, Moses will crown his utterance with the point that is vital beyond all others: “reigning for ever and ever.” It is an established principle that a sovereign is dependent on no one, while subjects are in all respects dependent on the sovereign. ",
+                "[52] Some have maintained that that which is God’s portion, and is spoken of here as such, is that which is good, and that Moses’ prayer in this instance is for the obtaining of the experience and enjoyment thereof. For his prayer runs thus: “Initiate us, the children just beginning to learn, by means of the pronouncements and principles of wisdom, and leave us not ungrounded, but plant us in a high and heavenly doctrine.” ",
+                "[53] For this is a “portion” best prepared, a “house” most ready, an abode most fitting, which “Thou hast wrought as a Holy Place”; for of things good and holy, O Master, Thou art Maker, as from the corruptible creation come things evil and profane. Reign through the age that has no limit over the soul that implores Thee, never leaving it for one moment without a sovereign Ruler: for never-ceasing slavery under Thee surpasses not freedom only but the highest sovereignty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] It is possible that the words “Into the mountain of Thine inheritance” may suggest to many an inquiry as to how to account for them: for that God <i>gives</i> portions is a necessary truth, but it may appear a contradiction that He should <i>obtain</i> a portion, since all things belong to Him. ",
+                "[55] This expression would seem to apply to those who are on a special footing of more intimate relationship with Him as their Master. So kings are rulers of all their subjects, but in an eminent degree of their household servants, of whose ministry they are accustomed to avail themselves for the care of their persons and their other requirements.",
+                "[56] Again these same rulers, though they are masters of all properties throughout the land, including those over which private citizens have apparent control, are reckoned to have those only which they place in the hands of bailiffs and agents, from which also they collect the yearly income. To these they frequently resort for holiday and enjoyment, laying aside the serious burden of the anxieties incident to government and sovereignty, and these estates of theirs go by the name of royal demesnes. ",
+                "[57] Again, silver and gold, and other precious things which are kept in the treasuries of subjects, belong to the rulers rather than to those who have them. But in spite of this we speak of sovereigns’ private coffers in which the appointed collectors of dues deposit the revenues from the country. ",
+                "[58] Marvel not at all, then, if the title of special portion of God the universal Ruler, to whom sovereignty over all pertains, is bestowed upon the company of wise souls, whose vision is supremely keen, the eye of whose understanding is clear and flawless, closing never, ever open in a gaze direct and piercing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] Is not this the explanation of that utterance in the Greater Song: “Ask thy father, and he will proclaim it to thee, thy elders, and they will tell it thee; when the Most High distributed the nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam, He set up boundaries of the nations corresponding to the number of the angels of God, and His people Israel became the portion of the Lord” (Deut. 32:7–9)? ",
+                "[60] Mark how he has again given the name of “portion” and “lot” of God to the character that has eyes to see Him and accords Him genuine devotion, while he says that the children of earth, whom he entitles sons of Adam, have been dispersed and broken up and no more gathered together but are become a mob incapable of following the guidance of right reason. For virtue is in very deed the cause of harmony and unity, whereas the contrary disposition brings about dissolution and dismemberment.",
+                "[61] An illustration of what has been said is afforded by that which is done year by year on the day called the “Day of Atonement.” It is enjoined on that day “to assign by lot two goats, one for the Lord, and one for separation (Lev. 16:8), a twofold description, one for God and one for created things. That which exalts the First Cause shall be allotted to Him, while that which exalts creation shall be banished, driven from the most holy places, to find itself amid rocky chasms in trackless and unhallowed regions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] So fully does Moses take advantage of the prerogative of one beloved of God, that, inspired with confidence by this very fact, he is wont to use language and utter teachings larger and more daring than suit the ears of us feebler folk. For not only does he think it in accordance with God’s dignity to obtain a portion, but, what is strangest of all, Himself to be the portion of others. ",
+                "[63] For he deemed it meet and right that a whole tribe, which had taken refuge at God’s footstool, should be allotted no part of the country, like the other eleven tribes, but should receive the pre-eminent privilege of the priesthood, a possession not earthly but heavenly. “The tribe of Levi,” he says, “shall have no lot or portion among the children of Israel, for the Lord is their portion” (Deut. 10:9); and there is an utterance rung out on this wise by the holy oracles in the name of God, “I am thy portion and inheritance” (Numb. 18:20): ",
+                "[64] for in reality the mind, which has been perfectly cleansed and purified, and which renounces all things pertaining to creation, is acquainted with One alone, and knows but One, even the Uncreate, to Whom it has drawn nigh, by Whom also it has been taken to Himself. For who is at liberty to say “God Himself is alone (and all) to me,” save one who has no welcome for aught that comes after Him? And this is the Levite attitude of mind, for the word means “He (is precious) to me,” the thought conveyed being that while different things have been held precious by different people, he is alone in holding precious the original and worthiest Cause of all things."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] They say that in olden time one who was enraptured by the beauty of wisdom, as by that of some distinguished lady, after watching the array of a procession pass by on which vast sums had been lavished, fastened his eyes on a group of his associates and said, “See, my friends, of how many things I have no need.” And yet he was wearing absolutely nothing beyond necessary clothing, so that he cannot be supposed to have been puffed up by his great riches, as countless thousands have been, and to have uttered the words as a boast. ",
+                "[66] This is the mind which, as the lawgiver insists, should be that of those who provide themselves with no property that has its place among things created, but renounce all these on the ground of that intimate association with the Uncreate, to possess Whom, they are convinced, is the only wealth, the only gauge of consummate happiness.",
+                "[67] In face of this let those cease their proud boastings who have acquired royal and imperial sway, some by bringing under their authority a single city or country or nation, some by having, over and above these, made themselves masters of all earth’s regions to its fullest bounds, all nations, Greek and barbarian alike, all rivers, and seas unlimited in number and extent. ",
+                "[68] For even had they, besides controlling these, extended their empire, an idea which it were impious to utter, to the realm of the upper air, alone of all things made by the Creator to enjoy a freedom untouched by bondage—even then, they would be reckoned ordinary citizens when compared with great kings who received God as their portion; for the kingship of these as far surpasses theirs as he that has gained possession is better than the possession, and he that has made than that which he has made."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] Some, paying regard to outward want and outward superfluity, and reckoning no one rich if found among those without money or possessions, have looked on the assertion that all things belong to the wise man as a paradox. But Moses considers wisdom an object of such admiration and emulation, that he thinks its worthy portion to be not merely the whole world, but the very Lord of all. ",
+                "[70] These are not, we must remember, opinions held by men who halt between two opinions, but by men possessed by stedfast faith; for even now there are in the ranks of those who wear a semblance of piety, men who in a petty spirit find fault with the literal sense of the word, urging that it is irreligious and dangerous to speak of God as the portion of man.",
+                "[71] What I would say to them is this: “The frame of mind in which you approached the consideration of the subject was not a genuine one, but spurious and illegitimate. You imagined that there is no difference between the way in which God is said to be the portion of the wise, and the way in which plantations of vines or olive trees or the like are said to be the possessions of their owners. You failed to notice that portrait-painting is spoken of as a lot or portion for portrait-painters, and generally any such pursuit for him who pursues it, not as an earthly possession to be owned, but as a heavenly prize to be striven for. ",
+                "[72] For things such as these bring benefit to those who have them, without being under them as masters. Pray, then, you petty fault-finders, when you hear the Existent One spoken of as Portion, do not take it to mean a possession similar to those which have been mentioned, but to mean One bringing vast benefits and the Cause of exceeding great good to those who regard His service as their fit employment.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[73] Having said, then, what was called for about the first Planter and that which He planted, we will pass on next to the industry of those who have learnt from the former and copied the latter. We come at once to the record of Abraham the wise “planting a hide of land at the well of the oath, and invoking upon it the Name of the Lord as God eternal” (Gen. 21:33). No particulars are given as to the kind of plants meant, but simply the size of the plot of ground. ",
+                "[74] Yet those whose habit it is to look closely into such matters assure us that we have all the points of an estate laid down with extraordinary precision, the tree, the ground, and the fruit of the tree; the hide itself being the tree; not a tree like those which spring up from the earth, but one planted in the understanding of him that is beloved of God; the well of the oath, the plot of ground; and the change of the Name of the Lord into “God eternal,” the Fruit. ",
+                "[75] Each of these points requires further treatment in the shape of such a reasoned account of them as may commend itself. Well, the hide, being 100 cubits long and as many broad, comes, by the rule of square measure, to 10,000 superficial cubits. ",
+                "[76] This is the highest completest term in the series which increases from unity: that is to say, while 1 is the starting-point of numbers, a myriad or 10,000 is the end, if we adhere to the line of progress on which we set out. Accordingly that comparison is not wide of the mark which some have made between 1 and the post from which runners start, and 10,000 and the post at which they finish, all the intervening numbers being like the competitors in the race; for beginning their course from 1 as from a starting-post they come to a stop at 10,000 as the finish.",
+                "[77] Some have found symbols in these things and have gone on with their help to proclaim God as the beginning and final goal of all things, a teaching on which religion can be built; this teaching, when planted in the soul, produces piety, a fruit most fair and full of nourishment.",
+                "[78] The well, entitled Oath, in which, as history says, no water was found, is a place most appropriate to that which grew there. What we read is this: “The servants of Isaac came and brought word to him concerning the well which they had dug, saying ‘We found no water,’ and he called it ‘Oath’ ” (Gen. 26:32 f.). Let us observe the force of these words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Those who thoroughly investigate the nature of existing things, and prosecute their inquires into each one of them in no indifferent spirit, act as those do who dig wells; for the investigators, like the well-diggers, are in search of hidden springs. And all have in common a desire to find water, but in the one case it is water naturally adapted to the nourishment of the body, in the other to the nourishment of the soul. ",
+                "[80] Now just as some of those who open up wells often fail to find the water of which they are in search, so those, who make more than ordinary progress in various kinds of knowledge, and go deeper into them than most of us, are often powerless to reach the end they aim at. It is said that men of great learning accuse themselves of terrible ignorance, for all that they have come to perceive is how far they fall short of the truth. There is a story that one of the men of the olden days, when people marvelled at his wisdom, said that he was rightly marvelled at; for that he was the only man who knew that he knew nothing.",
+                "[81] Choose, if you will, whatever science or art you may be minded to choose, be it a small one or a greater one, and the man who is best and most approved in this art or science. Then notice carefully whether the professions of the science are made good by what its votary does. If you look you will find that the one fails of the other not by short but by long distances. For it is practically impossible to attain perfection in respect of any science or art whatever, seeing that it is being continually replenished, as a spring is, and ever welling up results of thought and study of many a kind.",
+                "[82] That is why the name of “Oath” given to it was so perfectly suitable: for an oath represents that surest form of trustworthiness which carries with it the testimony of God. For as the man who swears calls God as a witness of the points in dispute, there is no point on which it is more possible to take a sure oath than upon the fact that no subject of knowledge whatever is found to have reached the goal of perfection in the person of him who is an expert in it. ",
+                "[83] The same principle holds good for almost all the other faculties which we possess. For, just as in the well that we read of we are told that no water was found, so neither is sight found in eyes, nor hearing in ears, nor smelling in nostrils, nor, to say all at once, is sense-perception found in organs of sense; and apprehension in like manner is not found in mind either. ",
+                "[84] For how would it ever happen that we should see or hear or conceive amiss, if the power to apprehend each object had been inherently fixed in the several organs, instead of the power to apprehend springing from the seed of certitude sown upon the organs by God?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] Now that we have adequately dealt with the further subject of the plot in which the tree blooms, let us work out as our last point that of the fruit. What its fruit is, then, Moses himself shall inform us: for ’tis said “he called upon it the Name of the Lord, as God eternal” (Gen. 21:33). ",
+                "[86] The titles, then, just mentioned exhibit the powers of Him that IS; the title “Lord” the power in virtue of which He rules, that of “God” the power in virtue of which He bestows benefits. This is why the name “God” is employed throughout all the record of Creation given by Moses, that most holy man. For it was fitting that the Creator should be spoken of by a title coming to Him through that power in virtue of which, when bringing the world into being, He set and ordered it. ",
+                "[87] In so far as He is Ruler, He has both powers, both to bestow benefits and to inflict evil, changing His dealing as the recompense due to the doer of every deed demands: but in so far as He is Benefactor, He wills only the one, to bestow benefits. ",
+                "[88] Very great good would come to the soul from ceasing to be of two minds in face of the King’s readiness to put forth His might in either direction, and if it would resolutely break down the fear that hangs over it owing to the dread force of His sovereignty, and kindle the flame of that most sure hope of winning and enjoying good things, which is afforded by the fact that to be bountiful is His choice and delight. ",
+                "[89] The title “God Eternal” is equivalent to “He that is, not sometimes gracious and sometimes not so, but continuously and always; He that without intermission bestows benefits; He that causes His gifts to follow each other in ceaseless flow; He who makes His boons come round in unbroken cycle, knitting them together by unifying forces; He who lets no opportunity of doing good go by; He who is Lord, and so is able to hurt also.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[90] This is what Jacob, the trainer of self, claimed as the fulfilment of those vows of most sacred import. He said, you remember, “And the Lord shall be to me for God” (Gen. 28:21), as much as to say, He shall no longer exhibit towards me the masterfulness that characterizes the rule of an autocrat, but the readiness to bless that marks the power that is in every way kindly, and bent on the welfare of men. He shall do away with the fear we feel before Him as Master, and implant in the soul the loyalty and affection that goes out to Him as Benefactor.",
+                "[91] What soul, in fact, would imagine that the Master and Sovereign of the Universe, without undergoing any change in His own nature, but remaining as He is, is kind continuously and bountiful incessantly, supreme Author of real good things coming without stint in ceaseless flow to happy souls? ",
+                "[92] It is a strong bulwark of cheerfulness of spirit and freedom from danger to have reposed our confidence in a King who is not urged by the greatness of His dominion to inflict injuries on His subjects, but whose love for man makes it His delight to supply what is lacking to each one."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[93] We may take it, then, that the points which we undertook to prove have now been demonstrated. That God be presupposed as Beginning and End of all things has been shewn to be the plant: as a corollary to this, that perfection is found in no part of creation, though by special grace of the First Cause it is ever and anon displayed upon its face, has been shewn to be the plot of ground; while the perpetuity and unceasing downpour of the gifts of God’s grace has been shewn to be the fruit.",
+                "[94] Of such sort, then, is husbandry as exhibited by the sage also, treading in the steps of the first and greatest Planter. But the intention of the inspired Word is that we too who are not yet perfected, but are still classified as in the preliminary and undeveloped stages of what are called natural duties, should make husbandry our serious business: for It says: ",
+                "[95] “When ye shall have entered into the land, which the Lord your God giveth you, and shall have planted any tree for food, ye shall cleanse away its uncleanness: for three years its fruit shall remain not cleansed away, it shall not be eaten: but in the fourth year all its fruit shall be holy for a thank-offering to the Lord: but in the fifth year ye shall eat the fruit; its crop shall be added to your store. I am the Lord, your God” (Lev. 19:23–25).",
+                "[96] Accordingly it is impossible to grow fruit-trees before migrating into the country given by God; for the words are, “When ye shall have entered into the land, ye shall plant every tree yielding food,” so that while staying outside we shall be unable to cultivate such trees. And this is what we might expect; ",
+                "[97] for, so long as the mind has not come near and entered the way of wisdom, but turns in another direction and wanders away far off, its attention is given to trees of wild growth, which are either barren and yield nothing, or, though they are productive, bear no edible fruit. ",
+                "[98] But when the mind has stepped on to the way of good sense, and in the company of all its teachings comes into and runs along that way, it will begin instead of those wild trees to cultivate trees of the orchard bearing orchard fruits, instead of passions freedom from them, knowledge in place of ignorance, good things in the place of evil things.",
+                "[99] Since, then, the pupil just beginning his course is a long way from the end, we can quite understand why he is directed after planting to remove the uncleanness of that which he has planted. Let us get a good view of what it is to do this."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Natural duties which are indifferent seem to me to correspond to garden or orchard trees: for in each case most wholesome fruits are borne, for bodies in one case, for souls in the other. But many harmful shoots that spring together with the trees of the preliminary stage and many harmful growths that come on them have to be cut away, to save the better parts from being injured. ",
+                "[101] Might we not speak of the returning of a sum entrusted to us as a tree grown in the soul’s orchard? Yet this tree at all events requires cleansing and more than usual attention. What is the cleansing in this case? When you have received something in trust from a man when he was sober, you should not return it to him when he is drunk, or when playing fast and loose with his money, or when mad, for the recipient will not be in a fit condition to derive any real benefit from recovering it. And do not return it to debtors or slaves, when the creditors and masters are lying in wait for them. To do so is betrayal, not payment of a due. And do not be strict about a small sum entrusted to you, with a view to ensnaring people into trusting you with larger sums. ",
+                "[102] It is true that fishermen drop small baits with a view to hooking the bigger fish, and are not seriously to blame. They can plead that they are providing for a good market, and to secure people an abundant supply for the table every day. ",
+                "[103] Then let no one parade the payment of a trifling sum entrusted to him by way of a bait to get a larger deposit. To do so is to hold out in one’s hands an insignificant amount belonging to one person, while in intention one is appropriating untold sums belonging to all men. If, then, you treat the deposit as a tree and remove its impurities, to wit payments entailing injurious treatment to the recipient, ill-timed payments, payments that are really ensnaring tricks, and everything of this kind, you will make fit for your orchard what was turning wild."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] In the tree of friendship there are outgrowths, such as I shall describe, to be pruned and cut off for the sake of preserving the better part. Such outgrowths are practices of courtesans for taking in their lovers, ways parasites have of deceiving their dupes. ",
+                "[105] You may see women, who earn money by the prostitution of their bodily charms, clinging to those enamoured of them as though they intensely loved them. It is not these that they love; they love themselves and are greedy for their daily takings. You may note flatterers cherishing often enough hatred that words cannot express for those upon whom they fawn, in love with rich dishes and overeating, and induced by nothing else than these to court those who glut their measureless greed. ",
+                "[106] The tree of genuine friendship will shake off and be quit of these things, and will bear fruit most beneficial to those who shall eat of it, namely honesty. For real goodwill is a desire that good should befall your neighbour for his own sake, whereas it is to further objects of their own that harlots and toadies take such pains to offer the things that will please, the former in their designs upon their lovers, the latter upon their patrons. So we must treat everything that smacks of sham and quackery as we treat hurtful ongrowths, and cut it away from the tree of friendship."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Again, sacred ministrations and the holy service of sacrifices is a plant most fair, but it has a parasitic growth that is evil, namely superstition, and it is well to apply the knife to this before its green leaves appear. For some have imagined that it is piety to slaughter oxen, and allot to the altars portions of what they have got by stealing, or by repudiating debts, or by defrauding creditors, or by seizing property and cattle-lifting, thinking, in their gross defilement, that impunity for their offences is a thing that can be bought. ",
+                "[108] “Nay, nay,” I would say to them, “no bribes, O foolish ones, can reach God’s tribunal.” He turns His face away from those who approach with guilty intent, even though they lead to His altar a hundred bullocks every day, and accepts the guiltless, although they sacrifice nothing at all. God delights in altars beset by a choir of Virtues, albeit no fire burn on them. He takes no delight in blazing altar fires fed by the unhallowed sacrifices of men to whose hearts sacrifice is unknown. Nay, these sacrifices do but put Him in remembrance of the ignorance and offences of the several offerers; for Moses, as we know, speaks of sacrifice “bringing sin to remembrance” (Num. 5:15). ",
+                "[109] All such defilements entail great loss. We must clear the way and cut them off in obedience to the oracle, in which a command is given to clear away the uncleanness of the fruit-trees that have been planted."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] But, while we, even under teachers, fail to make progress and become apt pupils, some, taking advantage of a nature which is its own teacher, have released the good in them from the hurtful growths which had fastened upon it. It was so with the trainer of self, whose name was Jacob, for he “peeled rods, stripping off the green bark, and causing them to shew white where they were peeled” (Gen. 30:37). His aim was to do away entirely with the variety and changeableness of hue, which is associated with the misty darkness and gloom of the undeveloped stages; and to bring into full view the whiteness, which is due to no artificial variegation, but is akin to Nature, to which it owes its birth. ",
+                "[111] It is in accordance with this that in the law laid down regarding leprosy it is enjoined that the leper is clean whose body is no longer particoloured, shewing a variety of hues, but has turned white all over from head to foot (Lev. 13:12 f.). The aim of this ordinance is that, by way of leaving behind us bodily concerns, we may abandon the condition of mind which is changeful and vacillating, ready to put its hand to any project and to face both ways, and may take the plain hue of truth with its freedom from changefulness and indecision.",
+                "[112] The statement that the trees undergo a cleansing is quite reasonable and accords with facts; the statement that the fruit does so is by no means made good by what we see before our eyes; for no gardener cleanses figs or grapes or any fruit at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] And yet it says, “The fruit shall remain uncleansed for three years; it shall not be eaten,” as though it were the custom to cleanse it regularly as a matter of course. Let me say, then, that this again is one of the points to be interpreted allegorically, the literal interpretation being quite out of keeping with facts. The sentence can be taken in two ways. Read in one way, it means something of this kind, “Its fruit shall be for three years”; then, as an independent sentence, “it shall not be eaten uncleansed.” Read in another way, “Its fruit shall be uncleansed for three years,” and then the words “it shall not be eaten.” ",
+                "[114] Led by the sense yielded by the former punctuation, we arrive at this result. We take the three years to represent time in its natural threefold division into past, present, and future. The fruit of instruction—so we understand the words—shall be, subsist, remain free from interference, through all the divisions of time. This is equivalent to saying that throughout eternity it is exempt from corruption; for the nature of good is incorruptible. “But uncleansed fruit shall not be eaten.” This is due to the fact that right teaching, having submitted to a cleansing which makes it wholesome, nourishes the soul and makes the mind grow; while teaching of a contrary sort is devoid of nourishment, and lets loose upon the soul corruption and disease. An illustration will help us to see the senses which the other arrangement of the words may convey. ",
+                "[115] An argument is called “indemonstrable,” either when it has such inherent difficulties that it is hardly capable of demonstration, or when its force is recognized at once by its mere statement, when it relies for its certainty not on any proof drawn from elsewhere, but from its self-evident character; the kind of argument which Logic usually employs in formal syllogisms. Just so can the word “without cleansing” be used either of fruit that needs cleansing and has not received it, or of fruit that is perfectly bright and brilliant. ",
+                "[116] Such is the fruit of education “through three years,” that is through past, present, and future, that is all eternity, wholly pure and bright, bedimmed by no hurtful thing, utterly exempt from need of washings or lustrations or anything else whatever whose purpose is to cleanse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] “And in the fourth year,” it says, “all its fruit shall be holy, for giving praise unto the lord” (Lev. 19:24). In many parts of the Lawgiving, but above all in the record of the creation of the universe, we see the prophetic word glorifying the number 4. For (Gen. 1:14) it ascribes to the fourth day the making of those things on which depends the soul’s chiefest good; ",
+                "[118] the precious light of the senses, which gives us most sure knowledge of itself and all other objects; light’s parents, the sun and moon and that most holy choir of the stars; these by their risings and settings determined the bounds of months and years, and revealed number’s place in nature. ",
+                "[119] And in the passage before us it has accorded highest honour to the number 4, by making the fruit of the trees an offering to God at no other time than in the fourth year from their planting. ",
+                "[120] The number indeed involves deep principles both of physics and ethics. For the roots of the universe, out of which the world grows, are four—earth, water, air, fire. Of the same number are the seasons, Winter and Summer, and those that come between, Spring and Autumn. ",
+                "[121] And, since it is the first of all numbers produced by squaring another number, it is in right angles that it presents itself to view, as is made evident by the geometrical figure. And right angles are clear pictures of rightness of reasoned thought, and right reason is an everflowing spring of virtue. ",
+                "[122] Again, the sides of the square are necessarily equal: and equality is the mother of justice, empress and queen of the virtues. Thus the word of prophecy shews that this number is the symbol of equality, and righteousness, and every virtue in a way that the other numbers are not.",
+                "[123] The number 4 is also called “all” or “totality” because it potentially embraces the numbers up to 10 and 10 itself. That it so embraces those which precede it is plain to everyone: and it is easy to see by further reckoning that it so embraces the numbers that come after it also."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Add together 1+2+3+4, and we shall find what we wanted. For out of 1+4 we shall get 5; out of 2+4 we shall get 6; 7 out of 3+4; and (by adding three instead of two numbers together) from 1+3+4 we get 8; and again from 2+3+4 we get the number 9; and from all taken together we get 10; for 1+2+3+4 produces 10. ",
+                "[125] This is why Moses said “In the fourth year <i>all</i> the fruit shall be holy.” For the number 4 is, in relation to other numbers, even and complete and full and, in a loose sense, universal, owing to the fact that 10, the offspring of 4, is fixed as first turning-point of the numbers from 1 onwards in a series. And 10 and 4 are said to be “all” or “totality” among numbers; 10 being so in realized actuality, and 4 potentially."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] Quite appropriately does Moses speak of the fruit of instruction as being not only “holy” but “for praise”; for each of the virtues is a holy matter, but thanksgiving is pre-eminently so. But it is not possible genuinely to express our gratitude to God by means of buildings and oblations and sacrifices, as is the custom of most people, for even the whole world were not a temple adequate to yield the honour due to Him. Nay, it must be expressed by means of hymns of praise, and these not such as the audible voice shall sing, but strains raised and re-echoed by the mind too pure for eye to discern. ",
+                "[127] Indeed there is an old story on men’s lips, the invention of wise men, and handed down by memory to succeeding generations of posterity, which has not escaped my ears which are for ever greedy for teaching. It is to this effect. When, they say, the Creator had finished the whole world, He inquired of one of His subordinates whether he missed as having failed to be created aught of created things beneath the earth or beneath the water, aught found in air’s high realm or heaven’s, furthest of all realms that are. ",
+                "[128] He, it is said, made answer that all were perfect and complete in all their parts, and that he was looking for one thing only, namely the word to sound their praises, which should make the surpassing excellence that marked even the most minute and inconspicuous among them the subject of announcement rather than of praise, seeing that the mere recounting of the works of God was in itself their all-sufficient praise, for they needed the embellishment of no extraneous additions, but possessed in the reality that could not lie their most perfect encomium. ",
+                "[129] The story runs that the Author of the universe on hearing this commended what had been said, and that it was not long before there appeared the new birth, the family of the Muses and hymnody, sprung from the womb of one of His powers, even virgin Memory, whose name most people slightly change and call her “Mnemosyne.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] So runs the myth of the men of old. We take the same line and say that the work most appropriate to God is conferring boons, that most fitting to creation giving thanks, seeing that it has no power to render in return anything beyond this; for, whatever else it may have thought of giving in requital, this it will find to be the property of the Maker of all things, and not of the being that brings it. ",
+                "[131] Having learned, then, that, in all that has to do with shewing honour to God, one work only is incumbent upon us, namely thanksgiving, let us always and everywhere make this our study, using voice and skilful pen. Let us never tire of composing eulogies in prose and poetry, to the end that, whether with or without musical accompaniment whichever of its appointed functions the voice may exercise, be it eloquent speech or song, high honour may be given both to the world and to the Creator of the world; the former, as one has said, the most perfect of things produced, the latter the best of producers."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] When, therefore, in the fourth year and in the number 4 all the soul’s fruit shall have been consecrated, in the fifth year and in the number 5 we ourselves shall get the enjoyment and use of it; for he says, “in the fifth year ye shall eat the fruit.” This accords with nature’s incontrovertible law, that the place of creation is in all things lower than that of the Creator. That is why Moses treats it as a marvel that we should be recipients even of secondary privileges.",
+                "[133] Again, the reason why he ascribes to us the fruit of the fifth year and number is that 5 is the number proper to sense-perception, and that, if we are to face facts, we must own that it is sense-perception that supplies food to our mind. By means of the eyes, it serves up to it the varying qualities of colours and forms; through the ears, the peculiarities of sounds in all their diversity; scents by way of the nostrils; savours by the palate; smoothness and roughness, yielding softness and resistent hardness, nay coldness and heat as well, by means of the faculty distributed over all the body, which we are in the habit of calling “touch.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] A very clear illustration of what has been said is found in the sons of Leah, who is Virtue; not indeed in all of them, but in the fourth and fifth. For, after recording the birth of the fourth, Moses says that “she ceased from bearing” (Gen. 30:35), and his name is “Judah,” which signifies “confession of praise to the Lord.” The fifth she calls “Issachar,” a name which interpreted means “reward.” And the soul, upon giving birth to this character, at once gave utterance to her experience; for it says, “She called his name Issachar, which is ‘reward’ ” (Gen. 30:18).",
+                "[135] It follows that Judah, the mind that blesses God, and is ceaselessly engaged in conning hymns of thanksgiving to Him, was himself the fruit that is really “holy and for praise to God,” fruit borne not by earth’s trees but by those of a rational and virtuous nature. Accordingly the nature which gave birth to him is said to have “ceased from bearing,” because she had no longer any way to turn, having reached the utmost bound of perfectness; for of all successful accomplishments ever brought to the birth the best and most perfect is the hymn of praise to the Father of the universe.",
+                "[136] The fifth son is identical with the using in the fifth year of the trees that had been planted; for, on the one hand, the husbandman does receive a sort of pay or reward from the trees in the fifth year, and, on the other, the offspring of the soul was called Issachar, “pay” or “reward.” He was very naturally so called, having been born next after Judah the thanksgiver; for the thanksgiver finds in thanksgiving itself an all-sufficient reward.",
+                "[137] Now, whereas fruits borne by trees are called products of the persons who own them, the fruit of instruction and good sense is not like these spoken of as being a man’s, but as belonging, as Moses says, to no other than the Ruler of all. For after the words, “His products,” he adds, “I am the Lord your God,” affording most clear proof that He to whom the product and the fruit of the soul pertains is One, even God. ",
+                "[138] In harmony with this is the oracle given in one of the prophets: “From Me is thy fruit found. Who is wise, and he shall understand these things? understanding, and he shall know them?” (Hosea 14:9 f.). For not everybody, but only the wise man knows, Whose is the fruit of intelligence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] We have discoursed to the best of our ability concerning the earliest and most sacred husbandry, plied by the First Cause in dealing with the world, that most fertile of plants; and concerning the husbandry that comes next in order, carried on by the man of worth; and concerning the number 4 which carries off the prizes conferred upon it by the injunctions and directions found in laws.",
+                "[140] Let us now turn our attention to the righteous Noah’s work on his vineyard, which is a special form of husbandry. The account runs: “Noah began to be a husbandman, a tiller of the soil: and he planted a vineyard and drank of the wine, and became drunk” (Gen. 9:20 f.). We see from these words that the righteous man tills the tree, that is the means of drunkenness, with skill and knowledge, while those who are devoid of good sense tend it in an unskilful and faulty way. ",
+                "[141] This renders it necessary for us to make some pertinent remarks regarding drunkenness; for, as we treat of it, we shall ascertain also the powers and properties of the tree which furnishes it with the material which produces it. The Lawgiver’s words regarding drunkenness we shall acquaint ourselves with another time: let us at present engage in a thorough investigation of the sentiments of other persons."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] Many philosophers have given no slight attention to the question; which is propounded in the form “Will the wise man get drunk?” Now, there are two ways of getting drunk; one is equivalent to drinking heavily, the other to being silly in your cups. ",
+                "[143] Among those who have tackled the problem some have maintained that the wise man will neither take strong drink in excess nor become silly and maudlin; the latter being a sin, and the former productive of sin, and both alike alien to him whose standard of conduct is the highest. ",
+                "[144] Others, while regarding a condition of silliness as foreign to a man of moral excellence, have pronounced heavy drinking to befit him, seeing that the good sense which resides in him is capable of holding its own against everything that attempts to injure him, and of baffling their efforts to change the constitution of his soul. They hold that good sense is an armour which has power to quench passions, whether fanned by the stinging blasts of inflaming love, or kindled by the heat of much wine; and that in virtue of his good sense he will come off victorious. They point out that, when people sink in a deep river or in the sea, those who cannot swim are drowned, while those who know how to swim escape at once; and that a quantity of strong drink is like a torrent washing over the soul; in one case, as it sinks, plunging it into the lowest depth of ignorance, in another case, as it is buoyed up and kept afloat by salutary instruction, altogether powerless to hurt it.",
+                "[145] The others, failing, as I think, to recognize the completeness of the wise man’s superiority to every passion, have brought him down to earth from heaven whose skies he haunts, treating him as fowlers treat the birds they catch, and being bent on bringing him into as evil a plight, and not setting him on virtue’s lofty summit, have declared that after taking an immoderate quantity of wine he will certainly lose self-control and commit sin, and not only, like vanquished athletes, let his hands fall from sheer weakness, but let his neck and head drop and his knees give way, and, collapsing in every part, sink to the ground."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Having learned this beforehand he will never think fit voluntarily to engage in a drinking-contest, unless the matters at issue are of great moment, a fatherland’s deliverance, respect for parents, children’s safety or that of the persons of those very near and dear, or, in a word, a putting on a right footing of private and public concerns. ",
+                "[147] No more would a wise man take a deadly poison, unless the crisis were such as absolutely to compel him to depart from life as though he were leaving his country. And strong drink <i>is</i> a poison bringing about not death indeed but madness. And yet why should we not call madness death, seeing that by it mind dies, the noblest part of us? Nay it appears to me that, were a choice offered, a man would be likely to choose without hesitation the death that separates and dissolves the union of soul and body, in preference to that of going out of one’s senses, feeling that he was choosing the lighter in place of the heavier. ",
+                "[148] It was for this reason that the earliest inhabitants of the world called the inventor of the culture of the vine Maenoles and the Bacchants whom its frenzy seized Maenads, since wine is the cause of madness and loss of sound sense in those who imbibe it over freely."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] Such then is what we may call the prelude to our inquiry. It is time for us to state in full the argument bearing upon it. That argument obviously admits of two contentions, one establishing the thesis that the wise man will get drunk, the other maintaining the contrary, that he will not get drunk. ",
+                "[150] It will be convenient to take first the proofs by which the former thesis is supported. We will begin by remarking that some things are homonymous and others synonymous. Everyone will allow that homonymy and synonymy are opposites, homonymy meaning one name applied to many objects, synonymy many names applied to one object.",
+                "[151] The word “dog” is certainly homonymous, several dissimilar objects being included under it, all of which it is used to signify. The barking animal on the land is a “dog”; so is the monster found in the sea; and the star in the heavens which the poets call the fruit star, because just when the summer fruit has reached its prime this star rises to bring it to perfection and to ripen it. The name “dog” is applied moreover to the man whose philosophy takes its colour from the Cynic school, Aristippus, Diogenes, and ever so many others who found it congenial to conform themselves to their principles.",
+                "[152] There are other names which are different though one thing is meant by them, as “arrow,” “shaft,” “dart”; for the thing discharged at the mark from the string of the bow is called by all these names. Again, the instrument which does as well as sails for propelling a vessel is called an “oar,” “scull,” “rowing-sweep.” For when, owing to a calm or head wind, a vessel cannot make use of sails, the men, whose business it is, take their seats at the oars, and stretching out from each side wing-like blades, force the vessel to be borne along as though it were flying. The vessel, lifted high out of the water, not so much cutting the waves as coursing over them, makes a quick run, and is soon safely moored in harbour.",
+                "[153] Once more “staff,” “walking-stick,” “rod” are different names by which we call one object, with which we can beat someone, on which we can firmly support ourselves, on which we can lean, and with which we can do several other things. I have given these examples, not just because my tongue runs on, but that we may get a clearer idea of the subject which we are investigating."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[154] The ancients called strong drink “wine” and an “intoxicant” indifferently: as we see from the frequency with which this last word occurs in poetry. If, then, “wine” and “intoxicant” are used as synonyms of one object, their derivatives “to be filled with wine” and “to be intoxicated” will differ only in word; ",
+                "[155] for either term denotes taking more wine than usual, a thing which several motives might induce a really excellent man to do. But if such an one will get filled with wine, he will get drunk, and be in no worse plight for being drunk, but in precisely the same state as he was brought to by being filled with wine.",
+                "[156] One proof of the wise man’s getting drunk has been mentioned; there is a second to the following effect. Broadly speaking, the men of the present day, apart from a small fraction of them, do not resemble those of former times in their aims and enthusiasms, but both in language and in action exhibit tendencies wholly out of harmony with theirs. ",
+                "[157] Language that was once healthy and robust they have turned into a jargon hopelessly depraved. For a style sound and full of vitality as an athlete’s frame they have substituted a sickly form of speech. A full and massive type, possessed, as someone has said, of a solidity due to its firmness of fibre, they debase into a bloated mis-growth of disease, to which they give a seeming loftiness and grandeur by empty puffing and blowing, which, in default of any confining power, bursts when distention has reached its limit. ",
+                "[158] Actions, meriting praise and calling out enthusiasm, and, if the expression may be permitted, masculine, they have rendered effeminate, and in performing them made them base instead of noble. The result is that whether on the side of action or of speech, there are very few indeed who take delight in the objects that kindled the ardour of the men of old.",
+                "[159] Consequently in their times poets and chroniclers flourished and all who engaged in literary work of other kinds, and they did not at once charm and enervate men’s ears by the rhythm of their language, but they revived any faculty of the mind that had broken down and lost its tone, and every true note of it they kept in tune with the instruments of nature and of virtue. But in our days it is chefs and confectioners that flourish, and experts in making dyes and concocting unguents. These are ever aiming at sacking the citadel of Mind, by bringing to bear upon the senses some novelty in shade of colour or shape of dress or perfume or savoury dish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[160] What has been my object in recalling these things? My object has been to make it clear that the modern way of taking strong drink is not the same as the ancient way. For nowadays men go on till body and soul are unstrung, drinking huge draughts without stopping, open-mouthed for more, and ordering the servants to replenish the cups they have just filled and shewing arrogance if they delay, because all such delay cools what they are pleased to call the “heat” of the carousal. They give an exhibition to their fellow-guests of that counterfeit parody of the athletic games, namely the tipsy contest. In this they practise on one another magnificent passes, gnawing off ears and noses and tops of fingers and any parts of the body that come handy.",
+                "[161] These are, apparently, the contests indulged in by the gladness of these later times, which flourishes to-day and is just reaching its full growth; but far other were those of the more lofty gladness of old. For our forefathers inaugurated every noble business with sacrifices duly offered, deeming that an auspicious result would by this means be ensured. However urgently the crisis might call for immediate action, they never failed to tarry to pray and offer sacrifices beforehand, deeming that what is rapid is not always superior to what is slow; for rapidity without forethought is hurtful, while slowness prompted by the prospect of a happy issue is beneficial.",
+                "[162] Knowing, then, that, like other things, the use and enjoyment of wine needs great care, they took strong drink neither in great quantity nor at all times, but in such order and season as was befitting. For after having first prayed and presented sacrifices and implored the favour of the Deity, when they had cleansed their bodies by ablutions and their souls by streams of holy ordinances and instructions in the right way, radiant and gladsome they turned to relaxation and enjoyment, in many cases not after returning home, but remaining in the temples in which they had sacrificed in order that both the recollection of their sacrifices and their reverence for the place might lead them to celebrate a festivity in actual truth most holy, sinning neither in word nor deed.",
+                "[163] You must know that it was from this, so it is said, that “getting drunk” got its name, because it was the custom of the men of earlier times to indulge in wine “after sacrificing.” Now with whom, I ask, would the mode of using strong drink just described be more in keeping than with wise men, with whose character the act which precedes the drunkenness, namely the act of sacrificing, is also in perfect accord? ",
+                "[164] For we may venture to say that there is not a single bad man who really performs a sacrificial act, even though he lead to the altar in unceasing procession ten thousand bullocks every day; for in his case the mind, the most essential victim, is a blemished thing, and no blemish may come into contact with an altar.",
+                "[165] Such is a second argument put forward to shew that getting drunk is not a thing inconsistent with moral excellence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "There is a third, possessing etymological plausibility in a very high degree. For some hold that drunkenness is so termed, not only because it follows the performance of sacrifice, but because it is also the cause of a letting go or release of soul. [166] It is to give vent to many sins that the reasoning faculty of fools is let go, but that of sensible men for the enjoyment of relaxation, cheerfulness, and good spirits; for the wise man becomes a more genial person after indulging in wine than when he is sober, and accordingly we should not be wrong in asserting on this ground as well as on those others that he will get drunk.",
+                "[167] We must remark furthermore that the countenance of wisdom is not scowling and severe, contracted by deep thought and depression of spirit, but on the contrary cheerful and tranquil, full of joy and gladness, feelings which often prompt a man to be sportive and jocular in a perfectly refined way. Such sportiveness is in harmony with a dignified self-respect, a harmony like that of a lyre tuned to give forth a single melody by a blending of answering notes.",
+                "[168] Moses, at all events, holiest of men, shews us that sport and merriment is the height of wisdom, not the sport which children of all sorts indulge in, paying no heed to good sense, but such as is seen in those who are now become grey-headed not only in respect of age but of thoughtfulness. Do you not observe that when he is speaking of the man who drew directly from the well of knowledge, listening to no other, learning through no other, resorting to no agency whatever, he does not say that he had a part in laughter, but that he was laughter itself? ",
+                "[169] I am speaking of Isaac, whose name means “laughter,” and whom it well befits to sport with “patient waiting,” who is called in Hebrew “Rebecca.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "For the sacred sporting of the soul is a sight not permissible to an ordinary citizen, but it is open to a king, with whom wisdom was for a very long time a guest, if indeed she did not make him her permanent abode. The name of this king is Abimelech. He looked out at the window, the mind’s eye wide-opened and admitting light, and saw Isaac sporting with Rebecca his wife (Gen. 26:8). [170] What other occupation is seemly for a wise man rather than bright sportiveness and making merry in the company of one who waits patiently for all that is beautiful? Hence it is evident that he will get drunk also, seeing that drunkenness benefits the character, saving it from overstrain and undue intensity. ",
+                "[171] For strong drink is likely to intensify natural tendencies, whether good or the reverse, just as many other things do. Money, it has been said, is the cause of good things to a good man, of evil things to a bad man. Fame again makes the fool’s badness more conspicuous, while it causes a brighter glory to rest upon the virtue of the righteous man. On this principle, therefore, a lavish use of strong drink places the man who has given the rein to his passions more completely at their mercy, while it makes him who has cherished right feelings more kindly and well disposed.",
+                "[172] Again, all know that when one of two opposite predicates is applicable to two or more sets of people, it cannot but be that the other is applicable also. For instance, black and white are opposites. If white is predicable of bad and good, black too will of course be equally so of both, not only of one of the two sets. So too soberness and drunkenness are opposites, and both bad and good men, so our forefathers said, partake of soberness. It follows that drunkenness also is predicable of both sorts. Accordingly the man of moral worth will get drunk as well as other people without losing any of his virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[173] If, just as in a court of law, we are to make use, not only of the logical or dialectical proofs, but also of the modes of persuasion that are called “inartistic,” one of which is that which employs evidence, we shall call as witnesses many distinguished physicians and philosophers, who ratify their evidence by writings as well as by words. ",
+                "[174] For they have left behind them innumerable treatises bearing the title “Concerning drunkenness,” in which they deal with nothing but the subject of drinking wine at all, without adding a word of inquiry regarding those who are in the habit of losing their heads; thus giving the go-by altogether to intoxication as an aspect of the subject. Thus we find in these men too the most explicit acknowledgement that drunkenness was suffering from the effects of wine. But there would be nothing amiss in a wise man quaffing wine freely on occasion: we shall not be wrong, then, in saying that he will get drunk.",
+                "[175] But, since no one is registered as victor if he has no antagonist, and anyone engaged in such a contest would naturally be considered rather to be fighting a shadow, we must needs mention the arguments maintaining the contrary, in order that a perfectly fair decision may be reached, neither side being condemned by default.",
+                "[176] Of such arguments the first and most weighty is this. If one would not act reasonably in entrusting a secret to a drunken man, and does entrust secrets to a good man, it follows that a good man does not get drunk. Well now, instead of the whole series of arguments one after another, it will be better, as each is advanced, to answer it, that we may not seem tedious through making too long a story of it.",
+                "[177] A man may counter the arguments just mentioned by saying that according to it the wise man will never be melancholy, never fall asleep, in a word, never die. But he whom nothing of this sort befalls would be an inanimate thing or a Divine Being, certainly not a man. For reproducing the conduct of the argument, he will apply it in this way to the case of the melancholy or sleeping or dying man: No one would act reasonably in entrusting a secret to one in such case, but would act reasonably in doing so to a wise man: therefore a wise man never falls into melancholy, or goes to sleep, or dies."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "<big>APPENDIX TO <i>DE PLANTATIONE</i></big>",
+            "§ 3. Mr. Whitaker had left “ride upon” for ὀχεῖσθαι, and this is the natural meaning of the word; but the sequel shows that the fire rides upon the air, and the earth contains the water in its hollows (§ 10). At the same time the translation here substituted, “be held by,” is not quite satisfactory. Probably ὀχεῖσθαι is corrupt. Some word indicating juxtaposition (ὅμορον κεῖσθαι?) seems to be needed.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 6. <i>Perfect parts. Cf.</i> <i>Quod Det.</i> 154 and note, in which the dependence of this thought on <i>Timaeus</i> 32 c was pointed out.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Masterpiece of literature</i>. Or perhaps “literature.” It seems to the translators doubtful whether Mangey, whom Wendland followed, was justified in substituting φωνῆς. The phrase ἐγγ. φωνή, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Agr.</i> 136, means speech which is capable of being analysed into the sounds which are represented by the γράμματα, and ἐγγ. μουσική will mean the same, except that while φωνή contemplates the letters as used for speech in general, μουσική contemplates them as used for the higher purpose of literary expression. The thought is enriched by the word: the action of the Logos in creating out of discordant στοιχεῖα the harmony of the Cosmos is compared with the way in which the στοιχεῖα of sound combine to form the medium by which we express our highest thoughts.",
+            "§ 29. The insertion of εἰς will no doubt make the construction easier, if we may assume that αἰσθήσεις can mean the organs of sense. But this seems doubtful (the passages in L. &amp; S. 1927 quoted for it seem rather to mean the senses themselves <i>as localized</i>). Without εἰς the passage can be translated “taking our body, like some deep-soiled plot, as tree-beds, he made the senses for it,” though it is true that we should have expected δεξαμενήν.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 33. <i>To say nothing of the fact,</i> etc. This sense can no doubt be obtained by excluding τῷ. But the combination in a single sentence of two such disparate thoughts, as (1) that the cause cannot be contained in the caused, (2) that the trees do not bear fruits, is odd. As there is admittedly some corruption, perhaps we may extend that corruption a little further and suppose that a fresh sentence and subject begins after περιέχεσθαι. It has been shown that God does not dwell in gardens; we now go on to show that He does not need the fruit. As a guess one might suggest φῶμεν δὲ for τῷ μηδὲ, <i>i.e</i>. “And are we to say forsooth that the trees (as they would if they were really trees) bear yearly fruit?” Who then will eat them?—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 41. <i>That is to say … irrational creatures</i>. The MS. text and also the suggestions of Cohn and Mangey involve making the ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις the recipients of the privilege denied to the irrational creatures. But clearly the ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις represent the tilling of the garden and themselves constitute the privilege. The reading adopted brings out this meaning with no more departure from the manuscripts than the transplacement of ἐστιν and the omission of οὖν. Wendland’s proposal of αἱ γοῦν ἀρετῆς δεκτικαὶ φύσεις, for αἱ οὐν ἀσκήσεις τε καὶ χρήσεις, would give much the same sense, but with more drastic alteration, and the phrase ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις has every appearance of being genuine.",
+            "§ 61. <i>For separation</i>. Or “for dismissal” as R.V. in margin. Mr. Whitaker had intended to correct his translation in <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 52 from “averter of evil” to this, though that is the usual meaning of the word. Whatever the LXX actually meant, the interpretation which follows here (<i>cf</i>. also <i>De Post.</i> 72) seems to show that Philo took the word in this passive sense, and to this he would be guided by the parallel phrase in Lev. 16:10 ὥστε ἐξαποστεῖλαι αὐτὸν εἰς ἀποπομπήν.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 73 ff. The curious distortion of the story of Genesis which follows has this much excuse, that the accusative after φυτεύω would naturally mean the thing planted, whereas the LXX uses it for the soil, which again would naturally be expressed by the dative following ἐπί. The A.V. has “grove” in place of the LXX “field” or “hide”; the R.V, has “tamarisk tree.”",
+            "§ 76. 10,000 <i>is the end</i>. Apparently because Greek has no name for higher numbers, except such as are compounded with μυρίοι or lower numbers.",
+            "<i>Ibid. If we adhere to the line of progress</i>, etc. Literally “according to the first arrangement (or “series”).” The word “first” is obscure. Possibly it may mean the series 1, 2, 3, etc., other secondary series being 1, 3, 5, etc., and 2, 4, 6, etc. The former would not reach 10,000, and the latter does not start from 1.",
+            "§ 93. <i>Though by special grace</i>, etc. An afterthought; no such reservation is made in 79–84.",
+            "§ 94. <i>Natural duties</i>. Or, as it has been rendered in earlier passages, “simple” or “common” or “daily” duties.",
+            "§ 95. <i>Its crop</i>. In 137, however, Philo seems to take αὐτοῦ as referring to the Lord, <i>i.e</i>. “what He has produced.” But it would be quite in his manner to regard it as having both meanings.",
+            "§ 100. <i>Indifferent</i>. Or “belonging to the lower or preliminary stage,” as in 94. For the phrase <i>cf.</i> <i>De Sacr.</i> 43.",
+            "§ 101. <i>Debtors or slaves. I e</i>. if anyone, slave or freeman, has entrusted a friend with some piece of property, he should retain it, if otherwise it will be seized by the master of the former, or the creditor of the latter. Heinemann would read χρεώστας ἢ δούλους, but it is improbable that slaves were entrusted in this way and surely impossible that debtors should be. For the remarks that follow <i>cf</i>. note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 101.",
+            "§ 106. <i>A desire that good</i>, etc. A verbatim quotation of the Stoic definition of εὔνοια, see <i>S. V.F.</i> iii. 432.",
+            "§ 110. Philo oddly perverts the story of Jacob and the rods. It looks as if he took the words which follow the text which he quotes καὶ ἐφαίνετο τὸ λευκὸν ποικίλον to mean “the spotted appeared white” instead of the opposite.",
+            "§ 111. <i>By way of leaving behind us bodily concerns</i>. The case of κατά is strange, and the thought, though in itself quite Philonic, seems alien to the context. Perhaps read κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος μετάβασιν &lt;τοῦ ποικίλου&gt; τὸ ποικίλον, κτλ., <i>i.e</i>. “Just as the variegatedness leaves the body of the leper, so we,” etc.",
+            "§ 118. <i>The soul’s chiefest good</i>, etc. This passage, like <i>De Op.</i> 53, is evidently dependent on the eulogy of light in <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, see particularly, “Day and night … and months and years and the revolution of the years have created number … and from these we have derived philosophy, than which no greater good has come … to mortal men” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "The correction ἀγαθόν for the senseless ἀπάτη has been universally accepted. But such a foolish corruption is strange. Is it possible that ἄκος ἀπάτης or some such phrase may have stood originally?",
+            "§ 123. “<i>All</i>” <i>or</i> “<i>totality</i>.” A Pythagorean idea, <i>cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Met</i>. i. 5, 968 a, “ten is thought to be perfect and to embrace the whole nature of number”; see Zeller, <i>Pre-socratic Philosophy</i>, vol. ii. p. 428. What applies to 10 applies to 4 also, since 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 = 10. Philo is also probably thinking of the words πᾶς ὁ καρπός in his text from Leviticus.",
+            "§ 129. <i>The family of the Muses</i>, etc. Philo seems to be giving a spiritualized form of the legend in Hesiod, <i>Theog</i> 50 f., where Zeus lay for nine nights with Mnemosyne, who after a year bore the Nine Muses at a birth. πάμμουσον frequently means “very musical” but one can hardly help supposing that here there is an allusion to “all the Muses.”",
+            "§ 137. <i>His products</i>. See note on “its crop,” § 95.",
+            "§ 139. <i>And concerning the number</i> 4. The sense given in the translation can no doubt be obtained by merely omitting the καὶ before ἃ, and taking συνεκροτεῖτο in a rather unusual sense. But the phrasing is odd. The genitive τῶν ἄθλων cannot be governed by φερομένης, and must be taken as partitive, “those of the prizes which.” If we retain καὶ, we might perhaps translate “and about the things which were enjoined,” but the genitive τῶν ἄθλων then is unintelligible, as Wendland felt, who suggested for it &lt;τὰ πρεσβεῖα&gt; τῶν ἀριθμῶν.",
+            "But there is another possibility. The treatise up to now has consisted of three parts; the husbandry of God (1–73), the husbandry of the wise man (74–92), and the husbandry of the ordinary (progressing) man (93–138). In this last the number four was merely incidental. It seems possible that φερομένης like ἑπομένης agrees with γεωργίας, and that the meaning is the “husbandry which wins the prize assigned to four.” No doubt some corruption must be assumed to get such a meaning, but the following might be tentatively suggested: τῆς φερομένης τετράδος τὸ ἆθλον, ἣ κατά, κτλ. The last words will then mean “the husbandry which was trained (or “worked”) according to the injunctions and directions of the law.” This would give quite a usual sense to συνεκροτεῖτο, The “working” or “training” has been described in 100 ff.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Cf</i>. Plutarch, <i>De Garrulitate</i> 4 (= 503) F. καὶ μήποτε τὸ ζητούμενον παρὰ τοὺς φιλοσόφους λύων ὁ ποιητὴς οἰνώσεως καὶ μέθης διαφορὰν εἴρηκεν, οἰνώσεως μὲν ἄνεσιν μέθης δὲ φλυαρίαν … οἱ δὲ φιλόσοφοι καὶ ὁριζόμενοι τὴν μέθην λέγουσιν εἶναι λήρησιν πάροινον· οὕτως οὐ ψέγεται τὸ πίνειν, εἰ προσείη τῷ πίνειν τὸ σιωπᾶν· ἀλλʼ ἡ μωρολογία μέθην ποιεῖ τὴν οἴνωσιν. (<i>Ibid</i>. 504 B.)",
+            "“We may, indeed, believe that these lines of the poet give the solution of the question discussed in the philosophic schools as to the distinction between mellowness and intoxication: mellowness produces unbending, but drunkenness foolish twaddling.",
+            "“In fact the philosophic definition of intoxication calls it ‘<i>silly talk in one’s cups</i>.’ The blame, therefore, is not for drinking, if one can drink and yet at the same time hold his tongue. It is the foolish talk that converts mellowness into drunkenness” (Tucker’s translation).",
+            "§ 145. “<i>The others</i>.” <i>I.e</i>. those described in 143. Arnim would render “others,” making a third class w ho are distinguished from the first, in that they regard drunkenness as venial in the exceptional circumstances described in 146. But all that is stated there is that the wise man may be occasionally forced to relax his general rule of avoiding all occasions of heavy drinking, and this is not incompatible with the view stated in § 143.",
+            "§ 163. “<i>After sacrificing</i>.” This derivation is ascribed to Aristotle by Athenaeus, <i>Epit</i>. ii. p. 40 c.",
+            "§ 165. <i>Etymology</i>. Arguments like this and the preceding one were a recognized method of proof both in philosophy and rhetoric. <i>Cf</i>. Cicero, <i>Topica</i> 35 and <i>Academica</i> i. 32 (with Reid’s note). The first proof, though of a very similar kind, would perhaps have been classed rather as an argument “from definition.”",
+            "§ 171. <i>Right feelings</i>. Arnim takes this Stoic term (εὐπάθειαι) as supporting his contention that the disputant is a Stoic. But apart from the fact that the word is a favourite with Philo, Arnim himself notes that much of the Stoic “jargon” had become common property.",
+            "§ 172. Arnim connects this argument with the strict Stoic view (<i>a</i>) that every good thing has its opposite evil; (<i>b</i>) that all good things belong solely to the wise man, and all bad things to the fool: (<i>c</i>) that what is neither good nor bad (ἀδιάφορον) is shared by both, and therefore its opposite must be shared by both. From this he argues that the ascription of this statement to οἱ πρότεροι shows that the disputant is a Stoic, since a member of an opposite school would not use such a form of words (“our predecessors”). If, however, it is assumed that the writer is a free lance, the argument seems doubtful. Moreover, the phrase ὡς ὁ τῶν προτέρων λόγος only applies to the statement that good and bad share soberness, and Arnim adduces no proof that this is Stoic.",
+            "§ 173. <i>Inartistic. Cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Rhetoric</i> i. 15. So called because “they are not due to the artist’s inventive skill, but are supplied to him from the outside, as it were, of his art” (Cope). The other four are laws, documents, questions by torture, oaths.",
+            "§§ 176 ff. This argument is stated by Seneca in <i>Ep</i>. 83 as having been put forward by Zeno, and Seneca refutes it in exactly the same way as it is refuted here. He proceeds to deal in the same way with another defence of Zeno’s argument, propounded by Posidonius, and then lays it down that the true way of proving the folly of drunkenness is to show its evil consequences—the loss of mental and bodily control, and the grave mischief which history shows that it has so often caused. If the suggestion made in Note (p. 211) to the Introduction is right, viz. that another speech followed, putting the case from the point of view of one who held that “the wise man will not get drunk,” it may very possibly have followed these lines."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הנטיעה",
+        "enTitle": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+        "key": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "נספח והערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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@@ -0,0 +1,364 @@
+{
+    "title": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/Concerning_Noah's_Work_as_a_Planter",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "<big>Concerning Noah’s Work as a Planter (De Plantatione) <br>Analytical Introduction</big>",
+            "The first part of this treatise, extending to the end of § 139, treats firstly of God’s planting and then of man learning to copy His work. The second part (§ 140 onwards) should be entitled Περὶ μέθης, for it deals with the vine only with respect to its fruit. The title of the treatise is, therefore, inappropriate.",
+            "A. 1–139",
+            "(<i>a</i>) 1–72. The first Planter and His plant.",
+            "(α) 1–27. The universe and its component parts planted.",
+            "(β) 28–31. Trees planted in man, the microcosm.",
+            "(γ) 32–46. The names of the two trees in Eden point to an allegorical interpretation. “Eden” is “delight” in the Lord. “Eastward” is “in the light.” “The tree of Life” is the man of Gen. 1:27 in the image of God. The earthly man of Gen. 2 is placed in Paradise to be tested amid the virtues, the plants of a rational soul.",
+            "(δ) 47 ff. That Israel, God’s special inheritance, may be planted in Eden is Moses’ prayer.",
+            "(ε) 62–72. God the Portion of Inheritance of Levi and of those who have the Levite mind.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) Lessons learned from the First Planter, and copies of His planting (73–139).",
+            "(α) 74–93. Abraham’s planting (Gen. 21:33). The <i>tree</i> the “hide” of 10,000 cubits; the <i>place</i> the well, which is without water (Gen. 26:32 LXX), and so symbolic of the fruitless search for knowledge, and of the discovery of our own ignorance; the <i>fruit</i> the invocation of the Name “Eternal God,” which connotes “Benefactor,” whereas “Lord” connotes Master.”",
+            "(β) 94–139. Our planting (Lev. 19:23–25). Ere we can plant <i>fruit</i> trees we must <i>migrate</i> to the God-given land, <i>i.e</i>. the mind must find the way of Wisdom. The beginner bidden to <i>prune, i.e</i>. cut out all hurtful things, <i>e.g</i>. the harlot and the toady from Friendship, superstition from Religion. Jacob’s peeled rods and the leper’s flesh, both white <i>all over</i>, serve as a pattern. Philo attempts to explain the command to prune the fruit itself.",
+            "The fourth year, in which the fruit is “holy for praise to the Lord” leads to a discourse on the number 4, on <i>praise</i> as the fruit of education, on <i>thanksgiving</i> as creation’s chief duty, illustrated by the story of the birth of Mnemosyne. As the fifth year is ours for food, after the fourth year of thanksgiving, so “Issachar” or “Reward” was born next after “Judah” or “Praise.”",
+            "B. 140–177",
+            "We now pass on to the vine-culture of Noah. As the vine is the means of Drunkenness (and the just man made himself drunk with it), we have to consider the subject of drunkenness. Moses’ views will be given later (in <i>De Ebrietate</i>). Let us now examine what the philosophical schools say about it. They put the question thus, “Will the wise man get drunk?” (139–141). But before stating the arguments on either side, we note that the term “get drunk” (μεθύειν) may be used for hard drinking (οἰνοῦσθαι) simply, or for drinking carried to the point of foolish behaviour (ληρεῖν). All condemn the latter, but one school holds that if μεθύειν is used in the less offensive sense, the wise man may freely indulge in it; another, “that he cannot safely do so, and will therefore avoid all carousals, unless social duties necessitate his participation in them.”",
+            "The arguments of the thesis: “The wise man will get drunk” are now stated.”",
+            "(1) As μέθυ and οἶνος are admittedly synonyms, their derivatives μεθύειν and οἰνοῦσθαι must be synonyms also. (This is preceded by a disquisition on “homonyms” and “synonyms.”) (§§ 149–155.)",
+            "(2) μεθύειν is properly μετὰ τὸ θύειν, (“after sacrificing”), and the ancient and right use of wine was orderly and religious in marked contrast to present custom. If μεθύειν is used in this sense, it is suitable to the wise man (§§ 156–164).",
+            "(3) Another derivation of μεθύειν is from μέθεσις (relaxation), and the blessings of relaxation and cheerfulness are pointed out.",
+            "(4) A dialectical argument, that, as soberness is found in the fool as well as in the wise man, its opposite, drunkenness, is common to both (§ 172).",
+            "(5) An argument from the use of the term μέθη in various writers, showing that they identified μεθύειν with οἰνοῦσθαι, and did not associate it with λῆρος (§§ 173 f.).",
+            "At this point the disputant professes to meet the arguments of the other side. The first of these is the argument of Zeno, that, since no man could trust the drunken man with a secret, drunkenness is unsuitable to the wise man. This is refuted (§§ 175–177). The rest of the disquisition is lost."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>CONCERNING NOAH’s WORK AS A PLANTER</big> <br>[1] We have said in the former book all that the occasion called for regarding the husbandman’s art in general. In this book we shall give such an account as we can of the art of a vine-dresser in particular. For Moses introduces the righteous man not as a husbandman only, but specially as a vine-dresser; his words are: “Noah began to be a husbandman tilling the ground, and he planted a vineyard” (Gen. 9:20).",
+                "[2] It is incumbent on one, who is going to discourse on the work of planters and husbandmen as carried on in this or that place, to begin by marking well the plants set in the universe, those most perfect of all plants, and their great Planter and Overseer. It is the Lord of all things that is the greatest of planters and most perfect Master of His art. It is this World that is a plant containing in itself the particular plants all at once in their myriads, like shoots springing from a single root. ",
+                "[3] For, when the Framer of the World, finding all that existed confused and disordered of itself, began to give it form, by bringing it out of disorder into order, out of confusion into distinction of parts, He caused earth and water to occupy the position of roots at its centre; the trees, that are air and fire, He drew up from the centre to the space on high; the encircling region of ether He firmly established, and set it to be at once a boundary and guard of all that is within. (Apparently its name “Heaven” is derived from the former word.) And (surpassing wonder!) this Doer of wondrous works caused earth, a dry substance in danger of being dissolved by water, to be held by water, and air, of itself coldest of all things, to be held by fire whose very nature is heat. ",
+                "[4] How can it be other than a prodigy that the dissolving element should be held together by that which it dissolves, water by earth; and that on the coldest element the hottest should be seated unquenched, fire upon air?",
+                "The elements of which we have spoken are the perfect branches of the whole, but the stock, far greater and more productive than all of them, is this world, of which the growths that have been mentioned are offshoots."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] We must consider, therefore, where He caused its roots to strike, and on what it rests as a statue on its pedestal. It is unlikely that any material body has been left over and was moving about at random outside, seeing that God had wrought up and placed in orderly position all matter wherever found. ",
+                "[6] For it became the greatest artificer to fashion to full perfection the greatest of constructions, and it would have come short of full perfection, had it not had a complement of perfect parts. Accordingly this world of ours was formed out of all that there is of earth, and all that there is of water, and air and fire, not even the smallest particle being left outside. ",
+                "[7] It follows that outside there is either empty space or nothing at all. If there is empty space, how comes it that a thing that is full and dense and heaviest of all existences does not sink down by sheer weight, having nothing solid external to it to hold it up? This would seem to be of the nature of a phantom, since our understanding ever looks for a material basis, which it expects everything to have, even if it be but an empty thing, but above all the world, since it is the largest of material bodies, and holds in its bosom as parts of itself a mass of other material bodies. ",
+                "[8] Let anyone then, who would fain escape the confusion of face, which we all feel when we have to leave problems unsolved, say plainly that no material thing is so strong as to be able to bear the burden of the world; and that the everlasting Word of the eternal God is the very sure and staunch prop of the Whole.",
+                "[9] He it is, who extending Himself from the midst to its utmost bounds and from its extremities to the midst again, keeps up through all its length Nature’s unvanquished course, combining and compacting all its parts. For the Father Who begat Him constituted His Word such a Bond of the Universe as nothing can break. ",
+                "[10] Good reason, then, have we to be sure that all the earth shall not be dissolved by all the water which has gathered within its hollows; nor fire be quenched by air; nor, on the other hand, air be ignited by fire. The Divine Word stations Himself to keep these elements apart, like a Vocal between voiceless elements of speech, that the universe may send forth a harmony like that of a masterpiece of literature. He mediates between the opponents amid their threatenings, and reconciles them by winning ways to peace and concord."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] On this wise was the tree planted which yields all fruit that grows. On this wise when planted was it held fast. Among lesser plants, that did not partake of its universal character, some were created with a capacity of moving from one place to another, others, meant to be stationary, lacked such capacity for change of place. ",
+                "[12] Our name for those which have the power of locomotion is animals. These took to (<i>i.e</i>. were so made as naturally to belong to) the several main divisions of our universe, land animals to earth, to water those that swim, the winged creatures to air, and to fire the fire-born. It is said that the production of these last is more patent to observation in Macedonia than elsewhere. The stars found their place in heaven. Those who have made philosophy their study tell us that these too are living creatures, but of a kind composed entirely of Mind. Of these some, the planets, appear to change their position by a power inherent in themselves, others to do so as they are swept along in the rush of our universe, and these we call fixed stars.",
+                "[13] The creations endowed with a nature incapable of taking in impressions, to which the name of “plants” is specially given, do not share the power of locomotion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] Of twofold kind were the beings which the great Maker made as well in the earth as in the air. In the air He made the winged creatures perceived by our senses, and other mighty beings besides which are wholly beyond apprehension by sense. This is the host of the bodiless souls. Their array is made up of companies that differ in kind. We are told that some enter into mortal bodies, and quit them again at certain fixed periods, while others, endowed with a diviner constitution, have no regard for any earthly quarter, but exist on high nigh to the ethereal region itself. These are the purest spirits of all, whom Greek philosophers call heroes, but whom Moses, employing a well-chosen name, entitles “angels,” for they go on embassies bearing tidings from the great Ruler to His subjects of the boons which He sends them, and reporting to the Monarch what His subjects are in need of. Two kinds again did He assign to earth, land animals and plants. For He willed her to be at once both mother and nurse. ",
+                "[15] For, even as in woman and all female kind there well up springs of milk when the time of delivery draws near, that they may furnish necessary drink of a suitable kind to their offspring; even so in like manner did the Creator bestow on earth, the mother of land animals, plants of all sorts, to the end that the new-born might have the benefit of nourishment not foreign but akin to them. ",
+                "[16] Furthermore, while He fashioned the plants head downwards, fixing their heads in the portions of the earth where the soil lay deepest, He raised from the earth the heads of the animals that are without reason and set them on the top of a long neck, placing the fore feet as a support for the neck. ",
+                "[17] But the build allotted to man was distinguished above that of other living creatures. For by turning the eyes of the others downwards He made them incline to the earth beneath them. The eyes of man, on the contrary, He set high up, that he might gaze on heaven, for man, as the old saying is, is a plant not earthly but heavenly."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[18] Now while others, by asserting that our human mind is a particle of the ethereal substance, have claimed for man a kinship with the upper air; our great Moses likened the fashion of the reasonable soul to no created thing, but averred it to be a genuine coinage of that dread Spirit, the Divine and Invisible One, signed and impressed by the seal of God, the stamp of which is the Eternal Word. ",
+                "[19] His words are “God in-breathed into his face a breath of Life” (Gen. 2:7); so that it cannot but be that he that receives is made in the likeness of Him Who sends forth the breath. Accordingly we also read that man has been made after the Image of God (Gen. 1:27), not however after the image of anything created. ",
+                "[20] It followed then, as a natural consequence of man’s soul having been made after the image of the Archetype, the Word of the First Cause, that his body also was made erect, and could lift up its eyes to heaven, the purest portion of our universe, that by means of that which he could see man might clearly apprehend that which he could not see. ",
+                "[21] Since, then, it was impossible for any to discern how the understanding tends towards the Existent One, save those only who had been drawn by Him—for each one of us knows what he has himself experienced as no other can know it—He endows the bodily eyes with the power of taking the direction of the upper air, and so makes them a distinct representation of the invisible eye. ",
+                "[22] For, seeing that the eyes formed out of perishable matter obtained so great reach as to travel from the earthly region to heaven, that is so far away, and to touch its bounds, how vast must we deem the flight in all directions of the eyes of the soul? The strong yearning to perceive the Existent One gives them wings to attain not only to the furthest region of the upper air, but to overpass the very bounds of the entire universe and speed away toward the Uncreate."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] This is why those who crave for wisdom and knowledge with insatiable persistence are said in the Sacred Oracles to have been called upwards; for it accords with God’s ways that those who have received His down-breathing should be called up to Him. ",
+                "[24] For when trees are whirled up, roots and all, into the air by hurricanes and tornadoes, and heavily laden ships of large tonnage are snatched up out of mid-ocean, as though objects of very little weight, and lakes and rivers are borne aloft, and earth’s hollows are left empty by the water as it is drawn up by a tangle of violently eddying winds, it is strange if a light substance like the mind is not rendered buoyant and raised to the utmost height by the native force of the Divine spirit, overcoming as it does in its boundless might all powers that are here below. Above all is it strange if this is not so with the mind of the genuine philosopher. ",
+                "[25] Such an one suffers from no weight of downward pressure towards the objects dear to the body and to earth. From these he has ever made an earnest effort to sever and estrange himself. So he is borne upward insatiably enamoured of all holy happy natures that dwell on high. ",
+                "[26] Accordingly Moses, the keeper and guardian of the mysteries of the Existent One, will be one called above; for it is said in the Book of Leviticus, “He called Moses up above” (Lev. 1:1). One called up above will Bezeleel also be, held worthy of a place in the second rank. For him also does God call up above for the construction and overseeing of the sacred works (Exod. 31:2 ff.). ",
+                "[27] But while Bezeleel shall carry off the lower honours conferred by the call above, Moses the all-wise shall bear away the primary honours. For the former fashions the shadows, just as painters do, to whom Heaven has not granted power to create aught that has life. “Bezeleel,” we must remember, means “making in shadows.” Moses on the other hand obtained the office of producing not shadows but the actual archetype of the several objects. Nor need we wonder at such distinctions. It is the wont of the Supreme Cause to exhibit the objects proper to each, to some in a clearer, more radiant vision, as though in unclouded sunshine, to others more dimly, as though in the shade."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] As we have now brought to a close our discussion of those objects on a larger scale which are set to grow in the field of the universe, let us note the way in which God the all-wise fashioned the trees that are in man, the microcosm. To begin with, then, He took our body, as though He were taking some deep-soiled plot of ground and made the organs of sense as tree-beds for it. ",
+                "[29] Having done this He set a sense in each of them, as a plant highly valuable for cultivation, hearing in the ear, sight in the eyes, in the nostrils scent, and the rest in their appropriate and congenial positions. I may cite as a witness to what I say the sacred poet, where he says “He that planteth the ear, doth He not hear? He that fashioneth the eyes, shall He not behold?” (Psalm 94:9). ",
+                "[30] And all the other faculties of the body including legs and hands and every part, whether inner or outer, are nothing else than noble shoots and growths. ",
+                "[31] The better and more perfect growths He planted in the dominant faculty, which holds the central position, and possesses in a pre-eminent degree the capacity for yielding fruit. These growths are insight, apprehension, accurate judgement, constant practice, powers of memory, varying conditions, chronic dispositions, scientific capacity taking many forms and directions, certainty of knowledge, ability to take in and retain the principles and implications of virtue in every shape. Not one of these is any mortal man whatever capable of growing. The One Grower of them all is the Uncreate Artificer, Who not only has made these plants once for all, but is ever making them in the case of each man who is from time to time begotten."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] In agreement with what I have said is the planting of the garden; for we read, “God planted a garden in Eden facing the sun-rising, and placed there the man whom He had moulded” (Gen. 2:8). To imagine that he planted vines and olive and apple and pomegranate trees or the like, would be serious folly, ",
+                "[33] difficult to eradicate. One would naturally ask What for? To provide Himself with convenient places to live in? Would the whole world be considered a sufficient dwelling for God the Lord of all? Would it not evidently fall short in countless other ways of being deemed meet to receive the Great King? To say nothing of the irreverence of supposing that the Cause of all things is contained in that which He has caused, and to say nothing of the fact that the trees of His planting do not yield annual fruits as ours do. ",
+                "[34] For whose use and enjoyment, then, will the Garden yield its fruits? Not for that of any man; for no one whatever is mentioned as dwelling in the garden, for we are told that Adam, the man first moulded out of the earth, migrated thence. ",
+                "[35] As for God, <i>He</i> stands in no need of food any more than of aught else. For one who uses food must in the first place experience need, and in the next place be equipped with organs by means of which to take the food that comes in, and to discharge that from which he has drawn its goodness. These things are not in harmony with the blessedness and happiness of the First Cause. They are utterly monstrous inventions of men who would overthrow great virtues like piety and reverence by representing Him as having the form and passions of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] So we must turn to allegory, the method dear to men with their eyes opened. Indeed the sacred oracles most evidently afford us the clues for the use of this method. For they say that in the garden there are trees in no way resembling those with which we are familiar, but trees of Life, of Immortality, of Knowledge, of Apprehension, of Understanding, of the conception of good and evil. ",
+                "[37] And these can be no growths of earthly soil, but must be those of the reasonable soul, namely its path according to virtue with life and immortality as its end, and its path according to evil ending in the shunning of these and in death. We must conceive therefore that the bountiful God plants in the soul as it were a garden of virtues and of the modes of conduct corresponding to each of them, a garden that brings the soul to perfect happiness.",
+                "[38] Because of this He assigned to the garden a site most suitable, bearing the name of “Eden,” which means “luxuriance,” symbol of a soul whose eyesight is perfect, disporting itself in virtues, leaping and skipping by reason of abundance of great joy, having set before it, as an enjoyment outweighing thousands of those that men deem sweetest, the worship and service of the Only Wise. ",
+                "[39] One, after taking a sheer draught of this bright joy, a member indeed of Moses’ fellowship, not found among the indifferent, spake aloud in hymns of praise, and addressing his own mind cried, “Delight in the Lord” (Psalm 36:4), moved by the utterance to an ecstasy of the love that is heavenly and Divine, filled with loathing for those interminable bouts of softness and debauchery amid the seeming and so-called good things of mankind, while his whole mind is snatched up in holy frenzy by a Divine possession, and he finds his gladness in God alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] A proof of what I have said is the nearness of the garden to the sunrising (Gen. 2:8); for, while folly is a thing sinking, dark, night-bringing, wisdom is verily a thing of sunrise, all radiancy and brightness. And even as the sun, when it comes up, fills all the circle of heaven with light, even so do the rays of virtue, when they have shone out, cause the whole region of the understanding to be flooded with pure brilliancy.",
+                "[41] Now, whereas man’s possessions have animals of great ferocity to watch and guard them against being attacked and overrun, the possessions of God are guarded by rational beings: for it says, “He stationed there the man whom He had fashioned,” that is to say, the trainings in and exercises of the virtues belong to rational beings only. ",
+                "[42] This they received at the hands of God, as a pre-eminent privilege above the lives of the irrational creatures. And that is why it is stated in the most vivid manner possible that He set the mind, which is the real man in us, amid holiest shoots and growths of noble character, since among beings void of understanding there is not one capable of tilling virtues, for they are by nature utterly incompetent to apprehend these."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] We need, then, be at no loss to know why there are brought in into the ark, which was built at the time of the great Flood, all the kinds of wild beasts, but into the Garden no kind at all. For the ark was a figure of the body, which has been obliged to make room for the savage and untamed pests of passions and vices, whereas the garden was a figure of the virtues; and virtues entertain nothing wild, nothing (we may say outright)that is irrational.",
+                "[44] It is with deliberate care that the lawgiver says not of the man made after God’s image, but of the man fashioned out of earth, that he was introduced into the garden. For the man stamped with the spirit which is after the image of God differs not a whit, as it appears to me, from the tree that bears the fruit of immortal life: for both are imperishable and have been accounted worthy of the most central and most princely portion: for we are told that the tree of Life is in the midst of the Garden (Gen. 2:9). Nor is there any difference between the man fashioned out of the earth and the earthly composite body. He has no part in a nature simple and uncompounded, whose house and courts only the self-trainer knows how to occupy, even Jacob who is put before us as “a plain man dwelling in a house” (Gen. 25:27). The earthy man has a disposition of versatile subtlety, fashioned and concocted of elements of all sorts. ",
+                "[45] It was to be expected, then, that God should plant and set in the garden, or the whole universe, the middle or neutral mind, played upon by forces drawing it in opposite directions and given the high calling to decide between them, that it might be moved to choose and to shun, to win fame and immortality should it welcome the better, and incur a dishonourable death should it choose the worse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[46] Such, then, were the trees which He Who alone is wise planted in rational souls. Moses, lamenting over those who had become exiles from the garden of the virtues, implores alike God’s absolute sovereignty and His gracious and gentle powers, that the people endowed with sight may be planted in on the spot whence the earthly mind, called Adam, has been banished. ",
+                "[47] This is what he says: “Bring them in, plant them in the mountain of Thine inheritance, in the place, O Lord, which is ready, which Thou wroughtest for Thee to dwell in, the sanctuary, O Lord, which Thy hands have made ready: the Lord is sovereign for ever and ever” (Exod. 15:17 f.). ",
+                "[48] So Moses, beyond all others, had most accurately learned that God, by setting the seeds and roots of all things, is the Cause of the greatest of all plants springing up, even this universe. It is at this evidently that he points in the present instance by the words of the Song itself just quoted, by calling the world “the mountain of Thine inheritance,” since that which has been brought into being is, in a peculiar degree, the possession and portion of him who has made it. ",
+                "[49] So he prays that in this we may be planted. He would not have us become irrational and unruly in our natures. Nay, he would have us comply with the ordering of the All-perfect, and faithfully copying His constant and undeviating course, pursue without stumbling a life of self-mastery: for to attain the power to live as nature bids has been pronounced by the men of old supreme happiness.",
+                "[50] And mark how well the epithets that follow harmonize with that which was put first. The world, we read, is God’s house in the realm of sense-perception, prepared and ready for Him. It is a thing wrought, not, as some have fancied, uncreate. It is a “sanctuary,” an outshining of sanctity, so to speak, a copy of the original; since the objects that are beautiful to the eye of sense are images of those in which the understanding recognizes beauty. Lastly, it has been prepared by the “hands” of God, his world-creating powers. ",
+                "[51] And to the end that none may suppose that the Maker is in need of those whom He has made, Moses will crown his utterance with the point that is vital beyond all others: “reigning for ever and ever.” It is an established principle that a sovereign is dependent on no one, while subjects are in all respects dependent on the sovereign. ",
+                "[52] Some have maintained that that which is God’s portion, and is spoken of here as such, is that which is good, and that Moses’ prayer in this instance is for the obtaining of the experience and enjoyment thereof. For his prayer runs thus: “Initiate us, the children just beginning to learn, by means of the pronouncements and principles of wisdom, and leave us not ungrounded, but plant us in a high and heavenly doctrine.” ",
+                "[53] For this is a “portion” best prepared, a “house” most ready, an abode most fitting, which “Thou hast wrought as a Holy Place”; for of things good and holy, O Master, Thou art Maker, as from the corruptible creation come things evil and profane. Reign through the age that has no limit over the soul that implores Thee, never leaving it for one moment without a sovereign Ruler: for never-ceasing slavery under Thee surpasses not freedom only but the highest sovereignty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] It is possible that the words “Into the mountain of Thine inheritance” may suggest to many an inquiry as to how to account for them: for that God <i>gives</i> portions is a necessary truth, but it may appear a contradiction that He should <i>obtain</i> a portion, since all things belong to Him. ",
+                "[55] This expression would seem to apply to those who are on a special footing of more intimate relationship with Him as their Master. So kings are rulers of all their subjects, but in an eminent degree of their household servants, of whose ministry they are accustomed to avail themselves for the care of their persons and their other requirements.",
+                "[56] Again these same rulers, though they are masters of all properties throughout the land, including those over which private citizens have apparent control, are reckoned to have those only which they place in the hands of bailiffs and agents, from which also they collect the yearly income. To these they frequently resort for holiday and enjoyment, laying aside the serious burden of the anxieties incident to government and sovereignty, and these estates of theirs go by the name of royal demesnes. ",
+                "[57] Again, silver and gold, and other precious things which are kept in the treasuries of subjects, belong to the rulers rather than to those who have them. But in spite of this we speak of sovereigns’ private coffers in which the appointed collectors of dues deposit the revenues from the country. ",
+                "[58] Marvel not at all, then, if the title of special portion of God the universal Ruler, to whom sovereignty over all pertains, is bestowed upon the company of wise souls, whose vision is supremely keen, the eye of whose understanding is clear and flawless, closing never, ever open in a gaze direct and piercing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] Is not this the explanation of that utterance in the Greater Song: “Ask thy father, and he will proclaim it to thee, thy elders, and they will tell it thee; when the Most High distributed the nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam, He set up boundaries of the nations corresponding to the number of the angels of God, and His people Israel became the portion of the Lord” (Deut. 32:7–9)? ",
+                "[60] Mark how he has again given the name of “portion” and “lot” of God to the character that has eyes to see Him and accords Him genuine devotion, while he says that the children of earth, whom he entitles sons of Adam, have been dispersed and broken up and no more gathered together but are become a mob incapable of following the guidance of right reason. For virtue is in very deed the cause of harmony and unity, whereas the contrary disposition brings about dissolution and dismemberment.",
+                "[61] An illustration of what has been said is afforded by that which is done year by year on the day called the “Day of Atonement.” It is enjoined on that day “to assign by lot two goats, one for the Lord, and one for separation (Lev. 16:8), a twofold description, one for God and one for created things. That which exalts the First Cause shall be allotted to Him, while that which exalts creation shall be banished, driven from the most holy places, to find itself amid rocky chasms in trackless and unhallowed regions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] So fully does Moses take advantage of the prerogative of one beloved of God, that, inspired with confidence by this very fact, he is wont to use language and utter teachings larger and more daring than suit the ears of us feebler folk. For not only does he think it in accordance with God’s dignity to obtain a portion, but, what is strangest of all, Himself to be the portion of others. ",
+                "[63] For he deemed it meet and right that a whole tribe, which had taken refuge at God’s footstool, should be allotted no part of the country, like the other eleven tribes, but should receive the pre-eminent privilege of the priesthood, a possession not earthly but heavenly. “The tribe of Levi,” he says, “shall have no lot or portion among the children of Israel, for the Lord is their portion” (Deut. 10:9); and there is an utterance rung out on this wise by the holy oracles in the name of God, “I am thy portion and inheritance” (Numb. 18:20): ",
+                "[64] for in reality the mind, which has been perfectly cleansed and purified, and which renounces all things pertaining to creation, is acquainted with One alone, and knows but One, even the Uncreate, to Whom it has drawn nigh, by Whom also it has been taken to Himself. For who is at liberty to say “God Himself is alone (and all) to me,” save one who has no welcome for aught that comes after Him? And this is the Levite attitude of mind, for the word means “He (is precious) to me,” the thought conveyed being that while different things have been held precious by different people, he is alone in holding precious the original and worthiest Cause of all things."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] They say that in olden time one who was enraptured by the beauty of wisdom, as by that of some distinguished lady, after watching the array of a procession pass by on which vast sums had been lavished, fastened his eyes on a group of his associates and said, “See, my friends, of how many things I have no need.” And yet he was wearing absolutely nothing beyond necessary clothing, so that he cannot be supposed to have been puffed up by his great riches, as countless thousands have been, and to have uttered the words as a boast. ",
+                "[66] This is the mind which, as the lawgiver insists, should be that of those who provide themselves with no property that has its place among things created, but renounce all these on the ground of that intimate association with the Uncreate, to possess Whom, they are convinced, is the only wealth, the only gauge of consummate happiness.",
+                "[67] In face of this let those cease their proud boastings who have acquired royal and imperial sway, some by bringing under their authority a single city or country or nation, some by having, over and above these, made themselves masters of all earth’s regions to its fullest bounds, all nations, Greek and barbarian alike, all rivers, and seas unlimited in number and extent. ",
+                "[68] For even had they, besides controlling these, extended their empire, an idea which it were impious to utter, to the realm of the upper air, alone of all things made by the Creator to enjoy a freedom untouched by bondage—even then, they would be reckoned ordinary citizens when compared with great kings who received God as their portion; for the kingship of these as far surpasses theirs as he that has gained possession is better than the possession, and he that has made than that which he has made."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] Some, paying regard to outward want and outward superfluity, and reckoning no one rich if found among those without money or possessions, have looked on the assertion that all things belong to the wise man as a paradox. But Moses considers wisdom an object of such admiration and emulation, that he thinks its worthy portion to be not merely the whole world, but the very Lord of all. ",
+                "[70] These are not, we must remember, opinions held by men who halt between two opinions, but by men possessed by stedfast faith; for even now there are in the ranks of those who wear a semblance of piety, men who in a petty spirit find fault with the literal sense of the word, urging that it is irreligious and dangerous to speak of God as the portion of man.",
+                "[71] What I would say to them is this: “The frame of mind in which you approached the consideration of the subject was not a genuine one, but spurious and illegitimate. You imagined that there is no difference between the way in which God is said to be the portion of the wise, and the way in which plantations of vines or olive trees or the like are said to be the possessions of their owners. You failed to notice that portrait-painting is spoken of as a lot or portion for portrait-painters, and generally any such pursuit for him who pursues it, not as an earthly possession to be owned, but as a heavenly prize to be striven for. ",
+                "[72] For things such as these bring benefit to those who have them, without being under them as masters. Pray, then, you petty fault-finders, when you hear the Existent One spoken of as Portion, do not take it to mean a possession similar to those which have been mentioned, but to mean One bringing vast benefits and the Cause of exceeding great good to those who regard His service as their fit employment.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[73] Having said, then, what was called for about the first Planter and that which He planted, we will pass on next to the industry of those who have learnt from the former and copied the latter. We come at once to the record of Abraham the wise “planting a hide of land at the well of the oath, and invoking upon it the Name of the Lord as God eternal” (Gen. 21:33). No particulars are given as to the kind of plants meant, but simply the size of the plot of ground. ",
+                "[74] Yet those whose habit it is to look closely into such matters assure us that we have all the points of an estate laid down with extraordinary precision, the tree, the ground, and the fruit of the tree; the hide itself being the tree; not a tree like those which spring up from the earth, but one planted in the understanding of him that is beloved of God; the well of the oath, the plot of ground; and the change of the Name of the Lord into “God eternal,” the Fruit. ",
+                "[75] Each of these points requires further treatment in the shape of such a reasoned account of them as may commend itself. Well, the hide, being 100 cubits long and as many broad, comes, by the rule of square measure, to 10,000 superficial cubits. ",
+                "[76] This is the highest completest term in the series which increases from unity: that is to say, while 1 is the starting-point of numbers, a myriad or 10,000 is the end, if we adhere to the line of progress on which we set out. Accordingly that comparison is not wide of the mark which some have made between 1 and the post from which runners start, and 10,000 and the post at which they finish, all the intervening numbers being like the competitors in the race; for beginning their course from 1 as from a starting-post they come to a stop at 10,000 as the finish.",
+                "[77] Some have found symbols in these things and have gone on with their help to proclaim God as the beginning and final goal of all things, a teaching on which religion can be built; this teaching, when planted in the soul, produces piety, a fruit most fair and full of nourishment.",
+                "[78] The well, entitled Oath, in which, as history says, no water was found, is a place most appropriate to that which grew there. What we read is this: “The servants of Isaac came and brought word to him concerning the well which they had dug, saying ‘We found no water,’ and he called it ‘Oath’ ” (Gen. 26:32 f.). Let us observe the force of these words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Those who thoroughly investigate the nature of existing things, and prosecute their inquires into each one of them in no indifferent spirit, act as those do who dig wells; for the investigators, like the well-diggers, are in search of hidden springs. And all have in common a desire to find water, but in the one case it is water naturally adapted to the nourishment of the body, in the other to the nourishment of the soul. ",
+                "[80] Now just as some of those who open up wells often fail to find the water of which they are in search, so those, who make more than ordinary progress in various kinds of knowledge, and go deeper into them than most of us, are often powerless to reach the end they aim at. It is said that men of great learning accuse themselves of terrible ignorance, for all that they have come to perceive is how far they fall short of the truth. There is a story that one of the men of the olden days, when people marvelled at his wisdom, said that he was rightly marvelled at; for that he was the only man who knew that he knew nothing.",
+                "[81] Choose, if you will, whatever science or art you may be minded to choose, be it a small one or a greater one, and the man who is best and most approved in this art or science. Then notice carefully whether the professions of the science are made good by what its votary does. If you look you will find that the one fails of the other not by short but by long distances. For it is practically impossible to attain perfection in respect of any science or art whatever, seeing that it is being continually replenished, as a spring is, and ever welling up results of thought and study of many a kind.",
+                "[82] That is why the name of “Oath” given to it was so perfectly suitable: for an oath represents that surest form of trustworthiness which carries with it the testimony of God. For as the man who swears calls God as a witness of the points in dispute, there is no point on which it is more possible to take a sure oath than upon the fact that no subject of knowledge whatever is found to have reached the goal of perfection in the person of him who is an expert in it. ",
+                "[83] The same principle holds good for almost all the other faculties which we possess. For, just as in the well that we read of we are told that no water was found, so neither is sight found in eyes, nor hearing in ears, nor smelling in nostrils, nor, to say all at once, is sense-perception found in organs of sense; and apprehension in like manner is not found in mind either. ",
+                "[84] For how would it ever happen that we should see or hear or conceive amiss, if the power to apprehend each object had been inherently fixed in the several organs, instead of the power to apprehend springing from the seed of certitude sown upon the organs by God?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] Now that we have adequately dealt with the further subject of the plot in which the tree blooms, let us work out as our last point that of the fruit. What its fruit is, then, Moses himself shall inform us: for ’tis said “he called upon it the Name of the Lord, as God eternal” (Gen. 21:33). ",
+                "[86] The titles, then, just mentioned exhibit the powers of Him that IS; the title “Lord” the power in virtue of which He rules, that of “God” the power in virtue of which He bestows benefits. This is why the name “God” is employed throughout all the record of Creation given by Moses, that most holy man. For it was fitting that the Creator should be spoken of by a title coming to Him through that power in virtue of which, when bringing the world into being, He set and ordered it. ",
+                "[87] In so far as He is Ruler, He has both powers, both to bestow benefits and to inflict evil, changing His dealing as the recompense due to the doer of every deed demands: but in so far as He is Benefactor, He wills only the one, to bestow benefits. ",
+                "[88] Very great good would come to the soul from ceasing to be of two minds in face of the King’s readiness to put forth His might in either direction, and if it would resolutely break down the fear that hangs over it owing to the dread force of His sovereignty, and kindle the flame of that most sure hope of winning and enjoying good things, which is afforded by the fact that to be bountiful is His choice and delight. ",
+                "[89] The title “God Eternal” is equivalent to “He that is, not sometimes gracious and sometimes not so, but continuously and always; He that without intermission bestows benefits; He that causes His gifts to follow each other in ceaseless flow; He who makes His boons come round in unbroken cycle, knitting them together by unifying forces; He who lets no opportunity of doing good go by; He who is Lord, and so is able to hurt also.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[90] This is what Jacob, the trainer of self, claimed as the fulfilment of those vows of most sacred import. He said, you remember, “And the Lord shall be to me for God” (Gen. 28:21), as much as to say, He shall no longer exhibit towards me the masterfulness that characterizes the rule of an autocrat, but the readiness to bless that marks the power that is in every way kindly, and bent on the welfare of men. He shall do away with the fear we feel before Him as Master, and implant in the soul the loyalty and affection that goes out to Him as Benefactor.",
+                "[91] What soul, in fact, would imagine that the Master and Sovereign of the Universe, without undergoing any change in His own nature, but remaining as He is, is kind continuously and bountiful incessantly, supreme Author of real good things coming without stint in ceaseless flow to happy souls? ",
+                "[92] It is a strong bulwark of cheerfulness of spirit and freedom from danger to have reposed our confidence in a King who is not urged by the greatness of His dominion to inflict injuries on His subjects, but whose love for man makes it His delight to supply what is lacking to each one."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[93] We may take it, then, that the points which we undertook to prove have now been demonstrated. That God be presupposed as Beginning and End of all things has been shewn to be the plant: as a corollary to this, that perfection is found in no part of creation, though by special grace of the First Cause it is ever and anon displayed upon its face, has been shewn to be the plot of ground; while the perpetuity and unceasing downpour of the gifts of God’s grace has been shewn to be the fruit.",
+                "[94] Of such sort, then, is husbandry as exhibited by the sage also, treading in the steps of the first and greatest Planter. But the intention of the inspired Word is that we too who are not yet perfected, but are still classified as in the preliminary and undeveloped stages of what are called natural duties, should make husbandry our serious business: for It says: ",
+                "[95] “When ye shall have entered into the land, which the Lord your God giveth you, and shall have planted any tree for food, ye shall cleanse away its uncleanness: for three years its fruit shall remain not cleansed away, it shall not be eaten: but in the fourth year all its fruit shall be holy for a thank-offering to the Lord: but in the fifth year ye shall eat the fruit; its crop shall be added to your store. I am the Lord, your God” (Lev. 19:23–25).",
+                "[96] Accordingly it is impossible to grow fruit-trees before migrating into the country given by God; for the words are, “When ye shall have entered into the land, ye shall plant every tree yielding food,” so that while staying outside we shall be unable to cultivate such trees. And this is what we might expect; ",
+                "[97] for, so long as the mind has not come near and entered the way of wisdom, but turns in another direction and wanders away far off, its attention is given to trees of wild growth, which are either barren and yield nothing, or, though they are productive, bear no edible fruit. ",
+                "[98] But when the mind has stepped on to the way of good sense, and in the company of all its teachings comes into and runs along that way, it will begin instead of those wild trees to cultivate trees of the orchard bearing orchard fruits, instead of passions freedom from them, knowledge in place of ignorance, good things in the place of evil things.",
+                "[99] Since, then, the pupil just beginning his course is a long way from the end, we can quite understand why he is directed after planting to remove the uncleanness of that which he has planted. Let us get a good view of what it is to do this."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Natural duties which are indifferent seem to me to correspond to garden or orchard trees: for in each case most wholesome fruits are borne, for bodies in one case, for souls in the other. But many harmful shoots that spring together with the trees of the preliminary stage and many harmful growths that come on them have to be cut away, to save the better parts from being injured. ",
+                "[101] Might we not speak of the returning of a sum entrusted to us as a tree grown in the soul’s orchard? Yet this tree at all events requires cleansing and more than usual attention. What is the cleansing in this case? When you have received something in trust from a man when he was sober, you should not return it to him when he is drunk, or when playing fast and loose with his money, or when mad, for the recipient will not be in a fit condition to derive any real benefit from recovering it. And do not return it to debtors or slaves, when the creditors and masters are lying in wait for them. To do so is betrayal, not payment of a due. And do not be strict about a small sum entrusted to you, with a view to ensnaring people into trusting you with larger sums. ",
+                "[102] It is true that fishermen drop small baits with a view to hooking the bigger fish, and are not seriously to blame. They can plead that they are providing for a good market, and to secure people an abundant supply for the table every day. ",
+                "[103] Then let no one parade the payment of a trifling sum entrusted to him by way of a bait to get a larger deposit. To do so is to hold out in one’s hands an insignificant amount belonging to one person, while in intention one is appropriating untold sums belonging to all men. If, then, you treat the deposit as a tree and remove its impurities, to wit payments entailing injurious treatment to the recipient, ill-timed payments, payments that are really ensnaring tricks, and everything of this kind, you will make fit for your orchard what was turning wild."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] In the tree of friendship there are outgrowths, such as I shall describe, to be pruned and cut off for the sake of preserving the better part. Such outgrowths are practices of courtesans for taking in their lovers, ways parasites have of deceiving their dupes. ",
+                "[105] You may see women, who earn money by the prostitution of their bodily charms, clinging to those enamoured of them as though they intensely loved them. It is not these that they love; they love themselves and are greedy for their daily takings. You may note flatterers cherishing often enough hatred that words cannot express for those upon whom they fawn, in love with rich dishes and overeating, and induced by nothing else than these to court those who glut their measureless greed. ",
+                "[106] The tree of genuine friendship will shake off and be quit of these things, and will bear fruit most beneficial to those who shall eat of it, namely honesty. For real goodwill is a desire that good should befall your neighbour for his own sake, whereas it is to further objects of their own that harlots and toadies take such pains to offer the things that will please, the former in their designs upon their lovers, the latter upon their patrons. So we must treat everything that smacks of sham and quackery as we treat hurtful ongrowths, and cut it away from the tree of friendship."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Again, sacred ministrations and the holy service of sacrifices is a plant most fair, but it has a parasitic growth that is evil, namely superstition, and it is well to apply the knife to this before its green leaves appear. For some have imagined that it is piety to slaughter oxen, and allot to the altars portions of what they have got by stealing, or by repudiating debts, or by defrauding creditors, or by seizing property and cattle-lifting, thinking, in their gross defilement, that impunity for their offences is a thing that can be bought. ",
+                "[108] “Nay, nay,” I would say to them, “no bribes, O foolish ones, can reach God’s tribunal.” He turns His face away from those who approach with guilty intent, even though they lead to His altar a hundred bullocks every day, and accepts the guiltless, although they sacrifice nothing at all. God delights in altars beset by a choir of Virtues, albeit no fire burn on them. He takes no delight in blazing altar fires fed by the unhallowed sacrifices of men to whose hearts sacrifice is unknown. Nay, these sacrifices do but put Him in remembrance of the ignorance and offences of the several offerers; for Moses, as we know, speaks of sacrifice “bringing sin to remembrance” (Num. 5:15). ",
+                "[109] All such defilements entail great loss. We must clear the way and cut them off in obedience to the oracle, in which a command is given to clear away the uncleanness of the fruit-trees that have been planted."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] But, while we, even under teachers, fail to make progress and become apt pupils, some, taking advantage of a nature which is its own teacher, have released the good in them from the hurtful growths which had fastened upon it. It was so with the trainer of self, whose name was Jacob, for he “peeled rods, stripping off the green bark, and causing them to shew white where they were peeled” (Gen. 30:37). His aim was to do away entirely with the variety and changeableness of hue, which is associated with the misty darkness and gloom of the undeveloped stages; and to bring into full view the whiteness, which is due to no artificial variegation, but is akin to Nature, to which it owes its birth. ",
+                "[111] It is in accordance with this that in the law laid down regarding leprosy it is enjoined that the leper is clean whose body is no longer particoloured, shewing a variety of hues, but has turned white all over from head to foot (Lev. 13:12 f.). The aim of this ordinance is that, by way of leaving behind us bodily concerns, we may abandon the condition of mind which is changeful and vacillating, ready to put its hand to any project and to face both ways, and may take the plain hue of truth with its freedom from changefulness and indecision.",
+                "[112] The statement that the trees undergo a cleansing is quite reasonable and accords with facts; the statement that the fruit does so is by no means made good by what we see before our eyes; for no gardener cleanses figs or grapes or any fruit at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] And yet it says, “The fruit shall remain uncleansed for three years; it shall not be eaten,” as though it were the custom to cleanse it regularly as a matter of course. Let me say, then, that this again is one of the points to be interpreted allegorically, the literal interpretation being quite out of keeping with facts. The sentence can be taken in two ways. Read in one way, it means something of this kind, “Its fruit shall be for three years”; then, as an independent sentence, “it shall not be eaten uncleansed.” Read in another way, “Its fruit shall be uncleansed for three years,” and then the words “it shall not be eaten.” ",
+                "[114] Led by the sense yielded by the former punctuation, we arrive at this result. We take the three years to represent time in its natural threefold division into past, present, and future. The fruit of instruction—so we understand the words—shall be, subsist, remain free from interference, through all the divisions of time. This is equivalent to saying that throughout eternity it is exempt from corruption; for the nature of good is incorruptible. “But uncleansed fruit shall not be eaten.” This is due to the fact that right teaching, having submitted to a cleansing which makes it wholesome, nourishes the soul and makes the mind grow; while teaching of a contrary sort is devoid of nourishment, and lets loose upon the soul corruption and disease. An illustration will help us to see the senses which the other arrangement of the words may convey. ",
+                "[115] An argument is called “indemonstrable,” either when it has such inherent difficulties that it is hardly capable of demonstration, or when its force is recognized at once by its mere statement, when it relies for its certainty not on any proof drawn from elsewhere, but from its self-evident character; the kind of argument which Logic usually employs in formal syllogisms. Just so can the word “without cleansing” be used either of fruit that needs cleansing and has not received it, or of fruit that is perfectly bright and brilliant. ",
+                "[116] Such is the fruit of education “through three years,” that is through past, present, and future, that is all eternity, wholly pure and bright, bedimmed by no hurtful thing, utterly exempt from need of washings or lustrations or anything else whatever whose purpose is to cleanse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] “And in the fourth year,” it says, “all its fruit shall be holy, for giving praise unto the lord” (Lev. 19:24). In many parts of the Lawgiving, but above all in the record of the creation of the universe, we see the prophetic word glorifying the number 4. For (Gen. 1:14) it ascribes to the fourth day the making of those things on which depends the soul’s chiefest good; ",
+                "[118] the precious light of the senses, which gives us most sure knowledge of itself and all other objects; light’s parents, the sun and moon and that most holy choir of the stars; these by their risings and settings determined the bounds of months and years, and revealed number’s place in nature. ",
+                "[119] And in the passage before us it has accorded highest honour to the number 4, by making the fruit of the trees an offering to God at no other time than in the fourth year from their planting. ",
+                "[120] The number indeed involves deep principles both of physics and ethics. For the roots of the universe, out of which the world grows, are four—earth, water, air, fire. Of the same number are the seasons, Winter and Summer, and those that come between, Spring and Autumn. ",
+                "[121] And, since it is the first of all numbers produced by squaring another number, it is in right angles that it presents itself to view, as is made evident by the geometrical figure. And right angles are clear pictures of rightness of reasoned thought, and right reason is an everflowing spring of virtue. ",
+                "[122] Again, the sides of the square are necessarily equal: and equality is the mother of justice, empress and queen of the virtues. Thus the word of prophecy shews that this number is the symbol of equality, and righteousness, and every virtue in a way that the other numbers are not.",
+                "[123] The number 4 is also called “all” or “totality” because it potentially embraces the numbers up to 10 and 10 itself. That it so embraces those which precede it is plain to everyone: and it is easy to see by further reckoning that it so embraces the numbers that come after it also."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Add together 1+2+3+4, and we shall find what we wanted. For out of 1+4 we shall get 5; out of 2+4 we shall get 6; 7 out of 3+4; and (by adding three instead of two numbers together) from 1+3+4 we get 8; and again from 2+3+4 we get the number 9; and from all taken together we get 10; for 1+2+3+4 produces 10. ",
+                "[125] This is why Moses said “In the fourth year <i>all</i> the fruit shall be holy.” For the number 4 is, in relation to other numbers, even and complete and full and, in a loose sense, universal, owing to the fact that 10, the offspring of 4, is fixed as first turning-point of the numbers from 1 onwards in a series. And 10 and 4 are said to be “all” or “totality” among numbers; 10 being so in realized actuality, and 4 potentially."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] Quite appropriately does Moses speak of the fruit of instruction as being not only “holy” but “for praise”; for each of the virtues is a holy matter, but thanksgiving is pre-eminently so. But it is not possible genuinely to express our gratitude to God by means of buildings and oblations and sacrifices, as is the custom of most people, for even the whole world were not a temple adequate to yield the honour due to Him. Nay, it must be expressed by means of hymns of praise, and these not such as the audible voice shall sing, but strains raised and re-echoed by the mind too pure for eye to discern. ",
+                "[127] Indeed there is an old story on men’s lips, the invention of wise men, and handed down by memory to succeeding generations of posterity, which has not escaped my ears which are for ever greedy for teaching. It is to this effect. When, they say, the Creator had finished the whole world, He inquired of one of His subordinates whether he missed as having failed to be created aught of created things beneath the earth or beneath the water, aught found in air’s high realm or heaven’s, furthest of all realms that are. ",
+                "[128] He, it is said, made answer that all were perfect and complete in all their parts, and that he was looking for one thing only, namely the word to sound their praises, which should make the surpassing excellence that marked even the most minute and inconspicuous among them the subject of announcement rather than of praise, seeing that the mere recounting of the works of God was in itself their all-sufficient praise, for they needed the embellishment of no extraneous additions, but possessed in the reality that could not lie their most perfect encomium. ",
+                "[129] The story runs that the Author of the universe on hearing this commended what had been said, and that it was not long before there appeared the new birth, the family of the Muses and hymnody, sprung from the womb of one of His powers, even virgin Memory, whose name most people slightly change and call her “Mnemosyne.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] So runs the myth of the men of old. We take the same line and say that the work most appropriate to God is conferring boons, that most fitting to creation giving thanks, seeing that it has no power to render in return anything beyond this; for, whatever else it may have thought of giving in requital, this it will find to be the property of the Maker of all things, and not of the being that brings it. ",
+                "[131] Having learned, then, that, in all that has to do with shewing honour to God, one work only is incumbent upon us, namely thanksgiving, let us always and everywhere make this our study, using voice and skilful pen. Let us never tire of composing eulogies in prose and poetry, to the end that, whether with or without musical accompaniment whichever of its appointed functions the voice may exercise, be it eloquent speech or song, high honour may be given both to the world and to the Creator of the world; the former, as one has said, the most perfect of things produced, the latter the best of producers."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] When, therefore, in the fourth year and in the number 4 all the soul’s fruit shall have been consecrated, in the fifth year and in the number 5 we ourselves shall get the enjoyment and use of it; for he says, “in the fifth year ye shall eat the fruit.” This accords with nature’s incontrovertible law, that the place of creation is in all things lower than that of the Creator. That is why Moses treats it as a marvel that we should be recipients even of secondary privileges.",
+                "[133] Again, the reason why he ascribes to us the fruit of the fifth year and number is that 5 is the number proper to sense-perception, and that, if we are to face facts, we must own that it is sense-perception that supplies food to our mind. By means of the eyes, it serves up to it the varying qualities of colours and forms; through the ears, the peculiarities of sounds in all their diversity; scents by way of the nostrils; savours by the palate; smoothness and roughness, yielding softness and resistent hardness, nay coldness and heat as well, by means of the faculty distributed over all the body, which we are in the habit of calling “touch.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] A very clear illustration of what has been said is found in the sons of Leah, who is Virtue; not indeed in all of them, but in the fourth and fifth. For, after recording the birth of the fourth, Moses says that “she ceased from bearing” (Gen. 30:35), and his name is “Judah,” which signifies “confession of praise to the Lord.” The fifth she calls “Issachar,” a name which interpreted means “reward.” And the soul, upon giving birth to this character, at once gave utterance to her experience; for it says, “She called his name Issachar, which is ‘reward’ ” (Gen. 30:18).",
+                "[135] It follows that Judah, the mind that blesses God, and is ceaselessly engaged in conning hymns of thanksgiving to Him, was himself the fruit that is really “holy and for praise to God,” fruit borne not by earth’s trees but by those of a rational and virtuous nature. Accordingly the nature which gave birth to him is said to have “ceased from bearing,” because she had no longer any way to turn, having reached the utmost bound of perfectness; for of all successful accomplishments ever brought to the birth the best and most perfect is the hymn of praise to the Father of the universe.",
+                "[136] The fifth son is identical with the using in the fifth year of the trees that had been planted; for, on the one hand, the husbandman does receive a sort of pay or reward from the trees in the fifth year, and, on the other, the offspring of the soul was called Issachar, “pay” or “reward.” He was very naturally so called, having been born next after Judah the thanksgiver; for the thanksgiver finds in thanksgiving itself an all-sufficient reward.",
+                "[137] Now, whereas fruits borne by trees are called products of the persons who own them, the fruit of instruction and good sense is not like these spoken of as being a man’s, but as belonging, as Moses says, to no other than the Ruler of all. For after the words, “His products,” he adds, “I am the Lord your God,” affording most clear proof that He to whom the product and the fruit of the soul pertains is One, even God. ",
+                "[138] In harmony with this is the oracle given in one of the prophets: “From Me is thy fruit found. Who is wise, and he shall understand these things? understanding, and he shall know them?” (Hosea 14:9 f.). For not everybody, but only the wise man knows, Whose is the fruit of intelligence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] We have discoursed to the best of our ability concerning the earliest and most sacred husbandry, plied by the First Cause in dealing with the world, that most fertile of plants; and concerning the husbandry that comes next in order, carried on by the man of worth; and concerning the number 4 which carries off the prizes conferred upon it by the injunctions and directions found in laws.",
+                "[140] Let us now turn our attention to the righteous Noah’s work on his vineyard, which is a special form of husbandry. The account runs: “Noah began to be a husbandman, a tiller of the soil: and he planted a vineyard and drank of the wine, and became drunk” (Gen. 9:20 f.). We see from these words that the righteous man tills the tree, that is the means of drunkenness, with skill and knowledge, while those who are devoid of good sense tend it in an unskilful and faulty way. ",
+                "[141] This renders it necessary for us to make some pertinent remarks regarding drunkenness; for, as we treat of it, we shall ascertain also the powers and properties of the tree which furnishes it with the material which produces it. The Lawgiver’s words regarding drunkenness we shall acquaint ourselves with another time: let us at present engage in a thorough investigation of the sentiments of other persons."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] Many philosophers have given no slight attention to the question; which is propounded in the form “Will the wise man get drunk?” Now, there are two ways of getting drunk; one is equivalent to drinking heavily, the other to being silly in your cups. ",
+                "[143] Among those who have tackled the problem some have maintained that the wise man will neither take strong drink in excess nor become silly and maudlin; the latter being a sin, and the former productive of sin, and both alike alien to him whose standard of conduct is the highest. ",
+                "[144] Others, while regarding a condition of silliness as foreign to a man of moral excellence, have pronounced heavy drinking to befit him, seeing that the good sense which resides in him is capable of holding its own against everything that attempts to injure him, and of baffling their efforts to change the constitution of his soul. They hold that good sense is an armour which has power to quench passions, whether fanned by the stinging blasts of inflaming love, or kindled by the heat of much wine; and that in virtue of his good sense he will come off victorious. They point out that, when people sink in a deep river or in the sea, those who cannot swim are drowned, while those who know how to swim escape at once; and that a quantity of strong drink is like a torrent washing over the soul; in one case, as it sinks, plunging it into the lowest depth of ignorance, in another case, as it is buoyed up and kept afloat by salutary instruction, altogether powerless to hurt it.",
+                "[145] The others, failing, as I think, to recognize the completeness of the wise man’s superiority to every passion, have brought him down to earth from heaven whose skies he haunts, treating him as fowlers treat the birds they catch, and being bent on bringing him into as evil a plight, and not setting him on virtue’s lofty summit, have declared that after taking an immoderate quantity of wine he will certainly lose self-control and commit sin, and not only, like vanquished athletes, let his hands fall from sheer weakness, but let his neck and head drop and his knees give way, and, collapsing in every part, sink to the ground."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Having learned this beforehand he will never think fit voluntarily to engage in a drinking-contest, unless the matters at issue are of great moment, a fatherland’s deliverance, respect for parents, children’s safety or that of the persons of those very near and dear, or, in a word, a putting on a right footing of private and public concerns. ",
+                "[147] No more would a wise man take a deadly poison, unless the crisis were such as absolutely to compel him to depart from life as though he were leaving his country. And strong drink <i>is</i> a poison bringing about not death indeed but madness. And yet why should we not call madness death, seeing that by it mind dies, the noblest part of us? Nay it appears to me that, were a choice offered, a man would be likely to choose without hesitation the death that separates and dissolves the union of soul and body, in preference to that of going out of one’s senses, feeling that he was choosing the lighter in place of the heavier. ",
+                "[148] It was for this reason that the earliest inhabitants of the world called the inventor of the culture of the vine Maenoles and the Bacchants whom its frenzy seized Maenads, since wine is the cause of madness and loss of sound sense in those who imbibe it over freely."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] Such then is what we may call the prelude to our inquiry. It is time for us to state in full the argument bearing upon it. That argument obviously admits of two contentions, one establishing the thesis that the wise man will get drunk, the other maintaining the contrary, that he will not get drunk. ",
+                "[150] It will be convenient to take first the proofs by which the former thesis is supported. We will begin by remarking that some things are homonymous and others synonymous. Everyone will allow that homonymy and synonymy are opposites, homonymy meaning one name applied to many objects, synonymy many names applied to one object.",
+                "[151] The word “dog” is certainly homonymous, several dissimilar objects being included under it, all of which it is used to signify. The barking animal on the land is a “dog”; so is the monster found in the sea; and the star in the heavens which the poets call the fruit star, because just when the summer fruit has reached its prime this star rises to bring it to perfection and to ripen it. The name “dog” is applied moreover to the man whose philosophy takes its colour from the Cynic school, Aristippus, Diogenes, and ever so many others who found it congenial to conform themselves to their principles.",
+                "[152] There are other names which are different though one thing is meant by them, as “arrow,” “shaft,” “dart”; for the thing discharged at the mark from the string of the bow is called by all these names. Again, the instrument which does as well as sails for propelling a vessel is called an “oar,” “scull,” “rowing-sweep.” For when, owing to a calm or head wind, a vessel cannot make use of sails, the men, whose business it is, take their seats at the oars, and stretching out from each side wing-like blades, force the vessel to be borne along as though it were flying. The vessel, lifted high out of the water, not so much cutting the waves as coursing over them, makes a quick run, and is soon safely moored in harbour.",
+                "[153] Once more “staff,” “walking-stick,” “rod” are different names by which we call one object, with which we can beat someone, on which we can firmly support ourselves, on which we can lean, and with which we can do several other things. I have given these examples, not just because my tongue runs on, but that we may get a clearer idea of the subject which we are investigating."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[154] The ancients called strong drink “wine” and an “intoxicant” indifferently: as we see from the frequency with which this last word occurs in poetry. If, then, “wine” and “intoxicant” are used as synonyms of one object, their derivatives “to be filled with wine” and “to be intoxicated” will differ only in word; ",
+                "[155] for either term denotes taking more wine than usual, a thing which several motives might induce a really excellent man to do. But if such an one will get filled with wine, he will get drunk, and be in no worse plight for being drunk, but in precisely the same state as he was brought to by being filled with wine.",
+                "[156] One proof of the wise man’s getting drunk has been mentioned; there is a second to the following effect. Broadly speaking, the men of the present day, apart from a small fraction of them, do not resemble those of former times in their aims and enthusiasms, but both in language and in action exhibit tendencies wholly out of harmony with theirs. ",
+                "[157] Language that was once healthy and robust they have turned into a jargon hopelessly depraved. For a style sound and full of vitality as an athlete’s frame they have substituted a sickly form of speech. A full and massive type, possessed, as someone has said, of a solidity due to its firmness of fibre, they debase into a bloated mis-growth of disease, to which they give a seeming loftiness and grandeur by empty puffing and blowing, which, in default of any confining power, bursts when distention has reached its limit. ",
+                "[158] Actions, meriting praise and calling out enthusiasm, and, if the expression may be permitted, masculine, they have rendered effeminate, and in performing them made them base instead of noble. The result is that whether on the side of action or of speech, there are very few indeed who take delight in the objects that kindled the ardour of the men of old.",
+                "[159] Consequently in their times poets and chroniclers flourished and all who engaged in literary work of other kinds, and they did not at once charm and enervate men’s ears by the rhythm of their language, but they revived any faculty of the mind that had broken down and lost its tone, and every true note of it they kept in tune with the instruments of nature and of virtue. But in our days it is chefs and confectioners that flourish, and experts in making dyes and concocting unguents. These are ever aiming at sacking the citadel of Mind, by bringing to bear upon the senses some novelty in shade of colour or shape of dress or perfume or savoury dish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[160] What has been my object in recalling these things? My object has been to make it clear that the modern way of taking strong drink is not the same as the ancient way. For nowadays men go on till body and soul are unstrung, drinking huge draughts without stopping, open-mouthed for more, and ordering the servants to replenish the cups they have just filled and shewing arrogance if they delay, because all such delay cools what they are pleased to call the “heat” of the carousal. They give an exhibition to their fellow-guests of that counterfeit parody of the athletic games, namely the tipsy contest. In this they practise on one another magnificent passes, gnawing off ears and noses and tops of fingers and any parts of the body that come handy.",
+                "[161] These are, apparently, the contests indulged in by the gladness of these later times, which flourishes to-day and is just reaching its full growth; but far other were those of the more lofty gladness of old. For our forefathers inaugurated every noble business with sacrifices duly offered, deeming that an auspicious result would by this means be ensured. However urgently the crisis might call for immediate action, they never failed to tarry to pray and offer sacrifices beforehand, deeming that what is rapid is not always superior to what is slow; for rapidity without forethought is hurtful, while slowness prompted by the prospect of a happy issue is beneficial.",
+                "[162] Knowing, then, that, like other things, the use and enjoyment of wine needs great care, they took strong drink neither in great quantity nor at all times, but in such order and season as was befitting. For after having first prayed and presented sacrifices and implored the favour of the Deity, when they had cleansed their bodies by ablutions and their souls by streams of holy ordinances and instructions in the right way, radiant and gladsome they turned to relaxation and enjoyment, in many cases not after returning home, but remaining in the temples in which they had sacrificed in order that both the recollection of their sacrifices and their reverence for the place might lead them to celebrate a festivity in actual truth most holy, sinning neither in word nor deed.",
+                "[163] You must know that it was from this, so it is said, that “getting drunk” got its name, because it was the custom of the men of earlier times to indulge in wine “after sacrificing.” Now with whom, I ask, would the mode of using strong drink just described be more in keeping than with wise men, with whose character the act which precedes the drunkenness, namely the act of sacrificing, is also in perfect accord? ",
+                "[164] For we may venture to say that there is not a single bad man who really performs a sacrificial act, even though he lead to the altar in unceasing procession ten thousand bullocks every day; for in his case the mind, the most essential victim, is a blemished thing, and no blemish may come into contact with an altar.",
+                "[165] Such is a second argument put forward to shew that getting drunk is not a thing inconsistent with moral excellence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "There is a third, possessing etymological plausibility in a very high degree. For some hold that drunkenness is so termed, not only because it follows the performance of sacrifice, but because it is also the cause of a letting go or release of soul. [166] It is to give vent to many sins that the reasoning faculty of fools is let go, but that of sensible men for the enjoyment of relaxation, cheerfulness, and good spirits; for the wise man becomes a more genial person after indulging in wine than when he is sober, and accordingly we should not be wrong in asserting on this ground as well as on those others that he will get drunk.",
+                "[167] We must remark furthermore that the countenance of wisdom is not scowling and severe, contracted by deep thought and depression of spirit, but on the contrary cheerful and tranquil, full of joy and gladness, feelings which often prompt a man to be sportive and jocular in a perfectly refined way. Such sportiveness is in harmony with a dignified self-respect, a harmony like that of a lyre tuned to give forth a single melody by a blending of answering notes.",
+                "[168] Moses, at all events, holiest of men, shews us that sport and merriment is the height of wisdom, not the sport which children of all sorts indulge in, paying no heed to good sense, but such as is seen in those who are now become grey-headed not only in respect of age but of thoughtfulness. Do you not observe that when he is speaking of the man who drew directly from the well of knowledge, listening to no other, learning through no other, resorting to no agency whatever, he does not say that he had a part in laughter, but that he was laughter itself? ",
+                "[169] I am speaking of Isaac, whose name means “laughter,” and whom it well befits to sport with “patient waiting,” who is called in Hebrew “Rebecca.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "For the sacred sporting of the soul is a sight not permissible to an ordinary citizen, but it is open to a king, with whom wisdom was for a very long time a guest, if indeed she did not make him her permanent abode. The name of this king is Abimelech. He looked out at the window, the mind’s eye wide-opened and admitting light, and saw Isaac sporting with Rebecca his wife (Gen. 26:8). [170] What other occupation is seemly for a wise man rather than bright sportiveness and making merry in the company of one who waits patiently for all that is beautiful? Hence it is evident that he will get drunk also, seeing that drunkenness benefits the character, saving it from overstrain and undue intensity. ",
+                "[171] For strong drink is likely to intensify natural tendencies, whether good or the reverse, just as many other things do. Money, it has been said, is the cause of good things to a good man, of evil things to a bad man. Fame again makes the fool’s badness more conspicuous, while it causes a brighter glory to rest upon the virtue of the righteous man. On this principle, therefore, a lavish use of strong drink places the man who has given the rein to his passions more completely at their mercy, while it makes him who has cherished right feelings more kindly and well disposed.",
+                "[172] Again, all know that when one of two opposite predicates is applicable to two or more sets of people, it cannot but be that the other is applicable also. For instance, black and white are opposites. If white is predicable of bad and good, black too will of course be equally so of both, not only of one of the two sets. So too soberness and drunkenness are opposites, and both bad and good men, so our forefathers said, partake of soberness. It follows that drunkenness also is predicable of both sorts. Accordingly the man of moral worth will get drunk as well as other people without losing any of his virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[173] If, just as in a court of law, we are to make use, not only of the logical or dialectical proofs, but also of the modes of persuasion that are called “inartistic,” one of which is that which employs evidence, we shall call as witnesses many distinguished physicians and philosophers, who ratify their evidence by writings as well as by words. ",
+                "[174] For they have left behind them innumerable treatises bearing the title “Concerning drunkenness,” in which they deal with nothing but the subject of drinking wine at all, without adding a word of inquiry regarding those who are in the habit of losing their heads; thus giving the go-by altogether to intoxication as an aspect of the subject. Thus we find in these men too the most explicit acknowledgement that drunkenness was suffering from the effects of wine. But there would be nothing amiss in a wise man quaffing wine freely on occasion: we shall not be wrong, then, in saying that he will get drunk.",
+                "[175] But, since no one is registered as victor if he has no antagonist, and anyone engaged in such a contest would naturally be considered rather to be fighting a shadow, we must needs mention the arguments maintaining the contrary, in order that a perfectly fair decision may be reached, neither side being condemned by default.",
+                "[176] Of such arguments the first and most weighty is this. If one would not act reasonably in entrusting a secret to a drunken man, and does entrust secrets to a good man, it follows that a good man does not get drunk. Well now, instead of the whole series of arguments one after another, it will be better, as each is advanced, to answer it, that we may not seem tedious through making too long a story of it.",
+                "[177] A man may counter the arguments just mentioned by saying that according to it the wise man will never be melancholy, never fall asleep, in a word, never die. But he whom nothing of this sort befalls would be an inanimate thing or a Divine Being, certainly not a man. For reproducing the conduct of the argument, he will apply it in this way to the case of the melancholy or sleeping or dying man: No one would act reasonably in entrusting a secret to one in such case, but would act reasonably in doing so to a wise man: therefore a wise man never falls into melancholy, or goes to sleep, or dies."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "<big>APPENDIX TO <i>DE PLANTATIONE</i></big>",
+            "§ 3. Mr. Whitaker had left “ride upon” for ὀχεῖσθαι, and this is the natural meaning of the word; but the sequel shows that the fire rides upon the air, and the earth contains the water in its hollows (§ 10). At the same time the translation here substituted, “be held by,” is not quite satisfactory. Probably ὀχεῖσθαι is corrupt. Some word indicating juxtaposition (ὅμορον κεῖσθαι?) seems to be needed.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 6. <i>Perfect parts. Cf.</i> <i>Quod Det.</i> 154 and note, in which the dependence of this thought on <i>Timaeus</i> 32 c was pointed out.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Masterpiece of literature</i>. Or perhaps “literature.” It seems to the translators doubtful whether Mangey, whom Wendland followed, was justified in substituting φωνῆς. The phrase ἐγγ. φωνή, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Agr.</i> 136, means speech which is capable of being analysed into the sounds which are represented by the γράμματα, and ἐγγ. μουσική will mean the same, except that while φωνή contemplates the letters as used for speech in general, μουσική contemplates them as used for the higher purpose of literary expression. The thought is enriched by the word: the action of the Logos in creating out of discordant στοιχεῖα the harmony of the Cosmos is compared with the way in which the στοιχεῖα of sound combine to form the medium by which we express our highest thoughts.",
+            "§ 29. The insertion of εἰς will no doubt make the construction easier, if we may assume that αἰσθήσεις can mean the organs of sense. But this seems doubtful (the passages in L. &amp; S. 1927 quoted for it seem rather to mean the senses themselves <i>as localized</i>). Without εἰς the passage can be translated “taking our body, like some deep-soiled plot, as tree-beds, he made the senses for it,” though it is true that we should have expected δεξαμενήν.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 33. <i>To say nothing of the fact,</i> etc. This sense can no doubt be obtained by excluding τῷ. But the combination in a single sentence of two such disparate thoughts, as (1) that the cause cannot be contained in the caused, (2) that the trees do not bear fruits, is odd. As there is admittedly some corruption, perhaps we may extend that corruption a little further and suppose that a fresh sentence and subject begins after περιέχεσθαι. It has been shown that God does not dwell in gardens; we now go on to show that He does not need the fruit. As a guess one might suggest φῶμεν δὲ for τῷ μηδὲ, <i>i.e</i>. “And are we to say forsooth that the trees (as they would if they were really trees) bear yearly fruit?” Who then will eat them?—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 41. <i>That is to say … irrational creatures</i>. The MS. text and also the suggestions of Cohn and Mangey involve making the ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις the recipients of the privilege denied to the irrational creatures. But clearly the ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις represent the tilling of the garden and themselves constitute the privilege. The reading adopted brings out this meaning with no more departure from the manuscripts than the transplacement of ἐστιν and the omission of οὖν. Wendland’s proposal of αἱ γοῦν ἀρετῆς δεκτικαὶ φύσεις, for αἱ οὐν ἀσκήσεις τε καὶ χρήσεις, would give much the same sense, but with more drastic alteration, and the phrase ἀσκήσεις καὶ χρήσεις has every appearance of being genuine.",
+            "§ 61. <i>For separation</i>. Or “for dismissal” as R.V. in margin. Mr. Whitaker had intended to correct his translation in <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 52 from “averter of evil” to this, though that is the usual meaning of the word. Whatever the LXX actually meant, the interpretation which follows here (<i>cf</i>. also <i>De Post.</i> 72) seems to show that Philo took the word in this passive sense, and to this he would be guided by the parallel phrase in Lev. 16:10 ὥστε ἐξαποστεῖλαι αὐτὸν εἰς ἀποπομπήν.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 73 ff. The curious distortion of the story of Genesis which follows has this much excuse, that the accusative after φυτεύω would naturally mean the thing planted, whereas the LXX uses it for the soil, which again would naturally be expressed by the dative following ἐπί. The A.V. has “grove” in place of the LXX “field” or “hide”; the R.V, has “tamarisk tree.”",
+            "§ 76. 10,000 <i>is the end</i>. Apparently because Greek has no name for higher numbers, except such as are compounded with μυρίοι or lower numbers.",
+            "<i>Ibid. If we adhere to the line of progress</i>, etc. Literally “according to the first arrangement (or “series”).” The word “first” is obscure. Possibly it may mean the series 1, 2, 3, etc., other secondary series being 1, 3, 5, etc., and 2, 4, 6, etc. The former would not reach 10,000, and the latter does not start from 1.",
+            "§ 93. <i>Though by special grace</i>, etc. An afterthought; no such reservation is made in 79–84.",
+            "§ 94. <i>Natural duties</i>. Or, as it has been rendered in earlier passages, “simple” or “common” or “daily” duties.",
+            "§ 95. <i>Its crop</i>. In 137, however, Philo seems to take αὐτοῦ as referring to the Lord, <i>i.e</i>. “what He has produced.” But it would be quite in his manner to regard it as having both meanings.",
+            "§ 100. <i>Indifferent</i>. Or “belonging to the lower or preliminary stage,” as in 94. For the phrase <i>cf.</i> <i>De Sacr.</i> 43.",
+            "§ 101. <i>Debtors or slaves. I e</i>. if anyone, slave or freeman, has entrusted a friend with some piece of property, he should retain it, if otherwise it will be seized by the master of the former, or the creditor of the latter. Heinemann would read χρεώστας ἢ δούλους, but it is improbable that slaves were entrusted in this way and surely impossible that debtors should be. For the remarks that follow <i>cf</i>. note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 101.",
+            "§ 106. <i>A desire that good</i>, etc. A verbatim quotation of the Stoic definition of εὔνοια, see <i>S. V.F.</i> iii. 432.",
+            "§ 110. Philo oddly perverts the story of Jacob and the rods. It looks as if he took the words which follow the text which he quotes καὶ ἐφαίνετο τὸ λευκὸν ποικίλον to mean “the spotted appeared white” instead of the opposite.",
+            "§ 111. <i>By way of leaving behind us bodily concerns</i>. The case of κατά is strange, and the thought, though in itself quite Philonic, seems alien to the context. Perhaps read κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος μετάβασιν &lt;τοῦ ποικίλου&gt; τὸ ποικίλον, κτλ., <i>i.e</i>. “Just as the variegatedness leaves the body of the leper, so we,” etc.",
+            "§ 118. <i>The soul’s chiefest good</i>, etc. This passage, like <i>De Op.</i> 53, is evidently dependent on the eulogy of light in <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, see particularly, “Day and night … and months and years and the revolution of the years have created number … and from these we have derived philosophy, than which no greater good has come … to mortal men” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "The correction ἀγαθόν for the senseless ἀπάτη has been universally accepted. But such a foolish corruption is strange. Is it possible that ἄκος ἀπάτης or some such phrase may have stood originally?",
+            "§ 123. “<i>All</i>” <i>or</i> “<i>totality</i>.” A Pythagorean idea, <i>cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Met</i>. i. 5, 968 a, “ten is thought to be perfect and to embrace the whole nature of number”; see Zeller, <i>Pre-socratic Philosophy</i>, vol. ii. p. 428. What applies to 10 applies to 4 also, since 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 = 10. Philo is also probably thinking of the words πᾶς ὁ καρπός in his text from Leviticus.",
+            "§ 129. <i>The family of the Muses</i>, etc. Philo seems to be giving a spiritualized form of the legend in Hesiod, <i>Theog</i> 50 f., where Zeus lay for nine nights with Mnemosyne, who after a year bore the Nine Muses at a birth. πάμμουσον frequently means “very musical” but one can hardly help supposing that here there is an allusion to “all the Muses.”",
+            "§ 137. <i>His products</i>. See note on “its crop,” § 95.",
+            "§ 139. <i>And concerning the number</i> 4. The sense given in the translation can no doubt be obtained by merely omitting the καὶ before ἃ, and taking συνεκροτεῖτο in a rather unusual sense. But the phrasing is odd. The genitive τῶν ἄθλων cannot be governed by φερομένης, and must be taken as partitive, “those of the prizes which.” If we retain καὶ, we might perhaps translate “and about the things which were enjoined,” but the genitive τῶν ἄθλων then is unintelligible, as Wendland felt, who suggested for it &lt;τὰ πρεσβεῖα&gt; τῶν ἀριθμῶν.",
+            "But there is another possibility. The treatise up to now has consisted of three parts; the husbandry of God (1–73), the husbandry of the wise man (74–92), and the husbandry of the ordinary (progressing) man (93–138). In this last the number four was merely incidental. It seems possible that φερομένης like ἑπομένης agrees with γεωργίας, and that the meaning is the “husbandry which wins the prize assigned to four.” No doubt some corruption must be assumed to get such a meaning, but the following might be tentatively suggested: τῆς φερομένης τετράδος τὸ ἆθλον, ἣ κατά, κτλ. The last words will then mean “the husbandry which was trained (or “worked”) according to the injunctions and directions of the law.” This would give quite a usual sense to συνεκροτεῖτο, The “working” or “training” has been described in 100 ff.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Cf</i>. Plutarch, <i>De Garrulitate</i> 4 (= 503) F. καὶ μήποτε τὸ ζητούμενον παρὰ τοὺς φιλοσόφους λύων ὁ ποιητὴς οἰνώσεως καὶ μέθης διαφορὰν εἴρηκεν, οἰνώσεως μὲν ἄνεσιν μέθης δὲ φλυαρίαν … οἱ δὲ φιλόσοφοι καὶ ὁριζόμενοι τὴν μέθην λέγουσιν εἶναι λήρησιν πάροινον· οὕτως οὐ ψέγεται τὸ πίνειν, εἰ προσείη τῷ πίνειν τὸ σιωπᾶν· ἀλλʼ ἡ μωρολογία μέθην ποιεῖ τὴν οἴνωσιν. (<i>Ibid</i>. 504 B.)",
+            "“We may, indeed, believe that these lines of the poet give the solution of the question discussed in the philosophic schools as to the distinction between mellowness and intoxication: mellowness produces unbending, but drunkenness foolish twaddling.",
+            "“In fact the philosophic definition of intoxication calls it ‘<i>silly talk in one’s cups</i>.’ The blame, therefore, is not for drinking, if one can drink and yet at the same time hold his tongue. It is the foolish talk that converts mellowness into drunkenness” (Tucker’s translation).",
+            "§ 145. “<i>The others</i>.” <i>I.e</i>. those described in 143. Arnim would render “others,” making a third class w ho are distinguished from the first, in that they regard drunkenness as venial in the exceptional circumstances described in 146. But all that is stated there is that the wise man may be occasionally forced to relax his general rule of avoiding all occasions of heavy drinking, and this is not incompatible with the view stated in § 143.",
+            "§ 163. “<i>After sacrificing</i>.” This derivation is ascribed to Aristotle by Athenaeus, <i>Epit</i>. ii. p. 40 c.",
+            "§ 165. <i>Etymology</i>. Arguments like this and the preceding one were a recognized method of proof both in philosophy and rhetoric. <i>Cf</i>. Cicero, <i>Topica</i> 35 and <i>Academica</i> i. 32 (with Reid’s note). The first proof, though of a very similar kind, would perhaps have been classed rather as an argument “from definition.”",
+            "§ 171. <i>Right feelings</i>. Arnim takes this Stoic term (εὐπάθειαι) as supporting his contention that the disputant is a Stoic. But apart from the fact that the word is a favourite with Philo, Arnim himself notes that much of the Stoic “jargon” had become common property.",
+            "§ 172. Arnim connects this argument with the strict Stoic view (<i>a</i>) that every good thing has its opposite evil; (<i>b</i>) that all good things belong solely to the wise man, and all bad things to the fool: (<i>c</i>) that what is neither good nor bad (ἀδιάφορον) is shared by both, and therefore its opposite must be shared by both. From this he argues that the ascription of this statement to οἱ πρότεροι shows that the disputant is a Stoic, since a member of an opposite school would not use such a form of words (“our predecessors”). If, however, it is assumed that the writer is a free lance, the argument seems doubtful. Moreover, the phrase ὡς ὁ τῶν προτέρων λόγος only applies to the statement that good and bad share soberness, and Arnim adduces no proof that this is Stoic.",
+            "§ 173. <i>Inartistic. Cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Rhetoric</i> i. 15. So called because “they are not due to the artist’s inventive skill, but are supplied to him from the outside, as it were, of his art” (Cope). The other four are laws, documents, questions by torture, oaths.",
+            "§§ 176 ff. This argument is stated by Seneca in <i>Ep</i>. 83 as having been put forward by Zeno, and Seneca refutes it in exactly the same way as it is refuted here. He proceeds to deal in the same way with another defence of Zeno’s argument, propounded by Posidonius, and then lays it down that the true way of proving the folly of drunkenness is to show its evil consequences—the loss of mental and bodily control, and the grave mischief which history shows that it has so often caused. If the suggestion made in Note (p. 211) to the Introduction is right, viz. that another speech followed, putting the case from the point of view of one who held that “the wise man will not get drunk,” it may very possibly have followed these lines."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הנטיעה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הנטיעה",
+        "enTitle": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+        "key": "Concerning Noah's Work as a Planter",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "נספח והערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..45cd3fde4a2b5b3f508ab59d45c8b9f83cc19092
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Every Good Man is Free/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,311 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "Every Good Man is Free",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על שכל אדם ישר הוא בן חורין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO <i>QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT</i>",
+            "This treatise is usually believed to be a youthful essay of Philo’s and we may well suppose that it belongs to a period of his life when he still had the dialectic of the philosophical schools fresh in mind and before he had settled down to his life’s work of interpreting the Pentateuch. Its genuineness has been impugned but on no good grounds. It has the testimony of Eusebius, who names it in his list of Philo’s works, and also makes a long extract from it, and it is also used on a considerable scale by St. Ambrose though he does not name the author. But apart from these the close resemblance in style and language, remarkably close, considering the difference of subject to the main body of treatises, leaves little doubt as to the authorship.",
+            "The tract is an argument to show the truth of the Stoic “paradox” that the wise man alone is free. The paradoxes are one of the best known features of the Stoic system. The doctrine that all the gifts and qualities generally held desirable belong in the true sense to the virtuous or wise man is a natural deduction from the primary maxim that the morally excellent, τὸ καλόν, is the only good. Though they sometimes assume a fantastic form, as when the Stoics claimed, or were supposed to claim, that only the wise man could be a general or a pilot or a poet or a cobbler, the more obvious ones that he alone is free or rich or noble or beautiful, are really almost truisms which have been echoed by preachers and moralists in every age. But they put the doctrine in arresting forms which impressed the serious and also gave occasion for banter to those who observed that the life of the philosophers was not always consistent with their principles. Allusions to them and short explanations of their meaning abound in Stoic writings. The list compiled by Arnim (<i>S.V.F.</i>) contains some 120 items. But the peculiarity of this treatise is that it argues out the matter with a fullness and lengthiness unparalleled elsewhere, though since the writings of the founders of Stoicism have not survived we cannot say how they may have treated it. At any rate the treatise, whatever its intrinsic merits, has this interest that we have in it a specimen of Stoic dialectic preserved to us almost by accident because it was part of the works of an author whose treatment of the Pentateuch appealed so strongly to the Christian mind.",
+            "The length and fullness become still more remarkable when we find that we have here only the second part of a disquisition, for Philo tells us in his opening sentence that it was preceded by “that every fool or bad man is a slave,” which is also mentioned by Eusebius in the catalogue named above. Since mankind are divided into free and slaves and also, according to orthodox Stoicism, into wise and fools, then if the wise alone is free it must follow that a fool is a slave, and one cannot but think that the two should be taken together as they are by Cicero. However, it is a fact that the slavery of the bad though frequently just mentioned is never discussed at length in our treatise except in §§ 51 if., where the argument that the wise enjoy the right of free discussion (ἰσηγορία), which is the mark of the free, is followed by the converse so completely worked out that it can hardly have been given in the earlier half. The slavery of lovesickness is also described at some length in § 38, but it is introduced there so incidentally that one would not be surprised to find it earlier. The main topic presumably was the slavery to the passions which is noted in § 45 and more fully in §§ 156 and 158 f. and is a subject capable of development to any extent. Slightly different to this is the slavery of the multitude to opinion, <i>cf.</i> § 21, and he may well have noticed also what Cicero gives as an example, the devotion to artistic objects. The description of a statesman who never cringes to the mob in <i>De Ios.</i> 67 suggests that something about the statesman who is in servitude to the people would be appropriate, and this again appears in Cicero. The thought that slavery in the sense of subjection to the wise is the best hope for the wicked, a moral which he draws from the story of Esau (§ 57) and from Noah’s curse of Canaan in <i>De Sob.</i> 69, may well have played a part. One thing we may be sure of is that examples were drawn from secular history such as the slavish fear of Dionysius or the impious infatuation of Xerxes to correspond to the examples of philosophical heroism in which this tract abounds.",
+            "The great preponderance of secular illustration may be fairly regarded as another sign that this and the twin treatise belong to the youth of Philo. There are altogether only five allusions to or quotations from the Pentateuch. In this the treatise stands in marked contrast to the <i>De Nob</i>, which as I have pointed out elsewhere is really a dissertation on the twin paradox that the wise man is noble but is illustrated entirely from the Pentateuch.",
+            "It is a consequence of this predominantly secular character that to judge from Cohn’s footnotes little use of the treatise was made by Christian writers with two marked exceptions. The first is the account of the Essenes in §§ 75–91, which is quoted in full by Eusebius, <i>Praep. Ev.</i> viii. 12. Eusebius has special reasons for making this extract. The other is the 37th letter of Ambrose, a large part of which is a kind of paraphrase of the <i>Quod Omnis Probus</i>. I have mentioned in my notes three passages from this which have some bearing on the text or its interpretation, but there are many others cited by Cohn.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the treatise.",
+            "After stating the subject of this and the preceding treatise Philo points out that such high doctrines are beyond the comprehension of the uneducated multitude (1–3) to whom they seem wild illusion (4–5). He gives a highly coloured picture of the way in which the ignorant react to the paradoxes that the wise and the foolish are respectively (<i>a</i>) citizens and exiles (6–7), (<i>b</i>) rich and poor (8–9) and says that they raise the same objection to the paradox of freedom and slavery which is here discussed (10). Such persons should like sick people put themselves under the guidance of the physician, that is the philosopher, and if they do so they will feel that they have wasted their past, whence we see the need of philosophical education for the young (11–15).",
+            "Coming to the main question, after pointing out that he is not dealing with freedom or slavery of the body (16–18) and declaring that the true freedom, like true sovereignty (though this does not concern us at present), lies in following God (19–20), he passes at once to the main point that the wise man is free from the domination of the passions (21–22). What the poet rightly says of the contempt of death is true of the contempt of other ills, and the wise man will assert his freedom by facing these bravely (22–25). This is supported by citing the resolution shown by pancratiasts (26–27); also the wise man is unmoved and thus has the leadership of the common herd (28–31). At this point he seems to digress in order to show that some common conceptions of slavery are inconsistent. Such are (<i>a</i>) the fact of service, but soldiers serve without being slaves and the same is true of the impoverished free man, whilst slaves often have control of others (32–35), (<i>b</i>) the fact of having to obey, but children obey their parents yet are reckoned free (36), (<i>c</i>) of being purchased, but free men are ransomed and purchased slaves often rule their masters just as purchased lions intimidate their owners (37–40). The argument is resumed by showing that the wise man is (<i>a</i>) happy (41), (<i>b</i>) like Moses a friend of God and therefore free (42–44), also as law-abiding cities are considered free, so he also obeys the law of reason (45–47). Next comes an intricate argument on the ἰσηγορία or right of discussion on an equal footing enjoyed by the wise (48–50) and not enjoyed by the fool (51–52), and this is supported by a saying of Zeno (53–56) which Philo supposes him to have derived from Moses’s account of Isaac condemning Esau to be the slave of Jacob (57). A final argument is: “the wise man is free because he does right voluntarily, cannot be compelled to do wrong and treats things indifferent with indifference” (58–61).",
+            "Here till towards the end of the treatise the argument proper is dropped and we have several stories of persons who exemplify the picture of the wise man given above. These are introduced by a discussion whether such persons are to be found. Some doubt it (62), yet they do exist and have existed though they are scarce and also hard to find because they seek retirement from the wickedness of the world (62–63). We ought to seek them out instead of ransacking land and sea for jewels and the like (64–66) and we should remember the text, “the word is very near thee in thy mouth and thy heart and thy hand.” The thoughts, words and deeds here symbolized will if properly cultivated produce good fruit (67–70), but we neglect this and consequently the rarity of the virtuous (71–72). Still they exist both in Greece itself and outside Greece, among the Persians and Indians (73–74), while in Palestine we have the Essenes (75). The long account of the Essenes which follows describes the innocence of their occupations (76–78), rejection of slave labour (79), devout study of the law, particularly on the Sabbath (80–82), threefold devotion to God, virtue and man (83–84), the last particularly shown by sharing house and property and providing for the sick and aged (84–87). Their excellence is attested by the respect shown them even by tyrants and oppressors (88–91). Passing on to individuals, we have the story of the Indian Calanus and his firm resistance to Alexander (92–97), and returning to the Greeks some examples from poetry and history, the picture of Heracles in Euripides (98–104) and, leaving demigods out as not fair specimens, Zeno the Eleate and Anaxarchus (105–109). Further, the dauntlessness shown by those who are not philosophers assures us that the true philosopher is still more dauntless. Among these are the athletes (110–113) and even boys and women (114–117), and whole people like the Xanthians (118–120). In these we see a fortitude which ends in their death, but there is also a fortitude in continuing to live, and so we here have a number of anecdotes of Diogenes, somewhat irrelevantly, since Diogenes was a philosopher (120–124). This leads to other stories of bold answering by Chaereas and Theodorus (125–130); after this digression we return to the fortitude which defies death, the example being fighting cocks who fight on till they are killed (131–135). Then there is another digression. That freedom in the ordinary sense is noble and slavery disgraceful is universally recognized (136–137) and examples of this feeling are given—the desire for political freedom shown by senates and generals (138–139), the abhorrence of slavery shown by exclusions of slaves from festivals and from the Argo (140–143). The remainder of the treatise is connected though loosely with the main theme. The wise man will scorn and have a ready answer for all attempts which threaten his independence (144–146) for, since actual slaves when in asylum often exhibit great boldness, the wise man will find a stronger asylum in his virtue (148–153) and will discard all crooked and crafty ways (154–155). It is absurd to suppose that manumission gives true liberty (156–157). The concluding sections (158–161) repeat the main doctrine that freedom lies in eliminating the passions and emphasize the need of education of the young to attain this end."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "I. [1] Our former treatise, Theodotus, had for its theme “every bad man is a slave” and established it by many reasonable and indisputable arguments. The present treatise is closely akin to that, its full brother, indeed, we may say its twin, and in it we shall show that every man of worth is free. ",
+                "[2] Now we are told that the saintly company of the Pythagoreans teaches among other excellent doctrines this also, “walk not on the highways.” This does not mean that we should climb steep hills—the school was not prescribing foot-weariness—but it indicates by this figure that in our words and deeds we should not follow popular and beaten tracks. ",
+                "[3] All genuine votaries of philosophy have obeyed the injunction, divining in it a law, or rather super-law, equivalent to an oracle. Rising above the opinions of the common herd they have opened up a new pathway, in which the outside world can never tread, for studying and discerning truths, and have brought to light the ideal forms which none of the unclean may touch.",
+                "[4] By unclean I mean all those who without ever tasting education at all, or else having received it in a crooked and distorted form, have changed the stamp of wisdom’s beauty into the ugliness of sophistry. ",
+                "[5] These, unable to discern the conceptual light through the weakness of the soul’s eye, which cannot but be beclouded by the flashing rays, as dwellers in perpetual night disbelieve those who live in the daylight, and think that all their tales of what they have seen around them, shown clearly by the unalloyed radiance of the sunbeams, are wild phantom-like inventions no better than the illusions of the puppet show.",
+                "[6] “Surely it is an absurdity,” they think, “a mere showman’s trick, to apply names in this way, to give the name of exile to men who not only spend their days in the heart of the city, but also sit as councillors, jurymen, and members of assembly, and sometimes undertake the burden of administering the market, or managing the gymnasium and the other public services: ",
+                "[7] to call those citizens who have either never been placed on the burgess rolls or have been condemned to disfranchisement or banishment, men chased beyond the frontiers, unable not only to set foot in the country but even to get a distant view of their ancestral soil, unless hounded thither by some kind of avenging furies they come courting death. For when they return there are numberless ministers of punishment waiting for them, spurred to vengeance by their personal feelings and also ready to do service to the commands of the law.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "II.  [8] “Surely your other statements too,” they continue, “are contrary to reason, brimful of shameless effrontery and madness or one knows not what to call them, for even names are difficult to find appropriate to such extravagance. You call those rich who are utterly destitute, lacking the very necessaries, who drag on their sorry, miserable life, scarcely providing their daily subsistence, starving exceptions to the general prosperity, feeding on the empty breath of virtue as grasshoppers are said to feed on air. ",
+                "[9] You call those poor who are lapped round by silver and gold and a multitude of landed possessions and revenues and numberless other good things in unstinted abundance, whose wealth not only benefits their kinsfolk and friends but steps outside the household to do the same to multitudes of fellow tribesmen and wardsmen, and taking a still wider sweep endows the state with all that either peace or war demands. ",
+                "[10] It is part of the same fantastic dream when you dare to ascribe slavery to the highly connected, the indisputably nobly born, who have not only parents but grandparents and ancestors right down to the founders of the family greatly distinguished both in the male and the female line: freedom to those who are heirs in the third generation to the branding iron, the fetter, and immemorial thraldom.”",
+                "[11] So they think, but all this is as I have said, the shallow talk of men with minds bedimmed, slaves to opinion, basing themselves on the senses, whose unstable council is always open to bribes from its suitors. ",
+                "[12] If they whole-heartedly sought for truth, they ought not to let themselves be outdone in prudence by the sick in body. They in their desire for health commit themselves to physicians, but these people show no willingness to cast off the soul-sickness of their untrained grossness by resorting to wise men from whom they can not only unlearn their ignorance but gain that knowledge which is mankind’s peculiar property. ",
+                "[13] But since we have it on the sacred authority of Plato that envy has no place in the divine choir, and wisdom is most divine and most free-handed, she never closes her school of thought but always opens her doors to those who thirst for the sweet water of discourse, and pouring on them an unstinted stream of undiluted doctrine, persuades them to be drunken with the drunkenness which is soberness itself. ",
+                "[14] Then when like initiates in the mysteries they have taken their fill of the revelations, they reproach themselves greatly for their former neglect and feel that they have wasted their time and that their life while they lacked wisdom was not worth the living. ",
+                "[15] It is well then that the young, all of them and everywhere, should dedicate the first fruits of the flower of their prime above all else to culture, wherein it is good for both youth and old age to dwell. For just as new vessels are said to retain the scents of the substances first poured into them, so, too, the souls of the young take indelible impressions of the ideas first presented to them and do not have them washed away by the stream of the later influx, and so they preserve the original form for all to see."
+            ],
+            [
+                "III.  [16] So much for these matters. Let us proceed to the subject of our discourse and give it careful consideration, that we may not go astray, misled by the vagueness in the terms employed, but apprehend what we are talking about, adjust our arguments to it, and so prove our point. ",
+                "[17] Slavery then is applied in one sense to bodies, in another to souls; bodies have men for their masters, souls their vices and passions. The same is true of freedom; one freedom produces security of the body from men of superior strength, the other sets the mind at liberty from the domination of the passions. ",
+                "[18] No one makes the first kind the subject of investigation. For the vicissitudes of men are numberless and in many instances and at many times persons of the highest virtue have through adverse blows of fortune lost the freedom to which they were born. Our inquiry is concerned with characters which have never fallen under the yoke of desire, or fear, or pleasure, or grief; characters which have as it were escaped from prison and thrown off the chains which bound them so tightly. ",
+                "[19] Casting aside, therefore, specious quibblings and the terms which have no basis in nature but depend upon convention, such as “homebred,” “purchased” or “captured in war,” let us examine the veritable free man, who alone possesses independence, even though a host of people claim to be his masters. Let us hear the voice of Sophocles in words which are as true as any Delphic oracle <br>God and no mortal is my Sovereign.",
+                "[20] For in very truth he who has God alone for his leader, he alone is free, though to my thinking he is also the leader of all others, having received the charge of earthly things from the great, the immortal King, whom he, the mortal, serves as viceroy. But the subject of the wise man’s sovereignty must be postponed to a more suitable occasion and we have now to examine his freedom carefully. ",
+                "[21] If one looks with a penetrating eye into the facts, he will clearly perceive that no two things are so closely akin as independence of action and freedom, because the bad man has a multitude of incumbrances, such as love of money or reputation and pleasure, while the good man has none at all. He stands defiant and triumphant over love, fear, cowardice, grief and all that sort, as the victor over the fallen in the wrestling bout. ",
+                "[22] For he has learnt to set at nought the injunctions laid upon him by those most lawless rulers of the soul, inspired as he is by his ardent yearning for the freedom whose peculiar heritage it is that it obeys no orders and works no will but its own. Some people praise the author of the line <br>What slave is there who takes no thought of death? <br>and think that he well understood the thought that it involves. For he meant that nothing is so calculated to enslave the mind as fearing death through desire to live."
+            ],
+            [
+                "IV.  [23] But we must reflect that exemption from slavery belongs to him who takes no thought not only of death but also of poverty, disrepute and pain and all the other things which the mass of men count as evil, though the evil lies in themselves and in their judgement, which makes them test the slave by the tasks he performs and fix their eyes on the services he renders instead of on his unenslaved character. ",
+                "[24] For he who with a mean and slavish spirit puts his hand to mean and slavish actions contrary to his own proper judgement is a slave indeed. But he who adjusts himself and his to fit the present occasion and willingly and also patiently endures the blows of fortune, who holds that there is nothing new in human circumstances, who has by diligent thought convinced himself that, while what is God’s has the honour of possessing eternal order and happiness, all mortal things are carried about in the tossing surge of circumstance and sway unevenly on the balance, who nobly endures whatever befalls him—he indeed needs no more to make him a philosopher and a free man. ",
+                "[25] And, therefore, he will not obey just anyone who gives him orders, even though he menaces him with outrage and tortures and threats however dreadful, but will openly and boldly defy him thus: <br>Roast and consume my flesh, and drink thy fill <br>Of my dark blood; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth and earth go up to heaven <br>Than thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word."
+            ],
+            [
+                "V. [26] I have observed in a contest of pancratiasts how one of the combatants will strike blow after blow both with hands and feet, every one of them well aimed, and leave nothing undone that might secure his victory, and yet he will finally quit the arena without a crown in a state of exhaustion and collapse, while the object of his attack, a mass of closely packed flesh, rigid and solid, full of the wiriness of the true athlete, his sinews taut from end to end, firm as a piece of rock or iron, will yield not a whit to the blows, but by his stark and stubborn endurance will break down utterly the strength of his adversary and end by winning a complete victory. ",
+                "[27] Much the same as it seems to me is the case of the virtuous man; his soul strongly fortified with a resolution firmly founded on reason, he compels the employer of violence to give up in exhaustion, sooner than himself submit to do anything contrary to his judgement. This statement may perhaps seem incredible to those who have had no experience of virtue (so would the other just mentioned to those who do not know the pancratiast), but none the less it is an actual fact. ",
+                "[28] It is this which Antisthenes had in view when he said that a virtuous man is heavy to carry, for as want of sense is a light thing, never stationary, so good sense is firmly based, never swerves and has a weight that cannot be shaken. ",
+                "[29] The law-giver of the Jews describes the wise man’s hands as heavy, indicating by this figure that his actions are not superficial but firmly based, the outcome of a mind that never wavers. ",
+                "[30] No one then can compel him, since he has come to despise both pain and death, and by the law of nature has all fools in subjection. For just as goats and oxen and sheep are led by goatherds and oxherds and shepherds, and flocks and herds cannot possibly give orders to herdsmen, so too the multitude, who are like cattle, require a master and a ruler and have for their leaders men of virtue, appointed to the office of governing the herd. ",
+                "[31] Homer often calls kings “shepherds of the people,” but nature more accurately applies the title to the good, since kings are more often in the position of the sheep than of the shepherd. They are led by strong drink and good looks and by baked meats and savoury dishes and the dainties produced by cooks and confectioners, to say nothing of their craving for silver and gold and grander ambitions. But the good nothing can ensnare, and it is theirs also to admonish those whom they see caught in the toils of pleasure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "VI.  [32] That services rendered are no proof of enslavement is very clearly shown in war-time. We see soldiers in the field all working on their own account, not only carrying all their weapons, but also laden like beasts with every necessary requirement, and then making expeditions to get water or firewood or fodder for the animals. ",
+                "[33] As for labours required in defence against the enemy, such as cutting trenches or building walls or constructing triremes, and all other skilled or subsidiary operations in which the hands and the rest of the body are employed, there is no need to recount them at length. ",
+                "[34] On the other hand, there is a peace-time war, no less grave than those fought with arms, a war set on foot by disrepute and poverty and dire lack of the necessaries of life, a war by which men are forced under duress to undertake the most servile tasks, digging and toiling on the land and practising menial crafts, labouring unceasingly to earn a meagre subsistence; often too carrying burdens in the midst of the market place before the eyes of their fellows in age who were their associates in boyhood and in youth.",
+                "[35] There are others born in slavery, who by a happy dispensation of fortune pursue the occupations of the free. They receive the stewardship of houses and landed estates and great properties; sometimes too they become the rulers of their fellow slaves. Many too have the wives and orphan children of their masters committed to their charge, being preferred for trustworthiness to friends and members of the family. Still all the same they are slaves though they lend, purchase, collect revenues and are much courted. Why then should we wonder when the opposite occurs and a man whose good luck has taken a bad turn performs the offices of a slave? ",
+                "[36] But you say, “by obedience to another he loses his liberty.” How then is it that children suffer the orders of their father or mother, and pupils the injunctions of their instructors? For no one is willing to be a slave; and surely parents will not show such an extreme hatred of their offspring as to compel their own children to submit to render services which according to you are the sole distinctive marks of slavery. ",
+                "[37] Again, anyone who thinks that people put up for sale by kidnappers thereby become slaves goes utterly astray from the truth. Selling does not make the purchaser a master, nor the purchased a slave. Fathers pay a price for their sons and sons often for their fathers if they have been carried off in raids or taken prisoners in war, and that such persons are free men is asserted by the laws of nature which have a more solid foundation than those of our lower world.",
+                "Indeed, [38] some of those thus bought and sold reverse the situation to such an extreme extent that they become the masters of their purchasers instead of their slaves. I have often myself seen pretty little slave girls with a natural gift for wheedling words, who with these two sources of strength, beauty of face and charm of speech, stormed the hearts of their owners. For these two are engines of attack against souls with no ballast or stability, engines mightier than all the machines constructed to demolish walls. ",
+                "[39] This is shown by the way in which their owners court them, supplicate them, eagerly beg their favours, as though they were praying to fortune or some good genius. If they are scouted they go into fits of despair and if they just see a kindly glance they dance for joy. ",
+                "[40] If selling constitutes slavery we should have to assert that a person who had bought some lions is master of the lions, whereas if the beasts do but turn menacing eyes upon him, the poor man will learn at once by experience the cruel and ferocious lordship of those whom he has purchased. Well then must we not suppose that if lions cannot, still less can the wise man be enslaved, who has in his free and unscathed soul a greater power of resistance to the yoke than any he could make with the naturally slavish body and all the vigour of its physical strength?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "VII.  [41] The freedom of the good man may be learnt in other ways. No slave is really happy. For what greater misery is there than to live with no power over anything, including oneself? But the wise man is happy, ballasted and freighted by his high morality, which confers power over everything, and so beyond all doubt and of sheer necessity, the good man is free. ",
+                "[42] Furthermore no one would deny that the friends of God are free. Surely when we agree that the familiars of kings enjoy not only freedom but authority, because they take part in their management and administration as leaders, we must not give the name of slaves to those who stand in the same relation to the celestial gods, who are god-lovers and thereby necessarily god-beloved, rewarded with the same affection as they have shown, and in the judgement of truth are as the poets say, rulers of all and kings of kings. ",
+                "[43] The legislator of the Jews in a bolder spirit went to a further extreme and in the practice of his “naked” philosophy, as they call it, ventured to speak of him who was possessed by love of the divine and worshipped the Self-existent only, as having passed from a man into a god, though, indeed, a god to men, not to the different parts of nature, thus leaving to the Father of all the place of King and God of gods. ",
+                "[44] Does one who has obtained so great a preferment deserve to be considered a slave and not rather the solely free? Though he was not deemed worthy of divine rank in his own right, yet because he had God for a friend, he was bound to have absolute felicity, for he had no feeble champion, nor one neglectful of the rights of friendship in Him who is the comrade’s god and keeps watch over the claims of comradeship. ",
+                "[45] Further again, just as with cities, those which lie under an oligarchy or tyranny suffer enslavement, because they have cruel and severe masters, who keep them in subjection under their sway, while those which have laws to care for and protect them are free, so, too, with men. Those in whom anger or desire or any other passion, or again any insidious vice holds sway, are entirely enslaved, while all whose life is regulated by law are free. ",
+                "[46] And right reason is an infallible law engraved not by this mortal or that and, therefore, perishable as he, nor on parchment or slabs, and, therefore, soulless as they, but by immortal nature on the immortal mind, never to perish. ",
+                "[47] So, one may well wonder at the short-sightedness of those who ignore the characteristics which so clearly distinguish different things and declare that the laws of Solon and Lycurgus are all-sufficient to secure the freedom of the greatest of republics, Athens and Sparta, because their sovereign authority is loyally accepted by those who enjoy that citizenship, yet deny that right reason, which is the fountain head of all other law, can impart freedom to the wise, who obey all that it prescribes or forbids.",
+                "[48] Further, besides these just mentioned, we have a very clear evidence of freedom in the equality recognized by all the good in addressing each other. Thus it is argued that the following iambic verses contain sound philosophy: <br>No part or lot in law has any slave <br>and again <br>A slave thou art, no right of speech hast thou.",
+                "[49] Just as the laws of music put all adepts in music on an equal footing in discussing that art and the laws of grammar and geometry do the same for their respective professionals, so, too, the laws of human life and conduct create a similar equality between those who are proficient in life-matters. ",
+                "[50] But the good are all proficient in such matters, because their proficiency embraces the whole of nature. Some of the good are admittedly free, and, therefore, all who enjoy the right to address them on an equal footing are free also. Consequently none of the good is a slave but all are free."
+            ],
+            [
+                "VIII.  [51] By the same line of argument it will appear that the fool is a slave. The laws of music, of grammar, of art in general, do not put the unmusical, the illiterate, the inartistic in general on an equal footing in discussion with the musical, the literary and the artistic. In the same way the laws of life and conduct do not put the unproficient in life matters on an equal footing in discussion with the proficient. ",
+                "[52] But this right of equal discussion, which these laws give, is given to all the free [and some of the good are free]. And in life-matters the bad are unproficient, while the wise are most proficient and consequently none of the bad is free but all are slaves. ",
+                "[53] Zeno, who lived under the direction of virtue to an unsurpassed degree, proves still more forcibly that the bad are not on equal terms in addressing the virtuous. “Shall not the bad rue it if he gainsay the good?” he says. The bad man, therefore, has no right to speak to a good man as his equal. ",
+                "[54] I am aware that many people will pour abuse on such words and hold that Zeno’s question shows presumption rather than good sense. But when they have had their jeering and stopped laughing, if they are willing to look closely and seek for a clear understanding of the saying, they will to their utter confusion recognize its absolute truth and that nothing will a man rue more than refusal to listen to the wise. ",
+                "[55] For confiscation of money or disfranchisement or banishment or the cruel disgrace of the lash, or anything else of the same kind, are small things and of no account when set against vices and the results which vices produce. But the majority, who through the blindness of their reason do not discern the damages which the soul has sustained, only feel the pain of external injuries, because the faculty of judgement, which alone can enable them to apprehend the damage to the mind, is taken from them. ",
+                "[56] But if they could recover their sight, observing the delusions which folly brings and the outrages wrought by cowardice and all that the sottishness of incontinence and the lawlessness of injustice has done, they will be filled with ceaseless sorrow at the calamitous plight of the best thing they possess, and even refuse to listen to consolation, so vast are the evils which have befallen them.",
+                "[57] We may well suppose that the fountain from which Zeno drew this thought was the law-book of the Jews, which tells of two brothers, one wise and temperate, the other incontinent, how the father of them both prayed in pity for him who had not attained to virtue that he should be his brother’s slave. He held that slavery, which men think the worst of evils, was the best possible boon to the fool, because the loss of independence would prevent him from transgressing without fear of punishment, and his character would be improved under the control of the authority set above him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "IX.  [58] I have now said all that appeared to me necessary to prove the proposition, but just as physicians regularly use a greater multiformity of treatment to cure multiform diseases, so when statements regarded as paradoxical are put forward, their unfamiliarity renders it necessary to apply a succession of proofs to bear upon the subject. For some can only be brought to understand under the impact of a continued series of demonstrations. ",
+                "[59] Thus the following argument is well to the point. He who always acts sensibly, always acts well: he who always acts well, always acts rightly: he who always acts rightly, also acts impeccably, blamelessly, faultlessly, irreproachably, harmlessly, and, therefore, will have the power to do anything, and to live as he wishes, and he who has this power must be free. But the good man always acts sensibly, and, therefore, he alone is free. ",
+                "[60] Again, one who cannot be compelled to do anything or prevented from doing anything, cannot be a slave. But the good man cannot be compelled or prevented: the good man, therefore, cannot be a slave. That he is not compelled nor prevented is evident. One is prevented when he does not get what he desires, but the wise man desires things which have their origin in virtue, and these, being what he is, he cannot fail to obtain. Further, if one is compelled he clearly acts against his will. But where there are actions, they are either righteous actions born of virtue or wrong actions born of vice or neutral and indifferent. ",
+                "[61] The virtuous actions he performs not under constraint but willingly, since all that he does are what he holds to be desirable. The vicious are to be eschewed and therefore he never dreams of doing them. Naturally too in matters indifferent he does not act under compulsion. To these, as on a balance his mind preserves its equipoise, trained neither to surrender to them in acknowledgement of their superior weight, nor yet to regard them with hostility, as deserving aversion. Whence it is clear that he does nothing unwillingly and is never compelled, whereas if he were a slave he would be compelled, and therefore the good man will be a free man."
+            ],
+            [
+                "X. [62] But among those who have kept little company with the Muses, there are some who have no understanding of the methods of logical deduction, but make general statements based on appearances. These people often ask “who have there been in the past, and who are there living now of the kind that you imagine?” An excellent answer is that in the past there have been those who surpassed their contemporaries in virtue, who took God for their sole guide and lived according to a law of nature’s right reason, not only free themselves, but communicating to their neighbours the spirit of freedom: also in our own time there are still men formed as it were in the likeness of the original picture supplied by the high excellence of sages. ",
+                "[63] For it does not follow that if the souls of the gainsayers have been bereft of freedom, held in bondage to folly and the other vices, the same is true of the human race. Nor is it a matter for wonder that the good do not appear herded in great throngs. First because specimens of great goodness are rare, secondly, because they avoid the great crowd of the more thoughtless and keep themselves at leisure for the contemplation of what nature has to show. Their prayer is that if possible they may work a reformation in the lives of the others, for virtue serves the common weal. But as this is made impossible through the atrocious doings which flood the cities, gathering strength from the passions and vices of the soul, they flee right away lest they should be swept down by the force of their onrush, as by the violence of a torrent. ",
+                "[64] But we, if we had any zeal for betterment should track them to their hiding places, and sitting as suppliants before them, exhort them to join us and humanize our bestial life, in place of war and slavery and a host of ills proclaiming peace, liberty and the overflowing abundance of all other blessings. ",
+                "[65] As it is, for the sake of money we ransack every corner and open up rough and rocky veins of earth, and much of the low land and no small part of the high land is mined in the quest of gold and silver, copper and iron, and the other like substances. ",
+                "[66] The empty-headed way of thinking, deifying vanity, dives to the depths of the sea, searching whether some fair treasure to delight the senses lies hidden there. And when it has found different kinds of many-coloured precious stones, some adhering to rocks, others, the more highly prized, to shells, it gives every honour to the beguiling spectacle. ",
+                "[67] But for wisdom or temperance or courage or justice, no journey is taken by land, even though it gives easy travelling, no seas are navigated, though the skippers sail them every summer season. ",
+                "[68] Yet what need is there of long journeying on the land or voyaging on the seas to seek and search for virtue, whose roots have been set by their Maker ever so near us, as the wise legislator of the Jews also says, “in thy mouth, in thy heart and in thy hand,” thereby indicating in a figure, words, thoughts and actions? All these, indeed, need the cultivator’s skill. ",
+                "[69] Those who prefer idleness to labour, not only prevent the growths but also wither and destroy the roots. But those who consider inaction mischievous and are willing to labour, do as the husbandman does with fine young shoots. By constant care they rear the virtues into stems rising up to heaven, saplings everblooming and immortal, bearing and never ceasing to bear the fruits of happiness, or as some hold, not so much bearing as being in themselves that happiness. These Moses often calls by the compound name of wholefruits. ",
+                "[70] In the case of growths which spring from the earth, neither are the trees the fruit nor the fruit the trees, but in the soul’s plantation the saplings of wisdom, of justice, of temperance, have their whole being transformed completely into fruits."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XI.  [71] Having then in us such potentialities, should we not blush to denounce the human race as lacking in wisdom, wisdom which the bellows could kindle into a blaze like the spark which smoulders in the firewood? And yet these things for which we should strive eagerly, things so closely akin to ourselves, so truly our own, we treat with great slackness and constant indifference and thus destroy the germs of excellence, while those things in which deficiency were a merit we desire with an insatiable yearning. ",
+                "[72] Consequently land and sea are full of the rich, the distinguished and the men of pleasure, but of the wise and just and virtuous, the number is small. But this small body though scanty is not absolutely non-existent. ",
+                "[73] For this we have the testimony, both of Greece and the world outside Greece. In Greece there flourished the sages known also by the appropriate name of the Seven, and we might expect that both before them and after them, others had their day, though the memory of the more ancient has vanished in the lapse of many years, and is dimmed in the case of those whose lives are still recent through the widespread neglect of their contemporaries.",
+                "[74] In the outside world where are those who spread the message by words and deeds, we find large associations of men of the highest excellence. Among the Persians there is the order of the Magi, who silently make research into the facts of nature to gain knowledge of the truth and through visions clearer than speech, give and receive the revelations of divine excellency. In India, too, there is the order of the Gymnosophists, who study ethical as well as physical philosophy and make the whole of their lives an exhibition of virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XII.  [75] Palestinian Syria, too, has not failed to produce high moral excellence. In this country live a considerable part of the very populous nation of the Jews, including as it is said, certain persons, more than four thousand in number, called Essenes. Their name which is, I think, a variation, though the form of the Greek is inexact, of ὁσιότης (holiness), is given them, because they have shown themselves especially devout in the service of God, not by offering sacrifices of animals, but by resolving to sanctify their minds. ",
+                "[76] The first thing about these people is that they live in villages and avoid the cities because of the iniquities which have become inveterate among city dwellers, for they know that their company would have a deadly effect upon their own souls, like a disease brought by a pestilential atmosphere. Some of them labour on the land and others pursue such crafts as co-operate with peace and so benefit themselves and their neighbours. They do not hoard gold and silver or acquire great slices of land because they desire the revenues therefrom, but provide what is needed for the necessary requirements of life. ",
+                "[77] For while they stand almost alone in the whole of mankind in that they have become moneyless and landless by deliberate action rather than by lack of good fortune, they are esteemed exceedingly rich, because they judge frugality with contentment to be, as indeed it is, an abundance of wealth. ",
+                "[78] As for darts, javelins, daggers, or the helmet, breastplate or shield, you could not find a single manufacturer of them, nor, in general, any person making weapons or engines or plying any industry concerned with war, nor, indeed, any of the peaceful kind, which easily lapse into vice, for they have not the vaguest idea of commerce either wholesale or retail or marine, but pack the inducements to covetousness off in disgrace. ",
+                "[79] Not a single slave is to be found among them, but all are free, exchanging services with each other, and they denounce the owners of slaves, not merely for their injustice in outraging the law of equality, but also for their impiety in annulling the statute of Nature, who mother-like has born and reared all men alike, and created them genuine brothers, not in mere name, but in very reality, though this kinship has been put to confusion by the triumph of malignant covetousness, which has wrought estrangement instead of affinity and enmity instead of friendship. ",
+                "[80] As for philosophy they abandon the logical part to quibbling verbalists as unnecessary for the acquisition of virtue, and the physical to visionary praters as beyond the grasp of human nature, only retaining that part which treats philosophically of the existence of God and the creation of the universe. But the ethical part they study very industriously, taking for their trainers the laws of their fathers, which could not possibly have been conceived by the human soul without divine inspiration.",
+                "[81] In these they are instructed at all other times, but particularly on the seventh days. For that day has been set apart to be kept holy and on it they abstain from all other work and proceed to sacred spots which they call synagogues. There, arranged in rows according to their ages, the younger below the elder, they sit decorously as befits the occasion with attentive ears. ",
+                "[82] Then one takes the books and reads aloud and another of especial proficiency comes forward and expounds what is not understood. For most of their philosophical study takes the form of allegory, and in this they emulate the tradition of the past. ",
+                "[83] They are trained in piety, holiness, justice, domestic and civic conduct, knowledge of what is truly good, or evil, or indifferent, and how to choose what they should and avoid the opposite, taking for their defining standards these three, love of God, love of virtue, love of men. ",
+                "[84] Their love of God they show by a multitude of proofs, by religious purity constant and unbroken throughout their lives, by abstinence from oaths, by veracity, by their belief that the Godhead is the cause of all good things and nothing bad; their love of virtue, by their freedom from the love of either money or reputation or pleasure, by self-mastery and endurance, again by frugality, simple living, contentment, humility, respect for law, steadiness and all similar qualities; their love of men by benevolence and sense of equality, and their spirit of fellowship, which defies description, though a few words on it will not be out of place. ",
+                "[85] First of all then no one’s house is his own in the sense that it is not shared by all, for besides the fact that they dwell together in communities, the door is open to visitors from elsewhere who share their convictions.",
+                "[86] Again they all have a single treasury and common disbursements; their clothes are held in common and also their food through their institution of public meals. In no other community can we find the custom of sharing roof, life and board more firmly established in actual practice. And that is no more than one would expect. For all the wages which they earn in the day’s work they do not keep as their private property, but throw them into the common stock and allow the benefit thus accruing to be shared by those who wish to use it. ",
+                "[87] The sick are not neglected because they cannot provide anything, but have the cost of their treatment lying ready in the common stock, so that they can meet expenses out of the greater wealth in full security. To the elder men too is given the respect and care which real children give to their parents, and they receive from countless hands and minds a full and generous maintenance for their latter years."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIII.  [88] Such are the athletes of virtue produced by a philosophy free from the pedantry of Greek wordiness, a philosophy which sets its pupils to practise themselves in laudable actions, by which the liberty which can never be enslaved is firmly established. ",
+                "[89] Here we have a proof. Many are the potentates who at various occasions have raised themselves to power over the country. They differed both in nature and the line of conduct which they followed. Some of them carried their zest for outdoing wild beasts in ferocity to the point of savagery. They left no form of cruelty untried. They slaughtered their subjects wholesale, or like cooks carved them piecemeal and limb by limb whilst still alive, and did not stay their hands till justice who surveys human affairs visited them with the same calamities. ",
+                "[90] Others transformed this wild frenzy into another kind of viciousness. Their conduct showed intense bitterness, but they talked with calmness, though the mask of their milder language failed to conceal their rancorous disposition. They fawned like venomous hounds yet wrought evils irremediable and left behind them throughout the cities the unforgettable sufferings of their victims as monuments of their impiety and inhumanity. ",
+                "[91] Yet none of these, neither the extremely ferocious nor the deep-dyed treacherous dissemblers, were able to lay a charge against this congregation of Essenes or holy ones here described. Unable to resist the high excellence of these people, they all treated them as self-governing and freemen by nature and extolled their communal meals and that ineffable sense of fellowship, which is the clearest evidence of a perfect and supremely happy life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIV.  [92] But since some consider that the virtues of large bodies are never perfect, but merely grow and improve and then come to a halt, we must cite as evidence the lives of good individual men, which are the clearest proof of the existence of liberty. ",
+                "[93] Calanus was an Indian by birth of the school of the gymnosophists. Regarded as possessed of endurance more than any of his contemporaries, by combining virtuous actions with laudable words he gained the admiration, not only of his fellow countrymen, but of men of other races, and, what is most singular of all, of enemy sovereigns. ",
+                "[94] Thus Alexander of Macedon, wishing to exhibit to the Grecian world a specimen of the barbarians’ wisdom, like a copy reproducing the original picture, began by urging Calanus to travel with him from India with the prospect of winning high fame in the whole of Asia and the whole of Europe; ",
+                "[95] and when he failed to persuade him declared that he would compel him to follow him. Calanus’s reply was as noble as it was apposite. “What shall I be worth to you, Alexander, for exhibiting to the Greeks if I am compelled to do what I do not wish to do?” What a wealth of frankness there is in the words and far more of freedom in the thought. But more durable than his spoken are his written words and in these he set on record clear signs of a spirit which could not be enslaved. ",
+                "[96] The letter he sent to Alexander runs thus:— <br>“<i>Calanus to Alexander</i> <br>Your friends urge you to apply violence and compulsion to the philosophers of India. These friends, however, have never even in their dreams seen what we do. Bodies you will transport from place to place, but souls you will not compel to do what they will not do, any more than force bricks or sticks to talk. Fire causes the greatest trouble and ruin to living bodies: we are superior to this: we burn ourselves alive. There is no king, no ruler, who will compel us to do what we do not freely wish to do. We are not like those philosophers of the Greeks, who practise words for a festal assembly. With us deeds accord with words and words with deeds. Deeds pass swiftly and words have short-lived power: virtues secure to us blessedness and freedom.”",
+                "[97] Protestations and judgements like these may well bring to our lips the saying of Zeno: “Sooner will you sink an inflated bladder than compel any virtuous man to do against his will anything that he does not wish.” For never will that soul surrender or suffer defeat which right reason has braced with principles firmly held."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XV.  [98] The freedom of the virtuous is also vouched for by the poets and prose writers, in whose thoughts Greeks and barbarians alike are reared almost from the cradle, and so gain improvement of character and restamp into sterling coin every bit of metal in their souls which has been debased by a faulty upbringing and mode of life. ",
+                "[99] See, for instance, what Heracles says in Euripides: <br>Burn me, consume my flesh, and drink thy fill <br>Of my dark blood; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth and earth go up to sky <br>Ere thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word. <br>For in very truth, fawning and flattery and dissembling, in which the words are at war with the thought, are utterly slavish. But freedom of speech, genuine without taint of bastardy, and proceeding from a pure conscience, befits the nobly born.",
+                "[100] Again, observe how this same man of worth, even when put up for sale, seems to be no menial, but strikes awe into the beholders, who feel that he is not only free, but will become the master of his purchaser. ",
+                "[101] Hermes, for example, in answer to the question whether Heracles is worthless says: <br>Worthless? far from it, quite the contrary: <br>His bearing’s dignified, no meanness here, <br>Not slave-like overstocked with fat, and look <br>How smart his dress—and he can wield a club. <br>To which the other replies: <br>Who wants to buy a stronger than himself, <br>And bring him home as master of the house? <br>It fairly frightens one to look at you, <br>Eyes full of fire—you look just like a bull <br>Watching a lion’s onset. <br>Then he continues: <br>Your looks alone are evidence enough, <br>Though you say nothing, that you won’t obey— <br>Giving, not taking, orders is your line.",
+                "[102] And when Syleus after buying him, sent him into his estate, he showed by his actions that there was nothing of the slave in his nature. For he killed the finest bull in the stud, nominally as a sacrifice to Zeus, and feasted on it, and then brought out a great quantity of wine and lying there very comfortably drank it in huge draughts. ",
+                "[103] When Syleus arrived, very indignant both at the loss of his property, and at his servant’s easy-going and excessively disdainful behaviour, Heracles did not change colour a whit, nor make any difference in what he was doing, but said with the utmost boldness: <br>Lie down and let us drink and have a try <br>At once, who’ll do it better, you or I.",
+                "[104] How then must we describe his standing with his master? Is he slave or lord, he who dares not only to take these liberties, but even to issue orders to his owner, ready to beat him and knock him about if he shows resistance, or if he calls others to his aid to annihilate them altogether! Surely then these title-deeds, which record the so-called purchases, are just a laughing-stock and a mass of nonsense, when they are put out of court by the superior force of those against whom they are drawn up, less valid even than blank sheets of paper and destined to perish utterly, through moths, or time, or mildew."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVI.  [105] But it is not fair, an objector will say, to cite the achievements of the heroes as evidence. They have a greatness above human nature; they vie with the Olympians and as inheritors of a mixed parentage, a blend of mortal and immortal seed, are rightly called demigods, because the mortal ingredient is overpowered by the immortal part, so that there is nothing extraordinary in their contempt for those who plan to enslave them. ",
+                "[106] Be it so! But what of Anaxarchus or Zeno the Eleatic? Are they heroes or the offspring of gods? Nevertheless in the hands of cruel-hearted tyrants, naturally bitter and stirred to still greater ferocity by anger with them, though racked with strange and ingeniously invented tortures, they behaved as though the bodies in which they lay belonged to strangers or enemies, and with high disdain set the terrors of the tormentors at nought. ",
+                "[107] For having inured the soul from the first to hold aloof through love of knowledge from association with the passions, and to cleave to culture and wisdom, they set it wandering away from the body and brought it to make its home with wisdom and courage and the other virtues. ",
+                "[108] So it was that Zeno when suspended and stretched on the wheel, to make him tell something which should not be disclosed, showed himself mightier than the strongest things in nature, fire and iron. He gnawed off his tongue and shot it at the torturer, lest under violence he should involuntarily utter what honour would leave unspoken. ",
+                "[109] Anaxarchus’s speech showed the staunchest endurance. “Pound Anaxarchus’s skin,” he said, “Anaxarchus you cannot pound.” These examples of true courage, full of the spirit of defiance, have a value far exceeding the inherited nobleness of the heroes. Their glory belongs to their parentage and is not of their own volition. The glory of the philosophers rests upon achievements of virtue, freely willed by themselves, and these being what they are, immortalize those who practise them in sincerity."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVII.  [110] I know many cases of wrestlers and pancratiasts so full of ambition and eagerness for victory that though their bodies have lost their strength, they renew their vigour and continue their athletic efforts with nothing to help them but the soul, which they have inured to despise terrors, and in this they persevere to their last gasp. ",
+                "[111] Then, if those who exercise their bodily vigour have surmounted the fear of death whether in the hope of victory or to avoid seeing themselves defeated, can we suppose that those who drill the invisible mind within them, the veritable man, housed within the form which the senses perceive,—those who train it with words of philosophy and deeds of virtue will not be willing to die for their freedom and so complete their appointed pilgrimage with a spirit that defies enslavement! ",
+                "[112] It is told of two athletes in a sacred contest how possessed of equal strength, each offensive taken by the one returned in equal measure by the other, they never flagged until both fell dead. “Ah! then thy own prowess will destroy thee,” are words which will apply to such as these. ",
+                "[113] Surely then if to die for a garland of wild olive or parsley is a glory to the rivals in the arena, a far greater glory is it to the wise to die for freedom, the love of which stands in very truth implanted in the soul like nothing else, not as a casual adjunct but an essential part of its unity, and cannot be amputated without the whole system being destroyed as the result. ",
+                "[114] Students who investigate examples of high excellence sing the praises of the Laconian boy, to whom race or his own nature gave a spirit which would not brook enslavement. Carried into captivity by one of Antigonus’s people, he submitted to such tasks as became a freeman, but stood out against those of a slavish kind, declaring that he would not be a slave. And although by reason of his tender years he had not received the solid nutrition of the laws of Lycurgus, yet from his mere taste of them, he judged that death was a happier lot than his present valueless life, and despairing of ransom gladly put an end to himself. ",
+                "[115] There is also the story of the Dardanian women taken prisoners by the Macedonians, how holding slavery to be the worst disgrace they threw the children which they were nurturing into the deepest part of the river, exclaiming, “You at least shall not be slaves but ere you have begun your life of misery shall cut short your destined span and pass still free along the final road which all must tread.” ",
+                "[116] Polyxena, too, is described by the tragedian Euripides as thinking little of death but much of her freedom when she says: <br>Willing I die, that none may touch my flesh— <br>For I will give my throat with all my heart. <br>In heaven’s name let me go free, then slay me <br>That I may die still free. <br>"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVIII.  [117] Then can we suppose that while women and lads, the former endowed by nature with little sense, the latter at so insecure an age, are imbued with so profound a love of liberty, that to save themselves from losing it they seek death as eagerly as if it were immortality—can we suppose, I say, that those who have drunk deep of wisdom undiluted can be anything but free—those who bear within them a well-spring of happiness in the high courage which no malignant force has ever yet subdued because sovereignty and kingship is its everlasting heritage?",
+                "[118] Indeed we hear of whole populations voluntarily suffering annihilation to safeguard their liberty and at the same time their good faith to dead benefactors. Such is the story told of the Xanthians in recent years. When one of the assassins of Julius Caesar, namely Brutus, marched with an army against them, what they feared was not the sack of their city, but enslavement to a murderer, who had killed his own leader and benefactor, for Caesar had been both to him. ",
+                "[119] As long as they could they fought on and at first made a powerful defence, and while their numbers were gradually wasting away they still held out. But when their whole strength was spent, they drove their women and parents and children each to their several homes and there slaughtered them, and after piling the bodies in a heap fired it and slew themselves upon it, thus completing their allotted term as free men inspired by a free and noble resolution. ",
+                "[120] Now these to escape the merciless cruelty of tyrannical enemies chose death with honour in preference to an inglorious life, but others whom the circumstances of their lot permitted to live, endured in patience, imitating the courage of Heracles, who proved himself superior to the tasks imposed by Eurystheus.",
+                "[121] Thus it was with the cynic philosopher Diogenes. So great and lofty was his spirit, that when captured by robbers, who grudgingly provided him with the barest minimum of food, still remained unmoved by his present position and had no fear of the cruelty of those who held him in their power. “It is surely very preposterous,” he said, “that while sucking pigs and sheep when they are going to be sold are fed up with greater care to make them fat and well favoured, man the best of animals should be reduced to a skeleton by want of food and constant privations and so fetch a lower price.” ",
+                "[122] He then received adequate allowances of food and when he was about to be brought to market with the other captives, he first sat down and took his dinner in the highest spirits, and gave some of it to those near him. To one of them who could not resign himself, and, indeed, was exceedingly dejected, he said, “Stop this repining and make the best of things, for <br>E’en fair-haired Niobe took thought for food <br>Though she had lost twelve children in the halls— <br>Six daughters and six sons in prime of youth.”",
+                "[123] Then when one of the prospective purchasers asked him what he was skilled at, he said with all boldness “at ruling men,” a reply which, showing freedom, nobility, and natural kingliness, was clearly dictated by the soul within him. Again we find him with his wonted licence making witticisms out of a situation which filled the others with melancholy and dejection. ",
+                "[124] It is said, for instance, that looking at one of the purchasers, an addict to effeminacy, whose face showed that he had nothing of the male about him, he went up to him and said, “You should buy me, for you seem to me to need a husband,” whereat the person concerned conscience-stricken into shame subsided, and the others were amazed at the courage and the aptness of the sally. Must we apply the term slavery to such as him, or any other word but liberty, over which irresponsible domination has no power?",
+                "[125] His freedom of speech was emulated by Chaereas, a man of culture. When he was living in Alexandria by Egypt, he once incurred the anger of Ptolemy, who threatened him in no mild terms. Chaereas considering that his own natural freedom was not a whit inferior to the other’s kingship replied: <br>Be King of Egypt; I care not for you— <br>A fig for all your anger. <br>For noble souls, ",
+                "[126] whose brightness the greed of fortune cannot dim, have a kingly something, which urges them to contend on an equal footing with persons of the most massive dignity and pits freedom of speech against arrogance.",
+                "[127] A story is told of Theodorus surnamed the atheist, that when he had been banished from Athens and had joined Lysimachus, his flight was brought up against him by a person of authority, who recited the circumstances which caused it and declared that he had been ejected after being condemned as an atheist and corrupter of youth. “I was ejected,” he answered, “but I shared that fortune with the son of Zeus Heracles, for he was thrown overboard by the Argonauts, ",
+                "[128] not for any wrongdoing, but because he himself alone was freight and ballast enough to overload the vessel, and made his fellow sailors afraid that it would be water-logged. And I, too, changed my residence for this reason, because the politicians at Athens were unable to keep pace with the loftiness and magnitude of my intellect; also I was the object of envy.” ",
+                "[129] When Lysimachus put the further question, “Was it then for envy that you were ejected?” he answered, “No, not through envy but because of the transcendence of my natural gifts which the country could not hold. ",
+                "[130] For just as when Semele, while carrying Dionysus, was unable to bear the weight till the time appointed for her delivery, and Zeus in consternation pulled out the fruit of her womb in a premature stage of being and made it rank equal to the celestial gods, so it was with me: my country was too small to hold such a mass of philosophical thinking, and some lower or higher deity dislodged me and resolved to transplant me to a place more favoured by fortune than Athens.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIX.  [131] The freedom of the wise like all other human good gifts may be seen exemplified also in the irrational animals. Thus cocks are wont to fight with such intrepidity that rather than yield and withdraw, though outdone in strength yet not outdone in courage they continue fighting until they die. ",
+                "[132] This Miltiades, the general of the Athenians, had observed, and when the Persian king having pressed into the ranks all the flower of Asia crossed into Europe with many myriads, thinking to seize Greece without a struggle, Miltiades collected his fellow soldiers at the Panathenaea and showed them some cocks fighting, holding that the spectacle would speak with a persuasion which no words could have. His judgement did not err, ",
+                "[133] for when they saw this invincible gallantry and endurance asserting itself even to death in irrational creatures, they seized their arms and rushed to war, where the rivals against whom they were matched would be the bodies of the foes, and recked not of the wounds nor of the slaughter in their hope to secure that if they fell at least their native soil in which they lay would still be free. For nothing so creates an impulse to do better, as that those of less repute than ourselves should rise to heights of achievement beyond our expectation. ",
+                "[134] Cock-fighting is also mentioned by the Tragedian Ion in these words: <br>Battered his body and blind each eye <br>He rallies his courage, and faint, still crows, <br>For death he prefers to slavery.",
+                "[135] Why then should we suppose that the wise would not most gladly choose death rather than slavery? Is it not against all reason that the souls of the young and highly gifted should be worsted in the contests of virtue by birds and take only the second place and that barely?",
+                "[136] This too is a truth well known to everyone who has taken even a slight hold of culture, that freedom is an honourable thing, and slavery a disgraceful thing, and that honourable things are associated with good men and disgraceful things with bad men. Hence, it clearly follows that no person of true worth is a slave, though threatened by a host of claimants who produce contracts to prove their ownership, nor is any fool a free man, even though he be a Croesus or a Midas or the Great King himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XX.  [137] And this doctrine that freedom is glorious and honourable, slavery execrable and disgraceful, is attested by cities and nations, which are more ancient, more permanent, and, as far as mortals may be, immortal, and for immortals it is a law of their being that their every word is true. ",
+                "[138] The senates and national assemblies meet almost every day to discuss more than anything else how to confirm their freedom if they have it, or to acquire it if they have it not. The Greek and the outside world are perpetually engaged in feuds and wars, nation against nation, and with what object save to escape from slavery and to win freedom? ",
+                "[139] And so on the battlefield, the commanders of armies and regiments and companies couch their exhortations to their men mainly in this form. “Fellow soldiers, slavery is the most grievous of evils. Let us repel its assault. Freedom is the noblest of human blessings; let us not suffer it to be lost. Freedom is the source and fountain of happiness and from it flow all particular benefits.”",
+                "[140] This I think is the reason why the Athenians, the keenest in intelligence among the Greeks—for Athens is in Greece what the pupil is in the eye and the reason in the soul—when they celebrate the procession in honour of the Venerable Goddesses, admit no slave to the company, but employ free men and women to carry out all the solemnities, and these not chosen at haphazard, but such as have earnestly pursued a blameless life. On the same principle, the cakes for the feast are made by the youths who have best passed their test, and they consider this service to be an honour and glory as indeed it is. ",
+                "[141] A short time ago, when some players were acting a tragedy, and reciting those lines of Euripides, <br>The name of freedom is worth all the world; <br>If one has little, let him think that much, <br>I saw the whole audience so carried away by enthusiasm that they stood upright to their full height, and raising their voices above the actors, burst into shout after shout of applause, combining praise of the maxim with praise of the poet, who glorified not only freedom for what it does, but even its name. ",
+                "[142] I also admire the Argonauts, who made their crew consist entirely of the free and admitted no slave, not even those who would do the necessary menial labours, welcoming personal service in these circumstances as the sister of freedom. ",
+                "[143] And if we are justified in listening to the poets,—and why should we not, since they are our educators through all our days, and as parents in private life teach wisdom to their children, so do they in public life to their cities—if I say we believe them, even the <i>Argo</i>, which captained by Jason was endowed with soul and reason, a sentient being filled with love of freedom, would not let bond servants board her. So Aeschylus says of her: <br>Where is the sacred bark of <i>Argo</i>? Speak.",
+                "[144] The menacing gestures and speeches with which some people threaten the wise should be treated with little respect and meet with a reply like that of Antigenidas, the flute-player. When a rival professional said to him in anger, “I’ll buy you,” he answered him with great irony, “Then I’ll teach you to play.” ",
+                "[145] So then, too, the man of worth may say to his prospective purchaser, “Then you will have lessons in self-control.” If one threatens him with banishment, he can say, “Every land is my native country”; if with loss of money, ",
+                "[146] “A moderate livelihood suffices me”; if the threat takes the form of blows or death, he can say, “These bugbears do not scare me; I am not inferior to boxers or pancratiasts, who though they see but dim shadows of true excellence, since they only cultivate robustness of body, yet endure both bravely. For the mind within me which rules the body is by courage so well-braced and nerved, that it can stand superior to any kind of pain.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XXI.  [147] [We must be careful, therefore, not to take a wild beast of this kind, which displays not only strength, but by the terrors of its appearance, its invincible and formidable nature.]",
+                "[148] Places which serve as sanctuaries often provide the bond servants who take refuge in them with the same security and licence of speech as if they enjoyed equal rights and privileges with the rest. And one may see those whose servitude is immemorial handed down from their great-grandfathers and earlier ancestors by a kind of family succession, talking freely with complete fearlessness, when sitting in temples as suppliants. ",
+                "[149] Some even show not mere equality but great superiority in the energy and disdain with which they dispute questions of justice with their owners. For while the owners however highly born may well become as slaves through the conscience which convicts them, the suppliants, who are provided with bodily security by the inviolability of the place, exhibit in the soul, which God created proof against all that could subdue it, characteristics of freedom and high nobility. ",
+                "[150] It must be so, for who could be so exceedingly unreasonable as to think that while places produce courage and free speaking, this does not extend to the most God-like thing existing, virtue, through which both places and everything else which participates in wisdom acquires sanctity? ",
+                "[151] And indeed those who take refuge in sacrosanct localities and owe their security to the localities only, turn out to be in bondage to numberless other considerations, such as a wife seduced by gifts, children fallen into disgrace, betrayal in love matters. But those who take refuge in virtue, as in an indestructible and impregnable fortress, disregard the darts and arrows aimed at them by the passions which stalk them. ",
+                "[152] Fortified by this power, a man may say freely and boldly, “While all others are the victims of chance circumstances, I can say with the tragic poet: <br>Myself I can obey and can command. <br>I measure all things by the rule of virtue.”",
+                "[153] Thus Bias of Priene is said to have retorted very disdainfully to the threats of Croesus, by bidding him eat onions, a phrase which means “go weep,” because eating onions sets the tears running. ",
+                "[154] In this spirit the wise who hold that nothing is more royal than virtue, the captain whom they serve as soldiers throughout their lives, do not fear the orders of others whom they regard as subordinates. And so double-faced and shifty people are universally called servile and slavish. ",
+                "[155] This same thought is well expressed in another couplet: <br>A slave’s head ne’er sits straight upon his shoulder <br>But always crooked on a twisted neck. <br>For the crooked, artificial, deceitful character is utterly ignoble, while the straight, simple and ingenuous, in which thoughts agree with words and words with thoughts, is noble.",
+                "[156] We may well deride the folly of those who think that when they are released from the ownership of their masters they become free. Servants, indeed, they are no longer now that they have been dismissed, but slaves they are and of the vilest kind, not to men, which would not be so grievous, but to the least reputable of inanimate things, to strong drink, to pot-herbs, to baked meats and all the other preparations made by the elaborate skill of cooks and confectioners, to afflict the miserable belly. ",
+                "[157] Thus Diogenes the cynic, seeing one of the so-called freedmen pluming himself, while many heartily congratulated him, marvelled at the absence of reason and discernment. “A man might as well,” he said, “proclaim that one of his servants became from this day a grammarian, a geometrician, or musician, when he has no idea whatever of the art.” For as the proclamation cannot make them men of knowledge, so neither can it make them free, for that is a state of blessedness. It can only make them no longer servants."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XXII.  [158] Let us then do away with the idle fancy, to which the great mass of men feebly cling, and fixing our affections on that holiest of possessions, truth, refuse to ascribe citizenship or freedom to possessors of so-called civic rights, or slavery to servants, whether homebred or purchased, but dismissing questions of race and certificates of ownership and bodily matters in general, study the nature of the soul. ",
+                "[159] For if the soul is driven by desire, or enticed by pleasure, or diverted from its course by fear, or shrunken by grief, or helpless in the grip of anger, it enslaves itself and makes him whose soul it is a slave to a host of masters. But if it vanquishes ignorance with good sense, incontinence with self-control, cowardice with courage and covetousness with justice, it gains not only freedom from slavery but the gift of ruling as well. ",
+                "[160] But souls which have as yet got nothing of either kind, neither that which enslaves, nor that which establishes freedom, souls still naked like those of mere infants, must be tended and nursed by instilling first, in place of milk, the soft food of instruction given in the school subjects, later, the harder, stronger meat, which philosophy produces. Reared by these to manhood and robustness, they will reach the happy consummation which Zeno, or rather an oracle higher than Zeno, bids us seek, a life led agreeably to nature."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO <i>QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT</i>",
+            "§ 2. “<i>Walk not on the highways</i>.” The form given here is almost the same as that in the latest edition of Diogenes Laertius, viz. τάς λεωφὁρους μὴ βαδίζειν. But another reading is ἐκτὸς λεωφόρου μὴ βαδίζειν. This has been emended to ἐντὸς, but does it not rather point to a variant assigning a quite different and more obvious meaning to the maxim?",
+            "§ 3. <i>Super-law</i>. Or “divine ordinance.” <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Op.</i> 143 νόμος ὁ τῆς φύσεως ὀρθὸς λόγος, ὃς κυριωτέρᾳ κλήσει προσονομάζεται θεσμός, νόμος θεῖος ὤν. In the same way the Ten Commandments are in a true sense θεομοί, <i>Quis Rerum</i> 168. Besides being more divine the θεομός has a wider scope and is like a general principle. So the Ten are θεσμοὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἀπείρων νόμων γενικὰ κεφάλαια, <i>De Cong.</i> 120. It is a pity that these examples from Philo have not been used in the lexica. For though L. &amp; S. remarks that θεαμός properly applies to ancient laws supposed to be sanctioned by the gods, it cites no examples which bring out the distinction from νόμος. Stephanus too after quoting the θεομοί of Draco and the νόμοι of Solon, which may be merely traditional titles, only cites Plato, <i>Ep</i> viii. 355 B, where after an exhortation to set the ἀρετή of the soul above that of the body, and that again above money, he says ὁ ταῦτα ἀπεμγαζόμενος θεαμός νόμος ἄν ἀρθῶς ὑμῖν εἴη κείμενος, which points to a sort of distinction as that quoted above from <i>De Cong.</i>",
+            "§ 5. <i>The puppet show</i>. Though probably this is suggested by the words quoted in the footnote, those do not mean what is stated here. Plato does not mean that the prisoners in the cave mistake the realities for θαύματα. The phrase comes in incidentally to indicate that the wall behind which move the persons who carry the objects the shadows of which are reflected is like the screen behind which the θαυματοποιοί stand when exhibiting their show. Elsewhere Plato uses the figure (<i>Laws</i> 644 D, 804 B) to describe human conduct, mankind being the puppets whose strings are worked by some higher power, a figure which Philo also uses, <i>De Op.</i> 117, <i>De Fug.</i> 46.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Highly connected</i>. Or more exactly “highly connected on both sides.” Philo has ἀμφιθαλής twice elsewhere, <i>De Cong.</i> 132, where Moses is said to be καὶ τὰ πρὸς πατρὸς καὶ τὰ πρὸς μητρὸς ἀμφιθαλής, and <i>Legatio</i> 93, where Hermes, Apollo, and Ares are μείζονες καὶ ἀμφιθαλεῖς as compared with Dionysus and Heracles, presumably because Semele and Alcmene were mere women. This is a natural extension of the meaning in <i>Il.</i> xxii. 496 and Plato, <i>Laws</i> 927 D, viz. a child who has both parents alive. So here <i>cf.</i> πρὸς ἀνδμῶν καὶ πρὸς γυναικῶν below.",
+            "§ 15. (The hiatus παιδείᾳ ἀναθεῖναι.) Cohn in <i>Hermes</i>, li. (1916), pp. 172 ff. propounds a theory that the hiatus here is justified on the principle that Philo does not avoid it between the verb and its noun or adjective, which are so grammatically connected as to form a sort of unity. In the same way he accounts for ἴσῃ ἀντιτιμηθέντες εὐνοίᾳ (§ 42) and φόβῳ ἐκκλίνει (§ 159), and notes similar examples in other treatises. On the other hand εὐτονίᾳ κραταιοτάτῃ ἰσχύος (§ 40), θεοῦ ἐλευθέρους (§ 42) and σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ εὐθυβόλον (§ 124) have no such justification. Accordingly the first of these remains “suspect” (though one would have thought κραταιοτάτης was an easy correction), the second is corrected to τῶν θεῶν, and the third has μετʼ εὐτολμίας suggested in a footnote. This new law of justifiable exceptions is a big extension of the principle laid down by Jessen and Cumont (see my note in vol. viii. p. 428), by which familiar conjunctions like ἐτήσιοι ὧραι are declared acceptable. There are no such familiar conjunctions in the instances quoted from §§ 42 and 159.",
+            "Wendland in his essay on <i>De Providentia</i> written several years earlier points out (p. 146) Philo’s general avoidance of the hiatus in that treatise, but notes a few exceptions, ἀδιαλύτῳ ἑνώσει ἀρμοσάμενος (§ 3), εὐμορφίᾳ ἀγάλλοιτο (§ 15), ἀπατηλαὶ αἰσθήαεις, πάθη ἐπίβουλα (§ 36), and there are some others which he has not observed. He then makes a remark which seems to me worth quoting: “We must not forget that avoidance of the hiatus is a matter of feeling only, not of anxious calculation, and there were very few writers in whom this feeling was so finely developed that it was not exposed to fluctuations and caprices.” This is not quite the same as the view suggested in the note above mentioned, namely that he avoided it generally but not when the avoidance would hamper his expression, but it leads to the same practical conclusion. When the tradition, Wendland continues, does not present any difficulty or any other cause for alteration, the editor of a writer like Philo will do well not to introduce any alteration merely on account of the hiatus.",
+            "§ 15. <i>New vessels</i>, etc. Cohn quotes Quintilian i. 1. 5 “natura tenacissimi sumus eorum quae rudibus annis percepimus, ut sapor, quo nova imbuas, durat.” The parallel will be still clearer if we adopt the correction “quo nova imbuas &lt;vasa&gt;.” As Quintilian in the sentence before has quoted Chrysippus, Περὶ παίδων ἀγωγῆς, it seems probable that the illustration in both cases comes from a Stoic source.",
+            "§ 28. (Insertion of οὕτως.) Though not grammatically necessary it certainly appears to be Philo’s invariable usage when a comparison begins with a relative conjunction to introduce the main clause with an adverb οὕτως or τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. So in this treatise §§ 15, 30, 45, 49, 51, 130, 140. And so in <i>De Prov.</i> §§ 3, 6, 20, 23, 39, 40, 52, 55. If the comparison begins with the main clause as in § 155 the rule naturally does not apply, nor always if the relative clause does not contain a separate verb as in <i>De Prov.</i> 32. Otherwise I have found no exceptions either in these two treatises or in <i>De Praem.</i>, in which I have tested it.",
+            "§ 70. <i>Wholefruits</i>. Or “wholly fruits.” In this digression induced by a favourite text, Deut. 30:14, and the favourite interpretation of mouth, heart, hands by words, thoughts, actions, we have something more akin to the Philo of the Commentary than we find anywhere else in this treatise. The meaning is that while in the natural garden the fruit only comes in the final stage, in the spiritual life all is fruit. As a matter of fact ὁλοκαρπώματα occurs only three times in our text of the Pentateuch and then only as a variant for ὁλοκαυτώματα. But the form ὁλοκάρπωσις is more frequent, occurring three times in Gen. 22 in the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, and also in Gen. 8:20, where Noah took of every clean beast and every clean fowl and offered them for a ὁλοκάρπωσις. On this passage, where perhaps he read ὁλοκάρπωμα for ὁλοκάρπωσις, Philo has a special meditation in <i>Quaest. in Gen.</i> ii. 52. The point of this is that the pure beasts are “sapientis sensus” and the pure fowls “intellectus cum cogitationibus in mente agitatis” and that they must be offered as “integer fructus.” The thought is perhaps much the same as in the stanzas of Rabbi Ben Ezra beginning “Not on the vulgar mass.”",
+            "§ 73. οἱ ἐτύμως ἑπτὰ σοφοὶ προσονομασθέντες. I find that the view taken in the footnote that the appellation is ἔτυμον because ἑπτά is akin to σέβας and οεμνός is thought to be a hard saying; and I am asked why it should not mean that they were called σοφοί because they were truly wise. I think that that explanation not only slurs the πρός but is entirely contrary to Philo’s use of ἐτύμως and ἔτυμος. That word in classical use is an epic or lyric word, in the ordinary sense of “true,” but with the grammarians came to mean the true or original form of the root from which other words spring, and thence the name “etymology” for the science of these ἔτυμα. Thus (<i>De Op.</i> 127) the Latin “septem” is said to be ἐτυμώτερον than the Greek ἑπτό because it preserves the original α of the etymon.",
+            "As stated shortly in the note in vol. iv. p. 556, the examples of έτύμως in the index bear this out.",
+            "Names are said to be given ἐτύμως:",
+            "(1) <i>De Op.</i> 36. στερέωμα to “heaven,” because it is σωματικός (as opposed to νοητός), and σῶμα is στερεόν.",
+            "(2) <i>Ibid.</i> 126. φωνήεντα to the vowels, because ἐξ ἑαυτῶν φωνοῦνται.",
+            "(3) <i>Ibid.</i> 133. παμμήτωρ and like names given by the poets to γῆ, because it is the source (αἰτία) of γένεσις.",
+            "(4) <i>De Conf.</i> 137. θεός to God, because ἔθηκε τὸ πᾶν.",
+            "(5) <i>Mos.</i> i. 17. Moses so called, because he was drawn from the water and the Egyptian for water is μῶυ.",
+            "(6) <i>Ibid.</i> 130. “Dog-fly” from its persistence, because the dog and the fly are the most shameless creatures in earth and air.",
+            "(7) <i>Mos.</i> ii. 105. θυμιατήριον given to the altar of incense, because ἀναθυμιάσεις τηρεῖ.",
+            "(8) <i>Ibid.</i> 149. τελειώσεως to the rams by which the sacrifices were admitted to the τελεταί.",
+            "(9) <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 88. λογεῖον to the breastplate symbolizing heaven, because heaven is governed by λόγος.",
+            "(10) <i>Ibid.</i> 93. ῥοΐσκοι to pomegranates παρὰ τὴν ῥύσιν.",
+            "(11) <i>Ibid.</i> 147. σιαγόνες to the jaws, because they shake (σείω).",
+            "(12) <i>Ibid.</i> 183. πρωτογεννημάτων to Pentecost, because τὰ πρῶτα τῶν γεννημάτων are then offered. So also <i>De Dec.</i> 160.",
+            "(13) <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 188. “Trumpet-feast” to the ἱερομηνία, because it is the custom to sound the trumpet.",
+            "In this volume, besides the words under discussion, we have (14) <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 2, the Therapeutae, so called because θεραπεύουσι (“worship” or “heal”).",
+            "(15) <i>De Aet.</i> 54. κόσμος to the world, because it exhibits κόσμος (“order”).",
+            "Many of these are explanations of a term rather than what we should call derivations or etymologies, but they all have this in common, that the ἐτυμότης does not consist in the appropriateness of the term in itself, or of its application in the particular case, but in its relation to some other word or in (15) to some other sense of the same word. None of them suggest that a person could be called ἐτύμως σοφός because the adjective σοφός could be justly applied to him. The ἐτυμότης therefore I believe belongs to ἑπτά, and the words of <i>De Op.</i> 127 explain in what it consists.",
+            "I should add that in the note, vol. iv. p. 556, I suggested that σοφός also was traced to σεβασμός, but this, I think, has no foundation.",
+            "§ 74. πρεσβευταὶ λόγων καὶ ἔργων. Or πρεσβεύεται λόγων ἔργα? In support of the latter it is worth noting that Strabo xv. 1. 59 cites Megasthenes as saying of the Brachmanes (on whom see next note) ἐν ἔργοις γὰρ αὐτοὺς κρείττους ἢ λόγοις εἶναι. That Philo in his account of the Gymnosophists and Calanus had Megasthenes in mind is at least very probable.",
+            "§ 74. <i>Gymnosophists</i>. What did Philo understand by the Gymnosophists? Is it simply another name for the caste of the philosophers, <i>i.e.</i> the Brahmans, or for a specially ascetic type among them and possibly other castes? They are mentioned in the same vague way as here by Strabo xvi. 2. 39 coupled with the Magi and the μάντεις of other nations. So too Plut. ii. 322 B eulogizes the γυμνῆτις σοφία of the Indian sages.",
+            "When Strabo xv. 1. 39 ff. describes from Megasthenes the seven castes, of which the philosophers are the first, he does not use the term Gymnosophist or indicate any especial asceticism. Further on, <i>ibid.</i> 59, Megasthenes is stated to classify the philosophers as Brachmanes, <i>i.e.</i> presumably Brahmins, and Garmanes, by whom experts appear to understand Buddhists, and it is these Garmanes or some of them who seem best to exemplify the asceticism implied in the name of Gymnosophists, though nakedness is not actually mentioned. Again, <i>ibid.</i> 70, the Brachmanes are distinguished from the Pramnae and it is as applied to some of these last that we first meet the term.",
+            "On the other hand Arrian, who also is supposed to be quoting Megasthenes, definitely says of the philosophical caste that as a whole they live (διαιτῶνται) naked, and when Plutarch (<i>Alexander</i> 64) applies the name Gymnosophists to the philosophers who had stirred up national feeling against the invader (§ 59), presumably he means the caste as a whole. I leave the experts to disentangle these conflicting statements. I suspect that the legend as Philo received it included (1) a belief that the philosophers were a caste, (2) that some of them were believed to practise a special ascetisicm, without aiming at anything more exact.",
+            "§ 75. <i>Essenes</i>. This note does not attempt to digest the many theories propounded about the Essenes but merely to summarize what Philo says about them and compare it with Josephus. In <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> Philo gives the following account of them: (1) They do not sacrifice animals; (2) they live in villages; (3) they work industriously at various occupations, not military nor commercial; (4) they keep no slaves; (5) their study is on morals and religion, particularly the allegorical meaning of the Scriptures; (6) they pursue and exhibit every kind of virtue; (7) this includes refusal to swear oaths and ceremonial purity; (8) they hold goods and clothing in common; (9) they provide for the sick and aged. To this is added an account of their sabbatical meetings, but this does not materially differ from that given of the Therapeutae in the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> and of the nation as a whole in the <i>Hypothetica</i>.",
+            "Of these the <i>Hypothetica</i> mentions in much the same strain (3), (6), (8) and (9) and adds (10) that only adults are admitted to the order and (11) that they eschew marriage and have a poor opinion of women.",
+            "Josephus’s account is given in <i>B.J.</i> ii. 8. 2–13, with some additions in <i>Ant.</i> xviii. 1. 5. It confirms practically all the points mentioned by Philo but goes far more into detail. Thus he describes fully the terms and process of admission to the order and also their refusal to take oaths in ordinary life and their ceremonial ablutions, points indicated by Philo only by the single words ἀνώμοτον and ἁγνεία. Interesting additions which he gives are that they regard the use of oil as a defilement, wear white garments, keep the sabbath with extraordinary strictness and show a feeling of reverence for the sun and sunrise which reminds us somewhat of <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 27 and 89. Elsewhere he credits them with the power of predicting the future, also he gives us, what Philo entirely omits, some information about their doctrines, that they believed in the immortality of the soul though not of the body and in future rewards and punishments.",
+            "(Sections 89 to 91.) I have not seen any notice of the historical statements made in these sections and this note must be regarded as a tentative inquiry. I feel little doubt that Philo is referring in the first instance to Herod, who, according to Jos. <i>Ant.</i> xv. 10. 5, treated the Essenes with special friendship and thought of them as something higher than human (μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὸν φύσιν). This friendship is traced by Josephus originally to the predictions made by the Essene Manahem to Herod, first in his boyhood when Manahem prophesied that he would be a king who at first would govern righteously but afterwards would commit crimes for which he would be punished. When he became king Herod asked Manahem how long he would reign and was told that for at least thirty years, but no other limit was given, which answer appears to have satisfied Herod.",
+            "We have no other evidence, I think, as to how the Essenes were treated by any other ruler in Palestine. But we may ask who are these ferocious or treacherous potentates here alluded to. Apart from the wild statement of Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> v. 17 that the Essenes had flourished in Palestine “per millia saeculorum,” the only allusion to their existence in earlier times is in Jos. <i>Ant.</i> xiii. 5. 9, where he mentions them as existing in the times of Jonathan the high priest, <i>i.e.</i> about 150 B.C. But this does not of course show that they did not exist at a considerably earlier date, and Philo might well have had Antiochus Epiphanes in mind. One would hardly think that any of the Hasmoneans would appear in this light to Philo, though both Aristobulus and Alexander Jannaeus are credited with some barbarity. Archelaus at the other end, who also (<i>B.J.</i> ii. 7. 3) listened to the prediction of an Essene, would fit, but his date is too late, at any rate if the <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> is an early work of Philo.",
+            "§ 96. (Death of Calanus.) This is described by Strabo (xv. 1. 68), who says that while the historians differ on some minor points they agree that he accompanied Alexander and when in his seventy-third year he fell ill for the first time he burnt himself to death in Alexander’s presence. Strabo adds that Megasthenes denied that suicide was enjoined by the philosophers, who regarded it as showing a reckless disposition.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> (Text of the letter.) Cohn in the article in <i>Hermes</i> mentioned in the note on § 15 observes that it contains four instances of hiatus, which however need not concern us, as Philo though avoiding it himself does not trouble himself to correct them in quotations. Cohn would not therefore raise this objection to my proposed insertion of ἀρεταὶ ἡμῖν.",
+            "§ 99. “<i>Burn me, consume my flesh</i>,” etc. I am rather surprised that Nauck, <i>T.G.F.</i> p. 525, lists this quotation as from the <i>Syleus</i>. Is not its juxtaposition with the <i>Syleus</i> in this one of the four places where it occurs sufficiently accounted for by the fact that Heracles plays a part in both? But the attitude which it represents seems very different from the boisterous behaviour in the Satyric play.",
+            "§ 100. (The <i>Syleus</i>.) Who speaks the last four lines of the first quotation and the three of the second? Cohn, following Nauck, <i>T.G.F.</i> p. 526, says Syleus. Subject to correction from those who know the ways of Satyric drama better than I do, I should reconstruct the situation as follows. Hermes brings Heracles to market much as Diogenes is brought in § 123, and one of the possible purchasers asks the question whether he is φαῦλος. The auctioneer emphatically denies this, and then turning to Heracles says “Do try and look more like the sort of servant that people like to have.” Heracles then accommodates himself somewhat and is bought by Syleus, who finds out too late what a bad bargain he has made. Even if we assume that Cohn and Nauck are so far right that the last four lines from οὐδεὶς to ἐμβολήν are to be detached from the other four, I should still prefer to ascribe them to one of the ὠνητικῶς ἔχοντες, who declined to buy anyone so dangerous, rather than to Syleus.",
+            "§ 127. <i>Theodorus</i>. An account of this follower of Aristippus about the end of the fourth century is given by Diog. Laert. ii. 98–102, who mentions his important book Περὶ θεῶν and his denial of much of the popularly accepted morality. According to Diogenes Laertius he did not take refuge with Lysimachus on his expulsion from Athens but with Ptolemy, who sent him on an embassy to Lysimachus. Another saying attributed to him by Cicero and others is that when Lysimachus threatened to crucify him he replied that it was a matter of indifference to him whether he went to corruption in the earth or in the air.",
+            "§ 134. <i>Ion.</i> A contemporary of the great Tragedians and sufficiently eminent for Longinus to say that though he was faultless, polished and elegant no one in his senses would match all his tragedies taken together with one of Sophocles. Little has been preserved of his, and of the sixty-eight fragments listed by Nauck many are single words, few as long as this and only one longer.",
+            "§ 140. <i>The Venerable Goddesses</i>. Cohn’s statement that these are Demeter and Persephone seems rather rash. He adduces Ar. <i>Thesm.</i> 294",
+            "δούλοις γὰρ οὐκ ἔξεστʼ ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων,",
+            "and though this line has been suspected as a gloss the preceding words,",
+            "σὺ δʼ ἄπιθʼ, ὠ Θρᾶττʼ, ἐκποδών,",
+            "show that the slave girl was excluded. But it does not follow that this was the only cult from which slaves were excluded. Though no doubt the epithet σεμναὶ θεαί might be applied to Demeter and Persephone, its regular connotation is the Eumenides. The procession in honour of the Eumenides is alluded to by Aeschylus at the end of the play and is mentioned by other writers as including the carrying of sacred cakes (see Pfühl, <i>De Atheniensium pompis sacris</i>, pp. 92 ff., a reference given me by Dr. Cook). Pfiihl accepts without question that it is this to which Philo refers.",
+            "Also it would seem <i>prima facie</i> unlikely that the procession at the Thesmophoria would include men as well as women or that the cakes would be prepared by the Ephebi, though I do not know that there is positive evidence about this. <br> <br>"
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שכל אדם ישר הוא בן חורין",
+        "enTitle": "Every Good Man is Free",
+        "key": "Every Good Man is Free",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "נספח והערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..bb9af5d6f1f1ae6be6a4be5eb684c7f6e2c37913
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Every Good Man is Free/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,309 @@
+{
+    "title": "Every Good Man is Free",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/Every_Good_Man_is_Free",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO <i>QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT</i>",
+            "This treatise is usually believed to be a youthful essay of Philo’s and we may well suppose that it belongs to a period of his life when he still had the dialectic of the philosophical schools fresh in mind and before he had settled down to his life’s work of interpreting the Pentateuch. Its genuineness has been impugned but on no good grounds. It has the testimony of Eusebius, who names it in his list of Philo’s works, and also makes a long extract from it, and it is also used on a considerable scale by St. Ambrose though he does not name the author. But apart from these the close resemblance in style and language, remarkably close, considering the difference of subject to the main body of treatises, leaves little doubt as to the authorship.",
+            "The tract is an argument to show the truth of the Stoic “paradox” that the wise man alone is free. The paradoxes are one of the best known features of the Stoic system. The doctrine that all the gifts and qualities generally held desirable belong in the true sense to the virtuous or wise man is a natural deduction from the primary maxim that the morally excellent, τὸ καλόν, is the only good. Though they sometimes assume a fantastic form, as when the Stoics claimed, or were supposed to claim, that only the wise man could be a general or a pilot or a poet or a cobbler, the more obvious ones that he alone is free or rich or noble or beautiful, are really almost truisms which have been echoed by preachers and moralists in every age. But they put the doctrine in arresting forms which impressed the serious and also gave occasion for banter to those who observed that the life of the philosophers was not always consistent with their principles. Allusions to them and short explanations of their meaning abound in Stoic writings. The list compiled by Arnim (<i>S.V.F.</i>) contains some 120 items. But the peculiarity of this treatise is that it argues out the matter with a fullness and lengthiness unparalleled elsewhere, though since the writings of the founders of Stoicism have not survived we cannot say how they may have treated it. At any rate the treatise, whatever its intrinsic merits, has this interest that we have in it a specimen of Stoic dialectic preserved to us almost by accident because it was part of the works of an author whose treatment of the Pentateuch appealed so strongly to the Christian mind.",
+            "The length and fullness become still more remarkable when we find that we have here only the second part of a disquisition, for Philo tells us in his opening sentence that it was preceded by “that every fool or bad man is a slave,” which is also mentioned by Eusebius in the catalogue named above. Since mankind are divided into free and slaves and also, according to orthodox Stoicism, into wise and fools, then if the wise alone is free it must follow that a fool is a slave, and one cannot but think that the two should be taken together as they are by Cicero. However, it is a fact that the slavery of the bad though frequently just mentioned is never discussed at length in our treatise except in §§ 51 if., where the argument that the wise enjoy the right of free discussion (ἰσηγορία), which is the mark of the free, is followed by the converse so completely worked out that it can hardly have been given in the earlier half. The slavery of lovesickness is also described at some length in § 38, but it is introduced there so incidentally that one would not be surprised to find it earlier. The main topic presumably was the slavery to the passions which is noted in § 45 and more fully in §§ 156 and 158 f. and is a subject capable of development to any extent. Slightly different to this is the slavery of the multitude to opinion, <i>cf.</i> § 21, and he may well have noticed also what Cicero gives as an example, the devotion to artistic objects. The description of a statesman who never cringes to the mob in <i>De Ios.</i> 67 suggests that something about the statesman who is in servitude to the people would be appropriate, and this again appears in Cicero. The thought that slavery in the sense of subjection to the wise is the best hope for the wicked, a moral which he draws from the story of Esau (§ 57) and from Noah’s curse of Canaan in <i>De Sob.</i> 69, may well have played a part. One thing we may be sure of is that examples were drawn from secular history such as the slavish fear of Dionysius or the impious infatuation of Xerxes to correspond to the examples of philosophical heroism in which this tract abounds.",
+            "The great preponderance of secular illustration may be fairly regarded as another sign that this and the twin treatise belong to the youth of Philo. There are altogether only five allusions to or quotations from the Pentateuch. In this the treatise stands in marked contrast to the <i>De Nob</i>, which as I have pointed out elsewhere is really a dissertation on the twin paradox that the wise man is noble but is illustrated entirely from the Pentateuch.",
+            "It is a consequence of this predominantly secular character that to judge from Cohn’s footnotes little use of the treatise was made by Christian writers with two marked exceptions. The first is the account of the Essenes in §§ 75–91, which is quoted in full by Eusebius, <i>Praep. Ev.</i> viii. 12. Eusebius has special reasons for making this extract. The other is the 37th letter of Ambrose, a large part of which is a kind of paraphrase of the <i>Quod Omnis Probus</i>. I have mentioned in my notes three passages from this which have some bearing on the text or its interpretation, but there are many others cited by Cohn.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the treatise.",
+            "After stating the subject of this and the preceding treatise Philo points out that such high doctrines are beyond the comprehension of the uneducated multitude (1–3) to whom they seem wild illusion (4–5). He gives a highly coloured picture of the way in which the ignorant react to the paradoxes that the wise and the foolish are respectively (<i>a</i>) citizens and exiles (6–7), (<i>b</i>) rich and poor (8–9) and says that they raise the same objection to the paradox of freedom and slavery which is here discussed (10). Such persons should like sick people put themselves under the guidance of the physician, that is the philosopher, and if they do so they will feel that they have wasted their past, whence we see the need of philosophical education for the young (11–15).",
+            "Coming to the main question, after pointing out that he is not dealing with freedom or slavery of the body (16–18) and declaring that the true freedom, like true sovereignty (though this does not concern us at present), lies in following God (19–20), he passes at once to the main point that the wise man is free from the domination of the passions (21–22). What the poet rightly says of the contempt of death is true of the contempt of other ills, and the wise man will assert his freedom by facing these bravely (22–25). This is supported by citing the resolution shown by pancratiasts (26–27); also the wise man is unmoved and thus has the leadership of the common herd (28–31). At this point he seems to digress in order to show that some common conceptions of slavery are inconsistent. Such are (<i>a</i>) the fact of service, but soldiers serve without being slaves and the same is true of the impoverished free man, whilst slaves often have control of others (32–35), (<i>b</i>) the fact of having to obey, but children obey their parents yet are reckoned free (36), (<i>c</i>) of being purchased, but free men are ransomed and purchased slaves often rule their masters just as purchased lions intimidate their owners (37–40). The argument is resumed by showing that the wise man is (<i>a</i>) happy (41), (<i>b</i>) like Moses a friend of God and therefore free (42–44), also as law-abiding cities are considered free, so he also obeys the law of reason (45–47). Next comes an intricate argument on the ἰσηγορία or right of discussion on an equal footing enjoyed by the wise (48–50) and not enjoyed by the fool (51–52), and this is supported by a saying of Zeno (53–56) which Philo supposes him to have derived from Moses’s account of Isaac condemning Esau to be the slave of Jacob (57). A final argument is: “the wise man is free because he does right voluntarily, cannot be compelled to do wrong and treats things indifferent with indifference” (58–61).",
+            "Here till towards the end of the treatise the argument proper is dropped and we have several stories of persons who exemplify the picture of the wise man given above. These are introduced by a discussion whether such persons are to be found. Some doubt it (62), yet they do exist and have existed though they are scarce and also hard to find because they seek retirement from the wickedness of the world (62–63). We ought to seek them out instead of ransacking land and sea for jewels and the like (64–66) and we should remember the text, “the word is very near thee in thy mouth and thy heart and thy hand.” The thoughts, words and deeds here symbolized will if properly cultivated produce good fruit (67–70), but we neglect this and consequently the rarity of the virtuous (71–72). Still they exist both in Greece itself and outside Greece, among the Persians and Indians (73–74), while in Palestine we have the Essenes (75). The long account of the Essenes which follows describes the innocence of their occupations (76–78), rejection of slave labour (79), devout study of the law, particularly on the Sabbath (80–82), threefold devotion to God, virtue and man (83–84), the last particularly shown by sharing house and property and providing for the sick and aged (84–87). Their excellence is attested by the respect shown them even by tyrants and oppressors (88–91). Passing on to individuals, we have the story of the Indian Calanus and his firm resistance to Alexander (92–97), and returning to the Greeks some examples from poetry and history, the picture of Heracles in Euripides (98–104) and, leaving demigods out as not fair specimens, Zeno the Eleate and Anaxarchus (105–109). Further, the dauntlessness shown by those who are not philosophers assures us that the true philosopher is still more dauntless. Among these are the athletes (110–113) and even boys and women (114–117), and whole people like the Xanthians (118–120). In these we see a fortitude which ends in their death, but there is also a fortitude in continuing to live, and so we here have a number of anecdotes of Diogenes, somewhat irrelevantly, since Diogenes was a philosopher (120–124). This leads to other stories of bold answering by Chaereas and Theodorus (125–130); after this digression we return to the fortitude which defies death, the example being fighting cocks who fight on till they are killed (131–135). Then there is another digression. That freedom in the ordinary sense is noble and slavery disgraceful is universally recognized (136–137) and examples of this feeling are given—the desire for political freedom shown by senates and generals (138–139), the abhorrence of slavery shown by exclusions of slaves from festivals and from the Argo (140–143). The remainder of the treatise is connected though loosely with the main theme. The wise man will scorn and have a ready answer for all attempts which threaten his independence (144–146) for, since actual slaves when in asylum often exhibit great boldness, the wise man will find a stronger asylum in his virtue (148–153) and will discard all crooked and crafty ways (154–155). It is absurd to suppose that manumission gives true liberty (156–157). The concluding sections (158–161) repeat the main doctrine that freedom lies in eliminating the passions and emphasize the need of education of the young to attain this end."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "I. [1] Our former treatise, Theodotus, had for its theme “every bad man is a slave” and established it by many reasonable and indisputable arguments. The present treatise is closely akin to that, its full brother, indeed, we may say its twin, and in it we shall show that every man of worth is free. ",
+                "[2] Now we are told that the saintly company of the Pythagoreans teaches among other excellent doctrines this also, “walk not on the highways.” This does not mean that we should climb steep hills—the school was not prescribing foot-weariness—but it indicates by this figure that in our words and deeds we should not follow popular and beaten tracks. ",
+                "[3] All genuine votaries of philosophy have obeyed the injunction, divining in it a law, or rather super-law, equivalent to an oracle. Rising above the opinions of the common herd they have opened up a new pathway, in which the outside world can never tread, for studying and discerning truths, and have brought to light the ideal forms which none of the unclean may touch.",
+                "[4] By unclean I mean all those who without ever tasting education at all, or else having received it in a crooked and distorted form, have changed the stamp of wisdom’s beauty into the ugliness of sophistry. ",
+                "[5] These, unable to discern the conceptual light through the weakness of the soul’s eye, which cannot but be beclouded by the flashing rays, as dwellers in perpetual night disbelieve those who live in the daylight, and think that all their tales of what they have seen around them, shown clearly by the unalloyed radiance of the sunbeams, are wild phantom-like inventions no better than the illusions of the puppet show.",
+                "[6] “Surely it is an absurdity,” they think, “a mere showman’s trick, to apply names in this way, to give the name of exile to men who not only spend their days in the heart of the city, but also sit as councillors, jurymen, and members of assembly, and sometimes undertake the burden of administering the market, or managing the gymnasium and the other public services: ",
+                "[7] to call those citizens who have either never been placed on the burgess rolls or have been condemned to disfranchisement or banishment, men chased beyond the frontiers, unable not only to set foot in the country but even to get a distant view of their ancestral soil, unless hounded thither by some kind of avenging furies they come courting death. For when they return there are numberless ministers of punishment waiting for them, spurred to vengeance by their personal feelings and also ready to do service to the commands of the law.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "II.  [8] “Surely your other statements too,” they continue, “are contrary to reason, brimful of shameless effrontery and madness or one knows not what to call them, for even names are difficult to find appropriate to such extravagance. You call those rich who are utterly destitute, lacking the very necessaries, who drag on their sorry, miserable life, scarcely providing their daily subsistence, starving exceptions to the general prosperity, feeding on the empty breath of virtue as grasshoppers are said to feed on air. ",
+                "[9] You call those poor who are lapped round by silver and gold and a multitude of landed possessions and revenues and numberless other good things in unstinted abundance, whose wealth not only benefits their kinsfolk and friends but steps outside the household to do the same to multitudes of fellow tribesmen and wardsmen, and taking a still wider sweep endows the state with all that either peace or war demands. ",
+                "[10] It is part of the same fantastic dream when you dare to ascribe slavery to the highly connected, the indisputably nobly born, who have not only parents but grandparents and ancestors right down to the founders of the family greatly distinguished both in the male and the female line: freedom to those who are heirs in the third generation to the branding iron, the fetter, and immemorial thraldom.”",
+                "[11] So they think, but all this is as I have said, the shallow talk of men with minds bedimmed, slaves to opinion, basing themselves on the senses, whose unstable council is always open to bribes from its suitors. ",
+                "[12] If they whole-heartedly sought for truth, they ought not to let themselves be outdone in prudence by the sick in body. They in their desire for health commit themselves to physicians, but these people show no willingness to cast off the soul-sickness of their untrained grossness by resorting to wise men from whom they can not only unlearn their ignorance but gain that knowledge which is mankind’s peculiar property. ",
+                "[13] But since we have it on the sacred authority of Plato that envy has no place in the divine choir, and wisdom is most divine and most free-handed, she never closes her school of thought but always opens her doors to those who thirst for the sweet water of discourse, and pouring on them an unstinted stream of undiluted doctrine, persuades them to be drunken with the drunkenness which is soberness itself. ",
+                "[14] Then when like initiates in the mysteries they have taken their fill of the revelations, they reproach themselves greatly for their former neglect and feel that they have wasted their time and that their life while they lacked wisdom was not worth the living. ",
+                "[15] It is well then that the young, all of them and everywhere, should dedicate the first fruits of the flower of their prime above all else to culture, wherein it is good for both youth and old age to dwell. For just as new vessels are said to retain the scents of the substances first poured into them, so, too, the souls of the young take indelible impressions of the ideas first presented to them and do not have them washed away by the stream of the later influx, and so they preserve the original form for all to see."
+            ],
+            [
+                "III.  [16] So much for these matters. Let us proceed to the subject of our discourse and give it careful consideration, that we may not go astray, misled by the vagueness in the terms employed, but apprehend what we are talking about, adjust our arguments to it, and so prove our point. ",
+                "[17] Slavery then is applied in one sense to bodies, in another to souls; bodies have men for their masters, souls their vices and passions. The same is true of freedom; one freedom produces security of the body from men of superior strength, the other sets the mind at liberty from the domination of the passions. ",
+                "[18] No one makes the first kind the subject of investigation. For the vicissitudes of men are numberless and in many instances and at many times persons of the highest virtue have through adverse blows of fortune lost the freedom to which they were born. Our inquiry is concerned with characters which have never fallen under the yoke of desire, or fear, or pleasure, or grief; characters which have as it were escaped from prison and thrown off the chains which bound them so tightly. ",
+                "[19] Casting aside, therefore, specious quibblings and the terms which have no basis in nature but depend upon convention, such as “homebred,” “purchased” or “captured in war,” let us examine the veritable free man, who alone possesses independence, even though a host of people claim to be his masters. Let us hear the voice of Sophocles in words which are as true as any Delphic oracle <br>God and no mortal is my Sovereign.",
+                "[20] For in very truth he who has God alone for his leader, he alone is free, though to my thinking he is also the leader of all others, having received the charge of earthly things from the great, the immortal King, whom he, the mortal, serves as viceroy. But the subject of the wise man’s sovereignty must be postponed to a more suitable occasion and we have now to examine his freedom carefully. ",
+                "[21] If one looks with a penetrating eye into the facts, he will clearly perceive that no two things are so closely akin as independence of action and freedom, because the bad man has a multitude of incumbrances, such as love of money or reputation and pleasure, while the good man has none at all. He stands defiant and triumphant over love, fear, cowardice, grief and all that sort, as the victor over the fallen in the wrestling bout. ",
+                "[22] For he has learnt to set at nought the injunctions laid upon him by those most lawless rulers of the soul, inspired as he is by his ardent yearning for the freedom whose peculiar heritage it is that it obeys no orders and works no will but its own. Some people praise the author of the line <br>What slave is there who takes no thought of death? <br>and think that he well understood the thought that it involves. For he meant that nothing is so calculated to enslave the mind as fearing death through desire to live."
+            ],
+            [
+                "IV.  [23] But we must reflect that exemption from slavery belongs to him who takes no thought not only of death but also of poverty, disrepute and pain and all the other things which the mass of men count as evil, though the evil lies in themselves and in their judgement, which makes them test the slave by the tasks he performs and fix their eyes on the services he renders instead of on his unenslaved character. ",
+                "[24] For he who with a mean and slavish spirit puts his hand to mean and slavish actions contrary to his own proper judgement is a slave indeed. But he who adjusts himself and his to fit the present occasion and willingly and also patiently endures the blows of fortune, who holds that there is nothing new in human circumstances, who has by diligent thought convinced himself that, while what is God’s has the honour of possessing eternal order and happiness, all mortal things are carried about in the tossing surge of circumstance and sway unevenly on the balance, who nobly endures whatever befalls him—he indeed needs no more to make him a philosopher and a free man. ",
+                "[25] And, therefore, he will not obey just anyone who gives him orders, even though he menaces him with outrage and tortures and threats however dreadful, but will openly and boldly defy him thus: <br>Roast and consume my flesh, and drink thy fill <br>Of my dark blood; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth and earth go up to heaven <br>Than thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word."
+            ],
+            [
+                "V. [26] I have observed in a contest of pancratiasts how one of the combatants will strike blow after blow both with hands and feet, every one of them well aimed, and leave nothing undone that might secure his victory, and yet he will finally quit the arena without a crown in a state of exhaustion and collapse, while the object of his attack, a mass of closely packed flesh, rigid and solid, full of the wiriness of the true athlete, his sinews taut from end to end, firm as a piece of rock or iron, will yield not a whit to the blows, but by his stark and stubborn endurance will break down utterly the strength of his adversary and end by winning a complete victory. ",
+                "[27] Much the same as it seems to me is the case of the virtuous man; his soul strongly fortified with a resolution firmly founded on reason, he compels the employer of violence to give up in exhaustion, sooner than himself submit to do anything contrary to his judgement. This statement may perhaps seem incredible to those who have had no experience of virtue (so would the other just mentioned to those who do not know the pancratiast), but none the less it is an actual fact. ",
+                "[28] It is this which Antisthenes had in view when he said that a virtuous man is heavy to carry, for as want of sense is a light thing, never stationary, so good sense is firmly based, never swerves and has a weight that cannot be shaken. ",
+                "[29] The law-giver of the Jews describes the wise man’s hands as heavy, indicating by this figure that his actions are not superficial but firmly based, the outcome of a mind that never wavers. ",
+                "[30] No one then can compel him, since he has come to despise both pain and death, and by the law of nature has all fools in subjection. For just as goats and oxen and sheep are led by goatherds and oxherds and shepherds, and flocks and herds cannot possibly give orders to herdsmen, so too the multitude, who are like cattle, require a master and a ruler and have for their leaders men of virtue, appointed to the office of governing the herd. ",
+                "[31] Homer often calls kings “shepherds of the people,” but nature more accurately applies the title to the good, since kings are more often in the position of the sheep than of the shepherd. They are led by strong drink and good looks and by baked meats and savoury dishes and the dainties produced by cooks and confectioners, to say nothing of their craving for silver and gold and grander ambitions. But the good nothing can ensnare, and it is theirs also to admonish those whom they see caught in the toils of pleasure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "VI.  [32] That services rendered are no proof of enslavement is very clearly shown in war-time. We see soldiers in the field all working on their own account, not only carrying all their weapons, but also laden like beasts with every necessary requirement, and then making expeditions to get water or firewood or fodder for the animals. ",
+                "[33] As for labours required in defence against the enemy, such as cutting trenches or building walls or constructing triremes, and all other skilled or subsidiary operations in which the hands and the rest of the body are employed, there is no need to recount them at length. ",
+                "[34] On the other hand, there is a peace-time war, no less grave than those fought with arms, a war set on foot by disrepute and poverty and dire lack of the necessaries of life, a war by which men are forced under duress to undertake the most servile tasks, digging and toiling on the land and practising menial crafts, labouring unceasingly to earn a meagre subsistence; often too carrying burdens in the midst of the market place before the eyes of their fellows in age who were their associates in boyhood and in youth.",
+                "[35] There are others born in slavery, who by a happy dispensation of fortune pursue the occupations of the free. They receive the stewardship of houses and landed estates and great properties; sometimes too they become the rulers of their fellow slaves. Many too have the wives and orphan children of their masters committed to their charge, being preferred for trustworthiness to friends and members of the family. Still all the same they are slaves though they lend, purchase, collect revenues and are much courted. Why then should we wonder when the opposite occurs and a man whose good luck has taken a bad turn performs the offices of a slave? ",
+                "[36] But you say, “by obedience to another he loses his liberty.” How then is it that children suffer the orders of their father or mother, and pupils the injunctions of their instructors? For no one is willing to be a slave; and surely parents will not show such an extreme hatred of their offspring as to compel their own children to submit to render services which according to you are the sole distinctive marks of slavery. ",
+                "[37] Again, anyone who thinks that people put up for sale by kidnappers thereby become slaves goes utterly astray from the truth. Selling does not make the purchaser a master, nor the purchased a slave. Fathers pay a price for their sons and sons often for their fathers if they have been carried off in raids or taken prisoners in war, and that such persons are free men is asserted by the laws of nature which have a more solid foundation than those of our lower world.",
+                "Indeed, [38] some of those thus bought and sold reverse the situation to such an extreme extent that they become the masters of their purchasers instead of their slaves. I have often myself seen pretty little slave girls with a natural gift for wheedling words, who with these two sources of strength, beauty of face and charm of speech, stormed the hearts of their owners. For these two are engines of attack against souls with no ballast or stability, engines mightier than all the machines constructed to demolish walls. ",
+                "[39] This is shown by the way in which their owners court them, supplicate them, eagerly beg their favours, as though they were praying to fortune or some good genius. If they are scouted they go into fits of despair and if they just see a kindly glance they dance for joy. ",
+                "[40] If selling constitutes slavery we should have to assert that a person who had bought some lions is master of the lions, whereas if the beasts do but turn menacing eyes upon him, the poor man will learn at once by experience the cruel and ferocious lordship of those whom he has purchased. Well then must we not suppose that if lions cannot, still less can the wise man be enslaved, who has in his free and unscathed soul a greater power of resistance to the yoke than any he could make with the naturally slavish body and all the vigour of its physical strength?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "VII.  [41] The freedom of the good man may be learnt in other ways. No slave is really happy. For what greater misery is there than to live with no power over anything, including oneself? But the wise man is happy, ballasted and freighted by his high morality, which confers power over everything, and so beyond all doubt and of sheer necessity, the good man is free. ",
+                "[42] Furthermore no one would deny that the friends of God are free. Surely when we agree that the familiars of kings enjoy not only freedom but authority, because they take part in their management and administration as leaders, we must not give the name of slaves to those who stand in the same relation to the celestial gods, who are god-lovers and thereby necessarily god-beloved, rewarded with the same affection as they have shown, and in the judgement of truth are as the poets say, rulers of all and kings of kings. ",
+                "[43] The legislator of the Jews in a bolder spirit went to a further extreme and in the practice of his “naked” philosophy, as they call it, ventured to speak of him who was possessed by love of the divine and worshipped the Self-existent only, as having passed from a man into a god, though, indeed, a god to men, not to the different parts of nature, thus leaving to the Father of all the place of King and God of gods. ",
+                "[44] Does one who has obtained so great a preferment deserve to be considered a slave and not rather the solely free? Though he was not deemed worthy of divine rank in his own right, yet because he had God for a friend, he was bound to have absolute felicity, for he had no feeble champion, nor one neglectful of the rights of friendship in Him who is the comrade’s god and keeps watch over the claims of comradeship. ",
+                "[45] Further again, just as with cities, those which lie under an oligarchy or tyranny suffer enslavement, because they have cruel and severe masters, who keep them in subjection under their sway, while those which have laws to care for and protect them are free, so, too, with men. Those in whom anger or desire or any other passion, or again any insidious vice holds sway, are entirely enslaved, while all whose life is regulated by law are free. ",
+                "[46] And right reason is an infallible law engraved not by this mortal or that and, therefore, perishable as he, nor on parchment or slabs, and, therefore, soulless as they, but by immortal nature on the immortal mind, never to perish. ",
+                "[47] So, one may well wonder at the short-sightedness of those who ignore the characteristics which so clearly distinguish different things and declare that the laws of Solon and Lycurgus are all-sufficient to secure the freedom of the greatest of republics, Athens and Sparta, because their sovereign authority is loyally accepted by those who enjoy that citizenship, yet deny that right reason, which is the fountain head of all other law, can impart freedom to the wise, who obey all that it prescribes or forbids.",
+                "[48] Further, besides these just mentioned, we have a very clear evidence of freedom in the equality recognized by all the good in addressing each other. Thus it is argued that the following iambic verses contain sound philosophy: <br>No part or lot in law has any slave <br>and again <br>A slave thou art, no right of speech hast thou.",
+                "[49] Just as the laws of music put all adepts in music on an equal footing in discussing that art and the laws of grammar and geometry do the same for their respective professionals, so, too, the laws of human life and conduct create a similar equality between those who are proficient in life-matters. ",
+                "[50] But the good are all proficient in such matters, because their proficiency embraces the whole of nature. Some of the good are admittedly free, and, therefore, all who enjoy the right to address them on an equal footing are free also. Consequently none of the good is a slave but all are free."
+            ],
+            [
+                "VIII.  [51] By the same line of argument it will appear that the fool is a slave. The laws of music, of grammar, of art in general, do not put the unmusical, the illiterate, the inartistic in general on an equal footing in discussion with the musical, the literary and the artistic. In the same way the laws of life and conduct do not put the unproficient in life matters on an equal footing in discussion with the proficient. ",
+                "[52] But this right of equal discussion, which these laws give, is given to all the free [and some of the good are free]. And in life-matters the bad are unproficient, while the wise are most proficient and consequently none of the bad is free but all are slaves. ",
+                "[53] Zeno, who lived under the direction of virtue to an unsurpassed degree, proves still more forcibly that the bad are not on equal terms in addressing the virtuous. “Shall not the bad rue it if he gainsay the good?” he says. The bad man, therefore, has no right to speak to a good man as his equal. ",
+                "[54] I am aware that many people will pour abuse on such words and hold that Zeno’s question shows presumption rather than good sense. But when they have had their jeering and stopped laughing, if they are willing to look closely and seek for a clear understanding of the saying, they will to their utter confusion recognize its absolute truth and that nothing will a man rue more than refusal to listen to the wise. ",
+                "[55] For confiscation of money or disfranchisement or banishment or the cruel disgrace of the lash, or anything else of the same kind, are small things and of no account when set against vices and the results which vices produce. But the majority, who through the blindness of their reason do not discern the damages which the soul has sustained, only feel the pain of external injuries, because the faculty of judgement, which alone can enable them to apprehend the damage to the mind, is taken from them. ",
+                "[56] But if they could recover their sight, observing the delusions which folly brings and the outrages wrought by cowardice and all that the sottishness of incontinence and the lawlessness of injustice has done, they will be filled with ceaseless sorrow at the calamitous plight of the best thing they possess, and even refuse to listen to consolation, so vast are the evils which have befallen them.",
+                "[57] We may well suppose that the fountain from which Zeno drew this thought was the law-book of the Jews, which tells of two brothers, one wise and temperate, the other incontinent, how the father of them both prayed in pity for him who had not attained to virtue that he should be his brother’s slave. He held that slavery, which men think the worst of evils, was the best possible boon to the fool, because the loss of independence would prevent him from transgressing without fear of punishment, and his character would be improved under the control of the authority set above him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "IX.  [58] I have now said all that appeared to me necessary to prove the proposition, but just as physicians regularly use a greater multiformity of treatment to cure multiform diseases, so when statements regarded as paradoxical are put forward, their unfamiliarity renders it necessary to apply a succession of proofs to bear upon the subject. For some can only be brought to understand under the impact of a continued series of demonstrations. ",
+                "[59] Thus the following argument is well to the point. He who always acts sensibly, always acts well: he who always acts well, always acts rightly: he who always acts rightly, also acts impeccably, blamelessly, faultlessly, irreproachably, harmlessly, and, therefore, will have the power to do anything, and to live as he wishes, and he who has this power must be free. But the good man always acts sensibly, and, therefore, he alone is free. ",
+                "[60] Again, one who cannot be compelled to do anything or prevented from doing anything, cannot be a slave. But the good man cannot be compelled or prevented: the good man, therefore, cannot be a slave. That he is not compelled nor prevented is evident. One is prevented when he does not get what he desires, but the wise man desires things which have their origin in virtue, and these, being what he is, he cannot fail to obtain. Further, if one is compelled he clearly acts against his will. But where there are actions, they are either righteous actions born of virtue or wrong actions born of vice or neutral and indifferent. ",
+                "[61] The virtuous actions he performs not under constraint but willingly, since all that he does are what he holds to be desirable. The vicious are to be eschewed and therefore he never dreams of doing them. Naturally too in matters indifferent he does not act under compulsion. To these, as on a balance his mind preserves its equipoise, trained neither to surrender to them in acknowledgement of their superior weight, nor yet to regard them with hostility, as deserving aversion. Whence it is clear that he does nothing unwillingly and is never compelled, whereas if he were a slave he would be compelled, and therefore the good man will be a free man."
+            ],
+            [
+                "X. [62] But among those who have kept little company with the Muses, there are some who have no understanding of the methods of logical deduction, but make general statements based on appearances. These people often ask “who have there been in the past, and who are there living now of the kind that you imagine?” An excellent answer is that in the past there have been those who surpassed their contemporaries in virtue, who took God for their sole guide and lived according to a law of nature’s right reason, not only free themselves, but communicating to their neighbours the spirit of freedom: also in our own time there are still men formed as it were in the likeness of the original picture supplied by the high excellence of sages. ",
+                "[63] For it does not follow that if the souls of the gainsayers have been bereft of freedom, held in bondage to folly and the other vices, the same is true of the human race. Nor is it a matter for wonder that the good do not appear herded in great throngs. First because specimens of great goodness are rare, secondly, because they avoid the great crowd of the more thoughtless and keep themselves at leisure for the contemplation of what nature has to show. Their prayer is that if possible they may work a reformation in the lives of the others, for virtue serves the common weal. But as this is made impossible through the atrocious doings which flood the cities, gathering strength from the passions and vices of the soul, they flee right away lest they should be swept down by the force of their onrush, as by the violence of a torrent. ",
+                "[64] But we, if we had any zeal for betterment should track them to their hiding places, and sitting as suppliants before them, exhort them to join us and humanize our bestial life, in place of war and slavery and a host of ills proclaiming peace, liberty and the overflowing abundance of all other blessings. ",
+                "[65] As it is, for the sake of money we ransack every corner and open up rough and rocky veins of earth, and much of the low land and no small part of the high land is mined in the quest of gold and silver, copper and iron, and the other like substances. ",
+                "[66] The empty-headed way of thinking, deifying vanity, dives to the depths of the sea, searching whether some fair treasure to delight the senses lies hidden there. And when it has found different kinds of many-coloured precious stones, some adhering to rocks, others, the more highly prized, to shells, it gives every honour to the beguiling spectacle. ",
+                "[67] But for wisdom or temperance or courage or justice, no journey is taken by land, even though it gives easy travelling, no seas are navigated, though the skippers sail them every summer season. ",
+                "[68] Yet what need is there of long journeying on the land or voyaging on the seas to seek and search for virtue, whose roots have been set by their Maker ever so near us, as the wise legislator of the Jews also says, “in thy mouth, in thy heart and in thy hand,” thereby indicating in a figure, words, thoughts and actions? All these, indeed, need the cultivator’s skill. ",
+                "[69] Those who prefer idleness to labour, not only prevent the growths but also wither and destroy the roots. But those who consider inaction mischievous and are willing to labour, do as the husbandman does with fine young shoots. By constant care they rear the virtues into stems rising up to heaven, saplings everblooming and immortal, bearing and never ceasing to bear the fruits of happiness, or as some hold, not so much bearing as being in themselves that happiness. These Moses often calls by the compound name of wholefruits. ",
+                "[70] In the case of growths which spring from the earth, neither are the trees the fruit nor the fruit the trees, but in the soul’s plantation the saplings of wisdom, of justice, of temperance, have their whole being transformed completely into fruits."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XI.  [71] Having then in us such potentialities, should we not blush to denounce the human race as lacking in wisdom, wisdom which the bellows could kindle into a blaze like the spark which smoulders in the firewood? And yet these things for which we should strive eagerly, things so closely akin to ourselves, so truly our own, we treat with great slackness and constant indifference and thus destroy the germs of excellence, while those things in which deficiency were a merit we desire with an insatiable yearning. ",
+                "[72] Consequently land and sea are full of the rich, the distinguished and the men of pleasure, but of the wise and just and virtuous, the number is small. But this small body though scanty is not absolutely non-existent. ",
+                "[73] For this we have the testimony, both of Greece and the world outside Greece. In Greece there flourished the sages known also by the appropriate name of the Seven, and we might expect that both before them and after them, others had their day, though the memory of the more ancient has vanished in the lapse of many years, and is dimmed in the case of those whose lives are still recent through the widespread neglect of their contemporaries.",
+                "[74] In the outside world where are those who spread the message by words and deeds, we find large associations of men of the highest excellence. Among the Persians there is the order of the Magi, who silently make research into the facts of nature to gain knowledge of the truth and through visions clearer than speech, give and receive the revelations of divine excellency. In India, too, there is the order of the Gymnosophists, who study ethical as well as physical philosophy and make the whole of their lives an exhibition of virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XII.  [75] Palestinian Syria, too, has not failed to produce high moral excellence. In this country live a considerable part of the very populous nation of the Jews, including as it is said, certain persons, more than four thousand in number, called Essenes. Their name which is, I think, a variation, though the form of the Greek is inexact, of ὁσιότης (holiness), is given them, because they have shown themselves especially devout in the service of God, not by offering sacrifices of animals, but by resolving to sanctify their minds. ",
+                "[76] The first thing about these people is that they live in villages and avoid the cities because of the iniquities which have become inveterate among city dwellers, for they know that their company would have a deadly effect upon their own souls, like a disease brought by a pestilential atmosphere. Some of them labour on the land and others pursue such crafts as co-operate with peace and so benefit themselves and their neighbours. They do not hoard gold and silver or acquire great slices of land because they desire the revenues therefrom, but provide what is needed for the necessary requirements of life. ",
+                "[77] For while they stand almost alone in the whole of mankind in that they have become moneyless and landless by deliberate action rather than by lack of good fortune, they are esteemed exceedingly rich, because they judge frugality with contentment to be, as indeed it is, an abundance of wealth. ",
+                "[78] As for darts, javelins, daggers, or the helmet, breastplate or shield, you could not find a single manufacturer of them, nor, in general, any person making weapons or engines or plying any industry concerned with war, nor, indeed, any of the peaceful kind, which easily lapse into vice, for they have not the vaguest idea of commerce either wholesale or retail or marine, but pack the inducements to covetousness off in disgrace. ",
+                "[79] Not a single slave is to be found among them, but all are free, exchanging services with each other, and they denounce the owners of slaves, not merely for their injustice in outraging the law of equality, but also for their impiety in annulling the statute of Nature, who mother-like has born and reared all men alike, and created them genuine brothers, not in mere name, but in very reality, though this kinship has been put to confusion by the triumph of malignant covetousness, which has wrought estrangement instead of affinity and enmity instead of friendship. ",
+                "[80] As for philosophy they abandon the logical part to quibbling verbalists as unnecessary for the acquisition of virtue, and the physical to visionary praters as beyond the grasp of human nature, only retaining that part which treats philosophically of the existence of God and the creation of the universe. But the ethical part they study very industriously, taking for their trainers the laws of their fathers, which could not possibly have been conceived by the human soul without divine inspiration.",
+                "[81] In these they are instructed at all other times, but particularly on the seventh days. For that day has been set apart to be kept holy and on it they abstain from all other work and proceed to sacred spots which they call synagogues. There, arranged in rows according to their ages, the younger below the elder, they sit decorously as befits the occasion with attentive ears. ",
+                "[82] Then one takes the books and reads aloud and another of especial proficiency comes forward and expounds what is not understood. For most of their philosophical study takes the form of allegory, and in this they emulate the tradition of the past. ",
+                "[83] They are trained in piety, holiness, justice, domestic and civic conduct, knowledge of what is truly good, or evil, or indifferent, and how to choose what they should and avoid the opposite, taking for their defining standards these three, love of God, love of virtue, love of men. ",
+                "[84] Their love of God they show by a multitude of proofs, by religious purity constant and unbroken throughout their lives, by abstinence from oaths, by veracity, by their belief that the Godhead is the cause of all good things and nothing bad; their love of virtue, by their freedom from the love of either money or reputation or pleasure, by self-mastery and endurance, again by frugality, simple living, contentment, humility, respect for law, steadiness and all similar qualities; their love of men by benevolence and sense of equality, and their spirit of fellowship, which defies description, though a few words on it will not be out of place. ",
+                "[85] First of all then no one’s house is his own in the sense that it is not shared by all, for besides the fact that they dwell together in communities, the door is open to visitors from elsewhere who share their convictions.",
+                "[86] Again they all have a single treasury and common disbursements; their clothes are held in common and also their food through their institution of public meals. In no other community can we find the custom of sharing roof, life and board more firmly established in actual practice. And that is no more than one would expect. For all the wages which they earn in the day’s work they do not keep as their private property, but throw them into the common stock and allow the benefit thus accruing to be shared by those who wish to use it. ",
+                "[87] The sick are not neglected because they cannot provide anything, but have the cost of their treatment lying ready in the common stock, so that they can meet expenses out of the greater wealth in full security. To the elder men too is given the respect and care which real children give to their parents, and they receive from countless hands and minds a full and generous maintenance for their latter years."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIII.  [88] Such are the athletes of virtue produced by a philosophy free from the pedantry of Greek wordiness, a philosophy which sets its pupils to practise themselves in laudable actions, by which the liberty which can never be enslaved is firmly established. ",
+                "[89] Here we have a proof. Many are the potentates who at various occasions have raised themselves to power over the country. They differed both in nature and the line of conduct which they followed. Some of them carried their zest for outdoing wild beasts in ferocity to the point of savagery. They left no form of cruelty untried. They slaughtered their subjects wholesale, or like cooks carved them piecemeal and limb by limb whilst still alive, and did not stay their hands till justice who surveys human affairs visited them with the same calamities. ",
+                "[90] Others transformed this wild frenzy into another kind of viciousness. Their conduct showed intense bitterness, but they talked with calmness, though the mask of their milder language failed to conceal their rancorous disposition. They fawned like venomous hounds yet wrought evils irremediable and left behind them throughout the cities the unforgettable sufferings of their victims as monuments of their impiety and inhumanity. ",
+                "[91] Yet none of these, neither the extremely ferocious nor the deep-dyed treacherous dissemblers, were able to lay a charge against this congregation of Essenes or holy ones here described. Unable to resist the high excellence of these people, they all treated them as self-governing and freemen by nature and extolled their communal meals and that ineffable sense of fellowship, which is the clearest evidence of a perfect and supremely happy life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIV.  [92] But since some consider that the virtues of large bodies are never perfect, but merely grow and improve and then come to a halt, we must cite as evidence the lives of good individual men, which are the clearest proof of the existence of liberty. ",
+                "[93] Calanus was an Indian by birth of the school of the gymnosophists. Regarded as possessed of endurance more than any of his contemporaries, by combining virtuous actions with laudable words he gained the admiration, not only of his fellow countrymen, but of men of other races, and, what is most singular of all, of enemy sovereigns. ",
+                "[94] Thus Alexander of Macedon, wishing to exhibit to the Grecian world a specimen of the barbarians’ wisdom, like a copy reproducing the original picture, began by urging Calanus to travel with him from India with the prospect of winning high fame in the whole of Asia and the whole of Europe; ",
+                "[95] and when he failed to persuade him declared that he would compel him to follow him. Calanus’s reply was as noble as it was apposite. “What shall I be worth to you, Alexander, for exhibiting to the Greeks if I am compelled to do what I do not wish to do?” What a wealth of frankness there is in the words and far more of freedom in the thought. But more durable than his spoken are his written words and in these he set on record clear signs of a spirit which could not be enslaved. ",
+                "[96] The letter he sent to Alexander runs thus:— <br>“<i>Calanus to Alexander</i> <br>Your friends urge you to apply violence and compulsion to the philosophers of India. These friends, however, have never even in their dreams seen what we do. Bodies you will transport from place to place, but souls you will not compel to do what they will not do, any more than force bricks or sticks to talk. Fire causes the greatest trouble and ruin to living bodies: we are superior to this: we burn ourselves alive. There is no king, no ruler, who will compel us to do what we do not freely wish to do. We are not like those philosophers of the Greeks, who practise words for a festal assembly. With us deeds accord with words and words with deeds. Deeds pass swiftly and words have short-lived power: virtues secure to us blessedness and freedom.”",
+                "[97] Protestations and judgements like these may well bring to our lips the saying of Zeno: “Sooner will you sink an inflated bladder than compel any virtuous man to do against his will anything that he does not wish.” For never will that soul surrender or suffer defeat which right reason has braced with principles firmly held."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XV.  [98] The freedom of the virtuous is also vouched for by the poets and prose writers, in whose thoughts Greeks and barbarians alike are reared almost from the cradle, and so gain improvement of character and restamp into sterling coin every bit of metal in their souls which has been debased by a faulty upbringing and mode of life. ",
+                "[99] See, for instance, what Heracles says in Euripides: <br>Burn me, consume my flesh, and drink thy fill <br>Of my dark blood; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth and earth go up to sky <br>Ere thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word. <br>For in very truth, fawning and flattery and dissembling, in which the words are at war with the thought, are utterly slavish. But freedom of speech, genuine without taint of bastardy, and proceeding from a pure conscience, befits the nobly born.",
+                "[100] Again, observe how this same man of worth, even when put up for sale, seems to be no menial, but strikes awe into the beholders, who feel that he is not only free, but will become the master of his purchaser. ",
+                "[101] Hermes, for example, in answer to the question whether Heracles is worthless says: <br>Worthless? far from it, quite the contrary: <br>His bearing’s dignified, no meanness here, <br>Not slave-like overstocked with fat, and look <br>How smart his dress—and he can wield a club. <br>To which the other replies: <br>Who wants to buy a stronger than himself, <br>And bring him home as master of the house? <br>It fairly frightens one to look at you, <br>Eyes full of fire—you look just like a bull <br>Watching a lion’s onset. <br>Then he continues: <br>Your looks alone are evidence enough, <br>Though you say nothing, that you won’t obey— <br>Giving, not taking, orders is your line.",
+                "[102] And when Syleus after buying him, sent him into his estate, he showed by his actions that there was nothing of the slave in his nature. For he killed the finest bull in the stud, nominally as a sacrifice to Zeus, and feasted on it, and then brought out a great quantity of wine and lying there very comfortably drank it in huge draughts. ",
+                "[103] When Syleus arrived, very indignant both at the loss of his property, and at his servant’s easy-going and excessively disdainful behaviour, Heracles did not change colour a whit, nor make any difference in what he was doing, but said with the utmost boldness: <br>Lie down and let us drink and have a try <br>At once, who’ll do it better, you or I.",
+                "[104] How then must we describe his standing with his master? Is he slave or lord, he who dares not only to take these liberties, but even to issue orders to his owner, ready to beat him and knock him about if he shows resistance, or if he calls others to his aid to annihilate them altogether! Surely then these title-deeds, which record the so-called purchases, are just a laughing-stock and a mass of nonsense, when they are put out of court by the superior force of those against whom they are drawn up, less valid even than blank sheets of paper and destined to perish utterly, through moths, or time, or mildew."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVI.  [105] But it is not fair, an objector will say, to cite the achievements of the heroes as evidence. They have a greatness above human nature; they vie with the Olympians and as inheritors of a mixed parentage, a blend of mortal and immortal seed, are rightly called demigods, because the mortal ingredient is overpowered by the immortal part, so that there is nothing extraordinary in their contempt for those who plan to enslave them. ",
+                "[106] Be it so! But what of Anaxarchus or Zeno the Eleatic? Are they heroes or the offspring of gods? Nevertheless in the hands of cruel-hearted tyrants, naturally bitter and stirred to still greater ferocity by anger with them, though racked with strange and ingeniously invented tortures, they behaved as though the bodies in which they lay belonged to strangers or enemies, and with high disdain set the terrors of the tormentors at nought. ",
+                "[107] For having inured the soul from the first to hold aloof through love of knowledge from association with the passions, and to cleave to culture and wisdom, they set it wandering away from the body and brought it to make its home with wisdom and courage and the other virtues. ",
+                "[108] So it was that Zeno when suspended and stretched on the wheel, to make him tell something which should not be disclosed, showed himself mightier than the strongest things in nature, fire and iron. He gnawed off his tongue and shot it at the torturer, lest under violence he should involuntarily utter what honour would leave unspoken. ",
+                "[109] Anaxarchus’s speech showed the staunchest endurance. “Pound Anaxarchus’s skin,” he said, “Anaxarchus you cannot pound.” These examples of true courage, full of the spirit of defiance, have a value far exceeding the inherited nobleness of the heroes. Their glory belongs to their parentage and is not of their own volition. The glory of the philosophers rests upon achievements of virtue, freely willed by themselves, and these being what they are, immortalize those who practise them in sincerity."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVII.  [110] I know many cases of wrestlers and pancratiasts so full of ambition and eagerness for victory that though their bodies have lost their strength, they renew their vigour and continue their athletic efforts with nothing to help them but the soul, which they have inured to despise terrors, and in this they persevere to their last gasp. ",
+                "[111] Then, if those who exercise their bodily vigour have surmounted the fear of death whether in the hope of victory or to avoid seeing themselves defeated, can we suppose that those who drill the invisible mind within them, the veritable man, housed within the form which the senses perceive,—those who train it with words of philosophy and deeds of virtue will not be willing to die for their freedom and so complete their appointed pilgrimage with a spirit that defies enslavement! ",
+                "[112] It is told of two athletes in a sacred contest how possessed of equal strength, each offensive taken by the one returned in equal measure by the other, they never flagged until both fell dead. “Ah! then thy own prowess will destroy thee,” are words which will apply to such as these. ",
+                "[113] Surely then if to die for a garland of wild olive or parsley is a glory to the rivals in the arena, a far greater glory is it to the wise to die for freedom, the love of which stands in very truth implanted in the soul like nothing else, not as a casual adjunct but an essential part of its unity, and cannot be amputated without the whole system being destroyed as the result. ",
+                "[114] Students who investigate examples of high excellence sing the praises of the Laconian boy, to whom race or his own nature gave a spirit which would not brook enslavement. Carried into captivity by one of Antigonus’s people, he submitted to such tasks as became a freeman, but stood out against those of a slavish kind, declaring that he would not be a slave. And although by reason of his tender years he had not received the solid nutrition of the laws of Lycurgus, yet from his mere taste of them, he judged that death was a happier lot than his present valueless life, and despairing of ransom gladly put an end to himself. ",
+                "[115] There is also the story of the Dardanian women taken prisoners by the Macedonians, how holding slavery to be the worst disgrace they threw the children which they were nurturing into the deepest part of the river, exclaiming, “You at least shall not be slaves but ere you have begun your life of misery shall cut short your destined span and pass still free along the final road which all must tread.” ",
+                "[116] Polyxena, too, is described by the tragedian Euripides as thinking little of death but much of her freedom when she says: <br>Willing I die, that none may touch my flesh— <br>For I will give my throat with all my heart. <br>In heaven’s name let me go free, then slay me <br>That I may die still free. <br>"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XVIII.  [117] Then can we suppose that while women and lads, the former endowed by nature with little sense, the latter at so insecure an age, are imbued with so profound a love of liberty, that to save themselves from losing it they seek death as eagerly as if it were immortality—can we suppose, I say, that those who have drunk deep of wisdom undiluted can be anything but free—those who bear within them a well-spring of happiness in the high courage which no malignant force has ever yet subdued because sovereignty and kingship is its everlasting heritage?",
+                "[118] Indeed we hear of whole populations voluntarily suffering annihilation to safeguard their liberty and at the same time their good faith to dead benefactors. Such is the story told of the Xanthians in recent years. When one of the assassins of Julius Caesar, namely Brutus, marched with an army against them, what they feared was not the sack of their city, but enslavement to a murderer, who had killed his own leader and benefactor, for Caesar had been both to him. ",
+                "[119] As long as they could they fought on and at first made a powerful defence, and while their numbers were gradually wasting away they still held out. But when their whole strength was spent, they drove their women and parents and children each to their several homes and there slaughtered them, and after piling the bodies in a heap fired it and slew themselves upon it, thus completing their allotted term as free men inspired by a free and noble resolution. ",
+                "[120] Now these to escape the merciless cruelty of tyrannical enemies chose death with honour in preference to an inglorious life, but others whom the circumstances of their lot permitted to live, endured in patience, imitating the courage of Heracles, who proved himself superior to the tasks imposed by Eurystheus.",
+                "[121] Thus it was with the cynic philosopher Diogenes. So great and lofty was his spirit, that when captured by robbers, who grudgingly provided him with the barest minimum of food, still remained unmoved by his present position and had no fear of the cruelty of those who held him in their power. “It is surely very preposterous,” he said, “that while sucking pigs and sheep when they are going to be sold are fed up with greater care to make them fat and well favoured, man the best of animals should be reduced to a skeleton by want of food and constant privations and so fetch a lower price.” ",
+                "[122] He then received adequate allowances of food and when he was about to be brought to market with the other captives, he first sat down and took his dinner in the highest spirits, and gave some of it to those near him. To one of them who could not resign himself, and, indeed, was exceedingly dejected, he said, “Stop this repining and make the best of things, for <br>E’en fair-haired Niobe took thought for food <br>Though she had lost twelve children in the halls— <br>Six daughters and six sons in prime of youth.”",
+                "[123] Then when one of the prospective purchasers asked him what he was skilled at, he said with all boldness “at ruling men,” a reply which, showing freedom, nobility, and natural kingliness, was clearly dictated by the soul within him. Again we find him with his wonted licence making witticisms out of a situation which filled the others with melancholy and dejection. ",
+                "[124] It is said, for instance, that looking at one of the purchasers, an addict to effeminacy, whose face showed that he had nothing of the male about him, he went up to him and said, “You should buy me, for you seem to me to need a husband,” whereat the person concerned conscience-stricken into shame subsided, and the others were amazed at the courage and the aptness of the sally. Must we apply the term slavery to such as him, or any other word but liberty, over which irresponsible domination has no power?",
+                "[125] His freedom of speech was emulated by Chaereas, a man of culture. When he was living in Alexandria by Egypt, he once incurred the anger of Ptolemy, who threatened him in no mild terms. Chaereas considering that his own natural freedom was not a whit inferior to the other’s kingship replied: <br>Be King of Egypt; I care not for you— <br>A fig for all your anger. <br>For noble souls, ",
+                "[126] whose brightness the greed of fortune cannot dim, have a kingly something, which urges them to contend on an equal footing with persons of the most massive dignity and pits freedom of speech against arrogance.",
+                "[127] A story is told of Theodorus surnamed the atheist, that when he had been banished from Athens and had joined Lysimachus, his flight was brought up against him by a person of authority, who recited the circumstances which caused it and declared that he had been ejected after being condemned as an atheist and corrupter of youth. “I was ejected,” he answered, “but I shared that fortune with the son of Zeus Heracles, for he was thrown overboard by the Argonauts, ",
+                "[128] not for any wrongdoing, but because he himself alone was freight and ballast enough to overload the vessel, and made his fellow sailors afraid that it would be water-logged. And I, too, changed my residence for this reason, because the politicians at Athens were unable to keep pace with the loftiness and magnitude of my intellect; also I was the object of envy.” ",
+                "[129] When Lysimachus put the further question, “Was it then for envy that you were ejected?” he answered, “No, not through envy but because of the transcendence of my natural gifts which the country could not hold. ",
+                "[130] For just as when Semele, while carrying Dionysus, was unable to bear the weight till the time appointed for her delivery, and Zeus in consternation pulled out the fruit of her womb in a premature stage of being and made it rank equal to the celestial gods, so it was with me: my country was too small to hold such a mass of philosophical thinking, and some lower or higher deity dislodged me and resolved to transplant me to a place more favoured by fortune than Athens.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XIX.  [131] The freedom of the wise like all other human good gifts may be seen exemplified also in the irrational animals. Thus cocks are wont to fight with such intrepidity that rather than yield and withdraw, though outdone in strength yet not outdone in courage they continue fighting until they die. ",
+                "[132] This Miltiades, the general of the Athenians, had observed, and when the Persian king having pressed into the ranks all the flower of Asia crossed into Europe with many myriads, thinking to seize Greece without a struggle, Miltiades collected his fellow soldiers at the Panathenaea and showed them some cocks fighting, holding that the spectacle would speak with a persuasion which no words could have. His judgement did not err, ",
+                "[133] for when they saw this invincible gallantry and endurance asserting itself even to death in irrational creatures, they seized their arms and rushed to war, where the rivals against whom they were matched would be the bodies of the foes, and recked not of the wounds nor of the slaughter in their hope to secure that if they fell at least their native soil in which they lay would still be free. For nothing so creates an impulse to do better, as that those of less repute than ourselves should rise to heights of achievement beyond our expectation. ",
+                "[134] Cock-fighting is also mentioned by the Tragedian Ion in these words: <br>Battered his body and blind each eye <br>He rallies his courage, and faint, still crows, <br>For death he prefers to slavery.",
+                "[135] Why then should we suppose that the wise would not most gladly choose death rather than slavery? Is it not against all reason that the souls of the young and highly gifted should be worsted in the contests of virtue by birds and take only the second place and that barely?",
+                "[136] This too is a truth well known to everyone who has taken even a slight hold of culture, that freedom is an honourable thing, and slavery a disgraceful thing, and that honourable things are associated with good men and disgraceful things with bad men. Hence, it clearly follows that no person of true worth is a slave, though threatened by a host of claimants who produce contracts to prove their ownership, nor is any fool a free man, even though he be a Croesus or a Midas or the Great King himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XX.  [137] And this doctrine that freedom is glorious and honourable, slavery execrable and disgraceful, is attested by cities and nations, which are more ancient, more permanent, and, as far as mortals may be, immortal, and for immortals it is a law of their being that their every word is true. ",
+                "[138] The senates and national assemblies meet almost every day to discuss more than anything else how to confirm their freedom if they have it, or to acquire it if they have it not. The Greek and the outside world are perpetually engaged in feuds and wars, nation against nation, and with what object save to escape from slavery and to win freedom? ",
+                "[139] And so on the battlefield, the commanders of armies and regiments and companies couch their exhortations to their men mainly in this form. “Fellow soldiers, slavery is the most grievous of evils. Let us repel its assault. Freedom is the noblest of human blessings; let us not suffer it to be lost. Freedom is the source and fountain of happiness and from it flow all particular benefits.”",
+                "[140] This I think is the reason why the Athenians, the keenest in intelligence among the Greeks—for Athens is in Greece what the pupil is in the eye and the reason in the soul—when they celebrate the procession in honour of the Venerable Goddesses, admit no slave to the company, but employ free men and women to carry out all the solemnities, and these not chosen at haphazard, but such as have earnestly pursued a blameless life. On the same principle, the cakes for the feast are made by the youths who have best passed their test, and they consider this service to be an honour and glory as indeed it is. ",
+                "[141] A short time ago, when some players were acting a tragedy, and reciting those lines of Euripides, <br>The name of freedom is worth all the world; <br>If one has little, let him think that much, <br>I saw the whole audience so carried away by enthusiasm that they stood upright to their full height, and raising their voices above the actors, burst into shout after shout of applause, combining praise of the maxim with praise of the poet, who glorified not only freedom for what it does, but even its name. ",
+                "[142] I also admire the Argonauts, who made their crew consist entirely of the free and admitted no slave, not even those who would do the necessary menial labours, welcoming personal service in these circumstances as the sister of freedom. ",
+                "[143] And if we are justified in listening to the poets,—and why should we not, since they are our educators through all our days, and as parents in private life teach wisdom to their children, so do they in public life to their cities—if I say we believe them, even the <i>Argo</i>, which captained by Jason was endowed with soul and reason, a sentient being filled with love of freedom, would not let bond servants board her. So Aeschylus says of her: <br>Where is the sacred bark of <i>Argo</i>? Speak.",
+                "[144] The menacing gestures and speeches with which some people threaten the wise should be treated with little respect and meet with a reply like that of Antigenidas, the flute-player. When a rival professional said to him in anger, “I’ll buy you,” he answered him with great irony, “Then I’ll teach you to play.” ",
+                "[145] So then, too, the man of worth may say to his prospective purchaser, “Then you will have lessons in self-control.” If one threatens him with banishment, he can say, “Every land is my native country”; if with loss of money, ",
+                "[146] “A moderate livelihood suffices me”; if the threat takes the form of blows or death, he can say, “These bugbears do not scare me; I am not inferior to boxers or pancratiasts, who though they see but dim shadows of true excellence, since they only cultivate robustness of body, yet endure both bravely. For the mind within me which rules the body is by courage so well-braced and nerved, that it can stand superior to any kind of pain.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "XXI.  [147] [We must be careful, therefore, not to take a wild beast of this kind, which displays not only strength, but by the terrors of its appearance, its invincible and formidable nature.]",
+                "[148] Places which serve as sanctuaries often provide the bond servants who take refuge in them with the same security and licence of speech as if they enjoyed equal rights and privileges with the rest. And one may see those whose servitude is immemorial handed down from their great-grandfathers and earlier ancestors by a kind of family succession, talking freely with complete fearlessness, when sitting in temples as suppliants. ",
+                "[149] Some even show not mere equality but great superiority in the energy and disdain with which they dispute questions of justice with their owners. For while the owners however highly born may well become as slaves through the conscience which convicts them, the suppliants, who are provided with bodily security by the inviolability of the place, exhibit in the soul, which God created proof against all that could subdue it, characteristics of freedom and high nobility. ",
+                "[150] It must be so, for who could be so exceedingly unreasonable as to think that while places produce courage and free speaking, this does not extend to the most God-like thing existing, virtue, through which both places and everything else which participates in wisdom acquires sanctity? ",
+                "[151] And indeed those who take refuge in sacrosanct localities and owe their security to the localities only, turn out to be in bondage to numberless other considerations, such as a wife seduced by gifts, children fallen into disgrace, betrayal in love matters. But those who take refuge in virtue, as in an indestructible and impregnable fortress, disregard the darts and arrows aimed at them by the passions which stalk them. ",
+                "[152] Fortified by this power, a man may say freely and boldly, “While all others are the victims of chance circumstances, I can say with the tragic poet: <br>Myself I can obey and can command. <br>I measure all things by the rule of virtue.”",
+                "[153] Thus Bias of Priene is said to have retorted very disdainfully to the threats of Croesus, by bidding him eat onions, a phrase which means “go weep,” because eating onions sets the tears running. ",
+                "[154] In this spirit the wise who hold that nothing is more royal than virtue, the captain whom they serve as soldiers throughout their lives, do not fear the orders of others whom they regard as subordinates. And so double-faced and shifty people are universally called servile and slavish. ",
+                "[155] This same thought is well expressed in another couplet: <br>A slave’s head ne’er sits straight upon his shoulder <br>But always crooked on a twisted neck. <br>For the crooked, artificial, deceitful character is utterly ignoble, while the straight, simple and ingenuous, in which thoughts agree with words and words with thoughts, is noble.",
+                "[156] We may well deride the folly of those who think that when they are released from the ownership of their masters they become free. Servants, indeed, they are no longer now that they have been dismissed, but slaves they are and of the vilest kind, not to men, which would not be so grievous, but to the least reputable of inanimate things, to strong drink, to pot-herbs, to baked meats and all the other preparations made by the elaborate skill of cooks and confectioners, to afflict the miserable belly. ",
+                "[157] Thus Diogenes the cynic, seeing one of the so-called freedmen pluming himself, while many heartily congratulated him, marvelled at the absence of reason and discernment. “A man might as well,” he said, “proclaim that one of his servants became from this day a grammarian, a geometrician, or musician, when he has no idea whatever of the art.” For as the proclamation cannot make them men of knowledge, so neither can it make them free, for that is a state of blessedness. It can only make them no longer servants."
+            ],
+            [
+                "XXII.  [158] Let us then do away with the idle fancy, to which the great mass of men feebly cling, and fixing our affections on that holiest of possessions, truth, refuse to ascribe citizenship or freedom to possessors of so-called civic rights, or slavery to servants, whether homebred or purchased, but dismissing questions of race and certificates of ownership and bodily matters in general, study the nature of the soul. ",
+                "[159] For if the soul is driven by desire, or enticed by pleasure, or diverted from its course by fear, or shrunken by grief, or helpless in the grip of anger, it enslaves itself and makes him whose soul it is a slave to a host of masters. But if it vanquishes ignorance with good sense, incontinence with self-control, cowardice with courage and covetousness with justice, it gains not only freedom from slavery but the gift of ruling as well. ",
+                "[160] But souls which have as yet got nothing of either kind, neither that which enslaves, nor that which establishes freedom, souls still naked like those of mere infants, must be tended and nursed by instilling first, in place of milk, the soft food of instruction given in the school subjects, later, the harder, stronger meat, which philosophy produces. Reared by these to manhood and robustness, they will reach the happy consummation which Zeno, or rather an oracle higher than Zeno, bids us seek, a life led agreeably to nature."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO <i>QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT</i>",
+            "§ 2. “<i>Walk not on the highways</i>.” The form given here is almost the same as that in the latest edition of Diogenes Laertius, viz. τάς λεωφὁρους μὴ βαδίζειν. But another reading is ἐκτὸς λεωφόρου μὴ βαδίζειν. This has been emended to ἐντὸς, but does it not rather point to a variant assigning a quite different and more obvious meaning to the maxim?",
+            "§ 3. <i>Super-law</i>. Or “divine ordinance.” <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Op.</i> 143 νόμος ὁ τῆς φύσεως ὀρθὸς λόγος, ὃς κυριωτέρᾳ κλήσει προσονομάζεται θεσμός, νόμος θεῖος ὤν. In the same way the Ten Commandments are in a true sense θεομοί, <i>Quis Rerum</i> 168. Besides being more divine the θεομός has a wider scope and is like a general principle. So the Ten are θεσμοὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἀπείρων νόμων γενικὰ κεφάλαια, <i>De Cong.</i> 120. It is a pity that these examples from Philo have not been used in the lexica. For though L. &amp; S. remarks that θεαμός properly applies to ancient laws supposed to be sanctioned by the gods, it cites no examples which bring out the distinction from νόμος. Stephanus too after quoting the θεομοί of Draco and the νόμοι of Solon, which may be merely traditional titles, only cites Plato, <i>Ep</i> viii. 355 B, where after an exhortation to set the ἀρετή of the soul above that of the body, and that again above money, he says ὁ ταῦτα ἀπεμγαζόμενος θεαμός νόμος ἄν ἀρθῶς ὑμῖν εἴη κείμενος, which points to a sort of distinction as that quoted above from <i>De Cong.</i>",
+            "§ 5. <i>The puppet show</i>. Though probably this is suggested by the words quoted in the footnote, those do not mean what is stated here. Plato does not mean that the prisoners in the cave mistake the realities for θαύματα. The phrase comes in incidentally to indicate that the wall behind which move the persons who carry the objects the shadows of which are reflected is like the screen behind which the θαυματοποιοί stand when exhibiting their show. Elsewhere Plato uses the figure (<i>Laws</i> 644 D, 804 B) to describe human conduct, mankind being the puppets whose strings are worked by some higher power, a figure which Philo also uses, <i>De Op.</i> 117, <i>De Fug.</i> 46.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Highly connected</i>. Or more exactly “highly connected on both sides.” Philo has ἀμφιθαλής twice elsewhere, <i>De Cong.</i> 132, where Moses is said to be καὶ τὰ πρὸς πατρὸς καὶ τὰ πρὸς μητρὸς ἀμφιθαλής, and <i>Legatio</i> 93, where Hermes, Apollo, and Ares are μείζονες καὶ ἀμφιθαλεῖς as compared with Dionysus and Heracles, presumably because Semele and Alcmene were mere women. This is a natural extension of the meaning in <i>Il.</i> xxii. 496 and Plato, <i>Laws</i> 927 D, viz. a child who has both parents alive. So here <i>cf.</i> πρὸς ἀνδμῶν καὶ πρὸς γυναικῶν below.",
+            "§ 15. (The hiatus παιδείᾳ ἀναθεῖναι.) Cohn in <i>Hermes</i>, li. (1916), pp. 172 ff. propounds a theory that the hiatus here is justified on the principle that Philo does not avoid it between the verb and its noun or adjective, which are so grammatically connected as to form a sort of unity. In the same way he accounts for ἴσῃ ἀντιτιμηθέντες εὐνοίᾳ (§ 42) and φόβῳ ἐκκλίνει (§ 159), and notes similar examples in other treatises. On the other hand εὐτονίᾳ κραταιοτάτῃ ἰσχύος (§ 40), θεοῦ ἐλευθέρους (§ 42) and σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ εὐθυβόλον (§ 124) have no such justification. Accordingly the first of these remains “suspect” (though one would have thought κραταιοτάτης was an easy correction), the second is corrected to τῶν θεῶν, and the third has μετʼ εὐτολμίας suggested in a footnote. This new law of justifiable exceptions is a big extension of the principle laid down by Jessen and Cumont (see my note in vol. viii. p. 428), by which familiar conjunctions like ἐτήσιοι ὧραι are declared acceptable. There are no such familiar conjunctions in the instances quoted from §§ 42 and 159.",
+            "Wendland in his essay on <i>De Providentia</i> written several years earlier points out (p. 146) Philo’s general avoidance of the hiatus in that treatise, but notes a few exceptions, ἀδιαλύτῳ ἑνώσει ἀρμοσάμενος (§ 3), εὐμορφίᾳ ἀγάλλοιτο (§ 15), ἀπατηλαὶ αἰσθήαεις, πάθη ἐπίβουλα (§ 36), and there are some others which he has not observed. He then makes a remark which seems to me worth quoting: “We must not forget that avoidance of the hiatus is a matter of feeling only, not of anxious calculation, and there were very few writers in whom this feeling was so finely developed that it was not exposed to fluctuations and caprices.” This is not quite the same as the view suggested in the note above mentioned, namely that he avoided it generally but not when the avoidance would hamper his expression, but it leads to the same practical conclusion. When the tradition, Wendland continues, does not present any difficulty or any other cause for alteration, the editor of a writer like Philo will do well not to introduce any alteration merely on account of the hiatus.",
+            "§ 15. <i>New vessels</i>, etc. Cohn quotes Quintilian i. 1. 5 “natura tenacissimi sumus eorum quae rudibus annis percepimus, ut sapor, quo nova imbuas, durat.” The parallel will be still clearer if we adopt the correction “quo nova imbuas &lt;vasa&gt;.” As Quintilian in the sentence before has quoted Chrysippus, Περὶ παίδων ἀγωγῆς, it seems probable that the illustration in both cases comes from a Stoic source.",
+            "§ 28. (Insertion of οὕτως.) Though not grammatically necessary it certainly appears to be Philo’s invariable usage when a comparison begins with a relative conjunction to introduce the main clause with an adverb οὕτως or τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. So in this treatise §§ 15, 30, 45, 49, 51, 130, 140. And so in <i>De Prov.</i> §§ 3, 6, 20, 23, 39, 40, 52, 55. If the comparison begins with the main clause as in § 155 the rule naturally does not apply, nor always if the relative clause does not contain a separate verb as in <i>De Prov.</i> 32. Otherwise I have found no exceptions either in these two treatises or in <i>De Praem.</i>, in which I have tested it.",
+            "§ 70. <i>Wholefruits</i>. Or “wholly fruits.” In this digression induced by a favourite text, Deut. 30:14, and the favourite interpretation of mouth, heart, hands by words, thoughts, actions, we have something more akin to the Philo of the Commentary than we find anywhere else in this treatise. The meaning is that while in the natural garden the fruit only comes in the final stage, in the spiritual life all is fruit. As a matter of fact ὁλοκαρπώματα occurs only three times in our text of the Pentateuch and then only as a variant for ὁλοκαυτώματα. But the form ὁλοκάρπωσις is more frequent, occurring three times in Gen. 22 in the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, and also in Gen. 8:20, where Noah took of every clean beast and every clean fowl and offered them for a ὁλοκάρπωσις. On this passage, where perhaps he read ὁλοκάρπωμα for ὁλοκάρπωσις, Philo has a special meditation in <i>Quaest. in Gen.</i> ii. 52. The point of this is that the pure beasts are “sapientis sensus” and the pure fowls “intellectus cum cogitationibus in mente agitatis” and that they must be offered as “integer fructus.” The thought is perhaps much the same as in the stanzas of Rabbi Ben Ezra beginning “Not on the vulgar mass.”",
+            "§ 73. οἱ ἐτύμως ἑπτὰ σοφοὶ προσονομασθέντες. I find that the view taken in the footnote that the appellation is ἔτυμον because ἑπτά is akin to σέβας and οεμνός is thought to be a hard saying; and I am asked why it should not mean that they were called σοφοί because they were truly wise. I think that that explanation not only slurs the πρός but is entirely contrary to Philo’s use of ἐτύμως and ἔτυμος. That word in classical use is an epic or lyric word, in the ordinary sense of “true,” but with the grammarians came to mean the true or original form of the root from which other words spring, and thence the name “etymology” for the science of these ἔτυμα. Thus (<i>De Op.</i> 127) the Latin “septem” is said to be ἐτυμώτερον than the Greek ἑπτό because it preserves the original α of the etymon.",
+            "As stated shortly in the note in vol. iv. p. 556, the examples of έτύμως in the index bear this out.",
+            "Names are said to be given ἐτύμως:",
+            "(1) <i>De Op.</i> 36. στερέωμα to “heaven,” because it is σωματικός (as opposed to νοητός), and σῶμα is στερεόν.",
+            "(2) <i>Ibid.</i> 126. φωνήεντα to the vowels, because ἐξ ἑαυτῶν φωνοῦνται.",
+            "(3) <i>Ibid.</i> 133. παμμήτωρ and like names given by the poets to γῆ, because it is the source (αἰτία) of γένεσις.",
+            "(4) <i>De Conf.</i> 137. θεός to God, because ἔθηκε τὸ πᾶν.",
+            "(5) <i>Mos.</i> i. 17. Moses so called, because he was drawn from the water and the Egyptian for water is μῶυ.",
+            "(6) <i>Ibid.</i> 130. “Dog-fly” from its persistence, because the dog and the fly are the most shameless creatures in earth and air.",
+            "(7) <i>Mos.</i> ii. 105. θυμιατήριον given to the altar of incense, because ἀναθυμιάσεις τηρεῖ.",
+            "(8) <i>Ibid.</i> 149. τελειώσεως to the rams by which the sacrifices were admitted to the τελεταί.",
+            "(9) <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 88. λογεῖον to the breastplate symbolizing heaven, because heaven is governed by λόγος.",
+            "(10) <i>Ibid.</i> 93. ῥοΐσκοι to pomegranates παρὰ τὴν ῥύσιν.",
+            "(11) <i>Ibid.</i> 147. σιαγόνες to the jaws, because they shake (σείω).",
+            "(12) <i>Ibid.</i> 183. πρωτογεννημάτων to Pentecost, because τὰ πρῶτα τῶν γεννημάτων are then offered. So also <i>De Dec.</i> 160.",
+            "(13) <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 188. “Trumpet-feast” to the ἱερομηνία, because it is the custom to sound the trumpet.",
+            "In this volume, besides the words under discussion, we have (14) <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 2, the Therapeutae, so called because θεραπεύουσι (“worship” or “heal”).",
+            "(15) <i>De Aet.</i> 54. κόσμος to the world, because it exhibits κόσμος (“order”).",
+            "Many of these are explanations of a term rather than what we should call derivations or etymologies, but they all have this in common, that the ἐτυμότης does not consist in the appropriateness of the term in itself, or of its application in the particular case, but in its relation to some other word or in (15) to some other sense of the same word. None of them suggest that a person could be called ἐτύμως σοφός because the adjective σοφός could be justly applied to him. The ἐτυμότης therefore I believe belongs to ἑπτά, and the words of <i>De Op.</i> 127 explain in what it consists.",
+            "I should add that in the note, vol. iv. p. 556, I suggested that σοφός also was traced to σεβασμός, but this, I think, has no foundation.",
+            "§ 74. πρεσβευταὶ λόγων καὶ ἔργων. Or πρεσβεύεται λόγων ἔργα? In support of the latter it is worth noting that Strabo xv. 1. 59 cites Megasthenes as saying of the Brachmanes (on whom see next note) ἐν ἔργοις γὰρ αὐτοὺς κρείττους ἢ λόγοις εἶναι. That Philo in his account of the Gymnosophists and Calanus had Megasthenes in mind is at least very probable.",
+            "§ 74. <i>Gymnosophists</i>. What did Philo understand by the Gymnosophists? Is it simply another name for the caste of the philosophers, <i>i.e.</i> the Brahmans, or for a specially ascetic type among them and possibly other castes? They are mentioned in the same vague way as here by Strabo xvi. 2. 39 coupled with the Magi and the μάντεις of other nations. So too Plut. ii. 322 B eulogizes the γυμνῆτις σοφία of the Indian sages.",
+            "When Strabo xv. 1. 39 ff. describes from Megasthenes the seven castes, of which the philosophers are the first, he does not use the term Gymnosophist or indicate any especial asceticism. Further on, <i>ibid.</i> 59, Megasthenes is stated to classify the philosophers as Brachmanes, <i>i.e.</i> presumably Brahmins, and Garmanes, by whom experts appear to understand Buddhists, and it is these Garmanes or some of them who seem best to exemplify the asceticism implied in the name of Gymnosophists, though nakedness is not actually mentioned. Again, <i>ibid.</i> 70, the Brachmanes are distinguished from the Pramnae and it is as applied to some of these last that we first meet the term.",
+            "On the other hand Arrian, who also is supposed to be quoting Megasthenes, definitely says of the philosophical caste that as a whole they live (διαιτῶνται) naked, and when Plutarch (<i>Alexander</i> 64) applies the name Gymnosophists to the philosophers who had stirred up national feeling against the invader (§ 59), presumably he means the caste as a whole. I leave the experts to disentangle these conflicting statements. I suspect that the legend as Philo received it included (1) a belief that the philosophers were a caste, (2) that some of them were believed to practise a special ascetisicm, without aiming at anything more exact.",
+            "§ 75. <i>Essenes</i>. This note does not attempt to digest the many theories propounded about the Essenes but merely to summarize what Philo says about them and compare it with Josephus. In <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> Philo gives the following account of them: (1) They do not sacrifice animals; (2) they live in villages; (3) they work industriously at various occupations, not military nor commercial; (4) they keep no slaves; (5) their study is on morals and religion, particularly the allegorical meaning of the Scriptures; (6) they pursue and exhibit every kind of virtue; (7) this includes refusal to swear oaths and ceremonial purity; (8) they hold goods and clothing in common; (9) they provide for the sick and aged. To this is added an account of their sabbatical meetings, but this does not materially differ from that given of the Therapeutae in the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> and of the nation as a whole in the <i>Hypothetica</i>.",
+            "Of these the <i>Hypothetica</i> mentions in much the same strain (3), (6), (8) and (9) and adds (10) that only adults are admitted to the order and (11) that they eschew marriage and have a poor opinion of women.",
+            "Josephus’s account is given in <i>B.J.</i> ii. 8. 2–13, with some additions in <i>Ant.</i> xviii. 1. 5. It confirms practically all the points mentioned by Philo but goes far more into detail. Thus he describes fully the terms and process of admission to the order and also their refusal to take oaths in ordinary life and their ceremonial ablutions, points indicated by Philo only by the single words ἀνώμοτον and ἁγνεία. Interesting additions which he gives are that they regard the use of oil as a defilement, wear white garments, keep the sabbath with extraordinary strictness and show a feeling of reverence for the sun and sunrise which reminds us somewhat of <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 27 and 89. Elsewhere he credits them with the power of predicting the future, also he gives us, what Philo entirely omits, some information about their doctrines, that they believed in the immortality of the soul though not of the body and in future rewards and punishments.",
+            "(Sections 89 to 91.) I have not seen any notice of the historical statements made in these sections and this note must be regarded as a tentative inquiry. I feel little doubt that Philo is referring in the first instance to Herod, who, according to Jos. <i>Ant.</i> xv. 10. 5, treated the Essenes with special friendship and thought of them as something higher than human (μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὸν φύσιν). This friendship is traced by Josephus originally to the predictions made by the Essene Manahem to Herod, first in his boyhood when Manahem prophesied that he would be a king who at first would govern righteously but afterwards would commit crimes for which he would be punished. When he became king Herod asked Manahem how long he would reign and was told that for at least thirty years, but no other limit was given, which answer appears to have satisfied Herod.",
+            "We have no other evidence, I think, as to how the Essenes were treated by any other ruler in Palestine. But we may ask who are these ferocious or treacherous potentates here alluded to. Apart from the wild statement of Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> v. 17 that the Essenes had flourished in Palestine “per millia saeculorum,” the only allusion to their existence in earlier times is in Jos. <i>Ant.</i> xiii. 5. 9, where he mentions them as existing in the times of Jonathan the high priest, <i>i.e.</i> about 150 B.C. But this does not of course show that they did not exist at a considerably earlier date, and Philo might well have had Antiochus Epiphanes in mind. One would hardly think that any of the Hasmoneans would appear in this light to Philo, though both Aristobulus and Alexander Jannaeus are credited with some barbarity. Archelaus at the other end, who also (<i>B.J.</i> ii. 7. 3) listened to the prediction of an Essene, would fit, but his date is too late, at any rate if the <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> is an early work of Philo.",
+            "§ 96. (Death of Calanus.) This is described by Strabo (xv. 1. 68), who says that while the historians differ on some minor points they agree that he accompanied Alexander and when in his seventy-third year he fell ill for the first time he burnt himself to death in Alexander’s presence. Strabo adds that Megasthenes denied that suicide was enjoined by the philosophers, who regarded it as showing a reckless disposition.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> (Text of the letter.) Cohn in the article in <i>Hermes</i> mentioned in the note on § 15 observes that it contains four instances of hiatus, which however need not concern us, as Philo though avoiding it himself does not trouble himself to correct them in quotations. Cohn would not therefore raise this objection to my proposed insertion of ἀρεταὶ ἡμῖν.",
+            "§ 99. “<i>Burn me, consume my flesh</i>,” etc. I am rather surprised that Nauck, <i>T.G.F.</i> p. 525, lists this quotation as from the <i>Syleus</i>. Is not its juxtaposition with the <i>Syleus</i> in this one of the four places where it occurs sufficiently accounted for by the fact that Heracles plays a part in both? But the attitude which it represents seems very different from the boisterous behaviour in the Satyric play.",
+            "§ 100. (The <i>Syleus</i>.) Who speaks the last four lines of the first quotation and the three of the second? Cohn, following Nauck, <i>T.G.F.</i> p. 526, says Syleus. Subject to correction from those who know the ways of Satyric drama better than I do, I should reconstruct the situation as follows. Hermes brings Heracles to market much as Diogenes is brought in § 123, and one of the possible purchasers asks the question whether he is φαῦλος. The auctioneer emphatically denies this, and then turning to Heracles says “Do try and look more like the sort of servant that people like to have.” Heracles then accommodates himself somewhat and is bought by Syleus, who finds out too late what a bad bargain he has made. Even if we assume that Cohn and Nauck are so far right that the last four lines from οὐδεὶς to ἐμβολήν are to be detached from the other four, I should still prefer to ascribe them to one of the ὠνητικῶς ἔχοντες, who declined to buy anyone so dangerous, rather than to Syleus.",
+            "§ 127. <i>Theodorus</i>. An account of this follower of Aristippus about the end of the fourth century is given by Diog. Laert. ii. 98–102, who mentions his important book Περὶ θεῶν and his denial of much of the popularly accepted morality. According to Diogenes Laertius he did not take refuge with Lysimachus on his expulsion from Athens but with Ptolemy, who sent him on an embassy to Lysimachus. Another saying attributed to him by Cicero and others is that when Lysimachus threatened to crucify him he replied that it was a matter of indifference to him whether he went to corruption in the earth or in the air.",
+            "§ 134. <i>Ion.</i> A contemporary of the great Tragedians and sufficiently eminent for Longinus to say that though he was faultless, polished and elegant no one in his senses would match all his tragedies taken together with one of Sophocles. Little has been preserved of his, and of the sixty-eight fragments listed by Nauck many are single words, few as long as this and only one longer.",
+            "§ 140. <i>The Venerable Goddesses</i>. Cohn’s statement that these are Demeter and Persephone seems rather rash. He adduces Ar. <i>Thesm.</i> 294",
+            "δούλοις γὰρ οὐκ ἔξεστʼ ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων,",
+            "and though this line has been suspected as a gloss the preceding words,",
+            "σὺ δʼ ἄπιθʼ, ὠ Θρᾶττʼ, ἐκποδών,",
+            "show that the slave girl was excluded. But it does not follow that this was the only cult from which slaves were excluded. Though no doubt the epithet σεμναὶ θεαί might be applied to Demeter and Persephone, its regular connotation is the Eumenides. The procession in honour of the Eumenides is alluded to by Aeschylus at the end of the play and is mentioned by other writers as including the carrying of sacred cakes (see Pfühl, <i>De Atheniensium pompis sacris</i>, pp. 92 ff., a reference given me by Dr. Cook). Pfiihl accepts without question that it is this to which Philo refers.",
+            "Also it would seem <i>prima facie</i> unlikely that the procession at the Thesmophoria would include men as well as women or that the cakes would be prepared by the Ephebi, though I do not know that there is positive evidence about this. <br> <br>"
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על שכל אדם ישר הוא בן חורין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שכל אדם ישר הוא בן חורין",
+        "enTitle": "Every Good Man is Free",
+        "key": "Every Good Man is Free",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "נספח והערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..164961ae1d974ffb7030d68a2c43060d6e796a58
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Hypothetica/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,119 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "Hypothetica",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "היפותטיקה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO EXTRACTS FROM THE HYPOTHETICA",
+            "We have no information about the two extracts which are here reproduced beyond what Eusebius tells us, namely that the first is taken from the second book of a work entitled by Philo “Hypothetica,” in which the author is writing a defence of the Jews, and that the second comes from the “apology for the Jews,” while in his history (ii. 18) when giving a list of the works of Philo he mentions one Περὶ Ἰουδαίων. The general assumption is that these three are one and the same.",
+            "Of the second extract, which describes the Essenes, nothing need be said here, as some remarks on its relation to Philo’s other account of these communities will be found in the Appendix. The first extract is divided into two main parts and both of these again have two sub-divisions joined together by the phrase μετὰ βραχέα φησίν. Very little discussion so far as I can learn has been devoted to it, though in many ways it is very curious and interesting.",
+            "The opening part gives the impression that he wishes to meet the hostile criticism of the Gentiles by giving a rationalistic version of the history. The Exodus is described as the movement of an increasing population seeking a fresh living-room and inspired by a yearning for their own natal land of which the Pentateuch knows nothing. The divine influence is indeed admitted but has been given through dreams and visions, a strange way of treating the visitations described in Exodus. The divine mission of Moses is kept very much in the background and the observer is invited to choose between natural explanations of the fact that he led the people successfully through the wilderness. When we come to the occupation of Palestine any appeal to the miraculous victories of Joshua is definitely set aside, and outsiders are left to choose between two possibilities, one that it was due to superior force, the other that the virtues of the incomers won the respect and submission of the native population. I find it difficult to understand the motive of Philo in this treatment of the story, or of Eusebius in recording it, for Eusebius’s purpose is to give an account of the Mosaic constitution as it is depicted by the two most distinguished Jewish writers, and on this it has no bearing.",
+            "The second part of the extract, which does describe this constitution, is at least in the first subdivision curious in another way. We naturally compare it with the vastly longer and fuller account in the four books on the Special Laws and the <i>De Virtutibus</i>. The scope of the two is so hugely different that we should not expect more than the smallest fragment of the great Exposition in these few pages. The strange thing is that they contain so much which is ignored in the Exposition. There we hear little about the subjection of women, or of the inviolability of dedicated offerings or of the ways of obtaining release from these on which so much stress is here laid, or of the minor duties of supplying water, fire and burial. Humanity to animals is stressed in both, but the one law bearing on this which is mentioned here is not noticed there. The contrast no doubt is partly accounted for in the words where he states his intention to note the unwritten as well as the written, but only partly to my mind.",
+            "The second subdivision of this second part on the other hand, which deals with the observation of the sabbath, does not contradict anything that we find elsewhere in Philo. The account of the meetings in the Synagogue is much the same as that given in his description of the Essenes in the <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> and of the Therapeutae in the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> and of the nation as a whole in <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 62, and the stress laid on the sabbatical year both as a tribute to the land itself and an act of charity to the poor is thoroughly in his spirit.",
+            "The meaning of the title is obscure. The theory of Viger that it means “suppositions,” between which those addressed are invited to choose, only fits the opening sections, and was superseded by that of Bernays, who suggested that it meant exhortations or directions on conduct. Bernays shows that not only is ὑποθῆκαι often used in this sense but the ὑποθετικὸς λόγος is a technical term for a discourse with this object. The examples he quotes show that the hypothetical discourse has a close connexion with the protreptic, the term which Philo so often uses, and that in one case at least it is to be distinguished from the latter as the summary of counsels which closes the discourse. Still this does not seem to agree with the nature of the treatise so far as we can judge it from the specimens which Eusebius records. A hortatory discourse is a very different thing from a defence, at least, a defence of this kind. Bernays indeed quotes a passage in which the closely connected if not identical protreptic is stated on the one hand to show the high worth of virtue and on the other hand to convict those who deny or accuse or otherwise defame philosophy. But this does not apply to the opponents whom Philo is refuting. They do not attack the philosophy of the Law as he represents it, but either deny or are not aware that the Jews have any such philosophy.",
+            "The text of these extracts is not included in the Editio Maior of Cohn. As here printed it is that of the Editio Minor. It is not stated who is responsible for this, and there is no Apparatus Criticus. I have however carefully compared the text with those of Heinichen 1842, Dindorf 1867, and Gifford 1903, in their editions of the <i>Preparatio</i>. Gifford has such an apparatus, and in his introduction gives a full account of the manuscripts of which he obtained collations. I am not aware of any later edition.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the two extracts:",
+            "FIRST EXTRACT, viii. 6. 1–9, 7. 1–20",
+            "Part I. The first subdivision (6. 1) gives a short account of the causes which led to the Exodus from Egypt. The second subdivision (6. 2–9) suggests for consideration different explanations of the success of Moses in leading the people though the wilderness (2–4) and of the conquest of Palestine (5–8) and ends with an emphatic assertion of the devotion of the people through all the centuries to Moses and the Law (9).",
+            "Part II. The first subdivision (7. 1–9) gives a general sketch of the Mosaic constitution, contrasting its severity with the laxity of Gentile law and practice (1–3), particularly dwelling on the inviolability attached to vows and dedications (3–5). Other laws and customs are mentioned largely dwelling on duties of charity and mercy (6–9). The second subdivision (7. 10–20) describes the Sabbath as an institution intended mainly to provide opportunities for studying the law, gives a short account of the meetings and commends the universal knowledge of the Law which they effect (10–14). It then passes on to the sabbatical year, described as a proper relaxation for the land itself (15–18) and as a charitable institution, because the fruits which grew from it untilled were at the service of the poor and needy (19–20).",
+            "SECOND EXTRACT, viii. 11. 1–18",
+            "This is merely another description of the Essene communities, a general description (1–2), the mature age required for admission (3), their simple and communal life (4–5), their industry and practice of every kind of innocent activity (6–9), how the proceeds are put into a common bank (10–11), even clothes being held in common (12), their care for the sick and aged (13), their repudiation of marriage and exclusion of women, with some of their reasons for so doing (14–18). A final eulogy (18).",
+            "The references to chapters in the eighth book are those in all editions of the <i>Preparatio</i>. The references to sections with the chapters are those in Cohn’s Editio Minor. Sections are also numbered in Heinichen’s edition, but do not correspond to these. Gifford has no such sections, but gives the pages of Viger’s edition with subdivisions a, b, c, d. I have noted these pages but not the sub-divisions. I have also noted the pages in Mangey, vol. ii. They are to be distinguished from the others by the square brackets."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            "HYPOTHETICA",
+            "(APOLOGY FOR THE JEWS)",
+            "<small>Euseb. <i>Praep. Evang.</i> viii. 5. 11. Let us proceed to survey the constitution established by the legislation of Moses as described by authors held in high honour among the Jews. I will begin by quoting Philo’s account of their journey from Egypt under the leadership of Moses from the first book of the work which he entitled <i>Hypothetica</i>, where, while speaking in defence of the Jews as against their accusers, he says as follows:</small>",
+            "6. 1. Their original ancestor belonged to the Chaldeans, but this people who had emigrated from Syria to Egypt in past time removed from Egypt partly because of the vast size of the population for which the land was insufficient. Also it was due to the high spirit of enterprise in which they had been bred and to the revelations of God made by dreams and visions bidding them go forth, and what influenced them as much as anything was that they had providentially been seized by a yearning for their ancient fatherland. It was from there that this ancestor of theirs had passed over into Egypt either because God had so decreed or through some prevision of his own. There he had prospered to an unequalled degree so that from his time to the present day their nation has existed and survives and is so exceedingly populous.",
+            "<small>6. 2. Shortly afterwards he says:</small>",
+            "Their departure and journey was made under the command of one who nothing differed from the ordinary run of men. So you may say if you like: indeed there were people also who abused him as an impostor and prating mountebank. Well, that was a fine kind of imposture and knavery which enabled him to bring the whole people in complete safety amid drought and hunger and ignorance of the way and lack of everything as well as if they had abundance of everything and supplies obtainable from the neighbouring nations, and further to keep them free from internal factions and above all obedient to himself.",
+            "6. 3. And observe that these conditions lasted not for a little while but for a space of time during which even a household living in all comfort could not be expected to remain in unanimity. Yet neither thirst nor hunger nor bodily decay, nor fear of the future, nor ignorance of the course which events would take roused these deluded and perishing masses of men against that impostor.",
+            "6. 4. How will you explain this? Shall we say that he had some kind of skill or eloquence or intelligence great enough to surmount so many strangely different circumstances which were carrying them all to perdition? Otherwise we must suppose that either his subjects were naturally not stupid nor discontented but docile and gifted with some prevision of the future or else that they were thoroughly bad though God softened their discontents and kept their present and their future state as it were in his charge. Whichever of these views you consider to be the truth it appears to redound mightily to his praise and honour and zeal for them all.",
+            "6. 5. So much for the story of the migration. But when they came to this land the holy records show clearly how they established themselves there and occupied the country. Yet in discussing the probable facts of this occupation I think it better to go not so much by the historical narrative as by what our reason tells us about them.",
+            "6. 6. Which alternative do you prefer? Were they still superior in the number of their fighting men though they had fared so ill to the end, still strong and with weapons in their hand, and did they then take the land by force, defeating the combined Syrians and Phoenicians when fighting in their own country? Or shall we suppose that they were unwarlike and feeble, quite few in numbers and destitute of warlike equipment, but won the respect of their opponents who voluntarily surrendered their land to them and that as a direct consequence they shortly afterwards built their temple and established everything else needed for religion and worship?",
+            "6. 7. This would clearly show that they were acknowledged as dearly beloved of God even by their enemies. For those whose land they suddenly invaded with the intention of taking it from them were necessarily their enemies.",
+            "6. 8. And if they got credit and honour in the sight of their enemies surely it shows that they exceeded all in good fortune. What qualities shall we put in addition to this good fortune in the second and the third place? Shall we give the preference to their respect for law and loyal obedience or to their religion and justice and piety? Whichever you choose the fact remains that so great was their veneration for that man who gave them their laws, whatever view we take of him, that anything which approved itself to him approved itself also to them.",
+            "6. 9. So whether what he told them came from his own reasoning powers or was learnt from some supernatural source they held it all to come from God and after the lapse of many years, how many I cannot say exactly, but at any rate for more than two thousand, they have not changed a single word of what he wrote but would even endure to die a thousand deaths sooner than accept anything contrary to the laws and customs which he had ordained.",
+            "6. 10. After these remarks he gives the following summary of the constitution laid down for the nation in the laws of Moses.",
+            "7. 1. Do we find any of these things or anything similar among the Jews; anything which so savours of mildness and lenity, anything which permits of legal proceedings or extenuations or postponements or assessments of penalties and reductions of assessments? Nothing at all, everything is clear and simple. If you are guilty of pederasty or adultery or rape of a young person, even of a female, for I need not mention the case of a male, similarly if you prostitute yourself or allow or purpose or intend any action which your age makes indecent the penalty is death.",
+            "7. 2. So too if you commit an outrage on the person of a slave or a free man, if you confine him in bonds or kidnap and sell him. So too with larceny of things profane and sacred, so too with impiety not only of act but even of a casual word and not only against God Himself (may He forgive the very thought of such a thing which should not even be mentioned), but also against a father or mother or benefactor of your own the penalty is the same, death and not the common ordinary death: the offender in words only must be stoned to death. His guilt is as great as if he were the perpetrator of impious actions.",
+            "7. 3. Other rules again there are of various kinds: wives must be in servitude to their husbands, a servitude not imposed by violent ill-treatment but promoting obedience in all things. Parents must have power over their children to keep them safe and tend them carefully. Each individual is master of his possessions unless he has solemnly named the name of God over them declaring that he has given them to God. And if he has merely made a chance verbal promise of them he must not touch or handle them, but hold himself at once debarred from them all.",
+            "7. 4. I need not consider the case of his robbing what belongs to the gods or plundering what others have dedicated; even with his own, I repeat, a chance word of dedication spoken unawares deprives him of them all and if he repents or denies his promise his life is forfeit also.",
+            "7. 5. The same holds of any other persons over whom he has authority. If a man has devoted his wife’s sustenance to a sacred purpose he must refrain from giving her that sustenance; so with a father’s gifts to his son or a ruler’s to his subjects. The chief and most perfect way of releasing dedicated property is by the priest refusing it, for he is empowered by God to accept it or not. Next to this, that given by those who at the time have the higher authority may lawfully declare that God is propitiated so that there is no necessity to accept the dedication.",
+            "7. 6. Besides these there is a host of other things which belong to unwritten customs and institutions or are contained in the laws themselves. What a man would hate to suffer he must not do himself to others. What he has not laid down he must not take up either from a garden or a wine press or a threshing floor. He must not filch anything great or small from a stack. He must not grudge to give fire to one who needs it or close off running water. If the poor or the cripple beg food of him he must give it as an offering of religion to God.",
+            "7. 7. He must not debar dead bodies from burial, but throw upon them as much earth as piety demands, nor disturb in any way the resting places and monuments of the departed. He must not by fettering or any other means worsen the plight of him who is in hard straits; he must not make abortive the generative power of men by gelding nor that of women by sterilizing drugs and other devices. There must be no maltreatment of animals contrary to what is appointed by God or even by a law-giver; no destroying of their seed nor defrauding of their offspring.",
+            "7. 8. No unjust scales, no false measurements, no fraudulent coinage must be substituted.” The secrets of a friend must not be divulged in enmity. What need in heaven’s name have we of your Buzyges and his precepts? There are other matters to be noted: children must not be parted from their parents even if you hold them as captive, nor a wife from her husband even if you are her owner by lawful purchase.",
+            "7. 9. These no doubt are more important and serious matters, but there are others, little things of casual occurrence. Do not render desolate the nesting home of birds or make the appeals of animals of none effect when they seem to fly to you for help as they sometimes do. Nor commit any lesser offence of the kind. These things are of nothing worth, you may say, yet great is the law which ordains them and ever watchful is the care which it demands. Great too and appalling are the warnings and imprecations which accompany it. And such deeds are everywhere surveyed and avenged by God Himself.",
+            "<small>7. 10. Shortly afterwards he says:</small>",
+            "Is it not a marvel that for a whole day they should have kept from transgressing on any occasion any of the ordinances, or rather for many days, not one only, days too which did not follow straight on each other but only after intervals, and intervals of seven during which habits belonging to the secular days naturally hold the mastery?",
+            "7. 11. You may ask: Is not this merely a case of practising self-control so that they should be capable of abstaining from toil if necessary no less than of toilsome activity? No, it was a great and marvellous achievement which the lawgiver had in view. He considered that they should not only be capable of both action and inaction in other matters but also should have expert knowledge of their ancestral laws and customs.",
+            "7. 12. What then did he do? He required them to assemble in the same place on these seventh days, and sitting together in a respectful and orderly manner hear the laws read so that none should be ignorant of them.",
+            "7. 13. And indeed they do always assemble and sit together, most of them in silence except when it is the practice to add something to signify approval of what is read. But some priest who is present or one of the elders reads the holy laws to them and expounds them point by point till about the late afternoon, when they depart having gained both expert knowledge of the holy laws and considerable advance in piety.",
+            "7. 14. Do you think that this marks them as idlers or that any work is equally vital to them? And so they do not resort to persons learned in the law with questions as to what they should do or not do, nor yet by keeping independent transgress in ignorance of the law, but any one of them whom you attack with inquiries about their ancestral institutions can answer you readily and easily. The husband seems competent to transmit knowledge of the laws to his wife, the father to his children, the master to his slaves.",
+            "7. 15. Again with regard to the seventh year one can without difficulty use much the same though perhaps not identical words. For here it is not they themselves who abstain from work as on those seventh days, but it is the land which they leave idle against the days to come hereafter to give it fertility, for they believe that it gains much by getting a respite and is then tilled in the next year without being exhausted by unbroken cultivation.",
+            "7. 16. You may see that the same treatment of our bodies tends to strengthen them. Physicians prescribe some intermissions and relaxations not merely when health has to be restored. For monotony without a break, particularly in work, is always seen to be injurious.",
+            "7. 17. Here is a proof that their object is as I describe. If anyone offered to cultivate this same land during the seventh year much more strenuously than before and to surrender to them the whole of the fruits they would absolutely refuse. For they do not think that it is only themselves who should abstain from work, though if they did so it would be nothing to wonder at, but that the land should gain at their hands a respite and easing off to make a fresh start in receiving renewed attention and husbandry.",
+            "7. 18. For what in heaven’s name was to hinder them from letting out the land during the year and collecting the produce of that year at its end from the others who tilled it? But, as I have said, they entirely refuse anything of the kind, doubtless out of consideration for the land.",
+            "7. 19. We have a truly great proof of their humanity in the following also. Since they themselves abstain from labour during that year, they think that they should not gather or lay by the fruits produced which do not accrue to them from their own toil, but since God has provided them, sprung from the soil by its own action, they should grant them to be used freely by way farers and others who desire or need them.",
+            "7. 20. You have now had enough on this subject, for you will not require me to show that these rules for the seventh days are established firmly among them by the law. Probably you have often heard ere now from many physicians, scientists and philosophers what influence it has over the life of all things and of mankind in particular. This is what I have to say about the seventh day.",
+            "11. 1. Multitudes of his disciples has the lawgiver trained for the life of fellowship. These people are called Essenes, a name awarded to them doubtless in recognition of their holiness. They live in many cities of Judaea and in many villages and grouped in great societies of many members.",
+            "11. 2. Their persuasion is not based on birth, for birth is not a descriptive mark of voluntary associations, but on their zeal for virtue and desire to promote brotherly love.",
+            "11. 3. Thus no Essene is a mere child nor even a stripling or newly bearded, since the characters of such are unstable with a waywardness corresponding to the immaturity of their age, but full grown and already verging on old age, no longer carried under by the tide of the body nor led by the passions, but enjoying the veritable, the only real freedom.",
+            "11. 4. This freedom is attested by their life. None of them allows himself to have any private property, either house or slave or estate or cattle or any of the other things which are amassed and abundantly procured by wealth, but they put everything together into the public stock and enjoy the benefit of them all in common.",
+            "11. 5. They live together formed into clubs, bands of comradeship with common meals, and never cease to conduct all their affairs to serve the general weal.",
+            "11. 6. But they have various occupations at which they labour with untiring application and never plead cold or heat or any of the violent changes in the atmosphere as an excuse. Before the sun is risen they betake themselves to their familiar tasks and only when it sets force them selves to return, for they delight in them as much as do those who are entered for gymnastic competitions.",
+            "11. 7. For they consider that the exercises which they practise whatever they may be are more valuable to life, more pleasant to soul and body and more lasting than those of the athlete in as much as they can still be plied with vigour when that of the body is past its prime.",
+            "11. 8. Some of them labour on the land skilled in sowing and planting, some as herdsmen taking charge of every kind of cattle and some superintend the swarms of bees.",
+            "11. 9. Others work at the handicrafts to avoid the sufferings which are forced upon us by our indispensable requirements and shrink from no innocent way of getting a livelihood.",
+            "11. 10. Each branch when it has received the wages of these so different occupations gives it to one person who has been appointed as treasurer. He takes it and at once buys what is necessary and provides food in abundance and anything else which human life requires.",
+            "11. 11. Thus having each day a common life and a common table they are content with the same conditions, lovers of frugality who shun expensive luxury as a disease of both body and soul.",
+            "11. 12. And not only is their table in common but their clothing also. For in winter they have a stock of stout coats ready and in summer cheap vests, so that he who wishes may easily take any garment he likes, since what one has is held to belong to all and conversely what all have one has.",
+            "11. 13. Again if anyone is sick he is nursed at the common expense and tended with care and thoughtfulness by all. The old men too even if they are childless are treated as parents of a not merely numerous but very filial family and regularly close their life with an exceedingly prosperous and comfortable old age; so many are those who give them precedence and honour as their due and minister to them as a duty voluntarily and deliberately accepted rather than enforced by nature.",
+            "11. 14. Furthermore they eschew marriage because they clearly discern it to be the sole or the principal danger to the maintenance of the communal life, as well as because they particularly practise continence. For no Essene takes a wife, because a wife is a selfish creature, excessively jealous and an adept at beguiling the morals of her husband and seducing him by her continued impostures.",
+            "11. 15. For by the fawning talk which she practise and the other ways in which she plays her part like an actress on the stage she first ensnares the sight and hearing, and when these subjects as it were have been duped she cajoles the sovereign mind.",
+            "11. 16. And if children come, filled with the spirit of arrogance and bold speaking she gives utterance with more audacious hardihood to things which before she hinted covertly and under disguise, and casting off all shame she compels him to commit actions which are all hostile to the life of fellowship.",
+            "11. 17. For he who is either fast bound in the love lures of his wife or under the stress of nature makes his children his first care ceases to be the same to others and unconsciously has become a different man and has passed from freedom into slavery.",
+            "11. 18. Such then is the life of the Essenes, a life so highly to be prized that not only commoners but also great kings look upon them with admiration and amazement, and the approbation and honours which they give add further veneration to their venerable name."
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO HYPOTHETICA",
+            "§ 7. 5. (Absolution from vows.) On this Edersheim (<i>The Temple, its Ministry and Services</i>, p. 69) says that release from a vow which affected the interests of others might be obtained from one sage or from three persons in the presence of him who had been affected by the vow. He does not state the authority for this and it seems strange that in treating the subject he does not refer to this passage in Philo. In the same connexion he remarks that all laws were limited by higher obligations: according to the Mishnah a man could not vow what of his fortune he owed to others nor his widow’s portion. Philo’s statement that a man by vowing his wife’s τροφή could bind himself not to support her agrees with the practice denounced in Mark 7:10 ff., but is contrary to the principle described by Edersheim, and it is strange to find Philo apparently approving it.",
+            "§ 7. 8. (Precepts of Buzyges.) The rare passages alluding to these are collected by Bernays (see Introd. p. 407 note <i>b</i>). The Paroemiographer, p. 233, has ὁ γὰρ Βουζύγης Ἀθήνησι ὁ τὸν ἱερὸν ἄροτον ἐπιτελῶν (“instituted the sacred rite of the plough”) ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἀρᾶται καὶ τοῖς μὴ κοινηνοῦσι κατὰ τὸν βίον ὕδατος ἢ πυρός, ἢ μὴ ὑποφαίνουσιν ὁδὸν πλανωμένοις. A scholiast on Soph. <i>Ant.</i> 255 mentions the saying that Buzyges cursed those who left a corpse unburied. Clem. Alex. <i>Strom.</i> ii. 503 says that those who bid others do what they judge to be not profitable to themselves οὐκ ἂν ἐκφύγοιεν τὴν Βουζυγίαν ἀράν. Though the name of Buzyges is not mentioned, there is clearly an allusion to the same in a fragment of Diphilus where refusals of charity are said to be denounced in the “curses.” Cicero, <i>De Off.</i> iii. 54 f., speaks of refusing to show the way as denounced “Athenis exsecrationibus publicis” and interprets it to include those who allow a purchaser to be defrauded by a mistake. Bernays notes that three of the specific things here mentioned, the duty of showing the way, allowing free use of fire and water, and giving burial are all mentioned by Philo. Bernays does not give any quotation for the statement that the curses are repeated by a descendant of Buzyges at a feast of Demeter.",
+            "§ 7. 9. (Appeal of animals.) The statement seems to me remarkable and I should like to meet with some illustration of it or comment on it particularly in the form given it by Josephus. When is it that animals enter our houses as suppliants? The only thing in the law which suggests helping animals in trouble is the command in Deut. 22:4 to help to raise up a fallen beast and there really the point is helping the owner.",
+            "Philo in <i>De Virt.</i> 125–147 has insisted earnestly on the duty of kindness to animals, but it is remarkable that of the points which he mentions, namely the prohibitions against (1) separating the mother and offspring before seven days, (2) killing the two in the same day, (3) seething the lamb in its mother’s milk, (4) muzzling the treading ox, (5) yoking different kinds of animals together, none is mentioned here, at any rate definitely, though (1) may be alluded to in § 7. On the other hand the one which precedes this here is omitted there."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "היפותטיקה",
+        "enTitle": "Hypothetica",
+        "key": "Hypothetica",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/Hypothetica/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,117 @@
+{
+    "title": "Hypothetica",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/Hypothetica",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO EXTRACTS FROM THE HYPOTHETICA",
+            "We have no information about the two extracts which are here reproduced beyond what Eusebius tells us, namely that the first is taken from the second book of a work entitled by Philo “Hypothetica,” in which the author is writing a defence of the Jews, and that the second comes from the “apology for the Jews,” while in his history (ii. 18) when giving a list of the works of Philo he mentions one Περὶ Ἰουδαίων. The general assumption is that these three are one and the same.",
+            "Of the second extract, which describes the Essenes, nothing need be said here, as some remarks on its relation to Philo’s other account of these communities will be found in the Appendix. The first extract is divided into two main parts and both of these again have two sub-divisions joined together by the phrase μετὰ βραχέα φησίν. Very little discussion so far as I can learn has been devoted to it, though in many ways it is very curious and interesting.",
+            "The opening part gives the impression that he wishes to meet the hostile criticism of the Gentiles by giving a rationalistic version of the history. The Exodus is described as the movement of an increasing population seeking a fresh living-room and inspired by a yearning for their own natal land of which the Pentateuch knows nothing. The divine influence is indeed admitted but has been given through dreams and visions, a strange way of treating the visitations described in Exodus. The divine mission of Moses is kept very much in the background and the observer is invited to choose between natural explanations of the fact that he led the people successfully through the wilderness. When we come to the occupation of Palestine any appeal to the miraculous victories of Joshua is definitely set aside, and outsiders are left to choose between two possibilities, one that it was due to superior force, the other that the virtues of the incomers won the respect and submission of the native population. I find it difficult to understand the motive of Philo in this treatment of the story, or of Eusebius in recording it, for Eusebius’s purpose is to give an account of the Mosaic constitution as it is depicted by the two most distinguished Jewish writers, and on this it has no bearing.",
+            "The second part of the extract, which does describe this constitution, is at least in the first subdivision curious in another way. We naturally compare it with the vastly longer and fuller account in the four books on the Special Laws and the <i>De Virtutibus</i>. The scope of the two is so hugely different that we should not expect more than the smallest fragment of the great Exposition in these few pages. The strange thing is that they contain so much which is ignored in the Exposition. There we hear little about the subjection of women, or of the inviolability of dedicated offerings or of the ways of obtaining release from these on which so much stress is here laid, or of the minor duties of supplying water, fire and burial. Humanity to animals is stressed in both, but the one law bearing on this which is mentioned here is not noticed there. The contrast no doubt is partly accounted for in the words where he states his intention to note the unwritten as well as the written, but only partly to my mind.",
+            "The second subdivision of this second part on the other hand, which deals with the observation of the sabbath, does not contradict anything that we find elsewhere in Philo. The account of the meetings in the Synagogue is much the same as that given in his description of the Essenes in the <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> and of the Therapeutae in the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> and of the nation as a whole in <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 62, and the stress laid on the sabbatical year both as a tribute to the land itself and an act of charity to the poor is thoroughly in his spirit.",
+            "The meaning of the title is obscure. The theory of Viger that it means “suppositions,” between which those addressed are invited to choose, only fits the opening sections, and was superseded by that of Bernays, who suggested that it meant exhortations or directions on conduct. Bernays shows that not only is ὑποθῆκαι often used in this sense but the ὑποθετικὸς λόγος is a technical term for a discourse with this object. The examples he quotes show that the hypothetical discourse has a close connexion with the protreptic, the term which Philo so often uses, and that in one case at least it is to be distinguished from the latter as the summary of counsels which closes the discourse. Still this does not seem to agree with the nature of the treatise so far as we can judge it from the specimens which Eusebius records. A hortatory discourse is a very different thing from a defence, at least, a defence of this kind. Bernays indeed quotes a passage in which the closely connected if not identical protreptic is stated on the one hand to show the high worth of virtue and on the other hand to convict those who deny or accuse or otherwise defame philosophy. But this does not apply to the opponents whom Philo is refuting. They do not attack the philosophy of the Law as he represents it, but either deny or are not aware that the Jews have any such philosophy.",
+            "The text of these extracts is not included in the Editio Maior of Cohn. As here printed it is that of the Editio Minor. It is not stated who is responsible for this, and there is no Apparatus Criticus. I have however carefully compared the text with those of Heinichen 1842, Dindorf 1867, and Gifford 1903, in their editions of the <i>Preparatio</i>. Gifford has such an apparatus, and in his introduction gives a full account of the manuscripts of which he obtained collations. I am not aware of any later edition.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the two extracts:",
+            "FIRST EXTRACT, viii. 6. 1–9, 7. 1–20",
+            "Part I. The first subdivision (6. 1) gives a short account of the causes which led to the Exodus from Egypt. The second subdivision (6. 2–9) suggests for consideration different explanations of the success of Moses in leading the people though the wilderness (2–4) and of the conquest of Palestine (5–8) and ends with an emphatic assertion of the devotion of the people through all the centuries to Moses and the Law (9).",
+            "Part II. The first subdivision (7. 1–9) gives a general sketch of the Mosaic constitution, contrasting its severity with the laxity of Gentile law and practice (1–3), particularly dwelling on the inviolability attached to vows and dedications (3–5). Other laws and customs are mentioned largely dwelling on duties of charity and mercy (6–9). The second subdivision (7. 10–20) describes the Sabbath as an institution intended mainly to provide opportunities for studying the law, gives a short account of the meetings and commends the universal knowledge of the Law which they effect (10–14). It then passes on to the sabbatical year, described as a proper relaxation for the land itself (15–18) and as a charitable institution, because the fruits which grew from it untilled were at the service of the poor and needy (19–20).",
+            "SECOND EXTRACT, viii. 11. 1–18",
+            "This is merely another description of the Essene communities, a general description (1–2), the mature age required for admission (3), their simple and communal life (4–5), their industry and practice of every kind of innocent activity (6–9), how the proceeds are put into a common bank (10–11), even clothes being held in common (12), their care for the sick and aged (13), their repudiation of marriage and exclusion of women, with some of their reasons for so doing (14–18). A final eulogy (18).",
+            "The references to chapters in the eighth book are those in all editions of the <i>Preparatio</i>. The references to sections with the chapters are those in Cohn’s Editio Minor. Sections are also numbered in Heinichen’s edition, but do not correspond to these. Gifford has no such sections, but gives the pages of Viger’s edition with subdivisions a, b, c, d. I have noted these pages but not the sub-divisions. I have also noted the pages in Mangey, vol. ii. They are to be distinguished from the others by the square brackets."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            "HYPOTHETICA",
+            "(APOLOGY FOR THE JEWS)",
+            "<small>Euseb. <i>Praep. Evang.</i> viii. 5. 11. Let us proceed to survey the constitution established by the legislation of Moses as described by authors held in high honour among the Jews. I will begin by quoting Philo’s account of their journey from Egypt under the leadership of Moses from the first book of the work which he entitled <i>Hypothetica</i>, where, while speaking in defence of the Jews as against their accusers, he says as follows:</small>",
+            "6. 1. Their original ancestor belonged to the Chaldeans, but this people who had emigrated from Syria to Egypt in past time removed from Egypt partly because of the vast size of the population for which the land was insufficient. Also it was due to the high spirit of enterprise in which they had been bred and to the revelations of God made by dreams and visions bidding them go forth, and what influenced them as much as anything was that they had providentially been seized by a yearning for their ancient fatherland. It was from there that this ancestor of theirs had passed over into Egypt either because God had so decreed or through some prevision of his own. There he had prospered to an unequalled degree so that from his time to the present day their nation has existed and survives and is so exceedingly populous.",
+            "<small>6. 2. Shortly afterwards he says:</small>",
+            "Their departure and journey was made under the command of one who nothing differed from the ordinary run of men. So you may say if you like: indeed there were people also who abused him as an impostor and prating mountebank. Well, that was a fine kind of imposture and knavery which enabled him to bring the whole people in complete safety amid drought and hunger and ignorance of the way and lack of everything as well as if they had abundance of everything and supplies obtainable from the neighbouring nations, and further to keep them free from internal factions and above all obedient to himself.",
+            "6. 3. And observe that these conditions lasted not for a little while but for a space of time during which even a household living in all comfort could not be expected to remain in unanimity. Yet neither thirst nor hunger nor bodily decay, nor fear of the future, nor ignorance of the course which events would take roused these deluded and perishing masses of men against that impostor.",
+            "6. 4. How will you explain this? Shall we say that he had some kind of skill or eloquence or intelligence great enough to surmount so many strangely different circumstances which were carrying them all to perdition? Otherwise we must suppose that either his subjects were naturally not stupid nor discontented but docile and gifted with some prevision of the future or else that they were thoroughly bad though God softened their discontents and kept their present and their future state as it were in his charge. Whichever of these views you consider to be the truth it appears to redound mightily to his praise and honour and zeal for them all.",
+            "6. 5. So much for the story of the migration. But when they came to this land the holy records show clearly how they established themselves there and occupied the country. Yet in discussing the probable facts of this occupation I think it better to go not so much by the historical narrative as by what our reason tells us about them.",
+            "6. 6. Which alternative do you prefer? Were they still superior in the number of their fighting men though they had fared so ill to the end, still strong and with weapons in their hand, and did they then take the land by force, defeating the combined Syrians and Phoenicians when fighting in their own country? Or shall we suppose that they were unwarlike and feeble, quite few in numbers and destitute of warlike equipment, but won the respect of their opponents who voluntarily surrendered their land to them and that as a direct consequence they shortly afterwards built their temple and established everything else needed for religion and worship?",
+            "6. 7. This would clearly show that they were acknowledged as dearly beloved of God even by their enemies. For those whose land they suddenly invaded with the intention of taking it from them were necessarily their enemies.",
+            "6. 8. And if they got credit and honour in the sight of their enemies surely it shows that they exceeded all in good fortune. What qualities shall we put in addition to this good fortune in the second and the third place? Shall we give the preference to their respect for law and loyal obedience or to their religion and justice and piety? Whichever you choose the fact remains that so great was their veneration for that man who gave them their laws, whatever view we take of him, that anything which approved itself to him approved itself also to them.",
+            "6. 9. So whether what he told them came from his own reasoning powers or was learnt from some supernatural source they held it all to come from God and after the lapse of many years, how many I cannot say exactly, but at any rate for more than two thousand, they have not changed a single word of what he wrote but would even endure to die a thousand deaths sooner than accept anything contrary to the laws and customs which he had ordained.",
+            "6. 10. After these remarks he gives the following summary of the constitution laid down for the nation in the laws of Moses.",
+            "7. 1. Do we find any of these things or anything similar among the Jews; anything which so savours of mildness and lenity, anything which permits of legal proceedings or extenuations or postponements or assessments of penalties and reductions of assessments? Nothing at all, everything is clear and simple. If you are guilty of pederasty or adultery or rape of a young person, even of a female, for I need not mention the case of a male, similarly if you prostitute yourself or allow or purpose or intend any action which your age makes indecent the penalty is death.",
+            "7. 2. So too if you commit an outrage on the person of a slave or a free man, if you confine him in bonds or kidnap and sell him. So too with larceny of things profane and sacred, so too with impiety not only of act but even of a casual word and not only against God Himself (may He forgive the very thought of such a thing which should not even be mentioned), but also against a father or mother or benefactor of your own the penalty is the same, death and not the common ordinary death: the offender in words only must be stoned to death. His guilt is as great as if he were the perpetrator of impious actions.",
+            "7. 3. Other rules again there are of various kinds: wives must be in servitude to their husbands, a servitude not imposed by violent ill-treatment but promoting obedience in all things. Parents must have power over their children to keep them safe and tend them carefully. Each individual is master of his possessions unless he has solemnly named the name of God over them declaring that he has given them to God. And if he has merely made a chance verbal promise of them he must not touch or handle them, but hold himself at once debarred from them all.",
+            "7. 4. I need not consider the case of his robbing what belongs to the gods or plundering what others have dedicated; even with his own, I repeat, a chance word of dedication spoken unawares deprives him of them all and if he repents or denies his promise his life is forfeit also.",
+            "7. 5. The same holds of any other persons over whom he has authority. If a man has devoted his wife’s sustenance to a sacred purpose he must refrain from giving her that sustenance; so with a father’s gifts to his son or a ruler’s to his subjects. The chief and most perfect way of releasing dedicated property is by the priest refusing it, for he is empowered by God to accept it or not. Next to this, that given by those who at the time have the higher authority may lawfully declare that God is propitiated so that there is no necessity to accept the dedication.",
+            "7. 6. Besides these there is a host of other things which belong to unwritten customs and institutions or are contained in the laws themselves. What a man would hate to suffer he must not do himself to others. What he has not laid down he must not take up either from a garden or a wine press or a threshing floor. He must not filch anything great or small from a stack. He must not grudge to give fire to one who needs it or close off running water. If the poor or the cripple beg food of him he must give it as an offering of religion to God.",
+            "7. 7. He must not debar dead bodies from burial, but throw upon them as much earth as piety demands, nor disturb in any way the resting places and monuments of the departed. He must not by fettering or any other means worsen the plight of him who is in hard straits; he must not make abortive the generative power of men by gelding nor that of women by sterilizing drugs and other devices. There must be no maltreatment of animals contrary to what is appointed by God or even by a law-giver; no destroying of their seed nor defrauding of their offspring.",
+            "7. 8. No unjust scales, no false measurements, no fraudulent coinage must be substituted.” The secrets of a friend must not be divulged in enmity. What need in heaven’s name have we of your Buzyges and his precepts? There are other matters to be noted: children must not be parted from their parents even if you hold them as captive, nor a wife from her husband even if you are her owner by lawful purchase.",
+            "7. 9. These no doubt are more important and serious matters, but there are others, little things of casual occurrence. Do not render desolate the nesting home of birds or make the appeals of animals of none effect when they seem to fly to you for help as they sometimes do. Nor commit any lesser offence of the kind. These things are of nothing worth, you may say, yet great is the law which ordains them and ever watchful is the care which it demands. Great too and appalling are the warnings and imprecations which accompany it. And such deeds are everywhere surveyed and avenged by God Himself.",
+            "<small>7. 10. Shortly afterwards he says:</small>",
+            "Is it not a marvel that for a whole day they should have kept from transgressing on any occasion any of the ordinances, or rather for many days, not one only, days too which did not follow straight on each other but only after intervals, and intervals of seven during which habits belonging to the secular days naturally hold the mastery?",
+            "7. 11. You may ask: Is not this merely a case of practising self-control so that they should be capable of abstaining from toil if necessary no less than of toilsome activity? No, it was a great and marvellous achievement which the lawgiver had in view. He considered that they should not only be capable of both action and inaction in other matters but also should have expert knowledge of their ancestral laws and customs.",
+            "7. 12. What then did he do? He required them to assemble in the same place on these seventh days, and sitting together in a respectful and orderly manner hear the laws read so that none should be ignorant of them.",
+            "7. 13. And indeed they do always assemble and sit together, most of them in silence except when it is the practice to add something to signify approval of what is read. But some priest who is present or one of the elders reads the holy laws to them and expounds them point by point till about the late afternoon, when they depart having gained both expert knowledge of the holy laws and considerable advance in piety.",
+            "7. 14. Do you think that this marks them as idlers or that any work is equally vital to them? And so they do not resort to persons learned in the law with questions as to what they should do or not do, nor yet by keeping independent transgress in ignorance of the law, but any one of them whom you attack with inquiries about their ancestral institutions can answer you readily and easily. The husband seems competent to transmit knowledge of the laws to his wife, the father to his children, the master to his slaves.",
+            "7. 15. Again with regard to the seventh year one can without difficulty use much the same though perhaps not identical words. For here it is not they themselves who abstain from work as on those seventh days, but it is the land which they leave idle against the days to come hereafter to give it fertility, for they believe that it gains much by getting a respite and is then tilled in the next year without being exhausted by unbroken cultivation.",
+            "7. 16. You may see that the same treatment of our bodies tends to strengthen them. Physicians prescribe some intermissions and relaxations not merely when health has to be restored. For monotony without a break, particularly in work, is always seen to be injurious.",
+            "7. 17. Here is a proof that their object is as I describe. If anyone offered to cultivate this same land during the seventh year much more strenuously than before and to surrender to them the whole of the fruits they would absolutely refuse. For they do not think that it is only themselves who should abstain from work, though if they did so it would be nothing to wonder at, but that the land should gain at their hands a respite and easing off to make a fresh start in receiving renewed attention and husbandry.",
+            "7. 18. For what in heaven’s name was to hinder them from letting out the land during the year and collecting the produce of that year at its end from the others who tilled it? But, as I have said, they entirely refuse anything of the kind, doubtless out of consideration for the land.",
+            "7. 19. We have a truly great proof of their humanity in the following also. Since they themselves abstain from labour during that year, they think that they should not gather or lay by the fruits produced which do not accrue to them from their own toil, but since God has provided them, sprung from the soil by its own action, they should grant them to be used freely by way farers and others who desire or need them.",
+            "7. 20. You have now had enough on this subject, for you will not require me to show that these rules for the seventh days are established firmly among them by the law. Probably you have often heard ere now from many physicians, scientists and philosophers what influence it has over the life of all things and of mankind in particular. This is what I have to say about the seventh day.",
+            "11. 1. Multitudes of his disciples has the lawgiver trained for the life of fellowship. These people are called Essenes, a name awarded to them doubtless in recognition of their holiness. They live in many cities of Judaea and in many villages and grouped in great societies of many members.",
+            "11. 2. Their persuasion is not based on birth, for birth is not a descriptive mark of voluntary associations, but on their zeal for virtue and desire to promote brotherly love.",
+            "11. 3. Thus no Essene is a mere child nor even a stripling or newly bearded, since the characters of such are unstable with a waywardness corresponding to the immaturity of their age, but full grown and already verging on old age, no longer carried under by the tide of the body nor led by the passions, but enjoying the veritable, the only real freedom.",
+            "11. 4. This freedom is attested by their life. None of them allows himself to have any private property, either house or slave or estate or cattle or any of the other things which are amassed and abundantly procured by wealth, but they put everything together into the public stock and enjoy the benefit of them all in common.",
+            "11. 5. They live together formed into clubs, bands of comradeship with common meals, and never cease to conduct all their affairs to serve the general weal.",
+            "11. 6. But they have various occupations at which they labour with untiring application and never plead cold or heat or any of the violent changes in the atmosphere as an excuse. Before the sun is risen they betake themselves to their familiar tasks and only when it sets force them selves to return, for they delight in them as much as do those who are entered for gymnastic competitions.",
+            "11. 7. For they consider that the exercises which they practise whatever they may be are more valuable to life, more pleasant to soul and body and more lasting than those of the athlete in as much as they can still be plied with vigour when that of the body is past its prime.",
+            "11. 8. Some of them labour on the land skilled in sowing and planting, some as herdsmen taking charge of every kind of cattle and some superintend the swarms of bees.",
+            "11. 9. Others work at the handicrafts to avoid the sufferings which are forced upon us by our indispensable requirements and shrink from no innocent way of getting a livelihood.",
+            "11. 10. Each branch when it has received the wages of these so different occupations gives it to one person who has been appointed as treasurer. He takes it and at once buys what is necessary and provides food in abundance and anything else which human life requires.",
+            "11. 11. Thus having each day a common life and a common table they are content with the same conditions, lovers of frugality who shun expensive luxury as a disease of both body and soul.",
+            "11. 12. And not only is their table in common but their clothing also. For in winter they have a stock of stout coats ready and in summer cheap vests, so that he who wishes may easily take any garment he likes, since what one has is held to belong to all and conversely what all have one has.",
+            "11. 13. Again if anyone is sick he is nursed at the common expense and tended with care and thoughtfulness by all. The old men too even if they are childless are treated as parents of a not merely numerous but very filial family and regularly close their life with an exceedingly prosperous and comfortable old age; so many are those who give them precedence and honour as their due and minister to them as a duty voluntarily and deliberately accepted rather than enforced by nature.",
+            "11. 14. Furthermore they eschew marriage because they clearly discern it to be the sole or the principal danger to the maintenance of the communal life, as well as because they particularly practise continence. For no Essene takes a wife, because a wife is a selfish creature, excessively jealous and an adept at beguiling the morals of her husband and seducing him by her continued impostures.",
+            "11. 15. For by the fawning talk which she practise and the other ways in which she plays her part like an actress on the stage she first ensnares the sight and hearing, and when these subjects as it were have been duped she cajoles the sovereign mind.",
+            "11. 16. And if children come, filled with the spirit of arrogance and bold speaking she gives utterance with more audacious hardihood to things which before she hinted covertly and under disguise, and casting off all shame she compels him to commit actions which are all hostile to the life of fellowship.",
+            "11. 17. For he who is either fast bound in the love lures of his wife or under the stress of nature makes his children his first care ceases to be the same to others and unconsciously has become a different man and has passed from freedom into slavery.",
+            "11. 18. Such then is the life of the Essenes, a life so highly to be prized that not only commoners but also great kings look upon them with admiration and amazement, and the approbation and honours which they give add further veneration to their venerable name."
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO HYPOTHETICA",
+            "§ 7. 5. (Absolution from vows.) On this Edersheim (<i>The Temple, its Ministry and Services</i>, p. 69) says that release from a vow which affected the interests of others might be obtained from one sage or from three persons in the presence of him who had been affected by the vow. He does not state the authority for this and it seems strange that in treating the subject he does not refer to this passage in Philo. In the same connexion he remarks that all laws were limited by higher obligations: according to the Mishnah a man could not vow what of his fortune he owed to others nor his widow’s portion. Philo’s statement that a man by vowing his wife’s τροφή could bind himself not to support her agrees with the practice denounced in Mark 7:10 ff., but is contrary to the principle described by Edersheim, and it is strange to find Philo apparently approving it.",
+            "§ 7. 8. (Precepts of Buzyges.) The rare passages alluding to these are collected by Bernays (see Introd. p. 407 note <i>b</i>). The Paroemiographer, p. 233, has ὁ γὰρ Βουζύγης Ἀθήνησι ὁ τὸν ἱερὸν ἄροτον ἐπιτελῶν (“instituted the sacred rite of the plough”) ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἀρᾶται καὶ τοῖς μὴ κοινηνοῦσι κατὰ τὸν βίον ὕδατος ἢ πυρός, ἢ μὴ ὑποφαίνουσιν ὁδὸν πλανωμένοις. A scholiast on Soph. <i>Ant.</i> 255 mentions the saying that Buzyges cursed those who left a corpse unburied. Clem. Alex. <i>Strom.</i> ii. 503 says that those who bid others do what they judge to be not profitable to themselves οὐκ ἂν ἐκφύγοιεν τὴν Βουζυγίαν ἀράν. Though the name of Buzyges is not mentioned, there is clearly an allusion to the same in a fragment of Diphilus where refusals of charity are said to be denounced in the “curses.” Cicero, <i>De Off.</i> iii. 54 f., speaks of refusing to show the way as denounced “Athenis exsecrationibus publicis” and interprets it to include those who allow a purchaser to be defrauded by a mistake. Bernays notes that three of the specific things here mentioned, the duty of showing the way, allowing free use of fire and water, and giving burial are all mentioned by Philo. Bernays does not give any quotation for the statement that the curses are repeated by a descendant of Buzyges at a feast of Demeter.",
+            "§ 7. 9. (Appeal of animals.) The statement seems to me remarkable and I should like to meet with some illustration of it or comment on it particularly in the form given it by Josephus. When is it that animals enter our houses as suppliants? The only thing in the law which suggests helping animals in trouble is the command in Deut. 22:4 to help to raise up a fallen beast and there really the point is helping the owner.",
+            "Philo in <i>De Virt.</i> 125–147 has insisted earnestly on the duty of kindness to animals, but it is remarkable that of the points which he mentions, namely the prohibitions against (1) separating the mother and offspring before seven days, (2) killing the two in the same day, (3) seething the lamb in its mother’s milk, (4) muzzling the treading ox, (5) yoking different kinds of animals together, none is mentioned here, at any rate definitely, though (1) may be alluded to in § 7. On the other hand the one which precedes this here is omitted there."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "היפותטיקה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "היפותטיקה",
+        "enTitle": "Hypothetica",
+        "key": "Hypothetica",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..25341879f15b592a6cc5fcc0c7848621ac93340e
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Abraham/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,436 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Abraham",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על אברהם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE ABRAHAMO</i>",
+            "After stating his intention to follow Moses in describing the “living” before proceeding to the written Laws (1–6 Philo) deals with the first and less perfect triad. First Enos the hoper, whose name equivalent to “Man” shows that hope is the first mark of a true man (7–10). Secondly repentance represented by Enoch, who was “transferred” <i>i.e</i>. to a better life and was “not found,” for the good are rare and solitary (17–26). Thirdly, Noah, who was “just” in comparison with the wicked generation destroyed by the Flood (27–46).",
+            "The higher triad of the three great Patriarchs are not only typical of the trinity, Teaching, Nature and Practice, but are also the parents of Israel, the soul which attains to the sight of God (48–59). To come to Abraham himself, the literal story of his migrations shows his self-sacrifice (60–67); allegorically it denotes the soul’s journey from godless astronomy first to self-knowledge (Haran), then to the knowledge of God (68–88). His adventures in Egypt (89–98) suggest that the tortures which plagued Pharaoh represent what the sensual mind suffers from the virtues which, while it professes to love them, are incompatible with it (99–106). Next comes the story of the three Angelic Visitors (107–118). Allegorically they represent the Self-existent and the beneficent and sovereign potencies apprehended according as the soul can rise to the full conception or is moved by hope of benefits or fear, and Philo points out that while men distrust these last motives, God does not hold them worthless (119–132). In fact the tale of the destruction of the Cities of the Plain represents the Self-existent as leaving these tasks to His subordinates (133–146). This leads him to an allegory in which the five cities are the five senses, the noblest of which, sight, is figured by Zoar (147–166).",
+            "Next comes the sacrifice of Isaac (167–177). The greatness of Abraham is vindicated against hostile criticisms based on the frequency of similar stories of child immolation (178–199). Allegorically the story means that a devout soul often feels a duty of surrendering its “Isaac,” Joy, which nevertheless through God’s mercy it is allowed to retain (200–207).",
+            "These narratives have illustrated Abraham’s piety. Next comes his kindness to men as shewn in his settlement of the dispute with Lot (208–216). This dispute may be taken to represent allegorically the incompatibility of love for the goods of the soul with love for bodily or external things (217–224). Then his courage appears in his victory over the four kings who had routed the armies of the five cities (225–235), and this conflict is allegorized as one between the four passions and the five senses, in which the intervention of reason turns the scale against the former (236–244). Philo now goes on to say something of the virtues of Sarah, particularly as shewn by her advocacy of the mating with Hagar (245–254) and this leads on to an account of the grief coupled with resignation shown by Abraham at her death (255–261). The treatise concludes with an eloquent praise of Abraham’s faith and of his right to the title of “Elder” and the crowning tribute that he both did the law and was himself the Law (262-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON ABRAHAM,</big> <small>THAT IS, THE LIFE OF THE WISE MAN MADE PERFECT THROUGH TEACHING, OR THE FIRST BOOK ON UNWRITTEN LAWS</small> <br>[1] The first of the five books in which the holy laws are written bears the name and inscription of Genesis, from the genesis or creation of the world, an account of which it contains at its beginning. It has received this title in spite of its embracing numberless other matters; for it tells of peace and war, of fruitfulness and barrenness, of dearth and plenty; how fire and water wrought great destruction of what is on earth;  how on the other hand plants and animals were born and throve through the kindly tempering of the air and the yearly seasons, and so too men, some of whom lived a life of virtue, others of vice.",
+                "[2] But since some of these things are parts of the world, and others events which befall it, and the world is the complete consummation which contains them all, he dedicated the whole book to it.",
+                "The story of the order in which the world was made has been set forth in detail by us as well as was possible in the preceding treatise ;",
+                "[3] but, since it is necessary to carry out our examination of the law in regular sequence, let us postpone consideration of particular laws, which are, so to speak, copies, and examine first those which are more general and may be called the originals of those copies.",
+                "[4] These are such men as lived good and blameless lives, whose virtues stand permanently recorded in the most holy scriptures, not merely to sound their praises but for the instruction of the reader and as an inducement to him to aspire to the same;",
+                "[5] for in these men we have laws endowed with life and reason,  and Moses extolled them for two reasons. First he wished to shew that the enacted ordinances are not inconsistent with nature; and secondly that those who wish to live in accordance with the laws as they stand have no difficult task, seeing that the first generations before any at all of the particular statutes was set in writing followed the unwritten law with perfect ease, so that one might properly say that the enacted laws are nothing else than memorials of the life of the ancients, preserving to a later generation their actual words and deeds.",
+                "[6] For they were not scholars or pupils of others, nor did they learn under teachers what was right to say or do: they listened to no voice or instruction but their own: they gladly accepted conformity with nature, holding that nature itself was, as indeed it is, the most venerable of statutes, and thus their whole life was one of happy obedience to law. They committed no guilty action of their own free will or purpose, and where chance led them wrong they besought God’s mercy and propitiated Him with prayers and supplications, and thus secured a perfect life guided aright in both fields, both in their premeditated actions and in such as were not of freely-willed purpose."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] Since, then, the first step towards the possession of blessings is hope, and hope like a high road is constructed and opened up by the virtue-loving soul in its eagerness to gain true excellence, Moses called the first lover of hope “Man,” thus bestowing on him as a special favour the name which is common to the race (for the Chaldean  name for Man is Enos),",
+                "[8] on the grounds that he alone is a true man who expects good things and rests firmly on comfortable hopes.  This plainly shows that he regards a despondent person as no man but a beast in human shape, since he has been robbed of the nearest and dearest possession of the human soul, namely hope.",
+                "[9] And, therefore, in his wish to give the highest praise to the hoper, after first stating that he set his hope on the Father and Maker of all, he adds, “this is the book of the coming into being of men,” though fathers and grandfathers had already come into being. But he held that they were the founders of the mixed race, but Enos of that from which all impurity had been strained, in fact of the race which is truly reasonable.",
+                "[10] For just as we give the title of “<i>the</i> poet” to Homer in virtue of his pre-eminence, though there are multitudes of poets besides him, and “<i>the</i> black”  to the material with which we write, though everything is black which is not white, and “<i>the</i> Archon”  at Athens to the chief of the nine archons, the Archon Eponymos, from whose year of office dates are calculated, so too Moses gave the name of man in pre-eminence to him who cherished hope and left unnoticed the many others as unworthy to receive the same title.",
+                "[11] He did well, too, in speaking of the <i>book</i> of the coming into being of the true man.  The word was appropriate because the hoper deserves a memorial written not on pieces of paper which moths shall destroy but in the undying book of nature where good actions are registered.",
+                "[12] Further, if we reckon the generations from the first, the earth-born man, we shall find that he, who is called by the Chaldeans Enos and in our tongue Man, is fourth. ",
+                "[13] Now the number four has been held in high honour by the other philosophers who devoted themselves to the study of immaterial and conceptual realities, and especially by the all-wise Moses who when glorifying that number speaks of it as “holy and for praise,”  and why he so called it has been shewn in the former treatise. ",
+                "[14] Holy, too, and praiseworthy is the hopeful man, just as on the contrary the despondent is unholy and blameworthy, since in all things he takes fear for his evil counsellor; for no two things are more at enmity with each other, men say, than fear and hope, and surely that is natural, for each is an expectation, hope of good, fear on the other hand of evil, and their natures are irreconcilable and incapable of agreement."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] No more need be said about the subject of hope, set by nature as a door-keeper at the portals of the royal virtues within, to which access cannot be gained unless we have first paid our respects to her.",
+                "[16] Great indeed are the efforts expended both by lawgivers and by laws in every nation in filling the souls of free men with comfortable hopes; but he who gains this virtue of hopefulness without being led to it by exhortation or command has been educated into it by a law which nature has laid down, a law unwritten yet intuitively learnt.",
+                "[17] The second place after hope is given to repentance for sins and to improvement, and, therefore, Moses mentions next in order him who changed from the worse life to the better, called by the Hebrews Enoch but in our language “recipient of grace.” We are told of him that he proved “to be pleasing to God and was not found because God transferred him, ”",
+                "[18] for transference implies turning and changing, and the change is to the better because it is brought about by the forethought of God. For all that is done with God’s help is excellent and truly profitable, as also all that has not His directing care is unprofitable.",
+                "[19] And the expression used of the transferred person, that he was not found, is well said, either because the old reprehensible life is blotted out and disappears and is no more found, as though it had never been at all, or because he who is thus transferred and takes his place in the better class is naturally hard to find. For evil is widely spread and therefore known to many, while virtue is rare, so that even the few cannot comprehend it.",
+                "[20] Besides, the worthless man whose life is one long restlessness haunts market-places, theatres, law-courts, council-halls, assemblies, and every group and gathering of men; his tongue he lets loose for unmeasured, endless, indiscriminate talk, bringing chaos and confusion into everything, mixing true with false, fit with unfit, public with private, holy with profane, sensible with absurd, because he has not been trained to that silence which in season is most excellent.",
+                "[21] His ears he keeps alert in meddlesome curiosity, ever eager to learn his neighbour’s affairs, whether good or bad, and ready with envy for the former and joy at the latter; for the worthless man is a creature naturally malicious, a hater of good and lover of evil."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] The man of worth on the other hand, having acquired a desire for a quiet life, withdraws from the public and loves solitude, and his choice is to be unnoticed by the many, not because he is misanthropical, for he is eminently a philanthropist, but because he has rejected vice which is welcomed by the multitude who rejoice at what calls for mourning and grieve where it is well to be glad.",
+                "[23] And therefore he mostly secludes himself at home and scarcely ever crosses his threshold, or else because of the frequency of visitors he leaves the town and spends his days in some lonely farm, finding pleasanter society in those noblest of the whole human race whose bodies time has turned into dust but the flame of their virtues is kept alive by the written records which have survived them in poetry or in prose and serve to promote the growth of goodness in the soul.",
+                "[24] That was why he said that the “transferred” was not found, being hard to find and hard to seek. So he passes across from ignorance to instruction, from folly to sound sense, from cowardice to courage, from impiety to piety, and again from voluptuousness to self-control, from vaingloriousness to simplicity. And what wealth is equal in worth to these, or what possession of royalty or dominion more profitable?",
+                "[25] For in very truth the wealth which is not blind but keen of sight is abundance of virtues, which consequently we must needs hold to be, in contrast to the bastard governments falsely so-called, genuine and equitable sovereignty ruling in justice over all.",
+                "[26] But we must not forget that repentance holds the second place to perfection, just as a change from sickness to health is second to a body free from disease; so, then, unbroken perfection of virtues stands nearest to divine power, but improvement in the course of time is the peculiar treasure of a soul gifted by nature, which does not stay in childish thoughts but by such as are more robust and truly manly seeks to gain a condition of serenity and pursues the vision of the excellent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] Naturally, therefore, next to the repentant he sets the lover of virtue and beloved by God, who in the Hebrew language is called Noah but in ours “rest” or “just,” both very suitable titles for the Sage. “Just” is obviously so, for nothing is better than justice, the chief among the virtues, who like the fairest maiden of the dance holds the highest place. But “rest” is appropriate also, since its opposite, unnatural movement,  proves to be the cause of turmoil and confusion and factions and wars. Such movement is sought by the worthless, while a life which is calm, serene, tranquil and peaceful to boot is the object of those who have valued nobility of conduct.",
+                "[28] He shews consistency, too, when he gives to the seventh day, which the Hebrews call sabbath, the name of rest; not, as some think, because the multitude abstained after six days from their usual tasks, but because in truth the number seven, both in the world and in ourselves, is always free from factions and war and quarrelling and is of all numbers the most peaceful.",
+                "[29] This statement is attested by the faculties within us, for six  of them wage ceaseless and continuous war on land and sea, namely the five senses and speech, the former in their craving for the objects of sense, deprivation of which is painful to them, speech because with unbridled mouth it perpetually gives utterance where silence is due.",
+                "[30] But the seventh faculty is that of the dominant mind, which, after triumphing over the six and returning victorious through its superior strength, welcomes solitude and rejoices in its own society, feeling that it needs no other and is completely sufficient for itself, and then released from the cares and concerns of mortal kind gladly accepts a life of calmness and serenity."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] So highly does Moses extol the lover of virtue that when he gives his genealogy he does not, as he usually does in other cases, make a list of his grandfathers, great-grandfathers and ancestors in the male and female line, but of certain virtues, and this is little less than a direct assertion that a sage has no house or kinsfolk or country save virtues and virtuous actions; “for these,” he says, “are the generations of Noah. Noah, a man just and perfect in his generation, was well-pleasing to God.” ",
+                "[32] But we must not fail to note that in this passage he gives the name of man not according to the common form of speech, to the mortal animal endowed with reason, but to the man who is man pre-eminently, who verifies the name by having expelled from the soul the untamed and frantic passions and the truly beast-like vices.",
+                "[33] Here is a proof. After “man” he adds “just,” implying by the combination  that the unjust is no man, or more properly speaking a beast in human form, and that the follower after righteousness alone is man.",
+                "[34] He says, too, that Noah became “perfect,” thereby shewing that he acquired not one virtue but all, and having acquired them continued to exercise each as opportunities allowed.",
+                "[35] And as he crowns him as victor in the contest, he gives him further distinction by a proclamation couched in words of splendid praise, “he was well-pleasing to God.” What better thing than this has nature to give? What clearer proof can there be of nobility of life? For, if those who have been ill-pleasing to God are ill-fated, happy most surely are those whose lot it is to be well-pleasing to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] But Moses makes a good point when, after praising him as possessed of all these virtues, he adds that he was perfect in his generation, thus shewing he was not good absolutely but in comparison with the men of that time.",
+                "[37] For we shall shortly find him mentioning other sages whose virtue was unchallenged, who are not contrasted with the bad, who are adjudged worthy of approval and precedence, not because they were better than their contemporaries but because they possessed a happily-gifted nature and kept it unperverted, who did not have to shun evil courses or indeed come into contact with them at all, but attained pre-eminence in practising that excellence of words and deeds with which they adorned their lives.",
+                "[38] The highest admiration, then, is due to those in whom the ruling impulses were of free and noble birth, who accepted the excellent and just for their own selves and not in imitation of or in opposition to others. But admiration is also due to him who stood apart from his own generation and conformed himself to none of the aims and aspirations of the many. He will win the second prize, though the first will be awarded by nature to those others.",
+                "[39] Yet great also is the second prize in itself, for how could anything fail to be great and worthy of our efforts which God offers and gives?",
+                "And the clearest proof of this is the exceeding magnitude of the bounties which Noah obtained.",
+                "[40] That time bore its harvest of iniquities, and every country and nation and city and household and every private individual was filled with evil practices; one and all, as though in a race, engaged in rivalry pre-willed and premeditated for the first places in sinfulness, and put all possible zeal into the contention, each one pressing on to exceed his neighbour in magnitude of vice and leaving nothing undone which could lead to a guilty and accursed life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Naturally this roused the wrath of God, to think that man, who seemed the best of all living creatures, who had been judged worthy of kinship with Him because he shared the gift of reason, had, instead of practising virtue as he should, shewn zeal for vice and for every particular form of it. Accordingly, He appointed the penalty which fitted their wickedness. He determined to destroy all those who were then alive by a deluge, not only those who dwelt in the plains and lower lands, but also the inhabitants of the highest mountains.",
+                "[42] For the great deep  rose on high as it had never risen before, and gathering its force rushed through its outlets into the seas of our parts, and the rising tides of these flooded the islands and continents, while in quick succession the streams from the perennial fountains and from the rivers spring-fed or winter-torrents pressed on to join each other and mounted upwards to a vast height.",
+                "[43] Nor was the air still, for a deep unbroken cloud covered the heaven, and there were monstrous blasts of wind and crashings of thunder and flashings of lightning and downfall of thunderbolts, while the rainstorms dashed down ceaselessly, so that one might think that the different parts of the universe were hurrying to be resolved into the single element of water, until, as in one form it rushed down from above and in another rose up from below, the streams were lifted on high, and thus not only the plains and lowlands were submerged and lost to sight, but even the peaks of the highest mountains.",
+                "[44] For all parts of the earth sank below the water, so that it was entirely carried away as though by violence, and the world seemed mutilated by the loss of a great section, its completeness and perfection destroyed and defaced, a thing too terrible for words or even for thoughts. Indeed even the air, except a small portion belonging to the moon, had been completely made away with, vanquished by the rush and violence of the water which perforce occupied its place.",
+                "[45] Then indeed at once all crops and trees perished, for excessive quantity of water is as destructive as the lack of it, and the numberless herds of animals died, tame and wild alike; for it was to be expected that if the highest kind, the human, was annihilated none of the inferior kinds would be left, since they were made for man’s needs, as slaves in a sense meant to obey their masters’ orders.",
+                "[46] When all these evils, so many and so vast, had burst upon the world in the downpour which that occasion brought, and the unnatural convulsion had shaken all its parts save the heavenly as with a grievous and deadly plague, one house alone, that of the man called just and dear to God, was preserved. Thus, he received two gifts of the highest kind—one that, as I have said, he did not perish with the rest, the other that he should be in his turn the founder of a new race of men. For God deemed him worthy to be both the last and the first of our kind—last of those who lived before the flood and first of those who lived after it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] Such was he who was best of his contemporaries, and such were the prizes awarded to him, the nature of which is made clear in holy writ. Now the three mentioned above, whether we think of them as men or types of soul, form a series of regular gradation: the perfect man is complete from the first; the transferred stands half-way, since he devoted the earlier part of his life to vice but the latter to virtue to which he passed over and migrated; the hoper, as his very name shews, is defective inasmuch as though he always desired the excellent he has not yet been able to attain to it, but resembles sailors eager to put into port, who yet remain at sea unable to reach their haven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] So now we have explained the first trinity of those who yearn for virtue; but greater is the second trinity of which we have now to speak. The first we may compare to the studies of children, but the latter to the exercises of athletes who are preparing for games which are really sacred,  men who despise bodily training but foster robustness of soul in their desire for victory over their antagonists, the passions.",
+                "[49] How each of these differed from the others while pressing on to one and the same goal will be described in detail later; but there is something to be said about them taken as a whole which must not be omitted.",
+                "[50] We find that these three are all of one house and one family. The last is the son of the second and grandson to the first. All alike are God-lovers and God-beloved, and their affection for the true God was returned by Him, Who deigned, as His utterances shew, in recognition of their high and life-long virtues to make them partners in the title which He took,",
+                "[51] for He united them by joining His special name to theirs and calling Himself by one combined of the three. “For this,” He said, “is my eternal name —the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob,” relative instead of absolute,  and surely that is natural. God indeed needs no name; yet, though He needed it not, He nevertheless vouchsafed to give to humankind a name of Himself suited to them, that so men might be able to take refuge in prayers and supplications and not be deprived of comforting hopes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] These words do indeed appear to apply to men of holy life, but they are also statements about an order of things which is not so apparent but is far superior to the order which is perceived by the senses. For the holy word seems to be searching into types of soul, all of them of high worth, one which pursues the good through teaching, one through nature and one through practice. The first called Abraham, the second Isaac and the third Jacob, are symbols of virtue acquired respectively by teaching, nature and practice.",
+                "[53] But indeed we must not fail to note that each possesses the three qualities, but gets his name from that which chiefly predominates in him; for teaching cannot be consummated without nature or practice, nor is nature capable of reaching its zenith without learning and practising, nor practice either unless the foundation of nature and teaching has first been laid.",
+                "[54] Very properly, then, Moses thus associated these three together, nominally men, but really, as I have said, virtues—teaching, nature, practice. Another name is given to them by men, who call them the Graces, also three in number; either because these values are a gift of God’s grace to our kind for perfecting its life, or because they have given themselves to the reasonable soul as a perfect and most excellent gift. Thus the eternal name revealed in his words is meant to indicate the three said values rather than actual men.",
+                "[55] For the nature of man is perishable, but that of virtue is imperishable. And it is more reasonable that what is eternal should be predicated of the imperishable than of the mortal, since imperishableness is akin to eternality, while death is at enmity with it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] There is another thing which we must not fail to know: while Moses represented the first man, the earth-born, as father of all that were born up to the deluge, and Noah who with all his house alone survived that great destruction because of his justice and excellent character in other ways as the father of the new race which would spring up afresh, the oracles speak of this august and precious trinity as parent of one species of that race, which species is called “royal” and “priesthood” and “holy nation.” ",
+                "[57] Its high position is shewn by the name; for the nation is called in the Hebrew tongue Israel, which, being interpreted, is “He who sees God.” Now the sight of the eyes is the most excellent of all the senses, since by it alone we apprehend the most excellent of existing things, the sun and the moon and the whole heaven and world; but the sight of the mind, the dominant element in the soul, surpasses all the other faculties of the mind, and this is wisdom which is the sight of the understanding. ",
+                "[58] But he to whom it is given not only to apprehend by means of knowledge all else that nature has to shew, but also to see the Father and Maker of all, may rest assured that he is advanced to the crowning point of happiness; for nothing is higher than God, and whoso has stretched the eyesight of the soul to reach Him should pray that he may there abide and stand firm;",
+                "[59] for journeys uphill are toilsome and slow, but the downhill course where one is swept along rather than descends is swift and most easy. And many are the forces which would bear us down, yet none of them avail when God sets the soul suspended to His potencies and with a mightier attraction draws it to Himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] So much for what was needed by way of preliminary discussion on the three in common. We must now speak of the superior merits shewn by each separately, beginning with the first. Abraham, then, filled with zeal for piety, the highest and greatest of virtues, was eager to follow God and to be obedient to His commands; understanding by commands not only those conveyed in speech and writing but also those made manifest by nature with clearer signs, and apprehended by the sense which is the most truthful of all and superior to hearing, on which no certain reliance can be placed.",
+                "[61] For anyone who contemplates the order in nature and the constitution enjoyed by the world-city whose excellence no words can describe, needs no speaker to teach him to practise a law-abiding and peaceful life and to aim at assimilating himself to its beauties. But the clearest proofs of his piety are those which the holy scriptures contain, and the first which should be mentioned is that which comes first in order."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Under the force of an oracle  which bade him leave his country and kinsfolk and seek a new home, thinking that quickness in executing the command was as good as full accomplishment, he hastened eagerly to obey, not as though he were leaving home for a strange land but rather as returning from amid strangers to his home.",
+                "[63] Yet who else would be likely to be so firm and unmoved of purpose as not to yield and succumb to the charms of kinsfolk and country? The desire of these may be said to be born and grow with each of us and is a part of our nature as much as or even more than the parts which unite to make the whole.",
+                "[64] And this is attested by the legislators who have appointed banishment as the penalty second only to death for those who have been convicted of the greatest crimes, though indeed, in my opinion, it is not second to death, if truth gives its verdict, but rather a far heavier punishment, since death ends our troubles but banishment is not the end but the beginning of other new misfortunes and entails in place of the one death which puts an end to pains a thousand deaths in which we do not lose sensation.",
+                "[65] Some men go on voyages for trading purposes in their desire for making money or on embassies or in their love of culture to see the sights of a foreign land. These are subject to influences driving them to stay abroad, in some cases financial gains, in others the chance of benefiting their country, when occasion offers, in its most vital and important interests, in others acquiring knowledge of things which they did not know before and thus providing at once pleasure and profit to the soul, for the stay-at-home is to the travelled as the blind are to the keen-sighted. Yet all these are eager to see and salute their native soil, and to greet their familiars and to have the sweet and most desired enjoyment of beholding their kinsfolk and friends. And often when they find the business for which they left home protracting itself they abandon it, drawn by the constraining desire for their own belongings.",
+                "[66] But Abraham, the moment he was bidden, departed with a few or even alone, and his emigration was one of soul rather than body, for the heavenly love overpowered his desire for mortal things.",
+                "[67] And so taking no thought for anything, either for his fellow-clansmen, or wardsmen, or schoolmates, or comrades, or blood relations on father’s or mother’s side, or country, or ancestral customs, or community of nurture or home life, all of them ties possessing a power to allure and attract which it is hard to throw off, he followed a free and unfettered impulse and departed with all speed first from Chaldea, a land at that time blessed by fortune and at the height of its prosperity, and migrated to Haran; then not long afterwards he left this too for another place, about which we shall speak after dealing with something else to which I now proceed. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[68] The migrations as set forth by the literal text of the scriptures are made by a man of wisdom, but according to the laws of allegory by a virtue-loving soul in its search for the true God.",
+                "[69] For the Chaldeans were especially active in the elaboration of astrology and ascribed everything to the movements of the stars. They supposed that the course of the phenomena of the world is guided by influences contained in numbers and numerical proportions. Thus they glorified visible existence, leaving out of consideration the intelligible and invisible. But while exploring numerical order as applied to the revolution of the sun, moon and other planets and fixed stars, and the changes of the yearly seasons and the interdependence of phenomena in heaven and on earth, they concluded that the world itself was God, thus profanely likening the created to the Creator.",
+                "[70] In this creed Abraham had been reared, and for a long time remained a Chaldean. Then opening the soul’s eye as though after profound sleep, and beginning to see the pure beam instead of the deep darkness, he followed the ray and discerned what he had not beheld before, a charioteer and pilot presiding over the world and directing in safety his own work, assuming the charge and superintendence of that work and of all such parts of it as are worthy of the divine care.",
+                "[71] And so to establish more firmly in his understanding the sight which had been revealed to him the Holy Word follows it up by saying to him, “Friend, the great is often known by its outlines as shown in the smaller, and by looking at them the observer finds the scope of his vision infinitely enlarged. Dismiss, then, the rangers of the heavens and the science of Chaldea, and depart for a short time from the greatest of cities, this world, to the lesser, and thus you will be better able to apprehend the overseer of the All.”",
+                "[72] This is why he is said to emigrate first from the land of Chaldea to that of Haran. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "Now Haran in our language means “holes,” a symbol for the seats of our senses through which each of them naturally peers as through orifices to apprehend what belongs to it.",
+                "[73] Yet what use, we might ask, would they be if the invisible mind were not there like a juggler to prompt its faculties, sometimes relaxing and giving them a free rein, sometimes forcibly pulling and jerking them back, and thus causing its puppets at one time to move in harmony, at another to rest? With this example in yourself you will easily apprehend that which you so earnestly desire to know.",
+                "[74] For it cannot be that while in yourself there is a mind appointed as your ruler which all the community of the body obeys and each of the senses follows, the world, the fairest, and greatest and most perfect work of all, of which everything else is a part, is without a king who holds it together and directs it with justice. That the king is invisible need not cause you to wonder, for neither is the mind in yourself visible.",
+                "[75] Anyone who reflects on these things and learns from no distant source, but from one near at hand, namely himself and what makes him what he is, will know for certain that the world is not the primal God but a work of the primal God and Father of all Who, though invisible, yet brings all things to light, revealing the natures of great and small.",
+                "[76] For He did not deem it right to be apprehended by the eyes of the body, perhaps because it was contrary to holiness that the mortal should touch the eternal, perhaps too because of the weakness of our sight. For our sight could not have borne the rays that pour from Him that IS, since it is not even able to look upon the beams of the sun."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] We have a very clear proof of the mind’s migration from astrology and the Chaldean creed in the words which follow at once the story of the departure of the Sage. “God,” it says, “was seen by Abraham.”  This shews that God was not manifested to him before, when in his Chaldean way he was fixing his thoughts on the choric movement of the stars with no apprehension at all of an harmonious and intelligible order of things outside the world and the sphere of sense.",
+                "[78] But when he had departed and changed his habitation he could not help but know that the world is not sovereign but dependent, not governing but governed by its Maker and First Cause. And this his mind then saw for the first time with its recovered sight.",
+                "[79] For before a great mist had been shed upon it by the things of sense, and only with difficulty could it dispel this mist under the warmth and fervour of higher verities and so be able as in clear open sky to receive the vision of Him Who so long lay hidden and invisible. He in His love for mankind, when the soul came into His presence, did not turn away His face, but came forward to meet him and revealed His nature, so far as the beholder’s power of sight allowed.",
+                "[80] That is why we are told not that the Sage saw God, but that God was seen by him. For it were impossible that anyone should by himself apprehend the truly Existent, did not He reveal and manifest Himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] What has been said is attested by the alteration and change in his name, for his original name was Abram, but afterwards he was addressed as Abraham.  To the ear there was but a duplication of one letter, alpha, but in fact and in the truth conveyed this duplication shewed a change of great importance.",
+                "[82] Abram is by interpretation “uplifted father”; Abraham, “elect father of sound.” The former signifies one called astrologer and meteorologist, one who takes care of the Chaldean tenets as a father would of his children.",
+                "[83] The latter signifies the Sage, for he uses “sound” as a figure for spoken thought and “father” for the ruling mind, since the inward thought is by its nature father of the uttered, being senior to it, the secret begetter of what it has to say. “Elect” signifies the man of worth, for the worthless character is random and confused, while the good is elect, chosen out of all for his merits.",
+                "[84] Now to the meteorologist nothing at all seems greater than the universe, and he credits it with the causation of what comes into being. But the wise man with more discerning eyes sees something more perfect perceived by mind, something which rules and governs, the master and pilot of all else. And therefore he blames himself severely for his former life, feeling that all his years have been passed in blindness with no staff to support him but the world of sense, which is by its nature an insecure and unstable thing.",
+                "[85] The second migration which the man of worth undertakes, again in obedience to an oracle, is not as before from state to state but into a desert country in which he continued to wander, never complaining of the wandering or the insecurity which it caused. ",
+                "[86] Yet who else would not have felt it a burden not only to be severed from his own country, but also to be driven out of all city life into pathless tracts where the traveller could hardly find a way? Who would not have turned his course and hurried back homeward, paying little regard to future hopes, but eager to escape his present hardships, and thinking it folly to choose admitted evil for the sake of uncertain good?",
+                "[87] Yet he alone appears to have had feelings the opposite of these, and to have thought that no life was so pleasant as one lived without association with the multitude. And that is natural, for those who seek God and yearn to find Him love the solitude which is dear to Him, and in this way first of all hasten to make themselves like His blessed and happy nature.",
+                "[88] So in both our expositions, the literal as applied to the man and the allegorical as applied to the soul, we have shewn both man and soul to be worthy of our affection. We have shewn how the man in obedience to divine commands was drawn away from the stubborn hold of his associations and how the mind did not remain for ever deceived nor stand rooted in the realm of sense, nor suppose that the visible world was the Almighty and Primal God, but using its reason sped upwards and turned its gaze upon the intelligible order which is superior to the visible and upon Him who is maker and ruler of both alike."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] This is the opening of the story of the friend of God, and it is followed by actions which call for anything but contempt. But their greatness is not clear to everyone, but only to those who have tasted virtue and who recognize the greatness of the good things which belong to the soul and therefore are wont to deride those which win the admiration of the multitude.",
+                "[90] God, then, approving of the action just related, at once rewards the man of worth with a great gift; for when his marriage was threatened through the designs of a licentious potentate, God kept it safe and unharmed.",
+                "[91] The occasion which led up to the attempted outrage originated in the following way. There had been a failure of the crops for a considerable period, at one time through a great and excessive rainfall, at another through drought and stormy weather; and the cities of Syria, hard pressed through continual famine, were stripped of their inhabitants who scattered in different directions to seek for food and to procure necessities.",
+                "[92] Abraham, then, learning that there was a rich and abundant supply of corn in Egypt, where the river by its seasonal flooding had turned the plains into pools, and well-tempered winds had produced and fostered a fine growth of corn, set off thither with his whole household.",
+                "[93] He had a wife distinguished greatly for her goodness of soul and beauty of body, in which she surpassed all the women of her time. When the chief people of Egypt saw her and admired her beauty, since the highly placed leave nothing unobserved, they told the king.",
+                "[94] He sent for the woman, and, marking her surpassing comeliness, paid little regard to decency or the laws enacted to shew respect to strangers, but gave rein to his licence and determined nominally to take her in marriage, but in reality to bring her to shame.",
+                "[95] She who in a foreign country was at the mercy of a licentious and cruel-hearted despot and had no one to protect her, for her husband was helpless, menaced as he was by the terror of stronger powers, joined him in fleeing for refuge to the last remaining championship, that of God.",
+                "[96] And God, Who is kindly and merciful and shields the wronged, had pity for the strangers and plied the king with almost intolerable pains and grievous penalties. He filled him body and soul with all manner of scarce curable plagues. All appetite for pleasure was eradicated and replaced by visitations of the opposite kind, by cravings for release from the endless tortures which night and day haunted and racked him almost to death.",
+                "[97] The whole household, too, shared the punishment with him, since none had shewn indignation at the outrage, but all by consenting were almost accomplices in the misdeed.",
+                "[98] Thus the chastity of the woman was preserved, while the nobility and piety of the man was evidenced by God, Who deigned to grant him this signal boon, that his marriage, which would have been in almost immediate danger of violation, should remain free from harm and outrage, that marriage from which was to issue not a family of a few sons and daughters, but a whole nation, and that the nation dearest of all to God, which, as I hold, has received the gift of priesthood and prophecy on behalf of all mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] I have also heard some natural philosophers  who took the passage allegorically, not without good reason. They said that the husband was a figure for the good mind, judging by the meaning given for interpretation of this name that it stood for a good disposition of soul. The wife, they said, was virtue, her name being in Chaldean Sarah but in our language a sovereign lady,  because nothing is more sovereign or dominant than virtue.",
+                "[100] Now in a marriage where the union is brought about by pleasure, the partnership is between body and body, but in the marriage made by wisdom it is between thoughts which seek purification and perfect virtues. Now the two kinds of marriage are directly opposed to each other.",
+                "[101] For in the bodily marriage the male sows the seed and the female receives it; on the other hand in the matings within the soul, though virtue seemingly ranks as wife, her natural function is to sow good counsels and excellent words and to inculcate tenets truly profitable to life, while thought, though held to take the place of the husband, receives the holy and divine sowings. Perhaps however the statement  above is a mistake due to the deceptiveness of the nouns, since in the actual words employed νοῦς has the masculine, and ἀρετή the feminine form.",
+                "[102] And if anyone is willing to divest facts of the terms which obscure them and observe them in their nakedness in a clear light he will understand that virtue is male, since it causes movement and affects conditions and suggests noble conceptions of noble deeds and words, while thought is female, being moved and trained and helped, and in general belonging to the passive category, which passivity is its sole means of preservation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] All men, then, even the most worthless, professedly honour and admire virtue so far as outward appearance goes, but only the worthy practise its injunctions. And so the king of Egypt, under which figure is symbolized the mind which loves the body, acts a part as in a theatre and assumes a counterfeited fellowship, he, the licentious with chastity, the profligate with self-control, the unjust with justice, and in his desire to earn a good repute with the multitude invites virtue to join him.",
+                "[104] Seeing this, God the surveyor, since He alone can scan the soul, hates and rejects the sham character and submits it to the test of most painful tortures. What are the instruments of these tortures? Surely the different parts of virtue which enter in and plague and wound him grievously? For greediness is tortured by frugal contentment and lewdness by continence. And so the vainglorious is racked when simplicity prevails, and the unjust when justice is praised.",
+                "[105] For it is impossible for the single soul to have for its tenant two hostile natures, vice and virtue, and therefore when they meet factions and wars are set on foot incapable of truce or reconciliation. And yet virtue’s nature is most peaceable, and she is careful, so they say, to test her own strength before the conflict, so that if she is able to contend to the end she may take the field, but if she finds her strength too weak she may shrink from entering the contest at all.",
+                "[106] For vice feels no disgrace in defeat, since ill-repute is congenital to her, but to virtue it is a reproach, for nearest and dearest to her is good fame which makes it natural for her to be victorious or at least to keep herself undefeated."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] I have described the inhospitality and licentiousness of the Egyptians. Turning to the victim of this outrage, we may well admire his kindness of heart. When at noon he saw three travellers in the form of men, for their diviner nature was not apparent to him, he ran to them and earnestly begged of them not to pass his tent but to enter as was fitting and partake of hospitality. But they, knowing, not so much by his words as by the feeling he showed, that he spoke the truth, assented without hesitation.",
+                "[108] And he, his soul full of joy, was eager to carry out the reception without delay, and said to his wife: “Hasten and bake three measures of cakes in the ashes.” Meanwhile he himself hurried to the stalls and brought a tender and well-fed calf which he gave",
+                "[109] to the servant who killed it and dressed it with all speed. For in a wise man’s house no one is slow in showing kindness; but women and men, slaves and free, are full of zeal to do service to their guests.",
+                "[110] After feasting not so much on the viands prepared for them as on the goodwill of their host, and on this example of a great and unbounded generosity, they presented him with a reward surpassing his hopes, by promising him the birth of a son born in wedlock. And this promise, which was to be made good in the next year, was given through one, and that the highest, of the three. For wise refinement demanded that all should not speak together at once but rather that one should speak and the others shew assent.",
+                "[111] But to Abraham and Sarah the thing seemed incredible, and therefore they did not pay serious regard even to the promises of the three. For as they had passed the years of parenthood their great age had made them despair of the birth of a son.",
+                "[112] So the scripture says that the wife first laughed at the words and afterwards when they said, “Is anything impossible with God?” was ashamed and denied her laughter, for she knew that all things were possible with God, a truth which she had learnt long ago, and even from the cradle.",
+                "[113] It was then, I think, that she first saw in the strangers before her a different and grander aspect, that of prophets or angels, transformed from their spiritual and soul-like nature into human shape. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] We have described Abraham’s hospitality which was but a by-product of a greater virtue. That virtue is piety, of which we have spoken before, and it is quite clearly seen in this story, even if we think of the strangers as men.",
+                "[115] Some may feel that the house must have been happy and blessed in which such an event as this took place, that wise men halted there and made a stay who would not have deigned even to look inside if they saw anything hopelessly wrong in the souls of the inmates. And, if this is so, I do not know how to express the vast happiness and blessedness of that house where angels did not shrink from halting and receiving hospitality from men—angels, those holy and divine beings, the servitors and lieutenants of the primal God whom He employs as ambassadors to announce the predictions which He wills to make to our race.",
+                "[116] For how could they have brought themselves to enter at all if they had not known that all the household, like a well ordered crew, was obedient to a single call from him who steered them like a pilot? And how should they have given ground for the idea that they feasted and received hospitality unless they thought that the giver of the feast was their kinsman and fellow-servant who had sought refuge with their master? Indeed we must suppose that at their entrance all parts of the house advanced still further in goodness and felt some breath of the inspiration of perfect virtue.",
+                "[117] The conduct of the meal was such as it should be. The guests showed to their entertainer the frank simplicity of a festive gathering. Their manner in addressing him was unreserved, and their converse suited to the occasion.",
+                "[118] It is a marvel indeed that though they neither ate nor drank they gave the appearance of both eating and drinking.  But that is a secondary matter; the first and greatest wonder is that, though incorporeal, they assumed human form to do kindness to the man of worth. For why was this miracle worked save to cause the Sage to perceive with clearer vision that the Father did not fail to recognize his wisdom?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] Here we may leave the literal exposition and begin the allegorical. Spoken words contain symbols of things apprehended by the understanding only. When, then, as at noon-tide God shines around the soul, and the light of the mind fills it through and through and the shadows are driven from it by the rays which pour all around it, the single object presents to it a triple vision, one representing the reality, the other two the shadows reflected from it. Our life in the light which our senses perceive gives us a somewhat similar experience, for objects standing or moving often cast two shadows at once.",
+                "[120] No one, however, should think that the shadows can be properly spoken of as God. To call them so is loose speaking, serving merely to give a clearer view of the fact which we are explaining, since the real truth is otherwise.",
+                "[121] Rather, as anyone who has approached nearest to the truth would say, the central place is held by the Father of the Universe, Who in the sacred scriptures is called He that Is as His proper name, while on either side of Him are the senior potencies, the nearest to Him, the creative and the kingly. The title of the former is God,  since it made and ordered the All; the title of the latter is Lord, since it is the fundamental right of the maker to rule and control what he has brought into being.",
+                "[122] So the central Being with each of His potencies as His squire presents to the mind which has vision the appearance sometimes of one, sometimes of three: of one, when that mind is highly purified and, passing beyond not merely the multiplicity of other numbers, but even the dyad which is next to the unit, presses on to the ideal form which is free from mixture and complexity, and being self-contained needs nothing more; of three, when, as yet uninitiated into the highest mysteries, it is still a votary only of the minor rites and unable to apprehend the Existent alone by Itself and apart from all else, but only through Its actions, as either creative or ruling.",
+                "[123] This is, as they say, a “second best voyage ”; yet all the same there is in it an element of a way of thinking such as God approves. But the former state of mind has not merely an element. It is in itself the divinely-approved way, or rather it is the truth, higher than a way of thinking, more precious than anything which is merely thought. But it would be well to state the point in a more familiar guise."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] There are three classes of human temperaments, each of them so constituted that the vision presents itself in one of the three ways above-mentioned. To the best class it presents itself in the middle form, that of the essentially existent; to the next best, in that which stands on the right, the beneficent, which bears the name of God; to the third, in that on the left, the governing, which is called Lord.",
+                "[125] Temperaments of the last kind worship the solely Self-existent and nothing can make them swerve from this, because they are subject to the single attraction which leads them to honour the one. Of the other two types, one is introduced and made known to the Father by the beneficial, the other by the kingly potency.",
+                "[126] My meaning is something as follows: men, when they see others approaching them under profession of friendship, in quest of advantages to be gained from them, look askance and turn away; they fear that counterfeited adulation and suavity which they regard as exceedingly pernicious.",
+                "[127] But God cannot suffer injury, and therefore He gladly invites all who set themselves to honour Him under any form whatsoever, and in His eyes none such deserves rejection. Indeed one might almost say that to those whose souls have ears God speaks plainly as follows:",
+                "[128] “My first prizes will be set apart for those who honour Me for Myself alone, the second to those who honour Me for their own sakes, either hoping to win blessings or expecting to obtain remission of punishments, since, though their worship is for reward and not disinterested, yet all the same its range lies within the divine precincts and does not stray, outside.",
+                "[129] But the prizes set aside for those who honour Me for Myself will be gifts of friendship; to those whose motive is self-interest they do not show friendship but that I do not count them as aliens. For I accept both him who wishes to enjoy My beneficial power and thus partake of blessings and him who propitiates the dominance and authority of the master to avoid chastisement. For I know well that they will not only not be worsened, but actually bettered, through the persistence of their worship and through practising piety pure and undefiled.",
+                "[130] For, however different are the characters which produce in them the impulses to do My pleasure, no charge shall be brought against them, since they have one aim and object, to serve Me.”",
+                "[131] That the triple vision is in reality  a vision of a single object is clear not merely from the principles of allegory but from the literal text which contains the following account.",
+                "[132] When the Sage supplicates the three seeming travellers to accept his hospitality, he discourses with them as though they were one and not three. He says, “Sir, if indeed I have found favour with thee, do not thou pass thy servant by.” Here “Sir” and “with thee” and “do not thou pass” and the other like phrases must be addressed to one and not to more than one; and during their entertainment, when they show courtesy to their host, we find one only, as though no other was present, promising the birth of a son born in wedlock in the following words: “I will return and come to thee at this season next year, and Sarah, thy wife, shall have a son.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[133] He brings out the point most clearly and elaborately in what follows. The land of the Sodomites, a part of the land of Canaan afterwards called Palestinian Syria, was brimful of innumerable iniquities, particularly such as arise from gluttony and lewdness, and multiplied and enlarged every other possible pleasure with so formidable a menace that it had at last been condemned by the Judge of All.",
+                "[134] The inhabitants owed this extreme licence to the never-failing lavishness of their sources of wealth, for, deep-soiled and well-watered as it was, the land had every year a prolific harvest of all manner of fruits, and the chief beginning of evils, as one has aptly said, is goods in excess. ",
+                "[135] Incapable of bearing such satiety, plunging like cattle, they threw off from their necks the law of nature and applied themselves to deep drinking of strong liquor and dainty feeding and forbidden forms of intercourse. Not only in their mad lust for women did they violate the marriages of their neighbours, but also men mounted males without respect for the sex nature which the active partner shares with the passive; and so when they tried to beget children they were discovered to be incapable of any but a sterile seed. Yet the discovery availed them not, so much stronger was the force of the lust which mastered them.",
+                "[136] Then, as little by little they accustomed those who were by nature men to submit to play the part of women, they saddled them with the formidable curse of a female disease. For not only did they emasculate their bodies by luxury and voluptuousness but they worked a further degeneration in their souls and, as far as in them lay, were corrupting the whole of mankind. Certainly, had Greeks and barbarians joined together in affecting such unions, city after city would have become a desert, as though depopulated by a pestilential sickness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] But God, moved by pity for mankind whose Saviour and Lover He was, gave increase in the greatest possible degree to the unions which men and women naturally make for begetting children, but abominated and extinguished this unnatural and forbidden intercourse, and those who lusted for such He cast forth and chastised with punishments not of the usual kind but startling and extraordinary, newly-created for this purpose.",
+                "[138] He bade the air grow suddenly overclouded and pour forth a great rain, not of water but fire. And when the flames streamed down massed in one constant and perpetual rush, they burnt up the fields and meadows, the leafy groves, the overgrowths of the marshland and the dense thickets. They burnt the plainland and all the fruit of the corn and other crops. They burnt the forest-land on the mountains, where trunks and roots alike were consumed.",
+                "[139] The conflagration reached to byres and houses and walls and all public and private property contained in buildings; and in one day populous cities had become the grave of the inhabitants and fabrics of stone and timber had turned into ashes and fine dust.",
+                "[140] And when the flame had utterly consumed all that was visible and above ground it penetrated right down into the earth itself, destroyed its inherent life-power and reduced it to complete sterility to prevent it from ever bearing fruit and herbage at all. And to this day it goes on burning, for the fire of the thunderbolt is never quenched but either continues its ravages or else smoulders.",
+                "[141] And the clearest proof is what is still visible, for a monument of the disastrous event remains in the smoke which rises ceaselessly and the brimstone which the miners obtain; while the ancient prosperity of the country is most plainly attested by the survival of one of the cities of the neighbourhood and the land round it; for the city is thickly populated and the land rich in corn and pasturage and fertile in general, thus providing a standing evidence to the sentence decreed by the divine judgement."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] However, I have given these details not in order to describe the unprecedented calamity of God’s mighty working, but in my wish to shew something else. Scripture tells us that of the three who appeared to the Sage in the guise of men two only went on to the land whose existence was blotted out to destroy the inhabitants, but the third thought good not to accompany them.",
+                "[143] In my opinion that one was the truly Existent, who held it fitting that He should be present to give good gifts by His own agency, but should leave the execution of the opposite of good entirely in the hands of His potencies acting as His ministers, that so He might appear to be the cause of good only, but not directly  the cause of anything evil. ",
+                "[144] This is the practice, I think, of kings also, who imitate the divine nature. They are their own agents in granting boons, but employ others to enforce punishment.",
+                "[145] But since of the two potencies one is beneficial and the other punitive it was natural that each should make his appearance in the land of the Sodomites, since of the five most flourishing cities in it four were to be burnt but one was to be left, preserved from all evil that could harm it. It was right that the punitive should be employed for destruction, but the beneficial for preservation.",
+                "[146] Yet since the virtues of the part preserved were not complete and perfect, while it received benefits through a potency of the Existent, it was not thought worthy to be granted the vision of Him directly."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[147] Such is the natural and obvious rendering of the story as suited for the multitude. We will proceed at once to the hidden and inward meaning which appeals to the few who study soul characteristics rather than bodily forms. Symbolically the group of five cities is the five senses in us, the instruments of the pleasures which, whether great or small, are brought to their accomplishment by the senses.",
+                "[148] For we get pleasure either by seeing varieties of colours and shapes in objects, whether possessed of physical life or not, or by hearing very melodious sounds or through taste in matters of food and drink, or through smell in fragrant perfumes or through touch in soft and warm and also in smooth substances.",
+                "[149] Now of the five, the three most animal and servile are taste, smell, and touch, which cause particular excitation in the cattle and wild beasts most given to gluttony and sexual passion. For all day and night they fill themselves with food insatiably or are at rut.",
+                "[150] The other two have a link with philosophy and hold the leading place—hearing and sight. But the ears are in a way more sluggish and womanish than eyes. The eyes have the courage to reach out to the visible objects and do not wait to be acted on by them, but anticipate the meeting, and seek to act upon them instead. Hearing, then, sluggish and more womanish as it is, must be put in the second place and a special precedence must be given to sight, for God has made it the queen of the other senses and set it above them all, and, establishing it as it were on a citadel, has associated it most closely with the soul.",
+                "[151] We may find a proof of this in the way in which it changes with the soul’s phases. When the soul feels grief, the eyes are full of anxiety and depression. When on the other hand it feels joy, they smile and rejoice. When fear is supreme, they are full of turbulent confusion, and move and quiver and roll confusedly.",
+                "[152] If anger prevails, the organ of sight is harsher and bloodshot, and during reflection and careful consideration of any question it has a quiet and distant appearance, almost as though it was accommodating itself to the outlook of the mind. In times of mental refreshment and relaxation it relaxes also and is at its ease.",
+                "[153] When a friend approaches, its peaceful and sunny look is the happy herald of the kindly feeling within, while in the case of an enemy it gives a warning of the soul’s displeasure. Courage makes the eyes dart swiftly forward. Modesty makes them gentle and reposeful. In short, one may say that sight has been created as an image of the soul, and through the perfection of the art which has produced so faithful a copy presents a clear and mirror-like reflection of the original whose nature is in itself invisible.",
+                "[154] But indeed it is not only in this way that the excellence of the eyes exceeds the other senses, but also because in waking moments, since we need not consider their inaction in sleep, they cease to function. For when no outward object moves them they are still, whilst the eyes, when open are constant and unceasing in their activities; they have always room for more, and in this way they shew their kinship with the soul.",
+                "[155] But, while the soul is always in motion and wakeful day and night, the eyes in which the fleshly is the principal ingredient must rest satisfied with the gift of continuing to exercise the activities which befit them for half the whole span of time and human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[156] But the most vital part of the benefit we gain from sight remains now to be told. God made the light to shine upon sight alone of the senses, and light is the best of existing things and was the first to be called good in the sacred books.",
+                "[157] Now light has a double nature: one is the effulgence of the fire of common use,  perishable as that which produces it and liable to extinction, the other, the unquenchable and imperishable, brought to us from heaven above, where each of the stars pours forth its rays as though from perennial fountains. With each of these the sight is conversant, and through both it strikes upon visible objects so as to apprehend them with all exactness.",
+                "[158] Need we still try to expend words in extolling the eyes, when God has set graven in the heaven their true praises, the stars? For with what purpose have the rays of the sun and moon and the other stars, planets or fixed, been made save to serve the action of the eyes and to minister to sight?",
+                "[159] And so it is, by using light, the best of gifts, that men contemplate the world’s contents, earth, plants, living creatures, fruits, seas with their tides, rivers spring-fed or winter torrents, various kinds of fountains, some sending up a cold, others a warm, stream, and all the phenomena of the air with their several natures, the different forms of which are so countless that speech can never include them all; above all, heaven, which in truth has been framed as a world within a world, and the divine and hallowed forms which beautify it. Which of the other senses, then, can boast that it ever traverses so great a span?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[160] Let us leave out of consideration those senses which do but fatten in its manger the beast which shares our nature, lust, and examine the one which does lay claim to reason, hearing. When its travelling is tense and at its fullest, that is when the violent winds with their long, sweeping sound or the loud thunders with their terrific claps make themselves heard, it halts within the air that surrounds the earth.",
+                "[161] But the eyes leave earth and in an instant reach heaven, and the boundaries of the universe, east, west, north and south alike, and when they arrive draw the understanding to the observation of what they have seen.",
+                "[162] And the understanding affected in like manner is not quiescent, but, unsleeping and constantly in motion as it is, takes the sight as the starting-point for its power of observing the things of the mind, and proceeds to investigate whether these phenomena are uncreated or had some beginning of creation, whether they are infinite or finite, whether there is one world or more than one, whether the four elements make up all things, or on the other hand heaven and its contents enjoy a special nature of their own and have been given a substance which differs from the others and is more divine.",
+                "[163] Further, if the world has been created, who is the Creator? What is His essence and quality? What was His purpose in making it? What does He do now and what is His occupation and way of life? And all the other questions which the curious mind with good sense ever at its side is wont to explore.",
+                "[164] But these and the like belong to philosophy, whence it is clear that wisdom and philosophy owe their origin to no other of our faculties but to the princess of the senses, sight.  And this alone of all the bodily region did God preserve when He destroyed the four, because they were in slavery to flesh and the passions of flesh, while the sight had the strength to stretch its neck upwards, and to look, and to find in the contemplation of the world and its contents pleasures far better than those of the body.",
+                "[165] It was fitting, then, that the one of the five senses which form, so to speak, a group of five cities, should receive a special privilege and continue to exist when the others were destroyed, because its range is not confined to mortal things, as theirs is, but it aspires to find a new home amid imperishable beings and rejoice in their contemplation.",
+                "[166] And therefore it is excellently said, when the oracles represent this city first as small and then as not small, figuring thereby sight.  For sight is said to be small in that it is a little part of all we contain, but great in that great are its desires, since it is the whole world and heaven which it yearns to survey."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] I have now told with all the care that lay within my powers the story of the vision which was manifested to Abraham and of that splendid and magnificent exchange of hospitality, where the host who seemed to give the feast was himself the feasted. But his greatest action which deserves reporting must not be passed over in silence. For I might almost say that all the other actions which won the favour of God are surpassed by this; and on this subject I must say what is needed.",
+                "[168] The wife of the Sage bore to him in full wedlock his only and dearly-cherished son, a child of great bodily beauty and excellence of soul. For already he was showing a perfection of virtues beyond his years, so that his father, moved not merely by a feeling of natural affection but also by such deliberate judgement as a censor of character might make, cherished for him a great tenderness.",
+                "[169] Such were his feelings when suddenly to his surprise there came a divine message that he should sacrifice his son on a certain lofty hill at a very considerable distance,  as much as three days’ journey, from the city.",
+                "[170] He, though devoted to his son with a fondness which no words can express, shewed no change of colour nor weakening of soul, but remained steadfast as ever with a judgement that never bent nor wavered. Mastered by his love for God, he mightily overcame all the fascination expressed in the fond terms of family affection,  and told the divine call to none of his household, but taking out of his numerous following two only, the oldest and most loyal, he went forth with his son, four in all, as though to perform one of the ordinary rites.",
+                "[171] But, when, like a scout on some commanding point, he saw the appointed place afar off, he bade his servants stay there, but gave his son the fire  and wood to carry; for he thought it good that the victim himself should bear the load of the instruments of sacrifice, a light burden indeed, for nothing is less toilsome than piety.",
+                "[172] They walked with equal speed of mind rather than body along the short straight road at the end of which is holiness and came to the appointed place. ",
+                "[173] And then, while the father was collecting stones to build the altar, the son, seeing everything else ready for sacrifice but no animal, looked at his father and said: “My father, behold the fire and the wood, but where is the victim?”",
+                "[174] To anyone else who knew what he was about to do, and was hiding it in his heart, these words would have brought confusion and tearfulness and he would have remained silent through extreme emotion, and thus given an indication of what was going to happen.",
+                "[175] But Abraham admitted no swerving of body or mind, and with visage and thought alike unmoved he said in answer to the question, “Child, God will provide Himself a victim, even in this wide desert, which perhaps makes you give up hope of finding it; but know that to God all things are possible, including those that are impossible or insuperable to men.”",
+                "[176] And, as he said this, he hastily seized his son, laid him on the altar and with his drawn knife in his right hand was preparing with it to deal the death blow. But ere he did so, God the Saviour stopped the deed half-way with a voice from the air, in which He ordered him to stay and not touch the lad. And twice He called the father by name to turn him and draw him back from his purpose and thus prevent his carrying out the slaughter."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] So Isaac was saved, since God returned the gift of him and used the offering which piety rendered to Him to repay the offerer, while for Abraham the action, though not followed by the intended ending, was complete and perfect, and the record of it as such stands graven not only in the sacred books but in the minds of the readers.",
+                "[178] But quarrelsome critics who misconstrue everything and have a way of valuing censure above praise do not think Abraham’s action great or wonderful, as we suppose it to be.",
+                "[179] They say that many other persons, full of love for their kinsfolk and offspring, have given their children, some to be sacrificed for their country to serve as a price to redeem it from wars or drought or excessive rainfall or pestilence, others for the sake of what was held to be piety though it is not really so.",
+                "[180] Indeed they say that among the Greeks men of the highest reputation, not only private individuals but kings, have with little thought of their offspring put them to death, and thereby saved armed forces of great strength and magnitude when enlisted as their allies, and destroyed them without striking a blow when arrayed as enemies. ",
+                "[181] Barbarian nations, they add, have for long admitted child sacrifice as a holy deed and acceptable to God, and this practice of theirs is mentioned by the holy Moses as an abomination, for, charging them with this pollution, he says that “they burn their sons and daughters to their gods.” ",
+                "[182] Again they point out that in India the gymnosophists even now when the long incurable disease of old age begins to take hold of them, even before they are completely in its clutches, make up a funeral pile and burn themselves on it, though they might possibly last out many years more. And the womenfolk when the husbands die before them have been known to hasten rejoicing to share their pyre, and allow themselves to be burned alive with the corpses of the men. ",
+                "[183] These women might reasonably, no doubt, be praised for their courage, so great and more than great is their contempt for death, and the breathless eagerness with which they rush to it as though it were immortality."
+            ],
+            [
+                ". Why, then, they ask, should we praise Abraham, as though the deed which he undertook was unprecedented, when private individuals and kings and whole nations do it when occasion calls?",
+                "[184] To their malignity and bitterness I reply as follows. Some of those who sacrifice their children follow custom in so doing, as was the case according to the critics with some of the barbarians. Others have important and painful reasons for their action because their cities and countries cannot but fail otherwise. These give their children partly under compulsion and the pressure of higher powers, partly through desire for glory and honour, to win fame at the time and a good name in the future.",
+                "[185] Now those who are led by custom to make the sacrifice would not seem to be doing anything great, for long-standing custom often becomes equal to nature, so that in matters where patience and resolution are difficult to attain it gives ease and relief by reducing their terrors to moderate dimensions.",
+                "[186] Where the gift is made through fear no praise is due, for praise is recorded for voluntary good deeds, while for those which are involuntary other things are responsible, favourable occasions, chances or force brought to bear by men.",
+                "[187] And if anyone throws away a son or a daughter through desire for glory he will be justly blamed rather than praised, for with the life of his dearest he is purchasing an honour which he ought to cast aside, if he possessed it, to ensure the safety of his children.",
+                "[188] We must therefore examine whether Abraham, when he intended to sacrifice his son, was mastered by any of these motives, custom or love of honour or fear. Now in Babylonia and Mesopotamia and with the nation of the Chaldeans with whom he was brought up and lived the greater part of his life the custom of child slaughter does not obtain, so as to suggest that his realization of its horrors was rendered less powerful by the regularity of such a practice.",
+                "[189] Surely, too, he had nothing to fear from man, since no one knew of the oracular message which he alone had received; nor was he under the pressure of any public misfortune which could be remedied only by the immolation of a child of special worth.",
+                "[190] Or was the quest of praise from the multitude the motive which urged him to the deed? What praise could there be in a solitude where no one was present to report his fame afterwards, but even the two servants had been purposely left afar off lest he should appear to be making a boastful parade by bringing witnesses to his pious conduct?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[191] Let them, therefore, set bolt and bar to their unbridled evil-speaking mouths, control their envy and hatred of excellence and not mar the virtues of men who have lived a good life, virtues which they should rather help to glorify by their good report.",
+                "That the deed really deserves our praise and love can easily be seen in many ways.",
+                "[192] First, then, he made a special practice of obedience to God, a duty which every right-minded person holds to be worthy of all respect and effort. Hitherto he had not neglected any of God’s commands, nor ever met them with repining or discontent, however charged with toils and pains they might be, and therefore he bore the sentence pronounced on his son with all nobleness and firmness.",
+                "[193] Secondly, since human sacrifice was not in that country, as it was perhaps in some, sanctioned by custom which is so apt through constant repetition to weaken the realization of the terrible, he would have been the first himself to initiate a totally new and extraordinary procedure, and this, to my mind, is a thing which no one could have brought himself to do even if his soul had been made of iron or adamant, for, as it has been said, it is hard work to fight against nature.",
+                "[194] And, as he had begotten no son in the truest sense but Isaac, his feeling of affection for him was necessarily on the same high level of truth, higher even than the chaste forms of love and also the much talked-of ties of friendship.",
+                "[195] Further, he had a most potent incentive to love in that he had begotten the boy in his old age and not in his years of vigour. For parents somehow dote on their late-born children, either because they have longed for their birth for so many years or because they do not hope to have any more, since nature comes to a halt at this point as its final and furthermost boundary.",
+                "[196] For a father to surrender one of a numerous family as a tithe to God is nothing extraordinary, since each of the survivors continues to give him pleasure, and this is no small solace and mitigation of his grief for the one who has been sacrificed. But one who gives his only darling son performs an action for which no language is adequate, since he concedes nothing to the tie of relationship, but his whole weight is thrown into the scale on the side of acceptability with God.",
+                "[197] The following point is exceptional, and his conduct in it is practically unique. Other fathers, even if they give their children to be sacrificed for the safety of their country or armies, either stay at home or stand far away from the altars, or, if they are present, turn away their eyes, since they cannot bear the sight, and leave others to kill the victim.",
+                "[198] But here we have the most affectionate of fathers himself beginning the sacrificial rite as priest with the very best of sons for victim. Perhaps too, following the law of burnt offering, he would have dismembered his son and offered him limb by limb. Thus we see that he did not incline partly to the boy and partly to piety, but devoted his whole soul through and through to holiness and disregarded the claims of their common blood.",
+                "[199] Which of all the points mentioned is shared by others? Which does not stand by itself and defy description? Thus everyone who is not malignant or a lover of evil must be overwhelmed with admiration for his extraordinary piety; and he need not take into consideration at once all the points which I have mentioned, for any single one of them would be enough. For to picture in the mind one of these, however small the form which the picture takes, though no action of the Sage is small, is enough to show the greatness and loftiness of his soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[200] But the story here told is not confined to the literal and obvious explanation, but seems to have in it the elements of a further suggestion, obscure to the many but recognized by those who prefer the mental to the sensible and have the power to see it.",
+                "[201] It is as follows. The proposed victim is called in Chaldaean Isaac, but, if the word is translated into our language, Laughter. But the laughter here understood is not the laughter which amusement arouses in the body, but the good emotion  of the understanding, that is joy.",
+                "[202] This the Sage is said to sacrifice as his duty to God, thus showing in a figure that rejoicing is most closely associated with God alone. For mankind is subject to grief and very fearful of evils either present or expected, so that men are either distressed by disagreeables close at hand or are agitated by troublous fear of those which are still to come. But the nature of God is without grief or fear and wholly exempt from passion of any kind, and alone partakes of perfect happiness and bliss.",
+                "[203] The frame of mind which has made this true acknowledgement God, Who has banished jealousy from His presence in His kindness and love for mankind, fitly rewards by returning the gift in so far as the recipient’s capacity allows. And indeed we may almost hear His voice saying:",
+                "[204] “All joy and rejoicing I know well is the possession of none other save Me alone, the Father of All. Yet I do not grudge that this My possession should be used by such as are worthy, and who should be worthy save one who should follow Me and My will, for he will prove to be most exempt from distress and fear if he travels by this road which passion and vice cannot tread, but good feelings and virtue can walk therein.”",
+                "[205] But let no one suppose that joy descends from heaven to earth pure and free from any mixture of grief. No, it is a mixture of both, though the better element is the stronger, just as light too in heaven is pure from any mixture of darkness but in regions below the moon is clearly mixed with dusky air.",
+                "[206] This was the reason, I think, why Sarah who bears the name of virtue first laughs, and then, in reply to her questioner, denies the laughter.  She feared lest she should be grasping for herself the joy which belongs not to created being but to God alone. Therefore, the holy word bids her be of good cheer and says: “Be not afraid: thou didst indeed laugh and dost participate in joy.”",
+                "[207] For the Father did not suffer the whole course of the human race to move amid griefs and pains and burdens which admit no remedy, but mixed with them something of the better nature and judged it well that the soul should at times dwell in sunshine and calm; and as for the soul of the wise He willed that it should pass the chief part of its life in glad-hearted contemplation of what the world has to show."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[208] These examples must suffice for our treatment of Abraham’s piety, though others might be found in great plenty. But we must also examine the good and wise behaviour  shown in his dealings with men. For the nature which is pious is also kindly, and the same person will exhibit both qualities, holiness to God and justice to men. It would be too long, indeed, to describe all his actions, but it would not be out of place to mention two or three.",
+                "[209] Though he was exceedingly rich  in silver and gold and possessed many herds of numerous live-stock and in abundance of wealth rivalled those of the natives and original inhabitants who possessed good means, and became more opulent than would be expected of an immigrant, he incurred no censure from those who received him into their midst but continued to be praised by all who had experience of him.",
+                "[210] But, if, as often happens, any of his servants or regular associates had a quarrel or difference with his neighbours, he would try to put an end to it quietly, banishing and expelling from the soul by means of his greater dignity  of character all that tended to strife and confusion and faction.",
+                "[211] And we need not wonder that he so bore himself to strangers who could have united to repel him with their superior weight of strength if he was the aggressor in injustice, when we see what moderation he showed to those who, connected with him by birth but estranged from him in moral principles, stood alone and unsupported and with possessions far inferior to his, and how he willingly accepted to be at a disadvantage when he might have taken advantage of them.",
+                "[212] For he had a nephew who had accompanied him when he migrated from his native land, an unreliable and hesitating person, ever inclining this way and that, sometimes fawning on him with loving greetings, sometimes rebellious and refractory through the inconsistency of his different moods.",
+                "[213] Therefore his servants too were quarrelsome and turbulent, as they had no one to control them, and this was particularly the case with the shepherds who were stationed at a distance from their master; thus breaking out of control in their wilfulness they were ever quarrelling with the Sage’s herdsmen who many times gave way to them because of their master’s gentleness. Then, advancing to a senseless audacity which knew no shame, they grew rampant and fostered in their hearts the flame of a passion beyond hope of conciliation until they compelled their opponents to begin defending themselves against the injustice.",
+                "[214] When the fight had become very serious, the man of worth, hearing how the aggressors had been countered, and knowing that his own party was more distinguished in strength and number, did not allow the quarrel to be terminated by a victory, as he did not wish to distress his nephew through seeing his own party defeated. So he took up his stand between them and reconciled the disputants by proposals of agreement, good not only for the present but for the future.",
+                "[215] For he knew that if they lived together and shared the same dwelling-place they would engage in obstinate contention, for ever stirring up wars and factions against each other. To prevent this, he thought it expedient to refuse to continue their living together and to arrange for their dwelling at a distance from each other. So, sending for his nephew, he gave him a choice of the better district, gladly agreeing that he should take whatever part he chose; for he considered that he would thereby get peace, the greatest of gains.",
+                "[216] And yet who else would give way in any single point to the weaker if he were the stronger? Who, when he could conquer, would be willing to be defeated and not avail himself of his power? He alone took for his ideal not the exercise of strength and self-aggrandizement but a life free from strife and so far as lay with him of tranquillity, and thereby he showed himself the most admirable of men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[217] The actual words of the story are an encomium on Abraham as a man; but, according to those who proceed from the literal to the spiritual, characters of soul are indicated also, and therefore it will be well to investigate them too.",
+                "[218] Such characters are numberless, proceeding from numberless starting-points and arising from every kind and variety of circumstance; but those now to be examined are two only, one higher and senior and one lower and junior. The senior is that character which honours things primal and dominant in their nature, the junior that which honours things subject and lowest in the list.",
+                "[219] Now the senior and dominant are wisdom and temperance and justice and courage and virtue regarded as a whole and actions inspired by virtue, but the junior are wealth and reputation and office and good birth, good not in the true sense but in the sense which the multitude give to it, and everything else which coming after the things of soul and body takes the third place which is necessarily also the last.",
+                "[220] Each of the two characters possesses what we may call flocks and herds. The devotee of things external has silver, gold, raiment, all the materials of wealth and the means for procuring them, and again arms, engines, triremes, cavalry, infantry and naval forces, the foundations of sovereignty which produce security of power. The lover of moral excellence has the principles of each separate virtue and the truths discovered by wisdom itself.",
+                "[221] Now those who preside and have charge over each of these two are, as it were, herdsmen of cattle. The externals are cared for by lovers of wealth or glory, the would-be generals and all who hanker for power over multitudes, the things of the soul by lovers of moral excellence and virtue, who prefer the genuine goods to the spurious and not the spurious to the genuine.",
+                "[222] So there is a natural conflict between them since they have no common principle but are for ever jangling and quarrelling about the most important thing in life, and that is the decision what are the true goods.",
+                "[223] For a time the soul was in a state of war, and was the scene of this conflict,  for as yet it was not perfectly purified, but its passions and distempers still prevailed over its healthy principles. But from the time when it began to grow more powerful and demolish by superior strength the works with which the opposing doctrines threatened it, it spreads its wings, and, its spirit grown to fullness, sets a wall and barrier between it and that side of its character which has given its admiration to the gear of external things. And it talks with it as with a man and says:",
+                "[224] “It is impossible that thou and the lover of wisdom and virtue should have a common home and common ties. Away, change thy dwelling and betake thyself afar off, for thou hast not, or rather canst not have, fellowship with him. For all that thou holdest to be on the right he thinks to be on the left, and conversely what to thee is on the wrong side in his judgement stands on the right.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[225] So, then, the man of worth was not merely peaceable and a lover of justice but courageous and warlike, not for the sake of warring, for he was not quarrelsome or cantankerous, but to secure peace for the future, the peace which the opponents were destroying.",
+                "[226] The clearest proof of this is his actions.  That part of the inhabited world which lies towards the east was in the hands of four great kings who held in subjection the nations of the Orient on both sides of the Euphrates. Now the other nations continued to be free from sedition, obeying the orders of the king, and paying their taxes without demur. Only the country of the Sodomites, before it was consumed by fire, began to undermine this peaceful condition by a long-standing plan of revolt.",
+                "[227] For, as it was exceedingly prosperous, it was ruled by five kings who taxed the cities and the land, which though not large was rich in corn and well wooded and teeming with fruits, for the position which size gave to other countries, was given to Sodom by its goodliness, and hence it had a plurality of rulers who loved it and were fascinated by its charm.",
+                "[228] These hitherto rendered the appointed tributes to the collectors of revenue out of both respect for and fear of the higher potentates whose satraps they were. But, when they had been surfeited with good things, and as so often happens satiety had begotten insolence, they grew ambitious beyond their powers and first shook off the yoke and then, like bad slaves, attacked their masters, trusting to sedition or violence. ",
+                "[229] But these masters, mindful of their higher birth and armed with more powerful force, advanced in great disdain to the attack, expecting to conquer them with the utmost ease. And, when they engaged, some they sent flying helter-skelter at once, others they mowed down in wholesale massacre, while a great number were taken prisoners and distributed with the rest of the booty. Among these they took the nephew of the Sage, who had migrated not long before into one of the five cities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[230] When this was reported to Abraham by one of those who escaped from the rout, it distressed him exceedingly. He could no longer rest, so severe was the shock, and mourned for the living with greater sorrow than if he had heard of his death. For he knew that death or decease, as the name itself shows, is the end of everything in life, and particularly of its ills, while the troubles which lie in wait for the living are numberless.",
+                "[231] But, when he made ready to pursue the enemy to rescue his nephew, he was at a loss for allies, since he was a stranger and an immigrant, and no one dared to oppose the invincible forces of the kings, considering their number and their recent victory.",
+                "[232] But he obtained allies in quite a new quarter, for resource is found where resource is none, when one is set on deeds of justice and kindness. He collected his servants and, after bidding those who had been acquired by purchase to remain at home, since he feared that they might desert, he made a roll-call  of those who were home-bred, distributed them into centuries and advanced with three battalions. Yet he did not trust in these, for they were but a small fraction of the kings’ forces, but in God, the champion and defender of the just.",
+                "[233] So he pressed forward eagerly and never abated his speed until, watching for his chance, he attacked the enemy by night when they had supped and were preparing to go to sleep. Some fell helpless victims to him in their beds, others who took arms against him were completely annihilated, and all were mightily overcome more by his courage of soul than by the resources at his command.",
+                "[234] Nor did he stay his hand until he had completely slaughtered the opposing army with their kings as well and left them lying in front of the camp. His nephew he brought back in the triumph of his brilliant and magnificent victory, taking too with him all the horses of the cavalry and the whole multitude of the other beasts and spoil in vast plenty.",
+                "[235] When the high priest of the most high God saw him approaching with his trophies, leader and army alike unhurt, for he had lost none of his own company, he was astonished by the feat, and, thinking, as indeed was natural, that such success was not won without God’s directing care and help to their arms, he stretched his hands to heaven and honoured him with prayers on his behalf and offered sacrifices of thanksgiving for the victory and feasted handsomely those who had taken part in the contest, rejoicing and sharing their gladness as though the success were his own; and so indeed it was, for “the belongings of friends are held in common,” as the proverb says, and this is far more true of the belongings of the good whose one end is to be well-pleasing to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[236] This is what we find in the scriptures read literally; but those who can contemplate facts stripped of the body and in naked reality, those who live with the soul rather than with the body, will say that of these nine kings, four are the power exercised within us by the four passions, pleasure, desire, fear and grief, and that the five are the five senses, sight, hearing, taste, smell and touch.",
+                "[237] For these nine are in a sense invested with sovereignty and are our kings and rulers but not all in the same way. For the five are subject to the four, and are forced to pay them the tolls and tributes determined by nature.",
+                "[238] Griefs and pleasures and fears and desires arise out of what we see or hear or smell or taste or touch, and none of the passions would have any strength of itself if it were not furnished with what the senses supply;",
+                "[239] for these supplies constitute the forces of the passions, taking the form of colours and shapes, or sounds spoken or heard, or flavours, or scents, or the qualities attached to things tangible, soft and hard or rough and smooth or warm and cold, all of which are supplied through the senses to each of the passions.",
+                "[240] And while the said tributes are rendered the alliance between the kings holds good, but when they are no longer paid discord and wars at once arise, and this obviously happens when old age with its pains arrives. For then, while none of the passions is weaker, and perhaps is even stronger than of old, yet the eyes are dim and the ears dull of hearing and each of the other senses blunted, so that it cannot in the same way judge each thing with accuracy or make the same contribution in amount as before. And so, weakened all round as they are and already giving way of themselves, it is natural that they should be easily routed by the opposing passions.",
+                "[241] There is much philosophical truth  in the saying that of the five kings two fell into the wells and three took to flight. For touch and taste descend to the lowest recesses of the body and transmit to its inward parts what may properly be dealt with by them; but eyes and ears and smell for the most part pass outside and escape enslavement by the body.",
+                "[242] All this the man of worth was watching from his lair, and when he saw trouble festering, where but now was alliance and friendship, and war instead of peace arising between the nine kingdoms, with the four competing against the five for the sovereign power, he seized his opportunity and suddenly made the attack, ambitious to establish in the soul democracy,  the best of constitutions, instead of the rule of tyrants and overlords, and legality and justice instead of lawlessness and injustice which hitherto prevailed.",
+                "[243] All this is no fable of my invention, but a fact, and that one of the surest which we may observe in ourselves.  For the senses, though often they may maintain concord with the passions and provide them with the objects which they perceive, often too revolt and are unwilling any longer to pay the same dues or unable to do so because of the presence of reason, the chastener. For when reason puts on its panoply of the virtues and the doctrines and the lore which embody them, armed with this irresistible power it mightily overcomes. For corruptible and incorruptible may not live together.",
+                "[244] Now the nine overlords, the four passions and the five senses, are corruptible and the sources of corruption, but the truly divine and holy Word, whose stronghold is in the virtues, whose place in the order of number is tenth, the supremely perfect number,  comes to the contest and with the help of the mightier power of God wins an easy victory over the said overlords."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[245] After this in the course of time he lost the wife who was the darling of his heart and gifted with every excellence. She showed her wifely love by numberless proofs, by sharing with him the severance from his kinsfolk, by bearing without hesitation the departure from her homeland, the continual and unceasing wanderings on a foreign soil and privation in famine, and by the campaigns in which she accompanied him.",
+                "[246] Everywhere and always she was at his side, no place or occasion omitted, his true partner in life and life’s events, resolved to share alike the good and ill. She did not, like some other women, run away from mishaps and lie ready to pounce on pieces of good luck, but accepted her portion of both with all alacrity as the fit and proper test of a wedded wife."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[247] Many a story I could relate in praise of this woman, but one I will mention which will be the clearest proof that the others are true. Being childless and barren and fearing lest the house beloved of God should be left entirely desolate,",
+                "[248] she came to her husband and said: “Long have we lived together in mutual goodwill. But the purpose for which we ourselves came together and for which nature formed the union of man and wife, the birth of children, has not been fulfilled, nor is there any future hope of it, through me at least who am now past the age.",
+                "[249] But do not let the trouble of my barrenness extend to you, or kind feeling to me keep you from becoming what you can become, a father, for I shall have no jealousy of another woman, whom you will take not for unreasoning lust but in fulfillment of nature’s inevitable law.",
+                "[250] And therefore I shall not be backward to lead to you a bride who will supply what is lacking in myself. And if our prayers for the birth of children are answered the offspring will be yours in full parenthood, but surely mine also by adoption.",
+                "[251] But to avoid any suspicion of jealousy on my part take if you will my handmaiden, outwardly a slave, inwardly of free and noble race, proved and tested by me for many years from the day when she was first brought to my house, an Egyptian by birth, but a Hebrew by her rule of life.",
+                "[252] We have much substance and abundance of wealth, not on the usual scale of immigrants, for in this we now outshine those of the native inhabitants who are noted for their prosperity, but no heir or successor has appeared, though there may be if you follow my advice.”",
+                "[253] Abraham with increased admiration for the wifely love, which never grew old and was ever showing itself anew, and her careful forethought for the future, took the mate whom she had approved and kept her till she had borne a child, or, as the surest version of the story runs,  only till she became pregnant, and when this occurred not long after he abstained from her through his natural continence and the honour which he paid to his lawful spouse.",
+                "[254] So a son was born just at that time to the handmaiden, but long afterwards the wedded pair, who had despaired of the procreation of children, had a son of their own, a reward for their high excellence, a gift from God the bountiful, surpassing all their hopes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[255] We need give no further proofs of the merits of this wife. More numerous are those of the Sage, some of which I have praised in detail a little earlier. But I will speak of one which concerns the death of his wife, in which his conduct should not be passed over in silence.",
+                "[256] When he had lost his life-long partner, whose qualities have been described in our discourse and are related in the oracles, when sorrow was making itself ready to wrestle with his soul, he grappled with it, as in the arena, and prevailed. He gave strength and high courage to the natural antagonist of passion, reason, which he had taken as his counsellor throughout his life and now particularly was determined to obey, so excellent and profitable were its exhortations.",
+                "[257] The advice was that he should not grieve over-bitterly as at an utterly new and unheard-of misfortune, nor yet assume an indifference as though nothing painful had occurred, but choose the mean rather than the extremes and aim at moderation of feeling, not resent that nature should be paid the debt which is its due, but quietly and gently lighten the blow. ",
+                "[258] The testimonies for this are to be found in the holy books which may never be convicted of false witness. They show that after weeping for a little over the corpse he quickly rose up from it, holding further mourning, it appears, to be out of keeping with wisdom, which taught him that death is not the extinction of the soul but its separation and detachment from the body and its return to the place whence it came; and it came, as was shown in the story of creation, from God. ",
+                "[259] And, as no reasonable person would chafe at repaying a debt or deposit to him who had proffered it, so too he must not fret when nature took back her own, but accept the inevitable with equanimity.",
+                "[260] Now, when the chief men of the country came to sympathize and saw nothing of the sort of mourning which was customary with themselves, no wailing, no chanting of dirges, no beating of breasts either of men or of women, but a quiet sober air of sorrow pervading the whole house, they were profoundly amazed, though indeed the rest of his life had struck them with admiration.",
+                "[261] Then, as the greatness and glory of his virtue in all its pre-eminence were more than they could keep to themselves, they approached him and exclaimed: “Thou art a king from God among us.” The words were indeed true, for other kingdoms are established among men with wars and campaigns and numberless ills which the ambitious for power inflict on each other in mutual slaughter, with forces of foot and horse and ships which they raise for the strife. But the kingdom of the Sage comes by the gift of God, and the virtuous man who receives it brings no harm to anyone, but the acquisition and enjoyment of good things to all his subjects, to whom he is the herald of peace and order. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[262] There is another record of praise attested by words from Moses’ prophetic lips. In these it is stated that he “trusted in God.” Now that is a little thing if measured in words, but a very great thing if made good by action.",
+                "[263] For in what else should one trust? In high offices or fame and honours or abundance of wealth and noble birth or health and efficacy of the senses or strength and beauty of body? But office is wholly precarious, beset by countless foes who lie in wait for it, and if by chance it is secured the security is accompanied by countless ills in which those in high positions are either the agents or the victims.",
+                "[264] Fame and honour are a most precarious possession, tossed about on the reckless tempers and flighty words of careless men: and, when it abides, it cannot of its own nature contain genuine good.",
+                "[265] As for wealth and high birth, they attach themselves even to the most worthless of men, and even if they were confined to the virtuous they would be a compliment not to the actual possessors but to their ancestors and to fortune.",
+                "[266] Again, neither should we pride ourselves greatly on bodily endowments in which the unreasoning animals have the advantage over us; for what man is stronger or more muscular than the bull among domestic and the lion among wild beasts? Who has a keener sight than the hawk or the eagle? or who is so favoured in powers of hearing as that stupidest of animals, the ass? And as for smell, who has more accurate discernment than the hound, which, as the huntsmen tell us, led unerringly by the scent, races to the distant quarry which it has not seen; for what sight is to other animals the nostrils are to the hounds used for hunting or tracking.",
+                "[267] Health? Why, most of the unreasoning animals are exceedingly healthy and as far as possible free from disease. Beauty? In the competition for this, I should say that some lifeless objects can beat and surpass the comeliness both of men and women. Such are the images and statues and pictures and in general all the creations of the painters and the sculptors which achieve success in either art and rouse the enthusiasm of Greeks and barbarians alike, who set them up in the most conspicuous places to adorn their cities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[268] Faith in God, then, is the one sure and infallible good, consolation of life, fulfillment  of bright hopes, dearth of ills, harvest of goods, inacquaintance  with misery, acquaintance with piety, heritage of happiness, all-round betterment of the soul which is firmly stayed on Him Who is the cause of all things and can do all things yet only wills the best.",
+                "[269] For, just as those who walk on a slippery road are tripped up and fall, while others on a dry highway tread without stumbling, so those who set the soul travelling along the path of the bodily and the external are but learning it to fall, so slippery and utterly insecure are all such things; while those who press onward to God along the doctrines of virtue walk straight upon a path which is safe and unshaken, so that we may say with all truth that belief in the former things is disbelief in God, and disbelief in them belief in God.",
+                "[270] But not only do the oracles attest his possession of the queen of virtues, faith in the existent, but he is also the first whom they speak of as elder,  though those who lived before him tripled or many times multiplied his years. Yet of none of them do we hear that he was held worthy of the title and rightly, for the true elder is shown as such not by his length of days but by a laudable and perfect life.",
+                "[271] Those who have passed a long span of years in the existence of the body without goodness or beauty of life must be called long-lived children who have never been schooled in the learning worthy of grey hairs; but he who is enamoured of sound sense and wisdom and faith in God may be justly called elder, a name of like significance to “first.”",
+                "[272] For indeed the wise man is the first of the human race, as a pilot in a ship or a ruler in a city or a general in war, or again as a soul in a body and a mind in a soul, or once more heaven in the world or God in heaven.",
+                "[273] That God marvelling at Abraham’s faith in Him repaid him with faithfulness by confirming with an oath the gifts which He had promised, and here He no longer talked with him as God with man but as a friend with a familiar. For He, with Whom a word is an oath, yet says “By Myself have I sworn,”  so that his mind might be established more securely and firmly even than it was before.",
+                "[274] So, then, the man of worth is elder and first, and so must he be called; but younger and last is every fool who pursues the ways which belong to rebellious youth and stand lowest in the list.",
+                "[275] So much for all this, but to these praises of the Sage, so many and so great, Moses adds this crowning saying “that this man did the divine law and the divine commands.”  He did them, not taught by written words, but unwritten nature gave him the zeal to follow where wholesome and untainted impulse led him. And when they have God’s promises before them what should men do but trust in them most firmly?",
+                "[276] Such was the life of the first, the founder of the nation, one who obeyed the law, some will say, but rather, as our discourse has shown, himself a law and an unwritten statute."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO <i>DE ABRAHAMO</i>",
+            "§ 5. <i>Laws endowed with life and reason</i>. Here we have the common idea that the <i>king</i> is a “living law” (given in that form in <i>Mos</i>. ii. 4, where see note) extended to the good and wise in general, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Virt</i>. 194 νόμοι δέ τινες ἄγραφοι καὶ οἱ βίοι τῶν ζηλωσάντων τὴν ἀρετήν.",
+            "§ 12. <i>Enos … is fourth</i>. That the number is obtained by the omission of Cain rather than Abel is suggested by <i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. i. 81 “quare neque terrigena patris successorem eum (<i>i.e</i>. Cain) indicat neque caput posteriorum generationum.”",
+            "§ 17. <i>Transferred him</i>. In this passage Philo, to support his idea of Enoch as signifying repentance, takes μετετέθη as referring to a moral change in this life. The common view (<i>cf</i>. Hebrews 11:5 “translated that he should not see death”) is adopted in <i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. i. 86, and perhaps also in <i>De Mut</i>. 38.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Relative instead of absolute</i>. Philo, as often, shews his familiarity with grammatical terms. The distinction between relative nouns (πρός τι, Lat. <i>ad aliquid</i>) and absolute (usually ἀπολελυμένα, whence Lat. <i>absoluta</i>) is regularly given by Greek and Latin grammarians. θεός is usually an “absolute,” but the addition “of Abraham,” etc., makes it a “relative,” as “father” or “king” always is. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Mut</i>. 27 and note.",
+            "§ 99. <i>Natural philosophers</i>. The Stoic view of the higher study of nature is well illustrated by <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 42 (from Chrysippus) τῶν δὲ φυσικῶν ἔσχατος εἶναι ὁ περὶ τῶν θεῶν λόγος, and <i>ibid</i>. 44 the study of φυσική comes later than λογική and ἠθική—θειοτέρα γάρ ἐστι καὶ βαθυτέρας δεῖται τῆς ἐπιστάσεως.",
+            "§§ 100–102. The thought of these sections is not quite clear and the translation might perhaps be improved. Philo seems to be criticizing an allegorization, which is not his own, on the ground that it reverses the spiritual connexion between the mind and virtue, though as a matter of fact he adopts the same interpretation of Abraham’s relation to Sarah in <i>De Cher.</i> and elsewhere. The criticism begins with ἐναντιώτατοι δέ (§ 100), where δέ = “but” rather than “now,” and ends with σωτήριον (§ 102), so that ἅπαντες μὲν οὖν might be translated “however that may be, all men …” In § 101 ἢ μήποτε, “or perhaps,” is not very clear, nor is the “perhaps however” of the translation. One would like to read καὶ μήποτε or μήποτε δὲ.",
+            "§ 118. <i>Gave the appearance of both eating and drinking</i>. So Josephus, <i>Ant</i>. i. 197 οἱ δὲ δόξαν αὐτῷ πάρεσχον ἐσθιόντων, and so later Rabbinical writers (references in Cohn’s translation of this book, p. 121). This is a point sometimes supposed to shew Josephus’s dependence on Philo. But the doubt whether angels would really eat and drink would naturally be felt and noted in any discussion of the story. The same may be said of § 170, where the statement that Abraham told no one in his household of the divine command to sacrifice, is compared by commentators to a similar statement in Joseph. <i>Ant</i>. i. 225.",
+            "§ 182. The practice of “Suttee” seems to have been well-known from the time of Alexander. Strabo xv. 30 and 62 quotes Onesicritus and Aristobulus, both companions of Alexander, as having reported the existence of the custom in different tribes. Diodorus Siculus xix. 33 gives a long account of the competition between the two wives of the Indian prince Keteus, who was killed in the wars of Antigonus 316 B.C., for the honour of dying on their husband’s pyre, and of the joy with which the one chosen went to her death.",
+            "§ 244. <i>The supremely perfect number</i>. The term Panteleia seems to have been rather a divine name for ten in Pythagorean use than a mere epithet. Stobaeus, <i>Ecl</i>. 1:1. 10 (p. 22 H.) says that Pythagoras gave the name of Apollo to one, Artemis to two, Aphrodite to six, Athena to seven, Poseidon to eight, and Panteleia to ten. The word is once applied by Philo to seven, but to ten in the other five cases, in which he uses it of a number.",
+            "§ 257. This passage is quoted by Wyttenbach in his note on Plutarch, <i>Consolatio ad Apollonium</i> 102 D. Plutarch there advocates μετριοπάθεια in bereavements in similar terms and proceeds to quote Crantor the Academician Περὶ πένθους to the same effect. The same passage from Crantor is quoted by <i>Cic. Tusc. Disp</i>. iii. 12, and his book may very possibly have been in Philo’s mind.",
+            "§ 261. Here once more we have the Stoic paradox of the sage as king (see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 617). See note on <i>De Mut</i>. 152 (where the saying is founded on the same text as here) for other references in Philo."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על אברהם",
+        "enTitle": "On Abraham",
+        "key": "On Abraham",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,434 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Abraham",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Abraham",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE ABRAHAMO</i>",
+            "After stating his intention to follow Moses in describing the “living” before proceeding to the written Laws (1–6 Philo) deals with the first and less perfect triad. First Enos the hoper, whose name equivalent to “Man” shows that hope is the first mark of a true man (7–10). Secondly repentance represented by Enoch, who was “transferred” <i>i.e</i>. to a better life and was “not found,” for the good are rare and solitary (17–26). Thirdly, Noah, who was “just” in comparison with the wicked generation destroyed by the Flood (27–46).",
+            "The higher triad of the three great Patriarchs are not only typical of the trinity, Teaching, Nature and Practice, but are also the parents of Israel, the soul which attains to the sight of God (48–59). To come to Abraham himself, the literal story of his migrations shows his self-sacrifice (60–67); allegorically it denotes the soul’s journey from godless astronomy first to self-knowledge (Haran), then to the knowledge of God (68–88). His adventures in Egypt (89–98) suggest that the tortures which plagued Pharaoh represent what the sensual mind suffers from the virtues which, while it professes to love them, are incompatible with it (99–106). Next comes the story of the three Angelic Visitors (107–118). Allegorically they represent the Self-existent and the beneficent and sovereign potencies apprehended according as the soul can rise to the full conception or is moved by hope of benefits or fear, and Philo points out that while men distrust these last motives, God does not hold them worthless (119–132). In fact the tale of the destruction of the Cities of the Plain represents the Self-existent as leaving these tasks to His subordinates (133–146). This leads him to an allegory in which the five cities are the five senses, the noblest of which, sight, is figured by Zoar (147–166).",
+            "Next comes the sacrifice of Isaac (167–177). The greatness of Abraham is vindicated against hostile criticisms based on the frequency of similar stories of child immolation (178–199). Allegorically the story means that a devout soul often feels a duty of surrendering its “Isaac,” Joy, which nevertheless through God’s mercy it is allowed to retain (200–207).",
+            "These narratives have illustrated Abraham’s piety. Next comes his kindness to men as shewn in his settlement of the dispute with Lot (208–216). This dispute may be taken to represent allegorically the incompatibility of love for the goods of the soul with love for bodily or external things (217–224). Then his courage appears in his victory over the four kings who had routed the armies of the five cities (225–235), and this conflict is allegorized as one between the four passions and the five senses, in which the intervention of reason turns the scale against the former (236–244). Philo now goes on to say something of the virtues of Sarah, particularly as shewn by her advocacy of the mating with Hagar (245–254) and this leads on to an account of the grief coupled with resignation shown by Abraham at her death (255–261). The treatise concludes with an eloquent praise of Abraham’s faith and of his right to the title of “Elder” and the crowning tribute that he both did the law and was himself the Law (262-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON ABRAHAM,</big> <small>THAT IS, THE LIFE OF THE WISE MAN MADE PERFECT THROUGH TEACHING, OR THE FIRST BOOK ON UNWRITTEN LAWS</small> <br>[1] The first of the five books in which the holy laws are written bears the name and inscription of Genesis, from the genesis or creation of the world, an account of which it contains at its beginning. It has received this title in spite of its embracing numberless other matters; for it tells of peace and war, of fruitfulness and barrenness, of dearth and plenty; how fire and water wrought great destruction of what is on earth;  how on the other hand plants and animals were born and throve through the kindly tempering of the air and the yearly seasons, and so too men, some of whom lived a life of virtue, others of vice.",
+                "[2] But since some of these things are parts of the world, and others events which befall it, and the world is the complete consummation which contains them all, he dedicated the whole book to it.",
+                "The story of the order in which the world was made has been set forth in detail by us as well as was possible in the preceding treatise ;",
+                "[3] but, since it is necessary to carry out our examination of the law in regular sequence, let us postpone consideration of particular laws, which are, so to speak, copies, and examine first those which are more general and may be called the originals of those copies.",
+                "[4] These are such men as lived good and blameless lives, whose virtues stand permanently recorded in the most holy scriptures, not merely to sound their praises but for the instruction of the reader and as an inducement to him to aspire to the same;",
+                "[5] for in these men we have laws endowed with life and reason,  and Moses extolled them for two reasons. First he wished to shew that the enacted ordinances are not inconsistent with nature; and secondly that those who wish to live in accordance with the laws as they stand have no difficult task, seeing that the first generations before any at all of the particular statutes was set in writing followed the unwritten law with perfect ease, so that one might properly say that the enacted laws are nothing else than memorials of the life of the ancients, preserving to a later generation their actual words and deeds.",
+                "[6] For they were not scholars or pupils of others, nor did they learn under teachers what was right to say or do: they listened to no voice or instruction but their own: they gladly accepted conformity with nature, holding that nature itself was, as indeed it is, the most venerable of statutes, and thus their whole life was one of happy obedience to law. They committed no guilty action of their own free will or purpose, and where chance led them wrong they besought God’s mercy and propitiated Him with prayers and supplications, and thus secured a perfect life guided aright in both fields, both in their premeditated actions and in such as were not of freely-willed purpose."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] Since, then, the first step towards the possession of blessings is hope, and hope like a high road is constructed and opened up by the virtue-loving soul in its eagerness to gain true excellence, Moses called the first lover of hope “Man,” thus bestowing on him as a special favour the name which is common to the race (for the Chaldean  name for Man is Enos),",
+                "[8] on the grounds that he alone is a true man who expects good things and rests firmly on comfortable hopes.  This plainly shows that he regards a despondent person as no man but a beast in human shape, since he has been robbed of the nearest and dearest possession of the human soul, namely hope.",
+                "[9] And, therefore, in his wish to give the highest praise to the hoper, after first stating that he set his hope on the Father and Maker of all, he adds, “this is the book of the coming into being of men,” though fathers and grandfathers had already come into being. But he held that they were the founders of the mixed race, but Enos of that from which all impurity had been strained, in fact of the race which is truly reasonable.",
+                "[10] For just as we give the title of “<i>the</i> poet” to Homer in virtue of his pre-eminence, though there are multitudes of poets besides him, and “<i>the</i> black”  to the material with which we write, though everything is black which is not white, and “<i>the</i> Archon”  at Athens to the chief of the nine archons, the Archon Eponymos, from whose year of office dates are calculated, so too Moses gave the name of man in pre-eminence to him who cherished hope and left unnoticed the many others as unworthy to receive the same title.",
+                "[11] He did well, too, in speaking of the <i>book</i> of the coming into being of the true man.  The word was appropriate because the hoper deserves a memorial written not on pieces of paper which moths shall destroy but in the undying book of nature where good actions are registered.",
+                "[12] Further, if we reckon the generations from the first, the earth-born man, we shall find that he, who is called by the Chaldeans Enos and in our tongue Man, is fourth. ",
+                "[13] Now the number four has been held in high honour by the other philosophers who devoted themselves to the study of immaterial and conceptual realities, and especially by the all-wise Moses who when glorifying that number speaks of it as “holy and for praise,”  and why he so called it has been shewn in the former treatise. ",
+                "[14] Holy, too, and praiseworthy is the hopeful man, just as on the contrary the despondent is unholy and blameworthy, since in all things he takes fear for his evil counsellor; for no two things are more at enmity with each other, men say, than fear and hope, and surely that is natural, for each is an expectation, hope of good, fear on the other hand of evil, and their natures are irreconcilable and incapable of agreement."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] No more need be said about the subject of hope, set by nature as a door-keeper at the portals of the royal virtues within, to which access cannot be gained unless we have first paid our respects to her.",
+                "[16] Great indeed are the efforts expended both by lawgivers and by laws in every nation in filling the souls of free men with comfortable hopes; but he who gains this virtue of hopefulness without being led to it by exhortation or command has been educated into it by a law which nature has laid down, a law unwritten yet intuitively learnt.",
+                "[17] The second place after hope is given to repentance for sins and to improvement, and, therefore, Moses mentions next in order him who changed from the worse life to the better, called by the Hebrews Enoch but in our language “recipient of grace.” We are told of him that he proved “to be pleasing to God and was not found because God transferred him, ”",
+                "[18] for transference implies turning and changing, and the change is to the better because it is brought about by the forethought of God. For all that is done with God’s help is excellent and truly profitable, as also all that has not His directing care is unprofitable.",
+                "[19] And the expression used of the transferred person, that he was not found, is well said, either because the old reprehensible life is blotted out and disappears and is no more found, as though it had never been at all, or because he who is thus transferred and takes his place in the better class is naturally hard to find. For evil is widely spread and therefore known to many, while virtue is rare, so that even the few cannot comprehend it.",
+                "[20] Besides, the worthless man whose life is one long restlessness haunts market-places, theatres, law-courts, council-halls, assemblies, and every group and gathering of men; his tongue he lets loose for unmeasured, endless, indiscriminate talk, bringing chaos and confusion into everything, mixing true with false, fit with unfit, public with private, holy with profane, sensible with absurd, because he has not been trained to that silence which in season is most excellent.",
+                "[21] His ears he keeps alert in meddlesome curiosity, ever eager to learn his neighbour’s affairs, whether good or bad, and ready with envy for the former and joy at the latter; for the worthless man is a creature naturally malicious, a hater of good and lover of evil."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] The man of worth on the other hand, having acquired a desire for a quiet life, withdraws from the public and loves solitude, and his choice is to be unnoticed by the many, not because he is misanthropical, for he is eminently a philanthropist, but because he has rejected vice which is welcomed by the multitude who rejoice at what calls for mourning and grieve where it is well to be glad.",
+                "[23] And therefore he mostly secludes himself at home and scarcely ever crosses his threshold, or else because of the frequency of visitors he leaves the town and spends his days in some lonely farm, finding pleasanter society in those noblest of the whole human race whose bodies time has turned into dust but the flame of their virtues is kept alive by the written records which have survived them in poetry or in prose and serve to promote the growth of goodness in the soul.",
+                "[24] That was why he said that the “transferred” was not found, being hard to find and hard to seek. So he passes across from ignorance to instruction, from folly to sound sense, from cowardice to courage, from impiety to piety, and again from voluptuousness to self-control, from vaingloriousness to simplicity. And what wealth is equal in worth to these, or what possession of royalty or dominion more profitable?",
+                "[25] For in very truth the wealth which is not blind but keen of sight is abundance of virtues, which consequently we must needs hold to be, in contrast to the bastard governments falsely so-called, genuine and equitable sovereignty ruling in justice over all.",
+                "[26] But we must not forget that repentance holds the second place to perfection, just as a change from sickness to health is second to a body free from disease; so, then, unbroken perfection of virtues stands nearest to divine power, but improvement in the course of time is the peculiar treasure of a soul gifted by nature, which does not stay in childish thoughts but by such as are more robust and truly manly seeks to gain a condition of serenity and pursues the vision of the excellent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] Naturally, therefore, next to the repentant he sets the lover of virtue and beloved by God, who in the Hebrew language is called Noah but in ours “rest” or “just,” both very suitable titles for the Sage. “Just” is obviously so, for nothing is better than justice, the chief among the virtues, who like the fairest maiden of the dance holds the highest place. But “rest” is appropriate also, since its opposite, unnatural movement,  proves to be the cause of turmoil and confusion and factions and wars. Such movement is sought by the worthless, while a life which is calm, serene, tranquil and peaceful to boot is the object of those who have valued nobility of conduct.",
+                "[28] He shews consistency, too, when he gives to the seventh day, which the Hebrews call sabbath, the name of rest; not, as some think, because the multitude abstained after six days from their usual tasks, but because in truth the number seven, both in the world and in ourselves, is always free from factions and war and quarrelling and is of all numbers the most peaceful.",
+                "[29] This statement is attested by the faculties within us, for six  of them wage ceaseless and continuous war on land and sea, namely the five senses and speech, the former in their craving for the objects of sense, deprivation of which is painful to them, speech because with unbridled mouth it perpetually gives utterance where silence is due.",
+                "[30] But the seventh faculty is that of the dominant mind, which, after triumphing over the six and returning victorious through its superior strength, welcomes solitude and rejoices in its own society, feeling that it needs no other and is completely sufficient for itself, and then released from the cares and concerns of mortal kind gladly accepts a life of calmness and serenity."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] So highly does Moses extol the lover of virtue that when he gives his genealogy he does not, as he usually does in other cases, make a list of his grandfathers, great-grandfathers and ancestors in the male and female line, but of certain virtues, and this is little less than a direct assertion that a sage has no house or kinsfolk or country save virtues and virtuous actions; “for these,” he says, “are the generations of Noah. Noah, a man just and perfect in his generation, was well-pleasing to God.” ",
+                "[32] But we must not fail to note that in this passage he gives the name of man not according to the common form of speech, to the mortal animal endowed with reason, but to the man who is man pre-eminently, who verifies the name by having expelled from the soul the untamed and frantic passions and the truly beast-like vices.",
+                "[33] Here is a proof. After “man” he adds “just,” implying by the combination  that the unjust is no man, or more properly speaking a beast in human form, and that the follower after righteousness alone is man.",
+                "[34] He says, too, that Noah became “perfect,” thereby shewing that he acquired not one virtue but all, and having acquired them continued to exercise each as opportunities allowed.",
+                "[35] And as he crowns him as victor in the contest, he gives him further distinction by a proclamation couched in words of splendid praise, “he was well-pleasing to God.” What better thing than this has nature to give? What clearer proof can there be of nobility of life? For, if those who have been ill-pleasing to God are ill-fated, happy most surely are those whose lot it is to be well-pleasing to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] But Moses makes a good point when, after praising him as possessed of all these virtues, he adds that he was perfect in his generation, thus shewing he was not good absolutely but in comparison with the men of that time.",
+                "[37] For we shall shortly find him mentioning other sages whose virtue was unchallenged, who are not contrasted with the bad, who are adjudged worthy of approval and precedence, not because they were better than their contemporaries but because they possessed a happily-gifted nature and kept it unperverted, who did not have to shun evil courses or indeed come into contact with them at all, but attained pre-eminence in practising that excellence of words and deeds with which they adorned their lives.",
+                "[38] The highest admiration, then, is due to those in whom the ruling impulses were of free and noble birth, who accepted the excellent and just for their own selves and not in imitation of or in opposition to others. But admiration is also due to him who stood apart from his own generation and conformed himself to none of the aims and aspirations of the many. He will win the second prize, though the first will be awarded by nature to those others.",
+                "[39] Yet great also is the second prize in itself, for how could anything fail to be great and worthy of our efforts which God offers and gives?",
+                "And the clearest proof of this is the exceeding magnitude of the bounties which Noah obtained.",
+                "[40] That time bore its harvest of iniquities, and every country and nation and city and household and every private individual was filled with evil practices; one and all, as though in a race, engaged in rivalry pre-willed and premeditated for the first places in sinfulness, and put all possible zeal into the contention, each one pressing on to exceed his neighbour in magnitude of vice and leaving nothing undone which could lead to a guilty and accursed life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Naturally this roused the wrath of God, to think that man, who seemed the best of all living creatures, who had been judged worthy of kinship with Him because he shared the gift of reason, had, instead of practising virtue as he should, shewn zeal for vice and for every particular form of it. Accordingly, He appointed the penalty which fitted their wickedness. He determined to destroy all those who were then alive by a deluge, not only those who dwelt in the plains and lower lands, but also the inhabitants of the highest mountains.",
+                "[42] For the great deep  rose on high as it had never risen before, and gathering its force rushed through its outlets into the seas of our parts, and the rising tides of these flooded the islands and continents, while in quick succession the streams from the perennial fountains and from the rivers spring-fed or winter-torrents pressed on to join each other and mounted upwards to a vast height.",
+                "[43] Nor was the air still, for a deep unbroken cloud covered the heaven, and there were monstrous blasts of wind and crashings of thunder and flashings of lightning and downfall of thunderbolts, while the rainstorms dashed down ceaselessly, so that one might think that the different parts of the universe were hurrying to be resolved into the single element of water, until, as in one form it rushed down from above and in another rose up from below, the streams were lifted on high, and thus not only the plains and lowlands were submerged and lost to sight, but even the peaks of the highest mountains.",
+                "[44] For all parts of the earth sank below the water, so that it was entirely carried away as though by violence, and the world seemed mutilated by the loss of a great section, its completeness and perfection destroyed and defaced, a thing too terrible for words or even for thoughts. Indeed even the air, except a small portion belonging to the moon, had been completely made away with, vanquished by the rush and violence of the water which perforce occupied its place.",
+                "[45] Then indeed at once all crops and trees perished, for excessive quantity of water is as destructive as the lack of it, and the numberless herds of animals died, tame and wild alike; for it was to be expected that if the highest kind, the human, was annihilated none of the inferior kinds would be left, since they were made for man’s needs, as slaves in a sense meant to obey their masters’ orders.",
+                "[46] When all these evils, so many and so vast, had burst upon the world in the downpour which that occasion brought, and the unnatural convulsion had shaken all its parts save the heavenly as with a grievous and deadly plague, one house alone, that of the man called just and dear to God, was preserved. Thus, he received two gifts of the highest kind—one that, as I have said, he did not perish with the rest, the other that he should be in his turn the founder of a new race of men. For God deemed him worthy to be both the last and the first of our kind—last of those who lived before the flood and first of those who lived after it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] Such was he who was best of his contemporaries, and such were the prizes awarded to him, the nature of which is made clear in holy writ. Now the three mentioned above, whether we think of them as men or types of soul, form a series of regular gradation: the perfect man is complete from the first; the transferred stands half-way, since he devoted the earlier part of his life to vice but the latter to virtue to which he passed over and migrated; the hoper, as his very name shews, is defective inasmuch as though he always desired the excellent he has not yet been able to attain to it, but resembles sailors eager to put into port, who yet remain at sea unable to reach their haven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] So now we have explained the first trinity of those who yearn for virtue; but greater is the second trinity of which we have now to speak. The first we may compare to the studies of children, but the latter to the exercises of athletes who are preparing for games which are really sacred,  men who despise bodily training but foster robustness of soul in their desire for victory over their antagonists, the passions.",
+                "[49] How each of these differed from the others while pressing on to one and the same goal will be described in detail later; but there is something to be said about them taken as a whole which must not be omitted.",
+                "[50] We find that these three are all of one house and one family. The last is the son of the second and grandson to the first. All alike are God-lovers and God-beloved, and their affection for the true God was returned by Him, Who deigned, as His utterances shew, in recognition of their high and life-long virtues to make them partners in the title which He took,",
+                "[51] for He united them by joining His special name to theirs and calling Himself by one combined of the three. “For this,” He said, “is my eternal name —the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob,” relative instead of absolute,  and surely that is natural. God indeed needs no name; yet, though He needed it not, He nevertheless vouchsafed to give to humankind a name of Himself suited to them, that so men might be able to take refuge in prayers and supplications and not be deprived of comforting hopes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] These words do indeed appear to apply to men of holy life, but they are also statements about an order of things which is not so apparent but is far superior to the order which is perceived by the senses. For the holy word seems to be searching into types of soul, all of them of high worth, one which pursues the good through teaching, one through nature and one through practice. The first called Abraham, the second Isaac and the third Jacob, are symbols of virtue acquired respectively by teaching, nature and practice.",
+                "[53] But indeed we must not fail to note that each possesses the three qualities, but gets his name from that which chiefly predominates in him; for teaching cannot be consummated without nature or practice, nor is nature capable of reaching its zenith without learning and practising, nor practice either unless the foundation of nature and teaching has first been laid.",
+                "[54] Very properly, then, Moses thus associated these three together, nominally men, but really, as I have said, virtues—teaching, nature, practice. Another name is given to them by men, who call them the Graces, also three in number; either because these values are a gift of God’s grace to our kind for perfecting its life, or because they have given themselves to the reasonable soul as a perfect and most excellent gift. Thus the eternal name revealed in his words is meant to indicate the three said values rather than actual men.",
+                "[55] For the nature of man is perishable, but that of virtue is imperishable. And it is more reasonable that what is eternal should be predicated of the imperishable than of the mortal, since imperishableness is akin to eternality, while death is at enmity with it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] There is another thing which we must not fail to know: while Moses represented the first man, the earth-born, as father of all that were born up to the deluge, and Noah who with all his house alone survived that great destruction because of his justice and excellent character in other ways as the father of the new race which would spring up afresh, the oracles speak of this august and precious trinity as parent of one species of that race, which species is called “royal” and “priesthood” and “holy nation.” ",
+                "[57] Its high position is shewn by the name; for the nation is called in the Hebrew tongue Israel, which, being interpreted, is “He who sees God.” Now the sight of the eyes is the most excellent of all the senses, since by it alone we apprehend the most excellent of existing things, the sun and the moon and the whole heaven and world; but the sight of the mind, the dominant element in the soul, surpasses all the other faculties of the mind, and this is wisdom which is the sight of the understanding. ",
+                "[58] But he to whom it is given not only to apprehend by means of knowledge all else that nature has to shew, but also to see the Father and Maker of all, may rest assured that he is advanced to the crowning point of happiness; for nothing is higher than God, and whoso has stretched the eyesight of the soul to reach Him should pray that he may there abide and stand firm;",
+                "[59] for journeys uphill are toilsome and slow, but the downhill course where one is swept along rather than descends is swift and most easy. And many are the forces which would bear us down, yet none of them avail when God sets the soul suspended to His potencies and with a mightier attraction draws it to Himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] So much for what was needed by way of preliminary discussion on the three in common. We must now speak of the superior merits shewn by each separately, beginning with the first. Abraham, then, filled with zeal for piety, the highest and greatest of virtues, was eager to follow God and to be obedient to His commands; understanding by commands not only those conveyed in speech and writing but also those made manifest by nature with clearer signs, and apprehended by the sense which is the most truthful of all and superior to hearing, on which no certain reliance can be placed.",
+                "[61] For anyone who contemplates the order in nature and the constitution enjoyed by the world-city whose excellence no words can describe, needs no speaker to teach him to practise a law-abiding and peaceful life and to aim at assimilating himself to its beauties. But the clearest proofs of his piety are those which the holy scriptures contain, and the first which should be mentioned is that which comes first in order."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Under the force of an oracle  which bade him leave his country and kinsfolk and seek a new home, thinking that quickness in executing the command was as good as full accomplishment, he hastened eagerly to obey, not as though he were leaving home for a strange land but rather as returning from amid strangers to his home.",
+                "[63] Yet who else would be likely to be so firm and unmoved of purpose as not to yield and succumb to the charms of kinsfolk and country? The desire of these may be said to be born and grow with each of us and is a part of our nature as much as or even more than the parts which unite to make the whole.",
+                "[64] And this is attested by the legislators who have appointed banishment as the penalty second only to death for those who have been convicted of the greatest crimes, though indeed, in my opinion, it is not second to death, if truth gives its verdict, but rather a far heavier punishment, since death ends our troubles but banishment is not the end but the beginning of other new misfortunes and entails in place of the one death which puts an end to pains a thousand deaths in which we do not lose sensation.",
+                "[65] Some men go on voyages for trading purposes in their desire for making money or on embassies or in their love of culture to see the sights of a foreign land. These are subject to influences driving them to stay abroad, in some cases financial gains, in others the chance of benefiting their country, when occasion offers, in its most vital and important interests, in others acquiring knowledge of things which they did not know before and thus providing at once pleasure and profit to the soul, for the stay-at-home is to the travelled as the blind are to the keen-sighted. Yet all these are eager to see and salute their native soil, and to greet their familiars and to have the sweet and most desired enjoyment of beholding their kinsfolk and friends. And often when they find the business for which they left home protracting itself they abandon it, drawn by the constraining desire for their own belongings.",
+                "[66] But Abraham, the moment he was bidden, departed with a few or even alone, and his emigration was one of soul rather than body, for the heavenly love overpowered his desire for mortal things.",
+                "[67] And so taking no thought for anything, either for his fellow-clansmen, or wardsmen, or schoolmates, or comrades, or blood relations on father’s or mother’s side, or country, or ancestral customs, or community of nurture or home life, all of them ties possessing a power to allure and attract which it is hard to throw off, he followed a free and unfettered impulse and departed with all speed first from Chaldea, a land at that time blessed by fortune and at the height of its prosperity, and migrated to Haran; then not long afterwards he left this too for another place, about which we shall speak after dealing with something else to which I now proceed. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[68] The migrations as set forth by the literal text of the scriptures are made by a man of wisdom, but according to the laws of allegory by a virtue-loving soul in its search for the true God.",
+                "[69] For the Chaldeans were especially active in the elaboration of astrology and ascribed everything to the movements of the stars. They supposed that the course of the phenomena of the world is guided by influences contained in numbers and numerical proportions. Thus they glorified visible existence, leaving out of consideration the intelligible and invisible. But while exploring numerical order as applied to the revolution of the sun, moon and other planets and fixed stars, and the changes of the yearly seasons and the interdependence of phenomena in heaven and on earth, they concluded that the world itself was God, thus profanely likening the created to the Creator.",
+                "[70] In this creed Abraham had been reared, and for a long time remained a Chaldean. Then opening the soul’s eye as though after profound sleep, and beginning to see the pure beam instead of the deep darkness, he followed the ray and discerned what he had not beheld before, a charioteer and pilot presiding over the world and directing in safety his own work, assuming the charge and superintendence of that work and of all such parts of it as are worthy of the divine care.",
+                "[71] And so to establish more firmly in his understanding the sight which had been revealed to him the Holy Word follows it up by saying to him, “Friend, the great is often known by its outlines as shown in the smaller, and by looking at them the observer finds the scope of his vision infinitely enlarged. Dismiss, then, the rangers of the heavens and the science of Chaldea, and depart for a short time from the greatest of cities, this world, to the lesser, and thus you will be better able to apprehend the overseer of the All.”",
+                "[72] This is why he is said to emigrate first from the land of Chaldea to that of Haran. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "Now Haran in our language means “holes,” a symbol for the seats of our senses through which each of them naturally peers as through orifices to apprehend what belongs to it.",
+                "[73] Yet what use, we might ask, would they be if the invisible mind were not there like a juggler to prompt its faculties, sometimes relaxing and giving them a free rein, sometimes forcibly pulling and jerking them back, and thus causing its puppets at one time to move in harmony, at another to rest? With this example in yourself you will easily apprehend that which you so earnestly desire to know.",
+                "[74] For it cannot be that while in yourself there is a mind appointed as your ruler which all the community of the body obeys and each of the senses follows, the world, the fairest, and greatest and most perfect work of all, of which everything else is a part, is without a king who holds it together and directs it with justice. That the king is invisible need not cause you to wonder, for neither is the mind in yourself visible.",
+                "[75] Anyone who reflects on these things and learns from no distant source, but from one near at hand, namely himself and what makes him what he is, will know for certain that the world is not the primal God but a work of the primal God and Father of all Who, though invisible, yet brings all things to light, revealing the natures of great and small.",
+                "[76] For He did not deem it right to be apprehended by the eyes of the body, perhaps because it was contrary to holiness that the mortal should touch the eternal, perhaps too because of the weakness of our sight. For our sight could not have borne the rays that pour from Him that IS, since it is not even able to look upon the beams of the sun."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] We have a very clear proof of the mind’s migration from astrology and the Chaldean creed in the words which follow at once the story of the departure of the Sage. “God,” it says, “was seen by Abraham.”  This shews that God was not manifested to him before, when in his Chaldean way he was fixing his thoughts on the choric movement of the stars with no apprehension at all of an harmonious and intelligible order of things outside the world and the sphere of sense.",
+                "[78] But when he had departed and changed his habitation he could not help but know that the world is not sovereign but dependent, not governing but governed by its Maker and First Cause. And this his mind then saw for the first time with its recovered sight.",
+                "[79] For before a great mist had been shed upon it by the things of sense, and only with difficulty could it dispel this mist under the warmth and fervour of higher verities and so be able as in clear open sky to receive the vision of Him Who so long lay hidden and invisible. He in His love for mankind, when the soul came into His presence, did not turn away His face, but came forward to meet him and revealed His nature, so far as the beholder’s power of sight allowed.",
+                "[80] That is why we are told not that the Sage saw God, but that God was seen by him. For it were impossible that anyone should by himself apprehend the truly Existent, did not He reveal and manifest Himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] What has been said is attested by the alteration and change in his name, for his original name was Abram, but afterwards he was addressed as Abraham.  To the ear there was but a duplication of one letter, alpha, but in fact and in the truth conveyed this duplication shewed a change of great importance.",
+                "[82] Abram is by interpretation “uplifted father”; Abraham, “elect father of sound.” The former signifies one called astrologer and meteorologist, one who takes care of the Chaldean tenets as a father would of his children.",
+                "[83] The latter signifies the Sage, for he uses “sound” as a figure for spoken thought and “father” for the ruling mind, since the inward thought is by its nature father of the uttered, being senior to it, the secret begetter of what it has to say. “Elect” signifies the man of worth, for the worthless character is random and confused, while the good is elect, chosen out of all for his merits.",
+                "[84] Now to the meteorologist nothing at all seems greater than the universe, and he credits it with the causation of what comes into being. But the wise man with more discerning eyes sees something more perfect perceived by mind, something which rules and governs, the master and pilot of all else. And therefore he blames himself severely for his former life, feeling that all his years have been passed in blindness with no staff to support him but the world of sense, which is by its nature an insecure and unstable thing.",
+                "[85] The second migration which the man of worth undertakes, again in obedience to an oracle, is not as before from state to state but into a desert country in which he continued to wander, never complaining of the wandering or the insecurity which it caused. ",
+                "[86] Yet who else would not have felt it a burden not only to be severed from his own country, but also to be driven out of all city life into pathless tracts where the traveller could hardly find a way? Who would not have turned his course and hurried back homeward, paying little regard to future hopes, but eager to escape his present hardships, and thinking it folly to choose admitted evil for the sake of uncertain good?",
+                "[87] Yet he alone appears to have had feelings the opposite of these, and to have thought that no life was so pleasant as one lived without association with the multitude. And that is natural, for those who seek God and yearn to find Him love the solitude which is dear to Him, and in this way first of all hasten to make themselves like His blessed and happy nature.",
+                "[88] So in both our expositions, the literal as applied to the man and the allegorical as applied to the soul, we have shewn both man and soul to be worthy of our affection. We have shewn how the man in obedience to divine commands was drawn away from the stubborn hold of his associations and how the mind did not remain for ever deceived nor stand rooted in the realm of sense, nor suppose that the visible world was the Almighty and Primal God, but using its reason sped upwards and turned its gaze upon the intelligible order which is superior to the visible and upon Him who is maker and ruler of both alike."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] This is the opening of the story of the friend of God, and it is followed by actions which call for anything but contempt. But their greatness is not clear to everyone, but only to those who have tasted virtue and who recognize the greatness of the good things which belong to the soul and therefore are wont to deride those which win the admiration of the multitude.",
+                "[90] God, then, approving of the action just related, at once rewards the man of worth with a great gift; for when his marriage was threatened through the designs of a licentious potentate, God kept it safe and unharmed.",
+                "[91] The occasion which led up to the attempted outrage originated in the following way. There had been a failure of the crops for a considerable period, at one time through a great and excessive rainfall, at another through drought and stormy weather; and the cities of Syria, hard pressed through continual famine, were stripped of their inhabitants who scattered in different directions to seek for food and to procure necessities.",
+                "[92] Abraham, then, learning that there was a rich and abundant supply of corn in Egypt, where the river by its seasonal flooding had turned the plains into pools, and well-tempered winds had produced and fostered a fine growth of corn, set off thither with his whole household.",
+                "[93] He had a wife distinguished greatly for her goodness of soul and beauty of body, in which she surpassed all the women of her time. When the chief people of Egypt saw her and admired her beauty, since the highly placed leave nothing unobserved, they told the king.",
+                "[94] He sent for the woman, and, marking her surpassing comeliness, paid little regard to decency or the laws enacted to shew respect to strangers, but gave rein to his licence and determined nominally to take her in marriage, but in reality to bring her to shame.",
+                "[95] She who in a foreign country was at the mercy of a licentious and cruel-hearted despot and had no one to protect her, for her husband was helpless, menaced as he was by the terror of stronger powers, joined him in fleeing for refuge to the last remaining championship, that of God.",
+                "[96] And God, Who is kindly and merciful and shields the wronged, had pity for the strangers and plied the king with almost intolerable pains and grievous penalties. He filled him body and soul with all manner of scarce curable plagues. All appetite for pleasure was eradicated and replaced by visitations of the opposite kind, by cravings for release from the endless tortures which night and day haunted and racked him almost to death.",
+                "[97] The whole household, too, shared the punishment with him, since none had shewn indignation at the outrage, but all by consenting were almost accomplices in the misdeed.",
+                "[98] Thus the chastity of the woman was preserved, while the nobility and piety of the man was evidenced by God, Who deigned to grant him this signal boon, that his marriage, which would have been in almost immediate danger of violation, should remain free from harm and outrage, that marriage from which was to issue not a family of a few sons and daughters, but a whole nation, and that the nation dearest of all to God, which, as I hold, has received the gift of priesthood and prophecy on behalf of all mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] I have also heard some natural philosophers  who took the passage allegorically, not without good reason. They said that the husband was a figure for the good mind, judging by the meaning given for interpretation of this name that it stood for a good disposition of soul. The wife, they said, was virtue, her name being in Chaldean Sarah but in our language a sovereign lady,  because nothing is more sovereign or dominant than virtue.",
+                "[100] Now in a marriage where the union is brought about by pleasure, the partnership is between body and body, but in the marriage made by wisdom it is between thoughts which seek purification and perfect virtues. Now the two kinds of marriage are directly opposed to each other.",
+                "[101] For in the bodily marriage the male sows the seed and the female receives it; on the other hand in the matings within the soul, though virtue seemingly ranks as wife, her natural function is to sow good counsels and excellent words and to inculcate tenets truly profitable to life, while thought, though held to take the place of the husband, receives the holy and divine sowings. Perhaps however the statement  above is a mistake due to the deceptiveness of the nouns, since in the actual words employed νοῦς has the masculine, and ἀρετή the feminine form.",
+                "[102] And if anyone is willing to divest facts of the terms which obscure them and observe them in their nakedness in a clear light he will understand that virtue is male, since it causes movement and affects conditions and suggests noble conceptions of noble deeds and words, while thought is female, being moved and trained and helped, and in general belonging to the passive category, which passivity is its sole means of preservation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] All men, then, even the most worthless, professedly honour and admire virtue so far as outward appearance goes, but only the worthy practise its injunctions. And so the king of Egypt, under which figure is symbolized the mind which loves the body, acts a part as in a theatre and assumes a counterfeited fellowship, he, the licentious with chastity, the profligate with self-control, the unjust with justice, and in his desire to earn a good repute with the multitude invites virtue to join him.",
+                "[104] Seeing this, God the surveyor, since He alone can scan the soul, hates and rejects the sham character and submits it to the test of most painful tortures. What are the instruments of these tortures? Surely the different parts of virtue which enter in and plague and wound him grievously? For greediness is tortured by frugal contentment and lewdness by continence. And so the vainglorious is racked when simplicity prevails, and the unjust when justice is praised.",
+                "[105] For it is impossible for the single soul to have for its tenant two hostile natures, vice and virtue, and therefore when they meet factions and wars are set on foot incapable of truce or reconciliation. And yet virtue’s nature is most peaceable, and she is careful, so they say, to test her own strength before the conflict, so that if she is able to contend to the end she may take the field, but if she finds her strength too weak she may shrink from entering the contest at all.",
+                "[106] For vice feels no disgrace in defeat, since ill-repute is congenital to her, but to virtue it is a reproach, for nearest and dearest to her is good fame which makes it natural for her to be victorious or at least to keep herself undefeated."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] I have described the inhospitality and licentiousness of the Egyptians. Turning to the victim of this outrage, we may well admire his kindness of heart. When at noon he saw three travellers in the form of men, for their diviner nature was not apparent to him, he ran to them and earnestly begged of them not to pass his tent but to enter as was fitting and partake of hospitality. But they, knowing, not so much by his words as by the feeling he showed, that he spoke the truth, assented without hesitation.",
+                "[108] And he, his soul full of joy, was eager to carry out the reception without delay, and said to his wife: “Hasten and bake three measures of cakes in the ashes.” Meanwhile he himself hurried to the stalls and brought a tender and well-fed calf which he gave",
+                "[109] to the servant who killed it and dressed it with all speed. For in a wise man’s house no one is slow in showing kindness; but women and men, slaves and free, are full of zeal to do service to their guests.",
+                "[110] After feasting not so much on the viands prepared for them as on the goodwill of their host, and on this example of a great and unbounded generosity, they presented him with a reward surpassing his hopes, by promising him the birth of a son born in wedlock. And this promise, which was to be made good in the next year, was given through one, and that the highest, of the three. For wise refinement demanded that all should not speak together at once but rather that one should speak and the others shew assent.",
+                "[111] But to Abraham and Sarah the thing seemed incredible, and therefore they did not pay serious regard even to the promises of the three. For as they had passed the years of parenthood their great age had made them despair of the birth of a son.",
+                "[112] So the scripture says that the wife first laughed at the words and afterwards when they said, “Is anything impossible with God?” was ashamed and denied her laughter, for she knew that all things were possible with God, a truth which she had learnt long ago, and even from the cradle.",
+                "[113] It was then, I think, that she first saw in the strangers before her a different and grander aspect, that of prophets or angels, transformed from their spiritual and soul-like nature into human shape. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] We have described Abraham’s hospitality which was but a by-product of a greater virtue. That virtue is piety, of which we have spoken before, and it is quite clearly seen in this story, even if we think of the strangers as men.",
+                "[115] Some may feel that the house must have been happy and blessed in which such an event as this took place, that wise men halted there and made a stay who would not have deigned even to look inside if they saw anything hopelessly wrong in the souls of the inmates. And, if this is so, I do not know how to express the vast happiness and blessedness of that house where angels did not shrink from halting and receiving hospitality from men—angels, those holy and divine beings, the servitors and lieutenants of the primal God whom He employs as ambassadors to announce the predictions which He wills to make to our race.",
+                "[116] For how could they have brought themselves to enter at all if they had not known that all the household, like a well ordered crew, was obedient to a single call from him who steered them like a pilot? And how should they have given ground for the idea that they feasted and received hospitality unless they thought that the giver of the feast was their kinsman and fellow-servant who had sought refuge with their master? Indeed we must suppose that at their entrance all parts of the house advanced still further in goodness and felt some breath of the inspiration of perfect virtue.",
+                "[117] The conduct of the meal was such as it should be. The guests showed to their entertainer the frank simplicity of a festive gathering. Their manner in addressing him was unreserved, and their converse suited to the occasion.",
+                "[118] It is a marvel indeed that though they neither ate nor drank they gave the appearance of both eating and drinking.  But that is a secondary matter; the first and greatest wonder is that, though incorporeal, they assumed human form to do kindness to the man of worth. For why was this miracle worked save to cause the Sage to perceive with clearer vision that the Father did not fail to recognize his wisdom?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] Here we may leave the literal exposition and begin the allegorical. Spoken words contain symbols of things apprehended by the understanding only. When, then, as at noon-tide God shines around the soul, and the light of the mind fills it through and through and the shadows are driven from it by the rays which pour all around it, the single object presents to it a triple vision, one representing the reality, the other two the shadows reflected from it. Our life in the light which our senses perceive gives us a somewhat similar experience, for objects standing or moving often cast two shadows at once.",
+                "[120] No one, however, should think that the shadows can be properly spoken of as God. To call them so is loose speaking, serving merely to give a clearer view of the fact which we are explaining, since the real truth is otherwise.",
+                "[121] Rather, as anyone who has approached nearest to the truth would say, the central place is held by the Father of the Universe, Who in the sacred scriptures is called He that Is as His proper name, while on either side of Him are the senior potencies, the nearest to Him, the creative and the kingly. The title of the former is God,  since it made and ordered the All; the title of the latter is Lord, since it is the fundamental right of the maker to rule and control what he has brought into being.",
+                "[122] So the central Being with each of His potencies as His squire presents to the mind which has vision the appearance sometimes of one, sometimes of three: of one, when that mind is highly purified and, passing beyond not merely the multiplicity of other numbers, but even the dyad which is next to the unit, presses on to the ideal form which is free from mixture and complexity, and being self-contained needs nothing more; of three, when, as yet uninitiated into the highest mysteries, it is still a votary only of the minor rites and unable to apprehend the Existent alone by Itself and apart from all else, but only through Its actions, as either creative or ruling.",
+                "[123] This is, as they say, a “second best voyage ”; yet all the same there is in it an element of a way of thinking such as God approves. But the former state of mind has not merely an element. It is in itself the divinely-approved way, or rather it is the truth, higher than a way of thinking, more precious than anything which is merely thought. But it would be well to state the point in a more familiar guise."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] There are three classes of human temperaments, each of them so constituted that the vision presents itself in one of the three ways above-mentioned. To the best class it presents itself in the middle form, that of the essentially existent; to the next best, in that which stands on the right, the beneficent, which bears the name of God; to the third, in that on the left, the governing, which is called Lord.",
+                "[125] Temperaments of the last kind worship the solely Self-existent and nothing can make them swerve from this, because they are subject to the single attraction which leads them to honour the one. Of the other two types, one is introduced and made known to the Father by the beneficial, the other by the kingly potency.",
+                "[126] My meaning is something as follows: men, when they see others approaching them under profession of friendship, in quest of advantages to be gained from them, look askance and turn away; they fear that counterfeited adulation and suavity which they regard as exceedingly pernicious.",
+                "[127] But God cannot suffer injury, and therefore He gladly invites all who set themselves to honour Him under any form whatsoever, and in His eyes none such deserves rejection. Indeed one might almost say that to those whose souls have ears God speaks plainly as follows:",
+                "[128] “My first prizes will be set apart for those who honour Me for Myself alone, the second to those who honour Me for their own sakes, either hoping to win blessings or expecting to obtain remission of punishments, since, though their worship is for reward and not disinterested, yet all the same its range lies within the divine precincts and does not stray, outside.",
+                "[129] But the prizes set aside for those who honour Me for Myself will be gifts of friendship; to those whose motive is self-interest they do not show friendship but that I do not count them as aliens. For I accept both him who wishes to enjoy My beneficial power and thus partake of blessings and him who propitiates the dominance and authority of the master to avoid chastisement. For I know well that they will not only not be worsened, but actually bettered, through the persistence of their worship and through practising piety pure and undefiled.",
+                "[130] For, however different are the characters which produce in them the impulses to do My pleasure, no charge shall be brought against them, since they have one aim and object, to serve Me.”",
+                "[131] That the triple vision is in reality  a vision of a single object is clear not merely from the principles of allegory but from the literal text which contains the following account.",
+                "[132] When the Sage supplicates the three seeming travellers to accept his hospitality, he discourses with them as though they were one and not three. He says, “Sir, if indeed I have found favour with thee, do not thou pass thy servant by.” Here “Sir” and “with thee” and “do not thou pass” and the other like phrases must be addressed to one and not to more than one; and during their entertainment, when they show courtesy to their host, we find one only, as though no other was present, promising the birth of a son born in wedlock in the following words: “I will return and come to thee at this season next year, and Sarah, thy wife, shall have a son.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[133] He brings out the point most clearly and elaborately in what follows. The land of the Sodomites, a part of the land of Canaan afterwards called Palestinian Syria, was brimful of innumerable iniquities, particularly such as arise from gluttony and lewdness, and multiplied and enlarged every other possible pleasure with so formidable a menace that it had at last been condemned by the Judge of All.",
+                "[134] The inhabitants owed this extreme licence to the never-failing lavishness of their sources of wealth, for, deep-soiled and well-watered as it was, the land had every year a prolific harvest of all manner of fruits, and the chief beginning of evils, as one has aptly said, is goods in excess. ",
+                "[135] Incapable of bearing such satiety, plunging like cattle, they threw off from their necks the law of nature and applied themselves to deep drinking of strong liquor and dainty feeding and forbidden forms of intercourse. Not only in their mad lust for women did they violate the marriages of their neighbours, but also men mounted males without respect for the sex nature which the active partner shares with the passive; and so when they tried to beget children they were discovered to be incapable of any but a sterile seed. Yet the discovery availed them not, so much stronger was the force of the lust which mastered them.",
+                "[136] Then, as little by little they accustomed those who were by nature men to submit to play the part of women, they saddled them with the formidable curse of a female disease. For not only did they emasculate their bodies by luxury and voluptuousness but they worked a further degeneration in their souls and, as far as in them lay, were corrupting the whole of mankind. Certainly, had Greeks and barbarians joined together in affecting such unions, city after city would have become a desert, as though depopulated by a pestilential sickness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] But God, moved by pity for mankind whose Saviour and Lover He was, gave increase in the greatest possible degree to the unions which men and women naturally make for begetting children, but abominated and extinguished this unnatural and forbidden intercourse, and those who lusted for such He cast forth and chastised with punishments not of the usual kind but startling and extraordinary, newly-created for this purpose.",
+                "[138] He bade the air grow suddenly overclouded and pour forth a great rain, not of water but fire. And when the flames streamed down massed in one constant and perpetual rush, they burnt up the fields and meadows, the leafy groves, the overgrowths of the marshland and the dense thickets. They burnt the plainland and all the fruit of the corn and other crops. They burnt the forest-land on the mountains, where trunks and roots alike were consumed.",
+                "[139] The conflagration reached to byres and houses and walls and all public and private property contained in buildings; and in one day populous cities had become the grave of the inhabitants and fabrics of stone and timber had turned into ashes and fine dust.",
+                "[140] And when the flame had utterly consumed all that was visible and above ground it penetrated right down into the earth itself, destroyed its inherent life-power and reduced it to complete sterility to prevent it from ever bearing fruit and herbage at all. And to this day it goes on burning, for the fire of the thunderbolt is never quenched but either continues its ravages or else smoulders.",
+                "[141] And the clearest proof is what is still visible, for a monument of the disastrous event remains in the smoke which rises ceaselessly and the brimstone which the miners obtain; while the ancient prosperity of the country is most plainly attested by the survival of one of the cities of the neighbourhood and the land round it; for the city is thickly populated and the land rich in corn and pasturage and fertile in general, thus providing a standing evidence to the sentence decreed by the divine judgement."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] However, I have given these details not in order to describe the unprecedented calamity of God’s mighty working, but in my wish to shew something else. Scripture tells us that of the three who appeared to the Sage in the guise of men two only went on to the land whose existence was blotted out to destroy the inhabitants, but the third thought good not to accompany them.",
+                "[143] In my opinion that one was the truly Existent, who held it fitting that He should be present to give good gifts by His own agency, but should leave the execution of the opposite of good entirely in the hands of His potencies acting as His ministers, that so He might appear to be the cause of good only, but not directly  the cause of anything evil. ",
+                "[144] This is the practice, I think, of kings also, who imitate the divine nature. They are their own agents in granting boons, but employ others to enforce punishment.",
+                "[145] But since of the two potencies one is beneficial and the other punitive it was natural that each should make his appearance in the land of the Sodomites, since of the five most flourishing cities in it four were to be burnt but one was to be left, preserved from all evil that could harm it. It was right that the punitive should be employed for destruction, but the beneficial for preservation.",
+                "[146] Yet since the virtues of the part preserved were not complete and perfect, while it received benefits through a potency of the Existent, it was not thought worthy to be granted the vision of Him directly."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[147] Such is the natural and obvious rendering of the story as suited for the multitude. We will proceed at once to the hidden and inward meaning which appeals to the few who study soul characteristics rather than bodily forms. Symbolically the group of five cities is the five senses in us, the instruments of the pleasures which, whether great or small, are brought to their accomplishment by the senses.",
+                "[148] For we get pleasure either by seeing varieties of colours and shapes in objects, whether possessed of physical life or not, or by hearing very melodious sounds or through taste in matters of food and drink, or through smell in fragrant perfumes or through touch in soft and warm and also in smooth substances.",
+                "[149] Now of the five, the three most animal and servile are taste, smell, and touch, which cause particular excitation in the cattle and wild beasts most given to gluttony and sexual passion. For all day and night they fill themselves with food insatiably or are at rut.",
+                "[150] The other two have a link with philosophy and hold the leading place—hearing and sight. But the ears are in a way more sluggish and womanish than eyes. The eyes have the courage to reach out to the visible objects and do not wait to be acted on by them, but anticipate the meeting, and seek to act upon them instead. Hearing, then, sluggish and more womanish as it is, must be put in the second place and a special precedence must be given to sight, for God has made it the queen of the other senses and set it above them all, and, establishing it as it were on a citadel, has associated it most closely with the soul.",
+                "[151] We may find a proof of this in the way in which it changes with the soul’s phases. When the soul feels grief, the eyes are full of anxiety and depression. When on the other hand it feels joy, they smile and rejoice. When fear is supreme, they are full of turbulent confusion, and move and quiver and roll confusedly.",
+                "[152] If anger prevails, the organ of sight is harsher and bloodshot, and during reflection and careful consideration of any question it has a quiet and distant appearance, almost as though it was accommodating itself to the outlook of the mind. In times of mental refreshment and relaxation it relaxes also and is at its ease.",
+                "[153] When a friend approaches, its peaceful and sunny look is the happy herald of the kindly feeling within, while in the case of an enemy it gives a warning of the soul’s displeasure. Courage makes the eyes dart swiftly forward. Modesty makes them gentle and reposeful. In short, one may say that sight has been created as an image of the soul, and through the perfection of the art which has produced so faithful a copy presents a clear and mirror-like reflection of the original whose nature is in itself invisible.",
+                "[154] But indeed it is not only in this way that the excellence of the eyes exceeds the other senses, but also because in waking moments, since we need not consider their inaction in sleep, they cease to function. For when no outward object moves them they are still, whilst the eyes, when open are constant and unceasing in their activities; they have always room for more, and in this way they shew their kinship with the soul.",
+                "[155] But, while the soul is always in motion and wakeful day and night, the eyes in which the fleshly is the principal ingredient must rest satisfied with the gift of continuing to exercise the activities which befit them for half the whole span of time and human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[156] But the most vital part of the benefit we gain from sight remains now to be told. God made the light to shine upon sight alone of the senses, and light is the best of existing things and was the first to be called good in the sacred books.",
+                "[157] Now light has a double nature: one is the effulgence of the fire of common use,  perishable as that which produces it and liable to extinction, the other, the unquenchable and imperishable, brought to us from heaven above, where each of the stars pours forth its rays as though from perennial fountains. With each of these the sight is conversant, and through both it strikes upon visible objects so as to apprehend them with all exactness.",
+                "[158] Need we still try to expend words in extolling the eyes, when God has set graven in the heaven their true praises, the stars? For with what purpose have the rays of the sun and moon and the other stars, planets or fixed, been made save to serve the action of the eyes and to minister to sight?",
+                "[159] And so it is, by using light, the best of gifts, that men contemplate the world’s contents, earth, plants, living creatures, fruits, seas with their tides, rivers spring-fed or winter torrents, various kinds of fountains, some sending up a cold, others a warm, stream, and all the phenomena of the air with their several natures, the different forms of which are so countless that speech can never include them all; above all, heaven, which in truth has been framed as a world within a world, and the divine and hallowed forms which beautify it. Which of the other senses, then, can boast that it ever traverses so great a span?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[160] Let us leave out of consideration those senses which do but fatten in its manger the beast which shares our nature, lust, and examine the one which does lay claim to reason, hearing. When its travelling is tense and at its fullest, that is when the violent winds with their long, sweeping sound or the loud thunders with their terrific claps make themselves heard, it halts within the air that surrounds the earth.",
+                "[161] But the eyes leave earth and in an instant reach heaven, and the boundaries of the universe, east, west, north and south alike, and when they arrive draw the understanding to the observation of what they have seen.",
+                "[162] And the understanding affected in like manner is not quiescent, but, unsleeping and constantly in motion as it is, takes the sight as the starting-point for its power of observing the things of the mind, and proceeds to investigate whether these phenomena are uncreated or had some beginning of creation, whether they are infinite or finite, whether there is one world or more than one, whether the four elements make up all things, or on the other hand heaven and its contents enjoy a special nature of their own and have been given a substance which differs from the others and is more divine.",
+                "[163] Further, if the world has been created, who is the Creator? What is His essence and quality? What was His purpose in making it? What does He do now and what is His occupation and way of life? And all the other questions which the curious mind with good sense ever at its side is wont to explore.",
+                "[164] But these and the like belong to philosophy, whence it is clear that wisdom and philosophy owe their origin to no other of our faculties but to the princess of the senses, sight.  And this alone of all the bodily region did God preserve when He destroyed the four, because they were in slavery to flesh and the passions of flesh, while the sight had the strength to stretch its neck upwards, and to look, and to find in the contemplation of the world and its contents pleasures far better than those of the body.",
+                "[165] It was fitting, then, that the one of the five senses which form, so to speak, a group of five cities, should receive a special privilege and continue to exist when the others were destroyed, because its range is not confined to mortal things, as theirs is, but it aspires to find a new home amid imperishable beings and rejoice in their contemplation.",
+                "[166] And therefore it is excellently said, when the oracles represent this city first as small and then as not small, figuring thereby sight.  For sight is said to be small in that it is a little part of all we contain, but great in that great are its desires, since it is the whole world and heaven which it yearns to survey."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] I have now told with all the care that lay within my powers the story of the vision which was manifested to Abraham and of that splendid and magnificent exchange of hospitality, where the host who seemed to give the feast was himself the feasted. But his greatest action which deserves reporting must not be passed over in silence. For I might almost say that all the other actions which won the favour of God are surpassed by this; and on this subject I must say what is needed.",
+                "[168] The wife of the Sage bore to him in full wedlock his only and dearly-cherished son, a child of great bodily beauty and excellence of soul. For already he was showing a perfection of virtues beyond his years, so that his father, moved not merely by a feeling of natural affection but also by such deliberate judgement as a censor of character might make, cherished for him a great tenderness.",
+                "[169] Such were his feelings when suddenly to his surprise there came a divine message that he should sacrifice his son on a certain lofty hill at a very considerable distance,  as much as three days’ journey, from the city.",
+                "[170] He, though devoted to his son with a fondness which no words can express, shewed no change of colour nor weakening of soul, but remained steadfast as ever with a judgement that never bent nor wavered. Mastered by his love for God, he mightily overcame all the fascination expressed in the fond terms of family affection,  and told the divine call to none of his household, but taking out of his numerous following two only, the oldest and most loyal, he went forth with his son, four in all, as though to perform one of the ordinary rites.",
+                "[171] But, when, like a scout on some commanding point, he saw the appointed place afar off, he bade his servants stay there, but gave his son the fire  and wood to carry; for he thought it good that the victim himself should bear the load of the instruments of sacrifice, a light burden indeed, for nothing is less toilsome than piety.",
+                "[172] They walked with equal speed of mind rather than body along the short straight road at the end of which is holiness and came to the appointed place. ",
+                "[173] And then, while the father was collecting stones to build the altar, the son, seeing everything else ready for sacrifice but no animal, looked at his father and said: “My father, behold the fire and the wood, but where is the victim?”",
+                "[174] To anyone else who knew what he was about to do, and was hiding it in his heart, these words would have brought confusion and tearfulness and he would have remained silent through extreme emotion, and thus given an indication of what was going to happen.",
+                "[175] But Abraham admitted no swerving of body or mind, and with visage and thought alike unmoved he said in answer to the question, “Child, God will provide Himself a victim, even in this wide desert, which perhaps makes you give up hope of finding it; but know that to God all things are possible, including those that are impossible or insuperable to men.”",
+                "[176] And, as he said this, he hastily seized his son, laid him on the altar and with his drawn knife in his right hand was preparing with it to deal the death blow. But ere he did so, God the Saviour stopped the deed half-way with a voice from the air, in which He ordered him to stay and not touch the lad. And twice He called the father by name to turn him and draw him back from his purpose and thus prevent his carrying out the slaughter."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] So Isaac was saved, since God returned the gift of him and used the offering which piety rendered to Him to repay the offerer, while for Abraham the action, though not followed by the intended ending, was complete and perfect, and the record of it as such stands graven not only in the sacred books but in the minds of the readers.",
+                "[178] But quarrelsome critics who misconstrue everything and have a way of valuing censure above praise do not think Abraham’s action great or wonderful, as we suppose it to be.",
+                "[179] They say that many other persons, full of love for their kinsfolk and offspring, have given their children, some to be sacrificed for their country to serve as a price to redeem it from wars or drought or excessive rainfall or pestilence, others for the sake of what was held to be piety though it is not really so.",
+                "[180] Indeed they say that among the Greeks men of the highest reputation, not only private individuals but kings, have with little thought of their offspring put them to death, and thereby saved armed forces of great strength and magnitude when enlisted as their allies, and destroyed them without striking a blow when arrayed as enemies. ",
+                "[181] Barbarian nations, they add, have for long admitted child sacrifice as a holy deed and acceptable to God, and this practice of theirs is mentioned by the holy Moses as an abomination, for, charging them with this pollution, he says that “they burn their sons and daughters to their gods.” ",
+                "[182] Again they point out that in India the gymnosophists even now when the long incurable disease of old age begins to take hold of them, even before they are completely in its clutches, make up a funeral pile and burn themselves on it, though they might possibly last out many years more. And the womenfolk when the husbands die before them have been known to hasten rejoicing to share their pyre, and allow themselves to be burned alive with the corpses of the men. ",
+                "[183] These women might reasonably, no doubt, be praised for their courage, so great and more than great is their contempt for death, and the breathless eagerness with which they rush to it as though it were immortality."
+            ],
+            [
+                ". Why, then, they ask, should we praise Abraham, as though the deed which he undertook was unprecedented, when private individuals and kings and whole nations do it when occasion calls?",
+                "[184] To their malignity and bitterness I reply as follows. Some of those who sacrifice their children follow custom in so doing, as was the case according to the critics with some of the barbarians. Others have important and painful reasons for their action because their cities and countries cannot but fail otherwise. These give their children partly under compulsion and the pressure of higher powers, partly through desire for glory and honour, to win fame at the time and a good name in the future.",
+                "[185] Now those who are led by custom to make the sacrifice would not seem to be doing anything great, for long-standing custom often becomes equal to nature, so that in matters where patience and resolution are difficult to attain it gives ease and relief by reducing their terrors to moderate dimensions.",
+                "[186] Where the gift is made through fear no praise is due, for praise is recorded for voluntary good deeds, while for those which are involuntary other things are responsible, favourable occasions, chances or force brought to bear by men.",
+                "[187] And if anyone throws away a son or a daughter through desire for glory he will be justly blamed rather than praised, for with the life of his dearest he is purchasing an honour which he ought to cast aside, if he possessed it, to ensure the safety of his children.",
+                "[188] We must therefore examine whether Abraham, when he intended to sacrifice his son, was mastered by any of these motives, custom or love of honour or fear. Now in Babylonia and Mesopotamia and with the nation of the Chaldeans with whom he was brought up and lived the greater part of his life the custom of child slaughter does not obtain, so as to suggest that his realization of its horrors was rendered less powerful by the regularity of such a practice.",
+                "[189] Surely, too, he had nothing to fear from man, since no one knew of the oracular message which he alone had received; nor was he under the pressure of any public misfortune which could be remedied only by the immolation of a child of special worth.",
+                "[190] Or was the quest of praise from the multitude the motive which urged him to the deed? What praise could there be in a solitude where no one was present to report his fame afterwards, but even the two servants had been purposely left afar off lest he should appear to be making a boastful parade by bringing witnesses to his pious conduct?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[191] Let them, therefore, set bolt and bar to their unbridled evil-speaking mouths, control their envy and hatred of excellence and not mar the virtues of men who have lived a good life, virtues which they should rather help to glorify by their good report.",
+                "That the deed really deserves our praise and love can easily be seen in many ways.",
+                "[192] First, then, he made a special practice of obedience to God, a duty which every right-minded person holds to be worthy of all respect and effort. Hitherto he had not neglected any of God’s commands, nor ever met them with repining or discontent, however charged with toils and pains they might be, and therefore he bore the sentence pronounced on his son with all nobleness and firmness.",
+                "[193] Secondly, since human sacrifice was not in that country, as it was perhaps in some, sanctioned by custom which is so apt through constant repetition to weaken the realization of the terrible, he would have been the first himself to initiate a totally new and extraordinary procedure, and this, to my mind, is a thing which no one could have brought himself to do even if his soul had been made of iron or adamant, for, as it has been said, it is hard work to fight against nature.",
+                "[194] And, as he had begotten no son in the truest sense but Isaac, his feeling of affection for him was necessarily on the same high level of truth, higher even than the chaste forms of love and also the much talked-of ties of friendship.",
+                "[195] Further, he had a most potent incentive to love in that he had begotten the boy in his old age and not in his years of vigour. For parents somehow dote on their late-born children, either because they have longed for their birth for so many years or because they do not hope to have any more, since nature comes to a halt at this point as its final and furthermost boundary.",
+                "[196] For a father to surrender one of a numerous family as a tithe to God is nothing extraordinary, since each of the survivors continues to give him pleasure, and this is no small solace and mitigation of his grief for the one who has been sacrificed. But one who gives his only darling son performs an action for which no language is adequate, since he concedes nothing to the tie of relationship, but his whole weight is thrown into the scale on the side of acceptability with God.",
+                "[197] The following point is exceptional, and his conduct in it is practically unique. Other fathers, even if they give their children to be sacrificed for the safety of their country or armies, either stay at home or stand far away from the altars, or, if they are present, turn away their eyes, since they cannot bear the sight, and leave others to kill the victim.",
+                "[198] But here we have the most affectionate of fathers himself beginning the sacrificial rite as priest with the very best of sons for victim. Perhaps too, following the law of burnt offering, he would have dismembered his son and offered him limb by limb. Thus we see that he did not incline partly to the boy and partly to piety, but devoted his whole soul through and through to holiness and disregarded the claims of their common blood.",
+                "[199] Which of all the points mentioned is shared by others? Which does not stand by itself and defy description? Thus everyone who is not malignant or a lover of evil must be overwhelmed with admiration for his extraordinary piety; and he need not take into consideration at once all the points which I have mentioned, for any single one of them would be enough. For to picture in the mind one of these, however small the form which the picture takes, though no action of the Sage is small, is enough to show the greatness and loftiness of his soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[200] But the story here told is not confined to the literal and obvious explanation, but seems to have in it the elements of a further suggestion, obscure to the many but recognized by those who prefer the mental to the sensible and have the power to see it.",
+                "[201] It is as follows. The proposed victim is called in Chaldaean Isaac, but, if the word is translated into our language, Laughter. But the laughter here understood is not the laughter which amusement arouses in the body, but the good emotion  of the understanding, that is joy.",
+                "[202] This the Sage is said to sacrifice as his duty to God, thus showing in a figure that rejoicing is most closely associated with God alone. For mankind is subject to grief and very fearful of evils either present or expected, so that men are either distressed by disagreeables close at hand or are agitated by troublous fear of those which are still to come. But the nature of God is without grief or fear and wholly exempt from passion of any kind, and alone partakes of perfect happiness and bliss.",
+                "[203] The frame of mind which has made this true acknowledgement God, Who has banished jealousy from His presence in His kindness and love for mankind, fitly rewards by returning the gift in so far as the recipient’s capacity allows. And indeed we may almost hear His voice saying:",
+                "[204] “All joy and rejoicing I know well is the possession of none other save Me alone, the Father of All. Yet I do not grudge that this My possession should be used by such as are worthy, and who should be worthy save one who should follow Me and My will, for he will prove to be most exempt from distress and fear if he travels by this road which passion and vice cannot tread, but good feelings and virtue can walk therein.”",
+                "[205] But let no one suppose that joy descends from heaven to earth pure and free from any mixture of grief. No, it is a mixture of both, though the better element is the stronger, just as light too in heaven is pure from any mixture of darkness but in regions below the moon is clearly mixed with dusky air.",
+                "[206] This was the reason, I think, why Sarah who bears the name of virtue first laughs, and then, in reply to her questioner, denies the laughter.  She feared lest she should be grasping for herself the joy which belongs not to created being but to God alone. Therefore, the holy word bids her be of good cheer and says: “Be not afraid: thou didst indeed laugh and dost participate in joy.”",
+                "[207] For the Father did not suffer the whole course of the human race to move amid griefs and pains and burdens which admit no remedy, but mixed with them something of the better nature and judged it well that the soul should at times dwell in sunshine and calm; and as for the soul of the wise He willed that it should pass the chief part of its life in glad-hearted contemplation of what the world has to show."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[208] These examples must suffice for our treatment of Abraham’s piety, though others might be found in great plenty. But we must also examine the good and wise behaviour  shown in his dealings with men. For the nature which is pious is also kindly, and the same person will exhibit both qualities, holiness to God and justice to men. It would be too long, indeed, to describe all his actions, but it would not be out of place to mention two or three.",
+                "[209] Though he was exceedingly rich  in silver and gold and possessed many herds of numerous live-stock and in abundance of wealth rivalled those of the natives and original inhabitants who possessed good means, and became more opulent than would be expected of an immigrant, he incurred no censure from those who received him into their midst but continued to be praised by all who had experience of him.",
+                "[210] But, if, as often happens, any of his servants or regular associates had a quarrel or difference with his neighbours, he would try to put an end to it quietly, banishing and expelling from the soul by means of his greater dignity  of character all that tended to strife and confusion and faction.",
+                "[211] And we need not wonder that he so bore himself to strangers who could have united to repel him with their superior weight of strength if he was the aggressor in injustice, when we see what moderation he showed to those who, connected with him by birth but estranged from him in moral principles, stood alone and unsupported and with possessions far inferior to his, and how he willingly accepted to be at a disadvantage when he might have taken advantage of them.",
+                "[212] For he had a nephew who had accompanied him when he migrated from his native land, an unreliable and hesitating person, ever inclining this way and that, sometimes fawning on him with loving greetings, sometimes rebellious and refractory through the inconsistency of his different moods.",
+                "[213] Therefore his servants too were quarrelsome and turbulent, as they had no one to control them, and this was particularly the case with the shepherds who were stationed at a distance from their master; thus breaking out of control in their wilfulness they were ever quarrelling with the Sage’s herdsmen who many times gave way to them because of their master’s gentleness. Then, advancing to a senseless audacity which knew no shame, they grew rampant and fostered in their hearts the flame of a passion beyond hope of conciliation until they compelled their opponents to begin defending themselves against the injustice.",
+                "[214] When the fight had become very serious, the man of worth, hearing how the aggressors had been countered, and knowing that his own party was more distinguished in strength and number, did not allow the quarrel to be terminated by a victory, as he did not wish to distress his nephew through seeing his own party defeated. So he took up his stand between them and reconciled the disputants by proposals of agreement, good not only for the present but for the future.",
+                "[215] For he knew that if they lived together and shared the same dwelling-place they would engage in obstinate contention, for ever stirring up wars and factions against each other. To prevent this, he thought it expedient to refuse to continue their living together and to arrange for their dwelling at a distance from each other. So, sending for his nephew, he gave him a choice of the better district, gladly agreeing that he should take whatever part he chose; for he considered that he would thereby get peace, the greatest of gains.",
+                "[216] And yet who else would give way in any single point to the weaker if he were the stronger? Who, when he could conquer, would be willing to be defeated and not avail himself of his power? He alone took for his ideal not the exercise of strength and self-aggrandizement but a life free from strife and so far as lay with him of tranquillity, and thereby he showed himself the most admirable of men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[217] The actual words of the story are an encomium on Abraham as a man; but, according to those who proceed from the literal to the spiritual, characters of soul are indicated also, and therefore it will be well to investigate them too.",
+                "[218] Such characters are numberless, proceeding from numberless starting-points and arising from every kind and variety of circumstance; but those now to be examined are two only, one higher and senior and one lower and junior. The senior is that character which honours things primal and dominant in their nature, the junior that which honours things subject and lowest in the list.",
+                "[219] Now the senior and dominant are wisdom and temperance and justice and courage and virtue regarded as a whole and actions inspired by virtue, but the junior are wealth and reputation and office and good birth, good not in the true sense but in the sense which the multitude give to it, and everything else which coming after the things of soul and body takes the third place which is necessarily also the last.",
+                "[220] Each of the two characters possesses what we may call flocks and herds. The devotee of things external has silver, gold, raiment, all the materials of wealth and the means for procuring them, and again arms, engines, triremes, cavalry, infantry and naval forces, the foundations of sovereignty which produce security of power. The lover of moral excellence has the principles of each separate virtue and the truths discovered by wisdom itself.",
+                "[221] Now those who preside and have charge over each of these two are, as it were, herdsmen of cattle. The externals are cared for by lovers of wealth or glory, the would-be generals and all who hanker for power over multitudes, the things of the soul by lovers of moral excellence and virtue, who prefer the genuine goods to the spurious and not the spurious to the genuine.",
+                "[222] So there is a natural conflict between them since they have no common principle but are for ever jangling and quarrelling about the most important thing in life, and that is the decision what are the true goods.",
+                "[223] For a time the soul was in a state of war, and was the scene of this conflict,  for as yet it was not perfectly purified, but its passions and distempers still prevailed over its healthy principles. But from the time when it began to grow more powerful and demolish by superior strength the works with which the opposing doctrines threatened it, it spreads its wings, and, its spirit grown to fullness, sets a wall and barrier between it and that side of its character which has given its admiration to the gear of external things. And it talks with it as with a man and says:",
+                "[224] “It is impossible that thou and the lover of wisdom and virtue should have a common home and common ties. Away, change thy dwelling and betake thyself afar off, for thou hast not, or rather canst not have, fellowship with him. For all that thou holdest to be on the right he thinks to be on the left, and conversely what to thee is on the wrong side in his judgement stands on the right.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[225] So, then, the man of worth was not merely peaceable and a lover of justice but courageous and warlike, not for the sake of warring, for he was not quarrelsome or cantankerous, but to secure peace for the future, the peace which the opponents were destroying.",
+                "[226] The clearest proof of this is his actions.  That part of the inhabited world which lies towards the east was in the hands of four great kings who held in subjection the nations of the Orient on both sides of the Euphrates. Now the other nations continued to be free from sedition, obeying the orders of the king, and paying their taxes without demur. Only the country of the Sodomites, before it was consumed by fire, began to undermine this peaceful condition by a long-standing plan of revolt.",
+                "[227] For, as it was exceedingly prosperous, it was ruled by five kings who taxed the cities and the land, which though not large was rich in corn and well wooded and teeming with fruits, for the position which size gave to other countries, was given to Sodom by its goodliness, and hence it had a plurality of rulers who loved it and were fascinated by its charm.",
+                "[228] These hitherto rendered the appointed tributes to the collectors of revenue out of both respect for and fear of the higher potentates whose satraps they were. But, when they had been surfeited with good things, and as so often happens satiety had begotten insolence, they grew ambitious beyond their powers and first shook off the yoke and then, like bad slaves, attacked their masters, trusting to sedition or violence. ",
+                "[229] But these masters, mindful of their higher birth and armed with more powerful force, advanced in great disdain to the attack, expecting to conquer them with the utmost ease. And, when they engaged, some they sent flying helter-skelter at once, others they mowed down in wholesale massacre, while a great number were taken prisoners and distributed with the rest of the booty. Among these they took the nephew of the Sage, who had migrated not long before into one of the five cities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[230] When this was reported to Abraham by one of those who escaped from the rout, it distressed him exceedingly. He could no longer rest, so severe was the shock, and mourned for the living with greater sorrow than if he had heard of his death. For he knew that death or decease, as the name itself shows, is the end of everything in life, and particularly of its ills, while the troubles which lie in wait for the living are numberless.",
+                "[231] But, when he made ready to pursue the enemy to rescue his nephew, he was at a loss for allies, since he was a stranger and an immigrant, and no one dared to oppose the invincible forces of the kings, considering their number and their recent victory.",
+                "[232] But he obtained allies in quite a new quarter, for resource is found where resource is none, when one is set on deeds of justice and kindness. He collected his servants and, after bidding those who had been acquired by purchase to remain at home, since he feared that they might desert, he made a roll-call  of those who were home-bred, distributed them into centuries and advanced with three battalions. Yet he did not trust in these, for they were but a small fraction of the kings’ forces, but in God, the champion and defender of the just.",
+                "[233] So he pressed forward eagerly and never abated his speed until, watching for his chance, he attacked the enemy by night when they had supped and were preparing to go to sleep. Some fell helpless victims to him in their beds, others who took arms against him were completely annihilated, and all were mightily overcome more by his courage of soul than by the resources at his command.",
+                "[234] Nor did he stay his hand until he had completely slaughtered the opposing army with their kings as well and left them lying in front of the camp. His nephew he brought back in the triumph of his brilliant and magnificent victory, taking too with him all the horses of the cavalry and the whole multitude of the other beasts and spoil in vast plenty.",
+                "[235] When the high priest of the most high God saw him approaching with his trophies, leader and army alike unhurt, for he had lost none of his own company, he was astonished by the feat, and, thinking, as indeed was natural, that such success was not won without God’s directing care and help to their arms, he stretched his hands to heaven and honoured him with prayers on his behalf and offered sacrifices of thanksgiving for the victory and feasted handsomely those who had taken part in the contest, rejoicing and sharing their gladness as though the success were his own; and so indeed it was, for “the belongings of friends are held in common,” as the proverb says, and this is far more true of the belongings of the good whose one end is to be well-pleasing to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[236] This is what we find in the scriptures read literally; but those who can contemplate facts stripped of the body and in naked reality, those who live with the soul rather than with the body, will say that of these nine kings, four are the power exercised within us by the four passions, pleasure, desire, fear and grief, and that the five are the five senses, sight, hearing, taste, smell and touch.",
+                "[237] For these nine are in a sense invested with sovereignty and are our kings and rulers but not all in the same way. For the five are subject to the four, and are forced to pay them the tolls and tributes determined by nature.",
+                "[238] Griefs and pleasures and fears and desires arise out of what we see or hear or smell or taste or touch, and none of the passions would have any strength of itself if it were not furnished with what the senses supply;",
+                "[239] for these supplies constitute the forces of the passions, taking the form of colours and shapes, or sounds spoken or heard, or flavours, or scents, or the qualities attached to things tangible, soft and hard or rough and smooth or warm and cold, all of which are supplied through the senses to each of the passions.",
+                "[240] And while the said tributes are rendered the alliance between the kings holds good, but when they are no longer paid discord and wars at once arise, and this obviously happens when old age with its pains arrives. For then, while none of the passions is weaker, and perhaps is even stronger than of old, yet the eyes are dim and the ears dull of hearing and each of the other senses blunted, so that it cannot in the same way judge each thing with accuracy or make the same contribution in amount as before. And so, weakened all round as they are and already giving way of themselves, it is natural that they should be easily routed by the opposing passions.",
+                "[241] There is much philosophical truth  in the saying that of the five kings two fell into the wells and three took to flight. For touch and taste descend to the lowest recesses of the body and transmit to its inward parts what may properly be dealt with by them; but eyes and ears and smell for the most part pass outside and escape enslavement by the body.",
+                "[242] All this the man of worth was watching from his lair, and when he saw trouble festering, where but now was alliance and friendship, and war instead of peace arising between the nine kingdoms, with the four competing against the five for the sovereign power, he seized his opportunity and suddenly made the attack, ambitious to establish in the soul democracy,  the best of constitutions, instead of the rule of tyrants and overlords, and legality and justice instead of lawlessness and injustice which hitherto prevailed.",
+                "[243] All this is no fable of my invention, but a fact, and that one of the surest which we may observe in ourselves.  For the senses, though often they may maintain concord with the passions and provide them with the objects which they perceive, often too revolt and are unwilling any longer to pay the same dues or unable to do so because of the presence of reason, the chastener. For when reason puts on its panoply of the virtues and the doctrines and the lore which embody them, armed with this irresistible power it mightily overcomes. For corruptible and incorruptible may not live together.",
+                "[244] Now the nine overlords, the four passions and the five senses, are corruptible and the sources of corruption, but the truly divine and holy Word, whose stronghold is in the virtues, whose place in the order of number is tenth, the supremely perfect number,  comes to the contest and with the help of the mightier power of God wins an easy victory over the said overlords."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[245] After this in the course of time he lost the wife who was the darling of his heart and gifted with every excellence. She showed her wifely love by numberless proofs, by sharing with him the severance from his kinsfolk, by bearing without hesitation the departure from her homeland, the continual and unceasing wanderings on a foreign soil and privation in famine, and by the campaigns in which she accompanied him.",
+                "[246] Everywhere and always she was at his side, no place or occasion omitted, his true partner in life and life’s events, resolved to share alike the good and ill. She did not, like some other women, run away from mishaps and lie ready to pounce on pieces of good luck, but accepted her portion of both with all alacrity as the fit and proper test of a wedded wife."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[247] Many a story I could relate in praise of this woman, but one I will mention which will be the clearest proof that the others are true. Being childless and barren and fearing lest the house beloved of God should be left entirely desolate,",
+                "[248] she came to her husband and said: “Long have we lived together in mutual goodwill. But the purpose for which we ourselves came together and for which nature formed the union of man and wife, the birth of children, has not been fulfilled, nor is there any future hope of it, through me at least who am now past the age.",
+                "[249] But do not let the trouble of my barrenness extend to you, or kind feeling to me keep you from becoming what you can become, a father, for I shall have no jealousy of another woman, whom you will take not for unreasoning lust but in fulfillment of nature’s inevitable law.",
+                "[250] And therefore I shall not be backward to lead to you a bride who will supply what is lacking in myself. And if our prayers for the birth of children are answered the offspring will be yours in full parenthood, but surely mine also by adoption.",
+                "[251] But to avoid any suspicion of jealousy on my part take if you will my handmaiden, outwardly a slave, inwardly of free and noble race, proved and tested by me for many years from the day when she was first brought to my house, an Egyptian by birth, but a Hebrew by her rule of life.",
+                "[252] We have much substance and abundance of wealth, not on the usual scale of immigrants, for in this we now outshine those of the native inhabitants who are noted for their prosperity, but no heir or successor has appeared, though there may be if you follow my advice.”",
+                "[253] Abraham with increased admiration for the wifely love, which never grew old and was ever showing itself anew, and her careful forethought for the future, took the mate whom she had approved and kept her till she had borne a child, or, as the surest version of the story runs,  only till she became pregnant, and when this occurred not long after he abstained from her through his natural continence and the honour which he paid to his lawful spouse.",
+                "[254] So a son was born just at that time to the handmaiden, but long afterwards the wedded pair, who had despaired of the procreation of children, had a son of their own, a reward for their high excellence, a gift from God the bountiful, surpassing all their hopes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[255] We need give no further proofs of the merits of this wife. More numerous are those of the Sage, some of which I have praised in detail a little earlier. But I will speak of one which concerns the death of his wife, in which his conduct should not be passed over in silence.",
+                "[256] When he had lost his life-long partner, whose qualities have been described in our discourse and are related in the oracles, when sorrow was making itself ready to wrestle with his soul, he grappled with it, as in the arena, and prevailed. He gave strength and high courage to the natural antagonist of passion, reason, which he had taken as his counsellor throughout his life and now particularly was determined to obey, so excellent and profitable were its exhortations.",
+                "[257] The advice was that he should not grieve over-bitterly as at an utterly new and unheard-of misfortune, nor yet assume an indifference as though nothing painful had occurred, but choose the mean rather than the extremes and aim at moderation of feeling, not resent that nature should be paid the debt which is its due, but quietly and gently lighten the blow. ",
+                "[258] The testimonies for this are to be found in the holy books which may never be convicted of false witness. They show that after weeping for a little over the corpse he quickly rose up from it, holding further mourning, it appears, to be out of keeping with wisdom, which taught him that death is not the extinction of the soul but its separation and detachment from the body and its return to the place whence it came; and it came, as was shown in the story of creation, from God. ",
+                "[259] And, as no reasonable person would chafe at repaying a debt or deposit to him who had proffered it, so too he must not fret when nature took back her own, but accept the inevitable with equanimity.",
+                "[260] Now, when the chief men of the country came to sympathize and saw nothing of the sort of mourning which was customary with themselves, no wailing, no chanting of dirges, no beating of breasts either of men or of women, but a quiet sober air of sorrow pervading the whole house, they were profoundly amazed, though indeed the rest of his life had struck them with admiration.",
+                "[261] Then, as the greatness and glory of his virtue in all its pre-eminence were more than they could keep to themselves, they approached him and exclaimed: “Thou art a king from God among us.” The words were indeed true, for other kingdoms are established among men with wars and campaigns and numberless ills which the ambitious for power inflict on each other in mutual slaughter, with forces of foot and horse and ships which they raise for the strife. But the kingdom of the Sage comes by the gift of God, and the virtuous man who receives it brings no harm to anyone, but the acquisition and enjoyment of good things to all his subjects, to whom he is the herald of peace and order. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[262] There is another record of praise attested by words from Moses’ prophetic lips. In these it is stated that he “trusted in God.” Now that is a little thing if measured in words, but a very great thing if made good by action.",
+                "[263] For in what else should one trust? In high offices or fame and honours or abundance of wealth and noble birth or health and efficacy of the senses or strength and beauty of body? But office is wholly precarious, beset by countless foes who lie in wait for it, and if by chance it is secured the security is accompanied by countless ills in which those in high positions are either the agents or the victims.",
+                "[264] Fame and honour are a most precarious possession, tossed about on the reckless tempers and flighty words of careless men: and, when it abides, it cannot of its own nature contain genuine good.",
+                "[265] As for wealth and high birth, they attach themselves even to the most worthless of men, and even if they were confined to the virtuous they would be a compliment not to the actual possessors but to their ancestors and to fortune.",
+                "[266] Again, neither should we pride ourselves greatly on bodily endowments in which the unreasoning animals have the advantage over us; for what man is stronger or more muscular than the bull among domestic and the lion among wild beasts? Who has a keener sight than the hawk or the eagle? or who is so favoured in powers of hearing as that stupidest of animals, the ass? And as for smell, who has more accurate discernment than the hound, which, as the huntsmen tell us, led unerringly by the scent, races to the distant quarry which it has not seen; for what sight is to other animals the nostrils are to the hounds used for hunting or tracking.",
+                "[267] Health? Why, most of the unreasoning animals are exceedingly healthy and as far as possible free from disease. Beauty? In the competition for this, I should say that some lifeless objects can beat and surpass the comeliness both of men and women. Such are the images and statues and pictures and in general all the creations of the painters and the sculptors which achieve success in either art and rouse the enthusiasm of Greeks and barbarians alike, who set them up in the most conspicuous places to adorn their cities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[268] Faith in God, then, is the one sure and infallible good, consolation of life, fulfillment  of bright hopes, dearth of ills, harvest of goods, inacquaintance  with misery, acquaintance with piety, heritage of happiness, all-round betterment of the soul which is firmly stayed on Him Who is the cause of all things and can do all things yet only wills the best.",
+                "[269] For, just as those who walk on a slippery road are tripped up and fall, while others on a dry highway tread without stumbling, so those who set the soul travelling along the path of the bodily and the external are but learning it to fall, so slippery and utterly insecure are all such things; while those who press onward to God along the doctrines of virtue walk straight upon a path which is safe and unshaken, so that we may say with all truth that belief in the former things is disbelief in God, and disbelief in them belief in God.",
+                "[270] But not only do the oracles attest his possession of the queen of virtues, faith in the existent, but he is also the first whom they speak of as elder,  though those who lived before him tripled or many times multiplied his years. Yet of none of them do we hear that he was held worthy of the title and rightly, for the true elder is shown as such not by his length of days but by a laudable and perfect life.",
+                "[271] Those who have passed a long span of years in the existence of the body without goodness or beauty of life must be called long-lived children who have never been schooled in the learning worthy of grey hairs; but he who is enamoured of sound sense and wisdom and faith in God may be justly called elder, a name of like significance to “first.”",
+                "[272] For indeed the wise man is the first of the human race, as a pilot in a ship or a ruler in a city or a general in war, or again as a soul in a body and a mind in a soul, or once more heaven in the world or God in heaven.",
+                "[273] That God marvelling at Abraham’s faith in Him repaid him with faithfulness by confirming with an oath the gifts which He had promised, and here He no longer talked with him as God with man but as a friend with a familiar. For He, with Whom a word is an oath, yet says “By Myself have I sworn,”  so that his mind might be established more securely and firmly even than it was before.",
+                "[274] So, then, the man of worth is elder and first, and so must he be called; but younger and last is every fool who pursues the ways which belong to rebellious youth and stand lowest in the list.",
+                "[275] So much for all this, but to these praises of the Sage, so many and so great, Moses adds this crowning saying “that this man did the divine law and the divine commands.”  He did them, not taught by written words, but unwritten nature gave him the zeal to follow where wholesome and untainted impulse led him. And when they have God’s promises before them what should men do but trust in them most firmly?",
+                "[276] Such was the life of the first, the founder of the nation, one who obeyed the law, some will say, but rather, as our discourse has shown, himself a law and an unwritten statute."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO <i>DE ABRAHAMO</i>",
+            "§ 5. <i>Laws endowed with life and reason</i>. Here we have the common idea that the <i>king</i> is a “living law” (given in that form in <i>Mos</i>. ii. 4, where see note) extended to the good and wise in general, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Virt</i>. 194 νόμοι δέ τινες ἄγραφοι καὶ οἱ βίοι τῶν ζηλωσάντων τὴν ἀρετήν.",
+            "§ 12. <i>Enos … is fourth</i>. That the number is obtained by the omission of Cain rather than Abel is suggested by <i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. i. 81 “quare neque terrigena patris successorem eum (<i>i.e</i>. Cain) indicat neque caput posteriorum generationum.”",
+            "§ 17. <i>Transferred him</i>. In this passage Philo, to support his idea of Enoch as signifying repentance, takes μετετέθη as referring to a moral change in this life. The common view (<i>cf</i>. Hebrews 11:5 “translated that he should not see death”) is adopted in <i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. i. 86, and perhaps also in <i>De Mut</i>. 38.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Relative instead of absolute</i>. Philo, as often, shews his familiarity with grammatical terms. The distinction between relative nouns (πρός τι, Lat. <i>ad aliquid</i>) and absolute (usually ἀπολελυμένα, whence Lat. <i>absoluta</i>) is regularly given by Greek and Latin grammarians. θεός is usually an “absolute,” but the addition “of Abraham,” etc., makes it a “relative,” as “father” or “king” always is. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Mut</i>. 27 and note.",
+            "§ 99. <i>Natural philosophers</i>. The Stoic view of the higher study of nature is well illustrated by <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 42 (from Chrysippus) τῶν δὲ φυσικῶν ἔσχατος εἶναι ὁ περὶ τῶν θεῶν λόγος, and <i>ibid</i>. 44 the study of φυσική comes later than λογική and ἠθική—θειοτέρα γάρ ἐστι καὶ βαθυτέρας δεῖται τῆς ἐπιστάσεως.",
+            "§§ 100–102. The thought of these sections is not quite clear and the translation might perhaps be improved. Philo seems to be criticizing an allegorization, which is not his own, on the ground that it reverses the spiritual connexion between the mind and virtue, though as a matter of fact he adopts the same interpretation of Abraham’s relation to Sarah in <i>De Cher.</i> and elsewhere. The criticism begins with ἐναντιώτατοι δέ (§ 100), where δέ = “but” rather than “now,” and ends with σωτήριον (§ 102), so that ἅπαντες μὲν οὖν might be translated “however that may be, all men …” In § 101 ἢ μήποτε, “or perhaps,” is not very clear, nor is the “perhaps however” of the translation. One would like to read καὶ μήποτε or μήποτε δὲ.",
+            "§ 118. <i>Gave the appearance of both eating and drinking</i>. So Josephus, <i>Ant</i>. i. 197 οἱ δὲ δόξαν αὐτῷ πάρεσχον ἐσθιόντων, and so later Rabbinical writers (references in Cohn’s translation of this book, p. 121). This is a point sometimes supposed to shew Josephus’s dependence on Philo. But the doubt whether angels would really eat and drink would naturally be felt and noted in any discussion of the story. The same may be said of § 170, where the statement that Abraham told no one in his household of the divine command to sacrifice, is compared by commentators to a similar statement in Joseph. <i>Ant</i>. i. 225.",
+            "§ 182. The practice of “Suttee” seems to have been well-known from the time of Alexander. Strabo xv. 30 and 62 quotes Onesicritus and Aristobulus, both companions of Alexander, as having reported the existence of the custom in different tribes. Diodorus Siculus xix. 33 gives a long account of the competition between the two wives of the Indian prince Keteus, who was killed in the wars of Antigonus 316 B.C., for the honour of dying on their husband’s pyre, and of the joy with which the one chosen went to her death.",
+            "§ 244. <i>The supremely perfect number</i>. The term Panteleia seems to have been rather a divine name for ten in Pythagorean use than a mere epithet. Stobaeus, <i>Ecl</i>. 1:1. 10 (p. 22 H.) says that Pythagoras gave the name of Apollo to one, Artemis to two, Aphrodite to six, Athena to seven, Poseidon to eight, and Panteleia to ten. The word is once applied by Philo to seven, but to ten in the other five cases, in which he uses it of a number.",
+            "§ 257. This passage is quoted by Wyttenbach in his note on Plutarch, <i>Consolatio ad Apollonium</i> 102 D. Plutarch there advocates μετριοπάθεια in bereavements in similar terms and proceeds to quote Crantor the Academician Περὶ πένθους to the same effect. The same passage from Crantor is quoted by <i>Cic. Tusc. Disp</i>. iii. 12, and his book may very possibly have been in Philo’s mind.",
+            "§ 261. Here once more we have the Stoic paradox of the sage as king (see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 617). See note on <i>De Mut</i>. 152 (where the saying is founded on the same text as here) for other references in Philo."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על אברהם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על אברהם",
+        "enTitle": "On Abraham",
+        "key": "On Abraham",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Flight and Finding/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1934.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,376 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Flight and Finding",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1934",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הבריחה והמציאה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON FLIGHT AND FINDING (DE FUGA ET INVENTIONE) ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise, which follows at once on the preceding, continues the exposition of Genesis 16 from the middle of vs. 6 to vs. 12, omitting vs. 10. These verses are quoted in full in § 1, but the discussion is chiefly confined to a few words or phrases, namely “fled,” “found,” and “fountain.” The first point to be noted is that Hagar fled. Flight may be due to three different causes: hatred, fear, and shame (2–3). Hagar is an example of the third, and the story shows that the inward monitor or Elenchus, which is typified by the angel, taught her that this shame must be tempered by courage (4–6).",
+            "But we must first say something about the other two causes of flight. Hatred was the cause of Jacob’s flight from Laban. Here the two may stand from one point of view for the materialistic and the theistic creed respectively, and from another for the fool and the wise (7–13). On either interpretation the Jacob soul, finding itself unable to correct the Laban soul, will flee from association with it and repudiate it. Jacob’s wives, that is his powers, joined in this repudiation, and that part of their speech in which they say that God has taken from Laban his wealth and glory and given them to themselves lead to a short meditation on true wealth and glory (15–19). A further proof of the need of flight is drawn from Laban’s expostulation that he would have sent Jacob forth with mirth and music, which the Practiser knows to be mere enticement to return to the lower life (20–22).",
+            "For flight caused by fear we have the flight of Jacob to Laban and Haran before the wrath of Esau. Here Laban represents the brilliancy of secular life, and the lesson to be drawn is that the right way to answer the unjust, when they claim that the good things of the world fall to them, is to shew how these good things can be justly used (23–27). Let us not therefore shrink from wealth, from power, or from the banquet. Our liberality will convict the spendthrift and the miser, our just administration the tyrant, and our abstemiousness the glutton (28–32). Indeed those who affect the ascetic life are for the most part hypocrites, and to function in the outer world is the best preparation for the higher life of contemplation (33–37). The ministry to men must precede the ministry to God (38).",
+            "Again, Jacob’s flight to Haran will signify the proper attitude of the soul in the practising and progressive stage. It must fly the hard ignorance of Esau, but also it is not as yet fit to share the higher life of Isaac (39–43). And Laban to whom it is sent is after all called the brother of Rebecca or persistence, while Haran where he lives represents, as elsewhere, the world of sense, the knowledge of which is necessary to the progressing, and after some days he will be recalled thence to the higher life (44–47). Similarly Isaac bids him go to Mesopotamia, that is to the mid-torrent of life’s river, and to the house of Bethuel or daughter of God, wisdom, that is, who, though a daughter, is also a father (48–52).",
+            "Other thoughts on flight are suggested by the cities of refuge. The law states that the intentional murderer shall be put to death, but that the unintentional homicide may find refuge in an appointed place (53). Before, however, considering this latter point, he notes that the first clause of the law runs: “If a man strikes another and he dies, let him be put to death with death.” Philo, as so often, fails to understand that the last words of this are the Greek translation of the common Hebrew idiom for “surely be put to death,” and infers that “dying with death” indicates the real, the spiritual death (54–55). Other texts are quoted to shew that, as virtue is the true life, vice is the true death (56–59), though, in another sense, vice can never die, as shewn by the sign given to Cain (60–64). Another part of the same text, where it is said of the involuntary homicide that God delivered the victim to his hands, suggests that God employs subordinate ministers for the lower, though beneficial and necessary, work of punishment, and this he supports, as elsewhere, by the use of “we” in the first chapter of Genesis, and the entrustment of cursing to the less worthy and of blessing to the worthier tribes (65–74). Again, the words “I will give thee a place” may be understood to mean that God Himself is the place where the innocent can take refuge (75–76). When we read that the wilful murderer who takes refuge in a sanctuary shall be dragged from it and put to death, it means that the voluntary evil-doer, who takes refuge with God, that is, ascribes to Him the responsibility for his sins, blasphemes (77–82); and how deadly a sin blasphemy against the Divine Parent is, is shown by the very next words where the death penalty is assigned to those who speak ill of their earthly parents (83–84). The cities of refuge are only for those who truly understand the difference between the voluntary and involuntary (85–86).",
+            "As to the cities of refuge, four questions arise: (1) why they are in Levitical territory; (2) why they are six in number; (3) why three are beyond Jordan and three in Canaan; (4) why the refugee must remain till the death of the High Priest (87). The answer to the first is that the Levites themselves are fugitives from human ties, and also, as in the story of Exodus 32, the slayers of their kinsfolk, interpreted as the body, the unreasoning nature, and speech (88–93). To the second and the third questions the answer is that, of the six potencies of God where the guiltless may take refuge, three stand far above humanity, while three are closer to our nature (95–105). To answer the fourth point, which he thinks can hardly be understood literally without absurdity, Philo identifies the High Priest with the Logos and points out various analogies between the two. He thus explains the ordinance as meaning that, while this High Priest lives in the soul, the sins which have been banished cannot return (106–118).",
+            "The second part of the treatise (119–175) is concerned with finding, which naturally calls up the idea of seeking. We have four variants of this: not seeking and not finding, seeking and finding, not seeking and finding, seeking and not finding (119–120). The first of these is dismissed very rapidly with one or two illustrations of which Pharaoh’s obstinacy is the chief (121–125). Seeking and finding is shewn in the case of Joseph who, prompted by a “man,” that is the inward monitor, “found” his brethren in Dothan, the place of those who have abandoned delusion (126–131); of Isaac who asked “where is the victim?” and “found” that God would provide it (132–135); of the Israelites who asked about the manna, and “found” that it was the Word of God (137–139); of Moses who, when questioning his mission, “found” the answer in “I will be with you” (140–142). For seeking and not finding we have the examples of Laban seeking the images, the Sodomites seeking the door, Korah seeking the priesthood, and Pharaoh seeking Moses to kill him (143–148). Then follows a more elaborate allegorizing of the story of Judah’s intercourse with Tamar into a picture of the earnest soul wooing piety, to which he first gives as pledges the ring of trustworthiness, the chain of consistency, and the staff of discipline, and afterwards, to test her fidelity, sends the kid which represents the good things of secular life. The connexion of this story with the subject lies in the phrase “the messenger did not ‘find’ her” (149–156). Then, after a shorter spiritualizing of the incident of the goat of the sin-offering in Leviticus 10. (157–160), the story of the Burning Bush is interpreted as the fruitless desire of the soul to know the causes of phenomena which are ever perishing and yet are ever renewed (161–165).",
+            "The fourth head of finding without seeking suggests many points which have been noted elsewhere; primarily, of course, the self-taught nature, Isaac, and then the delivery of the Hebrew women before the midwives come, the speed with which Jacob found the meat which God delivered into his hand, and the automatic growth on the fallow land in the Sabbatical year (166–172). This last naturally leads to some thought on the Sabbatical gift of peace (173–174), but to Philo’s mind the best example is the promise to the Israelites in Deuteronomy of cities, houses, cisterns, vineyards, oliveyards, for which they have not laboured, all of them really types of spiritual blessings (175–176).",
+            "The next phrase in the text which calls for discussion is “spring of water.” “Spring” is used as the symbol for five different things: first for the mind, which in the Creation story is described as the spring which waters the whole face of the earth, <i>i.e</i>. of the body (177–182); secondly it is used for education, and thus the twelve springs of Elim or “gateway” signify the Encyclia, the gateway to knowledge; and, since beside these springs there grew up seventy palm-trees, we have a short digression on the virtues of the two numbers (183–187). Thirdly there are the springs of folly, and this is illustrated by the phrase “uncovering the fount of the woman,” where the woman is sense and her husband mind, and uncovering the fount comes when the sleeping mind allows each of the senses to have free play (188–193). Fourthly there are the springs of wisdom, from which Rebecca drew (194–196); and fifthly God Himself, Who is called by Jeremiah the fountain of life. And since Jeremiah adds that the wicked dig for themselves broken cisterns which hold no water, we see the contrast with the wise who, like Abraham and Isaac, dig real wells (197–201).",
+            "The fountain by which Hagar was found was the fountain of wisdom, but hers was not yet a soul which could draw from it (202). The treatise concludes with shorter notes on a few other phrases in the passage. When the angel asked, “Whence comest thou, and whither goest thou?” it was not because he did not know the answer, since his omniscience is shewn by his knowing that the child would be a boy. The first part of the question was a rebuke for her flight, the second an indication of the uncertainty of the future (205–206). Something is added about the description given in the angel’s words of the Ishmael or sophist nature (207–211). And finally we note that Hagar acknowledges the angel as God, for to one in her lower stage of servitude God’s servants are as God Himself (211-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Sarai evil-entreated her, and she fled from her face. And an angel of the Lord found her at the fountain of water in the wilderness, at the fountain in the way to Shur. And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Handmaid of Sarai, whence comest thou? and whither goest thou?’ And she said, ‘From the face of Sarai my mistress I am fleeing.’ And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Return to thy mistress, and humble thyself under her hands’ (Gen. 16:6–9). And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Behold, thou art with child, and shalt bear a son; and thou shalt call his name Ishmael, because the Lord hath hearkened to thy humiliation. He shall be a dweller in the fields; his hands shall be against all men, and all men’s hands shall be against him’ ” (<i>ibid</i>. 11, 12).",
+                "[2] Having in the preceding treatise said what was fitting about the courses of preliminary training and about evil-entreatment, we will next proceed to set forth the subject of fugitives. For the Lawgiver has in several places made mention of those who run away, as he does here, saying of Hagar that upon being evil-entreated “she ran away from the face of her mistress.”",
+                "[3] There are, I think, three motives for flight: hatred, fear, and shame. From hatred wives leave husbands and husbands wives; from fear children leave their parents and servants their masters; from shame friends leave their fellows when something they have done displeases them. I know fathers whose effeminacy has made them unwilling to face the strict and philosophic life of their sons, and who out of shame have chosen to live in the country instead of in the city.",
+                "[4] Instances of the working of these three motives are to be found in the sacred writings. Jacob, the Practiser, as we shall presently shew, flies from his father-in-law Laban out of hatred, from his brother Esau out of fear.",
+                "[5] Hagar’s motive for departing is shame.",
+                "A sign of this is the fact that an angel, a Divine Word, meets her to advise the right course, and to suggest return to the house of her mistress. This angel addresses her in the encouraging words, “The Lord hath hearkened to thy humiliation” (Gen. 16:11), a humiliation prompted neither by fear nor by hatred, the one the feeling of an ignoble, the other of a quarrelsome soul, but by shame, the outward expression of inward modesty.",
+                "[6] Had she run away owing to fear, the angel would probably have moved her who had inspired the fear to a gentler frame of mind; for then, and not till then, would it have been safe for the fugitive to go back. But no angel first approached Sarai, seeing that she is favourably disposed of her own accord. But it is Hagar who is taught by the angel monitor,  whose goodwill to her makes him at once her friend and counsellor, not to feel only shame, but to be of good courage as well; pointing out that shame apart from confidence is but a half virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] The ensuing argument will bring to light the more subtle traits of shame. I must now go back to the heads suggested, and must begin with those who run away because of hatred. We are told that “Jacob kept Laban the Syrian in the dark, so as not to tell him that he is fleeing, and he fled, himself and all that belonged to him” (Gen. 31:20 f.).",
+                "[8] What, then, was the cause of the hatred? You would like perhaps to be told this. There are people who fashion their God out of substance devoid of quality or form or shape ; but the moving Cause they neither know, nor have taken any trouble to learn from those who do know Him. They have neither mastered nor do they study the fairest subject of all, the first, nay the only one, whose knowledge it was a vital matter for them to acquire.",
+                "[9] Laban is of this class; for the sacred oracles assign to him the flock that is without mark (Gen. 30:42); and in the universe it is the matter devoid of quality and in men the ignorant and untutored soul that is without mark.",
+                "[10] Others there are of the better part, who said that Mind came and ordered all things,  bringing the disorder that prevailed in existing things as the result of mob-rule into the order of regular government under a king. Of this company Jacob is a votary, who is in charge of the variegated flock, marked and distinguished; and in the universe it is form that has variety and distinction, while among men it is the understanding, well-trained and loving to learn.",
+                "[11] The man of mark, associate of true monarchy, has imbibed in full measure the inbred spirit of fellowship, and comes to the man of no mark, when he fashions, as I said before, material sovereignties as Divine, and holds no sovereignty outside of these to be efficient,—comes to him to teach him that he is mistaken.",
+                "[12] For the world has come into being, and assuredly it has done so under the hand of some Cause; and the Word of Him who makes it is Himself the seal, by which each thing that exists has received its shape. Accordingly from the outset form in perfection accompanies the things that come into being, for it is an impress and image of the perfect Word.",
+                "[13] For the living creature that has come into being is imperfect in quantity, as is shewn by its constant growth as its age advances, but perfect in quality; for the same quality continues, inasmuch as it is the impress of a Divine Word ever continuing and free from every kind of change. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] Jacob, seeing that Laban has grown deaf to instruction or lawful authority, naturally plans to run away, fearing lest, besides being unable to help, he should suffer harm at his hands. For association with men devoid of sense is hurtful, and the soul often involuntarily takes the impressions of their mad folly; and in the nature of things culture feels a repugnance towards lack of culture, and painstaking towards carelessness.",
+                "[15] And so the faculties of the Practiser lift their voice aloud, proclaiming  their grounds for hatred: “Is there yet any portion or inheritance for us in our father’s house? Are we not counted of him strangers? For he hath sold us, and hath also quite devoured our money. All the riches and the glory, which God took away from our father, shall be for us and for our children” (Gen. 31:14–16).",
+                "[16] For being free both in names  and in sentiments, they deem no senseless man to be rich or glorious, but all such, speaking broadly, to be poor and inglorious, even if they surpass in fortune wealthy kings. For they do not say that they will have their father’s wealth, but that which was taken away from their father, nor his glory, but the glory that was taken away from him.",
+                "[17] The worthless man is destitute of the real riches and the true gloriousness; for these good things are won by sound sense and self-mastery and the dispositions akin to these, which are the inheritance of virtue-loving souls.",
+                "[18] Accordingly it is not the things that pertain to the good-for-nothing man, but those of which he has been stripped, that are affluence and renown to the worthy. Virtues are what has been stripped from him, and has become the property of the worthy, thus bringing into harmony what is said elsewhere: “we will sacrifice the abominations of Egypt to the Lord our God” (Exod. 8:26); for victims perfect and free from blemish are the virtues and virtuous conduct, and these the Egyptian body, in its devotion to the passions, abominates.",
+                "[19] For even as in this passage, understood in accordance with reality, things which Egyptians reckon profane are called sacred in the estimation of the keen-sighted, and are all offered in sacrifice; exactly in the same way, the things of which every foolish man has been deprived and stripped, these the comrade of nobility of character will inherit. And these are real glory, indistinguishable from knowledge, and wealth, not the blind wealth, but that which has the keenest sight for the things that actually are, which accepts no counterfeit coinage, nay nothing whatever that is soulless, even though it be approved coin. ",
+                "[20] Right fitly, therefore, will Jacob run away from the man who has no part in the good things of God, the man who, even in finding fault with another, impugns himself without knowing it when he says, “If thou hadst told me, I would have sent thee forth” (Gen. 31:27). For this alone would have been a sufficient ground for flight, if, when you were the slave of ten thousand masters, you assumed the style of dominion and lordship and proclaimed liberty to others.",
+                "[21] I however, says Jacob, took no man to help me to find the way that leads to virtue, but paid heed to Divine oracles bidding me depart hence, and to this moment they guide my steps.",
+                "[22] And how wouldst thou have sent me forth? Would it have been, as thou didst grandiloquently recount, “with merriment” that caused me pain, and “music” all unmusical, and “drums” noises inarticulate and meaningless, inflicting blows on the soul through the ears, “and with cithara” (<i>ibid</i>.), not instruments but modes of conduct void of melody or harmony? Nay, these are the very things that made me plan flight; but you, it seems, devised them as means of diverting me back from flight, to induce me to retrace my steps for the sake of the power to cheat and mislead inbred in those senses which I had with difficulty gained strength to tread underfoot."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Hatred, then, was the cause of the flight that has been spoken of, but fear of that of which I am about to speak. For we read as follows: “Rebecca said to Jacob, ‘Lo, Esau thy brother threatens to kill thee. Now therefore, child, listen to my voice and arise and flee to Laban my brother to Haran, and live with him for some days, until the wrath and anger of thy brother turn away, and he forget the things which thou hast done to him: and I will send and fetch thee thence’ ” (Gen. 27:42–45).",
+                "[24] For there is reason to fear lest the worse part of the soul set an ambush and lie in wait, or even openly arm, and then overthrow and cast down the better part. And this is excellent advice given by Rebecca, that is, by judicious Patience. ",
+                "[25] Whenever, she says, you see the base one flowing in full current against virtue, and taking much account of things which it ought to disregard, of wealth, fame, pleasure, when he extols injustice as the author of each of these, and points out that it is mostly wrongdoers who attain to fame and to abundance of gold and silver, do not take at once the opposite direction, and practise penury and humility and a strict and unsocial mode of life; for in this way you will rouse your adversary’s spirit and stimulate  a more dangerous foe to the contest against you.",
+                "[26] Consider, then, by what course of action you are to escape his machinations. Adapt yourself, not to his pursuits and practices, but to the objects which serve to create them —honours, offices, silver, gold, possessions, different forms and colours, beautiful objects. And whenever you meet with these, do as a good artist does, and engrave upon the material substances a form as good as possible, and thus accomplish a work which may win men’s praise.",
+                "[27] You know well how, when an unskilled man takes charge of a vessel that is quite capable of making a safe voyage, he upsets it, whereas a skilled helmsman often saves one which is sinking; and how sick folk, under the care of inexperienced attendants, fall into a dangerous condition of body, while those who meet with experienced attendants recover even from dangerous diseases. I need not labour the point. It is invariably the case that what is done with skill shews up and convicts what is done without it, and true praise accorded to the one is sure condemnation of the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] If, then, you desire thoroughly to expose the worthless man of wealth, do not refuse abundance of wealth. He, miserable creature, will be seen in his true colours, either with the instincts of a slave rather than a gentleman, a skinflint and a splitpenny; or on the other hand as living in a whirl of prodigality, ever ready to fling away money and to guzzle—an ever-active patron of courtesans, pimps, panders, and every licentious crew.",
+                "[29] You will contribute freely to needy friends, will make bountiful gifts to serve your country’s wants, you will help parents without means to marry their daughters, and provide them with an ample dowry; you will all but throw your private property into the common stock and invite all deserving of kindness to take a share.",
+                "[30] In exactly the same way, when someone is crazy after fame and full of boastfulness, if you wish to cast reproach on the sorry fellow, do not turn your back upon popular applause if you have an opportunity of winning honour, and then, while the poor braggart strides conceitedly along, you will send him tumbling. While he will misuse his distinguished position to insult and disgrace others better than himself, and will exalt worse men above them, you on the other hand will make all worthy men sharers in the advantages of your good name, securing the position of the better kind, and improving the worse by your counsel.",
+                "[31] Again, if you go to a luxurious repast where the wine flows freely, go without hesitation; for you will put the intemperate man to shame by having yourself well in hand.  He will fall upon his belly and open his insatiable appetites before he opens his mouth, cram himself in unseemly fashion, grab at his next neighbour’s food, and gobble up everything without a blush; and when he is thoroughly sated with eating, he will as the poets say “drink with a yawning maw,”  and incur the mocking and ridicule of all who see him.",
+                "[32] But you, when there is no compulsion, will drink in moderation; and should you be forced in any case to indulge more freely, you will place the compulsion under the charge of reason, and never debase pleasure to the displeasure of others, but, if we may so speak, get soberly drunken. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Truth would therefore rightly find fault with those who without full consideration give up the business and financial side of a citizen’s life, and say that they have conceived a contempt for fame and pleasure. For they do not despise these things, they are practising an imposture. Their dirty bodies and gloomy faces, the rigour and squalour of their pinched life, are so many baits to lead others to regard them as lovers of orderliness and temperance and endurance.",
+                "[34] But they are unable to deceive the more sharp-sighted, who peer inside and refuse to be taken in by what meets the eye. For they thrust this back as mere screening of quite different things, and get a view of the true nature of the things concealed within, which, if they are beautiful, they admire, but if ugly, ridicule and loathe them for their hypocrisy.",
+                "[35] To such men, then, let us say: Do you affect the life that eschews social intercourse with others, and courts solitary loneliness? Well, what proof did you ever give before this of noble social qualities? Do you renounce money-making? When engaged in business, were you determined to be just in your dealings? Would you make a show of paying no regard to the pleasures of the belly and the parts below it—say, when you had abundant material for indulging in these, did you exercise moderation? Do you despise popular esteem? Well, when you held posts of honour, did you practise simplicity? State business is an object of ridicule to you people. Perhaps you have never discovered how serviceable a thing it is.",
+                "[36] Begin, then, by getting some exercise and practice in the business of life both private and public; and when by means of the sister virtues, household-management and statesmanship, you have become masters in each domain, enter now, as more than qualified to do so, on your migration to a different and more excellent way of life. For the practical comes before the contemplative life; it is a sort of prelude to a more advanced contest; and it is well to have fought it out first. By taking this course you will avoid the imputation of shrinking from it through sheer laziness.",
+                "[37] It was on this principle too that the Levites were charged to perform their active service until the age of fifty (Numb. 4:3 ff.), but, when released from their practical ministry, to make everything an object of observation and contemplation; receiving as a prize for duty well done in the active life a quite different way of life whose delight is in knowledge and study of principles alone.",
+                "[38] And apart from this, it is a vital matter that those who venture to make the claims of God their aim and study should first have fully met those of men; for it is sheer folly to suppose that you will reach the greater while you are incapable of mastering the lesser. Therefore first make yourselves familiar with virtue as exercised in our dealings with men, to the end that you may be introduced to that also which has to do with our relation to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] Such is the substance of the advice which Patience gives to the Man of Practice, but the actual words need detailed treatment. “Behold,” she says, “Esau thy brother is threatening thee.” Is it not the case that the character which is hard and wooden, whose ignorance makes it disobedient, the character called “Esau,” nurses a grudge, and, offering the baits of this mortal life to destroy thee, money, fame, pleasures, and the like, is bent on killing thee? “But do thou, my child, flee from the present contest: for not yet has thy strength reached its full development, but, as is natural in a boy, the sinews of thy soul lack firmness.”",
+                "[40] This is why she addressed him as “child,” a title at the same time expressive of kindly feeling and suited to a tender age; for we regard the character of the Practiser both as young compared with the fully developed and as lovable. Such a one is quite capable of winning the prizes that are offered to boys, but is not as yet able to carry off those offered to men; and the best prize that men can obtain, is to minister to the only God.",
+                "[41] So, when we present ourselves at the courts in which we are to minister not yet thoroughly purified, but having just washed off, as we think, the spots which smirch our life, we hurry away from that ministry more quickly than we came to it, not brooking its severe way of living, and the unsleeping observance and the continuous and unflagging toil which it demands.",
+                "[42] Flee, then, at present both that which is worst, and that which is best. Worst is the fabulous fiction,  the poem without metre or melody, the conception and persuasion  which ignorance has rendered hard and wooden in very deed. From this Esau derives his name. Best is the dedicated offering; for the ministering kind is a sacred offering to God, consecrated for the great high priesthood to Him alone.",
+                "[43] To spend one’s days with evil is most hurtful: to do so with perfect goodness most dangerous. So Jacob both flees from Esau and moves away from his parents; for being bent on practice and still engaged in a contest, he flies from evil, but is incapable of sharing the life of perfect virtue that learns untaught."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] Consequently he will go abroad to Laban, not the Syrian, but his mother’s brother. This means that he will arrive amid the splendours of life, for “Laban” signifies “bright.” And when he has arrived, he will not be elated by his good fortune and have a lofty mien; for, though “aloft” is the translation of “Syrian,” there is no mention here of the Syrian Laban, but only of the brother of Rebecca.",
+                "[45] For the ways and means of life placed at the disposal of a worthless man carry his mind up into the height, empty as it is of sound sense, and such a mind is called “Syrian,” but for the man enamoured of discipline, steadfastly and firmly persisting in the principles of nobility of character … this is the brother of Rebecca, or “Persistence”; and he dwells in “Haran,” which in our language is “cavities,” a symbol of the senses; for the man who is still moving upon the stage of this mortal life cannot dispense with the organs of sense.",
+                "[46] This mother therefore says, “child, make thine abode with him,” not for ever, but “for a few days” (Gen. 27:44). This means “Learn well the country of the senses; know thyself, and the parts of which thou dost consist, what each is, and for what it was made, and how it is meant to work, and who it is that, all invisible, invisibly sets the puppets  in motion and pulls their strings, whether it be the Mind that is in thee or the Mind of the Universe.",
+                "[47] And when thou hast examined thyself, make too a precise scrutiny of all that is peculiar to Laban, even the triumphs of vainglory which are accounted so brilliant. Be not caught by any of these, but, like a good craftsman, skilfully adapt them all to thine own requirements. For if, when placed in this turbid scene of state and city life, thou shalt have displayed a steadfast and well-disciplined character, I will fetch thee thence (Gen. 27:45), that thou mayest obtain the very prize obtained by thy parents: and the prize is the unfaltering and untiring ministry to the only wise Being.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] Similar instructions are given him by his father, with slight additions; for he says, “Rise up and flee away into Mesopotamia, to the house of Bethuel thy mother’s father, and take to thee thence a wife from the daughters of Laban thy mother’s brother” (Gen. 28:2).",
+                "[49] Notice here again how he too, when speaking of Laban as intended to become a connexion by marriage with the Practiser, called him not “Syrian” but “brother of Rebecca.” “Flee away,” he says, “into Mesopotamia,” into the midst, that is, of the torrent of life’s river, and take care that thou be not overwhelmed by it and drowned, but set thyself firmly, and beat back with vigour the current of affairs as it comes dashing upon thee with utmost violence, from above and from either side and from all directions.",
+                "[50] For thou shalt find the house of wisdom a calm and fair haven, which will welcome thee kindly as thou comest to thy moorings in it; and it is wisdom’s name that the holy oracles proclaim by “Bethuel,” a name meaning in our speech “Daughter of God”; yea, a true-born and ever-virgin daughter, who, by reason alike of her own modesty and of the glory of Him that begot her, hath obtained a nature free from every defiling touch.",
+                "[51] He called Bethuel Rebecca’s father. How, pray, can Wisdom, the daughter of God, be rightly spoken of as a father? Is it because, while Wisdom’s name is feminine, her nature is manly? As indeed all the virtues have women’s titles, but powers and activities of consummate men. For that which comes after God, even though it were chiefest of all other things, occupies a second place, and therefore was termed feminine to express its contrast with the Maker of the Universe who is masculine, and its affinity to everything else. For pre-eminence always pertains to the masculine, and the feminine always comes short of and is lesser than it.",
+                "[52] Let us, then, pay no heed to the discrepancy in the gender of the words, and say that the daughter of God, even Wisdom, is not only masculine but father, sowing and begetting in souls aptness to learn, discipline, knowledge, sound sense, good and laudable actions. It is from this household that Jacob the Practiser seeks to win a bride. To what other place than to the house of wisdom shall he go to find a partner, a faultless judgement, with whom to spend his days for ever?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The lawgiver has spoken in greater detail on the subject of flight when laying down the law respecting manslayers, in which he goes into all the different forms, that of intentional slaying, that of unintentional, that of deliberate assault. Read the Law: “If a man smite another and he die, let him die the death. But he that did not intend it, but God delivered him into his hands, I will give thee a place to which the slayer shall flee. And if a man attack his neighbour to slay him by guile and he take refuge, from the altar shalt thou take him to put him to death” (Exod. 21:12–14).",
+                "[54] Well knowing that he never puts in a superfluous word, so vast is his  desire to speak plainly and clearly, I began debating with myself why he said that the intentional slayer is not to be put to death only but “by death to be put to death.”",
+                "[55] “In what other way,” I asked myself, “does a man who dies come to his end save by death?” So I attended the lectures of a wise woman, whose name is “Consideration,” and was rid of my questioning; for she taught me that some people are dead while living, and some alive while dead. She told me that bad people, prolonging their days to extreme old age, are dead men, deprived of the life in association with virtue, while good people, even if cut off from their partnership with the body, live for ever, and are granted immortality."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] She confirmed what she said by holy oracles also, one of them to this effect: “Ye that did cleave unto the Lord your God are alive all of you at this day” (Deut. 4:4). For only those who have taken refuge in God and become His supplicants does Moses recognize as living, accounting the rest to be dead men. Indeed he evidently ascribes immortality to the former by adding “ye are alive ‘to-day.’ ”",
+                "[57] Now “to-day” is the limitless age that never comes to an end; for periods of months and years, and of lengths of time generally, are notions of men arising from the high importance which they have attached to number. But the absolutely correct name for “endless age”  is “to-day.” For the sun never changes, but is always the same, going now above, now below, the earth; and through it day and night, the measures of endless age, are distinguished. ",
+                "[58] Another oracle by which she verified her statement was this: “Behold, I have given before thy face life and death, good and evil” (Deut. 30:15). Accordingly, thou wisest of teachers, goodness and virtue is life, evil and wickedness is death. Again, elsewhere: “This is thy life and length of days, to love the Lord thy God” (Deut. 30:20). This is a most noble definition of deathless life, to be possessed by a love of God and a friendship for God with which flesh and body have no concern.",
+                "[59] It is thus that the priests Nadab and Abihu  die in order that they may live, receiving an incorruptible life in exchange for mortal existence, and being translated from the created to the uncreate. Over them a proclamation is uttered betokening immortality, “They died before the Lord” (Lev. 10:2), that is “They came to life,” for a corpse may not come into God’s presence. And again, “This is that which the Lord hath said, ‘I will be sanctified in them that draw nigh unto me’ ” (Lev. 10:3), “But dead men,” as we hear in the Psalms, “shall not praise the Lord” (Psalm 115:17): for that is the work of living men.",
+                "[60] On the other hand, of Cain the accursed fratricide’s death no mention is found anywhere in the Books of the Law—nay, there is an oracle uttered concerning him which says, “The Lord God set a sign on Cain, even this, that no man that found him should kill him” (Gen. 4:15). ",
+                "[61] Why so? Because, I suppose, impiety is an evil that cannot come to an end, being ever set alight and never able to be quenched, so that we may fitly apply to wickedness the poet’s words:",
+                "No mortal is she, but a deathless ill. ",
+                "It is in life as we know it that it is “deathless,” for in relation to the LIFE in God it is a lifeless corpse, “more utter refuse than dung,” as one has said. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Now, it was quite fitting that different regions should be allotted to different things, heaven to a good thing, the earthly parts to an evil thing. That which is good is a thing upward-soaring; and should it ever come to us, in the bounty of its Father, it hastens, as is meet and right, to retrace its steps; but that which is evil stays here, removed as far as possible from the Divine Company,  making our mortal life its haunt, and incapable of quitting the human race by dying.",
+                "[63] This truth found noble utterance in the <i>Theaetetus</i>, where a man highly esteemed, one of those admired for their wisdom, says: “Evils can never pass away; for there must always remain something which is antagonistic to good. Having no place among the gods in heaven, of necessity they hover around the mortal nature and this earthly sphere. Wherefore we ought to fly away from earth to heaven as quickly as we can; and to fly away is to become like God, as far as this is possible; and to become like Him is to become holy, just, and wise.” ",
+                "[64] Naturally, therefore, Cain will not die, being the symbol of wickedness, which must of necessity ever live among men in the race that is mortal. There is, then, for the reasons that have been pointed out, definite point in the direction that the manslayer “be put by death to death.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] The words, “not intentionally, but God delivered him into his hands,” are admirably employed of those who commit an unintentional homicide. The writer feels that intentional acts are acts of our own determination, and that unintentional acts are God’s acts: I mean not the sins, but, on the contrary, all acts that are a punishment for sins. ",
+                "[66] For it is unbecoming to God to punish, seeing that He is the original and perfect Lawgiver: He punishes not by His own hands but by those of others who act as His ministers. Boons, gifts, benefits it is fitting that He should extend, since He is by nature good and bountiful, but punishments by the agency of others who are ready to perform such services, though not without his command given in virtue of his sovereignty.",
+                "[67] The Practiser testifies to what I say in the words, “God who nourishes me from youth, the Angel who delivers me out of all my evils” (Gen. 48:15 f.). He ascribes to God the more important good things, by which the soul is nourished, and the less important, which come about by escape from sins, to God’s minister. ",
+                "[68] It is for this reason, I imagine, that Moses, when treating in his lessons of wisdom of the Creation of the world, after having said of all other things that they were made by God, described man alone as having been fashioned with the co-operation of others. His words are: “God said, let us make man after our image” (Gen. 1:26), “let us make” indicating more than one. ",
+                "[69] So the Father of all things is holding parley with His powers, whom He allowed to fashion the mortal portion of our soul by imitating the skill shewn by Him when He was forming that in us which is rational, since He deemed it right that by the Sovereign should be wrought the sovereign faculty in the soul, the subject part being wrought by subjects.",
+                "[70] And He employed the powers that are associated with Him not only for the reason mentioned, but because, alone among created beings, the soul of man was to be susceptible of conceptions of evil things and good things, and to use one sort or the other, since it is impossible for him to use both.  Therefore God deemed it necessary to assign the creation of evil things to other makers, reserving that of good things to Himself alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] Wherefore also, while in the former case the expression used was “let us make man,” as though more than one were to do it, there is used afterwards an expression pointing to One, “God made the man” (Gen. 1:27). For of the real man, who is absolutely pure Mind, One, even the only God, is the Maker; but a plurality of makers produce man so-called, one that has an admixture of sense-perception.",
+                "[72] That is why he who is man in the special sense is mentioned with the article. The words run “God made the man,” that invisible reasoning faculty free from admixture. The other has no article added; for the words “let us make man” point to him in whom an irrational and rational nature are woven together.",
+                "[73] In adherence to the same principle he ascribes the blessing of the good and the cursing of the guilty to different persons. Both, it is true, receive praise, but blessing those worthy of blessing enjoys the prerogative which belongs to eulogies, while the laying of curses on the evil occupies but a second place. Therefore of those appointed for this purpose, the chiefs of the race, twelve in number, whom we are accustomed to call tribe-leaders, he set the six best over the blessing, Symeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, Joseph and Benjamin; and the other six over the cursing, the first and the last of the sons of Leah, Reuben and Zabulon, and the four bastard-born of the handmaids (Deut. 27:12 f.).",
+                "[74] For the leaders of the royal and of the priestly tribe hold a position in the former list, Judah and Levi.  Quite naturally, then, does He give up for punishment into the hands of others those who commit acts deserving death. He wishes to teach us that the nature of evil is far removed from the Divine Company, inasmuch as even the good thing which imitates evil, punishment, is ratified by means of others.",
+                "[75] The terms in which the announcement “I will give thee a place where the” unintentional “slayer shall take refuge” is made, seem to me to be excellently chosen. For here He uses the word “place,” not of a space entirely filled by a body,  but symbolically of God Himself, since He contains and is not contained, and because He is the Refuge for the whole universe.",
+                "[76] It is lawful, therefore, for one who feels that he has fallen into an unintentional offence, to say that the offence came about as God ordained, a statement which the deliberate wrongdoer may not make. Further He says that He “will give” not to the slayer but to him whom He is addressing,  which shews that the dweller in the place is a different person from him who escapes thither. For to His Word, as to one indigenous, God has given His knowledge as a fatherland to dwell in, but to one who has fallen into unintentional offences He has given it as a place of refuge, as a strange land to an alien, not as a fatherland to one with a citizen’s rights."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] After treating in this way of unintentional acts he goes on to legislate concerning assault and premeditation, saying, “If a man set upon his neighbour to slay him by guile and flee for refuge” (Exod. 21:14) to God, even to Him Who has been already symbolically called a place, Who is the occasion of life to all; for in another place likewise it says, “Whosoever shall flee there shall live” (Deut. 19:5).",
+                "[78] And is it not life eternal to take refuge with Him that IS, and death to flee away from Him? But if a man sets upon another he certainly deliberately commits a wrong, and that which is done intentionally with guile incurs guilt, even as, on the other hand, no blame attaches to the act in which there is no guile.",
+                "[79] Accordingly it is not right to say that any wrongs committed with secret hostility and with guile and as the result of premeditation are done as God ordains; they are done as we ordain. For as I have said, the treasuries of evil things are in ourselves; with God are those of good things only.",
+                "[80] Whosoever, therefore, takes refuge, that is, whosoever blames not himself but God for his sins, let him be punished, by being deprived of the refuge which is a place of deliverance and safety for suppliants only, namely the altar. Is not this meet and right? For the place of sacrifice is wholly occupied by victims free from blemish, that is by innocent and purified souls; and it is a blemish that can hardly, if at all, be remedied, to assert that the Deity is the cause of evil things as of all others.",
+                "[81] All such characters have made self-love their aim rather than love of God. Let them go forth outside the hallowed precincts, that in their foulness and uncleanness they may not behold even from afar the sacred flame of the soul ascending in unquenchable fire, and with power entire and unimpaired being sacrificed to God.",
+                "[82] In daring and noble language one of the wise men of old has brought out the truth which I am enforcing. “In no case and in no way,” he says, “is God unrighteous: He is absolute righteousness; and nothing exists more like Him than whoso of us in his turn attains to the greatest possible righteousness. It is by his relation to Him that a man’s real attainment is determined, as well as his worthlessness and failure to attain real manhood. For to know Him is true wisdom and virtue, and ignorance of Him is manifest stupidity and wickedness. All other seeming attainments and proofs of wisdom so called, if displayed in gaining political power, are merely vulgar; if in practising handicrafts, merely mechanical.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] After directing, then, that the man who is profane and reviles things sacred be led away from the most holy spots and given up to punishment, he goes on to say, “He that smiteth father or mother, let him die,” and likewise “he that revileth father or mother, let him die” (Exod. 21:15 f.).",
+                "[84] He as good as proclaims in a loud voice that no pardon must be granted to a blasphemer against God. For if those who have reviled mortal parents are led away for execution, what penalty must we consider that those have merited who take upon them to blaspheme the Father and Maker of the universe? And what more foul reviling could be uttered than the statement, that the origination of evil lies not at our door but at God’s? Drive off,",
+                "[85] then, ye initiates and hierophants of holy mysteries, drive off the motley crowd, flotsam and jetsam, souls hardly capable of cleansing and purifying, carrying about wherever they go ears ever unclosed, and tongue ever unconfined, ready instruments of their miserable condition in their longing to hear all that heaven forbids us to hear, and to tell out such things as should never find utterance.",
+                "[86] But all who have been trained to discriminate between intentional and unintentional actions, and have been given lips that can keep a holy silence in place of a reviling tongue, are praiseworthy when they go aright,  and are not much to blame when they fail without meaning it: that is why cities of refuge were set apart for them (Num. 35.). "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] It is worth while to treat with particular detail those aspects of the subject which are of vital importance.  They are four in number: first, why cities set apart for fugitives were chosen, not from the cities allotted to the other tribes, but from those assigned to the tribe of Levi only; secondly, for what reason they were six in number, and neither more nor less; thirdly, why three were beyond the Jordan, and the others in the land of Canaan; fourthly, why the time appointed beforehand for the return of the fugitives was the death of the High Priest.",
+                "[88] On each of these points we must say what is pertinent, beginning with the first. The direction to fly to the cities allotted to Levites only is wholly appropriate, for the Levites too are in a certain sense fugitives, having, for the sake of being well-pleasing to God, forsaken parents and children and brothers and all their mortal kindred.",
+                "[89] So the original founder of this company is represented as saying to his father and mother, “I have not seen you, my brethren I know not, and my sons I know no more” (Deut. 33:9), that I may without distraction minister to Him that is. And a flight that is real exile is loss of our nearest and dearest. It is on the ground, then, of a similarity in their doings that the Lawgiver commits fugitives to the keeping of fugitives, that they may obtain an amnesty for what they had done.",
+                "[90] Was this, then, the only reason, or was it also because the Tribe of Levi, consisting of those who had the care of the Tabernacle, rushed upon and slew from the young upwards  those who fashioned into a god the golden calf, the Egyptian folly? They did this under the impulse of righteous anger accompanied by an inspiration from above and a God-sent possession: “And each man slays brother and neighbour and his nearest” (Exod. 32:27), for the body is “brother” of the soul, the irrational part of us neighbour of the rational, and the word of utterance “next of kin” to mind.",
+                "[91] For in this way only could that which is best in ourselves become capable of ministering before Him Who is Best of all Existences, if in the first place the man were resolved into soul, his brother body and its interminable cravings being broken off and cut in twain; if in the next place the soul rid itself, as I have said, of that neighbor of our rational element, the irrational,  which like a torrent in five divisions pours through the channels of all the senses and rouses the violence of the passions;",
+                "[92] if in the next place the reasoning faculty sever and banish from itself that which has the appearance of being closest to it, the word of utterance. All this is to the end that the word or thought  within the mind may be left behind by itself alone, destitute of body, destitute of sense-perception, destitute of utterance in audible speech; for when it has been thus left, it will live a life in harmony with such solitude, and will render, with nothing to mar or to disturb it, its glad homage to the Sole Existence.",
+                "[93] Another point to be called to mind, in addition to those which have been mentioned, is that the Tribe of Levi is that of ministers of the Tabernacle and priests, on whom rests the service of the Sanctuary, and those who commit unintentional homicide are also engaged in a service, since, as Moses tells us, “God delivers into their hands” (Exod. 21:13) for destruction those that have done deeds worthy of death. But, while the Levites were appointed for the exaltation of the good, these others were appointed for the chastisement of the guilty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Such are the reasons for the perpetrators of unintentional homicide taking refuge only in the cities of the Tabernacle attendants. We must next say what those cities are, and why they are six in number. It would seem, then, that the chiefest and surest and best mother-city something more than just a city, is the Divine Word, and that to take refuge first in it is supremely advantageous.",
+                "[95] The other five, colonies as it were, are powers of Him who speaks that Word,  their leader being creative power, in the exercise of which the Creator produced the universe by a word ; second in order is the royal power, in virtue of which He that has made it governs that which has come into being; third stands the gracious power, in the exercise of which the Great Artificer takes pity and compassion on his own work; fourth 〈is the legislative power, by which He prescribes duties incumbent on us; and fifth〉 that division of legislation, by which He prohibits those things which should not be done.",
+                "[96] Right goodly cities are they, and exceeding strong in their ramparts, noblest refuges for souls meet to be in safety for ever: kind and beneficent is the ordinance, with power to stimulate and brace to hopefulness. What ordinance could better shew the rich abundance of these beneficial powers adapted to the differences in the victims of involuntary lapses, so various both in their strength and in their weakness?",
+                "[97] The man who is capable of running swiftly it bids stay not to draw breath but pass forward to the supreme Divine Word, Who is the fountain of Wisdom, in order that he may draw from the stream and, released from death, gain life eternal as his prize. One less swift-footed it directs to the power to which Moses gives the name “God,” since by it the Universe was established and ordered.  It urges him to flee for refuge to the creative power, knowing that to one who has grasped the fact that the whole world was brought into being a vast good accrues, even the knowledge of its Maker, which straightway wins the thing created to love Him to whom it owes its being.",
+                "[98] One who is less ready it urges to betake himself to the kingly power, for fear of the sovereign has a force of correction to admonish the subject, where a father’s kindness has none such for the child. For him who fails to reach the posts just mentioned, because he thinks them too far distant, another set of goals have been set up nearer the starting-point—the gracious power, the power which enjoins duties, and that which forbids offences; those in fact which are indispensable.",
+                "[99] For he that has made sure that the Godhead is not inexorable, but kindly, owing to gentleness of nature, even if he have first sinned, afterwards repents in hope of forgiveness; and he that has taken in the thought that God is Lawgiver, will by obeying all His injunctions attain happiness; while the last of the three will gain a third and last refuge, the averting of ills, even if he fail to obtain a share of God’s principal good gifts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Such are the six cities, which Moses calls “places of refuge” (Num. 35:12), five of which were represented by symbolic figures which are in the sanctuary, the Laws laid up in the ark being symbols of injunction and prohibition; the lid of the ark, which he calls the Mercy-seat, representing the gracious power; while the creative and kingly powers are represented by the winged Cherubim that rest upon it.",
+                "[101] The Divine Word, Who is high above all these, has not been visibly portrayed, being like to no one of the objects of sense. Nay, He is Himself the Image of God, chiefest of all Beings intellectually perceived, placed nearest, with no intervening distance, to the Alone truly existent One.  For we read: “I will talk with thee  from above the Mercy-seat, between the two Cherubim” (Ex. 25:21), words which shew that while the Word is the charioteer of the Powers, He Who talks is seated in the chariot, giving directions to the charioteer for the right wielding of the reins of the Universe.",
+                "[102] He, then, that has shewn himself free from even unintentional offence—intentional is not to be thought of—having God Himself as his portion (Deut. 10:9), will have his abode in Him alone; while those who have fallen, not of set purpose but against their will, will have the refuges which have been mentioned, so freely and richly provided.",
+                "[103] Now of the cities of refuge three are beyond the River, far removed from our race. Which are these? The Word of the Sovereign Ruler, and His creative and His kingly power: for in fellowship with these are heaven and all the universe.",
+                "[104] But those which are close to us and in actual contact with perishable mankind, the only race which sin has befallen, are the three within—the gracious power, the power which enjoins things that are to be done, and that which prohibits those which are not to be done; for these touch us closely.",
+                "[105] For what need is there of prohibition in the case of those who are sure to do no wrong? What need of injunction for those whose nature exempts them from failure? And what need of recourse to the Gracious Power for those who will commit no sin at all? But our race stands in need of these powers by reason of its natural proneness both to intentional and unintentional sins."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] The fourth and only remaining point of those proposed for consideration was the time prescribed for the return of the fugitives, namely, that of the death of the High Priest. If taken literally, this point presents, I feel, great difficulty. The penalty inflicted by law on those whose offences are identical is unequal, if some are to be fugitives for a longer, some for a shorter, period; for of the High Priests some are very long-lived,",
+                "[107] some the reverse; some are appointed in youth, some in old age; and of those guilty of unintentional homicide some went into exile at the outset of the High Priest’s priesthood, some when the holder of the sacred office was nearing his end. Thus some have been cut off from their native place for a very long time indeed, others merely for a day, it may be, after which they will arrive with their heads in the air, insolently laughing at the nearest relatives of those whom they have slain.",
+                "[108] Let us, then, have recourse to the scientific mode of interpretation which looks for the hidden meaning of the literal words, and we shall escape from the difficulty and be able to give a reasonable account of the matter. We say, then, that the High Priest is not a man, but a Divine Word and immune from all unrighteousness whether intentional or unintentional.",
+                "[109] For Moses says that he cannot defile himself either 109 for  the father, the mind, nor for the mother, sense-perception (Lev. 21:11), because, methinks, he is the child of parents incorruptible and wholly free from stain, his father being God, who is likewise Father of all, and his mother Wisdom, through whom the universe came into existence;",
+                "[110] because, moreover, his head has been anointed with oil, and by this I mean that his ruling faculty is illumined with a brilliant light, in such wise that he is deemed worthy “to put on the garments.” Now the garments which the supreme Word of Him that is puts on as raiment are the world, for He arrays Himself in earth and air and water and fire and all that comes forth from these; while the body is the clothing of the soul considered as the principle of physical life,  and the virtues of the wise man’s understanding.",
+                "[111] Moses also says that “he shall never remove the mitre” from his head; he shall not, that is to say, lay aside the kingly diadem, the symbol not of absolute sovereignty, but of an admirable viceroyalty; “nor” again “shall he rend his clothes” (Lev. 21:10);",
+                "[112] for the Word of Him that IS is, as has been stated, the bond of all existence, and holds and knits together all the parts, preventing them from being dissolved and separated; just as the principle of physical life, in so far as it has been endowed with power, suffers none of the parts of the body to be split or cut off contrary to nature, but, so far as in it lies, all the parts are complete, and maintain unbroken a mutual harmony and oneness; and, in like manner, the purified mind of the wise man preserves the virtues free from breach or hurt, linking in a yet firmer concord the affinity and fellowship which is theirs by nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] The High Priest, so Moses says, “shall not go in to any dead soul” (Lev. 21:11). Death of soul is a life in the company of vice, so that what is meant is that he is never to come in contact with any polluting object, and of these folly always stinks. ",
+                "[114] To him there is betrothed moreover a maiden of the hallowed people, pure and undefiled and of ever inviolate intention; for never is he wedded to a widow or one divorced or to a profane woman or to a harlot (<i>ibid</i>. 13 f.), but against them he ever wages a truceless and unrelenting warfare. For hateful to him is widowhood from virtue, and the plight of one cast out and driven from her doors, and any conviction that is profane and unholy. But the promiscuous, polyandrous cause of polytheism, or rather atheism, the harlot, he deigns not even to look at, having learned to love her who had adopted, as her one Husband and Father, God the All-sovereign.",
+                "[115] In this character we see perfection in something like its highest form. On the other hand, as to the man who has vowed the Great Vow, the lawgiver seems to recognize that he does stumble unintentionally, even if not with deliberate intent; for he says, “If one die by him suddenly, he shall at once be defiled” (Num. 6:9): for that which suddenly swoops down upon us from without, apart from any wish of our own, defiles the soul at once, though not for an interminable period, owing to its being unintentional.  But with such involuntary defilements, even as with those that are voluntary, the High Priest has no concern, but stands far up beyond their reach.",
+                "[116] The observations which I have been making are lie not beside the mark, but are meant to shew that the fixing of the High Priest’s death as the term for the return of the exiles is in perfect accordance with the natural fitness of things (Num. 35:25).",
+                "[117] For so long as this holiest Word is alive and is still present in the soul, it is out of the question that an unintentional offence should come back into it; for this holy Word is by nature incapable of taking part in and of admitting to itself any sin whatever. But if the Word die, not by being itself destroyed, but by being withdrawn out of our soul, the way is at once open for the return of unintentional errors; for if it was abiding within us alive and well when they were removed, assuredly when it departs and goes elsewhere they will be reinstated.",
+                "[118] For the Monitor, the undefiled High Priest, enjoys as the fruit of his nature the special prerogative of never admitting into himself any uncertainty of judgement. Wherefore it is meet that we should pray that He who is at once High Priest and King may live in our soul as Monitor on the seat of justice, seeing that he has received for his proper sphere the entire court of our understanding, and faces unabashed all who are brought up for judgement there. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] Having now said all that was called for on the subject of fugitives, we will go on to treat of what comes next in natural sequence. The next words are “An angel of the Lord found her” (Gen. 16:7)—the angel who decreed a return home to a soul whose shame was like to lead into wandering, and well-nigh was its escort back to the frame of mind which wanders not.",
+                "[120] It will be an advantage that the lawgiver’s reflections about finding and seeking should not be passed over. He represents some as neither seeking nor finding anything, others as succeeding in both, some as having mastered one but not the other, either seeking and not finding, or finding without having sought.",
+                "[121] Those with no desire either to find or to seek grievously impair their faculty of reason, by refusing to train and exercise it, and, though capable of being keen-sighted, become blind. This is his meaning when he says that “Lot’s wife turned backwards and became a pillar” (Gen. 19:26), and here he is not inventing a fable but indicating precisely a real fact.",
+                "[122] For a man who is led by innate and habitual laziness to pay no attention to his teacher neglects what lies in front of him, which would enable him to see and hear and use his other faculties for the observation of nature’s facts. Instead he twists  his neck and turns his face backwards, and his thoughts are all for the dark and hidden side—of life, that is, not of the body and its parts, and so he turns into a pillar and becomes like a deaf and lifeless stone.",
+                "[123] Speaking of such characters as these Moses says that they did not get “a heart to understand, and eyes to see, and ears to hear” (Deut. 29:4), but wrought out for themselves a life that was no life, blind and deaf and unintelligent and in every way maimed, setting themselves to nothing that demands their thoughts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] As leader of this company we see the king of the country which symbolizes the body; for we read that “Pharaoh turned and went into his house, and did not set his heart even to this” (Ex. 7:23, R.V. mg.), as much as to say that he set it to nothing at all, but allowed it like an untilled plant to wither away and become barren and bear nothing.",
+                "[125] It is whetted and made keen by those who consider and observe and examine all things carefully; and when it is in exercise it bears its proper fruits, shrewdness and insight, which save it from being duped; but the unobservant man blunts and crushes the edges of intelligence.",
+                "[126] We must, then, let alone the irrational and truly lifeless company of such men as these, and scan well that of those who practise looking and finding. Our first example shall be the man who takes part indeed in public life, but is very far from having a mad thirst for fame: his ambition is for that better family, which the virtues have taken as their heritage, and he is represented as both seeking and finding it.",
+                "[127] For we are told that “a man found Joseph wandering in the plain, and asked him, ‘What art thou seeking?’ and he said ‘I am seeking my brethren; tell me, where are they feeding their flocks?’ And the man said to him, ‘They have departed hence, for I heard them saying, Let us go to Dothan.’ And Joseph went his way after his brethren, and found them in Dothan” (Gen. 37:15–17).",
+                "[128] Dothan means “a thorough for-saking,” and is the symbol of a soul that has in no half measure but completely run away from those empty notions which resemble the practices of women rather than those of men. Accordingly it is finely said that Sarah, who is Virtue, “forsakes the ways of women” (Gen. 18:11), those ways on which we toil who follow after the unmanly and really feminine life. But the wise man too “forsaking is added” (Gen. 25:8),  as Moses says in perfect accord with the nature of things: for the subtraction of vainglory is the addition of reality.",
+                "[129] If a man, while spending his days in this mortal life full of such diverse elements and assuming so many phases, and while he has at his disposal abundant material for a life of luxury, makes that better family, which has an eye only for what is morally excellent, his study and quest, he is worthy of approbation, if the dreams and phantoms of things that have the name and appearance of good things do not rise to the surface again and get the better of him.",
+                "[130] For if he continues in that soul  inquiry and keeps it free from alloy, he will not give up walking in the track of the objects of his quest, and following them up until he has reached those for whom he yearns.",
+                "[131] But none of them will he find among the worthless. Why so? Because “they have departed hence,” forsaking all that we care about, and have removed into the abode of the pious where no evil men are found. The speaker is the true “man,”  the Monitor, set over the soul, who, seeing its perplexity, its inquiring, its searching, is afraid lest it go astray and miss the right road."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Another instance is that of those well-known two whom I hold in great admiration. One is full of curiosity about the middle term between two others, and says, “Lo, the fire and the wood; where is the sheep for a whole burnt-offering?” The other replies, “God will see for Himself a sheep for a whole burnt-offering, Child”; and afterwards finds the substitute provided, for “behold a single ram held by the horns in a Sabek shrub”  (Gen. 22:7, 8, 13).",
+                "[133] Let us see, then, what the inquirer’s difficulty is, and what the answerer declares; and in the third place what the thing found was. Well, the inquiry he makes is of this kind: “Behold, the efficient cause, the fire; behold also, the passive object, the material, the wood; where is the third term, the finished result ?” As though he should say,",
+                "[134] “Behold the mind, breath  all warm and on fire; behold also the objects which the mind perceives, materials, as it were; where is the third term, the mind’s perception?” Or once more, “Here is sight; here is colour; where is the seeing?” and, quite generally, “Lo, here is sense-perception, the instrument for forming judgements; yes, and the objects of sense-perception, the material for it to work upon; where, then, is the act of perceiving?”",
+                "[135] To these inquiries the other gives the only right answer, “God will see for Himself”; for the third term is God’s special work. For it is by His taking thought for them that the mind apprehends, and sight sees, and every sense perceives.",
+                "As for the words “A ram is found held fast,” this is reason keeping quiet and in suspense.",
+                "[136] For the best offering is quietness and suspense of judgement, in matters that absolutely lack proofs. The only word we may say is this, “God will see.” To Him all things are known; He sees all things distinctly, by clearest light, even by Himself. No other word can be spoken by created beings on whom the darkness has been shed in full measure; and in darkness, safety lies in keeping still."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] Another instance. When they sought what it is that nourished the soul (for, as Moses says, “they knew not what it was”) (Exod. 16:15), they became learners and found it to be a saying of God, that is the Divine Word, from which all kinds of instruction and wisdom flow in perpetual stream. This is the heavenly nourishment, and it is indicated as such in the sacred records, when the First Cause in his own person says, “Lo, it is I that am raining upon you bread out of the heaven” (<i>ibid</i>. 4);",
+                "[138] for in very deed God drops from above the ethereal wisdom upon minds which are by nature apt and take delight in Contemplation; and they see it and taste it and are filled with pleasure, being fully aware of what they feel, but wholly ignorant of the cause which produced the feeling. So they inquire “What is this” (<i>ibid</i>. 15) which has a nature making it sweeter than honey and whiter than snow? And they will be taught by the seer that “This is the bread, which the Lord hath given them to eat” (<i>ibid</i>. 15).",
+                "[139] Tell me, then, of what kind the bread is. “This saying,” he says, “which the Lord ordained”  (<i>ibid</i>. 16). This Divine ordinance fills the soul that has vision alike with light and sweetness, flashing forth the radiancy of truth, and with the honied grace of persuasion imparting sweetness to those who hunger and thirst after nobility of character.",
+                "[140] A seeker also was the prophet himself, to know the cause of successful achievement, and he found that it was the presence with him of the only God. For when he asked in doubt, “Who am I, and what is there in me that I should deliver the race of vision from the character which fancies itself king and sets itself up against God?” he is instructed by a message from God, “I will be with thee” (Exod. 3:11 f.).",
+                "[141] It is true, of course, that the seeking of partial and subordinate objects calls out in us the exercise of delicate and profound thought; but the seeking of God, best of all existences, incomparable Cause of all things, gladdens us the moment we begin our search, and never turns out fruitless, since by reason of His gracious nature He comes to meet us with His pure and virgin graces, and shews Himself to those who yearn to see Him, not as He is, which is a thing impossible, since even Moses “turned away his face, for he was afraid to look upon God” (Exod. 3:6), but so far as it was allowable that created nature should direct its gaze towards the Power that is beyond conception.",
+                "[142] This promise also is included in the Exhortations,  where it is said “Ye shall turn back to the Lord your God, and shall find Him, when ye shall seek after Him, with all your heart, and with all your soul” (Deut. 4:29 f.)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Having said enough about those who seek and find, let us turn next to our third head, in which there is, we said, seeking, but no finding follows. Laban falls under this head. He searched the whole of the soul-dwelling of the Practiser, and as Moses says “found not the idols” (Gen. 31:33); for it was full of real things, not of dreams and empty phantoms.",
+                "[144] The men of Sodom, too, blind in understanding, when madly bent on bringing shame upon the sacred and undefiled Words, did not find the way that leads to this, but, as the sacred passage says, “wearied themselves in seeking the door” (Gen. 19:11), although they ran all round the house and left no stone unturned to carry out their unnatural and unholy lust.",
+                "[145] It has happened before now, that men having conceived the desire to become kings instead of gate-keepers and to overthrow order, the most beautiful thing in human life, have not only failed of the success which they had unjustly hoped for, but have been compelled to part with the advantage which they held in their hands. For the Law tells us that the men of Korah’s company, when they aimed at 〈priesthood and were not satisfied with the post of Tabernacle attendants〉, failed of both (Num. 16.).",
+                "[146] For just as boys and men do not learn the same things, but either age has its appropriate teachings, so  it is the nature of some souls to be always childish even in bodies that have grown old, and, on the other hand, to be full grown in bodies just reaching the prime of youth. All such as are enamoured of things too great for their nature will be convicted of foolishness, since every effort beyond our strength breaks down through over-violent straining.",
+                "[147] Pharaoh, again, seeking to destroy Moses (Exod. 2:15), that is, the prophetic nature, will never find him, albeit he has heard a grievous charge against him, namely, that he has attempted to overthrow the entire dominion of the body in two attacks. ",
+                "[148] The first of these he made against the Egyptian character, which was assailing the soul from the vantage-ground of pleasure; for “after smiting him he covered him with sand” (Exod. 2:12), a drifting, disconnected substance. He evidently regarded both doctrines as having the same author, the doctrine that pleasure is the prime and greatest good, and the doctrine that atoms are the elementary principles of the universe. Another attack (<i>ibid</i>. 13) was directed against him who splits up the nature of good into subdivisions, and assigns one to soul, one to body, one to things outside us. For he would have the good to be a complete whole, apportioned to the best element in us, to understanding alone, and in agreement with nothing lifeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] Again, it is in perfect keeping with the nature of things that invincible Virtue, bitterly vexed at men’s absurd aims—Tamar is her name—is not found by the messenger dispatched to seek her; for it is said, “And Judah sent the kid of the goats by the hand of his shepherd the Adullamite, to receive the pledge from the woman’s hand: and he found her not. And he asked the men of the place, ‘Where is the harlot that was at Enaim by the wayside?’ And they said, ‘There was no harlot here.’ And he returned to Judah and said, ‘I have not found her, and the men of the place say that there is no harlot here.’ And Judah said ‘Let her have them, but let us never be laughed to scorn; I have sent this kid, and thou hast not found her’ ” (Gen. 38:20–23).",
+                "[150] O admirable assay! O sacred test! A mind, bent on purchasing that fairest possession, piety, gave a pledge in the form of three securities or symbols, a signet ring, a cord, a staff (<i>ibid</i>. 18): the first, steadfastness and fidelity; the second, sequence and correspondence of word with life and life with word; the third, straight and unbending discipline, on which it is an advantage to lean. ",
+                "[151] The mind is putting to the test whether it did well to give this pledge. What, then, is the test? To drop some bait possessed of attractive power, fame or riches or health of body, or something of this kind, and to ascertain towards which side it sinks as on a pair of scales; for should there be an inclination towards any of these, the pledge is not safe. So he sent the kid thus to recover the pledge from the woman, not with the purpose of getting it back in any case, but only if she should ever prove unworthy to retain it.",
+                "[152] When will she be proved such? Whenever she exchanges things that matter for things that do not, preferring counterfeits to genuine goods. Now genuine goods are fidelity, sequence and correspondence of words with acts, a standard of right discipline (as on the other hand evils are faithlessness, inconsistency, lack of discipline); while the counterfeits are all things that depend upon irrational impulse.",
+                "[153] He sought there and “did not find her”; for that which is morally excellent is hard or even impossible to find in a life of turmoil. And if he make careful inquiries whether there be in all the region of that which is morally excellent a soul that has played the harlot, he will be told definitely that there neither is nor was aforetime, for that there is not there any licentious one, or a wanton, or a street-walker, or one prostituting for gain the flower of her youth, or making bright what is outside by baths and cleansings while she is foul within, or in default of natural beauty painting her face as pictures are coloured, or what is called the “many-husband” pest, following after evil as though it were good, or a lover of polygamy, or dispersing herself upon a thousand different objects material and immaterial alike, or mocked and outraged by that multitude.",
+                "[154] He who had sent the messenger, on hearing this, being one who had put envy far from him and was of a gracious disposition, rejoices greatly and says: “Is it not my heart-felt prayer that my understanding should be a true and high-born lady,  eminent for chastity and modesty and all other virtues, devoted to one husband and keeping watch with delight over the home of one, and exulting in a sole ruler? If in truth she is such an one, let her keep the things which have been given her, both discipline and the correspondence of word with life and of life with word, and the most vital of all, steadfastness and fidelity.",
+                "[155] But let us never be laughed to scorn in the belief that we thought our gifts unmerited;  we did indeed suppose that they were presents perfectly adapted to the soul. But while I, on my part, did what one who wished to test and try a character would naturally do, when I offered a bait, and sent a messenger, that character on its part made it evident that it was by its nature no easy prey.",
+                "[156] But I could not tell what it is which makes one an easy prey and another not; for I have seen great numbers of the exceedingly wicked sometimes acting exactly like the very good, but not for the same reason, since one set is putting truth into practice, the other set hypocrisy: and it is hard to distinguish these two; for many a time being is outdone by seeming.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Again, the goat of the sin-offering is sought for by the lover of virtue, but he does not find it; for, as the passage of Holy Writ shews, it had already been burnt (Lev. 10:16). We must consider what he means by this figure. To do no sin is peculiar to God; to repent, to the wise man; and this latter is a very difficult thing, and hard to find.",
+                "[158] So the oracle says that “Moses diligently sought” in this mortal life the secret of repentance for sins; for he was intent on discovering a soul divesting itself of unrighteousness, and going forth without shame, naked of misdeeds. But nevertheless he did not find one, for the flame, in other words the irrational impulse exceeding swift in its movements, had overrun and devoured the whole soul.",
+                "[159] For the fewer are overpowered by the more numerous, and the slower by the more fleet, and things that tarry by things that are present; and repentance is a restricted and slow and tarrying thing, whereas wrongdoing is copious and swift and constantly present in this mortal life. Naturally, then, one who has come into a state of lapse from virtue says that he is “unable to eat of the sin-offering,” since his inward feeling does not permit him to be fed by repentance, wherefore it is said “Moses heard it, and it pleased him” (Lev. 10:19 f.).",
+                "[160] For our relation to other created beings is a very different thing from our relation to God; for to creation only things manifest are known, but to God hidden things also. The man who, lying against the truth, maintains while still doing wrong that he has repented, is a madman. It is just as if the sick man were to act the part of the healthy man: he will clearly get worse through declining to have recourse to any means conducive to health. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] Again, on one occasion the prophet, led on by his love of acquiring knowledge, was seeking after the causes by which the most essential occurrences in the universe are brought about; for observing all created things wasting away and coming to the birth, perishing and yet remaining, he is smitten with amazement and cries out saying, “Why is it that the bush is burning and not being consumed?” (Exod. 3:2 f.), for his thoughts are busy over the untrodden place,",
+                "[162] familiar only to Divine natures. But when now on the point of engaging in an endless and futile labour, he is relieved of it by the kindness and providence of God the Saviour of all men, who from out of the hallowed spot warned him “Draw not nigh hither” (<i>ibid</i>. 5), as much as to say “Enter not on such an inquiry”; for the task argues a busy, restless curiosity too great for human ability: marvel at all that has come into being, but as for the reasons for which they have either come into being or are decaying, cease to busy thyself with them.",
+                "[163] For “the place on which thou standest is holy ground,” it says (<i>ibid</i>. 5). What kind of place or topic is meant? Evidently that of causation, a subject which He has assigned to Divine natures only, deeming no human being capable of dealing with the study of causation.",
+                "[164] But the prophet owing to desire of knowledge lifts his eyes above the whole universe and becomes a seeker regarding its Creator, asking of what sort this Being is so difficult to see, so difficult to conjecture. Is He a body or incorporeal, or something exalted above these? Is He a single Nature, a Monad as it were? Or a composite Being? What among all that exists? And seeing that this is a problem hard to pursue, hard to take in by thought, he prays that he may learn from God Himself what God is: for he had no hope of being able to ascertain this from another, from one of those that are inferior to Him.",
+                "[165] Nevertheless he did not succeed in finding anything by search respecting the essence of Him that IS. For he is told “What is behind Me thou shalt see, but My face thou shalt by no means see” (Exod. 33:23). For it amply suffices the wise man to come to a knowledge of all that follows on after God and in His wake, but the man that wishes to set his gaze upon the Supreme Essence, before he sees Him will be blinded by the rays that beam forth all around Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[166] Having said thus much about the third head also, we will go on to the fourth and last of those proposed for consideration, in which there has been no “seeking,” and yet “finding” meets us unbidden. Under this head is ranged every wise man who learns directly from no teacher but himself; for he does not by searchings and practisings and toilings gain improvement, but as soon as he comes into existence he finds wisdom placed ready to his hand, shed from heaven above, and of this he drinks undiluted draughts, and sits feasting, and ceases not to be drunken with the sober drunkenness which right reason brings.",
+                "[167] This is he whom Holy Writ calls “Isaac,” whom the soul did not conceive at one time and give birth to at another, for it says “she conceived and gave birth” (Gen. 21:2) as though timelessly. For he that was thus born was not a man, but a most pure thought, beautiful not by practice but by nature. And for this reason she that gave birth to it is said “to have forsaken the ways of women” (Gen. 18:11), those human ways of custom and mere reasoning.",
+                "[168] For the nature of the self-taught is new and higher than our reasoning, and in very deed Divine, arising by no human will or purpose but by a God-inspired ecstasy. Do you not know that Hebrew mothers need no midwives for their delivery, but as Moses says “before the midwives” (Exod. 1:19), that is before systems, arts, sciences, come in, they give birth with the co-operation of nature alone?",
+                "Admirable and most suitable are the marks which the Lawgiver sets forth to define the direct learner: one, “that which is quickly found,” another, “that which God delivered.”",
+                "[169] While that which is taught needs a long time, that which comes by nature is rapid, and, we may say, timeless; and, while the one has man as teacher, the other has God. The former mark he sets down in a question: “What is this which thou didst find quickly, Child?” the other in a reply, in the words “that which God the Lord delivered” (Gen. 27:20)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] There is besides a third mark of the direct learner, namely that which comes up of itself. For it is said in the Exhortations : “Ye shall not sow, nor shall ye reap its growths that come up of themselves” (Lev. 25:11): for natural growths require no artificial treatment, since God sows them and by His art of husbandry brings to perfection, as though they were self-grown, plants which are not self-grown, save only so far as they had no need whatever of human attention.",
+                "[171] His words are not those of exhortation, but of statement : for, in commanding, he would have said “do not sow,” “do not reap”; instead he says in the form of a statement, “Ye shall not sow, nor assuredly shall ye reap that which is self-grown.” For when we observe such growths as spring up spontaneously by nature, we find that we are not responsible either for their beginning or their end. Now the seed is the beginning and the reaping the end;",
+                "[172] and the text is better understood in this way: every beginning and every end is “automatic,” in the sense that it is not our doing but that of nature.  For instance, what is the beginning of the act of learning? Evidently it is the nature residing in the pupil with its receptivity towards the several subjects of study. What again is the beginning of the completion of learning? Undoubtedly it is nature. It is within the power of the teacher to lead us from one stage of progress to another; God only, Nature at its best, can produce in us the full completion.",
+                "[173] The man that is nurtured on these doctrines enjoys the peace that never ends, released from unabating toils. Peace and Seven are identical according to the Legislator: for on the seventh day  creation puts away its seeming activity and takes rest.",
+                "[174] So, taken in a symbolic sense, the words “And the sabbath of the land shall be food for you” (Lev. 25:6) are to the point; for nothing is nourishing and enjoyable food, save rest in God, securing as it does for us the greatest boon, the peace which is unbroken by war. For the peace which is made by one city with another is mixed with and marred by intestine war; but the peace of the soul has no admixture of discord whatever.",
+                "[175] But it is by the following that the Lawgiver seems to me most clearly to supply an example of finding without seeking: “When the Lord thy God shall have led thee into the land which He sware unto thy fathers to give thee, cities great and fair, which thou buildedst not, houses full of all good things, which thou filledst not, cisterns cut out, which thou cuttedst not, vineyards and olive-yards, which thou plantedst not” (Deut. 6:10 f.).",
+                "[176] Seest thou the lavish abundance of the good things showered upon them, great and ready for possession and enjoyment? The generic virtues are likened to cities, because they have the greatest expanse; the special virtues to houses, for these are restricted to a narrower compass; souls endowed with good native ability are likened to cisterns, being ready to receive wisdom as these do water; vineyards and olive-yards represent progress and growth and yield of fruits; and the fruit of knowledge is the life of contemplation, winning for us unmixed gladness as from wine, and intellectual light as from a flame which oil feeds. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] In what preceded we have spoken about finding, having previously dealt with flight. We will now pass on in turn to the points which follow next in our plan of treatment. We read, then, “An angel of the Lord found her at the water-spring” (Gen. 16:7). “Spring” is a word used in many senses. In the first place, our mind is so called; secondly, the reasoning habit  and education; thirdly, the bad disposition; fourthly, its opposite, the good disposition; fifthly, the Maker and Father of the Universe Himself.",
+                "[178] The proofs of this statement are supplied by the Oracles of Scripture: let us see what they are. There is one such declaration in the beginning of the Book of the Law, immediately after the record of the Creation of the World, running as follows: “A spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6).",
+                "[179] Those who are unversed in allegory and the nature-truth which loves to conceal its meaning compare the spring mentioned with the River of Egypt, which rises in flood yearly and turns the plain into a lake, seeming to exhibit a power well-nigh rivalling the sky.",
+                "[180] For what the sky is in winter to other countries, this the Nile is to Egypt in the height of summer: the one sends the rain from above upon the earth, the other, strange to say, rains up from below and waters the fields. This afforded Moses ground  for branding the Egyptian character as atheistical in its preference for earth above heaven, for the things that live on the ground above those that dwell on high, and the body above the soul.",
+                "[181] However, it will be possible to speak of this hereafter, when opportunity permits. At present the need for aiming at brevity compels me to take up the interpretation of the passage allegorically, and to say that “a spring going up and watering all the face of the earth” has the meaning I am about to give.",
+                "[182] Our dominant faculty resembles a spring: and from it like the spring water through the veins of the earth well up many powers which it sends forth till they reach the senses, eyes, ears, nostrils, and so on. Every animal has those in its head and face. Thus the dominant faculty in the soul waters, as from a spring, the face, which is the dominant part of the body, extending to the eyes the spirit  of vision, that of hearing to the ears, to the nostrils that of smelling, that of tasting to the mouth, and that of touch to the whole surface."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[183] There are also a variety of springs of education, by the side of which there grow up, like stems of palm-trees, upright forms of reason rich in nourishing food. For we read that “they came to Elim, and in Elim there were twelve springs of water, and seventy stems of palm-trees; and they encamped there by the waters” (Exod. 15:27). “Elim” means “gateways,” a figure of the entrance to virtue; for just as gateways are the beginnings of a house, so are the preliminary exercises of the schools the beginning of virtue.",
+                "[184] And twelve is a perfect number. The zodiac circle in the sky is a witness to this, being adorned with that number of luminous constellations: a further instance is the sun’s circuit, for it completes its round in twelve months, and men keep the hours of day and night equal in number to the months of the year.",
+                "[185] And Moses celebrates this number in several places, telling us of twelve tribes in the nation, directing twelve loaves to be set forth on the Table, bidding them weave twelve inscribed stones on the “oracle” in the holy vestment of the high priest’s full-length robe (Ex. 28:17 ff.).",
+                "[186] He also proclaims the ten-fold seven, telling in this passage of seventy palm-trees by the springs, and in another of the Divine Spirit of prophecy bestowed on only seventy elders (Num. 11:16), and again of seventy calves offered as victims at the Feast of Tabernacles arranged in divisions following a regular series: for they are not all sacrificed at once, but on different days, beginning with thirteen bull-calves (Num. 29:13 ff.); for in this way, the number being diminished by one every day up to the seventh, the aggregate of seventy would be made up.",
+                "[187] When they have arrived at the vestibules of virtue, the subjects of preliminary instruction, and have beheld springs and palms growing by them, they are said to encamp, not by the trees but by the waters. Why is this? Because palm and fillets are the adornment of those who carry off the prizes of consummate virtue, but those whose sphere is still that of the preliminary studies, athirst as they are for learning, settle down beside the springs of knowledge which are able to water their souls and give them drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[188] Such are the springs of the lower education. Let us now consider the spring of folly, respecting which the Lawgiver has spoken in these terms: “Whosoever shall have slept with a woman in her separation hath unclosed her spring, and she hath unclosed the flow of her blood; let them both be put to death” (Lev. 20:18): he gives to sense-perception the name woman, suggesting Mind as her husband.",
+                "[189] Sense-perception is “in separation,” which is “sitting a long way off,” when, having forsaken Mind, her lawful husband, she plants herself on the objects of sense that ensnare and corrupt, and passionately embraces them one after another. At such a time, then, if Mind go to sleep, when he ought to be awake, “he has unclosed the spring” of sense-perception, himself to wit—for, as I have already said, he himself is the spring of sense-perception—that is, he has exposed himself, without covering or wall of defence, to the plots of his enemies.",
+                "[190] Moreover she too “unclosed the flow of her blood”; for every sense, in its flow towards the external object of sense, is covered over and drawn in when controlled by reason, but is left destitute when widowed of an upright ruler, and as it is the most grievous evil for a city to be without walls, so is it for a soul to be without a protector.",
+                "[191] When, then, is it without a protector? Is it not when sight, spread abroad amid objects of sight, is left uncovered; uncovered too the hearing, flooded by every kind of sound; uncovered the powers of smell and others of like kin, full ready for any experience to which marauding foes may wish to subject them; uncovered again the faculty of speech, giving ill-timed utterance to a thousand things that should have been kept quiet, since there is no one to force back the current? In its unhindered flow it has wrecked great life-projects, which were like ships in fair weather sailing on even keel.",
+                "[192] This is the great deluge in which “the cataracts of heaven,” that is of the mind, “were opened,” “and the fountains of the abyss,” that is of sense-perception, “were unclosed” (Gen. 7:11).  For only in this way is a deluge brought upon the soul, when as though from heaven, that is the mind, wrongdoings burst upon it as in a cataract; and from sense-perception below, as it were from the earth, passions come welling up.",
+                "[193] That is why Moses prohibits the “disclosing of the shame of father and mother” (Lev. 18:7), well knowing how great an evil it is not to keep back and conceal the sins of the mind and of sense-perception, but to make them public as though they were achievements of righteousness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[194] Such are the springs of sinful deeds: let us investigate that of sound sense. To this Patience, called Rebecca, goes down, and, when she has filled the whole vessel of the soul, goes up; for the lawgiver speaks of the descent as an ascent with perfect truth to the nature of things, for a soul that resolves to come down from over-weening imposture is exalted thereby to virtue’s height. ",
+                "[195] For it says: “And having gone down to the spring she filled the water-pot, and came up” (Gen. 24:16). This spring is the Divine Wisdom, from which both the several fields of knowledge are watered, and all contemplation-loving souls which are possessed by a love of that which is best.",
+                "[196] To this spring the sacred message applies most appropriate names, calling it “judgement”  and “holy.” For it says: “They returned and came to the Spring of Judgement; this is Kadesh” (Gen. 14:7); and “Kadesh” means “holy.” One might think that it cries aloud that the wisdom of God is both holy, containing no earthy ingredient, and a sifting of all the universe, whereby all opposites are separated from each other. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[197] And now we have to speak of the supreme and most excellent Spring, which the All-Father declared by the mouth of prophets. For He said in a certain place: “Me they forsook, a spring of Life, and dug for themselves broken cisterns, which shall fail to hold water” (Jer. 2:13).",
+                "[198] God, therefore, is the chiefest spring, and well may He be so called, for this whole universe is a rain that fell from Him. But I bow in awe when I hear that this spring is one of Life: for God alone is the Cause of soul and life, and preeminently of the rational soul, and of the Life that is united with wisdom. For matter is a dead thing, but God is something more than Life, an ever-flowing Spring of living, as He Himself says.",
+                "[199] But the impious flee from Him, persist in leaving untasted the water of immortality, and dig in their madness for themselves but not for God, putting their own works above the celestial gifts of heaven, and the results of forethought above those which come spontaneously and ready for their use.",
+                "[200] That is their first folly. In the next place they dig, not as did the wise, Abraham and Isaac, wells (Gen. 21:30, 26:18), deep sources of knowledge from which draughts of reason are drawn, but cisterns, having no excellent thing of their own to afford nourishment, but needing the inflow from without, that must come from teaching, as the instructors keep on pumping in unbroken stream into the ears of their pupils the principles and conclusions which constitute knowledge, that they may both grasp what is imparted to them with their intelligence and treasure it in their memory.",
+                "[201] As it is the “cisterns” are “broken,” that is to say, all the receptacles of the ill-conditioned soul are crushed and leaking, unable to hold in and keep the inflow of what might do them good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[202] On the subject of springs all that the occasion required has now been said. But it is with a most carefully considered meaning that Hagar is represented by the sacred oracles as found by the spring but not drawing water from it (Gen. 16:7). For a soul, while making gradual progress, is not yet capable of availing itself of Wisdom’s untempered draught, but such a soul is not prevented from staying hard by her.",
+                "[203] Now the road of discipline is all a highway, thoroughly safe and well guarded. Wherefore it says that she was found in the way to Shur  (<i>ibid</i>.), and “Shur” means “wall” or “straightening.” The inward monitor, then, speaking within the soul, says to it, “Whence comest thou, and whither art thou going?” (<i>ibid</i>. 8). In thus addressing her he does not express doubt or inquiry; rather he is reproaching and putting her to shame; for we may not think that an angel is ignorant of anything affecting us.",
+                "[204] Here is a proof of it: even the secrets of the womb, which are hidden from created beings, the angel knows with certainty, as his words shew: “Lo, thou art with child, and shalt give birth to a boy, and shalt call his name Ishmael” (<i>ibid</i>. 11). For it is not in the power of man to know that the embryo is a male, nor to know the principle that is to govern the life of one who is not yet born, that it will be the way of the rude country-side, not the refined one of civic life.",
+                "[205] So the words “Whence comest thou?” are spoken to rebuke the soul that is running away from the better judgement, “the mistress,” a mistress whom to serve as handmaiden could not but win her high renown, if the service be one of deeds rather than of name. And the words “Whither goest thou?” mean “Thou hast cast away acknowledged gains, and art running after uncertainties.”",
+                "[206] We may well praise her for receiving reproof with gladness.  Of her gladness she has given plain evidence by not accusing her mistress, and by laying the blame of her flight upon herself, and by making no answer to the second question “Whither art thou going?” for it was uncertain, and regarding uncertainties suspension of judgement is not only safe but requisite."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[207] Her monitor, then, pleased with her for her compliance, bids her “Go back to thy mistress”; for the teacher’s authority is an advantage to the learner, and bond-service under Good Sense a gain to her that is imperfect. “And when thou hast returned humble thyself under her hands” (<i>ibid</i>. 9), with a noble humiliation which carries with it the overthrow of irrational highmindedness.",
+                "[208] For so doing thou shalt give birth with easy travail to a male offspring, Ishmael by name (<i>ibid</i>. 11), since thou shalt have been chastened by hearkening to words of God; for “Ishmael” means “hearkening to God.” Hearing takes the second place, yielding the first to sight, and sight is the portion of Israel, the son free-born and first-born; for “seeing God” is the translation of “Israel.” It is possible to hear the false and take it for true, because hearing is deceptive, but sight, by which we discern what really is, is devoid of falseness.",
+                "[209] The character thus given birth to is described first by the statement that it will be rude, of rude “mother wit” as it were, not yet admitted to the privilege of the refined and truly civilized lot, virtue, that is, the natural refiner and tamer of character; next by the words “his hands shall be against all men, and all men’s hands against him” (<i>ibid</i>. 12); for this is just the Sophist’s way, with his pretence of excessive open-mindedness, and his love of arguing for arguing’s sake.",
+                "[210] This character aims its shafts at all representatives of the sciences, opposing each individually and all in common, and is the target of them all since they naturally shew fight, as in defence of offspring of their own, that is of the doctrines to which their soul has given birth.",
+                "[211] And he adds a third characteristic in the words “he shall dwell face to face with all his brethren” (<i>ibid</i>.), words which are almost a distinct picture of combat face to face and perpetual opposition.",
+                "The soul, then, which is pregnant with the sophist-principle says to the monitor who is talking to her: “Thou art God that didst look upon me,” which is equivalent to saying “Thou art the Maker of my wishes and offspring”; and well may she say this,",
+                "[212] for of free and really high-born souls He who is free and sets free is the Creator, while slaves are makers of slaves: and angels are God’s household-servants, and are deemed gods by those whose existence is still one of toil and bondage. ",
+                "“For this reason,” it says, “she called the well ‘Well where I saw Him before me’ ”  (<i>ibid</i>. 14).",
+                "[213] Nay, how couldst thou fail, thou soul, who in thy progress art dipping deep into the school-lore knowledge, to see reflected in thy training as in a mirror the Author of that knowledge?",
+                "Most appropriate too is the situation of such a well “between Kadesh and Bered” (<i>ibid</i>. 14): “Bered” means “in evils,” and Kadesh “holy,” for he that is in gradual progress is on the borderland between the holy and the profane, fleeing from bad things, but not yet competent to share the life of perfect goodness."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE FUGA ET INVENTIONE",
+            "§ 8. <i>There are people who fashion</i>, etc. Has Philo in mind <i>Phaedo</i> 96 B ff., where Socrates contrasts, or seems to contrast, the views of earlier philosophers, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heracleitus, etc., with the higher thought suggested to him by Anaxagoras’s dictum? Certainly there is no close resemblance between these theories, as noted there, and the views mentioned by Philo here, but he might perhaps without much difficulty have regarded the negation of a final cause implied in the former as the deification of some original ὕλη.",
+            "§§ 11–13. Jacob’s expostulation with Laban is interpreted as an argument against the earlier philosophers who assumed an evolution in creation. On the contrary, he asserts, everything was made as it was to be, and had its ποιόν from the first. The counterpart of this in the story is the protest of Jacob in Gen. 30:25-end, which results in his claiming the marked (ἐπίσημα) animals for himself, and leaving the ἄσημα to Laban. (In E.V. these are respectively the stronger and the feebler.)",
+            "For the Stoic equation of ποιόν with εἶδος and the maintenance of its identity throughout <i>cf.</i> <i>S. V.F.</i> ii. 395.",
+            "§ 16. <i>Names.</i> Mangey, who suggested, not very helpfully, γένεσι, pointed out that there is nothing in the actual names of Leah and Rachel which suggests freedom. Possibly the thought may be that ἀσκητικαὶ δυνάμεις, with stress on ἀσκ., are essentially free, but this seems strained. Mr. Whitaker had put “their standing,” probably supposing that the allusion is to the freedom they have gained from Laban’s control, as expressed in their speech. Possibly again “in the terms they use,” or “their language,” ὀνόματα being sometimes used for “words” in general as well as for “names,” and this would at least give a good antithesis to ἐνθυμήμασι. But both these postulate an unnatural meaning for the word. If we suppose a corruption ταῖς ὀρμαῖς would be a possible correction.",
+            "§§ 25 ff. Fleeing from Esau.—Philo’s views on this are perplexing. We shall perhaps best understand them by remembering that he keeps passing from the internal to the external danger, from the Esau within us to the Esau without. In §24 Esau is definitely the inward enemy. In §§25 ff. he may be either or both, but the temptation to make this topic an occasion for one of those “diatribes” or “commonplaces” which he enjoys so much, though to us they may seem to be unworthy interruptions of the argument, carries him away till by § 28 it is clearly the outward φαῦλος. This enemy is to be met by a judicious and benevolent use of the good things of life, and after exhausting this subject Philo returns quite clearly in § 39 to the inward conflict. The advice of Patience for this, though given in a very different style, is practically the same. He who is not yet fitted for the highest life must accommodate himself to the lower conditions and make the best possible use of them.",
+            "In <i>De Mig.</i> 210–212 the danger is at the start said to be “either in thyself or in another person.” We then pass on to language which if literally taken seems to leave “thyself” out of the question and to inculcate a degrading subservience to another. But as stated in the footnote to that passage, I believe that the thought is really the same as here, and that the principle of accommodation to the facts of life is parabolically compared to the insincere subservience of the worldly-wise. The long diatribe in <i>De Som.</i> ii. 80–92 must no doubt be reckoned with. But here Philo is dealing with a very different subject, εὐλάβεια, and his advice can hardly be said to contain anything degrading, unless it is the description of Abraham’s dealings with the children of Heth, §§ 89–90. But is not this also a parable of the same kind as I have supposed in <i>De Mig.</i>? Both parables may in a sense be compared to that of the Unjust Judge.",
+            "§ 26. τῶν εἰρημένων. The translation suggested in the footnote seems preferable, not only because τῶν εἰρ. more naturally refers to something further back, though it is perhaps sometimes used of something in the immediate neighbourhood, but because Philo frequently uses τὰ ποιητικὰ ἧς ἡδονῆς. See <i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> ii. 107 τὰ ποιητικὰ αὐτῆς (<i>i.e.</i> ἡδονῆς), χρυσὸς ἄργυρος δόξα τιμαί ἀρχαὶ, where, however, δόξα and τιμαί are ranked as ποιητικά, not as here as products. See also index to <i>S. V. F.</i> on ποιητικά and τελικά.",
+            "§ 31. δεξιότης. L. &amp; S. 1927 have added “kindliness, courtesy,” to their earlier “cleverness,” etc., and refer to Philo ii. 30, <i>i.e.</i> <i>De Abr.</i> 208. There and in the other two of the four passages where I have noted the word this is suitable. But here the usage is somewhat wider. Philo’s use of the word seems to extend to gentlemanly behaviour of any kind.",
+            "§ 42. πεῖσμα. Wendland suspects this word. But its use in this sense, though perhaps not common, is well supported. Here Philo is evidently led to it by the desire to accumulate names in -μα in antithesis to ἀνάθημα, and having once used it here was perhaps encouraged to use it again in § 114, where it seems to have the same meaning. Elsewhere it has the commoner sense of “cable.”",
+            "§ 45. δόγμασιν * * * οὗτος. Wendland, after giving Mangey’s note in which, reading ἐπιμένοντα. For -τι, he suggested the insertion of προτρέπουσι or some similar word to complete the sense, adds “sed plura desunt”; <i>i.e.</i> he considered that not only was something needed to shew what happens to the Lover of Discipline, but also an explanation of the Brother of Rebecca to lead up to οὗτος. This is perhaps the most probable view, but I do not think it is certain that there is any lacuna, or indeed any correction needed at all. If οὗτος is referred to βίος, the statement that while the resources of ordinary life are a danger to the fool, this ordinary life is to the man of discipline the testing-ground and therefore the brother of persistence, makes good enough sense. We have to set against it the distance of βίον from οὗτος, and that we should rather have expected ταῦτα.",
+            "Mangey’s suggestion implies that the Lover of Discipline, who presumably is the person sent to the Brother of Persistence, is here identified with that Brother. This also, though confusing, is perhaps not impossible. But if so, the simplest emendation would be οὔχ, ὅς for οὗτος, <i>i.e.</i> the resources of life are a danger to the fool, but <i>not so</i> to the Man of Persistence, who is the Brother of Rebecca. Or perhaps οὔ, τῷ οὗ νοῦς, <i>i.e.</i> while the mind of the fool is the Syrian, the mind of the Lover of Discipline is the other Laban, which is not unduly elated.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Removed … from the Divine Company.</i> Wendland notes this and the similar phrase in § 74 as alluding to <i>Phaedrus</i> 247 A φθόνος γὰρ ἔξω θείου χοροῦ ἵσταται. The same thought has already appeared in <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 61, iii. 7. Philo, however, does not use it here in the sense of the original, which means that the Divine Company cannot feel envy. In <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 249 he definitely quotes it and with the proper meaning. So also <i>Quod Omnis Prob.</i> 13.",
+            "§ 75. <i>Space entirely filled by a body.</i> This is in accordance with the Stoic definition. A τόπος must be completely filled by σῶμα; if partially filled it remains a χώρα. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 504 f.",
+            "§ 82. This quotation from the <i>Theaetetus</i> follows almost immediately on the passage cited in § 68. Each of them is, I think, considerably longer than any citation from Plato to be found elsewhere, and the former is the only passage in this series of treatises in which he gives a reference to the dialogue quoted. The curious way in which in this second passage he disguises the fact that he is practically continuing an earlier quotation might suggest that he took both passages from some collection and did not know the reference for the latter, but probably it may be regarded as merely one of his mannerisms.",
+            "§ 101. <i>Placed nearest</i>, etc. Or “set up,” ἀφιδρυμένος, in accordance with the common use of ἀφίδρυμα for an image, carrying on the thought of εἰκών. Drummond translates ἐγγ. ἀφ. by “the nearest model to,” but if by this is meant the “closest reproduction of,” the phraseology of μηδενὸς ὄντος μεθορίου διαστήματος seems strange. Wendland’s ἐφιδρυμένος seems to me pointless.",
+            "§ 114. ἄθεον. To expunge this word as inappropriate seems to me rather hypercritical; that polytheism is essentially atheism is a natural remark. In fact Philo has made a very similar if not identical observation in <i>De Ebr.</i> 110, where the MSS. have τὸ γὰρ πολύθεον ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀφρόνων ψυχαῖς ἀθεότητα, after which Wendland supplies κατασκευάζει, but Mangey’s ἀθεότης is quite possible.",
+            "§ 134. “<i>Breath</i>” or “<i>spirit</i>.” It seems impossible to get any satisfactory equivalent for the Stoic πνεῦμα, “a stuff or body akin to the element of air, but associated with warmth and elasticity” (Arnold); see note on <i>Quis Rerum</i> 242. For the term as applied to νοῦς <i>cf.</i> <i>De Som.</i> i. 30. I have not seen other examples in Philo or elsewhere, but it is very commonly applied to ψυχή, <i>e.g.</i> Diog. Laert. vii. 157, where Zeno is said to define ψυχή as πνεῦμα ἔνθερμον. For the idea that πνεῦμα is ὑγρότερον καὶ ψυχρότερον in plants, ξηρότερον καὶ θερμότερον in animals, see <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 787 ff.",
+            "§ 150. In the shorter form of the allegory in <i>De Mut.</i> 134 f. the pledges are given a different meaning. This is natural because there Judah is no longer the human soul wooing virtue, but God Himself impregnating the soul. Consequently the pledges are not the attributes which constitute human virtue, but those which belong to God’s working in the universe.",
+            "§ 177. <i>The reasoning habit.</i> Or “the acquisition of the reasoning faculty.” Since in the section where Philo deals with πηγή in the sense of παιδεία this phrase does not recur, it would seem that he regards the two as more or less synonymous. This agrees with his use of λογικὴ ἕξις in <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 10 where it is applied to the mental condition of children when they first begin to reason. The use of it in <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 210 is somewhat similar.",
+            "§ 191. ῥύσις or ῥυείς. The chief objection to ῥυείς is that it involves referring οὗτος in the next sentence to προφορικὸς λόγος, whereas it is clear that the “great deluge” is the ῥύσις of all the senses (and the mind). If ῥύσις is read, γοῦν would be taken, as not unfrequently, as transitional to the development of the ῥύσις is of the text, which up to now has only been treated incidentally. It would be better perhaps in this case, though not necessary, to read ἀκώλυτος.",
+            "§ 200. This defective sentence seems to need something which will give a forcible contrast to the actual unretentiveness described in the next sentence. I suggest κεί φρενὶ … ταμιεύεσθαι ἔστι, <i>i.e.</i> they require the inpouring even if they can hold it (which they can’t). Variants of this might be κἂν … ᾗ or εἰ εἴη, in the latter case the εἰ clause being the protasis to ἣ γένοιτʼ ἂν … in the sense of “which would (rather than “must”) be the result, if only …” Dr. Rouse suggests ἃ δεῖ for καί, which will give much the same sense, but would, I think, require the omission of τά before παραδοθέντα."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הבריחה והמציאה",
+        "enTitle": "On Flight and Finding",
+        "key": "On Flight and Finding",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..7415f57114d6e293c800b74d6128e57808db56a2
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Flight and Finding/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,374 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Flight and Finding",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Flight_and_Finding",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON FLIGHT AND FINDING (DE FUGA ET INVENTIONE) ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise, which follows at once on the preceding, continues the exposition of Genesis 16 from the middle of vs. 6 to vs. 12, omitting vs. 10. These verses are quoted in full in § 1, but the discussion is chiefly confined to a few words or phrases, namely “fled,” “found,” and “fountain.” The first point to be noted is that Hagar fled. Flight may be due to three different causes: hatred, fear, and shame (2–3). Hagar is an example of the third, and the story shows that the inward monitor or Elenchus, which is typified by the angel, taught her that this shame must be tempered by courage (4–6).",
+            "But we must first say something about the other two causes of flight. Hatred was the cause of Jacob’s flight from Laban. Here the two may stand from one point of view for the materialistic and the theistic creed respectively, and from another for the fool and the wise (7–13). On either interpretation the Jacob soul, finding itself unable to correct the Laban soul, will flee from association with it and repudiate it. Jacob’s wives, that is his powers, joined in this repudiation, and that part of their speech in which they say that God has taken from Laban his wealth and glory and given them to themselves lead to a short meditation on true wealth and glory (15–19). A further proof of the need of flight is drawn from Laban’s expostulation that he would have sent Jacob forth with mirth and music, which the Practiser knows to be mere enticement to return to the lower life (20–22).",
+            "For flight caused by fear we have the flight of Jacob to Laban and Haran before the wrath of Esau. Here Laban represents the brilliancy of secular life, and the lesson to be drawn is that the right way to answer the unjust, when they claim that the good things of the world fall to them, is to shew how these good things can be justly used (23–27). Let us not therefore shrink from wealth, from power, or from the banquet. Our liberality will convict the spendthrift and the miser, our just administration the tyrant, and our abstemiousness the glutton (28–32). Indeed those who affect the ascetic life are for the most part hypocrites, and to function in the outer world is the best preparation for the higher life of contemplation (33–37). The ministry to men must precede the ministry to God (38).",
+            "Again, Jacob’s flight to Haran will signify the proper attitude of the soul in the practising and progressive stage. It must fly the hard ignorance of Esau, but also it is not as yet fit to share the higher life of Isaac (39–43). And Laban to whom it is sent is after all called the brother of Rebecca or persistence, while Haran where he lives represents, as elsewhere, the world of sense, the knowledge of which is necessary to the progressing, and after some days he will be recalled thence to the higher life (44–47). Similarly Isaac bids him go to Mesopotamia, that is to the mid-torrent of life’s river, and to the house of Bethuel or daughter of God, wisdom, that is, who, though a daughter, is also a father (48–52).",
+            "Other thoughts on flight are suggested by the cities of refuge. The law states that the intentional murderer shall be put to death, but that the unintentional homicide may find refuge in an appointed place (53). Before, however, considering this latter point, he notes that the first clause of the law runs: “If a man strikes another and he dies, let him be put to death with death.” Philo, as so often, fails to understand that the last words of this are the Greek translation of the common Hebrew idiom for “surely be put to death,” and infers that “dying with death” indicates the real, the spiritual death (54–55). Other texts are quoted to shew that, as virtue is the true life, vice is the true death (56–59), though, in another sense, vice can never die, as shewn by the sign given to Cain (60–64). Another part of the same text, where it is said of the involuntary homicide that God delivered the victim to his hands, suggests that God employs subordinate ministers for the lower, though beneficial and necessary, work of punishment, and this he supports, as elsewhere, by the use of “we” in the first chapter of Genesis, and the entrustment of cursing to the less worthy and of blessing to the worthier tribes (65–74). Again, the words “I will give thee a place” may be understood to mean that God Himself is the place where the innocent can take refuge (75–76). When we read that the wilful murderer who takes refuge in a sanctuary shall be dragged from it and put to death, it means that the voluntary evil-doer, who takes refuge with God, that is, ascribes to Him the responsibility for his sins, blasphemes (77–82); and how deadly a sin blasphemy against the Divine Parent is, is shown by the very next words where the death penalty is assigned to those who speak ill of their earthly parents (83–84). The cities of refuge are only for those who truly understand the difference between the voluntary and involuntary (85–86).",
+            "As to the cities of refuge, four questions arise: (1) why they are in Levitical territory; (2) why they are six in number; (3) why three are beyond Jordan and three in Canaan; (4) why the refugee must remain till the death of the High Priest (87). The answer to the first is that the Levites themselves are fugitives from human ties, and also, as in the story of Exodus 32, the slayers of their kinsfolk, interpreted as the body, the unreasoning nature, and speech (88–93). To the second and the third questions the answer is that, of the six potencies of God where the guiltless may take refuge, three stand far above humanity, while three are closer to our nature (95–105). To answer the fourth point, which he thinks can hardly be understood literally without absurdity, Philo identifies the High Priest with the Logos and points out various analogies between the two. He thus explains the ordinance as meaning that, while this High Priest lives in the soul, the sins which have been banished cannot return (106–118).",
+            "The second part of the treatise (119–175) is concerned with finding, which naturally calls up the idea of seeking. We have four variants of this: not seeking and not finding, seeking and finding, not seeking and finding, seeking and not finding (119–120). The first of these is dismissed very rapidly with one or two illustrations of which Pharaoh’s obstinacy is the chief (121–125). Seeking and finding is shewn in the case of Joseph who, prompted by a “man,” that is the inward monitor, “found” his brethren in Dothan, the place of those who have abandoned delusion (126–131); of Isaac who asked “where is the victim?” and “found” that God would provide it (132–135); of the Israelites who asked about the manna, and “found” that it was the Word of God (137–139); of Moses who, when questioning his mission, “found” the answer in “I will be with you” (140–142). For seeking and not finding we have the examples of Laban seeking the images, the Sodomites seeking the door, Korah seeking the priesthood, and Pharaoh seeking Moses to kill him (143–148). Then follows a more elaborate allegorizing of the story of Judah’s intercourse with Tamar into a picture of the earnest soul wooing piety, to which he first gives as pledges the ring of trustworthiness, the chain of consistency, and the staff of discipline, and afterwards, to test her fidelity, sends the kid which represents the good things of secular life. The connexion of this story with the subject lies in the phrase “the messenger did not ‘find’ her” (149–156). Then, after a shorter spiritualizing of the incident of the goat of the sin-offering in Leviticus 10. (157–160), the story of the Burning Bush is interpreted as the fruitless desire of the soul to know the causes of phenomena which are ever perishing and yet are ever renewed (161–165).",
+            "The fourth head of finding without seeking suggests many points which have been noted elsewhere; primarily, of course, the self-taught nature, Isaac, and then the delivery of the Hebrew women before the midwives come, the speed with which Jacob found the meat which God delivered into his hand, and the automatic growth on the fallow land in the Sabbatical year (166–172). This last naturally leads to some thought on the Sabbatical gift of peace (173–174), but to Philo’s mind the best example is the promise to the Israelites in Deuteronomy of cities, houses, cisterns, vineyards, oliveyards, for which they have not laboured, all of them really types of spiritual blessings (175–176).",
+            "The next phrase in the text which calls for discussion is “spring of water.” “Spring” is used as the symbol for five different things: first for the mind, which in the Creation story is described as the spring which waters the whole face of the earth, <i>i.e</i>. of the body (177–182); secondly it is used for education, and thus the twelve springs of Elim or “gateway” signify the Encyclia, the gateway to knowledge; and, since beside these springs there grew up seventy palm-trees, we have a short digression on the virtues of the two numbers (183–187). Thirdly there are the springs of folly, and this is illustrated by the phrase “uncovering the fount of the woman,” where the woman is sense and her husband mind, and uncovering the fount comes when the sleeping mind allows each of the senses to have free play (188–193). Fourthly there are the springs of wisdom, from which Rebecca drew (194–196); and fifthly God Himself, Who is called by Jeremiah the fountain of life. And since Jeremiah adds that the wicked dig for themselves broken cisterns which hold no water, we see the contrast with the wise who, like Abraham and Isaac, dig real wells (197–201).",
+            "The fountain by which Hagar was found was the fountain of wisdom, but hers was not yet a soul which could draw from it (202). The treatise concludes with shorter notes on a few other phrases in the passage. When the angel asked, “Whence comest thou, and whither goest thou?” it was not because he did not know the answer, since his omniscience is shewn by his knowing that the child would be a boy. The first part of the question was a rebuke for her flight, the second an indication of the uncertainty of the future (205–206). Something is added about the description given in the angel’s words of the Ishmael or sophist nature (207–211). And finally we note that Hagar acknowledges the angel as God, for to one in her lower stage of servitude God’s servants are as God Himself (211-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Sarai evil-entreated her, and she fled from her face. And an angel of the Lord found her at the fountain of water in the wilderness, at the fountain in the way to Shur. And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Handmaid of Sarai, whence comest thou? and whither goest thou?’ And she said, ‘From the face of Sarai my mistress I am fleeing.’ And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Return to thy mistress, and humble thyself under her hands’ (Gen. 16:6–9). And the angel of the Lord said unto her, ‘Behold, thou art with child, and shalt bear a son; and thou shalt call his name Ishmael, because the Lord hath hearkened to thy humiliation. He shall be a dweller in the fields; his hands shall be against all men, and all men’s hands shall be against him’ ” (<i>ibid</i>. 11, 12).",
+                "[2] Having in the preceding treatise said what was fitting about the courses of preliminary training and about evil-entreatment, we will next proceed to set forth the subject of fugitives. For the Lawgiver has in several places made mention of those who run away, as he does here, saying of Hagar that upon being evil-entreated “she ran away from the face of her mistress.”",
+                "[3] There are, I think, three motives for flight: hatred, fear, and shame. From hatred wives leave husbands and husbands wives; from fear children leave their parents and servants their masters; from shame friends leave their fellows when something they have done displeases them. I know fathers whose effeminacy has made them unwilling to face the strict and philosophic life of their sons, and who out of shame have chosen to live in the country instead of in the city.",
+                "[4] Instances of the working of these three motives are to be found in the sacred writings. Jacob, the Practiser, as we shall presently shew, flies from his father-in-law Laban out of hatred, from his brother Esau out of fear.",
+                "[5] Hagar’s motive for departing is shame.",
+                "A sign of this is the fact that an angel, a Divine Word, meets her to advise the right course, and to suggest return to the house of her mistress. This angel addresses her in the encouraging words, “The Lord hath hearkened to thy humiliation” (Gen. 16:11), a humiliation prompted neither by fear nor by hatred, the one the feeling of an ignoble, the other of a quarrelsome soul, but by shame, the outward expression of inward modesty.",
+                "[6] Had she run away owing to fear, the angel would probably have moved her who had inspired the fear to a gentler frame of mind; for then, and not till then, would it have been safe for the fugitive to go back. But no angel first approached Sarai, seeing that she is favourably disposed of her own accord. But it is Hagar who is taught by the angel monitor,  whose goodwill to her makes him at once her friend and counsellor, not to feel only shame, but to be of good courage as well; pointing out that shame apart from confidence is but a half virtue."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] The ensuing argument will bring to light the more subtle traits of shame. I must now go back to the heads suggested, and must begin with those who run away because of hatred. We are told that “Jacob kept Laban the Syrian in the dark, so as not to tell him that he is fleeing, and he fled, himself and all that belonged to him” (Gen. 31:20 f.).",
+                "[8] What, then, was the cause of the hatred? You would like perhaps to be told this. There are people who fashion their God out of substance devoid of quality or form or shape ; but the moving Cause they neither know, nor have taken any trouble to learn from those who do know Him. They have neither mastered nor do they study the fairest subject of all, the first, nay the only one, whose knowledge it was a vital matter for them to acquire.",
+                "[9] Laban is of this class; for the sacred oracles assign to him the flock that is without mark (Gen. 30:42); and in the universe it is the matter devoid of quality and in men the ignorant and untutored soul that is without mark.",
+                "[10] Others there are of the better part, who said that Mind came and ordered all things,  bringing the disorder that prevailed in existing things as the result of mob-rule into the order of regular government under a king. Of this company Jacob is a votary, who is in charge of the variegated flock, marked and distinguished; and in the universe it is form that has variety and distinction, while among men it is the understanding, well-trained and loving to learn.",
+                "[11] The man of mark, associate of true monarchy, has imbibed in full measure the inbred spirit of fellowship, and comes to the man of no mark, when he fashions, as I said before, material sovereignties as Divine, and holds no sovereignty outside of these to be efficient,—comes to him to teach him that he is mistaken.",
+                "[12] For the world has come into being, and assuredly it has done so under the hand of some Cause; and the Word of Him who makes it is Himself the seal, by which each thing that exists has received its shape. Accordingly from the outset form in perfection accompanies the things that come into being, for it is an impress and image of the perfect Word.",
+                "[13] For the living creature that has come into being is imperfect in quantity, as is shewn by its constant growth as its age advances, but perfect in quality; for the same quality continues, inasmuch as it is the impress of a Divine Word ever continuing and free from every kind of change. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] Jacob, seeing that Laban has grown deaf to instruction or lawful authority, naturally plans to run away, fearing lest, besides being unable to help, he should suffer harm at his hands. For association with men devoid of sense is hurtful, and the soul often involuntarily takes the impressions of their mad folly; and in the nature of things culture feels a repugnance towards lack of culture, and painstaking towards carelessness.",
+                "[15] And so the faculties of the Practiser lift their voice aloud, proclaiming  their grounds for hatred: “Is there yet any portion or inheritance for us in our father’s house? Are we not counted of him strangers? For he hath sold us, and hath also quite devoured our money. All the riches and the glory, which God took away from our father, shall be for us and for our children” (Gen. 31:14–16).",
+                "[16] For being free both in names  and in sentiments, they deem no senseless man to be rich or glorious, but all such, speaking broadly, to be poor and inglorious, even if they surpass in fortune wealthy kings. For they do not say that they will have their father’s wealth, but that which was taken away from their father, nor his glory, but the glory that was taken away from him.",
+                "[17] The worthless man is destitute of the real riches and the true gloriousness; for these good things are won by sound sense and self-mastery and the dispositions akin to these, which are the inheritance of virtue-loving souls.",
+                "[18] Accordingly it is not the things that pertain to the good-for-nothing man, but those of which he has been stripped, that are affluence and renown to the worthy. Virtues are what has been stripped from him, and has become the property of the worthy, thus bringing into harmony what is said elsewhere: “we will sacrifice the abominations of Egypt to the Lord our God” (Exod. 8:26); for victims perfect and free from blemish are the virtues and virtuous conduct, and these the Egyptian body, in its devotion to the passions, abominates.",
+                "[19] For even as in this passage, understood in accordance with reality, things which Egyptians reckon profane are called sacred in the estimation of the keen-sighted, and are all offered in sacrifice; exactly in the same way, the things of which every foolish man has been deprived and stripped, these the comrade of nobility of character will inherit. And these are real glory, indistinguishable from knowledge, and wealth, not the blind wealth, but that which has the keenest sight for the things that actually are, which accepts no counterfeit coinage, nay nothing whatever that is soulless, even though it be approved coin. ",
+                "[20] Right fitly, therefore, will Jacob run away from the man who has no part in the good things of God, the man who, even in finding fault with another, impugns himself without knowing it when he says, “If thou hadst told me, I would have sent thee forth” (Gen. 31:27). For this alone would have been a sufficient ground for flight, if, when you were the slave of ten thousand masters, you assumed the style of dominion and lordship and proclaimed liberty to others.",
+                "[21] I however, says Jacob, took no man to help me to find the way that leads to virtue, but paid heed to Divine oracles bidding me depart hence, and to this moment they guide my steps.",
+                "[22] And how wouldst thou have sent me forth? Would it have been, as thou didst grandiloquently recount, “with merriment” that caused me pain, and “music” all unmusical, and “drums” noises inarticulate and meaningless, inflicting blows on the soul through the ears, “and with cithara” (<i>ibid</i>.), not instruments but modes of conduct void of melody or harmony? Nay, these are the very things that made me plan flight; but you, it seems, devised them as means of diverting me back from flight, to induce me to retrace my steps for the sake of the power to cheat and mislead inbred in those senses which I had with difficulty gained strength to tread underfoot."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Hatred, then, was the cause of the flight that has been spoken of, but fear of that of which I am about to speak. For we read as follows: “Rebecca said to Jacob, ‘Lo, Esau thy brother threatens to kill thee. Now therefore, child, listen to my voice and arise and flee to Laban my brother to Haran, and live with him for some days, until the wrath and anger of thy brother turn away, and he forget the things which thou hast done to him: and I will send and fetch thee thence’ ” (Gen. 27:42–45).",
+                "[24] For there is reason to fear lest the worse part of the soul set an ambush and lie in wait, or even openly arm, and then overthrow and cast down the better part. And this is excellent advice given by Rebecca, that is, by judicious Patience. ",
+                "[25] Whenever, she says, you see the base one flowing in full current against virtue, and taking much account of things which it ought to disregard, of wealth, fame, pleasure, when he extols injustice as the author of each of these, and points out that it is mostly wrongdoers who attain to fame and to abundance of gold and silver, do not take at once the opposite direction, and practise penury and humility and a strict and unsocial mode of life; for in this way you will rouse your adversary’s spirit and stimulate  a more dangerous foe to the contest against you.",
+                "[26] Consider, then, by what course of action you are to escape his machinations. Adapt yourself, not to his pursuits and practices, but to the objects which serve to create them —honours, offices, silver, gold, possessions, different forms and colours, beautiful objects. And whenever you meet with these, do as a good artist does, and engrave upon the material substances a form as good as possible, and thus accomplish a work which may win men’s praise.",
+                "[27] You know well how, when an unskilled man takes charge of a vessel that is quite capable of making a safe voyage, he upsets it, whereas a skilled helmsman often saves one which is sinking; and how sick folk, under the care of inexperienced attendants, fall into a dangerous condition of body, while those who meet with experienced attendants recover even from dangerous diseases. I need not labour the point. It is invariably the case that what is done with skill shews up and convicts what is done without it, and true praise accorded to the one is sure condemnation of the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] If, then, you desire thoroughly to expose the worthless man of wealth, do not refuse abundance of wealth. He, miserable creature, will be seen in his true colours, either with the instincts of a slave rather than a gentleman, a skinflint and a splitpenny; or on the other hand as living in a whirl of prodigality, ever ready to fling away money and to guzzle—an ever-active patron of courtesans, pimps, panders, and every licentious crew.",
+                "[29] You will contribute freely to needy friends, will make bountiful gifts to serve your country’s wants, you will help parents without means to marry their daughters, and provide them with an ample dowry; you will all but throw your private property into the common stock and invite all deserving of kindness to take a share.",
+                "[30] In exactly the same way, when someone is crazy after fame and full of boastfulness, if you wish to cast reproach on the sorry fellow, do not turn your back upon popular applause if you have an opportunity of winning honour, and then, while the poor braggart strides conceitedly along, you will send him tumbling. While he will misuse his distinguished position to insult and disgrace others better than himself, and will exalt worse men above them, you on the other hand will make all worthy men sharers in the advantages of your good name, securing the position of the better kind, and improving the worse by your counsel.",
+                "[31] Again, if you go to a luxurious repast where the wine flows freely, go without hesitation; for you will put the intemperate man to shame by having yourself well in hand.  He will fall upon his belly and open his insatiable appetites before he opens his mouth, cram himself in unseemly fashion, grab at his next neighbour’s food, and gobble up everything without a blush; and when he is thoroughly sated with eating, he will as the poets say “drink with a yawning maw,”  and incur the mocking and ridicule of all who see him.",
+                "[32] But you, when there is no compulsion, will drink in moderation; and should you be forced in any case to indulge more freely, you will place the compulsion under the charge of reason, and never debase pleasure to the displeasure of others, but, if we may so speak, get soberly drunken. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Truth would therefore rightly find fault with those who without full consideration give up the business and financial side of a citizen’s life, and say that they have conceived a contempt for fame and pleasure. For they do not despise these things, they are practising an imposture. Their dirty bodies and gloomy faces, the rigour and squalour of their pinched life, are so many baits to lead others to regard them as lovers of orderliness and temperance and endurance.",
+                "[34] But they are unable to deceive the more sharp-sighted, who peer inside and refuse to be taken in by what meets the eye. For they thrust this back as mere screening of quite different things, and get a view of the true nature of the things concealed within, which, if they are beautiful, they admire, but if ugly, ridicule and loathe them for their hypocrisy.",
+                "[35] To such men, then, let us say: Do you affect the life that eschews social intercourse with others, and courts solitary loneliness? Well, what proof did you ever give before this of noble social qualities? Do you renounce money-making? When engaged in business, were you determined to be just in your dealings? Would you make a show of paying no regard to the pleasures of the belly and the parts below it—say, when you had abundant material for indulging in these, did you exercise moderation? Do you despise popular esteem? Well, when you held posts of honour, did you practise simplicity? State business is an object of ridicule to you people. Perhaps you have never discovered how serviceable a thing it is.",
+                "[36] Begin, then, by getting some exercise and practice in the business of life both private and public; and when by means of the sister virtues, household-management and statesmanship, you have become masters in each domain, enter now, as more than qualified to do so, on your migration to a different and more excellent way of life. For the practical comes before the contemplative life; it is a sort of prelude to a more advanced contest; and it is well to have fought it out first. By taking this course you will avoid the imputation of shrinking from it through sheer laziness.",
+                "[37] It was on this principle too that the Levites were charged to perform their active service until the age of fifty (Numb. 4:3 ff.), but, when released from their practical ministry, to make everything an object of observation and contemplation; receiving as a prize for duty well done in the active life a quite different way of life whose delight is in knowledge and study of principles alone.",
+                "[38] And apart from this, it is a vital matter that those who venture to make the claims of God their aim and study should first have fully met those of men; for it is sheer folly to suppose that you will reach the greater while you are incapable of mastering the lesser. Therefore first make yourselves familiar with virtue as exercised in our dealings with men, to the end that you may be introduced to that also which has to do with our relation to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] Such is the substance of the advice which Patience gives to the Man of Practice, but the actual words need detailed treatment. “Behold,” she says, “Esau thy brother is threatening thee.” Is it not the case that the character which is hard and wooden, whose ignorance makes it disobedient, the character called “Esau,” nurses a grudge, and, offering the baits of this mortal life to destroy thee, money, fame, pleasures, and the like, is bent on killing thee? “But do thou, my child, flee from the present contest: for not yet has thy strength reached its full development, but, as is natural in a boy, the sinews of thy soul lack firmness.”",
+                "[40] This is why she addressed him as “child,” a title at the same time expressive of kindly feeling and suited to a tender age; for we regard the character of the Practiser both as young compared with the fully developed and as lovable. Such a one is quite capable of winning the prizes that are offered to boys, but is not as yet able to carry off those offered to men; and the best prize that men can obtain, is to minister to the only God.",
+                "[41] So, when we present ourselves at the courts in which we are to minister not yet thoroughly purified, but having just washed off, as we think, the spots which smirch our life, we hurry away from that ministry more quickly than we came to it, not brooking its severe way of living, and the unsleeping observance and the continuous and unflagging toil which it demands.",
+                "[42] Flee, then, at present both that which is worst, and that which is best. Worst is the fabulous fiction,  the poem without metre or melody, the conception and persuasion  which ignorance has rendered hard and wooden in very deed. From this Esau derives his name. Best is the dedicated offering; for the ministering kind is a sacred offering to God, consecrated for the great high priesthood to Him alone.",
+                "[43] To spend one’s days with evil is most hurtful: to do so with perfect goodness most dangerous. So Jacob both flees from Esau and moves away from his parents; for being bent on practice and still engaged in a contest, he flies from evil, but is incapable of sharing the life of perfect virtue that learns untaught."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] Consequently he will go abroad to Laban, not the Syrian, but his mother’s brother. This means that he will arrive amid the splendours of life, for “Laban” signifies “bright.” And when he has arrived, he will not be elated by his good fortune and have a lofty mien; for, though “aloft” is the translation of “Syrian,” there is no mention here of the Syrian Laban, but only of the brother of Rebecca.",
+                "[45] For the ways and means of life placed at the disposal of a worthless man carry his mind up into the height, empty as it is of sound sense, and such a mind is called “Syrian,” but for the man enamoured of discipline, steadfastly and firmly persisting in the principles of nobility of character … this is the brother of Rebecca, or “Persistence”; and he dwells in “Haran,” which in our language is “cavities,” a symbol of the senses; for the man who is still moving upon the stage of this mortal life cannot dispense with the organs of sense.",
+                "[46] This mother therefore says, “child, make thine abode with him,” not for ever, but “for a few days” (Gen. 27:44). This means “Learn well the country of the senses; know thyself, and the parts of which thou dost consist, what each is, and for what it was made, and how it is meant to work, and who it is that, all invisible, invisibly sets the puppets  in motion and pulls their strings, whether it be the Mind that is in thee or the Mind of the Universe.",
+                "[47] And when thou hast examined thyself, make too a precise scrutiny of all that is peculiar to Laban, even the triumphs of vainglory which are accounted so brilliant. Be not caught by any of these, but, like a good craftsman, skilfully adapt them all to thine own requirements. For if, when placed in this turbid scene of state and city life, thou shalt have displayed a steadfast and well-disciplined character, I will fetch thee thence (Gen. 27:45), that thou mayest obtain the very prize obtained by thy parents: and the prize is the unfaltering and untiring ministry to the only wise Being.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] Similar instructions are given him by his father, with slight additions; for he says, “Rise up and flee away into Mesopotamia, to the house of Bethuel thy mother’s father, and take to thee thence a wife from the daughters of Laban thy mother’s brother” (Gen. 28:2).",
+                "[49] Notice here again how he too, when speaking of Laban as intended to become a connexion by marriage with the Practiser, called him not “Syrian” but “brother of Rebecca.” “Flee away,” he says, “into Mesopotamia,” into the midst, that is, of the torrent of life’s river, and take care that thou be not overwhelmed by it and drowned, but set thyself firmly, and beat back with vigour the current of affairs as it comes dashing upon thee with utmost violence, from above and from either side and from all directions.",
+                "[50] For thou shalt find the house of wisdom a calm and fair haven, which will welcome thee kindly as thou comest to thy moorings in it; and it is wisdom’s name that the holy oracles proclaim by “Bethuel,” a name meaning in our speech “Daughter of God”; yea, a true-born and ever-virgin daughter, who, by reason alike of her own modesty and of the glory of Him that begot her, hath obtained a nature free from every defiling touch.",
+                "[51] He called Bethuel Rebecca’s father. How, pray, can Wisdom, the daughter of God, be rightly spoken of as a father? Is it because, while Wisdom’s name is feminine, her nature is manly? As indeed all the virtues have women’s titles, but powers and activities of consummate men. For that which comes after God, even though it were chiefest of all other things, occupies a second place, and therefore was termed feminine to express its contrast with the Maker of the Universe who is masculine, and its affinity to everything else. For pre-eminence always pertains to the masculine, and the feminine always comes short of and is lesser than it.",
+                "[52] Let us, then, pay no heed to the discrepancy in the gender of the words, and say that the daughter of God, even Wisdom, is not only masculine but father, sowing and begetting in souls aptness to learn, discipline, knowledge, sound sense, good and laudable actions. It is from this household that Jacob the Practiser seeks to win a bride. To what other place than to the house of wisdom shall he go to find a partner, a faultless judgement, with whom to spend his days for ever?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The lawgiver has spoken in greater detail on the subject of flight when laying down the law respecting manslayers, in which he goes into all the different forms, that of intentional slaying, that of unintentional, that of deliberate assault. Read the Law: “If a man smite another and he die, let him die the death. But he that did not intend it, but God delivered him into his hands, I will give thee a place to which the slayer shall flee. And if a man attack his neighbour to slay him by guile and he take refuge, from the altar shalt thou take him to put him to death” (Exod. 21:12–14).",
+                "[54] Well knowing that he never puts in a superfluous word, so vast is his  desire to speak plainly and clearly, I began debating with myself why he said that the intentional slayer is not to be put to death only but “by death to be put to death.”",
+                "[55] “In what other way,” I asked myself, “does a man who dies come to his end save by death?” So I attended the lectures of a wise woman, whose name is “Consideration,” and was rid of my questioning; for she taught me that some people are dead while living, and some alive while dead. She told me that bad people, prolonging their days to extreme old age, are dead men, deprived of the life in association with virtue, while good people, even if cut off from their partnership with the body, live for ever, and are granted immortality."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] She confirmed what she said by holy oracles also, one of them to this effect: “Ye that did cleave unto the Lord your God are alive all of you at this day” (Deut. 4:4). For only those who have taken refuge in God and become His supplicants does Moses recognize as living, accounting the rest to be dead men. Indeed he evidently ascribes immortality to the former by adding “ye are alive ‘to-day.’ ”",
+                "[57] Now “to-day” is the limitless age that never comes to an end; for periods of months and years, and of lengths of time generally, are notions of men arising from the high importance which they have attached to number. But the absolutely correct name for “endless age”  is “to-day.” For the sun never changes, but is always the same, going now above, now below, the earth; and through it day and night, the measures of endless age, are distinguished. ",
+                "[58] Another oracle by which she verified her statement was this: “Behold, I have given before thy face life and death, good and evil” (Deut. 30:15). Accordingly, thou wisest of teachers, goodness and virtue is life, evil and wickedness is death. Again, elsewhere: “This is thy life and length of days, to love the Lord thy God” (Deut. 30:20). This is a most noble definition of deathless life, to be possessed by a love of God and a friendship for God with which flesh and body have no concern.",
+                "[59] It is thus that the priests Nadab and Abihu  die in order that they may live, receiving an incorruptible life in exchange for mortal existence, and being translated from the created to the uncreate. Over them a proclamation is uttered betokening immortality, “They died before the Lord” (Lev. 10:2), that is “They came to life,” for a corpse may not come into God’s presence. And again, “This is that which the Lord hath said, ‘I will be sanctified in them that draw nigh unto me’ ” (Lev. 10:3), “But dead men,” as we hear in the Psalms, “shall not praise the Lord” (Psalm 115:17): for that is the work of living men.",
+                "[60] On the other hand, of Cain the accursed fratricide’s death no mention is found anywhere in the Books of the Law—nay, there is an oracle uttered concerning him which says, “The Lord God set a sign on Cain, even this, that no man that found him should kill him” (Gen. 4:15). ",
+                "[61] Why so? Because, I suppose, impiety is an evil that cannot come to an end, being ever set alight and never able to be quenched, so that we may fitly apply to wickedness the poet’s words:",
+                "No mortal is she, but a deathless ill. ",
+                "It is in life as we know it that it is “deathless,” for in relation to the LIFE in God it is a lifeless corpse, “more utter refuse than dung,” as one has said. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Now, it was quite fitting that different regions should be allotted to different things, heaven to a good thing, the earthly parts to an evil thing. That which is good is a thing upward-soaring; and should it ever come to us, in the bounty of its Father, it hastens, as is meet and right, to retrace its steps; but that which is evil stays here, removed as far as possible from the Divine Company,  making our mortal life its haunt, and incapable of quitting the human race by dying.",
+                "[63] This truth found noble utterance in the <i>Theaetetus</i>, where a man highly esteemed, one of those admired for their wisdom, says: “Evils can never pass away; for there must always remain something which is antagonistic to good. Having no place among the gods in heaven, of necessity they hover around the mortal nature and this earthly sphere. Wherefore we ought to fly away from earth to heaven as quickly as we can; and to fly away is to become like God, as far as this is possible; and to become like Him is to become holy, just, and wise.” ",
+                "[64] Naturally, therefore, Cain will not die, being the symbol of wickedness, which must of necessity ever live among men in the race that is mortal. There is, then, for the reasons that have been pointed out, definite point in the direction that the manslayer “be put by death to death.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] The words, “not intentionally, but God delivered him into his hands,” are admirably employed of those who commit an unintentional homicide. The writer feels that intentional acts are acts of our own determination, and that unintentional acts are God’s acts: I mean not the sins, but, on the contrary, all acts that are a punishment for sins. ",
+                "[66] For it is unbecoming to God to punish, seeing that He is the original and perfect Lawgiver: He punishes not by His own hands but by those of others who act as His ministers. Boons, gifts, benefits it is fitting that He should extend, since He is by nature good and bountiful, but punishments by the agency of others who are ready to perform such services, though not without his command given in virtue of his sovereignty.",
+                "[67] The Practiser testifies to what I say in the words, “God who nourishes me from youth, the Angel who delivers me out of all my evils” (Gen. 48:15 f.). He ascribes to God the more important good things, by which the soul is nourished, and the less important, which come about by escape from sins, to God’s minister. ",
+                "[68] It is for this reason, I imagine, that Moses, when treating in his lessons of wisdom of the Creation of the world, after having said of all other things that they were made by God, described man alone as having been fashioned with the co-operation of others. His words are: “God said, let us make man after our image” (Gen. 1:26), “let us make” indicating more than one. ",
+                "[69] So the Father of all things is holding parley with His powers, whom He allowed to fashion the mortal portion of our soul by imitating the skill shewn by Him when He was forming that in us which is rational, since He deemed it right that by the Sovereign should be wrought the sovereign faculty in the soul, the subject part being wrought by subjects.",
+                "[70] And He employed the powers that are associated with Him not only for the reason mentioned, but because, alone among created beings, the soul of man was to be susceptible of conceptions of evil things and good things, and to use one sort or the other, since it is impossible for him to use both.  Therefore God deemed it necessary to assign the creation of evil things to other makers, reserving that of good things to Himself alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] Wherefore also, while in the former case the expression used was “let us make man,” as though more than one were to do it, there is used afterwards an expression pointing to One, “God made the man” (Gen. 1:27). For of the real man, who is absolutely pure Mind, One, even the only God, is the Maker; but a plurality of makers produce man so-called, one that has an admixture of sense-perception.",
+                "[72] That is why he who is man in the special sense is mentioned with the article. The words run “God made the man,” that invisible reasoning faculty free from admixture. The other has no article added; for the words “let us make man” point to him in whom an irrational and rational nature are woven together.",
+                "[73] In adherence to the same principle he ascribes the blessing of the good and the cursing of the guilty to different persons. Both, it is true, receive praise, but blessing those worthy of blessing enjoys the prerogative which belongs to eulogies, while the laying of curses on the evil occupies but a second place. Therefore of those appointed for this purpose, the chiefs of the race, twelve in number, whom we are accustomed to call tribe-leaders, he set the six best over the blessing, Symeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, Joseph and Benjamin; and the other six over the cursing, the first and the last of the sons of Leah, Reuben and Zabulon, and the four bastard-born of the handmaids (Deut. 27:12 f.).",
+                "[74] For the leaders of the royal and of the priestly tribe hold a position in the former list, Judah and Levi.  Quite naturally, then, does He give up for punishment into the hands of others those who commit acts deserving death. He wishes to teach us that the nature of evil is far removed from the Divine Company, inasmuch as even the good thing which imitates evil, punishment, is ratified by means of others.",
+                "[75] The terms in which the announcement “I will give thee a place where the” unintentional “slayer shall take refuge” is made, seem to me to be excellently chosen. For here He uses the word “place,” not of a space entirely filled by a body,  but symbolically of God Himself, since He contains and is not contained, and because He is the Refuge for the whole universe.",
+                "[76] It is lawful, therefore, for one who feels that he has fallen into an unintentional offence, to say that the offence came about as God ordained, a statement which the deliberate wrongdoer may not make. Further He says that He “will give” not to the slayer but to him whom He is addressing,  which shews that the dweller in the place is a different person from him who escapes thither. For to His Word, as to one indigenous, God has given His knowledge as a fatherland to dwell in, but to one who has fallen into unintentional offences He has given it as a place of refuge, as a strange land to an alien, not as a fatherland to one with a citizen’s rights."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] After treating in this way of unintentional acts he goes on to legislate concerning assault and premeditation, saying, “If a man set upon his neighbour to slay him by guile and flee for refuge” (Exod. 21:14) to God, even to Him Who has been already symbolically called a place, Who is the occasion of life to all; for in another place likewise it says, “Whosoever shall flee there shall live” (Deut. 19:5).",
+                "[78] And is it not life eternal to take refuge with Him that IS, and death to flee away from Him? But if a man sets upon another he certainly deliberately commits a wrong, and that which is done intentionally with guile incurs guilt, even as, on the other hand, no blame attaches to the act in which there is no guile.",
+                "[79] Accordingly it is not right to say that any wrongs committed with secret hostility and with guile and as the result of premeditation are done as God ordains; they are done as we ordain. For as I have said, the treasuries of evil things are in ourselves; with God are those of good things only.",
+                "[80] Whosoever, therefore, takes refuge, that is, whosoever blames not himself but God for his sins, let him be punished, by being deprived of the refuge which is a place of deliverance and safety for suppliants only, namely the altar. Is not this meet and right? For the place of sacrifice is wholly occupied by victims free from blemish, that is by innocent and purified souls; and it is a blemish that can hardly, if at all, be remedied, to assert that the Deity is the cause of evil things as of all others.",
+                "[81] All such characters have made self-love their aim rather than love of God. Let them go forth outside the hallowed precincts, that in their foulness and uncleanness they may not behold even from afar the sacred flame of the soul ascending in unquenchable fire, and with power entire and unimpaired being sacrificed to God.",
+                "[82] In daring and noble language one of the wise men of old has brought out the truth which I am enforcing. “In no case and in no way,” he says, “is God unrighteous: He is absolute righteousness; and nothing exists more like Him than whoso of us in his turn attains to the greatest possible righteousness. It is by his relation to Him that a man’s real attainment is determined, as well as his worthlessness and failure to attain real manhood. For to know Him is true wisdom and virtue, and ignorance of Him is manifest stupidity and wickedness. All other seeming attainments and proofs of wisdom so called, if displayed in gaining political power, are merely vulgar; if in practising handicrafts, merely mechanical.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] After directing, then, that the man who is profane and reviles things sacred be led away from the most holy spots and given up to punishment, he goes on to say, “He that smiteth father or mother, let him die,” and likewise “he that revileth father or mother, let him die” (Exod. 21:15 f.).",
+                "[84] He as good as proclaims in a loud voice that no pardon must be granted to a blasphemer against God. For if those who have reviled mortal parents are led away for execution, what penalty must we consider that those have merited who take upon them to blaspheme the Father and Maker of the universe? And what more foul reviling could be uttered than the statement, that the origination of evil lies not at our door but at God’s? Drive off,",
+                "[85] then, ye initiates and hierophants of holy mysteries, drive off the motley crowd, flotsam and jetsam, souls hardly capable of cleansing and purifying, carrying about wherever they go ears ever unclosed, and tongue ever unconfined, ready instruments of their miserable condition in their longing to hear all that heaven forbids us to hear, and to tell out such things as should never find utterance.",
+                "[86] But all who have been trained to discriminate between intentional and unintentional actions, and have been given lips that can keep a holy silence in place of a reviling tongue, are praiseworthy when they go aright,  and are not much to blame when they fail without meaning it: that is why cities of refuge were set apart for them (Num. 35.). "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] It is worth while to treat with particular detail those aspects of the subject which are of vital importance.  They are four in number: first, why cities set apart for fugitives were chosen, not from the cities allotted to the other tribes, but from those assigned to the tribe of Levi only; secondly, for what reason they were six in number, and neither more nor less; thirdly, why three were beyond the Jordan, and the others in the land of Canaan; fourthly, why the time appointed beforehand for the return of the fugitives was the death of the High Priest.",
+                "[88] On each of these points we must say what is pertinent, beginning with the first. The direction to fly to the cities allotted to Levites only is wholly appropriate, for the Levites too are in a certain sense fugitives, having, for the sake of being well-pleasing to God, forsaken parents and children and brothers and all their mortal kindred.",
+                "[89] So the original founder of this company is represented as saying to his father and mother, “I have not seen you, my brethren I know not, and my sons I know no more” (Deut. 33:9), that I may without distraction minister to Him that is. And a flight that is real exile is loss of our nearest and dearest. It is on the ground, then, of a similarity in their doings that the Lawgiver commits fugitives to the keeping of fugitives, that they may obtain an amnesty for what they had done.",
+                "[90] Was this, then, the only reason, or was it also because the Tribe of Levi, consisting of those who had the care of the Tabernacle, rushed upon and slew from the young upwards  those who fashioned into a god the golden calf, the Egyptian folly? They did this under the impulse of righteous anger accompanied by an inspiration from above and a God-sent possession: “And each man slays brother and neighbour and his nearest” (Exod. 32:27), for the body is “brother” of the soul, the irrational part of us neighbour of the rational, and the word of utterance “next of kin” to mind.",
+                "[91] For in this way only could that which is best in ourselves become capable of ministering before Him Who is Best of all Existences, if in the first place the man were resolved into soul, his brother body and its interminable cravings being broken off and cut in twain; if in the next place the soul rid itself, as I have said, of that neighbor of our rational element, the irrational,  which like a torrent in five divisions pours through the channels of all the senses and rouses the violence of the passions;",
+                "[92] if in the next place the reasoning faculty sever and banish from itself that which has the appearance of being closest to it, the word of utterance. All this is to the end that the word or thought  within the mind may be left behind by itself alone, destitute of body, destitute of sense-perception, destitute of utterance in audible speech; for when it has been thus left, it will live a life in harmony with such solitude, and will render, with nothing to mar or to disturb it, its glad homage to the Sole Existence.",
+                "[93] Another point to be called to mind, in addition to those which have been mentioned, is that the Tribe of Levi is that of ministers of the Tabernacle and priests, on whom rests the service of the Sanctuary, and those who commit unintentional homicide are also engaged in a service, since, as Moses tells us, “God delivers into their hands” (Exod. 21:13) for destruction those that have done deeds worthy of death. But, while the Levites were appointed for the exaltation of the good, these others were appointed for the chastisement of the guilty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Such are the reasons for the perpetrators of unintentional homicide taking refuge only in the cities of the Tabernacle attendants. We must next say what those cities are, and why they are six in number. It would seem, then, that the chiefest and surest and best mother-city something more than just a city, is the Divine Word, and that to take refuge first in it is supremely advantageous.",
+                "[95] The other five, colonies as it were, are powers of Him who speaks that Word,  their leader being creative power, in the exercise of which the Creator produced the universe by a word ; second in order is the royal power, in virtue of which He that has made it governs that which has come into being; third stands the gracious power, in the exercise of which the Great Artificer takes pity and compassion on his own work; fourth 〈is the legislative power, by which He prescribes duties incumbent on us; and fifth〉 that division of legislation, by which He prohibits those things which should not be done.",
+                "[96] Right goodly cities are they, and exceeding strong in their ramparts, noblest refuges for souls meet to be in safety for ever: kind and beneficent is the ordinance, with power to stimulate and brace to hopefulness. What ordinance could better shew the rich abundance of these beneficial powers adapted to the differences in the victims of involuntary lapses, so various both in their strength and in their weakness?",
+                "[97] The man who is capable of running swiftly it bids stay not to draw breath but pass forward to the supreme Divine Word, Who is the fountain of Wisdom, in order that he may draw from the stream and, released from death, gain life eternal as his prize. One less swift-footed it directs to the power to which Moses gives the name “God,” since by it the Universe was established and ordered.  It urges him to flee for refuge to the creative power, knowing that to one who has grasped the fact that the whole world was brought into being a vast good accrues, even the knowledge of its Maker, which straightway wins the thing created to love Him to whom it owes its being.",
+                "[98] One who is less ready it urges to betake himself to the kingly power, for fear of the sovereign has a force of correction to admonish the subject, where a father’s kindness has none such for the child. For him who fails to reach the posts just mentioned, because he thinks them too far distant, another set of goals have been set up nearer the starting-point—the gracious power, the power which enjoins duties, and that which forbids offences; those in fact which are indispensable.",
+                "[99] For he that has made sure that the Godhead is not inexorable, but kindly, owing to gentleness of nature, even if he have first sinned, afterwards repents in hope of forgiveness; and he that has taken in the thought that God is Lawgiver, will by obeying all His injunctions attain happiness; while the last of the three will gain a third and last refuge, the averting of ills, even if he fail to obtain a share of God’s principal good gifts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Such are the six cities, which Moses calls “places of refuge” (Num. 35:12), five of which were represented by symbolic figures which are in the sanctuary, the Laws laid up in the ark being symbols of injunction and prohibition; the lid of the ark, which he calls the Mercy-seat, representing the gracious power; while the creative and kingly powers are represented by the winged Cherubim that rest upon it.",
+                "[101] The Divine Word, Who is high above all these, has not been visibly portrayed, being like to no one of the objects of sense. Nay, He is Himself the Image of God, chiefest of all Beings intellectually perceived, placed nearest, with no intervening distance, to the Alone truly existent One.  For we read: “I will talk with thee  from above the Mercy-seat, between the two Cherubim” (Ex. 25:21), words which shew that while the Word is the charioteer of the Powers, He Who talks is seated in the chariot, giving directions to the charioteer for the right wielding of the reins of the Universe.",
+                "[102] He, then, that has shewn himself free from even unintentional offence—intentional is not to be thought of—having God Himself as his portion (Deut. 10:9), will have his abode in Him alone; while those who have fallen, not of set purpose but against their will, will have the refuges which have been mentioned, so freely and richly provided.",
+                "[103] Now of the cities of refuge three are beyond the River, far removed from our race. Which are these? The Word of the Sovereign Ruler, and His creative and His kingly power: for in fellowship with these are heaven and all the universe.",
+                "[104] But those which are close to us and in actual contact with perishable mankind, the only race which sin has befallen, are the three within—the gracious power, the power which enjoins things that are to be done, and that which prohibits those which are not to be done; for these touch us closely.",
+                "[105] For what need is there of prohibition in the case of those who are sure to do no wrong? What need of injunction for those whose nature exempts them from failure? And what need of recourse to the Gracious Power for those who will commit no sin at all? But our race stands in need of these powers by reason of its natural proneness both to intentional and unintentional sins."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] The fourth and only remaining point of those proposed for consideration was the time prescribed for the return of the fugitives, namely, that of the death of the High Priest. If taken literally, this point presents, I feel, great difficulty. The penalty inflicted by law on those whose offences are identical is unequal, if some are to be fugitives for a longer, some for a shorter, period; for of the High Priests some are very long-lived,",
+                "[107] some the reverse; some are appointed in youth, some in old age; and of those guilty of unintentional homicide some went into exile at the outset of the High Priest’s priesthood, some when the holder of the sacred office was nearing his end. Thus some have been cut off from their native place for a very long time indeed, others merely for a day, it may be, after which they will arrive with their heads in the air, insolently laughing at the nearest relatives of those whom they have slain.",
+                "[108] Let us, then, have recourse to the scientific mode of interpretation which looks for the hidden meaning of the literal words, and we shall escape from the difficulty and be able to give a reasonable account of the matter. We say, then, that the High Priest is not a man, but a Divine Word and immune from all unrighteousness whether intentional or unintentional.",
+                "[109] For Moses says that he cannot defile himself either 109 for  the father, the mind, nor for the mother, sense-perception (Lev. 21:11), because, methinks, he is the child of parents incorruptible and wholly free from stain, his father being God, who is likewise Father of all, and his mother Wisdom, through whom the universe came into existence;",
+                "[110] because, moreover, his head has been anointed with oil, and by this I mean that his ruling faculty is illumined with a brilliant light, in such wise that he is deemed worthy “to put on the garments.” Now the garments which the supreme Word of Him that is puts on as raiment are the world, for He arrays Himself in earth and air and water and fire and all that comes forth from these; while the body is the clothing of the soul considered as the principle of physical life,  and the virtues of the wise man’s understanding.",
+                "[111] Moses also says that “he shall never remove the mitre” from his head; he shall not, that is to say, lay aside the kingly diadem, the symbol not of absolute sovereignty, but of an admirable viceroyalty; “nor” again “shall he rend his clothes” (Lev. 21:10);",
+                "[112] for the Word of Him that IS is, as has been stated, the bond of all existence, and holds and knits together all the parts, preventing them from being dissolved and separated; just as the principle of physical life, in so far as it has been endowed with power, suffers none of the parts of the body to be split or cut off contrary to nature, but, so far as in it lies, all the parts are complete, and maintain unbroken a mutual harmony and oneness; and, in like manner, the purified mind of the wise man preserves the virtues free from breach or hurt, linking in a yet firmer concord the affinity and fellowship which is theirs by nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] The High Priest, so Moses says, “shall not go in to any dead soul” (Lev. 21:11). Death of soul is a life in the company of vice, so that what is meant is that he is never to come in contact with any polluting object, and of these folly always stinks. ",
+                "[114] To him there is betrothed moreover a maiden of the hallowed people, pure and undefiled and of ever inviolate intention; for never is he wedded to a widow or one divorced or to a profane woman or to a harlot (<i>ibid</i>. 13 f.), but against them he ever wages a truceless and unrelenting warfare. For hateful to him is widowhood from virtue, and the plight of one cast out and driven from her doors, and any conviction that is profane and unholy. But the promiscuous, polyandrous cause of polytheism, or rather atheism, the harlot, he deigns not even to look at, having learned to love her who had adopted, as her one Husband and Father, God the All-sovereign.",
+                "[115] In this character we see perfection in something like its highest form. On the other hand, as to the man who has vowed the Great Vow, the lawgiver seems to recognize that he does stumble unintentionally, even if not with deliberate intent; for he says, “If one die by him suddenly, he shall at once be defiled” (Num. 6:9): for that which suddenly swoops down upon us from without, apart from any wish of our own, defiles the soul at once, though not for an interminable period, owing to its being unintentional.  But with such involuntary defilements, even as with those that are voluntary, the High Priest has no concern, but stands far up beyond their reach.",
+                "[116] The observations which I have been making are lie not beside the mark, but are meant to shew that the fixing of the High Priest’s death as the term for the return of the exiles is in perfect accordance with the natural fitness of things (Num. 35:25).",
+                "[117] For so long as this holiest Word is alive and is still present in the soul, it is out of the question that an unintentional offence should come back into it; for this holy Word is by nature incapable of taking part in and of admitting to itself any sin whatever. But if the Word die, not by being itself destroyed, but by being withdrawn out of our soul, the way is at once open for the return of unintentional errors; for if it was abiding within us alive and well when they were removed, assuredly when it departs and goes elsewhere they will be reinstated.",
+                "[118] For the Monitor, the undefiled High Priest, enjoys as the fruit of his nature the special prerogative of never admitting into himself any uncertainty of judgement. Wherefore it is meet that we should pray that He who is at once High Priest and King may live in our soul as Monitor on the seat of justice, seeing that he has received for his proper sphere the entire court of our understanding, and faces unabashed all who are brought up for judgement there. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] Having now said all that was called for on the subject of fugitives, we will go on to treat of what comes next in natural sequence. The next words are “An angel of the Lord found her” (Gen. 16:7)—the angel who decreed a return home to a soul whose shame was like to lead into wandering, and well-nigh was its escort back to the frame of mind which wanders not.",
+                "[120] It will be an advantage that the lawgiver’s reflections about finding and seeking should not be passed over. He represents some as neither seeking nor finding anything, others as succeeding in both, some as having mastered one but not the other, either seeking and not finding, or finding without having sought.",
+                "[121] Those with no desire either to find or to seek grievously impair their faculty of reason, by refusing to train and exercise it, and, though capable of being keen-sighted, become blind. This is his meaning when he says that “Lot’s wife turned backwards and became a pillar” (Gen. 19:26), and here he is not inventing a fable but indicating precisely a real fact.",
+                "[122] For a man who is led by innate and habitual laziness to pay no attention to his teacher neglects what lies in front of him, which would enable him to see and hear and use his other faculties for the observation of nature’s facts. Instead he twists  his neck and turns his face backwards, and his thoughts are all for the dark and hidden side—of life, that is, not of the body and its parts, and so he turns into a pillar and becomes like a deaf and lifeless stone.",
+                "[123] Speaking of such characters as these Moses says that they did not get “a heart to understand, and eyes to see, and ears to hear” (Deut. 29:4), but wrought out for themselves a life that was no life, blind and deaf and unintelligent and in every way maimed, setting themselves to nothing that demands their thoughts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] As leader of this company we see the king of the country which symbolizes the body; for we read that “Pharaoh turned and went into his house, and did not set his heart even to this” (Ex. 7:23, R.V. mg.), as much as to say that he set it to nothing at all, but allowed it like an untilled plant to wither away and become barren and bear nothing.",
+                "[125] It is whetted and made keen by those who consider and observe and examine all things carefully; and when it is in exercise it bears its proper fruits, shrewdness and insight, which save it from being duped; but the unobservant man blunts and crushes the edges of intelligence.",
+                "[126] We must, then, let alone the irrational and truly lifeless company of such men as these, and scan well that of those who practise looking and finding. Our first example shall be the man who takes part indeed in public life, but is very far from having a mad thirst for fame: his ambition is for that better family, which the virtues have taken as their heritage, and he is represented as both seeking and finding it.",
+                "[127] For we are told that “a man found Joseph wandering in the plain, and asked him, ‘What art thou seeking?’ and he said ‘I am seeking my brethren; tell me, where are they feeding their flocks?’ And the man said to him, ‘They have departed hence, for I heard them saying, Let us go to Dothan.’ And Joseph went his way after his brethren, and found them in Dothan” (Gen. 37:15–17).",
+                "[128] Dothan means “a thorough for-saking,” and is the symbol of a soul that has in no half measure but completely run away from those empty notions which resemble the practices of women rather than those of men. Accordingly it is finely said that Sarah, who is Virtue, “forsakes the ways of women” (Gen. 18:11), those ways on which we toil who follow after the unmanly and really feminine life. But the wise man too “forsaking is added” (Gen. 25:8),  as Moses says in perfect accord with the nature of things: for the subtraction of vainglory is the addition of reality.",
+                "[129] If a man, while spending his days in this mortal life full of such diverse elements and assuming so many phases, and while he has at his disposal abundant material for a life of luxury, makes that better family, which has an eye only for what is morally excellent, his study and quest, he is worthy of approbation, if the dreams and phantoms of things that have the name and appearance of good things do not rise to the surface again and get the better of him.",
+                "[130] For if he continues in that soul  inquiry and keeps it free from alloy, he will not give up walking in the track of the objects of his quest, and following them up until he has reached those for whom he yearns.",
+                "[131] But none of them will he find among the worthless. Why so? Because “they have departed hence,” forsaking all that we care about, and have removed into the abode of the pious where no evil men are found. The speaker is the true “man,”  the Monitor, set over the soul, who, seeing its perplexity, its inquiring, its searching, is afraid lest it go astray and miss the right road."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Another instance is that of those well-known two whom I hold in great admiration. One is full of curiosity about the middle term between two others, and says, “Lo, the fire and the wood; where is the sheep for a whole burnt-offering?” The other replies, “God will see for Himself a sheep for a whole burnt-offering, Child”; and afterwards finds the substitute provided, for “behold a single ram held by the horns in a Sabek shrub”  (Gen. 22:7, 8, 13).",
+                "[133] Let us see, then, what the inquirer’s difficulty is, and what the answerer declares; and in the third place what the thing found was. Well, the inquiry he makes is of this kind: “Behold, the efficient cause, the fire; behold also, the passive object, the material, the wood; where is the third term, the finished result ?” As though he should say,",
+                "[134] “Behold the mind, breath  all warm and on fire; behold also the objects which the mind perceives, materials, as it were; where is the third term, the mind’s perception?” Or once more, “Here is sight; here is colour; where is the seeing?” and, quite generally, “Lo, here is sense-perception, the instrument for forming judgements; yes, and the objects of sense-perception, the material for it to work upon; where, then, is the act of perceiving?”",
+                "[135] To these inquiries the other gives the only right answer, “God will see for Himself”; for the third term is God’s special work. For it is by His taking thought for them that the mind apprehends, and sight sees, and every sense perceives.",
+                "As for the words “A ram is found held fast,” this is reason keeping quiet and in suspense.",
+                "[136] For the best offering is quietness and suspense of judgement, in matters that absolutely lack proofs. The only word we may say is this, “God will see.” To Him all things are known; He sees all things distinctly, by clearest light, even by Himself. No other word can be spoken by created beings on whom the darkness has been shed in full measure; and in darkness, safety lies in keeping still."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] Another instance. When they sought what it is that nourished the soul (for, as Moses says, “they knew not what it was”) (Exod. 16:15), they became learners and found it to be a saying of God, that is the Divine Word, from which all kinds of instruction and wisdom flow in perpetual stream. This is the heavenly nourishment, and it is indicated as such in the sacred records, when the First Cause in his own person says, “Lo, it is I that am raining upon you bread out of the heaven” (<i>ibid</i>. 4);",
+                "[138] for in very deed God drops from above the ethereal wisdom upon minds which are by nature apt and take delight in Contemplation; and they see it and taste it and are filled with pleasure, being fully aware of what they feel, but wholly ignorant of the cause which produced the feeling. So they inquire “What is this” (<i>ibid</i>. 15) which has a nature making it sweeter than honey and whiter than snow? And they will be taught by the seer that “This is the bread, which the Lord hath given them to eat” (<i>ibid</i>. 15).",
+                "[139] Tell me, then, of what kind the bread is. “This saying,” he says, “which the Lord ordained”  (<i>ibid</i>. 16). This Divine ordinance fills the soul that has vision alike with light and sweetness, flashing forth the radiancy of truth, and with the honied grace of persuasion imparting sweetness to those who hunger and thirst after nobility of character.",
+                "[140] A seeker also was the prophet himself, to know the cause of successful achievement, and he found that it was the presence with him of the only God. For when he asked in doubt, “Who am I, and what is there in me that I should deliver the race of vision from the character which fancies itself king and sets itself up against God?” he is instructed by a message from God, “I will be with thee” (Exod. 3:11 f.).",
+                "[141] It is true, of course, that the seeking of partial and subordinate objects calls out in us the exercise of delicate and profound thought; but the seeking of God, best of all existences, incomparable Cause of all things, gladdens us the moment we begin our search, and never turns out fruitless, since by reason of His gracious nature He comes to meet us with His pure and virgin graces, and shews Himself to those who yearn to see Him, not as He is, which is a thing impossible, since even Moses “turned away his face, for he was afraid to look upon God” (Exod. 3:6), but so far as it was allowable that created nature should direct its gaze towards the Power that is beyond conception.",
+                "[142] This promise also is included in the Exhortations,  where it is said “Ye shall turn back to the Lord your God, and shall find Him, when ye shall seek after Him, with all your heart, and with all your soul” (Deut. 4:29 f.)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Having said enough about those who seek and find, let us turn next to our third head, in which there is, we said, seeking, but no finding follows. Laban falls under this head. He searched the whole of the soul-dwelling of the Practiser, and as Moses says “found not the idols” (Gen. 31:33); for it was full of real things, not of dreams and empty phantoms.",
+                "[144] The men of Sodom, too, blind in understanding, when madly bent on bringing shame upon the sacred and undefiled Words, did not find the way that leads to this, but, as the sacred passage says, “wearied themselves in seeking the door” (Gen. 19:11), although they ran all round the house and left no stone unturned to carry out their unnatural and unholy lust.",
+                "[145] It has happened before now, that men having conceived the desire to become kings instead of gate-keepers and to overthrow order, the most beautiful thing in human life, have not only failed of the success which they had unjustly hoped for, but have been compelled to part with the advantage which they held in their hands. For the Law tells us that the men of Korah’s company, when they aimed at 〈priesthood and were not satisfied with the post of Tabernacle attendants〉, failed of both (Num. 16.).",
+                "[146] For just as boys and men do not learn the same things, but either age has its appropriate teachings, so  it is the nature of some souls to be always childish even in bodies that have grown old, and, on the other hand, to be full grown in bodies just reaching the prime of youth. All such as are enamoured of things too great for their nature will be convicted of foolishness, since every effort beyond our strength breaks down through over-violent straining.",
+                "[147] Pharaoh, again, seeking to destroy Moses (Exod. 2:15), that is, the prophetic nature, will never find him, albeit he has heard a grievous charge against him, namely, that he has attempted to overthrow the entire dominion of the body in two attacks. ",
+                "[148] The first of these he made against the Egyptian character, which was assailing the soul from the vantage-ground of pleasure; for “after smiting him he covered him with sand” (Exod. 2:12), a drifting, disconnected substance. He evidently regarded both doctrines as having the same author, the doctrine that pleasure is the prime and greatest good, and the doctrine that atoms are the elementary principles of the universe. Another attack (<i>ibid</i>. 13) was directed against him who splits up the nature of good into subdivisions, and assigns one to soul, one to body, one to things outside us. For he would have the good to be a complete whole, apportioned to the best element in us, to understanding alone, and in agreement with nothing lifeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] Again, it is in perfect keeping with the nature of things that invincible Virtue, bitterly vexed at men’s absurd aims—Tamar is her name—is not found by the messenger dispatched to seek her; for it is said, “And Judah sent the kid of the goats by the hand of his shepherd the Adullamite, to receive the pledge from the woman’s hand: and he found her not. And he asked the men of the place, ‘Where is the harlot that was at Enaim by the wayside?’ And they said, ‘There was no harlot here.’ And he returned to Judah and said, ‘I have not found her, and the men of the place say that there is no harlot here.’ And Judah said ‘Let her have them, but let us never be laughed to scorn; I have sent this kid, and thou hast not found her’ ” (Gen. 38:20–23).",
+                "[150] O admirable assay! O sacred test! A mind, bent on purchasing that fairest possession, piety, gave a pledge in the form of three securities or symbols, a signet ring, a cord, a staff (<i>ibid</i>. 18): the first, steadfastness and fidelity; the second, sequence and correspondence of word with life and life with word; the third, straight and unbending discipline, on which it is an advantage to lean. ",
+                "[151] The mind is putting to the test whether it did well to give this pledge. What, then, is the test? To drop some bait possessed of attractive power, fame or riches or health of body, or something of this kind, and to ascertain towards which side it sinks as on a pair of scales; for should there be an inclination towards any of these, the pledge is not safe. So he sent the kid thus to recover the pledge from the woman, not with the purpose of getting it back in any case, but only if she should ever prove unworthy to retain it.",
+                "[152] When will she be proved such? Whenever she exchanges things that matter for things that do not, preferring counterfeits to genuine goods. Now genuine goods are fidelity, sequence and correspondence of words with acts, a standard of right discipline (as on the other hand evils are faithlessness, inconsistency, lack of discipline); while the counterfeits are all things that depend upon irrational impulse.",
+                "[153] He sought there and “did not find her”; for that which is morally excellent is hard or even impossible to find in a life of turmoil. And if he make careful inquiries whether there be in all the region of that which is morally excellent a soul that has played the harlot, he will be told definitely that there neither is nor was aforetime, for that there is not there any licentious one, or a wanton, or a street-walker, or one prostituting for gain the flower of her youth, or making bright what is outside by baths and cleansings while she is foul within, or in default of natural beauty painting her face as pictures are coloured, or what is called the “many-husband” pest, following after evil as though it were good, or a lover of polygamy, or dispersing herself upon a thousand different objects material and immaterial alike, or mocked and outraged by that multitude.",
+                "[154] He who had sent the messenger, on hearing this, being one who had put envy far from him and was of a gracious disposition, rejoices greatly and says: “Is it not my heart-felt prayer that my understanding should be a true and high-born lady,  eminent for chastity and modesty and all other virtues, devoted to one husband and keeping watch with delight over the home of one, and exulting in a sole ruler? If in truth she is such an one, let her keep the things which have been given her, both discipline and the correspondence of word with life and of life with word, and the most vital of all, steadfastness and fidelity.",
+                "[155] But let us never be laughed to scorn in the belief that we thought our gifts unmerited;  we did indeed suppose that they were presents perfectly adapted to the soul. But while I, on my part, did what one who wished to test and try a character would naturally do, when I offered a bait, and sent a messenger, that character on its part made it evident that it was by its nature no easy prey.",
+                "[156] But I could not tell what it is which makes one an easy prey and another not; for I have seen great numbers of the exceedingly wicked sometimes acting exactly like the very good, but not for the same reason, since one set is putting truth into practice, the other set hypocrisy: and it is hard to distinguish these two; for many a time being is outdone by seeming.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Again, the goat of the sin-offering is sought for by the lover of virtue, but he does not find it; for, as the passage of Holy Writ shews, it had already been burnt (Lev. 10:16). We must consider what he means by this figure. To do no sin is peculiar to God; to repent, to the wise man; and this latter is a very difficult thing, and hard to find.",
+                "[158] So the oracle says that “Moses diligently sought” in this mortal life the secret of repentance for sins; for he was intent on discovering a soul divesting itself of unrighteousness, and going forth without shame, naked of misdeeds. But nevertheless he did not find one, for the flame, in other words the irrational impulse exceeding swift in its movements, had overrun and devoured the whole soul.",
+                "[159] For the fewer are overpowered by the more numerous, and the slower by the more fleet, and things that tarry by things that are present; and repentance is a restricted and slow and tarrying thing, whereas wrongdoing is copious and swift and constantly present in this mortal life. Naturally, then, one who has come into a state of lapse from virtue says that he is “unable to eat of the sin-offering,” since his inward feeling does not permit him to be fed by repentance, wherefore it is said “Moses heard it, and it pleased him” (Lev. 10:19 f.).",
+                "[160] For our relation to other created beings is a very different thing from our relation to God; for to creation only things manifest are known, but to God hidden things also. The man who, lying against the truth, maintains while still doing wrong that he has repented, is a madman. It is just as if the sick man were to act the part of the healthy man: he will clearly get worse through declining to have recourse to any means conducive to health. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] Again, on one occasion the prophet, led on by his love of acquiring knowledge, was seeking after the causes by which the most essential occurrences in the universe are brought about; for observing all created things wasting away and coming to the birth, perishing and yet remaining, he is smitten with amazement and cries out saying, “Why is it that the bush is burning and not being consumed?” (Exod. 3:2 f.), for his thoughts are busy over the untrodden place,",
+                "[162] familiar only to Divine natures. But when now on the point of engaging in an endless and futile labour, he is relieved of it by the kindness and providence of God the Saviour of all men, who from out of the hallowed spot warned him “Draw not nigh hither” (<i>ibid</i>. 5), as much as to say “Enter not on such an inquiry”; for the task argues a busy, restless curiosity too great for human ability: marvel at all that has come into being, but as for the reasons for which they have either come into being or are decaying, cease to busy thyself with them.",
+                "[163] For “the place on which thou standest is holy ground,” it says (<i>ibid</i>. 5). What kind of place or topic is meant? Evidently that of causation, a subject which He has assigned to Divine natures only, deeming no human being capable of dealing with the study of causation.",
+                "[164] But the prophet owing to desire of knowledge lifts his eyes above the whole universe and becomes a seeker regarding its Creator, asking of what sort this Being is so difficult to see, so difficult to conjecture. Is He a body or incorporeal, or something exalted above these? Is He a single Nature, a Monad as it were? Or a composite Being? What among all that exists? And seeing that this is a problem hard to pursue, hard to take in by thought, he prays that he may learn from God Himself what God is: for he had no hope of being able to ascertain this from another, from one of those that are inferior to Him.",
+                "[165] Nevertheless he did not succeed in finding anything by search respecting the essence of Him that IS. For he is told “What is behind Me thou shalt see, but My face thou shalt by no means see” (Exod. 33:23). For it amply suffices the wise man to come to a knowledge of all that follows on after God and in His wake, but the man that wishes to set his gaze upon the Supreme Essence, before he sees Him will be blinded by the rays that beam forth all around Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[166] Having said thus much about the third head also, we will go on to the fourth and last of those proposed for consideration, in which there has been no “seeking,” and yet “finding” meets us unbidden. Under this head is ranged every wise man who learns directly from no teacher but himself; for he does not by searchings and practisings and toilings gain improvement, but as soon as he comes into existence he finds wisdom placed ready to his hand, shed from heaven above, and of this he drinks undiluted draughts, and sits feasting, and ceases not to be drunken with the sober drunkenness which right reason brings.",
+                "[167] This is he whom Holy Writ calls “Isaac,” whom the soul did not conceive at one time and give birth to at another, for it says “she conceived and gave birth” (Gen. 21:2) as though timelessly. For he that was thus born was not a man, but a most pure thought, beautiful not by practice but by nature. And for this reason she that gave birth to it is said “to have forsaken the ways of women” (Gen. 18:11), those human ways of custom and mere reasoning.",
+                "[168] For the nature of the self-taught is new and higher than our reasoning, and in very deed Divine, arising by no human will or purpose but by a God-inspired ecstasy. Do you not know that Hebrew mothers need no midwives for their delivery, but as Moses says “before the midwives” (Exod. 1:19), that is before systems, arts, sciences, come in, they give birth with the co-operation of nature alone?",
+                "Admirable and most suitable are the marks which the Lawgiver sets forth to define the direct learner: one, “that which is quickly found,” another, “that which God delivered.”",
+                "[169] While that which is taught needs a long time, that which comes by nature is rapid, and, we may say, timeless; and, while the one has man as teacher, the other has God. The former mark he sets down in a question: “What is this which thou didst find quickly, Child?” the other in a reply, in the words “that which God the Lord delivered” (Gen. 27:20)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] There is besides a third mark of the direct learner, namely that which comes up of itself. For it is said in the Exhortations : “Ye shall not sow, nor shall ye reap its growths that come up of themselves” (Lev. 25:11): for natural growths require no artificial treatment, since God sows them and by His art of husbandry brings to perfection, as though they were self-grown, plants which are not self-grown, save only so far as they had no need whatever of human attention.",
+                "[171] His words are not those of exhortation, but of statement : for, in commanding, he would have said “do not sow,” “do not reap”; instead he says in the form of a statement, “Ye shall not sow, nor assuredly shall ye reap that which is self-grown.” For when we observe such growths as spring up spontaneously by nature, we find that we are not responsible either for their beginning or their end. Now the seed is the beginning and the reaping the end;",
+                "[172] and the text is better understood in this way: every beginning and every end is “automatic,” in the sense that it is not our doing but that of nature.  For instance, what is the beginning of the act of learning? Evidently it is the nature residing in the pupil with its receptivity towards the several subjects of study. What again is the beginning of the completion of learning? Undoubtedly it is nature. It is within the power of the teacher to lead us from one stage of progress to another; God only, Nature at its best, can produce in us the full completion.",
+                "[173] The man that is nurtured on these doctrines enjoys the peace that never ends, released from unabating toils. Peace and Seven are identical according to the Legislator: for on the seventh day  creation puts away its seeming activity and takes rest.",
+                "[174] So, taken in a symbolic sense, the words “And the sabbath of the land shall be food for you” (Lev. 25:6) are to the point; for nothing is nourishing and enjoyable food, save rest in God, securing as it does for us the greatest boon, the peace which is unbroken by war. For the peace which is made by one city with another is mixed with and marred by intestine war; but the peace of the soul has no admixture of discord whatever.",
+                "[175] But it is by the following that the Lawgiver seems to me most clearly to supply an example of finding without seeking: “When the Lord thy God shall have led thee into the land which He sware unto thy fathers to give thee, cities great and fair, which thou buildedst not, houses full of all good things, which thou filledst not, cisterns cut out, which thou cuttedst not, vineyards and olive-yards, which thou plantedst not” (Deut. 6:10 f.).",
+                "[176] Seest thou the lavish abundance of the good things showered upon them, great and ready for possession and enjoyment? The generic virtues are likened to cities, because they have the greatest expanse; the special virtues to houses, for these are restricted to a narrower compass; souls endowed with good native ability are likened to cisterns, being ready to receive wisdom as these do water; vineyards and olive-yards represent progress and growth and yield of fruits; and the fruit of knowledge is the life of contemplation, winning for us unmixed gladness as from wine, and intellectual light as from a flame which oil feeds. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] In what preceded we have spoken about finding, having previously dealt with flight. We will now pass on in turn to the points which follow next in our plan of treatment. We read, then, “An angel of the Lord found her at the water-spring” (Gen. 16:7). “Spring” is a word used in many senses. In the first place, our mind is so called; secondly, the reasoning habit  and education; thirdly, the bad disposition; fourthly, its opposite, the good disposition; fifthly, the Maker and Father of the Universe Himself.",
+                "[178] The proofs of this statement are supplied by the Oracles of Scripture: let us see what they are. There is one such declaration in the beginning of the Book of the Law, immediately after the record of the Creation of the World, running as follows: “A spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6).",
+                "[179] Those who are unversed in allegory and the nature-truth which loves to conceal its meaning compare the spring mentioned with the River of Egypt, which rises in flood yearly and turns the plain into a lake, seeming to exhibit a power well-nigh rivalling the sky.",
+                "[180] For what the sky is in winter to other countries, this the Nile is to Egypt in the height of summer: the one sends the rain from above upon the earth, the other, strange to say, rains up from below and waters the fields. This afforded Moses ground  for branding the Egyptian character as atheistical in its preference for earth above heaven, for the things that live on the ground above those that dwell on high, and the body above the soul.",
+                "[181] However, it will be possible to speak of this hereafter, when opportunity permits. At present the need for aiming at brevity compels me to take up the interpretation of the passage allegorically, and to say that “a spring going up and watering all the face of the earth” has the meaning I am about to give.",
+                "[182] Our dominant faculty resembles a spring: and from it like the spring water through the veins of the earth well up many powers which it sends forth till they reach the senses, eyes, ears, nostrils, and so on. Every animal has those in its head and face. Thus the dominant faculty in the soul waters, as from a spring, the face, which is the dominant part of the body, extending to the eyes the spirit  of vision, that of hearing to the ears, to the nostrils that of smelling, that of tasting to the mouth, and that of touch to the whole surface."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[183] There are also a variety of springs of education, by the side of which there grow up, like stems of palm-trees, upright forms of reason rich in nourishing food. For we read that “they came to Elim, and in Elim there were twelve springs of water, and seventy stems of palm-trees; and they encamped there by the waters” (Exod. 15:27). “Elim” means “gateways,” a figure of the entrance to virtue; for just as gateways are the beginnings of a house, so are the preliminary exercises of the schools the beginning of virtue.",
+                "[184] And twelve is a perfect number. The zodiac circle in the sky is a witness to this, being adorned with that number of luminous constellations: a further instance is the sun’s circuit, for it completes its round in twelve months, and men keep the hours of day and night equal in number to the months of the year.",
+                "[185] And Moses celebrates this number in several places, telling us of twelve tribes in the nation, directing twelve loaves to be set forth on the Table, bidding them weave twelve inscribed stones on the “oracle” in the holy vestment of the high priest’s full-length robe (Ex. 28:17 ff.).",
+                "[186] He also proclaims the ten-fold seven, telling in this passage of seventy palm-trees by the springs, and in another of the Divine Spirit of prophecy bestowed on only seventy elders (Num. 11:16), and again of seventy calves offered as victims at the Feast of Tabernacles arranged in divisions following a regular series: for they are not all sacrificed at once, but on different days, beginning with thirteen bull-calves (Num. 29:13 ff.); for in this way, the number being diminished by one every day up to the seventh, the aggregate of seventy would be made up.",
+                "[187] When they have arrived at the vestibules of virtue, the subjects of preliminary instruction, and have beheld springs and palms growing by them, they are said to encamp, not by the trees but by the waters. Why is this? Because palm and fillets are the adornment of those who carry off the prizes of consummate virtue, but those whose sphere is still that of the preliminary studies, athirst as they are for learning, settle down beside the springs of knowledge which are able to water their souls and give them drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[188] Such are the springs of the lower education. Let us now consider the spring of folly, respecting which the Lawgiver has spoken in these terms: “Whosoever shall have slept with a woman in her separation hath unclosed her spring, and she hath unclosed the flow of her blood; let them both be put to death” (Lev. 20:18): he gives to sense-perception the name woman, suggesting Mind as her husband.",
+                "[189] Sense-perception is “in separation,” which is “sitting a long way off,” when, having forsaken Mind, her lawful husband, she plants herself on the objects of sense that ensnare and corrupt, and passionately embraces them one after another. At such a time, then, if Mind go to sleep, when he ought to be awake, “he has unclosed the spring” of sense-perception, himself to wit—for, as I have already said, he himself is the spring of sense-perception—that is, he has exposed himself, without covering or wall of defence, to the plots of his enemies.",
+                "[190] Moreover she too “unclosed the flow of her blood”; for every sense, in its flow towards the external object of sense, is covered over and drawn in when controlled by reason, but is left destitute when widowed of an upright ruler, and as it is the most grievous evil for a city to be without walls, so is it for a soul to be without a protector.",
+                "[191] When, then, is it without a protector? Is it not when sight, spread abroad amid objects of sight, is left uncovered; uncovered too the hearing, flooded by every kind of sound; uncovered the powers of smell and others of like kin, full ready for any experience to which marauding foes may wish to subject them; uncovered again the faculty of speech, giving ill-timed utterance to a thousand things that should have been kept quiet, since there is no one to force back the current? In its unhindered flow it has wrecked great life-projects, which were like ships in fair weather sailing on even keel.",
+                "[192] This is the great deluge in which “the cataracts of heaven,” that is of the mind, “were opened,” “and the fountains of the abyss,” that is of sense-perception, “were unclosed” (Gen. 7:11).  For only in this way is a deluge brought upon the soul, when as though from heaven, that is the mind, wrongdoings burst upon it as in a cataract; and from sense-perception below, as it were from the earth, passions come welling up.",
+                "[193] That is why Moses prohibits the “disclosing of the shame of father and mother” (Lev. 18:7), well knowing how great an evil it is not to keep back and conceal the sins of the mind and of sense-perception, but to make them public as though they were achievements of righteousness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[194] Such are the springs of sinful deeds: let us investigate that of sound sense. To this Patience, called Rebecca, goes down, and, when she has filled the whole vessel of the soul, goes up; for the lawgiver speaks of the descent as an ascent with perfect truth to the nature of things, for a soul that resolves to come down from over-weening imposture is exalted thereby to virtue’s height. ",
+                "[195] For it says: “And having gone down to the spring she filled the water-pot, and came up” (Gen. 24:16). This spring is the Divine Wisdom, from which both the several fields of knowledge are watered, and all contemplation-loving souls which are possessed by a love of that which is best.",
+                "[196] To this spring the sacred message applies most appropriate names, calling it “judgement”  and “holy.” For it says: “They returned and came to the Spring of Judgement; this is Kadesh” (Gen. 14:7); and “Kadesh” means “holy.” One might think that it cries aloud that the wisdom of God is both holy, containing no earthy ingredient, and a sifting of all the universe, whereby all opposites are separated from each other. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[197] And now we have to speak of the supreme and most excellent Spring, which the All-Father declared by the mouth of prophets. For He said in a certain place: “Me they forsook, a spring of Life, and dug for themselves broken cisterns, which shall fail to hold water” (Jer. 2:13).",
+                "[198] God, therefore, is the chiefest spring, and well may He be so called, for this whole universe is a rain that fell from Him. But I bow in awe when I hear that this spring is one of Life: for God alone is the Cause of soul and life, and preeminently of the rational soul, and of the Life that is united with wisdom. For matter is a dead thing, but God is something more than Life, an ever-flowing Spring of living, as He Himself says.",
+                "[199] But the impious flee from Him, persist in leaving untasted the water of immortality, and dig in their madness for themselves but not for God, putting their own works above the celestial gifts of heaven, and the results of forethought above those which come spontaneously and ready for their use.",
+                "[200] That is their first folly. In the next place they dig, not as did the wise, Abraham and Isaac, wells (Gen. 21:30, 26:18), deep sources of knowledge from which draughts of reason are drawn, but cisterns, having no excellent thing of their own to afford nourishment, but needing the inflow from without, that must come from teaching, as the instructors keep on pumping in unbroken stream into the ears of their pupils the principles and conclusions which constitute knowledge, that they may both grasp what is imparted to them with their intelligence and treasure it in their memory.",
+                "[201] As it is the “cisterns” are “broken,” that is to say, all the receptacles of the ill-conditioned soul are crushed and leaking, unable to hold in and keep the inflow of what might do them good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[202] On the subject of springs all that the occasion required has now been said. But it is with a most carefully considered meaning that Hagar is represented by the sacred oracles as found by the spring but not drawing water from it (Gen. 16:7). For a soul, while making gradual progress, is not yet capable of availing itself of Wisdom’s untempered draught, but such a soul is not prevented from staying hard by her.",
+                "[203] Now the road of discipline is all a highway, thoroughly safe and well guarded. Wherefore it says that she was found in the way to Shur  (<i>ibid</i>.), and “Shur” means “wall” or “straightening.” The inward monitor, then, speaking within the soul, says to it, “Whence comest thou, and whither art thou going?” (<i>ibid</i>. 8). In thus addressing her he does not express doubt or inquiry; rather he is reproaching and putting her to shame; for we may not think that an angel is ignorant of anything affecting us.",
+                "[204] Here is a proof of it: even the secrets of the womb, which are hidden from created beings, the angel knows with certainty, as his words shew: “Lo, thou art with child, and shalt give birth to a boy, and shalt call his name Ishmael” (<i>ibid</i>. 11). For it is not in the power of man to know that the embryo is a male, nor to know the principle that is to govern the life of one who is not yet born, that it will be the way of the rude country-side, not the refined one of civic life.",
+                "[205] So the words “Whence comest thou?” are spoken to rebuke the soul that is running away from the better judgement, “the mistress,” a mistress whom to serve as handmaiden could not but win her high renown, if the service be one of deeds rather than of name. And the words “Whither goest thou?” mean “Thou hast cast away acknowledged gains, and art running after uncertainties.”",
+                "[206] We may well praise her for receiving reproof with gladness.  Of her gladness she has given plain evidence by not accusing her mistress, and by laying the blame of her flight upon herself, and by making no answer to the second question “Whither art thou going?” for it was uncertain, and regarding uncertainties suspension of judgement is not only safe but requisite."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[207] Her monitor, then, pleased with her for her compliance, bids her “Go back to thy mistress”; for the teacher’s authority is an advantage to the learner, and bond-service under Good Sense a gain to her that is imperfect. “And when thou hast returned humble thyself under her hands” (<i>ibid</i>. 9), with a noble humiliation which carries with it the overthrow of irrational highmindedness.",
+                "[208] For so doing thou shalt give birth with easy travail to a male offspring, Ishmael by name (<i>ibid</i>. 11), since thou shalt have been chastened by hearkening to words of God; for “Ishmael” means “hearkening to God.” Hearing takes the second place, yielding the first to sight, and sight is the portion of Israel, the son free-born and first-born; for “seeing God” is the translation of “Israel.” It is possible to hear the false and take it for true, because hearing is deceptive, but sight, by which we discern what really is, is devoid of falseness.",
+                "[209] The character thus given birth to is described first by the statement that it will be rude, of rude “mother wit” as it were, not yet admitted to the privilege of the refined and truly civilized lot, virtue, that is, the natural refiner and tamer of character; next by the words “his hands shall be against all men, and all men’s hands against him” (<i>ibid</i>. 12); for this is just the Sophist’s way, with his pretence of excessive open-mindedness, and his love of arguing for arguing’s sake.",
+                "[210] This character aims its shafts at all representatives of the sciences, opposing each individually and all in common, and is the target of them all since they naturally shew fight, as in defence of offspring of their own, that is of the doctrines to which their soul has given birth.",
+                "[211] And he adds a third characteristic in the words “he shall dwell face to face with all his brethren” (<i>ibid</i>.), words which are almost a distinct picture of combat face to face and perpetual opposition.",
+                "The soul, then, which is pregnant with the sophist-principle says to the monitor who is talking to her: “Thou art God that didst look upon me,” which is equivalent to saying “Thou art the Maker of my wishes and offspring”; and well may she say this,",
+                "[212] for of free and really high-born souls He who is free and sets free is the Creator, while slaves are makers of slaves: and angels are God’s household-servants, and are deemed gods by those whose existence is still one of toil and bondage. ",
+                "“For this reason,” it says, “she called the well ‘Well where I saw Him before me’ ”  (<i>ibid</i>. 14).",
+                "[213] Nay, how couldst thou fail, thou soul, who in thy progress art dipping deep into the school-lore knowledge, to see reflected in thy training as in a mirror the Author of that knowledge?",
+                "Most appropriate too is the situation of such a well “between Kadesh and Bered” (<i>ibid</i>. 14): “Bered” means “in evils,” and Kadesh “holy,” for he that is in gradual progress is on the borderland between the holy and the profane, fleeing from bad things, but not yet competent to share the life of perfect goodness."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE FUGA ET INVENTIONE",
+            "§ 8. <i>There are people who fashion</i>, etc. Has Philo in mind <i>Phaedo</i> 96 B ff., where Socrates contrasts, or seems to contrast, the views of earlier philosophers, Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heracleitus, etc., with the higher thought suggested to him by Anaxagoras’s dictum? Certainly there is no close resemblance between these theories, as noted there, and the views mentioned by Philo here, but he might perhaps without much difficulty have regarded the negation of a final cause implied in the former as the deification of some original ὕλη.",
+            "§§ 11–13. Jacob’s expostulation with Laban is interpreted as an argument against the earlier philosophers who assumed an evolution in creation. On the contrary, he asserts, everything was made as it was to be, and had its ποιόν from the first. The counterpart of this in the story is the protest of Jacob in Gen. 30:25-end, which results in his claiming the marked (ἐπίσημα) animals for himself, and leaving the ἄσημα to Laban. (In E.V. these are respectively the stronger and the feebler.)",
+            "For the Stoic equation of ποιόν with εἶδος and the maintenance of its identity throughout <i>cf.</i> <i>S. V.F.</i> ii. 395.",
+            "§ 16. <i>Names.</i> Mangey, who suggested, not very helpfully, γένεσι, pointed out that there is nothing in the actual names of Leah and Rachel which suggests freedom. Possibly the thought may be that ἀσκητικαὶ δυνάμεις, with stress on ἀσκ., are essentially free, but this seems strained. Mr. Whitaker had put “their standing,” probably supposing that the allusion is to the freedom they have gained from Laban’s control, as expressed in their speech. Possibly again “in the terms they use,” or “their language,” ὀνόματα being sometimes used for “words” in general as well as for “names,” and this would at least give a good antithesis to ἐνθυμήμασι. But both these postulate an unnatural meaning for the word. If we suppose a corruption ταῖς ὀρμαῖς would be a possible correction.",
+            "§§ 25 ff. Fleeing from Esau.—Philo’s views on this are perplexing. We shall perhaps best understand them by remembering that he keeps passing from the internal to the external danger, from the Esau within us to the Esau without. In §24 Esau is definitely the inward enemy. In §§25 ff. he may be either or both, but the temptation to make this topic an occasion for one of those “diatribes” or “commonplaces” which he enjoys so much, though to us they may seem to be unworthy interruptions of the argument, carries him away till by § 28 it is clearly the outward φαῦλος. This enemy is to be met by a judicious and benevolent use of the good things of life, and after exhausting this subject Philo returns quite clearly in § 39 to the inward conflict. The advice of Patience for this, though given in a very different style, is practically the same. He who is not yet fitted for the highest life must accommodate himself to the lower conditions and make the best possible use of them.",
+            "In <i>De Mig.</i> 210–212 the danger is at the start said to be “either in thyself or in another person.” We then pass on to language which if literally taken seems to leave “thyself” out of the question and to inculcate a degrading subservience to another. But as stated in the footnote to that passage, I believe that the thought is really the same as here, and that the principle of accommodation to the facts of life is parabolically compared to the insincere subservience of the worldly-wise. The long diatribe in <i>De Som.</i> ii. 80–92 must no doubt be reckoned with. But here Philo is dealing with a very different subject, εὐλάβεια, and his advice can hardly be said to contain anything degrading, unless it is the description of Abraham’s dealings with the children of Heth, §§ 89–90. But is not this also a parable of the same kind as I have supposed in <i>De Mig.</i>? Both parables may in a sense be compared to that of the Unjust Judge.",
+            "§ 26. τῶν εἰρημένων. The translation suggested in the footnote seems preferable, not only because τῶν εἰρ. more naturally refers to something further back, though it is perhaps sometimes used of something in the immediate neighbourhood, but because Philo frequently uses τὰ ποιητικὰ ἧς ἡδονῆς. See <i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> ii. 107 τὰ ποιητικὰ αὐτῆς (<i>i.e.</i> ἡδονῆς), χρυσὸς ἄργυρος δόξα τιμαί ἀρχαὶ, where, however, δόξα and τιμαί are ranked as ποιητικά, not as here as products. See also index to <i>S. V. F.</i> on ποιητικά and τελικά.",
+            "§ 31. δεξιότης. L. &amp; S. 1927 have added “kindliness, courtesy,” to their earlier “cleverness,” etc., and refer to Philo ii. 30, <i>i.e.</i> <i>De Abr.</i> 208. There and in the other two of the four passages where I have noted the word this is suitable. But here the usage is somewhat wider. Philo’s use of the word seems to extend to gentlemanly behaviour of any kind.",
+            "§ 42. πεῖσμα. Wendland suspects this word. But its use in this sense, though perhaps not common, is well supported. Here Philo is evidently led to it by the desire to accumulate names in -μα in antithesis to ἀνάθημα, and having once used it here was perhaps encouraged to use it again in § 114, where it seems to have the same meaning. Elsewhere it has the commoner sense of “cable.”",
+            "§ 45. δόγμασιν * * * οὗτος. Wendland, after giving Mangey’s note in which, reading ἐπιμένοντα. For -τι, he suggested the insertion of προτρέπουσι or some similar word to complete the sense, adds “sed plura desunt”; <i>i.e.</i> he considered that not only was something needed to shew what happens to the Lover of Discipline, but also an explanation of the Brother of Rebecca to lead up to οὗτος. This is perhaps the most probable view, but I do not think it is certain that there is any lacuna, or indeed any correction needed at all. If οὗτος is referred to βίος, the statement that while the resources of ordinary life are a danger to the fool, this ordinary life is to the man of discipline the testing-ground and therefore the brother of persistence, makes good enough sense. We have to set against it the distance of βίον from οὗτος, and that we should rather have expected ταῦτα.",
+            "Mangey’s suggestion implies that the Lover of Discipline, who presumably is the person sent to the Brother of Persistence, is here identified with that Brother. This also, though confusing, is perhaps not impossible. But if so, the simplest emendation would be οὔχ, ὅς for οὗτος, <i>i.e.</i> the resources of life are a danger to the fool, but <i>not so</i> to the Man of Persistence, who is the Brother of Rebecca. Or perhaps οὔ, τῷ οὗ νοῦς, <i>i.e.</i> while the mind of the fool is the Syrian, the mind of the Lover of Discipline is the other Laban, which is not unduly elated.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Removed … from the Divine Company.</i> Wendland notes this and the similar phrase in § 74 as alluding to <i>Phaedrus</i> 247 A φθόνος γὰρ ἔξω θείου χοροῦ ἵσταται. The same thought has already appeared in <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 61, iii. 7. Philo, however, does not use it here in the sense of the original, which means that the Divine Company cannot feel envy. In <i>Spec. Leg.</i> ii. 249 he definitely quotes it and with the proper meaning. So also <i>Quod Omnis Prob.</i> 13.",
+            "§ 75. <i>Space entirely filled by a body.</i> This is in accordance with the Stoic definition. A τόπος must be completely filled by σῶμα; if partially filled it remains a χώρα. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 504 f.",
+            "§ 82. This quotation from the <i>Theaetetus</i> follows almost immediately on the passage cited in § 68. Each of them is, I think, considerably longer than any citation from Plato to be found elsewhere, and the former is the only passage in this series of treatises in which he gives a reference to the dialogue quoted. The curious way in which in this second passage he disguises the fact that he is practically continuing an earlier quotation might suggest that he took both passages from some collection and did not know the reference for the latter, but probably it may be regarded as merely one of his mannerisms.",
+            "§ 101. <i>Placed nearest</i>, etc. Or “set up,” ἀφιδρυμένος, in accordance with the common use of ἀφίδρυμα for an image, carrying on the thought of εἰκών. Drummond translates ἐγγ. ἀφ. by “the nearest model to,” but if by this is meant the “closest reproduction of,” the phraseology of μηδενὸς ὄντος μεθορίου διαστήματος seems strange. Wendland’s ἐφιδρυμένος seems to me pointless.",
+            "§ 114. ἄθεον. To expunge this word as inappropriate seems to me rather hypercritical; that polytheism is essentially atheism is a natural remark. In fact Philo has made a very similar if not identical observation in <i>De Ebr.</i> 110, where the MSS. have τὸ γὰρ πολύθεον ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀφρόνων ψυχαῖς ἀθεότητα, after which Wendland supplies κατασκευάζει, but Mangey’s ἀθεότης is quite possible.",
+            "§ 134. “<i>Breath</i>” or “<i>spirit</i>.” It seems impossible to get any satisfactory equivalent for the Stoic πνεῦμα, “a stuff or body akin to the element of air, but associated with warmth and elasticity” (Arnold); see note on <i>Quis Rerum</i> 242. For the term as applied to νοῦς <i>cf.</i> <i>De Som.</i> i. 30. I have not seen other examples in Philo or elsewhere, but it is very commonly applied to ψυχή, <i>e.g.</i> Diog. Laert. vii. 157, where Zeno is said to define ψυχή as πνεῦμα ἔνθερμον. For the idea that πνεῦμα is ὑγρότερον καὶ ψυχρότερον in plants, ξηρότερον καὶ θερμότερον in animals, see <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 787 ff.",
+            "§ 150. In the shorter form of the allegory in <i>De Mut.</i> 134 f. the pledges are given a different meaning. This is natural because there Judah is no longer the human soul wooing virtue, but God Himself impregnating the soul. Consequently the pledges are not the attributes which constitute human virtue, but those which belong to God’s working in the universe.",
+            "§ 177. <i>The reasoning habit.</i> Or “the acquisition of the reasoning faculty.” Since in the section where Philo deals with πηγή in the sense of παιδεία this phrase does not recur, it would seem that he regards the two as more or less synonymous. This agrees with his use of λογικὴ ἕξις in <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 10 where it is applied to the mental condition of children when they first begin to reason. The use of it in <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 210 is somewhat similar.",
+            "§ 191. ῥύσις or ῥυείς. The chief objection to ῥυείς is that it involves referring οὗτος in the next sentence to προφορικὸς λόγος, whereas it is clear that the “great deluge” is the ῥύσις of all the senses (and the mind). If ῥύσις is read, γοῦν would be taken, as not unfrequently, as transitional to the development of the ῥύσις is of the text, which up to now has only been treated incidentally. It would be better perhaps in this case, though not necessary, to read ἀκώλυτος.",
+            "§ 200. This defective sentence seems to need something which will give a forcible contrast to the actual unretentiveness described in the next sentence. I suggest κεί φρενὶ … ταμιεύεσθαι ἔστι, <i>i.e.</i> they require the inpouring even if they can hold it (which they can’t). Variants of this might be κἂν … ᾗ or εἰ εἴη, in the latter case the εἰ clause being the protasis to ἣ γένοιτʼ ἂν … in the sense of “which would (rather than “must”) be the result, if only …” Dr. Rouse suggests ἃ δεῖ for καί, which will give much the same sense, but would, I think, require the omission of τά before παραδοθέντα."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1934",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הבריחה והמציאה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הבריחה והמציאה",
+        "enTitle": "On Flight and Finding",
+        "key": "On Flight and Finding",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Husbandry/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,351 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Husbandry",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על עבודת האדמה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON HUSBANDRY (DE AGRICULTURA) ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "GEN 9:20 F. quoted at the beginning of <i>De Agricultura</i> is the text of this and the two following treatises. The part of it dealt with in the one before us is the words, “And Noah began to be a husbandman” or “gardener.”",
+            "Having pointed out that this connotes scientific gardening, Philo describes scientific gardening in the literal sense (1–7), and then goes on to soul-gardening. This ministers to the Mind. Its aim is the fruit of virtue, and it is only for the sake of this that it occupies itself first with rudimentary subjects. What is harmful it prunes away. What is not fruit-bearing it uses for fencing. It deals in this way with mere theorizing, forensic speech, dialectics, and geometry, which all sharpen the intellect without improving the character (8–16). Soul-gardening sets out its programme (17 ff.). As such a soul-gardener righteous Noah is contrasted with Cain, who is a mere “worker of the earth” in the service of Pleasure (21–25).",
+            "There must surely be other pairs of opposites similar to this of the scientific tiller and the mere worker of the soil. Yes; there is the shepherd and the rearer of cattle. The organs of the body are the cattle of each one of us. A careless Mind is unfit to guard them; it will not check excess, or exercise needful discipline. These things a shepherd will do. So honourable is his calling that poets call kings “shepherds,” and Moses gives this title to the wise, the real kings. Jacob was a shepherd. So was Moses; and he prays God not to leave Israel unshepherded, <i>i.e</i>. to save it from mob-rule, despotism and licence. Well may each of us make his prayer our own on behalf of our inner flock. God, the Shepherd and King of the Universe, with His Word and Firstborn Son as viceroy, is extolled in the Psalm “The Lord shepherds me.” Only by the One Shepherd can the flock be kept together. This is our sure hope, and our sole need. So all who were taught by God made the shepherd’s science their study, and their pride; like Joseph’s brethren who, though bidden by him to tell Pharaoh that they were “rearers of cattle,” answered that they were “shepherds,” shepherding, <i>i.e</i>. the faculties of the soul; for Pharaoh, with royal and Egyptian arrogance, would have looked down on keepers of literal goats and sheep. The fatherland of these soul-shepherds is Heaven, and (as they told the King) they were but “sojourners” in Egypt, the land of the body and the passions (26–66).",
+            "We find in the Law a third pair of opposites. A sharp distinction is to be drawn between a “horseman” and a “rider.” The mere “rider” is at the horse’s mercy; the horseman is in control like the man at the helm. The horses of the soul are high spirit and desire, and their rider the Mind that hates virtue and loves the passions. Israel’s “Song by the Sea” celebrates the disaster that befalls the “four-footed throng of passions and vices.” It is clear that Moses’ words about horses are symbolic, for so great a soldier as he must have known the value of cavalry. Again, though literal racehorse breeding is a poor business, those who ply it have the excuse that the spectators of a race catch the fine spirit of the horses; whereas the figurative trainer, who sets an unqualified jockey on the back of vice and passion, is without excuse (67–92).",
+            "A glance at the prayer of Moses in Gen. 49:17 f. will shew how different the “horseman” is from the “rider.” To understand that prayer we must note that “Dan” means “judgement,” and that the “dragon,” which he <i>is</i> or <i>has</i>, is Moses’ serpent of brass. (Of course neither Moses’ serpent nor Eve’s can be literal. Serpents do not talk, tempt, or heal.) So Moses prays that Dan (or his serpent) may be on the road ready to assail Pleasure, and “bite the horse’s heel,” <i>i.e</i>. attack and overturn the supports which hold up Passion (94–106).",
+            "Here we come upon a piece of interpretation very characteristic of Philo. The biting of Passion’s heel brings about the <i>horseman’s fall</i>. So far from being daunted by this, our author positively revels in it. It is a fall which implies victory, not defeat. For, should Mind ever find itself mounted on Passion, the only course is to jump or fall off. Yes, if you cannot escape from fighting in a bad cause, court defeat. Nay, do not stop there. Press forward to crown the victor. The crown at which you are aiming is not won in contests of pitiless savagery, or for fleetness of foot, in which puny animals surpass men, but in the holy contest, the only true “Olympic” games, the entrants for which, though weaker in body, are strongest in soul (108–119).",
+            "Having noted the difference between the members of each of these three pairs of opposites, suggested to him by the word γεωργός in his text, Philo turns to the word ἤρξατο, “began” (124).",
+            "“Beginning is half the whole.” Yes, if we go on to the end. But good beginnings are often marred by failure to make proper distinctions. For instance, one says that “God is the Author of all things,” whereas he should say “of good things only.” Again, we are very scrupulous about rejecting priests or victims on the ground of physical blemish. We ought to be equally scrupulous to separate the profane from the sacred in our thoughts of God. And again Memory, of which the ruminating camel is a figure, is a fine thing, but the camel’s undivided hoof makes him unclean, and that reminds us that Memory must reject the bad and retain the good; for practical purposes, not for sophistical hair-splitting. Sophists are swine; they divide <i>ad nauseam</i>, but for perfection we must con over and take in (125–146).",
+            "Sections 147 to 156 shew that the conditions of exemption from military service laid down in Deut. 20:5 and 7 cannot be literally meant. In 157 ff. the acquired possessions which exempt a man are interpreted as faculties which must be enjoyed and fully realized, before he who has acquired them is trained and fit for the warfare with the sophists.",
+            "Right ending must crown good beginning. We miss perfection unless we own that that to which we have attained is due to the loving wisdom of God. And wilful refusal to acknowledge God as the Giver of success is far worse than involuntary failure.",
+            "“All this about start and goal has been suggested,” Philo tells us, “by the statement that Noah <i>began</i> to be a husbandman or gardener.”"
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Noah began to be a husbandman, and he planted a vineyard, and drank of the wine, and became drunken within his house” (Gen. 9:20 f.).",
+                "Most men, not knowing the nature of things, necessarily go wrong also in giving them names. For things which are well considered and subjected as it were to dissection have appropriate designations attached to them in consequence; while others having been presented in a confused state receive names that are not thoroughly accurate.",
+                "[2] Moses, being abundantly equipped with the knowledge that has to do with things, is in the habit of using names that are perfectly apt and expressive. We shall find the assurance just given made good in many parts of the Lawgiving, and not least in the section before us in which the righteous Noah is introduced as a husbandman.",
+                "[3] Would not anyone who answers questions off-hand think that husbandry and working on the soil were the same things, although in reality they not only are not the same things, but are ideas utterly at variance with each other and mutually repugnant?",
+                "[4] For a man is able even without knowledge to labour at the care of the soil, but a husbandman is guaranteed to be no unprofessional, but a skilled worker by his very name, which he has gained from the science of husbandry, the science whose title he bears.",
+                "[5] In addition to this there is the further point to be considered, that the worker on the soil is as a rule a wage-earner, and as such has but one end in view, his wages, and cares nothing at all about doing his work well; whereas the husbandman would be willing not only to put into the undertaking much of his private property, but to spend a further amount drawn from his domestic budget, to do the farm good and to escape being blamed by those who have seen it. For, regardless of gain from any other source, he desires only to see the crops which he has grown yielding plentifully year by year and to take up their produce.",
+                "[6] Such a man will be anxious to bring under cultivation the trees that were before wild, to improve by careful treatment those already under cultivation, to check by pruning those that are over-luxuriant owing to excess of nourishment, to give more scope to those which have been curtailed and kept back, splicing on new growths to stem or branch; when trees of good kinds throw out abundant tendrils, he will like to train them under ground in shallow trenches; and to improve such as yield poor crops by inserting grafts into the stem near the roots and joining them with it so that they grow together as one. The same thing happens, I may remark, in the case of men, when adopted sons become by reason of their native good qualities congenial to those who by birth are aliens from them, and so become firmly fitted into the family.",
+                "[7] To return to our subject. The husbandman will pull up by the roots and throw away quantities of trees on which the shoots that should bear fruit have lost their fertility, and so, because they have been planted near them, have done great harm to those that are bearing fruit. The science, then, that has to do with growths that spring out of the earth is of the kind I have described. Let us consider in its turn soul-husbandry."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[8] First, then, it makes it its aim to sow or plant nothing that has no produce, but all that is fitted for cultivation and fruit-bearing, and likely to yield yearly tributes to man, its prince; for him did nature appoint to be ruler of all trees as well as of the living creatures besides himself that are mortal.",
+                "[9] But who else could the man that is in each of us be save the mind, whose place it is to reap the benefits derived from all that has been sown or planted? But seeing that for babes milk is food, but for grown men wheaten bread, there must also be soul-nourishment, such as is milk-like suited to the time of childhood, in the shape of the preliminary stages of school-learning, and such as is adapted to grown men in the shape of instructions leading the way through wisdom and temperance and all virtue. For these when sown and planted in the mind will produce most beneficial fruits, namely fair and praiseworthy conduct.",
+                "[10] By means of this husbandry whatever trees of passions or vices have sprung up and grown tall, bearing mischief-dealing fruits, are cut down and cleared away, no minute portion even being allowed to survive, as the germ of new growths of sins to spring up later on.",
+                "[11] And should there be any trees capable of bearing neither wholesome nor harmful fruits, these it will cut down indeed, but not allow them to be made away with, but assign them to a use for which they are suited, setting them as pales and stakes to surround an encampment or to fence in a city in place of a wall."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] For he says, “Every tree whose fruit is not edible thou shalt cut down and shalt make into a palisade to resist the city, which shall make war against thee” (Deut. 20:20). The Scripture uses these trees to represent the purely intellectual activities which deal with theory alone.",
+                "[13] Among these we must place medical science dissociated from practical measures such as lead to the recovery of the sick; the kind of oratory practised by the hired advocate, that is concerned not to find out the rights of the case, but to influence the hearers by falsehood; and over and above these we must include all the modes of reaching conclusions by argumentative and rigidly deductive processes, that contribute nothing to the improvement of character, but whet the mind, compelling it to pay keen attention to each problem as it presents itself; and enabling it to draw clear distinctions, and to make the special character of the matter in hand stand out in bold relief against the background of the features which it has in common with others.",
+                "[14] Accordingly, they tell us that the men of old likened philosophic discussion with its threefold division to a field, comparing that part which deals with nature to trees and plants; that which deals with morality to fruits and crops, for the sake of which the plants exist; that part which has to do with logic to a fence enclosing it.",
+                "[15] For even as the wall built round it serves to protect the fruit and the plants that grow in the field, keeping off those who would like mischievously to make their way in with a view to plunder; in the same way the logical part of philosophy is, so to speak, a strong barrier guarding those other two parts, the ethical and the physical.",
+                "[16] For when it disentangles ambiguous expressions capable of two meanings, and exposes the fallacies created by tricks of argument, and using perfectly clear and unmistakable language and adducing proofs which admit of no doubt destroys plausible falsehood, that greatest snare and pest of the soul, it makes the mind like smoothed wax ready to receive the impressions made by the science that explores existence and that which aims at building character, impressions free from flaw and aught that is not genuine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] These, then, are the offers held out by soul-husbandry in its inaugural proclamation: “The trees of folly and licentiousness, of injustice and cowardice I will wholly cut down; I will moreover extirpate the plants of pleasure and desire, of anger and wrath and of like passions, even though they be grown up to heaven; I will burn up their very roots, letting the rush of fire pursue them even to the depths of the earth, that no part or trace or shadow of them whatever be left behind.",
+                "[18] These I will destroy, but I will plant for souls in their childhood suckers whose fruit shall feed them. These suckers are the learning to write easily and read fluently; the diligent search of what wise poets have written; geometry and the practice of rhetorical composition; and the whole of the education embraced in school-learning. For souls at the stage of youths and of those now growing into men I will provide the better and more perfect thing suited to their age, the plant of sound sense, that of courage, that of temperance, that of justice, that of all virtue.",
+                "[19] If, again, some tree among those that belong to what is called wild wood does not bear edible fruit, but can be a fence and protection of such fruit, this tree also will I keep in store, not for its own sake, but because it is adapted to do service to another that is indispensable and most useful.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] It is for this reason that Moses, the all-wise, ascribes to the righteous man soul-husbandry as a science in keeping with him and rightly pertaining to him, saying “Noah began to be a husbandman,” whereas to the unrighteous man he ascribes that working of the ground which is without scientific knowledge and carries very heavy loads.",
+                "[21] For he says, “Cain was one working the ground” (Gen. 4:2), and, a little later, when he is discovered to have incurred the pollution of fratricide, it is said: “Cursed art thou from the ground, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother’s blood from thy hand, with which thou shalt work the ground, and it shall not yield its strength to give it thee” (Gen. 4:12 f.).",
+                "[22] How, I ask, could anyone shew more clearly than in this manner that the lawgiver considers the bad man a worker of the soil and not an husbandman? We must not, however, suppose that what is here spoken of is either a man able to work with hands and feet and the other powers of the body, or that it is soil on hill or plain. No, the subject dealt with is the faculties of each one of us; for the soul of the bad man has no other interest than his earthy body, and all the body’s pleasures.",
+                "[23] At all events the majority of mankind traversing all the quarters of the earth and finding their way to its utmost bounds, and crossing its oceans, and seeking what is hidden in far-reaching creeks of the sea, and leaving no part of the whole world unexplored, are always and everywhere procuring the means of increasing pleasure.",
+                "[24] For even as fishermen let down nets, sometimes very long, taking in a large extent of sea, in order that they may enclose within the toils as many fish as possible imprisoned as though by a wall: in just the same fashion the larger part of mankind stretching what the poets call, I think, “all-capturing nets,” not only over every part of the sea but over the whole realm of water, earth and air, ensnares from all quarters things of all sorts to satisfy and indulge Pleasure.",
+                "[25] They dig into the ground and cross the seas and do all works incidental to war or peace to provide lavish materials for Pleasure as for a queen. These people have not learned the secrets of soul-husbandry, which sows and plants the virtues and reaps as their fruit a happy life. They have made the objects dear to the flesh their business, and these they pursue methodically. With all earnestness they seek to make their own that composition of clay, that moulded statue, that house so close to the soul, which it never lays aside but carries as a corpse from birth to death, ah! how sore a burden!"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] We have stated how working of the soil differs from husbandry and a worker of the soil from an husbandman. But we must consider whether there are not other cases like those which have been mentioned, in which the difference between the things signified is obscured by their passing under the same name. There are two such instances which we have found by careful search, and concerning which we will say, if we can, what ought to be said.",
+                "[27] For example, then, as in the case of “husbandman” and “soil-worker,” by resorting to allegory we found a wide difference in meaning to underly apparent identity, so shall we find it to be with “shepherd” and “cattle-rearer.” For the lawgiver speaks in some places of “cattle-rearing,” in others of “shepherding,”",
+                "[28] and people who have not acquired real accuracy will perhaps suppose that these are synonymous descriptions of the same pursuit, whereas they denote different things when words are rendered in the light of their deeper meaning.",
+                "[29] For though it is customary to apply to those who have charge of animals both names, calling them “cattle-rearers” and “shepherds” indiscriminately, yet we may not do so when we are speaking of the reasoning faculty to which the flock of the soul has been entrusted: for this ruler of a flock is called a “cattle-rearer” when he is a bad ruler, but, when a good and sterling one, he receives the name of “shepherd.” How this is, we will at once shew."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Nature has produced each one of us with “cattle” as part of our being. The living soul puts forth, as it were, from one root two shoots, one of which has been left whole and undivided and is called “Mind,” while the other by a sixfold division is made into seven growths, five those of the senses and (two) of two other organs, that of utterance and that of generation.",
+                "[31] All this herd being irrational is compared to cattle, and by nature’s law a herd cannot do without a governor. Now when a man at once without experience in ruling and possessed of wealth rises up and constitutes himself a ruler, he becomes the author of a multitude of evils to his charges.",
+                "[32] For he on his part supplies provender lavishly, and the animals gorging themselves beyond measure wax wanton from abundance of food, wantonness being the true offspring of excess, and in their wantonness they become frolicsome and refuse to be controlled, and getting separated in scattered groups they break up the compact array of the flock.",
+                "[33] The erstwhile ruler, forsaken by his subjects, is shewn to be a raw hand, and runs after them anxious if possible to get hold of some animal and bring it under control again. Finding that he cannot do this, he weeps and groans, cursing his own rashness, and blaming himself for what has happened.",
+                "[34] Precisely in this way does that other herd, our senses, act; whenever the mind gets lazy and careless, they gorge themselves insatiably with the lavish food brought in by the objects of sense, shake off restraint, and get unruly, going at random where they have no business to go. The eyes wide open to all things visible, even those which it is not right to look upon, meet with disaster. The ears welcome all sounds and are never satisfied; they are athirst all the time for particulars about other people’s business, in some cases for topics for vulgar jesting, and go far and wide on these errands."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[35] From what other quarter can we suppose that the theatres all over the world are filled every day with countless myriads? Those whom spectacles and musical performances have made their slaves, allowing ears and eyes to wander about unbridled; taken up with flute-players and harpers and the whole range of unmanly and effeminate music; delighting in dancers and other actors, because they put themselves into indelicate positions and make indelicate movements; ever organizing a warfare as mimic as that on the stage without a thought for their own betterment or for that of the commonweal, but overthrowing (the poor wretches!), by means of eyes and ears their own life itself.",
+                "[36] Others there are more miserable and ill-starred than these, who have let loose their appetite like an animal which had been tied up. Thus left at large it at once makes for all kinds of enjoyment of eatables and drinkables, takes its pick of what has already been served up, and develops a ceaseless and insatiable craving for what is not on the table. So, even if the receptacles of the belly have been completely filled, taste still empty and still swelling and panting goes about looking everywhere to see whether haply there are any leavings that have been overlooked and let pass, that like an all-devouring fire it may pick up this as well.",
+                "[37] Gluttony is naturally followed by her attendant, sexual indulgence, bringing on extraordinary madness, fierce desire and most grievous frenzy. For when men have been loaded up with overeating and strong drink and heavy intoxication, they are no longer able to control themselves, but in haste to indulge their lusts they carry on their revels and beset doors until they have drained off the great vehemence of their passion and find it possible to be still.",
+                "[38] This is apparently the reason why Nature placed the organs of sexual lust where she did, assuming that they do not like hunger, but are roused to their special activities when fulness of food leads the way."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] So we must give the name of cattle-rearers to those who permit these creatures to gorge themselves wholesale with all that they crave after. The title of shepherds we must give on the other hand to such as supply them with the necessaries of life only and nothing more, pruning and cutting off all excessive and hurtful luxuriance, a thing which does no less harm than straitness and dearth. “Shepherds” too are those who exercise much forethought that the flock may not contract disease as the result of negligence and laziness, praying too that there may be no occurrence of such plagues as are wont to come as a visitation which cannot be guarded against.",
+                "[40] No less do they make it their aim that the flock may not be broken up and scattered about. Fear is the corrector of those who never obey reason. This they hold over them, and have recourse to constant punishment, a mild form in the case of those whose rebellion is capable of being cured, but very severe in the case of those whose wrongdoings defy curative treatment. For that which is apparently much to be deprecated is a very great boon to people who act senselessly, just as physic is to people in bad bodily health."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] These are the practices and ways of shepherds, who prefer what is distasteful but beneficial to what is pleasant but hurtful. So full of dignity and benefit has the shepherd’s task been held to be, that poets are wont to give to kings the title of “shepherds of peoples,” a title which the lawgiver bestows on the wise. They are the only real kings, and he shews them to us ruling, as a shepherd does his flock, over the irrational tendency common to all mankind.",
+                "[42] This is why he ascribed to Jacob, who was perfected as the result of discipline, the shepherd’s lore. For Jacob tends the sheep of Laban (Gen. 30:36), that is to say, of the soul of the foolish one which considers nothing good but sensible objects that meet the eye, and which is deceived and enslaved by colours and shadows; for the meaning of “Laban” is “whitening.”",
+                "[43] He ascribes the same profession to Moses, the all-wise; for he also is appointed shepherd of a mind that welcomes conceit in preference to truth, and approves seeming in preference to being. For “Jethro” or “Iothor” means “uneven,” and self-conceit is an uneven and adventitious thing that comes in to beguile a fixed and steady life. It is a quality whose way is to introduce principles of right varying city by city; of one kind in this city, of another kind in that; not the same rule of right in all. The ordinances of nature that apply to all alike and are immovable it has never seen even in a dream. What we are told is that “Moses was shepherding the sheep of Jethro the priest of Midian” (Exod. 3:1).",
+                "[44] This same Moses prays that the whole multitude of the soul-folk may not be left as an untended flock, but may be given a good shepherd, leading them forth away from the snares of folly and injustice and all wickedness, and leading them in to imbibe all that discipline and virtue in its other forms would teach them. For he says, “Let the Lord, the God of the spirits and of all flesh, appoint a man over this congregation;” then, after adding a few words, he continues, “And the congregation of the Lord shall not be as sheep that have no shepherd” (Numb. 27:16 f.)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] Is it not well to pray that the flock linked to each one of us by a common birth and a common growth may not be left without a ruler and guide? So might mob-rule, the very worst of bad constitutions, the counterfeit of democracy, which is the best of them, infect us, while we spend our days in ceaseless experience of disorders, tumults and intestine broils.",
+                "[46] Anarchy, however, the mother of mob-rule, is not our only danger. We have to dread also the uprising of some aspirant to sovereign power, forcibly setting law at naught. For a tyrant is a natural enemy. In cities this enemy is man; to body and soul and all the interests of each of these, it is an utterly savage mind, that has turned our inner citadel into a fortress from which to assail us.",
+                "[47] Nor is it only from these tyrannies that we derive no benefit. We gain nothing from the rule and governance of men who are too good and gentle. For kindness is a quality open to contempt, and injurious to both sides, both rulers and subjects. The former, owing to the slight esteem in which they are held by those placed under their authority, are powerless to set right anything that is wrong either with individual citizens or with the commonwealth. In some instances they are actually compelled to abdicate. Their subjects, as the result of habitual contempt for their rulers, have come to disregard their moral suasion, and undeterred by fear, have, at the cost of incurring a great evil, made the acquisition of stubbornness.",
+                "[48] These, therefore, we must regard as differing in no respect from cattle, nor their rulers from cattle-rearers. The latter induce them to luxuriate in abundance of material comforts; the former, powerless to bear the overfeeding, wax wanton. But our mind ought to rule as a goat-herd, or a cow-herd, or a shepherd, or, to use a general term, as a herdsman, as one who chooses both for himself and the creatures he tends what is advantageous in preference to what is agreeable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] That which brings it about that the different parts of the soul are not left to drift with no one to watch over them, is, we may say, mainly, nay solely, God’s care and oversight. It secures for the soul the benefit of a blameless and perfectly good shepherd. When He has been set over it there is no possibility of the union of the mind’s parts being dissolved. For, having been brought under one and the same direction, it will evidently have to look only to the guidance of a single chief. For to be compelled to give heed to many authorities is a very heavy burden.",
+                "[50] Indeed, so good a thing is shepherding that it is justly ascribed not to kings only and wise men and perfectly cleansed souls but also to God the All-Sovereign. The authority for this ascription is not any ordinary one but a prophet, whom we do well to trust. This is the way in which the Psalmist speaks: “The Lord shepherds me and nothing shall be lacking to me” (Ps. 23:1).",
+                "[51] It well befits every lover of God to rehearse this Psalm. But for the Universe it is a still more fitting theme. For land and water and air and fire, and all plants and animals which are in these, whether mortal or divine, yea and the sky, and the circuits of sun and moon, and the revolutions and rhythmic movements of the other heavenly bodies, are like some flock under the hand of God its King and Shepherd. This hallowed flock He leads in accordance with right and law, setting over it His true Word and Firstborn Son Who shall take upon Him its government like some viceroy of a great king; for it is said in a certain place: “Behold I AM, I send My Angel before thy face to guard thee in the way” (Exod. 23:20).",
+                "[52] Let therefore even the whole universe, that greatest and most perfect flock of the God who IS, say, “The Lord shepherds me, and nothing shall fail me.”",
+                "[53] Let each individual person too utter this same cry, not with the voice that glides forth over tongue and lips, not reaching beyond a short space of air, but with the voice of the understanding that has wide scope and lays hold on the ends of the universe. For it cannot be that there should be any lack of a fitting portion, when God rules, whose wont it is to bestow good in fullness and perfection on all that is."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] Magnificent is the call to holiness sounded by the psalm just quoted; for the man is poor and incomplete in very deed, who, while seeming to have all things else, chafes at the sovereignty of One; whereas the soul that is shepherded of God, having the one and only thing on which all depend, is naturally exempt from want of other things, for it worships no blind wealth, but a wealth that sees and that with vision surpassingly keen.",
+                "[55] An intense and unquenchable love for this wealth was entertained by all who belonged to its school, and this made them laugh cattle-rearing to scorn and spend labour on the lore of shepherding. The history of Joseph affords proof of this.",
+                "[56] Joseph, always having as the object of his thought and aim the rule of life based on the body and on the surmises of vain imagination‚ does not know how to govern and direct irrational natures. To offices such as this which are subject to no higher control older men are generally called; but he is always a young man, even if he have attained the old age that comes on us by mere lapse of time. Being accustomed to feed and fatten irrational natures instead of ruling them, he imagines that he will be able to win the lovers of virtue also to change over to his side in order that, devoting themselves to irrational and soulless creatures, they may no longer be able to find time for the pursuits of a rational soul. For he says,",
+                "[57] “If that Mind, whose realm is the body, inquire what your work is, tell him in reply, We are cattle-rearers” (Gen. 46:33 f.). On hearing this they are vexed, as we might expect, that, being rulers, they are to admit that they occupy the position of subjects;",
+                "[58] for those, who prepare food for the senses by means of the lavish abundance of sensible objects, become slaves of those whom they feed, compelled day by day, like household servants to mistresses, to render the appointed due; whereas the place of rulers is held by those who exercise authority over the senses, and check their excessive impulse to greed.",
+                "[59] At first his brethren, though far from pleased at hearing what was said to them, will hold their peace, deeming it superfluous trouble to set forth to those who will not learn the difference between cattle-feeding and shepherding; but afterwards when the contest regarding these matters is upon them, they will engage in it with all their might, and, until they have carried the day, they will never relax their efforts to make manifest the free and noble and truly princely character that pertains to their nature. When the king asks them “What is your work?” they answer “We are shepherds, as were our fathers” (Gen. 47:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] Aye indeed! Does it not seem as though they were more proud of being shepherds than is the king, who is talking to them, of all his sovereign power? They proclaim that not they only but their fathers also deliberately chose this course of life as worthy of entire and enthusiastic devotion.",
+                "[61] And yet, if the care of literal goats or sheep was what was meant, they would perhaps, in their shrinking from disgrace, have been actually ashamed to own what they were; for such pursuits are held mean and inglorious in the eyes of those who have compassed that importance, wholly devoid of wisdom, that comes with prosperity, and most of all in the eyes of monarchs.",
+                "[62] The spirit of the Egyptians too is by nature arrogant even beyond that of other men, whenever a feeble breath only of good fortune has blown over it, and this arrogance makes them treat the aims in life and the ambitions of more common people as matter for rude jesting and loud ridicule.",
+                "[63] But seeing that the subject propounded for consideration is that of the rational and irrational faculties in the soul, those will have ground for boasting who are convinced that they are able by employing the rational faculties as their allies to get the better of those which are irrational.",
+                "[64] If, however, some malignant and contentious person find fault with them and say, “How is it, then, that, devoting your labour to the science of shepherding, and professing to bestow the care of leaders on the flock that lives and grows with your life and growth, you conceived the idea of coming to anchor in Egypt, the land of the body and the passions, instead of voyaging to some different port?”—we may confidently say to him “We came to sojourn (Gen. 47:4)—not to settle there”;",
+                "[65] for in reality a wise man’s soul ever finds heaven to be his fatherland and earth a foreign country, and regards as his own the dwelling-place of wisdom, and that of the body as outlandish, and looks on himself as a stranger and sojourner in it.",
+                "[66] Accordingly when Mind, the ruler of the flock, taking the flock of the soul in hand with the law of Nature as his instructor shews it the way with vigorous leadership, he renders it well worthy of praise and approval, even as he subjects it to blame if he disregard Nature’s law and behave slackly and carelessly. With good reason, then, will the one take on him the name of king and be hailed “shepherd ‚” but the other that of a sort of cook or baker and be entitled “cattle-feeder,” serving up rich fare as a feast for beasts who make a habit of gluttony."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] I have taken some pains to shew in what way a husbandman differs from a worker on the soil, and a shepherd from a feeder of cattle. There is a third head akin to those that have been dealt with, and of it we will now speak. For the lawgiver holds that a horseman differs greatly from a rider, not only when each is a man seated on a neighing animal but when each is a process of reasoning. Well then, he who being without skill in horsemanship is on a horse’s back is naturally called a rider.",
+                "[68] He has given himself over to an irrational and capricious beast, the consequence being that, wherever the creature goes, thither he must of absolute necessity be carried, and that the animal, not having caught sight in time of an opening in the ground or of some deep trench, is hurled headlong owing to the violence of his pace, and his rider is borne to destruction with him.",
+                "[69] The horseman, on the other hand, when he is about to mount, puts the bit in the horse’s mouth and then as he leaps on its back, seizes hold of its mane, and, though seeming to be borne along, himself in actual fact leads, as a pilot does, the creature that is carrying him. For the pilot also, while seeming to be led by the ship which he is steering, in reality leads it, and convoys it to the ports which he is anxious to reach.",
+                "[70] When the horse goes ahead in obedience to the rein, the horseman strokes him as though he were praising him, but when he gets too impetuous and exceeds the suitable pace, he uses force and pulls back his head strongly, so as to lessen his speed. If he goes on being refractory, he grips the bit and pulls his whole neck round the other way, so that he is forced to stop.",
+                "[71] To counter rearings and constant unruliness there are whips and spurs ready at hand and all the other contrivances with which breakers-in of colts are provided for punishing them. There is nothing to wonder at in all this, for when the horseman gets on the horse’s back, skill in horsemanship gets up with him, so that there are really two, a seated man on the horse and an expert, and they will naturally get the better of a single animal who is not only underneath them but is incapable of acquiring skill."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] Passing then from the neighing animals and those that ride upon them, search, if you please, your own soul; for you will find among its constituent parts both horses and one who wields the reins and one who is mounted, all just as in the outside world.",
+                "[73] Desire and high spirit are horses, the one male, the other female. For this reason the one prances and wants to be free and at large and has a high neck, as you might expect of a male. The other is mean and slavish, up to sly tricks, keeps her nose in the manger and empties it in no time, for she is a female. The Mind is alike mounted man and wielder of the reins; a wielder of the reins, when he mounts accompanied by good sense, a mere mounted man when folly is his companion.",
+                "[74] The foolish man, since he has never learnt, cannot keep hold of the reins. They slip from his hand and drop on the ground; and straightway the animals are out of control, and their course becomes erratic and disorderly.",
+                "[75] The fool behind them does not take hold of anything to steady him, but tumbles out barking knee and hands and face, and loudly bewails, poor miserable fellow, his own misfortune. Many a time his feet catch in the board, and he hangs suspended turned over back-downwards, and as he is dragged along in the very wheel tracks he gets head and neck and both shoulders battered and crushed, and in the end, tossed after this fashion in every direction and knocking up against everything that comes in his way, he undergoes a most pitiable death.",
+                "[76] For him such is the end that results, but the vehicle lifting itself up and making violent springs, when it reaches the ground in its rebound, too easily becomes a wreck, so that it is quite beyond being mended and made strong again. The horses, released from all that kept them in, become distracted and maddened and never stop tearing along until they trip and fall, or are swept down some steep precipice and perish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is to be expected that the entire vehicle of the soul with all who are on it should come to ruin in this manner, if it has gone wrong in the matter of the driving. It is a gain that such horses and those who drive them without skill should be destroyed, that the products of virtue may be exalted; for when folly has a fall, wisdom is bound to rise up.",
+                "[78] This is why Moses in his “hortatory discourse” says: “If thou shalt go out to war against thine enemies and see horse and rider and much people, thou shalt not be afraid, because the Lord thy God is with thee” (Deuŧ. 20:1). For high spirit and craving lust and all passions generally, and the whole array of reasoning faculties seated upon each of them as upon horses, even though they be held to have at their disposal resistless might, may be disregarded by those who have the power of the Great King acting always and everywhere as their shield and champion.",
+                "[79] There is a divine army consisting of the virtues who fight on behalf of souls that love God, whom it befits when they see the adversary vanquished, to sing to God, gloriously triumphant and giver of victory, a hymn of beauty and wholly befitting Him. And two choirs, one from the quarters of the men, one from those of the women, with answering note and voice shall raise harmonious chant.",
+                "[80] The choir of the men shall have Moses for its leader, that is Mind in its perfection, that of the women shall be led by Miriam, that is sense-perception made pure and clean (Exod. 15:1, 20). For it is right with both mind and sense to render hymns and sing blessings to the Godhead without delay, and tunefully to strike each of our instruments, that of mind and that of sense perception, in thanksgiving and honour paid to the only Saviour.",
+                "[81] So we find the Song by the seashore sung by all that are men, with no blind understanding but with keenest vision, with Moses as their leader; it is sung also by the women who in the true sense are the best, having been enrolled as members of Virtue’s commonwealth, with Miriam to start their song."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] The same hymn is sung by both choirs, and it has a most noteworthy refrain, the recurrence of which is strikingly beautiful. It is this: “Let us sing unto the Lord, for gloriously hath He been glorified; horse and rider He threw into the sea” (Exod. 15:1, 21).",
+                "[83] No one who looks into the matter could find a more perfect victory than one in which that most doughty array of passions and vices, four-footed, restless, boastful beyond measure, has been defeated. So it is, for vices are four in kind and passions equal to these in number. It is a victory, moreover, in which their rider has been thrown and dispatched, even virtue-hating and passion-loving mind, whose delight was in pleasures and cravings, acts of injustice and rascality, as well as in exploits of plundering and overreaching and all that stable.",
+                "[84] Right well therefore does the lawgiver in his Charges give directions not to appoint a horse-rearer to be a ruler, regarding as unsuited for such high authority any man who resembles an unbridled and unruly horse, and, in his wild excitement over pleasures, lusts and amours, knows no restraint. These are the lawgiver’s words, “Thou mayest not appoint over thyself a foreigner, because he is not thy brother; for the reason that he shall not multiply to himself horses, nor turn the people back into Egypt” (Deut. 17:15 f.).",
+                "[85] According, therefore, to Moses, that most holy man, a rearer of horses is by nature unfit to hold rule; and yet it might be urged that strength in cavalry is a great asset to a king, and not a whit less important than infantry and the naval force; nay, in many cases of greater service than these. These arms are especially important when it is requisite that the offensive should be instantaneous and vigorously pressed; when the state of affairs does not admit of delay, but is in the highest degree critical; so that those who are behindhand would fairly be considered not so much to have been slow to gain the advantage as to have failed for good and all, since the other side has been too quick for them, and gone by them like a cloud."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] We would say in answer to these criticisms, “My good sirs, the lawgiver is not curtailing any ruler’s garrison, nor is he incapacitating the army which he has collected by cutting off the more effective part of the force, the cavalry. He is trying his best to improve it, that by an increase, both in strength and numbers, those who are fighting side by side may most easily overcome their enemies.",
+                "[87] For who was so capable as he, in virtue of abundant acquaintance with these matters, to marshal an army by phalanxes and draw it up in order of battle and to appoint captains and corps-commanders and the other leaders of larger or smaller bodies of men, or to impart to those who would make a right use of it all that has been found out in the way of tactics and strategy?",
+                "[88] But the fact is that he is not talking in this passage about a cavalry force, which a sovereign has to organize for the overthrow of an unfriendly power and for the safety of his friends. He is speaking about that irrational and unmeasured and unruly movement in the soul to check which is in her interest, lest some day it turn back all her people to Egypt, the country of the body, and forcibly render it a lover of pleasure and passion rather than of God and virtue. For he who acquires a multitude of horses cannot fail, as the lawgiver himself said, to take the road to Egypt.",
+                "[89] For when the soul is swaying and tossing like a vessel, now to the side of the mind now to that of body, owing to the violence of the passions and misdeeds that rage against her, and the billows rising mountains high sweep over her, then in all likelihood the mind becomes waterlogged and sinks; and the bottom to which it sinks is nothing else than the body, of which Egypt is the figure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[90] Never then give your mind to this kind of horse-rearing. Blameworthy indeed are those also who make a business of it in its literal form. To be sure they are so. With them irrational beasts are of greater value than human beings. From their mansions there continually come troops of well-fed horses leading the way, while of the human beings that come behind these not one can get out of them a contribution to supply his need, or a gift to provide him with some spare cash.",
+                "[91] Nevertheless the wrong done by these people is less heinous. For they contend that by training racehorses they both add lustre to the sacred race meetings, and to the national festivals which are held universally; that they not only give the spectators pleasure and provide them with the enjoyment of the sight, but promote the cultivation and study of noble aims; for men (they say) who behold in animals the desire to carry off the victory, find themselves filled, by reason of their love of honour and enthusiasm for excellence, with an urgency and readiness beyond words, and so readily submit to exertions in such contests as properly belong to them, and will not desist till they achieve their object.",
+                "[92] While these people find arguments in favour of their ill-doing, those who sin without excuse are those who take Mind, that rider who is a tyro in the science of horsemanship, and put him on the back of four-footed vice and passion.",
+                "[93] If, however, you have been taught the art of driving, and having become fairly familiar with it by persistent practice, have come to the conclusion that you can now manage horses, mount and hold on to the reins. By this means you will escape two disasters. If the horses rear you will not fall off, get badly hurt, and incur the ridicule of malicious spectators; nor, if enemies make a rush at you from in front or from behind, will you be caught; you will be too quick for those who come from behind and outstrip their pursuit; and you will make light of the frontal attack owing to your knowing the trick of backing without risk."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Does not Moses, then, when celebrating the destruction of the riders, naturally pray for complete salvation for the horsemen? For these are able by applying bit and bridle to the irrational faculties to curb the excessive violence of their movement. We must say, then, what his prayer is: “Let Dan,” he says, “be a serpent on the road, seated upon the track, biting the heel of the horse; and the horseman shall fall backwards, waiting for the salvation of the Lord” (Gen. 49:17 f.).",
+                "[95] What he intimates by the prayer, we must point out. “Dan” means “judgement” or “sifting.” The faculty, then, which tests and investigates and determines and, in a manner, judges all the soul’s concerns, he likened to a serpent. This is a creature tortuous in its movements, of great intelligence, ready to shew fight, and most capable of defending itself against wrongful aggression. He did not liken the faculty to the serpent that played the friend and gave advice to “Life”—whom in our own language we call “Eve”—but to the serpent made by Moses out of material brass. When those who had been bittten by the venomous serpents looked upon this one, though at the point of death, they are said to have lived on and in no case to have died (Numb. 21:8)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[96] Told in this way, these things are like prodigies and marvels, one serpent emitting a human voice and using quibbling arguments to an utterly guileless character, and cheating a woman with seductive plausibilities; and another proving the author of complete deliverance to those who beheld it.",
+                "[97] But when we interpret words by the meanings that lie beneath the surface, all that is mythical is removed out of our way, and the real sense becomes as clear as daylight. Well then, we say that the woman is Life depending on the senses and material substance of our bodies; that her serpent is pleasure, a crawling thing with many a twist, powerless to raise itself upright, always prone, creeping after the good things of earth alone, making for the hiding-places afforded to it by the body, making its lair in each of the senses as in cavities or dug-outs, giving advice to a human being, athirst for the blood of anything better than itself, delighting to cause death by poisonous and painless bites. We say that the serpent of Moses is the disposition quite contrary to pleasure, even steadfast endurance, which explains why it is represented as being made of very strong material like brass.",
+                "[98] He, then, who has looked with fixed gaze on the form of patient endurance, even though he should perchance have been previously bitten by the wiles of pleasure, cannot but live; for, whereas pleasure menaces the soul with inevitable death, self-control holds out to it health and safety for life; and self-mastery, that averter of ills, is an antidote to licentiousness.",
+                "[99] And the thing that is beautiful and noble, which assuredly brings health and salvation, is dear to every wise man. So when Moses prays, either that there may be for Dan, or that Dan himself may be, a serpent (for the words may be taken either way), he prays for a serpent corresponding to the one made by him, but not like Eve’s; for prayer is an asking for good things.",
+                "[100] And we know that endurance is of a good kind that brings immortality, a perfect good, while pleasure is of an evil kind that inflicts the greatest penalty, even death. Wherefore it says, “Let Dan become a serpent” not elsewhere than “on the road.”",
+                "[101] For lack of self-control, and gluttony, and all else that issues from the womb of those immoderate and insatiate pleasures that ever conceive by the abundance of external comforts, never allow the soul to go along the straight course by the highway, but compel it to fall into pits and clefts, until they have utterly destroyed it. But only the practice of endurance and temperance and other virtue secures for the soul a safe journey where there is no slippery object under foot upon which the soul must stumble and be laid low. Most fitly therefore did he say that temperance keeps to the right road, since the opposite condition, that of licentiousness, finds no road at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] The sense suggested by the words “sitting on the track” is, I am convinced, something of this kind. By “track” is meant the road for horses and carriages trodden both by men and by beasts of burden. They say that pleasure is very like this road;",
+                "[103] for almost from birth to late old age this road is traversed and used as a promenade and a place of recreation in which to spend leisure hours not by men only but by every other kind of living creatures. For there is no single thing that does not yield to the enticement of pleasure, and get caught and dragged along in her entangling nets, through which it is difficult to slip and make your escape.",
+                "[104] But the roads of sound-sense and self-mastery and of the other virtues, if not untrodden, are at all events unworn; for scanty is the number of those that tread them, that have genuinely devoted themselves to the pursuit of wisdom, and entered into no other association than that with the beautiful and noble, and have renounced everything else whatever.",
+                "[105] To continue. There “lies in ambush,” and that not once only, everyone into whom a zeal and care for endurance enters, in order that making his onslaught from his lurking-place he may block the way of familiar pleasure, the fountain of ever-flowing ills, and rid the domain of the soul of her.",
+                "[106] Then, as he goes straight on to say, he will as a matter of course “bite the horse’s heel”; for it is characteristic of endurance and self-mastery to disturb and upset the means by which vaunting vice and passion, keen and swift and unruly, make their approach."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Eve’s serpent is represented by the lawgiver as thirsting for man’s blood, for he says in the curses pronounced on it, “He shall lie in wait for thy head, and thou shalt lie in wait for his heel” (Gen. 3:15); whereas Dan’s serpent, of which we are now speaking, is represented as biting, not a man’s, but a horse’s heel.",
+                "[108] For Eve’s serpent, being, as was shewn before, a symbol of pleasure, attacks a man, namely, the reasoning faculty in each of us; for the delightful experience of abounding pleasure is the ruin of the understanding;",
+                "[109] whereas the serpent of Dan, being a figure of endurance, a most sturdy virtue, will be found to bite a horse, the symbol of passion and wickedness, inasmuch as temperance makes the overthrow and destruction of these its aim. When these have been bitten and brought to their knees, “the horseman,” he says, “shall fall.”",
+                "[110] What he conveys by a figure is this. He regards it as no worthy object of ambition for our mind to ride on any of the progeny of passion or wickedness, but, should it ever be forced to mount one of them, he considers that it is best for it to make haste to jump down and tumble off; for such falls bring the noblest victories. This explains what was meant by one of the ancients when challenged to a reviling match. He said that he would never come forward for such a contest, for in it the victor is worse than the vanquished."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Do you then also, my friend, never come forward for a rivalry in badness, nor contend for the first place in this, but, best of all, if possible make haste to run away, but if in any case, under the pressure of strength greater than your own, you are compelled to engage in the contest, do not hesitate to be defeated;",
+                "[112] for then you, the defeated combatant, will have won a grand victory, and those who have won will be suffering defeat. And do not allow either the herald to announce or the judge to crown the enemy as victor, but come forward yourself and present the prizes and the palm, and crown him (“by your leave, sir”), and bind the headband round his head, and do you yourself make with loud and strong voice this announcement: “In the contest that was proposed in lust and anger and licentiousness, in folly also and injustice, O ye spectators and stewards of the sports, I have been vanquished, and this man is the victor, and has proved himself so vastly superior, that even we, his antagonists, who might have been expected to grudge him his victory, feel no envy.”",
+                "[113] Yield, then, to others the prizes in these unholy contests, but bind upon your own head the wreaths won in the holy ones. And count not those to be holy contests which the states hold in their triennial Festivals, and have built for them theatres to hold many myriads of men; for in these prizes are carried away either by the man who has out-wrestled someone and laid him on his back or on his face upon the ground, or by the man who can box or combine boxing with wrestling, and who stops short at no act of outrage or unfairness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] Some give a sharp, strong edge to an iron-bound thong, and fasten it round both hands and lacerate the heads and faces of their opponents, and, when they succeed in planting their blows, batter the rest of their bodies, and then claim prizes and garlands for their pitiless savagery.",
+                "[115] As for the other contests, of sprinters or of those who enter for the five exercises, what sensible person would not laugh at them, at their having practised to jump as far as possible, and getting the several distances measured, and making swiftness of foot a matter of rivalry? And yet not only one of the larger animals, a gazelle or a stag, but a dog or hare, among the smaller ones, will, without hurrying much, outstrip them when running full pelt and without taking breath.",
+                "[116] Of these contests, in sober truth, none is sacred, and even if all men testify to that effect, they cannot escape being convicted of false witness by themselves. For it was the admirers of these things who passed the laws against overbearing persons, and fixed the punishments to be awarded to acts of outrage, and allotted judges to investigate the several cases. How, then, are these two things compatible?",
+                "[117] How can the very same persons be indignant at outrages committed in private and have affixed to them inexorable penalties, and at the same time have by law awarded garlands and public announcements and other honours to those who have done so publicly and at State festivals and in theatres?",
+                "[118] For if two things, contrary the one to the other, have been determined against one person or one action, one or other must of necessity be right and the other wrong; for it is out of the question that they should both be right or both wrong. Which then, rightly, would you praise? Would you not approve the punishment of those who are guilty of unprovoked violence and wrong? In that case you would censure, as a matter of course, the opposite treatment of them, the shewing honour to them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] And, since nothing sacred is censurable, but wholly of good report, it follows that the Olympic contest is the only one that can rightly be called sacred; not the one which the inhabitants of Elis hold, but the contest for the winning of the virtues which are divine and really Olympian. For this contest those who are very weaklings in their bodies but stalwarts in their souls all enter, and proceed to strip and rub dust over them and do everything that skill and strength enables them to do, omitting nothing that can help them to victory.",
+                "[120] So these athletes prevail over their opponents, but they are also competing among themselves for the highest place. For they do not all win the victory in the same way, though all deserve honour for overthrowing and bringing down most troublesome and doughty opponents.",
+                "[121] Most worthy of admiration is the one who excels among these, and, as he receives the first prizes, no one can grudge them to him. Nor let those be downcast who have been held worthy of the second or third prize. For these, like the first, are prizes offered with a view to the acquisition of virtue, and those who cannot reach the topmost virtues are gainers by the acquisition of the less lofty ones, and theirs is actually, as is often said, a more secure gain since it escapes the envy which ever attaches itself to preeminence.",
+                "[122] There is, then, a very instructive purpose in the words, “the horseman shall fall,” namely, that if a man fall off from evil things, he may get up supporting himself upon good things and be set upright. Another point full of teaching is his speaking of falling not forwards, but backwards, since to be behindhand in vice and passion is always most to our advantage;",
+                "[123] for we ought to be beforehand when doing noble deeds, but on the contrary to be tardy about doing base deeds: we should go to meet the former, but be late for the latter, and fall short of them by the greatest possible distance; for he, whose happiness it is to be late for sinful deeds and passion’s promptings, abides in freedom from soul-sickness. You see, it says that he is “waiting for the salvation that comes from God.” He looks out for it, to the end that he may run as far to meet right-doing as he was late for wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] All that is pertinent to horseman and rider, cattle-rearer and shepherd, as well as to soil-worker and husbandman, has now been said, and the differences between the members of each pair have been stated with such minuteness as was possible. It is time to turn to what comes afterwards.",
+                "[125] Well, the lawgiver represents the aspirant to virtue as not possessing in its completeness the science of soul-husbandry, but as having done no more than spend some labour on the elements of that science; for he says, “Noah began to be an husbandman.” Now “a beginning is half of the whole,” or “begun is half done,” as was said by the men of old, as being halfway towards the end, whereas if the end be not added as well, the very making of a beginning has many a time done many people much harm.",
+                "[126] It has, as we all know, happened before now that even people far from guiltless, as their mind kept turning about in perpetual change, have hit upon an idea of something wholesome, but have got no good from it; for it is possible that ere they have come to the end, a strong current of contrary tendencies has swept over them like a flood, and that wholesome idea has come to nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] Was it not owing to this, that, when Cain imagined that he had presented faultless sacrifices, a divine intimation was made to him not to be confident that his offering had met with God’s favour; for that the conditions of his sacrifice had not been holy and perfect? The divine message is this: “〈All is〉 not 〈well〉, if thou offerest rightly, but dost not rightly distinguish” (Gen. 4:7).",
+                "[128] So the honour paid to God is a right act, but the failure to divide is not right. What this means, let us see. There are some whose definition of reverence is that it consists in saying that all things were made by God, both beautiful things and their opposites.",
+                "[129] We would say to these, one part of your opinion is praiseworthy, the other part on the contrary is faulty. It is praiseworthy that you regard with wonder and reverence that which is alone worthy of honour; on the other hand, you are to blame for doing so without clear-cut distinctions. You ought never to have mixed and confused the matter by representing Him as Author of all things indiscriminately, but to have drawn a sharp line and owned Him Author of the good things only.",
+                "[130] It is a senseless thing to be scrupulous about priests being free from bodily defect or deformity and about animals for sacrifice being exempt from the very slightest blemish, and to appoint inspectors (called by some “flaw-spiers”) on purpose to provide that the victims may be brought to the altar free from flaw or imperfections; and at the same time to suffer the ideas about God in their several souls to be in confusion, with no distinctions made between true and false by the application to them of the rule and standard of right principles."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Do you not see that the Law says that the camel is an unclean animal, because, though it chews the cud, it does not part the hoof (Lev. 11:4)? And yet, if we fix our eyes on the literal way of regarding the matter, I do not know what principle there is in the reason given for the camel’s uncleanness; but, if we look to the way suggested by latent meanings there is a most vital principle.",
+                "[132] For as the animal that chews the cud renders digestible the food taken in before as it rises again to the surface, so the soul of the keen learner, when it has by listening taken in this and that proposition, does not hand them over to forgetfulness, but in stillness all alone goes over them one by one quite quietly, and so succeeds in recalling them all to memory.",
+                "[133] Not all memory, however, is a good thing, but that which is brought to bear upon good things only, for it would be a thing most noxious that evil should be unforgettable. That is why, if perfection is to be attained, it is necessary to divide the hoof, in order that, the faculty of memory being cut in twain, language as it flows through the mouth, for which Nature wrought lips as twin boundaries, may separate the beneficial and the injurious forms of memory.",
+                "[134] But neither does dividing the hoof by itself apart from chewing the cud appear to have anything advantageous on its own account. For what use is there in dissecting the natures of things, beginning from the beginning and going on to the minutest particles, and yet failing to reach the absolute end, and finding before you defying division those parts which are happily named by some “atoms” or “partless”? ",
+                "[135] For such a course is clear proof of sagacity and nicety of precision whetted to keenest edge of shrewdness; but it is of no advantage towards promoting nobility of character and a blameless passage through life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] See how true this is. Day after day the swarm of sophists to be found everywhere wears out the ears of any audience they happen to have with disquisitions on minutiae, unravelling phrases that are ambiguous and can bear two meanings and distinguishing among circumstances such as it is well to bear in mind—and they are set on bearing in mind a vast number. Do not some of them divide the letters of written speech into consonants and vowels? And do not some of them break up language into its three ultimate parts, noun, verb, conjunction?",
+                "[137] Do not musicians divide their own science into rhythm, metre, tune; and the tune or melody into the chromatic, harmonic and diatonic form, and into intervals of a fourth, a fifth or an octave, and into melodies with united or disjoined tetrachords?",
+                "[138] Do not geometricians put all lines under two main heads, the straight line and the curve? Do not other experts place everything in the principal categories that their several sciences suggest, categories that start with the elements of the science and go on until they have dealt with their last and highest achievements?",
+                "[139] With their company let the whole choir of philosophers chime in, harping on their wonted themes, how that of existences some are bodies, some incorporeal; and of bodies, some lifeless, some having life; some rational, some irrational, some mortal, some divine; and of mortal beings, some male, some female; a distinction which applies to man;",
+                "[140] and of things incorporeal again, some complete, some incomplete; and of those that are complete, some questions and inquiries, imprecations and adjurations, not to mention all the other particular differences, all of which are set forth in the elementary handbooks which deal with them. Again, there are what dialecticians are accustomed to call propositions.",
+                "[141] Of these, some are simple, some not so; and of the non-simple, some hypothetical, some inferential, some 〈indicating〉 more or less, some moreover disjunctive; and suchlike distinctions. They distinguish further things true, false, and doubtful; possible and impossible; conclusive and inconclusive; soluble and insoluble; and all kindred antitheses. Again, applying to incorporeal things which are incomplete there are the subdivisions into “predicates” and “complements” and still more minute refinements."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] And if the mind putting a still finer edge upon itself dissect the natures of things, as a surgeon does men’s bodies, he will effect nothing that is of advantage for the acquiring of virtue. It is true that, by reason of his power to distinguish and discriminate in each case, he will “divide the hoof,” but he will not “chew the cud” so as to have at his service beneficial nourishment with its wholesome reminders, smoothing out the roughness that had accrued to the soul as the result of errors, and producing an easy and truly smooth movement.",
+                "[143] And so multitudes of those who are called sophists, after winning the admiration of city after city, and after drawing wellnigh the whole world to honour them for their hair-splitting and their clever inventiveness, have with all their might worn their life out, and brought it to premature old age, by the indulgence of their passions, differing not at all from neglected nobodies and the most worthless of mankind.",
+                "[144] Excellently, therefore, does the lawgiver compare the race of sophists who live in this way to swine. Such men are at home in a mode of life not bright and luminous but thick and muddy and in all that is most ugly.",
+                "[145] For he says that the pig is unclean, because, though it divide the hoof, it does not chew the cud (Lev. 11:7). He pronounces the camel unclean for the opposite reason, because though chewing the cud he does not divide the hoof. But such animals as do both are, as we might expect, set down as clean, since they have escaped the unnatural development in each of the directions named. For indeed distinguishing without memory and without conning and going over of the things that are best is an incomplete good (as is memory without distinguishing between good things and their opposites), but the meeting and partnership of both in combination is a good most complete and perfect."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Now even men of ill will cower before perfection of soul, and, when they can no longer resist it, genuine peace prevails. But men that have attained to a wisdom half-wrought or, to change the figure, half-baked, are too feeble to stand up against massed bodies of sins that have been long in training and have become increasingly formidable.",
+                "[147] This is why, when in time of war the lawgiver is mustering the army, he does not summon all the youth, even though it be filled with the utmost zeal and shew readiness that requires no spurring to repel the enemy, but bids them depart and stay at home, that as the result of constant practice they may acquire overpowering strength and skill, such as shall enable them one day to win a decisive victory.",
+                "[148] The command is given through the marshals or secretaries of the army, when war is near and already at the very doors. What they are to say is this: “Who is the man that has built a new house and has not hanselled it? Let him go and turn back to his house, lest he be killed in the war and another man hansel it. And who is there that has planted a vineyard and not been made joyous by its fruits? Let him go his way and turn back to his house, lest he die in the war and another have joy from it. And to whom has a wife been promised, whom he has not taken? Let him go his way and turn back to his house, lest he die in the war and another take her” (Deut. 20:5–7)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] “For what reason,” I should be inclined to say, “my good friend, do you not think fit to assign these more than others to the conflict of the war, who have secured for themselves wives and houses and vineyards and other possessions in lavish abundance? They will bear very lightly, be they ever so heavy, the dangers incurred to keep them safe; while those who have none of the ties mentioned, having nothing vital at stake, will for the most part be sluggish and slack.",
+                "[150] Or, again, is the fact that they have derived no enjoyment from any of their acquisitions a good reason for depriving them of the possibility of doing so in the future? For what advantage from their possessions remains to the vanquished?",
+                "“Nay but,” I think you urge, “<i>they</i> will not be prisoners.”",
+                "On the contrary, they will at once incur the fate of non-combatants. For enemies vigorously carrying on operations of war are quite sure to become masters of men sitting at home at their ease, not merely without bloodshed but without a struggle.",
+                "[151] “Nay,” you urge again, “the large forces on their side will gladly undertake to fight for these as well.”",
+                "In the first place, I reply, it is monstrous to rely on the efforts or good fortune of others, especially when there is the menace hanging over both individual citizens and the city itself of spoliation and deportation and enslavement, and that when they are able to do their part in bearing the burdens of war and are hindered from doing so neither by illness nor by old age nor by any other misfortune. It behoves these people to snatch up their weapons and taking their place in the front ranks to hold their shields over their comrades fighting with a courage that courts danger."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[152] In the next place, they would have given proof not only of treachery but of utter insensibility, if, while the others are to be fighting in their defence, they are to be about their private business; and while the others are to be willing to stand the hazard of the conflict for their safety, they are not to take the trouble to fight for their own; and, while the others in their desire for victory are gladly to put up with short rations and sleeping in the field and the other hardships of body and soul, they spend their time in decking their houses with stuccoes and trumperies, poor soulless display; or getting in the fruit of their orchards and celebrating the vintage festival; or now for the first time consummating their marriage with the maidens betrothed to them long before, as though this were an ideal season for weddings.",
+                "[153] ’Tis good to look after walls, to collect rents, to attend banquets, to get tipsy, to indulge in sexual intercourse, for the aged and as the saying is, decayed dames, to be escorted to the bridal chamber, but they are works of peace, and monstrous things to do when war is in full course.",
+                "[154] Has not a father, has not a brother, has no blood-relation, no member of the clan of these men enlisted? Has cowardice made their whole family its lair? Nay, there surely are a host of their kinsfolk at the front. Would not, then, those, who live in ease and luxury while these are imperilling their lives, far surpass in cruelty any savage beasts you can name?",
+                "[155] “It is hard,” you are thinking, “that other people without doing any work should get the benefit of our labours.”",
+                "Pray, which is harder, that enemies should come into the property while we are still alive, or that friends and kinsfolk should do so when we are dead? Nay, ’tis silly even to compare things so wide apart.",
+                "[156] Again, it is probable not only that all that belongs to those who did not join up should become the property of the victorious enemy, but that they themselves should so become; while to those who are dying for the common salvation, even supposing that they had in former days derived no benefit from the family property, a happy ending comes as they reflect that the property is falling to the heirs to whom it was their prayer that it should fall."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] The letter of the Law perhaps suggests all these considerations and more than these. But that no malicious critic may too daringly give rein to his inventive talent, we will leave the letter, and make one or two remarks about the inner meaning of the Law. Firstly, it considers that a man ought to concern himself not only with the acquisition of good things, but with the enjoyment of what he has acquired, and that happiness results from the practice of perfect excellence seeing that such excellence secures a life sound and complete in every way. Secondly, what the Law means is that a man’s main consideration is not house or vineyard or the wife already betrothed to him; how he is to take to wife her whom he has wooed and won; how the planter of the vineyard is to cull and crush its fruit, and then drink large draughts of the intoxicating beverage and make his heart glad; or how the man that has built the house is to occupy it; but that the faculties of a man’s soul are a man’s main consideration. Through these he can make a beginning, make progress, and reach perfection in praiseworthy doings.",
+                "[158] Beginnings are seen in a wooer, for, just as he who is wooing a woman has wedlock still in futurity not being already a husband, in the same way the well-constituted man looks forward to one day marrying Discipline, a highborn and pure maiden, but for the present he is her wooer. Progress is seen in the work of the husbandman, for, as it is the planter’s care that the trees should grow, so is it the earnest student’s care to bring it about that the principles of sound sense shall receive the utmost development. Perfection is to be seen in the building of a house, which is receiving its finishing touches, but has not yet become quite compact and firmly settled."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[159] It befits all these, the beginners, those making progress, and those who have reached perfection, to live without contention, refusing to engage in the war waged by the sophists, with their unceasing practice of quarrelsomeness and disturbance to the adulteration of the truth: for the truth is dear to peace, and peace has no liking for them.",
+                "[160] If our friends <i>do</i> come into this conflict, mere unprofessionals engaging trained and seasoned fighters, they will undoubtedly get the worst of it; the beginner because he lacks experience, the man who is progressing, because he is incomplete, the man who has reached completeness, because he is still unpractised in virtue. It is requisite, just as it is that plaster should become firm and fixed and acquire solidity, so too that the souls of those that have been perfected should become more firmly settled, strengthened by constant practice and continual exercise.",
+                "[161] Those who do not enjoy these advantages have the name among the philosophers of wise men unconscious of their wisdom. For they say that it is out of the question that those who have sped as far as the edge of wisdom and have just come for the first time into contact with its borders should be conscious of their own perfecting, that both things cannot come about at the same time, the arrival at the goal and the apprehension of the arrival, but that ignorance must form a border-land between the two, not that ignorance which is far removed from knowledge, but that which is close at hand and hard by her door.",
+                "[162] It will, then, be the business of him who fully apprehends and understands the subject and thoroughly knows his own powers, to go to war with the strife-loving band of sophists; for there is ground for expecting that such an one will be the conqueror. But for him whose eyes are still covered by the darkness of ignorance, the light of knowledge not being strong enough as yet to shine out, it is safe to stay at home, that is, not to come forward for the contest about matters which he has not fully apprehended, but to keep still and be quiet.",
+                "[163] But he who has been carried away by presumption, not knowing his opponents’ grips and throws, before he can be an agent will quickly be a victim and experience the death of knowledge, which is a far more woeful death than that which severs soul and body.",
+                "[164] This is bound to befall those who are cheated by sophistries; for they fail to find the way to refute these, and owing to their having regarded false statements as true and given them credence, they die so far as the life of knowledge is concerned. Their experience is the same as that of those who are taken in by flatterers: for in their case, too, the true and healthy friendship of the soul is thrust out and overturned by the friendship that is essentially unwholesome."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] We must therefore advise those, who are beginning to learn, to decline such contests, owing to their lack of knowledge; those who are making progress, owing to their not being perfect; and those who have just attained perfection, because they are to some extent unconscious of their perfectness.",
+                "[166] As for those who disregard this bidding, it says of each of them, another man shall live in his house, shall become owner of his vineyard, shall marry his betrothed. This is equivalent to saying, “the faculties mentioned of keenness to learn, of improvement, of becoming perfect, shall indeed never fail, but they associate with one man at one time, with another man at another time, going about and not tenanting the same souls always and changing from soul to soul.",
+                "[167] In this the faculties resemble seals; for these too, when they have stamped the wax, unaffected by the impressions they have made, after engraving an image on it remain as they were, and if the impression on the wax gets blurred and effaced, other wax will be substituted for it. So do not imagine, good sirs, that the faculties decay when you do. They are immortal, and ready to welcome ten thousand others in preference to you to the fame gained from them. These are all whom they perceive not to have shunned their converse as you did, owing to your foolhardiness, but to draw near and pay great heed to safety.",
+                "[168] If any man be a lover of virtue, let him pray that all fair things may not only be implanted in him, but may shew themselves upon the surface of his soul, as do the exquisite proportions of beauty in a statue and a perfect portrait. Let him consider that there are myriads waiting to follow him, on whom in his stead Nature will bestow all the boons of which we have been thinking, the gift of quickness to learn, that of making progress, that of attaining perfection. Is it not better that, instead of leaving it to them, he should himself shine out and be a retentive steward of God’s gracious gifts, and that he should not, by gratuitously offering an opportunity forplunder, supply ruthless foes with booty lying ready to their hand?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[169] Little advantage, therefore, is there in a beginning to which a right ending has not set its seal. Quite frequently persons who had attained perfection have been accounted imperfect owing to their fancying that their improvement was due to their own zeal and not to the directing care of God. Owing to this fancy they were lifted up and greatly exalted, and so came to be borne down from lofty regions into the lowest abyss and so lost to sight: for we read,",
+                "[170] “If thou shalt build a new house, then shalt thou also make a parapet round thy roof, and so thou shalt not cause death in thy house, if the faller from it falls” (Deut. 22:8).",
+                "[171] For there is no fall so grievous as to slip and fall away from rendering honour to God, through ascribing the victory to oneself instead of to Him, and so being the perpetrator of the murder of one’s kin. For he that fails to honour That which IS slays his own soul, so that the edifice of instruction ceases to be of use to him. Instruction has obtained the nature that never grows old, and for this reason her house is called “new.” For whereas other things decay by lapse of time, she, however far she advances, retains the bloom of youth and is in her prime all along, radiant with unfailing loveliness, and renewing her freshness by her unceasing diligence.",
+                "[172] Moreover in his Exhortations the lawgiver charges those who have obtained large possession of good things not to inscribe themselves in their hearts as authors of their wealth, but “to remember God Who giveth strength to acquire power” (Deut. 8:18).",
+                "[173] This remembrance, then, was in his eyes the goal of prosperity, the putting forth of power the beginning: the consequence of this being that those who forget the end of their acquisitions cannot any longer derive real benefit from their beginning. The disasters which befall these men are self-chosen, the outcome of selfishness. They cannot bear to acknowledge as the Author of the good things which they enjoy the God Who brings to perfection the gifts which He loves to bestow."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[174] But there are others who, with every stitch of piety’s canvas spread, have used every effort to make a quick voyage, and to come to anchor in her harbours, and then, when they were no distance away, but on the very point of coming to land, a violent head-wind has suddenly burst upon them, and driven the vessel straight back, stripping her of much of the gear on which her seaworthiness depended.",
+                "[175] No one would find fault with these men for being still at sea; for the delay was contrary to their wish and befell them when they were making all speed. Who, then, resembles these men? Who but he who vowed what is called the great Vow? For he says: “If someone die suddenly beside him, the head of his vow shall forthwith be defiled, and he shall shave it.” Then, after a few more words, he adds, “The former days shall be void, because the head of his vow was defiled” (Numb. 6:9, 12).",
+                "[176] The involuntary nature of the soul’s failure is evidenced by both of the words which he uses, “sudden” and “forthwith,” for whereas in the case of deliberate sins time is required for planning where and when and how the thing is to be done, unintentional sins swoop upon us suddenly, without thought, and if we may so say, in no time.",
+                "[177] For it is difficult for the runners, as we may call them, after starting on the way to piety, to finish the whole course without stumbling, and without stopping to draw breath; for every man born meets ten thousand obstacles.",
+                "[178] The first need then, which is the one and only thing that is “well-doing,” is never to put hand to any deliberate wrong-doing, and to have strength to thrust from us the countless host of voluntary offences; the second not to fall into many involuntary offences, nor to continue long in the practice of them.",
+                "[179] Right well did he say that the days of the involuntary failure were void (ἀλόγους) not only because to sin is void of reason (ἄλογον) but also because it is impossible to render an account (λόγον) of involuntary sins. Accordingly, when people inquire after the motives for things that have been done, we often say that we neither know nor are able to tell them: for that when they were being done we were not taken into confidence, nay, that they arrived without our knowing it.",
+                "[180] ’Tis a rare event then if God shall vouchsafe to a man to run life’s course from beginning to end without slackening or slipping, and to avoid each kind of transgressions, voluntary and involuntary, by flying past them, in the vehement rush of matchless speed.",
+                "[181] These remarks on beginning and end have been made apropos of Noah the righteous man who, after making himself master of the elements of the science of husbandry, had not the strength to reach its final stages, for it is said that “he began to be a husbandman,” not that he reached the furthest limits of full knowledge. What is said about his work as a planter let us tell at another time."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE AGRICULTURA",
+            "§ 13. <i>But contribute nothing to the improvement of character</i>. The ὅσα implies that some parts of dialectic and mathematics do contribute something. With regard to dialectic, this is explained in the sequel. With regard to “geometry,” apart from its use as a προπαίδευμα, Philo would probably have held that, as it included arithmetic, the lore of sacred numbers gave it a higher and spiritual value. This appears very markedly in the disquisition on Four in this treatise.",
+            "§ 14. <i>With its threefold division</i>. This fundamental Stoic doctrine is given in Diog. Laert. vii. 40, with the same illustration as here. Another comparison given there and elsewhere is to the egg-shell, the white and the yolk. See <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 57 and note.",
+            "§ 41. <i>They are the only real kings</i>. For this well-known Stoic paradox see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 617 ff.; <i>cf. De Sobr. 57</i>.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Uneven</i>. This word perhaps gives the idea better than “superfluous.” περίσσος is the regular name for “odd” numbers, <i>i.e</i>. those which are something over and above the right or even numbers (ἄρτιος). Other passages in which Jethro is described (<i>De Ebr.</i> 37 and <i>De Mut.</i> 103) were referred to in the note on <i>De Sacr.</i> 50, where, however, the translation “worldling” was perhaps too loose.",
+            "§ 73. οἰκόσιτος. Here and in <i>De Plant.</i> 104 Philo uses this word in a disparaging way, which does not appear in the examples quoted from other authors. Usually it means “living at his own expense.” There is, however, an approach to it in Lucian, <i>Somn</i>. 1, where it is applied to a youth who is not yet earning his own living.",
+            "§ 80. <i>Sense-perception made pure and clean</i>. In <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 66 and iii. 103, Miriam stood for rebellious sense.",
+            "§ 81. <i>So we find</i>. Here γοῦν as often introduces the scriptural story on which the allegory is founded, the main point of which is the concluding words “horse and rider he threw into the sea.” But there is also an allusion to the opening words, “Then sang Moses and <i>the sons of Israel</i>,” which, as usual, he interprets as “those who see.” The contrast, however, between “all the men” or “all that are men,” and “<i>the best</i> women” is curious, for in Ex. 15:20 <i>all</i> the women sing the song. Perhaps Philo’s memory of the passage misled him.",
+            "§ 94. <i>For these are able</i>, etc. There seems to be an illogicality in the sequel. The prayer which follows is not as we should expect, that the horseman should be able to control the horse, but that he should fall off. The best one can make of it is that, though it is meritorious to control passion, complete safety lies in getting rid of it.",
+            "§§ 95 ff. The parable of Dan has already been worked out in <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 94 ff. The principal difference is that there the way (which as here is distinguished from the track) is the soul itself, instead of the road on which the soul travels.",
+            "§ 114. <i>An iron-bound thong</i>. The use in boxing of the <i>caestus</i> or leathern thong loaded with lead or iron is best known from the description in <i>Aen</i>. v. 405 ff. Mr. Whitaker’s ingenious suggestion of σιδηροῦν τροπόν for σιδήρου τρόπον (“like iron”) may perhaps be questioned on the ground that τροπός is the thong used for fastening the oar to the thole. But it may have been used more generally, and if so gives an excellent sense. The construction of the ordinary reading is not quite clear.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 119. <i>The Olympic contest</i>, etc. Perhaps rather “the only Olympic contest which can be rightly called sacred is” etc. Philo plays on Ὀλυμπιακός (derived from Olympia) and Ὀλύμπιος (from Olympus).",
+            "§§ 128, 129. The view that God causes good only is often insisted on by Philo, <i>e.g.</i> <i>De Op.</i> 75, and <i>De Plant.</i> 53. The thought is Platonic; see <i>Timaeus</i>, 29, 30 and 40, 41, <i>Rep</i>. 379 B, C, and elsewhere.",
+            "§ 132. ὑπαναπλέουσαν. Mangey’s conjecture of ἐπαναπολῆ· σαν has some support from <i>De Post.</i> 149 ἐκ τῆς ἐπαναπολήσεως καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπιλεάνσεως τῆς πρῶτον καταβληθείσης τροφῆς. <i>Cf</i>. also ἀναπολῶν, <i>Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 107. On the other hand we have ὑπαναπλεῖ, <i>De Mut.</i> 100.",
+            "§ 134. <i>For what use is there … “partless”?</i> The translation assumes that διαίρεσις is futile, because we ultimately arrive at a closed door. If we read ἀδιαίρετα, it is futile, because we <i>never</i> arrive at a point where division ceases. In this case Philo adopts the doctrine of the infinite divisibility of matter, which was generally held though not without controversy (see Reid on Cic. <i>Acad</i>. i. 27). The same sense might perhaps be obtained by retaining διαιρετά, and taking it as “never finding before you (as a result of your division) separate parts which are called atoms.” It should be noted that this philosophical evidence of the futility of διαίρεσις is merely subsidiary. The true reason, <i>i.e</i>. its moral uselessness, if unaccompanied by meditation, is given in 135.",
+            "§§ 140, 141. The grammatical and logical terms of the Stoics, here given, are nearly all stated (generally under the same names) by Diog. Laert. vii. 64–76, with examples which explain their meaning clearly. These are here given for the cases in which explanation is needed (Hicks’s translation is used throughout).",
+            "Complete (τέλεια, D.L. αὐτοτελῆ)— “Socrates writes.” / Incomplete (ἀτελῆ, D.L. ἐλλιπῆ)— “Writes,” for we ask “who writes?”",
+            "Questions (ἐρωτήματα)— “Is it day?” / Inquiries (πύσματα)— “Where does he live?” which cannot be answered, like the question, by a nod.",
+            "Simple propositions (ἀξιώματα ἁπλᾶ)— “It is day.” / Non-simple (οὐχ ἁπλᾶ)— “If it is day, it is light.”",
+            "Hypothetical (συνημμένα, as subdivision of the οὐχ ἁπλᾶ)—. “If it is day, it is light.” / Inferential (παρασυνημμένα)— “Since it is day, it is light.”",
+            "Indicating more or less (τὰ διασαφοῦντα τὸ μᾶλλον καὶ ἧττον). “It is rather daytime than night,” or / Disjunctive (διεζευγμένα)— “Either it is day or it is night.”",
+            "Predicate (κατηγόρημα) was defined as “what is said of something”; in other words, “a thing associated with one or more subjects”; or “a defective expression which has to be joined on to a nominative case in order to yield a judgement” (ἀξίωμα).",
+            "Complements (συμβάματα). The words in D.L. which deal with this are corrupt. Apparently the term means a verb requiring a nominative subject, and therefore is identical with κατηγορήματα, according to the third definition given above. It is opposed to παρασυμβάματα, where the verb is impersonal and the real subject is in another case, as μεταμέλει μοι, “it repents me”=“I repent.”",
+            "§ 142. <i>Smooth movement</i>. An Epicurean term (<i>cf</i>. note on <i>De Post.</i> 79), introduced here by Philo for a play on λειανούσῃ, and qualified by τῷ ὄντι to show that he uses it in a higher sense than the Epicureans.",
+            "§ 145. Heinemann proposed in preference to Wendland’s suggestion καὶ γὰρ διαίρεσις ἄνευ μνήμης καὶ μελέτη ἅνευ διεξόδου τῶν ἀρίστων. No doubt μελέτη may be taken as the equivalent of μνήμη, but διέξοδος can hardly be equivalent to διαίρεσις. Perhaps the following adaptation of Wendland’s might be read: καὶ γὰρ διαίρεσις ἄνευ μνήμης καὶ μελέτης καὶ διεξόδου τῶν ἀρίστων ἀγαθὸν ἀτελές, &lt;ὡσαύτως δὲ μνήμη ἄνευ διαιρέσεως ἀτελές&gt;, in which the repetition of ἀτελές may have misled the scribe.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Solidity</i>. The term πῆξις is Stoic, see <i>S. V.F.</i> iii. 510. The life of ὁ προκόπτων only becomes really happy ὅταν αἱ μέσαι πράξεις … πῆξιν τινὰ λάβωσι.",
+            "§ 161. <i>Unconscious of their wisdom</i>. διαλεληθότες again is a Stoic term, though used rather of the fully wise, who do not yet realize their conversion, than, as here, of the man advancing to perfection; see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 539, 540."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על עבודת האדמה",
+        "enTitle": "On Husbandry",
+        "key": "On Husbandry",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Husbandry/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,349 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Husbandry",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Husbandry",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON HUSBANDRY (DE AGRICULTURA) ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "GEN 9:20 F. quoted at the beginning of <i>De Agricultura</i> is the text of this and the two following treatises. The part of it dealt with in the one before us is the words, “And Noah began to be a husbandman” or “gardener.”",
+            "Having pointed out that this connotes scientific gardening, Philo describes scientific gardening in the literal sense (1–7), and then goes on to soul-gardening. This ministers to the Mind. Its aim is the fruit of virtue, and it is only for the sake of this that it occupies itself first with rudimentary subjects. What is harmful it prunes away. What is not fruit-bearing it uses for fencing. It deals in this way with mere theorizing, forensic speech, dialectics, and geometry, which all sharpen the intellect without improving the character (8–16). Soul-gardening sets out its programme (17 ff.). As such a soul-gardener righteous Noah is contrasted with Cain, who is a mere “worker of the earth” in the service of Pleasure (21–25).",
+            "There must surely be other pairs of opposites similar to this of the scientific tiller and the mere worker of the soil. Yes; there is the shepherd and the rearer of cattle. The organs of the body are the cattle of each one of us. A careless Mind is unfit to guard them; it will not check excess, or exercise needful discipline. These things a shepherd will do. So honourable is his calling that poets call kings “shepherds,” and Moses gives this title to the wise, the real kings. Jacob was a shepherd. So was Moses; and he prays God not to leave Israel unshepherded, <i>i.e</i>. to save it from mob-rule, despotism and licence. Well may each of us make his prayer our own on behalf of our inner flock. God, the Shepherd and King of the Universe, with His Word and Firstborn Son as viceroy, is extolled in the Psalm “The Lord shepherds me.” Only by the One Shepherd can the flock be kept together. This is our sure hope, and our sole need. So all who were taught by God made the shepherd’s science their study, and their pride; like Joseph’s brethren who, though bidden by him to tell Pharaoh that they were “rearers of cattle,” answered that they were “shepherds,” shepherding, <i>i.e</i>. the faculties of the soul; for Pharaoh, with royal and Egyptian arrogance, would have looked down on keepers of literal goats and sheep. The fatherland of these soul-shepherds is Heaven, and (as they told the King) they were but “sojourners” in Egypt, the land of the body and the passions (26–66).",
+            "We find in the Law a third pair of opposites. A sharp distinction is to be drawn between a “horseman” and a “rider.” The mere “rider” is at the horse’s mercy; the horseman is in control like the man at the helm. The horses of the soul are high spirit and desire, and their rider the Mind that hates virtue and loves the passions. Israel’s “Song by the Sea” celebrates the disaster that befalls the “four-footed throng of passions and vices.” It is clear that Moses’ words about horses are symbolic, for so great a soldier as he must have known the value of cavalry. Again, though literal racehorse breeding is a poor business, those who ply it have the excuse that the spectators of a race catch the fine spirit of the horses; whereas the figurative trainer, who sets an unqualified jockey on the back of vice and passion, is without excuse (67–92).",
+            "A glance at the prayer of Moses in Gen. 49:17 f. will shew how different the “horseman” is from the “rider.” To understand that prayer we must note that “Dan” means “judgement,” and that the “dragon,” which he <i>is</i> or <i>has</i>, is Moses’ serpent of brass. (Of course neither Moses’ serpent nor Eve’s can be literal. Serpents do not talk, tempt, or heal.) So Moses prays that Dan (or his serpent) may be on the road ready to assail Pleasure, and “bite the horse’s heel,” <i>i.e</i>. attack and overturn the supports which hold up Passion (94–106).",
+            "Here we come upon a piece of interpretation very characteristic of Philo. The biting of Passion’s heel brings about the <i>horseman’s fall</i>. So far from being daunted by this, our author positively revels in it. It is a fall which implies victory, not defeat. For, should Mind ever find itself mounted on Passion, the only course is to jump or fall off. Yes, if you cannot escape from fighting in a bad cause, court defeat. Nay, do not stop there. Press forward to crown the victor. The crown at which you are aiming is not won in contests of pitiless savagery, or for fleetness of foot, in which puny animals surpass men, but in the holy contest, the only true “Olympic” games, the entrants for which, though weaker in body, are strongest in soul (108–119).",
+            "Having noted the difference between the members of each of these three pairs of opposites, suggested to him by the word γεωργός in his text, Philo turns to the word ἤρξατο, “began” (124).",
+            "“Beginning is half the whole.” Yes, if we go on to the end. But good beginnings are often marred by failure to make proper distinctions. For instance, one says that “God is the Author of all things,” whereas he should say “of good things only.” Again, we are very scrupulous about rejecting priests or victims on the ground of physical blemish. We ought to be equally scrupulous to separate the profane from the sacred in our thoughts of God. And again Memory, of which the ruminating camel is a figure, is a fine thing, but the camel’s undivided hoof makes him unclean, and that reminds us that Memory must reject the bad and retain the good; for practical purposes, not for sophistical hair-splitting. Sophists are swine; they divide <i>ad nauseam</i>, but for perfection we must con over and take in (125–146).",
+            "Sections 147 to 156 shew that the conditions of exemption from military service laid down in Deut. 20:5 and 7 cannot be literally meant. In 157 ff. the acquired possessions which exempt a man are interpreted as faculties which must be enjoyed and fully realized, before he who has acquired them is trained and fit for the warfare with the sophists.",
+            "Right ending must crown good beginning. We miss perfection unless we own that that to which we have attained is due to the loving wisdom of God. And wilful refusal to acknowledge God as the Giver of success is far worse than involuntary failure.",
+            "“All this about start and goal has been suggested,” Philo tells us, “by the statement that Noah <i>began</i> to be a husbandman or gardener.”"
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Noah began to be a husbandman, and he planted a vineyard, and drank of the wine, and became drunken within his house” (Gen. 9:20 f.).",
+                "Most men, not knowing the nature of things, necessarily go wrong also in giving them names. For things which are well considered and subjected as it were to dissection have appropriate designations attached to them in consequence; while others having been presented in a confused state receive names that are not thoroughly accurate.",
+                "[2] Moses, being abundantly equipped with the knowledge that has to do with things, is in the habit of using names that are perfectly apt and expressive. We shall find the assurance just given made good in many parts of the Lawgiving, and not least in the section before us in which the righteous Noah is introduced as a husbandman.",
+                "[3] Would not anyone who answers questions off-hand think that husbandry and working on the soil were the same things, although in reality they not only are not the same things, but are ideas utterly at variance with each other and mutually repugnant?",
+                "[4] For a man is able even without knowledge to labour at the care of the soil, but a husbandman is guaranteed to be no unprofessional, but a skilled worker by his very name, which he has gained from the science of husbandry, the science whose title he bears.",
+                "[5] In addition to this there is the further point to be considered, that the worker on the soil is as a rule a wage-earner, and as such has but one end in view, his wages, and cares nothing at all about doing his work well; whereas the husbandman would be willing not only to put into the undertaking much of his private property, but to spend a further amount drawn from his domestic budget, to do the farm good and to escape being blamed by those who have seen it. For, regardless of gain from any other source, he desires only to see the crops which he has grown yielding plentifully year by year and to take up their produce.",
+                "[6] Such a man will be anxious to bring under cultivation the trees that were before wild, to improve by careful treatment those already under cultivation, to check by pruning those that are over-luxuriant owing to excess of nourishment, to give more scope to those which have been curtailed and kept back, splicing on new growths to stem or branch; when trees of good kinds throw out abundant tendrils, he will like to train them under ground in shallow trenches; and to improve such as yield poor crops by inserting grafts into the stem near the roots and joining them with it so that they grow together as one. The same thing happens, I may remark, in the case of men, when adopted sons become by reason of their native good qualities congenial to those who by birth are aliens from them, and so become firmly fitted into the family.",
+                "[7] To return to our subject. The husbandman will pull up by the roots and throw away quantities of trees on which the shoots that should bear fruit have lost their fertility, and so, because they have been planted near them, have done great harm to those that are bearing fruit. The science, then, that has to do with growths that spring out of the earth is of the kind I have described. Let us consider in its turn soul-husbandry."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[8] First, then, it makes it its aim to sow or plant nothing that has no produce, but all that is fitted for cultivation and fruit-bearing, and likely to yield yearly tributes to man, its prince; for him did nature appoint to be ruler of all trees as well as of the living creatures besides himself that are mortal.",
+                "[9] But who else could the man that is in each of us be save the mind, whose place it is to reap the benefits derived from all that has been sown or planted? But seeing that for babes milk is food, but for grown men wheaten bread, there must also be soul-nourishment, such as is milk-like suited to the time of childhood, in the shape of the preliminary stages of school-learning, and such as is adapted to grown men in the shape of instructions leading the way through wisdom and temperance and all virtue. For these when sown and planted in the mind will produce most beneficial fruits, namely fair and praiseworthy conduct.",
+                "[10] By means of this husbandry whatever trees of passions or vices have sprung up and grown tall, bearing mischief-dealing fruits, are cut down and cleared away, no minute portion even being allowed to survive, as the germ of new growths of sins to spring up later on.",
+                "[11] And should there be any trees capable of bearing neither wholesome nor harmful fruits, these it will cut down indeed, but not allow them to be made away with, but assign them to a use for which they are suited, setting them as pales and stakes to surround an encampment or to fence in a city in place of a wall."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] For he says, “Every tree whose fruit is not edible thou shalt cut down and shalt make into a palisade to resist the city, which shall make war against thee” (Deut. 20:20). The Scripture uses these trees to represent the purely intellectual activities which deal with theory alone.",
+                "[13] Among these we must place medical science dissociated from practical measures such as lead to the recovery of the sick; the kind of oratory practised by the hired advocate, that is concerned not to find out the rights of the case, but to influence the hearers by falsehood; and over and above these we must include all the modes of reaching conclusions by argumentative and rigidly deductive processes, that contribute nothing to the improvement of character, but whet the mind, compelling it to pay keen attention to each problem as it presents itself; and enabling it to draw clear distinctions, and to make the special character of the matter in hand stand out in bold relief against the background of the features which it has in common with others.",
+                "[14] Accordingly, they tell us that the men of old likened philosophic discussion with its threefold division to a field, comparing that part which deals with nature to trees and plants; that which deals with morality to fruits and crops, for the sake of which the plants exist; that part which has to do with logic to a fence enclosing it.",
+                "[15] For even as the wall built round it serves to protect the fruit and the plants that grow in the field, keeping off those who would like mischievously to make their way in with a view to plunder; in the same way the logical part of philosophy is, so to speak, a strong barrier guarding those other two parts, the ethical and the physical.",
+                "[16] For when it disentangles ambiguous expressions capable of two meanings, and exposes the fallacies created by tricks of argument, and using perfectly clear and unmistakable language and adducing proofs which admit of no doubt destroys plausible falsehood, that greatest snare and pest of the soul, it makes the mind like smoothed wax ready to receive the impressions made by the science that explores existence and that which aims at building character, impressions free from flaw and aught that is not genuine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] These, then, are the offers held out by soul-husbandry in its inaugural proclamation: “The trees of folly and licentiousness, of injustice and cowardice I will wholly cut down; I will moreover extirpate the plants of pleasure and desire, of anger and wrath and of like passions, even though they be grown up to heaven; I will burn up their very roots, letting the rush of fire pursue them even to the depths of the earth, that no part or trace or shadow of them whatever be left behind.",
+                "[18] These I will destroy, but I will plant for souls in their childhood suckers whose fruit shall feed them. These suckers are the learning to write easily and read fluently; the diligent search of what wise poets have written; geometry and the practice of rhetorical composition; and the whole of the education embraced in school-learning. For souls at the stage of youths and of those now growing into men I will provide the better and more perfect thing suited to their age, the plant of sound sense, that of courage, that of temperance, that of justice, that of all virtue.",
+                "[19] If, again, some tree among those that belong to what is called wild wood does not bear edible fruit, but can be a fence and protection of such fruit, this tree also will I keep in store, not for its own sake, but because it is adapted to do service to another that is indispensable and most useful.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] It is for this reason that Moses, the all-wise, ascribes to the righteous man soul-husbandry as a science in keeping with him and rightly pertaining to him, saying “Noah began to be a husbandman,” whereas to the unrighteous man he ascribes that working of the ground which is without scientific knowledge and carries very heavy loads.",
+                "[21] For he says, “Cain was one working the ground” (Gen. 4:2), and, a little later, when he is discovered to have incurred the pollution of fratricide, it is said: “Cursed art thou from the ground, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother’s blood from thy hand, with which thou shalt work the ground, and it shall not yield its strength to give it thee” (Gen. 4:12 f.).",
+                "[22] How, I ask, could anyone shew more clearly than in this manner that the lawgiver considers the bad man a worker of the soil and not an husbandman? We must not, however, suppose that what is here spoken of is either a man able to work with hands and feet and the other powers of the body, or that it is soil on hill or plain. No, the subject dealt with is the faculties of each one of us; for the soul of the bad man has no other interest than his earthy body, and all the body’s pleasures.",
+                "[23] At all events the majority of mankind traversing all the quarters of the earth and finding their way to its utmost bounds, and crossing its oceans, and seeking what is hidden in far-reaching creeks of the sea, and leaving no part of the whole world unexplored, are always and everywhere procuring the means of increasing pleasure.",
+                "[24] For even as fishermen let down nets, sometimes very long, taking in a large extent of sea, in order that they may enclose within the toils as many fish as possible imprisoned as though by a wall: in just the same fashion the larger part of mankind stretching what the poets call, I think, “all-capturing nets,” not only over every part of the sea but over the whole realm of water, earth and air, ensnares from all quarters things of all sorts to satisfy and indulge Pleasure.",
+                "[25] They dig into the ground and cross the seas and do all works incidental to war or peace to provide lavish materials for Pleasure as for a queen. These people have not learned the secrets of soul-husbandry, which sows and plants the virtues and reaps as their fruit a happy life. They have made the objects dear to the flesh their business, and these they pursue methodically. With all earnestness they seek to make their own that composition of clay, that moulded statue, that house so close to the soul, which it never lays aside but carries as a corpse from birth to death, ah! how sore a burden!"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] We have stated how working of the soil differs from husbandry and a worker of the soil from an husbandman. But we must consider whether there are not other cases like those which have been mentioned, in which the difference between the things signified is obscured by their passing under the same name. There are two such instances which we have found by careful search, and concerning which we will say, if we can, what ought to be said.",
+                "[27] For example, then, as in the case of “husbandman” and “soil-worker,” by resorting to allegory we found a wide difference in meaning to underly apparent identity, so shall we find it to be with “shepherd” and “cattle-rearer.” For the lawgiver speaks in some places of “cattle-rearing,” in others of “shepherding,”",
+                "[28] and people who have not acquired real accuracy will perhaps suppose that these are synonymous descriptions of the same pursuit, whereas they denote different things when words are rendered in the light of their deeper meaning.",
+                "[29] For though it is customary to apply to those who have charge of animals both names, calling them “cattle-rearers” and “shepherds” indiscriminately, yet we may not do so when we are speaking of the reasoning faculty to which the flock of the soul has been entrusted: for this ruler of a flock is called a “cattle-rearer” when he is a bad ruler, but, when a good and sterling one, he receives the name of “shepherd.” How this is, we will at once shew."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Nature has produced each one of us with “cattle” as part of our being. The living soul puts forth, as it were, from one root two shoots, one of which has been left whole and undivided and is called “Mind,” while the other by a sixfold division is made into seven growths, five those of the senses and (two) of two other organs, that of utterance and that of generation.",
+                "[31] All this herd being irrational is compared to cattle, and by nature’s law a herd cannot do without a governor. Now when a man at once without experience in ruling and possessed of wealth rises up and constitutes himself a ruler, he becomes the author of a multitude of evils to his charges.",
+                "[32] For he on his part supplies provender lavishly, and the animals gorging themselves beyond measure wax wanton from abundance of food, wantonness being the true offspring of excess, and in their wantonness they become frolicsome and refuse to be controlled, and getting separated in scattered groups they break up the compact array of the flock.",
+                "[33] The erstwhile ruler, forsaken by his subjects, is shewn to be a raw hand, and runs after them anxious if possible to get hold of some animal and bring it under control again. Finding that he cannot do this, he weeps and groans, cursing his own rashness, and blaming himself for what has happened.",
+                "[34] Precisely in this way does that other herd, our senses, act; whenever the mind gets lazy and careless, they gorge themselves insatiably with the lavish food brought in by the objects of sense, shake off restraint, and get unruly, going at random where they have no business to go. The eyes wide open to all things visible, even those which it is not right to look upon, meet with disaster. The ears welcome all sounds and are never satisfied; they are athirst all the time for particulars about other people’s business, in some cases for topics for vulgar jesting, and go far and wide on these errands."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[35] From what other quarter can we suppose that the theatres all over the world are filled every day with countless myriads? Those whom spectacles and musical performances have made their slaves, allowing ears and eyes to wander about unbridled; taken up with flute-players and harpers and the whole range of unmanly and effeminate music; delighting in dancers and other actors, because they put themselves into indelicate positions and make indelicate movements; ever organizing a warfare as mimic as that on the stage without a thought for their own betterment or for that of the commonweal, but overthrowing (the poor wretches!), by means of eyes and ears their own life itself.",
+                "[36] Others there are more miserable and ill-starred than these, who have let loose their appetite like an animal which had been tied up. Thus left at large it at once makes for all kinds of enjoyment of eatables and drinkables, takes its pick of what has already been served up, and develops a ceaseless and insatiable craving for what is not on the table. So, even if the receptacles of the belly have been completely filled, taste still empty and still swelling and panting goes about looking everywhere to see whether haply there are any leavings that have been overlooked and let pass, that like an all-devouring fire it may pick up this as well.",
+                "[37] Gluttony is naturally followed by her attendant, sexual indulgence, bringing on extraordinary madness, fierce desire and most grievous frenzy. For when men have been loaded up with overeating and strong drink and heavy intoxication, they are no longer able to control themselves, but in haste to indulge their lusts they carry on their revels and beset doors until they have drained off the great vehemence of their passion and find it possible to be still.",
+                "[38] This is apparently the reason why Nature placed the organs of sexual lust where she did, assuming that they do not like hunger, but are roused to their special activities when fulness of food leads the way."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] So we must give the name of cattle-rearers to those who permit these creatures to gorge themselves wholesale with all that they crave after. The title of shepherds we must give on the other hand to such as supply them with the necessaries of life only and nothing more, pruning and cutting off all excessive and hurtful luxuriance, a thing which does no less harm than straitness and dearth. “Shepherds” too are those who exercise much forethought that the flock may not contract disease as the result of negligence and laziness, praying too that there may be no occurrence of such plagues as are wont to come as a visitation which cannot be guarded against.",
+                "[40] No less do they make it their aim that the flock may not be broken up and scattered about. Fear is the corrector of those who never obey reason. This they hold over them, and have recourse to constant punishment, a mild form in the case of those whose rebellion is capable of being cured, but very severe in the case of those whose wrongdoings defy curative treatment. For that which is apparently much to be deprecated is a very great boon to people who act senselessly, just as physic is to people in bad bodily health."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] These are the practices and ways of shepherds, who prefer what is distasteful but beneficial to what is pleasant but hurtful. So full of dignity and benefit has the shepherd’s task been held to be, that poets are wont to give to kings the title of “shepherds of peoples,” a title which the lawgiver bestows on the wise. They are the only real kings, and he shews them to us ruling, as a shepherd does his flock, over the irrational tendency common to all mankind.",
+                "[42] This is why he ascribed to Jacob, who was perfected as the result of discipline, the shepherd’s lore. For Jacob tends the sheep of Laban (Gen. 30:36), that is to say, of the soul of the foolish one which considers nothing good but sensible objects that meet the eye, and which is deceived and enslaved by colours and shadows; for the meaning of “Laban” is “whitening.”",
+                "[43] He ascribes the same profession to Moses, the all-wise; for he also is appointed shepherd of a mind that welcomes conceit in preference to truth, and approves seeming in preference to being. For “Jethro” or “Iothor” means “uneven,” and self-conceit is an uneven and adventitious thing that comes in to beguile a fixed and steady life. It is a quality whose way is to introduce principles of right varying city by city; of one kind in this city, of another kind in that; not the same rule of right in all. The ordinances of nature that apply to all alike and are immovable it has never seen even in a dream. What we are told is that “Moses was shepherding the sheep of Jethro the priest of Midian” (Exod. 3:1).",
+                "[44] This same Moses prays that the whole multitude of the soul-folk may not be left as an untended flock, but may be given a good shepherd, leading them forth away from the snares of folly and injustice and all wickedness, and leading them in to imbibe all that discipline and virtue in its other forms would teach them. For he says, “Let the Lord, the God of the spirits and of all flesh, appoint a man over this congregation;” then, after adding a few words, he continues, “And the congregation of the Lord shall not be as sheep that have no shepherd” (Numb. 27:16 f.)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] Is it not well to pray that the flock linked to each one of us by a common birth and a common growth may not be left without a ruler and guide? So might mob-rule, the very worst of bad constitutions, the counterfeit of democracy, which is the best of them, infect us, while we spend our days in ceaseless experience of disorders, tumults and intestine broils.",
+                "[46] Anarchy, however, the mother of mob-rule, is not our only danger. We have to dread also the uprising of some aspirant to sovereign power, forcibly setting law at naught. For a tyrant is a natural enemy. In cities this enemy is man; to body and soul and all the interests of each of these, it is an utterly savage mind, that has turned our inner citadel into a fortress from which to assail us.",
+                "[47] Nor is it only from these tyrannies that we derive no benefit. We gain nothing from the rule and governance of men who are too good and gentle. For kindness is a quality open to contempt, and injurious to both sides, both rulers and subjects. The former, owing to the slight esteem in which they are held by those placed under their authority, are powerless to set right anything that is wrong either with individual citizens or with the commonwealth. In some instances they are actually compelled to abdicate. Their subjects, as the result of habitual contempt for their rulers, have come to disregard their moral suasion, and undeterred by fear, have, at the cost of incurring a great evil, made the acquisition of stubbornness.",
+                "[48] These, therefore, we must regard as differing in no respect from cattle, nor their rulers from cattle-rearers. The latter induce them to luxuriate in abundance of material comforts; the former, powerless to bear the overfeeding, wax wanton. But our mind ought to rule as a goat-herd, or a cow-herd, or a shepherd, or, to use a general term, as a herdsman, as one who chooses both for himself and the creatures he tends what is advantageous in preference to what is agreeable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] That which brings it about that the different parts of the soul are not left to drift with no one to watch over them, is, we may say, mainly, nay solely, God’s care and oversight. It secures for the soul the benefit of a blameless and perfectly good shepherd. When He has been set over it there is no possibility of the union of the mind’s parts being dissolved. For, having been brought under one and the same direction, it will evidently have to look only to the guidance of a single chief. For to be compelled to give heed to many authorities is a very heavy burden.",
+                "[50] Indeed, so good a thing is shepherding that it is justly ascribed not to kings only and wise men and perfectly cleansed souls but also to God the All-Sovereign. The authority for this ascription is not any ordinary one but a prophet, whom we do well to trust. This is the way in which the Psalmist speaks: “The Lord shepherds me and nothing shall be lacking to me” (Ps. 23:1).",
+                "[51] It well befits every lover of God to rehearse this Psalm. But for the Universe it is a still more fitting theme. For land and water and air and fire, and all plants and animals which are in these, whether mortal or divine, yea and the sky, and the circuits of sun and moon, and the revolutions and rhythmic movements of the other heavenly bodies, are like some flock under the hand of God its King and Shepherd. This hallowed flock He leads in accordance with right and law, setting over it His true Word and Firstborn Son Who shall take upon Him its government like some viceroy of a great king; for it is said in a certain place: “Behold I AM, I send My Angel before thy face to guard thee in the way” (Exod. 23:20).",
+                "[52] Let therefore even the whole universe, that greatest and most perfect flock of the God who IS, say, “The Lord shepherds me, and nothing shall fail me.”",
+                "[53] Let each individual person too utter this same cry, not with the voice that glides forth over tongue and lips, not reaching beyond a short space of air, but with the voice of the understanding that has wide scope and lays hold on the ends of the universe. For it cannot be that there should be any lack of a fitting portion, when God rules, whose wont it is to bestow good in fullness and perfection on all that is."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] Magnificent is the call to holiness sounded by the psalm just quoted; for the man is poor and incomplete in very deed, who, while seeming to have all things else, chafes at the sovereignty of One; whereas the soul that is shepherded of God, having the one and only thing on which all depend, is naturally exempt from want of other things, for it worships no blind wealth, but a wealth that sees and that with vision surpassingly keen.",
+                "[55] An intense and unquenchable love for this wealth was entertained by all who belonged to its school, and this made them laugh cattle-rearing to scorn and spend labour on the lore of shepherding. The history of Joseph affords proof of this.",
+                "[56] Joseph, always having as the object of his thought and aim the rule of life based on the body and on the surmises of vain imagination‚ does not know how to govern and direct irrational natures. To offices such as this which are subject to no higher control older men are generally called; but he is always a young man, even if he have attained the old age that comes on us by mere lapse of time. Being accustomed to feed and fatten irrational natures instead of ruling them, he imagines that he will be able to win the lovers of virtue also to change over to his side in order that, devoting themselves to irrational and soulless creatures, they may no longer be able to find time for the pursuits of a rational soul. For he says,",
+                "[57] “If that Mind, whose realm is the body, inquire what your work is, tell him in reply, We are cattle-rearers” (Gen. 46:33 f.). On hearing this they are vexed, as we might expect, that, being rulers, they are to admit that they occupy the position of subjects;",
+                "[58] for those, who prepare food for the senses by means of the lavish abundance of sensible objects, become slaves of those whom they feed, compelled day by day, like household servants to mistresses, to render the appointed due; whereas the place of rulers is held by those who exercise authority over the senses, and check their excessive impulse to greed.",
+                "[59] At first his brethren, though far from pleased at hearing what was said to them, will hold their peace, deeming it superfluous trouble to set forth to those who will not learn the difference between cattle-feeding and shepherding; but afterwards when the contest regarding these matters is upon them, they will engage in it with all their might, and, until they have carried the day, they will never relax their efforts to make manifest the free and noble and truly princely character that pertains to their nature. When the king asks them “What is your work?” they answer “We are shepherds, as were our fathers” (Gen. 47:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] Aye indeed! Does it not seem as though they were more proud of being shepherds than is the king, who is talking to them, of all his sovereign power? They proclaim that not they only but their fathers also deliberately chose this course of life as worthy of entire and enthusiastic devotion.",
+                "[61] And yet, if the care of literal goats or sheep was what was meant, they would perhaps, in their shrinking from disgrace, have been actually ashamed to own what they were; for such pursuits are held mean and inglorious in the eyes of those who have compassed that importance, wholly devoid of wisdom, that comes with prosperity, and most of all in the eyes of monarchs.",
+                "[62] The spirit of the Egyptians too is by nature arrogant even beyond that of other men, whenever a feeble breath only of good fortune has blown over it, and this arrogance makes them treat the aims in life and the ambitions of more common people as matter for rude jesting and loud ridicule.",
+                "[63] But seeing that the subject propounded for consideration is that of the rational and irrational faculties in the soul, those will have ground for boasting who are convinced that they are able by employing the rational faculties as their allies to get the better of those which are irrational.",
+                "[64] If, however, some malignant and contentious person find fault with them and say, “How is it, then, that, devoting your labour to the science of shepherding, and professing to bestow the care of leaders on the flock that lives and grows with your life and growth, you conceived the idea of coming to anchor in Egypt, the land of the body and the passions, instead of voyaging to some different port?”—we may confidently say to him “We came to sojourn (Gen. 47:4)—not to settle there”;",
+                "[65] for in reality a wise man’s soul ever finds heaven to be his fatherland and earth a foreign country, and regards as his own the dwelling-place of wisdom, and that of the body as outlandish, and looks on himself as a stranger and sojourner in it.",
+                "[66] Accordingly when Mind, the ruler of the flock, taking the flock of the soul in hand with the law of Nature as his instructor shews it the way with vigorous leadership, he renders it well worthy of praise and approval, even as he subjects it to blame if he disregard Nature’s law and behave slackly and carelessly. With good reason, then, will the one take on him the name of king and be hailed “shepherd ‚” but the other that of a sort of cook or baker and be entitled “cattle-feeder,” serving up rich fare as a feast for beasts who make a habit of gluttony."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] I have taken some pains to shew in what way a husbandman differs from a worker on the soil, and a shepherd from a feeder of cattle. There is a third head akin to those that have been dealt with, and of it we will now speak. For the lawgiver holds that a horseman differs greatly from a rider, not only when each is a man seated on a neighing animal but when each is a process of reasoning. Well then, he who being without skill in horsemanship is on a horse’s back is naturally called a rider.",
+                "[68] He has given himself over to an irrational and capricious beast, the consequence being that, wherever the creature goes, thither he must of absolute necessity be carried, and that the animal, not having caught sight in time of an opening in the ground or of some deep trench, is hurled headlong owing to the violence of his pace, and his rider is borne to destruction with him.",
+                "[69] The horseman, on the other hand, when he is about to mount, puts the bit in the horse’s mouth and then as he leaps on its back, seizes hold of its mane, and, though seeming to be borne along, himself in actual fact leads, as a pilot does, the creature that is carrying him. For the pilot also, while seeming to be led by the ship which he is steering, in reality leads it, and convoys it to the ports which he is anxious to reach.",
+                "[70] When the horse goes ahead in obedience to the rein, the horseman strokes him as though he were praising him, but when he gets too impetuous and exceeds the suitable pace, he uses force and pulls back his head strongly, so as to lessen his speed. If he goes on being refractory, he grips the bit and pulls his whole neck round the other way, so that he is forced to stop.",
+                "[71] To counter rearings and constant unruliness there are whips and spurs ready at hand and all the other contrivances with which breakers-in of colts are provided for punishing them. There is nothing to wonder at in all this, for when the horseman gets on the horse’s back, skill in horsemanship gets up with him, so that there are really two, a seated man on the horse and an expert, and they will naturally get the better of a single animal who is not only underneath them but is incapable of acquiring skill."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] Passing then from the neighing animals and those that ride upon them, search, if you please, your own soul; for you will find among its constituent parts both horses and one who wields the reins and one who is mounted, all just as in the outside world.",
+                "[73] Desire and high spirit are horses, the one male, the other female. For this reason the one prances and wants to be free and at large and has a high neck, as you might expect of a male. The other is mean and slavish, up to sly tricks, keeps her nose in the manger and empties it in no time, for she is a female. The Mind is alike mounted man and wielder of the reins; a wielder of the reins, when he mounts accompanied by good sense, a mere mounted man when folly is his companion.",
+                "[74] The foolish man, since he has never learnt, cannot keep hold of the reins. They slip from his hand and drop on the ground; and straightway the animals are out of control, and their course becomes erratic and disorderly.",
+                "[75] The fool behind them does not take hold of anything to steady him, but tumbles out barking knee and hands and face, and loudly bewails, poor miserable fellow, his own misfortune. Many a time his feet catch in the board, and he hangs suspended turned over back-downwards, and as he is dragged along in the very wheel tracks he gets head and neck and both shoulders battered and crushed, and in the end, tossed after this fashion in every direction and knocking up against everything that comes in his way, he undergoes a most pitiable death.",
+                "[76] For him such is the end that results, but the vehicle lifting itself up and making violent springs, when it reaches the ground in its rebound, too easily becomes a wreck, so that it is quite beyond being mended and made strong again. The horses, released from all that kept them in, become distracted and maddened and never stop tearing along until they trip and fall, or are swept down some steep precipice and perish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is to be expected that the entire vehicle of the soul with all who are on it should come to ruin in this manner, if it has gone wrong in the matter of the driving. It is a gain that such horses and those who drive them without skill should be destroyed, that the products of virtue may be exalted; for when folly has a fall, wisdom is bound to rise up.",
+                "[78] This is why Moses in his “hortatory discourse” says: “If thou shalt go out to war against thine enemies and see horse and rider and much people, thou shalt not be afraid, because the Lord thy God is with thee” (Deuŧ. 20:1). For high spirit and craving lust and all passions generally, and the whole array of reasoning faculties seated upon each of them as upon horses, even though they be held to have at their disposal resistless might, may be disregarded by those who have the power of the Great King acting always and everywhere as their shield and champion.",
+                "[79] There is a divine army consisting of the virtues who fight on behalf of souls that love God, whom it befits when they see the adversary vanquished, to sing to God, gloriously triumphant and giver of victory, a hymn of beauty and wholly befitting Him. And two choirs, one from the quarters of the men, one from those of the women, with answering note and voice shall raise harmonious chant.",
+                "[80] The choir of the men shall have Moses for its leader, that is Mind in its perfection, that of the women shall be led by Miriam, that is sense-perception made pure and clean (Exod. 15:1, 20). For it is right with both mind and sense to render hymns and sing blessings to the Godhead without delay, and tunefully to strike each of our instruments, that of mind and that of sense perception, in thanksgiving and honour paid to the only Saviour.",
+                "[81] So we find the Song by the seashore sung by all that are men, with no blind understanding but with keenest vision, with Moses as their leader; it is sung also by the women who in the true sense are the best, having been enrolled as members of Virtue’s commonwealth, with Miriam to start their song."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] The same hymn is sung by both choirs, and it has a most noteworthy refrain, the recurrence of which is strikingly beautiful. It is this: “Let us sing unto the Lord, for gloriously hath He been glorified; horse and rider He threw into the sea” (Exod. 15:1, 21).",
+                "[83] No one who looks into the matter could find a more perfect victory than one in which that most doughty array of passions and vices, four-footed, restless, boastful beyond measure, has been defeated. So it is, for vices are four in kind and passions equal to these in number. It is a victory, moreover, in which their rider has been thrown and dispatched, even virtue-hating and passion-loving mind, whose delight was in pleasures and cravings, acts of injustice and rascality, as well as in exploits of plundering and overreaching and all that stable.",
+                "[84] Right well therefore does the lawgiver in his Charges give directions not to appoint a horse-rearer to be a ruler, regarding as unsuited for such high authority any man who resembles an unbridled and unruly horse, and, in his wild excitement over pleasures, lusts and amours, knows no restraint. These are the lawgiver’s words, “Thou mayest not appoint over thyself a foreigner, because he is not thy brother; for the reason that he shall not multiply to himself horses, nor turn the people back into Egypt” (Deut. 17:15 f.).",
+                "[85] According, therefore, to Moses, that most holy man, a rearer of horses is by nature unfit to hold rule; and yet it might be urged that strength in cavalry is a great asset to a king, and not a whit less important than infantry and the naval force; nay, in many cases of greater service than these. These arms are especially important when it is requisite that the offensive should be instantaneous and vigorously pressed; when the state of affairs does not admit of delay, but is in the highest degree critical; so that those who are behindhand would fairly be considered not so much to have been slow to gain the advantage as to have failed for good and all, since the other side has been too quick for them, and gone by them like a cloud."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] We would say in answer to these criticisms, “My good sirs, the lawgiver is not curtailing any ruler’s garrison, nor is he incapacitating the army which he has collected by cutting off the more effective part of the force, the cavalry. He is trying his best to improve it, that by an increase, both in strength and numbers, those who are fighting side by side may most easily overcome their enemies.",
+                "[87] For who was so capable as he, in virtue of abundant acquaintance with these matters, to marshal an army by phalanxes and draw it up in order of battle and to appoint captains and corps-commanders and the other leaders of larger or smaller bodies of men, or to impart to those who would make a right use of it all that has been found out in the way of tactics and strategy?",
+                "[88] But the fact is that he is not talking in this passage about a cavalry force, which a sovereign has to organize for the overthrow of an unfriendly power and for the safety of his friends. He is speaking about that irrational and unmeasured and unruly movement in the soul to check which is in her interest, lest some day it turn back all her people to Egypt, the country of the body, and forcibly render it a lover of pleasure and passion rather than of God and virtue. For he who acquires a multitude of horses cannot fail, as the lawgiver himself said, to take the road to Egypt.",
+                "[89] For when the soul is swaying and tossing like a vessel, now to the side of the mind now to that of body, owing to the violence of the passions and misdeeds that rage against her, and the billows rising mountains high sweep over her, then in all likelihood the mind becomes waterlogged and sinks; and the bottom to which it sinks is nothing else than the body, of which Egypt is the figure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[90] Never then give your mind to this kind of horse-rearing. Blameworthy indeed are those also who make a business of it in its literal form. To be sure they are so. With them irrational beasts are of greater value than human beings. From their mansions there continually come troops of well-fed horses leading the way, while of the human beings that come behind these not one can get out of them a contribution to supply his need, or a gift to provide him with some spare cash.",
+                "[91] Nevertheless the wrong done by these people is less heinous. For they contend that by training racehorses they both add lustre to the sacred race meetings, and to the national festivals which are held universally; that they not only give the spectators pleasure and provide them with the enjoyment of the sight, but promote the cultivation and study of noble aims; for men (they say) who behold in animals the desire to carry off the victory, find themselves filled, by reason of their love of honour and enthusiasm for excellence, with an urgency and readiness beyond words, and so readily submit to exertions in such contests as properly belong to them, and will not desist till they achieve their object.",
+                "[92] While these people find arguments in favour of their ill-doing, those who sin without excuse are those who take Mind, that rider who is a tyro in the science of horsemanship, and put him on the back of four-footed vice and passion.",
+                "[93] If, however, you have been taught the art of driving, and having become fairly familiar with it by persistent practice, have come to the conclusion that you can now manage horses, mount and hold on to the reins. By this means you will escape two disasters. If the horses rear you will not fall off, get badly hurt, and incur the ridicule of malicious spectators; nor, if enemies make a rush at you from in front or from behind, will you be caught; you will be too quick for those who come from behind and outstrip their pursuit; and you will make light of the frontal attack owing to your knowing the trick of backing without risk."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Does not Moses, then, when celebrating the destruction of the riders, naturally pray for complete salvation for the horsemen? For these are able by applying bit and bridle to the irrational faculties to curb the excessive violence of their movement. We must say, then, what his prayer is: “Let Dan,” he says, “be a serpent on the road, seated upon the track, biting the heel of the horse; and the horseman shall fall backwards, waiting for the salvation of the Lord” (Gen. 49:17 f.).",
+                "[95] What he intimates by the prayer, we must point out. “Dan” means “judgement” or “sifting.” The faculty, then, which tests and investigates and determines and, in a manner, judges all the soul’s concerns, he likened to a serpent. This is a creature tortuous in its movements, of great intelligence, ready to shew fight, and most capable of defending itself against wrongful aggression. He did not liken the faculty to the serpent that played the friend and gave advice to “Life”—whom in our own language we call “Eve”—but to the serpent made by Moses out of material brass. When those who had been bittten by the venomous serpents looked upon this one, though at the point of death, they are said to have lived on and in no case to have died (Numb. 21:8)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[96] Told in this way, these things are like prodigies and marvels, one serpent emitting a human voice and using quibbling arguments to an utterly guileless character, and cheating a woman with seductive plausibilities; and another proving the author of complete deliverance to those who beheld it.",
+                "[97] But when we interpret words by the meanings that lie beneath the surface, all that is mythical is removed out of our way, and the real sense becomes as clear as daylight. Well then, we say that the woman is Life depending on the senses and material substance of our bodies; that her serpent is pleasure, a crawling thing with many a twist, powerless to raise itself upright, always prone, creeping after the good things of earth alone, making for the hiding-places afforded to it by the body, making its lair in each of the senses as in cavities or dug-outs, giving advice to a human being, athirst for the blood of anything better than itself, delighting to cause death by poisonous and painless bites. We say that the serpent of Moses is the disposition quite contrary to pleasure, even steadfast endurance, which explains why it is represented as being made of very strong material like brass.",
+                "[98] He, then, who has looked with fixed gaze on the form of patient endurance, even though he should perchance have been previously bitten by the wiles of pleasure, cannot but live; for, whereas pleasure menaces the soul with inevitable death, self-control holds out to it health and safety for life; and self-mastery, that averter of ills, is an antidote to licentiousness.",
+                "[99] And the thing that is beautiful and noble, which assuredly brings health and salvation, is dear to every wise man. So when Moses prays, either that there may be for Dan, or that Dan himself may be, a serpent (for the words may be taken either way), he prays for a serpent corresponding to the one made by him, but not like Eve’s; for prayer is an asking for good things.",
+                "[100] And we know that endurance is of a good kind that brings immortality, a perfect good, while pleasure is of an evil kind that inflicts the greatest penalty, even death. Wherefore it says, “Let Dan become a serpent” not elsewhere than “on the road.”",
+                "[101] For lack of self-control, and gluttony, and all else that issues from the womb of those immoderate and insatiate pleasures that ever conceive by the abundance of external comforts, never allow the soul to go along the straight course by the highway, but compel it to fall into pits and clefts, until they have utterly destroyed it. But only the practice of endurance and temperance and other virtue secures for the soul a safe journey where there is no slippery object under foot upon which the soul must stumble and be laid low. Most fitly therefore did he say that temperance keeps to the right road, since the opposite condition, that of licentiousness, finds no road at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] The sense suggested by the words “sitting on the track” is, I am convinced, something of this kind. By “track” is meant the road for horses and carriages trodden both by men and by beasts of burden. They say that pleasure is very like this road;",
+                "[103] for almost from birth to late old age this road is traversed and used as a promenade and a place of recreation in which to spend leisure hours not by men only but by every other kind of living creatures. For there is no single thing that does not yield to the enticement of pleasure, and get caught and dragged along in her entangling nets, through which it is difficult to slip and make your escape.",
+                "[104] But the roads of sound-sense and self-mastery and of the other virtues, if not untrodden, are at all events unworn; for scanty is the number of those that tread them, that have genuinely devoted themselves to the pursuit of wisdom, and entered into no other association than that with the beautiful and noble, and have renounced everything else whatever.",
+                "[105] To continue. There “lies in ambush,” and that not once only, everyone into whom a zeal and care for endurance enters, in order that making his onslaught from his lurking-place he may block the way of familiar pleasure, the fountain of ever-flowing ills, and rid the domain of the soul of her.",
+                "[106] Then, as he goes straight on to say, he will as a matter of course “bite the horse’s heel”; for it is characteristic of endurance and self-mastery to disturb and upset the means by which vaunting vice and passion, keen and swift and unruly, make their approach."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Eve’s serpent is represented by the lawgiver as thirsting for man’s blood, for he says in the curses pronounced on it, “He shall lie in wait for thy head, and thou shalt lie in wait for his heel” (Gen. 3:15); whereas Dan’s serpent, of which we are now speaking, is represented as biting, not a man’s, but a horse’s heel.",
+                "[108] For Eve’s serpent, being, as was shewn before, a symbol of pleasure, attacks a man, namely, the reasoning faculty in each of us; for the delightful experience of abounding pleasure is the ruin of the understanding;",
+                "[109] whereas the serpent of Dan, being a figure of endurance, a most sturdy virtue, will be found to bite a horse, the symbol of passion and wickedness, inasmuch as temperance makes the overthrow and destruction of these its aim. When these have been bitten and brought to their knees, “the horseman,” he says, “shall fall.”",
+                "[110] What he conveys by a figure is this. He regards it as no worthy object of ambition for our mind to ride on any of the progeny of passion or wickedness, but, should it ever be forced to mount one of them, he considers that it is best for it to make haste to jump down and tumble off; for such falls bring the noblest victories. This explains what was meant by one of the ancients when challenged to a reviling match. He said that he would never come forward for such a contest, for in it the victor is worse than the vanquished."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Do you then also, my friend, never come forward for a rivalry in badness, nor contend for the first place in this, but, best of all, if possible make haste to run away, but if in any case, under the pressure of strength greater than your own, you are compelled to engage in the contest, do not hesitate to be defeated;",
+                "[112] for then you, the defeated combatant, will have won a grand victory, and those who have won will be suffering defeat. And do not allow either the herald to announce or the judge to crown the enemy as victor, but come forward yourself and present the prizes and the palm, and crown him (“by your leave, sir”), and bind the headband round his head, and do you yourself make with loud and strong voice this announcement: “In the contest that was proposed in lust and anger and licentiousness, in folly also and injustice, O ye spectators and stewards of the sports, I have been vanquished, and this man is the victor, and has proved himself so vastly superior, that even we, his antagonists, who might have been expected to grudge him his victory, feel no envy.”",
+                "[113] Yield, then, to others the prizes in these unholy contests, but bind upon your own head the wreaths won in the holy ones. And count not those to be holy contests which the states hold in their triennial Festivals, and have built for them theatres to hold many myriads of men; for in these prizes are carried away either by the man who has out-wrestled someone and laid him on his back or on his face upon the ground, or by the man who can box or combine boxing with wrestling, and who stops short at no act of outrage or unfairness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] Some give a sharp, strong edge to an iron-bound thong, and fasten it round both hands and lacerate the heads and faces of their opponents, and, when they succeed in planting their blows, batter the rest of their bodies, and then claim prizes and garlands for their pitiless savagery.",
+                "[115] As for the other contests, of sprinters or of those who enter for the five exercises, what sensible person would not laugh at them, at their having practised to jump as far as possible, and getting the several distances measured, and making swiftness of foot a matter of rivalry? And yet not only one of the larger animals, a gazelle or a stag, but a dog or hare, among the smaller ones, will, without hurrying much, outstrip them when running full pelt and without taking breath.",
+                "[116] Of these contests, in sober truth, none is sacred, and even if all men testify to that effect, they cannot escape being convicted of false witness by themselves. For it was the admirers of these things who passed the laws against overbearing persons, and fixed the punishments to be awarded to acts of outrage, and allotted judges to investigate the several cases. How, then, are these two things compatible?",
+                "[117] How can the very same persons be indignant at outrages committed in private and have affixed to them inexorable penalties, and at the same time have by law awarded garlands and public announcements and other honours to those who have done so publicly and at State festivals and in theatres?",
+                "[118] For if two things, contrary the one to the other, have been determined against one person or one action, one or other must of necessity be right and the other wrong; for it is out of the question that they should both be right or both wrong. Which then, rightly, would you praise? Would you not approve the punishment of those who are guilty of unprovoked violence and wrong? In that case you would censure, as a matter of course, the opposite treatment of them, the shewing honour to them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[119] And, since nothing sacred is censurable, but wholly of good report, it follows that the Olympic contest is the only one that can rightly be called sacred; not the one which the inhabitants of Elis hold, but the contest for the winning of the virtues which are divine and really Olympian. For this contest those who are very weaklings in their bodies but stalwarts in their souls all enter, and proceed to strip and rub dust over them and do everything that skill and strength enables them to do, omitting nothing that can help them to victory.",
+                "[120] So these athletes prevail over their opponents, but they are also competing among themselves for the highest place. For they do not all win the victory in the same way, though all deserve honour for overthrowing and bringing down most troublesome and doughty opponents.",
+                "[121] Most worthy of admiration is the one who excels among these, and, as he receives the first prizes, no one can grudge them to him. Nor let those be downcast who have been held worthy of the second or third prize. For these, like the first, are prizes offered with a view to the acquisition of virtue, and those who cannot reach the topmost virtues are gainers by the acquisition of the less lofty ones, and theirs is actually, as is often said, a more secure gain since it escapes the envy which ever attaches itself to preeminence.",
+                "[122] There is, then, a very instructive purpose in the words, “the horseman shall fall,” namely, that if a man fall off from evil things, he may get up supporting himself upon good things and be set upright. Another point full of teaching is his speaking of falling not forwards, but backwards, since to be behindhand in vice and passion is always most to our advantage;",
+                "[123] for we ought to be beforehand when doing noble deeds, but on the contrary to be tardy about doing base deeds: we should go to meet the former, but be late for the latter, and fall short of them by the greatest possible distance; for he, whose happiness it is to be late for sinful deeds and passion’s promptings, abides in freedom from soul-sickness. You see, it says that he is “waiting for the salvation that comes from God.” He looks out for it, to the end that he may run as far to meet right-doing as he was late for wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] All that is pertinent to horseman and rider, cattle-rearer and shepherd, as well as to soil-worker and husbandman, has now been said, and the differences between the members of each pair have been stated with such minuteness as was possible. It is time to turn to what comes afterwards.",
+                "[125] Well, the lawgiver represents the aspirant to virtue as not possessing in its completeness the science of soul-husbandry, but as having done no more than spend some labour on the elements of that science; for he says, “Noah began to be an husbandman.” Now “a beginning is half of the whole,” or “begun is half done,” as was said by the men of old, as being halfway towards the end, whereas if the end be not added as well, the very making of a beginning has many a time done many people much harm.",
+                "[126] It has, as we all know, happened before now that even people far from guiltless, as their mind kept turning about in perpetual change, have hit upon an idea of something wholesome, but have got no good from it; for it is possible that ere they have come to the end, a strong current of contrary tendencies has swept over them like a flood, and that wholesome idea has come to nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] Was it not owing to this, that, when Cain imagined that he had presented faultless sacrifices, a divine intimation was made to him not to be confident that his offering had met with God’s favour; for that the conditions of his sacrifice had not been holy and perfect? The divine message is this: “〈All is〉 not 〈well〉, if thou offerest rightly, but dost not rightly distinguish” (Gen. 4:7).",
+                "[128] So the honour paid to God is a right act, but the failure to divide is not right. What this means, let us see. There are some whose definition of reverence is that it consists in saying that all things were made by God, both beautiful things and their opposites.",
+                "[129] We would say to these, one part of your opinion is praiseworthy, the other part on the contrary is faulty. It is praiseworthy that you regard with wonder and reverence that which is alone worthy of honour; on the other hand, you are to blame for doing so without clear-cut distinctions. You ought never to have mixed and confused the matter by representing Him as Author of all things indiscriminately, but to have drawn a sharp line and owned Him Author of the good things only.",
+                "[130] It is a senseless thing to be scrupulous about priests being free from bodily defect or deformity and about animals for sacrifice being exempt from the very slightest blemish, and to appoint inspectors (called by some “flaw-spiers”) on purpose to provide that the victims may be brought to the altar free from flaw or imperfections; and at the same time to suffer the ideas about God in their several souls to be in confusion, with no distinctions made between true and false by the application to them of the rule and standard of right principles."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Do you not see that the Law says that the camel is an unclean animal, because, though it chews the cud, it does not part the hoof (Lev. 11:4)? And yet, if we fix our eyes on the literal way of regarding the matter, I do not know what principle there is in the reason given for the camel’s uncleanness; but, if we look to the way suggested by latent meanings there is a most vital principle.",
+                "[132] For as the animal that chews the cud renders digestible the food taken in before as it rises again to the surface, so the soul of the keen learner, when it has by listening taken in this and that proposition, does not hand them over to forgetfulness, but in stillness all alone goes over them one by one quite quietly, and so succeeds in recalling them all to memory.",
+                "[133] Not all memory, however, is a good thing, but that which is brought to bear upon good things only, for it would be a thing most noxious that evil should be unforgettable. That is why, if perfection is to be attained, it is necessary to divide the hoof, in order that, the faculty of memory being cut in twain, language as it flows through the mouth, for which Nature wrought lips as twin boundaries, may separate the beneficial and the injurious forms of memory.",
+                "[134] But neither does dividing the hoof by itself apart from chewing the cud appear to have anything advantageous on its own account. For what use is there in dissecting the natures of things, beginning from the beginning and going on to the minutest particles, and yet failing to reach the absolute end, and finding before you defying division those parts which are happily named by some “atoms” or “partless”? ",
+                "[135] For such a course is clear proof of sagacity and nicety of precision whetted to keenest edge of shrewdness; but it is of no advantage towards promoting nobility of character and a blameless passage through life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] See how true this is. Day after day the swarm of sophists to be found everywhere wears out the ears of any audience they happen to have with disquisitions on minutiae, unravelling phrases that are ambiguous and can bear two meanings and distinguishing among circumstances such as it is well to bear in mind—and they are set on bearing in mind a vast number. Do not some of them divide the letters of written speech into consonants and vowels? And do not some of them break up language into its three ultimate parts, noun, verb, conjunction?",
+                "[137] Do not musicians divide their own science into rhythm, metre, tune; and the tune or melody into the chromatic, harmonic and diatonic form, and into intervals of a fourth, a fifth or an octave, and into melodies with united or disjoined tetrachords?",
+                "[138] Do not geometricians put all lines under two main heads, the straight line and the curve? Do not other experts place everything in the principal categories that their several sciences suggest, categories that start with the elements of the science and go on until they have dealt with their last and highest achievements?",
+                "[139] With their company let the whole choir of philosophers chime in, harping on their wonted themes, how that of existences some are bodies, some incorporeal; and of bodies, some lifeless, some having life; some rational, some irrational, some mortal, some divine; and of mortal beings, some male, some female; a distinction which applies to man;",
+                "[140] and of things incorporeal again, some complete, some incomplete; and of those that are complete, some questions and inquiries, imprecations and adjurations, not to mention all the other particular differences, all of which are set forth in the elementary handbooks which deal with them. Again, there are what dialecticians are accustomed to call propositions.",
+                "[141] Of these, some are simple, some not so; and of the non-simple, some hypothetical, some inferential, some 〈indicating〉 more or less, some moreover disjunctive; and suchlike distinctions. They distinguish further things true, false, and doubtful; possible and impossible; conclusive and inconclusive; soluble and insoluble; and all kindred antitheses. Again, applying to incorporeal things which are incomplete there are the subdivisions into “predicates” and “complements” and still more minute refinements."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] And if the mind putting a still finer edge upon itself dissect the natures of things, as a surgeon does men’s bodies, he will effect nothing that is of advantage for the acquiring of virtue. It is true that, by reason of his power to distinguish and discriminate in each case, he will “divide the hoof,” but he will not “chew the cud” so as to have at his service beneficial nourishment with its wholesome reminders, smoothing out the roughness that had accrued to the soul as the result of errors, and producing an easy and truly smooth movement.",
+                "[143] And so multitudes of those who are called sophists, after winning the admiration of city after city, and after drawing wellnigh the whole world to honour them for their hair-splitting and their clever inventiveness, have with all their might worn their life out, and brought it to premature old age, by the indulgence of their passions, differing not at all from neglected nobodies and the most worthless of mankind.",
+                "[144] Excellently, therefore, does the lawgiver compare the race of sophists who live in this way to swine. Such men are at home in a mode of life not bright and luminous but thick and muddy and in all that is most ugly.",
+                "[145] For he says that the pig is unclean, because, though it divide the hoof, it does not chew the cud (Lev. 11:7). He pronounces the camel unclean for the opposite reason, because though chewing the cud he does not divide the hoof. But such animals as do both are, as we might expect, set down as clean, since they have escaped the unnatural development in each of the directions named. For indeed distinguishing without memory and without conning and going over of the things that are best is an incomplete good (as is memory without distinguishing between good things and their opposites), but the meeting and partnership of both in combination is a good most complete and perfect."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Now even men of ill will cower before perfection of soul, and, when they can no longer resist it, genuine peace prevails. But men that have attained to a wisdom half-wrought or, to change the figure, half-baked, are too feeble to stand up against massed bodies of sins that have been long in training and have become increasingly formidable.",
+                "[147] This is why, when in time of war the lawgiver is mustering the army, he does not summon all the youth, even though it be filled with the utmost zeal and shew readiness that requires no spurring to repel the enemy, but bids them depart and stay at home, that as the result of constant practice they may acquire overpowering strength and skill, such as shall enable them one day to win a decisive victory.",
+                "[148] The command is given through the marshals or secretaries of the army, when war is near and already at the very doors. What they are to say is this: “Who is the man that has built a new house and has not hanselled it? Let him go and turn back to his house, lest he be killed in the war and another man hansel it. And who is there that has planted a vineyard and not been made joyous by its fruits? Let him go his way and turn back to his house, lest he die in the war and another have joy from it. And to whom has a wife been promised, whom he has not taken? Let him go his way and turn back to his house, lest he die in the war and another take her” (Deut. 20:5–7)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[149] “For what reason,” I should be inclined to say, “my good friend, do you not think fit to assign these more than others to the conflict of the war, who have secured for themselves wives and houses and vineyards and other possessions in lavish abundance? They will bear very lightly, be they ever so heavy, the dangers incurred to keep them safe; while those who have none of the ties mentioned, having nothing vital at stake, will for the most part be sluggish and slack.",
+                "[150] Or, again, is the fact that they have derived no enjoyment from any of their acquisitions a good reason for depriving them of the possibility of doing so in the future? For what advantage from their possessions remains to the vanquished?",
+                "“Nay but,” I think you urge, “<i>they</i> will not be prisoners.”",
+                "On the contrary, they will at once incur the fate of non-combatants. For enemies vigorously carrying on operations of war are quite sure to become masters of men sitting at home at their ease, not merely without bloodshed but without a struggle.",
+                "[151] “Nay,” you urge again, “the large forces on their side will gladly undertake to fight for these as well.”",
+                "In the first place, I reply, it is monstrous to rely on the efforts or good fortune of others, especially when there is the menace hanging over both individual citizens and the city itself of spoliation and deportation and enslavement, and that when they are able to do their part in bearing the burdens of war and are hindered from doing so neither by illness nor by old age nor by any other misfortune. It behoves these people to snatch up their weapons and taking their place in the front ranks to hold their shields over their comrades fighting with a courage that courts danger."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[152] In the next place, they would have given proof not only of treachery but of utter insensibility, if, while the others are to be fighting in their defence, they are to be about their private business; and while the others are to be willing to stand the hazard of the conflict for their safety, they are not to take the trouble to fight for their own; and, while the others in their desire for victory are gladly to put up with short rations and sleeping in the field and the other hardships of body and soul, they spend their time in decking their houses with stuccoes and trumperies, poor soulless display; or getting in the fruit of their orchards and celebrating the vintage festival; or now for the first time consummating their marriage with the maidens betrothed to them long before, as though this were an ideal season for weddings.",
+                "[153] ’Tis good to look after walls, to collect rents, to attend banquets, to get tipsy, to indulge in sexual intercourse, for the aged and as the saying is, decayed dames, to be escorted to the bridal chamber, but they are works of peace, and monstrous things to do when war is in full course.",
+                "[154] Has not a father, has not a brother, has no blood-relation, no member of the clan of these men enlisted? Has cowardice made their whole family its lair? Nay, there surely are a host of their kinsfolk at the front. Would not, then, those, who live in ease and luxury while these are imperilling their lives, far surpass in cruelty any savage beasts you can name?",
+                "[155] “It is hard,” you are thinking, “that other people without doing any work should get the benefit of our labours.”",
+                "Pray, which is harder, that enemies should come into the property while we are still alive, or that friends and kinsfolk should do so when we are dead? Nay, ’tis silly even to compare things so wide apart.",
+                "[156] Again, it is probable not only that all that belongs to those who did not join up should become the property of the victorious enemy, but that they themselves should so become; while to those who are dying for the common salvation, even supposing that they had in former days derived no benefit from the family property, a happy ending comes as they reflect that the property is falling to the heirs to whom it was their prayer that it should fall."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] The letter of the Law perhaps suggests all these considerations and more than these. But that no malicious critic may too daringly give rein to his inventive talent, we will leave the letter, and make one or two remarks about the inner meaning of the Law. Firstly, it considers that a man ought to concern himself not only with the acquisition of good things, but with the enjoyment of what he has acquired, and that happiness results from the practice of perfect excellence seeing that such excellence secures a life sound and complete in every way. Secondly, what the Law means is that a man’s main consideration is not house or vineyard or the wife already betrothed to him; how he is to take to wife her whom he has wooed and won; how the planter of the vineyard is to cull and crush its fruit, and then drink large draughts of the intoxicating beverage and make his heart glad; or how the man that has built the house is to occupy it; but that the faculties of a man’s soul are a man’s main consideration. Through these he can make a beginning, make progress, and reach perfection in praiseworthy doings.",
+                "[158] Beginnings are seen in a wooer, for, just as he who is wooing a woman has wedlock still in futurity not being already a husband, in the same way the well-constituted man looks forward to one day marrying Discipline, a highborn and pure maiden, but for the present he is her wooer. Progress is seen in the work of the husbandman, for, as it is the planter’s care that the trees should grow, so is it the earnest student’s care to bring it about that the principles of sound sense shall receive the utmost development. Perfection is to be seen in the building of a house, which is receiving its finishing touches, but has not yet become quite compact and firmly settled."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[159] It befits all these, the beginners, those making progress, and those who have reached perfection, to live without contention, refusing to engage in the war waged by the sophists, with their unceasing practice of quarrelsomeness and disturbance to the adulteration of the truth: for the truth is dear to peace, and peace has no liking for them.",
+                "[160] If our friends <i>do</i> come into this conflict, mere unprofessionals engaging trained and seasoned fighters, they will undoubtedly get the worst of it; the beginner because he lacks experience, the man who is progressing, because he is incomplete, the man who has reached completeness, because he is still unpractised in virtue. It is requisite, just as it is that plaster should become firm and fixed and acquire solidity, so too that the souls of those that have been perfected should become more firmly settled, strengthened by constant practice and continual exercise.",
+                "[161] Those who do not enjoy these advantages have the name among the philosophers of wise men unconscious of their wisdom. For they say that it is out of the question that those who have sped as far as the edge of wisdom and have just come for the first time into contact with its borders should be conscious of their own perfecting, that both things cannot come about at the same time, the arrival at the goal and the apprehension of the arrival, but that ignorance must form a border-land between the two, not that ignorance which is far removed from knowledge, but that which is close at hand and hard by her door.",
+                "[162] It will, then, be the business of him who fully apprehends and understands the subject and thoroughly knows his own powers, to go to war with the strife-loving band of sophists; for there is ground for expecting that such an one will be the conqueror. But for him whose eyes are still covered by the darkness of ignorance, the light of knowledge not being strong enough as yet to shine out, it is safe to stay at home, that is, not to come forward for the contest about matters which he has not fully apprehended, but to keep still and be quiet.",
+                "[163] But he who has been carried away by presumption, not knowing his opponents’ grips and throws, before he can be an agent will quickly be a victim and experience the death of knowledge, which is a far more woeful death than that which severs soul and body.",
+                "[164] This is bound to befall those who are cheated by sophistries; for they fail to find the way to refute these, and owing to their having regarded false statements as true and given them credence, they die so far as the life of knowledge is concerned. Their experience is the same as that of those who are taken in by flatterers: for in their case, too, the true and healthy friendship of the soul is thrust out and overturned by the friendship that is essentially unwholesome."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] We must therefore advise those, who are beginning to learn, to decline such contests, owing to their lack of knowledge; those who are making progress, owing to their not being perfect; and those who have just attained perfection, because they are to some extent unconscious of their perfectness.",
+                "[166] As for those who disregard this bidding, it says of each of them, another man shall live in his house, shall become owner of his vineyard, shall marry his betrothed. This is equivalent to saying, “the faculties mentioned of keenness to learn, of improvement, of becoming perfect, shall indeed never fail, but they associate with one man at one time, with another man at another time, going about and not tenanting the same souls always and changing from soul to soul.",
+                "[167] In this the faculties resemble seals; for these too, when they have stamped the wax, unaffected by the impressions they have made, after engraving an image on it remain as they were, and if the impression on the wax gets blurred and effaced, other wax will be substituted for it. So do not imagine, good sirs, that the faculties decay when you do. They are immortal, and ready to welcome ten thousand others in preference to you to the fame gained from them. These are all whom they perceive not to have shunned their converse as you did, owing to your foolhardiness, but to draw near and pay great heed to safety.",
+                "[168] If any man be a lover of virtue, let him pray that all fair things may not only be implanted in him, but may shew themselves upon the surface of his soul, as do the exquisite proportions of beauty in a statue and a perfect portrait. Let him consider that there are myriads waiting to follow him, on whom in his stead Nature will bestow all the boons of which we have been thinking, the gift of quickness to learn, that of making progress, that of attaining perfection. Is it not better that, instead of leaving it to them, he should himself shine out and be a retentive steward of God’s gracious gifts, and that he should not, by gratuitously offering an opportunity forplunder, supply ruthless foes with booty lying ready to their hand?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[169] Little advantage, therefore, is there in a beginning to which a right ending has not set its seal. Quite frequently persons who had attained perfection have been accounted imperfect owing to their fancying that their improvement was due to their own zeal and not to the directing care of God. Owing to this fancy they were lifted up and greatly exalted, and so came to be borne down from lofty regions into the lowest abyss and so lost to sight: for we read,",
+                "[170] “If thou shalt build a new house, then shalt thou also make a parapet round thy roof, and so thou shalt not cause death in thy house, if the faller from it falls” (Deut. 22:8).",
+                "[171] For there is no fall so grievous as to slip and fall away from rendering honour to God, through ascribing the victory to oneself instead of to Him, and so being the perpetrator of the murder of one’s kin. For he that fails to honour That which IS slays his own soul, so that the edifice of instruction ceases to be of use to him. Instruction has obtained the nature that never grows old, and for this reason her house is called “new.” For whereas other things decay by lapse of time, she, however far she advances, retains the bloom of youth and is in her prime all along, radiant with unfailing loveliness, and renewing her freshness by her unceasing diligence.",
+                "[172] Moreover in his Exhortations the lawgiver charges those who have obtained large possession of good things not to inscribe themselves in their hearts as authors of their wealth, but “to remember God Who giveth strength to acquire power” (Deut. 8:18).",
+                "[173] This remembrance, then, was in his eyes the goal of prosperity, the putting forth of power the beginning: the consequence of this being that those who forget the end of their acquisitions cannot any longer derive real benefit from their beginning. The disasters which befall these men are self-chosen, the outcome of selfishness. They cannot bear to acknowledge as the Author of the good things which they enjoy the God Who brings to perfection the gifts which He loves to bestow."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[174] But there are others who, with every stitch of piety’s canvas spread, have used every effort to make a quick voyage, and to come to anchor in her harbours, and then, when they were no distance away, but on the very point of coming to land, a violent head-wind has suddenly burst upon them, and driven the vessel straight back, stripping her of much of the gear on which her seaworthiness depended.",
+                "[175] No one would find fault with these men for being still at sea; for the delay was contrary to their wish and befell them when they were making all speed. Who, then, resembles these men? Who but he who vowed what is called the great Vow? For he says: “If someone die suddenly beside him, the head of his vow shall forthwith be defiled, and he shall shave it.” Then, after a few more words, he adds, “The former days shall be void, because the head of his vow was defiled” (Numb. 6:9, 12).",
+                "[176] The involuntary nature of the soul’s failure is evidenced by both of the words which he uses, “sudden” and “forthwith,” for whereas in the case of deliberate sins time is required for planning where and when and how the thing is to be done, unintentional sins swoop upon us suddenly, without thought, and if we may so say, in no time.",
+                "[177] For it is difficult for the runners, as we may call them, after starting on the way to piety, to finish the whole course without stumbling, and without stopping to draw breath; for every man born meets ten thousand obstacles.",
+                "[178] The first need then, which is the one and only thing that is “well-doing,” is never to put hand to any deliberate wrong-doing, and to have strength to thrust from us the countless host of voluntary offences; the second not to fall into many involuntary offences, nor to continue long in the practice of them.",
+                "[179] Right well did he say that the days of the involuntary failure were void (ἀλόγους) not only because to sin is void of reason (ἄλογον) but also because it is impossible to render an account (λόγον) of involuntary sins. Accordingly, when people inquire after the motives for things that have been done, we often say that we neither know nor are able to tell them: for that when they were being done we were not taken into confidence, nay, that they arrived without our knowing it.",
+                "[180] ’Tis a rare event then if God shall vouchsafe to a man to run life’s course from beginning to end without slackening or slipping, and to avoid each kind of transgressions, voluntary and involuntary, by flying past them, in the vehement rush of matchless speed.",
+                "[181] These remarks on beginning and end have been made apropos of Noah the righteous man who, after making himself master of the elements of the science of husbandry, had not the strength to reach its final stages, for it is said that “he began to be a husbandman,” not that he reached the furthest limits of full knowledge. What is said about his work as a planter let us tell at another time."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE AGRICULTURA",
+            "§ 13. <i>But contribute nothing to the improvement of character</i>. The ὅσα implies that some parts of dialectic and mathematics do contribute something. With regard to dialectic, this is explained in the sequel. With regard to “geometry,” apart from its use as a προπαίδευμα, Philo would probably have held that, as it included arithmetic, the lore of sacred numbers gave it a higher and spiritual value. This appears very markedly in the disquisition on Four in this treatise.",
+            "§ 14. <i>With its threefold division</i>. This fundamental Stoic doctrine is given in Diog. Laert. vii. 40, with the same illustration as here. Another comparison given there and elsewhere is to the egg-shell, the white and the yolk. See <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 57 and note.",
+            "§ 41. <i>They are the only real kings</i>. For this well-known Stoic paradox see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 617 ff.; <i>cf. De Sobr. 57</i>.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Uneven</i>. This word perhaps gives the idea better than “superfluous.” περίσσος is the regular name for “odd” numbers, <i>i.e</i>. those which are something over and above the right or even numbers (ἄρτιος). Other passages in which Jethro is described (<i>De Ebr.</i> 37 and <i>De Mut.</i> 103) were referred to in the note on <i>De Sacr.</i> 50, where, however, the translation “worldling” was perhaps too loose.",
+            "§ 73. οἰκόσιτος. Here and in <i>De Plant.</i> 104 Philo uses this word in a disparaging way, which does not appear in the examples quoted from other authors. Usually it means “living at his own expense.” There is, however, an approach to it in Lucian, <i>Somn</i>. 1, where it is applied to a youth who is not yet earning his own living.",
+            "§ 80. <i>Sense-perception made pure and clean</i>. In <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 66 and iii. 103, Miriam stood for rebellious sense.",
+            "§ 81. <i>So we find</i>. Here γοῦν as often introduces the scriptural story on which the allegory is founded, the main point of which is the concluding words “horse and rider he threw into the sea.” But there is also an allusion to the opening words, “Then sang Moses and <i>the sons of Israel</i>,” which, as usual, he interprets as “those who see.” The contrast, however, between “all the men” or “all that are men,” and “<i>the best</i> women” is curious, for in Ex. 15:20 <i>all</i> the women sing the song. Perhaps Philo’s memory of the passage misled him.",
+            "§ 94. <i>For these are able</i>, etc. There seems to be an illogicality in the sequel. The prayer which follows is not as we should expect, that the horseman should be able to control the horse, but that he should fall off. The best one can make of it is that, though it is meritorious to control passion, complete safety lies in getting rid of it.",
+            "§§ 95 ff. The parable of Dan has already been worked out in <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 94 ff. The principal difference is that there the way (which as here is distinguished from the track) is the soul itself, instead of the road on which the soul travels.",
+            "§ 114. <i>An iron-bound thong</i>. The use in boxing of the <i>caestus</i> or leathern thong loaded with lead or iron is best known from the description in <i>Aen</i>. v. 405 ff. Mr. Whitaker’s ingenious suggestion of σιδηροῦν τροπόν for σιδήρου τρόπον (“like iron”) may perhaps be questioned on the ground that τροπός is the thong used for fastening the oar to the thole. But it may have been used more generally, and if so gives an excellent sense. The construction of the ordinary reading is not quite clear.—F. H. C.",
+            "§ 119. <i>The Olympic contest</i>, etc. Perhaps rather “the only Olympic contest which can be rightly called sacred is” etc. Philo plays on Ὀλυμπιακός (derived from Olympia) and Ὀλύμπιος (from Olympus).",
+            "§§ 128, 129. The view that God causes good only is often insisted on by Philo, <i>e.g.</i> <i>De Op.</i> 75, and <i>De Plant.</i> 53. The thought is Platonic; see <i>Timaeus</i>, 29, 30 and 40, 41, <i>Rep</i>. 379 B, C, and elsewhere.",
+            "§ 132. ὑπαναπλέουσαν. Mangey’s conjecture of ἐπαναπολῆ· σαν has some support from <i>De Post.</i> 149 ἐκ τῆς ἐπαναπολήσεως καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπιλεάνσεως τῆς πρῶτον καταβληθείσης τροφῆς. <i>Cf</i>. also ἀναπολῶν, <i>Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 107. On the other hand we have ὑπαναπλεῖ, <i>De Mut.</i> 100.",
+            "§ 134. <i>For what use is there … “partless”?</i> The translation assumes that διαίρεσις is futile, because we ultimately arrive at a closed door. If we read ἀδιαίρετα, it is futile, because we <i>never</i> arrive at a point where division ceases. In this case Philo adopts the doctrine of the infinite divisibility of matter, which was generally held though not without controversy (see Reid on Cic. <i>Acad</i>. i. 27). The same sense might perhaps be obtained by retaining διαιρετά, and taking it as “never finding before you (as a result of your division) separate parts which are called atoms.” It should be noted that this philosophical evidence of the futility of διαίρεσις is merely subsidiary. The true reason, <i>i.e</i>. its moral uselessness, if unaccompanied by meditation, is given in 135.",
+            "§§ 140, 141. The grammatical and logical terms of the Stoics, here given, are nearly all stated (generally under the same names) by Diog. Laert. vii. 64–76, with examples which explain their meaning clearly. These are here given for the cases in which explanation is needed (Hicks’s translation is used throughout).",
+            "Complete (τέλεια, D.L. αὐτοτελῆ)— “Socrates writes.” / Incomplete (ἀτελῆ, D.L. ἐλλιπῆ)— “Writes,” for we ask “who writes?”",
+            "Questions (ἐρωτήματα)— “Is it day?” / Inquiries (πύσματα)— “Where does he live?” which cannot be answered, like the question, by a nod.",
+            "Simple propositions (ἀξιώματα ἁπλᾶ)— “It is day.” / Non-simple (οὐχ ἁπλᾶ)— “If it is day, it is light.”",
+            "Hypothetical (συνημμένα, as subdivision of the οὐχ ἁπλᾶ)—. “If it is day, it is light.” / Inferential (παρασυνημμένα)— “Since it is day, it is light.”",
+            "Indicating more or less (τὰ διασαφοῦντα τὸ μᾶλλον καὶ ἧττον). “It is rather daytime than night,” or / Disjunctive (διεζευγμένα)— “Either it is day or it is night.”",
+            "Predicate (κατηγόρημα) was defined as “what is said of something”; in other words, “a thing associated with one or more subjects”; or “a defective expression which has to be joined on to a nominative case in order to yield a judgement” (ἀξίωμα).",
+            "Complements (συμβάματα). The words in D.L. which deal with this are corrupt. Apparently the term means a verb requiring a nominative subject, and therefore is identical with κατηγορήματα, according to the third definition given above. It is opposed to παρασυμβάματα, where the verb is impersonal and the real subject is in another case, as μεταμέλει μοι, “it repents me”=“I repent.”",
+            "§ 142. <i>Smooth movement</i>. An Epicurean term (<i>cf</i>. note on <i>De Post.</i> 79), introduced here by Philo for a play on λειανούσῃ, and qualified by τῷ ὄντι to show that he uses it in a higher sense than the Epicureans.",
+            "§ 145. Heinemann proposed in preference to Wendland’s suggestion καὶ γὰρ διαίρεσις ἄνευ μνήμης καὶ μελέτη ἅνευ διεξόδου τῶν ἀρίστων. No doubt μελέτη may be taken as the equivalent of μνήμη, but διέξοδος can hardly be equivalent to διαίρεσις. Perhaps the following adaptation of Wendland’s might be read: καὶ γὰρ διαίρεσις ἄνευ μνήμης καὶ μελέτης καὶ διεξόδου τῶν ἀρίστων ἀγαθὸν ἀτελές, &lt;ὡσαύτως δὲ μνήμη ἄνευ διαιρέσεως ἀτελές&gt;, in which the repetition of ἀτελές may have misled the scribe.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Solidity</i>. The term πῆξις is Stoic, see <i>S. V.F.</i> iii. 510. The life of ὁ προκόπτων only becomes really happy ὅταν αἱ μέσαι πράξεις … πῆξιν τινὰ λάβωσι.",
+            "§ 161. <i>Unconscious of their wisdom</i>. διαλεληθότες again is a Stoic term, though used rather of the fully wise, who do not yet realize their conversion, than, as here, of the man advancing to perfection; see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 539, 540."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על עבודת האדמה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על עבודת האדמה",
+        "enTitle": "On Husbandry",
+        "key": "On Husbandry",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Joseph/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Joseph/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..7fcb11a8e099d68c115893d09d15a9517b6e8053
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Joseph/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,426 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Joseph",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על יוסף",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON JOSEPH (DE IOSEPHO) INTRODUCTION TO DE IOSEPHO",
+            "The place of this treatise in the series, as well as the remarkable contrast between the character of Joseph as here represented and the Joseph of the allegorical commentary, have been discussed in the General Introduction to this volume. The treatise after a few words about the preparation given by the shepherd’s craft for government tells the story of Joseph’s dream, his brothers’ jealousy, their sale of him to the merchants who in turn sold him to Potiphar and the false report which they made to Jacob (1–27). It contains the first two of the set speeches which are a distinguishing feature of the treatise, viz. Reuben’s remonstrance (17–21) and Jacob’s lamentation (23–27). The allegorization which follows treats a few scattered points and not the story as a whole. That politicians have to deal with institutions which are conventional rather than natural is indicated by Joseph’s name of “Addition” (to Nature), that they must be resourceful by his coat of many colours, that they are often a prey to vanity by the false story that wild beasts had devoured him, that they are often bought and sold by the two sales (28–36); and it is to be noted that though the main purpose of the treatise is to show the ideal statesman, these mostly deal with the baser side of political life. When the story is resumed it relates his history in Potiphar’s house till his imprisonment, in the course of which we have the eloquent but rather absurd remonstrance of Joseph to Potiphar’s wife (37–53). The subjoined allegories are much more relevant than the earlier ones to the substance of the story and to the higher side of the politician. We may see the spiritual barrenness of the multitude and its tendency to cater for pleasure in Potiphar, the eunuch and cook, its demands on the statesman in Potiphar’s wife and the refusal of the true statesman to cringe in Joseph’s rejections of her overtures (54–79). In 80–124 the story is carried on through Joseph’s life in prison, his interpretation of the dreams and his release and exaltation. Then from 125–147 follows what is not so much an allegory in the proper sense as a meditation on the thought that all life is a dream and the task of a true statesman is to discover and set forth the truths which lie behind this dream. After this we have a few more definitely allegorical interpretations of some of the incidents of Joseph’s exaltation as illustrating the attitude of the democracy to the politician, and an attempt to show that the different treatment by Pharaoh of the cook (Potiphar), the butler and the baker represent the different ways in which the body-loving mind regards luxuries and necessities (148–156). From this point onwards to the end the story runs on continuously through the adventures of Joseph and his brethren as it appears in Genesis with, of course, much amplification both of incidents and speeches."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON JOSEPH</big> <small>that is, the life of the statesman</small> <br>[1] The factors which produce consummate excellence are three in number: learning, nature, practice. And these names are represented in three of the wise men to whom Moses gives the senior place. Since I have described the lives of these three, the life which results from teaching, the life of the self-taught and the life of practice, I will carry on the series by describing a fourth life, that of the statesman. This name again has its representation in one of the patriarchs who, as Moses shews, was trained to his calling from his earliest youth.",
+                "[2] This training was first given to him at about the age of seventeen by the lore of the shepherd’s craft,  which corresponds closely to the lore of statesmanship. And therefore I think the order of poets often speaks of kings as shepherds of peoples,  for success in shepherding will produce the best king, since through the charge of flocks which deserve less thought and care he has been taught the charge of the noblest flock of living creatures—mankind.",
+                "[3] And, just as to the future leaders in wars, or in commanding armies, practice in the hunting-field is most necessary, so to those who hope to superintend a state nothing is so suitable as shepherding, which gives practice in the exercise of authority and generalship. ",
+                "[4] So his father, observing in him a noble spirit which rose above ordinary conditions, rendered to him high admiration and respect, while his love for this child of his later years—and nothing conduces to affection more than this—exceeded his love for his other sons. And being himself a lover of excellence, by special and exceptional attentions he fostered the fire of the boy’s nature, in the hope that it would not merely smoulder but burst rapidly into flame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] But envy, which is ever the enemy of high success, in this case too set to work and created division in a household where every part had been happily flourishing, and stirred up the many brethren against the one. They displayed ill-will to Joseph as a counterpoise to his father’s goodwill, and equalled his love with their hatred.  They did not, however, proclaim that hatred aloud, but kept it a secret among themselves, and thus it naturally grew to greater bitterness. For emotions which are cooped up and find no vent become more violent because expression is stifled.",
+                "[6] Joseph in the simple innocence of his nature had no notion of the enmity which was lurking in his brothers’ hearts, and, believing them to be friendly, told them a significant dream which he had seen. “I thought,” he said, “that harvest-time was with us, and that we had all come to the plain to gather in the crops. We had taken our sickles and were reaping, when suddenly my sheaf rose and stood bolt upright, while yours, as though at a signal, rushed up in astonishment and did homage to mine with every mark of honour.”",
+                "[7] His brothers, being men of keen intelligence, skilful at interpreting symbols and thus by probable conjectures discovering the obscure, replied: “Do you think that you will be our lord and king? For that is what you hint at in this lying vision.” And their hatred, ever finding some new ground to augment it, was still more kindled against him.",
+                "[8] He, suspecting nothing, a few days after saw and told his brothers another dream even more astounding than the former. In this he dreamt that the sun and moon and eleven stars came and did him homage. This caused surprise to his father, who laid up the matter in his mind and carefully watched to see what the outcome would be.",
+                "[9] But, fearing that the boy had made a serious mistake,  he chid him severely, saying, “You seem to mean by the sun your father and by the moon your mother and by the eleven stars your eleven brothers. Can it be that I and your mother and your brothers shall do you homage? Let no such thought ever enter your mind, my son, and let the memory of what you saw insensibly fade away. For the idea of hoping and eagerly expecting to gain dominion over your family is very odious in my judgement, and I think that all who care for equality and justice between kinsfolk must agree.”",
+                "[10] Then, dreading lest continued association should breed disturbance and broils among the brothers through the grudge which they bore against the dreamer for his visions, Jacob sent them away to tend the sheep, but kept him at home for such season as should prove needed. He knew that time is said to be the physician of the distempers and ailments of the soul and is able to remove grief, to quench anger and to heal fear, for time relieves everything, even what is naturally hard to cure.",
+                "[11] But when he guessed that they would have ceased to harbour enmity in their hearts, he sent him partly to salute his brothers and partly to bring him word how it fared with themselves and the flocks under their charge."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] This journey proved to be the source of great evil and great good, both exceeding anything that could have been expected. For Joseph, in obedience to his father’s commands, went to his brethren, but they, when they saw him coming afar off, talked to each other, and their language was very sinister. They did not even deign to speak of him by his name, but called him the dream-driveller and the vision-monger and similar terms. Their anger reached such a pitch that they plotted by a majority, though not unanimously, to murder him, and in order to avoid detection they determined to throw his dead body into a very deep pit in the ground. In that region there are many such, made to hold the rain-water.",
+                "[13] And they were only deterred from committing that most accursed of deeds, fratricide, by the exhortation of the eldest among them, to which they reluctantly yielded. He urged them to keep their souls clear from the abominable act, and merely to throw him into one of the deep pits, thinking to contrive some means for saving him and hoping when they had gone away to take him up and send him to their father quite unharmed.",
+                "[14] When they had agreed to this, Joseph approached and saluted them, but they caught hold of him as though he were an enemy in battle and stripped him of his coat. They then let him down by ropes into the open depths. His coat they dyed red in the blood of a kid, and sent it to his father with the story that wild beasts had made away with him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] Now it chanced that day that some merchants belonging to a caravan which was wont to carry wares from Arabia to Egypt were travelling that way. To these they sold their brother, after hauling him up, the leader in this plan being the fourth eldest brother. He, I imagine, feared that Joseph might be treacherously murdered by the others who were inflamed with such merciless wrath against him, and therefore",
+                "[16] advised them to sell him and thus substitute the lesser evil of slavery for the greater evil of death. The eldest brother had not been present at the sale. When he looked down into the pit and did not see the boy whom he had left there a short time before, he cried aloud and shouted, rent his garments and rushed up and down like a madman, beating his hands together and tearing his hair.",
+                "[17] “Tell me,” he cried, “what has become of him. Is he alive or dead? If he is no more, shew me his dead body, that I may weep over the corpse and thus make the calamity seem lighter. If I see him lying here I shall be comforted. Why do we still bear a grudge to the dead? Envy cannot fasten on the departed. But if he is alive where on earth has he gone? In whose charge is he kept?",
+                "[18] Tell me, for you cannot suspect me as well as him that you should refuse me your confidence.” When they said that he had been sold, and shewed the price that had been paid, “A fine bargain you have made,”  he said. “Let us divide the profits. We have competed with slave-dealers for the prize of wickedness; let us wear the crown, and glory that we surpass them in cruelty, for their designs are aimed against aliens, ours against our nearest and dearest.",
+                "[19] A great and novel reproach has been brought about, a far-famed disgrace. Our fathers left behind in every part of the world records of their noble conduct; we shall leave behind us beyond all retrieving the scandal of our faithlessness and inhumanity. For, when deeds of grave import are done, the rumours of them reach everywhere, causing admiration where they are praiseworthy, censure and contumely when they are guilty.",
+                "[20] How will our father receive the report of the event? Thrice blessed he was and thrice happy, and ye have made his life with us  intolerable. Which will he pity most, the sold for his enslavement or the sellers for their cruelty? Surely us far more than him, since it is less grievous to suffer wrong than to do it.  The former is assisted by two mighty forces, pity and hope; the latter has no part in either, and in the judgement of all comes off the worst.",
+                "[21] But why do I lament thus wildly? It were better to hold my peace, lest I too come in for a share in some horrible fate. For ye are exceedingly savage of temper and merciless, and the fierceness in each heart is still in full blast.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] When his father heard, not the truth that his son had been sold, but the lie that he was dead and had seemingly been devoured by wild beasts, the words that he heard and the sight that he saw fell like a blow on his ears and eyes. For Joseph’s tunic had been brought to him rent and marred and stained scarlet with much blood. Collapsing under his great emotion, he lay for a great while with closed lips, not even able to lift his head, so utterly did the calamity afflict and break him down.",
+                "[23] Then, suddenly pouring forth tears like a fountain, he watered his cheeks and chin and breast and his own raiment, while bitterly wailing, and uttered such words as these: “Child, it is not your death which grieves me, but the manner of it. If you had been buried in your own land, I should have comforted and watched and nursed your sick-bed, exchanged the last farewells as you died, closed your eyes, wept over the body as it lay there, given it a costly funeral and left none of the customary rites undone.",
+                "[24] Nay, even if it had been on foreign soil, I should have said to myself: ‘Man, be not downcast that nature has recovered the forfeit that was her due.’  Separate countries concern the living: every land is the tomb of the dead.  Death comes early to none, or rather it comes early to all, for few are the years of the longest-lived compared with eternity.",
+                "[25] And, indeed, if you needs must have died by violence or through premeditation, it would have been a lighter ill to me, slain as you would have been by human beings, who would have pitied their dead victim, gathered some dust and covered the corpse. And then if they had been the cruellest of men, what more could they have done but cast it out unburied and go their way, and then perhaps some passer-by would have stayed his steps, and, as he looked, felt pity for our common nature and deemed the tendance of burial to be its due. But, as it is, you have become, in common phrase, a rich banquet for savage carnivorous beasts who have found my own flesh and blood to their taste, and feasted thereon.",
+                "[26] I am long trained in the athletics of adversity, drilled by many a random stroke of misfortune, a wanderer, a stranger, a serf, a thrall, my very life and soul a mark for the malice of those by whom I should least have been so treated. Many desperate calamities I have seen and heard: thousands of them have I experienced myself, but trained to moderate my feelings at such I remained unmoved. But none was more unbearable than this event which has overturned and destroyed the strength of my soul.",
+                "[27] For what sorrow could be greater or more pitiful? My son’s raiment has been conveyed to me, his father, but not a part of him, not a limb, not a tiny fragment. But, while he has been utterly made away with beyond even any possibility of burial, his raiment too would not have been sent to me at all save to remind me of my sorrow, and to make his sufferings live again as calamities constant and indelible to myself.” Thus did he bewail. But the merchants sold the boy in Egypt to one of the king’s eunuchs who was his chief cook. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] After this literal account of the story, it will be well to explain the underlying meaning, for, broadly speaking, all or most of the law-book is an allegory. The kind of character then here under discussion is called in the Hebrew “Joseph,” but in our language is “addition of a lord,” a most significant title well suited to the thing which it indicates, since polity as seen in the various peoples is an addition to nature who is invested with a universal lordship. ",
+                "[29] For this world is the Megalopolis or “great city,”  and it has a single polity and a single law, and this is the word or reason of nature, commanding what should be done and forbidding what should not be done. But the local cities which we see are unlimited in number and subject to diverse polities and laws by no means identical, for different peoples have different customs and regulations which are extra inventions and additions.",
+                "[30] The cause of this is the reluctance to combine or have fellowship with each other, shewn not only by Greeks to barbarians and barbarians to Greeks, but also within each of them separately in dealing with their own kin. And then we find them alleging causes for this which are no real causes, such as unfavourable seasons, want of fertility, poverty of soil or how the state is situated, whether it is maritime or inland or whether it is on an island or on the mainland and the like. The true cause they never mention, and that is their covetousness and mutual mistrusts, which keep them from being satisfied with the ordinances of nature, and lead them to give the name of laws to whatever approves itself as advantageous to the communities which hold the same views.",
+                "[31] Thus naturally particular polities are rather an addition to the single polity of nature, for the laws of the different states are additions to the right reason of nature, and the politician is an addition to the man whose life accords with nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Further, he is quite properly said to assume a coat of varied colours,  for political life is a thing varied and multiple, liable to innumerable changes brought about by personalities, circumstances, motives, individualities of conduct, differences in occasions and places.",
+                "[33] The pilot is helped to a successful voyage by means which change with the changes of the wind, and does not confine his guidance of the ship to one method. The physician does not use a single form of treatment for all his patients, nor even for an individual if the physical condition does not remain unaltered, but he watches the lowering and the heightening of the strain, its alternations of fullness and emptiness and all the changes of symptoms,  and varies his salutary processes, sometimes using one kind and sometimes another.",
+                "[34] And so too the politician must needs be a man of many sides and many forms. He must be a different man in peace from what he is in war, another man as those who venture to oppose him are few or many, resisting the few with vigorous action but using persuasion in his dealings with the many, and when danger is involved he will, to effect the common good, outstrip all others in his personal activity, but when the prospect is one of labour merely he will stand aside and leave others to serve him.",
+                "[35] Again it is rightly said that this person is sold, for when the would-be popular orator mounts the platform, like a slave in the market, he becomes a bond-servant instead of a free man, and, through the seeming honours which he receives, the captive of a thousand masters.",
+                "[36] Again, he is also represented as the prey of wild beasts, and indeed the vainglory which lies in ambush and then seizes and destroys those who indulge it is a savage beast.  Once more his purchasers sell him again, for politicians have not one but a multitude of masters who buy them one from another, each waiting to take his turn in the succession, and those who are thus sold again and again like bad servants change their masters, because, capricious and fitful in character as they are and ever hankering after novelty, they cannot endure their old lords."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Enough on this subject also. To resume the story, when the youth had been brought to Egypt and as I have said placed with the eunuch as his master, he gave proof in a few days of his nobility of character and nature, and therefore he received authority over his fellow-servants and the charge of the whole household; for his owner had already observed many signs that everything which he said or did was under God’s directing care.",
+                "[38] So, while in outward appearance it was his purchaser who appointed him steward of his household, in fact and reality it was nature’s  doing, who was taking steps to procure for him the command of whole cities and a nation and a great country. For the future statesman needed first to be trained and practised in house management; for a house is a city compressed into small dimensions, and household management may be called a kind of state management, just as a city too is a great house and statesmanship the household management of the general public. ",
+                "[39] All this shews clearly that the household manager is identical with the statesman, however much what is under the purview of the two may differ in number and size. The same holds with sculpture and painting, for the good statuary or painter, whether the works which he produces are many and of colossal size or few and smaller, is the same man exhibiting the same skill."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] But while he was winning a high reputation in household affairs, his master’s wife made him the object of her designs, which were prompted by licentious love; for wrought up to madness by the beauty of the youth, and putting no restraint upon the frenzy of her passion, she made proposals of intercourse to him which he stoutly resisted and utterly refused to accept, so strong was the sense of decency and temperance which nature and the exercise of control had implanted in him.",
+                "[41] And, since, as she fed the fire of lawless lust till it burst into a blaze, her constant efforts to gain him as constantly failed, at last in an accession of passion she was fain to employ violence. She caught hold of his outer garment and powerfully drew him to her bed by superior force, since passion which often braces even the weakest gave her new vigour.",
+                "[42] But he shewed power which was more than a match for the untoward situation and burst into speech with a frankness worthy of his race. “What,” he said, “are you forcing me to? We children of the Hebrews follow laws and customs which are especially our own.",
+                "[43] Other nations are permitted after the fourteenth year to deal without interference with harlots and strumpets and all those who make a traffic of their bodies, but with us a courtesan is not even permitted to live, and death is the penalty appointed for women who ply this trade.  Before the lawful union we know no mating with other women, but come as virgin men to virgin maidens. The end we seek in wedlock is not pleasure but the begetting of lawful children.",
+                "[44] To this day I have remained pure, and I will not take the first step in transgression by committing adultery, the greatest of crimes. For even if I had always hitherto lived an irregular life, drawn by the appetites of youth and following after the luxury of this land, I ought not to make the wedded wife of another my prey. Who does not thirst for the blood of the adulterer? For while men are accustomed to differ on other matters they are all and everywhere of one mind on this; they count the culprits worthy of a multitude of deaths, and deliver them unjudged into the hands of those who have discovered their guilt.",
+                "[45] But you in your extravagance would impose upon me a third pollution when you bid me not only commit adultery but also defile my mistress and my master’s wife. You cannot think that for this purpose I came into your house, to decline the duties which a servant should render and play like a drunkard and a sot with the hopes of the master who bought me by debasing his bed, his household and his kin.",
+                "[46] Indeed I am called on to honour him not only as a master but further as a benefactor. He has entrusted to me all his belongings and nothing at all great or small has been withdrawn from me save you, his wife. Is it well that I should requite him for this by doing what you urge me to do? A fine gift this would seem to be, a suitable return for preceding favours!",
+                "[47] The master found me a captive and an alien, and has made me by his kindnesses a free man and a citizen as far as he can do it. Shall I, the slave, deal with the master as though he were an alien and a captive? What would be my inward feelings if I agreed to this unholy act? What my looks when I face him, iron-hearted though I be? No, conscience will take hold of me and not suffer me to look him straight in the face  even if I can escape detection. And that cannot be, for there are thousands to sit in judgement on my secret doings who must not remain silent;",
+                "[48] not to mention that, even if no other knows of it or reports the knowledge which he shares with me, all the same I shall turn informer against myself through my colour, my look, my voice, convicted as I said just now by my conscience. And even if no one denounce me, have we no fear or respect for justice, the assessor of God, justice who surveys all our doings?” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] Thus he spoke long and wisely, but she remained deaf to it all. For lust is powerful to becloud even the keenest of the senses. And seeing this he fled leaving in her hands the garments which she had grasped.",
+                "[50] This action of his gave her the opportunity to invent a story and devise charges against the youth to punish him. When her husband came in from the market she put on the air of a chaste and modest woman who regards licentious practices with the utmost indignation. “You brought to us,” she said, “a Hebrew lad as servant, who has not only corrupted your soul when you lightly and thoughtlessly entrusted your household to him, but has had the audacity to dishonour my body.",
+                "[51] For not content with taking merely the women who were his fellow-servants, so utterly lewd and lascivious has he shown himself, he has attempted to violate me by force, me his mistress. The proofs of his insane depravity are clear and evident, for when in my great agitation I cried aloud and called those who were indoors to my aid, he was so scared at my unexpected action  that he left his garment behind and fled in fear of arrest.” This garment she showed and made as though she were proffering a proof of her tale.",
+                "[52] Joseph’s master, believing this to be true, ordered him to be carried away to prison, and in this he committed two great errors. First he gave him no opportunity of defence, and convicted unheard this entirely innocent person as guilty of the greatest misconduct. Secondly, the raiment which his wife produced as left by the youth was a proof of violence not employed by him but suffered at her hands. For if force were used by him he would retain his mistress’s robe, if against him he would lose his own.",
+                "[53] But his master may perhaps be pardoned for his gross ignorance, since his days were spent in a kitchen full of blood and smoke and cinders, where the reason even more, or at least no less, than the body lives amid confusion and has no chance of quietly retiring into itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] Moses has now set before us three characteristics of the statesman, his shepherd-craft, his household-management, his self-control. We have dealt with the two first, but the last-named has quite as much bearing on statesmanship.",
+                "[55] While in all the affairs of life self-mastery is a source of profit and safety, it is particularly so in affairs of state, as those who will may learn from plentiful and obvious examples.",
+                "[56] Who does not know the misfortunes which licentiousness brings to nations and countries and whole latitudes of the civilized world on land and sea? For the majority of wars, and those the greatest, have arisen through amours and adulteries and the deceits of women, which have consumed the greatest and choicest part of the Greek race and the barbarian also, and destroyed the youth of their cities. ",
+                "[57] And, if the results of licentiousness are civil strife and war, and ill upon ill without number, clearly the results of continence are stability and peace and the acquisition and enjoyment of perfect blessings."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] We should now, however, in due course show the lessons revealed to us by this story. The purchaser of the subject of our examination is said to be a eunuch; rightly so, for the multitude which purchases the statesman is in very truth a eunuch, possessing to all appearance the organs of generation but deprived of the power of using them, just as those who suffer from cataract have eyes but lack the active use of them and cannot see.",
+                "[59] How then does the multitude resemble eunuchs? It is because the multitude is unproductive of wisdom, though it seems to practise virtue. For when a mixed crowd of heterogeneous persons comes together, it says what is right, but it thinks and does the opposite. It prefers the spurious to the genuine, because it is under the dominion of appearances and does not practise what is truly excellent.",
+                "[60] And, therefore, also, paradoxical though it be, this eunuch is mated with a wife. For the multitude woos desire as a man woos a woman, and makes her his medium in all that he says and does, and takes her as his counsellor in all things great and small, whether decency sanctions them or not, and is wont to pay little heed to the promptings of reason.",
+                "[61] Very aptly too does Moses call him a chief cook; for, just as the cook is solely occupied in endlessly providing superfluous pleasures for the belly, so is the multitude, considered as politicians, in choosing what charms and pleases the ears, and thus the tension of the understanding is relaxed and the sinews of the soul, so to speak, unstrung.",
+                "[62] As for the difference between cooks and physicians, it is a matter of common knowledge.  The physician devotes all his energies solely to preparing what is wholesome, even if it is unpalatable, while the cook deals with the pleasant only and has no thought of what is beneficial.",
+                "[63] Now in a democracy, physicians are represented by laws, and those who rule in accordance with the law, members of councils and juries who consider the safety and security of the common weal and are proof against flattery; cooks by the swarming crowd of younger spirits, for they do not care what will be beneficial but only how they may reap pleasure for the moment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] And like a licentious woman the desire of the multitudes makes love to the statesman. “Forward,  lad,” she says, “forward, to my mate, the multitude. Forget your own old ways, the habits, the words, the actions in which you were bred. Obey me, wait on me and do all that gives me pleasure.",
+                "[65] The stern, strict, uncompromising friend of truth, stiff and solemn and inflexible in all his dealings, who clings to the beneficial only and pays no court to his audience, is to me intolerable.",
+                "[66] And I will collect any number of charges against you to produce before my husband, the multitude, your master. For hitherto you have seemed to me to act as if at liberty and you are quite unaware that you have become the slave of a despotic master. But if you had known that independence may be quite properly possessed by the free man, but is denied to the slave, you would have schooled yourself to abandon your self-will and to look to me, Desire, his wife, and do what may please me as the best way to secure his favour.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] Now the true statesman knows quite well that the people has the power of a master, yet he will not admit that he is a slave, but regards himself as a free man and shapes his activities to please his own soul. He will frankly say, “I have never learned to cringe to the people, and I will never practise it. But since the leadership and charge of the state is put into my hands I will know how to hold it as a good guardian or an affectionate father, guilelessly and sincerely without the dissimulation which I hate.",
+                "[68] Being thus minded, I will not be found cloaking and hiding anything as a thief might do, but I will keep my conscience clear as in the light of the sun, for truth is light. I will fear none of the tyrant’s menaces, even though he threaten me with death, for death is a less evil than dissimulation.",
+                "[69] And why should I submit to it? For, though the people be a master, I am not a slave, but as highly-born as any, one who claims enrolment among the citizens of that best and greatest state, this world.",
+                "[70] For when neither presents nor appeals nor craving for honours nor desire for office nor spirit of pretentiousness nor longing for reputation, nor incontinence, nor unmanliness, nor injustice, nor any other creation of passion and vice can subdue me, what domination is still left for me to fear?",
+                "[71] Clearly, it can only be that of men, but men, while they assume the sovereignty of my body, are not sovereigns of the real I. For I take my title from the better part, the understanding within me, and by that I am prepared to live with little thought of the mortal body, the shell-like growth which encases me. And, though some may maltreat it, yet, if I be free from the hard masters and mistresses within, I shall suffer no affliction, since I have escaped the cruellest tyranny of all.",
+                "[72] If then I have to serve on a jury, I will give my verdict without favouring the rich because of his abundant wealth, or the poor through pity of his misfortunes, but drawing a veil over the dignity or the outward appearance of the litigants I will in all honesty award what shall appear just.",
+                "[73] If I act as a councillor I will introduce such proposals as are for the common good, even if they be not agreeable. If I speak in the general assembly I will leave all talk of flattery to others and resort only to such as is salutary and beneficial, reproving, warning, correcting in words studied to shew a sober frankness without foolish and frantic arrogance.",
+                "[74] He who does not gladly receive improving advice must to be consistent censure parents and guardians and teachers and all persons in charge, because they reprimand and sometimes even beat their own children or orphan-wards or pupils, though really it is against all morality to call such treatment evil-speaking or outrage instead of friendliness and benevolence.",
+                "[75] For it were a quite unworthy thing that I, the statesman, to whom are committed all the interests of the people, should, in planning for their benefit, shew myself inferior to anyone who practises the physician’s art.",
+                "[76] He cares not how brilliant is the good fortune, as men hold it, which attends his patient or that he is high-born or wealthy or the most glorious king or despot of his time, but devotes himself to one object only, to save him to the best of his ability, even if he must use cautery or surgery, and he applies the fire or the knife, he the subject to his ruler, he the so-called slave to his master.",
+                "[77] And I, who am called to attend not on a single person but on the whole state afflicted by the more powerful distempers which its inbred lusts have produced, what ought I to do? Shall I sacrifice the future welfare of all and minister to the cares of this man and that man with flattery utterly slave-like and unworthy of the free? I would rather lie dead than with some pleasant words conceal the truth and disregard real welfare.",
+                "[78] As the tragedian says:",
+                "<small>So then come fire, come sword. <br>Burn me, consume my flesh, drink my dark blood, <br>Take fill of me; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth, and earth go up to sky <br> Than thou shalt from these lips hear fawning word.</small>",
+                "[79] When the statesman stands thus aloof from all passions, from pleasure, from fear, from pain, from desire, with the spirit of a true man, the despot-people cannot away with him, but takes him and chastises as an enemy its friend and well-wisher. And thus it lays upon itself rather than on its victim the greatest of punishments, indiscipline, whereby it fails to learn the lesson of submission to government, that lesson most excellent and of life-long profit, which he who learns learns also how to govern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] Having sufficiently discussed these matters, let us proceed to the next. The youth who had been brought into disgrace with his master by the false charges of a lovesick woman, charges which were the counterpart of those to which she was liable herself, was carried away to gaol without even any opportunity of making his defence. In the prison he displayed such a wealth of virtue that even the vilest of the inmates were astounded and overawed, and considered that they had found in him a consolation for misfortunes and a defence against future ills.",
+                "[81] Everyone knows how full of inhumanity and cruelty gaolers are; pitiless by nature and casehardened by practice, they are brutalized day by day towards savagery, because they never even by chance see or say or do any kindness, but only the extremes of violence and cruelty.",
+                "[82] Just as men of well-built physique, if they add to this athletic training, grow sinewy and gain irresistible strength and unequalled robustness, so, whenever any uncivilized and unsoftened nature adds practice to its harshness, it becomes doubly impervious and inaccessible to the kindly and humane emotion of pity. For,",
+                "[83] even as those who consort with the good are improved in character by the pleasure they take in their associates, so those who live with the bad take on some impression of their vice. Custom has a wonderful power of forcing everything into the likeness of nature.",
+                "[84] Gaolers then spend their days with footpads, thieves, burglars, men of violence and outrage, who commit rape, murder, adultery and sacrilege, and from each of these they imbibe and accumulate something of their villainy, out of which miscellaneous amalgam they produce a single body of evil, a fusion of every sort of pollution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] But nevertheless one of this kind, tamed by the nobility of the youth, not only allowed him some security from violence and hardship, but gave him the command of all the prisoners; and thus while he remained nominally and for the sake of appearance the keeper of the gaol, he resigned to Joseph the actual office, which thus became the source of no small benefit to those who were in confinement.",
+                "[86] Thus even the place, as they felt, could not rightly be called a prison, but a house of correction. For instead of the tortures and punishments which they used to endure night and day under the lash or in manacles or in every possible affliction, they were rebuked by his wise words and doctrines of philosophy, while the conduct of their teacher effected more than any words.",
+                "[87] For by setting before them his life of temperance and every virtue, like an original picture of skilled workmanship, he converted even those who seemed to be quite incurable, who as the long-standing distempers of their soul abated reproached themselves for their past and repented with such utterances as these: “Ah, where in old days was this great blessing which at first we failed to find? See, when it shines on us we behold as in a mirror our misbehaviour and are ashamed.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] While they were thus growing in goodness, two eunuchs of the king were brought in, the chief butler and the chief baker, both of them accused and condemned for dereliction of duties. Joseph paid the same attention to them as to the others, in his earnest wish to raise if possible those under him to the level of those who were innocent of offence.",
+                "[89] And after no long time on visiting the prisoners he saw that they were full of depression and dejection, even more than before, and, guessing from their extreme sadness that something unusual had befallen them, he asked the reason.",
+                "[90] When they answered that they had had dreams which filled them with sore trouble and distress because there was no one to interpret them, he said to them: “Cheer up, and tell me these dreams, for their meaning will be known, if God wills, and He does will to unveil what is hidden to those who desire the truth.”",
+                "[91] Then the chief butler spoke first and said: “I dreamt that I saw a great vine, an exceedingly fine stalk growing from three roots. It was thriving and covered with grapes as in the height of the vintage season, and from a cluster which was turning ripe black I plucked some grapes and squeezed them into the royal cup, and when it had plenty of liquor I brought it to the king.”",
+                "[92] Joseph paused for a little, and then said: “Your vision is an announcement to you of good fortune and the recovery of your former office. The three roots of the vine denote three days, after which the king will remember you and send for you from this place. He will then grant you free pardon, and allow you to take your old post, and to confirm you in the office you will act as butler and offer the cup to your master.” The chief butler rejoiced on hearing this."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[93] The chief baker, for his part, approved the interpretation, and, thinking that he himself had had a lucky dream, though in reality it was very much the reverse, and misled by the comforting hopes of the other, proceeded as follows: “I too had a dream. I thought I was carrying three baskets—full of bakemeats—on my head, the uppermost full of all the different kinds which are regularly provided for the use of the king, for the delicacies produced by the caterers for the king’s table are varied and elaborate. Then birds flew down and snatched them from my head, and gobbled them insatiably until all was consumed and nothing of the provisions was left.” Joseph replied:",
+                "[94] “I could have wished that this vision had never been seen by you, or, if seen, had remained unmentioned, or, if its story were told, that at least it should have been told far away from my ears to prevent my hearing it. For no one shrinks more than I from being a messenger of ill-tidings. I sympathize with those in misfortune, and kindly affection makes me feel as much pain as the actual sufferers.",
+                "[95] But the interpreters of dreams must needs tell the truth, since they are prophets expounding divine oracles, and I will therefore speak without reserve; for, while veracity is best in all matters, in dealing with God’s messages, anything else is profanity. ",
+                "[96] The three baskets are symbols of three days. When these have passed, the king will order you to be impaled and beheaded, and the birds will feast upon your flesh until you are entirely devoured.”",
+                "[97] The baker, as might be expected, was confounded and upset, having the appointed day before his eyes and mentally anticipating its pangs. But, when the three days had passed, came the king’s birthday, when all the inhabitants of the country held festive gatherings, and particularly those of the palace.",
+                "[98] So, while the dignitaries were banqueting, and the servants were regaling themselves as at a public feast, the king remembered the eunuchs in the prison and bade them be brought to him. And, when he saw them, he ratified what had been forecast in the interpretation of the dreams, by ordering one to be beheaded and impaled and the other to be restored to his former office."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] But, when he was reconciled to his master, the chief butler forgot him who had predicted the reconciliation and alleviated all the misfortunes which befell him; perhaps because the ungrateful are always forgetful of their benefactors, perhaps also in the providence of God Who willed that the happy events which befell the youth should be due to God rather than to man.",
+                "[100] For after two years the future of his country for both good and ill was revealed to the king when dreaming, in two visions with the same significance, repeated in order to carry stronger conviction.",
+                "[101] He dreamt that seven oxen came up from the river, fat and well covered with flesh and fair to look upon, and browsed beside the banks. After them seven others, mere skeletons, and fleshless, so to speak, and loathsome in appearance, came up and browsed with the former seven. Then suddenly the better seven were devoured by the worse, and yet these after swallowing the others shewed not the smallest increase in bulk of belly but were even more, or at least not less, shrunken.",
+                "[102] The king awoke and then slept again, and was beset by another vision. He thought that seven ears of wheat had sprung out of a single stalk. They were very equal in size and grew and throve and rose to a considerable height, fine and strong. Then seven others sprang up near them, thin and feeble, which overran and swallowed up the stalk which bore the good ears.",
+                "[103] After seeing this the king remained sleepless for the rest of the night, kept awake by the thoughts which pricked and stung him. At dawn he sent for his wise men and told them the vision,",
+                "[104] and when no one could make any likely conjecture which could give a clue to the truth, the chief butler came forward and said: “Master, we may hope to find the man whom you seek. When I and the chief baker had offended, we were by your orders cast into prison where there was a Hebrew servant of the chief cook, to whom we two told the dreams which we had seen, and he interpreted them so exactly and skilfully that all that he had predicted happened to each of us, to him the penalty which he suffered, to me my admission to your clemency and favour.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] The king on hearing this bade them hasten and summon the youth. They obeyed, but first they had him shaven and shorn, for in his confinement the hair had grown long and thick on his head and chin. Then they put on him a bright and clean raiment instead of his filthy prison clothes, and smartened him in other ways and thus brought him to the king.",
+                "[106] The king, judging him by his appearance to be a man of free and noble birth, for the persons of those whom we see exhibit characteristics which are not visible to all, but only to those in whom the eye of the understanding is quick to discern, said: “My soul has a prophetic inkling that my dreams will not for ever remain veiled in obscurity, for in this youth there are signs and indications of wisdom. He will reveal the truth, and as light disperses darkness his knowledge will disperse the ignorance of our wizards.” So he told him the dreams.",
+                "[107] Joseph, nothing awed by the high dignity of the speaker, spoke to him with frankness combined with modesty, rather as a king to a subject than as a subject to the king. “God has given you,” he said, “warning of all that He is about to do in the land. But do not suppose that the two visions are two dreams. There is one dream repeated, though the repeating is not superfluous, but given to convince you more firmly of its trustworthiness.",
+                "[108] For both the seven fat oxen and the seven well-grown and flourishing ears indicate seven years of abundance and prosperity, while the seven oxen that came up after, thin and loathly, and the seven blasted and shrunken ears mean seven other years of famine.",
+                "[109] The first period of seven years, then, will come bringing a large and plentiful wealth of crops, while the river each year, with its rising waters, turns the fields into pools and the plains have a fertility never known before. But after this will come in its turn another period of seven years of the opposite kind, bringing severe dearth and lack of the means of living, with the river ceasing to overflow and the fields to get their fatness, so that men will forget the former prosperity and every trace of the old abundance will be blotted out.",
+                "[110] Such are the facts which appear from the interpretation, but I also hear the promptings  of the divine voice, devising safeguards for the disease, as we may call it; and famine in cities and localities  is the severest of diseases, and we must provide means of weakening it lest it grow to full strength and devour the inhabitants.",
+                "[111] How, then, shall it be weakened? What is left over from the harvest of the seven years of abundance after the necessary allowance for feeding the multitudes, which perhaps will be a fifth, should be stored in the city and villages, without transporting the crops to a distance, but keeping them in the places where they have been produced, to encourage the inhabitants.",
+                "[112] And the crops should be brought in just as they are in the sheaves, without threshing them or purging them in any way,  for four reasons. First, that being thus under shelter they will last longer without spoiling; secondly, that every year when they are threshed and winnowed they will serve as a reminder of the prosperous time, for we always find that imitation  of our real blessings has brought a repetition of the pleasure;",
+                "[113] thirdly, the grain cannot even be reckoned when it is contained in ears and sheaves, and therefore is an uncertain and incalculable quantity. This will prevent the minds of the inhabitants from being prematurely depressed, when they see that the grain, which is a known quantity,  is being gradually consumed. On the contrary, they will have courage, nourished on a food which is better than corn, since hope is the best of nourishments, and take more lightly the heavy scourge of want. Fourthly, to provide a store of fodder for the cattle when the bran and chaff are separated through the purging of the grain.",
+                "[114] And to take charge of all this you must appoint a man of the utmost prudence and good sense and well-approved all round, one who will be competent, without exciting hatred or open resistance, to make the preparations here described without giving the multitude any idea of the coming famine. For it would be a grievous thing if they should faint in anticipation and lose heart through lack of hope.",
+                "[115] And, if anyone asks the reason for these measures, he should be told that, just as in peace we must exercise forethought in preparing for war, so, too, in years of plenty must we provide against dearth. Wars and famines and times of adversity in general are uncertain, and we must stand ready to meet them, not wait till they have come and look for the remedy when nothing is available.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] The king having heard both his interpretation of the dreams, so exactly and skilfully divining the truth, and his advice to all appearance most profitable in its foresight for the uncertainties of the future, bade his companions come closer to him so that Joseph might not hear, and said: “Sirs, shall we find another man such as this, who has in him the spirit of God?”",
+                "[117] When they with one accord praised and applauded his words, he looked at Joseph who was standing by, and said: “He whom you bid us seek is near at hand, the man of prudence and sense is not far distant. He for whom according to your advice we should look is yourself, for I think that God is with you in the words you speak. Come, then, and take the charge of my house, and the superintendence of all Egypt.",
+                "[118] And no one will condemn me for hastiness, for I am not actuated by self-confidence, that passion so hard to cure. Great natures take no long time to prove themselves, but by the massiveness of their power force others to give them a rapid and immediate acceptance; and the facts of the case do not admit of delay and procrastination, since the needs of the time urge us on to make the necessary preparations.”",
+                "[119] He then appointed him viceroy of the kingdom, or rather, if the truth be said, king, reserving indeed to himself the name of the office, but resigning to him the actual sovereignty and doing everything else that might give the young man honour.",
+                "[120] So, then, he bestowed on him the royal seal and put upon him a sacred robe and a golden necklace, and setting him on his second chariot bade him go the round of the city with a crier walking in front who proclaimed the appointment to those who did not know of it.",
+                "[121] He also gave him another name in the language of the country, based on his art of dream interpretation, and betrothed him to the most distinguished of the ladies of Egypt, the daughter of the priest of the Sun. These events happened when he was about thirty years old.",
+                "[122] Such is the latter end of the pious; though they be bent they do not altogether fall, but arise and stand upright firm and strong, never to be brought low any more.",
+                "[123] For who would have expected that in a single day the same man would turn from slave to master, from a prisoner to the highest of dignitaries, that the gaoler’s underling would be the king’s vice-regent and lodge in the palace instead of the gaol, thus winning the foremost place of honour instead of the lowest of dishonour?",
+                "[124] But nevertheless these things have happened and will often happen when God so wills. Only there must be some live coal of nobility smouldering in the soul, which is sure, if it be fanned into flame, to blaze into light."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[125] But since it is our purpose to examine the more allegorical meaning after the literal, I must say what is needful on that also. Perhaps some of the more thoughtless will laugh at my words; but I will say quite plainly that the statesman is most certainly an interpreter of dreams, not one of the parasites, nor one of the praters who shew off their cleverness for hire and use their art of interpreting the visions given in sleep as a pretext for making money; but one who is accustomed to judge with exactness that great general universal dream which is dreamt not only by the sleeping but also by the waking. ",
+                "[126] This dream in veriest truth is human life: for, just as in the visions of sleep, seeing we see not, hearing we hear not, tasting and touching we neither taste nor touch, speaking we speak not, walking we walk not, and the other motions which we make or postures we adopt we do not make or adopt at all, but they are empty creations of the mind which without any basis of reality produces pictures and images of things which are not, as though they were, so, too, the visions and imaginations of our waking hours resemble dreams. They come; they go; they appear; they speed away; they fly off before we can securely grasp them;",
+                "[127] let every man search into his own heart and he will test the truth of this at first hand, with no need of proof from me, especially if he is now advanced in years. This is he who was once a babe, after this a boy, then a lad, then a stripling, then a young man, then a grown man and last an old man.",
+                "[128] But where are all these gone? Has not the baby vanished in the boy, the boy in the lad, the lad in the stripling, the stripling in the youth, the youth in the man, the man in the old man, while on old age follows death? ",
+                "[129] Perhaps, indeed, each of the stages, as it resigns its rule to its successor, dies an anticipatory death, nature thus silently teaching us not to fear the death which ends all, since we have borne so easily the earlier deaths:—that of the babe, of the boy, of the lad, of the stripling, of the man, who are all no more when old age has come."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] And the other things of the body are they not dreams? Is not beauty but for a day, withering before it flowers; health insecure because of the infirmities that lie ready to attack it; strength an easy victim of the diseases which arise from numberless causes; accuracy of senses unstable and easily upset by the onset of some little humour?",
+                "[131] As for the external goods, who does not know their uncertainty? Magnificent fortunes have often been dissolved in a single day. Multitudes who have won the first place with the highest honour have passed over to the unglorious lot of the unmeritable and obscure. The greatest kings have seen their empires overthrown when occasion gives a slight turn to the scale.",
+                "[132] What I say is vouched for by Dionysius of Corinth, who was the tyrant of Sicily, but when he fell from power fled to Corinth and there this great sovereign became a teacher of the rudiments. ",
+                "[133] Another witness is Croesus, the king of Lydia, wealthiest of monarchs, who hoped to overthrow the empire of the Persians, and not only lost his own as well but was taken prisoner and on the point of being burnt alive.",
+                "[134] That these are dreams is attested not only by single men, but by cities, nations, countries, by Greeks, by the world of the barbarians, by dwellers on the mainland, by dwellers on islands, by Europe, by Asia, by West, by East.  For nothing at all anywhere has remained in the same condition; everywhere all has been subject to changes and vicissitudes.",
+                "[135] Egypt once held the sovereignty over many nations, but now is in slavery. The Macedonians in their day of success flourished so greatly that they held dominion over all the habitable world, but now they pay to the tax-collectors the yearly tributes imposed by their masters.",
+                "[136] Where is the house of the Ptolemies, and the fame of the several Successors  whose light once shone to the utmost boundaries of land and sea? Where are the liberties of the independent nations and cities, where again the servitude of the vassals? Did not the Persians once rule the Parthians, and now the Parthians rule the Persians? So much do human affairs twist and change, go backward and forward as on the draught-board.",
+                "[137] Some picture for their future a long and unlimited run of luck, and the outcome is great calamity, and when they press eagerly to secure what they think to be their heritage of good they find terrible misfortunes, while on the contrary when they expect evil what they meet with is good.",
+                "[138] Athletes mightily proud of the strength and muscle and robustness of their bodies, hoping for undoubted victory, have often failed to pass the test and been excluded from the arena, or if admitted, have been vanquished, while others who despaired of taking even the second place have won the first prize and worn the crown.",
+                "[139] Some who embarked in summer, the safe sailing season, have been shipwrecked; others who sailed in winter, expecting to be capsized, have reached the harbour in security. Of merchants, some hurry to what seems certain gain, and little know the disasters that await them. Again, when they reckon that they will suffer loss, they win great profits.",
+                "[140] Thus fortunes are uncertain either way, and human affairs swing as on a scale with unequal weights, carried lightly up or pressing the balance down, and terrible is the uncertainty and vast the darkness which envelops the events of life. We flounder as though in deep sleep, unable to compass anything by accurate reasoning or to grasp it vigorously and firmly, for all are like shadows and phantoms.",
+                "[141] And as in processions the front part passes on and is lost to sight, and in the winter torrents the stream in its course speeds past us and by its violence and rapidity outstrips our observation, so too the events of life rush along past us, and though they make a show of remaining do not stay even for a moment, but are ever swept away.",
+                "[142] And those who are awake, who in the uncertainty of apprehension differ nothing from the sleeping, deceive themselves and think that they are capable of discerning differences in the nature of things by incontrovertible processes of reason. Each sense impedes their attainment of knowledge, seduced whether by the sights it sees or by the sounds it hears, or by varieties of flavours, or by scents of different quality, to which it turns aside and is dragged along with them, and prevents the soul as a whole from standing erect and advancing without stumbling as along a high road. And thus the senses produce the confusion of high with low and great with small, and all that is akin to inequality and irregularity, and the soul’s sight swims perforce in the great dizziness which they create."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Since, then, human life is full of this vast confusion and disorder and uncertainty also, the statesman must come forward, and, like some wise expounder of dreams, interpret the day-time visions and phantoms of those who think themselves awake, and with suggestions commended by reason and probability shew them the truth about each of these visions: that this is beautiful, that ugly, this just, that unjust, and so with all the rest; what is prudent, courageous, pious, religious, beneficial, profitable, and conversely what is unprofitable, unreasonable, ignoble, impious, irreligious, deleterious, harmful, selfish. ",
+                "[144] And he will give other lessons, such as, This is another’s, do not covet it; This is your own, use it but do not misuse it; You have abundance of wealth, give a share to others, for the excellence of wealth consists not in a full purse but in succouring the needy; Your possessions are small, be not jealous of the rich, for envious poverty gets pity from none; You have high reputation and have received honour, be not arrogant; Your fortunes are lowly, let not your spirits sink also; All goes with you as you would have it, be prepared for change; You have made many a trip, hope for a better time, for with men things turn to their opposite;",
+                "[145] The sun and moon and the whole heaven stand out in such clear and plain distinctness because everything there remains the same and regulated by the standards of truth itself moves in harmonious order and with the grandest of symphonies; while earthly things are brimful of disorder and confusion and in the fullest sense of the words discordant and inharmonious, because in them deep darkness reigns while in heaven all moves in most radiant light, or rather heaven is light itself most pure and unalloyed.",
+                "[146] And indeed if one be willing to look into the inner realities he will find that heaven is an eternal day, wherein there is no night or any shadow, because around it shine without ceasing unquenchable and undefiled beams of light.",
+                "[147] And the same difference that there is here in people when asleep and when awake exists in the universe as a whole between the heavenly and the earthly, for the former is kept in unsleeping wakefulness by active forces which do not err or stumble and go always aright, but the earthly life is sunk in sleep, and even if it wake up for a little is dragged down again and falls asleep, because it can see nothing steadily with its soul but wanders and stumbles about darkened as it is by false opinions which compel it to dream, and thus never catching up with realities it is incapable of apprehending anything firmly and securely."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Again there is a symbolic meaning in saying that Joseph mounts on the king’s second chariot, and the reason is this. The statesman takes a second place to the king, for he is neither a private person nor a king, but something between the two. He is greater than a private person but less than a king in absolute power, since he has the people for his king, and to serve that king with pure and guileless good faith is the task he has set before him.",
+                "[149] He rides, too, aloft seated on a chariot, raised on high both by the affairs he handles and the multitude around him, especially when everything great and small goes as he would have it, when from none comes any counterblast or opposition, and under the safe pilotage of God all is well with the voyage.",
+                "And the ring which the king gives is the clearest sign of the good faith which the king-people places in the statesman and the statesman in the king-people.",
+                "[150] The golden chain around his neck seems to indicate both high fame and punishment, for while affairs of state fare well in his hands he is proud and dignified and honoured by the multitude, but when disaster befalls him, not indeed of his set purpose which would imply guilt, but by chance which is a venial matter, he is all the same dragged down to the dust by the decoration round his neck, and as he falls you may almost hear his master say: “I gave you this neck circlet both as a decoration when my business prospers and as a halter when it goes amiss.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] I have heard, however, some scholars give an allegorical exposition of this part of the story in a different form. It was as follows. The king of Egypt, they said, was our mind, the ruler of the land of the body in each of us over which he is invested with kingly power.",
+                "[152] When this mind becomes enamoured of the body, its efforts are expended on three things which it deems most worthy of its care and trouble, bread, meat and drink; and, therefore, it provides three offices to provide for these, a chief baker, a chief butler and a chief cook, for the first presides over the food, the second over the drink, the third over the seasoning which adds relish to the actual meat.",
+                "[153] All are eunuchs, since the lover of pleasure is barren of all the chief necessities, temperance, modesty, self-restraint, justice and every virtue; for no two things can be more hostile to each other than virtue is to pleasure, which makes the many disregard what alone deserves their care, satisfy their unbridled lusts and submit to whatever those lusts command.",
+                "[154] So, then, the chief cook is not haled to prison and meets with no maltreatment, because the extra seasonings he prepares are not of the most indispensable kind and are not pleasure, but incitements to pleasure, which kindle only to be quenched. Not so with the other two whose business lies with the miserable belly, namely the chief baker and the chief butler. For the most essential of the needs of life are food and drink, and those who take charge of them are naturally held to deserve praise if they treat the charge as worthy of their care, but anger and punishment if they neglect it.",
+                "[155] The punishment also differs in the two cases because the usefulness of the two differs, being absolutely vital in regard to bread-food, less so in regard to wine, for men can live without strong liquor by drinking fresh water,",
+                "[156] and therefore it is possible to make terms of reconciliation with the chief butler as an offender in a less important matter. Not so with the chief baker who, being guilty in what is all-important, is the object of an anger which demands his life. For death is the consequence of lack of bread-food, and therefore the offender in this is properly put to death by hanging, suffering what he has made others to suffer, for indeed he has hanged and racked the starving man with hunger."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] So much for this.  To continue the story, Joseph, thus appointed viceroy to the king and promoted to the superintendence of Egypt, took a journey to make himself known to all the people of the country. He visited the nomes,  as they are called, city by city, and made his presence very welcome to those who saw him, not only through the benefits which they received from him, but through the remarkable and exceptional charm of his appearance and his general deportment.",
+                "[158] When the first seven years of plenty came, as his reading of the dreams had predicted, he employed the ‹local› prefects and others who served him in providing for the public needs to collect a fifth part of the fruits every year, and the quantity of sheaves which he amassed surpassed anything within the memory of men. The clearest proof of this is that it was impossible even to count them, though some persons who were interested in it spent a vast amount of labour in making elaborate calculations.",
+                "[159] But when the seven years during which the plains bore plentifully were ended, the famine began and spread and grew till Egypt could not hold it. It overran successively the cities and countries which lay in its path to the utmost limits of east and west, and rapidly made itself master of the whole civilized world round Egypt.",
+                "[160] In fact, it is said that never did so great a scourge fall upon the whole community. In this it resembled what the medical schools call herpes, which attacks every part and spreads in successive stages like a fire over the whole framework of the festering body.",
+                "[161] Accordingly from each city the most approved persons were chosen and sent to Egypt, for already the story of Joseph’s foresight in storing up abundance of food against a time of dearth had penetrated to every quarter.",
+                "[162] He first ordered all the stores to be thrown open, thinking that he would thus increase the courage of those who saw them, and, so to speak, feed their souls with comforting hopes before he fed their bodies. Afterwards, through the commissioners of victualling he sold to those who wished to buy, still always forecasting the after-time and keeping a keener eye on the future than on the present."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[163] In these circumstances, his father, too, as the necessities of life were now growing scarce, little knowing his boy’s good fortune, sent ten of his sons to buy corn, but kept at home the youngest, the uterine brother of the king’s viceroy.",
+                "[164] The ten came to Egypt and had an interview with their brother, thinking him to be a stranger, and awestruck at his dignified position bowed to him in the old-fashioned way, and thus at the very outset brought his dreams to fulfilment. ",
+                "[165] He, seeing those who had sold him, immediately recognized them all, though none of them recognized him. It was not God’s will to reveal the truth as yet, for cogent reasons which were best at the time kept secret, and therefore He either changed and added grandeur to the appearance of the regent or else perverted the understanding of the brothers from properly apprehending what they saw.",
+                "[166] Then, though, young as he was, promoted to so high a command, invested with the first office after the king, looked up to by east and west, flushed with the vigour of his prime and the greatness of his power, with the opportunity of revenge in his hands, he might well have shewn vindictiveness, he did not do so. He bore up firmly against his feelings, and, keeping them under the management of his soul, with a carefully considered purpose, he feigned disfavour and with looks and voice and the rest of his demeanour counterfeited indignation. “Sirs,” he said, “your intentions are not peaceful. You have been sent as spies by one of the king’s enemies, to whom you have agreed to render this base service thinking that you would escape detection. But no treacherous action passes undetected, however profound the obscurity in which it is shrouded.”",
+                "[167] The brothers attempted to defend themselves, and maintained that the charges had no foundation of fact. They had not been sent, they said, by ill-disposed persons, and they themselves had no hostility to the people of the country and could never have brought themselves to undertake such employment, being men of peaceful nature who had learned almost from infancy to value a steady and quiet life under a father of scrupulous conduct and highly favoured by God. “This father has had twelve sons, the youngest of whom has stayed at home, being not of an age to travel. Ten are we whom you see before you here, and the twelfth has passed away.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "When he heard this and found himself spoken of as dead by those who had sold him, what do we suppose were the sensations of his soul?",
+                "[168] Though he gave no utterance to the emotion which he felt, yet inwardly he was consumed by the secret fire which their words had kindled. In spite of this, he said, assuming a very impressive air,  “If it is true that you have not come to spy out the land, do you as a proof of good faith to me abide here for a short time and let your youngest brother be summoned hither by letter.",
+                "[169] But, if you are anxious to depart for the sake of your father who will perhaps be alarmed at his long separation from you, let all the rest set off but one remain to serve as a hostage until you return with the youngest. And any disobedience in this will entail the extreme penalty of death.”",
+                "[170] Thus he threatened with grim looks, and giving to all appearance signs of great anger took his departure. But they, filled with gloom and depression, began to reproach themselves for their plot against their brother. “That wrong we did,” they said, “is the cause of our present evil plight. Justice, the surveyor of human affairs, is now devising our downfall. For a little while she kept quiet, but now is awake and shews her implacable and inexorable nature to those who deserve punishment.",
+                "[171] And who deserves it more than we, who mercilessly disregarded the prayers and supplications of our brother, though he had committed no offence, but merely in family affection recounted to us as his intimates the visions of his sleep, in resentment for which, with unparalleled brutality and savagery, we wrought what truth forces us to admit were unholy deeds?",
+                "[172] And, therefore, let us expect to suffer this, and even more than this, we who though almost alone among men we owe our title of nobly-born to the surpassing virtues of father, grandfather and ancestors, have shamed our kin and hastened to load ourselves with infamy and disgrace.”",
+                "[173] The eldest of the brothers, who originally opposed them when they were forming their plot, said: “Remorse for what is done is useless. I proved to you the enormity of the crime and begged and exhorted you not to give way to your wrath, but when you should have accepted my advice you let your evil counsels have their way.",
+                "[174] And so we are reaping the rewards of our self-will and impiety. The plot we hatched for him is under inquisition, but the inquisitor is no man but God or the word or law of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] As they talked thus quietly, since an interpreter was acting for them,  the brother whom they had sold heard what they said, and, overcome by his emotion and on the point to weep, turned aside to avoid discovery and let the tears stream warm and fast. Then, somewhat relieved, he wiped them from his face, turned round and bade the second eldest of the brothers to be bound in the sight of them all. This brother corresponded to himself, for the second of a large number corresponds to the last but one as the eldest does to the last.",
+                "[176] But perhaps too he thought that that brother had the greatest responsibility for the wickedness, since he might be almost called the officer of the company and the ringleader of their spite. For if he had ranged himself with the eldest when he counselled kindness and humanity, being, though younger than he, older than the others, the wrongdoing might well have been stopped. For the two highest in position and honour would have been united in sentiment and purpose on the question, and this of itself would have had great weight to turn the scale. As it was,",
+                "[177] he left the mild, the better, side, and deserted to the cruel and savage side, and being appointed their leader so encouraged his fellow-malefactors that they played out without flinching the criminal contest. It was for this reason, I think, that he alone of them all was put in bonds.",
+                "[178] As the others were now preparing for their journey homewards, the regent ordered the corn-factors to fill all their sacks, thus treating them as guests, and secondly to place secretly in the mouth of each sack the price which had been paid, without giving information of this repayment to the recipients, and thirdly to bestow an additional bounty, namely a special stock of provisions sufficient for the journey, so that the corn purchased might be brought to its destination undiminished.",
+                "[179] The brothers journeyed on, pitying as was natural the one whom they left in bonds, and no less depressed at the thought of their father, how he would again hear of misfortune and feel that every journey diminished and curtailed his wealth of children. “Indeed,” they said, “he will not even believe that he has been put in bonds, but think that bonds are a pretext to cloak death, since those who have once received a blow often find themselves brought up against the same calamity.” As they thus talked, evening overtook them, and when they had unloaded their beasts, though these were relieved, they themselves felt the burden of their cares weigh heavier on their souls. For when the body takes rest the mind receives clearer visions of adversities and is grievously afflicted and oppressed thereby."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[180] One of them, loosing a particular sack, saw at its mouth a purse nearly full of silver, and, counting it, found that the exact price which he had paid for the corn had been restored to him. Filled with astonishment, he told his brothers, who, suspecting that it was not a gift but a trap, were dismayed.",
+                "[181] And though they fain would have examined all the sacks, so great was their fear of pursuit that they started off and hurried on with all speed, and racing along with hardly a pause for breath made a short matter of accomplishing a journey of many days.",
+                "[182] Then grouped around  their father they embraced him, weeping the while, and kissed him as he clung to each and folded them passionately in his arms, though his soul already had a boding of some calamity. For he took note of them as they approached and greeted him, and, thinking that the son who was actually left behind was playing the laggard, he blamed him for his slowness and kept looking to the different approaches in his eagerness to see the number of his children complete.",
+                "[183] And, seeing his agitation when no one else appeared from outside, they said: “In calamity, to learn the truth is less painful than to doubt. He who has learned the truth may find the way to safety; the ignorance of doubt produces the perplexity which finds no path. Listen, then, to a story, which, painful though it be, must needs be told.",
+                "[184] The brother who was sent with us to buy corn and has not returned is alive—you must cast from your mind the worse fear of his death—but, though alive, he remains in Egypt with the regent of the land, who, either on some accusations laid by others, or on his own suspicions, charged us with being spies. We made all the defence which the occasion called for.",
+                "[185] We told him of you, our father, and the brothers who were absent from our company, how one of them was dead and the other was abiding with you, who, as we said, was still quite young and therefore on account of his age kept at home. But when we thus laid bare without concealment all the facts about our family we made no headway in removing his suspicion. He told us that the only proof which he would accept of the truth of our assertions was that the youngest son should be sent to him, and that to ensure this he detained the second son as pledge and security for the other.",
+                "[186] This command is painful beyond everything, but is laid upon us less by him who issued it than by the needs of the time, which we must perforce obey to get those provisions which Egypt alone supplies to people who are hard pressed by famine.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[187] Their father gave a deep groan, and said: “Whom should I lament for first? My youngest but one, who was not the last but the first to be placed on the list of unfortunates, or the second eldest who won the second prize of evils, bonds in place of death, or the youngest who, if he does go, will go on a journey of truly evil omen, unlessoned by the misfortunes of his brothers? While I, divided limb by limb and part by part, since the child is part of its parent, am like to survive childless, I who but lately was held to be the father of a fine and numerous family.”",
+                "[188] His eldest son then said: “I give you my two sons, my only children, as hostages. Slay them if I do not restore to you in safety the brother whom you will entrust to my hand, whose coming to Egypt will procure us two very great gains, first the clear proof that we are not spies or enemies, secondly the power to recover our brother from bondage.”",
+                "[189] The father was much distressed, and said that he knew not what to do, since of the two full brothers one was already dead and the other left desolate and alone would dread the journey and suffer a living death through fright recalling the horrors which had befallen his precursor. When he thus spoke, they put forward the fourth in age, the most courageous of them all, a man princely in nature and powerful of speech, and persuaded him to act as spokesman of what they all thought.",
+                "[190] This was, that, since the necessaries of life were running short, as the first stock of corn which they had brought was exhausted and the stress of the famine pressed hard upon them, they should set out to buy more corn but would not do so if their youngest brother stayed behind, since the ruler of the land had forbidden them to appear without him.",
+                "[191] Their father, reckoning in his wisdom that it was better to surrender one to the mercy of an obscure and dubious future than that many should suffer the undoubted destruction which the stress of famine, that fatal scourge, would inflict upon the whole household,",
+                "[192] said: “Nay, if the call of necessity is stronger than my wishes, I must yield, for haply it may be that nature has some better gift in store, which as yet she refuses to reveal to our mind.",
+                "[193] Take, then, the youngest as you propose, and depart, but not in the same fashion as before, for on the former occasion when you were unknown and had not met with any fatal disaster you only needed money to pay for the corn, but now you must take presents also for three reasons, to propitiate the governor and chief victualler to whom you say you are known, to hasten the delivery of the prisoner with a considerable ransom, and to remedy the suspicion that you are spies as much as you can.",
+                "[194] Take, then, samples of all the products of our land, firstfruits, as it were, and a double sum of money, to make good what was restored to you on your former visit, perhaps through someone’s oversight, and also enough for purchasing the corn.",
+                "[195] Carry with you, further, my own prayers which I offer to the God of our salvation that you, as strangers in the land, may be well-pleasing to the inhabitants, and also may return in safety and restore to your father the sureties which he has been forced to pledge, even his sons, both him who before was left behind in bondage and the one whom you now take with you, the youngest so inexperienced in life.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[196] They set off, and hastened to Egypt. On their arrival a few days afterwards the governor saw them and was greatly pleased. He bade the steward of his household prepare a sumptuous meal and bring them in to partake of his salt and board. Conducted thus,",
+                "[197] with no knowledge of what was intended, they were scared and perturbed, guessing that they were to be libelled as thieves for having filched the price of the corn which they had found in the sacks on the first occasion. Then they approached the steward and made their defence, clearing their consciences of a matter on which no one was venturing to charge them, and at the same time they produced and shewed him the money which they had brought for repayment.",
+                "[198] But he raised their courage with kind and friendly words. “No one,” he said, “is so impious as to libel the bounties of God Whose mercy I invoke. For He has poured treasure into your sacks, thereby providing not only sustenance but wealth to spend as you need it.”",
+                "[199] Thus encouraged, they proceeded to set out in order the gifts they had brought from home, and when the master of the house arrived they offered them to him. He asked them how they were, and whether the father of whom they spoke before still lived, in answer to which they said nothing about themselves but told him that their father was alive and well.",
+                "[200] Joseph invoked a blessing on him and pronounced him most favoured by God, and then, when, looking round, he saw Benjamin, his own mother’s son, he could not contain himself, but, overcome by emotion, turned aside before he could be observed, and hastened, nominally on some pressing business, as the time for disclosure had not come, into a corner of the house and there burst into weeping and let the tears stream forth."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[201] Then he washed his face, and, reason prevailing over his troubled feelings, approached his guests and led them to the feast, having first restored the prisoner who had been detained as hostage for the youngest. Other Egyptian dignitaries feasted with them.",
+                "[202] The method of entertainment followed in each case ancestral practice,  since he strongly disapproved of neglecting old customs, particularly at a festivity where the pleasures outnumber the disagreeables.",
+                "[203] When the guests were seated, arranged by his commands in order of age, as at that date it was not the custom to recline at convivial gatherings, they were surprised to find that the Egyptians affected the same fashions as the Hebrews, and were careful of order of precedence, and knew how to discriminate between younger and older in the honours which they paid them. ",
+                "[204] “It may be,” they said, “that in other times the style of life in this country was less civilized, until this man, when put over the state, introduced good order not only in the important matters which give rise to success in peace and war, but in those regarded as less important which mainly belong to the lighter side of life. For festivities demand cheerfulness and have no room for the over-grave and austere guest.”",
+                "[205] While they thus quietly descanted in his praise the tables were brought in, not over-sumptuously laden,  because their host, on account of the famine, disliked the thought of luxury while others were suffering want; and they themselves had the sound sense to include in their eulogies this also, that he had shunned the odious fault of tasteless display. He had preserved, they said, the attitude both of a sympathizer with the needy and of the host at a feast, had set himself in the mean between the two and escaped censure on either count.",
+                "[206] The arrangements, then, did not offend good taste, but were suitable to the occasion, and any deficiency was made good by the constant signs of kind feeling shewn in toasts and good wishes and invitations to take refreshment, things which to liberal and cultured temperaments give more pleasure than all the preparations of food and drink provided by the lovers of high feasting for themselves and others, who make a parade of what is unworthy of care and attention with the ostentation natural to men of little mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[207] On the next day at dawn he sent for the steward of the house and bade him fill with corn all the sacks which the men had brought, and again put the purchase-money in purses at the mouths of the sacks, and also to place in that of the youngest his finest piece of silver, the cup out of which he was accustomed to drink himself.",
+                "[208] The steward readily carried out his orders without anyone else being present, and they, knowing nothing of these secret doings, set off in high spirits at all their good fortune so far beyond their hopes.",
+                "[209] What they had expected was to find themselves the victims of a false charge of stealing the money which had been restored to them, to fail to recover their brother who was left as hostage and perhaps also in addition to lose the youngest who might be forcibly detained by the governor who had urged his coming.",
+                "[210] What had happened surpassed their most sanguine wishes. Instead of being subjected to accusation, they had been made partners in the board and salt which men have devised as the symbols of true friendship. They had recovered their brother inviolate without any intervention or entreaty. They were bringing, too, the youngest safe and sound to his father, and while they had escaped the suspicion of being spies they were taking with them a rich abundance of food and moreover had comfortable prospects for the future. “For if provisions should chance to fail,” they reasoned, “we shall leave home not in extreme fear as before but with joyful hearts, knowing that we shall find in the governor of the country not a stranger but a personal friend.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[211] While they were in this mood, and their souls occupied with these reflections, a sudden and unexpected discomfiture overtook them. For the steward, by order of his master, with a considerable body of servants, appeared in pursuit waving his hands and beckoning to them to halt.",
+                "[212] And when he arrived, all eagerness and panting hard, “You have set the seal,” he said, “to the earlier charges made against you. You have returned evil for good and once more set your feet in the same path of iniquity. You have filched the price of the corn and committed in addition a still worse crime, for villainy grows if it receives condonation.",
+                "[213] You have stolen the finest and most valuable of my master’s cups in which he pledged you, you, who were so exceedingly grateful, so exceedingly peace-loving, you who did not so much as know the meaning of ‘spy,’ you who brought double money to pay what was due before, apparently as a trap and snare to serve you in your quest for still more plunder. But wickedness does not prosper in the long run; it is ever scheming to remain hid but is detected in the end.”",
+                "[214] While he continued in this strain, they stood paralysed and speechless, suddenly seized by those most painful inflictions, grief and fear, so that they could not even open their mouths. For the onset of unexpected ills can render even eloquent speakers mute.",
+                "[215] Yet, unnerved as they were, they did not wish their silence to be construed as a sign that their conscience convicted them, and therefore they replied: “How shall we defend ourselves, and to whom? You will be our judge, you who are also our accuser, who from your experience of us should rather be the advocate did others arraign us. Could it be that after bringing in repayment the money we found in our sacks though no one challenged us, we completely changed our characters, so as to requite our entertainer by mulcting and robbing him? No, we have not done so, and may no such thought ever enter our mind.",
+                "[216] Let whoever of the brothers is proved to have the cup be put to death, for death is the penalty at which we assess the crime if it really has been committed, for several reasons. First, because covetousness and the desire for what is another’s is against all law; secondly, because to attempt to injure benefactors is a most unholy deed; thirdly, because to those who pride themselves on their high lineage it is a most shameful reproach if they do not shrink from ruining the prestige of their ancestors by deeds of guilt. And since, if any one of us has committed this theft, he is liable on all these counts, let him die since his deed deserves a thousand deaths.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[217] With these words they pulled the packs from off their beasts, and bade him search with all diligence. He, who knew well that the cup was lying in the sack of the youngest son, since he had secretly put it there himself, tricked them by beginning his examination with the eldest, and continued in regular order according to their age, as each produced and shewed his sack, until he reached the last. When the object of the search was actually found in his possession, a wail arose from the whole body at the sight. They rent their clothes and wept and groaned, mourning for the death which awaited the brother who was still alive, and no less for themselves and their father who foretold the misfortunes which would befall his son and had therefore for a time refused to consent to their wish that their brother should travel with them.",
+                "[218] Downcast and confounded they returned by the same road to the city, appalled at the event and attributing it to a malicious plot and not to the covetousness of their brother. Then, when brought before the governor, they shewed their brotherly good feeling by their genuine emotion.",
+                "[219] For, falling in a body at his knees, as though they were all guilty of the theft, a charge the mere mention of which was an outrage, they wept, they besought him, they put themselves at his disposal, they volunteered to submit to enslavement, they called him their master and themselves his slaves of any and every kind, outcasts,  household bred or purchased in the market; no servile name did they leave unsaid.",
+                "[220] But he, to try them still further, assumed a very severe  air and said: “I trust that I may never act thus, and send so many to captivity for the sin of one. For what good reason is there for including in the penalties those who had no share in the offence? He yonder, who alone did the deed,",
+                "[221] let him suffer for it. Now, I am told that before you entered the city  death was the sentence you too approved for the guilty person, but as I am ever inclined for the moderate and humaner course I reduce the punishment and sentence him to slavery instead of death.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[222] This stern decision had greatly distressed them, utterly dejected as they were by the false accusations made against them, when the fourth in age, who combined boldness and courage with modesty and practised frankness of speech without effrontery, approached him and said: “My lord, I pray you not to give way to wrath, nor, because you have been appointed to the second post after the king, to condemn before you have heard our defence.",
+                "[223] When you asked us at our first visit of our brother and father, we answered, ‘Our father is an old man, aged not so much by years as by repeated misfortunes, whereby as in a training-school he has been continually exercised amid labours and sufferings which have tried him sore. But our brother is quite young, the idol and darling of his father, because he is the child of his later years, the only one left of the two that their mother bore, since the elder has died a violent death.",
+                "[224] Now when you bade us bring that brother here, and threatened that if he did not arrive we should not even be admitted again to your presence, we departed in dejection, and, when we got home, only with reluctance told your orders to our father.",
+                "[225] He at first opposed them in his great fear for the boy, but, when necessaries grew scarce and yet none of us dared to come and buy corn without the youngest because of the stern warning you had given, he was with difficulty persuaded to send the boy with us. Many a time did he blame us for admitting that we had another brother. Many a time did he pity himself for the coming separation from the boy, for he is but a child and without experience, not only of life in a foreign land, but of city  life in general.",
+                "[226] Then, since such are our father’s feelings, how can we return to him? How can we look him in the face without the boy? He will suffer the saddest of deaths on merely hearing that he has not returned, and we shall be called murderers and parricides by all the spiteful people who gloat over such misfortunes.",
+                "[227] And the chief stream of obloquy will be directed against me, for I pledged myself with many forfeits to my father, and declared that I received the boy as a deposit which I would restore when it was demanded from me. But how can I restore it, unless you yourself are propitiated? I pray you to take pity on the old man, and realize the miseries which he will suffer if he does not recover him whom he unwillingly entrusted to my hand.",
+                "[228] But do you exact the penalty for the wrongs which you believe yourself to have received. I will willingly pay it. Write me down your slave from this day onwards. I will gladly endure what the newly-bought endure if you will spare the child.",
+                "[229] This boon, if indeed you grant it, will be a boon not to the boy himself but to one who is not here present, whom you will relieve of his cares, the father of all these many suppliants. For suppliants we are who have fled for refuge to your most august right hand, which we pray may never fail us.",
+                "[230] Take pity, then, on the old age of one who has spent all his years labouring in the arena of virtue. The cities of Syria he won over to receive and honour him, though his customs and usages were strange to them and very different, and those of the country alien to him in no small degree. But the nobility of his life, and his acknowledged harmony of words with deeds and deeds with words, prevailed so that even those whom national feelings prejudiced against him were brought over to his ways.",
+                "[231] Such is the gratitude which you will earn, and what greater could be earned? For what greater boon could a father have than the recovery of a son of whose safety he has despaired?”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[232] All this and what had gone before was intended to test what feeling they shewed under the eyes of the governor to his own mother’s son. For he feared that they might have had that natural estrangement which the children of a stepmother often shew to the family of another wife who was no less esteemed than their own mother.",
+                "[233] This was the reason why he accused them of spying, and questioned them on their kin in order to know whether that brother was alive and had not been the victim of a plot, and also why he detained one when he let the others depart after agreeing to bring the youngest, whom he greatly yearned to see and thus shake off the trouble which weighed on him so heavily.",
+                "[234] This again was why, though when he came to join them and seeing his brother felt just a little relieved, he after inviting them to the hospitality of his board entertained his mother’s son on a richer scale than the rest,  but meanwhile observed each of them to judge from their looks whether they still cherished some secret envy.",
+                "[235] Finally it was for the same reason that when he saw how pleased and overjoyed they were at the honour paid to that brother and thus had established by two testimonies that there was no smouldering enmity, he devised this third testimony, namely to pretend that the cup had been stolen, and charge the theft to the youngest. For this would be the clearest way of testing the real feeling of each, and their attachment to the brother thus falsely accused.",
+                "[236] On all these grounds he was now convinced that there was no factious conspiracy to undo his mother’s family, and also considering what had happened to himself he came to the conclusion that his experiences were probably due not so much to their conspiring as to the providence of God Who beholds distant events and sees the future no less than the present."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[237] So then, overcome by family affection, he hastened to conclude his reconciliation. And that no reproach might attach to the brothers for their action he judged it best that no Egyptian should be present at the first recognition.",
+                "[238] Instead he bade all the staff to withdraw, and then suddenly shedding a flood of tears and beckoning to them with his right hand to approach nearer so that no one else could by chance hear him, he said: “I am going to reveal to you a matter which has been shrouded in darkness and long time hidden, and I do so while you and I are all alone. The brother whom you sold into Egypt is I myself, whom you see standing beside you.”",
+                "[239] When, astonished and staggered at the unexpected news, they stood rooted to the spot mute and speechless with eyes cast to the ground as though drawn by some compelling force, “Be not downcast,” he continued, “I forgive and forget all what you did to me. Do not ask for any other advocate.",
+                "[240] Of my own free, unbidden judgement I have voluntarily come to make my peace with you. In this I have two fellow-counsellors, my reverence for our father, which is chiefly responsible for the favour I shew you, and the natural humanity which I feel to all men, and particularly to those of my blood.",
+                "[241] And I consider that the cause of what has happened is not you but God, Who willed to use me as His servant, to administer the boons and gifts which He deigns to grant to the human race in the time of their greatest need.",
+                "[242] You can have a clear proof of this in what you see. All Egypt is committed to my hands, and I hold the first place of honour with the king, and though I am young, and he my elder, he honours me as a father. I have waiting on my will not only the inhabitants of the land, but most of the other nations, whether subject or independent, for because of the dearth they all need me at the head.",
+                "[243] Silver and gold are stored in my keeping alone, and, what is more necessary than these, the means of sustenance, which I distribute and parcel out to those who ask, according to their necessary requirements, so that they have no superfluities which might serve for luxury nor lack of what may satisfy actual want.",
+                "[244] But I have told you all this, not because I plume and pride myself thereon, but that you may perceive that no man could have caused such greatness to come to one who was a slave and afterwards a prisoner—for I was once in bonds under a false charge—but He Who turned my condition of extreme calamity into one of unequalled and exalted good fortune was God to Whom all things are possible.",
+                "[245] Since I am so disposed, fear no more, but cast aside your heaviness of heart and take a cheerful courage in its stead. It would be well that you should hasten to our father, and first of all give him the good tidings that you have found me, for rumours travel fast in all directions.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[246] The brothers, letting their tongues run freely, ceased not to sound his praises point by point. Each one had a different theme, one his readiness to forgive, one his family affection, one his prudence, while all united in praising his piety in attributing to God the success which crowned his career and abandoning all resentment at the unwelcome experiences which had attended its distressing opening and earliest stages. They praised also the pre-eminent self-restraint of his modest reticence.",
+                "[247] He had passed through all these vicissitudes, yet neither while in slavery did he denounce his brothers for selling him nor when he was haled to prison did he in his despondency disclose any secret, nor during his long stay there make any revelations of the usual kind, since prisoners are apt to descant upon their personal misfortunes.",
+                "[248] He behaved as though he knew nothing of his past experiences, and not even when he was interpreting their dreams to the eunuchs or the king, though he had a suitable opportunity for disclosing the facts, did he say a word about his own high lineage. Nor yet, when he was appointed to be the king’s viceroy and was charged with the superintendence and headship over all Egypt, did he say anything to prevent the belief that he was of obscure and ignoble station, whereas he was really a noble, no slave by birth, but the unfortunate victim of the ruthless conspiracy of those who should have been the last to treat him so.",
+                "[249] In addition there was a great outflow of praise of his fairness and kind behaviour, for they knew the arrogance and gross rudeness of other governors, and admired the absence of obtrusiveness and blustering. They remembered how directly he saw them on their former expedition, though he might have put them to death or at the very least  refused to provide them with food against the famine, so far from taking vengeance he treated them as worthy of his favour and gave them the victuals for nothing by bidding the price to be restored to them.",
+                "[250] In fact the story of their conspiracy and selling of him to slavery was so completely unknown and remained so secret that the chiefs of the Egyptians rejoiced to hear that the brothers of the governor had now for the first time come to visit him. They invited them to share their hospitality and hastened to bring the good news to the king, and universal joy reigned everywhere, no less than if the fields had borne fruit and the famine had been changed into abundance."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[251] When the king learned that his viceroy had a father and that his family was very numerous, he urged that the whole household should leave its present home, and promised to give the most fertile part of Egypt to the expected settlers. He therefore gave the brothers carts and wagons and a great number of beasts laden with provisions, and an adequate body of servants, that they might bring their father safely.",
+                "[252] When they arrived home and told the story of their brother, so incredible and beyond anything he could have hoped for, he gave no heed to them at all, for, however worthy of credit the speakers might be, the extravagance of the tale did not allow him to assent to it readily.",
+                "[253] But, when the old man saw the equipments suited for an occasion of the kind, and that the lavish supplies of all that was needed agreed with the story they told him of his son, he praised God that He had filled the seeming gap in his house.",
+                "[254] But joy also straightway begat fear in his soul at the thought of leaving his ancestral way of life. For he knew how natural it is for youth to lose its footing and what licence to sin belongs to the stranger’s life, particularly in Egypt where things created and mortal are deified, and in consequence the land is blind to the true God. He knew what assaults wealth and renown make on minds of little sense, and that left to himself, since his father’s house supplied no monitor to share his journey, alone and cut off from good teaching, he would be readily influenced to change to alien ways.",
+                "[255] Such were his feelings when He Whose eye alone can see the invisible soul took pity, and in his sleep at night appeared to him and said, “Fear not to go to Egypt. I Myself will guide thee on the road and make the journey safe and to thy pleasure. Further, I will restore to thee the son for whom thou hast so greatly yearned,  who once was thought dead, but now, after many years, is found not only alive but a ruler of that great country.” Then, filled with high hopes, he hastened at dawn to set forth rejoicing.",
+                "[256] But his son when he heard it, informed of all by the scouts who watched the road, proceeded with all speed to meet his father when he was not far from the boundary. And when the two met at the place called the Heroes’ City  they laid their heads upon each other’s neck and while the tears smeared their raiment lingered long in embraces of which they could not take their fill, and, when at last they brought themselves to cease therefrom, pressed onwards to the king’s court. When the king beheld him,",
+                "[257] overcome by his venerable appearance, he welcomed him with all modesty and respect, as though he were the father not of his viceroy but of himself. And, after the usual, and more than the usual, courtesies had passed, he gave him a portion of land, rich of soil and very fruitful. And, learning that the sons were graziers who had much substance of cattle, he appointed them keepers of his own, and put into their charge flocks and herds innumerable of goats and oxen and sheep."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[258] Now the young man’s honesty was exceedingly great, so much so that, though the times and state of affairs gave him very numerous opportunities for gaining wealth, and he might have soon become the richest of his contemporaries, his reverence for the truly genuine riches rather than the spurious, the seeing rather than the blind, led him to store up in the king’s treasuries all the silver and gold which he collected from the sale of corn and refuse to appropriate to himself a single drachma, contented with nothing more than the gifts with which the king repaid his services.",
+                "[259] The excellence with which he managed Egypt, as though it were a single household, and also the other famine-stricken lands and nations was beyond all words, and he dispensed the lands and food as was suitable, looking not only to present profit but also to future advantage.",
+                "[260] Accordingly, when the seventh year of dearth came, having now reason to hope for plentiful harvests, he sent for the farmers and gave them barley and wheat as seed, and at the same time, to ensure that no one should embezzle it instead of putting it in the fields, he appointed men of high merit as inspectors and supervisors to watch the sowing.",
+                "[261] Many years after the famine his father died, and his brothers, attacked by misgivings and fears that he might still harbour malice and wreak his vengeance on them, approached him with their wives and families and made earnest supplication.",
+                "[262] But he, moved to tears, said: “The occasion might well raise misgivings in those whom conscience rather than others convicts of intolerable misdoing. My father’s death has awakened the old fear which you felt before our reconciliation, with the idea that I gave you my pardon only to save my father from sorrow. But time does not change my character, nor, after promising to keep the peace with you, will I ever violate it by my actions.",
+                "[263] I was not watching for the hour of vengeance repeatedly delayed, but I freely granted you immunity from punishment once for all, partly no doubt influenced, for I must tell the truth, by respect for my father, but partly by the goodwill which I cannot but feel towards you.",
+                "[264] And, even if it were for my father’s sake that I acted with this kindness and humanity, I will continue in the same now that he is gone. In my judgement, no good man is dead, but will live for ever, proof against old age,  with a soul immortal in its nature no longer fettered by the restraints of the body.",
+                "[265] But why should I mention that father who is but a creature? We have the uncreated Father, the Imperishable, the Eternal, “Who surveys all things and hears all things,”  even when no word is spoken, He Who ever sees into the recesses of the mind, Whom I call as witness to my conscience, which affirms that that was no false reconciliation.",
+                "[266] For I,—do not marvel at my words,—belong to God  Who converted your evil schemes into a superabundance of blessings. Rid yourselves, then, of fear, since in the future greater advantage will fall to your share than you enjoyed while our father was still alive.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[267] With such words he encouraged his brothers, and by his actions he confirmed his promises, leaving nothing undone which could shew his care for their interests.",
+                "But, after the famine, when the inhabitants were now rejoicing in the prosperity and fertility of the land, he was honoured by them all, who thus requited the benefits which they had received from him in the times of adversity.",
+                "[268] And rumour, floating into the neighbouring states, filled them with his renown. He died in a goodly old age, having lived 110 years, unsurpassed in comeliness, wisdom and power of language.",
+                "[269] His personal beauty is attested by the furious passion which a woman conceived for him; his good sense by the equable temper he shewed amid the numberless inequalities of his life, a temper which created order in disorder and concord where all was naturally discordant; his power of language by his interpretations of the dreams and the fluency of his addresses and the persuasiveness which accompanied them, which secured him the obedience, not forced but voluntary, of every one of his subjects.",
+                "[270] Of these years he spent seventeen up to adolescence in his father’s house, thirteen in painful misfortunes, the victim of conspiracy, sold into slavery, falsely accused, chained in a prison, and the other eighty as a ruler and in complete prosperity, a most admirable supervisor and arbiter in times both of famine and plenty, and most capable of presiding over the requirements of both."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE IOSEPHO",
+            "§ 3. στρατηγίας. It should perhaps be noted that the papyri (see L. &amp; S. 1935) shew that στρατηγός was in common use as the title of a civil as well as military governor of a nome in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. But this hardly justifies its use as an antithesis to στρατηγός in the military sense.",
+            "§ 20. Less grievous to suffer wrong than to do it. This thought, which is, of course, one of the leading ideas of the Republic, is expressed in almost the same words as here Gorgias 469 c ἐλοίμην ἂν μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖσθαι ἢ ἀδικεῖν, ibid. 508 B ἀληθῆ ἄρα ἦν τὸ εἶναι τὸ ἀδικεῖν τοῦ ἀδικεῖσθαι, ὅσῳπερ αἴσχιον, τοσούτῳ κάκιον, and so again 509 c.",
+            "§ 28. Addition to nature. This idea of the superfluousness of the laws of the different states, which follows naturally on the Stoic doctrine of the law of nature, is expressed in the view attributed to Zeno by Plutarch, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν, ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας (S. V. F. i. 262). Compare also Chrysippus’s exposure of the ridiculous varieties in laws and customs, ibid. iii. 322.",
+            "§ 38. Statesmanship the household management of the general public. Compare the opening of Plato’s Politicus, particularly 259 c ἐπιστήμη μία περὶ πάντʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα· ταύτην δὲ εἴτε βασιλικὴν εἴτε πολιτικὴν εἴτε οἰκονομικήν τις ὀνομάζοι μηδὲν αὐτῷ διαφερώμεθα. The idea is combated by Aristotle at the beginning of the Politics, but admitted by him of monarchy iii. 10.2 ὥσπερ γὰρ ἡ οἰκονομικὴ βασιλεία τις οἰκίας ἐστίν, οὕτως ἡ βασιλεία πόλεως … οἰκονομία.",
+            "§ 48. Seneca in his Phaedra has some fairly close parallels to these sections, put into the mouth of Hippolytus. Thus in 145 ff., supposing the crime remains undetected, “Quid ille qui mundum gerit?” Then 159 ff.:",
+            "<small>sed ut secundus numinum abscondat favor<br> coitus nefandos utque contingat stupor <br>negata magnis sceleribus semper fides, <br>quid poena praesens, conscius mentis pavor <br>animusque culpa plenus et semet timens?</small>",
+            "Considering the likeness of the themes, Philo may very possibly have had in mind some similar passage in the earlier and lost Hippolytus of Euripides, or the lost play of Sophocles on the same subject, on which Seneca’s play is based. It may be observed that the phrase ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασιν in 47 occurs in Sophocles, Oed. Tyr. 1385 in the same sort of context:",
+            "τοιάνδʼ ἐγὼ κηλῖδα μηνύσας ἐμὴν <br>ὀρθοῖς ἔμελλον ὄμμασιν τούτους ὁρᾶν;",
+            "See on this subject Dr. Martin Braun, Griechischer Roman und hellenische Geschichtsschreibung.",
+            "§ 62. Cooks and physicians. Another reminiscence of the Gorgias, where medicine is shewn as standing in the same relation to cookery as justice and legislation bear to the “flattery” of rhetoric, 464 D ff., also 500 B and 501 A.",
+            "§§ 125–147. Arnim in his Quellenstudien zu Philo von Alexandria discusses these sections in a chapter headed “Philo und Aenesidem.” In the first part of this chapter he deals with the reproduction of the “Tropes of Aenesidemus” in De Ebr. 171–205, and also with the close connexion of the philosophy of that sceptic with that of Heracleitus. His best, though not his only point, is the resemblance of the treatise of Plutarch De E apud Delphos, chap. xviii., a chapter in which Heracleitus is twice cited, and which is supposed to be Heracleitean throughout, to §§ 127–129 of De Iosepho. In both the same point is made that each successive stage of life from childhood to old age brings the death of the previous stage, and the same inference is drawn that we need not fear the final death.",
+            "However this may be, it should be noted that in the De Iosepho we do not find the same type of scepticism as in De Ebr., if indeed it can be called scepticism at all. Human life is a “dream,” it is “full of confusion, disorder, and uncertainty,” and men, as a whole, are incapable of knowledge, but the dream is interpreted by the true statesman. The same interpreter can give adequate guidance on moral questions, and though this is not perhaps opposed to the principles of the sceptics, who admitted probability as supplying a rule of conduct, it is very different from the view expressed in De Ebr. 197, that only the foolish will assert positively that any particular thing is just or prudent or honourable.",
+            "§ 168. βαθεῖ ἤθει. The exact meaning of this phrase is obscure. Cohn translates in tiefer Bewegung, Mangey profunda solertia. But neither of these fits in well with any sense of ἦθος known to me. The combination occurs again in Quod Omn. Prob. 144, where to illustrate the advisability of answering threats mildly the story is told of the slave-musician Antigenidas that when one of his rivals in a rage threatened to buy him, he replied, βαθεῖ ἤθει, “then I shall be able to teach you to play the flute.” There perhaps the phrase = “very wittily,” a sense which ἤθει or ἐν ἤθει certainly sometimes bears; or it may mean “very mildly,” cf. τοῖς ἐν ἤθει καὶ μετὰ παιδιᾶς λεγομένοις, Plutarch, De Poet. Aud. 20 E, and ἐν ἤθει καὶ μετʼ εὐνοίας προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι, ibid. De Adul. 73 E. But this last does not suit our passage, for though Joseph’s words are milder than in his first speech, they are described as angry threats in § 170. For the rendering suggested in the footnote, it may be argued that ἦθος in dramatic criticism often denotes the mood or air which the speaker or writer assumes. The fullest treatment known to me of the numerous shades of meaning which the word has is to be found in Rutherford’s Chapter in the History of Annotation, see index, s.v. ἦθος.",
+            "§ 219. προβλήτους. The absence of any legal reference is not fatal to the suggestion made in the footnote, as if the owner’s title was not disputed, there would be no need in law for differentiation according to the method in which it had been acquired.",
+            "I would suggest also for consideration προκλήτους, i.e. “who had been offered for examination by torture.” No example of the word is cited, but it would be naturally formed from πρόκλησις, the regular term for an offer or challenge of the kind. It would not, however, so well account for the variants προσβλήτους and προσηλύτους."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על יוסף",
+        "enTitle": "On Joseph",
+        "key": "On Joseph",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,424 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Joseph",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Joseph",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON JOSEPH (DE IOSEPHO) INTRODUCTION TO DE IOSEPHO",
+            "The place of this treatise in the series, as well as the remarkable contrast between the character of Joseph as here represented and the Joseph of the allegorical commentary, have been discussed in the General Introduction to this volume. The treatise after a few words about the preparation given by the shepherd’s craft for government tells the story of Joseph’s dream, his brothers’ jealousy, their sale of him to the merchants who in turn sold him to Potiphar and the false report which they made to Jacob (1–27). It contains the first two of the set speeches which are a distinguishing feature of the treatise, viz. Reuben’s remonstrance (17–21) and Jacob’s lamentation (23–27). The allegorization which follows treats a few scattered points and not the story as a whole. That politicians have to deal with institutions which are conventional rather than natural is indicated by Joseph’s name of “Addition” (to Nature), that they must be resourceful by his coat of many colours, that they are often a prey to vanity by the false story that wild beasts had devoured him, that they are often bought and sold by the two sales (28–36); and it is to be noted that though the main purpose of the treatise is to show the ideal statesman, these mostly deal with the baser side of political life. When the story is resumed it relates his history in Potiphar’s house till his imprisonment, in the course of which we have the eloquent but rather absurd remonstrance of Joseph to Potiphar’s wife (37–53). The subjoined allegories are much more relevant than the earlier ones to the substance of the story and to the higher side of the politician. We may see the spiritual barrenness of the multitude and its tendency to cater for pleasure in Potiphar, the eunuch and cook, its demands on the statesman in Potiphar’s wife and the refusal of the true statesman to cringe in Joseph’s rejections of her overtures (54–79). In 80–124 the story is carried on through Joseph’s life in prison, his interpretation of the dreams and his release and exaltation. Then from 125–147 follows what is not so much an allegory in the proper sense as a meditation on the thought that all life is a dream and the task of a true statesman is to discover and set forth the truths which lie behind this dream. After this we have a few more definitely allegorical interpretations of some of the incidents of Joseph’s exaltation as illustrating the attitude of the democracy to the politician, and an attempt to show that the different treatment by Pharaoh of the cook (Potiphar), the butler and the baker represent the different ways in which the body-loving mind regards luxuries and necessities (148–156). From this point onwards to the end the story runs on continuously through the adventures of Joseph and his brethren as it appears in Genesis with, of course, much amplification both of incidents and speeches."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON JOSEPH</big> <small>that is, the life of the statesman</small> <br>[1] The factors which produce consummate excellence are three in number: learning, nature, practice. And these names are represented in three of the wise men to whom Moses gives the senior place. Since I have described the lives of these three, the life which results from teaching, the life of the self-taught and the life of practice, I will carry on the series by describing a fourth life, that of the statesman. This name again has its representation in one of the patriarchs who, as Moses shews, was trained to his calling from his earliest youth.",
+                "[2] This training was first given to him at about the age of seventeen by the lore of the shepherd’s craft,  which corresponds closely to the lore of statesmanship. And therefore I think the order of poets often speaks of kings as shepherds of peoples,  for success in shepherding will produce the best king, since through the charge of flocks which deserve less thought and care he has been taught the charge of the noblest flock of living creatures—mankind.",
+                "[3] And, just as to the future leaders in wars, or in commanding armies, practice in the hunting-field is most necessary, so to those who hope to superintend a state nothing is so suitable as shepherding, which gives practice in the exercise of authority and generalship. ",
+                "[4] So his father, observing in him a noble spirit which rose above ordinary conditions, rendered to him high admiration and respect, while his love for this child of his later years—and nothing conduces to affection more than this—exceeded his love for his other sons. And being himself a lover of excellence, by special and exceptional attentions he fostered the fire of the boy’s nature, in the hope that it would not merely smoulder but burst rapidly into flame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] But envy, which is ever the enemy of high success, in this case too set to work and created division in a household where every part had been happily flourishing, and stirred up the many brethren against the one. They displayed ill-will to Joseph as a counterpoise to his father’s goodwill, and equalled his love with their hatred.  They did not, however, proclaim that hatred aloud, but kept it a secret among themselves, and thus it naturally grew to greater bitterness. For emotions which are cooped up and find no vent become more violent because expression is stifled.",
+                "[6] Joseph in the simple innocence of his nature had no notion of the enmity which was lurking in his brothers’ hearts, and, believing them to be friendly, told them a significant dream which he had seen. “I thought,” he said, “that harvest-time was with us, and that we had all come to the plain to gather in the crops. We had taken our sickles and were reaping, when suddenly my sheaf rose and stood bolt upright, while yours, as though at a signal, rushed up in astonishment and did homage to mine with every mark of honour.”",
+                "[7] His brothers, being men of keen intelligence, skilful at interpreting symbols and thus by probable conjectures discovering the obscure, replied: “Do you think that you will be our lord and king? For that is what you hint at in this lying vision.” And their hatred, ever finding some new ground to augment it, was still more kindled against him.",
+                "[8] He, suspecting nothing, a few days after saw and told his brothers another dream even more astounding than the former. In this he dreamt that the sun and moon and eleven stars came and did him homage. This caused surprise to his father, who laid up the matter in his mind and carefully watched to see what the outcome would be.",
+                "[9] But, fearing that the boy had made a serious mistake,  he chid him severely, saying, “You seem to mean by the sun your father and by the moon your mother and by the eleven stars your eleven brothers. Can it be that I and your mother and your brothers shall do you homage? Let no such thought ever enter your mind, my son, and let the memory of what you saw insensibly fade away. For the idea of hoping and eagerly expecting to gain dominion over your family is very odious in my judgement, and I think that all who care for equality and justice between kinsfolk must agree.”",
+                "[10] Then, dreading lest continued association should breed disturbance and broils among the brothers through the grudge which they bore against the dreamer for his visions, Jacob sent them away to tend the sheep, but kept him at home for such season as should prove needed. He knew that time is said to be the physician of the distempers and ailments of the soul and is able to remove grief, to quench anger and to heal fear, for time relieves everything, even what is naturally hard to cure.",
+                "[11] But when he guessed that they would have ceased to harbour enmity in their hearts, he sent him partly to salute his brothers and partly to bring him word how it fared with themselves and the flocks under their charge."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] This journey proved to be the source of great evil and great good, both exceeding anything that could have been expected. For Joseph, in obedience to his father’s commands, went to his brethren, but they, when they saw him coming afar off, talked to each other, and their language was very sinister. They did not even deign to speak of him by his name, but called him the dream-driveller and the vision-monger and similar terms. Their anger reached such a pitch that they plotted by a majority, though not unanimously, to murder him, and in order to avoid detection they determined to throw his dead body into a very deep pit in the ground. In that region there are many such, made to hold the rain-water.",
+                "[13] And they were only deterred from committing that most accursed of deeds, fratricide, by the exhortation of the eldest among them, to which they reluctantly yielded. He urged them to keep their souls clear from the abominable act, and merely to throw him into one of the deep pits, thinking to contrive some means for saving him and hoping when they had gone away to take him up and send him to their father quite unharmed.",
+                "[14] When they had agreed to this, Joseph approached and saluted them, but they caught hold of him as though he were an enemy in battle and stripped him of his coat. They then let him down by ropes into the open depths. His coat they dyed red in the blood of a kid, and sent it to his father with the story that wild beasts had made away with him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] Now it chanced that day that some merchants belonging to a caravan which was wont to carry wares from Arabia to Egypt were travelling that way. To these they sold their brother, after hauling him up, the leader in this plan being the fourth eldest brother. He, I imagine, feared that Joseph might be treacherously murdered by the others who were inflamed with such merciless wrath against him, and therefore",
+                "[16] advised them to sell him and thus substitute the lesser evil of slavery for the greater evil of death. The eldest brother had not been present at the sale. When he looked down into the pit and did not see the boy whom he had left there a short time before, he cried aloud and shouted, rent his garments and rushed up and down like a madman, beating his hands together and tearing his hair.",
+                "[17] “Tell me,” he cried, “what has become of him. Is he alive or dead? If he is no more, shew me his dead body, that I may weep over the corpse and thus make the calamity seem lighter. If I see him lying here I shall be comforted. Why do we still bear a grudge to the dead? Envy cannot fasten on the departed. But if he is alive where on earth has he gone? In whose charge is he kept?",
+                "[18] Tell me, for you cannot suspect me as well as him that you should refuse me your confidence.” When they said that he had been sold, and shewed the price that had been paid, “A fine bargain you have made,”  he said. “Let us divide the profits. We have competed with slave-dealers for the prize of wickedness; let us wear the crown, and glory that we surpass them in cruelty, for their designs are aimed against aliens, ours against our nearest and dearest.",
+                "[19] A great and novel reproach has been brought about, a far-famed disgrace. Our fathers left behind in every part of the world records of their noble conduct; we shall leave behind us beyond all retrieving the scandal of our faithlessness and inhumanity. For, when deeds of grave import are done, the rumours of them reach everywhere, causing admiration where they are praiseworthy, censure and contumely when they are guilty.",
+                "[20] How will our father receive the report of the event? Thrice blessed he was and thrice happy, and ye have made his life with us  intolerable. Which will he pity most, the sold for his enslavement or the sellers for their cruelty? Surely us far more than him, since it is less grievous to suffer wrong than to do it.  The former is assisted by two mighty forces, pity and hope; the latter has no part in either, and in the judgement of all comes off the worst.",
+                "[21] But why do I lament thus wildly? It were better to hold my peace, lest I too come in for a share in some horrible fate. For ye are exceedingly savage of temper and merciless, and the fierceness in each heart is still in full blast.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] When his father heard, not the truth that his son had been sold, but the lie that he was dead and had seemingly been devoured by wild beasts, the words that he heard and the sight that he saw fell like a blow on his ears and eyes. For Joseph’s tunic had been brought to him rent and marred and stained scarlet with much blood. Collapsing under his great emotion, he lay for a great while with closed lips, not even able to lift his head, so utterly did the calamity afflict and break him down.",
+                "[23] Then, suddenly pouring forth tears like a fountain, he watered his cheeks and chin and breast and his own raiment, while bitterly wailing, and uttered such words as these: “Child, it is not your death which grieves me, but the manner of it. If you had been buried in your own land, I should have comforted and watched and nursed your sick-bed, exchanged the last farewells as you died, closed your eyes, wept over the body as it lay there, given it a costly funeral and left none of the customary rites undone.",
+                "[24] Nay, even if it had been on foreign soil, I should have said to myself: ‘Man, be not downcast that nature has recovered the forfeit that was her due.’  Separate countries concern the living: every land is the tomb of the dead.  Death comes early to none, or rather it comes early to all, for few are the years of the longest-lived compared with eternity.",
+                "[25] And, indeed, if you needs must have died by violence or through premeditation, it would have been a lighter ill to me, slain as you would have been by human beings, who would have pitied their dead victim, gathered some dust and covered the corpse. And then if they had been the cruellest of men, what more could they have done but cast it out unburied and go their way, and then perhaps some passer-by would have stayed his steps, and, as he looked, felt pity for our common nature and deemed the tendance of burial to be its due. But, as it is, you have become, in common phrase, a rich banquet for savage carnivorous beasts who have found my own flesh and blood to their taste, and feasted thereon.",
+                "[26] I am long trained in the athletics of adversity, drilled by many a random stroke of misfortune, a wanderer, a stranger, a serf, a thrall, my very life and soul a mark for the malice of those by whom I should least have been so treated. Many desperate calamities I have seen and heard: thousands of them have I experienced myself, but trained to moderate my feelings at such I remained unmoved. But none was more unbearable than this event which has overturned and destroyed the strength of my soul.",
+                "[27] For what sorrow could be greater or more pitiful? My son’s raiment has been conveyed to me, his father, but not a part of him, not a limb, not a tiny fragment. But, while he has been utterly made away with beyond even any possibility of burial, his raiment too would not have been sent to me at all save to remind me of my sorrow, and to make his sufferings live again as calamities constant and indelible to myself.” Thus did he bewail. But the merchants sold the boy in Egypt to one of the king’s eunuchs who was his chief cook. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[28] After this literal account of the story, it will be well to explain the underlying meaning, for, broadly speaking, all or most of the law-book is an allegory. The kind of character then here under discussion is called in the Hebrew “Joseph,” but in our language is “addition of a lord,” a most significant title well suited to the thing which it indicates, since polity as seen in the various peoples is an addition to nature who is invested with a universal lordship. ",
+                "[29] For this world is the Megalopolis or “great city,”  and it has a single polity and a single law, and this is the word or reason of nature, commanding what should be done and forbidding what should not be done. But the local cities which we see are unlimited in number and subject to diverse polities and laws by no means identical, for different peoples have different customs and regulations which are extra inventions and additions.",
+                "[30] The cause of this is the reluctance to combine or have fellowship with each other, shewn not only by Greeks to barbarians and barbarians to Greeks, but also within each of them separately in dealing with their own kin. And then we find them alleging causes for this which are no real causes, such as unfavourable seasons, want of fertility, poverty of soil or how the state is situated, whether it is maritime or inland or whether it is on an island or on the mainland and the like. The true cause they never mention, and that is their covetousness and mutual mistrusts, which keep them from being satisfied with the ordinances of nature, and lead them to give the name of laws to whatever approves itself as advantageous to the communities which hold the same views.",
+                "[31] Thus naturally particular polities are rather an addition to the single polity of nature, for the laws of the different states are additions to the right reason of nature, and the politician is an addition to the man whose life accords with nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Further, he is quite properly said to assume a coat of varied colours,  for political life is a thing varied and multiple, liable to innumerable changes brought about by personalities, circumstances, motives, individualities of conduct, differences in occasions and places.",
+                "[33] The pilot is helped to a successful voyage by means which change with the changes of the wind, and does not confine his guidance of the ship to one method. The physician does not use a single form of treatment for all his patients, nor even for an individual if the physical condition does not remain unaltered, but he watches the lowering and the heightening of the strain, its alternations of fullness and emptiness and all the changes of symptoms,  and varies his salutary processes, sometimes using one kind and sometimes another.",
+                "[34] And so too the politician must needs be a man of many sides and many forms. He must be a different man in peace from what he is in war, another man as those who venture to oppose him are few or many, resisting the few with vigorous action but using persuasion in his dealings with the many, and when danger is involved he will, to effect the common good, outstrip all others in his personal activity, but when the prospect is one of labour merely he will stand aside and leave others to serve him.",
+                "[35] Again it is rightly said that this person is sold, for when the would-be popular orator mounts the platform, like a slave in the market, he becomes a bond-servant instead of a free man, and, through the seeming honours which he receives, the captive of a thousand masters.",
+                "[36] Again, he is also represented as the prey of wild beasts, and indeed the vainglory which lies in ambush and then seizes and destroys those who indulge it is a savage beast.  Once more his purchasers sell him again, for politicians have not one but a multitude of masters who buy them one from another, each waiting to take his turn in the succession, and those who are thus sold again and again like bad servants change their masters, because, capricious and fitful in character as they are and ever hankering after novelty, they cannot endure their old lords."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Enough on this subject also. To resume the story, when the youth had been brought to Egypt and as I have said placed with the eunuch as his master, he gave proof in a few days of his nobility of character and nature, and therefore he received authority over his fellow-servants and the charge of the whole household; for his owner had already observed many signs that everything which he said or did was under God’s directing care.",
+                "[38] So, while in outward appearance it was his purchaser who appointed him steward of his household, in fact and reality it was nature’s  doing, who was taking steps to procure for him the command of whole cities and a nation and a great country. For the future statesman needed first to be trained and practised in house management; for a house is a city compressed into small dimensions, and household management may be called a kind of state management, just as a city too is a great house and statesmanship the household management of the general public. ",
+                "[39] All this shews clearly that the household manager is identical with the statesman, however much what is under the purview of the two may differ in number and size. The same holds with sculpture and painting, for the good statuary or painter, whether the works which he produces are many and of colossal size or few and smaller, is the same man exhibiting the same skill."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] But while he was winning a high reputation in household affairs, his master’s wife made him the object of her designs, which were prompted by licentious love; for wrought up to madness by the beauty of the youth, and putting no restraint upon the frenzy of her passion, she made proposals of intercourse to him which he stoutly resisted and utterly refused to accept, so strong was the sense of decency and temperance which nature and the exercise of control had implanted in him.",
+                "[41] And, since, as she fed the fire of lawless lust till it burst into a blaze, her constant efforts to gain him as constantly failed, at last in an accession of passion she was fain to employ violence. She caught hold of his outer garment and powerfully drew him to her bed by superior force, since passion which often braces even the weakest gave her new vigour.",
+                "[42] But he shewed power which was more than a match for the untoward situation and burst into speech with a frankness worthy of his race. “What,” he said, “are you forcing me to? We children of the Hebrews follow laws and customs which are especially our own.",
+                "[43] Other nations are permitted after the fourteenth year to deal without interference with harlots and strumpets and all those who make a traffic of their bodies, but with us a courtesan is not even permitted to live, and death is the penalty appointed for women who ply this trade.  Before the lawful union we know no mating with other women, but come as virgin men to virgin maidens. The end we seek in wedlock is not pleasure but the begetting of lawful children.",
+                "[44] To this day I have remained pure, and I will not take the first step in transgression by committing adultery, the greatest of crimes. For even if I had always hitherto lived an irregular life, drawn by the appetites of youth and following after the luxury of this land, I ought not to make the wedded wife of another my prey. Who does not thirst for the blood of the adulterer? For while men are accustomed to differ on other matters they are all and everywhere of one mind on this; they count the culprits worthy of a multitude of deaths, and deliver them unjudged into the hands of those who have discovered their guilt.",
+                "[45] But you in your extravagance would impose upon me a third pollution when you bid me not only commit adultery but also defile my mistress and my master’s wife. You cannot think that for this purpose I came into your house, to decline the duties which a servant should render and play like a drunkard and a sot with the hopes of the master who bought me by debasing his bed, his household and his kin.",
+                "[46] Indeed I am called on to honour him not only as a master but further as a benefactor. He has entrusted to me all his belongings and nothing at all great or small has been withdrawn from me save you, his wife. Is it well that I should requite him for this by doing what you urge me to do? A fine gift this would seem to be, a suitable return for preceding favours!",
+                "[47] The master found me a captive and an alien, and has made me by his kindnesses a free man and a citizen as far as he can do it. Shall I, the slave, deal with the master as though he were an alien and a captive? What would be my inward feelings if I agreed to this unholy act? What my looks when I face him, iron-hearted though I be? No, conscience will take hold of me and not suffer me to look him straight in the face  even if I can escape detection. And that cannot be, for there are thousands to sit in judgement on my secret doings who must not remain silent;",
+                "[48] not to mention that, even if no other knows of it or reports the knowledge which he shares with me, all the same I shall turn informer against myself through my colour, my look, my voice, convicted as I said just now by my conscience. And even if no one denounce me, have we no fear or respect for justice, the assessor of God, justice who surveys all our doings?” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] Thus he spoke long and wisely, but she remained deaf to it all. For lust is powerful to becloud even the keenest of the senses. And seeing this he fled leaving in her hands the garments which she had grasped.",
+                "[50] This action of his gave her the opportunity to invent a story and devise charges against the youth to punish him. When her husband came in from the market she put on the air of a chaste and modest woman who regards licentious practices with the utmost indignation. “You brought to us,” she said, “a Hebrew lad as servant, who has not only corrupted your soul when you lightly and thoughtlessly entrusted your household to him, but has had the audacity to dishonour my body.",
+                "[51] For not content with taking merely the women who were his fellow-servants, so utterly lewd and lascivious has he shown himself, he has attempted to violate me by force, me his mistress. The proofs of his insane depravity are clear and evident, for when in my great agitation I cried aloud and called those who were indoors to my aid, he was so scared at my unexpected action  that he left his garment behind and fled in fear of arrest.” This garment she showed and made as though she were proffering a proof of her tale.",
+                "[52] Joseph’s master, believing this to be true, ordered him to be carried away to prison, and in this he committed two great errors. First he gave him no opportunity of defence, and convicted unheard this entirely innocent person as guilty of the greatest misconduct. Secondly, the raiment which his wife produced as left by the youth was a proof of violence not employed by him but suffered at her hands. For if force were used by him he would retain his mistress’s robe, if against him he would lose his own.",
+                "[53] But his master may perhaps be pardoned for his gross ignorance, since his days were spent in a kitchen full of blood and smoke and cinders, where the reason even more, or at least no less, than the body lives amid confusion and has no chance of quietly retiring into itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] Moses has now set before us three characteristics of the statesman, his shepherd-craft, his household-management, his self-control. We have dealt with the two first, but the last-named has quite as much bearing on statesmanship.",
+                "[55] While in all the affairs of life self-mastery is a source of profit and safety, it is particularly so in affairs of state, as those who will may learn from plentiful and obvious examples.",
+                "[56] Who does not know the misfortunes which licentiousness brings to nations and countries and whole latitudes of the civilized world on land and sea? For the majority of wars, and those the greatest, have arisen through amours and adulteries and the deceits of women, which have consumed the greatest and choicest part of the Greek race and the barbarian also, and destroyed the youth of their cities. ",
+                "[57] And, if the results of licentiousness are civil strife and war, and ill upon ill without number, clearly the results of continence are stability and peace and the acquisition and enjoyment of perfect blessings."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] We should now, however, in due course show the lessons revealed to us by this story. The purchaser of the subject of our examination is said to be a eunuch; rightly so, for the multitude which purchases the statesman is in very truth a eunuch, possessing to all appearance the organs of generation but deprived of the power of using them, just as those who suffer from cataract have eyes but lack the active use of them and cannot see.",
+                "[59] How then does the multitude resemble eunuchs? It is because the multitude is unproductive of wisdom, though it seems to practise virtue. For when a mixed crowd of heterogeneous persons comes together, it says what is right, but it thinks and does the opposite. It prefers the spurious to the genuine, because it is under the dominion of appearances and does not practise what is truly excellent.",
+                "[60] And, therefore, also, paradoxical though it be, this eunuch is mated with a wife. For the multitude woos desire as a man woos a woman, and makes her his medium in all that he says and does, and takes her as his counsellor in all things great and small, whether decency sanctions them or not, and is wont to pay little heed to the promptings of reason.",
+                "[61] Very aptly too does Moses call him a chief cook; for, just as the cook is solely occupied in endlessly providing superfluous pleasures for the belly, so is the multitude, considered as politicians, in choosing what charms and pleases the ears, and thus the tension of the understanding is relaxed and the sinews of the soul, so to speak, unstrung.",
+                "[62] As for the difference between cooks and physicians, it is a matter of common knowledge.  The physician devotes all his energies solely to preparing what is wholesome, even if it is unpalatable, while the cook deals with the pleasant only and has no thought of what is beneficial.",
+                "[63] Now in a democracy, physicians are represented by laws, and those who rule in accordance with the law, members of councils and juries who consider the safety and security of the common weal and are proof against flattery; cooks by the swarming crowd of younger spirits, for they do not care what will be beneficial but only how they may reap pleasure for the moment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] And like a licentious woman the desire of the multitudes makes love to the statesman. “Forward,  lad,” she says, “forward, to my mate, the multitude. Forget your own old ways, the habits, the words, the actions in which you were bred. Obey me, wait on me and do all that gives me pleasure.",
+                "[65] The stern, strict, uncompromising friend of truth, stiff and solemn and inflexible in all his dealings, who clings to the beneficial only and pays no court to his audience, is to me intolerable.",
+                "[66] And I will collect any number of charges against you to produce before my husband, the multitude, your master. For hitherto you have seemed to me to act as if at liberty and you are quite unaware that you have become the slave of a despotic master. But if you had known that independence may be quite properly possessed by the free man, but is denied to the slave, you would have schooled yourself to abandon your self-will and to look to me, Desire, his wife, and do what may please me as the best way to secure his favour.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] Now the true statesman knows quite well that the people has the power of a master, yet he will not admit that he is a slave, but regards himself as a free man and shapes his activities to please his own soul. He will frankly say, “I have never learned to cringe to the people, and I will never practise it. But since the leadership and charge of the state is put into my hands I will know how to hold it as a good guardian or an affectionate father, guilelessly and sincerely without the dissimulation which I hate.",
+                "[68] Being thus minded, I will not be found cloaking and hiding anything as a thief might do, but I will keep my conscience clear as in the light of the sun, for truth is light. I will fear none of the tyrant’s menaces, even though he threaten me with death, for death is a less evil than dissimulation.",
+                "[69] And why should I submit to it? For, though the people be a master, I am not a slave, but as highly-born as any, one who claims enrolment among the citizens of that best and greatest state, this world.",
+                "[70] For when neither presents nor appeals nor craving for honours nor desire for office nor spirit of pretentiousness nor longing for reputation, nor incontinence, nor unmanliness, nor injustice, nor any other creation of passion and vice can subdue me, what domination is still left for me to fear?",
+                "[71] Clearly, it can only be that of men, but men, while they assume the sovereignty of my body, are not sovereigns of the real I. For I take my title from the better part, the understanding within me, and by that I am prepared to live with little thought of the mortal body, the shell-like growth which encases me. And, though some may maltreat it, yet, if I be free from the hard masters and mistresses within, I shall suffer no affliction, since I have escaped the cruellest tyranny of all.",
+                "[72] If then I have to serve on a jury, I will give my verdict without favouring the rich because of his abundant wealth, or the poor through pity of his misfortunes, but drawing a veil over the dignity or the outward appearance of the litigants I will in all honesty award what shall appear just.",
+                "[73] If I act as a councillor I will introduce such proposals as are for the common good, even if they be not agreeable. If I speak in the general assembly I will leave all talk of flattery to others and resort only to such as is salutary and beneficial, reproving, warning, correcting in words studied to shew a sober frankness without foolish and frantic arrogance.",
+                "[74] He who does not gladly receive improving advice must to be consistent censure parents and guardians and teachers and all persons in charge, because they reprimand and sometimes even beat their own children or orphan-wards or pupils, though really it is against all morality to call such treatment evil-speaking or outrage instead of friendliness and benevolence.",
+                "[75] For it were a quite unworthy thing that I, the statesman, to whom are committed all the interests of the people, should, in planning for their benefit, shew myself inferior to anyone who practises the physician’s art.",
+                "[76] He cares not how brilliant is the good fortune, as men hold it, which attends his patient or that he is high-born or wealthy or the most glorious king or despot of his time, but devotes himself to one object only, to save him to the best of his ability, even if he must use cautery or surgery, and he applies the fire or the knife, he the subject to his ruler, he the so-called slave to his master.",
+                "[77] And I, who am called to attend not on a single person but on the whole state afflicted by the more powerful distempers which its inbred lusts have produced, what ought I to do? Shall I sacrifice the future welfare of all and minister to the cares of this man and that man with flattery utterly slave-like and unworthy of the free? I would rather lie dead than with some pleasant words conceal the truth and disregard real welfare.",
+                "[78] As the tragedian says:",
+                "<small>So then come fire, come sword. <br>Burn me, consume my flesh, drink my dark blood, <br>Take fill of me; for sooner shall the stars <br>Go ’neath the earth, and earth go up to sky <br> Than thou shalt from these lips hear fawning word.</small>",
+                "[79] When the statesman stands thus aloof from all passions, from pleasure, from fear, from pain, from desire, with the spirit of a true man, the despot-people cannot away with him, but takes him and chastises as an enemy its friend and well-wisher. And thus it lays upon itself rather than on its victim the greatest of punishments, indiscipline, whereby it fails to learn the lesson of submission to government, that lesson most excellent and of life-long profit, which he who learns learns also how to govern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] Having sufficiently discussed these matters, let us proceed to the next. The youth who had been brought into disgrace with his master by the false charges of a lovesick woman, charges which were the counterpart of those to which she was liable herself, was carried away to gaol without even any opportunity of making his defence. In the prison he displayed such a wealth of virtue that even the vilest of the inmates were astounded and overawed, and considered that they had found in him a consolation for misfortunes and a defence against future ills.",
+                "[81] Everyone knows how full of inhumanity and cruelty gaolers are; pitiless by nature and casehardened by practice, they are brutalized day by day towards savagery, because they never even by chance see or say or do any kindness, but only the extremes of violence and cruelty.",
+                "[82] Just as men of well-built physique, if they add to this athletic training, grow sinewy and gain irresistible strength and unequalled robustness, so, whenever any uncivilized and unsoftened nature adds practice to its harshness, it becomes doubly impervious and inaccessible to the kindly and humane emotion of pity. For,",
+                "[83] even as those who consort with the good are improved in character by the pleasure they take in their associates, so those who live with the bad take on some impression of their vice. Custom has a wonderful power of forcing everything into the likeness of nature.",
+                "[84] Gaolers then spend their days with footpads, thieves, burglars, men of violence and outrage, who commit rape, murder, adultery and sacrilege, and from each of these they imbibe and accumulate something of their villainy, out of which miscellaneous amalgam they produce a single body of evil, a fusion of every sort of pollution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] But nevertheless one of this kind, tamed by the nobility of the youth, not only allowed him some security from violence and hardship, but gave him the command of all the prisoners; and thus while he remained nominally and for the sake of appearance the keeper of the gaol, he resigned to Joseph the actual office, which thus became the source of no small benefit to those who were in confinement.",
+                "[86] Thus even the place, as they felt, could not rightly be called a prison, but a house of correction. For instead of the tortures and punishments which they used to endure night and day under the lash or in manacles or in every possible affliction, they were rebuked by his wise words and doctrines of philosophy, while the conduct of their teacher effected more than any words.",
+                "[87] For by setting before them his life of temperance and every virtue, like an original picture of skilled workmanship, he converted even those who seemed to be quite incurable, who as the long-standing distempers of their soul abated reproached themselves for their past and repented with such utterances as these: “Ah, where in old days was this great blessing which at first we failed to find? See, when it shines on us we behold as in a mirror our misbehaviour and are ashamed.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] While they were thus growing in goodness, two eunuchs of the king were brought in, the chief butler and the chief baker, both of them accused and condemned for dereliction of duties. Joseph paid the same attention to them as to the others, in his earnest wish to raise if possible those under him to the level of those who were innocent of offence.",
+                "[89] And after no long time on visiting the prisoners he saw that they were full of depression and dejection, even more than before, and, guessing from their extreme sadness that something unusual had befallen them, he asked the reason.",
+                "[90] When they answered that they had had dreams which filled them with sore trouble and distress because there was no one to interpret them, he said to them: “Cheer up, and tell me these dreams, for their meaning will be known, if God wills, and He does will to unveil what is hidden to those who desire the truth.”",
+                "[91] Then the chief butler spoke first and said: “I dreamt that I saw a great vine, an exceedingly fine stalk growing from three roots. It was thriving and covered with grapes as in the height of the vintage season, and from a cluster which was turning ripe black I plucked some grapes and squeezed them into the royal cup, and when it had plenty of liquor I brought it to the king.”",
+                "[92] Joseph paused for a little, and then said: “Your vision is an announcement to you of good fortune and the recovery of your former office. The three roots of the vine denote three days, after which the king will remember you and send for you from this place. He will then grant you free pardon, and allow you to take your old post, and to confirm you in the office you will act as butler and offer the cup to your master.” The chief butler rejoiced on hearing this."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[93] The chief baker, for his part, approved the interpretation, and, thinking that he himself had had a lucky dream, though in reality it was very much the reverse, and misled by the comforting hopes of the other, proceeded as follows: “I too had a dream. I thought I was carrying three baskets—full of bakemeats—on my head, the uppermost full of all the different kinds which are regularly provided for the use of the king, for the delicacies produced by the caterers for the king’s table are varied and elaborate. Then birds flew down and snatched them from my head, and gobbled them insatiably until all was consumed and nothing of the provisions was left.” Joseph replied:",
+                "[94] “I could have wished that this vision had never been seen by you, or, if seen, had remained unmentioned, or, if its story were told, that at least it should have been told far away from my ears to prevent my hearing it. For no one shrinks more than I from being a messenger of ill-tidings. I sympathize with those in misfortune, and kindly affection makes me feel as much pain as the actual sufferers.",
+                "[95] But the interpreters of dreams must needs tell the truth, since they are prophets expounding divine oracles, and I will therefore speak without reserve; for, while veracity is best in all matters, in dealing with God’s messages, anything else is profanity. ",
+                "[96] The three baskets are symbols of three days. When these have passed, the king will order you to be impaled and beheaded, and the birds will feast upon your flesh until you are entirely devoured.”",
+                "[97] The baker, as might be expected, was confounded and upset, having the appointed day before his eyes and mentally anticipating its pangs. But, when the three days had passed, came the king’s birthday, when all the inhabitants of the country held festive gatherings, and particularly those of the palace.",
+                "[98] So, while the dignitaries were banqueting, and the servants were regaling themselves as at a public feast, the king remembered the eunuchs in the prison and bade them be brought to him. And, when he saw them, he ratified what had been forecast in the interpretation of the dreams, by ordering one to be beheaded and impaled and the other to be restored to his former office."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] But, when he was reconciled to his master, the chief butler forgot him who had predicted the reconciliation and alleviated all the misfortunes which befell him; perhaps because the ungrateful are always forgetful of their benefactors, perhaps also in the providence of God Who willed that the happy events which befell the youth should be due to God rather than to man.",
+                "[100] For after two years the future of his country for both good and ill was revealed to the king when dreaming, in two visions with the same significance, repeated in order to carry stronger conviction.",
+                "[101] He dreamt that seven oxen came up from the river, fat and well covered with flesh and fair to look upon, and browsed beside the banks. After them seven others, mere skeletons, and fleshless, so to speak, and loathsome in appearance, came up and browsed with the former seven. Then suddenly the better seven were devoured by the worse, and yet these after swallowing the others shewed not the smallest increase in bulk of belly but were even more, or at least not less, shrunken.",
+                "[102] The king awoke and then slept again, and was beset by another vision. He thought that seven ears of wheat had sprung out of a single stalk. They were very equal in size and grew and throve and rose to a considerable height, fine and strong. Then seven others sprang up near them, thin and feeble, which overran and swallowed up the stalk which bore the good ears.",
+                "[103] After seeing this the king remained sleepless for the rest of the night, kept awake by the thoughts which pricked and stung him. At dawn he sent for his wise men and told them the vision,",
+                "[104] and when no one could make any likely conjecture which could give a clue to the truth, the chief butler came forward and said: “Master, we may hope to find the man whom you seek. When I and the chief baker had offended, we were by your orders cast into prison where there was a Hebrew servant of the chief cook, to whom we two told the dreams which we had seen, and he interpreted them so exactly and skilfully that all that he had predicted happened to each of us, to him the penalty which he suffered, to me my admission to your clemency and favour.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] The king on hearing this bade them hasten and summon the youth. They obeyed, but first they had him shaven and shorn, for in his confinement the hair had grown long and thick on his head and chin. Then they put on him a bright and clean raiment instead of his filthy prison clothes, and smartened him in other ways and thus brought him to the king.",
+                "[106] The king, judging him by his appearance to be a man of free and noble birth, for the persons of those whom we see exhibit characteristics which are not visible to all, but only to those in whom the eye of the understanding is quick to discern, said: “My soul has a prophetic inkling that my dreams will not for ever remain veiled in obscurity, for in this youth there are signs and indications of wisdom. He will reveal the truth, and as light disperses darkness his knowledge will disperse the ignorance of our wizards.” So he told him the dreams.",
+                "[107] Joseph, nothing awed by the high dignity of the speaker, spoke to him with frankness combined with modesty, rather as a king to a subject than as a subject to the king. “God has given you,” he said, “warning of all that He is about to do in the land. But do not suppose that the two visions are two dreams. There is one dream repeated, though the repeating is not superfluous, but given to convince you more firmly of its trustworthiness.",
+                "[108] For both the seven fat oxen and the seven well-grown and flourishing ears indicate seven years of abundance and prosperity, while the seven oxen that came up after, thin and loathly, and the seven blasted and shrunken ears mean seven other years of famine.",
+                "[109] The first period of seven years, then, will come bringing a large and plentiful wealth of crops, while the river each year, with its rising waters, turns the fields into pools and the plains have a fertility never known before. But after this will come in its turn another period of seven years of the opposite kind, bringing severe dearth and lack of the means of living, with the river ceasing to overflow and the fields to get their fatness, so that men will forget the former prosperity and every trace of the old abundance will be blotted out.",
+                "[110] Such are the facts which appear from the interpretation, but I also hear the promptings  of the divine voice, devising safeguards for the disease, as we may call it; and famine in cities and localities  is the severest of diseases, and we must provide means of weakening it lest it grow to full strength and devour the inhabitants.",
+                "[111] How, then, shall it be weakened? What is left over from the harvest of the seven years of abundance after the necessary allowance for feeding the multitudes, which perhaps will be a fifth, should be stored in the city and villages, without transporting the crops to a distance, but keeping them in the places where they have been produced, to encourage the inhabitants.",
+                "[112] And the crops should be brought in just as they are in the sheaves, without threshing them or purging them in any way,  for four reasons. First, that being thus under shelter they will last longer without spoiling; secondly, that every year when they are threshed and winnowed they will serve as a reminder of the prosperous time, for we always find that imitation  of our real blessings has brought a repetition of the pleasure;",
+                "[113] thirdly, the grain cannot even be reckoned when it is contained in ears and sheaves, and therefore is an uncertain and incalculable quantity. This will prevent the minds of the inhabitants from being prematurely depressed, when they see that the grain, which is a known quantity,  is being gradually consumed. On the contrary, they will have courage, nourished on a food which is better than corn, since hope is the best of nourishments, and take more lightly the heavy scourge of want. Fourthly, to provide a store of fodder for the cattle when the bran and chaff are separated through the purging of the grain.",
+                "[114] And to take charge of all this you must appoint a man of the utmost prudence and good sense and well-approved all round, one who will be competent, without exciting hatred or open resistance, to make the preparations here described without giving the multitude any idea of the coming famine. For it would be a grievous thing if they should faint in anticipation and lose heart through lack of hope.",
+                "[115] And, if anyone asks the reason for these measures, he should be told that, just as in peace we must exercise forethought in preparing for war, so, too, in years of plenty must we provide against dearth. Wars and famines and times of adversity in general are uncertain, and we must stand ready to meet them, not wait till they have come and look for the remedy when nothing is available.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] The king having heard both his interpretation of the dreams, so exactly and skilfully divining the truth, and his advice to all appearance most profitable in its foresight for the uncertainties of the future, bade his companions come closer to him so that Joseph might not hear, and said: “Sirs, shall we find another man such as this, who has in him the spirit of God?”",
+                "[117] When they with one accord praised and applauded his words, he looked at Joseph who was standing by, and said: “He whom you bid us seek is near at hand, the man of prudence and sense is not far distant. He for whom according to your advice we should look is yourself, for I think that God is with you in the words you speak. Come, then, and take the charge of my house, and the superintendence of all Egypt.",
+                "[118] And no one will condemn me for hastiness, for I am not actuated by self-confidence, that passion so hard to cure. Great natures take no long time to prove themselves, but by the massiveness of their power force others to give them a rapid and immediate acceptance; and the facts of the case do not admit of delay and procrastination, since the needs of the time urge us on to make the necessary preparations.”",
+                "[119] He then appointed him viceroy of the kingdom, or rather, if the truth be said, king, reserving indeed to himself the name of the office, but resigning to him the actual sovereignty and doing everything else that might give the young man honour.",
+                "[120] So, then, he bestowed on him the royal seal and put upon him a sacred robe and a golden necklace, and setting him on his second chariot bade him go the round of the city with a crier walking in front who proclaimed the appointment to those who did not know of it.",
+                "[121] He also gave him another name in the language of the country, based on his art of dream interpretation, and betrothed him to the most distinguished of the ladies of Egypt, the daughter of the priest of the Sun. These events happened when he was about thirty years old.",
+                "[122] Such is the latter end of the pious; though they be bent they do not altogether fall, but arise and stand upright firm and strong, never to be brought low any more.",
+                "[123] For who would have expected that in a single day the same man would turn from slave to master, from a prisoner to the highest of dignitaries, that the gaoler’s underling would be the king’s vice-regent and lodge in the palace instead of the gaol, thus winning the foremost place of honour instead of the lowest of dishonour?",
+                "[124] But nevertheless these things have happened and will often happen when God so wills. Only there must be some live coal of nobility smouldering in the soul, which is sure, if it be fanned into flame, to blaze into light."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[125] But since it is our purpose to examine the more allegorical meaning after the literal, I must say what is needful on that also. Perhaps some of the more thoughtless will laugh at my words; but I will say quite plainly that the statesman is most certainly an interpreter of dreams, not one of the parasites, nor one of the praters who shew off their cleverness for hire and use their art of interpreting the visions given in sleep as a pretext for making money; but one who is accustomed to judge with exactness that great general universal dream which is dreamt not only by the sleeping but also by the waking. ",
+                "[126] This dream in veriest truth is human life: for, just as in the visions of sleep, seeing we see not, hearing we hear not, tasting and touching we neither taste nor touch, speaking we speak not, walking we walk not, and the other motions which we make or postures we adopt we do not make or adopt at all, but they are empty creations of the mind which without any basis of reality produces pictures and images of things which are not, as though they were, so, too, the visions and imaginations of our waking hours resemble dreams. They come; they go; they appear; they speed away; they fly off before we can securely grasp them;",
+                "[127] let every man search into his own heart and he will test the truth of this at first hand, with no need of proof from me, especially if he is now advanced in years. This is he who was once a babe, after this a boy, then a lad, then a stripling, then a young man, then a grown man and last an old man.",
+                "[128] But where are all these gone? Has not the baby vanished in the boy, the boy in the lad, the lad in the stripling, the stripling in the youth, the youth in the man, the man in the old man, while on old age follows death? ",
+                "[129] Perhaps, indeed, each of the stages, as it resigns its rule to its successor, dies an anticipatory death, nature thus silently teaching us not to fear the death which ends all, since we have borne so easily the earlier deaths:—that of the babe, of the boy, of the lad, of the stripling, of the man, who are all no more when old age has come."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] And the other things of the body are they not dreams? Is not beauty but for a day, withering before it flowers; health insecure because of the infirmities that lie ready to attack it; strength an easy victim of the diseases which arise from numberless causes; accuracy of senses unstable and easily upset by the onset of some little humour?",
+                "[131] As for the external goods, who does not know their uncertainty? Magnificent fortunes have often been dissolved in a single day. Multitudes who have won the first place with the highest honour have passed over to the unglorious lot of the unmeritable and obscure. The greatest kings have seen their empires overthrown when occasion gives a slight turn to the scale.",
+                "[132] What I say is vouched for by Dionysius of Corinth, who was the tyrant of Sicily, but when he fell from power fled to Corinth and there this great sovereign became a teacher of the rudiments. ",
+                "[133] Another witness is Croesus, the king of Lydia, wealthiest of monarchs, who hoped to overthrow the empire of the Persians, and not only lost his own as well but was taken prisoner and on the point of being burnt alive.",
+                "[134] That these are dreams is attested not only by single men, but by cities, nations, countries, by Greeks, by the world of the barbarians, by dwellers on the mainland, by dwellers on islands, by Europe, by Asia, by West, by East.  For nothing at all anywhere has remained in the same condition; everywhere all has been subject to changes and vicissitudes.",
+                "[135] Egypt once held the sovereignty over many nations, but now is in slavery. The Macedonians in their day of success flourished so greatly that they held dominion over all the habitable world, but now they pay to the tax-collectors the yearly tributes imposed by their masters.",
+                "[136] Where is the house of the Ptolemies, and the fame of the several Successors  whose light once shone to the utmost boundaries of land and sea? Where are the liberties of the independent nations and cities, where again the servitude of the vassals? Did not the Persians once rule the Parthians, and now the Parthians rule the Persians? So much do human affairs twist and change, go backward and forward as on the draught-board.",
+                "[137] Some picture for their future a long and unlimited run of luck, and the outcome is great calamity, and when they press eagerly to secure what they think to be their heritage of good they find terrible misfortunes, while on the contrary when they expect evil what they meet with is good.",
+                "[138] Athletes mightily proud of the strength and muscle and robustness of their bodies, hoping for undoubted victory, have often failed to pass the test and been excluded from the arena, or if admitted, have been vanquished, while others who despaired of taking even the second place have won the first prize and worn the crown.",
+                "[139] Some who embarked in summer, the safe sailing season, have been shipwrecked; others who sailed in winter, expecting to be capsized, have reached the harbour in security. Of merchants, some hurry to what seems certain gain, and little know the disasters that await them. Again, when they reckon that they will suffer loss, they win great profits.",
+                "[140] Thus fortunes are uncertain either way, and human affairs swing as on a scale with unequal weights, carried lightly up or pressing the balance down, and terrible is the uncertainty and vast the darkness which envelops the events of life. We flounder as though in deep sleep, unable to compass anything by accurate reasoning or to grasp it vigorously and firmly, for all are like shadows and phantoms.",
+                "[141] And as in processions the front part passes on and is lost to sight, and in the winter torrents the stream in its course speeds past us and by its violence and rapidity outstrips our observation, so too the events of life rush along past us, and though they make a show of remaining do not stay even for a moment, but are ever swept away.",
+                "[142] And those who are awake, who in the uncertainty of apprehension differ nothing from the sleeping, deceive themselves and think that they are capable of discerning differences in the nature of things by incontrovertible processes of reason. Each sense impedes their attainment of knowledge, seduced whether by the sights it sees or by the sounds it hears, or by varieties of flavours, or by scents of different quality, to which it turns aside and is dragged along with them, and prevents the soul as a whole from standing erect and advancing without stumbling as along a high road. And thus the senses produce the confusion of high with low and great with small, and all that is akin to inequality and irregularity, and the soul’s sight swims perforce in the great dizziness which they create."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Since, then, human life is full of this vast confusion and disorder and uncertainty also, the statesman must come forward, and, like some wise expounder of dreams, interpret the day-time visions and phantoms of those who think themselves awake, and with suggestions commended by reason and probability shew them the truth about each of these visions: that this is beautiful, that ugly, this just, that unjust, and so with all the rest; what is prudent, courageous, pious, religious, beneficial, profitable, and conversely what is unprofitable, unreasonable, ignoble, impious, irreligious, deleterious, harmful, selfish. ",
+                "[144] And he will give other lessons, such as, This is another’s, do not covet it; This is your own, use it but do not misuse it; You have abundance of wealth, give a share to others, for the excellence of wealth consists not in a full purse but in succouring the needy; Your possessions are small, be not jealous of the rich, for envious poverty gets pity from none; You have high reputation and have received honour, be not arrogant; Your fortunes are lowly, let not your spirits sink also; All goes with you as you would have it, be prepared for change; You have made many a trip, hope for a better time, for with men things turn to their opposite;",
+                "[145] The sun and moon and the whole heaven stand out in such clear and plain distinctness because everything there remains the same and regulated by the standards of truth itself moves in harmonious order and with the grandest of symphonies; while earthly things are brimful of disorder and confusion and in the fullest sense of the words discordant and inharmonious, because in them deep darkness reigns while in heaven all moves in most radiant light, or rather heaven is light itself most pure and unalloyed.",
+                "[146] And indeed if one be willing to look into the inner realities he will find that heaven is an eternal day, wherein there is no night or any shadow, because around it shine without ceasing unquenchable and undefiled beams of light.",
+                "[147] And the same difference that there is here in people when asleep and when awake exists in the universe as a whole between the heavenly and the earthly, for the former is kept in unsleeping wakefulness by active forces which do not err or stumble and go always aright, but the earthly life is sunk in sleep, and even if it wake up for a little is dragged down again and falls asleep, because it can see nothing steadily with its soul but wanders and stumbles about darkened as it is by false opinions which compel it to dream, and thus never catching up with realities it is incapable of apprehending anything firmly and securely."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Again there is a symbolic meaning in saying that Joseph mounts on the king’s second chariot, and the reason is this. The statesman takes a second place to the king, for he is neither a private person nor a king, but something between the two. He is greater than a private person but less than a king in absolute power, since he has the people for his king, and to serve that king with pure and guileless good faith is the task he has set before him.",
+                "[149] He rides, too, aloft seated on a chariot, raised on high both by the affairs he handles and the multitude around him, especially when everything great and small goes as he would have it, when from none comes any counterblast or opposition, and under the safe pilotage of God all is well with the voyage.",
+                "And the ring which the king gives is the clearest sign of the good faith which the king-people places in the statesman and the statesman in the king-people.",
+                "[150] The golden chain around his neck seems to indicate both high fame and punishment, for while affairs of state fare well in his hands he is proud and dignified and honoured by the multitude, but when disaster befalls him, not indeed of his set purpose which would imply guilt, but by chance which is a venial matter, he is all the same dragged down to the dust by the decoration round his neck, and as he falls you may almost hear his master say: “I gave you this neck circlet both as a decoration when my business prospers and as a halter when it goes amiss.” "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] I have heard, however, some scholars give an allegorical exposition of this part of the story in a different form. It was as follows. The king of Egypt, they said, was our mind, the ruler of the land of the body in each of us over which he is invested with kingly power.",
+                "[152] When this mind becomes enamoured of the body, its efforts are expended on three things which it deems most worthy of its care and trouble, bread, meat and drink; and, therefore, it provides three offices to provide for these, a chief baker, a chief butler and a chief cook, for the first presides over the food, the second over the drink, the third over the seasoning which adds relish to the actual meat.",
+                "[153] All are eunuchs, since the lover of pleasure is barren of all the chief necessities, temperance, modesty, self-restraint, justice and every virtue; for no two things can be more hostile to each other than virtue is to pleasure, which makes the many disregard what alone deserves their care, satisfy their unbridled lusts and submit to whatever those lusts command.",
+                "[154] So, then, the chief cook is not haled to prison and meets with no maltreatment, because the extra seasonings he prepares are not of the most indispensable kind and are not pleasure, but incitements to pleasure, which kindle only to be quenched. Not so with the other two whose business lies with the miserable belly, namely the chief baker and the chief butler. For the most essential of the needs of life are food and drink, and those who take charge of them are naturally held to deserve praise if they treat the charge as worthy of their care, but anger and punishment if they neglect it.",
+                "[155] The punishment also differs in the two cases because the usefulness of the two differs, being absolutely vital in regard to bread-food, less so in regard to wine, for men can live without strong liquor by drinking fresh water,",
+                "[156] and therefore it is possible to make terms of reconciliation with the chief butler as an offender in a less important matter. Not so with the chief baker who, being guilty in what is all-important, is the object of an anger which demands his life. For death is the consequence of lack of bread-food, and therefore the offender in this is properly put to death by hanging, suffering what he has made others to suffer, for indeed he has hanged and racked the starving man with hunger."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] So much for this.  To continue the story, Joseph, thus appointed viceroy to the king and promoted to the superintendence of Egypt, took a journey to make himself known to all the people of the country. He visited the nomes,  as they are called, city by city, and made his presence very welcome to those who saw him, not only through the benefits which they received from him, but through the remarkable and exceptional charm of his appearance and his general deportment.",
+                "[158] When the first seven years of plenty came, as his reading of the dreams had predicted, he employed the ‹local› prefects and others who served him in providing for the public needs to collect a fifth part of the fruits every year, and the quantity of sheaves which he amassed surpassed anything within the memory of men. The clearest proof of this is that it was impossible even to count them, though some persons who were interested in it spent a vast amount of labour in making elaborate calculations.",
+                "[159] But when the seven years during which the plains bore plentifully were ended, the famine began and spread and grew till Egypt could not hold it. It overran successively the cities and countries which lay in its path to the utmost limits of east and west, and rapidly made itself master of the whole civilized world round Egypt.",
+                "[160] In fact, it is said that never did so great a scourge fall upon the whole community. In this it resembled what the medical schools call herpes, which attacks every part and spreads in successive stages like a fire over the whole framework of the festering body.",
+                "[161] Accordingly from each city the most approved persons were chosen and sent to Egypt, for already the story of Joseph’s foresight in storing up abundance of food against a time of dearth had penetrated to every quarter.",
+                "[162] He first ordered all the stores to be thrown open, thinking that he would thus increase the courage of those who saw them, and, so to speak, feed their souls with comforting hopes before he fed their bodies. Afterwards, through the commissioners of victualling he sold to those who wished to buy, still always forecasting the after-time and keeping a keener eye on the future than on the present."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[163] In these circumstances, his father, too, as the necessities of life were now growing scarce, little knowing his boy’s good fortune, sent ten of his sons to buy corn, but kept at home the youngest, the uterine brother of the king’s viceroy.",
+                "[164] The ten came to Egypt and had an interview with their brother, thinking him to be a stranger, and awestruck at his dignified position bowed to him in the old-fashioned way, and thus at the very outset brought his dreams to fulfilment. ",
+                "[165] He, seeing those who had sold him, immediately recognized them all, though none of them recognized him. It was not God’s will to reveal the truth as yet, for cogent reasons which were best at the time kept secret, and therefore He either changed and added grandeur to the appearance of the regent or else perverted the understanding of the brothers from properly apprehending what they saw.",
+                "[166] Then, though, young as he was, promoted to so high a command, invested with the first office after the king, looked up to by east and west, flushed with the vigour of his prime and the greatness of his power, with the opportunity of revenge in his hands, he might well have shewn vindictiveness, he did not do so. He bore up firmly against his feelings, and, keeping them under the management of his soul, with a carefully considered purpose, he feigned disfavour and with looks and voice and the rest of his demeanour counterfeited indignation. “Sirs,” he said, “your intentions are not peaceful. You have been sent as spies by one of the king’s enemies, to whom you have agreed to render this base service thinking that you would escape detection. But no treacherous action passes undetected, however profound the obscurity in which it is shrouded.”",
+                "[167] The brothers attempted to defend themselves, and maintained that the charges had no foundation of fact. They had not been sent, they said, by ill-disposed persons, and they themselves had no hostility to the people of the country and could never have brought themselves to undertake such employment, being men of peaceful nature who had learned almost from infancy to value a steady and quiet life under a father of scrupulous conduct and highly favoured by God. “This father has had twelve sons, the youngest of whom has stayed at home, being not of an age to travel. Ten are we whom you see before you here, and the twelfth has passed away.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "When he heard this and found himself spoken of as dead by those who had sold him, what do we suppose were the sensations of his soul?",
+                "[168] Though he gave no utterance to the emotion which he felt, yet inwardly he was consumed by the secret fire which their words had kindled. In spite of this, he said, assuming a very impressive air,  “If it is true that you have not come to spy out the land, do you as a proof of good faith to me abide here for a short time and let your youngest brother be summoned hither by letter.",
+                "[169] But, if you are anxious to depart for the sake of your father who will perhaps be alarmed at his long separation from you, let all the rest set off but one remain to serve as a hostage until you return with the youngest. And any disobedience in this will entail the extreme penalty of death.”",
+                "[170] Thus he threatened with grim looks, and giving to all appearance signs of great anger took his departure. But they, filled with gloom and depression, began to reproach themselves for their plot against their brother. “That wrong we did,” they said, “is the cause of our present evil plight. Justice, the surveyor of human affairs, is now devising our downfall. For a little while she kept quiet, but now is awake and shews her implacable and inexorable nature to those who deserve punishment.",
+                "[171] And who deserves it more than we, who mercilessly disregarded the prayers and supplications of our brother, though he had committed no offence, but merely in family affection recounted to us as his intimates the visions of his sleep, in resentment for which, with unparalleled brutality and savagery, we wrought what truth forces us to admit were unholy deeds?",
+                "[172] And, therefore, let us expect to suffer this, and even more than this, we who though almost alone among men we owe our title of nobly-born to the surpassing virtues of father, grandfather and ancestors, have shamed our kin and hastened to load ourselves with infamy and disgrace.”",
+                "[173] The eldest of the brothers, who originally opposed them when they were forming their plot, said: “Remorse for what is done is useless. I proved to you the enormity of the crime and begged and exhorted you not to give way to your wrath, but when you should have accepted my advice you let your evil counsels have their way.",
+                "[174] And so we are reaping the rewards of our self-will and impiety. The plot we hatched for him is under inquisition, but the inquisitor is no man but God or the word or law of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] As they talked thus quietly, since an interpreter was acting for them,  the brother whom they had sold heard what they said, and, overcome by his emotion and on the point to weep, turned aside to avoid discovery and let the tears stream warm and fast. Then, somewhat relieved, he wiped them from his face, turned round and bade the second eldest of the brothers to be bound in the sight of them all. This brother corresponded to himself, for the second of a large number corresponds to the last but one as the eldest does to the last.",
+                "[176] But perhaps too he thought that that brother had the greatest responsibility for the wickedness, since he might be almost called the officer of the company and the ringleader of their spite. For if he had ranged himself with the eldest when he counselled kindness and humanity, being, though younger than he, older than the others, the wrongdoing might well have been stopped. For the two highest in position and honour would have been united in sentiment and purpose on the question, and this of itself would have had great weight to turn the scale. As it was,",
+                "[177] he left the mild, the better, side, and deserted to the cruel and savage side, and being appointed their leader so encouraged his fellow-malefactors that they played out without flinching the criminal contest. It was for this reason, I think, that he alone of them all was put in bonds.",
+                "[178] As the others were now preparing for their journey homewards, the regent ordered the corn-factors to fill all their sacks, thus treating them as guests, and secondly to place secretly in the mouth of each sack the price which had been paid, without giving information of this repayment to the recipients, and thirdly to bestow an additional bounty, namely a special stock of provisions sufficient for the journey, so that the corn purchased might be brought to its destination undiminished.",
+                "[179] The brothers journeyed on, pitying as was natural the one whom they left in bonds, and no less depressed at the thought of their father, how he would again hear of misfortune and feel that every journey diminished and curtailed his wealth of children. “Indeed,” they said, “he will not even believe that he has been put in bonds, but think that bonds are a pretext to cloak death, since those who have once received a blow often find themselves brought up against the same calamity.” As they thus talked, evening overtook them, and when they had unloaded their beasts, though these were relieved, they themselves felt the burden of their cares weigh heavier on their souls. For when the body takes rest the mind receives clearer visions of adversities and is grievously afflicted and oppressed thereby."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[180] One of them, loosing a particular sack, saw at its mouth a purse nearly full of silver, and, counting it, found that the exact price which he had paid for the corn had been restored to him. Filled with astonishment, he told his brothers, who, suspecting that it was not a gift but a trap, were dismayed.",
+                "[181] And though they fain would have examined all the sacks, so great was their fear of pursuit that they started off and hurried on with all speed, and racing along with hardly a pause for breath made a short matter of accomplishing a journey of many days.",
+                "[182] Then grouped around  their father they embraced him, weeping the while, and kissed him as he clung to each and folded them passionately in his arms, though his soul already had a boding of some calamity. For he took note of them as they approached and greeted him, and, thinking that the son who was actually left behind was playing the laggard, he blamed him for his slowness and kept looking to the different approaches in his eagerness to see the number of his children complete.",
+                "[183] And, seeing his agitation when no one else appeared from outside, they said: “In calamity, to learn the truth is less painful than to doubt. He who has learned the truth may find the way to safety; the ignorance of doubt produces the perplexity which finds no path. Listen, then, to a story, which, painful though it be, must needs be told.",
+                "[184] The brother who was sent with us to buy corn and has not returned is alive—you must cast from your mind the worse fear of his death—but, though alive, he remains in Egypt with the regent of the land, who, either on some accusations laid by others, or on his own suspicions, charged us with being spies. We made all the defence which the occasion called for.",
+                "[185] We told him of you, our father, and the brothers who were absent from our company, how one of them was dead and the other was abiding with you, who, as we said, was still quite young and therefore on account of his age kept at home. But when we thus laid bare without concealment all the facts about our family we made no headway in removing his suspicion. He told us that the only proof which he would accept of the truth of our assertions was that the youngest son should be sent to him, and that to ensure this he detained the second son as pledge and security for the other.",
+                "[186] This command is painful beyond everything, but is laid upon us less by him who issued it than by the needs of the time, which we must perforce obey to get those provisions which Egypt alone supplies to people who are hard pressed by famine.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[187] Their father gave a deep groan, and said: “Whom should I lament for first? My youngest but one, who was not the last but the first to be placed on the list of unfortunates, or the second eldest who won the second prize of evils, bonds in place of death, or the youngest who, if he does go, will go on a journey of truly evil omen, unlessoned by the misfortunes of his brothers? While I, divided limb by limb and part by part, since the child is part of its parent, am like to survive childless, I who but lately was held to be the father of a fine and numerous family.”",
+                "[188] His eldest son then said: “I give you my two sons, my only children, as hostages. Slay them if I do not restore to you in safety the brother whom you will entrust to my hand, whose coming to Egypt will procure us two very great gains, first the clear proof that we are not spies or enemies, secondly the power to recover our brother from bondage.”",
+                "[189] The father was much distressed, and said that he knew not what to do, since of the two full brothers one was already dead and the other left desolate and alone would dread the journey and suffer a living death through fright recalling the horrors which had befallen his precursor. When he thus spoke, they put forward the fourth in age, the most courageous of them all, a man princely in nature and powerful of speech, and persuaded him to act as spokesman of what they all thought.",
+                "[190] This was, that, since the necessaries of life were running short, as the first stock of corn which they had brought was exhausted and the stress of the famine pressed hard upon them, they should set out to buy more corn but would not do so if their youngest brother stayed behind, since the ruler of the land had forbidden them to appear without him.",
+                "[191] Their father, reckoning in his wisdom that it was better to surrender one to the mercy of an obscure and dubious future than that many should suffer the undoubted destruction which the stress of famine, that fatal scourge, would inflict upon the whole household,",
+                "[192] said: “Nay, if the call of necessity is stronger than my wishes, I must yield, for haply it may be that nature has some better gift in store, which as yet she refuses to reveal to our mind.",
+                "[193] Take, then, the youngest as you propose, and depart, but not in the same fashion as before, for on the former occasion when you were unknown and had not met with any fatal disaster you only needed money to pay for the corn, but now you must take presents also for three reasons, to propitiate the governor and chief victualler to whom you say you are known, to hasten the delivery of the prisoner with a considerable ransom, and to remedy the suspicion that you are spies as much as you can.",
+                "[194] Take, then, samples of all the products of our land, firstfruits, as it were, and a double sum of money, to make good what was restored to you on your former visit, perhaps through someone’s oversight, and also enough for purchasing the corn.",
+                "[195] Carry with you, further, my own prayers which I offer to the God of our salvation that you, as strangers in the land, may be well-pleasing to the inhabitants, and also may return in safety and restore to your father the sureties which he has been forced to pledge, even his sons, both him who before was left behind in bondage and the one whom you now take with you, the youngest so inexperienced in life.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[196] They set off, and hastened to Egypt. On their arrival a few days afterwards the governor saw them and was greatly pleased. He bade the steward of his household prepare a sumptuous meal and bring them in to partake of his salt and board. Conducted thus,",
+                "[197] with no knowledge of what was intended, they were scared and perturbed, guessing that they were to be libelled as thieves for having filched the price of the corn which they had found in the sacks on the first occasion. Then they approached the steward and made their defence, clearing their consciences of a matter on which no one was venturing to charge them, and at the same time they produced and shewed him the money which they had brought for repayment.",
+                "[198] But he raised their courage with kind and friendly words. “No one,” he said, “is so impious as to libel the bounties of God Whose mercy I invoke. For He has poured treasure into your sacks, thereby providing not only sustenance but wealth to spend as you need it.”",
+                "[199] Thus encouraged, they proceeded to set out in order the gifts they had brought from home, and when the master of the house arrived they offered them to him. He asked them how they were, and whether the father of whom they spoke before still lived, in answer to which they said nothing about themselves but told him that their father was alive and well.",
+                "[200] Joseph invoked a blessing on him and pronounced him most favoured by God, and then, when, looking round, he saw Benjamin, his own mother’s son, he could not contain himself, but, overcome by emotion, turned aside before he could be observed, and hastened, nominally on some pressing business, as the time for disclosure had not come, into a corner of the house and there burst into weeping and let the tears stream forth."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[201] Then he washed his face, and, reason prevailing over his troubled feelings, approached his guests and led them to the feast, having first restored the prisoner who had been detained as hostage for the youngest. Other Egyptian dignitaries feasted with them.",
+                "[202] The method of entertainment followed in each case ancestral practice,  since he strongly disapproved of neglecting old customs, particularly at a festivity where the pleasures outnumber the disagreeables.",
+                "[203] When the guests were seated, arranged by his commands in order of age, as at that date it was not the custom to recline at convivial gatherings, they were surprised to find that the Egyptians affected the same fashions as the Hebrews, and were careful of order of precedence, and knew how to discriminate between younger and older in the honours which they paid them. ",
+                "[204] “It may be,” they said, “that in other times the style of life in this country was less civilized, until this man, when put over the state, introduced good order not only in the important matters which give rise to success in peace and war, but in those regarded as less important which mainly belong to the lighter side of life. For festivities demand cheerfulness and have no room for the over-grave and austere guest.”",
+                "[205] While they thus quietly descanted in his praise the tables were brought in, not over-sumptuously laden,  because their host, on account of the famine, disliked the thought of luxury while others were suffering want; and they themselves had the sound sense to include in their eulogies this also, that he had shunned the odious fault of tasteless display. He had preserved, they said, the attitude both of a sympathizer with the needy and of the host at a feast, had set himself in the mean between the two and escaped censure on either count.",
+                "[206] The arrangements, then, did not offend good taste, but were suitable to the occasion, and any deficiency was made good by the constant signs of kind feeling shewn in toasts and good wishes and invitations to take refreshment, things which to liberal and cultured temperaments give more pleasure than all the preparations of food and drink provided by the lovers of high feasting for themselves and others, who make a parade of what is unworthy of care and attention with the ostentation natural to men of little mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[207] On the next day at dawn he sent for the steward of the house and bade him fill with corn all the sacks which the men had brought, and again put the purchase-money in purses at the mouths of the sacks, and also to place in that of the youngest his finest piece of silver, the cup out of which he was accustomed to drink himself.",
+                "[208] The steward readily carried out his orders without anyone else being present, and they, knowing nothing of these secret doings, set off in high spirits at all their good fortune so far beyond their hopes.",
+                "[209] What they had expected was to find themselves the victims of a false charge of stealing the money which had been restored to them, to fail to recover their brother who was left as hostage and perhaps also in addition to lose the youngest who might be forcibly detained by the governor who had urged his coming.",
+                "[210] What had happened surpassed their most sanguine wishes. Instead of being subjected to accusation, they had been made partners in the board and salt which men have devised as the symbols of true friendship. They had recovered their brother inviolate without any intervention or entreaty. They were bringing, too, the youngest safe and sound to his father, and while they had escaped the suspicion of being spies they were taking with them a rich abundance of food and moreover had comfortable prospects for the future. “For if provisions should chance to fail,” they reasoned, “we shall leave home not in extreme fear as before but with joyful hearts, knowing that we shall find in the governor of the country not a stranger but a personal friend.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[211] While they were in this mood, and their souls occupied with these reflections, a sudden and unexpected discomfiture overtook them. For the steward, by order of his master, with a considerable body of servants, appeared in pursuit waving his hands and beckoning to them to halt.",
+                "[212] And when he arrived, all eagerness and panting hard, “You have set the seal,” he said, “to the earlier charges made against you. You have returned evil for good and once more set your feet in the same path of iniquity. You have filched the price of the corn and committed in addition a still worse crime, for villainy grows if it receives condonation.",
+                "[213] You have stolen the finest and most valuable of my master’s cups in which he pledged you, you, who were so exceedingly grateful, so exceedingly peace-loving, you who did not so much as know the meaning of ‘spy,’ you who brought double money to pay what was due before, apparently as a trap and snare to serve you in your quest for still more plunder. But wickedness does not prosper in the long run; it is ever scheming to remain hid but is detected in the end.”",
+                "[214] While he continued in this strain, they stood paralysed and speechless, suddenly seized by those most painful inflictions, grief and fear, so that they could not even open their mouths. For the onset of unexpected ills can render even eloquent speakers mute.",
+                "[215] Yet, unnerved as they were, they did not wish their silence to be construed as a sign that their conscience convicted them, and therefore they replied: “How shall we defend ourselves, and to whom? You will be our judge, you who are also our accuser, who from your experience of us should rather be the advocate did others arraign us. Could it be that after bringing in repayment the money we found in our sacks though no one challenged us, we completely changed our characters, so as to requite our entertainer by mulcting and robbing him? No, we have not done so, and may no such thought ever enter our mind.",
+                "[216] Let whoever of the brothers is proved to have the cup be put to death, for death is the penalty at which we assess the crime if it really has been committed, for several reasons. First, because covetousness and the desire for what is another’s is against all law; secondly, because to attempt to injure benefactors is a most unholy deed; thirdly, because to those who pride themselves on their high lineage it is a most shameful reproach if they do not shrink from ruining the prestige of their ancestors by deeds of guilt. And since, if any one of us has committed this theft, he is liable on all these counts, let him die since his deed deserves a thousand deaths.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[217] With these words they pulled the packs from off their beasts, and bade him search with all diligence. He, who knew well that the cup was lying in the sack of the youngest son, since he had secretly put it there himself, tricked them by beginning his examination with the eldest, and continued in regular order according to their age, as each produced and shewed his sack, until he reached the last. When the object of the search was actually found in his possession, a wail arose from the whole body at the sight. They rent their clothes and wept and groaned, mourning for the death which awaited the brother who was still alive, and no less for themselves and their father who foretold the misfortunes which would befall his son and had therefore for a time refused to consent to their wish that their brother should travel with them.",
+                "[218] Downcast and confounded they returned by the same road to the city, appalled at the event and attributing it to a malicious plot and not to the covetousness of their brother. Then, when brought before the governor, they shewed their brotherly good feeling by their genuine emotion.",
+                "[219] For, falling in a body at his knees, as though they were all guilty of the theft, a charge the mere mention of which was an outrage, they wept, they besought him, they put themselves at his disposal, they volunteered to submit to enslavement, they called him their master and themselves his slaves of any and every kind, outcasts,  household bred or purchased in the market; no servile name did they leave unsaid.",
+                "[220] But he, to try them still further, assumed a very severe  air and said: “I trust that I may never act thus, and send so many to captivity for the sin of one. For what good reason is there for including in the penalties those who had no share in the offence? He yonder, who alone did the deed,",
+                "[221] let him suffer for it. Now, I am told that before you entered the city  death was the sentence you too approved for the guilty person, but as I am ever inclined for the moderate and humaner course I reduce the punishment and sentence him to slavery instead of death.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[222] This stern decision had greatly distressed them, utterly dejected as they were by the false accusations made against them, when the fourth in age, who combined boldness and courage with modesty and practised frankness of speech without effrontery, approached him and said: “My lord, I pray you not to give way to wrath, nor, because you have been appointed to the second post after the king, to condemn before you have heard our defence.",
+                "[223] When you asked us at our first visit of our brother and father, we answered, ‘Our father is an old man, aged not so much by years as by repeated misfortunes, whereby as in a training-school he has been continually exercised amid labours and sufferings which have tried him sore. But our brother is quite young, the idol and darling of his father, because he is the child of his later years, the only one left of the two that their mother bore, since the elder has died a violent death.",
+                "[224] Now when you bade us bring that brother here, and threatened that if he did not arrive we should not even be admitted again to your presence, we departed in dejection, and, when we got home, only with reluctance told your orders to our father.",
+                "[225] He at first opposed them in his great fear for the boy, but, when necessaries grew scarce and yet none of us dared to come and buy corn without the youngest because of the stern warning you had given, he was with difficulty persuaded to send the boy with us. Many a time did he blame us for admitting that we had another brother. Many a time did he pity himself for the coming separation from the boy, for he is but a child and without experience, not only of life in a foreign land, but of city  life in general.",
+                "[226] Then, since such are our father’s feelings, how can we return to him? How can we look him in the face without the boy? He will suffer the saddest of deaths on merely hearing that he has not returned, and we shall be called murderers and parricides by all the spiteful people who gloat over such misfortunes.",
+                "[227] And the chief stream of obloquy will be directed against me, for I pledged myself with many forfeits to my father, and declared that I received the boy as a deposit which I would restore when it was demanded from me. But how can I restore it, unless you yourself are propitiated? I pray you to take pity on the old man, and realize the miseries which he will suffer if he does not recover him whom he unwillingly entrusted to my hand.",
+                "[228] But do you exact the penalty for the wrongs which you believe yourself to have received. I will willingly pay it. Write me down your slave from this day onwards. I will gladly endure what the newly-bought endure if you will spare the child.",
+                "[229] This boon, if indeed you grant it, will be a boon not to the boy himself but to one who is not here present, whom you will relieve of his cares, the father of all these many suppliants. For suppliants we are who have fled for refuge to your most august right hand, which we pray may never fail us.",
+                "[230] Take pity, then, on the old age of one who has spent all his years labouring in the arena of virtue. The cities of Syria he won over to receive and honour him, though his customs and usages were strange to them and very different, and those of the country alien to him in no small degree. But the nobility of his life, and his acknowledged harmony of words with deeds and deeds with words, prevailed so that even those whom national feelings prejudiced against him were brought over to his ways.",
+                "[231] Such is the gratitude which you will earn, and what greater could be earned? For what greater boon could a father have than the recovery of a son of whose safety he has despaired?”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[232] All this and what had gone before was intended to test what feeling they shewed under the eyes of the governor to his own mother’s son. For he feared that they might have had that natural estrangement which the children of a stepmother often shew to the family of another wife who was no less esteemed than their own mother.",
+                "[233] This was the reason why he accused them of spying, and questioned them on their kin in order to know whether that brother was alive and had not been the victim of a plot, and also why he detained one when he let the others depart after agreeing to bring the youngest, whom he greatly yearned to see and thus shake off the trouble which weighed on him so heavily.",
+                "[234] This again was why, though when he came to join them and seeing his brother felt just a little relieved, he after inviting them to the hospitality of his board entertained his mother’s son on a richer scale than the rest,  but meanwhile observed each of them to judge from their looks whether they still cherished some secret envy.",
+                "[235] Finally it was for the same reason that when he saw how pleased and overjoyed they were at the honour paid to that brother and thus had established by two testimonies that there was no smouldering enmity, he devised this third testimony, namely to pretend that the cup had been stolen, and charge the theft to the youngest. For this would be the clearest way of testing the real feeling of each, and their attachment to the brother thus falsely accused.",
+                "[236] On all these grounds he was now convinced that there was no factious conspiracy to undo his mother’s family, and also considering what had happened to himself he came to the conclusion that his experiences were probably due not so much to their conspiring as to the providence of God Who beholds distant events and sees the future no less than the present."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[237] So then, overcome by family affection, he hastened to conclude his reconciliation. And that no reproach might attach to the brothers for their action he judged it best that no Egyptian should be present at the first recognition.",
+                "[238] Instead he bade all the staff to withdraw, and then suddenly shedding a flood of tears and beckoning to them with his right hand to approach nearer so that no one else could by chance hear him, he said: “I am going to reveal to you a matter which has been shrouded in darkness and long time hidden, and I do so while you and I are all alone. The brother whom you sold into Egypt is I myself, whom you see standing beside you.”",
+                "[239] When, astonished and staggered at the unexpected news, they stood rooted to the spot mute and speechless with eyes cast to the ground as though drawn by some compelling force, “Be not downcast,” he continued, “I forgive and forget all what you did to me. Do not ask for any other advocate.",
+                "[240] Of my own free, unbidden judgement I have voluntarily come to make my peace with you. In this I have two fellow-counsellors, my reverence for our father, which is chiefly responsible for the favour I shew you, and the natural humanity which I feel to all men, and particularly to those of my blood.",
+                "[241] And I consider that the cause of what has happened is not you but God, Who willed to use me as His servant, to administer the boons and gifts which He deigns to grant to the human race in the time of their greatest need.",
+                "[242] You can have a clear proof of this in what you see. All Egypt is committed to my hands, and I hold the first place of honour with the king, and though I am young, and he my elder, he honours me as a father. I have waiting on my will not only the inhabitants of the land, but most of the other nations, whether subject or independent, for because of the dearth they all need me at the head.",
+                "[243] Silver and gold are stored in my keeping alone, and, what is more necessary than these, the means of sustenance, which I distribute and parcel out to those who ask, according to their necessary requirements, so that they have no superfluities which might serve for luxury nor lack of what may satisfy actual want.",
+                "[244] But I have told you all this, not because I plume and pride myself thereon, but that you may perceive that no man could have caused such greatness to come to one who was a slave and afterwards a prisoner—for I was once in bonds under a false charge—but He Who turned my condition of extreme calamity into one of unequalled and exalted good fortune was God to Whom all things are possible.",
+                "[245] Since I am so disposed, fear no more, but cast aside your heaviness of heart and take a cheerful courage in its stead. It would be well that you should hasten to our father, and first of all give him the good tidings that you have found me, for rumours travel fast in all directions.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[246] The brothers, letting their tongues run freely, ceased not to sound his praises point by point. Each one had a different theme, one his readiness to forgive, one his family affection, one his prudence, while all united in praising his piety in attributing to God the success which crowned his career and abandoning all resentment at the unwelcome experiences which had attended its distressing opening and earliest stages. They praised also the pre-eminent self-restraint of his modest reticence.",
+                "[247] He had passed through all these vicissitudes, yet neither while in slavery did he denounce his brothers for selling him nor when he was haled to prison did he in his despondency disclose any secret, nor during his long stay there make any revelations of the usual kind, since prisoners are apt to descant upon their personal misfortunes.",
+                "[248] He behaved as though he knew nothing of his past experiences, and not even when he was interpreting their dreams to the eunuchs or the king, though he had a suitable opportunity for disclosing the facts, did he say a word about his own high lineage. Nor yet, when he was appointed to be the king’s viceroy and was charged with the superintendence and headship over all Egypt, did he say anything to prevent the belief that he was of obscure and ignoble station, whereas he was really a noble, no slave by birth, but the unfortunate victim of the ruthless conspiracy of those who should have been the last to treat him so.",
+                "[249] In addition there was a great outflow of praise of his fairness and kind behaviour, for they knew the arrogance and gross rudeness of other governors, and admired the absence of obtrusiveness and blustering. They remembered how directly he saw them on their former expedition, though he might have put them to death or at the very least  refused to provide them with food against the famine, so far from taking vengeance he treated them as worthy of his favour and gave them the victuals for nothing by bidding the price to be restored to them.",
+                "[250] In fact the story of their conspiracy and selling of him to slavery was so completely unknown and remained so secret that the chiefs of the Egyptians rejoiced to hear that the brothers of the governor had now for the first time come to visit him. They invited them to share their hospitality and hastened to bring the good news to the king, and universal joy reigned everywhere, no less than if the fields had borne fruit and the famine had been changed into abundance."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[251] When the king learned that his viceroy had a father and that his family was very numerous, he urged that the whole household should leave its present home, and promised to give the most fertile part of Egypt to the expected settlers. He therefore gave the brothers carts and wagons and a great number of beasts laden with provisions, and an adequate body of servants, that they might bring their father safely.",
+                "[252] When they arrived home and told the story of their brother, so incredible and beyond anything he could have hoped for, he gave no heed to them at all, for, however worthy of credit the speakers might be, the extravagance of the tale did not allow him to assent to it readily.",
+                "[253] But, when the old man saw the equipments suited for an occasion of the kind, and that the lavish supplies of all that was needed agreed with the story they told him of his son, he praised God that He had filled the seeming gap in his house.",
+                "[254] But joy also straightway begat fear in his soul at the thought of leaving his ancestral way of life. For he knew how natural it is for youth to lose its footing and what licence to sin belongs to the stranger’s life, particularly in Egypt where things created and mortal are deified, and in consequence the land is blind to the true God. He knew what assaults wealth and renown make on minds of little sense, and that left to himself, since his father’s house supplied no monitor to share his journey, alone and cut off from good teaching, he would be readily influenced to change to alien ways.",
+                "[255] Such were his feelings when He Whose eye alone can see the invisible soul took pity, and in his sleep at night appeared to him and said, “Fear not to go to Egypt. I Myself will guide thee on the road and make the journey safe and to thy pleasure. Further, I will restore to thee the son for whom thou hast so greatly yearned,  who once was thought dead, but now, after many years, is found not only alive but a ruler of that great country.” Then, filled with high hopes, he hastened at dawn to set forth rejoicing.",
+                "[256] But his son when he heard it, informed of all by the scouts who watched the road, proceeded with all speed to meet his father when he was not far from the boundary. And when the two met at the place called the Heroes’ City  they laid their heads upon each other’s neck and while the tears smeared their raiment lingered long in embraces of which they could not take their fill, and, when at last they brought themselves to cease therefrom, pressed onwards to the king’s court. When the king beheld him,",
+                "[257] overcome by his venerable appearance, he welcomed him with all modesty and respect, as though he were the father not of his viceroy but of himself. And, after the usual, and more than the usual, courtesies had passed, he gave him a portion of land, rich of soil and very fruitful. And, learning that the sons were graziers who had much substance of cattle, he appointed them keepers of his own, and put into their charge flocks and herds innumerable of goats and oxen and sheep."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[258] Now the young man’s honesty was exceedingly great, so much so that, though the times and state of affairs gave him very numerous opportunities for gaining wealth, and he might have soon become the richest of his contemporaries, his reverence for the truly genuine riches rather than the spurious, the seeing rather than the blind, led him to store up in the king’s treasuries all the silver and gold which he collected from the sale of corn and refuse to appropriate to himself a single drachma, contented with nothing more than the gifts with which the king repaid his services.",
+                "[259] The excellence with which he managed Egypt, as though it were a single household, and also the other famine-stricken lands and nations was beyond all words, and he dispensed the lands and food as was suitable, looking not only to present profit but also to future advantage.",
+                "[260] Accordingly, when the seventh year of dearth came, having now reason to hope for plentiful harvests, he sent for the farmers and gave them barley and wheat as seed, and at the same time, to ensure that no one should embezzle it instead of putting it in the fields, he appointed men of high merit as inspectors and supervisors to watch the sowing.",
+                "[261] Many years after the famine his father died, and his brothers, attacked by misgivings and fears that he might still harbour malice and wreak his vengeance on them, approached him with their wives and families and made earnest supplication.",
+                "[262] But he, moved to tears, said: “The occasion might well raise misgivings in those whom conscience rather than others convicts of intolerable misdoing. My father’s death has awakened the old fear which you felt before our reconciliation, with the idea that I gave you my pardon only to save my father from sorrow. But time does not change my character, nor, after promising to keep the peace with you, will I ever violate it by my actions.",
+                "[263] I was not watching for the hour of vengeance repeatedly delayed, but I freely granted you immunity from punishment once for all, partly no doubt influenced, for I must tell the truth, by respect for my father, but partly by the goodwill which I cannot but feel towards you.",
+                "[264] And, even if it were for my father’s sake that I acted with this kindness and humanity, I will continue in the same now that he is gone. In my judgement, no good man is dead, but will live for ever, proof against old age,  with a soul immortal in its nature no longer fettered by the restraints of the body.",
+                "[265] But why should I mention that father who is but a creature? We have the uncreated Father, the Imperishable, the Eternal, “Who surveys all things and hears all things,”  even when no word is spoken, He Who ever sees into the recesses of the mind, Whom I call as witness to my conscience, which affirms that that was no false reconciliation.",
+                "[266] For I,—do not marvel at my words,—belong to God  Who converted your evil schemes into a superabundance of blessings. Rid yourselves, then, of fear, since in the future greater advantage will fall to your share than you enjoyed while our father was still alive.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[267] With such words he encouraged his brothers, and by his actions he confirmed his promises, leaving nothing undone which could shew his care for their interests.",
+                "But, after the famine, when the inhabitants were now rejoicing in the prosperity and fertility of the land, he was honoured by them all, who thus requited the benefits which they had received from him in the times of adversity.",
+                "[268] And rumour, floating into the neighbouring states, filled them with his renown. He died in a goodly old age, having lived 110 years, unsurpassed in comeliness, wisdom and power of language.",
+                "[269] His personal beauty is attested by the furious passion which a woman conceived for him; his good sense by the equable temper he shewed amid the numberless inequalities of his life, a temper which created order in disorder and concord where all was naturally discordant; his power of language by his interpretations of the dreams and the fluency of his addresses and the persuasiveness which accompanied them, which secured him the obedience, not forced but voluntary, of every one of his subjects.",
+                "[270] Of these years he spent seventeen up to adolescence in his father’s house, thirteen in painful misfortunes, the victim of conspiracy, sold into slavery, falsely accused, chained in a prison, and the other eighty as a ruler and in complete prosperity, a most admirable supervisor and arbiter in times both of famine and plenty, and most capable of presiding over the requirements of both."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE IOSEPHO",
+            "§ 3. στρατηγίας. It should perhaps be noted that the papyri (see L. &amp; S. 1935) shew that στρατηγός was in common use as the title of a civil as well as military governor of a nome in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. But this hardly justifies its use as an antithesis to στρατηγός in the military sense.",
+            "§ 20. Less grievous to suffer wrong than to do it. This thought, which is, of course, one of the leading ideas of the Republic, is expressed in almost the same words as here Gorgias 469 c ἐλοίμην ἂν μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖσθαι ἢ ἀδικεῖν, ibid. 508 B ἀληθῆ ἄρα ἦν τὸ εἶναι τὸ ἀδικεῖν τοῦ ἀδικεῖσθαι, ὅσῳπερ αἴσχιον, τοσούτῳ κάκιον, and so again 509 c.",
+            "§ 28. Addition to nature. This idea of the superfluousness of the laws of the different states, which follows naturally on the Stoic doctrine of the law of nature, is expressed in the view attributed to Zeno by Plutarch, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν, ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας (S. V. F. i. 262). Compare also Chrysippus’s exposure of the ridiculous varieties in laws and customs, ibid. iii. 322.",
+            "§ 38. Statesmanship the household management of the general public. Compare the opening of Plato’s Politicus, particularly 259 c ἐπιστήμη μία περὶ πάντʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα· ταύτην δὲ εἴτε βασιλικὴν εἴτε πολιτικὴν εἴτε οἰκονομικήν τις ὀνομάζοι μηδὲν αὐτῷ διαφερώμεθα. The idea is combated by Aristotle at the beginning of the Politics, but admitted by him of monarchy iii. 10.2 ὥσπερ γὰρ ἡ οἰκονομικὴ βασιλεία τις οἰκίας ἐστίν, οὕτως ἡ βασιλεία πόλεως … οἰκονομία.",
+            "§ 48. Seneca in his Phaedra has some fairly close parallels to these sections, put into the mouth of Hippolytus. Thus in 145 ff., supposing the crime remains undetected, “Quid ille qui mundum gerit?” Then 159 ff.:",
+            "<small>sed ut secundus numinum abscondat favor<br> coitus nefandos utque contingat stupor <br>negata magnis sceleribus semper fides, <br>quid poena praesens, conscius mentis pavor <br>animusque culpa plenus et semet timens?</small>",
+            "Considering the likeness of the themes, Philo may very possibly have had in mind some similar passage in the earlier and lost Hippolytus of Euripides, or the lost play of Sophocles on the same subject, on which Seneca’s play is based. It may be observed that the phrase ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασιν in 47 occurs in Sophocles, Oed. Tyr. 1385 in the same sort of context:",
+            "τοιάνδʼ ἐγὼ κηλῖδα μηνύσας ἐμὴν <br>ὀρθοῖς ἔμελλον ὄμμασιν τούτους ὁρᾶν;",
+            "See on this subject Dr. Martin Braun, Griechischer Roman und hellenische Geschichtsschreibung.",
+            "§ 62. Cooks and physicians. Another reminiscence of the Gorgias, where medicine is shewn as standing in the same relation to cookery as justice and legislation bear to the “flattery” of rhetoric, 464 D ff., also 500 B and 501 A.",
+            "§§ 125–147. Arnim in his Quellenstudien zu Philo von Alexandria discusses these sections in a chapter headed “Philo und Aenesidem.” In the first part of this chapter he deals with the reproduction of the “Tropes of Aenesidemus” in De Ebr. 171–205, and also with the close connexion of the philosophy of that sceptic with that of Heracleitus. His best, though not his only point, is the resemblance of the treatise of Plutarch De E apud Delphos, chap. xviii., a chapter in which Heracleitus is twice cited, and which is supposed to be Heracleitean throughout, to §§ 127–129 of De Iosepho. In both the same point is made that each successive stage of life from childhood to old age brings the death of the previous stage, and the same inference is drawn that we need not fear the final death.",
+            "However this may be, it should be noted that in the De Iosepho we do not find the same type of scepticism as in De Ebr., if indeed it can be called scepticism at all. Human life is a “dream,” it is “full of confusion, disorder, and uncertainty,” and men, as a whole, are incapable of knowledge, but the dream is interpreted by the true statesman. The same interpreter can give adequate guidance on moral questions, and though this is not perhaps opposed to the principles of the sceptics, who admitted probability as supplying a rule of conduct, it is very different from the view expressed in De Ebr. 197, that only the foolish will assert positively that any particular thing is just or prudent or honourable.",
+            "§ 168. βαθεῖ ἤθει. The exact meaning of this phrase is obscure. Cohn translates in tiefer Bewegung, Mangey profunda solertia. But neither of these fits in well with any sense of ἦθος known to me. The combination occurs again in Quod Omn. Prob. 144, where to illustrate the advisability of answering threats mildly the story is told of the slave-musician Antigenidas that when one of his rivals in a rage threatened to buy him, he replied, βαθεῖ ἤθει, “then I shall be able to teach you to play the flute.” There perhaps the phrase = “very wittily,” a sense which ἤθει or ἐν ἤθει certainly sometimes bears; or it may mean “very mildly,” cf. τοῖς ἐν ἤθει καὶ μετὰ παιδιᾶς λεγομένοις, Plutarch, De Poet. Aud. 20 E, and ἐν ἤθει καὶ μετʼ εὐνοίας προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι, ibid. De Adul. 73 E. But this last does not suit our passage, for though Joseph’s words are milder than in his first speech, they are described as angry threats in § 170. For the rendering suggested in the footnote, it may be argued that ἦθος in dramatic criticism often denotes the mood or air which the speaker or writer assumes. The fullest treatment known to me of the numerous shades of meaning which the word has is to be found in Rutherford’s Chapter in the History of Annotation, see index, s.v. ἦθος.",
+            "§ 219. προβλήτους. The absence of any legal reference is not fatal to the suggestion made in the footnote, as if the owner’s title was not disputed, there would be no need in law for differentiation according to the method in which it had been acquired.",
+            "I would suggest also for consideration προκλήτους, i.e. “who had been offered for examination by torture.” No example of the word is cited, but it would be naturally formed from πρόκλησις, the regular term for an offer or challenge of the kind. It would not, however, so well account for the variants προσβλήτους and προσηλύτους."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על יוסף",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על יוסף",
+        "enTitle": "On Joseph",
+        "key": "On Joseph",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,338 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הזיווג לשם ההשכלה (על לימודי היסוד)",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON MATING WITH THE PRELIMINARY STUDIES (DE CONGRESSU QUAERENDAE ERUDITIONIS GRATIA) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The subject of this treatise is Gen. 16:1–6 with some omissions.",
+            "1. Now Sarai, Abram’s wife, was not bearing to him, and she had a handmaiden, an Egyptian, named Hagar.",
+            "2. And Sarai said to Abram: “Behold the Lord hath shut me out from bearing. Go in therefore unto my handmaiden that I may have children from her.” And Abram hearkened to the voice of Sarai.",
+            "3. And Sarai the wife of Abram, after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan, took Hagar, the Egyptian, her handmaid, and gave her to Abram her husband as a wife.",
+            "4. And he went in unto Hagar, and she conceived, and she saw that she was with child, and her mistress was dishonoured before her.",
+            "5. And Sarai said to Abram, “I am wronged at thy hands. I have given my handmaiden to thy bosom. But seeing that she was with child, I was dishonoured before her. The Lord judge between thee and me.”",
+            "6. And Abram said to Sarai, “Behold thy handmaid is in thy hands. Do with her as is pleasing to thee.” And Sarai afflicted her.",
+            "This treatise, though it has little of the eloquence and spirituality which brighten most of the others, has a special interest of its own. Nowhere else in Philo nor, so far as I know, in any other Greek writer do we find so full a treatment of the Stoic doctrine, that the accepted school course or Encyclia was the proper preparation for philosophy. Apart from this there are many remarks on the value of the different subjects and the relations of teacher and pupil, which are both sensible and acute, however fantastical we may think their allegorical setting.",
+            "Philo begins by pointing out that while Virtue or Wisdom which are represented by Sarah is never barren, she is at this stage in the story Sarai (Σάρα not Σάρρα), that is wisdom in the individual, who is as yet incapable of begetting by her. Stress therefore is to be laid on “she was not bearing for him” (1–12), and when in Sarah’s own words this limitation is not mentioned, we must ascribe it to the delicacy of feeling which true wisdom shews for others (13). The immature soul must therefore resort to the handmaid, the Encyclia, and the list of these is given with some remarks on the educational value of each (14–19). The first thing we note about the handmaid of the story is her race. She is an Egyptian, of the body that is, and the Encyclia depend on the senses in a way in which the higher philosophy does not (20–21). Secondly her name—Hagar, means a sojourner, and the relation of the sojourner to the full citizen expresses that of the Encyclia to philosophy (22–23).",
+            "The thought that Abraham, the soul which learns by teaching, needs Hagar, naturally leads to the consideration of the case of Jacob, the soul which progresses through practice. He has two wives and two concubines, and the functions of these four are described in a long and difficult allegory (24–33). On the other hand Isaac has but one wife and no concubine. Thus again he appears in his regular part as the “self-taught,” the “gifted by nature,” for such a soul has not the need of the extraneous aids which the other two require (34–38). Thence we pass to remarks on other cases of wives and concubines, a short one on Manasseh (39–43), and a more elaborate one on Nahor, Abraham’s brother (44–53). Finally comes the thought that the bad also has a wife in the mind, which bears vice, and a concubine in the body, which bears passion. This is founded on the notice of Esau’s son’s concubine and passes into a denunciation of the Esau-mind itself, as the nature which represents both hardness and fiction (54–62).",
+            "“He hearkened to the voice of Sarah.” This raises the thought how little real attention there is in the people who attend lectures and the like, how little memory even if they attend, and how little practice even if they remember (63–68). But further, the phrase “listened to her voice,” instead of “listened to her,” suggests the natural attitude of the Abraham-mind, as against the Jacob-mind which “practises” and thus thinks more of personal example than of what is said (69–70).",
+            "“Sarai the <i>wife</i> of Abram took Hagar and <i>gave</i> her to Abram.” Virtue (or philosophy) is actively willing to give to the immature soul its preparation through the Encyclia (71, 72), while on the other hand the seemingly unnecessary repetition of the word “wife” shews the stress which philosophy justly lays on her status. She is always the wife and the other only the handmaid (73). Philo illustrates this from his personal experience. He tells how he delighted as a youth in literature, mathematics and music, yet always recognized that they were but stepping-stones to the higher study of ethics, which teaches us to control the lower nature, and how thus he avoided the error of those who treat these inferior studies as an occupation for life (74–80).",
+            "Abraham had “dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan” when he took Hagar. Even for the Encyclia the soul is not at first fit. Childhood, in which we are dominated by bodily things, and early boyhood, in which we learn the difference between right and wrong, are both too early. While Egypt signifies the body and its passions, Canaan stands for vice, and it is only after we have passed some time in the stage in which vice is possible that we have the ability for these solid studies (81–88). But the number ten is not to be pressed. It is just the perfect number (89), and Philo takes the opportunity to descant on the prominence of it in the Pentateuch. Noah as tenth from Adam (90); Abraham as tenth combatant against the nine kings, a number which signifies hostility (91–93); the offering of tithes on various occasions, followed by the familiar insistence on the duty to offer of everything mental as well as bodily (94–106); the passover in which the lamb is killed on the tenth day (106); the Atonement and the proclamation of the Jubilee also on that day (107–108). Other examples follow, most of which, as for instance the account of the presents with which Isaac wooed Rebecca, and the ten curtains of the tabernacle, whose four colours represented the four elements, digress into morals and fancies drawn from the content of these passages, quite apart from the Ten interest (109–119). He concludes with the remarks that after all these examples were unnecessary, since the Ten Commandments in themselves are enough to prove his point (120).",
+            "After reiterating the necessity of postponing school instruction to a suitable age, Philo proceeds to the words “He went in unto her.” This indicates the right attitude of the scholar to the teacher (121–122), but the teacher also will often do well to make the advances, as Leah did to Jacob (122–123), though again Knowledge may sometimes veil her face to try the sincerity of her pupils, as Tamar did before she gave herself to Judah (124–125). So too the word συνέλαβε, “she conceived” (lit. “she took”), has in Greek no mark of the gender, and thus in our allegory we may interpret that the “taking” is mutual (126).",
+            "Contrasted with this right view of the relation of the two is the arrogance of many teachers who think that the progress of their gifted pupils is due to themselves (127). When knowledge takes this attitude it may be described by the phrase “to have in the womb,” used of Hagar’s pregnancy, whereas Rebecca was said to “receive in the womb,” for the “receive” and “have” represent respectively reverent humility and self-conceit (128–130). He finds “received” used in the story of Moses’ birth and this leads to an eulogy of Moses and the tribe of Levi (131–134). Somewhat loosely connected with this is a short interpretation of a law by which the man who struck a woman and caused a premature birth was punished by a fine or death, according as the child born dead was fully formed or not. To destroy the fruits of another’s mind is always a crime, but a greater when the idea is fully formed, than when it is not (135–138).",
+            "“When she saw that she was pregnant.” Philo is confident that the first “she” is Sarah because philosophy sees into the nature of the “arts” which make up the Encyclia better than the arts see themselves. He gives the accepted definitions of “art” and “knowledge” and likens their relation to each other to that of sense to mind (139–145). Then follows a remarkable illustration of this, shewing that at the back of geometry lie the definitions of point, line and the like, which come from philosophy, and similarly that though the <i>grammaticus</i> may expound literature, he must go to philosophy for the nature of the parts of speech and the logic of sentences (146–150).",
+            "Philosophy rightly resents the ignoring of her claims which is represented in the words “I was dishonoured before her,” and to her complaints the true student will answer with Abraham’s words: “She is in thy hands,” and leave the lower knowledge to the treatment expressed in “and she afflicted or ill-treated her,” always remembering however that by this word (ἐκάκωσε) only admonishing or correcting is meant (151–157).",
+            "What form the admonishing would take Philo does not discuss, but passes off into a justification of his giving this meaning to ἐκάκωσεν and this takes up the rest of the treatise. Consideration of the demoralizing effects of luxury shews that affliction if regulated by law is beneficial (158–160), and the use of the unleavened bread, called in Deuteronomy bread of affliction, and of bitter herbs at the Paschal Feast agree with this, for feasts are things of joy and the ordinance must mean that chastening toil is a joy to the earnest soul (161–162). So too at the end of the story of the bitter water of Marah we read that at Marah God gave Israel laws—the law of justice (163). The same text says that at Marah God tried Israel, tried them that is with the test of toil to which so many succumb (164–165). Yet again the waters of Marah became sweet, that is the toil is sweetened by the love of toil (166). The lesson of the unleavened bread at the Passover is confirmed by the unleavened shewbread and the prohibition of leaven in the sacrifices (167–169). So when we find in Deuteronomy “He afflicted thee and made thee weak with hunger” coupled with “He fed thee with Manna”—the word of God—we understand that the affliction is one of discipline and the famine a dearth of passion and vice (170–174). So too when Isaac blesses Jacob, even slavery is part of the blessing, and in Proverbs “the Lord chastens whom He loves” (175–177). Philo concludes the argument with what he thinks a clinching proof, that if the law speaks of “ill-treating or afflicting with evil,” it implies that afflicting may exist without evil (178–179).",
+            "The last section reiterates the necessity of giving the passage an allegorical sense, and implies, if it does not actually say so, that on the literal view the story would be nothing more than an unworthy record of women’s jealousies."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “Now Sarah the wife of Abraham was not bearing him children, but she had an Egyptian handmaiden named Hagar, and Sarah said to Abraham, ‘Behold the Lord hath closed me that I should not bear. Go in unto my handmaid and beget children from her’ ” (Gen. 16:1, 2).",
+                "[2] Now Sarah’s name is, by interpretation, “sovereignty of me,” and the wisdom in me, the self-control in me, the individual righteousness and each of the other virtues whose place is confined to the “me,” are a sovereignty over me only. That sovereignty rules and dominates me, who have willed to render obedience to it, in virtue of its natural queenship.",
+                "[3] This ruling power Moses represents as at once barren and exceedingly prolific, since he acknowledges that from her sprang the most populous of nations. A startling paradox, yet true. For indeed virtue is barren as regards all that is bad, but shews herself a fruitful mother of the good; a motherhood which needs no midwifery, for she bears before the midwife comes.",
+                "[4] Animals and plants bear the fruit proper to them only after considerable intervals, once or twice at most in the year, the number being determined for each by nature and adjusted to the seasons of the year. But virtue has no such intervals. She bears ceaselessly, successively, from moment to moment, and her offspring are no infants, but honest words, innocent purposes and laudable acts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] But as wealth which one cannot use does not profit the owner, so the motherhood of virtue profits not if the offspring be not profitable for ourselves. Some she judges quite worthy to share her life, but others she thinks have not yet reached the age to submit to her admirable and chaste and sober domesticity. Such she allows to celebrate the preliminaries of marriage, and holds out hopes of consummating the full rite in the future.",
+                "[6] So Sarah, the virtue which rules my soul, was a mother, but not a mother for me. For young as I was I could not yet receive her offspring, wisdom, justice, piety, because of the multitude of bastard children whom vain imaginations had borne to me. The nurture of these, the constant supervision, the ceaseless anxiety, compelled me to take little thought of the genuine, the truly free-born.",
+                "[7] It is well then to pray that virtue may not only bear (she does that in abundance without our prayers), but also may bear for ourselves, that we, by sharing in what she sows and genders, may enjoy happiness. For in ordinary course she bears for God only, thankfully rendering the first-fruits of the blessings bestowed upon her to Him who, as Moses says, opens the womb which yet loses not its virginity (Gen. 29:31).",
+                "[8] In confirmation of this we read that the candlestick, that is the original pattern of the later copy, gives light from one part only, that is the part where it looks towards God. For being seventh in position, and placed between the six branches, divided as they are into triplets which guard it on either side, it sends its rays upwards towards the Existent, as though feeling that its light were too bright for human sight to look upon it (Ex. 25:37, 31)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[9] This is why Moses does not say that Sarah did not bear, but only that she did not bear for some particular person. For we are not capable as yet of receiving the impregnation of virtue unless we have first mated with her handmaiden, and the handmaiden of wisdom is the culture gained by the primary learning of the school course.",
+                "[10] For, just as in houses we have outer doors in front of the chamber doors, and in cities suburbs through which we can pass to the inner part, so the school course precedes virtue; the one is a road which leads to the other.",
+                "[11] Now we must understand that great themes need great introductions; and the greatest of all themes is virtue, for it deals with the greatest of materials, that is the whole life of man. Naturally, then, virtue will employ no minor kind of introduction, but grammar, geometry, astronomy, rhetoric, music, and all the other branches of intellectual study. These are symbolized by Hagar, the handmaid of Sarah, as I shall proceed to shew.",
+                "[12] For Sarah, we are told, said to Abraham: “Behold, the Lord has shut me out from bearing. Go in unto my handmaid, that thou mayest beget children from her.” In the present discussion, we must eliminate all bodily unions or intercourse which has pleasure as its object. What is meant is a mating of mind with virtue. Mind desires to have children by virtue, and, if it cannot do so at once, is instructed to espouse virtue’s handmaid, the lower instruction."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] Now we may well feel profound admiration for the discretion shewn by Wisdom. She refrains from reproaching us with our backwardness or complete impotence in generation, though, as the text truly stated, it was through our unfitness that she was not bearing, and not because she grudged us offspring. Thus she says, “The Lord has shut me out from bearing,” and does not go on to add, “for you.” She does not wish to seem to upbraid and reproach others for their misfortune.",
+                "[14] “Go in, then,” she says, “to my handmaid, the lower instruction given by the lower branches of school lore, that first you may have children by her,” for afterwards you will be able to avail yourself of the mistress’s company to beget children of higher birth.",
+                "[15] For grammar teaches us to study literature in the poets and historians, and will thus produce intelligence and wealth of knowledge. It will teach us also to despise the vain delusions of our empty imagination by shewing us the calamities which heroes and demi-gods who are celebrated in such literature are said to have undergone.",
+                "[16] Music will charm away the unrhythmic by its rhythm, the inharmonious by its harmony, the unmelodious and tuneless by its melody, and thus reduce discord to concord. Geometry will sow in the soul that loves to learn the seeds of equality and proportion, and by the charm of its logical continuity will raise from those seeds a zeal for justice.",
+                "[17] Rhetoric, sharpening the mind to the observation of facts, and training and welding thought to expression, will make the man a true master of words and thoughts, thus taking into its charge the peculiar and special gift which nature has not bestowed on any other living creature.",
+                "[18] Dialectic, the sister and twin, as some have said, of Rhetoric, distinguishes true argument from false, and convicts the plausibilities of sophistry, and thus will heal that great plague of the soul, deceit.",
+                "It is profitable then to take these and the like for our associates and for the field of our preliminary studies. For perhaps indeed it may be with us, as it has been with many, that through the vassals we shall come to the knowledge of the royal virtues.",
+                "[19] Observe too that our body is not nourished in the earlier stages with solid and costly foods. The simple and milky foods of infancy come first. Just so you may consider that the school subjects and the lore which belongs to each of them stand ready to nourish the childhood of the soul, while the virtues are grown-up food, suited for those who are really men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] The primary characteristic marks of the lower education are represented by two symbols giving its race and its name. In race it is Egypt, but its name is Hagar, which is by interpretation “sojourning.” The votary of the school studies, the friend of wide learning, must necessarily be associated with the earthly and Egyptian body; since he needs eyes to see and read, ears to listen and hear, and the other senses to unveil the several objects of sense.",
+                "[21] For the thing judged cannot be apprehended without one to judge it, and it is sense which judges the sensible, and therefore without sense it is always impossible to obtain accurate knowledge of any of the phenomena in the sensible world which form the staple of philosophy. Sense being the bodily part of the soul is riveted to the vessel of the soul as a whole, and this soul-vessel is symbolically called Egypt.",
+                "This, [22] then, is one of the marks of the handmaid of virtue, namely that of race. Let us now consider the nature of the other mark, that of name. The lower education is in the position of a sojourner. For knowledge and wisdom and every virtue are native born, indigenous, citizens in the truest sense, and in this they are absolutely alone; but the other kinds of training, which win second or third or last prizes, are on the border-line between foreigners and citizens. For they belong to neither kind in its pure form, and yet in virtue of a certain degree of partnership they touch both.",
+                "[23] The sojourner in so far as he is staying in the city is on a par with the citizens, in so far as it is not his home, on a par with foreigners. In the same way, I should say, adopted children, in so far as they inherit from their adopters, rank with the family; in so far as they are not their actual children, with outsiders. Sarah, virtue, bears, we shall find, the same relation to Hagar, education, as the mistress to the servant-maid, or the lawful wife to the concubine, and so naturally the mind which aspires to study and to gain knowledge, the mind we call Abraham, will have Sarah, virtue, for his wife, and Hagar, the whole range of school culture, for his concubine.",
+                "[24] He then who gains wisdom by instruction will not reject Hagar, for the acquisition of these preliminary subjects is quite necessary,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "but, anyone whose mind is set on enduring to the end the weary contest in which virtue is the prize, who practises continually for that end, and is unflagging in self-discipline, will take to him two lawful wives and as handmaids to them two concubines.",
+                "[25] And to each of them is given a different nature and appearance. Thus one of the lawful wives is a movement, sound, healthy and peaceful, and to express her history Moses names her Leah or “smooth.” The other is like a whetstone. Her name is Rachel, and on that whetstone the mind which loves effort and exercise sharpens its edge. Her name means “vision of profanation,” not because her way of seeing is profane, but on the contrary, because she judges the visible world of sense to be not holy but profane, compared with the pure and undefiled nature of the invisible world of mind.",
+                "[26] For since our soul is twofold, with one part reasoning and the other unreasoning, each has its own virtue or excellence, the reasoning Leah, the unreasoning Rachel.",
+                "[27] The virtue we call Rachel, acting through the senses and the other parts of our unreasoning nature, trains us to despise all that should be held of little account, reputation and wealth and pleasure, which the vulgar mass of ordinary men who accept the verdict of dishonest hearsay and the equally dishonest court of the other senses, judge worthy of their admiration and their efforts.",
+                "[28] Leah teaches us to avoid the rough and uneven path, impassable to virtue-loving souls, and to walk smoothly along the level highway where there are no stumbling-blocks or aught that can make the foot to slip.",
+                "[29] Necessarily then Leah will have for her handmaid the faculty of expression by means of the vocal organs, and on the side of thought the art of devising clever arguments whose easy persuasiveness is a means of deception, while Rachel has for her’s the necessary means of sustenance, eating and drinking.",
+                "[30] Moses has given us, as the names of these two handmaidens, Zilpah and Bilhah (Gen. 30:3, 9). Zilpah by interpretation is “a walking mouth,” which signifies the power of expressing thought in language and directing the course of an exposition, while Bilhah is “swallowing,” the first and most necessary support of mortal animals. For our bodies are anchored on swallowing, and the cables of life are fastened on to it as their base.",
+                "[31] With all these aforesaid faculties the Man of Practice mates, with one pair as free-born legitimate wives, with the other pair as slaves and concubines. For he desires the smooth, the Leah movement, which will produce health in the body, noble living and justice in the soul. He loves Rachel when he wrestles with the passions and when he goes into training to gain self-control, and takes his stand to oppose all the objects of sense. For help may take two forms.",
+                "[32] It may act by giving us enjoyment of the good, the way of peace, or by opposing and removing ill, the way of war. So it is Leah through whom it comes to pass that he reaps the higher and dominant blessings, Rachel through whom he wins what we may call the spoils of war. Such is his life with the legitimate wives.",
+                "[33] But the Practiser needs also Bilhah, “swallowing,” though only as the slave and concubine, for without food and the life which food sustains we cannot have the good life either, since the less good must always serve as foundation for the better. He needs Zilpah too, the gift of language giving expression to the course of an exposition, that the element of words and thoughts may make its twofold contribution to the perfecting process, through the fountain of thought in the mind and the outflow through the tongue and lips."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] Now Abraham and Jacob, as the Holy Scriptures tell us, became the husbands of several women, concubines as well as legitimate wives, but Isaac had neither more wives than one nor any concubine at all, but his lawful wife is the one who shares his home throughout.",
+                "[35] Why is this? It is because the virtue that comes through teaching, which Abraham pursues, needs the fruits of several studies, both those born in wedlock, which deal with wisdom, and the base-born, those of the preliminary lore of the schools. It is the same with the virtue which is perfected through practice, which Jacob seems to have made his aim. For many and different are the truths in which practice finds its exercising ground, truths which both lead and follow, hasten to meet it and lag behind, and entail sometimes greater, sometimes less labour.",
+                "[36] But the self-learnt kind, of which Isaac is a member, that joy which is the best of the good emotions, is endowed with a simple nature free from mixture and alloy, and wants neither the practice nor the teaching which entails the need of the concubine as well as the legitimate forms of knowledge. When God rains down from heaven the good of which the self is a teacher and learner both, it is impossible that that self should still live in concubinage with the slavish arts, as though desiring to be the father of bastard thoughts and conclusions. He who has obtained this prize is enrolled as the husband of the queen and mistress virtue. Her name in the Greek means “constancy”; in the Hebrew it is Rebecca.",
+                "[37] He who has gained the wisdom that comes without toil and trouble, because his nature is happily gifted and his soul fruitful of good, does not seek for any means of betterment:",
+                "[38] for he has ready beside him in their fulness the gifts of God, conveyed by the breath of God’s higher graces, but he wishes and prays that these may remain with him constantly. And therefore I think his Benefactor, willing that His graces once received should stay for ever with him, gives him Constancy for his spouse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] Again, reminiscence takes the second place to memory, and so with the reminded and the rememberer. The conditions of these two resemble respectively continuous health and recovery from disease, for forgetting is a disease of memory.",
+                "[40] The man who is reminded must necessarily have forgotten what he remembered before. So the holy word names memory Ephraim, which by interpretation is “fruit-bearing,” while reminding or reminiscence is called in the Hebrew Manasseh, that is “from forgetfulness.”",
+                "[41] For it is quite true that the soul of the rememberer has the fruits of what he learned and has lost none of them, whereas the soul of the reminded comes out of forgetfulness which possessed him before he was reminded. The man of memory then is mated to a legitimate wife, memory; the forgetful man to a concubine, reminiscence, Syrian by race, boastful and arrogant, for Syria is by interpretation “loftiness.”",
+                "[42] This concubine has for a son, in the Hebrew, Machir, meaning with us “the father’s,” for people who recall to memory think that the father mind was the cause of their being reminded, and do not reflect that this same mind also contained the forgetfulness, for which it would not have had room, if memory were present with it.",
+                "[43] We read, “The sons of Manasseh were those whom the Syrian concubine bore to him, Machir, and Machir begat Gilead” (Gen. 46:20).",
+                "Nahor too, the brother of Abraham, has two wives, legitimate and concubine, and the name of the legitimate wife was Milcah, and the name of the concubine Reumah (Gen. 22:23, 24).",
+                "[44] Now let no sane man suppose that we have here in the pages of the wise legislator an historical pedigree. What we have is a revelation through symbols of facts which may be profitable to the soul. And if we translate the names into our own tongue, we shall recognize that what is here promised is actually the case. Let us inquire then into each of them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] Nahor means “rest of light”; Milcah, “queen”; and Reumah, “seeing something.” Now to have light in the mind is good, yet what is at rest, quiet and immovable, is not a perfect good; it is well that things evil should be in a state of stillness; motion on the other hand is the proper condition for the good. For what use is the flute-player,",
+                "[46] however fine a performer he may be, if he remain quiet and does not play, or the harpist if he does not use his harp, or in general any craftsman if he does not exercise his craft? No knowledge is profitable to the possessors through the mere theory if it is not combined with practice: a man may know how to contend in the pancratium, to box or to wrestle, yet if his hands be tied behind his back he will get no good from his athletic training; so too with one who has mastered the science of running, if he suffers from gout or from any other affliction of the feet.",
+                "[47] Now knowledge is the great sunlight of the soul. For as our eyes are illuminated by the sun’s rays, so is the mind by wisdom, and anointed with the eyesalve of ever fresh acquisitions of knowledge it grows accustomed to see with clearer vision. Nahor is therefore properly called “rest of light”:",
+                "[48] in so far as he is wise Abraham’s kinsman, he has obtained a share in wisdom’s light; but in so far as he has not accompanied him abroad in his journey from the created to the uncreated, and from the world to the world’s Framer, the knowledge he has gained is halting and incomplete, resting and staying where it is, or rather standing stockstill, like a lifeless statue.",
+                "[49] For he does not remove from the land of Chaldaea, that is he does not sever himself from the study of astrology; he honours the created before the creator, and the world before God, or rather he holds that the world is not the work of God but is itself God absolute in His power."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[50] But in Milcah he marries a queen, not a ruler of men or perhaps cities, but one who merely bears the same name with a different meaning. For just as heaven, being the best and greatest of created things, may be rightly called the king of the world of our senses, so the knowledge of heaven, which the star-gazers and the Chaldaeans especially pursue, may be called the queen of sciences.",
+                "[51] Milcah, then, is the legitimate wife, but the concubine is she who sees one thing of what is, though it be but the meanest of all. Now to see the best, that is the truly existing, is the lot of the best of races, Israel, for Israel means seeing God. The race or kind that strives for the second place sees the second best, that is the heaven of our senses, and therein the well-ordered host of the stars, the choir that moves to the fullest and truest music.",
+                "[52] Third are the sceptics, who do not concern themselves with the best things in nature, whether perceived by the senses or the mind, but spend themselves on petty quibbles and trifling disputes. These are the housemates of Reumah, who “sees something,” even the smallest, men incapable of the quest for the better things which might bring profit to their lives.",
+                "[53] In the case of physicians what is called word-medicine is far removed from assistance to the sick, for diseases are cured by drugs and surgery and prescriptions of diet, but not with words; and so too in philosophy there are men who are merely word-mongers and word-hunters, who neither wish nor practise to cure their life, brimful of infirmities as it is, but from their earliest years to extreme old age contend in battles of argument and battles of syllables and blush not to do so. They act as though happiness depended on the endless fruitless hypercriticism of words as such, instead of on establishing on a better basis character, the fount of human life, by expelling the vices from its borders and planting there the virtues as settlers in their stead."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] The wicked, too, take to them as concubines, opinions and doctrines. Thus he says that Timna, the concubine of Eliphaz, the son of Esau, bore Amalek to Eliphaz (Gen. 36:12). How distinguished is the misbirth of him whose descent is here given! What the misbirth is you will see, if you cast away all thought that these words refer to men and turn your attention to what we may call the anatomy of soul-nature.",
+                "[55] It is then the unreasoning and unmeasured impulse or appetite of passion which he calls Amalek, for the word by translation means “people licking up.” For as the force of fire consumes the fuel laid before it, so too the boiling of passion licks up and destroys all that stands in its way.",
+                "[56] This passion is rightly declared to have Eliphaz for its father, for Eliphaz means “God hath dispersed me.” And is it not true that when God scatters and disperses the soul and ejects it with contumely from His presence unreasoning passion is at once engendered? The mind which truly loves God, that has the vision of Him, He “plants in,” as a branch of goodly birth, and He deepens its roots to reach to eternity and gives it fruitfulness for the acquisition and enjoyment of virtue.",
+                "[57] That is why Moses prays in these words, “Bring them in and plant them in” (Ex. 15:17), that the saplings of God’s culture may not be for a day but age-long and immortal. On the other hand he banishes the unjust and godless souls from himself to the furthest bounds, and disperses them to the place of pleasures and lusts and injustices. That place is most fitly called the place of the impious, but it is not that mythical place of the impious in Hades. For the true Hades is the life of the bad, a life of damnation and blood-guiltiness, the victim of every curse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] And elsewhere we have this text, graven as on a stone, “When the Highest divided the nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam” (Deut. 32:8), that is, when He drove away all the earthly ways of thinking which have no real desire to look on any heaven-sent good, and made them homeless and cityless, scattered in very truth. For none of the wicked have preserved for them home or city, nor aught else that tends to fellowship, but they are scattered without settlement, driven about on every side, ever changing their place, nowhere able to hold their ground.",
+                "[59] So then the wicked man begets vice by his legitimate wife and passion by his concubine. For the soul as a whole is the legitimate life-mate of reason, and if it be a soul of guilt it brings forth vices. The bodily nature is the concubine, and we see that through it passion is generated, for the body is the region of pleasures and lusts.",
+                "[60] This concubine is called Timna, whose name translated is “tossing faintness.” For the soul faints and loses all power through passion when it receives from the body the flood of tossing surge caused by the storm wind which sweeps down in its fury, driven on by unbridled appetite.",
+                "[61] And of all the members of the clan here described Esau is the progenitor, the head as it were of the whole creature,—Esau whose name we sometimes interpret as “an oak,” sometimes as “a thing made up.” He is an oak because he is unbending, unyielding, disobedient and stiff-necked by nature, with folly as his counsellor, oak-like in very truth; he is a thing made up because the life that consorts with folly is just fiction and fable, full of the bombast of tragedy on the one hand and of the broad jesting of comedy on the other; it has nothing sound about it, is utterly false and has thrown truth overboard; it makes no account of the nature which is outside qualities and forms and fashionings, the nature which the Man of Practice loves.",
+                "[62] To this Moses testifies when he says, “Jacob was a plain or unfashioned man, living in a house” (Gen. 25:27). And therefore Esau his opposite must be houseless, and the friend of fiction and makeup and legendary follies, or rather himself the actor’s stage and the playwright’s legend."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] We have now to the best of our ability described the mating of the reason which yearns to see and learn with the faculties both of the lawful and the concubine type. We must now continue the thread of our discourse by examining the words which follow. Abraham, it says, “hearkened to the voice of Sarah” (Gen. 16:2), for the learner must needs obey the commands of virtue.",
+                "[64] Yet not all do obey, only those in whom the strong longing for knowledge has become ingrained. Hardly a day passes but the lecture-halls and theatres are filled with philosophers discoursing at length, stringing together without stopping to take breath their disquisitions on virtue.",
+                "[65] Yet what profit is there in their talk? For instead of attending, the audience dismiss their minds elsewhither, some occupied with thoughts of voyaging and trading, some with their farming and its returns, others with honours and civic life, others on the profits they get from their particular trade and business, others with the vengeance they hope to wreak on their enemies, others with the enjoyments of their amorous passions, the class of thought in fact differing with the class of person. Thus, as far as what is being demonstrated is concerned, they are deaf, and while they are present in the body are absent in mind, and might as well be images or statues.",
+                "[66] And any who do attend sit all the time merely hearing, and when they depart they remember nothing that has been said, and in fact their object in coming was to please their sense of hearing rather than to gain any profit; thus their soul is unable to conceive or bring to the birth, but the moment the cause which stirred up pleasure is silent their attention is extinguished too.",
+                "[67] There is a third class, who carry away an echo of what has been said, but prove to be sophists rather than philosophers. The words of these deserve praise, but their lives censure, for they are capable of saying the best, but incapable of doing it.",
+                "[68] Rarely then shall we find one who combines attention, memory and the valuing of deeds before words, which three things are vouched for in the case of Abraham, the lover of learning, in the phrase “He hearkened to the voice of Sarah,” for he is represented not as hearing, but as hearkening, a word which exactly expresses assent and obedience.",
+                "[69] There is a point, too, in the addition “to the voice,” instead of “he hearkened to Sarah speaking.” For it is a characteristic mark of the learner that he listens to a voice and to words, since by these only is he taught whereas he who acquires the good through practice, and not through teaching, fixes his attention not on what is said, but on those who say it, and imitates their life as shewn in the blamelessness of their successive actions.",
+                "[70] Thus we read in the case of Jacob, when he was sent to marry into his mother’s family, “Jacob heard his father and mother, and went to Mesopotamia” (Gen. 28:7). “Heard <i>them</i>,” it says, not their voice or words, for the practiser must be the imitator of a life, not the hearer of words, since the latter is the characteristic mark of the recipient of teaching, and the former of the strenuous self-exerciser. Thus this text too is meant as a lesson to us that we may realize the difference between a learner and a practiser, how the course of one is determined by what a person says, the other by the person himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] The verse continues, “So Sarah the wife of Abraham, ten years after Abraham dwelt in Canaan, took Hagar the Egyptian her handmaid and gave her to Abraham her husband as his wife” (Gen. 16:3). Now vice is malignant and sour and ill-minded by nature, while virtue is gentle and sociable and kindly, willing in every way, either by herself or others, to help those whom nature has gifted. Thus in the case before us,",
+                "[72] since as yet we are unable to beget by wisdom, she gives us the hand of her maiden, who is, as I have said, the culture of the schools; and she does not shrink, we may almost say, to carry out the wooing and preside over the bridal rites; for she herself, we are told, took Hagar and gave her as wife to her husband.",
+                "[73] Now it is worth considering carefully why in this place Moses again calls Sarah the wife of Abraham, when he has already stated the fact several times; for Moses did not practise the worst form of prolixity, namely tautology. What must we say then? This. When Abraham is about to wed the handmaid of wisdom, the school culture, he does not forget, so the text implies, his faith plighted to her mistress, but knows that the one is his wife by law and deliberate choice, the other only by necessity and the force of occasion. And this is what happens to every lover of learning; personal experience will prove the most infallible of testimonies.",
+                "[74] For instance when first I was incited by the goads of philosophy to desire her I consorted in early youth with one of her handmaids, Grammar, and all that I begat by her, writing, reading and study of the writings of the poets, I dedicated to her mistress.",
+                "[75] And again I kept company with another, namely Geometry, and was charmed with her beauty, for she shewed symmetry and proportion in every part. Yet I took none of her children for my private use, but brought them as a gift to the lawful wife.",
+                "[76] Again my ardour moved me to keep company with a third; rich in rhythm, harmony and melody was she, and her name was Music, and from her I begat diatonics, chromatics and enharmonics, conjunct and disjunct melodies, conforming with the consonance of the fourth, fifth or octave intervals. And again of none of these did I make a secret hoard, wishing to see the lawful wife a lady of wealth with a host of servants ministering to her.",
+                "[77] For some have been ensnared by the love lures of the handmaids and spurned the mistress, and have grown old, some doting on poetry, some on geometrical figures, some on the blending of musical “colours,” and a host of other things, and have never been able to soar to the winning of the lawful wife. For each art has its charms, its powers of attraction,",
+                "[78] and some beguiled by these stay with them and forget their pledges to Philosophy. But he who abides by the covenants he has made provides from every quarter everything he can to do her service. It is natural, then, that the holy word should say in admiration of his faithfulness that even then was Sarah his wife when he wedded the handmaid to do her service.",
+                "[79] And indeed just as the school subjects contribute to the acquirement of philosophy, so does philosophy to the getting of wisdom. For philosophy is the practice or study of wisdom, and wisdom is the knowledge of things divine and human and their causes. And therefore just as the culture of the schools is the bond-servant of philosophy, so must philosophy be the servant of wisdom.",
+                "[80] Now philosophy teaches us the control of the belly and the parts below it, and control also of the tongue. Such powers of control are said to be desirable in themselves, but they will assume a grander and loftier aspect if practised for the honour and service of God. So when we are about to woo the handmaids we must remember the sovereign lady, and let us be called their husbands, but let her be not called but be in reality our true wife."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] Next Sarah gives Hagar to Abraham, not at once after his arrival in the land of the Canaanites, but after he has stayed there for ten years. The meaning of this requires careful consideration. In the first stage of our coming into existence the soul is reared with none but passions to be its comrades, griefs, pains, excitements, desires, pleasures, all of which come to it through the senses, since the reason is not yet able to see good and evil and to form an accurate judgement of the difference between them, but is still slumbering, its eyes closed as if in deep sleep.",
+                "[82] But as time goes on, when we leave the stage of boyhood and are adolescent, there springs from the single root the twofold stalk, virtue and vice, and we form an apprehension of both, but necessarily choose one or the other, the better-natured choosing virtue, the opposite kind vice.",
+                "[83] Following on this preliminary sketch we must know that Egypt symbolizes sense, and the land of the Canaanites vice, and thus it is natural that when Moses brings the people out of Egypt he should lead them into the country of the Canaanites. The man, as I have said,",
+                "[84] at his first coming into being receives for his habitation Egyptian passion, and his roots are fixed in pleasures and pains; but after awhile he emigrates to a new home, vice. The reason has by this time advanced to a higher degree of vision, and while it apprehends both alternatives, good and evil, chooses the worst, because mortality is so large an ingredient in the reason, and evil is native to mortality as its opposite, good, is to the divine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] Now according to nature these are the native-lands of the two ages: Egypt, that is passion, of the age of childhood; Canaan, that is vice, of the age of adolescence. But the holy word, though it knows full well what are the native-lands of our mortal race, sets before us what we should do and what will be for our good, by bidding us hate the habits and the customs and the practices of those lands.",
+                "[86] It does so in the following words, “And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying: ‘Speak unto the sons of Israel, and thou shalt say unto them “I am the Lord your God. According to the practices of the land of Egypt, in which ye dwelt therein, ye shall not do; and according unto the practices of the land of Canaan, into which I bring you there, you shall not do, and by their customs ye shall not walk. Ye shall do My judgements and ye shall keep My ordinances, walk in them. I am the Lord your God. And ye shall keep all My ordinances and My judgements, and ye shall do them. He that doeth them shall live in them. I am the Lord your God’ ” (Lev. 18:1–5).",
+                "[87] So then the true life is the life of him who walks in the judgements and ordinances of God, so that the practices of the godless must be death. And what the practices of the godless are we have been told. They are the practices of passion and vices, from which spring the many multitudes of the impious and the workers of unholiness.",
+                "[88] So then ten years after our migration to the Canaanites we shall wed Hagar, since as soon as we have become reasoning beings we take to ourselves the ignorance and indiscipline whose nature is so mischievous and only after a time and under the perfect number ten do we reach the desire for the lawful discipline which can profit us."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now the lore of the decad has been carefully discussed in detail in the schools of the musicians, and is extolled in no ordinary degree by the holiest of men, Moses, who connects with it things of special excellence, governments, the first-fruits, the recurrent gifts of the priests, the observation of the passover, the atonement, the liberation and return to the old possessions in the fiftieth year, the furnishing of the permanent tabernacle, and others without number. These it would take too long to mention, but crucial examples must not be omitted.",
+                "[90] For instance, he represents Noah, the first man recorded as just in holy scriptures, as the tenth descendant from the man who was moulded from the earth; and in doing so he does not wish to set before us any particular number of years, but to shew us clearly that, just as ten is the end of the numbers which start from one and most perfect, so justice in the soul is perfect and the true end of our life’s actions.",
+                "[91] For when three is multiplied by itself and thus produces the number nine, the oracles pronounce it to be a number of great hostility, while the added one which completes the ten they approve of as friendly.",
+                "[92] This is shewn in the incident of Abraham and the nine kings. When the civil war burst into flames, and the four passions prepared for combat with the five senses, when the whole soul was on the point to suffer sacking and razing like a city, wise Abraham took the field, and appearing as the tenth, made an end of all nine governments (Gen. 14). He provided calm in the place of storm,",
+                "[93] health for sickness, and life we may truly say for death, being declared the winner of the trophies by God the victory-giver, to whom too he dedicated the tenths as thank-offerings for his victory (Gen. 14:20).",
+                "Further, [94] everything that comes “under the rod,” the rod of discipline, that is every tame and docile creature, has a tenth set apart from it which by the ordinance of the law becomes “holy” (Lev. 27:32), that so through many reminders we may learn the close connexion of ten with God and of nine with our mortal race."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] But indeed it is commanded to offer tenths as first-fruits, not only from animals, but from all that springs from the earth. “Every tenth of the earth,” it says, “from the seed and from the fruit of wood, and every tenth of oxen and sheep, and everything that passes through in the number under the rod the tenth shall be holy unto the Lord” (Lev. 27:30, 32).",
+                "[96] Observe that he thinks that first-fruits are due from our body, the cumbersome mass which is indeed of earth and of wood. For its life and survival, growth and health, come to it by the grace of God. Note too that we are also bidden to give first-fruits of the unreasoning creatures within us, the senses, for sight and hearing and smell and taste and touch also are gifts of God for which we must give thanks.",
+                "[97] Yet not only for the wooden and earthen mass of the body, not only for the unreasoning creatures, the senses, are we taught to praise the Benefactor, but also for the mind which may be truly called the man within the man, the better part within the worse, the immortal within the mortal.",
+                "[98] This is why, I believe, He sanctified all the first-born, and took as their ransom the tenth, that is the tribe of Levi, that they should observe and maintain holiness and piety and the rites which are offered for the honour of God. For the first and best thing in us is the reason, and it is only right that from its intelligence, its shrewdness, its apprehension, its prudence and the other qualities which belong to it, we should offer first-fruits to God, who gave to it its fertility of thinking.",
+                "[99] It was this feeling which prompted the Man of Practice when he vowed thus, “Of all that thou givest me, I will give a tenth to thee” (Gen. 28:22); which prompted the oracle that follows the blessing given to the victor by Melchisedek the holder of that priesthood, whose tradition he had learned from none other but himself. For “he gave him,” it runs, “a tenth from all” (Gen. 14:20); from the things of sense, right use of sense; from the things of speech, good speaking; from the things of thought, good thinking.",
+                "[100] Admirable then, and demanded by the facts, are the words added as a sort of side utterance, when while telling us how the memorial of the divine and heaven-sent food was enshrined in a golden jar he continues, “the omer was the tenth part of three measures” (Ex. 16:36). For we seem to contain three measures, sense, speech, mind; sense measuring the objects of sense, speech the parts of speech and what we say, and mind the things of mind.",
+                "[101] Of each of these three measures we must offer as it were a holy tenth, that speech, sense perception and apprehension may be judged soundly and blamelessly according to God’s standard, for this is the true and just measure, while our measures are false and unjust."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] So too it is only natural that in the matter of sacrifices the tenths of the measure of fine flour should be brought with the victims to the altar (Ex. 29:40), while the numbers up to nine, what is left by the tenth, remain with ourselves.",
+                "And the recurrent oblation of the priests is in agreement with this;",
+                "[103] they are commanded to offer always the tenth of the ephah of fine flour (Lev. 6:20), for they have learned to rise above the ninth, the seeming deity, the world of sense, and to worship Him who is in very truth God, who stands alone as the tenth.",
+                "[104] For to the world belong nine parts, eight in heaven, one of the stars which wander not and seven of those that wander, though the order of their wandering is ever the same, while earth with water and air make the ninth, for the three form a single family, subject to changes and transformations of every kind.",
+                "[105] Now the mass of men pay honour to these nine parts and to the world which is formed from them, but he that has reached perfection honours Him that is above the nine, even their maker God, who is the tenth. For he continues to soar above all the artificer’s work and desire the artificer Himself, ever eager to be His suppliant and servant. That is why the priest offers recurrently a tenth to Him who is tenth and alone and eternal.",
+                "[106] We find this “ten” plainly stated in the story of the soul’s passover, the crossing from every passion and all the realm of sense to the tenth, which is the realm of mind and of God; for we read “on the tenth day of this month let everyone take a sheep for his house” (Ex. 12:3), and thus beginning with the tenth day we shall sanctify to Him that is tenth the offering fostered in the soul whose face has been illumined through two parts out of three, until its whole being becomes a brightness, giving light to the heaven like a full moon by its increase in the second week. And thus it will be able not only to keep safe, but to offer as innocent and spotless victims its advances on the path of progress.",
+                "[107] We find the same in the propitiation which is established on the tenth day of the month (Lev. 23:27), when the soul is suppliant to God the tenth, and is schooled to know the humiliation and nothingness of its trust in the sagacity of a created reason, and how transcendent and supreme is the Uncreated in all that is good. And so He becomes propitious, and propitious even at once without their supplication, to those who afflict and belittle themselves and are not puffed up by vaunting and self-pride.",
+                "[108] We find it in the “release” (Lev. 25:9 ff.), in the perfect freedom of soul which shakes off the wandering of its past and finds a new harbour in the nature which wanders not, and returns to the heritages which it received in the years when the breath of its spirit was fresh and strong, and travail which has the good for its prize exercised its energy. For then the holy word, in admiration of its efforts, honoured it, and gave it a special guerdon, an undying heritage, its place in the order of the imperishable.",
+                "[109] We find it in the suppliant prayer of wise Abraham, who when fire was about to consume what is called the land of Sodom, but is in reality a soul barren of good and blind of reason, prayed that if there should be found in it that token of righteousness, the ten, it might receive some remission of punishment (Gen. 18:32). He begins indeed his supplication with fifty, the number of release, but ends with ten, which closes the possibility of redemption."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] It is on the same principle, as it seems to me, that Moses, after choosing rulers of thousands and hundreds and fifties, appointed rulers of tens last of all (Ex. 18:25), so that if the mind could not be bettered through the work of the senior ranks, it might get purification through the hindermost.",
+                "[111] And that is the high truth, too, which the servant of the lover of learning had mastered when he went as ambassador on that splendid errand, wooing for the man of self-taught wisdom the bride most suited to him, constancy (Gen. 24:10); for out of the many or rather countless memories of his lord, he takes “ten camels,” that is the “reminding” which right instruction figured by the ten produces.",
+                "[112] He takes too of “his goods,” clearly meaning not gold or silver or any others which are found in perishable materials, for Moses never gave the name of good to these; but genuine goods, which are soul-goods only, he takes for his journey’s provisions and his trading wares,—teaching, progress, earnestness, longing, ardour, inspiration, prophecy, and the love of high achievement.",
+                "[113] By practice and exercising himself in these, when the time comes for him to leave the seas, so to speak, and anchor in harbour, we shall find that he takes two ear-rings, drawing a weight of a drachma, and bracelets of ten weights of gold for the hands of the bride, whom he courts for his master (Gen. 24:22). Truly a glorious adorning, first that the thing heard should be a single drachma, a unit without fractions whose nature is to draw, for it is not well that hearing should devote itself to aught save one story only, a story which tells in noble words the excellences of the one and only God; secondly, that the undertakings of the hands should be of ten weights of gold, for the actions of wisdom rest firmly on perfect numbers and each of them is more precious than gold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] Such too is that tribute of the princes, chosen as the best that they had, which they offered when the soul, equipped by the love of wisdom, celebrated its dedication in right holy fashion, giving thanks to the God who was its teacher and guide. For the worshipper offers “a censer of ten gold weights, full of incense” (Num. 7:14, 20, etc.), that God who alone is wise might choose the perfumes exhaled by wisdom and every virtue.",
+                "[115] And when these perfumes are pleasant in His judgement, Moses will celebrate them in a hymn of triumph in the words “The Lord smelt a scent of sweet fragrance” (Gen. 8:21). Here he uses smell in the sense of accept, for God is not of human form, nor has need of nostrils or any other parts as organs.",
+                "[116] And further on he will speak of God’s dwelling-place, the tabernacle, as being “ten curtains” (Ex. 26:1), for to the structure which includes the whole of wisdom the perfect number ten belongs, and wisdom is the court and palace of the All-ruler, the sole Monarch, the Sovereign Lord.",
+                "[117] This dwelling is a house perceived by the mind, yet it is also the world of our senses, since he makes the curtains to be woven from such materials as are symbolical of the four elements; for they are wrought of fine linen, of dark red, of purple and of scarlet, four in number as I said. The linen is a symbol of earth, since it grows out of earth; the dark red of air, which is naturally black; the purple of water, since the means by which the dye is produced, the shell-fish which bears the same name, comes from the sea; and the scarlet of fire, since it closely resembles flame.",
+                "[118] Again rebellious Egypt, when it glorified the mind which usurps the place of God, and bestowed on it the emblems of sovereignty, the throne, the sceptre, the diadem, is admonished through ten plagues and punishments by the Guardian and Ruler of all.",
+                "[119] In the same way He promises to wise Abraham that He will work the ruin and complete destruction of just ten nations, neither more nor less, and will give the land of the victims to his descendants (Gen. 15:18–20). Thus everywhere he thinks well to extend the meaning of the ten, to cover both praise and blame, honour and chastisement.",
+                "[120] But why note such examples as these, when the holy and divine law is summed up by Moses in precepts which are ten in all, statutes which are the general heads, embracing the vast multitude of particular laws, the roots, the sources, the perennial fountains of ordinances containing commandments positive and prohibitive for the profit of those who follow them?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] It is quite natural, then, that the mating with Hagar should take place when ten years have elapsed from the arrival in the land of the Canaanites; for we cannot desire the training of the schools the moment we become reasoning beings, as the understanding is still soft and flaccid. That only comes when we have hardened our intelligence and quickness of mind and possess about all things a judgement which is no longer light and superficial, but firm and steady.",
+                "[122] That is why the text continues with the words that follow, “He went in unto Hagar” (Gen. 16:4), for it was well that the learner should resort to knowledge as his teacher, to be instructed in the lessons suited to human nature. In the present case the pupil is represented as going to the teacher’s school, but often knowledge rids herself of grudging pride, runs out to meet the gifted disciples, and draws them into her company.",
+                "[123] And so we may see that Leah, or virtue, goes forth to meet the Man of Practice when he was returning from the field, and says to him, “Thou shalt come in unto me to-day” (Gen. 30:16); for whither indeed should he go in, he who is tending the seeds and saplings of knowledge, save to virtue, the field of his husbandry?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] But sometimes she makes trial of her scholars, to test their zeal and earnestness; and then she does not meet them, but veils her face and sits like Tamar at the cross-roads, presenting the appearance of a harlot to the passers-by (Gen. 38:14, 15). Her wish is that inquiring minds may unveil and reveal her and gaze upon the glorious beauty, inviolate, undefiled and truly virginal, of her modesty and chastity.",
+                "[125] Who then is he, the investigator, the lover of learning, who refuses to leave aught of the things that are veiled, unexamined and unexplored? He can only be the chief captain, the king, whose name is Judah, who persists and rejoices in confessing and praising God. “He turned aside his path to her” (Gen. 38:16) it says, and said “Suffer me to come in unto thee.” “Suffer me,” he means (for he would not use force to her), “suffer me to see what is the virtue which veils its face from me, and what purpose it is prepared to serve.”",
+                "[126] And so then after he went in to her, we read of a conceiving or taking (Gen. 38:18). Who it is who conceives or takes we are not told in so many words. For the art or science that is studied does seize and take hold of the learner and persuades him to be her lover, and in like manner the learner takes his instructress, when his heart is set on learning.",
+                "[127] Often on the other hand some teacher of the lower subjects, who has chanced to have a gifted pupil, boasts of his own teaching power, and supposes that his pupil’s high attainments are due to him alone. So he stands on tiptoe, puffs himself out, perks up his neck and raises high his eyebrows, and in fact is filled with vanity, and demands huge fees from those who wish to attend his courses; but when he sees that their thirst for education is combined with poverty, he turns his back on them as though there were some treasures of wisdom which he alone has discovered.",
+                "[128] That is the condition called “having in the womb,” a swollen, vanity-ridden condition, robed in a vesture of inordinate pride, which makes some people appear to dishonour virtue, the essentially honourable mistress in her own right of the lower branches of knowledge.",
+                "[129] The souls then whose pregnancy is accompanied with wisdom, though they labour, do bring their children to the birth, for they distinguish and separate what is in confusion within them, just as Rebecca, receiving in her womb the knowledge of the two nations of the mind, virtue and vice, distinguished the nature of the two and found therein a happy delivery (Gen. 25:23). But where its pregnancy is without wisdom, the soul either miscarries or the offspring is the quarrelsome sophist who shoots with the bow (Gen. 21:20), or is the target of the bowman.",
+                "[130] And this contrast is to be expected. For the one kind of soul thinks that it receives in the womb, and the other that it has in the womb, and that is a mighty difference. The latter, supposing that they “have,” with boastful speech ascribe the choice and the birth to themselves. The former claim but to receive, and confess that they have of themselves nothing which is their own. They accept the seeds of impregnation that are showered on them from outside, and revere the Giver, and thus by honouring God they repel the love of self, repel, that is, the greatest of evils by the perfect good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] In this way too were sown the seeds of the legislative art which we men enjoy. “There was,” says the Scripture, “a man of the tribe of Levi who took one of the daughters of Levi and had her to wife, and she received in her womb and bore a male child, and seeing that he was goodly they guarded him for three months” (Ex. 2:1, 2).",
+                "[132] This is Moses, the mind of purest quality, the truly “goodly,” who, with a wisdom given by divine inspiration, received the art of legislation and prophecy alike, who being of the tribe of Levi both on the father’s and the mother’s side has a double link with truth.",
+                "Great indeed is the profession of the founder of this tribe.",
+                "[133] He has the courage to say, God and God alone must I honour, not aught of what is below God, neither earth nor sea nor rivers, nor the realm of air, nor the shiftings of the winds and seasons, nor the various kinds of animals and plants, nor the sun nor the moon nor the host of the stars, performing their courses in ranks of ordered harmony, no, nor yet the whole heaven and universe. A great and transcendent soul does such a boast bespeak,",
+                "[134] to soar above created being, to pass beyond its boundaries, to hold fast to the Uncreated alone, following the sacred admonitions in which we are told to cling to Him (Deut. 30:20), and therefore to those who thus cling and serve Him without ceasing He gives Himself as portion, and this my affirmation is warranted by the oracle which says, “The Lord Himself is his portion” (Deut. 10:9).",
+                "[135] Thus we see the capacity to bear comes to souls by “receiving” rather than by “having in the womb.”",
+                "But just as the eyes of the body often see dimly and often clearly, so the distinguishing characteristics which things present sometimes reach the eye of the soul in a blurred and confused, sometimes in a clear and distinct form. When the vision thus presented is indistinct and ill-defined,",
+                "[136] it is like the embryo not yet fully formed in the depths of the womb; when it is distinct and definite, it bears a close analogy to the same embryo when fully shaped, with each of its parts inward and outward elaborated, and thus possessed of the form suited to it.",
+                "[137] Now there is a law well and suitably enacted to deal with this subject which runs thus: “When two men are fighting if one strikes a woman who has in the womb, and her child comes forth not fully formed, he shall be surely fined: according as the husband of the woman shall lay upon him he shall be fined with a valuation, but if the child be fully formed he shall give life for life” (Ex. 21:22, 23). This was well said, for it is not the same thing to destroy what the mind has made when it is perfect as when it is imperfect, when it is guesswork as when it is apprehended, when it is but a hope as when it is a reality.",
+                "[138] Therefore in one the thing in question and the penalty are alike indefinite, in the other there is a specified penalty for a thing perfected. Note however that by “perfected” we do not mean perfected in virtue, but that it has attained perfection in some one of the arts to which no exception can be taken. For the child in this case is the fruit of one who has in the womb, not has received in the womb, one whose attitude is that of self-conceit rather than of modesty. And indeed miscarriage is impossible for her who “has received in the womb,” for it is to be expected that the Sower should bring the plant to its fulness: for her who “has in the womb” it is natural enough; she is the victim of her malady, and there is no physician to help her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] Do not suppose that by the words “When she saw that she had in the womb” (Gen. 16:4), it is meant that Hagar saw that it was so with herself. It is her mistress Sarah who saw, for afterwards Sarah says of herself, “Seeing that she had in the womb, I was dishonoured before her” (Gen. 16:5).",
+                "[140] Why is this? Because the lower arts, even if they see their own products, which are carried in their womb, necessarily see them but dimly, while they are clearly and very distinctly apprehended by knowledge in its various forms. For knowledge is something more than art, as it has in addition a stability which no argument can shake.",
+                "[141] The definition of art is as follows: a system of conceptions co-ordinated to work for some useful end, “useful” being a very proper addition to exclude mischievous arts. Knowledge on the other hand is defined as a sure and certain apprehension which cannot be shaken by argument.",
+                "[142] We give the name of arts therefore to music, grammar and the kindred arts, and accordingly those who by means of them reach fulness of accomplishment are called artists, whether they are musicians or grammarians; but we give the name of knowledge to philosophy and the other virtues, and that of men of knowledge to those who possess these virtues. Those only are prudent and temperate and philosophers who without exception do not err in the dogmatic conclusions belonging to that form of knowledge which they have mastered by their diligence in the way that the above-mentioned err in the more theoretical conclusions of the lower arts.",
+                "[143] The following illustration may serve. The eyes see, but the mind through the eyes sees further than the eyes. The ears hear, but the mind through the ears hears better than the ears. The nostrils smell, but the soul through the nose smells more vividly than the nose, and while the other senses apprehend the objects proper to them, the understanding apprehends with more purity and clarity. For we may say quite properly that the mind is the eye’s eye and the hearing’s hearing and the purified sense of each of the senses; it uses them as ushers in its tribunal, but itself passes judgement on the natures of the objects presented, giving its assent to some and refusing it to others. In the same way, what we call the lower or secondary arts, resembling as they do the bodily faculties, handle the questions which they answer without involved consideration, but knowledge in each case does so with greater accuracy and minute examination.",
+                "[144] What the mind is to sense, that knowledge is to art; for just as, to repeat the statement, the soul is the sense of the senses,[so knowledge is the art of arts.] So each of the arts has detached and annexed some small items from the world of nature which engage its efforts and attention: geometry has its lines, and music its notes, but philosophy takes the whole nature of existing things; for its subject matter is this world and every form of existence visible and invisible.",
+                "[145] Why wonder, then, if when it surveys the whole of things it sees also the parts, and sees them better than those others, furnished as it is with stronger eyes and more penetrating sight? Naturally then will the pregnancy of the handmaid, the lower instruction, be more visible to the mistress philosophy than it is to the handmaid herself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] And indeed this too is general knowledge that all the particular arts have their origins and the germs from which the conclusions they reach seem to spring, as a gift from philosophy. For such further matters as isosceles and scalene triangles, and circles and polygons and the other figures are the discovery of geometry; but when we come to the nature of the point, the line, the superficies and the solid which are the roots and foundations of those named above, we leave geometry behind.",
+                "[147] For whence does she obtain the definition of a point as that which has no parts, of a line as length without breadth, of superficies as that which has length and breadth only, and of a solid as that which has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth? For these belong to philosophy, and the whole subject of definitions is the philosopher’s province.",
+                "[148] Again the lower stage of grammar, sometimes by a slight modification of γραμματική called γραμματιστική, undertakes to teach reading and writing, while the task of the higher stage is the elucidation of the writings of the poets and historians. When therefore they discourse on the parts of speech, are they not encroaching on, and casually appropriating the discoveries of philosophy?",
+                "[149] For it is the exclusive property of philosophy to examine what a conjunction is, or a noun, or a verb, or a common as distinguished from a proper noun, or in the sentence what is meant by defective or complete or declaratory or inquiry, or question, or comprehensive, or precatory, or imprecatory. For to her is due the system which embraces the study of complete sentences and propositions and predicates.",
+                "[150] Again, the observation of the semi-vowel, the vowel and the completely voiceless or consonant, and the usage of each, and the whole field of phonetics and the elements of sound and the parts of speech, have been worked out and brought to its consummation by philosophy. From this, as from a torrent, the plagiarists have drawn a few small drops, squeezed them into their still smaller souls, and do not blush to parade what they have filched as their own."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] So in their insolence they neglect the mistress to whom the lordship really belongs, to whom is due the firm foundation of their studies. And she, conscious of their neglect, will rebuke them and speak with all boldness. “I am wronged and betrayed, in so far as you have broken faith with me.",
+                "[152] For ever since you took to your arms the lower forms of training, the children of my handmaid, you have given her all the honour of the wedded wife, and turned from me as though we had never come together. And yet perhaps, in thinking this of you, I may be but inferring from your open company with her my servant a less certain matter, your alienation from me. But to decide whether your feelings are as I have supposed, or the opposite, is a task impossible for any other,",
+                "[153] but easy for God alone,” and therefore Sarah will say quite properly, “God judge between you and me” (Gen. 16:5). She does not hastily condemn Abraham as a wrongdoer, but expresses a doubt as though perhaps his heart may be true and upright. That it is so is shewn unmistakably soon after, when he makes his defence and thereby heals her doubts. “Behold,” he says, “the servant girl is in thy hands. Deal with her as is pleasing to thee” (Gen. 16:6).",
+                "[154] Indeed in calling her a servant girl he makes a double admission, that she is a slave and that she is childish, for the name suits both of these. At the same time the words involve necessarily and absolutely the acknowledgment of the opposites of these two, of the full-grown as opposed to the child, of the mistress as opposed to the slave. They amount almost to a loud and emphatic confession: I greet the training of the schools, he implies, as the junior and the handmaid, but I have given full honour to knowledge and wisdom as the full-grown and the mistress.",
+                "[155] And the words “in thy hands” mean no doubt “she is subject to thee,” but they also signify something more, namely that while what is implied by the slave belongs to the domain of the hands in the bodily sense, since the school subjects require the bodily organs and faculties, what is implied by the mistress reaches to the soul, for wisdom and knowledge and their implications are referred to the reasoning faculties.",
+                "[156] “And so,” says Abraham, “in the same degree as the mind is more powerful, more active and altogether better than the hand, I hold knowledge and wisdom to be more admirable than the culture of the schools and have given them full and special honour. Do thou then, who both art the mistress and art held as such by me, take all my training and deal with it as thy handmaid, ‘even as is well-pleasing to thee.’ And what is well-pleasing",
+                "[157]to thee I know full well is altogether good, even if it be not agreeable, and profitable even if it be far removed from pleasant.”",
+                "Yes, good and profitable. And such to those who need convincing of their errors is the admonishing which the holy text indicates under its other name of affliction."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] Therefore he adds “and she afflicted her” (Gen. 16:6), which means she admonished and chastised her. For the sharp spur is indeed profitable to those who live in security and ease, just as it is to unruly horses, since it is difficult to master or break them in merely with the whip or guiding hand.",
+                "[159] Or do you fail to see the rewards which await the unrebuked? They grow sleek and fat, they expand themselves, and the breath of their spirit is lusty and strong, and then to their utter sorrow and misery they win the woeful prizes of impiety, proclaimed and crowned as victors in the contest of godlessness. For because of the smooth flow of their prosperity, veneered as they are with gold and silver, like base coin, they fancy themselves to be gods, forgetting Him who is the true coin, the really Existent.",
+                "[160] I have Moses’ testimony when he says, “He waxed fat, grew thick, was widened, and abandoned the God who made him” (Deut. 32:15). It follows that if increased laxity is the parent of that greatest of ills, impiety, contrary wise affliction, regulated by law, breeds a perfect good, that most admirable thing, admonition.",
+                "[161] On this same principle he calls the unleavened bread, the symbol of the first feast, “bread of affliction.” And yet we all know that feasts and highdays produce cheerfulness and gladness, not affliction.",
+                "[162] Clearly he is extending the meaning of the word as a name for the chastener, toil, for the most numerous and most important of goods are wont to result from repeated strenuous contention and keen toiling, and the soul’s feast is ardour for the best, and the consummation of toil. That is why we also have the command to “eat the unleavened bread with bitter herbs” (Ex. 12:8), not as a relish, but because the mass of men hold that when they no longer swell and boil with desires, but are confined and compressed, they are in a state of discomfort; and they think that the unlearning of passion is a bitterness, though to a mind that welcomes effort that same is a joy and a feast."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[163] For this cause I believe the lesson of the statutes of the law was given in a place whose name is bitterness, for injustice is pleasant and just-dealing is troublesome, and this is the most infallible of laws. For when they had gone out of the passions of Egypt, says the text, “they came to Marah, and they could not drink water from Marah, for it was bitter. Therefore the name of that place was called bitterness, and the people murmured against Moses, saying what shall we drink? And Moses called aloud to the Lord, and the Lord shewed him a tree; and he threw it into the water, and the water was sweetened. There He laid down for him ordinances and judgements” (Ex. 15:23–25).",
+                "[164] “And there He tried him” (<i>ibid</i>.), the text continues. Yes, for the trial and proving of the soul, with all its uncertainty, lies in toil and bitterness of heart, and it is uncertain because it is hard to discern which way the balance will incline. Some faint ere the struggle has begun, and lose heart altogether, counting toil a too formidable antagonist, and like weary athletes they drop their hands in weakness and determine to speed back to Egypt to enjoy passion.",
+                "[165] But there are others who, facing the terrors and dangers of the wilderness with all patience and stoutness of heart, carry through to its finish the contest of life, keeping it safe from failure and defeat, and take a strong stand against the constraining forces of nature, so that hunger and thirst, cold and heat, and all that usually enslave the rest, are made their subjects by their preponderating fund of strength.",
+                "[166] But this result is brought about not by toil unaided, but by toil with sweetening. He says “the water was sweetened,” and another name for the toil that is sweet and pleasant is love of labour. For what is sweet in toil is the yearning, the desire, the fervour, in fact the love of the good.",
+                "[167] Let no one, then, turn away from affliction such as this, or think that, when the table of joy and feasting is called the bread of affliction, harm and not benefit is meant. No, the soul that is admonished is fed by the lessons of instruction’s doctrine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[168] So holy is this unleavened bake-meat, that the oracles ordain that twelve unleavened loaves, corresponding to the number of the tribes, be set forth on the golden table in the inmost shrine, and these are called the loaves of setting forth (Ex. 25:29).",
+                "[169] And further it is forbidden by law to bring any leaven or any honey to the altar (Lev. 2:11). For it is a hard matter to consecrate as holy the sweet flavours of bodily pleasures or the risings of the soul in their leaven-like thinness and sponginess, so profane and unholy are they by their very nature.",
+                "[170] Is it not, then, with legitimate pride that the prophet-word called Moses says, as we shall find, “Thou shalt remember all the way which the Lord thy God led thee in the wilderness, that He might afflict thee and prove thee and the thoughts in thy heart might be tested, whether thou wilt keep His commandments or not, and He afflicted thee and made thee weak by famine and fed thee with manna which thy fathers knew not, that He might proclaim to thee that not alone on bread shall man live, but on every word that goeth forth through the mouth of God” (Deut. 8:2).",
+                "[171] Who then is so impious as to suppose that God is an afflictor, or evil-entreater, and that He sends famine, death in its most miserable form, on those who cannot live without food? For God is good and the cause of what is good, the benefactor, the saviour, the nourisher, the enricher, the bountiful giver, and He has expelled evil-mindedness from the holy boundaries. For so He banished those cumberers of the earth, both Adam and Eve, from Paradise.",
+                "[172] Let us not, then, be misled by the actual words, but look at the allegorical meaning that lies beneath them, and say that “afflicted” is equivalent to “disciplined and admonished and chastened,” and that “subjected to famine” does not mean that He brought about a dearth of food and drink, but a dearth of pleasures and desires and fears and grief and wrongdoings, and in general all the works of the vices or the passions.",
+                "[173] And this is confirmed by the words that follow, “He fed thee with the manna.” He who provided the food that costs no toil or suffering, the food which without the cares and pains of men came not from the earth in the common way, but was sent, a wonder and a marvel from heaven for the benefit of those who should use it—can we rightly speak of Him as the author of famine and affliction? Should we not on the contrary call Him the author of thriving and prosperity and secure and ordered living?",
+                "[174] But the multitude, the common herd, who have never tasted of wisdom, the one true food of us all, think that those who feed on the divine words live in misery and suffering, and little know that their days are spent in continued well-being and gladness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] Thus so profitable a thing is affliction of one sort, that even its most humiliating form, slavery, is reckoned a great blessing. Such slavery we read of in the holy scriptures as invoked by a father on his son, by the most excellent Isaac on the foolish Esau. There is a place where he says,",
+                "[176] “Thou shalt live on thy sword and shalt be a slave to thy brother” (Gen. 27:40). He judges it most profitable for him who chooses war instead of peace, who by reason of his inward tumult and rebellion is armed as it were with the weapons of war, that he should become a subject and a slave and obey all the orders that the lover of self-control may impose.",
+                "[177] Therefore, I think, did one of Moses’ disciples, who is named a man of peace, which is in our ancestral tongue Solomon, say as follows: “My son, despise not the discipline of God, nor faint when thou art rebuked by Him, for whom the Lord loveth He rebukes and scourges every son whom He receiveth” (Prov. 3:11, 12). So we see that reproaching and admonition are counted so excellent a thing, that they turn our acknowledgment of God into kinship with Him, for what relation can be closer than that of a father to a son, or a son to a father?",
+                "[178] But lest the series of argument following argument should seem tedious and prolix, I will add but one proof, and that the clearest, to those here given, to shew that affliction or ill-usage of a kind is a work of virtue. There is a law in the following terms: “Ye shall not evil-entreat any widow or orphan, but if ye evil-entreat them with evil” (Ex. 22:22). What does he mean? Is it that one can be evil-entreated by some other thing than evil? For if evil-treatments are the work of evil and nothing else, it is superfluous to add what is a matter of agreement and will be admitted even without any further words.",
+                "[179] No doubt he means to say, “I know that one may be rebuked by virtue and disciplined by wisdom, and therefore I do not hold all afflicting or evil-entreating to be blameworthy.” When it is the work of justice and the power of the law which chastens by reproof I am filled with admiration. When it is the work of folly and vice and therefore harmful, I turn away from it and call it by the evil names that are its due.",
+                "[180] When, then, you hear of Hagar as afflicted or evil-entreated by Sarah, do not suppose that you have here one of the usual accompaniments of women’s jealousy. It is not women that are spoken of here; it is minds—on the one hand the mind which exercises itself in the preliminary learning, on the other, the mind which strives to win the palm of virtue and ceases not till it is won."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE CONGRESSU",
+            "§ 11. <i>Astronomy</i>, Astronomy of an elementary kind was regularly included among the Encyclia, but is not named by Philo in his other lists of the subjects, doubtless because, as often in other writers, it is regarded as a branch of geometry. <i>Cf</i>. Quintilian, i. 10. 46 “quid quod se eadem geometria tollit ad rationem usque mundi? in qua siderum certos constitutosque cursus numeris docet.”",
+            "§ 15. <i>The calamities … undergone</i>. This thought of the ethical value of history and poetry (epic and tragic) has already been brought out in <i>De Sac.</i> 78 f. See also <i>De Abr.</i> 23.",
+            "§ 18. <i>Sister and twin</i>. Though ὡς εἶπόν τινες indicates that this is a definite quotation from some writer or writers, the close relation of dialectic to rhetoric, though much discussed by the Stoics (see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 75, ii. 294), is not described by this phrase in any source known to us. Aristotle speaks of rhetoric as being (1) ἀντίστροφον (counterpart), (2) παραφυές (offshoot), (3) μόριον (part), (4) ὁμοίωμα (copy), of rhetoric (Aristot. <i>Rhet</i>. i. 1. 1, i. 2. 7).",
+            "§ 29. <i>On the side of thought … deception</i>. It seems to me almost incredible that Leah’s handmaid, oratory or rhetoric, should on the side of ideas be limited to sophistical rhetoric, though one might understand this sort being admitted with the other, as indeed we find in <i>De Agr.</i> 13. Below in § 33 there is no such disparagement. I am strongly inclined to suspect a lacuna such as ἡ λογική <i>sc</i>. δύναμις &lt;τῆς διανοίας, οὐχ&gt; ἡ κτλ. Or for τῆς διανοίας we might conjecture τῶν πραγμάτων (facts), in which case ἡ λογική would still agree with εὕρεσις.",
+            "§ 53. <i>Battles of argument</i>. Elsewhere in Philo this word and γνωσιμαχία seem to be used generally for contention, without any particular meaning attaching to γνωσι-. Here, however, in combination with συλλαβομαχοῦντες, it seems necessary to give the γνωσι- a more definite meaning, such as “of argument” or “as to knowledge.”",
+            "§ 54. <i>The fount of human life. Cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. i. 205 ἦθός ἐστι πηγὴ βίου, ἀφʼ ἧς αἱ κατὰ μέρος πράξεις ῥέονσι.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. &lt;ἀστάς&gt;. That ἀστάς has been lost, as suggested in the footnote, seems to me very probable, though possibly a better form of the sentence, preserving the first ἤ of all MSS., and the ἤ before δόγματα of some, would be παλλακὰς μέντοι ἢ ἀστάς, δόξας ἢ δόγματα. It is true that no Biblical example of the ἀστή of the wicked man is given, but in § 59 her existence as the mother of κακία, while the παλλακή is the mother of πάθος, is assumed. If we make this insertion, the conjunction of δόξα (= παλλακή) with δόγμα (= ἀστή) gets a clear meaning. As it stands, this conjunction, which is not recorded elsewhere, is otiose. But in <i>De Sac.</i> 5 we have them contrasted, the καλὸν δόγμα, Abel, with the ἄτοπος δόξα, Cain, and in general δόγμα, though, as in this case, it may be bad, is associated with principles and convictions arrived at by reason in contrast to unreasoning δόξα. That the former should produce vicious principles (κακία) and the latter fleeting passion is quite in keeping.",
+            "§ 77. <i>Doting on poetry … musical colours</i>. Clem. Al. (<i>Strom</i>, i. p. 332) reproduces these words as κατεγήρασαν οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν μουσικῇ, οἱ δὲ ἐν γεωμετρίᾳ, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐν γραμματικῇ, οἱ πλεῖστοι δὲ ἐν ῥητορικῇ. Hence Mangey strangely thought that γραμμαῖς should be corrected to γραμματικῇ, though in his translation he retains it as “delincationibus.” But Philo’s ποιήμασι gives Clement’s γραμματικῇ, as his γραμμαῖς gives γεωμετρίᾳ. γραμμαῖς cannot mean “drawing,” as Yonge certainly and Mangey presumably supposed. It is a regular term for geometrical figures, and γραμμικαὶ ἀποδείξεις for geometrical proofs (Quintilian i. 10. 38.) Mangey translates χρωμάτων κράσεσι by “temperaturis colorum,” which leaves it doubtful whether he thought, as Yonge did, that it meant painting. There can be no reasonable doubt that it refers to the χρώματα of music. Though Aristotle laid stress on γραφική as a means of education, it never appears among the Encyclia. On the other hand the χρώματα, as shown in § 76, are an important element in music. Aristides Quintilianus (p. 18) gives this explanation of the name: χρῶμα, τὸ διὰ ἡμιτονίων συντεινόμενον· ὡς γὰρ τὸ μεταξὺ λευκοῦ καὶ μέλανος χρῶμα καλεῖται, οὕτω τὸ διὰ μέσων ἀμφοῖν θεωρούμενον χρῶμα καλεῖται. This suggests that κράσεις χρωμάτων may mean blendings which constitute χρώματα rather than blendings of them, but I leave this to the experts.",
+            "§ 79. <i>For philosophy</i>, etc. For this Stoic definition <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. ii. 36 τὴν φιλοσοφίαν φασὶν ἐπιτήδευσιν εἶναι σοφίας, τὴν δὲ σοφίαν ἐπιστήμην θείων τε καὶ ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων. Cicero gives it in a form nearer to Philo, <i>De Off</i>. ii. 5 “nec quicquam aliud est philosophia … praeter studium sapientiae. Sapientia autem est, ut a veteribus philosophis definitum est, rerum divinarum et humanarum causarumque, quibus eae res continentur, scientia.”",
+            "§ 107. περινοίᾳ λογισμοῦ πεποιθυίας. The translation given assumes (1) that πεποιθυίας (of a soul trusting) is not co-ordinate with the other participles, (2) that γενητοῦ agrees with λογισμοῦ; neither of which seems likely, though grammatically possible. Moreover, Philo would probably have written τοῦ πεποιθέναι instead of πεποιθυίας. Wendland conjectured περὶ πάντα λογισμῷ μεμαθηκυίας. This seems very arbitrary. Cohn suggested περινοίᾳ καὶ λογισμῷ πεπονθυίας. But if this means “experiencing through reasoning the nothingness of creation,” it does not seem to me Greek. I suggest as slightly better to transfer περ. λογ. πεπ. and read ἱκετευούσης θεὸν ψυχῆς περινοίᾳ λογισμοῦ &lt;οὐ&gt; πεποιθυίας καὶ τὴν ταπεινότητα καὶ οὐδενείαν τοῦ γενητοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς καλοῖς ὑπερβολὰς καὶ ἀκρότητας τοῦ ἀγενήτου δεδιδαγμένης. This will make good sense and run smoothly, and it seems more likely that Philo thinks that human sagacity (περίνοια) or even human reason proves worthless in this supreme abasement, than that it is the agent by which the soul is schooled to humiliate itself, as Cohn’s and Wendland’s suggestions imply. Textually the loss of οὐ after λογισμοῦ is negligible and the departure from the MSS., apart from the slight change of -αν to -ᾳ, lies in the transference of the three difficult words. I shall not be surprised however if it does not give general satisfaction.",
+            "§ 133. <i>The founder of this tribe</i>. Wendland gives as reference for the saying “God alone must I honour” Ex. 20:3, <i>i.e</i>. the First Commandment, and therefore presumably took the γενάρχης to be Moses. But the reference is, I think, to the Blessing of Levi (Deut. 33:9) “who saith to his father and his mother I have not seen thee, and his brothers he knew not and his sons he disclaimed.” In <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 51 Philo has made a very similar use of this text (though there the father and the mother are mind and body), inferring from it that the Levi-mind rejects all such things for the sake of having God as his portion, in accordance with the words of Deut. 10:9, which he again quotes here. And the same interpretation of Deut. 33:9 is given in <i>De Fug.</i> 89, where Levi is called ὁ ἀρχηγέτης τοῦ θιάσου τούτου.",
+            "§ 141. <i>A system of conceptions</i>, etc. For this Stoic definition <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. i. 73, ii. 93 f. Sometimes in a longer form, συγγεγυμνασμένων καὶ ἐπὶ τέλος εὔχρηστον τῷ βίῳ λαμβανόντων (ἐχόντων) τὴν ἀναφόραν, where the masculine λαμβανόντων shews that συγγ. also is masculine and that not the conceptions but the things conceived of are coordinated. As ἐγγεγυμνασμένων appears in some examples (see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 73), Wendland is perhaps somewhat rash in altering to συγγ. If ἐγγ. is retained, translate “exercised upon.”",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. For the definition of ἐπιστήμη, given in practically the same words as here, see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 68.",
+            "§ 148. <i>Elucidation of the … poets and historians</i>. This definition with minor variations was the accepted one. In the grammar of Dionysius Thrax, which furnished the model for the later grammarians, both Greek and Latin, it appears in the form ἐμπειρία τῶν παρὰ ποιηταῖς τε καὶ συγγραφεῦσι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ λεγομένων. The definition brings out the important fact that γραμματική originally suggested literary study rather than what we call grammar.",
+            "§ 149. The only terms in this list which either need explanation or have not had it on <i>De Agr.</i> 140, 141 are ἀποφαντόν and περιεκτικόν. From Diog. Laert. vii. 65 it appears that ἀποφαντόν which I have rendered by “declaratory” = ἀξίωμα, <i>i.e</i>. a statement which must be either true or false, which cannot be said of the forms of speech (ἐρώτημα, etc.) which follow. While D. L. himself defines ἀξίωμα as πρᾶγμα αὐτοτελές ἀποφαντὸν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ, he has confused his interpreters by quoting Chrysippus: ἀξίωμά ἐστι τὸ ἀποφαντὸν ἢ καταφαντὸν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ, οἷον Ἡμέρα ἐστί, Δίων περιπατεῖ. This has led Hicks to translate ἀποφαντόν “capable of being denied,” as opposed to καταφαντόν. But this is surely to confuse ἀποφαντός from ἀποφαίνω with ἀποφατικός from ἀπόφημι. Liddell &amp; Scott both in the earlier and in the recent edition make the confusion worse, as while giving ἀποφ. as = “asserting,” they say under καταφ. “to be affirmed, opposed to ἀποφαντός.” I feel no doubt that ἀποφ. is “affirming” or “capable of being affirmed,” and I should explain the καταφαντόν of Chrysippus as a synonym, which some preferred, unless indeed he means that ἀποφ. is used of such sentences as ἡμέρα ἑστί, and καταφ. of such as Δίων περιπατεῖ. Also it might easily be a gloss.",
+            "It should be added that as to ἀποφαντικός, sometimes used for the indicative mood, the examples shew that no doubt is possible, and ἀποφαντικός can hardly be separated from ἀποφαντός.",
+            "As for περιεκτικόν, it is most probably a mistake for προστακτικόν (imperative), which appears in D. L.’s list. At any rate if it is genuine, it must have some meaning unknown to us. The only sense in which we meet the word is for a place in which a number of things or persons are collected, <i>e.g</i>. ἀμπελών, παρθενών. Stephanus, indeed, has a statement, which L. &amp; S. have copied, that περιεκτικὸν ῥῆμα is a verb in the middle voice, but no authority is given. And both these meanings are impossible in a list which contains different forms of sentences.",
+            "§ 155. “<i>In thy hands</i>.” I suspect that Philo suggests in this section that the Greek of the text quoted may mean not only “The handmaid is in thy hands (or power),” but <i>also</i> “Thy handmaid is in the hands.” <i>It must</i> be remembered that when he gives two alternative meanings for a passage, he does not think, as we should, that one <i>must</i> be the right one. To his mind they may both be intended. If we suppose that he is here commenting on “Thy handmaid is in the hands,” the argument will become much clearer. The supposition will involve reading here ἐν ταῖς χερσί for ἐν ταῖς χερσί σου, but there is not much difficulty in this. A scribe failing to see the point might very naturally add σου.",
+            "§ 159. <i>Unrebuked</i>. Or “whose licence is unchecked.” Mangey suspected ἀνεπίπληκτος in this sense, and perhaps it more generally means “not liable to rebuke,” “blameless.” But see Plato, <i>Legg</i>. 695 B, where it is applied to the undisciplined boyhood of Cyrus’s sons, who left to women and eunuchs became οἵους ἦν εἰκὸς αὐτοὺς γενέσθαι τροφῇ ἀνεπιπλήκτῳ τραφέντας. So too in manhood they are τρυφῆς μεστοὶ καὶ ἀνεπιπληξίας.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. ὑπαργύρους καὶ ὑποχρύσους. These adjectives, which Mangey translated by “aureos et argenteos,” ignoring the ὑπο-, are at first sight very difficult. All the evidence in the dictionaries hitherto given goes to prove that the prefix indicates not that the silver or gold conceals some other metal, but that it is covered or concealed by it. Thus while ὑπάργυρος may suggest a base coin, because the silver is coated with gold, ὑπόχρυσος would only suggest gold concealed by some baser metal. An article, however, by A. Körte in <i>Hermes</i>, 1929, pp. 262 f., to which Dr. Rouse called my attention, brings considerable evidence from inscriptions of the third century, as well as a line from Menander, 170 ff. (ὑπόχρυσος δακτύλιός τις οὑτοσί, αὐτὸς σιδηροῦς), to shew that ὑποχ. is used of iron rings or the like gilded over. Körte does not deal with ὑπάργυρος, but the same principle will apply. He connects the prefix with the common use of ὑπο- in adjectives, particularly in medical language, to indicate “somewhat,” <i>e.g</i>. ὑπόλευκος “whitish.” While he translates ὑπόχρυσος “gilded,” it need not be inferred, I think, that the word in itself means this. Rather the two words are opposed to ὁλόχρυσος, ὁλάργυρος, and indicate that the gold and silver are not the predominant, or at least not the sole elements. But since, as a matter of fact, the admixture of gold or silver would regularly take the form of a coating, “veneered” or “plated” may stand.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Admonition</i>. I do not think that Philo can have written νουθεσίαν. Apart from the absurdity pointed out in the footnote, the ὥστε demands something inferred from the text, which has stated that those who live without κάκωσις forsake God. The inference must be that those who are under κάκωσις cleave to Him. I think Philo must have written εὐσέβειαν or θεοσέβειαν, which by some blunder was changed to νουθεσίαν as νομοθεσίαν to ἐκκλησίαν in § 120.",
+            "§ 171. <i>Eve</i>. Here again one can only suppose a similar blunder, possibly assisted by the similarity of ΚΑΙΕΥΑΝ to ΚΑΙΝ. Though Wendland retains the MS. text, it seems to me incredible that Philo should have thought that Cain was expelled from Paradise. At any rate, even if Philo wrote Cain, he meant to write Eve."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הזיווג לשם ההשכלה (על לימודי היסוד)",
+        "enTitle": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+        "key": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..79d84f9c9d9fbf5c1a11c58529aa0bf235698784
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Mating with the Preliminary Studies/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,336 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Mating_with_the_Preliminary_Studies",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON MATING WITH THE PRELIMINARY STUDIES (DE CONGRESSU QUAERENDAE ERUDITIONIS GRATIA) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The subject of this treatise is Gen. 16:1–6 with some omissions.",
+            "1. Now Sarai, Abram’s wife, was not bearing to him, and she had a handmaiden, an Egyptian, named Hagar.",
+            "2. And Sarai said to Abram: “Behold the Lord hath shut me out from bearing. Go in therefore unto my handmaiden that I may have children from her.” And Abram hearkened to the voice of Sarai.",
+            "3. And Sarai the wife of Abram, after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan, took Hagar, the Egyptian, her handmaid, and gave her to Abram her husband as a wife.",
+            "4. And he went in unto Hagar, and she conceived, and she saw that she was with child, and her mistress was dishonoured before her.",
+            "5. And Sarai said to Abram, “I am wronged at thy hands. I have given my handmaiden to thy bosom. But seeing that she was with child, I was dishonoured before her. The Lord judge between thee and me.”",
+            "6. And Abram said to Sarai, “Behold thy handmaid is in thy hands. Do with her as is pleasing to thee.” And Sarai afflicted her.",
+            "This treatise, though it has little of the eloquence and spirituality which brighten most of the others, has a special interest of its own. Nowhere else in Philo nor, so far as I know, in any other Greek writer do we find so full a treatment of the Stoic doctrine, that the accepted school course or Encyclia was the proper preparation for philosophy. Apart from this there are many remarks on the value of the different subjects and the relations of teacher and pupil, which are both sensible and acute, however fantastical we may think their allegorical setting.",
+            "Philo begins by pointing out that while Virtue or Wisdom which are represented by Sarah is never barren, she is at this stage in the story Sarai (Σάρα not Σάρρα), that is wisdom in the individual, who is as yet incapable of begetting by her. Stress therefore is to be laid on “she was not bearing for him” (1–12), and when in Sarah’s own words this limitation is not mentioned, we must ascribe it to the delicacy of feeling which true wisdom shews for others (13). The immature soul must therefore resort to the handmaid, the Encyclia, and the list of these is given with some remarks on the educational value of each (14–19). The first thing we note about the handmaid of the story is her race. She is an Egyptian, of the body that is, and the Encyclia depend on the senses in a way in which the higher philosophy does not (20–21). Secondly her name—Hagar, means a sojourner, and the relation of the sojourner to the full citizen expresses that of the Encyclia to philosophy (22–23).",
+            "The thought that Abraham, the soul which learns by teaching, needs Hagar, naturally leads to the consideration of the case of Jacob, the soul which progresses through practice. He has two wives and two concubines, and the functions of these four are described in a long and difficult allegory (24–33). On the other hand Isaac has but one wife and no concubine. Thus again he appears in his regular part as the “self-taught,” the “gifted by nature,” for such a soul has not the need of the extraneous aids which the other two require (34–38). Thence we pass to remarks on other cases of wives and concubines, a short one on Manasseh (39–43), and a more elaborate one on Nahor, Abraham’s brother (44–53). Finally comes the thought that the bad also has a wife in the mind, which bears vice, and a concubine in the body, which bears passion. This is founded on the notice of Esau’s son’s concubine and passes into a denunciation of the Esau-mind itself, as the nature which represents both hardness and fiction (54–62).",
+            "“He hearkened to the voice of Sarah.” This raises the thought how little real attention there is in the people who attend lectures and the like, how little memory even if they attend, and how little practice even if they remember (63–68). But further, the phrase “listened to her voice,” instead of “listened to her,” suggests the natural attitude of the Abraham-mind, as against the Jacob-mind which “practises” and thus thinks more of personal example than of what is said (69–70).",
+            "“Sarai the <i>wife</i> of Abram took Hagar and <i>gave</i> her to Abram.” Virtue (or philosophy) is actively willing to give to the immature soul its preparation through the Encyclia (71, 72), while on the other hand the seemingly unnecessary repetition of the word “wife” shews the stress which philosophy justly lays on her status. She is always the wife and the other only the handmaid (73). Philo illustrates this from his personal experience. He tells how he delighted as a youth in literature, mathematics and music, yet always recognized that they were but stepping-stones to the higher study of ethics, which teaches us to control the lower nature, and how thus he avoided the error of those who treat these inferior studies as an occupation for life (74–80).",
+            "Abraham had “dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan” when he took Hagar. Even for the Encyclia the soul is not at first fit. Childhood, in which we are dominated by bodily things, and early boyhood, in which we learn the difference between right and wrong, are both too early. While Egypt signifies the body and its passions, Canaan stands for vice, and it is only after we have passed some time in the stage in which vice is possible that we have the ability for these solid studies (81–88). But the number ten is not to be pressed. It is just the perfect number (89), and Philo takes the opportunity to descant on the prominence of it in the Pentateuch. Noah as tenth from Adam (90); Abraham as tenth combatant against the nine kings, a number which signifies hostility (91–93); the offering of tithes on various occasions, followed by the familiar insistence on the duty to offer of everything mental as well as bodily (94–106); the passover in which the lamb is killed on the tenth day (106); the Atonement and the proclamation of the Jubilee also on that day (107–108). Other examples follow, most of which, as for instance the account of the presents with which Isaac wooed Rebecca, and the ten curtains of the tabernacle, whose four colours represented the four elements, digress into morals and fancies drawn from the content of these passages, quite apart from the Ten interest (109–119). He concludes with the remarks that after all these examples were unnecessary, since the Ten Commandments in themselves are enough to prove his point (120).",
+            "After reiterating the necessity of postponing school instruction to a suitable age, Philo proceeds to the words “He went in unto her.” This indicates the right attitude of the scholar to the teacher (121–122), but the teacher also will often do well to make the advances, as Leah did to Jacob (122–123), though again Knowledge may sometimes veil her face to try the sincerity of her pupils, as Tamar did before she gave herself to Judah (124–125). So too the word συνέλαβε, “she conceived” (lit. “she took”), has in Greek no mark of the gender, and thus in our allegory we may interpret that the “taking” is mutual (126).",
+            "Contrasted with this right view of the relation of the two is the arrogance of many teachers who think that the progress of their gifted pupils is due to themselves (127). When knowledge takes this attitude it may be described by the phrase “to have in the womb,” used of Hagar’s pregnancy, whereas Rebecca was said to “receive in the womb,” for the “receive” and “have” represent respectively reverent humility and self-conceit (128–130). He finds “received” used in the story of Moses’ birth and this leads to an eulogy of Moses and the tribe of Levi (131–134). Somewhat loosely connected with this is a short interpretation of a law by which the man who struck a woman and caused a premature birth was punished by a fine or death, according as the child born dead was fully formed or not. To destroy the fruits of another’s mind is always a crime, but a greater when the idea is fully formed, than when it is not (135–138).",
+            "“When she saw that she was pregnant.” Philo is confident that the first “she” is Sarah because philosophy sees into the nature of the “arts” which make up the Encyclia better than the arts see themselves. He gives the accepted definitions of “art” and “knowledge” and likens their relation to each other to that of sense to mind (139–145). Then follows a remarkable illustration of this, shewing that at the back of geometry lie the definitions of point, line and the like, which come from philosophy, and similarly that though the <i>grammaticus</i> may expound literature, he must go to philosophy for the nature of the parts of speech and the logic of sentences (146–150).",
+            "Philosophy rightly resents the ignoring of her claims which is represented in the words “I was dishonoured before her,” and to her complaints the true student will answer with Abraham’s words: “She is in thy hands,” and leave the lower knowledge to the treatment expressed in “and she afflicted or ill-treated her,” always remembering however that by this word (ἐκάκωσε) only admonishing or correcting is meant (151–157).",
+            "What form the admonishing would take Philo does not discuss, but passes off into a justification of his giving this meaning to ἐκάκωσεν and this takes up the rest of the treatise. Consideration of the demoralizing effects of luxury shews that affliction if regulated by law is beneficial (158–160), and the use of the unleavened bread, called in Deuteronomy bread of affliction, and of bitter herbs at the Paschal Feast agree with this, for feasts are things of joy and the ordinance must mean that chastening toil is a joy to the earnest soul (161–162). So too at the end of the story of the bitter water of Marah we read that at Marah God gave Israel laws—the law of justice (163). The same text says that at Marah God tried Israel, tried them that is with the test of toil to which so many succumb (164–165). Yet again the waters of Marah became sweet, that is the toil is sweetened by the love of toil (166). The lesson of the unleavened bread at the Passover is confirmed by the unleavened shewbread and the prohibition of leaven in the sacrifices (167–169). So when we find in Deuteronomy “He afflicted thee and made thee weak with hunger” coupled with “He fed thee with Manna”—the word of God—we understand that the affliction is one of discipline and the famine a dearth of passion and vice (170–174). So too when Isaac blesses Jacob, even slavery is part of the blessing, and in Proverbs “the Lord chastens whom He loves” (175–177). Philo concludes the argument with what he thinks a clinching proof, that if the law speaks of “ill-treating or afflicting with evil,” it implies that afflicting may exist without evil (178–179).",
+            "The last section reiterates the necessity of giving the passage an allegorical sense, and implies, if it does not actually say so, that on the literal view the story would be nothing more than an unworthy record of women’s jealousies."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “Now Sarah the wife of Abraham was not bearing him children, but she had an Egyptian handmaiden named Hagar, and Sarah said to Abraham, ‘Behold the Lord hath closed me that I should not bear. Go in unto my handmaid and beget children from her’ ” (Gen. 16:1, 2).",
+                "[2] Now Sarah’s name is, by interpretation, “sovereignty of me,” and the wisdom in me, the self-control in me, the individual righteousness and each of the other virtues whose place is confined to the “me,” are a sovereignty over me only. That sovereignty rules and dominates me, who have willed to render obedience to it, in virtue of its natural queenship.",
+                "[3] This ruling power Moses represents as at once barren and exceedingly prolific, since he acknowledges that from her sprang the most populous of nations. A startling paradox, yet true. For indeed virtue is barren as regards all that is bad, but shews herself a fruitful mother of the good; a motherhood which needs no midwifery, for she bears before the midwife comes.",
+                "[4] Animals and plants bear the fruit proper to them only after considerable intervals, once or twice at most in the year, the number being determined for each by nature and adjusted to the seasons of the year. But virtue has no such intervals. She bears ceaselessly, successively, from moment to moment, and her offspring are no infants, but honest words, innocent purposes and laudable acts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] But as wealth which one cannot use does not profit the owner, so the motherhood of virtue profits not if the offspring be not profitable for ourselves. Some she judges quite worthy to share her life, but others she thinks have not yet reached the age to submit to her admirable and chaste and sober domesticity. Such she allows to celebrate the preliminaries of marriage, and holds out hopes of consummating the full rite in the future.",
+                "[6] So Sarah, the virtue which rules my soul, was a mother, but not a mother for me. For young as I was I could not yet receive her offspring, wisdom, justice, piety, because of the multitude of bastard children whom vain imaginations had borne to me. The nurture of these, the constant supervision, the ceaseless anxiety, compelled me to take little thought of the genuine, the truly free-born.",
+                "[7] It is well then to pray that virtue may not only bear (she does that in abundance without our prayers), but also may bear for ourselves, that we, by sharing in what she sows and genders, may enjoy happiness. For in ordinary course she bears for God only, thankfully rendering the first-fruits of the blessings bestowed upon her to Him who, as Moses says, opens the womb which yet loses not its virginity (Gen. 29:31).",
+                "[8] In confirmation of this we read that the candlestick, that is the original pattern of the later copy, gives light from one part only, that is the part where it looks towards God. For being seventh in position, and placed between the six branches, divided as they are into triplets which guard it on either side, it sends its rays upwards towards the Existent, as though feeling that its light were too bright for human sight to look upon it (Ex. 25:37, 31)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[9] This is why Moses does not say that Sarah did not bear, but only that she did not bear for some particular person. For we are not capable as yet of receiving the impregnation of virtue unless we have first mated with her handmaiden, and the handmaiden of wisdom is the culture gained by the primary learning of the school course.",
+                "[10] For, just as in houses we have outer doors in front of the chamber doors, and in cities suburbs through which we can pass to the inner part, so the school course precedes virtue; the one is a road which leads to the other.",
+                "[11] Now we must understand that great themes need great introductions; and the greatest of all themes is virtue, for it deals with the greatest of materials, that is the whole life of man. Naturally, then, virtue will employ no minor kind of introduction, but grammar, geometry, astronomy, rhetoric, music, and all the other branches of intellectual study. These are symbolized by Hagar, the handmaid of Sarah, as I shall proceed to shew.",
+                "[12] For Sarah, we are told, said to Abraham: “Behold, the Lord has shut me out from bearing. Go in unto my handmaid, that thou mayest beget children from her.” In the present discussion, we must eliminate all bodily unions or intercourse which has pleasure as its object. What is meant is a mating of mind with virtue. Mind desires to have children by virtue, and, if it cannot do so at once, is instructed to espouse virtue’s handmaid, the lower instruction."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] Now we may well feel profound admiration for the discretion shewn by Wisdom. She refrains from reproaching us with our backwardness or complete impotence in generation, though, as the text truly stated, it was through our unfitness that she was not bearing, and not because she grudged us offspring. Thus she says, “The Lord has shut me out from bearing,” and does not go on to add, “for you.” She does not wish to seem to upbraid and reproach others for their misfortune.",
+                "[14] “Go in, then,” she says, “to my handmaid, the lower instruction given by the lower branches of school lore, that first you may have children by her,” for afterwards you will be able to avail yourself of the mistress’s company to beget children of higher birth.",
+                "[15] For grammar teaches us to study literature in the poets and historians, and will thus produce intelligence and wealth of knowledge. It will teach us also to despise the vain delusions of our empty imagination by shewing us the calamities which heroes and demi-gods who are celebrated in such literature are said to have undergone.",
+                "[16] Music will charm away the unrhythmic by its rhythm, the inharmonious by its harmony, the unmelodious and tuneless by its melody, and thus reduce discord to concord. Geometry will sow in the soul that loves to learn the seeds of equality and proportion, and by the charm of its logical continuity will raise from those seeds a zeal for justice.",
+                "[17] Rhetoric, sharpening the mind to the observation of facts, and training and welding thought to expression, will make the man a true master of words and thoughts, thus taking into its charge the peculiar and special gift which nature has not bestowed on any other living creature.",
+                "[18] Dialectic, the sister and twin, as some have said, of Rhetoric, distinguishes true argument from false, and convicts the plausibilities of sophistry, and thus will heal that great plague of the soul, deceit.",
+                "It is profitable then to take these and the like for our associates and for the field of our preliminary studies. For perhaps indeed it may be with us, as it has been with many, that through the vassals we shall come to the knowledge of the royal virtues.",
+                "[19] Observe too that our body is not nourished in the earlier stages with solid and costly foods. The simple and milky foods of infancy come first. Just so you may consider that the school subjects and the lore which belongs to each of them stand ready to nourish the childhood of the soul, while the virtues are grown-up food, suited for those who are really men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] The primary characteristic marks of the lower education are represented by two symbols giving its race and its name. In race it is Egypt, but its name is Hagar, which is by interpretation “sojourning.” The votary of the school studies, the friend of wide learning, must necessarily be associated with the earthly and Egyptian body; since he needs eyes to see and read, ears to listen and hear, and the other senses to unveil the several objects of sense.",
+                "[21] For the thing judged cannot be apprehended without one to judge it, and it is sense which judges the sensible, and therefore without sense it is always impossible to obtain accurate knowledge of any of the phenomena in the sensible world which form the staple of philosophy. Sense being the bodily part of the soul is riveted to the vessel of the soul as a whole, and this soul-vessel is symbolically called Egypt.",
+                "This, [22] then, is one of the marks of the handmaid of virtue, namely that of race. Let us now consider the nature of the other mark, that of name. The lower education is in the position of a sojourner. For knowledge and wisdom and every virtue are native born, indigenous, citizens in the truest sense, and in this they are absolutely alone; but the other kinds of training, which win second or third or last prizes, are on the border-line between foreigners and citizens. For they belong to neither kind in its pure form, and yet in virtue of a certain degree of partnership they touch both.",
+                "[23] The sojourner in so far as he is staying in the city is on a par with the citizens, in so far as it is not his home, on a par with foreigners. In the same way, I should say, adopted children, in so far as they inherit from their adopters, rank with the family; in so far as they are not their actual children, with outsiders. Sarah, virtue, bears, we shall find, the same relation to Hagar, education, as the mistress to the servant-maid, or the lawful wife to the concubine, and so naturally the mind which aspires to study and to gain knowledge, the mind we call Abraham, will have Sarah, virtue, for his wife, and Hagar, the whole range of school culture, for his concubine.",
+                "[24] He then who gains wisdom by instruction will not reject Hagar, for the acquisition of these preliminary subjects is quite necessary,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "but, anyone whose mind is set on enduring to the end the weary contest in which virtue is the prize, who practises continually for that end, and is unflagging in self-discipline, will take to him two lawful wives and as handmaids to them two concubines.",
+                "[25] And to each of them is given a different nature and appearance. Thus one of the lawful wives is a movement, sound, healthy and peaceful, and to express her history Moses names her Leah or “smooth.” The other is like a whetstone. Her name is Rachel, and on that whetstone the mind which loves effort and exercise sharpens its edge. Her name means “vision of profanation,” not because her way of seeing is profane, but on the contrary, because she judges the visible world of sense to be not holy but profane, compared with the pure and undefiled nature of the invisible world of mind.",
+                "[26] For since our soul is twofold, with one part reasoning and the other unreasoning, each has its own virtue or excellence, the reasoning Leah, the unreasoning Rachel.",
+                "[27] The virtue we call Rachel, acting through the senses and the other parts of our unreasoning nature, trains us to despise all that should be held of little account, reputation and wealth and pleasure, which the vulgar mass of ordinary men who accept the verdict of dishonest hearsay and the equally dishonest court of the other senses, judge worthy of their admiration and their efforts.",
+                "[28] Leah teaches us to avoid the rough and uneven path, impassable to virtue-loving souls, and to walk smoothly along the level highway where there are no stumbling-blocks or aught that can make the foot to slip.",
+                "[29] Necessarily then Leah will have for her handmaid the faculty of expression by means of the vocal organs, and on the side of thought the art of devising clever arguments whose easy persuasiveness is a means of deception, while Rachel has for her’s the necessary means of sustenance, eating and drinking.",
+                "[30] Moses has given us, as the names of these two handmaidens, Zilpah and Bilhah (Gen. 30:3, 9). Zilpah by interpretation is “a walking mouth,” which signifies the power of expressing thought in language and directing the course of an exposition, while Bilhah is “swallowing,” the first and most necessary support of mortal animals. For our bodies are anchored on swallowing, and the cables of life are fastened on to it as their base.",
+                "[31] With all these aforesaid faculties the Man of Practice mates, with one pair as free-born legitimate wives, with the other pair as slaves and concubines. For he desires the smooth, the Leah movement, which will produce health in the body, noble living and justice in the soul. He loves Rachel when he wrestles with the passions and when he goes into training to gain self-control, and takes his stand to oppose all the objects of sense. For help may take two forms.",
+                "[32] It may act by giving us enjoyment of the good, the way of peace, or by opposing and removing ill, the way of war. So it is Leah through whom it comes to pass that he reaps the higher and dominant blessings, Rachel through whom he wins what we may call the spoils of war. Such is his life with the legitimate wives.",
+                "[33] But the Practiser needs also Bilhah, “swallowing,” though only as the slave and concubine, for without food and the life which food sustains we cannot have the good life either, since the less good must always serve as foundation for the better. He needs Zilpah too, the gift of language giving expression to the course of an exposition, that the element of words and thoughts may make its twofold contribution to the perfecting process, through the fountain of thought in the mind and the outflow through the tongue and lips."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] Now Abraham and Jacob, as the Holy Scriptures tell us, became the husbands of several women, concubines as well as legitimate wives, but Isaac had neither more wives than one nor any concubine at all, but his lawful wife is the one who shares his home throughout.",
+                "[35] Why is this? It is because the virtue that comes through teaching, which Abraham pursues, needs the fruits of several studies, both those born in wedlock, which deal with wisdom, and the base-born, those of the preliminary lore of the schools. It is the same with the virtue which is perfected through practice, which Jacob seems to have made his aim. For many and different are the truths in which practice finds its exercising ground, truths which both lead and follow, hasten to meet it and lag behind, and entail sometimes greater, sometimes less labour.",
+                "[36] But the self-learnt kind, of which Isaac is a member, that joy which is the best of the good emotions, is endowed with a simple nature free from mixture and alloy, and wants neither the practice nor the teaching which entails the need of the concubine as well as the legitimate forms of knowledge. When God rains down from heaven the good of which the self is a teacher and learner both, it is impossible that that self should still live in concubinage with the slavish arts, as though desiring to be the father of bastard thoughts and conclusions. He who has obtained this prize is enrolled as the husband of the queen and mistress virtue. Her name in the Greek means “constancy”; in the Hebrew it is Rebecca.",
+                "[37] He who has gained the wisdom that comes without toil and trouble, because his nature is happily gifted and his soul fruitful of good, does not seek for any means of betterment:",
+                "[38] for he has ready beside him in their fulness the gifts of God, conveyed by the breath of God’s higher graces, but he wishes and prays that these may remain with him constantly. And therefore I think his Benefactor, willing that His graces once received should stay for ever with him, gives him Constancy for his spouse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] Again, reminiscence takes the second place to memory, and so with the reminded and the rememberer. The conditions of these two resemble respectively continuous health and recovery from disease, for forgetting is a disease of memory.",
+                "[40] The man who is reminded must necessarily have forgotten what he remembered before. So the holy word names memory Ephraim, which by interpretation is “fruit-bearing,” while reminding or reminiscence is called in the Hebrew Manasseh, that is “from forgetfulness.”",
+                "[41] For it is quite true that the soul of the rememberer has the fruits of what he learned and has lost none of them, whereas the soul of the reminded comes out of forgetfulness which possessed him before he was reminded. The man of memory then is mated to a legitimate wife, memory; the forgetful man to a concubine, reminiscence, Syrian by race, boastful and arrogant, for Syria is by interpretation “loftiness.”",
+                "[42] This concubine has for a son, in the Hebrew, Machir, meaning with us “the father’s,” for people who recall to memory think that the father mind was the cause of their being reminded, and do not reflect that this same mind also contained the forgetfulness, for which it would not have had room, if memory were present with it.",
+                "[43] We read, “The sons of Manasseh were those whom the Syrian concubine bore to him, Machir, and Machir begat Gilead” (Gen. 46:20).",
+                "Nahor too, the brother of Abraham, has two wives, legitimate and concubine, and the name of the legitimate wife was Milcah, and the name of the concubine Reumah (Gen. 22:23, 24).",
+                "[44] Now let no sane man suppose that we have here in the pages of the wise legislator an historical pedigree. What we have is a revelation through symbols of facts which may be profitable to the soul. And if we translate the names into our own tongue, we shall recognize that what is here promised is actually the case. Let us inquire then into each of them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] Nahor means “rest of light”; Milcah, “queen”; and Reumah, “seeing something.” Now to have light in the mind is good, yet what is at rest, quiet and immovable, is not a perfect good; it is well that things evil should be in a state of stillness; motion on the other hand is the proper condition for the good. For what use is the flute-player,",
+                "[46] however fine a performer he may be, if he remain quiet and does not play, or the harpist if he does not use his harp, or in general any craftsman if he does not exercise his craft? No knowledge is profitable to the possessors through the mere theory if it is not combined with practice: a man may know how to contend in the pancratium, to box or to wrestle, yet if his hands be tied behind his back he will get no good from his athletic training; so too with one who has mastered the science of running, if he suffers from gout or from any other affliction of the feet.",
+                "[47] Now knowledge is the great sunlight of the soul. For as our eyes are illuminated by the sun’s rays, so is the mind by wisdom, and anointed with the eyesalve of ever fresh acquisitions of knowledge it grows accustomed to see with clearer vision. Nahor is therefore properly called “rest of light”:",
+                "[48] in so far as he is wise Abraham’s kinsman, he has obtained a share in wisdom’s light; but in so far as he has not accompanied him abroad in his journey from the created to the uncreated, and from the world to the world’s Framer, the knowledge he has gained is halting and incomplete, resting and staying where it is, or rather standing stockstill, like a lifeless statue.",
+                "[49] For he does not remove from the land of Chaldaea, that is he does not sever himself from the study of astrology; he honours the created before the creator, and the world before God, or rather he holds that the world is not the work of God but is itself God absolute in His power."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[50] But in Milcah he marries a queen, not a ruler of men or perhaps cities, but one who merely bears the same name with a different meaning. For just as heaven, being the best and greatest of created things, may be rightly called the king of the world of our senses, so the knowledge of heaven, which the star-gazers and the Chaldaeans especially pursue, may be called the queen of sciences.",
+                "[51] Milcah, then, is the legitimate wife, but the concubine is she who sees one thing of what is, though it be but the meanest of all. Now to see the best, that is the truly existing, is the lot of the best of races, Israel, for Israel means seeing God. The race or kind that strives for the second place sees the second best, that is the heaven of our senses, and therein the well-ordered host of the stars, the choir that moves to the fullest and truest music.",
+                "[52] Third are the sceptics, who do not concern themselves with the best things in nature, whether perceived by the senses or the mind, but spend themselves on petty quibbles and trifling disputes. These are the housemates of Reumah, who “sees something,” even the smallest, men incapable of the quest for the better things which might bring profit to their lives.",
+                "[53] In the case of physicians what is called word-medicine is far removed from assistance to the sick, for diseases are cured by drugs and surgery and prescriptions of diet, but not with words; and so too in philosophy there are men who are merely word-mongers and word-hunters, who neither wish nor practise to cure their life, brimful of infirmities as it is, but from their earliest years to extreme old age contend in battles of argument and battles of syllables and blush not to do so. They act as though happiness depended on the endless fruitless hypercriticism of words as such, instead of on establishing on a better basis character, the fount of human life, by expelling the vices from its borders and planting there the virtues as settlers in their stead."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] The wicked, too, take to them as concubines, opinions and doctrines. Thus he says that Timna, the concubine of Eliphaz, the son of Esau, bore Amalek to Eliphaz (Gen. 36:12). How distinguished is the misbirth of him whose descent is here given! What the misbirth is you will see, if you cast away all thought that these words refer to men and turn your attention to what we may call the anatomy of soul-nature.",
+                "[55] It is then the unreasoning and unmeasured impulse or appetite of passion which he calls Amalek, for the word by translation means “people licking up.” For as the force of fire consumes the fuel laid before it, so too the boiling of passion licks up and destroys all that stands in its way.",
+                "[56] This passion is rightly declared to have Eliphaz for its father, for Eliphaz means “God hath dispersed me.” And is it not true that when God scatters and disperses the soul and ejects it with contumely from His presence unreasoning passion is at once engendered? The mind which truly loves God, that has the vision of Him, He “plants in,” as a branch of goodly birth, and He deepens its roots to reach to eternity and gives it fruitfulness for the acquisition and enjoyment of virtue.",
+                "[57] That is why Moses prays in these words, “Bring them in and plant them in” (Ex. 15:17), that the saplings of God’s culture may not be for a day but age-long and immortal. On the other hand he banishes the unjust and godless souls from himself to the furthest bounds, and disperses them to the place of pleasures and lusts and injustices. That place is most fitly called the place of the impious, but it is not that mythical place of the impious in Hades. For the true Hades is the life of the bad, a life of damnation and blood-guiltiness, the victim of every curse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] And elsewhere we have this text, graven as on a stone, “When the Highest divided the nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam” (Deut. 32:8), that is, when He drove away all the earthly ways of thinking which have no real desire to look on any heaven-sent good, and made them homeless and cityless, scattered in very truth. For none of the wicked have preserved for them home or city, nor aught else that tends to fellowship, but they are scattered without settlement, driven about on every side, ever changing their place, nowhere able to hold their ground.",
+                "[59] So then the wicked man begets vice by his legitimate wife and passion by his concubine. For the soul as a whole is the legitimate life-mate of reason, and if it be a soul of guilt it brings forth vices. The bodily nature is the concubine, and we see that through it passion is generated, for the body is the region of pleasures and lusts.",
+                "[60] This concubine is called Timna, whose name translated is “tossing faintness.” For the soul faints and loses all power through passion when it receives from the body the flood of tossing surge caused by the storm wind which sweeps down in its fury, driven on by unbridled appetite.",
+                "[61] And of all the members of the clan here described Esau is the progenitor, the head as it were of the whole creature,—Esau whose name we sometimes interpret as “an oak,” sometimes as “a thing made up.” He is an oak because he is unbending, unyielding, disobedient and stiff-necked by nature, with folly as his counsellor, oak-like in very truth; he is a thing made up because the life that consorts with folly is just fiction and fable, full of the bombast of tragedy on the one hand and of the broad jesting of comedy on the other; it has nothing sound about it, is utterly false and has thrown truth overboard; it makes no account of the nature which is outside qualities and forms and fashionings, the nature which the Man of Practice loves.",
+                "[62] To this Moses testifies when he says, “Jacob was a plain or unfashioned man, living in a house” (Gen. 25:27). And therefore Esau his opposite must be houseless, and the friend of fiction and makeup and legendary follies, or rather himself the actor’s stage and the playwright’s legend."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] We have now to the best of our ability described the mating of the reason which yearns to see and learn with the faculties both of the lawful and the concubine type. We must now continue the thread of our discourse by examining the words which follow. Abraham, it says, “hearkened to the voice of Sarah” (Gen. 16:2), for the learner must needs obey the commands of virtue.",
+                "[64] Yet not all do obey, only those in whom the strong longing for knowledge has become ingrained. Hardly a day passes but the lecture-halls and theatres are filled with philosophers discoursing at length, stringing together without stopping to take breath their disquisitions on virtue.",
+                "[65] Yet what profit is there in their talk? For instead of attending, the audience dismiss their minds elsewhither, some occupied with thoughts of voyaging and trading, some with their farming and its returns, others with honours and civic life, others on the profits they get from their particular trade and business, others with the vengeance they hope to wreak on their enemies, others with the enjoyments of their amorous passions, the class of thought in fact differing with the class of person. Thus, as far as what is being demonstrated is concerned, they are deaf, and while they are present in the body are absent in mind, and might as well be images or statues.",
+                "[66] And any who do attend sit all the time merely hearing, and when they depart they remember nothing that has been said, and in fact their object in coming was to please their sense of hearing rather than to gain any profit; thus their soul is unable to conceive or bring to the birth, but the moment the cause which stirred up pleasure is silent their attention is extinguished too.",
+                "[67] There is a third class, who carry away an echo of what has been said, but prove to be sophists rather than philosophers. The words of these deserve praise, but their lives censure, for they are capable of saying the best, but incapable of doing it.",
+                "[68] Rarely then shall we find one who combines attention, memory and the valuing of deeds before words, which three things are vouched for in the case of Abraham, the lover of learning, in the phrase “He hearkened to the voice of Sarah,” for he is represented not as hearing, but as hearkening, a word which exactly expresses assent and obedience.",
+                "[69] There is a point, too, in the addition “to the voice,” instead of “he hearkened to Sarah speaking.” For it is a characteristic mark of the learner that he listens to a voice and to words, since by these only is he taught whereas he who acquires the good through practice, and not through teaching, fixes his attention not on what is said, but on those who say it, and imitates their life as shewn in the blamelessness of their successive actions.",
+                "[70] Thus we read in the case of Jacob, when he was sent to marry into his mother’s family, “Jacob heard his father and mother, and went to Mesopotamia” (Gen. 28:7). “Heard <i>them</i>,” it says, not their voice or words, for the practiser must be the imitator of a life, not the hearer of words, since the latter is the characteristic mark of the recipient of teaching, and the former of the strenuous self-exerciser. Thus this text too is meant as a lesson to us that we may realize the difference between a learner and a practiser, how the course of one is determined by what a person says, the other by the person himself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] The verse continues, “So Sarah the wife of Abraham, ten years after Abraham dwelt in Canaan, took Hagar the Egyptian her handmaid and gave her to Abraham her husband as his wife” (Gen. 16:3). Now vice is malignant and sour and ill-minded by nature, while virtue is gentle and sociable and kindly, willing in every way, either by herself or others, to help those whom nature has gifted. Thus in the case before us,",
+                "[72] since as yet we are unable to beget by wisdom, she gives us the hand of her maiden, who is, as I have said, the culture of the schools; and she does not shrink, we may almost say, to carry out the wooing and preside over the bridal rites; for she herself, we are told, took Hagar and gave her as wife to her husband.",
+                "[73] Now it is worth considering carefully why in this place Moses again calls Sarah the wife of Abraham, when he has already stated the fact several times; for Moses did not practise the worst form of prolixity, namely tautology. What must we say then? This. When Abraham is about to wed the handmaid of wisdom, the school culture, he does not forget, so the text implies, his faith plighted to her mistress, but knows that the one is his wife by law and deliberate choice, the other only by necessity and the force of occasion. And this is what happens to every lover of learning; personal experience will prove the most infallible of testimonies.",
+                "[74] For instance when first I was incited by the goads of philosophy to desire her I consorted in early youth with one of her handmaids, Grammar, and all that I begat by her, writing, reading and study of the writings of the poets, I dedicated to her mistress.",
+                "[75] And again I kept company with another, namely Geometry, and was charmed with her beauty, for she shewed symmetry and proportion in every part. Yet I took none of her children for my private use, but brought them as a gift to the lawful wife.",
+                "[76] Again my ardour moved me to keep company with a third; rich in rhythm, harmony and melody was she, and her name was Music, and from her I begat diatonics, chromatics and enharmonics, conjunct and disjunct melodies, conforming with the consonance of the fourth, fifth or octave intervals. And again of none of these did I make a secret hoard, wishing to see the lawful wife a lady of wealth with a host of servants ministering to her.",
+                "[77] For some have been ensnared by the love lures of the handmaids and spurned the mistress, and have grown old, some doting on poetry, some on geometrical figures, some on the blending of musical “colours,” and a host of other things, and have never been able to soar to the winning of the lawful wife. For each art has its charms, its powers of attraction,",
+                "[78] and some beguiled by these stay with them and forget their pledges to Philosophy. But he who abides by the covenants he has made provides from every quarter everything he can to do her service. It is natural, then, that the holy word should say in admiration of his faithfulness that even then was Sarah his wife when he wedded the handmaid to do her service.",
+                "[79] And indeed just as the school subjects contribute to the acquirement of philosophy, so does philosophy to the getting of wisdom. For philosophy is the practice or study of wisdom, and wisdom is the knowledge of things divine and human and their causes. And therefore just as the culture of the schools is the bond-servant of philosophy, so must philosophy be the servant of wisdom.",
+                "[80] Now philosophy teaches us the control of the belly and the parts below it, and control also of the tongue. Such powers of control are said to be desirable in themselves, but they will assume a grander and loftier aspect if practised for the honour and service of God. So when we are about to woo the handmaids we must remember the sovereign lady, and let us be called their husbands, but let her be not called but be in reality our true wife."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] Next Sarah gives Hagar to Abraham, not at once after his arrival in the land of the Canaanites, but after he has stayed there for ten years. The meaning of this requires careful consideration. In the first stage of our coming into existence the soul is reared with none but passions to be its comrades, griefs, pains, excitements, desires, pleasures, all of which come to it through the senses, since the reason is not yet able to see good and evil and to form an accurate judgement of the difference between them, but is still slumbering, its eyes closed as if in deep sleep.",
+                "[82] But as time goes on, when we leave the stage of boyhood and are adolescent, there springs from the single root the twofold stalk, virtue and vice, and we form an apprehension of both, but necessarily choose one or the other, the better-natured choosing virtue, the opposite kind vice.",
+                "[83] Following on this preliminary sketch we must know that Egypt symbolizes sense, and the land of the Canaanites vice, and thus it is natural that when Moses brings the people out of Egypt he should lead them into the country of the Canaanites. The man, as I have said,",
+                "[84] at his first coming into being receives for his habitation Egyptian passion, and his roots are fixed in pleasures and pains; but after awhile he emigrates to a new home, vice. The reason has by this time advanced to a higher degree of vision, and while it apprehends both alternatives, good and evil, chooses the worst, because mortality is so large an ingredient in the reason, and evil is native to mortality as its opposite, good, is to the divine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[85] Now according to nature these are the native-lands of the two ages: Egypt, that is passion, of the age of childhood; Canaan, that is vice, of the age of adolescence. But the holy word, though it knows full well what are the native-lands of our mortal race, sets before us what we should do and what will be for our good, by bidding us hate the habits and the customs and the practices of those lands.",
+                "[86] It does so in the following words, “And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying: ‘Speak unto the sons of Israel, and thou shalt say unto them “I am the Lord your God. According to the practices of the land of Egypt, in which ye dwelt therein, ye shall not do; and according unto the practices of the land of Canaan, into which I bring you there, you shall not do, and by their customs ye shall not walk. Ye shall do My judgements and ye shall keep My ordinances, walk in them. I am the Lord your God. And ye shall keep all My ordinances and My judgements, and ye shall do them. He that doeth them shall live in them. I am the Lord your God’ ” (Lev. 18:1–5).",
+                "[87] So then the true life is the life of him who walks in the judgements and ordinances of God, so that the practices of the godless must be death. And what the practices of the godless are we have been told. They are the practices of passion and vices, from which spring the many multitudes of the impious and the workers of unholiness.",
+                "[88] So then ten years after our migration to the Canaanites we shall wed Hagar, since as soon as we have become reasoning beings we take to ourselves the ignorance and indiscipline whose nature is so mischievous and only after a time and under the perfect number ten do we reach the desire for the lawful discipline which can profit us."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now the lore of the decad has been carefully discussed in detail in the schools of the musicians, and is extolled in no ordinary degree by the holiest of men, Moses, who connects with it things of special excellence, governments, the first-fruits, the recurrent gifts of the priests, the observation of the passover, the atonement, the liberation and return to the old possessions in the fiftieth year, the furnishing of the permanent tabernacle, and others without number. These it would take too long to mention, but crucial examples must not be omitted.",
+                "[90] For instance, he represents Noah, the first man recorded as just in holy scriptures, as the tenth descendant from the man who was moulded from the earth; and in doing so he does not wish to set before us any particular number of years, but to shew us clearly that, just as ten is the end of the numbers which start from one and most perfect, so justice in the soul is perfect and the true end of our life’s actions.",
+                "[91] For when three is multiplied by itself and thus produces the number nine, the oracles pronounce it to be a number of great hostility, while the added one which completes the ten they approve of as friendly.",
+                "[92] This is shewn in the incident of Abraham and the nine kings. When the civil war burst into flames, and the four passions prepared for combat with the five senses, when the whole soul was on the point to suffer sacking and razing like a city, wise Abraham took the field, and appearing as the tenth, made an end of all nine governments (Gen. 14). He provided calm in the place of storm,",
+                "[93] health for sickness, and life we may truly say for death, being declared the winner of the trophies by God the victory-giver, to whom too he dedicated the tenths as thank-offerings for his victory (Gen. 14:20).",
+                "Further, [94] everything that comes “under the rod,” the rod of discipline, that is every tame and docile creature, has a tenth set apart from it which by the ordinance of the law becomes “holy” (Lev. 27:32), that so through many reminders we may learn the close connexion of ten with God and of nine with our mortal race."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] But indeed it is commanded to offer tenths as first-fruits, not only from animals, but from all that springs from the earth. “Every tenth of the earth,” it says, “from the seed and from the fruit of wood, and every tenth of oxen and sheep, and everything that passes through in the number under the rod the tenth shall be holy unto the Lord” (Lev. 27:30, 32).",
+                "[96] Observe that he thinks that first-fruits are due from our body, the cumbersome mass which is indeed of earth and of wood. For its life and survival, growth and health, come to it by the grace of God. Note too that we are also bidden to give first-fruits of the unreasoning creatures within us, the senses, for sight and hearing and smell and taste and touch also are gifts of God for which we must give thanks.",
+                "[97] Yet not only for the wooden and earthen mass of the body, not only for the unreasoning creatures, the senses, are we taught to praise the Benefactor, but also for the mind which may be truly called the man within the man, the better part within the worse, the immortal within the mortal.",
+                "[98] This is why, I believe, He sanctified all the first-born, and took as their ransom the tenth, that is the tribe of Levi, that they should observe and maintain holiness and piety and the rites which are offered for the honour of God. For the first and best thing in us is the reason, and it is only right that from its intelligence, its shrewdness, its apprehension, its prudence and the other qualities which belong to it, we should offer first-fruits to God, who gave to it its fertility of thinking.",
+                "[99] It was this feeling which prompted the Man of Practice when he vowed thus, “Of all that thou givest me, I will give a tenth to thee” (Gen. 28:22); which prompted the oracle that follows the blessing given to the victor by Melchisedek the holder of that priesthood, whose tradition he had learned from none other but himself. For “he gave him,” it runs, “a tenth from all” (Gen. 14:20); from the things of sense, right use of sense; from the things of speech, good speaking; from the things of thought, good thinking.",
+                "[100] Admirable then, and demanded by the facts, are the words added as a sort of side utterance, when while telling us how the memorial of the divine and heaven-sent food was enshrined in a golden jar he continues, “the omer was the tenth part of three measures” (Ex. 16:36). For we seem to contain three measures, sense, speech, mind; sense measuring the objects of sense, speech the parts of speech and what we say, and mind the things of mind.",
+                "[101] Of each of these three measures we must offer as it were a holy tenth, that speech, sense perception and apprehension may be judged soundly and blamelessly according to God’s standard, for this is the true and just measure, while our measures are false and unjust."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] So too it is only natural that in the matter of sacrifices the tenths of the measure of fine flour should be brought with the victims to the altar (Ex. 29:40), while the numbers up to nine, what is left by the tenth, remain with ourselves.",
+                "And the recurrent oblation of the priests is in agreement with this;",
+                "[103] they are commanded to offer always the tenth of the ephah of fine flour (Lev. 6:20), for they have learned to rise above the ninth, the seeming deity, the world of sense, and to worship Him who is in very truth God, who stands alone as the tenth.",
+                "[104] For to the world belong nine parts, eight in heaven, one of the stars which wander not and seven of those that wander, though the order of their wandering is ever the same, while earth with water and air make the ninth, for the three form a single family, subject to changes and transformations of every kind.",
+                "[105] Now the mass of men pay honour to these nine parts and to the world which is formed from them, but he that has reached perfection honours Him that is above the nine, even their maker God, who is the tenth. For he continues to soar above all the artificer’s work and desire the artificer Himself, ever eager to be His suppliant and servant. That is why the priest offers recurrently a tenth to Him who is tenth and alone and eternal.",
+                "[106] We find this “ten” plainly stated in the story of the soul’s passover, the crossing from every passion and all the realm of sense to the tenth, which is the realm of mind and of God; for we read “on the tenth day of this month let everyone take a sheep for his house” (Ex. 12:3), and thus beginning with the tenth day we shall sanctify to Him that is tenth the offering fostered in the soul whose face has been illumined through two parts out of three, until its whole being becomes a brightness, giving light to the heaven like a full moon by its increase in the second week. And thus it will be able not only to keep safe, but to offer as innocent and spotless victims its advances on the path of progress.",
+                "[107] We find the same in the propitiation which is established on the tenth day of the month (Lev. 23:27), when the soul is suppliant to God the tenth, and is schooled to know the humiliation and nothingness of its trust in the sagacity of a created reason, and how transcendent and supreme is the Uncreated in all that is good. And so He becomes propitious, and propitious even at once without their supplication, to those who afflict and belittle themselves and are not puffed up by vaunting and self-pride.",
+                "[108] We find it in the “release” (Lev. 25:9 ff.), in the perfect freedom of soul which shakes off the wandering of its past and finds a new harbour in the nature which wanders not, and returns to the heritages which it received in the years when the breath of its spirit was fresh and strong, and travail which has the good for its prize exercised its energy. For then the holy word, in admiration of its efforts, honoured it, and gave it a special guerdon, an undying heritage, its place in the order of the imperishable.",
+                "[109] We find it in the suppliant prayer of wise Abraham, who when fire was about to consume what is called the land of Sodom, but is in reality a soul barren of good and blind of reason, prayed that if there should be found in it that token of righteousness, the ten, it might receive some remission of punishment (Gen. 18:32). He begins indeed his supplication with fifty, the number of release, but ends with ten, which closes the possibility of redemption."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] It is on the same principle, as it seems to me, that Moses, after choosing rulers of thousands and hundreds and fifties, appointed rulers of tens last of all (Ex. 18:25), so that if the mind could not be bettered through the work of the senior ranks, it might get purification through the hindermost.",
+                "[111] And that is the high truth, too, which the servant of the lover of learning had mastered when he went as ambassador on that splendid errand, wooing for the man of self-taught wisdom the bride most suited to him, constancy (Gen. 24:10); for out of the many or rather countless memories of his lord, he takes “ten camels,” that is the “reminding” which right instruction figured by the ten produces.",
+                "[112] He takes too of “his goods,” clearly meaning not gold or silver or any others which are found in perishable materials, for Moses never gave the name of good to these; but genuine goods, which are soul-goods only, he takes for his journey’s provisions and his trading wares,—teaching, progress, earnestness, longing, ardour, inspiration, prophecy, and the love of high achievement.",
+                "[113] By practice and exercising himself in these, when the time comes for him to leave the seas, so to speak, and anchor in harbour, we shall find that he takes two ear-rings, drawing a weight of a drachma, and bracelets of ten weights of gold for the hands of the bride, whom he courts for his master (Gen. 24:22). Truly a glorious adorning, first that the thing heard should be a single drachma, a unit without fractions whose nature is to draw, for it is not well that hearing should devote itself to aught save one story only, a story which tells in noble words the excellences of the one and only God; secondly, that the undertakings of the hands should be of ten weights of gold, for the actions of wisdom rest firmly on perfect numbers and each of them is more precious than gold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] Such too is that tribute of the princes, chosen as the best that they had, which they offered when the soul, equipped by the love of wisdom, celebrated its dedication in right holy fashion, giving thanks to the God who was its teacher and guide. For the worshipper offers “a censer of ten gold weights, full of incense” (Num. 7:14, 20, etc.), that God who alone is wise might choose the perfumes exhaled by wisdom and every virtue.",
+                "[115] And when these perfumes are pleasant in His judgement, Moses will celebrate them in a hymn of triumph in the words “The Lord smelt a scent of sweet fragrance” (Gen. 8:21). Here he uses smell in the sense of accept, for God is not of human form, nor has need of nostrils or any other parts as organs.",
+                "[116] And further on he will speak of God’s dwelling-place, the tabernacle, as being “ten curtains” (Ex. 26:1), for to the structure which includes the whole of wisdom the perfect number ten belongs, and wisdom is the court and palace of the All-ruler, the sole Monarch, the Sovereign Lord.",
+                "[117] This dwelling is a house perceived by the mind, yet it is also the world of our senses, since he makes the curtains to be woven from such materials as are symbolical of the four elements; for they are wrought of fine linen, of dark red, of purple and of scarlet, four in number as I said. The linen is a symbol of earth, since it grows out of earth; the dark red of air, which is naturally black; the purple of water, since the means by which the dye is produced, the shell-fish which bears the same name, comes from the sea; and the scarlet of fire, since it closely resembles flame.",
+                "[118] Again rebellious Egypt, when it glorified the mind which usurps the place of God, and bestowed on it the emblems of sovereignty, the throne, the sceptre, the diadem, is admonished through ten plagues and punishments by the Guardian and Ruler of all.",
+                "[119] In the same way He promises to wise Abraham that He will work the ruin and complete destruction of just ten nations, neither more nor less, and will give the land of the victims to his descendants (Gen. 15:18–20). Thus everywhere he thinks well to extend the meaning of the ten, to cover both praise and blame, honour and chastisement.",
+                "[120] But why note such examples as these, when the holy and divine law is summed up by Moses in precepts which are ten in all, statutes which are the general heads, embracing the vast multitude of particular laws, the roots, the sources, the perennial fountains of ordinances containing commandments positive and prohibitive for the profit of those who follow them?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] It is quite natural, then, that the mating with Hagar should take place when ten years have elapsed from the arrival in the land of the Canaanites; for we cannot desire the training of the schools the moment we become reasoning beings, as the understanding is still soft and flaccid. That only comes when we have hardened our intelligence and quickness of mind and possess about all things a judgement which is no longer light and superficial, but firm and steady.",
+                "[122] That is why the text continues with the words that follow, “He went in unto Hagar” (Gen. 16:4), for it was well that the learner should resort to knowledge as his teacher, to be instructed in the lessons suited to human nature. In the present case the pupil is represented as going to the teacher’s school, but often knowledge rids herself of grudging pride, runs out to meet the gifted disciples, and draws them into her company.",
+                "[123] And so we may see that Leah, or virtue, goes forth to meet the Man of Practice when he was returning from the field, and says to him, “Thou shalt come in unto me to-day” (Gen. 30:16); for whither indeed should he go in, he who is tending the seeds and saplings of knowledge, save to virtue, the field of his husbandry?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] But sometimes she makes trial of her scholars, to test their zeal and earnestness; and then she does not meet them, but veils her face and sits like Tamar at the cross-roads, presenting the appearance of a harlot to the passers-by (Gen. 38:14, 15). Her wish is that inquiring minds may unveil and reveal her and gaze upon the glorious beauty, inviolate, undefiled and truly virginal, of her modesty and chastity.",
+                "[125] Who then is he, the investigator, the lover of learning, who refuses to leave aught of the things that are veiled, unexamined and unexplored? He can only be the chief captain, the king, whose name is Judah, who persists and rejoices in confessing and praising God. “He turned aside his path to her” (Gen. 38:16) it says, and said “Suffer me to come in unto thee.” “Suffer me,” he means (for he would not use force to her), “suffer me to see what is the virtue which veils its face from me, and what purpose it is prepared to serve.”",
+                "[126] And so then after he went in to her, we read of a conceiving or taking (Gen. 38:18). Who it is who conceives or takes we are not told in so many words. For the art or science that is studied does seize and take hold of the learner and persuades him to be her lover, and in like manner the learner takes his instructress, when his heart is set on learning.",
+                "[127] Often on the other hand some teacher of the lower subjects, who has chanced to have a gifted pupil, boasts of his own teaching power, and supposes that his pupil’s high attainments are due to him alone. So he stands on tiptoe, puffs himself out, perks up his neck and raises high his eyebrows, and in fact is filled with vanity, and demands huge fees from those who wish to attend his courses; but when he sees that their thirst for education is combined with poverty, he turns his back on them as though there were some treasures of wisdom which he alone has discovered.",
+                "[128] That is the condition called “having in the womb,” a swollen, vanity-ridden condition, robed in a vesture of inordinate pride, which makes some people appear to dishonour virtue, the essentially honourable mistress in her own right of the lower branches of knowledge.",
+                "[129] The souls then whose pregnancy is accompanied with wisdom, though they labour, do bring their children to the birth, for they distinguish and separate what is in confusion within them, just as Rebecca, receiving in her womb the knowledge of the two nations of the mind, virtue and vice, distinguished the nature of the two and found therein a happy delivery (Gen. 25:23). But where its pregnancy is without wisdom, the soul either miscarries or the offspring is the quarrelsome sophist who shoots with the bow (Gen. 21:20), or is the target of the bowman.",
+                "[130] And this contrast is to be expected. For the one kind of soul thinks that it receives in the womb, and the other that it has in the womb, and that is a mighty difference. The latter, supposing that they “have,” with boastful speech ascribe the choice and the birth to themselves. The former claim but to receive, and confess that they have of themselves nothing which is their own. They accept the seeds of impregnation that are showered on them from outside, and revere the Giver, and thus by honouring God they repel the love of self, repel, that is, the greatest of evils by the perfect good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] In this way too were sown the seeds of the legislative art which we men enjoy. “There was,” says the Scripture, “a man of the tribe of Levi who took one of the daughters of Levi and had her to wife, and she received in her womb and bore a male child, and seeing that he was goodly they guarded him for three months” (Ex. 2:1, 2).",
+                "[132] This is Moses, the mind of purest quality, the truly “goodly,” who, with a wisdom given by divine inspiration, received the art of legislation and prophecy alike, who being of the tribe of Levi both on the father’s and the mother’s side has a double link with truth.",
+                "Great indeed is the profession of the founder of this tribe.",
+                "[133] He has the courage to say, God and God alone must I honour, not aught of what is below God, neither earth nor sea nor rivers, nor the realm of air, nor the shiftings of the winds and seasons, nor the various kinds of animals and plants, nor the sun nor the moon nor the host of the stars, performing their courses in ranks of ordered harmony, no, nor yet the whole heaven and universe. A great and transcendent soul does such a boast bespeak,",
+                "[134] to soar above created being, to pass beyond its boundaries, to hold fast to the Uncreated alone, following the sacred admonitions in which we are told to cling to Him (Deut. 30:20), and therefore to those who thus cling and serve Him without ceasing He gives Himself as portion, and this my affirmation is warranted by the oracle which says, “The Lord Himself is his portion” (Deut. 10:9).",
+                "[135] Thus we see the capacity to bear comes to souls by “receiving” rather than by “having in the womb.”",
+                "But just as the eyes of the body often see dimly and often clearly, so the distinguishing characteristics which things present sometimes reach the eye of the soul in a blurred and confused, sometimes in a clear and distinct form. When the vision thus presented is indistinct and ill-defined,",
+                "[136] it is like the embryo not yet fully formed in the depths of the womb; when it is distinct and definite, it bears a close analogy to the same embryo when fully shaped, with each of its parts inward and outward elaborated, and thus possessed of the form suited to it.",
+                "[137] Now there is a law well and suitably enacted to deal with this subject which runs thus: “When two men are fighting if one strikes a woman who has in the womb, and her child comes forth not fully formed, he shall be surely fined: according as the husband of the woman shall lay upon him he shall be fined with a valuation, but if the child be fully formed he shall give life for life” (Ex. 21:22, 23). This was well said, for it is not the same thing to destroy what the mind has made when it is perfect as when it is imperfect, when it is guesswork as when it is apprehended, when it is but a hope as when it is a reality.",
+                "[138] Therefore in one the thing in question and the penalty are alike indefinite, in the other there is a specified penalty for a thing perfected. Note however that by “perfected” we do not mean perfected in virtue, but that it has attained perfection in some one of the arts to which no exception can be taken. For the child in this case is the fruit of one who has in the womb, not has received in the womb, one whose attitude is that of self-conceit rather than of modesty. And indeed miscarriage is impossible for her who “has received in the womb,” for it is to be expected that the Sower should bring the plant to its fulness: for her who “has in the womb” it is natural enough; she is the victim of her malady, and there is no physician to help her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] Do not suppose that by the words “When she saw that she had in the womb” (Gen. 16:4), it is meant that Hagar saw that it was so with herself. It is her mistress Sarah who saw, for afterwards Sarah says of herself, “Seeing that she had in the womb, I was dishonoured before her” (Gen. 16:5).",
+                "[140] Why is this? Because the lower arts, even if they see their own products, which are carried in their womb, necessarily see them but dimly, while they are clearly and very distinctly apprehended by knowledge in its various forms. For knowledge is something more than art, as it has in addition a stability which no argument can shake.",
+                "[141] The definition of art is as follows: a system of conceptions co-ordinated to work for some useful end, “useful” being a very proper addition to exclude mischievous arts. Knowledge on the other hand is defined as a sure and certain apprehension which cannot be shaken by argument.",
+                "[142] We give the name of arts therefore to music, grammar and the kindred arts, and accordingly those who by means of them reach fulness of accomplishment are called artists, whether they are musicians or grammarians; but we give the name of knowledge to philosophy and the other virtues, and that of men of knowledge to those who possess these virtues. Those only are prudent and temperate and philosophers who without exception do not err in the dogmatic conclusions belonging to that form of knowledge which they have mastered by their diligence in the way that the above-mentioned err in the more theoretical conclusions of the lower arts.",
+                "[143] The following illustration may serve. The eyes see, but the mind through the eyes sees further than the eyes. The ears hear, but the mind through the ears hears better than the ears. The nostrils smell, but the soul through the nose smells more vividly than the nose, and while the other senses apprehend the objects proper to them, the understanding apprehends with more purity and clarity. For we may say quite properly that the mind is the eye’s eye and the hearing’s hearing and the purified sense of each of the senses; it uses them as ushers in its tribunal, but itself passes judgement on the natures of the objects presented, giving its assent to some and refusing it to others. In the same way, what we call the lower or secondary arts, resembling as they do the bodily faculties, handle the questions which they answer without involved consideration, but knowledge in each case does so with greater accuracy and minute examination.",
+                "[144] What the mind is to sense, that knowledge is to art; for just as, to repeat the statement, the soul is the sense of the senses,[so knowledge is the art of arts.] So each of the arts has detached and annexed some small items from the world of nature which engage its efforts and attention: geometry has its lines, and music its notes, but philosophy takes the whole nature of existing things; for its subject matter is this world and every form of existence visible and invisible.",
+                "[145] Why wonder, then, if when it surveys the whole of things it sees also the parts, and sees them better than those others, furnished as it is with stronger eyes and more penetrating sight? Naturally then will the pregnancy of the handmaid, the lower instruction, be more visible to the mistress philosophy than it is to the handmaid herself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] And indeed this too is general knowledge that all the particular arts have their origins and the germs from which the conclusions they reach seem to spring, as a gift from philosophy. For such further matters as isosceles and scalene triangles, and circles and polygons and the other figures are the discovery of geometry; but when we come to the nature of the point, the line, the superficies and the solid which are the roots and foundations of those named above, we leave geometry behind.",
+                "[147] For whence does she obtain the definition of a point as that which has no parts, of a line as length without breadth, of superficies as that which has length and breadth only, and of a solid as that which has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth? For these belong to philosophy, and the whole subject of definitions is the philosopher’s province.",
+                "[148] Again the lower stage of grammar, sometimes by a slight modification of γραμματική called γραμματιστική, undertakes to teach reading and writing, while the task of the higher stage is the elucidation of the writings of the poets and historians. When therefore they discourse on the parts of speech, are they not encroaching on, and casually appropriating the discoveries of philosophy?",
+                "[149] For it is the exclusive property of philosophy to examine what a conjunction is, or a noun, or a verb, or a common as distinguished from a proper noun, or in the sentence what is meant by defective or complete or declaratory or inquiry, or question, or comprehensive, or precatory, or imprecatory. For to her is due the system which embraces the study of complete sentences and propositions and predicates.",
+                "[150] Again, the observation of the semi-vowel, the vowel and the completely voiceless or consonant, and the usage of each, and the whole field of phonetics and the elements of sound and the parts of speech, have been worked out and brought to its consummation by philosophy. From this, as from a torrent, the plagiarists have drawn a few small drops, squeezed them into their still smaller souls, and do not blush to parade what they have filched as their own."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] So in their insolence they neglect the mistress to whom the lordship really belongs, to whom is due the firm foundation of their studies. And she, conscious of their neglect, will rebuke them and speak with all boldness. “I am wronged and betrayed, in so far as you have broken faith with me.",
+                "[152] For ever since you took to your arms the lower forms of training, the children of my handmaid, you have given her all the honour of the wedded wife, and turned from me as though we had never come together. And yet perhaps, in thinking this of you, I may be but inferring from your open company with her my servant a less certain matter, your alienation from me. But to decide whether your feelings are as I have supposed, or the opposite, is a task impossible for any other,",
+                "[153] but easy for God alone,” and therefore Sarah will say quite properly, “God judge between you and me” (Gen. 16:5). She does not hastily condemn Abraham as a wrongdoer, but expresses a doubt as though perhaps his heart may be true and upright. That it is so is shewn unmistakably soon after, when he makes his defence and thereby heals her doubts. “Behold,” he says, “the servant girl is in thy hands. Deal with her as is pleasing to thee” (Gen. 16:6).",
+                "[154] Indeed in calling her a servant girl he makes a double admission, that she is a slave and that she is childish, for the name suits both of these. At the same time the words involve necessarily and absolutely the acknowledgment of the opposites of these two, of the full-grown as opposed to the child, of the mistress as opposed to the slave. They amount almost to a loud and emphatic confession: I greet the training of the schools, he implies, as the junior and the handmaid, but I have given full honour to knowledge and wisdom as the full-grown and the mistress.",
+                "[155] And the words “in thy hands” mean no doubt “she is subject to thee,” but they also signify something more, namely that while what is implied by the slave belongs to the domain of the hands in the bodily sense, since the school subjects require the bodily organs and faculties, what is implied by the mistress reaches to the soul, for wisdom and knowledge and their implications are referred to the reasoning faculties.",
+                "[156] “And so,” says Abraham, “in the same degree as the mind is more powerful, more active and altogether better than the hand, I hold knowledge and wisdom to be more admirable than the culture of the schools and have given them full and special honour. Do thou then, who both art the mistress and art held as such by me, take all my training and deal with it as thy handmaid, ‘even as is well-pleasing to thee.’ And what is well-pleasing",
+                "[157]to thee I know full well is altogether good, even if it be not agreeable, and profitable even if it be far removed from pleasant.”",
+                "Yes, good and profitable. And such to those who need convincing of their errors is the admonishing which the holy text indicates under its other name of affliction."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] Therefore he adds “and she afflicted her” (Gen. 16:6), which means she admonished and chastised her. For the sharp spur is indeed profitable to those who live in security and ease, just as it is to unruly horses, since it is difficult to master or break them in merely with the whip or guiding hand.",
+                "[159] Or do you fail to see the rewards which await the unrebuked? They grow sleek and fat, they expand themselves, and the breath of their spirit is lusty and strong, and then to their utter sorrow and misery they win the woeful prizes of impiety, proclaimed and crowned as victors in the contest of godlessness. For because of the smooth flow of their prosperity, veneered as they are with gold and silver, like base coin, they fancy themselves to be gods, forgetting Him who is the true coin, the really Existent.",
+                "[160] I have Moses’ testimony when he says, “He waxed fat, grew thick, was widened, and abandoned the God who made him” (Deut. 32:15). It follows that if increased laxity is the parent of that greatest of ills, impiety, contrary wise affliction, regulated by law, breeds a perfect good, that most admirable thing, admonition.",
+                "[161] On this same principle he calls the unleavened bread, the symbol of the first feast, “bread of affliction.” And yet we all know that feasts and highdays produce cheerfulness and gladness, not affliction.",
+                "[162] Clearly he is extending the meaning of the word as a name for the chastener, toil, for the most numerous and most important of goods are wont to result from repeated strenuous contention and keen toiling, and the soul’s feast is ardour for the best, and the consummation of toil. That is why we also have the command to “eat the unleavened bread with bitter herbs” (Ex. 12:8), not as a relish, but because the mass of men hold that when they no longer swell and boil with desires, but are confined and compressed, they are in a state of discomfort; and they think that the unlearning of passion is a bitterness, though to a mind that welcomes effort that same is a joy and a feast."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[163] For this cause I believe the lesson of the statutes of the law was given in a place whose name is bitterness, for injustice is pleasant and just-dealing is troublesome, and this is the most infallible of laws. For when they had gone out of the passions of Egypt, says the text, “they came to Marah, and they could not drink water from Marah, for it was bitter. Therefore the name of that place was called bitterness, and the people murmured against Moses, saying what shall we drink? And Moses called aloud to the Lord, and the Lord shewed him a tree; and he threw it into the water, and the water was sweetened. There He laid down for him ordinances and judgements” (Ex. 15:23–25).",
+                "[164] “And there He tried him” (<i>ibid</i>.), the text continues. Yes, for the trial and proving of the soul, with all its uncertainty, lies in toil and bitterness of heart, and it is uncertain because it is hard to discern which way the balance will incline. Some faint ere the struggle has begun, and lose heart altogether, counting toil a too formidable antagonist, and like weary athletes they drop their hands in weakness and determine to speed back to Egypt to enjoy passion.",
+                "[165] But there are others who, facing the terrors and dangers of the wilderness with all patience and stoutness of heart, carry through to its finish the contest of life, keeping it safe from failure and defeat, and take a strong stand against the constraining forces of nature, so that hunger and thirst, cold and heat, and all that usually enslave the rest, are made their subjects by their preponderating fund of strength.",
+                "[166] But this result is brought about not by toil unaided, but by toil with sweetening. He says “the water was sweetened,” and another name for the toil that is sweet and pleasant is love of labour. For what is sweet in toil is the yearning, the desire, the fervour, in fact the love of the good.",
+                "[167] Let no one, then, turn away from affliction such as this, or think that, when the table of joy and feasting is called the bread of affliction, harm and not benefit is meant. No, the soul that is admonished is fed by the lessons of instruction’s doctrine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[168] So holy is this unleavened bake-meat, that the oracles ordain that twelve unleavened loaves, corresponding to the number of the tribes, be set forth on the golden table in the inmost shrine, and these are called the loaves of setting forth (Ex. 25:29).",
+                "[169] And further it is forbidden by law to bring any leaven or any honey to the altar (Lev. 2:11). For it is a hard matter to consecrate as holy the sweet flavours of bodily pleasures or the risings of the soul in their leaven-like thinness and sponginess, so profane and unholy are they by their very nature.",
+                "[170] Is it not, then, with legitimate pride that the prophet-word called Moses says, as we shall find, “Thou shalt remember all the way which the Lord thy God led thee in the wilderness, that He might afflict thee and prove thee and the thoughts in thy heart might be tested, whether thou wilt keep His commandments or not, and He afflicted thee and made thee weak by famine and fed thee with manna which thy fathers knew not, that He might proclaim to thee that not alone on bread shall man live, but on every word that goeth forth through the mouth of God” (Deut. 8:2).",
+                "[171] Who then is so impious as to suppose that God is an afflictor, or evil-entreater, and that He sends famine, death in its most miserable form, on those who cannot live without food? For God is good and the cause of what is good, the benefactor, the saviour, the nourisher, the enricher, the bountiful giver, and He has expelled evil-mindedness from the holy boundaries. For so He banished those cumberers of the earth, both Adam and Eve, from Paradise.",
+                "[172] Let us not, then, be misled by the actual words, but look at the allegorical meaning that lies beneath them, and say that “afflicted” is equivalent to “disciplined and admonished and chastened,” and that “subjected to famine” does not mean that He brought about a dearth of food and drink, but a dearth of pleasures and desires and fears and grief and wrongdoings, and in general all the works of the vices or the passions.",
+                "[173] And this is confirmed by the words that follow, “He fed thee with the manna.” He who provided the food that costs no toil or suffering, the food which without the cares and pains of men came not from the earth in the common way, but was sent, a wonder and a marvel from heaven for the benefit of those who should use it—can we rightly speak of Him as the author of famine and affliction? Should we not on the contrary call Him the author of thriving and prosperity and secure and ordered living?",
+                "[174] But the multitude, the common herd, who have never tasted of wisdom, the one true food of us all, think that those who feed on the divine words live in misery and suffering, and little know that their days are spent in continued well-being and gladness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] Thus so profitable a thing is affliction of one sort, that even its most humiliating form, slavery, is reckoned a great blessing. Such slavery we read of in the holy scriptures as invoked by a father on his son, by the most excellent Isaac on the foolish Esau. There is a place where he says,",
+                "[176] “Thou shalt live on thy sword and shalt be a slave to thy brother” (Gen. 27:40). He judges it most profitable for him who chooses war instead of peace, who by reason of his inward tumult and rebellion is armed as it were with the weapons of war, that he should become a subject and a slave and obey all the orders that the lover of self-control may impose.",
+                "[177] Therefore, I think, did one of Moses’ disciples, who is named a man of peace, which is in our ancestral tongue Solomon, say as follows: “My son, despise not the discipline of God, nor faint when thou art rebuked by Him, for whom the Lord loveth He rebukes and scourges every son whom He receiveth” (Prov. 3:11, 12). So we see that reproaching and admonition are counted so excellent a thing, that they turn our acknowledgment of God into kinship with Him, for what relation can be closer than that of a father to a son, or a son to a father?",
+                "[178] But lest the series of argument following argument should seem tedious and prolix, I will add but one proof, and that the clearest, to those here given, to shew that affliction or ill-usage of a kind is a work of virtue. There is a law in the following terms: “Ye shall not evil-entreat any widow or orphan, but if ye evil-entreat them with evil” (Ex. 22:22). What does he mean? Is it that one can be evil-entreated by some other thing than evil? For if evil-treatments are the work of evil and nothing else, it is superfluous to add what is a matter of agreement and will be admitted even without any further words.",
+                "[179] No doubt he means to say, “I know that one may be rebuked by virtue and disciplined by wisdom, and therefore I do not hold all afflicting or evil-entreating to be blameworthy.” When it is the work of justice and the power of the law which chastens by reproof I am filled with admiration. When it is the work of folly and vice and therefore harmful, I turn away from it and call it by the evil names that are its due.",
+                "[180] When, then, you hear of Hagar as afflicted or evil-entreated by Sarah, do not suppose that you have here one of the usual accompaniments of women’s jealousy. It is not women that are spoken of here; it is minds—on the one hand the mind which exercises itself in the preliminary learning, on the other, the mind which strives to win the palm of virtue and ceases not till it is won."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE CONGRESSU",
+            "§ 11. <i>Astronomy</i>, Astronomy of an elementary kind was regularly included among the Encyclia, but is not named by Philo in his other lists of the subjects, doubtless because, as often in other writers, it is regarded as a branch of geometry. <i>Cf</i>. Quintilian, i. 10. 46 “quid quod se eadem geometria tollit ad rationem usque mundi? in qua siderum certos constitutosque cursus numeris docet.”",
+            "§ 15. <i>The calamities … undergone</i>. This thought of the ethical value of history and poetry (epic and tragic) has already been brought out in <i>De Sac.</i> 78 f. See also <i>De Abr.</i> 23.",
+            "§ 18. <i>Sister and twin</i>. Though ὡς εἶπόν τινες indicates that this is a definite quotation from some writer or writers, the close relation of dialectic to rhetoric, though much discussed by the Stoics (see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 75, ii. 294), is not described by this phrase in any source known to us. Aristotle speaks of rhetoric as being (1) ἀντίστροφον (counterpart), (2) παραφυές (offshoot), (3) μόριον (part), (4) ὁμοίωμα (copy), of rhetoric (Aristot. <i>Rhet</i>. i. 1. 1, i. 2. 7).",
+            "§ 29. <i>On the side of thought … deception</i>. It seems to me almost incredible that Leah’s handmaid, oratory or rhetoric, should on the side of ideas be limited to sophistical rhetoric, though one might understand this sort being admitted with the other, as indeed we find in <i>De Agr.</i> 13. Below in § 33 there is no such disparagement. I am strongly inclined to suspect a lacuna such as ἡ λογική <i>sc</i>. δύναμις &lt;τῆς διανοίας, οὐχ&gt; ἡ κτλ. Or for τῆς διανοίας we might conjecture τῶν πραγμάτων (facts), in which case ἡ λογική would still agree with εὕρεσις.",
+            "§ 53. <i>Battles of argument</i>. Elsewhere in Philo this word and γνωσιμαχία seem to be used generally for contention, without any particular meaning attaching to γνωσι-. Here, however, in combination with συλλαβομαχοῦντες, it seems necessary to give the γνωσι- a more definite meaning, such as “of argument” or “as to knowledge.”",
+            "§ 54. <i>The fount of human life. Cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. i. 205 ἦθός ἐστι πηγὴ βίου, ἀφʼ ἧς αἱ κατὰ μέρος πράξεις ῥέονσι.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. &lt;ἀστάς&gt;. That ἀστάς has been lost, as suggested in the footnote, seems to me very probable, though possibly a better form of the sentence, preserving the first ἤ of all MSS., and the ἤ before δόγματα of some, would be παλλακὰς μέντοι ἢ ἀστάς, δόξας ἢ δόγματα. It is true that no Biblical example of the ἀστή of the wicked man is given, but in § 59 her existence as the mother of κακία, while the παλλακή is the mother of πάθος, is assumed. If we make this insertion, the conjunction of δόξα (= παλλακή) with δόγμα (= ἀστή) gets a clear meaning. As it stands, this conjunction, which is not recorded elsewhere, is otiose. But in <i>De Sac.</i> 5 we have them contrasted, the καλὸν δόγμα, Abel, with the ἄτοπος δόξα, Cain, and in general δόγμα, though, as in this case, it may be bad, is associated with principles and convictions arrived at by reason in contrast to unreasoning δόξα. That the former should produce vicious principles (κακία) and the latter fleeting passion is quite in keeping.",
+            "§ 77. <i>Doting on poetry … musical colours</i>. Clem. Al. (<i>Strom</i>, i. p. 332) reproduces these words as κατεγήρασαν οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν μουσικῇ, οἱ δὲ ἐν γεωμετρίᾳ, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐν γραμματικῇ, οἱ πλεῖστοι δὲ ἐν ῥητορικῇ. Hence Mangey strangely thought that γραμμαῖς should be corrected to γραμματικῇ, though in his translation he retains it as “delincationibus.” But Philo’s ποιήμασι gives Clement’s γραμματικῇ, as his γραμμαῖς gives γεωμετρίᾳ. γραμμαῖς cannot mean “drawing,” as Yonge certainly and Mangey presumably supposed. It is a regular term for geometrical figures, and γραμμικαὶ ἀποδείξεις for geometrical proofs (Quintilian i. 10. 38.) Mangey translates χρωμάτων κράσεσι by “temperaturis colorum,” which leaves it doubtful whether he thought, as Yonge did, that it meant painting. There can be no reasonable doubt that it refers to the χρώματα of music. Though Aristotle laid stress on γραφική as a means of education, it never appears among the Encyclia. On the other hand the χρώματα, as shown in § 76, are an important element in music. Aristides Quintilianus (p. 18) gives this explanation of the name: χρῶμα, τὸ διὰ ἡμιτονίων συντεινόμενον· ὡς γὰρ τὸ μεταξὺ λευκοῦ καὶ μέλανος χρῶμα καλεῖται, οὕτω τὸ διὰ μέσων ἀμφοῖν θεωρούμενον χρῶμα καλεῖται. This suggests that κράσεις χρωμάτων may mean blendings which constitute χρώματα rather than blendings of them, but I leave this to the experts.",
+            "§ 79. <i>For philosophy</i>, etc. For this Stoic definition <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. ii. 36 τὴν φιλοσοφίαν φασὶν ἐπιτήδευσιν εἶναι σοφίας, τὴν δὲ σοφίαν ἐπιστήμην θείων τε καὶ ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων. Cicero gives it in a form nearer to Philo, <i>De Off</i>. ii. 5 “nec quicquam aliud est philosophia … praeter studium sapientiae. Sapientia autem est, ut a veteribus philosophis definitum est, rerum divinarum et humanarum causarumque, quibus eae res continentur, scientia.”",
+            "§ 107. περινοίᾳ λογισμοῦ πεποιθυίας. The translation given assumes (1) that πεποιθυίας (of a soul trusting) is not co-ordinate with the other participles, (2) that γενητοῦ agrees with λογισμοῦ; neither of which seems likely, though grammatically possible. Moreover, Philo would probably have written τοῦ πεποιθέναι instead of πεποιθυίας. Wendland conjectured περὶ πάντα λογισμῷ μεμαθηκυίας. This seems very arbitrary. Cohn suggested περινοίᾳ καὶ λογισμῷ πεπονθυίας. But if this means “experiencing through reasoning the nothingness of creation,” it does not seem to me Greek. I suggest as slightly better to transfer περ. λογ. πεπ. and read ἱκετευούσης θεὸν ψυχῆς περινοίᾳ λογισμοῦ &lt;οὐ&gt; πεποιθυίας καὶ τὴν ταπεινότητα καὶ οὐδενείαν τοῦ γενητοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐν ἅπασι τοῖς καλοῖς ὑπερβολὰς καὶ ἀκρότητας τοῦ ἀγενήτου δεδιδαγμένης. This will make good sense and run smoothly, and it seems more likely that Philo thinks that human sagacity (περίνοια) or even human reason proves worthless in this supreme abasement, than that it is the agent by which the soul is schooled to humiliate itself, as Cohn’s and Wendland’s suggestions imply. Textually the loss of οὐ after λογισμοῦ is negligible and the departure from the MSS., apart from the slight change of -αν to -ᾳ, lies in the transference of the three difficult words. I shall not be surprised however if it does not give general satisfaction.",
+            "§ 133. <i>The founder of this tribe</i>. Wendland gives as reference for the saying “God alone must I honour” Ex. 20:3, <i>i.e</i>. the First Commandment, and therefore presumably took the γενάρχης to be Moses. But the reference is, I think, to the Blessing of Levi (Deut. 33:9) “who saith to his father and his mother I have not seen thee, and his brothers he knew not and his sons he disclaimed.” In <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 51 Philo has made a very similar use of this text (though there the father and the mother are mind and body), inferring from it that the Levi-mind rejects all such things for the sake of having God as his portion, in accordance with the words of Deut. 10:9, which he again quotes here. And the same interpretation of Deut. 33:9 is given in <i>De Fug.</i> 89, where Levi is called ὁ ἀρχηγέτης τοῦ θιάσου τούτου.",
+            "§ 141. <i>A system of conceptions</i>, etc. For this Stoic definition <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V.F</i>. i. 73, ii. 93 f. Sometimes in a longer form, συγγεγυμνασμένων καὶ ἐπὶ τέλος εὔχρηστον τῷ βίῳ λαμβανόντων (ἐχόντων) τὴν ἀναφόραν, where the masculine λαμβανόντων shews that συγγ. also is masculine and that not the conceptions but the things conceived of are coordinated. As ἐγγεγυμνασμένων appears in some examples (see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 73), Wendland is perhaps somewhat rash in altering to συγγ. If ἐγγ. is retained, translate “exercised upon.”",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. For the definition of ἐπιστήμη, given in practically the same words as here, see <i>S.V.F.</i> i. 68.",
+            "§ 148. <i>Elucidation of the … poets and historians</i>. This definition with minor variations was the accepted one. In the grammar of Dionysius Thrax, which furnished the model for the later grammarians, both Greek and Latin, it appears in the form ἐμπειρία τῶν παρὰ ποιηταῖς τε καὶ συγγραφεῦσι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ λεγομένων. The definition brings out the important fact that γραμματική originally suggested literary study rather than what we call grammar.",
+            "§ 149. The only terms in this list which either need explanation or have not had it on <i>De Agr.</i> 140, 141 are ἀποφαντόν and περιεκτικόν. From Diog. Laert. vii. 65 it appears that ἀποφαντόν which I have rendered by “declaratory” = ἀξίωμα, <i>i.e</i>. a statement which must be either true or false, which cannot be said of the forms of speech (ἐρώτημα, etc.) which follow. While D. L. himself defines ἀξίωμα as πρᾶγμα αὐτοτελές ἀποφαντὸν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ, he has confused his interpreters by quoting Chrysippus: ἀξίωμά ἐστι τὸ ἀποφαντὸν ἢ καταφαντὸν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ, οἷον Ἡμέρα ἐστί, Δίων περιπατεῖ. This has led Hicks to translate ἀποφαντόν “capable of being denied,” as opposed to καταφαντόν. But this is surely to confuse ἀποφαντός from ἀποφαίνω with ἀποφατικός from ἀπόφημι. Liddell &amp; Scott both in the earlier and in the recent edition make the confusion worse, as while giving ἀποφ. as = “asserting,” they say under καταφ. “to be affirmed, opposed to ἀποφαντός.” I feel no doubt that ἀποφ. is “affirming” or “capable of being affirmed,” and I should explain the καταφαντόν of Chrysippus as a synonym, which some preferred, unless indeed he means that ἀποφ. is used of such sentences as ἡμέρα ἑστί, and καταφ. of such as Δίων περιπατεῖ. Also it might easily be a gloss.",
+            "It should be added that as to ἀποφαντικός, sometimes used for the indicative mood, the examples shew that no doubt is possible, and ἀποφαντικός can hardly be separated from ἀποφαντός.",
+            "As for περιεκτικόν, it is most probably a mistake for προστακτικόν (imperative), which appears in D. L.’s list. At any rate if it is genuine, it must have some meaning unknown to us. The only sense in which we meet the word is for a place in which a number of things or persons are collected, <i>e.g</i>. ἀμπελών, παρθενών. Stephanus, indeed, has a statement, which L. &amp; S. have copied, that περιεκτικὸν ῥῆμα is a verb in the middle voice, but no authority is given. And both these meanings are impossible in a list which contains different forms of sentences.",
+            "§ 155. “<i>In thy hands</i>.” I suspect that Philo suggests in this section that the Greek of the text quoted may mean not only “The handmaid is in thy hands (or power),” but <i>also</i> “Thy handmaid is in the hands.” <i>It must</i> be remembered that when he gives two alternative meanings for a passage, he does not think, as we should, that one <i>must</i> be the right one. To his mind they may both be intended. If we suppose that he is here commenting on “Thy handmaid is in the hands,” the argument will become much clearer. The supposition will involve reading here ἐν ταῖς χερσί for ἐν ταῖς χερσί σου, but there is not much difficulty in this. A scribe failing to see the point might very naturally add σου.",
+            "§ 159. <i>Unrebuked</i>. Or “whose licence is unchecked.” Mangey suspected ἀνεπίπληκτος in this sense, and perhaps it more generally means “not liable to rebuke,” “blameless.” But see Plato, <i>Legg</i>. 695 B, where it is applied to the undisciplined boyhood of Cyrus’s sons, who left to women and eunuchs became οἵους ἦν εἰκὸς αὐτοὺς γενέσθαι τροφῇ ἀνεπιπλήκτῳ τραφέντας. So too in manhood they are τρυφῆς μεστοὶ καὶ ἀνεπιπληξίας.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. ὑπαργύρους καὶ ὑποχρύσους. These adjectives, which Mangey translated by “aureos et argenteos,” ignoring the ὑπο-, are at first sight very difficult. All the evidence in the dictionaries hitherto given goes to prove that the prefix indicates not that the silver or gold conceals some other metal, but that it is covered or concealed by it. Thus while ὑπάργυρος may suggest a base coin, because the silver is coated with gold, ὑπόχρυσος would only suggest gold concealed by some baser metal. An article, however, by A. Körte in <i>Hermes</i>, 1929, pp. 262 f., to which Dr. Rouse called my attention, brings considerable evidence from inscriptions of the third century, as well as a line from Menander, 170 ff. (ὑπόχρυσος δακτύλιός τις οὑτοσί, αὐτὸς σιδηροῦς), to shew that ὑποχ. is used of iron rings or the like gilded over. Körte does not deal with ὑπάργυρος, but the same principle will apply. He connects the prefix with the common use of ὑπο- in adjectives, particularly in medical language, to indicate “somewhat,” <i>e.g</i>. ὑπόλευκος “whitish.” While he translates ὑπόχρυσος “gilded,” it need not be inferred, I think, that the word in itself means this. Rather the two words are opposed to ὁλόχρυσος, ὁλάργυρος, and indicate that the gold and silver are not the predominant, or at least not the sole elements. But since, as a matter of fact, the admixture of gold or silver would regularly take the form of a coating, “veneered” or “plated” may stand.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Admonition</i>. I do not think that Philo can have written νουθεσίαν. Apart from the absurdity pointed out in the footnote, the ὥστε demands something inferred from the text, which has stated that those who live without κάκωσις forsake God. The inference must be that those who are under κάκωσις cleave to Him. I think Philo must have written εὐσέβειαν or θεοσέβειαν, which by some blunder was changed to νουθεσίαν as νομοθεσίαν to ἐκκλησίαν in § 120.",
+            "§ 171. <i>Eve</i>. Here again one can only suppose a similar blunder, possibly assisted by the similarity of ΚΑΙΕΥΑΝ to ΚΑΙΝ. Though Wendland retains the MS. text, it seems to me incredible that Philo should have thought that Cain was expelled from Paradise. At any rate, even if Philo wrote Cain, he meant to write Eve."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הזיווג לשם ההשכלה (על לימודי היסוד)",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הזיווג לשם ההשכלה (על לימודי היסוד)",
+        "enTitle": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+        "key": "On Mating with the Preliminary Studies",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..ab8cf0900942d47d3e45bb729789f92b8b4c2182
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Providence/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,151 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On Providence",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על ההשגחה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [],
+        "": [
+            "ON PROVIDENCE (FRAGMENT 1)",
+            "As to the quantity of the substance assuming that it was really created what we have to say is this. God estimated for the creation of the world just sufficient matter that there should be neither deficiency nor excess. For it would be monstrous to suppose that while particular craftsmen when framing something, especially anything costly, estimate what material is just sufficient, He who invented numbers, measures and equality in them had no thought for what was adequate. I will say indeed with all confidence that the world needed neither less nor more substance for its construction, since otherwise it would not have been made perfect nor complete in all its parts, whereas actually it was made excellently out of a perfect substance. For it is a characteristic of a complete master of his art to see before he begins any constructive work that he has sufficient material. Now a man even if superior to everyone in knowledge may perhaps, as he cannot escape the errors congenital to mortals, be deceived as to the quantity of material needed when he practises his craft. He may sometimes find it too little and have to add, sometimes excessive and have to take away. But He who is as it were the fountain head of all knowledge was sure to provide nothing deficient or superfluous, since the standards which He employs are all to be extolled as elaborated with absolute accuracy. A person who wishes to waste his time in foolishness is sure also to confront us at once with the works of all other craftsmen as having improved their construction by adding to or diminishing the material. But we leave futile argument for the sophist: the task of wisdom is to investigate all that nature has to show.",
+            "ON PROVIDENCE (FRAGMENT 2)",
+            "[1] <small>This is the method in which he conducts this discussion. Alexander says:</small>",
+            "“Do you maintain the existence of providence amid this vast welter and confusion of things? For what part of human life is subject to order, nay, what is not brimful of disorder and corruption? Or are you alone ignorant that to the worst and vilest of men good things in abundance come crowding in, wealth, high repute, honours paid to them by the masses, again authority, health with efficiency of the senses, beauty, strength, unimpeded enjoyment of pleasures through the abundance of their resources and the bodily well-being free from all disturbance which they possess, while the lovers and practisers of wisdom and every virtue are almost universally poor, obscure, of little repute and in a humble position?”",
+            "[2] <small>After stating these and a host of others on the negative side he next proceeds to refute the objections as follows.</small>",
+            "God is not a tyrant who has made a practice of cruelty and violence and all the deeds committed by a despot who rules by ruthlessness, but a king invested with a kindly and law-abiding sovereignty who governs the whole heaven and earth with justice. Now for a king there is no fitter name than father,",
+            "[3] for what the father in family life is to the children the king is to the state and God is to the world,—God who under the immutable laws of nature has joined in indissoluble union two things most excellent, governorship and guardianship.",
+            "[4] Now parents do not lose thought for their wastrel children but, in pity for their unhappy state, bestow on them care and attention, deeming that it is only mortal enemies who take advantage of the miseries of others to trample on them, while friends and kinsmen should lighten their downfall.",
+            "[5] Often too they lavish their kindness on the wastrels more than on the well behaved, knowing well that these have in their sober disposition a plentiful source of prosperity while the wastrels’ one hope is in their parents, and if this fail them they will lack the very necessaries of life.",
+            "[6] In the same way God too the Father of reasonable intelligence has indeed all who are endowed with reason under His care but takes thought also for those who live a misspent life, thereby giving them time for reformation and also keeping within the bounds of His merciful nature, which has for its attendant virtue and loving kindness well fitted to keep watch as sentry around God’s world.",
+            "Here is one thought. Receive it, O soul,",
+            "[7] and ponder it awhile as a trust committed to thee by Him, but receive also another in harmony and agreement with it. It is this. Mayst thou never be so led astray from the truth as to think that happiness is the lot of any of the wicked though he excel Croesus in wealth, Lynceus in keen sight, Milo of Croton in muscular strength and Ganymede in beauty,",
+            "<small>He who was for his beauty by the gods <br>Caught up to be the cupbearer of Zeus.</small>",
+            "[8] Surely if he has brought the ruler of his lot, that is his mind, into slavery to a host of masters, love, lust, pleasure, fear, grief, folly, incontinence, cowardice, injustice, happiness can never be his lot, however much it seems so to the multitude led astray from true judgement, seduced by the twofold pest, vain pomps and vain imaginations which are so highly skilled to cajole and mislead unballasted souls and are the source of disaster to most of the human race.",
+            "[9] If indeed you would strain the soul’s eyes to contemplate the providence of God as far as human reason can do so, you will gain a clearer vision of the true good and laugh to scorn what here are reckoned as goods which hitherto had your admiration. For in the absence of the better things worse are always held in honour and succeed to the position which belongs to the better, but when these return the worse withdraw and have to be content with the second prize.",
+            "[10] Then awestruck at that divine revelation, so good and excellent, you will surely recognize that none of the things mentioned above ranks of itself in the sight of God as a good; for mines of silver and gold are the most worthless portion of the earth, utterly and absolutely inferior to that which is given up to the production of fruit.",
+            "[11] For there is no likeness between abundance of money, and the food without which we cannot live. The one clearest proof of this is famine, which tests what is truly necessary and useful. For anyone would gladly exchange all the treasures in the world for a little food.",
+            "[12] But when the lavish supply of necessaries spreads in a vast resistless flood from city to city we enjoy the luxury of these good gifts of nature but are not content to confine ourselves to them. We take insolent satiety as our guide in life and prepare ourselves for the task of acquiring gold and silver, armed with every means by which we may hope to get some gain, like blind men whose mind through covetousness has lost the power to see that it is for lumps of earth that we forfeit peace and wage a constant and persistent war.",
+            "[13] As for clothes, they are but what the poets call the flower of the sheep and on the craftsman’s side a credit to the weavers. And if anyone prides himself on his prestige and welcomes with open arms the approval of the worthless he may be assured of his own worthlessness, for like delights in like.",
+            "[14] Let him pray to get purging medicine for his ears, through which pass heavy maladies to strike the soul. And all who puff themselves up on their bodily strength must learn not to be proud necked but turn their eyes to the myriad kinds of animals tame and wild, in which bodily strength and muscle are congenital. It is a monstrous absurdity for a human being to pride himself on excellencies which belong to savage beasts when actually he is outdone in these by them.",
+            "[15] And why should anyone of good sense glory in bodily beauty which ere it has flowered for its full span is brought to extinction by a brief season which dims the brightness of its delusive prime?—particularly when he sees exhibited in lifeless forms the much prized work of painters, sculptors and other artists, in portraits, statues and cunning tapestry work, works which are famous in every city throughout Greece and the outside world.",
+            "[16] None of these as I have said is ranked in God’s sight as a good. And why should we wonder that God does not accept them as goods?—since neither do godly men accept them, who honour things truly good and excellent, men who have been blest with a gifted nature and by study and exercise have further beautified that nature, men who have been made what they are by genuine philosophy.",
+            "[17] But those whose study has been in a spurious culture do not even follow the example of the physicians who treat the body which is the servitor of the soul, though they claim to be healing the mistress. For those physicians of the body, when a man favoured by fortune is sick, even though he be the Great King himself, take no notice of the colonnades, of the men’s apartments, of the ladies’ bowers, of the pictures, of the silver and gold whether coined or uncoined, of the accumulation of goblets or tapestry work and the rest of the magnificence which adorns kingship. They care not for the multitude of serving men or the friends or kinsmen or subjects in high positions who are in attendance, but make their way to his bed and taking no account of the surroundings of the body itself nor noting with admiration that the beds are inlaid with jewels and of pure gold and that the bedding is of spider-web silk or brocaded, or the coverlets of different kinds of beauty, they go farther and strip the wrappings off him and take hold of his hands and squeezing the veins mark carefully the pulsations to see whether they are healthy. And often they draw up the undervest and make an examination to see whether the belly is over-loaded or the chest inflamed, or the heartbeats irregular, and then they apply the appropriate treatment.",
+            "[18] So too the philosophers who profess to practise the art of healing that queen of Nature’s making, the soul, should despise all the vain inventions of idle opinion, and passing within take hold of the mind itself, to see whether anger makes its pulsations run at an irregular rate and with unnatural excitement: so too with the tongue to see whether it is rough and evil speaking or bawdy and licentious: so too the belly to see whether it is swollen by an insatiable form of lust; and in general if there appear to be a complication of passions, distempers and infirmities to investigate each of them so as not to miss anything which may serve to restore it to health. As it is,",
+            "[19] dazzled by the brilliance of external things, because they are unable to see the spiritual light, they have continued to wander for ever, never able to reach King Reason, only just managing to make their way to his portal where, struck with admiration for those who wait at virtue’s doorstep, riches, reputation, health and their kin, they rendered homage to them.",
+            "[20] But to take the judgement of the bad as to what is truly good is as grossly insane as to take that of the blind on colours or the deaf on musical sounds. For the bad have lost the use of their most dominant part, their mind, over which folly has shed profound darkness.",
+            "[21] Can we then still wonder that Socrates and any virtuous person you like to name have continued to live a life of poverty, never having practised any method of gaining wealth, refusing indeed to take anything from wealthy friends or kings who offered them great gifts, because they considered that there is nothing good or excellent save acquiring virtue, for which they laboured neglecting all the other goods?",
+            "[22] And who with the thought of the genuine before them would not disregard the spurious for its sake? But if possessed of a mortal body and brimful of the plagues which beset mankind and living amid the unjust, a multitude so great that it cannot even be easily counted, they become the victims of malice, why do we accuse Nature when we should reproach the cruelty of their assailants?",
+            "[23] For if they had been living in a pestilential atmosphere they would have been bound to take the disease, and vice is more or at least no less destructive than pestilential surroundings. And as the wise man must needs get drenched if he stays in the open air when it is raining or suffer from the rigour of the cold when the north wind’s blast is chilly, or get heated in the summer, since it is a law of nature that our bodily feelings correspond to the annual changes of the season, so also he who lives in places Where murder’s rife and famine too and tribes of other ills must submit to the penalties which they successively impose.",
+            "[24] For as for Polycrates, in requital for his terrible acts of injustice and impiety he encountered his rewarder in the shape of lifelong misery. Add to this a lesser ill, that he was punished by the Great King and impaled, thus fulfilling an oracle. “I know,” he said, “that I saw myself not long ago anointed as it seemed by the sun and washed by Zeus.” For the riddle thus symbolically stated, though at first obscure, received very clear attestation from what actually occurred.",
+            "[25] But it was not only at the end but through all his life from the first that his soul, though he knew it not, was in the same suspense which later befell his body. For he lived in perpetual fear and trembling, scared by the multitude of his assailants and knowing well that none was friendly to him, but all had been turned by their misery into implacable enemies.",
+            "[26] The endless and continual fear shown by Dionysius is attested by the historians of Sicily, who tell us that he suspected even his dearly beloved wife. This is proved by his ordering that the entrance to the chamber through which she had to pass to join him should be covered with boards so that she should never creep in unawares but should give notice of her arrival by the creaking and rattling made by her stepping on them. Also she had to come not merely undressed but with the parts naked which it is indecent for men to see. Further he had the continuous line of the floor along the passage broken by a gap as deep and broad as a ditch in the farmland, so that if, as he dreaded, some secret attempt to do him a mischief were made in the darkness it would be detected by the visitors jumping or striding across the gap.",
+            "[27] How vast a burden of ills was his who watched so craftily over the wife whom he was bound to trust above all others. Indeed he resembled the climbers who scale a precipitous mountain to get a clearer view of the heavenly bodies, and when they manage with difficulty to reach some outstanding cliff cannot go any higher because their heart fails them before the height which still remains, nor have they courage to descend as their heads swim at the sight of the yawning chasms below.",
+            "[28] For enamoured as he was of tyranny as something divine and much to be coveted he did not consider it safe either to stay as he was or to flee. If he stayed he was sure to meet a torrent of innumerable evils in constant succession. If he wanted to flee, his life was menaced by danger from those whose minds at least if not their bodies were armed against him.",
+            "[29] Another proof is the way in which he is said to have treated a person who asserted the felicity of the tyrant’s life. Having invited him to a dinner which had been provided on a very magnificent and costly scale he ordered a sharp-edged axe to be suspended over him by a very slender thread. When after taking his place on the couch the guest suddenly saw this, he had neither the courage in the tyrant’s presence to rise and remove himself nor the power in his terror to enjoy the dishes provided, and so regardless of the abundance and wealth of the pleasures before him, he lay with neck and eye strained upwards, expecting his own destruction.",
+            "[30] Dionysius perceived this and said: “Do you now understand what this glorious and much coveted life of ours really is?” This is the sort of thing it is in the eyes of anyone who does not wish to deceive himself. For it includes wealth supplied in full abundance but not the enjoyment of anything worth having, only terrors in constant succession, dangers unescapable, a malady more grievous than the creeping and wasting sickness, bringing with it destruction that knows no remedy.",
+            "[31] But the thoughtless multitude deluded by the brilliant outward appearance are in the same condition as men ensnared by unsightly courtesans who disguise their ugliness with fine raiment and gold and the paint upon their faces, and so for lack of the genuine beauty create the spurious to entrap those who behold them.",
+            "[32] Such is the misery which fills to the brim the life of those greatly favoured by fortune, misery whose extent measured by the judgement of their own hearts is more than they can contain, and like those who are forced to proclaim their maladies they utter words of absolute sincerity wrung from them by their sufferings. Surrounded by punishments present and expected they live like beasts who are fattened for a sacrifice, for such receive the most careful attention to prepare them for the slaughter, because of the rich feast of flesh which they supply.",
+            "[33] There are some who have been punished not obscurely but conspicuously for sacrilegious robbery, a numerous body which it would be superfluous labour to name in full. It will suffice to let one case stand as an example of them all. The historians who have described the sacred war in Phocis state that whereas there was a law enacted that the temple robber should be thrown from a precipice or drowned in the sea, or burnt alive, three persons who robbed the temple at Delphi, Philomelus, Onomarchus and Phaÿllus, had these punishments distributed between them. The first fell over a rugged and stony crag and as a piece of rock broke off he was killed both from the fall from the height and from the weight of the stone. In the case of the second the horse on which he was riding got out of control and rushed down to the sea and under the onrush of the tide both rider and horse sank in the deep gulf. As for Phaÿllus, there are two versions of his story, one that he wasted away in consumption, the other that he perished in the flame which consumed the temple at Abae.",
+            "[34] To assert that these events are due to chance is pure contentiousness. No doubt if people had been punished at different times or by other penalties it would be sensible enough to ascribe them to the caprice of fortune. But when all were punished together about the same time and by penalties not of another kind but those contained in the laws, it is reasonable to assert that they were the victims of divine justice.",
+            "[35] And if some of the men of violence still left unmentioned, insurgents who seized power over the populace and enslaved not only other peoples but their own countries, continued unpunished, why should we wonder? For in the first place the judgements of men and God are not alike. For we inquire into what is manifest but He penetrates noiselessly into the recesses of the soul, sees our thoughts as though in bright sunlight, and stripping off the wrappings in which they are enveloped, inspects our motives in their naked reality and at once distinguishes the counterfeit from the genuine.",
+            "[36] Let us never then prefer our own tribunal to that of God and assert that it is more infallible and wiser in counsel, for that religion forbids. Ours has many pitfalls, the delusions of the senses, the malignancy of the passions and most formidable of all the hostility of the vices; while in His there is nothing that can deceive, only justice and truth, and everything that is judged according to these standards brings praise to the judge and cannot but be settled aright.",
+            "[37] Secondly, my friend, do not suppose that a temporary tyranny is without its uses. For neither is punishment useless, and that penalties should be inflicted is actually profitable to the good or at any rate not detrimental. And therefore in all properly enacted laws punishment is included, and those who enacted them are universally praised, for punishment has the same relation to law as a tyrant has to a people.",
+            "[38] So when a dire famine and dearth of virtue takes possession of states, and folly unstinted is prevalent, God, desiring to drain off the current of wickedness as if it were the stream of a torrent, gives strength and power to men naturally fitted to rule in order to purify our race.",
+            "[39] For wickedness cannot be purged away without some ruthless soul to do it. And just as states maintain official executioners to deal with murderers and traitors and temple robbers, not that they approve of the sentiments of these persons, but with an eye to the usefulness of their service, so the Governor of this great city of the world sets up tyrants like public executioners over the cities which He sees inundated with violence, injustice, impiety and all the other evils, in order that they may be at last brought to a standstill and abate.",
+            "[40] Then too it seems good to Him to crown the punishment of all by bringing to justice those who have carried it out. For knowing that their services were the outcome of an impious and ruthless soul He treats them as in a sense the capital offenders. For just as the force of fire after devouring all the fuel supplied to it finally consumes itself, so too those who have seized dominion over the populaces when they have exhausted the cities and emptied them of all their men pay the penalty due for all and perish as well.",
+            "[41] And why should we wonder that God uses tyrants to sweep away the wickedness which has spread through cities and countries and nations. For often instead of employing other ministers He effects this by Himself by bringing famine or pestilence and earthquake, and all the other divine visitations whereby great bodies of people perish in huge numbers every day and a large part of the world is desolated for His purpose of promoting virtue.",
+            "[42] Enough then I think has been said for the present on the theme that none of the wicked has happiness, and this is a very strong proof that providence exists. But if you are not yet convinced, fear not to tell me your still lingering doubts, for by combining our efforts we shall both get to know where the truth is to be found.",
+            "[43] Later again he says:",
+            "Storms of wind and rain were made by God, not as you supposed, to do grievous harm to voyagers and husbandmen, but to benefit our race as a whole. For He purges the earth with water and the whole sublunary region with breezes. And with both He gives sustenance, growth and maturity to animals and plants.",
+            "[44] If these sometimes harm persons who travel by sea out of season or tillers of the land there is nothing wonderful. They are but a small fraction and His care is for the whole human race. So then as the course of training in the gymnasium is drawn up for the benefit of the pupils, but the gymnasiarch sometimes to suit civic requirements makes a change in the arrangement of the regular hours whereby some of those under training lose their lesson, so too God having the charge of the whole world as though it were a city is wont to create wintry summers and spring-like winters for the benefit of the whole, even though some skippers and workers on the land are bound to suffer loss through the irregular way in which they occur.",
+            "[45] The interchanges of the elements out of which the world was framed and now consists He knows to be a vital operation and produces them in unimpeded succession. But frost and snow and similar phenomena are circumstances attendant on the refrigeration of the air as thunders and lightnings are on the clashing and friction of clouds. And none of these we may suppose is by providence, but while rainstorms and breezes are causal to the life and sustenance and growth of terrestrial things they have these others for their attendant circumstances.",
+            "[46] Similarly a gymnasiarch prompted by ambition may often provide on a lavish scale and some vulgarly extravagant people wash themselves with oil instead of water and let the drops drip to the ground, so that at once we have some slippery mud; yet no sensible person would say that the slipperiness and the mud were due to the purposive design of the gymnasiarch or anything but mere concomitants to the munificent scale of the supply.",
+            "[47] Again a rainbow and a halo and all similar phenomena are attendant circumstances caused by rays mixing with clouds, not primary works of Nature but happenings consequent upon her works. Not but what they often render essential service to the more thoughtful who from the evidence which they give predict the presence or absence of wind and fine or stormy weather.",
+            "[48] Observe the porticoes in the cities. Most of them have been built to face the south so that persons who walk in them may enjoy the sun in winter and the breeze in summer. But they also have an attendant circumstance which does not arise through the intention of the builder. What is this? The shadows cast at our feet indicate the hours as we find by experience.",
+            "[49] Fire too is a most essential work of nature and smoke is a circumstance attendant to it, yet smoke too itself is sometimes helpful. Take for instance beacon signals in the daytime: when the fire is deadened by the rays of the sun shining on it, the enemy’s approach is announced by the smoke.",
+            "[50] Much the same may be said about eclipses as about the rainbow. The sun and moon are natural divinities, and so these eclipses are concomitant circumstances, yet eclipses announce the death of kings and the destruction of cities as is darkly indicated by Pindar on the occurrence of an eclipse in the passage quoted above.",
+            "[51] As for the belt of the Milky Way it possesses the same essential qualities as the other stars, and though it is difficult to give a scientific account of it students of natural phenomena must not shrink from the quest. For while discovery is the most profitable, research is also a delight to lovers of learning.",
+            "[52] Just then as the sun and moon have come into being through the action of providence so too have all the heavenly bodies, even though we, unable to trace the natures and powers of each, are silent about them.",
+            "[53] Earthquakes, pestilence, thunderbolts and the like though said to be visitations from God are not really such. For nothing evil at all is caused by God, and these things are generated by changes in the elements. They are not primary works of nature but a sequel of her essential works, attendant circumstances to the primary.",
+            "[54] If some persons of a finer character participate in the damage which they cause, the blame must not be laid on God’s ordering of the world, for in the first place it does not follow that if persons are considered good by us they are really such, for God judges by standards more accurate than any which the human mind employs. Secondly providence or forethought is contented with paying regard to things in the world of the most importance, just as in kingdoms and commands of army it pays regard to cities and troops, not to some chance individual of the obscure and insignificant kind.",
+            "[55] Some declare that just as when tyrants are put to death it is justifiable to execute their kinsfolk also, so that wrongdoings may be checked by the magnitude of the punishment, so too in times of pestilence it is well that some of the guiltless should perish also as a lesson extending further to call all others to a wiser life. Apart from this they point out that persons who move in a tainted atmosphere must needs take the sickness just as in a storm or on board a ship they share the danger equally.",
+            "[56] The stronger kinds of wild animals were made in order to give us practice in warlike contests, for I feel bound to mention this point though you as a skilful advocate anticipated this defence and tried to discredit it. For the training in gymnastics and constant hunting expeditions weld and brace the body admirably and affect the soul even more than the body by inuring it in the starkness of its strength to meet unconcernedly sudden onsets of the enemy.",
+            "[57] And people of peaceful nature can live sheltered within the walls of their cities and even of their chambers without fear of attack with abundance of different kinds of animals for their enjoyment, since boars and lions and the like following their natural inclination are banished to a distance from the town, preferring to be immune from men’s hostility.",
+            "[58] And if some persons are so careless that they do not fear to resort unarmed and unprepared to the lairs of these beasts they must lay the blame of what happens on themselves and not on Nature, since they have neglected to take precautions when they could. Thus in chariot races too I have seen people giving way to thoughtlessness who, instead of sitting in their places as they should as orderly spectators, stood in the middle of the course and pushed over by the rush of the chariots were crushed under the feet and wheels, a proper reward for their folly.",
+            "[59] Enough has been said on these matters. As for reptiles the venomous kinds have not come into being by direct act of providence but as an attendant circumstance as I have said above. For they come to life when the moisture already in them changes to a higher temperature. In some cases putrefaction breeds them. For instance putrefaction in food and in perspiration breed respectively worms and lice. But all kinds which are created out of their proper substance by a seminal and primary process of nature are reasonably ascribed to providence.",
+            "[60] As to them I have heard two theories, which I should be sorry to suppress, to the effect that they are made for the benefit of mankind. One of them was as follows. Some have said that the venomous animals co-operate in many medical processes, and that those who practise the art scientifically by using them with knowledge where suitable are well provided with antidotes for saving unexpectedly the life of patients in a particularly dangerous condition. And even to this day we may see those who take up the medical profession with care and energy making use of every kind of these creatures as an important factor in compounding their remedies.",
+            "[61] The other theory clearly belongs not to medicine but to philosophy. It declares that these creatures were prepared by God as instruments for the punishment of sinners just as generals and governors have their scourges or weapons of steel, and therefore while quiescent at all other times they are stirred up to do violence to the condemned whom Nature in her incorruptible assize has sentenced to death.",
+            "[62] But the statement that they hide themselves chiefly in houses is false, for they are to be seen in the fields and desolate places outside the town, avoiding man as though he was their master. Not but what if it really is true there is some reason for it. For rubbish and a great quantity of refuse accumulate in the corners of houses, into which the creatures like to creep, and also the smell has a powerful attraction for them.",
+            "[63] If swallows live with us there is nothing to be wondered at for we do not attempt to catch them, and the instinct of self-preservation is implanted in irrational as well as in rational souls. But birds which we like to eat will have nothing to do with us because they fear our designs against them except in cases where the law forbids that their kind should be used as food.",
+            "[64] There is a city on the sea coast of Syria called Ascalon. While I was there at a time when I was on my way to our ancestral temple to offer up prayers and sacrifices I observed a large number of pigeons at the cross roads and in each house, and when I asked the reason I was told that it was not lawful to catch them because they had been from old times forbidden food to the inhabitants. In this way the creature has been so tamed by its security that it not merely lives under their roof but shares their table regularly and takes delight in the immunity which it enjoys.",
+            "[65] In Egypt you may see a still more wonderful sight, for the man-eating crocodile, the most dangerous of wild animals, which is born and bred in the holiest of rivers the Nile, understands the benefit of this though it is a deep water creature. For among the people who honour it, it is found in great numbers, but where men try to destroy it not a glimpse of it is to be seen, so that in some places people sailing on the Nile do not venture, even the very boldest, to dip the tip of a finger in the water as the crocodiles resort thither in shoals, while in other places quite timid people jump out and swim and play about.",
+            "[66] As to the land of the Cyclopes, since that race is a mythical fiction, it is not the case that cultivated fruit is produced without seed being sown or husbandmen tilling it, on the principle that from what does not exist nothing is generated. Greece must not be accused of being a sour unproductive land. For it too has plenty of deep rich soil, and if the world outside excels in fruitfulness its superiority in foodstuffs is counterbalanced by inferiority in the people to be fed for whose sake the food is produced. For Greece alone can be truly said to produce mankind, she who engenders the heavenly plant, the divine shoot, a perfect growth, even reason so closely allied to knowledge, and the cause of this is that the mind is naturally sharpened by the fineness of the air.",
+            "[67] And so Heracleitus aptly says “where the land is dry the soul is best and wisest.” One may find evidence for this in the superior intelligence of the sober and frugal, while those who cram themselves with food and drink are most wanting in wisdom, because the reason is drowned by the stuff that is brought in.",
+            "[68] And therefore in the world outside Greece the plants and trunks are so well nourished that they grow to a great height and it is exceedingly productive of the most prolific animals but very unproductive of intelligence, because the continual and unceasing exhalations from the earth and water overpower it and prevent it from rising out of the air which is its source.",
+            "[69] The various kinds of fishes, birds and land-animals do not give grounds for charging Nature of inviting us to pleasure, but they constitute a severe censure on our want of restraint. For to secure the completeness of the universe and that the cosmic order should exist in every part it was necessary that the different kinds of living animals should arise, but it was not necessary that man the creature most akin to wisdom should be impelled to feast upon them and so change himself into the savagery of wild beasts.",
+            "[70] And therefore to this day those who have thought for self-restraint abstain from every one of them and take green vegetables and the fruits of trees as a relish to their bread with the utmost enjoyment. And those who hold that feasting on these animals is natural have had placed over them teachers, censors and lawgivers who in the different cities make it their business to restrain the intemperance of their appetites by refusing to allow all people to use them all without restriction.",
+            "[71] Violets, roses, and crocuses and the other flowers in their manifold variety were made to give health not pleasure. For their properties are infinite; they are beneficial in themselves by their scents, impregnating all with their fragrance, and far more beneficial when used by physicians in compounding drugs. For some things show their virtues more clearly when combined with others, just as the union of male and female serves to engender animal life while neither of them is qualified to do separately what they can do when combined.",
+            "[72] This is the best answer I can make to the rest of the points raised by you, and it is enough to create in the mind of those who are not contentiously inclined solid grounds for believing that God takes care of human affairs."
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE PROVIDENTIA",
+            "FRAGMENT 1",
+            "<i>Really created</i>. In the preceding paragraph, if the Latin translation of the Armenian version is to be trusted, Philo has declared that he is ready to concede “universum ingenitum et sempiternum esse,” a belief which he ascribes not only to Parmenides and Empedocles but also to Zeno and Cleanthes. But still of the “ingenita materia” some part may be created and destroyed (“generetur et corrumpatur”), sometimes by providence, sometimes in the course of nature. He goes on to compare this with the work of a statuary and other craftsmen. According to this hypothesis God did not create eternally the primal matter but used matter to shape the Cosmos. And even if we go a step farther and suppose that the Cosmos itself as well as matter was uncreated (“etsi una cum materia mundus ingenitus supponatur”) there is still room for providence in directing it. In this case the analogy is with the Ephors at Sparta, which they rule though they did not build it. I cannot fit εἰ δὴ γέγονεν ὄντως into this. I should understand it better if for ὄντως we substituted οὕτως = “assuming that this is the method of its genesis.” This is not quite satisfactory, since properly speaking if it is ἀγένητος it has no genesis.",
+            "The Armenian has “materiae specialiter factae,” of which Aucher says that the translator read τῆς ὕλης εἶδος. Is it not simpler to suppose that he took εἰ δὴ as a single word and unable to make anything of the rest omitted it?",
+            "FRAGMENT 2",
+            "§ 4. The thought here is very striking. Wendland cites for it from Sen. <i>Ep.</i> lxvi. 26–27. Here we have “num quis tam iniquam censuram inter suos agit, ut sanum filium quam aegrum magis diligat?… quoniam quidem etiam parentium amor magis in ea, quorum miseretur, inclinat.” But this is not quite the same. For as the sequel “virtus quoque opera sua, quae videt affici et premi, non magis amat, sed parentium bonorum more magis complectitur ac fovet” shows, it is pity for the sufferings of the good and not a yearning for those who have gone astray which Seneca means. Philo’s words come nearer to the spirit of the story of the Prodigal Son than anything I have seen elsewhere in ancient philosophy.",
+            "§ 8. περὶ ἃ κηραίνει. This phrase is here given in Gifford’s translation by “about which … are anxious”; in Mangey’s by “quorum in cupiditate … contabescit,” and L. &amp; S. revised, connecting it with κῆρ and citing a very similar passage to this (<i>De Dec.</i> 153), has “be sick at heart or anxious.” But the evidence of Philo’s use of the phrase points to the meaning given in the translation, <i>i.e.</i> “incurring disaster” or “getting into trouble in connexion with something.” Leisegang has eight examples of it, to which add this passage and perhaps <i>De Virt.</i> 31. In none of these is “suffering disaster” impossible and in some “being anxious” is impossible. Thus in <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 81 the body of the would-be priest must be scrutinized ἵνα περὶ μηδὲν ἀτύχημα κηραίνῃ; <i>ib.</i> 260 the bodies of the victims sacrificed must be without flaw and the souls of the offerers must κηραίνειν περὶ μηδὲν πάθος; <i>De Praem.</i> 29 the defectiveness of human reason is shown by ὁ λογισμὸς περὶ πολλὰ κηραίνων. In <i>De Ebr.</i> 164 Lot περὶ ταῦτα μάλιστα κηραίνει, where ταῦτα is explained as the fact that Lot had only daughters and therefore could breed nothing masculine or perfect.",
+            "§ 17. (Footnote 1, ἄξαντες.) I do not know what sense Dindorf and Gaisford supposed this to have. Gifford, clearly taking it from ἄγνυμι, says that “if it is retained the meaning will be ‘having broken through,’ ” but no such meaning of ἄγνυμι is known, and even if it were possible it would still be necessary to follow it with διά. Nor can any meaning be obtained by taking it from ἄγω. But it is not quite so impossible that it should be the participle of ἀίσσω, though the picture of the physicians being so eager to reach the royal bed that they dart or rush through the bodyguard is, like “breaking through,” somewhat grotesque. In this case we should print ᾄξαντες &lt;διὰ&gt; (though the MSS. would have it without the iota subscript) and ὄχλον and θεραπείαν would be governed by ὑπερβάντες. Wendland suggests as alternatives ἐξ ἐναντίας or ἀντικρὺ or ἀμελήσαντες.",
+            "§ 18. σχήματι. Something is to be said for Mangey’s proposal to correct this to ῥεύματι. This is supported by Wendland, but it should be pointed out that in this case the word would be used in the medical sense of a flux or discharge. Galen and Dioscorides both speak of a ῥεῦμα γαστρός or κοιλίας in this sense. The Armenian has a word which Aucher translates by “laxitate” and it is possible that it is some medical term which might indicate discharges or as we should say “looseness” of the bowels, but is διῴδηκε a word which would be joined with ῥεῦμα in this medical sense?",
+            "§ 23. (The quotation from Empedocles.) Two lines of this are quoted by Synesius",
+            "“ἔνθα φόνος τε κότος τε καὶ ἄλλων ἔθνεα κηρῶν",
+            "αὐχμηραί τε νόσοι καὶ σήψιες ἔργα τε ῥευστά.”",
+            "Another line quoted by Clement",
+            "“κλαῦσά τε καὶ κώκυσο ἰδὼν ἀσυνήθεα χῶρον”",
+            "is no doubt rightly supposed to precede the two. The correction of φόνοι τελοῦνται to φόνοι λιμοί τε is apparently due to Stephanus, but I feel as Dindorf evidently did that it is somewhat arbitrary. There is no great similarity between τελοῦνται and λιμοί τε and nothing very strange in Philo quoting the first two words, then inserting the verb, and then quoting the conclusion of the line. Nor is hunger to the point. The places spoken of are those in which not physical evils but human cruelty predominates. The Armenian no doubt had τελοῦνται, for the Latin is “ubi caedes aliaeque huius modi pravae gentium consuetudines vigent.”",
+            "§ 24. (Footnote 3, ᾐωρῆσθαι.) This correction of Dindorf for θεωρῆσαι, which is not noticed in Gifford’s later edition, is clearly based on the fact that in Her. iii. 124 Polycrates’ daughter dreamt that her father ἐν ἠέρι μετέωρον ὄντα was washed by Zeus and anointed by the sun. Mangey had suggested μετεωρίζεσθαι. The correction leads up well to κρεμάμενον.",
+            "§ 24. The Armenian version of this section as it appears in Aucher’s translation is very curious. Wendland dismisses it as corrupt, but much of it admits of some interesting interpretation. It does not give the name of Polycrates at all, and Aucher in a note says that the translator seems to have read πολὺ κρατεῖ γε, which he rendered by a phrase which Aucher represents by “per multum temporis tenet.” This no doubt he tacked on to the clause about fortune given in the footnote as omitted by Eusebius. He made a full stop then and continued with what Aucher represents by “condigne iis quae patraverat inique impieque ut eorum promotor et auctor sortitus est deterioris vitae infortunium, atque iussu magni regis diu tortus et clavis compressus crudeliter consummatus est.” That is to say he took χορηγός as = “promoter and author” and as subject to ἠδίκησε καὶ ἠσέβησε. At the end of the sentence his “crudeliter consummatus est” seems to represent what he read for χρησμὸν ἐκπιπλάς or perhaps χρησμὸν ἐκπιπλὰς οἶδα. The Latin then proceeds “ilia vero dimiserunt eum quae non multis ante horis gloriae speciem ferebant ante solem ungi et a love lavari.” The words ἔφη κἀμαυτὸν of the received text are to some extent conjectural, for almost all the MSS. divide them otherwise such as ἐφῆκʼ ἐμαυτὸν or ἀμαυτὸν, and if the Armenian by a slight change got ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν it will explain “dimiserunt eum.” I suspect therefore that he read ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν τὰ οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ ἐκτιμῆσαι (or some similar word which he substituted for θεωμῆσαι) δόξαντα, and the translation will run “He was sent out of life by the things which seemed a short time before to have promised him high honour, namely being anointed,” etc. If the similar word is θεῷ εἰκάσαι “to liken him to a god,” we should have something which would make admirable sense and be textually fairly satisfactory, but not well represented by “gloriae.” His version, I am afraid, cannot be accepted in face of the violent changes from the MSS. involved, but it is a much more sensible version. It avoids the pointlessness of putting these words into the mouth of Polycrates and also the contradiction of Herodotus’s story. If we had no access to the Greek and had to choose between his account and that in the translation no one would hesitate to choose the former.",
+            "§ 26. ἀνείμονα. For this word see note on <i>De Som.</i> i. 99 (vol. v. p. 599), where this example should have been noted as well as <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 83. In all these cases Philo uses this apparently rare word in the sense of without the upper covering and contrasted with γυμνός. The contrast is obvious both here and in <i>Spec. Leg.</i>, where it is explained as = “in short tunics,” almost as obvious in <i>De Som.</i> i. 99, where the phrase κοιρᾶσθαι ἀνείμονα means sleeping with inadequate covering. In that note I suggested that Philo had <i>Od.</i> iii. 348 in mind, but if so he misunderstood the meaning, for there the ἀνείμων is not a person who sleeps uncovered but a host who is unable to supply proper covering to himself or his guest. But the misunderstanding is shared by L. &amp; S. which translates it as=“unclad.” I also commented on L. &amp; S. revised being, like Stephanus, still unable to supply an example of the word except that in the <i>Odyssey.</i> In the Addenda however two examples are given, one from a fragment of Callimachus in a papyrus and our <i>Spec. Leg.</i> passage (which however should be given as Ph. 2. 225—not 355).",
+            "§ 45. For the Stoic doctrine of “incidental consequences” as distinguished from the “primary works of nature” <i>cf.</i> Gellius vii. 1. 7 “existimat (<i>sc.</i> Chrysippus) non fuisse hoc principale consilium ut faceret homines morbis obnoxios … sed cum multa, inquit, atque magna gigneret pareretque aptissima ac utilissima alia quoque simul agnata sunt incommoda, eaque non per naturam sed per sequelas quasdam necessarias facta dicit quod ipse appellat κατὰ παρακολούθησιν.” This dictum of Chrysippus applies primarily to diseases but the latter part gives it the same general application as Philo gives it here. See Zeller, <i>Stoics and Epicureans</i>, p. 179 (Eng. trans.). Zeller adds that the Stoics also pointed out that things ordinarily regarded as evil may be of the greatest service, and illustrates this from a saying of Chrysippus quoted by Plutarch that bugs do us good service by preventing us from sleeping too long. <i>Cf.</i> for this the incidental uses pointed out by Philo in §§ 47–51.",
+            "§ 48. (Footnote 2.) I have allowed what may be called the generally received text to stand but further investigation since the translation was made makes me think that Gaisford and Dindorf were almost certainly right. Gaisford’s App. Crit. seems to indicate that he found τὰ μέτρα or τὰ ἡμέτερα μέτρα in his MSS. with one exception and found πείρᾳ in none. Gilford in the two MSS. which he relied on for this part of the <i>Praeparatio</i> found the same. Also ταῖς ὥραις, not τὰς ὥρας, appears to be universal. On the other hand τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πείρᾳ goes back to Viger, 1688 and possibly (though I have had no opportunity of verifying it) to Stephanus in 1544. How then did Viger or Stephanus get it? The clue seems to be that the one exception noted by Gaisford has τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πέτρᾳ. Assuming that Viger or Stephanus found this, the correction to πείρᾳ would be very natural. But if μέτρα is right, ἡρέτερα, which appears in nearly all MSS., must either be dismissed as a dittography or amended to ἡμέρινα (or ταῖς ἡμερίναις … ὥραις?). Wendland, quoting the Armenian, “diei mensuras notat et horas,” suggests τῆς ἡμέρας, but the adjective used in its common antithesis to νυκτέρινος seems to me preferable.",
+            "Wendland also notes that the Armenian has “quae de columnis cadunt umbrae,” and suggests that παστάδων should replace ποδῶν.",
+            "§ 50. (Quotation from Pindar.) The quotation here alluded to occurs in that part between the two divisions of the second fragment which was omitted by Eusebius. It is undoubtedly from the beginning of a fragment of Pindar preserved in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <i>De Vi Dem.</i> 6. It is listed among the fragments of Pindar as 107 or 74 (Schröder, p. 427), in Sandys’s Loeb translation, p. 548 as <i>Paean</i> 9. The Latin version in Aucher has enough resemblance to show the identity, but otherwise is sheer nonsense and does not even suggest the general sense, which is that the sun is asked why by this darkening it threatens the world with evil. A version supplied by Conybeare, from which Schröder quotes various bits, would probably explain it better. But it certainly seems that the Armenian who could manage Philo with general accuracy was unable to tackle Pindar. The continuation as given by Dionysius does not suggest the death of kings or the destruction of cities, but war and faction, abnormal storms and floods and through these the destruction of mankind. Some lines however seem to be missed out in the continuation, which may have been more specific.",
+            "§ 53. The inconsistency between this and the view expressed in § 41 may perhaps be explained by supposing that though earthquakes, pestilences, etc., are in themselves incidental consequences they may still be employed by God as a means of chastisement.",
+            "§ 67. οὗ γῆ ξηρή, κτλ. Zeller in <i>Presoc. Phil.</i> vol. ii. pp. 80–81 (Eng. trans.) has a long discussion on this Heracleitean saying. It is quoted by numerous writers, Stobaeus, Musonius, Plutarch, Galen, Clement and others in various forms and the variation extends to different MSS. of these authors. The chief variants are αὔη ψυχὴ, αὔγη ξηρὴ ψυχὴ, ξηρὴ ψυχὴ. Zeller thinks that αὐγὴ ξηρὴ can hardly be the original form, largely on the ground that there is no such thing as a wet beam. The form οὗ γῆ ξηρή does not appear in any of these quotations, though one variant in the MSS. of Musonius has αὖ γῆ ξηρή, but Zeller has no doubt that this is a true reading in our passage, though his remarks, which are transcribed by Gifford, are oddly worded and not very logical. “Philo,” he says, “<i>ap.</i> Eus. <i>Praep. Evang.</i> viii. 14. 67 has οὗ γῆ ξηρή, κτλ., and that this is the true reading … is clear from the passage in Philo, <i>De Prov.</i> ii. 109 ‘in terra sicca,’ ” etc., <i>i.e.</i> Zeller, unless the translator has misrepresented him, and Gifford certainly, were not aware that Philo <i>ap.</i> Eus. and Philo, <i>De Prov.</i> were the same, and that what he is quoting is only the Latin translation of the Armenian translation of the same passage. What the words in Aucher show beyond doubt is that the Armenian found οὗ γῆ in his text, for he is not likely to have had the acumen to make the correction independently, and they thus give a very convincing support to what we might otherwise have supposed to be an emendation of Stephanus or Viger.",
+            "§ 68. (Footnote 1.) The Armenian also presumably read αἰτίου. The full sentence is “mens tamen nusquam nascitur ob frigefactionem gelationemque, quoniam aer, terra et aquae in causis sunt simul, et frequentes exhalationes densae supereminent.” I imagine that he read or translated as if he read ἐξ ἀέρος αἰτίου καὶ γῆς καὶ ὕδατος instead of αἱ γῆς.",
+            "§ 71. ἴα. So Wendland from the Armenian “viola vero et rosa crocusque”; this is perhaps the best example of the value which the Armenian occasionally has, see Introd. pp. 449 f. The common reading εἰ does not give any good sense. The rendering which I had given, “though roses, etc., exist they exist for health not pleasure,” lays a difficult stress upon γέγονεν and Gifford’s “roses, etc., are meant, if for health, yet not all for pleasure” misplaces the “if” and gives no clear meaning."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על ההשגחה",
+        "enTitle": "On Providence",
+        "key": "On Providence",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..f36f646d4277c36eff1c14e51bd95b5b5a5d29a1
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On Providence/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,149 @@
+{
+    "title": "On Providence",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_Providence",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [],
+        "": [
+            "ON PROVIDENCE (FRAGMENT 1)",
+            "As to the quantity of the substance assuming that it was really created what we have to say is this. God estimated for the creation of the world just sufficient matter that there should be neither deficiency nor excess. For it would be monstrous to suppose that while particular craftsmen when framing something, especially anything costly, estimate what material is just sufficient, He who invented numbers, measures and equality in them had no thought for what was adequate. I will say indeed with all confidence that the world needed neither less nor more substance for its construction, since otherwise it would not have been made perfect nor complete in all its parts, whereas actually it was made excellently out of a perfect substance. For it is a characteristic of a complete master of his art to see before he begins any constructive work that he has sufficient material. Now a man even if superior to everyone in knowledge may perhaps, as he cannot escape the errors congenital to mortals, be deceived as to the quantity of material needed when he practises his craft. He may sometimes find it too little and have to add, sometimes excessive and have to take away. But He who is as it were the fountain head of all knowledge was sure to provide nothing deficient or superfluous, since the standards which He employs are all to be extolled as elaborated with absolute accuracy. A person who wishes to waste his time in foolishness is sure also to confront us at once with the works of all other craftsmen as having improved their construction by adding to or diminishing the material. But we leave futile argument for the sophist: the task of wisdom is to investigate all that nature has to show.",
+            "ON PROVIDENCE (FRAGMENT 2)",
+            "[1] <small>This is the method in which he conducts this discussion. Alexander says:</small>",
+            "“Do you maintain the existence of providence amid this vast welter and confusion of things? For what part of human life is subject to order, nay, what is not brimful of disorder and corruption? Or are you alone ignorant that to the worst and vilest of men good things in abundance come crowding in, wealth, high repute, honours paid to them by the masses, again authority, health with efficiency of the senses, beauty, strength, unimpeded enjoyment of pleasures through the abundance of their resources and the bodily well-being free from all disturbance which they possess, while the lovers and practisers of wisdom and every virtue are almost universally poor, obscure, of little repute and in a humble position?”",
+            "[2] <small>After stating these and a host of others on the negative side he next proceeds to refute the objections as follows.</small>",
+            "God is not a tyrant who has made a practice of cruelty and violence and all the deeds committed by a despot who rules by ruthlessness, but a king invested with a kindly and law-abiding sovereignty who governs the whole heaven and earth with justice. Now for a king there is no fitter name than father,",
+            "[3] for what the father in family life is to the children the king is to the state and God is to the world,—God who under the immutable laws of nature has joined in indissoluble union two things most excellent, governorship and guardianship.",
+            "[4] Now parents do not lose thought for their wastrel children but, in pity for their unhappy state, bestow on them care and attention, deeming that it is only mortal enemies who take advantage of the miseries of others to trample on them, while friends and kinsmen should lighten their downfall.",
+            "[5] Often too they lavish their kindness on the wastrels more than on the well behaved, knowing well that these have in their sober disposition a plentiful source of prosperity while the wastrels’ one hope is in their parents, and if this fail them they will lack the very necessaries of life.",
+            "[6] In the same way God too the Father of reasonable intelligence has indeed all who are endowed with reason under His care but takes thought also for those who live a misspent life, thereby giving them time for reformation and also keeping within the bounds of His merciful nature, which has for its attendant virtue and loving kindness well fitted to keep watch as sentry around God’s world.",
+            "Here is one thought. Receive it, O soul,",
+            "[7] and ponder it awhile as a trust committed to thee by Him, but receive also another in harmony and agreement with it. It is this. Mayst thou never be so led astray from the truth as to think that happiness is the lot of any of the wicked though he excel Croesus in wealth, Lynceus in keen sight, Milo of Croton in muscular strength and Ganymede in beauty,",
+            "<small>He who was for his beauty by the gods <br>Caught up to be the cupbearer of Zeus.</small>",
+            "[8] Surely if he has brought the ruler of his lot, that is his mind, into slavery to a host of masters, love, lust, pleasure, fear, grief, folly, incontinence, cowardice, injustice, happiness can never be his lot, however much it seems so to the multitude led astray from true judgement, seduced by the twofold pest, vain pomps and vain imaginations which are so highly skilled to cajole and mislead unballasted souls and are the source of disaster to most of the human race.",
+            "[9] If indeed you would strain the soul’s eyes to contemplate the providence of God as far as human reason can do so, you will gain a clearer vision of the true good and laugh to scorn what here are reckoned as goods which hitherto had your admiration. For in the absence of the better things worse are always held in honour and succeed to the position which belongs to the better, but when these return the worse withdraw and have to be content with the second prize.",
+            "[10] Then awestruck at that divine revelation, so good and excellent, you will surely recognize that none of the things mentioned above ranks of itself in the sight of God as a good; for mines of silver and gold are the most worthless portion of the earth, utterly and absolutely inferior to that which is given up to the production of fruit.",
+            "[11] For there is no likeness between abundance of money, and the food without which we cannot live. The one clearest proof of this is famine, which tests what is truly necessary and useful. For anyone would gladly exchange all the treasures in the world for a little food.",
+            "[12] But when the lavish supply of necessaries spreads in a vast resistless flood from city to city we enjoy the luxury of these good gifts of nature but are not content to confine ourselves to them. We take insolent satiety as our guide in life and prepare ourselves for the task of acquiring gold and silver, armed with every means by which we may hope to get some gain, like blind men whose mind through covetousness has lost the power to see that it is for lumps of earth that we forfeit peace and wage a constant and persistent war.",
+            "[13] As for clothes, they are but what the poets call the flower of the sheep and on the craftsman’s side a credit to the weavers. And if anyone prides himself on his prestige and welcomes with open arms the approval of the worthless he may be assured of his own worthlessness, for like delights in like.",
+            "[14] Let him pray to get purging medicine for his ears, through which pass heavy maladies to strike the soul. And all who puff themselves up on their bodily strength must learn not to be proud necked but turn their eyes to the myriad kinds of animals tame and wild, in which bodily strength and muscle are congenital. It is a monstrous absurdity for a human being to pride himself on excellencies which belong to savage beasts when actually he is outdone in these by them.",
+            "[15] And why should anyone of good sense glory in bodily beauty which ere it has flowered for its full span is brought to extinction by a brief season which dims the brightness of its delusive prime?—particularly when he sees exhibited in lifeless forms the much prized work of painters, sculptors and other artists, in portraits, statues and cunning tapestry work, works which are famous in every city throughout Greece and the outside world.",
+            "[16] None of these as I have said is ranked in God’s sight as a good. And why should we wonder that God does not accept them as goods?—since neither do godly men accept them, who honour things truly good and excellent, men who have been blest with a gifted nature and by study and exercise have further beautified that nature, men who have been made what they are by genuine philosophy.",
+            "[17] But those whose study has been in a spurious culture do not even follow the example of the physicians who treat the body which is the servitor of the soul, though they claim to be healing the mistress. For those physicians of the body, when a man favoured by fortune is sick, even though he be the Great King himself, take no notice of the colonnades, of the men’s apartments, of the ladies’ bowers, of the pictures, of the silver and gold whether coined or uncoined, of the accumulation of goblets or tapestry work and the rest of the magnificence which adorns kingship. They care not for the multitude of serving men or the friends or kinsmen or subjects in high positions who are in attendance, but make their way to his bed and taking no account of the surroundings of the body itself nor noting with admiration that the beds are inlaid with jewels and of pure gold and that the bedding is of spider-web silk or brocaded, or the coverlets of different kinds of beauty, they go farther and strip the wrappings off him and take hold of his hands and squeezing the veins mark carefully the pulsations to see whether they are healthy. And often they draw up the undervest and make an examination to see whether the belly is over-loaded or the chest inflamed, or the heartbeats irregular, and then they apply the appropriate treatment.",
+            "[18] So too the philosophers who profess to practise the art of healing that queen of Nature’s making, the soul, should despise all the vain inventions of idle opinion, and passing within take hold of the mind itself, to see whether anger makes its pulsations run at an irregular rate and with unnatural excitement: so too with the tongue to see whether it is rough and evil speaking or bawdy and licentious: so too the belly to see whether it is swollen by an insatiable form of lust; and in general if there appear to be a complication of passions, distempers and infirmities to investigate each of them so as not to miss anything which may serve to restore it to health. As it is,",
+            "[19] dazzled by the brilliance of external things, because they are unable to see the spiritual light, they have continued to wander for ever, never able to reach King Reason, only just managing to make their way to his portal where, struck with admiration for those who wait at virtue’s doorstep, riches, reputation, health and their kin, they rendered homage to them.",
+            "[20] But to take the judgement of the bad as to what is truly good is as grossly insane as to take that of the blind on colours or the deaf on musical sounds. For the bad have lost the use of their most dominant part, their mind, over which folly has shed profound darkness.",
+            "[21] Can we then still wonder that Socrates and any virtuous person you like to name have continued to live a life of poverty, never having practised any method of gaining wealth, refusing indeed to take anything from wealthy friends or kings who offered them great gifts, because they considered that there is nothing good or excellent save acquiring virtue, for which they laboured neglecting all the other goods?",
+            "[22] And who with the thought of the genuine before them would not disregard the spurious for its sake? But if possessed of a mortal body and brimful of the plagues which beset mankind and living amid the unjust, a multitude so great that it cannot even be easily counted, they become the victims of malice, why do we accuse Nature when we should reproach the cruelty of their assailants?",
+            "[23] For if they had been living in a pestilential atmosphere they would have been bound to take the disease, and vice is more or at least no less destructive than pestilential surroundings. And as the wise man must needs get drenched if he stays in the open air when it is raining or suffer from the rigour of the cold when the north wind’s blast is chilly, or get heated in the summer, since it is a law of nature that our bodily feelings correspond to the annual changes of the season, so also he who lives in places Where murder’s rife and famine too and tribes of other ills must submit to the penalties which they successively impose.",
+            "[24] For as for Polycrates, in requital for his terrible acts of injustice and impiety he encountered his rewarder in the shape of lifelong misery. Add to this a lesser ill, that he was punished by the Great King and impaled, thus fulfilling an oracle. “I know,” he said, “that I saw myself not long ago anointed as it seemed by the sun and washed by Zeus.” For the riddle thus symbolically stated, though at first obscure, received very clear attestation from what actually occurred.",
+            "[25] But it was not only at the end but through all his life from the first that his soul, though he knew it not, was in the same suspense which later befell his body. For he lived in perpetual fear and trembling, scared by the multitude of his assailants and knowing well that none was friendly to him, but all had been turned by their misery into implacable enemies.",
+            "[26] The endless and continual fear shown by Dionysius is attested by the historians of Sicily, who tell us that he suspected even his dearly beloved wife. This is proved by his ordering that the entrance to the chamber through which she had to pass to join him should be covered with boards so that she should never creep in unawares but should give notice of her arrival by the creaking and rattling made by her stepping on them. Also she had to come not merely undressed but with the parts naked which it is indecent for men to see. Further he had the continuous line of the floor along the passage broken by a gap as deep and broad as a ditch in the farmland, so that if, as he dreaded, some secret attempt to do him a mischief were made in the darkness it would be detected by the visitors jumping or striding across the gap.",
+            "[27] How vast a burden of ills was his who watched so craftily over the wife whom he was bound to trust above all others. Indeed he resembled the climbers who scale a precipitous mountain to get a clearer view of the heavenly bodies, and when they manage with difficulty to reach some outstanding cliff cannot go any higher because their heart fails them before the height which still remains, nor have they courage to descend as their heads swim at the sight of the yawning chasms below.",
+            "[28] For enamoured as he was of tyranny as something divine and much to be coveted he did not consider it safe either to stay as he was or to flee. If he stayed he was sure to meet a torrent of innumerable evils in constant succession. If he wanted to flee, his life was menaced by danger from those whose minds at least if not their bodies were armed against him.",
+            "[29] Another proof is the way in which he is said to have treated a person who asserted the felicity of the tyrant’s life. Having invited him to a dinner which had been provided on a very magnificent and costly scale he ordered a sharp-edged axe to be suspended over him by a very slender thread. When after taking his place on the couch the guest suddenly saw this, he had neither the courage in the tyrant’s presence to rise and remove himself nor the power in his terror to enjoy the dishes provided, and so regardless of the abundance and wealth of the pleasures before him, he lay with neck and eye strained upwards, expecting his own destruction.",
+            "[30] Dionysius perceived this and said: “Do you now understand what this glorious and much coveted life of ours really is?” This is the sort of thing it is in the eyes of anyone who does not wish to deceive himself. For it includes wealth supplied in full abundance but not the enjoyment of anything worth having, only terrors in constant succession, dangers unescapable, a malady more grievous than the creeping and wasting sickness, bringing with it destruction that knows no remedy.",
+            "[31] But the thoughtless multitude deluded by the brilliant outward appearance are in the same condition as men ensnared by unsightly courtesans who disguise their ugliness with fine raiment and gold and the paint upon their faces, and so for lack of the genuine beauty create the spurious to entrap those who behold them.",
+            "[32] Such is the misery which fills to the brim the life of those greatly favoured by fortune, misery whose extent measured by the judgement of their own hearts is more than they can contain, and like those who are forced to proclaim their maladies they utter words of absolute sincerity wrung from them by their sufferings. Surrounded by punishments present and expected they live like beasts who are fattened for a sacrifice, for such receive the most careful attention to prepare them for the slaughter, because of the rich feast of flesh which they supply.",
+            "[33] There are some who have been punished not obscurely but conspicuously for sacrilegious robbery, a numerous body which it would be superfluous labour to name in full. It will suffice to let one case stand as an example of them all. The historians who have described the sacred war in Phocis state that whereas there was a law enacted that the temple robber should be thrown from a precipice or drowned in the sea, or burnt alive, three persons who robbed the temple at Delphi, Philomelus, Onomarchus and Phaÿllus, had these punishments distributed between them. The first fell over a rugged and stony crag and as a piece of rock broke off he was killed both from the fall from the height and from the weight of the stone. In the case of the second the horse on which he was riding got out of control and rushed down to the sea and under the onrush of the tide both rider and horse sank in the deep gulf. As for Phaÿllus, there are two versions of his story, one that he wasted away in consumption, the other that he perished in the flame which consumed the temple at Abae.",
+            "[34] To assert that these events are due to chance is pure contentiousness. No doubt if people had been punished at different times or by other penalties it would be sensible enough to ascribe them to the caprice of fortune. But when all were punished together about the same time and by penalties not of another kind but those contained in the laws, it is reasonable to assert that they were the victims of divine justice.",
+            "[35] And if some of the men of violence still left unmentioned, insurgents who seized power over the populace and enslaved not only other peoples but their own countries, continued unpunished, why should we wonder? For in the first place the judgements of men and God are not alike. For we inquire into what is manifest but He penetrates noiselessly into the recesses of the soul, sees our thoughts as though in bright sunlight, and stripping off the wrappings in which they are enveloped, inspects our motives in their naked reality and at once distinguishes the counterfeit from the genuine.",
+            "[36] Let us never then prefer our own tribunal to that of God and assert that it is more infallible and wiser in counsel, for that religion forbids. Ours has many pitfalls, the delusions of the senses, the malignancy of the passions and most formidable of all the hostility of the vices; while in His there is nothing that can deceive, only justice and truth, and everything that is judged according to these standards brings praise to the judge and cannot but be settled aright.",
+            "[37] Secondly, my friend, do not suppose that a temporary tyranny is without its uses. For neither is punishment useless, and that penalties should be inflicted is actually profitable to the good or at any rate not detrimental. And therefore in all properly enacted laws punishment is included, and those who enacted them are universally praised, for punishment has the same relation to law as a tyrant has to a people.",
+            "[38] So when a dire famine and dearth of virtue takes possession of states, and folly unstinted is prevalent, God, desiring to drain off the current of wickedness as if it were the stream of a torrent, gives strength and power to men naturally fitted to rule in order to purify our race.",
+            "[39] For wickedness cannot be purged away without some ruthless soul to do it. And just as states maintain official executioners to deal with murderers and traitors and temple robbers, not that they approve of the sentiments of these persons, but with an eye to the usefulness of their service, so the Governor of this great city of the world sets up tyrants like public executioners over the cities which He sees inundated with violence, injustice, impiety and all the other evils, in order that they may be at last brought to a standstill and abate.",
+            "[40] Then too it seems good to Him to crown the punishment of all by bringing to justice those who have carried it out. For knowing that their services were the outcome of an impious and ruthless soul He treats them as in a sense the capital offenders. For just as the force of fire after devouring all the fuel supplied to it finally consumes itself, so too those who have seized dominion over the populaces when they have exhausted the cities and emptied them of all their men pay the penalty due for all and perish as well.",
+            "[41] And why should we wonder that God uses tyrants to sweep away the wickedness which has spread through cities and countries and nations. For often instead of employing other ministers He effects this by Himself by bringing famine or pestilence and earthquake, and all the other divine visitations whereby great bodies of people perish in huge numbers every day and a large part of the world is desolated for His purpose of promoting virtue.",
+            "[42] Enough then I think has been said for the present on the theme that none of the wicked has happiness, and this is a very strong proof that providence exists. But if you are not yet convinced, fear not to tell me your still lingering doubts, for by combining our efforts we shall both get to know where the truth is to be found.",
+            "[43] Later again he says:",
+            "Storms of wind and rain were made by God, not as you supposed, to do grievous harm to voyagers and husbandmen, but to benefit our race as a whole. For He purges the earth with water and the whole sublunary region with breezes. And with both He gives sustenance, growth and maturity to animals and plants.",
+            "[44] If these sometimes harm persons who travel by sea out of season or tillers of the land there is nothing wonderful. They are but a small fraction and His care is for the whole human race. So then as the course of training in the gymnasium is drawn up for the benefit of the pupils, but the gymnasiarch sometimes to suit civic requirements makes a change in the arrangement of the regular hours whereby some of those under training lose their lesson, so too God having the charge of the whole world as though it were a city is wont to create wintry summers and spring-like winters for the benefit of the whole, even though some skippers and workers on the land are bound to suffer loss through the irregular way in which they occur.",
+            "[45] The interchanges of the elements out of which the world was framed and now consists He knows to be a vital operation and produces them in unimpeded succession. But frost and snow and similar phenomena are circumstances attendant on the refrigeration of the air as thunders and lightnings are on the clashing and friction of clouds. And none of these we may suppose is by providence, but while rainstorms and breezes are causal to the life and sustenance and growth of terrestrial things they have these others for their attendant circumstances.",
+            "[46] Similarly a gymnasiarch prompted by ambition may often provide on a lavish scale and some vulgarly extravagant people wash themselves with oil instead of water and let the drops drip to the ground, so that at once we have some slippery mud; yet no sensible person would say that the slipperiness and the mud were due to the purposive design of the gymnasiarch or anything but mere concomitants to the munificent scale of the supply.",
+            "[47] Again a rainbow and a halo and all similar phenomena are attendant circumstances caused by rays mixing with clouds, not primary works of Nature but happenings consequent upon her works. Not but what they often render essential service to the more thoughtful who from the evidence which they give predict the presence or absence of wind and fine or stormy weather.",
+            "[48] Observe the porticoes in the cities. Most of them have been built to face the south so that persons who walk in them may enjoy the sun in winter and the breeze in summer. But they also have an attendant circumstance which does not arise through the intention of the builder. What is this? The shadows cast at our feet indicate the hours as we find by experience.",
+            "[49] Fire too is a most essential work of nature and smoke is a circumstance attendant to it, yet smoke too itself is sometimes helpful. Take for instance beacon signals in the daytime: when the fire is deadened by the rays of the sun shining on it, the enemy’s approach is announced by the smoke.",
+            "[50] Much the same may be said about eclipses as about the rainbow. The sun and moon are natural divinities, and so these eclipses are concomitant circumstances, yet eclipses announce the death of kings and the destruction of cities as is darkly indicated by Pindar on the occurrence of an eclipse in the passage quoted above.",
+            "[51] As for the belt of the Milky Way it possesses the same essential qualities as the other stars, and though it is difficult to give a scientific account of it students of natural phenomena must not shrink from the quest. For while discovery is the most profitable, research is also a delight to lovers of learning.",
+            "[52] Just then as the sun and moon have come into being through the action of providence so too have all the heavenly bodies, even though we, unable to trace the natures and powers of each, are silent about them.",
+            "[53] Earthquakes, pestilence, thunderbolts and the like though said to be visitations from God are not really such. For nothing evil at all is caused by God, and these things are generated by changes in the elements. They are not primary works of nature but a sequel of her essential works, attendant circumstances to the primary.",
+            "[54] If some persons of a finer character participate in the damage which they cause, the blame must not be laid on God’s ordering of the world, for in the first place it does not follow that if persons are considered good by us they are really such, for God judges by standards more accurate than any which the human mind employs. Secondly providence or forethought is contented with paying regard to things in the world of the most importance, just as in kingdoms and commands of army it pays regard to cities and troops, not to some chance individual of the obscure and insignificant kind.",
+            "[55] Some declare that just as when tyrants are put to death it is justifiable to execute their kinsfolk also, so that wrongdoings may be checked by the magnitude of the punishment, so too in times of pestilence it is well that some of the guiltless should perish also as a lesson extending further to call all others to a wiser life. Apart from this they point out that persons who move in a tainted atmosphere must needs take the sickness just as in a storm or on board a ship they share the danger equally.",
+            "[56] The stronger kinds of wild animals were made in order to give us practice in warlike contests, for I feel bound to mention this point though you as a skilful advocate anticipated this defence and tried to discredit it. For the training in gymnastics and constant hunting expeditions weld and brace the body admirably and affect the soul even more than the body by inuring it in the starkness of its strength to meet unconcernedly sudden onsets of the enemy.",
+            "[57] And people of peaceful nature can live sheltered within the walls of their cities and even of their chambers without fear of attack with abundance of different kinds of animals for their enjoyment, since boars and lions and the like following their natural inclination are banished to a distance from the town, preferring to be immune from men’s hostility.",
+            "[58] And if some persons are so careless that they do not fear to resort unarmed and unprepared to the lairs of these beasts they must lay the blame of what happens on themselves and not on Nature, since they have neglected to take precautions when they could. Thus in chariot races too I have seen people giving way to thoughtlessness who, instead of sitting in their places as they should as orderly spectators, stood in the middle of the course and pushed over by the rush of the chariots were crushed under the feet and wheels, a proper reward for their folly.",
+            "[59] Enough has been said on these matters. As for reptiles the venomous kinds have not come into being by direct act of providence but as an attendant circumstance as I have said above. For they come to life when the moisture already in them changes to a higher temperature. In some cases putrefaction breeds them. For instance putrefaction in food and in perspiration breed respectively worms and lice. But all kinds which are created out of their proper substance by a seminal and primary process of nature are reasonably ascribed to providence.",
+            "[60] As to them I have heard two theories, which I should be sorry to suppress, to the effect that they are made for the benefit of mankind. One of them was as follows. Some have said that the venomous animals co-operate in many medical processes, and that those who practise the art scientifically by using them with knowledge where suitable are well provided with antidotes for saving unexpectedly the life of patients in a particularly dangerous condition. And even to this day we may see those who take up the medical profession with care and energy making use of every kind of these creatures as an important factor in compounding their remedies.",
+            "[61] The other theory clearly belongs not to medicine but to philosophy. It declares that these creatures were prepared by God as instruments for the punishment of sinners just as generals and governors have their scourges or weapons of steel, and therefore while quiescent at all other times they are stirred up to do violence to the condemned whom Nature in her incorruptible assize has sentenced to death.",
+            "[62] But the statement that they hide themselves chiefly in houses is false, for they are to be seen in the fields and desolate places outside the town, avoiding man as though he was their master. Not but what if it really is true there is some reason for it. For rubbish and a great quantity of refuse accumulate in the corners of houses, into which the creatures like to creep, and also the smell has a powerful attraction for them.",
+            "[63] If swallows live with us there is nothing to be wondered at for we do not attempt to catch them, and the instinct of self-preservation is implanted in irrational as well as in rational souls. But birds which we like to eat will have nothing to do with us because they fear our designs against them except in cases where the law forbids that their kind should be used as food.",
+            "[64] There is a city on the sea coast of Syria called Ascalon. While I was there at a time when I was on my way to our ancestral temple to offer up prayers and sacrifices I observed a large number of pigeons at the cross roads and in each house, and when I asked the reason I was told that it was not lawful to catch them because they had been from old times forbidden food to the inhabitants. In this way the creature has been so tamed by its security that it not merely lives under their roof but shares their table regularly and takes delight in the immunity which it enjoys.",
+            "[65] In Egypt you may see a still more wonderful sight, for the man-eating crocodile, the most dangerous of wild animals, which is born and bred in the holiest of rivers the Nile, understands the benefit of this though it is a deep water creature. For among the people who honour it, it is found in great numbers, but where men try to destroy it not a glimpse of it is to be seen, so that in some places people sailing on the Nile do not venture, even the very boldest, to dip the tip of a finger in the water as the crocodiles resort thither in shoals, while in other places quite timid people jump out and swim and play about.",
+            "[66] As to the land of the Cyclopes, since that race is a mythical fiction, it is not the case that cultivated fruit is produced without seed being sown or husbandmen tilling it, on the principle that from what does not exist nothing is generated. Greece must not be accused of being a sour unproductive land. For it too has plenty of deep rich soil, and if the world outside excels in fruitfulness its superiority in foodstuffs is counterbalanced by inferiority in the people to be fed for whose sake the food is produced. For Greece alone can be truly said to produce mankind, she who engenders the heavenly plant, the divine shoot, a perfect growth, even reason so closely allied to knowledge, and the cause of this is that the mind is naturally sharpened by the fineness of the air.",
+            "[67] And so Heracleitus aptly says “where the land is dry the soul is best and wisest.” One may find evidence for this in the superior intelligence of the sober and frugal, while those who cram themselves with food and drink are most wanting in wisdom, because the reason is drowned by the stuff that is brought in.",
+            "[68] And therefore in the world outside Greece the plants and trunks are so well nourished that they grow to a great height and it is exceedingly productive of the most prolific animals but very unproductive of intelligence, because the continual and unceasing exhalations from the earth and water overpower it and prevent it from rising out of the air which is its source.",
+            "[69] The various kinds of fishes, birds and land-animals do not give grounds for charging Nature of inviting us to pleasure, but they constitute a severe censure on our want of restraint. For to secure the completeness of the universe and that the cosmic order should exist in every part it was necessary that the different kinds of living animals should arise, but it was not necessary that man the creature most akin to wisdom should be impelled to feast upon them and so change himself into the savagery of wild beasts.",
+            "[70] And therefore to this day those who have thought for self-restraint abstain from every one of them and take green vegetables and the fruits of trees as a relish to their bread with the utmost enjoyment. And those who hold that feasting on these animals is natural have had placed over them teachers, censors and lawgivers who in the different cities make it their business to restrain the intemperance of their appetites by refusing to allow all people to use them all without restriction.",
+            "[71] Violets, roses, and crocuses and the other flowers in their manifold variety were made to give health not pleasure. For their properties are infinite; they are beneficial in themselves by their scents, impregnating all with their fragrance, and far more beneficial when used by physicians in compounding drugs. For some things show their virtues more clearly when combined with others, just as the union of male and female serves to engender animal life while neither of them is qualified to do separately what they can do when combined.",
+            "[72] This is the best answer I can make to the rest of the points raised by you, and it is enough to create in the mind of those who are not contentiously inclined solid grounds for believing that God takes care of human affairs."
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE PROVIDENTIA",
+            "FRAGMENT 1",
+            "<i>Really created</i>. In the preceding paragraph, if the Latin translation of the Armenian version is to be trusted, Philo has declared that he is ready to concede “universum ingenitum et sempiternum esse,” a belief which he ascribes not only to Parmenides and Empedocles but also to Zeno and Cleanthes. But still of the “ingenita materia” some part may be created and destroyed (“generetur et corrumpatur”), sometimes by providence, sometimes in the course of nature. He goes on to compare this with the work of a statuary and other craftsmen. According to this hypothesis God did not create eternally the primal matter but used matter to shape the Cosmos. And even if we go a step farther and suppose that the Cosmos itself as well as matter was uncreated (“etsi una cum materia mundus ingenitus supponatur”) there is still room for providence in directing it. In this case the analogy is with the Ephors at Sparta, which they rule though they did not build it. I cannot fit εἰ δὴ γέγονεν ὄντως into this. I should understand it better if for ὄντως we substituted οὕτως = “assuming that this is the method of its genesis.” This is not quite satisfactory, since properly speaking if it is ἀγένητος it has no genesis.",
+            "The Armenian has “materiae specialiter factae,” of which Aucher says that the translator read τῆς ὕλης εἶδος. Is it not simpler to suppose that he took εἰ δὴ as a single word and unable to make anything of the rest omitted it?",
+            "FRAGMENT 2",
+            "§ 4. The thought here is very striking. Wendland cites for it from Sen. <i>Ep.</i> lxvi. 26–27. Here we have “num quis tam iniquam censuram inter suos agit, ut sanum filium quam aegrum magis diligat?… quoniam quidem etiam parentium amor magis in ea, quorum miseretur, inclinat.” But this is not quite the same. For as the sequel “virtus quoque opera sua, quae videt affici et premi, non magis amat, sed parentium bonorum more magis complectitur ac fovet” shows, it is pity for the sufferings of the good and not a yearning for those who have gone astray which Seneca means. Philo’s words come nearer to the spirit of the story of the Prodigal Son than anything I have seen elsewhere in ancient philosophy.",
+            "§ 8. περὶ ἃ κηραίνει. This phrase is here given in Gifford’s translation by “about which … are anxious”; in Mangey’s by “quorum in cupiditate … contabescit,” and L. &amp; S. revised, connecting it with κῆρ and citing a very similar passage to this (<i>De Dec.</i> 153), has “be sick at heart or anxious.” But the evidence of Philo’s use of the phrase points to the meaning given in the translation, <i>i.e.</i> “incurring disaster” or “getting into trouble in connexion with something.” Leisegang has eight examples of it, to which add this passage and perhaps <i>De Virt.</i> 31. In none of these is “suffering disaster” impossible and in some “being anxious” is impossible. Thus in <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 81 the body of the would-be priest must be scrutinized ἵνα περὶ μηδὲν ἀτύχημα κηραίνῃ; <i>ib.</i> 260 the bodies of the victims sacrificed must be without flaw and the souls of the offerers must κηραίνειν περὶ μηδὲν πάθος; <i>De Praem.</i> 29 the defectiveness of human reason is shown by ὁ λογισμὸς περὶ πολλὰ κηραίνων. In <i>De Ebr.</i> 164 Lot περὶ ταῦτα μάλιστα κηραίνει, where ταῦτα is explained as the fact that Lot had only daughters and therefore could breed nothing masculine or perfect.",
+            "§ 17. (Footnote 1, ἄξαντες.) I do not know what sense Dindorf and Gaisford supposed this to have. Gifford, clearly taking it from ἄγνυμι, says that “if it is retained the meaning will be ‘having broken through,’ ” but no such meaning of ἄγνυμι is known, and even if it were possible it would still be necessary to follow it with διά. Nor can any meaning be obtained by taking it from ἄγω. But it is not quite so impossible that it should be the participle of ἀίσσω, though the picture of the physicians being so eager to reach the royal bed that they dart or rush through the bodyguard is, like “breaking through,” somewhat grotesque. In this case we should print ᾄξαντες &lt;διὰ&gt; (though the MSS. would have it without the iota subscript) and ὄχλον and θεραπείαν would be governed by ὑπερβάντες. Wendland suggests as alternatives ἐξ ἐναντίας or ἀντικρὺ or ἀμελήσαντες.",
+            "§ 18. σχήματι. Something is to be said for Mangey’s proposal to correct this to ῥεύματι. This is supported by Wendland, but it should be pointed out that in this case the word would be used in the medical sense of a flux or discharge. Galen and Dioscorides both speak of a ῥεῦμα γαστρός or κοιλίας in this sense. The Armenian has a word which Aucher translates by “laxitate” and it is possible that it is some medical term which might indicate discharges or as we should say “looseness” of the bowels, but is διῴδηκε a word which would be joined with ῥεῦμα in this medical sense?",
+            "§ 23. (The quotation from Empedocles.) Two lines of this are quoted by Synesius",
+            "“ἔνθα φόνος τε κότος τε καὶ ἄλλων ἔθνεα κηρῶν",
+            "αὐχμηραί τε νόσοι καὶ σήψιες ἔργα τε ῥευστά.”",
+            "Another line quoted by Clement",
+            "“κλαῦσά τε καὶ κώκυσο ἰδὼν ἀσυνήθεα χῶρον”",
+            "is no doubt rightly supposed to precede the two. The correction of φόνοι τελοῦνται to φόνοι λιμοί τε is apparently due to Stephanus, but I feel as Dindorf evidently did that it is somewhat arbitrary. There is no great similarity between τελοῦνται and λιμοί τε and nothing very strange in Philo quoting the first two words, then inserting the verb, and then quoting the conclusion of the line. Nor is hunger to the point. The places spoken of are those in which not physical evils but human cruelty predominates. The Armenian no doubt had τελοῦνται, for the Latin is “ubi caedes aliaeque huius modi pravae gentium consuetudines vigent.”",
+            "§ 24. (Footnote 3, ᾐωρῆσθαι.) This correction of Dindorf for θεωρῆσαι, which is not noticed in Gifford’s later edition, is clearly based on the fact that in Her. iii. 124 Polycrates’ daughter dreamt that her father ἐν ἠέρι μετέωρον ὄντα was washed by Zeus and anointed by the sun. Mangey had suggested μετεωρίζεσθαι. The correction leads up well to κρεμάμενον.",
+            "§ 24. The Armenian version of this section as it appears in Aucher’s translation is very curious. Wendland dismisses it as corrupt, but much of it admits of some interesting interpretation. It does not give the name of Polycrates at all, and Aucher in a note says that the translator seems to have read πολὺ κρατεῖ γε, which he rendered by a phrase which Aucher represents by “per multum temporis tenet.” This no doubt he tacked on to the clause about fortune given in the footnote as omitted by Eusebius. He made a full stop then and continued with what Aucher represents by “condigne iis quae patraverat inique impieque ut eorum promotor et auctor sortitus est deterioris vitae infortunium, atque iussu magni regis diu tortus et clavis compressus crudeliter consummatus est.” That is to say he took χορηγός as = “promoter and author” and as subject to ἠδίκησε καὶ ἠσέβησε. At the end of the sentence his “crudeliter consummatus est” seems to represent what he read for χρησμὸν ἐκπιπλάς or perhaps χρησμὸν ἐκπιπλὰς οἶδα. The Latin then proceeds “ilia vero dimiserunt eum quae non multis ante horis gloriae speciem ferebant ante solem ungi et a love lavari.” The words ἔφη κἀμαυτὸν of the received text are to some extent conjectural, for almost all the MSS. divide them otherwise such as ἐφῆκʼ ἐμαυτὸν or ἀμαυτὸν, and if the Armenian by a slight change got ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν it will explain “dimiserunt eum.” I suspect therefore that he read ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν τὰ οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ ἐκτιμῆσαι (or some similar word which he substituted for θεωμῆσαι) δόξαντα, and the translation will run “He was sent out of life by the things which seemed a short time before to have promised him high honour, namely being anointed,” etc. If the similar word is θεῷ εἰκάσαι “to liken him to a god,” we should have something which would make admirable sense and be textually fairly satisfactory, but not well represented by “gloriae.” His version, I am afraid, cannot be accepted in face of the violent changes from the MSS. involved, but it is a much more sensible version. It avoids the pointlessness of putting these words into the mouth of Polycrates and also the contradiction of Herodotus’s story. If we had no access to the Greek and had to choose between his account and that in the translation no one would hesitate to choose the former.",
+            "§ 26. ἀνείμονα. For this word see note on <i>De Som.</i> i. 99 (vol. v. p. 599), where this example should have been noted as well as <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 83. In all these cases Philo uses this apparently rare word in the sense of without the upper covering and contrasted with γυμνός. The contrast is obvious both here and in <i>Spec. Leg.</i>, where it is explained as = “in short tunics,” almost as obvious in <i>De Som.</i> i. 99, where the phrase κοιρᾶσθαι ἀνείμονα means sleeping with inadequate covering. In that note I suggested that Philo had <i>Od.</i> iii. 348 in mind, but if so he misunderstood the meaning, for there the ἀνείμων is not a person who sleeps uncovered but a host who is unable to supply proper covering to himself or his guest. But the misunderstanding is shared by L. &amp; S. which translates it as=“unclad.” I also commented on L. &amp; S. revised being, like Stephanus, still unable to supply an example of the word except that in the <i>Odyssey.</i> In the Addenda however two examples are given, one from a fragment of Callimachus in a papyrus and our <i>Spec. Leg.</i> passage (which however should be given as Ph. 2. 225—not 355).",
+            "§ 45. For the Stoic doctrine of “incidental consequences” as distinguished from the “primary works of nature” <i>cf.</i> Gellius vii. 1. 7 “existimat (<i>sc.</i> Chrysippus) non fuisse hoc principale consilium ut faceret homines morbis obnoxios … sed cum multa, inquit, atque magna gigneret pareretque aptissima ac utilissima alia quoque simul agnata sunt incommoda, eaque non per naturam sed per sequelas quasdam necessarias facta dicit quod ipse appellat κατὰ παρακολούθησιν.” This dictum of Chrysippus applies primarily to diseases but the latter part gives it the same general application as Philo gives it here. See Zeller, <i>Stoics and Epicureans</i>, p. 179 (Eng. trans.). Zeller adds that the Stoics also pointed out that things ordinarily regarded as evil may be of the greatest service, and illustrates this from a saying of Chrysippus quoted by Plutarch that bugs do us good service by preventing us from sleeping too long. <i>Cf.</i> for this the incidental uses pointed out by Philo in §§ 47–51.",
+            "§ 48. (Footnote 2.) I have allowed what may be called the generally received text to stand but further investigation since the translation was made makes me think that Gaisford and Dindorf were almost certainly right. Gaisford’s App. Crit. seems to indicate that he found τὰ μέτρα or τὰ ἡμέτερα μέτρα in his MSS. with one exception and found πείρᾳ in none. Gilford in the two MSS. which he relied on for this part of the <i>Praeparatio</i> found the same. Also ταῖς ὥραις, not τὰς ὥρας, appears to be universal. On the other hand τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πείρᾳ goes back to Viger, 1688 and possibly (though I have had no opportunity of verifying it) to Stephanus in 1544. How then did Viger or Stephanus get it? The clue seems to be that the one exception noted by Gaisford has τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πέτρᾳ. Assuming that Viger or Stephanus found this, the correction to πείρᾳ would be very natural. But if μέτρα is right, ἡρέτερα, which appears in nearly all MSS., must either be dismissed as a dittography or amended to ἡμέρινα (or ταῖς ἡμερίναις … ὥραις?). Wendland, quoting the Armenian, “diei mensuras notat et horas,” suggests τῆς ἡμέρας, but the adjective used in its common antithesis to νυκτέρινος seems to me preferable.",
+            "Wendland also notes that the Armenian has “quae de columnis cadunt umbrae,” and suggests that παστάδων should replace ποδῶν.",
+            "§ 50. (Quotation from Pindar.) The quotation here alluded to occurs in that part between the two divisions of the second fragment which was omitted by Eusebius. It is undoubtedly from the beginning of a fragment of Pindar preserved in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <i>De Vi Dem.</i> 6. It is listed among the fragments of Pindar as 107 or 74 (Schröder, p. 427), in Sandys’s Loeb translation, p. 548 as <i>Paean</i> 9. The Latin version in Aucher has enough resemblance to show the identity, but otherwise is sheer nonsense and does not even suggest the general sense, which is that the sun is asked why by this darkening it threatens the world with evil. A version supplied by Conybeare, from which Schröder quotes various bits, would probably explain it better. But it certainly seems that the Armenian who could manage Philo with general accuracy was unable to tackle Pindar. The continuation as given by Dionysius does not suggest the death of kings or the destruction of cities, but war and faction, abnormal storms and floods and through these the destruction of mankind. Some lines however seem to be missed out in the continuation, which may have been more specific.",
+            "§ 53. The inconsistency between this and the view expressed in § 41 may perhaps be explained by supposing that though earthquakes, pestilences, etc., are in themselves incidental consequences they may still be employed by God as a means of chastisement.",
+            "§ 67. οὗ γῆ ξηρή, κτλ. Zeller in <i>Presoc. Phil.</i> vol. ii. pp. 80–81 (Eng. trans.) has a long discussion on this Heracleitean saying. It is quoted by numerous writers, Stobaeus, Musonius, Plutarch, Galen, Clement and others in various forms and the variation extends to different MSS. of these authors. The chief variants are αὔη ψυχὴ, αὔγη ξηρὴ ψυχὴ, ξηρὴ ψυχὴ. Zeller thinks that αὐγὴ ξηρὴ can hardly be the original form, largely on the ground that there is no such thing as a wet beam. The form οὗ γῆ ξηρή does not appear in any of these quotations, though one variant in the MSS. of Musonius has αὖ γῆ ξηρή, but Zeller has no doubt that this is a true reading in our passage, though his remarks, which are transcribed by Gifford, are oddly worded and not very logical. “Philo,” he says, “<i>ap.</i> Eus. <i>Praep. Evang.</i> viii. 14. 67 has οὗ γῆ ξηρή, κτλ., and that this is the true reading … is clear from the passage in Philo, <i>De Prov.</i> ii. 109 ‘in terra sicca,’ ” etc., <i>i.e.</i> Zeller, unless the translator has misrepresented him, and Gifford certainly, were not aware that Philo <i>ap.</i> Eus. and Philo, <i>De Prov.</i> were the same, and that what he is quoting is only the Latin translation of the Armenian translation of the same passage. What the words in Aucher show beyond doubt is that the Armenian found οὗ γῆ in his text, for he is not likely to have had the acumen to make the correction independently, and they thus give a very convincing support to what we might otherwise have supposed to be an emendation of Stephanus or Viger.",
+            "§ 68. (Footnote 1.) The Armenian also presumably read αἰτίου. The full sentence is “mens tamen nusquam nascitur ob frigefactionem gelationemque, quoniam aer, terra et aquae in causis sunt simul, et frequentes exhalationes densae supereminent.” I imagine that he read or translated as if he read ἐξ ἀέρος αἰτίου καὶ γῆς καὶ ὕδατος instead of αἱ γῆς.",
+            "§ 71. ἴα. So Wendland from the Armenian “viola vero et rosa crocusque”; this is perhaps the best example of the value which the Armenian occasionally has, see Introd. pp. 449 f. The common reading εἰ does not give any good sense. The rendering which I had given, “though roses, etc., exist they exist for health not pleasure,” lays a difficult stress upon γέγονεν and Gifford’s “roses, etc., are meant, if for health, yet not all for pleasure” misplaces the “if” and gives no clear meaning."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על ההשגחה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על ההשגחה",
+        "enTitle": "On Providence",
+        "key": "On Providence",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Account of the World's Creation Given by Moses/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,391 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Account of the World's Creation Given by Moses",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD’S CREATION GIVEN BY MOSES (DE OPIFICIO MUNDI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "A Book of Laws, says Philo, is fitly prefaced by a Cosmogony. The theme dealt with by a Cosmogony is, indeed, too lofty for adequate treatment. In Moses’ treatment of it, two salient points at once meet the eye. The world’s origin is ascribed to a Maker, who is Himself <i>unoriginate</i>, and who <i>cares</i> for what He has made.",
+            "By “six days” Moses does not indicate a space of time in which the world was made, but the principles of <i>order</i> and <i>productivity</i> which governed its making.",
+            "Before the emergence of the material world there existed, in the Divine Word or Reason, the incorporeal world, as the design of a city exists in the brain of the designer.",
+            "The efficient cause of the universe (we must remember) is Goodness; and Goodness, to be attained by it as its capacity permits, is its final cause.",
+            "The incorporeal world may be described as “the Word of God engaged in the act of creating.” And the Word is the Image of God. In that, man (the part), and therefore the universe (the whole) was created.",
+            "“In the beginning” means for Philo the precedence of the incorporeal heaven and invisible earth. The pre-eminence of Life-breath and Light are shown, he says, by the one being called “the Spirit of <i>God</i>,” and the other pronounced “good” or “beautiful.” He sees darkness severed from light by the barrier of twilight; and the birth of Time on “Day One.” Philo strangely infers that a whole day was devoted to the creation of the visible heaven from the mention of a “second day” <i>after</i> that creation. Land and sea are then formed by the briny water being withdrawn from the sponge-like earth and the fresh water left in it; and the land is bidden to bring forth trees and plants. It is bidden to do so <i>before</i> sun and moon are made, that men may not attribute its fruitfulness to these.",
+            "Coming now to the work of the fourth day, Philo brings out the significance of the number 4, and points to the boons conferred on body and mind by Light, which has given rise to philosophy by drawing man’s vision upward to the heavenly bodies. He sees the purposes of these in their giving light, foreshowing coming events, marking the seasons, and measuring time.",
+            "The fifth day is fitly given to the creation of creatures endowed with five senses.",
+            "In connexion with the creation of man, Philo points out (<i>a</i>) the beauty of the <i>sequence</i>, ascending (in living things) from lowest to highest; (<i>b</i>) the reference, not to body, but to <i>mind</i>, in the words “after our image”; (<i>c</i>) the implication of <i>exactness</i> in the addition “after our likeness”; (<i>d</i>) the cooperation of other agents implied in “let <i>us</i> make,” such co-operation accounting (so Philo suggests) for the possibility of sin; (<i>e</i>) four reasons for man coming last, viz.—",
+            "(1) that he might find all ready for him;",
+            "(2) that he might use God’s gifts as such;",
+            "(3) that Man, a miniature Heaven, might correspond to the Heaven whose creation came first;",
+            "(4) that his sudden appearance might over-awe the beasts.",
+            "His place in the series is no sign of inferiority.",
+            "Turning to the Seventh Day, Philo notes its dignity, and enlarges on the properties of the number 7, (<i>a</i>) in things incorporeal (89–100); (<i>b</i>) in the material creation: (α) the heavenly bodies (101 f.); (β) the stages of man’s growth (103–105); (γ) as 3+4 (106); (δ) in the progressions (107–110); (ε) in all visible existence (111–116); (ζ) in man, and all that he sees (117–121) and experiences (121–125); (η) in grammar and music (126 f.).",
+            "After speaking of the honour paid by Moses to the number 7, Philo, treating Gen. 2:4 f. as a concluding summary, claims it as a proof that Gen. 1 records a creation of incorporeal ideas. After a disquisition on the subject of fresh water, to which he is led by Gen. 2:6, he goes on to deal with the earth-born man (Gen. 2:7), whom he distinguishes from the man made after God’s image. The being of the former is composite, earthly substance and Divine Breath. Proofs and an illustration are given of his surpassing excellence. The title of “the only world-citizen” is claimed for him, and its significance brought out. His physical excellence can be guessed from the faint traces of it found in his posterity. It is to call out his intelligence that he is required to name the animals. Woman is the occasion of his deterioration.",
+            "The Garden, the Serpent, the Fall and its consequences are dealt with in §§ 153–169. The Garden, we are told, represents the dominant power of the soul, and the Serpent represents Pleasure, and is eminently fitted to do so. His use of a human voice is considered. The praise of the “snake-fighter” in Lev. 11:22 is referred to. Stress is laid on the fact that Pleasure assails the man through the woman. The effects of the Fall on the woman and on the man are traced.",
+            "The treatise ends with a short summary of the lessons of the Cosmogony. These are:",
+            "(1) the eternal existence of God (as against atheism);",
+            "(2) the unity of God (as against polytheism);",
+            "(3) the non-eternity of the world;",
+            "(4) the unity of the world;",
+            "(5) the Providence of God."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] While among other lawgivers some have nakedly and without embellishment drawn up a code of the things held to be right among their people, and others, dressing up their ideas in much irrelevant and cumbersome matter, have befogged the masses and hidden the truth under their fictions,",
+                "[2] Moses, disdaining either course, the one as devoid of the philosopher’s painstaking effort to explore his subject thoroughly, the other as full of falsehood and imposture, introduced his laws with an admirable and most impressive exordium. He refrained, on the one hand, from stating abruptly what should be practised or avoided, and on the other hand, in face of the necessity of preparing the minds of those who were to live under the laws for their reception, he refrained from inventing myths himself or acquiescing in those composed by others.",
+                "[3] His exordium, as I have said, is one that excites our admiration in the highest degree. It consists of an account of the creation of the world, implying that the world is in harmony with the Law, and the Law with the world, and that the man who observes the law is constituted thereby a loyal citizen of the world, regulating his doings by the purpose and will of Nature, in accordance with which the entire world itself also is administered.",
+                "[4] Now it is true that no writer in verse or prose could possibly do justice to the beauty of the ideas embodied in this account of the creation of the kosmos. For they transcend our capacity of speech and of hearing, being too great and august to be adjusted to the tongue or ear of any mortal.",
+                "[5] Nevertheless they must not on this account be passed over in silence. Nay, for the sake of the God-beloved author we must be venturesome even beyond our power. We shall fetch nothing from our own store, but, with a great array of points before us, we shall mention only a few, such as we may believe to be within reach of the human mind when possessed by love and longing for wisdom.",
+                "[6] The minutest seal takes in under the graver’s hand the contours of colossal figures. So perchance shall the beauties of the world’s creation recorded in the Laws, transcendent as they are and dazzling as they do by their bright gleams the souls of readers, be indicated by delineations minute and slight. But first we must draw attention to a matter which ought not to be passed over in silence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] There are some people who, having the world in admiration rather than the Maker of the world, pronounce it to be without beginning and everlasting, while with impious falsehood they postulate in God a vast inactivity; whereas we ought on the contrary to be astonied at His powers as Maker and Father, and not to assign to the world a disproportionate majesty.",
+                "[8] Moses, both because he had attained the very summit of philosophy, and because he had been divinely instructed in the greater and most essential part of Nature’s lore, could not fail to recognize that the universal must consist of two parts, one part active Cause and the other passive object; and that the active Cause is the perfectly pure and unsullied Mind of the universe, transcending virtue, transcending knowledge, transcending the good itself and the beautiful itself;",
+                "[9] while the passive part is in itself incapable of life and motion, but, when set in motion and shaped and quickened by Mind, changes into the most perfect masterpiece, namely this world. Those who assert that this world is unoriginate unconsciously eliminate that which of all incentives to piety is the most beneficial and the most indispensable, namely providence.",
+                "[10] For it stands to reason that what has been brought into existence should be cared for by its Father and Maker. For, as we know, it is a father’s aim in regard of his offspring and an artificer’s in regard of his handiwork to preserve them, and by every means to fend off from them aught that may entail loss or harm. He keenly desires to provide for them in every way all that is beneficial and to their advantage: but between that which has never been brought into being and one who is not its Maker no such tie is formed.",
+                "[11] It is a worthless and baleful doctrine, setting up anarchy in the well-ordered realm of the world, leaving it without protector, arbitrator, or judge, without anyone whose office it is to administer and direct all its affairs.",
+                "[12] Not so Moses. That great master, holding the unoriginate to be of a different order from that which is visible, since everything that is an object of sensible perception is subject to becoming and to constant change, never abiding in the same state, assigned to that which is invisible and an object of intellectual apprehension the infinite and undefinable as united with it by closest tie; but on that which is an object of the senses he bestowed “genesis,” “becoming,” as its appropriate name.",
+                "Seeing then that this world is both visible and perceived by the senses, it follows that it must also have had an origin. Whence it was entirely to the point that he put on record that origin, setting forth in its true grandeur the work of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] He says that in six days the world was created, not that its Maker required a length of time for His work, for we must think of God as doing all things simultaneously, remembering that “all” includes with the commands which He issues the thought behind them. Six days are mentioned because for the things coming into existence there was need of order. Order involves number, and among numbers by the laws of nature the most suitable to productivity is 6, for if we start with 1 it is the first perfect number, being equal to the product of its factors (<i>i.e.</i> 1×2×3), as well as made up of the sum of them (<i>i.e.</i> 1+2+3), its half being 3, its third part 2, its sixth part 1. We may say that it is in its nature both male and female, and is a result of the distinctive power of either. For among things that are it is the odd that is male, and the even female. Now of odd numbers 3 is the starting-point, and of even numbers 2, and the product of these two is 6.",
+                "[14] For it was requisite that the world, being most perfect of all things that have come into existence, should be constituted in accordance with a perfect number, namely six; and, inasmuch as it was to have in itself beings that sprang from a coupling together, should receive the impress of a mixed number, namely the first in which odd and even were combined, one that should contain the essential principle both of the male that sows and of the female that receives the seed.",
+                "[15] Now to each of the days He assigned some of the portions of the whole, not including, however, the first day, which He does not even call “first,” lest it should be reckoned with the others, but naming it “one” He designates it by a name which precisely hits the mark, for He discerned in it and expressed by the title which He gives it the nature and appellation of the unit, or the “one.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "We must recount as many as we can of the elements embraced in it. To recount them all would be impossible. Its pre-eminent element is the intelligible world, as is shown in the treatise dealing with the “One.”",
+                "[16] For God, being God, assumed that a beautiful copy would never be produced apart from a beautiful pattern, and that no object of perception would be faultless which was not made in the likeness of an original discerned only by the intellect. So when He willed to create this visible world He first fully formed the intelligible world, in order that He might have the use of a pattern wholly God-like and incorporeal in producing the material world, as a later creation, the very image of an earlier, to embrace in itself objects of perception of as many kinds as the other contained objects of intelligence.",
+                "[17] To speak of or conceive that world which consists of ideas as being in some place is illegitimate; how it consists (of them) we shall know if we carefully attend to some image supplied by the things of our world. When a city is being founded to satisfy the soaring ambition of some king or governor, who lays claim to despotic power and being magnificent in his ideas would fain add a fresh lustre to his good fortune, there comes forward now and again some trained architect who, observing the favourable climate and convenient position of the site, first sketches in his own mind wellnigh all the parts of the city that is to be wrought out, temples, gymnasia, town-halls, market-places, harbours, docks, streets, walls to be built, dwelling-houses as well as public buildings to be set up.",
+                "[18] Thus after having received in his own soul, as it were in wax, the figures of these objects severally, he carries about the image of a city which is the creation of his mind. Then by his innate power of memory, he recalls the images of the various parts of this city, and imprints their types yet more distinctly in it: and like a good craftsman he begins to build the city of stones and timber, keeping his eye upon his pattern and making the visible and tangible objects correspond in each case to the incorporeal ideas.",
+                "[19] Just such must be our thoughts about God. We must suppose that, when He was minded to found the one great city, He conceived beforehand the models of its parts, and that out of these He constituted and brought to completion a world discernible only by the mind, and then, with that for a pattern, the world which our senses can perceive."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] As, then, the city which was fashioned beforehand within the mind of the architect held no place in the outer world, but had been engraved in the soul of the artificer as by a seal; even so the universe that consisted of ideas would have no other location than the Divine Reason, which was the Author of this ordered frame. For what other place could there be for His powers sufficient to receive and contain, I say not all but, any one of them whatever uncompounded and untempered?",
+                "[21] Now just such a power is that by which the universe was made, one that has as its source nothing less than true goodness. For should one conceive a wish to search for the cause, for the sake of which this whole was created, it seems to me that he would not be wrong in saying, what indeed one of the men of old did say, that the Father and Maker of all is good; and because of this He grudged not a share in his own excellent nature to an existence which has of itself nothing fair and lovely, while it is capable of becoming all things.",
+                "[22] For of itself it was without order, without quality, without soul, (without likeness); it was full of inconsistency, ill-adjustment, disharmony: but it was capable of turning and undergoing a complete change to the best, the very contrary of all these, to order, quality, life, correspondence, identity, likeness, perfect adjustment, to harmony, to all that is characteristic of the more excellent model."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Now God, with no counsellor to help Him (who was there beside Him?) determined that it was meet to confer rich and unrestricted benefits upon that nature which apart from Divine bounty could obtain of itself no good thing. But not in proportion to the greatest of His own bounties does He confer benefits—for these are without end or limit—but in proportion to the capacities of the recipients. For it is not the nature of creation to receive good treatment in like manner as it is the nature of God to bestow it, seeing that the powers of God are overwhelmingly vast, whereas creation, being too feeble to entertain their abundance, would have broken down under the effort to do so, had not God with appropriate adjustment dealt out to each his due portion.",
+                "[24] Should a man desire to use words in a more simple and direct way, he would say that the world discerned only by the intellect is nothing else than the Word of God when He was already engaged in the act of creation. For (to revert to our illustration) the city discernible by the intellect alone is nothing else than the reasoning faculty of the architect in the act of planning to found the city.",
+                "[25] It is Moses who lays down this, not I. Witness his express acknowledgement in the sequel, when setting on record the creation of man, that he was moulded after the image of God (Gen. 1:27). Now if the part is an image of an image, it is manifest that the whole is so too, and if the whole creation, this entire world perceived by our senses (seeing that it is greater than any human image) is a copy of the Divine image, it is manifest that the archetypal seal also, which we aver to be the world descried by the mind, would be the very Word of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Then he says that “in the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,” taking “beginning” not, as some think, in a chronological sense, for time there was not before there was a world. Time began either simultaneously with the world or after it. For since time is a measured space determined by the world’s movement, and since movement could not be prior to the object moving, but must of necessity arise either after it or simultaneously with it, it follows of necessity that time also is either coeval with or later born than the world. To venture to affirm that it is elder born would be to do violence to philosophic sense.",
+                "[27] And since the word “beginning” is not here taken as the chronological beginning, it would seem likely that the numerical order is indicated, so that “in the beginning He made” is equivalent to “He made the heaven first”: for it is indeed reasonable that it should come into existence first, being both best of created things and made from the purest of all that is, seeing that it was destined to be the most holy dwelling-place of manifest and visible gods.",
+                "[28] For, even if the Maker made all things simultaneously, order was none the less an attribute of all that came into existence in fair beauty, for beauty is absent where there is disorder. Now order is a series of things going on before and following after, in due sequence, a sequence which, though not seen in the finished productions, yet exists in the designs of the contrivers; for only so could these things be fashioned with perfect accuracy, and work without leaving their path or clashing with each other.",
+                "[29] First, then, the Maker made an incorporeal heaven, and an invisible earth, and the essential form of air and void. To the one he gave the name of “Darkness,” since the air when left to itself, is black. The other he named “abyss,” for the void is a region of immensity and vast depths. Next (He made) the incorporeal essence of water and of life-breath and, to crown all, of light. This again, the seventh in order, was an incorporeal pattern, discernible only by the mind, of the sun and of all luminaries which were to come into existence throughout heaven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Special distinction is accorded by Moses to life-breath and to light. The one he entitles the “breath” of God, because breath is most life-giving, and of life God is the author, while of light he says that it is beautiful pre-eminently (Gen. 1:4): for the intelligible as far surpasses the visible in the brilliancy of its radiance, as sunlight assuredly surpasses darkness and day night, and mind, the ruler of the entire soul, the bodily eyes.",
+                "[31] Now that invisible light perceptible only by mind has come into being as an image of the Divine Word Who brought it within our ken: it is a supercelestial constellation, fount of the constellations obvious to sense. It would not be amiss to term it “all-brightness,” to signify that from which sun and moon, as well as fixed stars and planets draw, in proportion to their several capacity, the light befitting each of them: for that pure and undiluted radiance is bedimmed so soon as it begins to undergo the change that is entailed by the passage from the intelligible to the sensibly discerned, for no object of sense is free from dimness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Right too is his statement that “darkness was above the abyss” (Gen. 1:2). For in a sense the air is over the void, inasmuch as it has spread over and completely filled the immensity and desolation of the void, of all that reaches from the zone of the moon to us.",
+                "[33] After the kindling of the intelligible light, which preceded the sun’s creation, darkness its adversary withdrew: for God, in His perfect knowledge of their mutual contrariety and natural conflict, parted them one from another by a wall of separation. In order, therefore, to keep them from the discord arising from perpetual clash, to prevent war in place of peace prevailing and setting up disorder in an ordered universe, He not only separated light and darkness, but also placed in the intervening spaces boundary-marks, by which He held back each of their extremities: for, had they been actual neighbours, they were sure to produce confusion by engaging with intense and never-ceasing rivalry in the struggle for mastery.",
+                "[34] As it was, their assault on one another was broken and kept back by barriers set up between them. These barriers are evening and dawn. The latter, gently restraining the darkness, anticipates the sunrise with the glad tidings of its approach; while evening, supervening upon sunset, gives a gentle welcome to the oncoming mass of darkness. We must, however, place these, dawn and evening I mean, in the category of the incorporeal and intelligible: for there is in these nothing whatever patent to the senses, but they are simply models and measuring-rules and patterns and seals, all of these being incorporeal and serving for the creation of other bodies.",
+                "[35] When light had come into being, and darkness had moved out of its way and retired, and evening and dawn had been fixed as barriers in the intervals between them, as a necessary consequence a measure of time was forthwith brought about, which its Maker called Day, and not “first” day but “one,” an expression due to the uniqueness of the intelligible world, and to its having therefore a natural kinship to the number “One.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] The incorporeal world, then, was now finished and firmly settled in the Divine Reason, and the world patent to sense was ripe for birth after the pattern of the incorporeal. And first of its parts, best of them all, the Creator proceeded to make the Heaven, which with strict truth he entitled firmament, as being corporeal: for the body is naturally solid, seeing that it has a threefold dimension. What else indeed do we conceive a solid object and a body to be, but that which extends in each direction? Fitly then, in contradistinction to the incorporeal and purely intelligible, did He call this body-like heaven perceived by our senses “the solid firmament.”",
+                "[37] After so designating it He went on forthwith to speak of it as “heaven.” He did so with unerring propriety, either because it is the “boundary” of all things, or because it came into being first of things “visible.” When the heaven had been created he names a second day, thus assigning to heaven the whole space and interval of a day. He does this by reason of the position of dignity which heaven occupies among the objects of sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] At this stage, then, water in all its volume had been poured forth over all the earth, and had found its way through all its parts, as through a sponge saturated with moisture. It had produced swamps and deep mud, earth and water being mingled together and kneaded, like a mass of dough, into a single element without shape or distinction of its parts. So God next bids all the briny water, which would have been the cause of barrenness to crops and trees, to be gathered together by flowing to the same point from the pores of the whole earth, and the dry land to appear. The moisture of the fresh sweet part was left behind to secure its permanence, since, when supplied in fit quantity, this sweet moisture served as a cohesive to the separate parts. This was to prevent it from being entirely dried up, and so becoming unproductive and barren, and enable it like a mother to provide, as for offspring, not one only of the two kinds of nourishment, namely solid food, but both kinds, food and drink. Wherefore the earth had abounding veins like breasts. These when opened would pour forth rivers and springs.",
+                "[39] No less did He cause the hidden courses of moisture also to penetrate to the rich deep loam with a view to unstinted fertility. Having thus ordered these elements He gave them names. The dry land he called “earth,” and the water separated from it “sea.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] He next begins to put the earth in order: for he bids it bear grass and corn, and send forth herbs of all kinds, and rich pastures, and whatsoever would be provender for cattle and food for men. Beside these he caused all kinds of trees to grow, leaving out no tree at all, whether of wild growth or what we call garden trees. And, after a fashion quite contrary to the present order of Nature, all were laden with fruit as soon as ever they came into existence.",
+                "[41] For now the processes take place in turn, one at one time, one at another, not all of them simultaneously at one season. For everyone knows that sowing and planting come first, the growth of the things sown and planted second, the former causing roots to reach downwards like foundations, the latter taking place as they rise upwards, grow tall, and develop trunks and stems. After this come sproutings and puttings forth of leaves, and then to crown all, bearing of fruit; and here again fruit not full grown, but subject to all manner of changes both in quantity and quality, that is to say, in the matter of size and of ever varying character. For the first shape it takes is that of indivisible flakes so small that they can scarcely be seen, which a man would not be wrong in describing as “first perceptibles.” After this as the result of gradual growth and as the result of nourishment conveyed by irrigation, which waters the tree, and as the result of the well-tempered breezes which are quickened by cold and softened by milder temperature, it develops towards its complete size: and as it becomes larger, it becomes different in appearance as well, as though it were being ever made to take varied hues by a painter’s cunning hand."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[42] Now in the original creation of all things, as I have said already, God caused all shrubs and plants to spring out of the earth perfect, having fruits not unripe but at their prime, to be perfectly ready for the immediate use and enjoyment of the animals that were forthwith to come into being.",
+                "[43] God then enjoins the earth to give birth to all these, and the earth, as though it had been long pregnant and in travail, brings forth all kinds of things sown, all kinds of trees, and countless kinds of fruits besides. But not only were the several fruits nourishment for animals, but also a provision for the perpetual reproduction of their kind, containing within them the seed-substances. Hidden and imperceptible in these substances are the principles or nuclei of all things. As the seasons go round these become open and manifest.",
+                "[44] For God willed that Nature should run a course that brings it back to its starting-point, endowing the species with immortality, and making them sharers of eternal existence. For the sake of this He both led on the beginning speedily towards the end, and made the end to retrace its way to the beginning. For it is the case both that the fruit comes out of the plants, as an end out of a beginning, and that out of the fruit again, containing as it does the seed in itself, there comes the plant, a beginning out of an end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] On the fourth day, the earth being now finished, he ordered the heaven in varied beauty. Not that He put the heaven in a lower rank than the earth, giving precedence to the inferior creation, and accounting the higher and more divine worthy only of the second place; but to make clear beyond all doubt the mighty sway of His sovereign power. For being aware beforehand of the ways of thinking that would mark the men of future ages, how they would be intent on what looked probable and plausible, with much in it that could be supported by argument, but would not aim at sheer truth; and how they would trust phenomena rather than God, admiring sophistry more than wisdom; and how they would observe in time to come the circuits of sun and moon, on which depend summer and winter and the changes of spring and autumn, and would suppose that the regular movements of the heavenly bodies are the causes of all things that year by year come forth and are produced out of the earth; that there might be none who owing either to shameless audacity or to overwhelming ignorance should venture to ascribe the first place to any created thing,",
+                "[46] ‘let them,’ said He, ‘go back in thought to the original creation of the universe, when, before sun or moon existed, the earth bore plants of all sorts and fruits of all sorts; and having contemplated this let them form in their minds the expectation that hereafter too shall it bear these at the Father’s bidding, whensoever it may please Him.’ For He has no need of His heavenly offspring on which He bestowed powers but not independence: for, like a charioteer grasping the reins or a pilot the tiller, He guides all things in what direction He pleases as law and right demand, standing in need of no one besides: for all things are possible to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] This is the reason why the earth put forth plants and bore herbs before the heaven was furnished. But the heaven was afterwards duly decked in a perfect number, namely four. This number it would be no error to call the base and source of 10, the complete number; for what 10 is actually, this, as is evident, 4 is potentially; that is to say that, if the numbers from 1 to 4 be added together, they will produce 10, and this is the limit set to the otherwise unlimited succession of numbers; round this as a turning-point they wheel and retrace their steps.",
+                "[48] 4 also contains the ratios of the musical consonances, that produced by an interval of four notes, and that produced by an interval of five, and the octave and double octave as well. And it is out of these that the most perfect concord is produced. Of that produced by an interval of four notes the ratio is 1⅓, of that produced by an interval of five 1½, of the octave 2, of the double octave 4. All these the number 4 embraces in itself, 1⅓ in the ratio 4:3; 1½ in the ratio 6:4; 2 in the ratio 4:2; 4 in the ratio 4:1."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] There is also another property of the number 4 very marvellous to state and to contemplate with the mind. For this number was the first to show the nature of the solid, the numbers before it referring to things without actual substance. For under the head of 1 what is called in geometry a point falls, under that of 2 a line. For if 1 extend itself, 2 is formed, and if a point extend itself, a line is formed: and a line is length without breadth; if breadth be added, there results a surface, which comes under the category of 3: to bring it to a solid surface needs one thing, depth, and the addition of this to 3 produces 4. The result of all this is that this number is a thing of vast importance. It was this number that has led us out of the realm of incorporeal existence patent only to the intellect, and has introduced us to the conception of a body of three dimensions, which by its nature first comes within the range of our senses.",
+                "[50] Anyone who does not understand what I am saying will catch my meaning if he calls to mind a very familiar game. Players with nuts are in the habit of setting out three nuts all on one level and of adding one to these, thus forming a pyramidal figure. The figure of the triangle on the level only reaches the number 3; the added nut produces, in numbers 4, but in figures a pyramid, a body rendered solid by its accession.",
+                "[51] In addition to these points we must remember also that first among numbers 4 is a square, made up of equal factors multiplying into one another, a measure of rightness and equality, and that alone among them it is such as to be produced from the same factors whether added or multiplied together, by addition out of 2 and 2, and by multiplication again out of twice 2, thus exhibiting a right fair form of consonance, such as has fallen to none of the other numbers; for example—6, sum as it is of two 3’s, is not (as in the case of 4) produced by their being multiplied together, but a different number, 9, results.",
+                "[52] There are several other powers of which 4 has the command, which we shall have to point out in fuller detail in the special treatise devoted to it. Suffice it to add just this, that 4 was made the starting-point of the creation of heaven and the world; for the four elements, out of which this universe was fashioned, issued, as it were from a fountain, from the numeral 4; and, beside this, so also did the four seasons of the year, which are responsible for the coming into being of animals and plants, the year having a fourfold division into winter and spring and summer and autumn."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The aforesaid numeral, then, having been deemed worthy of such high privilege in nature, it was a matter of course that its Maker arrayed the heaven on the fourth day with a most divine adornment of perfect beauty, namely the light-giving heavenly bodies; and, knowing that of all things light is best, He made it the indispensable means of sight, the best of the senses; for what the intellect is in the soul, this the eye is in the body; for each of them sees, one the things of the mind, the other the things of sense; and they have need, the mind of knowledge, that it may become cognisant of incorporeal objects, the eye of light, for the apprehending of bodily forms.",
+                "Light has proved itself the source of many other boons to mankind, but pre-eminently of philosophy,",
+                "[54] the greatest boon of all. For man’s faculty of vision, led upwards by light, discerned the nature of the heavenly bodies and their harmonious movement. He saw the well-ordered circuits of fixed stars and planets, how the former moved in unchanging orbit and all alike, while the latter sped round in two revolutions out of harmony with each other. He marked the rhythmic dances of all these, how they were marshalled by the laws of a perfect music, and the sight produced in his soul an ineffable delight and pleasure. Banqueting on sights displayed to it one after another, his soul was insatiate in beholding. And then, as usually happens, it went on to busy itself with questionings, asking What is the essence of these visible objects? Are they in nature unoriginate, or had they a beginning of existence? What is the method of their movement? And what are the principles by which each is governed? It was out of the investigation of these problems that philosophy grew, than which no more perfect good has come into the life of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] It was with a view to that original intellectual light, which I have mentioned as belonging to the order of the incorporeal world, that He created the heavenly bodies of which our senses are aware. These are images divine and exceeding fair, which He established in heaven as in the purest temple belonging to corporeal being. This He did that they might serve many purposes. One purpose was to give light; another to be signs; a third duly to fix seasons of the year; and lastly for the sake of days, months, years, which (as we all know) have served as measures of time and given birth to number.",
+                "[56] The kind of useful service rendered by each of the bodies mentioned is self-evident; yet that the truth may be more precisely apprehended it may not be out of place to follow it step by step in a reasoned account.",
+                "All time having been divided into two portions, day and night, the Father assigned the sovereignty of the day to the sun, as to a great king, and that of the night to the moon and the host of the other stars.",
+                "[57] The greatness of the sway and government pertaining to the sun finds its clearest proof in what has been already mentioned: one and alone it has by itself separately had day apportioned to it, half of the whole of time; while all the rest with the moon have had allotted to them the other half, which has received the name of night. And when the sun has risen, all that multitude of stars which were visible but now is not merely dimmed but becomes actually invisible through the pouring forth of its light; and upon its setting they begin all of them to shine out in their own true characters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] The purpose of their existence is, as the Lord Himself pronounced, not only to send forth light upon the earth, but also to give timely signs of coming events. For either by their risings or settings or eclipses, or again by the seasons of their appearance or disappearance, or by other alterations in their movements, men conjecture future issues, good harvests and bad, increase and decay of animal life, fair weather and foul, gales and calms, floodings and shrinkings of rivers, seas smooth and rough, irregularities of the seasons, either wintry summers, or scorching winters, or springs like autumn, or autumns like spring.",
+                "[59] Indeed it has happened that, by conjecture based on the movements of the heavenly bodies, men have notified in advance a disturbance and shaking of the earth, and countless other unusual occurrences, proving the complete truth of the words, “the stars were made for signs.”",
+                "It is added, moreover, “and for appointed times” (Gen. 1:14). By “appointed times” Moses understood the four seasons of the year, and surely with good reason. For what idea does “appointed time” convey but “time of achievement”? Now the four seasons of the year bring about achievement by bringing all things to perfection, all sowing and planting of crops, and the birth and growth of animals.",
+                "[60] The heavenly bodies were created also to furnish measures of time: for it is by regular revolutions of sun, moon, and the other bodies that days and months and years were constituted. This in itself involved the showing of their most useful service of all; I mean number as part of the world’s order, time by its mere lapse indicating it. For out of one day came “one,” out of two “two,” out of three “three,” out of a month “thirty,” out of a year the number equivalent to the days made up of twelve months, and out of infinite time came (the conception of) infinite number.",
+                "[61] So many and so essential are the benefits within the scope of the constitutions and movements of the heavenly bodies. To how vast a number of other operations of nature, methinks, do they extend! Operations obscure to us—for all things are not within the ken of mortals—yet working together for the permanence of the whole; operations which are invariably carried out under ordinances and laws which God laid down in His universe as unalterable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Earth and heaven having been equipped with the array appropriate to either—earth on the third day, heaven, as has been recounted, on the fourth—the Creator took in hand to form the races of mortal creatures, beginning with aquatic creatures on the fifth day, deeming that there is no kinship so close as that between animals and the number 5. For living creatures differ from those without life in nothing more than in ability to apprehend by the senses; and sense has a fivefold division, into sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch; and to each of these their Maker assigned special aspects of matter, and an individual faculty of testing it, with which to assay objects coming under its notice. Colours are tested by sight, sounds by hearing, savours by taste, perfumes by smell, while touch assays the softness and hardness of various substances, their smoothness and roughness, and recognizes things hot or cold.",
+                "[63] So then he bids all kinds of fish and sea-monsters to take shape, creatures differing in their habitats and their sizes and qualities; for different seas produce to some extent different fish; not everywhere were all kinds formed. This is as we should have expected, for some kinds delight in a lagoon and not in a really deep sea, some in harbours and roadsteads. These can neither crawl up on to the land, nor swim far out from the land; and those that haunt the depths of the open seas avoid jutting headlands or islands or rocks. Some thrive in calm unruffled waters, others in those that are stormy and broken by waves; for, through the exercise of bearing their constant blows and of thrusting back their onset by sheer force, they put on flesh and grow lusty.",
+                "Directly after these He made all kinds of birds, as sister kinds to those in the waters, both being things that float. And He left incomplete no form of creature that travels in air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] Water and air having now duly received as a sort of lot of their own the living creatures appropriate to them, He again called upon the earth for the production of the portion that had been left out. When the plants had been created the land-animals had been wanting. So He saith “Let the earth bring forth cattle and wild beasts and creeping things after each kind” (Gen. 1:24). The earth forthwith puts forth, as it was bidden, creatures all differing in build and in the varying strength and capacity to hurt or to serve that was inherent in them.",
+                "[65] To crown all he made man, in what way I will say presently, when I have first pointed out the exceeding beauty of the chain of sequence which Moses has employed in setting forth the bringing in of life. For of the forms of animal life, the least elaborately wrought has been allotted to the race of fish; that worked out in greatest detail and best in all respects to mankind;",
+                "[66] that which lies between these two to creatures that tread the earth and travel in the air. For the principle of life in these is endowed with perceptions keener than that in fishes, but less keen than that in men. Wherefore, of the creatures that have life, fishes were the first which he brought into being, creatures in whose being the body predominates over the soul or life-principle. They are in a way animals and not animals; lifeless beings with the power of movement. The seed of the principle of life has been sown in them adventitiously, with a view only to the perpetuation of their bodies, just as salt (we are told) is added to flesh that it may not easily decay.",
+                "After the fishes He made the birds and land-creatures; for, when we come to these, we find them with keener senses and manifesting by their structure far more clearly all the qualities proper to beings endowed with the life-principle.",
+                "To crown all, as we have said before, He made man, and bestowed on him mind <i>par excellence</i>, life-principle of the life-principle itself, like the pupil in the eye: for of this too those who investigate more closely than others the nature of things say that it is the eye of the eye."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] At that time, indeed, all things took shape simultaneously. But, though all things took shape together, the fact that living organisms were afterwards to come into existence one out of another rendered necessary an adumbration of the principle of order in the narrative. Now in particular creatures the order we find is this, that they begin at what is lowest in its nature, and end in the best of all; what this best of all is we must go on to show. Now seed is the original starting-point of living creatures. That this is a substance of a very low order, resembling foam, is evident to the eye. But when it has been deposited in the womb and become solid, it acquires movement, and at once enters upon natural growth. But growth is better than seed, since in created things movement is better than quiescence. But nature, or growth, like an artificer, or (to speak more properly) like a consummate art, forms living creatures, by distributing the moist substance to the limbs and different parts of the body, the substance of life-breath to the faculties of the soul, affording them nourishment and endowing them with perception. We must defer for the present the faculty of reasoning, out of consideration for those who maintain that it comes in from without, and is divine and eternal.",
+                "[68] Well, then, natural growth started from so poor a thing as seed, but it ended in that which is of greatest worth, the formation of the living creature and of man. Now we find that this selfsame thing has occurred in the case of the creation of the universe also. For when the Creator determined to form living creatures, those first in order were inferior, if we may so speak, namely fishes, while those that came last in order were best, namely men; and coming between the two extremes, better than those that preceded them, but inferior to the others, were the rest, namely land creatures and birds of the air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] After all the rest, as I have said, Moses tells us that man was created after the image of God and after His likeness (Gen. 1:26). Right well does he say this, for nothing earth-born is more like God than man. Let no one represent the likeness as one to a bodily form; for neither is God in human form, nor is the human body God-like. No, it is in respect of the Mind, the sovereign element of the soul, that the word “image” is used; for after the pattern of a single Mind, even the Mind of the Universe as an archetype, the mind in each of those who successively came into being was moulded. It is in a fashion a god to him who carries and enshrines it as an object of reverence; for the human mind evidently occupies a position in men precisely answering to that which the great Ruler occupies in all the world. It is invisible while itself seeing all things, and while comprehending the substances of others, it is as to its own substance unperceived; and while it opens by arts and sciences roads branching in many directions, all of them great highways, it comes through land and sea investigating what either element contains.",
+                "[70] Again, when on soaring wing it has contemplated the atmosphere and all its phases, it is borne yet higher to the ether and the circuit of heaven, and is whirled round with the dances of planets and fixed stars, in accordance with the laws of perfect music, following that love of wisdom which guides its steps. And so, carrying its gaze beyond the confines of all substance discernible by sense, it comes to a point at which it reaches out after the intelligible world,",
+                "[71] and on descrying in that world sights of surpassing loveliness, even the patterns and the originals of the things of sense which it saw here, it is seized by a sober intoxication, like those filled with Corybantic frenzy, and is inspired, possessed by a longing far other than theirs and a nobler desire. Wafted by this to the topmost arch of the things perceptible to mind, it seems to be on its way to the Great King Himself; but, amid its longing to see Him, pure and untempered rays of concentrated light stream forth like a torrent, so that by its gleams the eye of the understanding is dazzled.",
+                "And, since images do not always correspond to their archetype and pattern, but are in many instances unlike it, the writer further brought out his meaning by adding “after the likeness” to the words “after the image,” thus showing that an accurate cast, bearing a clear impression, was intended."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] One may not unfitly raise the question what reason there could be for his ascribing the creation in the case of man only not to one Creator as in the case of the rest but, as the words would suggest, to several. For he represents the Father of the universe as speaking thus, “Let us make man after our image and likeness.” ‘Can it be,’ I would ask, ‘that He to whom all things are subject, is in need of anyone whatever? Or can it be that when He made the heaven and the earth and the seas, he required no one to be his fellow-worker, yet was unable apart from the co-operation of others by His own unaided power to fashion a creature so puny and perishable as man?’ The full truth about the cause of this it must needs be that God alone knows, but the cause which by probable conjecture seems plausible and reasonable we must not conceal.",
+                "[73] It is this. Among existences some partake neither of virtue nor of vice, like plants and animals devoid of reason; the one sort because they are without animal life and furnished with a nature incapable of consciously receiving impressions; the other sort because from them mind and reason have been eliminated: for mind and reason are as it were the dwelling-place of vice and virtue, which are by nature constituted to make their abode in them. Others again have partnership with virtue only, and have no part or lot in vice. Such are the heavenly bodies; for these are said to be not only living creatures but living creatures endowed with mind, or rather each of them a mind in itself, excellent through and through and unsusceptible of any evil. Others are of mixed nature, as man, who is liable to contraries, wisdom and folly, self-mastery and licentiousness, courage and cowardice, justice and injustice, and (in a word) to things good and evil, fair and foul, to virtue and vice.",
+                "[74] Now it was most proper to God the universal Father to make those excellent things by Himself alone, because of their kinship to Him. To make those which are neither good nor bad was not alien to Him, since those too are free from vice which is hateful to Him. To make those of mixed nature was in one respect proper to Him, in another not so; proper, so far as the better principle which forms an ingredient in them is concerned, alien, in virtue of the contrary and worse principle.",
+                "[75] So we see why it is only in the instance of man’s creation that we are told by Moses that God said “Let us make,” an expression which plainly shows the taking with Him of others as fellow-workers. It is to the end that, when man orders his course aright, when his thoughts and deeds are blameless, God the universal Ruler may be owned as their Source; while others from the number of His subordinates are held responsible for thoughts and deeds of a contrary sort: for it could not be that the Father should be the cause of an evil thing to His offspring: and vice and vicious activities are an evil thing.",
+                "[76] And when Moses had called the genus “man,” quite admirably did he distinguish its species, adding that it had been created “male and female,” and this though its individual members had not yet taken shape. For the primary species are in the genus to begin with, and reveal themselves as in a mirror to those who have the faculty of keen vision."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is obvious to inquire why man comes last in the world’s creation; for, as the sacred writings show, he was the last whom the Father and Maker fashioned. Those, then, who have studied more deeply than others the laws of Moses and who examine their contents with all possible minuteness, maintain that God, when He made man partaker of kinship with Himself in mind and reason best of all gifts, did not begrudge him the other gifts either, but made ready for him beforehand all things in the world, as for a living being dearest and closest to Himself, since it was His will that when man came into existence he should be at a loss for none of the means of living and of living well. The means of living are provided by the lavish supplies of all that makes for enjoyment; the means of living well by the contemplation of the heavenly existences, for smitten by their contemplation the mind conceives a love and longing for the knowledge of them. And from this philosophy took its rise, by which man, mortal though he be, is rendered immortal.",
+                "[78] Just as givers of a banquet, then, do not send out the summonses to supper till they have put everything in readiness for the feast; and those who provide gymnastic and scenic contests, before they gather the spectators into the theatre or the stadium, have in readiness a number of combatants and performers to charm both eye and ear; exactly in the same way the Ruler of all things, like some provider of contests or of a banquet, when about to invite man to the enjoyment of a feast and a great spectacle, made ready beforehand the material for both. He desired that on coming into the world man might at once find both a banquet and a most sacred display, the one full of all things that earth and rivers and sea and air bring forth for use and for enjoyment, the other of all sorts of spectacles, most impressive in their substance, most impressive in their qualities, and circling with most wondrous movements, in an order fitly determined always in accordance with proportion of numbers and harmony of revolutions. In all these one might rightly say that there was the real music, the original and model of all other, from which the men of subsequent ages, when they had painted the images in their own souls, handed down an art most vital and beneficial to human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Such is the first reason for which apparently man was created after all things: but we must mention a second that is not improbable. Directly he came into existence man found there all provisions for life. This was for the instruction of future generations. Nature seemed almost to cry aloud in so many words that like the first father of the race they were to spend their days without toil or trouble surrounded by lavish abundance of all that they needed. And this will be so if irrational pleasures do not get control of the soul, making their assaults upon it through greediness and lust, nor the desires for glory or wealth or power arrogate to themselves the control of the life, nor sorrows lower and depress the mind;",
+                "[80] and if fear, that evil counsellor, do not dispel high impulses to noble deeds, nor folly and cowardice and injustice and the countless host of other vices assail him. For in sooth as things now are, when all these evils which have been recounted have won the day, and men have flung themselves unrestrainedly into the indulgence of their passions and left uncontrolled their guilty cravings, cravings which it were sinful even to name, a fitting penalty is incurred, due punishment of impious courses. That penalty is difficulty in obtaining the necessaries of life. For men plough the prairie and irrigate it from spring and river; they sow and plant; and through the livelong year unweariedly take up by day and night the ever renewed toil of the tiller of the earth; and yet they are hard put to it to gather in their requisite supplies, and these at times of poor quality and barely sufficient, having suffered injury from many causes: either they were ravaged by recurring rainfalls, or beaten down in masses by the weight of hail that fell on them, or half frozen by snow, or torn up roots and all by violent winds; for water and air can in many ways change the fruitfulness of crops into barrenness.",
+                "[81] But if the unmeasured impulses of men’s passions were calmed and allayed by self-mastery, and their earnestness and eager striving after the infliction of wrongs were checked by righteousness; if, in a word, the vices and the fruitless practices to which they prompt were to give place to the virtues and their corresponding activities, the warfare in the soul, of all wars veritably the most dire and most grievous, would have been abolished, and peace would prevail and would in quiet and gentle ways provide good order for the exercise of our faculties, and there would be hope that God, being the Lover of virtue and the Lover of what is good and beautiful and also the Lover of man, would provide for our race good things all coming forth spontaneously and all in readiness. For it is clear that it is easier without calling in the husbandman’s art to supply in abundance the yield of growths already existing than to bring into being things that were non-existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] Let what has been said suffice for an account of the second reason. A third is this. God, being minded to unite in intimate and loving fellowship the beginning and end of created things, made heaven the beginning and man the end, the one the most perfect of imperishable objects of sense, the other the noblest of things earthborn and perishable, being, in very truth, a miniature heaven. He bears about within himself, like holy images, endowments of nature that correspond to the constellations. He has capacities for science and art, for knowledge, and for the noble lore of the several virtues. For since the corruptible and the incorruptible are by nature contrary the one to the other, God assigned the fairest of each sort to the beginning and the end, heaven (as I have said) to the beginning, and man to the end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Finally, this is suggested as a cogent reason. Man was bound to arise after all created things, in order that coming last and suddenly appearing to the other animals he might produce consternation in them; for they were sure, as soon as they saw him, to be amazed and do homage to him as to a born ruler or master: and so on beholding him they were all tamed through all their kinds, those who were most savage in their natures at the first sight of him becoming at once most manageable, displaying their untamed pugnacity one against another, but to man and man alone showing gentleness and docility.",
+                "[84] On this account too the Father, when he had brought him into existence as a living being naturally adapted for sovereignty, not only in fact but by express mandate appointed him king of all creatures under the moon, those that move on land and swim in the sea and fly in the air. For all things mortal in the three elements of land and water and air did He make subject to men, but exempted the heavenly beings as having obtained a portion more divine. The clearest proof of man’s rule is afforded by what goes on before our eyes. Sometimes vast numbers of cattle are led by one quite ordinary man neither wearing armour nor carrying an iron weapon nor anything with which to defend himself, with nothing but a sheepskin to cover him and a staff wherewith to show them which way to go and to lean on should he grow weary on his journeys.",
+                "[85] See, there is a shepherd, a goatherd, a cowherd leading flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of kine. They are men not even strong and lusty in body, unlikely, so far as healthy vigour goes, to create consternation in those who see them. And all the prowess and strength of all those well-armed animals, who possess the equipment which nature provides and use it in self-defence, cower before him like slaves before a master, and do his bidding. Bulls are harnessed to plough the land, and cutting deep furrows all day long, sometimes all night as well, accomplish a long bout with some farm-hand to direct them: rams laden with thick fleeces of wool, when spring-time comes, stand peacefully or even lie down quietly at the shepherd’s bidding, and offer their wool to the shears, growing accustomed, just as cities do, to render their yearly tribute to him whom nature has given them for king.",
+                "[86] Nay, even the horse, most spirited of all animals, is easily controlled by the bit to prevent his growing restive and running away. He hollows his back, making it a convenient seat, takes his rider on it and bearing him aloft gallops at a great pace intent on bringing himself and his rider to the destination which the latter is eager to reach. As for his rider, firmly seated on him, without trouble and in much composure, he gets through his journey using the body and feet of another."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] Anyone who wished to enlarge on the subject would have plenty more to say tending to prove that nothing whatever has been emancipated and withdrawn from the domination of men: this is sufficiently indicated by what has been said. There is a point, however, as to which ignorance must be avoided. The fact of having been the last to come into existence does not involve an inferiority corresponding to his place in the series. Drivers and pilots are evidence of this.",
+                "[88] The former, though they come after their team and have their appointed place behind them, keep hold of the reins and drive them just as they wish, now letting them fall into a sharp trot, now pulling them up should they go with more speed than is necessary. Pilots again, taking their way to the stern, the hindmost place in the ship, are, one may say, superior to all on board, for they hold in their hands the safety of the ship and those on board it. So the Creator made man after all things, as a sort of driver and pilot, to drive and steer the things on earth, and charged him with the care of animals and plants, like a governor subordinate to the chief and great King."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now when the whole world had been brought to completion in accordance with the properties of six, a perfect number, the Father invested with dignity the seventh day which comes next, extolling it and pronouncing it holy; for it is the festival, not of a single city or country, but of the universe, and it alone strictly deserves to be called “public” as belonging to all people and the birthday of the world.",
+                "[90] I doubt whether anyone could adequately celebrate the properties of the number 7, for they are beyond all words. Yet the fact that it is more wondrous than all that is said about it is no reason for maintaining silence regarding it. Nay, we must make a brave attempt to bring out at least all that is within the compass of our understandings, even if it be impossible to bring out all or even the most essential points. Now, 7 or 7th is a term used in two different senses. There is the 7 inside the number 10. This consists of 7 units, and is determined by the sevenfold repetition of the unit. There is the 7 outside the number 10.",
+                "[91] This is a number starting throughout from the number 1 and formed by doubling it and going on doubling (7 times) or trebling, or multiplying by any other number in regular progression; as, for example, the number 64 is the product of doubling from 1 onwards, and the number 729 that of trebling. Each of these forms claims more than casual notice. The second form, clearly has a very manifest superiority.",
+                "[92] For invariably the 7th term of any regular progression, starting from unity and with a ratio of 2, 3, or any other number, is both a cube and a square, embracing both forms, that of the incorporeal and that of the corporeal substance, the form of the incorporeal answering to the surface which is formed by squares, that of the corporeal answering to the solid which is formed by cubes.",
+                "[93] The plainest evidence of this are the numbers already mentioned: for instance, the 7th from 1 reached by going on doubling, i.e. 64, is a square, being 8 times 8, and a cube, being 4 times 4, again multiplied by 4: and again the 7th from 1 reached by progressive trebling, 729, is a square, being the product of 27 multiplied by itself, and the cube of 9, i.e. 9 times 9, again multiplied by 9.",
+                "[94] And invariably if one takes the 7th number for his starting-point instead of the unit, and multiplies in corresponding fashion up to a (fresh) 7th, he is sure to find the product both a cube and a square: for instance starting from 64 the number formed by continuous doubling will give us seventh 4096. This is at once a square and a cube—a square with 64 as its side and a cube with 16."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] We must pass on to the other kind of 7th, that which is contained within the decade. It exhibits a marvellous nature, not at all inferior to that of the former kind. For instance 7 consists of 1 and 2 and 4, which have two relations making specially for harmony, the twofold and the fourfold, the one producing the diapason harmony, while the fourfold relation produces double diapason. 7 admits of other divisions besides these, in pairs like animals under a yoke. It is divided first into 1 and 6, then into 2 and 5, and last of all into 3 and 4.",
+                "[96] Most musical is the proportion of these numbers also: for 6 to 1 is a sixfold proportion, but the sixfold proportion makes the greatest distance that there is (in music), the distance from the highest to the lowest note, as we shall prove, when we pass from numbers to the proportion in harmonies. 5:2 exhibits the fullest power in harmonies, all but rivalling the diapason, a fact which is most clearly established in theoretical music. 4:3 yields the first harmony, the sesquitertian or diatessaron."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] 7 (or “7th”) exhibits yet another beauty belonging to it, a most sacred object for our mind to ponder. Being made up as it is of 3 and 4 it is a presentation of all that is naturally steadfast and upright in the universe. How it is this, we must point out. The right-angled triangle, the starting-point of figures of a definite shape, is made up of certain numbers, namely 3 and 4 and 5:3 and 4, the constituent parts of 7, produce the right angle: for the obtuse and acute angle are manifestations of irregularity and disorder and inequality: for one such angle can be more obtuse or more acute than another: whereas one right angle does not admit of comparison with another, nor can it be more “right” than another, but remains as it is, never changing its proper nature. Now if the right-angled triangle is the starting-point of figures of a definite kind, and the essential factor in this triangle, namely the right angle, is supplied by the numbers which constitute 7, namely 3 and 4 together, 7 would reasonably be regarded as the fountain-head of every figure and every definite shape.",
+                "[98] In addition to what we have already said we are bound to mention this further point, namely that 3 is the number belonging to a superficies—for a point falls under the head of 1, a line under that of 2, and a superficies of 3—while 4 belongs to a solid, by means of the addition of 1, depth being added to superficies. From this it is manifest that 7 is so constituted as to be the starting-point of all plane and solid geometry, or (to put it concisely) alike of things corporeal and incorporeal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So august is the dignity inherent by nature in the number 7, that it has a unique relation distinguishing it from all the other numbers within the decade: for of these some beget without being begotten, some are begotten but do not beget, some do both these, both beget and are begotten: 7 alone is found in no such category. We must establish this assertion by giving proof of it. Well then, 1 begets all the subsequent numbers while it is begotten by none whatever: 8 is begotten by twice 4, but begets no number within the decade: 4 again holds the place of both, both of parents and of offspring; for it begets 8 by being doubled, and is begotten by twice 2.",
+                "[100] It is the nature of 7 alone, as I have said, neither to beget nor to be begotten. For this reason other philosophers liken this number to the motherless and virgin Nikè, who is said to have appeared out of the head of Zeus, while the Pythagoreans liken it to the chief of all things: for that which neither begets nor is begotten remains motionless; for creation takes place in movement, since there is movement both in that which begets and in that which is begotten, in the one that it may beget, in the other that it may be begotten. There is only one thing that neither causes motion nor experiences it, the original Ruler and Sovereign. Of Him 7 may be fitly said to be a symbol. Evidence of what I say is supplied by Philolaus in these words: “There is, he says, a supreme Ruler of all things, God, ever One, abiding, without motion, Himself (alone) like unto Himself, different from all others.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] In the region, then, of things discerned by the intellect only, 7 exhibits that which is exempt from movement and from passion; but in that of sensible things a most essential force [in the movements of the planets] from which all earthly things derive advantage, and in the circuits of the moon. How this is we must consider. Begin at 1 and add each number up to 7 and it produces 28. This is a perfect number and equal to the sum of its own factors. And the number produced is the number which brings the moon back to her original form, as she retraces her course by lessening till she reaches the shape from which she began to make perceptible increase; for she increases from her first shining as a crescent till she becomes a half-moon in seven days, then in as many more she becomes full-moon, and again returns the same way like a runner in the double race-course, from the full to the half-moon in seven days as before, then from the half to the crescent in an equal number of days: these four sets of days complete the aforesaid number.",
+                "[102] Now by those who are in the habit of giving words their proper force seven is called also “perfection-bringing,” because by this all things in the material universe are brought to perfection. Proof of this may be derived from the circumstance that every organic body has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and four limits, point, line, surface, and solid; by adding which together we get seven. It would have been impossible that bodies should be measured by seven in accordance with their formation out of the three dimensions and the four limits, had it not been that the forms of the first numbers (1, 2, 3, and 4), the foundation of 10, already contained the nature of 7, for the numbers named have three intervals, that from 1 to 2, that from 2 to 3, and that from 3 to 4; and the four limits between which these intervals lie, 1, 2, 3, and 4."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Beside the proofs already mentioned, the perfecting power of the number 7 is also shown by the stages of men’s growth, measured from infancy to old age in the following manner: during the first period of seven years the growth of the teeth begins; during the second the capacity for emitting seed; in the third the growing of the beard; and in the fourth increase of strength; in the fifth again ripeness for marriage; in the sixth the understanding reaches its bloom; in the seventh progressive improvement and development of mind and reason; in the eighth the perfecting of both these; during the ninth forbearance and gentleness emerge, owing to the more complete taming of the passions; during the tenth comes the desirable end of life, while the bodily organs are still compact and firm; for prolonged old age is wont to abate and break down the force of each of them.",
+                "[104] These ages of men’s life were described by Solon the lawgiver of the Athenians among others in the following lines:",
+                "In seven years the Boy, an infant yet unfledged, <br>Both grows and sheds the teeth with which his tongue is hedged. <br>When heaven has made complete a second week of years, <br>Of coming prime of youth full many a sign appears. <br>In life’s third term, while still his limbs grow big apace, <br>His chin shows down; its early bloom now quits his face. <br>In the fourth heptad each one full of strength doth seem— <br>Strength, which of manly worth best earnest all men deem. <br>Let him in his fifth week of years a bride bespeak, <br>Offspring to bear his name hereafter let him seek. <br>The sixth beholds the man good sense all round attain; <br>Not now can reckless deeds as once his fancy gain. <br>Now see him seventh and eighth, fresh heptads, duly reach <br>In insight strongest now, strongest in power of speech. <br>In his ninth week of years, strong still but softer far <br>For high achievement’s venture speech and wisdom are. <br>Then should the man, ten bouts complete, attain life’s end <br>Fate, no untimely gift, death’s call may fitly send."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] Solon, then, reckons the life of man by the aforesaid ten weeks of years. And Hippocrates the physician, says that there are seven ages, those of the little boy, the boy, the lad, the young man, the man, the elderly man, the old man, and that these ages are measured by multiples of seven though not in regular succession. His words are: “In man’s life there are seven seasons, which they call ages, little boy, boy, lad, young man, man, elderly man, old man. He is a little boy until he reaches seven years, the time of the shedding of his teeth; a boy until he reaches puberty, i.e. up to twice seven years; a lad until his chin grows downy, i.e. up to thrice seven years; a young man until his whole body has grown, till four times seven; a man till forty-nine, till seven times seven; an elderly man till fifty-six, up to seven times eight; after that an old man.”",
+                "[106] The following is also mentioned to commend the number 7 as occupying a wonderful place in nature, since it consists of 3+4: if we multiply by 2, we shall find that the third number, counted from 1, is a square, and the fourth a cube, while the seventh (and 7 is made up of 3 and 4), is at once a square and a cube: for the third number in this multiplication by 2, namely 4, is a square, the fourth, 8, is a cube; the seventh, 64, is at once a cube and a square. Thus the seventh number does indeed bring with it perfection, claiming both correspondences, that with the superficies by means of the square, in virtue of its kinship with 3, and that with the solid body by means of the cube, in virtue of its relationship with 4; and 3 and 4 make 7."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] It is however not only a bringer of perfection, but, one may say, absolutely harmonious, and in a certain sense the source of the most beautiful scale, which contains all the harmonies, that yielded by the interval of four, by the interval of five, by the octave; and all the progressions, the arithmetic, the geometric, and the harmonic as well. The scheme is formed out of the following numbers: 6, 8, 9, 12. 8 stands to 6 in the proportion 4:3, which regulates the harmony of 4; 9 stands to 6 in the proportion 3:2, which regulates the harmony of 5; 12 stands to 6 in the proportion 2:1, which regulates the octave.",
+                "[108] And, as I said, it contains also all the progressions, the arithmetic made up of 6 and 9 and 12—for as the middle number exceeds the first by 3, so it in its turn is exceeded to the same amount by the last; the geometric, made up of the four numbers (6, 8, 9, 12); for 12 bears the same proportion to 9 that 8 does to 6, and the proportion is 4:3; the harmonic, made up of three numbers (6, 8, and 12).",
+                "[109] There are two modes of testing harmonic progression. One is this. (Harmonic progression is present) whenever the relation in which the last term stands to the first is identical with that in which the excess of the last over the middle term stands to the excess of the middle term over the first. A very clear proof may be obtained from the numbers before us, 6 and 8 and 12: for the last is double the first, and the difference or excess is also double; for 12 exceeds 8 by 4, and 8 exceeds 6 by 2, and 4 is twice 2.",
+                "[110] Another way of detecting the presence of harmonic proportion is this. (It is present) whenever the middle term exceeds the one extreme and is itself exceeded by the other by the same fraction; for 8 being the middle term exceeds the first by one-third of the latter, for when we subtract 6 (from 8) the remainder, 2, is one-third of the first number, and 8 is exceeded by the last number by the same fraction, for if 8 be subtracted from 12, the remainder 4 is one-third of the last number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Let what has been said suffice as a bare outline of the dignity pertaining to the figure or scheme or whatever we ought to call it: all these qualities and more still does 7 discover in the incorporeal and intellectual sphere. But its nature reaches further, extending to all visible existence, to heaven and earth, to the utmost bounds of the universe. For what part of the world’s contents is not a lover of seven, overcome by passion and desire for it? Let us give some instances.",
+                "[112] They tell us that heaven is girdled by seven zones, whose names are these: arctic, antarctic, that of the summer solstice, that of the winter solstice, equinox, zodiac, and beside these the milky way. The horizon is not one of these, for it is a thing of subjective observation, our eyesight, as it is keen or the reverse, cutting off, now a smaller, now a larger, circumference.",
+                "[113] Moreover, the planets, the heavenly host that moves counter to the fixed stars, are marshalled in seven ranks, and manifest large sympathy with air and earth. The one (the air) they turn and shift for the so-called annual seasons, producing in each of these seasons a thousand changes by times of calm, or fair weather, of cloudy skies, of unusually violent storms: they flood rivers and shrink them; they turn plains into marshes, and dry them up again: they produce tides in the sea, as it ebbs and flows: for at times broad gulfs, through the sea’s being withdrawn by ebbing, suddenly become a far-reaching stretch of sand, and a little later, as it is poured back, they become deep seas navigable not merely by small barges but by ships of many tons burden. Yes, and the planets cause all things on earth, living creatures and fruit-yielding plants, to grow and come to perfection, enabling, as they do, the natural power in each of them to run its full round, new fruits blossoming and ripening on old trees, to supply abundantly those who need them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] The Great Bear, moreover, which is called the mariners’ escort, consists of seven stars. Fixing their eyes on this, pilots cut those countless paths in the sea, undertaking an enterprise surpassing belief and human powers. For by keeping their eyes on the stars we have named they discovered countries hitherto unknown, dwellers on the continents discovering islands, and islanders continents. For it was meet that by heaven, purest of all things existing, should be revealed to the living creature best loved by God, even the human race, the secret recesses both of land and sea.",
+                "[115] Beside the cases already mentioned, the full tale of the band of Pleiades is made up of seven stars, whose appearances and disappearances are fraught with vast benefits to all men: for when they are setting, furrows are opened for sowing, and when they are about to rise, they announce reaping-time; and when they have risen, they make glad the workers on the land and rouse them to gather in the crops that meet their needs; and they blithely store up their food for daily use.",
+                "[116] The sun, too, the great lord of day, bringing about two equinoxes each year, in Spring and Autumn, the Spring equinox in the constellation of the Ram, and the Autumn equinox in that of the Scales, supplies very clear evidence of the sacred dignity of the 7th number, for each of the equinoxes occurs in a 7th month, and during them there is enjoined by law the keeping of the greatest national festivals, since at both of them all fruits of the earth ripen, in the Spring the wheat and all else that is sown, and in Autumn the fruit of the vine and most of the other fruit-trees."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] As, however, in accordance with a certain natural sympathy the things of the earth depend on the things of heaven, the principle of the number 7, after having begun from above, descended also to us and visited the races of mortals. For instance, if we leave the understanding out of sight, the remainder of our soul is divided into seven parts, namely five senses, the faculty of speech, last that of generation. All these, as in marionette shows, are drawn with strings by the understanding, now resting, now moving, each in the attitudes and with the movements appropriate to it.",
+                "[118] In like manner, should a man go on to examine the outer and inner parts of the body, he will find seven under each head. The visible parts are head, breast, belly, two hands, two feet. The inward parts, called entrails, are stomach, heart, lung, spleen, liver, two kidneys.",
+                "[119] Once more, the head, the most princely part in an animal, employs seven most essential parts, two eyes, as many ears, two nostrils, seventhly a mouth. Through this, as Plato says, mortal things have their entrance, immortal their exit; for foods and drinks enter it, perishable nourishment of a perishable body, but words issue from it, undying laws of an undying soul, by means of which the life of reason is guided."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] The objects which are distinguished by sight, the noblest of the senses, participate in the number of which we are speaking, if classified by their kinds: for the kinds which are seen are seven—body, extension, shape, size, colour, movement, quiescence, and beside these there is no other.",
+                "[121] The varieties of the voice too are seven in all, the acute, the grave, the circumflex, and fourthly the rough (or “aspirated”), and fifthly the thin (or “unaspirated”) utterance, and sixthly the long, and seventhly the short sound.",
+                "[122] Likewise there are seven movements, upward, downward, to the right, to the left, forward, backward, in a circle. These come out most distinctly in an exhibition of dancing.",
+                "[123] The discharges from the body also (it has been pointed out) are limited to the number named: for through the eyes tears pour out, through the nostrils purgings from the head, through the mouth expectorations of phlegm: there are also two receptacles for excretion of superfluities, one in front, one behind; and in the sixth place there is perspiration exuding through the whole body, and in the seventh place the natural normal emission of seed through the genital organs.",
+                "[124] Further Hippocrates, that expert in the processes of nature, says that in seven days both the solidifying of the seed and the formation of the embryo take place. Once again, for women the duration of the monthly cleansing is at the most seven days. Moreover the fruit of the womb is brought by nature to full ripeness in seven months, with a most strange result, namely that seven months’ children come to the birth, whereas eight months’ children as a rule fail to do so alive.",
+                "[125] Severe bodily sicknesses too, especially persistent attacks of fever due to internal disorder, generally reach the crisis on the seventh day; for this day decides the struggle for life, bringing to some recovery, to others death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] The number 7 exerts its influence not only in the spheres that have been mentioned, but also in those noblest of sciences, grammar and music. For the seven-stringed lyre, corresponding to the choir of the Planets, produces the notable melodies, and it is not going too far to say that the lyre is the rule to which the making of all musical instruments conforms. And among the letters in grammar there are seven properly called vowels or “vocals,” since as is obvious they can be sounded by themselves, and when joined with the others can produce articulate sounds; for on the one hand they fill up what is lacking to the “semi-vowels,” rendering the sounds full and complete, and on the other hand they change the nature of the “voiceless” (the consonants) by breathing into them something of their own power, that it may now be possible to pronounce letters before incapable of pronunciation.",
+                "[127] On these grounds I hold that those who originally fitted names to things, being wise men, called this number “seven” because of the “reverence” (σεβασμός) which it deserves, and the heavenly “dignity” (σεμνότης) pertaining to it. The Romans, who add the letter σ left out by the Greeks, make this appear still more clearly, since they, with greater accuracy, call the number septem, owing to its derivation, as I have said, from σεμνός (reverend) and σεβασμός (“reverence”)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] These and yet more than these are the statements and reflections of men on the number 7, showing the reasons for the very high honour which that number has attained in Nature, the honour in which it is held by the most approved investigators of the science of Mathematics and Astronomy among Greeks and other peoples, and the special honour accorded to it by that lover of virtue, Moses. He inscribed its beauty on the most holy tables of the Law, and impressed it on the minds of all who were set under him, by bidding them at intervals of six days to keep a seventh day holy, abstaining from other work that has to do with seeking and gaining a livelihood, and giving their time to the one sole object of philosophy with a view to the improvement of character and submission to the scrutiny of conscience. Conscience, established in the soul like a judge, is never abashed in administering reproofs, sometimes employing sharper threats, sometimes gentler admonitions; threats, where the wrongdoing appeared to be deliberate; admonitions, to guard against a like lapse in the future, when the misconduct seemed unintentional and the result of want of caution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[129] In his concluding summary of the story of creation he says: “This is the book of the genesis of heaven and earth, when they came into being, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth and every herb of the field before it appeared upon the earth, and all grass of the field before it sprang up” (Gen. 2:4, 5). Is he not manifestly describing the incorporeal ideas present only to the mind, by which, as by seals, the finished objects that meet our senses were moulded? For before the earth put forth its young green shoots, young verdure was present, he tells us, in the nature of things without material shape, and before grass sprang up in the field, there was in existence an invisible grass.",
+                "[130] We must suppose that in the case of all other objects also, on which the senses pronounce judgement, the original forms and measures, to which all things that come into being owe shape and size, subsisted before them; for even if he has not dealt with everything in detail but in the mass, aiming as he does at brevity in a high degree, nevertheless what he does say gives us a few indications of universal Nature, which brings forth no finished product in the world of sense without using an incorporeal pattern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Keeping to the sequence of the creation and carefully observing the connexion between what follows and what has gone before, he next says: “and a spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). Other philosophers say that all water is one of the four elements out of which the world was made. But Moses, wont as he is with keener vision to observe and apprehend amazingly well even distant objects, does indeed regard the great sea as an element, a fourth part of the whole, which his successors, reckoning the seas we sail to be in size mere harbours compared to it, call Ocean; but he distinguished sweet drinkable water from the salt water, assigning the former to the land and looking on it as part of this, not of the sea. It is such a part, for the purpose already mentioned, that by the sweet quality of the water as by a uniting glue the earth may be bound and held together: for had it been left dry, with no moisture making its way in and spreading by many channels through the pores, it would have actually fallen to pieces. It is held together and lasts, partly by virtue of the life-breath that makes it one, partly because it is saved from drying up and breaking off in small or big bits by the moisture.",
+                "[132] This is one reason, and I must mention another which is a guess at the truth. It is of the nature of nothing earth-born to take form apart from wet substance. This is shown by the depositing of seeds, which either are moist, as those of animals, or do not grow without moisture: such are those of plants. From this it is clear that the wet substance we have mentioned must be a part of the earth which gives birth to all things, just as with women the running of the monthly cleansings; for these too are, so physical scientists tell us, the bodily substance of the fetus.",
+                "[133] And what I am about to say is in perfect agreement with what has been said already. Nature has bestowed on every mother as a most essential endowment teeming breasts, thus preparing in advance food for the child that is to be born. The earth also, as we all know, is a mother, for which reason the earliest men thought fit to call her ‘Demeter,’ combining the name of ‘mother’ with that of ‘earth’; for, as Plato says, earth does not imitate woman, but woman earth. Poets quite rightly are in the habit of calling earth ‘All-mother,’ and ‘Fruit-bearer’ and ‘Pandora’ or ‘Give-all,’ inasmuch as she is the originating cause of existence and continuance in existence to all animals and plants alike. Fitly therefore on earth also, most ancient and most fertile of mothers, did Nature bestow, by way of breasts, streams of rivers and springs, to the end that both the plants might be watered and all animals might have abundance to drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] After this he says that “God formed man by taking clay from the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life” (Gen. 2:7). By this also he shows very clearly that there is a vast difference between the man thus formed and the man that came into existence earlier after the image of God: for the man so formed is an object of sense-perception, partaking already of such or such quality, consisting of body and soul, man or woman, by nature mortal; while he that was after the (Divine) image was an idea or type or seal, an object of thought (only), incorporeal, neither male nor female, by nature incorruptible.",
+                "[135] It says, however, that the formation of the individual man, the object of sense, is a composite one made up of earthly substance and of Divine breath: for it says that the body was made through the Artificer taking clay and moulding out of it a human form, but that the soul was originated from nothing created whatever, but from the Father and Ruler of all: for that which He breathed in was nothing else than a Divine breath that migrated hither from that blissful and happy existence for the benefit of our race, to the end that, even if it is mortal in respect of its visible part, it may in respect of the part that is invisible be rendered immortal. Hence it may with propriety be said that man is the borderland between mortal and immortal nature, partaking of each so far as is needful, and that he was created at once mortal and immortal, mortal in respect of the body, but in respect of the mind immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] That first man, earth-born, ancestor of our whole race, was made, as it appears to me, most excellent in each part of his being, in both soul and body, and greatly excelling those who came after him in the transcendent qualities of both alike: for this man really was the one truly “beautiful and good.” The fair form of his body may be gathered from three proofs. The first is this. When, at the severing of the great mass of water, which received the name of “sea,” the newly formed earth appeared, the material of the things to come into existence was, as a result, pure and free from mixture or alloy, and also supple and easy to work, and the things wrought out of it naturally flawless.",
+                "[137] Secondly, God is not likely to have taken the clay from any part of the earth that might offer, or to have chosen as rapidly as possible to mould this figure in the shape of a man, but selecting the best from it all, out of pure material taking the purest and most subtly refined, such as was best suited for his structure; for a sacred dwelling-place or shrine was being fashioned for the reasonable soul, which man was to carry as a holy image, of all images the most Godlike.",
+                "[138] The third proof, incomparably stronger than the two that have been given, is this, that the Creator excelled, as well as in all else, in skill to bring it about that each of the bodily parts should have in itself individually its due proportions, and should also be fitted with the most perfect accuracy for the part it was to take in the whole. And together with this symmetry (of the parts) He bestowed on the body goodly flesh, and adorned it with a rich complexion, desiring the first man to be as fair as could be to behold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] That in soul also he was most excellent is manifest; for the Creator, we know, employed for its making no pattern taken from among created things, but solely, as I have said, His own Word (or Reason). It is on this account that he says that man was made a likeness and imitation of the Word, when the Divine Breath was breathed into his face. The face is the seat of the senses. By the senses the Creator endowed the body with soul. To the senses, when He had installed the sovereign Reason in the princely part of man’s being, He delivered it to be by them escorted to the apprehension of colours and sounds, as well as of flavours and scents and the like. The Reason, apart from perception by the senses, was unable by itself alone to apprehend these. Now the copy of a perfectly beautiful pattern must needs be of perfect beauty. But the Word of God surpasses beauty itself, beauty, that is, as it exists in Nature. He is not only adorned with beauty, but is Himself in very truth beauty’s fairest adornment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Such was the first man created, as I think, in body and soul, surpassing all the men that now are, and all that have been before us. For our beginning is from men, whereas God created him, and the more eminent the maker is, so much the better is the work. For as that which is in bloom is always better than that whose bloom is past, be it animal or plant or fruit or aught else in nature, so the man first fashioned was clearly the bloom of our entire race, and never have his descendants attained the like bloom, forms and faculties ever feebler having been bestowed on each succeeding generation.",
+                "[141] I have observed the same thing happening in the case of sculpture and painting: the copies are inferior to the originals, and what is painted or moulded from the copies still more so, owing to their long distance from the original. Much the same appears in the case of the magnet: for the iron ring which touches it is held most forcibly, but that which touches this one less so. A third hangs on to the second, and a fourth on to the third, and a fifth on to the fourth, and so on in a long series, all held together by one attracting force, only not all alike, for those removed from the starting-point get looser all the time, owing to the attraction being relaxed and losing its power to grip as it did before. Mankind has evidently undergone something of the same kind. As generation follows generation the powers and qualities of body and soul which men receive are feebler.",
+                "[142] If we call that original forefather of our race not only the first man but also the only citizen of the world we shall be speaking with perfect truth. For the world was his city and dwelling-place. No building made by hand had been wrought out of the material of stones and timbers. The world was his mother country where he dwelt far removed from fear, inasmuch as he had been held worthy of the rule of the denizens of the earth, and all things mortal trembled before him, and had been taught or compelled to obey him as their master. So he lived exposed to no attack amid the comforts of peace unbroken by war."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Now since every well-ordered State has a constitution, the citizen of the world enjoyed of necessity the same constitution as did the whole world: and this constitution is nature’s right relation, more properly called an “ordinance,” or “dispensation,” seeing it is a divine law, in accordance with which there was duly apportioned to all existences that which rightly falls to them severally. This State and polity must have had citizens before man. These might justly be termed people of the Great City, having had allotted to them as their dwelling-place the greatest compass, and having been enrolled in the greatest and most perfect commonwealth.",
+                "[144] And who should these be but spiritual and divine natures, some incorporeal and visible to mind only, some not without bodies, such as are the stars? Conversing and consorting with these man could not but live in unalloyed bliss, and being of near kin to the Ruler, since the divine Spirit had flowed into him in full current, he earnestly endeavoured in all his words and actions to please the Father and King, following Him step by step in the highways cut out by virtues, since only for souls who regard it as their goal to be fully conformed to God who begat them is it lawful to draw nigh to Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Of the beauty of the first-made man in each part of his being, in soul and body, we have now said what falls perhaps far short of the reality but yet what for our powers was possible. It could not but be that his descendants, partaking as they did in the original form in which he was formed, should preserve marks, though faint ones, of their kinship with their first father. Now what is this kinship?",
+                "[146] Every man, in respect of his mind, is allied to the divine Reason, having come into being as a copy or fragment or ray of that blessed nature, but in the structure of his body he is allied to all the world, for he is compounded of the same things, earth, water, air, and fire, each of the elements having contributed the share that falls to each, to complete a material absolutely sufficient in itself for the Creator to take in order to fashion this visible image.",
+                "[147] Moreover, man is at home in all the elements named, as in places fully congenial and akin to him, ever changing his sphere and haunting now one, now another of them. Thus we can say with strict propriety that man is all four, as being of land and water and air and sky. For in so far as he dwells and moves upon the ground, he is a land-animal; so far as he often dives and swims and often sails, he is a water-creature—merchants and shipmasters and fishers for purple-fish and oyster-dredgers and fishermen generally are the clearest evidence of what I have said—; so far as his body ascends and is raised aloft from the earth, he would justly be said to be an air-walker. He may besides be said to be heavenly, for by means of sight, the most dominant of his senses, he draws near to sun and moon and each of the other planets and fixed stars."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Quite excellently does Moses ascribe the bestowal of names also to the first man (Gen. 2:19): for this is the business of wisdom and royalty, and the first man was wise with a wisdom learned from and taught by Wisdom’s own lips, for he was made by divine hands; he was, moreover, a king, and it befits a ruler to bestow titles on his several subordinates. And we may guess that the sovereignty with which that first man was invested was a most lofty one, seeing that God had fashioned him with the utmost care and deemed him worthy of the second place, making him His own viceroy and lord of all others. For men born many generations later, when, owing to the lapse of ages, the race had lost its vigour, are none the less still masters of the creatures that are without reason, keeping safe a torch (as it were) of sovereignty and dominion passed down from the first man.",
+                "[149] So Moses says that God brought all the animals to Adam, wishing to see what appellations he would assign to them severally. Not that he was in any doubt—for to God nothing is unknown—but because He knew that He had formed in mortal man the natural ability to reason of his own motion, that so He Himself might have no share in faulty action. No, He was putting man to the test, as a teacher does a pupil, kindling his innate capacity, and calling on him to put forth some faculty of his own, that by his own ability man might confer titles in no wise incongruous or unsuitable, but bringing out clearly the traits of the creatures who bore them.",
+                "[150] For the native reasoning power in the soul being still unalloyed, and no infirmity or disease or evil affection having intruded itself, he received the impressions made by bodies and objects in their sheer reality, and the titles he gave were fully apposite, for right well did he divine the character of the creatures he was describing, with the result that their natures were apprehended as soon as their names were uttered. So greatly did he excel in all noble traits, thus attaining the very limit of human happiness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] But since no created thing is constant, and things mortal are necessarily liable to changes and reverses, it could not but be that the first man too should experience some ill fortune. And woman becomes for him the beginning of blameworthy life. For so long as he was by himself, as accorded with such solitude, he went on growing like to the world and like God, and receiving in his soul the impressions made by the nature of each, not all of these, but as many as one of mortal composition can find room for. But when woman too had been made, beholding a figure like his own and a kindred form, he was gladdened by the sight, and approached and greeted her.",
+                "[152] She, seeing no living thing more like herself than he, is filled with glee and shamefastly returns his greeting. Love supervenes, brings together and fits into one the divided halves, as it were, of a single living creature, and sets up in each of them a desire for fellowship with the other with a view to the production of their like. And this desire begat likewise bodily pleasure, that pleasure which is the beginning of wrongs and violation of law, the pleasure for the sake of which men bring on themselves the life of mortality and wretchedness in lieu of that of immortality and bliss."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[153] While the man was still leading a life of solitude, the woman not having been yet formed, a park or pleasaunce, we are told, was planted by God, quite unlike the pleasaunces with which we are familiar (Gen. 2:8 f.): for in them the wood is soulless; they are full of trees of all sorts, some ever-blooming to give uninterrupted joy to the eye, some bursting forth with young life every spring: some again bearing cultivated fruit for man, not only for use by way of necessary nourishment, but also for his superfluities, for the enjoyment of a life of luxury; while others yield a different kind of fruit, supplied to the wild beasts to satisfy their actual needs. But in the divine park or pleasaunce all plants are endowed with soul or reason, bearing the virtues for fruit, and beside these insight and discernment that never fail, by which things fair and ugly are recognized, and life free from disease, and incorruption, and all that is of a like nature.",
+                "[154] This description is, I think, intended symbolically rather than literally; for never yet have trees of life or of understanding appeared on earth, nor is it likely that they will appear hereafter. No, Moses evidently signifies by the pleasaunce the ruling power of the soul which is full of countless opinions, as it might be of plants; and by the tree of life he signifies reverence toward God, the greatest of the virtues, by means of which the soul attains to immortality; while by the tree that is cognisant of good and evil things he signifies moral prudence, the virtue that occupies the middle position, and enables us to distinguish things by nature contrary the one to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[155] Having set up these standards in the soul, He watched, as a judge might, to see to which it would tend. And when He saw it inclining to wickedness, and making light of holiness and godly fear, out of which comes the winning of immortal life, He cast it forth, as we might expect, and drove it from the pleasaunce, giving the soul which committed offences that defy the healer’s skill, no hope of a subsequent return, inasmuch as the reason given for their deception was in a high degree blameworthy. This we must not leave unexplained.",
+                "[156] It is said that in olden time the venomous earthborn crawling thing could send forth a man’s voice, and that one day it approached the wife of the first man and upbraided her for her irresoluteness and excessive scrupulosity in delaying and hesitating to pluck a fruit most beauteous to behold and most luscious to taste, and most useful into the bargain, since by its means she would have power to recognize things good and evil. It is said that she, without looking into the suggestion, prompted by a mind devoid of steadfastness and firm foundation, gave her consent and ate of the fruit, and gave some of it to her husband; this instantly brought them out of a state of simplicity and innocence into one of wickedness: whereat the Father in anger appointed for them the punishments that were fitting. For their conduct well merited wrath, inasmuch as they had passed by the tree of life immortal, the consummation of virtue, from which they could have gathered an existence long and happy. Yet they chose that fleeting and mortal existence which is not an existence but a period of time full of misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Now these are no mythical fictions, such as poets and sophists delight in, but modes of making ideas visible, bidding us resort to allegorical interpretation guided in our renderings by what lies beneath the surface. Following a probable conjecture one would say that the serpent spoken of is a fit symbol of pleasure, because in the first place he is an animal without feet sunk prone upon his belly; secondly because he takes clods of earth as food; thirdly because he carries in his teeth the venom with which it is his nature to destroy those whom he has bitten.",
+                "[158] The lover of pleasure is exempt from none of these traits, for he is so weighted and dragged downwards that it is with difficulty that he lifts up his head, thrown down and tripped up by intemperance: he feeds not on heavenly nourishment, which wisdom by discourses and doctrines proffers to lovers of contemplation, but on that which comes up out of the earth with the revolving seasons, and which produces drunkenness, daintiness, and greediness. These, causing the cravings of the belly to burst out and fanning them into flame, make the man a glutton, while they also stimulate and stir up the stings of his sexual lusts. For he licks his lips over the labour of caterers and confectioners, and twisting his head about all round strains to catch some of the steam and savour of the delicacies. Whenever he beholds a richly spread table, he flings down his whole person and tumbles upon the dishes set out, eager to devour all at once. His aim is not to sate his hunger, but to leave nothing that has been set before him undevoured. Hence we see that no less than the serpent he carries his poison in his teeth.",
+                "[159] These are the agents and ministers of excess, cutting and chewing all eatables, handing them over first to the tongue, the judge of savours, for its decision, then to the gullet. Immoderate eating is by its nature deadly and poisonous, for what is eaten has no chance of being assimilated, owing to the rush of the fresh viands which takes place before those already swallowed have been digested.",
+                "[160] Again the serpent is said to emit a human voice. This is because pleasure employs ten thousand champions and defenders, who have undertaken to look after her and stand up for her, and who dare to spread the doctrine that she has assumed universal sovereignty over small and great, and that no one whatever is exempt therefrom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] And certainly the first approaches of the male to the female have pleasure to guide and conduct them, and it is through pleasure that begetting and the coming of life is brought about, and the offspring is naturally at home with nothing sooner than pleasure, delighting in it and feeling distress at pain its contrary. This is why the infant when born actually weeps aloud, chilled most likely by the cold all round it; for when, leaving a place of fiery warmth in the womb, which for a long time it has tenanted, it suddenly issues into the air, a cold and unaccustomed place, it is taken aback and utters cries, a most clear sign of its pain and its annoyance at suffering.",
+                "[162] And they tell us that every living creature hastens after pleasure as its most necessary and essential end, and man above all: for while other creatures seek pleasure only through taste and the organs of reproduction, man does so through the other senses as well, pursuing with ears and eyes all such sights and sounds as can afford delight.",
+                "[163] A very great deal more is said in praise of pleasure, and of the great closeness of its connexion and kinship with living creatures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But what has now been said is enough to show why the serpent seemed to utter a human voice. It is for this reason, I think, that even in the detailed laws, where the lawgiver writes about animals, laying down which may be eaten and which may not, he especially praises the “snake-fighter” as it is called (Lev. 11:22). This is a reptile with legs above its feet, with which it springs from the ground and lifts itself into the air like a grasshopper.",
+                "[164] For the snake-fighter is, I think, nothing but a symbolic representation of self-control, waging a fight that never ends and a truceless war against intemperance and pleasure. Self-control welcomes beyond measure simplicity and abstemiousness and so much as is requisite for a severe and lofty mode of life; intemperance gives a like welcome to superfluity and extravagance, which induce softness and voluptuousness in soul and body, and these result in the culpable life, the life that in the view of right-minded people is worse than death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Pleasure does not venture to bring her wiles and deceptions to bear on the man, but on the woman, and by her means on him. This is a telling and well-made point: for in us mind corresponds to man, the senses to woman; and pleasure encounters and holds parley with the senses first, and through them cheats with her quackeries the sovereign mind itself: for when each sense has been subjugated to her sorceries, delighting in what she proffers, the sense of sight in variegated colours and shapes, that of hearing in harmonious sounds, that of taste in delicate savours, and that of scent in the fragrance of perfumes which it inhales, then all of them receive the gifts and offer them like handmaids to the Reason as to a master, bringing with them Persuasion to plead that it reject nothing whatever. Reason is forthwith ensnared and becomes a subject instead of a ruler, a slave instead of a master, an alien instead of a citizen, and a mortal instead of an immortal.",
+                "[166] In a word we must never lose sight of the fact that Pleasure, being a courtesan and a wanton, eagerly desires to meet with a lover, and searches for panders, by whose means she shall get one on her hook. It is the senses that act as panders for her and procure the lover. When she has ensnared these she easily brings the Mind under her control. To it, dwelling within us, the senses convey the things seen without, reporting them fully and making them manifest, impressing on it the forms of the several objects, and producing in it the corresponding affection. For it resembles wax, and receives the images that reach it through the senses, by which it apprehends material substances, being incapable, as I have said before, of doing this by itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] Those who were the first to become slaves to a passion grievous and hard to heal at once had experience of the wages paid by Pleasure. The woman incurred the violent woes of travail-pangs, and the griefs which come one after another all through the remainder of life. Chief among them are all those that have to do with children at birth and in their bringing up, in sickness and in health, in good fortune and evil fortune. In the next place she tasted deprivation of liberty, and the authority of the husband at her side, whose commands she must perforce obey. The man, in his turn, incurred labours and distress in the unceasing sweat of his brow to gain the necessaries of life. He was without those good things which the earth had been taught to bear of itself independently of all skill in the husbandman. His life was spent in unbroken toils in the pursuit of food and livelihood to save him from perishing by famine.",
+                "[168] For I imagine that, just as sun and moon always give their light after once for all being bidden to do so when the universe was first created, and continue to keep the divine ordinance for no other reason than that evil has been sent into exile far away from heaven’s frontiers; even so would earth’s deep and fertile soil, unaided by the skill of agricultural labourers, bear rich abundance as the seasons come round. As it is, when evil began to get the better of the virtues, the ever-flowing springs of the bounties of God were closed, that they might not bring supplies to those felt to be undeserving of them.",
+                "[169] If the human race had had to undergo the fitting penalty, it must needs have been wiped out by reason of its ingratitude to God its benefactor and preserver. But He being merciful took pity on it and moderated the punishment, suffering the race to continue, but no longer as before supplying it with food ready to its hand, that men might not, by indulging the twin evils of idleness and satiety, wax insolent in wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Such is the life of those who at the outset are in enjoyment of innocence and simplicity of character, but later on prefer vice to virtue.",
+                "By his account of the creation of the world of which we have spoken Moses teaches us among many other things five that are fairest and best of all.",
+                "Firstly that the Deity is and has been from eternity. This with a view to atheists, some of whom have hesitated and have been of two minds about His eternal existence, while the bolder sort have carried their audacity to the point of declaring that the Deity does not exist at all, but that it is a mere assertion of men obscuring the truth with myth and fiction.",
+                "[171] Secondly, that God is one. This with a view to the propounders of polytheism, who do not blush to transfer from earth to heaven mob-rule, that worst of evil polities.",
+                "Thirdly, as I have said already, that the world came into being. This because of those who think that it is without beginning and eternal, who thus assign to God no superiority at all.",
+                "Fourthly, that the world too is one as well as its Maker, who made His work like Himself in its uniqueness, who used up for the creation of the whole all the material that exists; for it would not have been a whole had it not been formed and consisted of parts that were wholes. For there are those who suppose that there are more worlds than one, while some think that they are infinite in number. Such men are themselves in very deed infinitely lacking in knowledge of things which it is right good to know.",
+                "Fifthly, that God also exercises forethought on the world’s behalf.",
+                "[172] For that the Maker should care for the thing made is required by the laws and ordinances of Nature, and it is in accordance with these that parents take thought beforehand for children.",
+                "He that has begun by learning these things with his understanding rather than with his hearing, and has stamped on his soul impressions of truths so marvellous and priceless, both that God is and is from eternity, and that He that really IS is One, and that He has made the world and has made it one world, unique as Himself is unique, and that He ever exercises forethought for His creation, will lead a life of bliss and blessedness, because he has a character moulded by the truths that piety and holiness enforce."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CREATION",
+            "(<i>N. B.—S. V. F</i>.= Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>. The references are to sections in Arnim.)",
+            "§ 3. Philo starts off with two leading Stoic ideas, “living according to nature” and the “world-citizen.” For the former <i>cf</i>. Diogenes Laertius vii. 87, “Zeno was the first to designate a (man’s) end ‘living according to nature.’ ” For the latter see <I>S. V. F.</I> i. 262. The first use of the actual word κοσμοπολίτης is ascribed to Diogenes the Cynic, who, when “asked whence he came, replied ‘I am a citizen of the world’ ” (Diog. Laert. vi. 63).",
+            "§ 25. The words bracketed by Cohn are left so bracketed in the text but untranslated.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Time is a measured space</i>, etc. This is the accepted definition of the Stoics. See <I>S. V. F.</I> ii. 509 f. Philo refers to it as Stoic, <i>De Aet.</i> 4, and elsewhere in that treatise.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Principles or nuclei</i>, or perhaps “seed-powers”; οἱ λόγοι is equivalent to οἱ σπερματικοὶ λόγοι. The Stoics conceived of a single λόγος σπερματικός manifesting itself in innumerable λόγοι σπερματικοί, which give things their form. See <i>S. V. F.</i> Index, p. 93<i>a</i>.",
+            "§ 54. The thought of this section is based on <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, B, where Plato says that “God bestowed sight on us that we might observe the orbits of reason which are in heaven, and make use of them for the revolutions of thought which are in our souls” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "§§ 72 ff. The idea of these sections is suggested by, or at least receives support from, <i>Timaeus</i> 41, 42, where God creates “young gods” or subordinate ministers to carry on the work for the same reason as is given here, <i>viz</i>. that He might not be responsible for evil.",
+            "§ 80. <i>And through the livelong year</i>, or, putting the comma after ἐκδεχόμενοι, “at the end of each year (at intervals of a year) they gather in.”",
+            "§ 101. <i>Equal to the sum of its own factors</i>. Like 6 (see 13), 28 is the sum of its factors (1+2+4+7+14), as are 496 and 8128. The word “perfect” is in strictness applied to such numbers only (Nicomachus i. 10).",
+            "§ 102. <i>Limits</i>, or “terms.” Ὅρος is the technical word for a “term” in a series. In fact, having been translated into Latin as <i>terminus</i>, it is the progenitor of our own word.",
+            "§ 117. <i>The remainder of our soul is divided</i>, etc. This classification is Stoic. It is more usually stated in the form that the soul has eight parts, the ἡγεμονικόν being reckoned as one. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 827 ff.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Citizen of the world</i>. See especially 3 and note. The first man fulfilled the Stoic ideal. This view of the superiority of early mankind, though not confined to the Stoics, was strongly held by them. The Golden Age, said Posidonius, was when “regnum fuit penes sapientes” (Seneca, <i>Epistle</i> 90. 5).",
+            "§ 148. <i>Torch</i>. The figure of the torch-race is very common. Considering, however, Philo’s love for Plato, it is reasonable to suppose that he is thinking of the mention of it at the beginning of the <i>Republic</i>, 328 A. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Laws</i> 776 B.",
+            "§ 160. <i>A human voice</i>. Philo is here attacking Epicureanism. For the Epicurean doctrine that pleasure is the end aimed at by every living creature see Diogenes Laertius x. 128. Thus the serpent’s use of a human voice is interpreted as an allegory showing how vocal and popular that School was. Philo, like most of its opponents, ignores the fact that Epicurus expressly refused to identify pleasure with material pleasures.",
+            "§§ 170, 171. The opinions here assailed are (1) that God’s existence is doubtful, held by the Sceptics; (2) that the world is without beginning (ἀγένητος), held, according to Philo’s own statement in <i>De Aet.</i> 10, by Aristotle; the contrary was maintained by Pythagoras, Plato, and the Stoics (<i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 575); (3) the plurality of worlds, originally held by Democritus (see <i>Timaeus</i> 31 A, and Archer-Hind’s note), and afterwards by the Epicureans; (4) that there is no such thing as Providence. This Epicurean tenet is too familiar from Lucretius and other writers to need illustration, but see Diogenes Laertius x. 77, 113, 139."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "key": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,395 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Account of the World's Creation Given by Moses",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Account_of_the_World's_Creation_Given_by_Moses",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD’S CREATION GIVEN BY MOSES (DE OPIFICIO MUNDI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "A Book of Laws, says Philo, is fitly prefaced by a Cosmogony. The theme dealt with by a Cosmogony is, indeed, too lofty for adequate treatment. In Moses’ treatment of it, two salient points at once meet the eye. The world’s origin is ascribed to a Maker, who is Himself <i>unoriginate</i>, and who <i>cares</i> for what He has made.",
+            "By “six days” Moses does not indicate a space of time in which the world was made, but the principles of <i>order</i> and <i>productivity</i> which governed its making.",
+            "Before the emergence of the material world there existed, in the Divine Word or Reason, the incorporeal world, as the design of a city exists in the brain of the designer.",
+            "The efficient cause of the universe (we must remember) is Goodness; and Goodness, to be attained by it as its capacity permits, is its final cause.",
+            "The incorporeal world may be described as “the Word of God engaged in the act of creating.” And the Word is the Image of God. In that, man (the part), and therefore the universe (the whole) was created.",
+            "“In the beginning” means for Philo the precedence of the incorporeal heaven and invisible earth. The pre-eminence of Life-breath and Light are shown, he says, by the one being called “the Spirit of <i>God</i>,” and the other pronounced “good” or “beautiful.” He sees darkness severed from light by the barrier of twilight; and the birth of Time on “Day One.” Philo strangely infers that a whole day was devoted to the creation of the visible heaven from the mention of a “second day” <i>after</i> that creation. Land and sea are then formed by the briny water being withdrawn from the sponge-like earth and the fresh water left in it; and the land is bidden to bring forth trees and plants. It is bidden to do so <i>before</i> sun and moon are made, that men may not attribute its fruitfulness to these.",
+            "Coming now to the work of the fourth day, Philo brings out the significance of the number 4, and points to the boons conferred on body and mind by Light, which has given rise to philosophy by drawing man’s vision upward to the heavenly bodies. He sees the purposes of these in their giving light, foreshowing coming events, marking the seasons, and measuring time.",
+            "The fifth day is fitly given to the creation of creatures endowed with five senses.",
+            "In connexion with the creation of man, Philo points out (<i>a</i>) the beauty of the <i>sequence</i>, ascending (in living things) from lowest to highest; (<i>b</i>) the reference, not to body, but to <i>mind</i>, in the words “after our image”; (<i>c</i>) the implication of <i>exactness</i> in the addition “after our likeness”; (<i>d</i>) the cooperation of other agents implied in “let <i>us</i> make,” such co-operation accounting (so Philo suggests) for the possibility of sin; (<i>e</i>) four reasons for man coming last, viz.—",
+            "(1) that he might find all ready for him;",
+            "(2) that he might use God’s gifts as such;",
+            "(3) that Man, a miniature Heaven, might correspond to the Heaven whose creation came first;",
+            "(4) that his sudden appearance might over-awe the beasts.",
+            "His place in the series is no sign of inferiority.",
+            "Turning to the Seventh Day, Philo notes its dignity, and enlarges on the properties of the number 7, (<i>a</i>) in things incorporeal (89–100); (<i>b</i>) in the material creation: (α) the heavenly bodies (101 f.); (β) the stages of man’s growth (103–105); (γ) as 3+4 (106); (δ) in the progressions (107–110); (ε) in all visible existence (111–116); (ζ) in man, and all that he sees (117–121) and experiences (121–125); (η) in grammar and music (126 f.).",
+            "After speaking of the honour paid by Moses to the number 7, Philo, treating Gen. 2:4 f. as a concluding summary, claims it as a proof that Gen. 1 records a creation of incorporeal ideas. After a disquisition on the subject of fresh water, to which he is led by Gen. 2:6, he goes on to deal with the earth-born man (Gen. 2:7), whom he distinguishes from the man made after God’s image. The being of the former is composite, earthly substance and Divine Breath. Proofs and an illustration are given of his surpassing excellence. The title of “the only world-citizen” is claimed for him, and its significance brought out. His physical excellence can be guessed from the faint traces of it found in his posterity. It is to call out his intelligence that he is required to name the animals. Woman is the occasion of his deterioration.",
+            "The Garden, the Serpent, the Fall and its consequences are dealt with in §§ 153–169. The Garden, we are told, represents the dominant power of the soul, and the Serpent represents Pleasure, and is eminently fitted to do so. His use of a human voice is considered. The praise of the “snake-fighter” in Lev. 11:22 is referred to. Stress is laid on the fact that Pleasure assails the man through the woman. The effects of the Fall on the woman and on the man are traced.",
+            "The treatise ends with a short summary of the lessons of the Cosmogony. These are:",
+            "(1) the eternal existence of God (as against atheism);",
+            "(2) the unity of God (as against polytheism);",
+            "(3) the non-eternity of the world;",
+            "(4) the unity of the world;",
+            "(5) the Providence of God."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] While among other lawgivers some have nakedly and without embellishment drawn up a code of the things held to be right among their people, and others, dressing up their ideas in much irrelevant and cumbersome matter, have befogged the masses and hidden the truth under their fictions,",
+                "[2] Moses, disdaining either course, the one as devoid of the philosopher’s painstaking effort to explore his subject thoroughly, the other as full of falsehood and imposture, introduced his laws with an admirable and most impressive exordium. He refrained, on the one hand, from stating abruptly what should be practised or avoided, and on the other hand, in face of the necessity of preparing the minds of those who were to live under the laws for their reception, he refrained from inventing myths himself or acquiescing in those composed by others.",
+                "[3] His exordium, as I have said, is one that excites our admiration in the highest degree. It consists of an account of the creation of the world, implying that the world is in harmony with the Law, and the Law with the world, and that the man who observes the law is constituted thereby a loyal citizen of the world, regulating his doings by the purpose and will of Nature, in accordance with which the entire world itself also is administered.",
+                "[4] Now it is true that no writer in verse or prose could possibly do justice to the beauty of the ideas embodied in this account of the creation of the kosmos. For they transcend our capacity of speech and of hearing, being too great and august to be adjusted to the tongue or ear of any mortal.",
+                "[5] Nevertheless they must not on this account be passed over in silence. Nay, for the sake of the God-beloved author we must be venturesome even beyond our power. We shall fetch nothing from our own store, but, with a great array of points before us, we shall mention only a few, such as we may believe to be within reach of the human mind when possessed by love and longing for wisdom.",
+                "[6] The minutest seal takes in under the graver’s hand the contours of colossal figures. So perchance shall the beauties of the world’s creation recorded in the Laws, transcendent as they are and dazzling as they do by their bright gleams the souls of readers, be indicated by delineations minute and slight. But first we must draw attention to a matter which ought not to be passed over in silence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] There are some people who, having the world in admiration rather than the Maker of the world, pronounce it to be without beginning and everlasting, while with impious falsehood they postulate in God a vast inactivity; whereas we ought on the contrary to be astonied at His powers as Maker and Father, and not to assign to the world a disproportionate majesty.",
+                "[8] Moses, both because he had attained the very summit of philosophy, and because he had been divinely instructed in the greater and most essential part of Nature’s lore, could not fail to recognize that the universal must consist of two parts, one part active Cause and the other passive object; and that the active Cause is the perfectly pure and unsullied Mind of the universe, transcending virtue, transcending knowledge, transcending the good itself and the beautiful itself;",
+                "[9] while the passive part is in itself incapable of life and motion, but, when set in motion and shaped and quickened by Mind, changes into the most perfect masterpiece, namely this world. Those who assert that this world is unoriginate unconsciously eliminate that which of all incentives to piety is the most beneficial and the most indispensable, namely providence.",
+                "[10] For it stands to reason that what has been brought into existence should be cared for by its Father and Maker. For, as we know, it is a father’s aim in regard of his offspring and an artificer’s in regard of his handiwork to preserve them, and by every means to fend off from them aught that may entail loss or harm. He keenly desires to provide for them in every way all that is beneficial and to their advantage: but between that which has never been brought into being and one who is not its Maker no such tie is formed.",
+                "[11] It is a worthless and baleful doctrine, setting up anarchy in the well-ordered realm of the world, leaving it without protector, arbitrator, or judge, without anyone whose office it is to administer and direct all its affairs.",
+                "[12] Not so Moses. That great master, holding the unoriginate to be of a different order from that which is visible, since everything that is an object of sensible perception is subject to becoming and to constant change, never abiding in the same state, assigned to that which is invisible and an object of intellectual apprehension the infinite and undefinable as united with it by closest tie; but on that which is an object of the senses he bestowed “genesis,” “becoming,” as its appropriate name.",
+                "Seeing then that this world is both visible and perceived by the senses, it follows that it must also have had an origin. Whence it was entirely to the point that he put on record that origin, setting forth in its true grandeur the work of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] He says that in six days the world was created, not that its Maker required a length of time for His work, for we must think of God as doing all things simultaneously, remembering that “all” includes with the commands which He issues the thought behind them. Six days are mentioned because for the things coming into existence there was need of order. Order involves number, and among numbers by the laws of nature the most suitable to productivity is 6, for if we start with 1 it is the first perfect number, being equal to the product of its factors (<i>i.e.</i> 1×2×3), as well as made up of the sum of them (<i>i.e.</i> 1+2+3), its half being 3, its third part 2, its sixth part 1. We may say that it is in its nature both male and female, and is a result of the distinctive power of either. For among things that are it is the odd that is male, and the even female. Now of odd numbers 3 is the starting-point, and of even numbers 2, and the product of these two is 6.",
+                "[14] For it was requisite that the world, being most perfect of all things that have come into existence, should be constituted in accordance with a perfect number, namely six; and, inasmuch as it was to have in itself beings that sprang from a coupling together, should receive the impress of a mixed number, namely the first in which odd and even were combined, one that should contain the essential principle both of the male that sows and of the female that receives the seed.",
+                "[15] Now to each of the days He assigned some of the portions of the whole, not including, however, the first day, which He does not even call “first,” lest it should be reckoned with the others, but naming it “one” He designates it by a name which precisely hits the mark, for He discerned in it and expressed by the title which He gives it the nature and appellation of the unit, or the “one.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "We must recount as many as we can of the elements embraced in it. To recount them all would be impossible. Its pre-eminent element is the intelligible world, as is shown in the treatise dealing with the “One.”",
+                "[16] For God, being God, assumed that a beautiful copy would never be produced apart from a beautiful pattern, and that no object of perception would be faultless which was not made in the likeness of an original discerned only by the intellect. So when He willed to create this visible world He first fully formed the intelligible world, in order that He might have the use of a pattern wholly God-like and incorporeal in producing the material world, as a later creation, the very image of an earlier, to embrace in itself objects of perception of as many kinds as the other contained objects of intelligence.",
+                "[17] To speak of or conceive that world which consists of ideas as being in some place is illegitimate; how it consists (of them) we shall know if we carefully attend to some image supplied by the things of our world. When a city is being founded to satisfy the soaring ambition of some king or governor, who lays claim to despotic power and being magnificent in his ideas would fain add a fresh lustre to his good fortune, there comes forward now and again some trained architect who, observing the favourable climate and convenient position of the site, first sketches in his own mind wellnigh all the parts of the city that is to be wrought out, temples, gymnasia, town-halls, market-places, harbours, docks, streets, walls to be built, dwelling-houses as well as public buildings to be set up.",
+                "[18] Thus after having received in his own soul, as it were in wax, the figures of these objects severally, he carries about the image of a city which is the creation of his mind. Then by his innate power of memory, he recalls the images of the various parts of this city, and imprints their types yet more distinctly in it: and like a good craftsman he begins to build the city of stones and timber, keeping his eye upon his pattern and making the visible and tangible objects correspond in each case to the incorporeal ideas.",
+                "[19] Just such must be our thoughts about God. We must suppose that, when He was minded to found the one great city, He conceived beforehand the models of its parts, and that out of these He constituted and brought to completion a world discernible only by the mind, and then, with that for a pattern, the world which our senses can perceive."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] As, then, the city which was fashioned beforehand within the mind of the architect held no place in the outer world, but had been engraved in the soul of the artificer as by a seal; even so the universe that consisted of ideas would have no other location than the Divine Reason, which was the Author of this ordered frame. For what other place could there be for His powers sufficient to receive and contain, I say not all but, any one of them whatever uncompounded and untempered?",
+                "[21] Now just such a power is that by which the universe was made, one that has as its source nothing less than true goodness. For should one conceive a wish to search for the cause, for the sake of which this whole was created, it seems to me that he would not be wrong in saying, what indeed one of the men of old did say, that the Father and Maker of all is good; and because of this He grudged not a share in his own excellent nature to an existence which has of itself nothing fair and lovely, while it is capable of becoming all things.",
+                "[22] For of itself it was without order, without quality, without soul, (without likeness); it was full of inconsistency, ill-adjustment, disharmony: but it was capable of turning and undergoing a complete change to the best, the very contrary of all these, to order, quality, life, correspondence, identity, likeness, perfect adjustment, to harmony, to all that is characteristic of the more excellent model."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Now God, with no counsellor to help Him (who was there beside Him?) determined that it was meet to confer rich and unrestricted benefits upon that nature which apart from Divine bounty could obtain of itself no good thing. But not in proportion to the greatest of His own bounties does He confer benefits—for these are without end or limit—but in proportion to the capacities of the recipients. For it is not the nature of creation to receive good treatment in like manner as it is the nature of God to bestow it, seeing that the powers of God are overwhelmingly vast, whereas creation, being too feeble to entertain their abundance, would have broken down under the effort to do so, had not God with appropriate adjustment dealt out to each his due portion.",
+                "[24] Should a man desire to use words in a more simple and direct way, he would say that the world discerned only by the intellect is nothing else than the Word of God when He was already engaged in the act of creation. For (to revert to our illustration) the city discernible by the intellect alone is nothing else than the reasoning faculty of the architect in the act of planning to found the city.",
+                "[25] It is Moses who lays down this, not I. Witness his express acknowledgement in the sequel, when setting on record the creation of man, that he was moulded after the image of God (Gen. 1:27). Now if the part is an image of an image, it is manifest that the whole is so too, and if the whole creation, this entire world perceived by our senses (seeing that it is greater than any human image) is a copy of the Divine image, it is manifest that the archetypal seal also, which we aver to be the world descried by the mind, would be the very Word of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Then he says that “in the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,” taking “beginning” not, as some think, in a chronological sense, for time there was not before there was a world. Time began either simultaneously with the world or after it. For since time is a measured space determined by the world’s movement, and since movement could not be prior to the object moving, but must of necessity arise either after it or simultaneously with it, it follows of necessity that time also is either coeval with or later born than the world. To venture to affirm that it is elder born would be to do violence to philosophic sense.",
+                "[27] And since the word “beginning” is not here taken as the chronological beginning, it would seem likely that the numerical order is indicated, so that “in the beginning He made” is equivalent to “He made the heaven first”: for it is indeed reasonable that it should come into existence first, being both best of created things and made from the purest of all that is, seeing that it was destined to be the most holy dwelling-place of manifest and visible gods.",
+                "[28] For, even if the Maker made all things simultaneously, order was none the less an attribute of all that came into existence in fair beauty, for beauty is absent where there is disorder. Now order is a series of things going on before and following after, in due sequence, a sequence which, though not seen in the finished productions, yet exists in the designs of the contrivers; for only so could these things be fashioned with perfect accuracy, and work without leaving their path or clashing with each other.",
+                "[29] First, then, the Maker made an incorporeal heaven, and an invisible earth, and the essential form of air and void. To the one he gave the name of “Darkness,” since the air when left to itself, is black. The other he named “abyss,” for the void is a region of immensity and vast depths. Next (He made) the incorporeal essence of water and of life-breath and, to crown all, of light. This again, the seventh in order, was an incorporeal pattern, discernible only by the mind, of the sun and of all luminaries which were to come into existence throughout heaven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Special distinction is accorded by Moses to life-breath and to light. The one he entitles the “breath” of God, because breath is most life-giving, and of life God is the author, while of light he says that it is beautiful pre-eminently (Gen. 1:4): for the intelligible as far surpasses the visible in the brilliancy of its radiance, as sunlight assuredly surpasses darkness and day night, and mind, the ruler of the entire soul, the bodily eyes.",
+                "[31] Now that invisible light perceptible only by mind has come into being as an image of the Divine Word Who brought it within our ken: it is a supercelestial constellation, fount of the constellations obvious to sense. It would not be amiss to term it “all-brightness,” to signify that from which sun and moon, as well as fixed stars and planets draw, in proportion to their several capacity, the light befitting each of them: for that pure and undiluted radiance is bedimmed so soon as it begins to undergo the change that is entailed by the passage from the intelligible to the sensibly discerned, for no object of sense is free from dimness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Right too is his statement that “darkness was above the abyss” (Gen. 1:2). For in a sense the air is over the void, inasmuch as it has spread over and completely filled the immensity and desolation of the void, of all that reaches from the zone of the moon to us.",
+                "[33] After the kindling of the intelligible light, which preceded the sun’s creation, darkness its adversary withdrew: for God, in His perfect knowledge of their mutual contrariety and natural conflict, parted them one from another by a wall of separation. In order, therefore, to keep them from the discord arising from perpetual clash, to prevent war in place of peace prevailing and setting up disorder in an ordered universe, He not only separated light and darkness, but also placed in the intervening spaces boundary-marks, by which He held back each of their extremities: for, had they been actual neighbours, they were sure to produce confusion by engaging with intense and never-ceasing rivalry in the struggle for mastery.",
+                "[34] As it was, their assault on one another was broken and kept back by barriers set up between them. These barriers are evening and dawn. The latter, gently restraining the darkness, anticipates the sunrise with the glad tidings of its approach; while evening, supervening upon sunset, gives a gentle welcome to the oncoming mass of darkness. We must, however, place these, dawn and evening I mean, in the category of the incorporeal and intelligible: for there is in these nothing whatever patent to the senses, but they are simply models and measuring-rules and patterns and seals, all of these being incorporeal and serving for the creation of other bodies.",
+                "[35] When light had come into being, and darkness had moved out of its way and retired, and evening and dawn had been fixed as barriers in the intervals between them, as a necessary consequence a measure of time was forthwith brought about, which its Maker called Day, and not “first” day but “one,” an expression due to the uniqueness of the intelligible world, and to its having therefore a natural kinship to the number “One.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] The incorporeal world, then, was now finished and firmly settled in the Divine Reason, and the world patent to sense was ripe for birth after the pattern of the incorporeal. And first of its parts, best of them all, the Creator proceeded to make the Heaven, which with strict truth he entitled firmament, as being corporeal: for the body is naturally solid, seeing that it has a threefold dimension. What else indeed do we conceive a solid object and a body to be, but that which extends in each direction? Fitly then, in contradistinction to the incorporeal and purely intelligible, did He call this body-like heaven perceived by our senses “the solid firmament.”",
+                "[37] After so designating it He went on forthwith to speak of it as “heaven.” He did so with unerring propriety, either because it is the “boundary” of all things, or because it came into being first of things “visible.” When the heaven had been created he names a second day, thus assigning to heaven the whole space and interval of a day. He does this by reason of the position of dignity which heaven occupies among the objects of sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] At this stage, then, water in all its volume had been poured forth over all the earth, and had found its way through all its parts, as through a sponge saturated with moisture. It had produced swamps and deep mud, earth and water being mingled together and kneaded, like a mass of dough, into a single element without shape or distinction of its parts. So God next bids all the briny water, which would have been the cause of barrenness to crops and trees, to be gathered together by flowing to the same point from the pores of the whole earth, and the dry land to appear. The moisture of the fresh sweet part was left behind to secure its permanence, since, when supplied in fit quantity, this sweet moisture served as a cohesive to the separate parts. This was to prevent it from being entirely dried up, and so becoming unproductive and barren, and enable it like a mother to provide, as for offspring, not one only of the two kinds of nourishment, namely solid food, but both kinds, food and drink. Wherefore the earth had abounding veins like breasts. These when opened would pour forth rivers and springs.",
+                "[39] No less did He cause the hidden courses of moisture also to penetrate to the rich deep loam with a view to unstinted fertility. Having thus ordered these elements He gave them names. The dry land he called “earth,” and the water separated from it “sea.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] He next begins to put the earth in order: for he bids it bear grass and corn, and send forth herbs of all kinds, and rich pastures, and whatsoever would be provender for cattle and food for men. Beside these he caused all kinds of trees to grow, leaving out no tree at all, whether of wild growth or what we call garden trees. And, after a fashion quite contrary to the present order of Nature, all were laden with fruit as soon as ever they came into existence.",
+                "[41] For now the processes take place in turn, one at one time, one at another, not all of them simultaneously at one season. For everyone knows that sowing and planting come first, the growth of the things sown and planted second, the former causing roots to reach downwards like foundations, the latter taking place as they rise upwards, grow tall, and develop trunks and stems. After this come sproutings and puttings forth of leaves, and then to crown all, bearing of fruit; and here again fruit not full grown, but subject to all manner of changes both in quantity and quality, that is to say, in the matter of size and of ever varying character. For the first shape it takes is that of indivisible flakes so small that they can scarcely be seen, which a man would not be wrong in describing as “first perceptibles.” After this as the result of gradual growth and as the result of nourishment conveyed by irrigation, which waters the tree, and as the result of the well-tempered breezes which are quickened by cold and softened by milder temperature, it develops towards its complete size: and as it becomes larger, it becomes different in appearance as well, as though it were being ever made to take varied hues by a painter’s cunning hand."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[42] Now in the original creation of all things, as I have said already, God caused all shrubs and plants to spring out of the earth perfect, having fruits not unripe but at their prime, to be perfectly ready for the immediate use and enjoyment of the animals that were forthwith to come into being.",
+                "[43] God then enjoins the earth to give birth to all these, and the earth, as though it had been long pregnant and in travail, brings forth all kinds of things sown, all kinds of trees, and countless kinds of fruits besides. But not only were the several fruits nourishment for animals, but also a provision for the perpetual reproduction of their kind, containing within them the seed-substances. Hidden and imperceptible in these substances are the principles or nuclei of all things. As the seasons go round these become open and manifest.",
+                "[44] For God willed that Nature should run a course that brings it back to its starting-point, endowing the species with immortality, and making them sharers of eternal existence. For the sake of this He both led on the beginning speedily towards the end, and made the end to retrace its way to the beginning. For it is the case both that the fruit comes out of the plants, as an end out of a beginning, and that out of the fruit again, containing as it does the seed in itself, there comes the plant, a beginning out of an end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] On the fourth day, the earth being now finished, he ordered the heaven in varied beauty. Not that He put the heaven in a lower rank than the earth, giving precedence to the inferior creation, and accounting the higher and more divine worthy only of the second place; but to make clear beyond all doubt the mighty sway of His sovereign power. For being aware beforehand of the ways of thinking that would mark the men of future ages, how they would be intent on what looked probable and plausible, with much in it that could be supported by argument, but would not aim at sheer truth; and how they would trust phenomena rather than God, admiring sophistry more than wisdom; and how they would observe in time to come the circuits of sun and moon, on which depend summer and winter and the changes of spring and autumn, and would suppose that the regular movements of the heavenly bodies are the causes of all things that year by year come forth and are produced out of the earth; that there might be none who owing either to shameless audacity or to overwhelming ignorance should venture to ascribe the first place to any created thing,",
+                "[46] ‘let them,’ said He, ‘go back in thought to the original creation of the universe, when, before sun or moon existed, the earth bore plants of all sorts and fruits of all sorts; and having contemplated this let them form in their minds the expectation that hereafter too shall it bear these at the Father’s bidding, whensoever it may please Him.’ For He has no need of His heavenly offspring on which He bestowed powers but not independence: for, like a charioteer grasping the reins or a pilot the tiller, He guides all things in what direction He pleases as law and right demand, standing in need of no one besides: for all things are possible to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] This is the reason why the earth put forth plants and bore herbs before the heaven was furnished. But the heaven was afterwards duly decked in a perfect number, namely four. This number it would be no error to call the base and source of 10, the complete number; for what 10 is actually, this, as is evident, 4 is potentially; that is to say that, if the numbers from 1 to 4 be added together, they will produce 10, and this is the limit set to the otherwise unlimited succession of numbers; round this as a turning-point they wheel and retrace their steps.",
+                "[48] 4 also contains the ratios of the musical consonances, that produced by an interval of four notes, and that produced by an interval of five, and the octave and double octave as well. And it is out of these that the most perfect concord is produced. Of that produced by an interval of four notes the ratio is 1⅓, of that produced by an interval of five 1½, of the octave 2, of the double octave 4. All these the number 4 embraces in itself, 1⅓ in the ratio 4:3; 1½ in the ratio 6:4; 2 in the ratio 4:2; 4 in the ratio 4:1."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] There is also another property of the number 4 very marvellous to state and to contemplate with the mind. For this number was the first to show the nature of the solid, the numbers before it referring to things without actual substance. For under the head of 1 what is called in geometry a point falls, under that of 2 a line. For if 1 extend itself, 2 is formed, and if a point extend itself, a line is formed: and a line is length without breadth; if breadth be added, there results a surface, which comes under the category of 3: to bring it to a solid surface needs one thing, depth, and the addition of this to 3 produces 4. The result of all this is that this number is a thing of vast importance. It was this number that has led us out of the realm of incorporeal existence patent only to the intellect, and has introduced us to the conception of a body of three dimensions, which by its nature first comes within the range of our senses.",
+                "[50] Anyone who does not understand what I am saying will catch my meaning if he calls to mind a very familiar game. Players with nuts are in the habit of setting out three nuts all on one level and of adding one to these, thus forming a pyramidal figure. The figure of the triangle on the level only reaches the number 3; the added nut produces, in numbers 4, but in figures a pyramid, a body rendered solid by its accession.",
+                "[51] In addition to these points we must remember also that first among numbers 4 is a square, made up of equal factors multiplying into one another, a measure of rightness and equality, and that alone among them it is such as to be produced from the same factors whether added or multiplied together, by addition out of 2 and 2, and by multiplication again out of twice 2, thus exhibiting a right fair form of consonance, such as has fallen to none of the other numbers; for example—6, sum as it is of two 3’s, is not (as in the case of 4) produced by their being multiplied together, but a different number, 9, results.",
+                "[52] There are several other powers of which 4 has the command, which we shall have to point out in fuller detail in the special treatise devoted to it. Suffice it to add just this, that 4 was made the starting-point of the creation of heaven and the world; for the four elements, out of which this universe was fashioned, issued, as it were from a fountain, from the numeral 4; and, beside this, so also did the four seasons of the year, which are responsible for the coming into being of animals and plants, the year having a fourfold division into winter and spring and summer and autumn."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The aforesaid numeral, then, having been deemed worthy of such high privilege in nature, it was a matter of course that its Maker arrayed the heaven on the fourth day with a most divine adornment of perfect beauty, namely the light-giving heavenly bodies; and, knowing that of all things light is best, He made it the indispensable means of sight, the best of the senses; for what the intellect is in the soul, this the eye is in the body; for each of them sees, one the things of the mind, the other the things of sense; and they have need, the mind of knowledge, that it may become cognisant of incorporeal objects, the eye of light, for the apprehending of bodily forms.",
+                "Light has proved itself the source of many other boons to mankind, but pre-eminently of philosophy,",
+                "[54] the greatest boon of all. For man’s faculty of vision, led upwards by light, discerned the nature of the heavenly bodies and their harmonious movement. He saw the well-ordered circuits of fixed stars and planets, how the former moved in unchanging orbit and all alike, while the latter sped round in two revolutions out of harmony with each other. He marked the rhythmic dances of all these, how they were marshalled by the laws of a perfect music, and the sight produced in his soul an ineffable delight and pleasure. Banqueting on sights displayed to it one after another, his soul was insatiate in beholding. And then, as usually happens, it went on to busy itself with questionings, asking What is the essence of these visible objects? Are they in nature unoriginate, or had they a beginning of existence? What is the method of their movement? And what are the principles by which each is governed? It was out of the investigation of these problems that philosophy grew, than which no more perfect good has come into the life of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] It was with a view to that original intellectual light, which I have mentioned as belonging to the order of the incorporeal world, that He created the heavenly bodies of which our senses are aware. These are images divine and exceeding fair, which He established in heaven as in the purest temple belonging to corporeal being. This He did that they might serve many purposes. One purpose was to give light; another to be signs; a third duly to fix seasons of the year; and lastly for the sake of days, months, years, which (as we all know) have served as measures of time and given birth to number.",
+                "[56] The kind of useful service rendered by each of the bodies mentioned is self-evident; yet that the truth may be more precisely apprehended it may not be out of place to follow it step by step in a reasoned account.",
+                "All time having been divided into two portions, day and night, the Father assigned the sovereignty of the day to the sun, as to a great king, and that of the night to the moon and the host of the other stars.",
+                "[57] The greatness of the sway and government pertaining to the sun finds its clearest proof in what has been already mentioned: one and alone it has by itself separately had day apportioned to it, half of the whole of time; while all the rest with the moon have had allotted to them the other half, which has received the name of night. And when the sun has risen, all that multitude of stars which were visible but now is not merely dimmed but becomes actually invisible through the pouring forth of its light; and upon its setting they begin all of them to shine out in their own true characters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] The purpose of their existence is, as the Lord Himself pronounced, not only to send forth light upon the earth, but also to give timely signs of coming events. For either by their risings or settings or eclipses, or again by the seasons of their appearance or disappearance, or by other alterations in their movements, men conjecture future issues, good harvests and bad, increase and decay of animal life, fair weather and foul, gales and calms, floodings and shrinkings of rivers, seas smooth and rough, irregularities of the seasons, either wintry summers, or scorching winters, or springs like autumn, or autumns like spring.",
+                "[59] Indeed it has happened that, by conjecture based on the movements of the heavenly bodies, men have notified in advance a disturbance and shaking of the earth, and countless other unusual occurrences, proving the complete truth of the words, “the stars were made for signs.”",
+                "It is added, moreover, “and for appointed times” (Gen. 1:14). By “appointed times” Moses understood the four seasons of the year, and surely with good reason. For what idea does “appointed time” convey but “time of achievement”? Now the four seasons of the year bring about achievement by bringing all things to perfection, all sowing and planting of crops, and the birth and growth of animals.",
+                "[60] The heavenly bodies were created also to furnish measures of time: for it is by regular revolutions of sun, moon, and the other bodies that days and months and years were constituted. This in itself involved the showing of their most useful service of all; I mean number as part of the world’s order, time by its mere lapse indicating it. For out of one day came “one,” out of two “two,” out of three “three,” out of a month “thirty,” out of a year the number equivalent to the days made up of twelve months, and out of infinite time came (the conception of) infinite number.",
+                "[61] So many and so essential are the benefits within the scope of the constitutions and movements of the heavenly bodies. To how vast a number of other operations of nature, methinks, do they extend! Operations obscure to us—for all things are not within the ken of mortals—yet working together for the permanence of the whole; operations which are invariably carried out under ordinances and laws which God laid down in His universe as unalterable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Earth and heaven having been equipped with the array appropriate to either—earth on the third day, heaven, as has been recounted, on the fourth—the Creator took in hand to form the races of mortal creatures, beginning with aquatic creatures on the fifth day, deeming that there is no kinship so close as that between animals and the number 5. For living creatures differ from those without life in nothing more than in ability to apprehend by the senses; and sense has a fivefold division, into sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch; and to each of these their Maker assigned special aspects of matter, and an individual faculty of testing it, with which to assay objects coming under its notice. Colours are tested by sight, sounds by hearing, savours by taste, perfumes by smell, while touch assays the softness and hardness of various substances, their smoothness and roughness, and recognizes things hot or cold.",
+                "[63] So then he bids all kinds of fish and sea-monsters to take shape, creatures differing in their habitats and their sizes and qualities; for different seas produce to some extent different fish; not everywhere were all kinds formed. This is as we should have expected, for some kinds delight in a lagoon and not in a really deep sea, some in harbours and roadsteads. These can neither crawl up on to the land, nor swim far out from the land; and those that haunt the depths of the open seas avoid jutting headlands or islands or rocks. Some thrive in calm unruffled waters, others in those that are stormy and broken by waves; for, through the exercise of bearing their constant blows and of thrusting back their onset by sheer force, they put on flesh and grow lusty.",
+                "Directly after these He made all kinds of birds, as sister kinds to those in the waters, both being things that float. And He left incomplete no form of creature that travels in air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] Water and air having now duly received as a sort of lot of their own the living creatures appropriate to them, He again called upon the earth for the production of the portion that had been left out. When the plants had been created the land-animals had been wanting. So He saith “Let the earth bring forth cattle and wild beasts and creeping things after each kind” (Gen. 1:24). The earth forthwith puts forth, as it was bidden, creatures all differing in build and in the varying strength and capacity to hurt or to serve that was inherent in them.",
+                "[65] To crown all he made man, in what way I will say presently, when I have first pointed out the exceeding beauty of the chain of sequence which Moses has employed in setting forth the bringing in of life. For of the forms of animal life, the least elaborately wrought has been allotted to the race of fish; that worked out in greatest detail and best in all respects to mankind;",
+                "[66] that which lies between these two to creatures that tread the earth and travel in the air. For the principle of life in these is endowed with perceptions keener than that in fishes, but less keen than that in men. Wherefore, of the creatures that have life, fishes were the first which he brought into being, creatures in whose being the body predominates over the soul or life-principle. They are in a way animals and not animals; lifeless beings with the power of movement. The seed of the principle of life has been sown in them adventitiously, with a view only to the perpetuation of their bodies, just as salt (we are told) is added to flesh that it may not easily decay.",
+                "After the fishes He made the birds and land-creatures; for, when we come to these, we find them with keener senses and manifesting by their structure far more clearly all the qualities proper to beings endowed with the life-principle.",
+                "To crown all, as we have said before, He made man, and bestowed on him mind <i>par excellence</i>, life-principle of the life-principle itself, like the pupil in the eye: for of this too those who investigate more closely than others the nature of things say that it is the eye of the eye."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] At that time, indeed, all things took shape simultaneously. But, though all things took shape together, the fact that living organisms were afterwards to come into existence one out of another rendered necessary an adumbration of the principle of order in the narrative. Now in particular creatures the order we find is this, that they begin at what is lowest in its nature, and end in the best of all; what this best of all is we must go on to show. Now seed is the original starting-point of living creatures. That this is a substance of a very low order, resembling foam, is evident to the eye. But when it has been deposited in the womb and become solid, it acquires movement, and at once enters upon natural growth. But growth is better than seed, since in created things movement is better than quiescence. But nature, or growth, like an artificer, or (to speak more properly) like a consummate art, forms living creatures, by distributing the moist substance to the limbs and different parts of the body, the substance of life-breath to the faculties of the soul, affording them nourishment and endowing them with perception. We must defer for the present the faculty of reasoning, out of consideration for those who maintain that it comes in from without, and is divine and eternal.",
+                "[68] Well, then, natural growth started from so poor a thing as seed, but it ended in that which is of greatest worth, the formation of the living creature and of man. Now we find that this selfsame thing has occurred in the case of the creation of the universe also. For when the Creator determined to form living creatures, those first in order were inferior, if we may so speak, namely fishes, while those that came last in order were best, namely men; and coming between the two extremes, better than those that preceded them, but inferior to the others, were the rest, namely land creatures and birds of the air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] After all the rest, as I have said, Moses tells us that man was created after the image of God and after His likeness (Gen. 1:26). Right well does he say this, for nothing earth-born is more like God than man. Let no one represent the likeness as one to a bodily form; for neither is God in human form, nor is the human body God-like. No, it is in respect of the Mind, the sovereign element of the soul, that the word “image” is used; for after the pattern of a single Mind, even the Mind of the Universe as an archetype, the mind in each of those who successively came into being was moulded. It is in a fashion a god to him who carries and enshrines it as an object of reverence; for the human mind evidently occupies a position in men precisely answering to that which the great Ruler occupies in all the world. It is invisible while itself seeing all things, and while comprehending the substances of others, it is as to its own substance unperceived; and while it opens by arts and sciences roads branching in many directions, all of them great highways, it comes through land and sea investigating what either element contains.",
+                "[70] Again, when on soaring wing it has contemplated the atmosphere and all its phases, it is borne yet higher to the ether and the circuit of heaven, and is whirled round with the dances of planets and fixed stars, in accordance with the laws of perfect music, following that love of wisdom which guides its steps. And so, carrying its gaze beyond the confines of all substance discernible by sense, it comes to a point at which it reaches out after the intelligible world,",
+                "[71] and on descrying in that world sights of surpassing loveliness, even the patterns and the originals of the things of sense which it saw here, it is seized by a sober intoxication, like those filled with Corybantic frenzy, and is inspired, possessed by a longing far other than theirs and a nobler desire. Wafted by this to the topmost arch of the things perceptible to mind, it seems to be on its way to the Great King Himself; but, amid its longing to see Him, pure and untempered rays of concentrated light stream forth like a torrent, so that by its gleams the eye of the understanding is dazzled.",
+                "And, since images do not always correspond to their archetype and pattern, but are in many instances unlike it, the writer further brought out his meaning by adding “after the likeness” to the words “after the image,” thus showing that an accurate cast, bearing a clear impression, was intended."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] One may not unfitly raise the question what reason there could be for his ascribing the creation in the case of man only not to one Creator as in the case of the rest but, as the words would suggest, to several. For he represents the Father of the universe as speaking thus, “Let us make man after our image and likeness.” ‘Can it be,’ I would ask, ‘that He to whom all things are subject, is in need of anyone whatever? Or can it be that when He made the heaven and the earth and the seas, he required no one to be his fellow-worker, yet was unable apart from the co-operation of others by His own unaided power to fashion a creature so puny and perishable as man?’ The full truth about the cause of this it must needs be that God alone knows, but the cause which by probable conjecture seems plausible and reasonable we must not conceal.",
+                "[73] It is this. Among existences some partake neither of virtue nor of vice, like plants and animals devoid of reason; the one sort because they are without animal life and furnished with a nature incapable of consciously receiving impressions; the other sort because from them mind and reason have been eliminated: for mind and reason are as it were the dwelling-place of vice and virtue, which are by nature constituted to make their abode in them. Others again have partnership with virtue only, and have no part or lot in vice. Such are the heavenly bodies; for these are said to be not only living creatures but living creatures endowed with mind, or rather each of them a mind in itself, excellent through and through and unsusceptible of any evil. Others are of mixed nature, as man, who is liable to contraries, wisdom and folly, self-mastery and licentiousness, courage and cowardice, justice and injustice, and (in a word) to things good and evil, fair and foul, to virtue and vice.",
+                "[74] Now it was most proper to God the universal Father to make those excellent things by Himself alone, because of their kinship to Him. To make those which are neither good nor bad was not alien to Him, since those too are free from vice which is hateful to Him. To make those of mixed nature was in one respect proper to Him, in another not so; proper, so far as the better principle which forms an ingredient in them is concerned, alien, in virtue of the contrary and worse principle.",
+                "[75] So we see why it is only in the instance of man’s creation that we are told by Moses that God said “Let us make,” an expression which plainly shows the taking with Him of others as fellow-workers. It is to the end that, when man orders his course aright, when his thoughts and deeds are blameless, God the universal Ruler may be owned as their Source; while others from the number of His subordinates are held responsible for thoughts and deeds of a contrary sort: for it could not be that the Father should be the cause of an evil thing to His offspring: and vice and vicious activities are an evil thing.",
+                "[76] And when Moses had called the genus “man,” quite admirably did he distinguish its species, adding that it had been created “male and female,” and this though its individual members had not yet taken shape. For the primary species are in the genus to begin with, and reveal themselves as in a mirror to those who have the faculty of keen vision."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is obvious to inquire why man comes last in the world’s creation; for, as the sacred writings show, he was the last whom the Father and Maker fashioned. Those, then, who have studied more deeply than others the laws of Moses and who examine their contents with all possible minuteness, maintain that God, when He made man partaker of kinship with Himself in mind and reason best of all gifts, did not begrudge him the other gifts either, but made ready for him beforehand all things in the world, as for a living being dearest and closest to Himself, since it was His will that when man came into existence he should be at a loss for none of the means of living and of living well. The means of living are provided by the lavish supplies of all that makes for enjoyment; the means of living well by the contemplation of the heavenly existences, for smitten by their contemplation the mind conceives a love and longing for the knowledge of them. And from this philosophy took its rise, by which man, mortal though he be, is rendered immortal.",
+                "[78] Just as givers of a banquet, then, do not send out the summonses to supper till they have put everything in readiness for the feast; and those who provide gymnastic and scenic contests, before they gather the spectators into the theatre or the stadium, have in readiness a number of combatants and performers to charm both eye and ear; exactly in the same way the Ruler of all things, like some provider of contests or of a banquet, when about to invite man to the enjoyment of a feast and a great spectacle, made ready beforehand the material for both. He desired that on coming into the world man might at once find both a banquet and a most sacred display, the one full of all things that earth and rivers and sea and air bring forth for use and for enjoyment, the other of all sorts of spectacles, most impressive in their substance, most impressive in their qualities, and circling with most wondrous movements, in an order fitly determined always in accordance with proportion of numbers and harmony of revolutions. In all these one might rightly say that there was the real music, the original and model of all other, from which the men of subsequent ages, when they had painted the images in their own souls, handed down an art most vital and beneficial to human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Such is the first reason for which apparently man was created after all things: but we must mention a second that is not improbable. Directly he came into existence man found there all provisions for life. This was for the instruction of future generations. Nature seemed almost to cry aloud in so many words that like the first father of the race they were to spend their days without toil or trouble surrounded by lavish abundance of all that they needed. And this will be so if irrational pleasures do not get control of the soul, making their assaults upon it through greediness and lust, nor the desires for glory or wealth or power arrogate to themselves the control of the life, nor sorrows lower and depress the mind;",
+                "[80] and if fear, that evil counsellor, do not dispel high impulses to noble deeds, nor folly and cowardice and injustice and the countless host of other vices assail him. For in sooth as things now are, when all these evils which have been recounted have won the day, and men have flung themselves unrestrainedly into the indulgence of their passions and left uncontrolled their guilty cravings, cravings which it were sinful even to name, a fitting penalty is incurred, due punishment of impious courses. That penalty is difficulty in obtaining the necessaries of life. For men plough the prairie and irrigate it from spring and river; they sow and plant; and through the livelong year unweariedly take up by day and night the ever renewed toil of the tiller of the earth; and yet they are hard put to it to gather in their requisite supplies, and these at times of poor quality and barely sufficient, having suffered injury from many causes: either they were ravaged by recurring rainfalls, or beaten down in masses by the weight of hail that fell on them, or half frozen by snow, or torn up roots and all by violent winds; for water and air can in many ways change the fruitfulness of crops into barrenness.",
+                "[81] But if the unmeasured impulses of men’s passions were calmed and allayed by self-mastery, and their earnestness and eager striving after the infliction of wrongs were checked by righteousness; if, in a word, the vices and the fruitless practices to which they prompt were to give place to the virtues and their corresponding activities, the warfare in the soul, of all wars veritably the most dire and most grievous, would have been abolished, and peace would prevail and would in quiet and gentle ways provide good order for the exercise of our faculties, and there would be hope that God, being the Lover of virtue and the Lover of what is good and beautiful and also the Lover of man, would provide for our race good things all coming forth spontaneously and all in readiness. For it is clear that it is easier without calling in the husbandman’s art to supply in abundance the yield of growths already existing than to bring into being things that were non-existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] Let what has been said suffice for an account of the second reason. A third is this. God, being minded to unite in intimate and loving fellowship the beginning and end of created things, made heaven the beginning and man the end, the one the most perfect of imperishable objects of sense, the other the noblest of things earthborn and perishable, being, in very truth, a miniature heaven. He bears about within himself, like holy images, endowments of nature that correspond to the constellations. He has capacities for science and art, for knowledge, and for the noble lore of the several virtues. For since the corruptible and the incorruptible are by nature contrary the one to the other, God assigned the fairest of each sort to the beginning and the end, heaven (as I have said) to the beginning, and man to the end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Finally, this is suggested as a cogent reason. Man was bound to arise after all created things, in order that coming last and suddenly appearing to the other animals he might produce consternation in them; for they were sure, as soon as they saw him, to be amazed and do homage to him as to a born ruler or master: and so on beholding him they were all tamed through all their kinds, those who were most savage in their natures at the first sight of him becoming at once most manageable, displaying their untamed pugnacity one against another, but to man and man alone showing gentleness and docility.",
+                "[84] On this account too the Father, when he had brought him into existence as a living being naturally adapted for sovereignty, not only in fact but by express mandate appointed him king of all creatures under the moon, those that move on land and swim in the sea and fly in the air. For all things mortal in the three elements of land and water and air did He make subject to men, but exempted the heavenly beings as having obtained a portion more divine. The clearest proof of man’s rule is afforded by what goes on before our eyes. Sometimes vast numbers of cattle are led by one quite ordinary man neither wearing armour nor carrying an iron weapon nor anything with which to defend himself, with nothing but a sheepskin to cover him and a staff wherewith to show them which way to go and to lean on should he grow weary on his journeys.",
+                "[85] See, there is a shepherd, a goatherd, a cowherd leading flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of kine. They are men not even strong and lusty in body, unlikely, so far as healthy vigour goes, to create consternation in those who see them. And all the prowess and strength of all those well-armed animals, who possess the equipment which nature provides and use it in self-defence, cower before him like slaves before a master, and do his bidding. Bulls are harnessed to plough the land, and cutting deep furrows all day long, sometimes all night as well, accomplish a long bout with some farm-hand to direct them: rams laden with thick fleeces of wool, when spring-time comes, stand peacefully or even lie down quietly at the shepherd’s bidding, and offer their wool to the shears, growing accustomed, just as cities do, to render their yearly tribute to him whom nature has given them for king.",
+                "[86] Nay, even the horse, most spirited of all animals, is easily controlled by the bit to prevent his growing restive and running away. He hollows his back, making it a convenient seat, takes his rider on it and bearing him aloft gallops at a great pace intent on bringing himself and his rider to the destination which the latter is eager to reach. As for his rider, firmly seated on him, without trouble and in much composure, he gets through his journey using the body and feet of another."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] Anyone who wished to enlarge on the subject would have plenty more to say tending to prove that nothing whatever has been emancipated and withdrawn from the domination of men: this is sufficiently indicated by what has been said. There is a point, however, as to which ignorance must be avoided. The fact of having been the last to come into existence does not involve an inferiority corresponding to his place in the series. Drivers and pilots are evidence of this.",
+                "[88] The former, though they come after their team and have their appointed place behind them, keep hold of the reins and drive them just as they wish, now letting them fall into a sharp trot, now pulling them up should they go with more speed than is necessary. Pilots again, taking their way to the stern, the hindmost place in the ship, are, one may say, superior to all on board, for they hold in their hands the safety of the ship and those on board it. So the Creator made man after all things, as a sort of driver and pilot, to drive and steer the things on earth, and charged him with the care of animals and plants, like a governor subordinate to the chief and great King."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now when the whole world had been brought to completion in accordance with the properties of six, a perfect number, the Father invested with dignity the seventh day which comes next, extolling it and pronouncing it holy; for it is the festival, not of a single city or country, but of the universe, and it alone strictly deserves to be called “public” as belonging to all people and the birthday of the world.",
+                "[90] I doubt whether anyone could adequately celebrate the properties of the number 7, for they are beyond all words. Yet the fact that it is more wondrous than all that is said about it is no reason for maintaining silence regarding it. Nay, we must make a brave attempt to bring out at least all that is within the compass of our understandings, even if it be impossible to bring out all or even the most essential points. Now, 7 or 7th is a term used in two different senses. There is the 7 inside the number 10. This consists of 7 units, and is determined by the sevenfold repetition of the unit. There is the 7 outside the number 10.",
+                "[91] This is a number starting throughout from the number 1 and formed by doubling it and going on doubling (7 times) or trebling, or multiplying by any other number in regular progression; as, for example, the number 64 is the product of doubling from 1 onwards, and the number 729 that of trebling. Each of these forms claims more than casual notice. The second form, clearly has a very manifest superiority.",
+                "[92] For invariably the 7th term of any regular progression, starting from unity and with a ratio of 2, 3, or any other number, is both a cube and a square, embracing both forms, that of the incorporeal and that of the corporeal substance, the form of the incorporeal answering to the surface which is formed by squares, that of the corporeal answering to the solid which is formed by cubes.",
+                "[93] The plainest evidence of this are the numbers already mentioned: for instance, the 7th from 1 reached by going on doubling, i.e. 64, is a square, being 8 times 8, and a cube, being 4 times 4, again multiplied by 4: and again the 7th from 1 reached by progressive trebling, 729, is a square, being the product of 27 multiplied by itself, and the cube of 9, i.e. 9 times 9, again multiplied by 9.",
+                "[94] And invariably if one takes the 7th number for his starting-point instead of the unit, and multiplies in corresponding fashion up to a (fresh) 7th, he is sure to find the product both a cube and a square: for instance starting from 64 the number formed by continuous doubling will give us seventh 4096. This is at once a square and a cube—a square with 64 as its side and a cube with 16."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] We must pass on to the other kind of 7th, that which is contained within the decade. It exhibits a marvellous nature, not at all inferior to that of the former kind. For instance 7 consists of 1 and 2 and 4, which have two relations making specially for harmony, the twofold and the fourfold, the one producing the diapason harmony, while the fourfold relation produces double diapason. 7 admits of other divisions besides these, in pairs like animals under a yoke. It is divided first into 1 and 6, then into 2 and 5, and last of all into 3 and 4.",
+                "[96] Most musical is the proportion of these numbers also: for 6 to 1 is a sixfold proportion, but the sixfold proportion makes the greatest distance that there is (in music), the distance from the highest to the lowest note, as we shall prove, when we pass from numbers to the proportion in harmonies. 5:2 exhibits the fullest power in harmonies, all but rivalling the diapason, a fact which is most clearly established in theoretical music. 4:3 yields the first harmony, the sesquitertian or diatessaron."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] 7 (or “7th”) exhibits yet another beauty belonging to it, a most sacred object for our mind to ponder. Being made up as it is of 3 and 4 it is a presentation of all that is naturally steadfast and upright in the universe. How it is this, we must point out. The right-angled triangle, the starting-point of figures of a definite shape, is made up of certain numbers, namely 3 and 4 and 5:3 and 4, the constituent parts of 7, produce the right angle: for the obtuse and acute angle are manifestations of irregularity and disorder and inequality: for one such angle can be more obtuse or more acute than another: whereas one right angle does not admit of comparison with another, nor can it be more “right” than another, but remains as it is, never changing its proper nature. Now if the right-angled triangle is the starting-point of figures of a definite kind, and the essential factor in this triangle, namely the right angle, is supplied by the numbers which constitute 7, namely 3 and 4 together, 7 would reasonably be regarded as the fountain-head of every figure and every definite shape.",
+                "[98] In addition to what we have already said we are bound to mention this further point, namely that 3 is the number belonging to a superficies—for a point falls under the head of 1, a line under that of 2, and a superficies of 3—while 4 belongs to a solid, by means of the addition of 1, depth being added to superficies. From this it is manifest that 7 is so constituted as to be the starting-point of all plane and solid geometry, or (to put it concisely) alike of things corporeal and incorporeal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So august is the dignity inherent by nature in the number 7, that it has a unique relation distinguishing it from all the other numbers within the decade: for of these some beget without being begotten, some are begotten but do not beget, some do both these, both beget and are begotten: 7 alone is found in no such category. We must establish this assertion by giving proof of it. Well then, 1 begets all the subsequent numbers while it is begotten by none whatever: 8 is begotten by twice 4, but begets no number within the decade: 4 again holds the place of both, both of parents and of offspring; for it begets 8 by being doubled, and is begotten by twice 2.",
+                "[100] It is the nature of 7 alone, as I have said, neither to beget nor to be begotten. For this reason other philosophers liken this number to the motherless and virgin Nikè, who is said to have appeared out of the head of Zeus, while the Pythagoreans liken it to the chief of all things: for that which neither begets nor is begotten remains motionless; for creation takes place in movement, since there is movement both in that which begets and in that which is begotten, in the one that it may beget, in the other that it may be begotten. There is only one thing that neither causes motion nor experiences it, the original Ruler and Sovereign. Of Him 7 may be fitly said to be a symbol. Evidence of what I say is supplied by Philolaus in these words: “There is, he says, a supreme Ruler of all things, God, ever One, abiding, without motion, Himself (alone) like unto Himself, different from all others.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] In the region, then, of things discerned by the intellect only, 7 exhibits that which is exempt from movement and from passion; but in that of sensible things a most essential force [in the movements of the planets] from which all earthly things derive advantage, and in the circuits of the moon. How this is we must consider. Begin at 1 and add each number up to 7 and it produces 28. This is a perfect number and equal to the sum of its own factors. And the number produced is the number which brings the moon back to her original form, as she retraces her course by lessening till she reaches the shape from which she began to make perceptible increase; for she increases from her first shining as a crescent till she becomes a half-moon in seven days, then in as many more she becomes full-moon, and again returns the same way like a runner in the double race-course, from the full to the half-moon in seven days as before, then from the half to the crescent in an equal number of days: these four sets of days complete the aforesaid number.",
+                "[102] Now by those who are in the habit of giving words their proper force seven is called also “perfection-bringing,” because by this all things in the material universe are brought to perfection. Proof of this may be derived from the circumstance that every organic body has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and four limits, point, line, surface, and solid; by adding which together we get seven. It would have been impossible that bodies should be measured by seven in accordance with their formation out of the three dimensions and the four limits, had it not been that the forms of the first numbers (1, 2, 3, and 4), the foundation of 10, already contained the nature of 7, for the numbers named have three intervals, that from 1 to 2, that from 2 to 3, and that from 3 to 4; and the four limits between which these intervals lie, 1, 2, 3, and 4."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Beside the proofs already mentioned, the perfecting power of the number 7 is also shown by the stages of men’s growth, measured from infancy to old age in the following manner: during the first period of seven years the growth of the teeth begins; during the second the capacity for emitting seed; in the third the growing of the beard; and in the fourth increase of strength; in the fifth again ripeness for marriage; in the sixth the understanding reaches its bloom; in the seventh progressive improvement and development of mind and reason; in the eighth the perfecting of both these; during the ninth forbearance and gentleness emerge, owing to the more complete taming of the passions; during the tenth comes the desirable end of life, while the bodily organs are still compact and firm; for prolonged old age is wont to abate and break down the force of each of them.",
+                "[104] These ages of men’s life were described by Solon the lawgiver of the Athenians among others in the following lines:",
+                "In seven years the Boy, an infant yet unfledged, <br>Both grows and sheds the teeth with which his tongue is hedged. <br>When heaven has made complete a second week of years, <br>Of coming prime of youth full many a sign appears. <br>In life’s third term, while still his limbs grow big apace, <br>His chin shows down; its early bloom now quits his face. <br>In the fourth heptad each one full of strength doth seem— <br>Strength, which of manly worth best earnest all men deem. <br>Let him in his fifth week of years a bride bespeak, <br>Offspring to bear his name hereafter let him seek. <br>The sixth beholds the man good sense all round attain; <br>Not now can reckless deeds as once his fancy gain. <br>Now see him seventh and eighth, fresh heptads, duly reach <br>In insight strongest now, strongest in power of speech. <br>In his ninth week of years, strong still but softer far <br>For high achievement’s venture speech and wisdom are. <br>Then should the man, ten bouts complete, attain life’s end <br>Fate, no untimely gift, death’s call may fitly send."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] Solon, then, reckons the life of man by the aforesaid ten weeks of years. And Hippocrates the physician, says that there are seven ages, those of the little boy, the boy, the lad, the young man, the man, the elderly man, the old man, and that these ages are measured by multiples of seven though not in regular succession. His words are: “In man’s life there are seven seasons, which they call ages, little boy, boy, lad, young man, man, elderly man, old man. He is a little boy until he reaches seven years, the time of the shedding of his teeth; a boy until he reaches puberty, i.e. up to twice seven years; a lad until his chin grows downy, i.e. up to thrice seven years; a young man until his whole body has grown, till four times seven; a man till forty-nine, till seven times seven; an elderly man till fifty-six, up to seven times eight; after that an old man.”",
+                "[106] The following is also mentioned to commend the number 7 as occupying a wonderful place in nature, since it consists of 3+4: if we multiply by 2, we shall find that the third number, counted from 1, is a square, and the fourth a cube, while the seventh (and 7 is made up of 3 and 4), is at once a square and a cube: for the third number in this multiplication by 2, namely 4, is a square, the fourth, 8, is a cube; the seventh, 64, is at once a cube and a square. Thus the seventh number does indeed bring with it perfection, claiming both correspondences, that with the superficies by means of the square, in virtue of its kinship with 3, and that with the solid body by means of the cube, in virtue of its relationship with 4; and 3 and 4 make 7."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] It is however not only a bringer of perfection, but, one may say, absolutely harmonious, and in a certain sense the source of the most beautiful scale, which contains all the harmonies, that yielded by the interval of four, by the interval of five, by the octave; and all the progressions, the arithmetic, the geometric, and the harmonic as well. The scheme is formed out of the following numbers: 6, 8, 9, 12. 8 stands to 6 in the proportion 4:3, which regulates the harmony of 4; 9 stands to 6 in the proportion 3:2, which regulates the harmony of 5; 12 stands to 6 in the proportion 2:1, which regulates the octave.",
+                "[108] And, as I said, it contains also all the progressions, the arithmetic made up of 6 and 9 and 12—for as the middle number exceeds the first by 3, so it in its turn is exceeded to the same amount by the last; the geometric, made up of the four numbers (6, 8, 9, 12); for 12 bears the same proportion to 9 that 8 does to 6, and the proportion is 4:3; the harmonic, made up of three numbers (6, 8, and 12).",
+                "[109] There are two modes of testing harmonic progression. One is this. (Harmonic progression is present) whenever the relation in which the last term stands to the first is identical with that in which the excess of the last over the middle term stands to the excess of the middle term over the first. A very clear proof may be obtained from the numbers before us, 6 and 8 and 12: for the last is double the first, and the difference or excess is also double; for 12 exceeds 8 by 4, and 8 exceeds 6 by 2, and 4 is twice 2.",
+                "[110] Another way of detecting the presence of harmonic proportion is this. (It is present) whenever the middle term exceeds the one extreme and is itself exceeded by the other by the same fraction; for 8 being the middle term exceeds the first by one-third of the latter, for when we subtract 6 (from 8) the remainder, 2, is one-third of the first number, and 8 is exceeded by the last number by the same fraction, for if 8 be subtracted from 12, the remainder 4 is one-third of the last number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Let what has been said suffice as a bare outline of the dignity pertaining to the figure or scheme or whatever we ought to call it: all these qualities and more still does 7 discover in the incorporeal and intellectual sphere. But its nature reaches further, extending to all visible existence, to heaven and earth, to the utmost bounds of the universe. For what part of the world’s contents is not a lover of seven, overcome by passion and desire for it? Let us give some instances.",
+                "[112] They tell us that heaven is girdled by seven zones, whose names are these: arctic, antarctic, that of the summer solstice, that of the winter solstice, equinox, zodiac, and beside these the milky way. The horizon is not one of these, for it is a thing of subjective observation, our eyesight, as it is keen or the reverse, cutting off, now a smaller, now a larger, circumference.",
+                "[113] Moreover, the planets, the heavenly host that moves counter to the fixed stars, are marshalled in seven ranks, and manifest large sympathy with air and earth. The one (the air) they turn and shift for the so-called annual seasons, producing in each of these seasons a thousand changes by times of calm, or fair weather, of cloudy skies, of unusually violent storms: they flood rivers and shrink them; they turn plains into marshes, and dry them up again: they produce tides in the sea, as it ebbs and flows: for at times broad gulfs, through the sea’s being withdrawn by ebbing, suddenly become a far-reaching stretch of sand, and a little later, as it is poured back, they become deep seas navigable not merely by small barges but by ships of many tons burden. Yes, and the planets cause all things on earth, living creatures and fruit-yielding plants, to grow and come to perfection, enabling, as they do, the natural power in each of them to run its full round, new fruits blossoming and ripening on old trees, to supply abundantly those who need them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] The Great Bear, moreover, which is called the mariners’ escort, consists of seven stars. Fixing their eyes on this, pilots cut those countless paths in the sea, undertaking an enterprise surpassing belief and human powers. For by keeping their eyes on the stars we have named they discovered countries hitherto unknown, dwellers on the continents discovering islands, and islanders continents. For it was meet that by heaven, purest of all things existing, should be revealed to the living creature best loved by God, even the human race, the secret recesses both of land and sea.",
+                "[115] Beside the cases already mentioned, the full tale of the band of Pleiades is made up of seven stars, whose appearances and disappearances are fraught with vast benefits to all men: for when they are setting, furrows are opened for sowing, and when they are about to rise, they announce reaping-time; and when they have risen, they make glad the workers on the land and rouse them to gather in the crops that meet their needs; and they blithely store up their food for daily use.",
+                "[116] The sun, too, the great lord of day, bringing about two equinoxes each year, in Spring and Autumn, the Spring equinox in the constellation of the Ram, and the Autumn equinox in that of the Scales, supplies very clear evidence of the sacred dignity of the 7th number, for each of the equinoxes occurs in a 7th month, and during them there is enjoined by law the keeping of the greatest national festivals, since at both of them all fruits of the earth ripen, in the Spring the wheat and all else that is sown, and in Autumn the fruit of the vine and most of the other fruit-trees."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] As, however, in accordance with a certain natural sympathy the things of the earth depend on the things of heaven, the principle of the number 7, after having begun from above, descended also to us and visited the races of mortals. For instance, if we leave the understanding out of sight, the remainder of our soul is divided into seven parts, namely five senses, the faculty of speech, last that of generation. All these, as in marionette shows, are drawn with strings by the understanding, now resting, now moving, each in the attitudes and with the movements appropriate to it.",
+                "[118] In like manner, should a man go on to examine the outer and inner parts of the body, he will find seven under each head. The visible parts are head, breast, belly, two hands, two feet. The inward parts, called entrails, are stomach, heart, lung, spleen, liver, two kidneys.",
+                "[119] Once more, the head, the most princely part in an animal, employs seven most essential parts, two eyes, as many ears, two nostrils, seventhly a mouth. Through this, as Plato says, mortal things have their entrance, immortal their exit; for foods and drinks enter it, perishable nourishment of a perishable body, but words issue from it, undying laws of an undying soul, by means of which the life of reason is guided."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] The objects which are distinguished by sight, the noblest of the senses, participate in the number of which we are speaking, if classified by their kinds: for the kinds which are seen are seven—body, extension, shape, size, colour, movement, quiescence, and beside these there is no other.",
+                "[121] The varieties of the voice too are seven in all, the acute, the grave, the circumflex, and fourthly the rough (or “aspirated”), and fifthly the thin (or “unaspirated”) utterance, and sixthly the long, and seventhly the short sound.",
+                "[122] Likewise there are seven movements, upward, downward, to the right, to the left, forward, backward, in a circle. These come out most distinctly in an exhibition of dancing.",
+                "[123] The discharges from the body also (it has been pointed out) are limited to the number named: for through the eyes tears pour out, through the nostrils purgings from the head, through the mouth expectorations of phlegm: there are also two receptacles for excretion of superfluities, one in front, one behind; and in the sixth place there is perspiration exuding through the whole body, and in the seventh place the natural normal emission of seed through the genital organs.",
+                "[124] Further Hippocrates, that expert in the processes of nature, says that in seven days both the solidifying of the seed and the formation of the embryo take place. Once again, for women the duration of the monthly cleansing is at the most seven days. Moreover the fruit of the womb is brought by nature to full ripeness in seven months, with a most strange result, namely that seven months’ children come to the birth, whereas eight months’ children as a rule fail to do so alive.",
+                "[125] Severe bodily sicknesses too, especially persistent attacks of fever due to internal disorder, generally reach the crisis on the seventh day; for this day decides the struggle for life, bringing to some recovery, to others death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] The number 7 exerts its influence not only in the spheres that have been mentioned, but also in those noblest of sciences, grammar and music. For the seven-stringed lyre, corresponding to the choir of the Planets, produces the notable melodies, and it is not going too far to say that the lyre is the rule to which the making of all musical instruments conforms. And among the letters in grammar there are seven properly called vowels or “vocals,” since as is obvious they can be sounded by themselves, and when joined with the others can produce articulate sounds; for on the one hand they fill up what is lacking to the “semi-vowels,” rendering the sounds full and complete, and on the other hand they change the nature of the “voiceless” (the consonants) by breathing into them something of their own power, that it may now be possible to pronounce letters before incapable of pronunciation.",
+                "[127] On these grounds I hold that those who originally fitted names to things, being wise men, called this number “seven” because of the “reverence” (σεβασμός) which it deserves, and the heavenly “dignity” (σεμνότης) pertaining to it. The Romans, who add the letter σ left out by the Greeks, make this appear still more clearly, since they, with greater accuracy, call the number septem, owing to its derivation, as I have said, from σεμνός (reverend) and σεβασμός (“reverence”)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] These and yet more than these are the statements and reflections of men on the number 7, showing the reasons for the very high honour which that number has attained in Nature, the honour in which it is held by the most approved investigators of the science of Mathematics and Astronomy among Greeks and other peoples, and the special honour accorded to it by that lover of virtue, Moses. He inscribed its beauty on the most holy tables of the Law, and impressed it on the minds of all who were set under him, by bidding them at intervals of six days to keep a seventh day holy, abstaining from other work that has to do with seeking and gaining a livelihood, and giving their time to the one sole object of philosophy with a view to the improvement of character and submission to the scrutiny of conscience. Conscience, established in the soul like a judge, is never abashed in administering reproofs, sometimes employing sharper threats, sometimes gentler admonitions; threats, where the wrongdoing appeared to be deliberate; admonitions, to guard against a like lapse in the future, when the misconduct seemed unintentional and the result of want of caution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[129] In his concluding summary of the story of creation he says: “This is the book of the genesis of heaven and earth, when they came into being, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth and every herb of the field before it appeared upon the earth, and all grass of the field before it sprang up” (Gen. 2:4, 5). Is he not manifestly describing the incorporeal ideas present only to the mind, by which, as by seals, the finished objects that meet our senses were moulded? For before the earth put forth its young green shoots, young verdure was present, he tells us, in the nature of things without material shape, and before grass sprang up in the field, there was in existence an invisible grass.",
+                "[130] We must suppose that in the case of all other objects also, on which the senses pronounce judgement, the original forms and measures, to which all things that come into being owe shape and size, subsisted before them; for even if he has not dealt with everything in detail but in the mass, aiming as he does at brevity in a high degree, nevertheless what he does say gives us a few indications of universal Nature, which brings forth no finished product in the world of sense without using an incorporeal pattern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Keeping to the sequence of the creation and carefully observing the connexion between what follows and what has gone before, he next says: “and a spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). Other philosophers say that all water is one of the four elements out of which the world was made. But Moses, wont as he is with keener vision to observe and apprehend amazingly well even distant objects, does indeed regard the great sea as an element, a fourth part of the whole, which his successors, reckoning the seas we sail to be in size mere harbours compared to it, call Ocean; but he distinguished sweet drinkable water from the salt water, assigning the former to the land and looking on it as part of this, not of the sea. It is such a part, for the purpose already mentioned, that by the sweet quality of the water as by a uniting glue the earth may be bound and held together: for had it been left dry, with no moisture making its way in and spreading by many channels through the pores, it would have actually fallen to pieces. It is held together and lasts, partly by virtue of the life-breath that makes it one, partly because it is saved from drying up and breaking off in small or big bits by the moisture.",
+                "[132] This is one reason, and I must mention another which is a guess at the truth. It is of the nature of nothing earth-born to take form apart from wet substance. This is shown by the depositing of seeds, which either are moist, as those of animals, or do not grow without moisture: such are those of plants. From this it is clear that the wet substance we have mentioned must be a part of the earth which gives birth to all things, just as with women the running of the monthly cleansings; for these too are, so physical scientists tell us, the bodily substance of the fetus.",
+                "[133] And what I am about to say is in perfect agreement with what has been said already. Nature has bestowed on every mother as a most essential endowment teeming breasts, thus preparing in advance food for the child that is to be born. The earth also, as we all know, is a mother, for which reason the earliest men thought fit to call her ‘Demeter,’ combining the name of ‘mother’ with that of ‘earth’; for, as Plato says, earth does not imitate woman, but woman earth. Poets quite rightly are in the habit of calling earth ‘All-mother,’ and ‘Fruit-bearer’ and ‘Pandora’ or ‘Give-all,’ inasmuch as she is the originating cause of existence and continuance in existence to all animals and plants alike. Fitly therefore on earth also, most ancient and most fertile of mothers, did Nature bestow, by way of breasts, streams of rivers and springs, to the end that both the plants might be watered and all animals might have abundance to drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] After this he says that “God formed man by taking clay from the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life” (Gen. 2:7). By this also he shows very clearly that there is a vast difference between the man thus formed and the man that came into existence earlier after the image of God: for the man so formed is an object of sense-perception, partaking already of such or such quality, consisting of body and soul, man or woman, by nature mortal; while he that was after the (Divine) image was an idea or type or seal, an object of thought (only), incorporeal, neither male nor female, by nature incorruptible.",
+                "[135] It says, however, that the formation of the individual man, the object of sense, is a composite one made up of earthly substance and of Divine breath: for it says that the body was made through the Artificer taking clay and moulding out of it a human form, but that the soul was originated from nothing created whatever, but from the Father and Ruler of all: for that which He breathed in was nothing else than a Divine breath that migrated hither from that blissful and happy existence for the benefit of our race, to the end that, even if it is mortal in respect of its visible part, it may in respect of the part that is invisible be rendered immortal. Hence it may with propriety be said that man is the borderland between mortal and immortal nature, partaking of each so far as is needful, and that he was created at once mortal and immortal, mortal in respect of the body, but in respect of the mind immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] That first man, earth-born, ancestor of our whole race, was made, as it appears to me, most excellent in each part of his being, in both soul and body, and greatly excelling those who came after him in the transcendent qualities of both alike: for this man really was the one truly “beautiful and good.” The fair form of his body may be gathered from three proofs. The first is this. When, at the severing of the great mass of water, which received the name of “sea,” the newly formed earth appeared, the material of the things to come into existence was, as a result, pure and free from mixture or alloy, and also supple and easy to work, and the things wrought out of it naturally flawless.",
+                "[137] Secondly, God is not likely to have taken the clay from any part of the earth that might offer, or to have chosen as rapidly as possible to mould this figure in the shape of a man, but selecting the best from it all, out of pure material taking the purest and most subtly refined, such as was best suited for his structure; for a sacred dwelling-place or shrine was being fashioned for the reasonable soul, which man was to carry as a holy image, of all images the most Godlike.",
+                "[138] The third proof, incomparably stronger than the two that have been given, is this, that the Creator excelled, as well as in all else, in skill to bring it about that each of the bodily parts should have in itself individually its due proportions, and should also be fitted with the most perfect accuracy for the part it was to take in the whole. And together with this symmetry (of the parts) He bestowed on the body goodly flesh, and adorned it with a rich complexion, desiring the first man to be as fair as could be to behold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] That in soul also he was most excellent is manifest; for the Creator, we know, employed for its making no pattern taken from among created things, but solely, as I have said, His own Word (or Reason). It is on this account that he says that man was made a likeness and imitation of the Word, when the Divine Breath was breathed into his face. The face is the seat of the senses. By the senses the Creator endowed the body with soul. To the senses, when He had installed the sovereign Reason in the princely part of man’s being, He delivered it to be by them escorted to the apprehension of colours and sounds, as well as of flavours and scents and the like. The Reason, apart from perception by the senses, was unable by itself alone to apprehend these. Now the copy of a perfectly beautiful pattern must needs be of perfect beauty. But the Word of God surpasses beauty itself, beauty, that is, as it exists in Nature. He is not only adorned with beauty, but is Himself in very truth beauty’s fairest adornment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Such was the first man created, as I think, in body and soul, surpassing all the men that now are, and all that have been before us. For our beginning is from men, whereas God created him, and the more eminent the maker is, so much the better is the work. For as that which is in bloom is always better than that whose bloom is past, be it animal or plant or fruit or aught else in nature, so the man first fashioned was clearly the bloom of our entire race, and never have his descendants attained the like bloom, forms and faculties ever feebler having been bestowed on each succeeding generation.",
+                "[141] I have observed the same thing happening in the case of sculpture and painting: the copies are inferior to the originals, and what is painted or moulded from the copies still more so, owing to their long distance from the original. Much the same appears in the case of the magnet: for the iron ring which touches it is held most forcibly, but that which touches this one less so. A third hangs on to the second, and a fourth on to the third, and a fifth on to the fourth, and so on in a long series, all held together by one attracting force, only not all alike, for those removed from the starting-point get looser all the time, owing to the attraction being relaxed and losing its power to grip as it did before. Mankind has evidently undergone something of the same kind. As generation follows generation the powers and qualities of body and soul which men receive are feebler.",
+                "[142] If we call that original forefather of our race not only the first man but also the only citizen of the world we shall be speaking with perfect truth. For the world was his city and dwelling-place. No building made by hand had been wrought out of the material of stones and timbers. The world was his mother country where he dwelt far removed from fear, inasmuch as he had been held worthy of the rule of the denizens of the earth, and all things mortal trembled before him, and had been taught or compelled to obey him as their master. So he lived exposed to no attack amid the comforts of peace unbroken by war."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Now since every well-ordered State has a constitution, the citizen of the world enjoyed of necessity the same constitution as did the whole world: and this constitution is nature’s right relation, more properly called an “ordinance,” or “dispensation,” seeing it is a divine law, in accordance with which there was duly apportioned to all existences that which rightly falls to them severally. This State and polity must have had citizens before man. These might justly be termed people of the Great City, having had allotted to them as their dwelling-place the greatest compass, and having been enrolled in the greatest and most perfect commonwealth.",
+                "[144] And who should these be but spiritual and divine natures, some incorporeal and visible to mind only, some not without bodies, such as are the stars? Conversing and consorting with these man could not but live in unalloyed bliss, and being of near kin to the Ruler, since the divine Spirit had flowed into him in full current, he earnestly endeavoured in all his words and actions to please the Father and King, following Him step by step in the highways cut out by virtues, since only for souls who regard it as their goal to be fully conformed to God who begat them is it lawful to draw nigh to Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Of the beauty of the first-made man in each part of his being, in soul and body, we have now said what falls perhaps far short of the reality but yet what for our powers was possible. It could not but be that his descendants, partaking as they did in the original form in which he was formed, should preserve marks, though faint ones, of their kinship with their first father. Now what is this kinship?",
+                "[146] Every man, in respect of his mind, is allied to the divine Reason, having come into being as a copy or fragment or ray of that blessed nature, but in the structure of his body he is allied to all the world, for he is compounded of the same things, earth, water, air, and fire, each of the elements having contributed the share that falls to each, to complete a material absolutely sufficient in itself for the Creator to take in order to fashion this visible image.",
+                "[147] Moreover, man is at home in all the elements named, as in places fully congenial and akin to him, ever changing his sphere and haunting now one, now another of them. Thus we can say with strict propriety that man is all four, as being of land and water and air and sky. For in so far as he dwells and moves upon the ground, he is a land-animal; so far as he often dives and swims and often sails, he is a water-creature—merchants and shipmasters and fishers for purple-fish and oyster-dredgers and fishermen generally are the clearest evidence of what I have said—; so far as his body ascends and is raised aloft from the earth, he would justly be said to be an air-walker. He may besides be said to be heavenly, for by means of sight, the most dominant of his senses, he draws near to sun and moon and each of the other planets and fixed stars."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Quite excellently does Moses ascribe the bestowal of names also to the first man (Gen. 2:19): for this is the business of wisdom and royalty, and the first man was wise with a wisdom learned from and taught by Wisdom’s own lips, for he was made by divine hands; he was, moreover, a king, and it befits a ruler to bestow titles on his several subordinates. And we may guess that the sovereignty with which that first man was invested was a most lofty one, seeing that God had fashioned him with the utmost care and deemed him worthy of the second place, making him His own viceroy and lord of all others. For men born many generations later, when, owing to the lapse of ages, the race had lost its vigour, are none the less still masters of the creatures that are without reason, keeping safe a torch (as it were) of sovereignty and dominion passed down from the first man.",
+                "[149] So Moses says that God brought all the animals to Adam, wishing to see what appellations he would assign to them severally. Not that he was in any doubt—for to God nothing is unknown—but because He knew that He had formed in mortal man the natural ability to reason of his own motion, that so He Himself might have no share in faulty action. No, He was putting man to the test, as a teacher does a pupil, kindling his innate capacity, and calling on him to put forth some faculty of his own, that by his own ability man might confer titles in no wise incongruous or unsuitable, but bringing out clearly the traits of the creatures who bore them.",
+                "[150] For the native reasoning power in the soul being still unalloyed, and no infirmity or disease or evil affection having intruded itself, he received the impressions made by bodies and objects in their sheer reality, and the titles he gave were fully apposite, for right well did he divine the character of the creatures he was describing, with the result that their natures were apprehended as soon as their names were uttered. So greatly did he excel in all noble traits, thus attaining the very limit of human happiness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] But since no created thing is constant, and things mortal are necessarily liable to changes and reverses, it could not but be that the first man too should experience some ill fortune. And woman becomes for him the beginning of blameworthy life. For so long as he was by himself, as accorded with such solitude, he went on growing like to the world and like God, and receiving in his soul the impressions made by the nature of each, not all of these, but as many as one of mortal composition can find room for. But when woman too had been made, beholding a figure like his own and a kindred form, he was gladdened by the sight, and approached and greeted her.",
+                "[152] She, seeing no living thing more like herself than he, is filled with glee and shamefastly returns his greeting. Love supervenes, brings together and fits into one the divided halves, as it were, of a single living creature, and sets up in each of them a desire for fellowship with the other with a view to the production of their like. And this desire begat likewise bodily pleasure, that pleasure which is the beginning of wrongs and violation of law, the pleasure for the sake of which men bring on themselves the life of mortality and wretchedness in lieu of that of immortality and bliss."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[153] While the man was still leading a life of solitude, the woman not having been yet formed, a park or pleasaunce, we are told, was planted by God, quite unlike the pleasaunces with which we are familiar (Gen. 2:8 f.): for in them the wood is soulless; they are full of trees of all sorts, some ever-blooming to give uninterrupted joy to the eye, some bursting forth with young life every spring: some again bearing cultivated fruit for man, not only for use by way of necessary nourishment, but also for his superfluities, for the enjoyment of a life of luxury; while others yield a different kind of fruit, supplied to the wild beasts to satisfy their actual needs. But in the divine park or pleasaunce all plants are endowed with soul or reason, bearing the virtues for fruit, and beside these insight and discernment that never fail, by which things fair and ugly are recognized, and life free from disease, and incorruption, and all that is of a like nature.",
+                "[154] This description is, I think, intended symbolically rather than literally; for never yet have trees of life or of understanding appeared on earth, nor is it likely that they will appear hereafter. No, Moses evidently signifies by the pleasaunce the ruling power of the soul which is full of countless opinions, as it might be of plants; and by the tree of life he signifies reverence toward God, the greatest of the virtues, by means of which the soul attains to immortality; while by the tree that is cognisant of good and evil things he signifies moral prudence, the virtue that occupies the middle position, and enables us to distinguish things by nature contrary the one to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[155] Having set up these standards in the soul, He watched, as a judge might, to see to which it would tend. And when He saw it inclining to wickedness, and making light of holiness and godly fear, out of which comes the winning of immortal life, He cast it forth, as we might expect, and drove it from the pleasaunce, giving the soul which committed offences that defy the healer’s skill, no hope of a subsequent return, inasmuch as the reason given for their deception was in a high degree blameworthy. This we must not leave unexplained.",
+                "[156] It is said that in olden time the venomous earthborn crawling thing could send forth a man’s voice, and that one day it approached the wife of the first man and upbraided her for her irresoluteness and excessive scrupulosity in delaying and hesitating to pluck a fruit most beauteous to behold and most luscious to taste, and most useful into the bargain, since by its means she would have power to recognize things good and evil. It is said that she, without looking into the suggestion, prompted by a mind devoid of steadfastness and firm foundation, gave her consent and ate of the fruit, and gave some of it to her husband; this instantly brought them out of a state of simplicity and innocence into one of wickedness: whereat the Father in anger appointed for them the punishments that were fitting. For their conduct well merited wrath, inasmuch as they had passed by the tree of life immortal, the consummation of virtue, from which they could have gathered an existence long and happy. Yet they chose that fleeting and mortal existence which is not an existence but a period of time full of misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Now these are no mythical fictions, such as poets and sophists delight in, but modes of making ideas visible, bidding us resort to allegorical interpretation guided in our renderings by what lies beneath the surface. Following a probable conjecture one would say that the serpent spoken of is a fit symbol of pleasure, because in the first place he is an animal without feet sunk prone upon his belly; secondly because he takes clods of earth as food; thirdly because he carries in his teeth the venom with which it is his nature to destroy those whom he has bitten.",
+                "[158] The lover of pleasure is exempt from none of these traits, for he is so weighted and dragged downwards that it is with difficulty that he lifts up his head, thrown down and tripped up by intemperance: he feeds not on heavenly nourishment, which wisdom by discourses and doctrines proffers to lovers of contemplation, but on that which comes up out of the earth with the revolving seasons, and which produces drunkenness, daintiness, and greediness. These, causing the cravings of the belly to burst out and fanning them into flame, make the man a glutton, while they also stimulate and stir up the stings of his sexual lusts. For he licks his lips over the labour of caterers and confectioners, and twisting his head about all round strains to catch some of the steam and savour of the delicacies. Whenever he beholds a richly spread table, he flings down his whole person and tumbles upon the dishes set out, eager to devour all at once. His aim is not to sate his hunger, but to leave nothing that has been set before him undevoured. Hence we see that no less than the serpent he carries his poison in his teeth.",
+                "[159] These are the agents and ministers of excess, cutting and chewing all eatables, handing them over first to the tongue, the judge of savours, for its decision, then to the gullet. Immoderate eating is by its nature deadly and poisonous, for what is eaten has no chance of being assimilated, owing to the rush of the fresh viands which takes place before those already swallowed have been digested.",
+                "[160] Again the serpent is said to emit a human voice. This is because pleasure employs ten thousand champions and defenders, who have undertaken to look after her and stand up for her, and who dare to spread the doctrine that she has assumed universal sovereignty over small and great, and that no one whatever is exempt therefrom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] And certainly the first approaches of the male to the female have pleasure to guide and conduct them, and it is through pleasure that begetting and the coming of life is brought about, and the offspring is naturally at home with nothing sooner than pleasure, delighting in it and feeling distress at pain its contrary. This is why the infant when born actually weeps aloud, chilled most likely by the cold all round it; for when, leaving a place of fiery warmth in the womb, which for a long time it has tenanted, it suddenly issues into the air, a cold and unaccustomed place, it is taken aback and utters cries, a most clear sign of its pain and its annoyance at suffering.",
+                "[162] And they tell us that every living creature hastens after pleasure as its most necessary and essential end, and man above all: for while other creatures seek pleasure only through taste and the organs of reproduction, man does so through the other senses as well, pursuing with ears and eyes all such sights and sounds as can afford delight.",
+                "[163] A very great deal more is said in praise of pleasure, and of the great closeness of its connexion and kinship with living creatures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But what has now been said is enough to show why the serpent seemed to utter a human voice. It is for this reason, I think, that even in the detailed laws, where the lawgiver writes about animals, laying down which may be eaten and which may not, he especially praises the “snake-fighter” as it is called (Lev. 11:22). This is a reptile with legs above its feet, with which it springs from the ground and lifts itself into the air like a grasshopper.",
+                "[164] For the snake-fighter is, I think, nothing but a symbolic representation of self-control, waging a fight that never ends and a truceless war against intemperance and pleasure. Self-control welcomes beyond measure simplicity and abstemiousness and so much as is requisite for a severe and lofty mode of life; intemperance gives a like welcome to superfluity and extravagance, which induce softness and voluptuousness in soul and body, and these result in the culpable life, the life that in the view of right-minded people is worse than death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Pleasure does not venture to bring her wiles and deceptions to bear on the man, but on the woman, and by her means on him. This is a telling and well-made point: for in us mind corresponds to man, the senses to woman; and pleasure encounters and holds parley with the senses first, and through them cheats with her quackeries the sovereign mind itself: for when each sense has been subjugated to her sorceries, delighting in what she proffers, the sense of sight in variegated colours and shapes, that of hearing in harmonious sounds, that of taste in delicate savours, and that of scent in the fragrance of perfumes which it inhales, then all of them receive the gifts and offer them like handmaids to the Reason as to a master, bringing with them Persuasion to plead that it reject nothing whatever. Reason is forthwith ensnared and becomes a subject instead of a ruler, a slave instead of a master, an alien instead of a citizen, and a mortal instead of an immortal.",
+                "[166] In a word we must never lose sight of the fact that Pleasure, being a courtesan and a wanton, eagerly desires to meet with a lover, and searches for panders, by whose means she shall get one on her hook. It is the senses that act as panders for her and procure the lover. When she has ensnared these she easily brings the Mind under her control. To it, dwelling within us, the senses convey the things seen without, reporting them fully and making them manifest, impressing on it the forms of the several objects, and producing in it the corresponding affection. For it resembles wax, and receives the images that reach it through the senses, by which it apprehends material substances, being incapable, as I have said before, of doing this by itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] Those who were the first to become slaves to a passion grievous and hard to heal at once had experience of the wages paid by Pleasure. The woman incurred the violent woes of travail-pangs, and the griefs which come one after another all through the remainder of life. Chief among them are all those that have to do with children at birth and in their bringing up, in sickness and in health, in good fortune and evil fortune. In the next place she tasted deprivation of liberty, and the authority of the husband at her side, whose commands she must perforce obey. The man, in his turn, incurred labours and distress in the unceasing sweat of his brow to gain the necessaries of life. He was without those good things which the earth had been taught to bear of itself independently of all skill in the husbandman. His life was spent in unbroken toils in the pursuit of food and livelihood to save him from perishing by famine.",
+                "[168] For I imagine that, just as sun and moon always give their light after once for all being bidden to do so when the universe was first created, and continue to keep the divine ordinance for no other reason than that evil has been sent into exile far away from heaven’s frontiers; even so would earth’s deep and fertile soil, unaided by the skill of agricultural labourers, bear rich abundance as the seasons come round. As it is, when evil began to get the better of the virtues, the ever-flowing springs of the bounties of God were closed, that they might not bring supplies to those felt to be undeserving of them.",
+                "[169] If the human race had had to undergo the fitting penalty, it must needs have been wiped out by reason of its ingratitude to God its benefactor and preserver. But He being merciful took pity on it and moderated the punishment, suffering the race to continue, but no longer as before supplying it with food ready to its hand, that men might not, by indulging the twin evils of idleness and satiety, wax insolent in wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Such is the life of those who at the outset are in enjoyment of innocence and simplicity of character, but later on prefer vice to virtue.",
+                "By his account of the creation of the world of which we have spoken Moses teaches us among many other things five that are fairest and best of all.",
+                "Firstly that the Deity is and has been from eternity. This with a view to atheists, some of whom have hesitated and have been of two minds about His eternal existence, while the bolder sort have carried their audacity to the point of declaring that the Deity does not exist at all, but that it is a mere assertion of men obscuring the truth with myth and fiction.",
+                "[171] Secondly, that God is one. This with a view to the propounders of polytheism, who do not blush to transfer from earth to heaven mob-rule, that worst of evil polities.",
+                "Thirdly, as I have said already, that the world came into being. This because of those who think that it is without beginning and eternal, who thus assign to God no superiority at all.",
+                "Fourthly, that the world too is one as well as its Maker, who made His work like Himself in its uniqueness, who used up for the creation of the whole all the material that exists; for it would not have been a whole had it not been formed and consisted of parts that were wholes. For there are those who suppose that there are more worlds than one, while some think that they are infinite in number. Such men are themselves in very deed infinitely lacking in knowledge of things which it is right good to know.",
+                "Fifthly, that God also exercises forethought on the world’s behalf.",
+                "[172] For that the Maker should care for the thing made is required by the laws and ordinances of Nature, and it is in accordance with these that parents take thought beforehand for children.",
+                "He that has begun by learning these things with his understanding rather than with his hearing, and has stamped on his soul impressions of truths so marvellous and priceless, both that God is and is from eternity, and that He that really IS is One, and that He has made the world and has made it one world, unique as Himself is unique, and that He ever exercises forethought for His creation, will lead a life of bliss and blessedness, because he has a character moulded by the truths that piety and holiness enforce."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CREATION",
+            "(<i>N. B.—S. V. F</i>.= Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>. The references are to sections in Arnim.)",
+            "§ 3. Philo starts off with two leading Stoic ideas, “living according to nature” and the “world-citizen.” For the former <i>cf</i>. Diogenes Laertius vii. 87, “Zeno was the first to designate a (man’s) end ‘living according to nature.’ ” For the latter see <I>S. V. F.</I> i. 262. The first use of the actual word κοσμοπολίτης is ascribed to Diogenes the Cynic, who, when “asked whence he came, replied ‘I am a citizen of the world’ ” (Diog. Laert. vi. 63).",
+            "§ 25. The words bracketed by Cohn are left so bracketed in the text but untranslated.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Time is a measured space</i>, etc. This is the accepted definition of the Stoics. See <I>S. V. F.</I> ii. 509 f. Philo refers to it as Stoic, <i>De Aet.</i> 4, and elsewhere in that treatise.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Principles or nuclei</i>, or perhaps “seed-powers”; οἱ λόγοι is equivalent to οἱ σπερματικοὶ λόγοι. The Stoics conceived of a single λόγος σπερματικός manifesting itself in innumerable λόγοι σπερματικοί, which give things their form. See <i>S. V. F.</i> Index, p. 93<i>a</i>.",
+            "§ 54. The thought of this section is based on <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, B, where Plato says that “God bestowed sight on us that we might observe the orbits of reason which are in heaven, and make use of them for the revolutions of thought which are in our souls” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "§§ 72 ff. The idea of these sections is suggested by, or at least receives support from, <i>Timaeus</i> 41, 42, where God creates “young gods” or subordinate ministers to carry on the work for the same reason as is given here, <i>viz</i>. that He might not be responsible for evil.",
+            "§ 80. <i>And through the livelong year</i>, or, putting the comma after ἐκδεχόμενοι, “at the end of each year (at intervals of a year) they gather in.”",
+            "§ 101. <i>Equal to the sum of its own factors</i>. Like 6 (see 13), 28 is the sum of its factors (1+2+4+7+14), as are 496 and 8128. The word “perfect” is in strictness applied to such numbers only (Nicomachus i. 10).",
+            "§ 102. <i>Limits</i>, or “terms.” Ὅρος is the technical word for a “term” in a series. In fact, having been translated into Latin as <i>terminus</i>, it is the progenitor of our own word.",
+            "§ 117. <i>The remainder of our soul is divided</i>, etc. This classification is Stoic. It is more usually stated in the form that the soul has eight parts, the ἡγεμονικόν being reckoned as one. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 827 ff.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Citizen of the world</i>. See especially 3 and note. The first man fulfilled the Stoic ideal. This view of the superiority of early mankind, though not confined to the Stoics, was strongly held by them. The Golden Age, said Posidonius, was when “regnum fuit penes sapientes” (Seneca, <i>Epistle</i> 90. 5).",
+            "§ 148. <i>Torch</i>. The figure of the torch-race is very common. Considering, however, Philo’s love for Plato, it is reasonable to suppose that he is thinking of the mention of it at the beginning of the <i>Republic</i>, 328 A. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Laws</i> 776 B.",
+            "§ 160. <i>A human voice</i>. Philo is here attacking Epicureanism. For the Epicurean doctrine that pleasure is the end aimed at by every living creature see Diogenes Laertius x. 128. Thus the serpent’s use of a human voice is interpreted as an allegory showing how vocal and popular that School was. Philo, like most of its opponents, ignores the fact that Epicurus expressly refused to identify pleasure with material pleasures.",
+            "§§ 170, 171. The opinions here assailed are (1) that God’s existence is doubtful, held by the Sceptics; (2) that the world is without beginning (ἀγένητος), held, according to Philo’s own statement in <i>De Aet.</i> 10, by Aristotle; the contrary was maintained by Pythagoras, Plato, and the Stoics (<i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 575); (3) the plurality of worlds, originally held by Democritus (see <i>Timaeus</i> 31 A, and Archer-Hind’s note), and afterwards by the Epicureans; (4) that there is no such thing as Providence. This Epicurean tenet is too familiar from Lucretius and other writers to need illustration, but see Diogenes Laertius x. 77, 113, 139."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "key": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD’S CREATION GIVEN BY MOSES (DE OPIFICIO MUNDI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "A Book of Laws, says Philo, is fitly prefaced by a Cosmogony. The theme dealt with by a Cosmogony is, indeed, too lofty for adequate treatment. In Moses’ treatment of it, two salient points at once meet the eye. The world’s origin is ascribed to a Maker, who is Himself <i>unoriginate</i>, and who <i>cares</i> for what He has made.",
+            "By “six days” Moses does not indicate a space of time in which the world was made, but the principles of <i>order</i> and <i>productivity</i> which governed its making.",
+            "Before the emergence of the material world there existed, in the Divine Word or Reason, the incorporeal world, as the design of a city exists in the brain of the designer.",
+            "The efficient cause of the universe (we must remember) is Goodness; and Goodness, to be attained by it as its capacity permits, is its final cause.",
+            "The incorporeal world may be described as “the Word of God engaged in the act of creating.” And the Word is the Image of God. In that, man (the part), and therefore the universe (the whole) was created.",
+            "“In the beginning” means for Philo the precedence of the incorporeal heaven and invisible earth. The pre-eminence of Life-breath and Light are shown, he says, by the one being called “the Spirit of <i>God</i>,” and the other pronounced “good” or “beautiful.” He sees darkness severed from light by the barrier of twilight; and the birth of Time on “Day One.” Philo strangely infers that a whole day was devoted to the creation of the visible heaven from the mention of a “second day” <i>after</i> that creation. Land and sea are then formed by the briny water being withdrawn from the sponge-like earth and the fresh water left in it; and the land is bidden to bring forth trees and plants. It is bidden to do so <i>before</i> sun and moon are made, that men may not attribute its fruitfulness to these.",
+            "Coming now to the work of the fourth day, Philo brings out the significance of the number 4, and points to the boons conferred on body and mind by Light, which has given rise to philosophy by drawing man’s vision upward to the heavenly bodies. He sees the purposes of these in their giving light, foreshowing coming events, marking the seasons, and measuring time.",
+            "The fifth day is fitly given to the creation of creatures endowed with five senses.",
+            "In connexion with the creation of man, Philo points out (<i>a</i>) the beauty of the <i>sequence</i>, ascending (in living things) from lowest to highest; (<i>b</i>) the reference, not to body, but to <i>mind</i>, in the words “after our image”; (<i>c</i>) the implication of <i>exactness</i> in the addition “after our likeness”; (<i>d</i>) the cooperation of other agents implied in “let <i>us</i> make,” such co-operation accounting (so Philo suggests) for the possibility of sin; (<i>e</i>) four reasons for man coming last, viz.—",
+            "(1) that he might find all ready for him;",
+            "(2) that he might use God’s gifts as such;",
+            "(3) that Man, a miniature Heaven, might correspond to the Heaven whose creation came first;",
+            "(4) that his sudden appearance might over-awe the beasts.",
+            "His place in the series is no sign of inferiority.",
+            "Turning to the Seventh Day, Philo notes its dignity, and enlarges on the properties of the number 7, (<i>a</i>) in things incorporeal (89–100); (<i>b</i>) in the material creation: (α) the heavenly bodies (101 f.); (β) the stages of man’s growth (103–105); (γ) as 3+4 (106); (δ) in the progressions (107–110); (ε) in all visible existence (111–116); (ζ) in man, and all that he sees (117–121) and experiences (121–125); (η) in grammar and music (126 f.).",
+            "After speaking of the honour paid by Moses to the number 7, Philo, treating Gen. 2:4 f. as a concluding summary, claims it as a proof that Gen. 1 records a creation of incorporeal ideas. After a disquisition on the subject of fresh water, to which he is led by Gen. 2:6, he goes on to deal with the earth-born man (Gen. 2:7), whom he distinguishes from the man made after God’s image. The being of the former is composite, earthly substance and Divine Breath. Proofs and an illustration are given of his surpassing excellence. The title of “the only world-citizen” is claimed for him, and its significance brought out. His physical excellence can be guessed from the faint traces of it found in his posterity. It is to call out his intelligence that he is required to name the animals. Woman is the occasion of his deterioration.",
+            "The Garden, the Serpent, the Fall and its consequences are dealt with in §§ 153–169. The Garden, we are told, represents the dominant power of the soul, and the Serpent represents Pleasure, and is eminently fitted to do so. His use of a human voice is considered. The praise of the “snake-fighter” in Lev. 11:22 is referred to. Stress is laid on the fact that Pleasure assails the man through the woman. The effects of the Fall on the woman and on the man are traced.",
+            "The treatise ends with a short summary of the lessons of the Cosmogony. These are:",
+            "(1) the eternal existence of God (as against atheism);",
+            "(2) the unity of God (as against polytheism);",
+            "(3) the non-eternity of the world;",
+            "(4) the unity of the world;",
+            "(5) the Providence of God."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] While among other lawgivers some have nakedly and without embellishment drawn up a code of the things held to be right among their people, and others, dressing up their ideas in much irrelevant and cumbersome matter, have befogged the masses and hidden the truth under their fictions,",
+                "[2] Moses, disdaining either course, the one as devoid of the philosopher’s painstaking effort to explore his subject thoroughly, the other as full of falsehood and imposture, introduced his laws with an admirable and most impressive exordium. He refrained, on the one hand, from stating abruptly what should be practised or avoided, and on the other hand, in face of the necessity of preparing the minds of those who were to live under the laws for their reception, he refrained from inventing myths himself or acquiescing in those composed by others.",
+                "[3] His exordium, as I have said, is one that excites our admiration in the highest degree. It consists of an account of the creation of the world, implying that the world is in harmony with the Law, and the Law with the world, and that the man who observes the law is constituted thereby a loyal citizen of the world, regulating his doings by the purpose and will of Nature, in accordance with which the entire world itself also is administered.",
+                "[4] Now it is true that no writer in verse or prose could possibly do justice to the beauty of the ideas embodied in this account of the creation of the kosmos. For they transcend our capacity of speech and of hearing, being too great and august to be adjusted to the tongue or ear of any mortal.",
+                "[5] Nevertheless they must not on this account be passed over in silence. Nay, for the sake of the God-beloved author we must be venturesome even beyond our power. We shall fetch nothing from our own store, but, with a great array of points before us, we shall mention only a few, such as we may believe to be within reach of the human mind when possessed by love and longing for wisdom.",
+                "[6] The minutest seal takes in under the graver’s hand the contours of colossal figures. So perchance shall the beauties of the world’s creation recorded in the Laws, transcendent as they are and dazzling as they do by their bright gleams the souls of readers, be indicated by delineations minute and slight. But first we must draw attention to a matter which ought not to be passed over in silence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] There are some people who, having the world in admiration rather than the Maker of the world, pronounce it to be without beginning and everlasting, while with impious falsehood they postulate in God a vast inactivity; whereas we ought on the contrary to be astonied at His powers as Maker and Father, and not to assign to the world a disproportionate majesty.",
+                "[8] Moses, both because he had attained the very summit of philosophy, and because he had been divinely instructed in the greater and most essential part of Nature’s lore, could not fail to recognize that the universal must consist of two parts, one part active Cause and the other passive object; and that the active Cause is the perfectly pure and unsullied Mind of the universe, transcending virtue, transcending knowledge, transcending the good itself and the beautiful itself;",
+                "[9] while the passive part is in itself incapable of life and motion, but, when set in motion and shaped and quickened by Mind, changes into the most perfect masterpiece, namely this world. Those who assert that this world is unoriginate unconsciously eliminate that which of all incentives to piety is the most beneficial and the most indispensable, namely providence.",
+                "[10] For it stands to reason that what has been brought into existence should be cared for by its Father and Maker. For, as we know, it is a father’s aim in regard of his offspring and an artificer’s in regard of his handiwork to preserve them, and by every means to fend off from them aught that may entail loss or harm. He keenly desires to provide for them in every way all that is beneficial and to their advantage: but between that which has never been brought into being and one who is not its Maker no such tie is formed.",
+                "[11] It is a worthless and baleful doctrine, setting up anarchy in the well-ordered realm of the world, leaving it without protector, arbitrator, or judge, without anyone whose office it is to administer and direct all its affairs.",
+                "[12] Not so Moses. That great master, holding the unoriginate to be of a different order from that which is visible, since everything that is an object of sensible perception is subject to becoming and to constant change, never abiding in the same state, assigned to that which is invisible and an object of intellectual apprehension the infinite and undefinable as united with it by closest tie; but on that which is an object of the senses he bestowed “genesis,” “becoming,” as its appropriate name.",
+                "Seeing then that this world is both visible and perceived by the senses, it follows that it must also have had an origin. Whence it was entirely to the point that he put on record that origin, setting forth in its true grandeur the work of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] He says that in six days the world was created, not that its Maker required a length of time for His work, for we must think of God as doing all things simultaneously, remembering that “all” includes with the commands which He issues the thought behind them. Six days are mentioned because for the things coming into existence there was need of order. Order involves number, and among numbers by the laws of nature the most suitable to productivity is 6, for if we start with 1 it is the first perfect number, being equal to the product of its factors (<i>i.e.</i> 1×2×3), as well as made up of the sum of them (<i>i.e.</i> 1+2+3), its half being 3, its third part 2, its sixth part 1. We may say that it is in its nature both male and female, and is a result of the distinctive power of either. For among things that are it is the odd that is male, and the even female. Now of odd numbers 3 is the starting-point, and of even numbers 2, and the product of these two is 6.",
+                "[14] For it was requisite that the world, being most perfect of all things that have come into existence, should be constituted in accordance with a perfect number, namely six; and, inasmuch as it was to have in itself beings that sprang from a coupling together, should receive the impress of a mixed number, namely the first in which odd and even were combined, one that should contain the essential principle both of the male that sows and of the female that receives the seed.",
+                "[15] Now to each of the days He assigned some of the portions of the whole, not including, however, the first day, which He does not even call “first,” lest it should be reckoned with the others, but naming it “one” He designates it by a name which precisely hits the mark, for He discerned in it and expressed by the title which He gives it the nature and appellation of the unit, or the “one.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "We must recount as many as we can of the elements embraced in it. To recount them all would be impossible. Its pre-eminent element is the intelligible world, as is shown in the treatise dealing with the “One.”",
+                "[16] For God, being God, assumed that a beautiful copy would never be produced apart from a beautiful pattern, and that no object of perception would be faultless which was not made in the likeness of an original discerned only by the intellect. So when He willed to create this visible world He first fully formed the intelligible world, in order that He might have the use of a pattern wholly God-like and incorporeal in producing the material world, as a later creation, the very image of an earlier, to embrace in itself objects of perception of as many kinds as the other contained objects of intelligence.",
+                "[17] To speak of or conceive that world which consists of ideas as being in some place is illegitimate; how it consists (of them) we shall know if we carefully attend to some image supplied by the things of our world. When a city is being founded to satisfy the soaring ambition of some king or governor, who lays claim to despotic power and being magnificent in his ideas would fain add a fresh lustre to his good fortune, there comes forward now and again some trained architect who, observing the favourable climate and convenient position of the site, first sketches in his own mind wellnigh all the parts of the city that is to be wrought out, temples, gymnasia, town-halls, market-places, harbours, docks, streets, walls to be built, dwelling-houses as well as public buildings to be set up.",
+                "[18] Thus after having received in his own soul, as it were in wax, the figures of these objects severally, he carries about the image of a city which is the creation of his mind. Then by his innate power of memory, he recalls the images of the various parts of this city, and imprints their types yet more distinctly in it: and like a good craftsman he begins to build the city of stones and timber, keeping his eye upon his pattern and making the visible and tangible objects correspond in each case to the incorporeal ideas.",
+                "[19] Just such must be our thoughts about God. We must suppose that, when He was minded to found the one great city, He conceived beforehand the models of its parts, and that out of these He constituted and brought to completion a world discernible only by the mind, and then, with that for a pattern, the world which our senses can perceive."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] As, then, the city which was fashioned beforehand within the mind of the architect held no place in the outer world, but had been engraved in the soul of the artificer as by a seal; even so the universe that consisted of ideas would have no other location than the Divine Reason, which was the Author of this ordered frame. For what other place could there be for His powers sufficient to receive and contain, I say not all but, any one of them whatever uncompounded and untempered?",
+                "[21] Now just such a power is that by which the universe was made, one that has as its source nothing less than true goodness. For should one conceive a wish to search for the cause, for the sake of which this whole was created, it seems to me that he would not be wrong in saying, what indeed one of the men of old did say, that the Father and Maker of all is good; and because of this He grudged not a share in his own excellent nature to an existence which has of itself nothing fair and lovely, while it is capable of becoming all things.",
+                "[22] For of itself it was without order, without quality, without soul, (without likeness); it was full of inconsistency, ill-adjustment, disharmony: but it was capable of turning and undergoing a complete change to the best, the very contrary of all these, to order, quality, life, correspondence, identity, likeness, perfect adjustment, to harmony, to all that is characteristic of the more excellent model."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Now God, with no counsellor to help Him (who was there beside Him?) determined that it was meet to confer rich and unrestricted benefits upon that nature which apart from Divine bounty could obtain of itself no good thing. But not in proportion to the greatest of His own bounties does He confer benefits—for these are without end or limit—but in proportion to the capacities of the recipients. For it is not the nature of creation to receive good treatment in like manner as it is the nature of God to bestow it, seeing that the powers of God are overwhelmingly vast, whereas creation, being too feeble to entertain their abundance, would have broken down under the effort to do so, had not God with appropriate adjustment dealt out to each his due portion.",
+                "[24] Should a man desire to use words in a more simple and direct way, he would say that the world discerned only by the intellect is nothing else than the Word of God when He was already engaged in the act of creation. For (to revert to our illustration) the city discernible by the intellect alone is nothing else than the reasoning faculty of the architect in the act of planning to found the city.",
+                "[25] It is Moses who lays down this, not I. Witness his express acknowledgement in the sequel, when setting on record the creation of man, that he was moulded after the image of God (Gen. 1:27). Now if the part is an image of an image, it is manifest that the whole is so too, and if the whole creation, this entire world perceived by our senses (seeing that it is greater than any human image) is a copy of the Divine image, it is manifest that the archetypal seal also, which we aver to be the world descried by the mind, would be the very Word of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Then he says that “in the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,” taking “beginning” not, as some think, in a chronological sense, for time there was not before there was a world. Time began either simultaneously with the world or after it. For since time is a measured space determined by the world’s movement, and since movement could not be prior to the object moving, but must of necessity arise either after it or simultaneously with it, it follows of necessity that time also is either coeval with or later born than the world. To venture to affirm that it is elder born would be to do violence to philosophic sense.",
+                "[27] And since the word “beginning” is not here taken as the chronological beginning, it would seem likely that the numerical order is indicated, so that “in the beginning He made” is equivalent to “He made the heaven first”: for it is indeed reasonable that it should come into existence first, being both best of created things and made from the purest of all that is, seeing that it was destined to be the most holy dwelling-place of manifest and visible gods.",
+                "[28] For, even if the Maker made all things simultaneously, order was none the less an attribute of all that came into existence in fair beauty, for beauty is absent where there is disorder. Now order is a series of things going on before and following after, in due sequence, a sequence which, though not seen in the finished productions, yet exists in the designs of the contrivers; for only so could these things be fashioned with perfect accuracy, and work without leaving their path or clashing with each other.",
+                "[29] First, then, the Maker made an incorporeal heaven, and an invisible earth, and the essential form of air and void. To the one he gave the name of “Darkness,” since the air when left to itself, is black. The other he named “abyss,” for the void is a region of immensity and vast depths. Next (He made) the incorporeal essence of water and of life-breath and, to crown all, of light. This again, the seventh in order, was an incorporeal pattern, discernible only by the mind, of the sun and of all luminaries which were to come into existence throughout heaven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Special distinction is accorded by Moses to life-breath and to light. The one he entitles the “breath” of God, because breath is most life-giving, and of life God is the author, while of light he says that it is beautiful pre-eminently (Gen. 1:4): for the intelligible as far surpasses the visible in the brilliancy of its radiance, as sunlight assuredly surpasses darkness and day night, and mind, the ruler of the entire soul, the bodily eyes.",
+                "[31] Now that invisible light perceptible only by mind has come into being as an image of the Divine Word Who brought it within our ken: it is a supercelestial constellation, fount of the constellations obvious to sense. It would not be amiss to term it “all-brightness,” to signify that from which sun and moon, as well as fixed stars and planets draw, in proportion to their several capacity, the light befitting each of them: for that pure and undiluted radiance is bedimmed so soon as it begins to undergo the change that is entailed by the passage from the intelligible to the sensibly discerned, for no object of sense is free from dimness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Right too is his statement that “darkness was above the abyss” (Gen. 1:2). For in a sense the air is over the void, inasmuch as it has spread over and completely filled the immensity and desolation of the void, of all that reaches from the zone of the moon to us.",
+                "[33] After the kindling of the intelligible light, which preceded the sun’s creation, darkness its adversary withdrew: for God, in His perfect knowledge of their mutual contrariety and natural conflict, parted them one from another by a wall of separation. In order, therefore, to keep them from the discord arising from perpetual clash, to prevent war in place of peace prevailing and setting up disorder in an ordered universe, He not only separated light and darkness, but also placed in the intervening spaces boundary-marks, by which He held back each of their extremities: for, had they been actual neighbours, they were sure to produce confusion by engaging with intense and never-ceasing rivalry in the struggle for mastery.",
+                "[34] As it was, their assault on one another was broken and kept back by barriers set up between them. These barriers are evening and dawn. The latter, gently restraining the darkness, anticipates the sunrise with the glad tidings of its approach; while evening, supervening upon sunset, gives a gentle welcome to the oncoming mass of darkness. We must, however, place these, dawn and evening I mean, in the category of the incorporeal and intelligible: for there is in these nothing whatever patent to the senses, but they are simply models and measuring-rules and patterns and seals, all of these being incorporeal and serving for the creation of other bodies.",
+                "[35] When light had come into being, and darkness had moved out of its way and retired, and evening and dawn had been fixed as barriers in the intervals between them, as a necessary consequence a measure of time was forthwith brought about, which its Maker called Day, and not “first” day but “one,” an expression due to the uniqueness of the intelligible world, and to its having therefore a natural kinship to the number “One.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] The incorporeal world, then, was now finished and firmly settled in the Divine Reason, and the world patent to sense was ripe for birth after the pattern of the incorporeal. And first of its parts, best of them all, the Creator proceeded to make the Heaven, which with strict truth he entitled firmament, as being corporeal: for the body is naturally solid, seeing that it has a threefold dimension. What else indeed do we conceive a solid object and a body to be, but that which extends in each direction? Fitly then, in contradistinction to the incorporeal and purely intelligible, did He call this body-like heaven perceived by our senses “the solid firmament.”",
+                "[37] After so designating it He went on forthwith to speak of it as “heaven.” He did so with unerring propriety, either because it is the “boundary” of all things, or because it came into being first of things “visible.” When the heaven had been created he names a second day, thus assigning to heaven the whole space and interval of a day. He does this by reason of the position of dignity which heaven occupies among the objects of sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] At this stage, then, water in all its volume had been poured forth over all the earth, and had found its way through all its parts, as through a sponge saturated with moisture. It had produced swamps and deep mud, earth and water being mingled together and kneaded, like a mass of dough, into a single element without shape or distinction of its parts. So God next bids all the briny water, which would have been the cause of barrenness to crops and trees, to be gathered together by flowing to the same point from the pores of the whole earth, and the dry land to appear. The moisture of the fresh sweet part was left behind to secure its permanence, since, when supplied in fit quantity, this sweet moisture served as a cohesive to the separate parts. This was to prevent it from being entirely dried up, and so becoming unproductive and barren, and enable it like a mother to provide, as for offspring, not one only of the two kinds of nourishment, namely solid food, but both kinds, food and drink. Wherefore the earth had abounding veins like breasts. These when opened would pour forth rivers and springs.",
+                "[39] No less did He cause the hidden courses of moisture also to penetrate to the rich deep loam with a view to unstinted fertility. Having thus ordered these elements He gave them names. The dry land he called “earth,” and the water separated from it “sea.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] He next begins to put the earth in order: for he bids it bear grass and corn, and send forth herbs of all kinds, and rich pastures, and whatsoever would be provender for cattle and food for men. Beside these he caused all kinds of trees to grow, leaving out no tree at all, whether of wild growth or what we call garden trees. And, after a fashion quite contrary to the present order of Nature, all were laden with fruit as soon as ever they came into existence.",
+                "[41] For now the processes take place in turn, one at one time, one at another, not all of them simultaneously at one season. For everyone knows that sowing and planting come first, the growth of the things sown and planted second, the former causing roots to reach downwards like foundations, the latter taking place as they rise upwards, grow tall, and develop trunks and stems. After this come sproutings and puttings forth of leaves, and then to crown all, bearing of fruit; and here again fruit not full grown, but subject to all manner of changes both in quantity and quality, that is to say, in the matter of size and of ever varying character. For the first shape it takes is that of indivisible flakes so small that they can scarcely be seen, which a man would not be wrong in describing as “first perceptibles.” After this as the result of gradual growth and as the result of nourishment conveyed by irrigation, which waters the tree, and as the result of the well-tempered breezes which are quickened by cold and softened by milder temperature, it develops towards its complete size: and as it becomes larger, it becomes different in appearance as well, as though it were being ever made to take varied hues by a painter’s cunning hand."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[42] Now in the original creation of all things, as I have said already, God caused all shrubs and plants to spring out of the earth perfect, having fruits not unripe but at their prime, to be perfectly ready for the immediate use and enjoyment of the animals that were forthwith to come into being.",
+                "[43] God then enjoins the earth to give birth to all these, and the earth, as though it had been long pregnant and in travail, brings forth all kinds of things sown, all kinds of trees, and countless kinds of fruits besides. But not only were the several fruits nourishment for animals, but also a provision for the perpetual reproduction of their kind, containing within them the seed-substances. Hidden and imperceptible in these substances are the principles or nuclei of all things. As the seasons go round these become open and manifest.",
+                "[44] For God willed that Nature should run a course that brings it back to its starting-point, endowing the species with immortality, and making them sharers of eternal existence. For the sake of this He both led on the beginning speedily towards the end, and made the end to retrace its way to the beginning. For it is the case both that the fruit comes out of the plants, as an end out of a beginning, and that out of the fruit again, containing as it does the seed in itself, there comes the plant, a beginning out of an end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] On the fourth day, the earth being now finished, he ordered the heaven in varied beauty. Not that He put the heaven in a lower rank than the earth, giving precedence to the inferior creation, and accounting the higher and more divine worthy only of the second place; but to make clear beyond all doubt the mighty sway of His sovereign power. For being aware beforehand of the ways of thinking that would mark the men of future ages, how they would be intent on what looked probable and plausible, with much in it that could be supported by argument, but would not aim at sheer truth; and how they would trust phenomena rather than God, admiring sophistry more than wisdom; and how they would observe in time to come the circuits of sun and moon, on which depend summer and winter and the changes of spring and autumn, and would suppose that the regular movements of the heavenly bodies are the causes of all things that year by year come forth and are produced out of the earth; that there might be none who owing either to shameless audacity or to overwhelming ignorance should venture to ascribe the first place to any created thing,",
+                "[46] ‘let them,’ said He, ‘go back in thought to the original creation of the universe, when, before sun or moon existed, the earth bore plants of all sorts and fruits of all sorts; and having contemplated this let them form in their minds the expectation that hereafter too shall it bear these at the Father’s bidding, whensoever it may please Him.’ For He has no need of His heavenly offspring on which He bestowed powers but not independence: for, like a charioteer grasping the reins or a pilot the tiller, He guides all things in what direction He pleases as law and right demand, standing in need of no one besides: for all things are possible to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] This is the reason why the earth put forth plants and bore herbs before the heaven was furnished. But the heaven was afterwards duly decked in a perfect number, namely four. This number it would be no error to call the base and source of 10, the complete number; for what 10 is actually, this, as is evident, 4 is potentially; that is to say that, if the numbers from 1 to 4 be added together, they will produce 10, and this is the limit set to the otherwise unlimited succession of numbers; round this as a turning-point they wheel and retrace their steps.",
+                "[48] 4 also contains the ratios of the musical consonances, that produced by an interval of four notes, and that produced by an interval of five, and the octave and double octave as well. And it is out of these that the most perfect concord is produced. Of that produced by an interval of four notes the ratio is 1⅓, of that produced by an interval of five 1½, of the octave 2, of the double octave 4. All these the number 4 embraces in itself, 1⅓ in the ratio 4:3; 1½ in the ratio 6:4; 2 in the ratio 4:2; 4 in the ratio 4:1."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] There is also another property of the number 4 very marvellous to state and to contemplate with the mind. For this number was the first to show the nature of the solid, the numbers before it referring to things without actual substance. For under the head of 1 what is called in geometry a point falls, under that of 2 a line. For if 1 extend itself, 2 is formed, and if a point extend itself, a line is formed: and a line is length without breadth; if breadth be added, there results a surface, which comes under the category of 3: to bring it to a solid surface needs one thing, depth, and the addition of this to 3 produces 4. The result of all this is that this number is a thing of vast importance. It was this number that has led us out of the realm of incorporeal existence patent only to the intellect, and has introduced us to the conception of a body of three dimensions, which by its nature first comes within the range of our senses.",
+                "[50] Anyone who does not understand what I am saying will catch my meaning if he calls to mind a very familiar game. Players with nuts are in the habit of setting out three nuts all on one level and of adding one to these, thus forming a pyramidal figure. The figure of the triangle on the level only reaches the number 3; the added nut produces, in numbers 4, but in figures a pyramid, a body rendered solid by its accession.",
+                "[51] In addition to these points we must remember also that first among numbers 4 is a square, made up of equal factors multiplying into one another, a measure of rightness and equality, and that alone among them it is such as to be produced from the same factors whether added or multiplied together, by addition out of 2 and 2, and by multiplication again out of twice 2, thus exhibiting a right fair form of consonance, such as has fallen to none of the other numbers; for example—6, sum as it is of two 3’s, is not (as in the case of 4) produced by their being multiplied together, but a different number, 9, results.",
+                "[52] There are several other powers of which 4 has the command, which we shall have to point out in fuller detail in the special treatise devoted to it. Suffice it to add just this, that 4 was made the starting-point of the creation of heaven and the world; for the four elements, out of which this universe was fashioned, issued, as it were from a fountain, from the numeral 4; and, beside this, so also did the four seasons of the year, which are responsible for the coming into being of animals and plants, the year having a fourfold division into winter and spring and summer and autumn."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The aforesaid numeral, then, having been deemed worthy of such high privilege in nature, it was a matter of course that its Maker arrayed the heaven on the fourth day with a most divine adornment of perfect beauty, namely the light-giving heavenly bodies; and, knowing that of all things light is best, He made it the indispensable means of sight, the best of the senses; for what the intellect is in the soul, this the eye is in the body; for each of them sees, one the things of the mind, the other the things of sense; and they have need, the mind of knowledge, that it may become cognisant of incorporeal objects, the eye of light, for the apprehending of bodily forms.",
+                "Light has proved itself the source of many other boons to mankind, but pre-eminently of philosophy,",
+                "[54] the greatest boon of all. For man’s faculty of vision, led upwards by light, discerned the nature of the heavenly bodies and their harmonious movement. He saw the well-ordered circuits of fixed stars and planets, how the former moved in unchanging orbit and all alike, while the latter sped round in two revolutions out of harmony with each other. He marked the rhythmic dances of all these, how they were marshalled by the laws of a perfect music, and the sight produced in his soul an ineffable delight and pleasure. Banqueting on sights displayed to it one after another, his soul was insatiate in beholding. And then, as usually happens, it went on to busy itself with questionings, asking What is the essence of these visible objects? Are they in nature unoriginate, or had they a beginning of existence? What is the method of their movement? And what are the principles by which each is governed? It was out of the investigation of these problems that philosophy grew, than which no more perfect good has come into the life of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] It was with a view to that original intellectual light, which I have mentioned as belonging to the order of the incorporeal world, that He created the heavenly bodies of which our senses are aware. These are images divine and exceeding fair, which He established in heaven as in the purest temple belonging to corporeal being. This He did that they might serve many purposes. One purpose was to give light; another to be signs; a third duly to fix seasons of the year; and lastly for the sake of days, months, years, which (as we all know) have served as measures of time and given birth to number.",
+                "[56] The kind of useful service rendered by each of the bodies mentioned is self-evident; yet that the truth may be more precisely apprehended it may not be out of place to follow it step by step in a reasoned account.",
+                "All time having been divided into two portions, day and night, the Father assigned the sovereignty of the day to the sun, as to a great king, and that of the night to the moon and the host of the other stars.",
+                "[57] The greatness of the sway and government pertaining to the sun finds its clearest proof in what has been already mentioned: one and alone it has by itself separately had day apportioned to it, half of the whole of time; while all the rest with the moon have had allotted to them the other half, which has received the name of night. And when the sun has risen, all that multitude of stars which were visible but now is not merely dimmed but becomes actually invisible through the pouring forth of its light; and upon its setting they begin all of them to shine out in their own true characters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] The purpose of their existence is, as the Lord Himself pronounced, not only to send forth light upon the earth, but also to give timely signs of coming events. For either by their risings or settings or eclipses, or again by the seasons of their appearance or disappearance, or by other alterations in their movements, men conjecture future issues, good harvests and bad, increase and decay of animal life, fair weather and foul, gales and calms, floodings and shrinkings of rivers, seas smooth and rough, irregularities of the seasons, either wintry summers, or scorching winters, or springs like autumn, or autumns like spring.",
+                "[59] Indeed it has happened that, by conjecture based on the movements of the heavenly bodies, men have notified in advance a disturbance and shaking of the earth, and countless other unusual occurrences, proving the complete truth of the words, “the stars were made for signs.”",
+                "It is added, moreover, “and for appointed times” (Gen. 1:14). By “appointed times” Moses understood the four seasons of the year, and surely with good reason. For what idea does “appointed time” convey but “time of achievement”? Now the four seasons of the year bring about achievement by bringing all things to perfection, all sowing and planting of crops, and the birth and growth of animals.",
+                "[60] The heavenly bodies were created also to furnish measures of time: for it is by regular revolutions of sun, moon, and the other bodies that days and months and years were constituted. This in itself involved the showing of their most useful service of all; I mean number as part of the world’s order, time by its mere lapse indicating it. For out of one day came “one,” out of two “two,” out of three “three,” out of a month “thirty,” out of a year the number equivalent to the days made up of twelve months, and out of infinite time came (the conception of) infinite number.",
+                "[61] So many and so essential are the benefits within the scope of the constitutions and movements of the heavenly bodies. To how vast a number of other operations of nature, methinks, do they extend! Operations obscure to us—for all things are not within the ken of mortals—yet working together for the permanence of the whole; operations which are invariably carried out under ordinances and laws which God laid down in His universe as unalterable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Earth and heaven having been equipped with the array appropriate to either—earth on the third day, heaven, as has been recounted, on the fourth—the Creator took in hand to form the races of mortal creatures, beginning with aquatic creatures on the fifth day, deeming that there is no kinship so close as that between animals and the number 5. For living creatures differ from those without life in nothing more than in ability to apprehend by the senses; and sense has a fivefold division, into sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch; and to each of these their Maker assigned special aspects of matter, and an individual faculty of testing it, with which to assay objects coming under its notice. Colours are tested by sight, sounds by hearing, savours by taste, perfumes by smell, while touch assays the softness and hardness of various substances, their smoothness and roughness, and recognizes things hot or cold.",
+                "[63] So then he bids all kinds of fish and sea-monsters to take shape, creatures differing in their habitats and their sizes and qualities; for different seas produce to some extent different fish; not everywhere were all kinds formed. This is as we should have expected, for some kinds delight in a lagoon and not in a really deep sea, some in harbours and roadsteads. These can neither crawl up on to the land, nor swim far out from the land; and those that haunt the depths of the open seas avoid jutting headlands or islands or rocks. Some thrive in calm unruffled waters, others in those that are stormy and broken by waves; for, through the exercise of bearing their constant blows and of thrusting back their onset by sheer force, they put on flesh and grow lusty.",
+                "Directly after these He made all kinds of birds, as sister kinds to those in the waters, both being things that float. And He left incomplete no form of creature that travels in air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] Water and air having now duly received as a sort of lot of their own the living creatures appropriate to them, He again called upon the earth for the production of the portion that had been left out. When the plants had been created the land-animals had been wanting. So He saith “Let the earth bring forth cattle and wild beasts and creeping things after each kind” (Gen. 1:24). The earth forthwith puts forth, as it was bidden, creatures all differing in build and in the varying strength and capacity to hurt or to serve that was inherent in them.",
+                "[65] To crown all he made man, in what way I will say presently, when I have first pointed out the exceeding beauty of the chain of sequence which Moses has employed in setting forth the bringing in of life. For of the forms of animal life, the least elaborately wrought has been allotted to the race of fish; that worked out in greatest detail and best in all respects to mankind;",
+                "[66] that which lies between these two to creatures that tread the earth and travel in the air. For the principle of life in these is endowed with perceptions keener than that in fishes, but less keen than that in men. Wherefore, of the creatures that have life, fishes were the first which he brought into being, creatures in whose being the body predominates over the soul or life-principle. They are in a way animals and not animals; lifeless beings with the power of movement. The seed of the principle of life has been sown in them adventitiously, with a view only to the perpetuation of their bodies, just as salt (we are told) is added to flesh that it may not easily decay.",
+                "After the fishes He made the birds and land-creatures; for, when we come to these, we find them with keener senses and manifesting by their structure far more clearly all the qualities proper to beings endowed with the life-principle.",
+                "To crown all, as we have said before, He made man, and bestowed on him mind <i>par excellence</i>, life-principle of the life-principle itself, like the pupil in the eye: for of this too those who investigate more closely than others the nature of things say that it is the eye of the eye."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] At that time, indeed, all things took shape simultaneously. But, though all things took shape together, the fact that living organisms were afterwards to come into existence one out of another rendered necessary an adumbration of the principle of order in the narrative. Now in particular creatures the order we find is this, that they begin at what is lowest in its nature, and end in the best of all; what this best of all is we must go on to show. Now seed is the original starting-point of living creatures. That this is a substance of a very low order, resembling foam, is evident to the eye. But when it has been deposited in the womb and become solid, it acquires movement, and at once enters upon natural growth. But growth is better than seed, since in created things movement is better than quiescence. But nature, or growth, like an artificer, or (to speak more properly) like a consummate art, forms living creatures, by distributing the moist substance to the limbs and different parts of the body, the substance of life-breath to the faculties of the soul, affording them nourishment and endowing them with perception. We must defer for the present the faculty of reasoning, out of consideration for those who maintain that it comes in from without, and is divine and eternal.",
+                "[68] Well, then, natural growth started from so poor a thing as seed, but it ended in that which is of greatest worth, the formation of the living creature and of man. Now we find that this selfsame thing has occurred in the case of the creation of the universe also. For when the Creator determined to form living creatures, those first in order were inferior, if we may so speak, namely fishes, while those that came last in order were best, namely men; and coming between the two extremes, better than those that preceded them, but inferior to the others, were the rest, namely land creatures and birds of the air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] After all the rest, as I have said, Moses tells us that man was created after the image of God and after His likeness (Gen. 1:26). Right well does he say this, for nothing earth-born is more like God than man. Let no one represent the likeness as one to a bodily form; for neither is God in human form, nor is the human body God-like. No, it is in respect of the Mind, the sovereign element of the soul, that the word “image” is used; for after the pattern of a single Mind, even the Mind of the Universe as an archetype, the mind in each of those who successively came into being was moulded. It is in a fashion a god to him who carries and enshrines it as an object of reverence; for the human mind evidently occupies a position in men precisely answering to that which the great Ruler occupies in all the world. It is invisible while itself seeing all things, and while comprehending the substances of others, it is as to its own substance unperceived; and while it opens by arts and sciences roads branching in many directions, all of them great highways, it comes through land and sea investigating what either element contains.",
+                "[70] Again, when on soaring wing it has contemplated the atmosphere and all its phases, it is borne yet higher to the ether and the circuit of heaven, and is whirled round with the dances of planets and fixed stars, in accordance with the laws of perfect music, following that love of wisdom which guides its steps. And so, carrying its gaze beyond the confines of all substance discernible by sense, it comes to a point at which it reaches out after the intelligible world,",
+                "[71] and on descrying in that world sights of surpassing loveliness, even the patterns and the originals of the things of sense which it saw here, it is seized by a sober intoxication, like those filled with Corybantic frenzy, and is inspired, possessed by a longing far other than theirs and a nobler desire. Wafted by this to the topmost arch of the things perceptible to mind, it seems to be on its way to the Great King Himself; but, amid its longing to see Him, pure and untempered rays of concentrated light stream forth like a torrent, so that by its gleams the eye of the understanding is dazzled.",
+                "And, since images do not always correspond to their archetype and pattern, but are in many instances unlike it, the writer further brought out his meaning by adding “after the likeness” to the words “after the image,” thus showing that an accurate cast, bearing a clear impression, was intended."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] One may not unfitly raise the question what reason there could be for his ascribing the creation in the case of man only not to one Creator as in the case of the rest but, as the words would suggest, to several. For he represents the Father of the universe as speaking thus, “Let us make man after our image and likeness.” ‘Can it be,’ I would ask, ‘that He to whom all things are subject, is in need of anyone whatever? Or can it be that when He made the heaven and the earth and the seas, he required no one to be his fellow-worker, yet was unable apart from the co-operation of others by His own unaided power to fashion a creature so puny and perishable as man?’ The full truth about the cause of this it must needs be that God alone knows, but the cause which by probable conjecture seems plausible and reasonable we must not conceal.",
+                "[73] It is this. Among existences some partake neither of virtue nor of vice, like plants and animals devoid of reason; the one sort because they are without animal life and furnished with a nature incapable of consciously receiving impressions; the other sort because from them mind and reason have been eliminated: for mind and reason are as it were the dwelling-place of vice and virtue, which are by nature constituted to make their abode in them. Others again have partnership with virtue only, and have no part or lot in vice. Such are the heavenly bodies; for these are said to be not only living creatures but living creatures endowed with mind, or rather each of them a mind in itself, excellent through and through and unsusceptible of any evil. Others are of mixed nature, as man, who is liable to contraries, wisdom and folly, self-mastery and licentiousness, courage and cowardice, justice and injustice, and (in a word) to things good and evil, fair and foul, to virtue and vice.",
+                "[74] Now it was most proper to God the universal Father to make those excellent things by Himself alone, because of their kinship to Him. To make those which are neither good nor bad was not alien to Him, since those too are free from vice which is hateful to Him. To make those of mixed nature was in one respect proper to Him, in another not so; proper, so far as the better principle which forms an ingredient in them is concerned, alien, in virtue of the contrary and worse principle.",
+                "[75] So we see why it is only in the instance of man’s creation that we are told by Moses that God said “Let us make,” an expression which plainly shows the taking with Him of others as fellow-workers. It is to the end that, when man orders his course aright, when his thoughts and deeds are blameless, God the universal Ruler may be owned as their Source; while others from the number of His subordinates are held responsible for thoughts and deeds of a contrary sort: for it could not be that the Father should be the cause of an evil thing to His offspring: and vice and vicious activities are an evil thing.",
+                "[76] And when Moses had called the genus “man,” quite admirably did he distinguish its species, adding that it had been created “male and female,” and this though its individual members had not yet taken shape. For the primary species are in the genus to begin with, and reveal themselves as in a mirror to those who have the faculty of keen vision."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is obvious to inquire why man comes last in the world’s creation; for, as the sacred writings show, he was the last whom the Father and Maker fashioned. Those, then, who have studied more deeply than others the laws of Moses and who examine their contents with all possible minuteness, maintain that God, when He made man partaker of kinship with Himself in mind and reason best of all gifts, did not begrudge him the other gifts either, but made ready for him beforehand all things in the world, as for a living being dearest and closest to Himself, since it was His will that when man came into existence he should be at a loss for none of the means of living and of living well. The means of living are provided by the lavish supplies of all that makes for enjoyment; the means of living well by the contemplation of the heavenly existences, for smitten by their contemplation the mind conceives a love and longing for the knowledge of them. And from this philosophy took its rise, by which man, mortal though he be, is rendered immortal.",
+                "[78] Just as givers of a banquet, then, do not send out the summonses to supper till they have put everything in readiness for the feast; and those who provide gymnastic and scenic contests, before they gather the spectators into the theatre or the stadium, have in readiness a number of combatants and performers to charm both eye and ear; exactly in the same way the Ruler of all things, like some provider of contests or of a banquet, when about to invite man to the enjoyment of a feast and a great spectacle, made ready beforehand the material for both. He desired that on coming into the world man might at once find both a banquet and a most sacred display, the one full of all things that earth and rivers and sea and air bring forth for use and for enjoyment, the other of all sorts of spectacles, most impressive in their substance, most impressive in their qualities, and circling with most wondrous movements, in an order fitly determined always in accordance with proportion of numbers and harmony of revolutions. In all these one might rightly say that there was the real music, the original and model of all other, from which the men of subsequent ages, when they had painted the images in their own souls, handed down an art most vital and beneficial to human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Such is the first reason for which apparently man was created after all things: but we must mention a second that is not improbable. Directly he came into existence man found there all provisions for life. This was for the instruction of future generations. Nature seemed almost to cry aloud in so many words that like the first father of the race they were to spend their days without toil or trouble surrounded by lavish abundance of all that they needed. And this will be so if irrational pleasures do not get control of the soul, making their assaults upon it through greediness and lust, nor the desires for glory or wealth or power arrogate to themselves the control of the life, nor sorrows lower and depress the mind;",
+                "[80] and if fear, that evil counsellor, do not dispel high impulses to noble deeds, nor folly and cowardice and injustice and the countless host of other vices assail him. For in sooth as things now are, when all these evils which have been recounted have won the day, and men have flung themselves unrestrainedly into the indulgence of their passions and left uncontrolled their guilty cravings, cravings which it were sinful even to name, a fitting penalty is incurred, due punishment of impious courses. That penalty is difficulty in obtaining the necessaries of life. For men plough the prairie and irrigate it from spring and river; they sow and plant; and through the livelong year unweariedly take up by day and night the ever renewed toil of the tiller of the earth; and yet they are hard put to it to gather in their requisite supplies, and these at times of poor quality and barely sufficient, having suffered injury from many causes: either they were ravaged by recurring rainfalls, or beaten down in masses by the weight of hail that fell on them, or half frozen by snow, or torn up roots and all by violent winds; for water and air can in many ways change the fruitfulness of crops into barrenness.",
+                "[81] But if the unmeasured impulses of men’s passions were calmed and allayed by self-mastery, and their earnestness and eager striving after the infliction of wrongs were checked by righteousness; if, in a word, the vices and the fruitless practices to which they prompt were to give place to the virtues and their corresponding activities, the warfare in the soul, of all wars veritably the most dire and most grievous, would have been abolished, and peace would prevail and would in quiet and gentle ways provide good order for the exercise of our faculties, and there would be hope that God, being the Lover of virtue and the Lover of what is good and beautiful and also the Lover of man, would provide for our race good things all coming forth spontaneously and all in readiness. For it is clear that it is easier without calling in the husbandman’s art to supply in abundance the yield of growths already existing than to bring into being things that were non-existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] Let what has been said suffice for an account of the second reason. A third is this. God, being minded to unite in intimate and loving fellowship the beginning and end of created things, made heaven the beginning and man the end, the one the most perfect of imperishable objects of sense, the other the noblest of things earthborn and perishable, being, in very truth, a miniature heaven. He bears about within himself, like holy images, endowments of nature that correspond to the constellations. He has capacities for science and art, for knowledge, and for the noble lore of the several virtues. For since the corruptible and the incorruptible are by nature contrary the one to the other, God assigned the fairest of each sort to the beginning and the end, heaven (as I have said) to the beginning, and man to the end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Finally, this is suggested as a cogent reason. Man was bound to arise after all created things, in order that coming last and suddenly appearing to the other animals he might produce consternation in them; for they were sure, as soon as they saw him, to be amazed and do homage to him as to a born ruler or master: and so on beholding him they were all tamed through all their kinds, those who were most savage in their natures at the first sight of him becoming at once most manageable, displaying their untamed pugnacity one against another, but to man and man alone showing gentleness and docility.",
+                "[84] On this account too the Father, when he had brought him into existence as a living being naturally adapted for sovereignty, not only in fact but by express mandate appointed him king of all creatures under the moon, those that move on land and swim in the sea and fly in the air. For all things mortal in the three elements of land and water and air did He make subject to men, but exempted the heavenly beings as having obtained a portion more divine. The clearest proof of man’s rule is afforded by what goes on before our eyes. Sometimes vast numbers of cattle are led by one quite ordinary man neither wearing armour nor carrying an iron weapon nor anything with which to defend himself, with nothing but a sheepskin to cover him and a staff wherewith to show them which way to go and to lean on should he grow weary on his journeys.",
+                "[85] See, there is a shepherd, a goatherd, a cowherd leading flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of kine. They are men not even strong and lusty in body, unlikely, so far as healthy vigour goes, to create consternation in those who see them. And all the prowess and strength of all those well-armed animals, who possess the equipment which nature provides and use it in self-defence, cower before him like slaves before a master, and do his bidding. Bulls are harnessed to plough the land, and cutting deep furrows all day long, sometimes all night as well, accomplish a long bout with some farm-hand to direct them: rams laden with thick fleeces of wool, when spring-time comes, stand peacefully or even lie down quietly at the shepherd’s bidding, and offer their wool to the shears, growing accustomed, just as cities do, to render their yearly tribute to him whom nature has given them for king.",
+                "[86] Nay, even the horse, most spirited of all animals, is easily controlled by the bit to prevent his growing restive and running away. He hollows his back, making it a convenient seat, takes his rider on it and bearing him aloft gallops at a great pace intent on bringing himself and his rider to the destination which the latter is eager to reach. As for his rider, firmly seated on him, without trouble and in much composure, he gets through his journey using the body and feet of another."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] Anyone who wished to enlarge on the subject would have plenty more to say tending to prove that nothing whatever has been emancipated and withdrawn from the domination of men: this is sufficiently indicated by what has been said. There is a point, however, as to which ignorance must be avoided. The fact of having been the last to come into existence does not involve an inferiority corresponding to his place in the series. Drivers and pilots are evidence of this.",
+                "[88] The former, though they come after their team and have their appointed place behind them, keep hold of the reins and drive them just as they wish, now letting them fall into a sharp trot, now pulling them up should they go with more speed than is necessary. Pilots again, taking their way to the stern, the hindmost place in the ship, are, one may say, superior to all on board, for they hold in their hands the safety of the ship and those on board it. So the Creator made man after all things, as a sort of driver and pilot, to drive and steer the things on earth, and charged him with the care of animals and plants, like a governor subordinate to the chief and great King."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now when the whole world had been brought to completion in accordance with the properties of six, a perfect number, the Father invested with dignity the seventh day which comes next, extolling it and pronouncing it holy; for it is the festival, not of a single city or country, but of the universe, and it alone strictly deserves to be called “public” as belonging to all people and the birthday of the world.",
+                "[90] I doubt whether anyone could adequately celebrate the properties of the number 7, for they are beyond all words. Yet the fact that it is more wondrous than all that is said about it is no reason for maintaining silence regarding it. Nay, we must make a brave attempt to bring out at least all that is within the compass of our understandings, even if it be impossible to bring out all or even the most essential points. Now, 7 or 7th is a term used in two different senses. There is the 7 inside the number 10. This consists of 7 units, and is determined by the sevenfold repetition of the unit. There is the 7 outside the number 10.",
+                "[91] This is a number starting throughout from the number 1 and formed by doubling it and going on doubling (7 times) or trebling, or multiplying by any other number in regular progression; as, for example, the number 64 is the product of doubling from 1 onwards, and the number 729 that of trebling. Each of these forms claims more than casual notice. The second form, clearly has a very manifest superiority.",
+                "[92] For invariably the 7th term of any regular progression, starting from unity and with a ratio of 2, 3, or any other number, is both a cube and a square, embracing both forms, that of the incorporeal and that of the corporeal substance, the form of the incorporeal answering to the surface which is formed by squares, that of the corporeal answering to the solid which is formed by cubes.",
+                "[93] The plainest evidence of this are the numbers already mentioned: for instance, the 7th from 1 reached by going on doubling, i.e. 64, is a square, being 8 times 8, and a cube, being 4 times 4, again multiplied by 4: and again the 7th from 1 reached by progressive trebling, 729, is a square, being the product of 27 multiplied by itself, and the cube of 9, i.e. 9 times 9, again multiplied by 9.",
+                "[94] And invariably if one takes the 7th number for his starting-point instead of the unit, and multiplies in corresponding fashion up to a (fresh) 7th, he is sure to find the product both a cube and a square: for instance starting from 64 the number formed by continuous doubling will give us seventh 4096. This is at once a square and a cube—a square with 64 as its side and a cube with 16."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] We must pass on to the other kind of 7th, that which is contained within the decade. It exhibits a marvellous nature, not at all inferior to that of the former kind. For instance 7 consists of 1 and 2 and 4, which have two relations making specially for harmony, the twofold and the fourfold, the one producing the diapason harmony, while the fourfold relation produces double diapason. 7 admits of other divisions besides these, in pairs like animals under a yoke. It is divided first into 1 and 6, then into 2 and 5, and last of all into 3 and 4.",
+                "[96] Most musical is the proportion of these numbers also: for 6 to 1 is a sixfold proportion, but the sixfold proportion makes the greatest distance that there is (in music), the distance from the highest to the lowest note, as we shall prove, when we pass from numbers to the proportion in harmonies. 5:2 exhibits the fullest power in harmonies, all but rivalling the diapason, a fact which is most clearly established in theoretical music. 4:3 yields the first harmony, the sesquitertian or diatessaron."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] 7 (or “7th”) exhibits yet another beauty belonging to it, a most sacred object for our mind to ponder. Being made up as it is of 3 and 4 it is a presentation of all that is naturally steadfast and upright in the universe. How it is this, we must point out. The right-angled triangle, the starting-point of figures of a definite shape, is made up of certain numbers, namely 3 and 4 and 5:3 and 4, the constituent parts of 7, produce the right angle: for the obtuse and acute angle are manifestations of irregularity and disorder and inequality: for one such angle can be more obtuse or more acute than another: whereas one right angle does not admit of comparison with another, nor can it be more “right” than another, but remains as it is, never changing its proper nature. Now if the right-angled triangle is the starting-point of figures of a definite kind, and the essential factor in this triangle, namely the right angle, is supplied by the numbers which constitute 7, namely 3 and 4 together, 7 would reasonably be regarded as the fountain-head of every figure and every definite shape.",
+                "[98] In addition to what we have already said we are bound to mention this further point, namely that 3 is the number belonging to a superficies—for a point falls under the head of 1, a line under that of 2, and a superficies of 3—while 4 belongs to a solid, by means of the addition of 1, depth being added to superficies. From this it is manifest that 7 is so constituted as to be the starting-point of all plane and solid geometry, or (to put it concisely) alike of things corporeal and incorporeal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So august is the dignity inherent by nature in the number 7, that it has a unique relation distinguishing it from all the other numbers within the decade: for of these some beget without being begotten, some are begotten but do not beget, some do both these, both beget and are begotten: 7 alone is found in no such category. We must establish this assertion by giving proof of it. Well then, 1 begets all the subsequent numbers while it is begotten by none whatever: 8 is begotten by twice 4, but begets no number within the decade: 4 again holds the place of both, both of parents and of offspring; for it begets 8 by being doubled, and is begotten by twice 2.",
+                "[100] It is the nature of 7 alone, as I have said, neither to beget nor to be begotten. For this reason other philosophers liken this number to the motherless and virgin Nikè, who is said to have appeared out of the head of Zeus, while the Pythagoreans liken it to the chief of all things: for that which neither begets nor is begotten remains motionless; for creation takes place in movement, since there is movement both in that which begets and in that which is begotten, in the one that it may beget, in the other that it may be begotten. There is only one thing that neither causes motion nor experiences it, the original Ruler and Sovereign. Of Him 7 may be fitly said to be a symbol. Evidence of what I say is supplied by Philolaus in these words: “There is, he says, a supreme Ruler of all things, God, ever One, abiding, without motion, Himself (alone) like unto Himself, different from all others.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] In the region, then, of things discerned by the intellect only, 7 exhibits that which is exempt from movement and from passion; but in that of sensible things a most essential force [in the movements of the planets] from which all earthly things derive advantage, and in the circuits of the moon. How this is we must consider. Begin at 1 and add each number up to 7 and it produces 28. This is a perfect number and equal to the sum of its own factors. And the number produced is the number which brings the moon back to her original form, as she retraces her course by lessening till she reaches the shape from which she began to make perceptible increase; for she increases from her first shining as a crescent till she becomes a half-moon in seven days, then in as many more she becomes full-moon, and again returns the same way like a runner in the double race-course, from the full to the half-moon in seven days as before, then from the half to the crescent in an equal number of days: these four sets of days complete the aforesaid number.",
+                "[102] Now by those who are in the habit of giving words their proper force seven is called also “perfection-bringing,” because by this all things in the material universe are brought to perfection. Proof of this may be derived from the circumstance that every organic body has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and four limits, point, line, surface, and solid; by adding which together we get seven. It would have been impossible that bodies should be measured by seven in accordance with their formation out of the three dimensions and the four limits, had it not been that the forms of the first numbers (1, 2, 3, and 4), the foundation of 10, already contained the nature of 7, for the numbers named have three intervals, that from 1 to 2, that from 2 to 3, and that from 3 to 4; and the four limits between which these intervals lie, 1, 2, 3, and 4."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Beside the proofs already mentioned, the perfecting power of the number 7 is also shown by the stages of men’s growth, measured from infancy to old age in the following manner: during the first period of seven years the growth of the teeth begins; during the second the capacity for emitting seed; in the third the growing of the beard; and in the fourth increase of strength; in the fifth again ripeness for marriage; in the sixth the understanding reaches its bloom; in the seventh progressive improvement and development of mind and reason; in the eighth the perfecting of both these; during the ninth forbearance and gentleness emerge, owing to the more complete taming of the passions; during the tenth comes the desirable end of life, while the bodily organs are still compact and firm; for prolonged old age is wont to abate and break down the force of each of them.",
+                "[104] These ages of men’s life were described by Solon the lawgiver of the Athenians among others in the following lines:",
+                "In seven years the Boy, an infant yet unfledged, <br>Both grows and sheds the teeth with which his tongue is hedged. <br>When heaven has made complete a second week of years, <br>Of coming prime of youth full many a sign appears. <br>In life’s third term, while still his limbs grow big apace, <br>His chin shows down; its early bloom now quits his face. <br>In the fourth heptad each one full of strength doth seem— <br>Strength, which of manly worth best earnest all men deem. <br>Let him in his fifth week of years a bride bespeak, <br>Offspring to bear his name hereafter let him seek. <br>The sixth beholds the man good sense all round attain; <br>Not now can reckless deeds as once his fancy gain. <br>Now see him seventh and eighth, fresh heptads, duly reach <br>In insight strongest now, strongest in power of speech. <br>In his ninth week of years, strong still but softer far <br>For high achievement’s venture speech and wisdom are. <br>Then should the man, ten bouts complete, attain life’s end <br>Fate, no untimely gift, death’s call may fitly send."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] Solon, then, reckons the life of man by the aforesaid ten weeks of years. And Hippocrates the physician, says that there are seven ages, those of the little boy, the boy, the lad, the young man, the man, the elderly man, the old man, and that these ages are measured by multiples of seven though not in regular succession. His words are: “In man’s life there are seven seasons, which they call ages, little boy, boy, lad, young man, man, elderly man, old man. He is a little boy until he reaches seven years, the time of the shedding of his teeth; a boy until he reaches puberty, i.e. up to twice seven years; a lad until his chin grows downy, i.e. up to thrice seven years; a young man until his whole body has grown, till four times seven; a man till forty-nine, till seven times seven; an elderly man till fifty-six, up to seven times eight; after that an old man.”",
+                "[106] The following is also mentioned to commend the number 7 as occupying a wonderful place in nature, since it consists of 3+4: if we multiply by 2, we shall find that the third number, counted from 1, is a square, and the fourth a cube, while the seventh (and 7 is made up of 3 and 4), is at once a square and a cube: for the third number in this multiplication by 2, namely 4, is a square, the fourth, 8, is a cube; the seventh, 64, is at once a cube and a square. Thus the seventh number does indeed bring with it perfection, claiming both correspondences, that with the superficies by means of the square, in virtue of its kinship with 3, and that with the solid body by means of the cube, in virtue of its relationship with 4; and 3 and 4 make 7."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] It is however not only a bringer of perfection, but, one may say, absolutely harmonious, and in a certain sense the source of the most beautiful scale, which contains all the harmonies, that yielded by the interval of four, by the interval of five, by the octave; and all the progressions, the arithmetic, the geometric, and the harmonic as well. The scheme is formed out of the following numbers: 6, 8, 9, 12. 8 stands to 6 in the proportion 4:3, which regulates the harmony of 4; 9 stands to 6 in the proportion 3:2, which regulates the harmony of 5; 12 stands to 6 in the proportion 2:1, which regulates the octave.",
+                "[108] And, as I said, it contains also all the progressions, the arithmetic made up of 6 and 9 and 12—for as the middle number exceeds the first by 3, so it in its turn is exceeded to the same amount by the last; the geometric, made up of the four numbers (6, 8, 9, 12); for 12 bears the same proportion to 9 that 8 does to 6, and the proportion is 4:3; the harmonic, made up of three numbers (6, 8, and 12).",
+                "[109] There are two modes of testing harmonic progression. One is this. (Harmonic progression is present) whenever the relation in which the last term stands to the first is identical with that in which the excess of the last over the middle term stands to the excess of the middle term over the first. A very clear proof may be obtained from the numbers before us, 6 and 8 and 12: for the last is double the first, and the difference or excess is also double; for 12 exceeds 8 by 4, and 8 exceeds 6 by 2, and 4 is twice 2.",
+                "[110] Another way of detecting the presence of harmonic proportion is this. (It is present) whenever the middle term exceeds the one extreme and is itself exceeded by the other by the same fraction; for 8 being the middle term exceeds the first by one-third of the latter, for when we subtract 6 (from 8) the remainder, 2, is one-third of the first number, and 8 is exceeded by the last number by the same fraction, for if 8 be subtracted from 12, the remainder 4 is one-third of the last number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Let what has been said suffice as a bare outline of the dignity pertaining to the figure or scheme or whatever we ought to call it: all these qualities and more still does 7 discover in the incorporeal and intellectual sphere. But its nature reaches further, extending to all visible existence, to heaven and earth, to the utmost bounds of the universe. For what part of the world’s contents is not a lover of seven, overcome by passion and desire for it? Let us give some instances.",
+                "[112] They tell us that heaven is girdled by seven zones, whose names are these: arctic, antarctic, that of the summer solstice, that of the winter solstice, equinox, zodiac, and beside these the milky way. The horizon is not one of these, for it is a thing of subjective observation, our eyesight, as it is keen or the reverse, cutting off, now a smaller, now a larger, circumference.",
+                "[113] Moreover, the planets, the heavenly host that moves counter to the fixed stars, are marshalled in seven ranks, and manifest large sympathy with air and earth. The one (the air) they turn and shift for the so-called annual seasons, producing in each of these seasons a thousand changes by times of calm, or fair weather, of cloudy skies, of unusually violent storms: they flood rivers and shrink them; they turn plains into marshes, and dry them up again: they produce tides in the sea, as it ebbs and flows: for at times broad gulfs, through the sea’s being withdrawn by ebbing, suddenly become a far-reaching stretch of sand, and a little later, as it is poured back, they become deep seas navigable not merely by small barges but by ships of many tons burden. Yes, and the planets cause all things on earth, living creatures and fruit-yielding plants, to grow and come to perfection, enabling, as they do, the natural power in each of them to run its full round, new fruits blossoming and ripening on old trees, to supply abundantly those who need them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] The Great Bear, moreover, which is called the mariners’ escort, consists of seven stars. Fixing their eyes on this, pilots cut those countless paths in the sea, undertaking an enterprise surpassing belief and human powers. For by keeping their eyes on the stars we have named they discovered countries hitherto unknown, dwellers on the continents discovering islands, and islanders continents. For it was meet that by heaven, purest of all things existing, should be revealed to the living creature best loved by God, even the human race, the secret recesses both of land and sea.",
+                "[115] Beside the cases already mentioned, the full tale of the band of Pleiades is made up of seven stars, whose appearances and disappearances are fraught with vast benefits to all men: for when they are setting, furrows are opened for sowing, and when they are about to rise, they announce reaping-time; and when they have risen, they make glad the workers on the land and rouse them to gather in the crops that meet their needs; and they blithely store up their food for daily use.",
+                "[116] The sun, too, the great lord of day, bringing about two equinoxes each year, in Spring and Autumn, the Spring equinox in the constellation of the Ram, and the Autumn equinox in that of the Scales, supplies very clear evidence of the sacred dignity of the 7th number, for each of the equinoxes occurs in a 7th month, and during them there is enjoined by law the keeping of the greatest national festivals, since at both of them all fruits of the earth ripen, in the Spring the wheat and all else that is sown, and in Autumn the fruit of the vine and most of the other fruit-trees."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] As, however, in accordance with a certain natural sympathy the things of the earth depend on the things of heaven, the principle of the number 7, after having begun from above, descended also to us and visited the races of mortals. For instance, if we leave the understanding out of sight, the remainder of our soul is divided into seven parts, namely five senses, the faculty of speech, last that of generation. All these, as in marionette shows, are drawn with strings by the understanding, now resting, now moving, each in the attitudes and with the movements appropriate to it.",
+                "[118] In like manner, should a man go on to examine the outer and inner parts of the body, he will find seven under each head. The visible parts are head, breast, belly, two hands, two feet. The inward parts, called entrails, are stomach, heart, lung, spleen, liver, two kidneys.",
+                "[119] Once more, the head, the most princely part in an animal, employs seven most essential parts, two eyes, as many ears, two nostrils, seventhly a mouth. Through this, as Plato says, mortal things have their entrance, immortal their exit; for foods and drinks enter it, perishable nourishment of a perishable body, but words issue from it, undying laws of an undying soul, by means of which the life of reason is guided."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] The objects which are distinguished by sight, the noblest of the senses, participate in the number of which we are speaking, if classified by their kinds: for the kinds which are seen are seven—body, extension, shape, size, colour, movement, quiescence, and beside these there is no other.",
+                "[121] The varieties of the voice too are seven in all, the acute, the grave, the circumflex, and fourthly the rough (or “aspirated”), and fifthly the thin (or “unaspirated”) utterance, and sixthly the long, and seventhly the short sound.",
+                "[122] Likewise there are seven movements, upward, downward, to the right, to the left, forward, backward, in a circle. These come out most distinctly in an exhibition of dancing.",
+                "[123] The discharges from the body also (it has been pointed out) are limited to the number named: for through the eyes tears pour out, through the nostrils purgings from the head, through the mouth expectorations of phlegm: there are also two receptacles for excretion of superfluities, one in front, one behind; and in the sixth place there is perspiration exuding through the whole body, and in the seventh place the natural normal emission of seed through the genital organs.",
+                "[124] Further Hippocrates, that expert in the processes of nature, says that in seven days both the solidifying of the seed and the formation of the embryo take place. Once again, for women the duration of the monthly cleansing is at the most seven days. Moreover the fruit of the womb is brought by nature to full ripeness in seven months, with a most strange result, namely that seven months’ children come to the birth, whereas eight months’ children as a rule fail to do so alive.",
+                "[125] Severe bodily sicknesses too, especially persistent attacks of fever due to internal disorder, generally reach the crisis on the seventh day; for this day decides the struggle for life, bringing to some recovery, to others death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] The number 7 exerts its influence not only in the spheres that have been mentioned, but also in those noblest of sciences, grammar and music. For the seven-stringed lyre, corresponding to the choir of the Planets, produces the notable melodies, and it is not going too far to say that the lyre is the rule to which the making of all musical instruments conforms. And among the letters in grammar there are seven properly called vowels or “vocals,” since as is obvious they can be sounded by themselves, and when joined with the others can produce articulate sounds; for on the one hand they fill up what is lacking to the “semi-vowels,” rendering the sounds full and complete, and on the other hand they change the nature of the “voiceless” (the consonants) by breathing into them something of their own power, that it may now be possible to pronounce letters before incapable of pronunciation.",
+                "[127] On these grounds I hold that those who originally fitted names to things, being wise men, called this number “seven” because of the “reverence” (σεβασμός) which it deserves, and the heavenly “dignity” (σεμνότης) pertaining to it. The Romans, who add the letter σ left out by the Greeks, make this appear still more clearly, since they, with greater accuracy, call the number septem, owing to its derivation, as I have said, from σεμνός (reverend) and σεβασμός (“reverence”)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] These and yet more than these are the statements and reflections of men on the number 7, showing the reasons for the very high honour which that number has attained in Nature, the honour in which it is held by the most approved investigators of the science of Mathematics and Astronomy among Greeks and other peoples, and the special honour accorded to it by that lover of virtue, Moses. He inscribed its beauty on the most holy tables of the Law, and impressed it on the minds of all who were set under him, by bidding them at intervals of six days to keep a seventh day holy, abstaining from other work that has to do with seeking and gaining a livelihood, and giving their time to the one sole object of philosophy with a view to the improvement of character and submission to the scrutiny of conscience. Conscience, established in the soul like a judge, is never abashed in administering reproofs, sometimes employing sharper threats, sometimes gentler admonitions; threats, where the wrongdoing appeared to be deliberate; admonitions, to guard against a like lapse in the future, when the misconduct seemed unintentional and the result of want of caution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[129] In his concluding summary of the story of creation he says: “This is the book of the genesis of heaven and earth, when they came into being, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth and every herb of the field before it appeared upon the earth, and all grass of the field before it sprang up” (Gen. 2:4, 5). Is he not manifestly describing the incorporeal ideas present only to the mind, by which, as by seals, the finished objects that meet our senses were moulded? For before the earth put forth its young green shoots, young verdure was present, he tells us, in the nature of things without material shape, and before grass sprang up in the field, there was in existence an invisible grass.",
+                "[130] We must suppose that in the case of all other objects also, on which the senses pronounce judgement, the original forms and measures, to which all things that come into being owe shape and size, subsisted before them; for even if he has not dealt with everything in detail but in the mass, aiming as he does at brevity in a high degree, nevertheless what he does say gives us a few indications of universal Nature, which brings forth no finished product in the world of sense without using an incorporeal pattern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Keeping to the sequence of the creation and carefully observing the connexion between what follows and what has gone before, he next says: “and a spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). Other philosophers say that all water is one of the four elements out of which the world was made. But Moses, wont as he is with keener vision to observe and apprehend amazingly well even distant objects, does indeed regard the great sea as an element, a fourth part of the whole, which his successors, reckoning the seas we sail to be in size mere harbours compared to it, call Ocean; but he distinguished sweet drinkable water from the salt water, assigning the former to the land and looking on it as part of this, not of the sea. It is such a part, for the purpose already mentioned, that by the sweet quality of the water as by a uniting glue the earth may be bound and held together: for had it been left dry, with no moisture making its way in and spreading by many channels through the pores, it would have actually fallen to pieces. It is held together and lasts, partly by virtue of the life-breath that makes it one, partly because it is saved from drying up and breaking off in small or big bits by the moisture.",
+                "[132] This is one reason, and I must mention another which is a guess at the truth. It is of the nature of nothing earth-born to take form apart from wet substance. This is shown by the depositing of seeds, which either are moist, as those of animals, or do not grow without moisture: such are those of plants. From this it is clear that the wet substance we have mentioned must be a part of the earth which gives birth to all things, just as with women the running of the monthly cleansings; for these too are, so physical scientists tell us, the bodily substance of the fetus.",
+                "[133] And what I am about to say is in perfect agreement with what has been said already. Nature has bestowed on every mother as a most essential endowment teeming breasts, thus preparing in advance food for the child that is to be born. The earth also, as we all know, is a mother, for which reason the earliest men thought fit to call her ‘Demeter,’ combining the name of ‘mother’ with that of ‘earth’; for, as Plato says, earth does not imitate woman, but woman earth. Poets quite rightly are in the habit of calling earth ‘All-mother,’ and ‘Fruit-bearer’ and ‘Pandora’ or ‘Give-all,’ inasmuch as she is the originating cause of existence and continuance in existence to all animals and plants alike. Fitly therefore on earth also, most ancient and most fertile of mothers, did Nature bestow, by way of breasts, streams of rivers and springs, to the end that both the plants might be watered and all animals might have abundance to drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] After this he says that “God formed man by taking clay from the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life” (Gen. 2:7). By this also he shows very clearly that there is a vast difference between the man thus formed and the man that came into existence earlier after the image of God: for the man so formed is an object of sense-perception, partaking already of such or such quality, consisting of body and soul, man or woman, by nature mortal; while he that was after the (Divine) image was an idea or type or seal, an object of thought (only), incorporeal, neither male nor female, by nature incorruptible.",
+                "[135] It says, however, that the formation of the individual man, the object of sense, is a composite one made up of earthly substance and of Divine breath: for it says that the body was made through the Artificer taking clay and moulding out of it a human form, but that the soul was originated from nothing created whatever, but from the Father and Ruler of all: for that which He breathed in was nothing else than a Divine breath that migrated hither from that blissful and happy existence for the benefit of our race, to the end that, even if it is mortal in respect of its visible part, it may in respect of the part that is invisible be rendered immortal. Hence it may with propriety be said that man is the borderland between mortal and immortal nature, partaking of each so far as is needful, and that he was created at once mortal and immortal, mortal in respect of the body, but in respect of the mind immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] That first man, earth-born, ancestor of our whole race, was made, as it appears to me, most excellent in each part of his being, in both soul and body, and greatly excelling those who came after him in the transcendent qualities of both alike: for this man really was the one truly “beautiful and good.” The fair form of his body may be gathered from three proofs. The first is this. When, at the severing of the great mass of water, which received the name of “sea,” the newly formed earth appeared, the material of the things to come into existence was, as a result, pure and free from mixture or alloy, and also supple and easy to work, and the things wrought out of it naturally flawless.",
+                "[137] Secondly, God is not likely to have taken the clay from any part of the earth that might offer, or to have chosen as rapidly as possible to mould this figure in the shape of a man, but selecting the best from it all, out of pure material taking the purest and most subtly refined, such as was best suited for his structure; for a sacred dwelling-place or shrine was being fashioned for the reasonable soul, which man was to carry as a holy image, of all images the most Godlike.",
+                "[138] The third proof, incomparably stronger than the two that have been given, is this, that the Creator excelled, as well as in all else, in skill to bring it about that each of the bodily parts should have in itself individually its due proportions, and should also be fitted with the most perfect accuracy for the part it was to take in the whole. And together with this symmetry (of the parts) He bestowed on the body goodly flesh, and adorned it with a rich complexion, desiring the first man to be as fair as could be to behold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] That in soul also he was most excellent is manifest; for the Creator, we know, employed for its making no pattern taken from among created things, but solely, as I have said, His own Word (or Reason). It is on this account that he says that man was made a likeness and imitation of the Word, when the Divine Breath was breathed into his face. The face is the seat of the senses. By the senses the Creator endowed the body with soul. To the senses, when He had installed the sovereign Reason in the princely part of man’s being, He delivered it to be by them escorted to the apprehension of colours and sounds, as well as of flavours and scents and the like. The Reason, apart from perception by the senses, was unable by itself alone to apprehend these. Now the copy of a perfectly beautiful pattern must needs be of perfect beauty. But the Word of God surpasses beauty itself, beauty, that is, as it exists in Nature. He is not only adorned with beauty, but is Himself in very truth beauty’s fairest adornment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Such was the first man created, as I think, in body and soul, surpassing all the men that now are, and all that have been before us. For our beginning is from men, whereas God created him, and the more eminent the maker is, so much the better is the work. For as that which is in bloom is always better than that whose bloom is past, be it animal or plant or fruit or aught else in nature, so the man first fashioned was clearly the bloom of our entire race, and never have his descendants attained the like bloom, forms and faculties ever feebler having been bestowed on each succeeding generation.",
+                "[141] I have observed the same thing happening in the case of sculpture and painting: the copies are inferior to the originals, and what is painted or moulded from the copies still more so, owing to their long distance from the original. Much the same appears in the case of the magnet: for the iron ring which touches it is held most forcibly, but that which touches this one less so. A third hangs on to the second, and a fourth on to the third, and a fifth on to the fourth, and so on in a long series, all held together by one attracting force, only not all alike, for those removed from the starting-point get looser all the time, owing to the attraction being relaxed and losing its power to grip as it did before. Mankind has evidently undergone something of the same kind. As generation follows generation the powers and qualities of body and soul which men receive are feebler.",
+                "[142] If we call that original forefather of our race not only the first man but also the only citizen of the world we shall be speaking with perfect truth. For the world was his city and dwelling-place. No building made by hand had been wrought out of the material of stones and timbers. The world was his mother country where he dwelt far removed from fear, inasmuch as he had been held worthy of the rule of the denizens of the earth, and all things mortal trembled before him, and had been taught or compelled to obey him as their master. So he lived exposed to no attack amid the comforts of peace unbroken by war."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Now since every well-ordered State has a constitution, the citizen of the world enjoyed of necessity the same constitution as did the whole world: and this constitution is nature’s right relation, more properly called an “ordinance,” or “dispensation,” seeing it is a divine law, in accordance with which there was duly apportioned to all existences that which rightly falls to them severally. This State and polity must have had citizens before man. These might justly be termed people of the Great City, having had allotted to them as their dwelling-place the greatest compass, and having been enrolled in the greatest and most perfect commonwealth.",
+                "[144] And who should these be but spiritual and divine natures, some incorporeal and visible to mind only, some not without bodies, such as are the stars? Conversing and consorting with these man could not but live in unalloyed bliss, and being of near kin to the Ruler, since the divine Spirit had flowed into him in full current, he earnestly endeavoured in all his words and actions to please the Father and King, following Him step by step in the highways cut out by virtues, since only for souls who regard it as their goal to be fully conformed to God who begat them is it lawful to draw nigh to Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Of the beauty of the first-made man in each part of his being, in soul and body, we have now said what falls perhaps far short of the reality but yet what for our powers was possible. It could not but be that his descendants, partaking as they did in the original form in which he was formed, should preserve marks, though faint ones, of their kinship with their first father. Now what is this kinship?",
+                "[146] Every man, in respect of his mind, is allied to the divine Reason, having come into being as a copy or fragment or ray of that blessed nature, but in the structure of his body he is allied to all the world, for he is compounded of the same things, earth, water, air, and fire, each of the elements having contributed the share that falls to each, to complete a material absolutely sufficient in itself for the Creator to take in order to fashion this visible image.",
+                "[147] Moreover, man is at home in all the elements named, as in places fully congenial and akin to him, ever changing his sphere and haunting now one, now another of them. Thus we can say with strict propriety that man is all four, as being of land and water and air and sky. For in so far as he dwells and moves upon the ground, he is a land-animal; so far as he often dives and swims and often sails, he is a water-creature—merchants and shipmasters and fishers for purple-fish and oyster-dredgers and fishermen generally are the clearest evidence of what I have said—; so far as his body ascends and is raised aloft from the earth, he would justly be said to be an air-walker. He may besides be said to be heavenly, for by means of sight, the most dominant of his senses, he draws near to sun and moon and each of the other planets and fixed stars."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Quite excellently does Moses ascribe the bestowal of names also to the first man (Gen. 2:19): for this is the business of wisdom and royalty, and the first man was wise with a wisdom learned from and taught by Wisdom’s own lips, for he was made by divine hands; he was, moreover, a king, and it befits a ruler to bestow titles on his several subordinates. And we may guess that the sovereignty with which that first man was invested was a most lofty one, seeing that God had fashioned him with the utmost care and deemed him worthy of the second place, making him His own viceroy and lord of all others. For men born many generations later, when, owing to the lapse of ages, the race had lost its vigour, are none the less still masters of the creatures that are without reason, keeping safe a torch (as it were) of sovereignty and dominion passed down from the first man.",
+                "[149] So Moses says that God brought all the animals to Adam, wishing to see what appellations he would assign to them severally. Not that he was in any doubt—for to God nothing is unknown—but because He knew that He had formed in mortal man the natural ability to reason of his own motion, that so He Himself might have no share in faulty action. No, He was putting man to the test, as a teacher does a pupil, kindling his innate capacity, and calling on him to put forth some faculty of his own, that by his own ability man might confer titles in no wise incongruous or unsuitable, but bringing out clearly the traits of the creatures who bore them.",
+                "[150] For the native reasoning power in the soul being still unalloyed, and no infirmity or disease or evil affection having intruded itself, he received the impressions made by bodies and objects in their sheer reality, and the titles he gave were fully apposite, for right well did he divine the character of the creatures he was describing, with the result that their natures were apprehended as soon as their names were uttered. So greatly did he excel in all noble traits, thus attaining the very limit of human happiness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] But since no created thing is constant, and things mortal are necessarily liable to changes and reverses, it could not but be that the first man too should experience some ill fortune. And woman becomes for him the beginning of blameworthy life. For so long as he was by himself, as accorded with such solitude, he went on growing like to the world and like God, and receiving in his soul the impressions made by the nature of each, not all of these, but as many as one of mortal composition can find room for. But when woman too had been made, beholding a figure like his own and a kindred form, he was gladdened by the sight, and approached and greeted her.",
+                "[152] She, seeing no living thing more like herself than he, is filled with glee and shamefastly returns his greeting. Love supervenes, brings together and fits into one the divided halves, as it were, of a single living creature, and sets up in each of them a desire for fellowship with the other with a view to the production of their like. And this desire begat likewise bodily pleasure, that pleasure which is the beginning of wrongs and violation of law, the pleasure for the sake of which men bring on themselves the life of mortality and wretchedness in lieu of that of immortality and bliss."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[153] While the man was still leading a life of solitude, the woman not having been yet formed, a park or pleasaunce, we are told, was planted by God, quite unlike the pleasaunces with which we are familiar (Gen. 2:8 f.): for in them the wood is soulless; they are full of trees of all sorts, some ever-blooming to give uninterrupted joy to the eye, some bursting forth with young life every spring: some again bearing cultivated fruit for man, not only for use by way of necessary nourishment, but also for his superfluities, for the enjoyment of a life of luxury; while others yield a different kind of fruit, supplied to the wild beasts to satisfy their actual needs. But in the divine park or pleasaunce all plants are endowed with soul or reason, bearing the virtues for fruit, and beside these insight and discernment that never fail, by which things fair and ugly are recognized, and life free from disease, and incorruption, and all that is of a like nature.",
+                "[154] This description is, I think, intended symbolically rather than literally; for never yet have trees of life or of understanding appeared on earth, nor is it likely that they will appear hereafter. No, Moses evidently signifies by the pleasaunce the ruling power of the soul which is full of countless opinions, as it might be of plants; and by the tree of life he signifies reverence toward God, the greatest of the virtues, by means of which the soul attains to immortality; while by the tree that is cognisant of good and evil things he signifies moral prudence, the virtue that occupies the middle position, and enables us to distinguish things by nature contrary the one to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[155] Having set up these standards in the soul, He watched, as a judge might, to see to which it would tend. And when He saw it inclining to wickedness, and making light of holiness and godly fear, out of which comes the winning of immortal life, He cast it forth, as we might expect, and drove it from the pleasaunce, giving the soul which committed offences that defy the healer’s skill, no hope of a subsequent return, inasmuch as the reason given for their deception was in a high degree blameworthy. This we must not leave unexplained.",
+                "[156] It is said that in olden time the venomous earthborn crawling thing could send forth a man’s voice, and that one day it approached the wife of the first man and upbraided her for her irresoluteness and excessive scrupulosity in delaying and hesitating to pluck a fruit most beauteous to behold and most luscious to taste, and most useful into the bargain, since by its means she would have power to recognize things good and evil. It is said that she, without looking into the suggestion, prompted by a mind devoid of steadfastness and firm foundation, gave her consent and ate of the fruit, and gave some of it to her husband; this instantly brought them out of a state of simplicity and innocence into one of wickedness: whereat the Father in anger appointed for them the punishments that were fitting. For their conduct well merited wrath, inasmuch as they had passed by the tree of life immortal, the consummation of virtue, from which they could have gathered an existence long and happy. Yet they chose that fleeting and mortal existence which is not an existence but a period of time full of misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Now these are no mythical fictions, such as poets and sophists delight in, but modes of making ideas visible, bidding us resort to allegorical interpretation guided in our renderings by what lies beneath the surface. Following a probable conjecture one would say that the serpent spoken of is a fit symbol of pleasure, because in the first place he is an animal without feet sunk prone upon his belly; secondly because he takes clods of earth as food; thirdly because he carries in his teeth the venom with which it is his nature to destroy those whom he has bitten.",
+                "[158] The lover of pleasure is exempt from none of these traits, for he is so weighted and dragged downwards that it is with difficulty that he lifts up his head, thrown down and tripped up by intemperance: he feeds not on heavenly nourishment, which wisdom by discourses and doctrines proffers to lovers of contemplation, but on that which comes up out of the earth with the revolving seasons, and which produces drunkenness, daintiness, and greediness. These, causing the cravings of the belly to burst out and fanning them into flame, make the man a glutton, while they also stimulate and stir up the stings of his sexual lusts. For he licks his lips over the labour of caterers and confectioners, and twisting his head about all round strains to catch some of the steam and savour of the delicacies. Whenever he beholds a richly spread table, he flings down his whole person and tumbles upon the dishes set out, eager to devour all at once. His aim is not to sate his hunger, but to leave nothing that has been set before him undevoured. Hence we see that no less than the serpent he carries his poison in his teeth.",
+                "[159] These are the agents and ministers of excess, cutting and chewing all eatables, handing them over first to the tongue, the judge of savours, for its decision, then to the gullet. Immoderate eating is by its nature deadly and poisonous, for what is eaten has no chance of being assimilated, owing to the rush of the fresh viands which takes place before those already swallowed have been digested.",
+                "[160] Again the serpent is said to emit a human voice. This is because pleasure employs ten thousand champions and defenders, who have undertaken to look after her and stand up for her, and who dare to spread the doctrine that she has assumed universal sovereignty over small and great, and that no one whatever is exempt therefrom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] And certainly the first approaches of the male to the female have pleasure to guide and conduct them, and it is through pleasure that begetting and the coming of life is brought about, and the offspring is naturally at home with nothing sooner than pleasure, delighting in it and feeling distress at pain its contrary. This is why the infant when born actually weeps aloud, chilled most likely by the cold all round it; for when, leaving a place of fiery warmth in the womb, which for a long time it has tenanted, it suddenly issues into the air, a cold and unaccustomed place, it is taken aback and utters cries, a most clear sign of its pain and its annoyance at suffering.",
+                "[162] And they tell us that every living creature hastens after pleasure as its most necessary and essential end, and man above all: for while other creatures seek pleasure only through taste and the organs of reproduction, man does so through the other senses as well, pursuing with ears and eyes all such sights and sounds as can afford delight.",
+                "[163] A very great deal more is said in praise of pleasure, and of the great closeness of its connexion and kinship with living creatures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But what has now been said is enough to show why the serpent seemed to utter a human voice. It is for this reason, I think, that even in the detailed laws, where the lawgiver writes about animals, laying down which may be eaten and which may not, he especially praises the “snake-fighter” as it is called (Lev. 11:22). This is a reptile with legs above its feet, with which it springs from the ground and lifts itself into the air like a grasshopper.",
+                "[164] For the snake-fighter is, I think, nothing but a symbolic representation of self-control, waging a fight that never ends and a truceless war against intemperance and pleasure. Self-control welcomes beyond measure simplicity and abstemiousness and so much as is requisite for a severe and lofty mode of life; intemperance gives a like welcome to superfluity and extravagance, which induce softness and voluptuousness in soul and body, and these result in the culpable life, the life that in the view of right-minded people is worse than death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Pleasure does not venture to bring her wiles and deceptions to bear on the man, but on the woman, and by her means on him. This is a telling and well-made point: for in us mind corresponds to man, the senses to woman; and pleasure encounters and holds parley with the senses first, and through them cheats with her quackeries the sovereign mind itself: for when each sense has been subjugated to her sorceries, delighting in what she proffers, the sense of sight in variegated colours and shapes, that of hearing in harmonious sounds, that of taste in delicate savours, and that of scent in the fragrance of perfumes which it inhales, then all of them receive the gifts and offer them like handmaids to the Reason as to a master, bringing with them Persuasion to plead that it reject nothing whatever. Reason is forthwith ensnared and becomes a subject instead of a ruler, a slave instead of a master, an alien instead of a citizen, and a mortal instead of an immortal.",
+                "[166] In a word we must never lose sight of the fact that Pleasure, being a courtesan and a wanton, eagerly desires to meet with a lover, and searches for panders, by whose means she shall get one on her hook. It is the senses that act as panders for her and procure the lover. When she has ensnared these she easily brings the Mind under her control. To it, dwelling within us, the senses convey the things seen without, reporting them fully and making them manifest, impressing on it the forms of the several objects, and producing in it the corresponding affection. For it resembles wax, and receives the images that reach it through the senses, by which it apprehends material substances, being incapable, as I have said before, of doing this by itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] Those who were the first to become slaves to a passion grievous and hard to heal at once had experience of the wages paid by Pleasure. The woman incurred the violent woes of travail-pangs, and the griefs which come one after another all through the remainder of life. Chief among them are all those that have to do with children at birth and in their bringing up, in sickness and in health, in good fortune and evil fortune. In the next place she tasted deprivation of liberty, and the authority of the husband at her side, whose commands she must perforce obey. The man, in his turn, incurred labours and distress in the unceasing sweat of his brow to gain the necessaries of life. He was without those good things which the earth had been taught to bear of itself independently of all skill in the husbandman. His life was spent in unbroken toils in the pursuit of food and livelihood to save him from perishing by famine.",
+                "[168] For I imagine that, just as sun and moon always give their light after once for all being bidden to do so when the universe was first created, and continue to keep the divine ordinance for no other reason than that evil has been sent into exile far away from heaven’s frontiers; even so would earth’s deep and fertile soil, unaided by the skill of agricultural labourers, bear rich abundance as the seasons come round. As it is, when evil began to get the better of the virtues, the ever-flowing springs of the bounties of God were closed, that they might not bring supplies to those felt to be undeserving of them.",
+                "[169] If the human race had had to undergo the fitting penalty, it must needs have been wiped out by reason of its ingratitude to God its benefactor and preserver. But He being merciful took pity on it and moderated the punishment, suffering the race to continue, but no longer as before supplying it with food ready to its hand, that men might not, by indulging the twin evils of idleness and satiety, wax insolent in wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Such is the life of those who at the outset are in enjoyment of innocence and simplicity of character, but later on prefer vice to virtue.",
+                "By his account of the creation of the world of which we have spoken Moses teaches us among many other things five that are fairest and best of all.",
+                "Firstly that the Deity is and has been from eternity. This with a view to atheists, some of whom have hesitated and have been of two minds about His eternal existence, while the bolder sort have carried their audacity to the point of declaring that the Deity does not exist at all, but that it is a mere assertion of men obscuring the truth with myth and fiction.",
+                "[171] Secondly, that God is one. This with a view to the propounders of polytheism, who do not blush to transfer from earth to heaven mob-rule, that worst of evil polities.",
+                "Thirdly, as I have said already, that the world came into being. This because of those who think that it is without beginning and eternal, who thus assign to God no superiority at all.",
+                "Fourthly, that the world too is one as well as its Maker, who made His work like Himself in its uniqueness, who used up for the creation of the whole all the material that exists; for it would not have been a whole had it not been formed and consisted of parts that were wholes. For there are those who suppose that there are more worlds than one, while some think that they are infinite in number. Such men are themselves in very deed infinitely lacking in knowledge of things which it is right good to know.",
+                "Fifthly, that God also exercises forethought on the world’s behalf.",
+                "[172] For that the Maker should care for the thing made is required by the laws and ordinances of Nature, and it is in accordance with these that parents take thought beforehand for children.",
+                "He that has begun by learning these things with his understanding rather than with his hearing, and has stamped on his soul impressions of truths so marvellous and priceless, both that God is and is from eternity, and that He that really IS is One, and that He has made the world and has made it one world, unique as Himself is unique, and that He ever exercises forethought for His creation, will lead a life of bliss and blessedness, because he has a character moulded by the truths that piety and holiness enforce."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CREATION",
+            "(<i>N. B.—S. V. F</i>.= Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>. The references are to sections in Arnim.)",
+            "§ 3. Philo starts off with two leading Stoic ideas, “living according to nature” and the “world-citizen.” For the former <i>cf</i>. Diogenes Laertius vii. 87, “Zeno was the first to designate a (man’s) end ‘living according to nature.’ ” For the latter see <I>S. V. F.</I> i. 262. The first use of the actual word κοσμοπολίτης is ascribed to Diogenes the Cynic, who, when “asked whence he came, replied ‘I am a citizen of the world’ ” (Diog. Laert. vi. 63).",
+            "§ 25. The words bracketed by Cohn are left so bracketed in the text but untranslated.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Time is a measured space</i>, etc. This is the accepted definition of the Stoics. See <I>S. V. F.</I> ii. 509 f. Philo refers to it as Stoic, <i>De Aet.</i> 4, and elsewhere in that treatise.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Principles or nuclei</i>, or perhaps “seed-powers”; οἱ λόγοι is equivalent to οἱ σπερματικοὶ λόγοι. The Stoics conceived of a single λόγος σπερματικός manifesting itself in innumerable λόγοι σπερματικοί, which give things their form. See <i>S. V. F.</i> Index, p. 93<i>a</i>.",
+            "§ 54. The thought of this section is based on <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, B, where Plato says that “God bestowed sight on us that we might observe the orbits of reason which are in heaven, and make use of them for the revolutions of thought which are in our souls” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "§§ 72 ff. The idea of these sections is suggested by, or at least receives support from, <i>Timaeus</i> 41, 42, where God creates “young gods” or subordinate ministers to carry on the work for the same reason as is given here, <i>viz</i>. that He might not be responsible for evil.",
+            "§ 80. <i>And through the livelong year</i>, or, putting the comma after ἐκδεχόμενοι, “at the end of each year (at intervals of a year) they gather in.”",
+            "§ 101. <i>Equal to the sum of its own factors</i>. Like 6 (see 13), 28 is the sum of its factors (1+2+4+7+14), as are 496 and 8128. The word “perfect” is in strictness applied to such numbers only (Nicomachus i. 10).",
+            "§ 102. <i>Limits</i>, or “terms.” Ὅρος is the technical word for a “term” in a series. In fact, having been translated into Latin as <i>terminus</i>, it is the progenitor of our own word.",
+            "§ 117. <i>The remainder of our soul is divided</i>, etc. This classification is Stoic. It is more usually stated in the form that the soul has eight parts, the ἡγεμονικόν being reckoned as one. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 827 ff.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Citizen of the world</i>. See especially 3 and note. The first man fulfilled the Stoic ideal. This view of the superiority of early mankind, though not confined to the Stoics, was strongly held by them. The Golden Age, said Posidonius, was when “regnum fuit penes sapientes” (Seneca, <i>Epistle</i> 90. 5).",
+            "§ 148. <i>Torch</i>. The figure of the torch-race is very common. Considering, however, Philo’s love for Plato, it is reasonable to suppose that he is thinking of the mention of it at the beginning of the <i>Republic</i>, 328 A. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Laws</i> 776 B.",
+            "§ 160. <i>A human voice</i>. Philo is here attacking Epicureanism. For the Epicurean doctrine that pleasure is the end aimed at by every living creature see Diogenes Laertius x. 128. Thus the serpent’s use of a human voice is interpreted as an allegory showing how vocal and popular that School was. Philo, like most of its opponents, ignores the fact that Epicurus expressly refused to identify pleasure with material pleasures.",
+            "§§ 170, 171. The opinions here assailed are (1) that God’s existence is doubtful, held by the Sceptics; (2) that the world is without beginning (ἀγένητος), held, according to Philo’s own statement in <i>De Aet.</i> 10, by Aristotle; the contrary was maintained by Pythagoras, Plato, and the Stoics (<i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 575); (3) the plurality of worlds, originally held by Democritus (see <i>Timaeus</i> 31 A, and Archer-Hind’s note), and afterwards by the Epicureans; (4) that there is no such thing as Providence. This Epicurean tenet is too familiar from Lucretius and other writers to need illustration, but see Diogenes Laertius x. 77, 113, 139."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "key": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,395 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Account_of_the_World's_Creation",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD’S CREATION GIVEN BY MOSES (DE OPIFICIO MUNDI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "A Book of Laws, says Philo, is fitly prefaced by a Cosmogony. The theme dealt with by a Cosmogony is, indeed, too lofty for adequate treatment. In Moses’ treatment of it, two salient points at once meet the eye. The world’s origin is ascribed to a Maker, who is Himself <i>unoriginate</i>, and who <i>cares</i> for what He has made.",
+            "By “six days” Moses does not indicate a space of time in which the world was made, but the principles of <i>order</i> and <i>productivity</i> which governed its making.",
+            "Before the emergence of the material world there existed, in the Divine Word or Reason, the incorporeal world, as the design of a city exists in the brain of the designer.",
+            "The efficient cause of the universe (we must remember) is Goodness; and Goodness, to be attained by it as its capacity permits, is its final cause.",
+            "The incorporeal world may be described as “the Word of God engaged in the act of creating.” And the Word is the Image of God. In that, man (the part), and therefore the universe (the whole) was created.",
+            "“In the beginning” means for Philo the precedence of the incorporeal heaven and invisible earth. The pre-eminence of Life-breath and Light are shown, he says, by the one being called “the Spirit of <i>God</i>,” and the other pronounced “good” or “beautiful.” He sees darkness severed from light by the barrier of twilight; and the birth of Time on “Day One.” Philo strangely infers that a whole day was devoted to the creation of the visible heaven from the mention of a “second day” <i>after</i> that creation. Land and sea are then formed by the briny water being withdrawn from the sponge-like earth and the fresh water left in it; and the land is bidden to bring forth trees and plants. It is bidden to do so <i>before</i> sun and moon are made, that men may not attribute its fruitfulness to these.",
+            "Coming now to the work of the fourth day, Philo brings out the significance of the number 4, and points to the boons conferred on body and mind by Light, which has given rise to philosophy by drawing man’s vision upward to the heavenly bodies. He sees the purposes of these in their giving light, foreshowing coming events, marking the seasons, and measuring time.",
+            "The fifth day is fitly given to the creation of creatures endowed with five senses.",
+            "In connexion with the creation of man, Philo points out (<i>a</i>) the beauty of the <i>sequence</i>, ascending (in living things) from lowest to highest; (<i>b</i>) the reference, not to body, but to <i>mind</i>, in the words “after our image”; (<i>c</i>) the implication of <i>exactness</i> in the addition “after our likeness”; (<i>d</i>) the cooperation of other agents implied in “let <i>us</i> make,” such co-operation accounting (so Philo suggests) for the possibility of sin; (<i>e</i>) four reasons for man coming last, viz.—",
+            "(1) that he might find all ready for him;",
+            "(2) that he might use God’s gifts as such;",
+            "(3) that Man, a miniature Heaven, might correspond to the Heaven whose creation came first;",
+            "(4) that his sudden appearance might over-awe the beasts.",
+            "His place in the series is no sign of inferiority.",
+            "Turning to the Seventh Day, Philo notes its dignity, and enlarges on the properties of the number 7, (<i>a</i>) in things incorporeal (89–100); (<i>b</i>) in the material creation: (α) the heavenly bodies (101 f.); (β) the stages of man’s growth (103–105); (γ) as 3+4 (106); (δ) in the progressions (107–110); (ε) in all visible existence (111–116); (ζ) in man, and all that he sees (117–121) and experiences (121–125); (η) in grammar and music (126 f.).",
+            "After speaking of the honour paid by Moses to the number 7, Philo, treating Gen. 2:4 f. as a concluding summary, claims it as a proof that Gen. 1 records a creation of incorporeal ideas. After a disquisition on the subject of fresh water, to which he is led by Gen. 2:6, he goes on to deal with the earth-born man (Gen. 2:7), whom he distinguishes from the man made after God’s image. The being of the former is composite, earthly substance and Divine Breath. Proofs and an illustration are given of his surpassing excellence. The title of “the only world-citizen” is claimed for him, and its significance brought out. His physical excellence can be guessed from the faint traces of it found in his posterity. It is to call out his intelligence that he is required to name the animals. Woman is the occasion of his deterioration.",
+            "The Garden, the Serpent, the Fall and its consequences are dealt with in §§ 153–169. The Garden, we are told, represents the dominant power of the soul, and the Serpent represents Pleasure, and is eminently fitted to do so. His use of a human voice is considered. The praise of the “snake-fighter” in Lev. 11:22 is referred to. Stress is laid on the fact that Pleasure assails the man through the woman. The effects of the Fall on the woman and on the man are traced.",
+            "The treatise ends with a short summary of the lessons of the Cosmogony. These are:",
+            "(1) the eternal existence of God (as against atheism);",
+            "(2) the unity of God (as against polytheism);",
+            "(3) the non-eternity of the world;",
+            "(4) the unity of the world;",
+            "(5) the Providence of God."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] While among other lawgivers some have nakedly and without embellishment drawn up a code of the things held to be right among their people, and others, dressing up their ideas in much irrelevant and cumbersome matter, have befogged the masses and hidden the truth under their fictions,",
+                "[2] Moses, disdaining either course, the one as devoid of the philosopher’s painstaking effort to explore his subject thoroughly, the other as full of falsehood and imposture, introduced his laws with an admirable and most impressive exordium. He refrained, on the one hand, from stating abruptly what should be practised or avoided, and on the other hand, in face of the necessity of preparing the minds of those who were to live under the laws for their reception, he refrained from inventing myths himself or acquiescing in those composed by others.",
+                "[3] His exordium, as I have said, is one that excites our admiration in the highest degree. It consists of an account of the creation of the world, implying that the world is in harmony with the Law, and the Law with the world, and that the man who observes the law is constituted thereby a loyal citizen of the world, regulating his doings by the purpose and will of Nature, in accordance with which the entire world itself also is administered.",
+                "[4] Now it is true that no writer in verse or prose could possibly do justice to the beauty of the ideas embodied in this account of the creation of the kosmos. For they transcend our capacity of speech and of hearing, being too great and august to be adjusted to the tongue or ear of any mortal.",
+                "[5] Nevertheless they must not on this account be passed over in silence. Nay, for the sake of the God-beloved author we must be venturesome even beyond our power. We shall fetch nothing from our own store, but, with a great array of points before us, we shall mention only a few, such as we may believe to be within reach of the human mind when possessed by love and longing for wisdom.",
+                "[6] The minutest seal takes in under the graver’s hand the contours of colossal figures. So perchance shall the beauties of the world’s creation recorded in the Laws, transcendent as they are and dazzling as they do by their bright gleams the souls of readers, be indicated by delineations minute and slight. But first we must draw attention to a matter which ought not to be passed over in silence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] There are some people who, having the world in admiration rather than the Maker of the world, pronounce it to be without beginning and everlasting, while with impious falsehood they postulate in God a vast inactivity; whereas we ought on the contrary to be astonied at His powers as Maker and Father, and not to assign to the world a disproportionate majesty.",
+                "[8] Moses, both because he had attained the very summit of philosophy, and because he had been divinely instructed in the greater and most essential part of Nature’s lore, could not fail to recognize that the universal must consist of two parts, one part active Cause and the other passive object; and that the active Cause is the perfectly pure and unsullied Mind of the universe, transcending virtue, transcending knowledge, transcending the good itself and the beautiful itself;",
+                "[9] while the passive part is in itself incapable of life and motion, but, when set in motion and shaped and quickened by Mind, changes into the most perfect masterpiece, namely this world. Those who assert that this world is unoriginate unconsciously eliminate that which of all incentives to piety is the most beneficial and the most indispensable, namely providence.",
+                "[10] For it stands to reason that what has been brought into existence should be cared for by its Father and Maker. For, as we know, it is a father’s aim in regard of his offspring and an artificer’s in regard of his handiwork to preserve them, and by every means to fend off from them aught that may entail loss or harm. He keenly desires to provide for them in every way all that is beneficial and to their advantage: but between that which has never been brought into being and one who is not its Maker no such tie is formed.",
+                "[11] It is a worthless and baleful doctrine, setting up anarchy in the well-ordered realm of the world, leaving it without protector, arbitrator, or judge, without anyone whose office it is to administer and direct all its affairs.",
+                "[12] Not so Moses. That great master, holding the unoriginate to be of a different order from that which is visible, since everything that is an object of sensible perception is subject to becoming and to constant change, never abiding in the same state, assigned to that which is invisible and an object of intellectual apprehension the infinite and undefinable as united with it by closest tie; but on that which is an object of the senses he bestowed “genesis,” “becoming,” as its appropriate name.",
+                "Seeing then that this world is both visible and perceived by the senses, it follows that it must also have had an origin. Whence it was entirely to the point that he put on record that origin, setting forth in its true grandeur the work of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] He says that in six days the world was created, not that its Maker required a length of time for His work, for we must think of God as doing all things simultaneously, remembering that “all” includes with the commands which He issues the thought behind them. Six days are mentioned because for the things coming into existence there was need of order. Order involves number, and among numbers by the laws of nature the most suitable to productivity is 6, for if we start with 1 it is the first perfect number, being equal to the product of its factors (<i>i.e.</i> 1×2×3), as well as made up of the sum of them (<i>i.e.</i> 1+2+3), its half being 3, its third part 2, its sixth part 1. We may say that it is in its nature both male and female, and is a result of the distinctive power of either. For among things that are it is the odd that is male, and the even female. Now of odd numbers 3 is the starting-point, and of even numbers 2, and the product of these two is 6.",
+                "[14] For it was requisite that the world, being most perfect of all things that have come into existence, should be constituted in accordance with a perfect number, namely six; and, inasmuch as it was to have in itself beings that sprang from a coupling together, should receive the impress of a mixed number, namely the first in which odd and even were combined, one that should contain the essential principle both of the male that sows and of the female that receives the seed.",
+                "[15] Now to each of the days He assigned some of the portions of the whole, not including, however, the first day, which He does not even call “first,” lest it should be reckoned with the others, but naming it “one” He designates it by a name which precisely hits the mark, for He discerned in it and expressed by the title which He gives it the nature and appellation of the unit, or the “one.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "We must recount as many as we can of the elements embraced in it. To recount them all would be impossible. Its pre-eminent element is the intelligible world, as is shown in the treatise dealing with the “One.”",
+                "[16] For God, being God, assumed that a beautiful copy would never be produced apart from a beautiful pattern, and that no object of perception would be faultless which was not made in the likeness of an original discerned only by the intellect. So when He willed to create this visible world He first fully formed the intelligible world, in order that He might have the use of a pattern wholly God-like and incorporeal in producing the material world, as a later creation, the very image of an earlier, to embrace in itself objects of perception of as many kinds as the other contained objects of intelligence.",
+                "[17] To speak of or conceive that world which consists of ideas as being in some place is illegitimate; how it consists (of them) we shall know if we carefully attend to some image supplied by the things of our world. When a city is being founded to satisfy the soaring ambition of some king or governor, who lays claim to despotic power and being magnificent in his ideas would fain add a fresh lustre to his good fortune, there comes forward now and again some trained architect who, observing the favourable climate and convenient position of the site, first sketches in his own mind wellnigh all the parts of the city that is to be wrought out, temples, gymnasia, town-halls, market-places, harbours, docks, streets, walls to be built, dwelling-houses as well as public buildings to be set up.",
+                "[18] Thus after having received in his own soul, as it were in wax, the figures of these objects severally, he carries about the image of a city which is the creation of his mind. Then by his innate power of memory, he recalls the images of the various parts of this city, and imprints their types yet more distinctly in it: and like a good craftsman he begins to build the city of stones and timber, keeping his eye upon his pattern and making the visible and tangible objects correspond in each case to the incorporeal ideas.",
+                "[19] Just such must be our thoughts about God. We must suppose that, when He was minded to found the one great city, He conceived beforehand the models of its parts, and that out of these He constituted and brought to completion a world discernible only by the mind, and then, with that for a pattern, the world which our senses can perceive."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] As, then, the city which was fashioned beforehand within the mind of the architect held no place in the outer world, but had been engraved in the soul of the artificer as by a seal; even so the universe that consisted of ideas would have no other location than the Divine Reason, which was the Author of this ordered frame. For what other place could there be for His powers sufficient to receive and contain, I say not all but, any one of them whatever uncompounded and untempered?",
+                "[21] Now just such a power is that by which the universe was made, one that has as its source nothing less than true goodness. For should one conceive a wish to search for the cause, for the sake of which this whole was created, it seems to me that he would not be wrong in saying, what indeed one of the men of old did say, that the Father and Maker of all is good; and because of this He grudged not a share in his own excellent nature to an existence which has of itself nothing fair and lovely, while it is capable of becoming all things.",
+                "[22] For of itself it was without order, without quality, without soul, (without likeness); it was full of inconsistency, ill-adjustment, disharmony: but it was capable of turning and undergoing a complete change to the best, the very contrary of all these, to order, quality, life, correspondence, identity, likeness, perfect adjustment, to harmony, to all that is characteristic of the more excellent model."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] Now God, with no counsellor to help Him (who was there beside Him?) determined that it was meet to confer rich and unrestricted benefits upon that nature which apart from Divine bounty could obtain of itself no good thing. But not in proportion to the greatest of His own bounties does He confer benefits—for these are without end or limit—but in proportion to the capacities of the recipients. For it is not the nature of creation to receive good treatment in like manner as it is the nature of God to bestow it, seeing that the powers of God are overwhelmingly vast, whereas creation, being too feeble to entertain their abundance, would have broken down under the effort to do so, had not God with appropriate adjustment dealt out to each his due portion.",
+                "[24] Should a man desire to use words in a more simple and direct way, he would say that the world discerned only by the intellect is nothing else than the Word of God when He was already engaged in the act of creation. For (to revert to our illustration) the city discernible by the intellect alone is nothing else than the reasoning faculty of the architect in the act of planning to found the city.",
+                "[25] It is Moses who lays down this, not I. Witness his express acknowledgement in the sequel, when setting on record the creation of man, that he was moulded after the image of God (Gen. 1:27). Now if the part is an image of an image, it is manifest that the whole is so too, and if the whole creation, this entire world perceived by our senses (seeing that it is greater than any human image) is a copy of the Divine image, it is manifest that the archetypal seal also, which we aver to be the world descried by the mind, would be the very Word of God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Then he says that “in the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,” taking “beginning” not, as some think, in a chronological sense, for time there was not before there was a world. Time began either simultaneously with the world or after it. For since time is a measured space determined by the world’s movement, and since movement could not be prior to the object moving, but must of necessity arise either after it or simultaneously with it, it follows of necessity that time also is either coeval with or later born than the world. To venture to affirm that it is elder born would be to do violence to philosophic sense.",
+                "[27] And since the word “beginning” is not here taken as the chronological beginning, it would seem likely that the numerical order is indicated, so that “in the beginning He made” is equivalent to “He made the heaven first”: for it is indeed reasonable that it should come into existence first, being both best of created things and made from the purest of all that is, seeing that it was destined to be the most holy dwelling-place of manifest and visible gods.",
+                "[28] For, even if the Maker made all things simultaneously, order was none the less an attribute of all that came into existence in fair beauty, for beauty is absent where there is disorder. Now order is a series of things going on before and following after, in due sequence, a sequence which, though not seen in the finished productions, yet exists in the designs of the contrivers; for only so could these things be fashioned with perfect accuracy, and work without leaving their path or clashing with each other.",
+                "[29] First, then, the Maker made an incorporeal heaven, and an invisible earth, and the essential form of air and void. To the one he gave the name of “Darkness,” since the air when left to itself, is black. The other he named “abyss,” for the void is a region of immensity and vast depths. Next (He made) the incorporeal essence of water and of life-breath and, to crown all, of light. This again, the seventh in order, was an incorporeal pattern, discernible only by the mind, of the sun and of all luminaries which were to come into existence throughout heaven."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[30] Special distinction is accorded by Moses to life-breath and to light. The one he entitles the “breath” of God, because breath is most life-giving, and of life God is the author, while of light he says that it is beautiful pre-eminently (Gen. 1:4): for the intelligible as far surpasses the visible in the brilliancy of its radiance, as sunlight assuredly surpasses darkness and day night, and mind, the ruler of the entire soul, the bodily eyes.",
+                "[31] Now that invisible light perceptible only by mind has come into being as an image of the Divine Word Who brought it within our ken: it is a supercelestial constellation, fount of the constellations obvious to sense. It would not be amiss to term it “all-brightness,” to signify that from which sun and moon, as well as fixed stars and planets draw, in proportion to their several capacity, the light befitting each of them: for that pure and undiluted radiance is bedimmed so soon as it begins to undergo the change that is entailed by the passage from the intelligible to the sensibly discerned, for no object of sense is free from dimness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Right too is his statement that “darkness was above the abyss” (Gen. 1:2). For in a sense the air is over the void, inasmuch as it has spread over and completely filled the immensity and desolation of the void, of all that reaches from the zone of the moon to us.",
+                "[33] After the kindling of the intelligible light, which preceded the sun’s creation, darkness its adversary withdrew: for God, in His perfect knowledge of their mutual contrariety and natural conflict, parted them one from another by a wall of separation. In order, therefore, to keep them from the discord arising from perpetual clash, to prevent war in place of peace prevailing and setting up disorder in an ordered universe, He not only separated light and darkness, but also placed in the intervening spaces boundary-marks, by which He held back each of their extremities: for, had they been actual neighbours, they were sure to produce confusion by engaging with intense and never-ceasing rivalry in the struggle for mastery.",
+                "[34] As it was, their assault on one another was broken and kept back by barriers set up between them. These barriers are evening and dawn. The latter, gently restraining the darkness, anticipates the sunrise with the glad tidings of its approach; while evening, supervening upon sunset, gives a gentle welcome to the oncoming mass of darkness. We must, however, place these, dawn and evening I mean, in the category of the incorporeal and intelligible: for there is in these nothing whatever patent to the senses, but they are simply models and measuring-rules and patterns and seals, all of these being incorporeal and serving for the creation of other bodies.",
+                "[35] When light had come into being, and darkness had moved out of its way and retired, and evening and dawn had been fixed as barriers in the intervals between them, as a necessary consequence a measure of time was forthwith brought about, which its Maker called Day, and not “first” day but “one,” an expression due to the uniqueness of the intelligible world, and to its having therefore a natural kinship to the number “One.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] The incorporeal world, then, was now finished and firmly settled in the Divine Reason, and the world patent to sense was ripe for birth after the pattern of the incorporeal. And first of its parts, best of them all, the Creator proceeded to make the Heaven, which with strict truth he entitled firmament, as being corporeal: for the body is naturally solid, seeing that it has a threefold dimension. What else indeed do we conceive a solid object and a body to be, but that which extends in each direction? Fitly then, in contradistinction to the incorporeal and purely intelligible, did He call this body-like heaven perceived by our senses “the solid firmament.”",
+                "[37] After so designating it He went on forthwith to speak of it as “heaven.” He did so with unerring propriety, either because it is the “boundary” of all things, or because it came into being first of things “visible.” When the heaven had been created he names a second day, thus assigning to heaven the whole space and interval of a day. He does this by reason of the position of dignity which heaven occupies among the objects of sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] At this stage, then, water in all its volume had been poured forth over all the earth, and had found its way through all its parts, as through a sponge saturated with moisture. It had produced swamps and deep mud, earth and water being mingled together and kneaded, like a mass of dough, into a single element without shape or distinction of its parts. So God next bids all the briny water, which would have been the cause of barrenness to crops and trees, to be gathered together by flowing to the same point from the pores of the whole earth, and the dry land to appear. The moisture of the fresh sweet part was left behind to secure its permanence, since, when supplied in fit quantity, this sweet moisture served as a cohesive to the separate parts. This was to prevent it from being entirely dried up, and so becoming unproductive and barren, and enable it like a mother to provide, as for offspring, not one only of the two kinds of nourishment, namely solid food, but both kinds, food and drink. Wherefore the earth had abounding veins like breasts. These when opened would pour forth rivers and springs.",
+                "[39] No less did He cause the hidden courses of moisture also to penetrate to the rich deep loam with a view to unstinted fertility. Having thus ordered these elements He gave them names. The dry land he called “earth,” and the water separated from it “sea.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] He next begins to put the earth in order: for he bids it bear grass and corn, and send forth herbs of all kinds, and rich pastures, and whatsoever would be provender for cattle and food for men. Beside these he caused all kinds of trees to grow, leaving out no tree at all, whether of wild growth or what we call garden trees. And, after a fashion quite contrary to the present order of Nature, all were laden with fruit as soon as ever they came into existence.",
+                "[41] For now the processes take place in turn, one at one time, one at another, not all of them simultaneously at one season. For everyone knows that sowing and planting come first, the growth of the things sown and planted second, the former causing roots to reach downwards like foundations, the latter taking place as they rise upwards, grow tall, and develop trunks and stems. After this come sproutings and puttings forth of leaves, and then to crown all, bearing of fruit; and here again fruit not full grown, but subject to all manner of changes both in quantity and quality, that is to say, in the matter of size and of ever varying character. For the first shape it takes is that of indivisible flakes so small that they can scarcely be seen, which a man would not be wrong in describing as “first perceptibles.” After this as the result of gradual growth and as the result of nourishment conveyed by irrigation, which waters the tree, and as the result of the well-tempered breezes which are quickened by cold and softened by milder temperature, it develops towards its complete size: and as it becomes larger, it becomes different in appearance as well, as though it were being ever made to take varied hues by a painter’s cunning hand."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[42] Now in the original creation of all things, as I have said already, God caused all shrubs and plants to spring out of the earth perfect, having fruits not unripe but at their prime, to be perfectly ready for the immediate use and enjoyment of the animals that were forthwith to come into being.",
+                "[43] God then enjoins the earth to give birth to all these, and the earth, as though it had been long pregnant and in travail, brings forth all kinds of things sown, all kinds of trees, and countless kinds of fruits besides. But not only were the several fruits nourishment for animals, but also a provision for the perpetual reproduction of their kind, containing within them the seed-substances. Hidden and imperceptible in these substances are the principles or nuclei of all things. As the seasons go round these become open and manifest.",
+                "[44] For God willed that Nature should run a course that brings it back to its starting-point, endowing the species with immortality, and making them sharers of eternal existence. For the sake of this He both led on the beginning speedily towards the end, and made the end to retrace its way to the beginning. For it is the case both that the fruit comes out of the plants, as an end out of a beginning, and that out of the fruit again, containing as it does the seed in itself, there comes the plant, a beginning out of an end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[45] On the fourth day, the earth being now finished, he ordered the heaven in varied beauty. Not that He put the heaven in a lower rank than the earth, giving precedence to the inferior creation, and accounting the higher and more divine worthy only of the second place; but to make clear beyond all doubt the mighty sway of His sovereign power. For being aware beforehand of the ways of thinking that would mark the men of future ages, how they would be intent on what looked probable and plausible, with much in it that could be supported by argument, but would not aim at sheer truth; and how they would trust phenomena rather than God, admiring sophistry more than wisdom; and how they would observe in time to come the circuits of sun and moon, on which depend summer and winter and the changes of spring and autumn, and would suppose that the regular movements of the heavenly bodies are the causes of all things that year by year come forth and are produced out of the earth; that there might be none who owing either to shameless audacity or to overwhelming ignorance should venture to ascribe the first place to any created thing,",
+                "[46] ‘let them,’ said He, ‘go back in thought to the original creation of the universe, when, before sun or moon existed, the earth bore plants of all sorts and fruits of all sorts; and having contemplated this let them form in their minds the expectation that hereafter too shall it bear these at the Father’s bidding, whensoever it may please Him.’ For He has no need of His heavenly offspring on which He bestowed powers but not independence: for, like a charioteer grasping the reins or a pilot the tiller, He guides all things in what direction He pleases as law and right demand, standing in need of no one besides: for all things are possible to God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] This is the reason why the earth put forth plants and bore herbs before the heaven was furnished. But the heaven was afterwards duly decked in a perfect number, namely four. This number it would be no error to call the base and source of 10, the complete number; for what 10 is actually, this, as is evident, 4 is potentially; that is to say that, if the numbers from 1 to 4 be added together, they will produce 10, and this is the limit set to the otherwise unlimited succession of numbers; round this as a turning-point they wheel and retrace their steps.",
+                "[48] 4 also contains the ratios of the musical consonances, that produced by an interval of four notes, and that produced by an interval of five, and the octave and double octave as well. And it is out of these that the most perfect concord is produced. Of that produced by an interval of four notes the ratio is 1⅓, of that produced by an interval of five 1½, of the octave 2, of the double octave 4. All these the number 4 embraces in itself, 1⅓ in the ratio 4:3; 1½ in the ratio 6:4; 2 in the ratio 4:2; 4 in the ratio 4:1."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] There is also another property of the number 4 very marvellous to state and to contemplate with the mind. For this number was the first to show the nature of the solid, the numbers before it referring to things without actual substance. For under the head of 1 what is called in geometry a point falls, under that of 2 a line. For if 1 extend itself, 2 is formed, and if a point extend itself, a line is formed: and a line is length without breadth; if breadth be added, there results a surface, which comes under the category of 3: to bring it to a solid surface needs one thing, depth, and the addition of this to 3 produces 4. The result of all this is that this number is a thing of vast importance. It was this number that has led us out of the realm of incorporeal existence patent only to the intellect, and has introduced us to the conception of a body of three dimensions, which by its nature first comes within the range of our senses.",
+                "[50] Anyone who does not understand what I am saying will catch my meaning if he calls to mind a very familiar game. Players with nuts are in the habit of setting out three nuts all on one level and of adding one to these, thus forming a pyramidal figure. The figure of the triangle on the level only reaches the number 3; the added nut produces, in numbers 4, but in figures a pyramid, a body rendered solid by its accession.",
+                "[51] In addition to these points we must remember also that first among numbers 4 is a square, made up of equal factors multiplying into one another, a measure of rightness and equality, and that alone among them it is such as to be produced from the same factors whether added or multiplied together, by addition out of 2 and 2, and by multiplication again out of twice 2, thus exhibiting a right fair form of consonance, such as has fallen to none of the other numbers; for example—6, sum as it is of two 3’s, is not (as in the case of 4) produced by their being multiplied together, but a different number, 9, results.",
+                "[52] There are several other powers of which 4 has the command, which we shall have to point out in fuller detail in the special treatise devoted to it. Suffice it to add just this, that 4 was made the starting-point of the creation of heaven and the world; for the four elements, out of which this universe was fashioned, issued, as it were from a fountain, from the numeral 4; and, beside this, so also did the four seasons of the year, which are responsible for the coming into being of animals and plants, the year having a fourfold division into winter and spring and summer and autumn."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] The aforesaid numeral, then, having been deemed worthy of such high privilege in nature, it was a matter of course that its Maker arrayed the heaven on the fourth day with a most divine adornment of perfect beauty, namely the light-giving heavenly bodies; and, knowing that of all things light is best, He made it the indispensable means of sight, the best of the senses; for what the intellect is in the soul, this the eye is in the body; for each of them sees, one the things of the mind, the other the things of sense; and they have need, the mind of knowledge, that it may become cognisant of incorporeal objects, the eye of light, for the apprehending of bodily forms.",
+                "Light has proved itself the source of many other boons to mankind, but pre-eminently of philosophy,",
+                "[54] the greatest boon of all. For man’s faculty of vision, led upwards by light, discerned the nature of the heavenly bodies and their harmonious movement. He saw the well-ordered circuits of fixed stars and planets, how the former moved in unchanging orbit and all alike, while the latter sped round in two revolutions out of harmony with each other. He marked the rhythmic dances of all these, how they were marshalled by the laws of a perfect music, and the sight produced in his soul an ineffable delight and pleasure. Banqueting on sights displayed to it one after another, his soul was insatiate in beholding. And then, as usually happens, it went on to busy itself with questionings, asking What is the essence of these visible objects? Are they in nature unoriginate, or had they a beginning of existence? What is the method of their movement? And what are the principles by which each is governed? It was out of the investigation of these problems that philosophy grew, than which no more perfect good has come into the life of mankind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] It was with a view to that original intellectual light, which I have mentioned as belonging to the order of the incorporeal world, that He created the heavenly bodies of which our senses are aware. These are images divine and exceeding fair, which He established in heaven as in the purest temple belonging to corporeal being. This He did that they might serve many purposes. One purpose was to give light; another to be signs; a third duly to fix seasons of the year; and lastly for the sake of days, months, years, which (as we all know) have served as measures of time and given birth to number.",
+                "[56] The kind of useful service rendered by each of the bodies mentioned is self-evident; yet that the truth may be more precisely apprehended it may not be out of place to follow it step by step in a reasoned account.",
+                "All time having been divided into two portions, day and night, the Father assigned the sovereignty of the day to the sun, as to a great king, and that of the night to the moon and the host of the other stars.",
+                "[57] The greatness of the sway and government pertaining to the sun finds its clearest proof in what has been already mentioned: one and alone it has by itself separately had day apportioned to it, half of the whole of time; while all the rest with the moon have had allotted to them the other half, which has received the name of night. And when the sun has risen, all that multitude of stars which were visible but now is not merely dimmed but becomes actually invisible through the pouring forth of its light; and upon its setting they begin all of them to shine out in their own true characters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] The purpose of their existence is, as the Lord Himself pronounced, not only to send forth light upon the earth, but also to give timely signs of coming events. For either by their risings or settings or eclipses, or again by the seasons of their appearance or disappearance, or by other alterations in their movements, men conjecture future issues, good harvests and bad, increase and decay of animal life, fair weather and foul, gales and calms, floodings and shrinkings of rivers, seas smooth and rough, irregularities of the seasons, either wintry summers, or scorching winters, or springs like autumn, or autumns like spring.",
+                "[59] Indeed it has happened that, by conjecture based on the movements of the heavenly bodies, men have notified in advance a disturbance and shaking of the earth, and countless other unusual occurrences, proving the complete truth of the words, “the stars were made for signs.”",
+                "It is added, moreover, “and for appointed times” (Gen. 1:14). By “appointed times” Moses understood the four seasons of the year, and surely with good reason. For what idea does “appointed time” convey but “time of achievement”? Now the four seasons of the year bring about achievement by bringing all things to perfection, all sowing and planting of crops, and the birth and growth of animals.",
+                "[60] The heavenly bodies were created also to furnish measures of time: for it is by regular revolutions of sun, moon, and the other bodies that days and months and years were constituted. This in itself involved the showing of their most useful service of all; I mean number as part of the world’s order, time by its mere lapse indicating it. For out of one day came “one,” out of two “two,” out of three “three,” out of a month “thirty,” out of a year the number equivalent to the days made up of twelve months, and out of infinite time came (the conception of) infinite number.",
+                "[61] So many and so essential are the benefits within the scope of the constitutions and movements of the heavenly bodies. To how vast a number of other operations of nature, methinks, do they extend! Operations obscure to us—for all things are not within the ken of mortals—yet working together for the permanence of the whole; operations which are invariably carried out under ordinances and laws which God laid down in His universe as unalterable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] Earth and heaven having been equipped with the array appropriate to either—earth on the third day, heaven, as has been recounted, on the fourth—the Creator took in hand to form the races of mortal creatures, beginning with aquatic creatures on the fifth day, deeming that there is no kinship so close as that between animals and the number 5. For living creatures differ from those without life in nothing more than in ability to apprehend by the senses; and sense has a fivefold division, into sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch; and to each of these their Maker assigned special aspects of matter, and an individual faculty of testing it, with which to assay objects coming under its notice. Colours are tested by sight, sounds by hearing, savours by taste, perfumes by smell, while touch assays the softness and hardness of various substances, their smoothness and roughness, and recognizes things hot or cold.",
+                "[63] So then he bids all kinds of fish and sea-monsters to take shape, creatures differing in their habitats and their sizes and qualities; for different seas produce to some extent different fish; not everywhere were all kinds formed. This is as we should have expected, for some kinds delight in a lagoon and not in a really deep sea, some in harbours and roadsteads. These can neither crawl up on to the land, nor swim far out from the land; and those that haunt the depths of the open seas avoid jutting headlands or islands or rocks. Some thrive in calm unruffled waters, others in those that are stormy and broken by waves; for, through the exercise of bearing their constant blows and of thrusting back their onset by sheer force, they put on flesh and grow lusty.",
+                "Directly after these He made all kinds of birds, as sister kinds to those in the waters, both being things that float. And He left incomplete no form of creature that travels in air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] Water and air having now duly received as a sort of lot of their own the living creatures appropriate to them, He again called upon the earth for the production of the portion that had been left out. When the plants had been created the land-animals had been wanting. So He saith “Let the earth bring forth cattle and wild beasts and creeping things after each kind” (Gen. 1:24). The earth forthwith puts forth, as it was bidden, creatures all differing in build and in the varying strength and capacity to hurt or to serve that was inherent in them.",
+                "[65] To crown all he made man, in what way I will say presently, when I have first pointed out the exceeding beauty of the chain of sequence which Moses has employed in setting forth the bringing in of life. For of the forms of animal life, the least elaborately wrought has been allotted to the race of fish; that worked out in greatest detail and best in all respects to mankind;",
+                "[66] that which lies between these two to creatures that tread the earth and travel in the air. For the principle of life in these is endowed with perceptions keener than that in fishes, but less keen than that in men. Wherefore, of the creatures that have life, fishes were the first which he brought into being, creatures in whose being the body predominates over the soul or life-principle. They are in a way animals and not animals; lifeless beings with the power of movement. The seed of the principle of life has been sown in them adventitiously, with a view only to the perpetuation of their bodies, just as salt (we are told) is added to flesh that it may not easily decay.",
+                "After the fishes He made the birds and land-creatures; for, when we come to these, we find them with keener senses and manifesting by their structure far more clearly all the qualities proper to beings endowed with the life-principle.",
+                "To crown all, as we have said before, He made man, and bestowed on him mind <i>par excellence</i>, life-principle of the life-principle itself, like the pupil in the eye: for of this too those who investigate more closely than others the nature of things say that it is the eye of the eye."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] At that time, indeed, all things took shape simultaneously. But, though all things took shape together, the fact that living organisms were afterwards to come into existence one out of another rendered necessary an adumbration of the principle of order in the narrative. Now in particular creatures the order we find is this, that they begin at what is lowest in its nature, and end in the best of all; what this best of all is we must go on to show. Now seed is the original starting-point of living creatures. That this is a substance of a very low order, resembling foam, is evident to the eye. But when it has been deposited in the womb and become solid, it acquires movement, and at once enters upon natural growth. But growth is better than seed, since in created things movement is better than quiescence. But nature, or growth, like an artificer, or (to speak more properly) like a consummate art, forms living creatures, by distributing the moist substance to the limbs and different parts of the body, the substance of life-breath to the faculties of the soul, affording them nourishment and endowing them with perception. We must defer for the present the faculty of reasoning, out of consideration for those who maintain that it comes in from without, and is divine and eternal.",
+                "[68] Well, then, natural growth started from so poor a thing as seed, but it ended in that which is of greatest worth, the formation of the living creature and of man. Now we find that this selfsame thing has occurred in the case of the creation of the universe also. For when the Creator determined to form living creatures, those first in order were inferior, if we may so speak, namely fishes, while those that came last in order were best, namely men; and coming between the two extremes, better than those that preceded them, but inferior to the others, were the rest, namely land creatures and birds of the air."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] After all the rest, as I have said, Moses tells us that man was created after the image of God and after His likeness (Gen. 1:26). Right well does he say this, for nothing earth-born is more like God than man. Let no one represent the likeness as one to a bodily form; for neither is God in human form, nor is the human body God-like. No, it is in respect of the Mind, the sovereign element of the soul, that the word “image” is used; for after the pattern of a single Mind, even the Mind of the Universe as an archetype, the mind in each of those who successively came into being was moulded. It is in a fashion a god to him who carries and enshrines it as an object of reverence; for the human mind evidently occupies a position in men precisely answering to that which the great Ruler occupies in all the world. It is invisible while itself seeing all things, and while comprehending the substances of others, it is as to its own substance unperceived; and while it opens by arts and sciences roads branching in many directions, all of them great highways, it comes through land and sea investigating what either element contains.",
+                "[70] Again, when on soaring wing it has contemplated the atmosphere and all its phases, it is borne yet higher to the ether and the circuit of heaven, and is whirled round with the dances of planets and fixed stars, in accordance with the laws of perfect music, following that love of wisdom which guides its steps. And so, carrying its gaze beyond the confines of all substance discernible by sense, it comes to a point at which it reaches out after the intelligible world,",
+                "[71] and on descrying in that world sights of surpassing loveliness, even the patterns and the originals of the things of sense which it saw here, it is seized by a sober intoxication, like those filled with Corybantic frenzy, and is inspired, possessed by a longing far other than theirs and a nobler desire. Wafted by this to the topmost arch of the things perceptible to mind, it seems to be on its way to the Great King Himself; but, amid its longing to see Him, pure and untempered rays of concentrated light stream forth like a torrent, so that by its gleams the eye of the understanding is dazzled.",
+                "And, since images do not always correspond to their archetype and pattern, but are in many instances unlike it, the writer further brought out his meaning by adding “after the likeness” to the words “after the image,” thus showing that an accurate cast, bearing a clear impression, was intended."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] One may not unfitly raise the question what reason there could be for his ascribing the creation in the case of man only not to one Creator as in the case of the rest but, as the words would suggest, to several. For he represents the Father of the universe as speaking thus, “Let us make man after our image and likeness.” ‘Can it be,’ I would ask, ‘that He to whom all things are subject, is in need of anyone whatever? Or can it be that when He made the heaven and the earth and the seas, he required no one to be his fellow-worker, yet was unable apart from the co-operation of others by His own unaided power to fashion a creature so puny and perishable as man?’ The full truth about the cause of this it must needs be that God alone knows, but the cause which by probable conjecture seems plausible and reasonable we must not conceal.",
+                "[73] It is this. Among existences some partake neither of virtue nor of vice, like plants and animals devoid of reason; the one sort because they are without animal life and furnished with a nature incapable of consciously receiving impressions; the other sort because from them mind and reason have been eliminated: for mind and reason are as it were the dwelling-place of vice and virtue, which are by nature constituted to make their abode in them. Others again have partnership with virtue only, and have no part or lot in vice. Such are the heavenly bodies; for these are said to be not only living creatures but living creatures endowed with mind, or rather each of them a mind in itself, excellent through and through and unsusceptible of any evil. Others are of mixed nature, as man, who is liable to contraries, wisdom and folly, self-mastery and licentiousness, courage and cowardice, justice and injustice, and (in a word) to things good and evil, fair and foul, to virtue and vice.",
+                "[74] Now it was most proper to God the universal Father to make those excellent things by Himself alone, because of their kinship to Him. To make those which are neither good nor bad was not alien to Him, since those too are free from vice which is hateful to Him. To make those of mixed nature was in one respect proper to Him, in another not so; proper, so far as the better principle which forms an ingredient in them is concerned, alien, in virtue of the contrary and worse principle.",
+                "[75] So we see why it is only in the instance of man’s creation that we are told by Moses that God said “Let us make,” an expression which plainly shows the taking with Him of others as fellow-workers. It is to the end that, when man orders his course aright, when his thoughts and deeds are blameless, God the universal Ruler may be owned as their Source; while others from the number of His subordinates are held responsible for thoughts and deeds of a contrary sort: for it could not be that the Father should be the cause of an evil thing to His offspring: and vice and vicious activities are an evil thing.",
+                "[76] And when Moses had called the genus “man,” quite admirably did he distinguish its species, adding that it had been created “male and female,” and this though its individual members had not yet taken shape. For the primary species are in the genus to begin with, and reveal themselves as in a mirror to those who have the faculty of keen vision."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] It is obvious to inquire why man comes last in the world’s creation; for, as the sacred writings show, he was the last whom the Father and Maker fashioned. Those, then, who have studied more deeply than others the laws of Moses and who examine their contents with all possible minuteness, maintain that God, when He made man partaker of kinship with Himself in mind and reason best of all gifts, did not begrudge him the other gifts either, but made ready for him beforehand all things in the world, as for a living being dearest and closest to Himself, since it was His will that when man came into existence he should be at a loss for none of the means of living and of living well. The means of living are provided by the lavish supplies of all that makes for enjoyment; the means of living well by the contemplation of the heavenly existences, for smitten by their contemplation the mind conceives a love and longing for the knowledge of them. And from this philosophy took its rise, by which man, mortal though he be, is rendered immortal.",
+                "[78] Just as givers of a banquet, then, do not send out the summonses to supper till they have put everything in readiness for the feast; and those who provide gymnastic and scenic contests, before they gather the spectators into the theatre or the stadium, have in readiness a number of combatants and performers to charm both eye and ear; exactly in the same way the Ruler of all things, like some provider of contests or of a banquet, when about to invite man to the enjoyment of a feast and a great spectacle, made ready beforehand the material for both. He desired that on coming into the world man might at once find both a banquet and a most sacred display, the one full of all things that earth and rivers and sea and air bring forth for use and for enjoyment, the other of all sorts of spectacles, most impressive in their substance, most impressive in their qualities, and circling with most wondrous movements, in an order fitly determined always in accordance with proportion of numbers and harmony of revolutions. In all these one might rightly say that there was the real music, the original and model of all other, from which the men of subsequent ages, when they had painted the images in their own souls, handed down an art most vital and beneficial to human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] Such is the first reason for which apparently man was created after all things: but we must mention a second that is not improbable. Directly he came into existence man found there all provisions for life. This was for the instruction of future generations. Nature seemed almost to cry aloud in so many words that like the first father of the race they were to spend their days without toil or trouble surrounded by lavish abundance of all that they needed. And this will be so if irrational pleasures do not get control of the soul, making their assaults upon it through greediness and lust, nor the desires for glory or wealth or power arrogate to themselves the control of the life, nor sorrows lower and depress the mind;",
+                "[80] and if fear, that evil counsellor, do not dispel high impulses to noble deeds, nor folly and cowardice and injustice and the countless host of other vices assail him. For in sooth as things now are, when all these evils which have been recounted have won the day, and men have flung themselves unrestrainedly into the indulgence of their passions and left uncontrolled their guilty cravings, cravings which it were sinful even to name, a fitting penalty is incurred, due punishment of impious courses. That penalty is difficulty in obtaining the necessaries of life. For men plough the prairie and irrigate it from spring and river; they sow and plant; and through the livelong year unweariedly take up by day and night the ever renewed toil of the tiller of the earth; and yet they are hard put to it to gather in their requisite supplies, and these at times of poor quality and barely sufficient, having suffered injury from many causes: either they were ravaged by recurring rainfalls, or beaten down in masses by the weight of hail that fell on them, or half frozen by snow, or torn up roots and all by violent winds; for water and air can in many ways change the fruitfulness of crops into barrenness.",
+                "[81] But if the unmeasured impulses of men’s passions were calmed and allayed by self-mastery, and their earnestness and eager striving after the infliction of wrongs were checked by righteousness; if, in a word, the vices and the fruitless practices to which they prompt were to give place to the virtues and their corresponding activities, the warfare in the soul, of all wars veritably the most dire and most grievous, would have been abolished, and peace would prevail and would in quiet and gentle ways provide good order for the exercise of our faculties, and there would be hope that God, being the Lover of virtue and the Lover of what is good and beautiful and also the Lover of man, would provide for our race good things all coming forth spontaneously and all in readiness. For it is clear that it is easier without calling in the husbandman’s art to supply in abundance the yield of growths already existing than to bring into being things that were non-existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] Let what has been said suffice for an account of the second reason. A third is this. God, being minded to unite in intimate and loving fellowship the beginning and end of created things, made heaven the beginning and man the end, the one the most perfect of imperishable objects of sense, the other the noblest of things earthborn and perishable, being, in very truth, a miniature heaven. He bears about within himself, like holy images, endowments of nature that correspond to the constellations. He has capacities for science and art, for knowledge, and for the noble lore of the several virtues. For since the corruptible and the incorruptible are by nature contrary the one to the other, God assigned the fairest of each sort to the beginning and the end, heaven (as I have said) to the beginning, and man to the end."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Finally, this is suggested as a cogent reason. Man was bound to arise after all created things, in order that coming last and suddenly appearing to the other animals he might produce consternation in them; for they were sure, as soon as they saw him, to be amazed and do homage to him as to a born ruler or master: and so on beholding him they were all tamed through all their kinds, those who were most savage in their natures at the first sight of him becoming at once most manageable, displaying their untamed pugnacity one against another, but to man and man alone showing gentleness and docility.",
+                "[84] On this account too the Father, when he had brought him into existence as a living being naturally adapted for sovereignty, not only in fact but by express mandate appointed him king of all creatures under the moon, those that move on land and swim in the sea and fly in the air. For all things mortal in the three elements of land and water and air did He make subject to men, but exempted the heavenly beings as having obtained a portion more divine. The clearest proof of man’s rule is afforded by what goes on before our eyes. Sometimes vast numbers of cattle are led by one quite ordinary man neither wearing armour nor carrying an iron weapon nor anything with which to defend himself, with nothing but a sheepskin to cover him and a staff wherewith to show them which way to go and to lean on should he grow weary on his journeys.",
+                "[85] See, there is a shepherd, a goatherd, a cowherd leading flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of kine. They are men not even strong and lusty in body, unlikely, so far as healthy vigour goes, to create consternation in those who see them. And all the prowess and strength of all those well-armed animals, who possess the equipment which nature provides and use it in self-defence, cower before him like slaves before a master, and do his bidding. Bulls are harnessed to plough the land, and cutting deep furrows all day long, sometimes all night as well, accomplish a long bout with some farm-hand to direct them: rams laden with thick fleeces of wool, when spring-time comes, stand peacefully or even lie down quietly at the shepherd’s bidding, and offer their wool to the shears, growing accustomed, just as cities do, to render their yearly tribute to him whom nature has given them for king.",
+                "[86] Nay, even the horse, most spirited of all animals, is easily controlled by the bit to prevent his growing restive and running away. He hollows his back, making it a convenient seat, takes his rider on it and bearing him aloft gallops at a great pace intent on bringing himself and his rider to the destination which the latter is eager to reach. As for his rider, firmly seated on him, without trouble and in much composure, he gets through his journey using the body and feet of another."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] Anyone who wished to enlarge on the subject would have plenty more to say tending to prove that nothing whatever has been emancipated and withdrawn from the domination of men: this is sufficiently indicated by what has been said. There is a point, however, as to which ignorance must be avoided. The fact of having been the last to come into existence does not involve an inferiority corresponding to his place in the series. Drivers and pilots are evidence of this.",
+                "[88] The former, though they come after their team and have their appointed place behind them, keep hold of the reins and drive them just as they wish, now letting them fall into a sharp trot, now pulling them up should they go with more speed than is necessary. Pilots again, taking their way to the stern, the hindmost place in the ship, are, one may say, superior to all on board, for they hold in their hands the safety of the ship and those on board it. So the Creator made man after all things, as a sort of driver and pilot, to drive and steer the things on earth, and charged him with the care of animals and plants, like a governor subordinate to the chief and great King."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] Now when the whole world had been brought to completion in accordance with the properties of six, a perfect number, the Father invested with dignity the seventh day which comes next, extolling it and pronouncing it holy; for it is the festival, not of a single city or country, but of the universe, and it alone strictly deserves to be called “public” as belonging to all people and the birthday of the world.",
+                "[90] I doubt whether anyone could adequately celebrate the properties of the number 7, for they are beyond all words. Yet the fact that it is more wondrous than all that is said about it is no reason for maintaining silence regarding it. Nay, we must make a brave attempt to bring out at least all that is within the compass of our understandings, even if it be impossible to bring out all or even the most essential points. Now, 7 or 7th is a term used in two different senses. There is the 7 inside the number 10. This consists of 7 units, and is determined by the sevenfold repetition of the unit. There is the 7 outside the number 10.",
+                "[91] This is a number starting throughout from the number 1 and formed by doubling it and going on doubling (7 times) or trebling, or multiplying by any other number in regular progression; as, for example, the number 64 is the product of doubling from 1 onwards, and the number 729 that of trebling. Each of these forms claims more than casual notice. The second form, clearly has a very manifest superiority.",
+                "[92] For invariably the 7th term of any regular progression, starting from unity and with a ratio of 2, 3, or any other number, is both a cube and a square, embracing both forms, that of the incorporeal and that of the corporeal substance, the form of the incorporeal answering to the surface which is formed by squares, that of the corporeal answering to the solid which is formed by cubes.",
+                "[93] The plainest evidence of this are the numbers already mentioned: for instance, the 7th from 1 reached by going on doubling, i.e. 64, is a square, being 8 times 8, and a cube, being 4 times 4, again multiplied by 4: and again the 7th from 1 reached by progressive trebling, 729, is a square, being the product of 27 multiplied by itself, and the cube of 9, i.e. 9 times 9, again multiplied by 9.",
+                "[94] And invariably if one takes the 7th number for his starting-point instead of the unit, and multiplies in corresponding fashion up to a (fresh) 7th, he is sure to find the product both a cube and a square: for instance starting from 64 the number formed by continuous doubling will give us seventh 4096. This is at once a square and a cube—a square with 64 as its side and a cube with 16."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] We must pass on to the other kind of 7th, that which is contained within the decade. It exhibits a marvellous nature, not at all inferior to that of the former kind. For instance 7 consists of 1 and 2 and 4, which have two relations making specially for harmony, the twofold and the fourfold, the one producing the diapason harmony, while the fourfold relation produces double diapason. 7 admits of other divisions besides these, in pairs like animals under a yoke. It is divided first into 1 and 6, then into 2 and 5, and last of all into 3 and 4.",
+                "[96] Most musical is the proportion of these numbers also: for 6 to 1 is a sixfold proportion, but the sixfold proportion makes the greatest distance that there is (in music), the distance from the highest to the lowest note, as we shall prove, when we pass from numbers to the proportion in harmonies. 5:2 exhibits the fullest power in harmonies, all but rivalling the diapason, a fact which is most clearly established in theoretical music. 4:3 yields the first harmony, the sesquitertian or diatessaron."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] 7 (or “7th”) exhibits yet another beauty belonging to it, a most sacred object for our mind to ponder. Being made up as it is of 3 and 4 it is a presentation of all that is naturally steadfast and upright in the universe. How it is this, we must point out. The right-angled triangle, the starting-point of figures of a definite shape, is made up of certain numbers, namely 3 and 4 and 5:3 and 4, the constituent parts of 7, produce the right angle: for the obtuse and acute angle are manifestations of irregularity and disorder and inequality: for one such angle can be more obtuse or more acute than another: whereas one right angle does not admit of comparison with another, nor can it be more “right” than another, but remains as it is, never changing its proper nature. Now if the right-angled triangle is the starting-point of figures of a definite kind, and the essential factor in this triangle, namely the right angle, is supplied by the numbers which constitute 7, namely 3 and 4 together, 7 would reasonably be regarded as the fountain-head of every figure and every definite shape.",
+                "[98] In addition to what we have already said we are bound to mention this further point, namely that 3 is the number belonging to a superficies—for a point falls under the head of 1, a line under that of 2, and a superficies of 3—while 4 belongs to a solid, by means of the addition of 1, depth being added to superficies. From this it is manifest that 7 is so constituted as to be the starting-point of all plane and solid geometry, or (to put it concisely) alike of things corporeal and incorporeal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So august is the dignity inherent by nature in the number 7, that it has a unique relation distinguishing it from all the other numbers within the decade: for of these some beget without being begotten, some are begotten but do not beget, some do both these, both beget and are begotten: 7 alone is found in no such category. We must establish this assertion by giving proof of it. Well then, 1 begets all the subsequent numbers while it is begotten by none whatever: 8 is begotten by twice 4, but begets no number within the decade: 4 again holds the place of both, both of parents and of offspring; for it begets 8 by being doubled, and is begotten by twice 2.",
+                "[100] It is the nature of 7 alone, as I have said, neither to beget nor to be begotten. For this reason other philosophers liken this number to the motherless and virgin Nikè, who is said to have appeared out of the head of Zeus, while the Pythagoreans liken it to the chief of all things: for that which neither begets nor is begotten remains motionless; for creation takes place in movement, since there is movement both in that which begets and in that which is begotten, in the one that it may beget, in the other that it may be begotten. There is only one thing that neither causes motion nor experiences it, the original Ruler and Sovereign. Of Him 7 may be fitly said to be a symbol. Evidence of what I say is supplied by Philolaus in these words: “There is, he says, a supreme Ruler of all things, God, ever One, abiding, without motion, Himself (alone) like unto Himself, different from all others.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] In the region, then, of things discerned by the intellect only, 7 exhibits that which is exempt from movement and from passion; but in that of sensible things a most essential force [in the movements of the planets] from which all earthly things derive advantage, and in the circuits of the moon. How this is we must consider. Begin at 1 and add each number up to 7 and it produces 28. This is a perfect number and equal to the sum of its own factors. And the number produced is the number which brings the moon back to her original form, as she retraces her course by lessening till she reaches the shape from which she began to make perceptible increase; for she increases from her first shining as a crescent till she becomes a half-moon in seven days, then in as many more she becomes full-moon, and again returns the same way like a runner in the double race-course, from the full to the half-moon in seven days as before, then from the half to the crescent in an equal number of days: these four sets of days complete the aforesaid number.",
+                "[102] Now by those who are in the habit of giving words their proper force seven is called also “perfection-bringing,” because by this all things in the material universe are brought to perfection. Proof of this may be derived from the circumstance that every organic body has three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth, and four limits, point, line, surface, and solid; by adding which together we get seven. It would have been impossible that bodies should be measured by seven in accordance with their formation out of the three dimensions and the four limits, had it not been that the forms of the first numbers (1, 2, 3, and 4), the foundation of 10, already contained the nature of 7, for the numbers named have three intervals, that from 1 to 2, that from 2 to 3, and that from 3 to 4; and the four limits between which these intervals lie, 1, 2, 3, and 4."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Beside the proofs already mentioned, the perfecting power of the number 7 is also shown by the stages of men’s growth, measured from infancy to old age in the following manner: during the first period of seven years the growth of the teeth begins; during the second the capacity for emitting seed; in the third the growing of the beard; and in the fourth increase of strength; in the fifth again ripeness for marriage; in the sixth the understanding reaches its bloom; in the seventh progressive improvement and development of mind and reason; in the eighth the perfecting of both these; during the ninth forbearance and gentleness emerge, owing to the more complete taming of the passions; during the tenth comes the desirable end of life, while the bodily organs are still compact and firm; for prolonged old age is wont to abate and break down the force of each of them.",
+                "[104] These ages of men’s life were described by Solon the lawgiver of the Athenians among others in the following lines:",
+                "In seven years the Boy, an infant yet unfledged, <br>Both grows and sheds the teeth with which his tongue is hedged. <br>When heaven has made complete a second week of years, <br>Of coming prime of youth full many a sign appears. <br>In life’s third term, while still his limbs grow big apace, <br>His chin shows down; its early bloom now quits his face. <br>In the fourth heptad each one full of strength doth seem— <br>Strength, which of manly worth best earnest all men deem. <br>Let him in his fifth week of years a bride bespeak, <br>Offspring to bear his name hereafter let him seek. <br>The sixth beholds the man good sense all round attain; <br>Not now can reckless deeds as once his fancy gain. <br>Now see him seventh and eighth, fresh heptads, duly reach <br>In insight strongest now, strongest in power of speech. <br>In his ninth week of years, strong still but softer far <br>For high achievement’s venture speech and wisdom are. <br>Then should the man, ten bouts complete, attain life’s end <br>Fate, no untimely gift, death’s call may fitly send."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] Solon, then, reckons the life of man by the aforesaid ten weeks of years. And Hippocrates the physician, says that there are seven ages, those of the little boy, the boy, the lad, the young man, the man, the elderly man, the old man, and that these ages are measured by multiples of seven though not in regular succession. His words are: “In man’s life there are seven seasons, which they call ages, little boy, boy, lad, young man, man, elderly man, old man. He is a little boy until he reaches seven years, the time of the shedding of his teeth; a boy until he reaches puberty, i.e. up to twice seven years; a lad until his chin grows downy, i.e. up to thrice seven years; a young man until his whole body has grown, till four times seven; a man till forty-nine, till seven times seven; an elderly man till fifty-six, up to seven times eight; after that an old man.”",
+                "[106] The following is also mentioned to commend the number 7 as occupying a wonderful place in nature, since it consists of 3+4: if we multiply by 2, we shall find that the third number, counted from 1, is a square, and the fourth a cube, while the seventh (and 7 is made up of 3 and 4), is at once a square and a cube: for the third number in this multiplication by 2, namely 4, is a square, the fourth, 8, is a cube; the seventh, 64, is at once a cube and a square. Thus the seventh number does indeed bring with it perfection, claiming both correspondences, that with the superficies by means of the square, in virtue of its kinship with 3, and that with the solid body by means of the cube, in virtue of its relationship with 4; and 3 and 4 make 7."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] It is however not only a bringer of perfection, but, one may say, absolutely harmonious, and in a certain sense the source of the most beautiful scale, which contains all the harmonies, that yielded by the interval of four, by the interval of five, by the octave; and all the progressions, the arithmetic, the geometric, and the harmonic as well. The scheme is formed out of the following numbers: 6, 8, 9, 12. 8 stands to 6 in the proportion 4:3, which regulates the harmony of 4; 9 stands to 6 in the proportion 3:2, which regulates the harmony of 5; 12 stands to 6 in the proportion 2:1, which regulates the octave.",
+                "[108] And, as I said, it contains also all the progressions, the arithmetic made up of 6 and 9 and 12—for as the middle number exceeds the first by 3, so it in its turn is exceeded to the same amount by the last; the geometric, made up of the four numbers (6, 8, 9, 12); for 12 bears the same proportion to 9 that 8 does to 6, and the proportion is 4:3; the harmonic, made up of three numbers (6, 8, and 12).",
+                "[109] There are two modes of testing harmonic progression. One is this. (Harmonic progression is present) whenever the relation in which the last term stands to the first is identical with that in which the excess of the last over the middle term stands to the excess of the middle term over the first. A very clear proof may be obtained from the numbers before us, 6 and 8 and 12: for the last is double the first, and the difference or excess is also double; for 12 exceeds 8 by 4, and 8 exceeds 6 by 2, and 4 is twice 2.",
+                "[110] Another way of detecting the presence of harmonic proportion is this. (It is present) whenever the middle term exceeds the one extreme and is itself exceeded by the other by the same fraction; for 8 being the middle term exceeds the first by one-third of the latter, for when we subtract 6 (from 8) the remainder, 2, is one-third of the first number, and 8 is exceeded by the last number by the same fraction, for if 8 be subtracted from 12, the remainder 4 is one-third of the last number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[111] Let what has been said suffice as a bare outline of the dignity pertaining to the figure or scheme or whatever we ought to call it: all these qualities and more still does 7 discover in the incorporeal and intellectual sphere. But its nature reaches further, extending to all visible existence, to heaven and earth, to the utmost bounds of the universe. For what part of the world’s contents is not a lover of seven, overcome by passion and desire for it? Let us give some instances.",
+                "[112] They tell us that heaven is girdled by seven zones, whose names are these: arctic, antarctic, that of the summer solstice, that of the winter solstice, equinox, zodiac, and beside these the milky way. The horizon is not one of these, for it is a thing of subjective observation, our eyesight, as it is keen or the reverse, cutting off, now a smaller, now a larger, circumference.",
+                "[113] Moreover, the planets, the heavenly host that moves counter to the fixed stars, are marshalled in seven ranks, and manifest large sympathy with air and earth. The one (the air) they turn and shift for the so-called annual seasons, producing in each of these seasons a thousand changes by times of calm, or fair weather, of cloudy skies, of unusually violent storms: they flood rivers and shrink them; they turn plains into marshes, and dry them up again: they produce tides in the sea, as it ebbs and flows: for at times broad gulfs, through the sea’s being withdrawn by ebbing, suddenly become a far-reaching stretch of sand, and a little later, as it is poured back, they become deep seas navigable not merely by small barges but by ships of many tons burden. Yes, and the planets cause all things on earth, living creatures and fruit-yielding plants, to grow and come to perfection, enabling, as they do, the natural power in each of them to run its full round, new fruits blossoming and ripening on old trees, to supply abundantly those who need them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[114] The Great Bear, moreover, which is called the mariners’ escort, consists of seven stars. Fixing their eyes on this, pilots cut those countless paths in the sea, undertaking an enterprise surpassing belief and human powers. For by keeping their eyes on the stars we have named they discovered countries hitherto unknown, dwellers on the continents discovering islands, and islanders continents. For it was meet that by heaven, purest of all things existing, should be revealed to the living creature best loved by God, even the human race, the secret recesses both of land and sea.",
+                "[115] Beside the cases already mentioned, the full tale of the band of Pleiades is made up of seven stars, whose appearances and disappearances are fraught with vast benefits to all men: for when they are setting, furrows are opened for sowing, and when they are about to rise, they announce reaping-time; and when they have risen, they make glad the workers on the land and rouse them to gather in the crops that meet their needs; and they blithely store up their food for daily use.",
+                "[116] The sun, too, the great lord of day, bringing about two equinoxes each year, in Spring and Autumn, the Spring equinox in the constellation of the Ram, and the Autumn equinox in that of the Scales, supplies very clear evidence of the sacred dignity of the 7th number, for each of the equinoxes occurs in a 7th month, and during them there is enjoined by law the keeping of the greatest national festivals, since at both of them all fruits of the earth ripen, in the Spring the wheat and all else that is sown, and in Autumn the fruit of the vine and most of the other fruit-trees."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[117] As, however, in accordance with a certain natural sympathy the things of the earth depend on the things of heaven, the principle of the number 7, after having begun from above, descended also to us and visited the races of mortals. For instance, if we leave the understanding out of sight, the remainder of our soul is divided into seven parts, namely five senses, the faculty of speech, last that of generation. All these, as in marionette shows, are drawn with strings by the understanding, now resting, now moving, each in the attitudes and with the movements appropriate to it.",
+                "[118] In like manner, should a man go on to examine the outer and inner parts of the body, he will find seven under each head. The visible parts are head, breast, belly, two hands, two feet. The inward parts, called entrails, are stomach, heart, lung, spleen, liver, two kidneys.",
+                "[119] Once more, the head, the most princely part in an animal, employs seven most essential parts, two eyes, as many ears, two nostrils, seventhly a mouth. Through this, as Plato says, mortal things have their entrance, immortal their exit; for foods and drinks enter it, perishable nourishment of a perishable body, but words issue from it, undying laws of an undying soul, by means of which the life of reason is guided."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] The objects which are distinguished by sight, the noblest of the senses, participate in the number of which we are speaking, if classified by their kinds: for the kinds which are seen are seven—body, extension, shape, size, colour, movement, quiescence, and beside these there is no other.",
+                "[121] The varieties of the voice too are seven in all, the acute, the grave, the circumflex, and fourthly the rough (or “aspirated”), and fifthly the thin (or “unaspirated”) utterance, and sixthly the long, and seventhly the short sound.",
+                "[122] Likewise there are seven movements, upward, downward, to the right, to the left, forward, backward, in a circle. These come out most distinctly in an exhibition of dancing.",
+                "[123] The discharges from the body also (it has been pointed out) are limited to the number named: for through the eyes tears pour out, through the nostrils purgings from the head, through the mouth expectorations of phlegm: there are also two receptacles for excretion of superfluities, one in front, one behind; and in the sixth place there is perspiration exuding through the whole body, and in the seventh place the natural normal emission of seed through the genital organs.",
+                "[124] Further Hippocrates, that expert in the processes of nature, says that in seven days both the solidifying of the seed and the formation of the embryo take place. Once again, for women the duration of the monthly cleansing is at the most seven days. Moreover the fruit of the womb is brought by nature to full ripeness in seven months, with a most strange result, namely that seven months’ children come to the birth, whereas eight months’ children as a rule fail to do so alive.",
+                "[125] Severe bodily sicknesses too, especially persistent attacks of fever due to internal disorder, generally reach the crisis on the seventh day; for this day decides the struggle for life, bringing to some recovery, to others death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[126] The number 7 exerts its influence not only in the spheres that have been mentioned, but also in those noblest of sciences, grammar and music. For the seven-stringed lyre, corresponding to the choir of the Planets, produces the notable melodies, and it is not going too far to say that the lyre is the rule to which the making of all musical instruments conforms. And among the letters in grammar there are seven properly called vowels or “vocals,” since as is obvious they can be sounded by themselves, and when joined with the others can produce articulate sounds; for on the one hand they fill up what is lacking to the “semi-vowels,” rendering the sounds full and complete, and on the other hand they change the nature of the “voiceless” (the consonants) by breathing into them something of their own power, that it may now be possible to pronounce letters before incapable of pronunciation.",
+                "[127] On these grounds I hold that those who originally fitted names to things, being wise men, called this number “seven” because of the “reverence” (σεβασμός) which it deserves, and the heavenly “dignity” (σεμνότης) pertaining to it. The Romans, who add the letter σ left out by the Greeks, make this appear still more clearly, since they, with greater accuracy, call the number septem, owing to its derivation, as I have said, from σεμνός (reverend) and σεβασμός (“reverence”)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] These and yet more than these are the statements and reflections of men on the number 7, showing the reasons for the very high honour which that number has attained in Nature, the honour in which it is held by the most approved investigators of the science of Mathematics and Astronomy among Greeks and other peoples, and the special honour accorded to it by that lover of virtue, Moses. He inscribed its beauty on the most holy tables of the Law, and impressed it on the minds of all who were set under him, by bidding them at intervals of six days to keep a seventh day holy, abstaining from other work that has to do with seeking and gaining a livelihood, and giving their time to the one sole object of philosophy with a view to the improvement of character and submission to the scrutiny of conscience. Conscience, established in the soul like a judge, is never abashed in administering reproofs, sometimes employing sharper threats, sometimes gentler admonitions; threats, where the wrongdoing appeared to be deliberate; admonitions, to guard against a like lapse in the future, when the misconduct seemed unintentional and the result of want of caution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[129] In his concluding summary of the story of creation he says: “This is the book of the genesis of heaven and earth, when they came into being, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth and every herb of the field before it appeared upon the earth, and all grass of the field before it sprang up” (Gen. 2:4, 5). Is he not manifestly describing the incorporeal ideas present only to the mind, by which, as by seals, the finished objects that meet our senses were moulded? For before the earth put forth its young green shoots, young verdure was present, he tells us, in the nature of things without material shape, and before grass sprang up in the field, there was in existence an invisible grass.",
+                "[130] We must suppose that in the case of all other objects also, on which the senses pronounce judgement, the original forms and measures, to which all things that come into being owe shape and size, subsisted before them; for even if he has not dealt with everything in detail but in the mass, aiming as he does at brevity in a high degree, nevertheless what he does say gives us a few indications of universal Nature, which brings forth no finished product in the world of sense without using an incorporeal pattern."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Keeping to the sequence of the creation and carefully observing the connexion between what follows and what has gone before, he next says: “and a spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). Other philosophers say that all water is one of the four elements out of which the world was made. But Moses, wont as he is with keener vision to observe and apprehend amazingly well even distant objects, does indeed regard the great sea as an element, a fourth part of the whole, which his successors, reckoning the seas we sail to be in size mere harbours compared to it, call Ocean; but he distinguished sweet drinkable water from the salt water, assigning the former to the land and looking on it as part of this, not of the sea. It is such a part, for the purpose already mentioned, that by the sweet quality of the water as by a uniting glue the earth may be bound and held together: for had it been left dry, with no moisture making its way in and spreading by many channels through the pores, it would have actually fallen to pieces. It is held together and lasts, partly by virtue of the life-breath that makes it one, partly because it is saved from drying up and breaking off in small or big bits by the moisture.",
+                "[132] This is one reason, and I must mention another which is a guess at the truth. It is of the nature of nothing earth-born to take form apart from wet substance. This is shown by the depositing of seeds, which either are moist, as those of animals, or do not grow without moisture: such are those of plants. From this it is clear that the wet substance we have mentioned must be a part of the earth which gives birth to all things, just as with women the running of the monthly cleansings; for these too are, so physical scientists tell us, the bodily substance of the fetus.",
+                "[133] And what I am about to say is in perfect agreement with what has been said already. Nature has bestowed on every mother as a most essential endowment teeming breasts, thus preparing in advance food for the child that is to be born. The earth also, as we all know, is a mother, for which reason the earliest men thought fit to call her ‘Demeter,’ combining the name of ‘mother’ with that of ‘earth’; for, as Plato says, earth does not imitate woman, but woman earth. Poets quite rightly are in the habit of calling earth ‘All-mother,’ and ‘Fruit-bearer’ and ‘Pandora’ or ‘Give-all,’ inasmuch as she is the originating cause of existence and continuance in existence to all animals and plants alike. Fitly therefore on earth also, most ancient and most fertile of mothers, did Nature bestow, by way of breasts, streams of rivers and springs, to the end that both the plants might be watered and all animals might have abundance to drink."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] After this he says that “God formed man by taking clay from the earth, and breathed into his face the breath of life” (Gen. 2:7). By this also he shows very clearly that there is a vast difference between the man thus formed and the man that came into existence earlier after the image of God: for the man so formed is an object of sense-perception, partaking already of such or such quality, consisting of body and soul, man or woman, by nature mortal; while he that was after the (Divine) image was an idea or type or seal, an object of thought (only), incorporeal, neither male nor female, by nature incorruptible.",
+                "[135] It says, however, that the formation of the individual man, the object of sense, is a composite one made up of earthly substance and of Divine breath: for it says that the body was made through the Artificer taking clay and moulding out of it a human form, but that the soul was originated from nothing created whatever, but from the Father and Ruler of all: for that which He breathed in was nothing else than a Divine breath that migrated hither from that blissful and happy existence for the benefit of our race, to the end that, even if it is mortal in respect of its visible part, it may in respect of the part that is invisible be rendered immortal. Hence it may with propriety be said that man is the borderland between mortal and immortal nature, partaking of each so far as is needful, and that he was created at once mortal and immortal, mortal in respect of the body, but in respect of the mind immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] That first man, earth-born, ancestor of our whole race, was made, as it appears to me, most excellent in each part of his being, in both soul and body, and greatly excelling those who came after him in the transcendent qualities of both alike: for this man really was the one truly “beautiful and good.” The fair form of his body may be gathered from three proofs. The first is this. When, at the severing of the great mass of water, which received the name of “sea,” the newly formed earth appeared, the material of the things to come into existence was, as a result, pure and free from mixture or alloy, and also supple and easy to work, and the things wrought out of it naturally flawless.",
+                "[137] Secondly, God is not likely to have taken the clay from any part of the earth that might offer, or to have chosen as rapidly as possible to mould this figure in the shape of a man, but selecting the best from it all, out of pure material taking the purest and most subtly refined, such as was best suited for his structure; for a sacred dwelling-place or shrine was being fashioned for the reasonable soul, which man was to carry as a holy image, of all images the most Godlike.",
+                "[138] The third proof, incomparably stronger than the two that have been given, is this, that the Creator excelled, as well as in all else, in skill to bring it about that each of the bodily parts should have in itself individually its due proportions, and should also be fitted with the most perfect accuracy for the part it was to take in the whole. And together with this symmetry (of the parts) He bestowed on the body goodly flesh, and adorned it with a rich complexion, desiring the first man to be as fair as could be to behold."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] That in soul also he was most excellent is manifest; for the Creator, we know, employed for its making no pattern taken from among created things, but solely, as I have said, His own Word (or Reason). It is on this account that he says that man was made a likeness and imitation of the Word, when the Divine Breath was breathed into his face. The face is the seat of the senses. By the senses the Creator endowed the body with soul. To the senses, when He had installed the sovereign Reason in the princely part of man’s being, He delivered it to be by them escorted to the apprehension of colours and sounds, as well as of flavours and scents and the like. The Reason, apart from perception by the senses, was unable by itself alone to apprehend these. Now the copy of a perfectly beautiful pattern must needs be of perfect beauty. But the Word of God surpasses beauty itself, beauty, that is, as it exists in Nature. He is not only adorned with beauty, but is Himself in very truth beauty’s fairest adornment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Such was the first man created, as I think, in body and soul, surpassing all the men that now are, and all that have been before us. For our beginning is from men, whereas God created him, and the more eminent the maker is, so much the better is the work. For as that which is in bloom is always better than that whose bloom is past, be it animal or plant or fruit or aught else in nature, so the man first fashioned was clearly the bloom of our entire race, and never have his descendants attained the like bloom, forms and faculties ever feebler having been bestowed on each succeeding generation.",
+                "[141] I have observed the same thing happening in the case of sculpture and painting: the copies are inferior to the originals, and what is painted or moulded from the copies still more so, owing to their long distance from the original. Much the same appears in the case of the magnet: for the iron ring which touches it is held most forcibly, but that which touches this one less so. A third hangs on to the second, and a fourth on to the third, and a fifth on to the fourth, and so on in a long series, all held together by one attracting force, only not all alike, for those removed from the starting-point get looser all the time, owing to the attraction being relaxed and losing its power to grip as it did before. Mankind has evidently undergone something of the same kind. As generation follows generation the powers and qualities of body and soul which men receive are feebler.",
+                "[142] If we call that original forefather of our race not only the first man but also the only citizen of the world we shall be speaking with perfect truth. For the world was his city and dwelling-place. No building made by hand had been wrought out of the material of stones and timbers. The world was his mother country where he dwelt far removed from fear, inasmuch as he had been held worthy of the rule of the denizens of the earth, and all things mortal trembled before him, and had been taught or compelled to obey him as their master. So he lived exposed to no attack amid the comforts of peace unbroken by war."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] Now since every well-ordered State has a constitution, the citizen of the world enjoyed of necessity the same constitution as did the whole world: and this constitution is nature’s right relation, more properly called an “ordinance,” or “dispensation,” seeing it is a divine law, in accordance with which there was duly apportioned to all existences that which rightly falls to them severally. This State and polity must have had citizens before man. These might justly be termed people of the Great City, having had allotted to them as their dwelling-place the greatest compass, and having been enrolled in the greatest and most perfect commonwealth.",
+                "[144] And who should these be but spiritual and divine natures, some incorporeal and visible to mind only, some not without bodies, such as are the stars? Conversing and consorting with these man could not but live in unalloyed bliss, and being of near kin to the Ruler, since the divine Spirit had flowed into him in full current, he earnestly endeavoured in all his words and actions to please the Father and King, following Him step by step in the highways cut out by virtues, since only for souls who regard it as their goal to be fully conformed to God who begat them is it lawful to draw nigh to Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Of the beauty of the first-made man in each part of his being, in soul and body, we have now said what falls perhaps far short of the reality but yet what for our powers was possible. It could not but be that his descendants, partaking as they did in the original form in which he was formed, should preserve marks, though faint ones, of their kinship with their first father. Now what is this kinship?",
+                "[146] Every man, in respect of his mind, is allied to the divine Reason, having come into being as a copy or fragment or ray of that blessed nature, but in the structure of his body he is allied to all the world, for he is compounded of the same things, earth, water, air, and fire, each of the elements having contributed the share that falls to each, to complete a material absolutely sufficient in itself for the Creator to take in order to fashion this visible image.",
+                "[147] Moreover, man is at home in all the elements named, as in places fully congenial and akin to him, ever changing his sphere and haunting now one, now another of them. Thus we can say with strict propriety that man is all four, as being of land and water and air and sky. For in so far as he dwells and moves upon the ground, he is a land-animal; so far as he often dives and swims and often sails, he is a water-creature—merchants and shipmasters and fishers for purple-fish and oyster-dredgers and fishermen generally are the clearest evidence of what I have said—; so far as his body ascends and is raised aloft from the earth, he would justly be said to be an air-walker. He may besides be said to be heavenly, for by means of sight, the most dominant of his senses, he draws near to sun and moon and each of the other planets and fixed stars."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] Quite excellently does Moses ascribe the bestowal of names also to the first man (Gen. 2:19): for this is the business of wisdom and royalty, and the first man was wise with a wisdom learned from and taught by Wisdom’s own lips, for he was made by divine hands; he was, moreover, a king, and it befits a ruler to bestow titles on his several subordinates. And we may guess that the sovereignty with which that first man was invested was a most lofty one, seeing that God had fashioned him with the utmost care and deemed him worthy of the second place, making him His own viceroy and lord of all others. For men born many generations later, when, owing to the lapse of ages, the race had lost its vigour, are none the less still masters of the creatures that are without reason, keeping safe a torch (as it were) of sovereignty and dominion passed down from the first man.",
+                "[149] So Moses says that God brought all the animals to Adam, wishing to see what appellations he would assign to them severally. Not that he was in any doubt—for to God nothing is unknown—but because He knew that He had formed in mortal man the natural ability to reason of his own motion, that so He Himself might have no share in faulty action. No, He was putting man to the test, as a teacher does a pupil, kindling his innate capacity, and calling on him to put forth some faculty of his own, that by his own ability man might confer titles in no wise incongruous or unsuitable, but bringing out clearly the traits of the creatures who bore them.",
+                "[150] For the native reasoning power in the soul being still unalloyed, and no infirmity or disease or evil affection having intruded itself, he received the impressions made by bodies and objects in their sheer reality, and the titles he gave were fully apposite, for right well did he divine the character of the creatures he was describing, with the result that their natures were apprehended as soon as their names were uttered. So greatly did he excel in all noble traits, thus attaining the very limit of human happiness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] But since no created thing is constant, and things mortal are necessarily liable to changes and reverses, it could not but be that the first man too should experience some ill fortune. And woman becomes for him the beginning of blameworthy life. For so long as he was by himself, as accorded with such solitude, he went on growing like to the world and like God, and receiving in his soul the impressions made by the nature of each, not all of these, but as many as one of mortal composition can find room for. But when woman too had been made, beholding a figure like his own and a kindred form, he was gladdened by the sight, and approached and greeted her.",
+                "[152] She, seeing no living thing more like herself than he, is filled with glee and shamefastly returns his greeting. Love supervenes, brings together and fits into one the divided halves, as it were, of a single living creature, and sets up in each of them a desire for fellowship with the other with a view to the production of their like. And this desire begat likewise bodily pleasure, that pleasure which is the beginning of wrongs and violation of law, the pleasure for the sake of which men bring on themselves the life of mortality and wretchedness in lieu of that of immortality and bliss."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[153] While the man was still leading a life of solitude, the woman not having been yet formed, a park or pleasaunce, we are told, was planted by God, quite unlike the pleasaunces with which we are familiar (Gen. 2:8 f.): for in them the wood is soulless; they are full of trees of all sorts, some ever-blooming to give uninterrupted joy to the eye, some bursting forth with young life every spring: some again bearing cultivated fruit for man, not only for use by way of necessary nourishment, but also for his superfluities, for the enjoyment of a life of luxury; while others yield a different kind of fruit, supplied to the wild beasts to satisfy their actual needs. But in the divine park or pleasaunce all plants are endowed with soul or reason, bearing the virtues for fruit, and beside these insight and discernment that never fail, by which things fair and ugly are recognized, and life free from disease, and incorruption, and all that is of a like nature.",
+                "[154] This description is, I think, intended symbolically rather than literally; for never yet have trees of life or of understanding appeared on earth, nor is it likely that they will appear hereafter. No, Moses evidently signifies by the pleasaunce the ruling power of the soul which is full of countless opinions, as it might be of plants; and by the tree of life he signifies reverence toward God, the greatest of the virtues, by means of which the soul attains to immortality; while by the tree that is cognisant of good and evil things he signifies moral prudence, the virtue that occupies the middle position, and enables us to distinguish things by nature contrary the one to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[155] Having set up these standards in the soul, He watched, as a judge might, to see to which it would tend. And when He saw it inclining to wickedness, and making light of holiness and godly fear, out of which comes the winning of immortal life, He cast it forth, as we might expect, and drove it from the pleasaunce, giving the soul which committed offences that defy the healer’s skill, no hope of a subsequent return, inasmuch as the reason given for their deception was in a high degree blameworthy. This we must not leave unexplained.",
+                "[156] It is said that in olden time the venomous earthborn crawling thing could send forth a man’s voice, and that one day it approached the wife of the first man and upbraided her for her irresoluteness and excessive scrupulosity in delaying and hesitating to pluck a fruit most beauteous to behold and most luscious to taste, and most useful into the bargain, since by its means she would have power to recognize things good and evil. It is said that she, without looking into the suggestion, prompted by a mind devoid of steadfastness and firm foundation, gave her consent and ate of the fruit, and gave some of it to her husband; this instantly brought them out of a state of simplicity and innocence into one of wickedness: whereat the Father in anger appointed for them the punishments that were fitting. For their conduct well merited wrath, inasmuch as they had passed by the tree of life immortal, the consummation of virtue, from which they could have gathered an existence long and happy. Yet they chose that fleeting and mortal existence which is not an existence but a period of time full of misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[157] Now these are no mythical fictions, such as poets and sophists delight in, but modes of making ideas visible, bidding us resort to allegorical interpretation guided in our renderings by what lies beneath the surface. Following a probable conjecture one would say that the serpent spoken of is a fit symbol of pleasure, because in the first place he is an animal without feet sunk prone upon his belly; secondly because he takes clods of earth as food; thirdly because he carries in his teeth the venom with which it is his nature to destroy those whom he has bitten.",
+                "[158] The lover of pleasure is exempt from none of these traits, for he is so weighted and dragged downwards that it is with difficulty that he lifts up his head, thrown down and tripped up by intemperance: he feeds not on heavenly nourishment, which wisdom by discourses and doctrines proffers to lovers of contemplation, but on that which comes up out of the earth with the revolving seasons, and which produces drunkenness, daintiness, and greediness. These, causing the cravings of the belly to burst out and fanning them into flame, make the man a glutton, while they also stimulate and stir up the stings of his sexual lusts. For he licks his lips over the labour of caterers and confectioners, and twisting his head about all round strains to catch some of the steam and savour of the delicacies. Whenever he beholds a richly spread table, he flings down his whole person and tumbles upon the dishes set out, eager to devour all at once. His aim is not to sate his hunger, but to leave nothing that has been set before him undevoured. Hence we see that no less than the serpent he carries his poison in his teeth.",
+                "[159] These are the agents and ministers of excess, cutting and chewing all eatables, handing them over first to the tongue, the judge of savours, for its decision, then to the gullet. Immoderate eating is by its nature deadly and poisonous, for what is eaten has no chance of being assimilated, owing to the rush of the fresh viands which takes place before those already swallowed have been digested.",
+                "[160] Again the serpent is said to emit a human voice. This is because pleasure employs ten thousand champions and defenders, who have undertaken to look after her and stand up for her, and who dare to spread the doctrine that she has assumed universal sovereignty over small and great, and that no one whatever is exempt therefrom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] And certainly the first approaches of the male to the female have pleasure to guide and conduct them, and it is through pleasure that begetting and the coming of life is brought about, and the offspring is naturally at home with nothing sooner than pleasure, delighting in it and feeling distress at pain its contrary. This is why the infant when born actually weeps aloud, chilled most likely by the cold all round it; for when, leaving a place of fiery warmth in the womb, which for a long time it has tenanted, it suddenly issues into the air, a cold and unaccustomed place, it is taken aback and utters cries, a most clear sign of its pain and its annoyance at suffering.",
+                "[162] And they tell us that every living creature hastens after pleasure as its most necessary and essential end, and man above all: for while other creatures seek pleasure only through taste and the organs of reproduction, man does so through the other senses as well, pursuing with ears and eyes all such sights and sounds as can afford delight.",
+                "[163] A very great deal more is said in praise of pleasure, and of the great closeness of its connexion and kinship with living creatures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But what has now been said is enough to show why the serpent seemed to utter a human voice. It is for this reason, I think, that even in the detailed laws, where the lawgiver writes about animals, laying down which may be eaten and which may not, he especially praises the “snake-fighter” as it is called (Lev. 11:22). This is a reptile with legs above its feet, with which it springs from the ground and lifts itself into the air like a grasshopper.",
+                "[164] For the snake-fighter is, I think, nothing but a symbolic representation of self-control, waging a fight that never ends and a truceless war against intemperance and pleasure. Self-control welcomes beyond measure simplicity and abstemiousness and so much as is requisite for a severe and lofty mode of life; intemperance gives a like welcome to superfluity and extravagance, which induce softness and voluptuousness in soul and body, and these result in the culpable life, the life that in the view of right-minded people is worse than death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Pleasure does not venture to bring her wiles and deceptions to bear on the man, but on the woman, and by her means on him. This is a telling and well-made point: for in us mind corresponds to man, the senses to woman; and pleasure encounters and holds parley with the senses first, and through them cheats with her quackeries the sovereign mind itself: for when each sense has been subjugated to her sorceries, delighting in what she proffers, the sense of sight in variegated colours and shapes, that of hearing in harmonious sounds, that of taste in delicate savours, and that of scent in the fragrance of perfumes which it inhales, then all of them receive the gifts and offer them like handmaids to the Reason as to a master, bringing with them Persuasion to plead that it reject nothing whatever. Reason is forthwith ensnared and becomes a subject instead of a ruler, a slave instead of a master, an alien instead of a citizen, and a mortal instead of an immortal.",
+                "[166] In a word we must never lose sight of the fact that Pleasure, being a courtesan and a wanton, eagerly desires to meet with a lover, and searches for panders, by whose means she shall get one on her hook. It is the senses that act as panders for her and procure the lover. When she has ensnared these she easily brings the Mind under her control. To it, dwelling within us, the senses convey the things seen without, reporting them fully and making them manifest, impressing on it the forms of the several objects, and producing in it the corresponding affection. For it resembles wax, and receives the images that reach it through the senses, by which it apprehends material substances, being incapable, as I have said before, of doing this by itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[167] Those who were the first to become slaves to a passion grievous and hard to heal at once had experience of the wages paid by Pleasure. The woman incurred the violent woes of travail-pangs, and the griefs which come one after another all through the remainder of life. Chief among them are all those that have to do with children at birth and in their bringing up, in sickness and in health, in good fortune and evil fortune. In the next place she tasted deprivation of liberty, and the authority of the husband at her side, whose commands she must perforce obey. The man, in his turn, incurred labours and distress in the unceasing sweat of his brow to gain the necessaries of life. He was without those good things which the earth had been taught to bear of itself independently of all skill in the husbandman. His life was spent in unbroken toils in the pursuit of food and livelihood to save him from perishing by famine.",
+                "[168] For I imagine that, just as sun and moon always give their light after once for all being bidden to do so when the universe was first created, and continue to keep the divine ordinance for no other reason than that evil has been sent into exile far away from heaven’s frontiers; even so would earth’s deep and fertile soil, unaided by the skill of agricultural labourers, bear rich abundance as the seasons come round. As it is, when evil began to get the better of the virtues, the ever-flowing springs of the bounties of God were closed, that they might not bring supplies to those felt to be undeserving of them.",
+                "[169] If the human race had had to undergo the fitting penalty, it must needs have been wiped out by reason of its ingratitude to God its benefactor and preserver. But He being merciful took pity on it and moderated the punishment, suffering the race to continue, but no longer as before supplying it with food ready to its hand, that men might not, by indulging the twin evils of idleness and satiety, wax insolent in wrongdoing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Such is the life of those who at the outset are in enjoyment of innocence and simplicity of character, but later on prefer vice to virtue.",
+                "By his account of the creation of the world of which we have spoken Moses teaches us among many other things five that are fairest and best of all.",
+                "Firstly that the Deity is and has been from eternity. This with a view to atheists, some of whom have hesitated and have been of two minds about His eternal existence, while the bolder sort have carried their audacity to the point of declaring that the Deity does not exist at all, but that it is a mere assertion of men obscuring the truth with myth and fiction.",
+                "[171] Secondly, that God is one. This with a view to the propounders of polytheism, who do not blush to transfer from earth to heaven mob-rule, that worst of evil polities.",
+                "Thirdly, as I have said already, that the world came into being. This because of those who think that it is without beginning and eternal, who thus assign to God no superiority at all.",
+                "Fourthly, that the world too is one as well as its Maker, who made His work like Himself in its uniqueness, who used up for the creation of the whole all the material that exists; for it would not have been a whole had it not been formed and consisted of parts that were wholes. For there are those who suppose that there are more worlds than one, while some think that they are infinite in number. Such men are themselves in very deed infinitely lacking in knowledge of things which it is right good to know.",
+                "Fifthly, that God also exercises forethought on the world’s behalf.",
+                "[172] For that the Maker should care for the thing made is required by the laws and ordinances of Nature, and it is in accordance with these that parents take thought beforehand for children.",
+                "He that has begun by learning these things with his understanding rather than with his hearing, and has stamped on his soul impressions of truths so marvellous and priceless, both that God is and is from eternity, and that He that really IS is One, and that He has made the world and has made it one world, unique as Himself is unique, and that He ever exercises forethought for His creation, will lead a life of bliss and blessedness, because he has a character moulded by the truths that piety and holiness enforce."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CREATION",
+            "(<i>N. B.—S. V. F</i>.= Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>. The references are to sections in Arnim.)",
+            "§ 3. Philo starts off with two leading Stoic ideas, “living according to nature” and the “world-citizen.” For the former <i>cf</i>. Diogenes Laertius vii. 87, “Zeno was the first to designate a (man’s) end ‘living according to nature.’ ” For the latter see <I>S. V. F.</I> i. 262. The first use of the actual word κοσμοπολίτης is ascribed to Diogenes the Cynic, who, when “asked whence he came, replied ‘I am a citizen of the world’ ” (Diog. Laert. vi. 63).",
+            "§ 25. The words bracketed by Cohn are left so bracketed in the text but untranslated.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Time is a measured space</i>, etc. This is the accepted definition of the Stoics. See <I>S. V. F.</I> ii. 509 f. Philo refers to it as Stoic, <i>De Aet.</i> 4, and elsewhere in that treatise.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Principles or nuclei</i>, or perhaps “seed-powers”; οἱ λόγοι is equivalent to οἱ σπερματικοὶ λόγοι. The Stoics conceived of a single λόγος σπερματικός manifesting itself in innumerable λόγοι σπερματικοί, which give things their form. See <i>S. V. F.</i> Index, p. 93<i>a</i>.",
+            "§ 54. The thought of this section is based on <i>Timaeus</i> 47 A, B, where Plato says that “God bestowed sight on us that we might observe the orbits of reason which are in heaven, and make use of them for the revolutions of thought which are in our souls” (Archer-Hind’s translation).",
+            "§§ 72 ff. The idea of these sections is suggested by, or at least receives support from, <i>Timaeus</i> 41, 42, where God creates “young gods” or subordinate ministers to carry on the work for the same reason as is given here, <i>viz</i>. that He might not be responsible for evil.",
+            "§ 80. <i>And through the livelong year</i>, or, putting the comma after ἐκδεχόμενοι, “at the end of each year (at intervals of a year) they gather in.”",
+            "§ 101. <i>Equal to the sum of its own factors</i>. Like 6 (see 13), 28 is the sum of its factors (1+2+4+7+14), as are 496 and 8128. The word “perfect” is in strictness applied to such numbers only (Nicomachus i. 10).",
+            "§ 102. <i>Limits</i>, or “terms.” Ὅρος is the technical word for a “term” in a series. In fact, having been translated into Latin as <i>terminus</i>, it is the progenitor of our own word.",
+            "§ 117. <i>The remainder of our soul is divided</i>, etc. This classification is Stoic. It is more usually stated in the form that the soul has eight parts, the ἡγεμονικόν being reckoned as one. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 827 ff.",
+            "§ 142. <i>Citizen of the world</i>. See especially 3 and note. The first man fulfilled the Stoic ideal. This view of the superiority of early mankind, though not confined to the Stoics, was strongly held by them. The Golden Age, said Posidonius, was when “regnum fuit penes sapientes” (Seneca, <i>Epistle</i> 90. 5).",
+            "§ 148. <i>Torch</i>. The figure of the torch-race is very common. Considering, however, Philo’s love for Plato, it is reasonable to suppose that he is thinking of the mention of it at the beginning of the <i>Republic</i>, 328 A. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Laws</i> 776 B.",
+            "§ 160. <i>A human voice</i>. Philo is here attacking Epicureanism. For the Epicurean doctrine that pleasure is the end aimed at by every living creature see Diogenes Laertius x. 128. Thus the serpent’s use of a human voice is interpreted as an allegory showing how vocal and popular that School was. Philo, like most of its opponents, ignores the fact that Epicurus expressly refused to identify pleasure with material pleasures.",
+            "§§ 170, 171. The opinions here assailed are (1) that God’s existence is doubtful, held by the Sceptics; (2) that the world is without beginning (ἀγένητος), held, according to Philo’s own statement in <i>De Aet.</i> 10, by Aristotle; the contrary was maintained by Pythagoras, Plato, and the Stoics (<i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 575); (3) the plurality of worlds, originally held by Democritus (see <i>Timaeus</i> 31 A, and Archer-Hind’s note), and afterwards by the Epicureans; (4) that there is no such thing as Providence. This Epicurean tenet is too familiar from Lucretius and other writers to need illustration, but see Diogenes Laertius x. 77, 113, 139."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על בריאת העולם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "key": "On the Account of the World's Creation",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,327 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על קורבנות הבל וקין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE BIRTH OF ABEL AND THE SACRIFICES OFFERED BY HIM AND BY HIS BROTHER CAIN (DE SACRIFICIIS ABELIS ET CAINI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The main theme of this treatise is the interpretation of Gen. 4:2–4.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 2 I. (1–10). He added to this that she brought forth his brother Abel.",
+            "II. (11–49). And Abel became a shepherd of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the land.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 3 III. (50–87). And it came to pass after some days that Cain brought of the fruits of the earth as a sacrifice to the Lord.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 4 IV. (88-end). And Abel brought also himself of the first-born of his sheep and of their fats.",
+            "In I. Philo principally meditates on the word “added,” the subject of which he assumes to be God. He holds that addition always implies a removal of something and thus the birth of the Abel attitude of mind, which refers all things to God, implies the removal of the opposite Cain attitude. His thought then passes (5) to the phrase used of the patriarchs “he was added to his people.” He makes comparisons in this respect between Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, thought of as the three who learn respectively by teaching, nature, and practice, and finally contrasts them (8) with Moses, who is not “added” but translated to God’s presence.",
+            "The treatment of II. opens (11) with a discussion as to why Abel the younger is mentioned in <i>v.</i> 2 before his elder brother, the answer being that vice is older in point of time, but virtue in point of worth. This is illustrated (15) from experience of life, for the philosophical calm comes later than the passions of youth, then (17) from the story of Jacob and Esau, and finally (19) by the law of Deut. 21:15–17, that the first-born who is the child of the hated wife (<i>i.e.</i> Virtue) is not to be disinherited in favour of the younger child of the beloved wife (<i>i.e.</i> Vice). This leads Philo on to the elaborate allegory (20–44) of the two, as courtesan and chaste woman, pressing their claims upon the mind. Virtue’s harangue, beginning 28, which contains what is probably the most formidable catalogue of bad qualities ever drawn up (32), includes an impassioned eulogy of toil (35–41) and ends with some loosely connected thoughts (43–44) on the inferior value of the secular learning. Her pleading prevails with the mind (45), which becomes what Abel was—a shepherd, and thus we resume the real consideration of the text. The true shepherd controls the unreasoning, but not vicious, faculties (46) and the greatness of the calling is illustrated from various verses in the Pentateuch (48–51). We should here expect some similar interpretation of Cain’s occupation, but Philo dismisses this with the remark that he has treated it in an earlier book (51).",
+            "III. The charges brought against Cain in <i>v.</i> 3 are (<i>a</i>) that he offered only “after some days,” (<i>b</i>) that he offered of the fruits, but not of the first-fruits. The first naturally leads to a homily (53) on the duty of ready service. The causes of tardiness are discussed and rebuked by appropriate texts (54–57), and an example of ready thankfulness is found (59) in the story of Abraham, when he bids Sarah <i>hasten</i> to prepare a meal for the angelic visitors of Gen. 18. Two side thoughts are suggested by this story, (1) an interpretation of the three measures of meal (59), (2) of the phrase “buried cakes” (<i>i.e.</i>, cakes baked in the ashes (60) which Philo explains as the duty of reticence about sacred truths; and as this phrase is also used of the dough brought out of Egypt, we are led on to some thoughts about the symbolism of the passover (60–63). We return (64) to the duty of avoiding delay, and Philo dwells on the timelessness of God’s actions, which we should imitate in our worship (64–68). This is contrasted (69) with Pharaoh’s postponement of Moses’ prayers on his behalf, which again is compared with the human tendency to seek help in misfortune from earthly remedies rather than from God (70–71).",
+            "The second charge brought against the Cain spirit necessitates an examination of what “first-fruits” are. They must be first in “value,” <i>i.e.</i> virtues (73), but the ἀπαρχή or “first offering” of these is rather an εὐχαριστητικὸς λόγος or body of pious meditation. At this point (74–75) Philo, remembering that in Lev. 2:14 the offering is to be “new, roasted, sliced, pounded,” passes on to an examination of these four, which are treated with much richness of thought. The substance of our meditation must be fresh inspired thoughts (76–79) which will supersede the old-world learning of the schools, dear as that is to Philo (78). It must be hardened by the fire of close reasoning (80–81). It must be “sliced” or divided by careful analysis and classification of the thoughts under their proper headings (82–85), and finally it must be “pounded,” <i>i.e.</i> made part of ourselves by the discipline of repeated meditation (85–87).",
+            "IV. The introduction of the subject of Abel’s offering of the first-born of his sheep is immediately followed by a quotation of the directions with regard to the offering of the first-born in Exod. 13:11–13, and the sections 90–117 are almost entirely short homilies on the different parts of this passage. Thus (<i>a</i>) the time of the offering is put at the entrance to Canaan, the “wavering reasoning” from which God means us to escape (90); (<i>b</i>) we have then an apologetic discussion of the words “God sware,” showing that such expressions are a concession to the human tendency to anthropomorphism (91–96); (<i>c</i>) by reading an “if” into the words “and shall give thee,” he draws his favourite moral that we can only give what God has given (97); (<i>d</i>) dwelling on the words “thou shalt set apart” or “separate,” he argues that the ideas of God which we offer to Him must be kept apart from lower and profane conceptions of Him (98–101); (<i>e</i>) “the males to the Lord” means that while the male offspring of the soul are the virtues, those of the “beasts” or senses are such as are kept under control of the mind (102–106); (<i>f</i>) we have an illustrative digression on the similar command in Numb. 15:19–20, to make offering from the “mixture,” <i>i.e.</i> our compound being, and a contrast with the offerings of perfection, in which there is no setting apart (107–112); (<i>g</i>) on the last verse of Exod. 13:11–13, “all that openeth the womb of the ass, thou shalt exchange it for a sheep, but if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it,” we are told that the ass is labour, the sheep progress, and that labour, at least in the case of things indifferent, is futile, unless it brings progress, and if futile must be “redeemed,” <i>i.e.</i> set free (112–116).",
+            "At this point the word “redeemed” seems to lead Philo to a different line of thought. What is meant by the saying that the Levites were a ransom or redemption for the first-born? Levi—‘sanctified Reason,’ Israel’s first-born, is accepted by God before Reuben, Jacob’s first-born, ‘natural ability’ (118–121). But it means also that the wise are the ransom for the fools. This was shown in God’s willingness to spare Sodom for the sake of ten righteous, and we see it in the saving influence of good men in a commonwealth, and so in the commonwealth of the individual virtuous thoughts redeem the evil (121–126). This last explains the saying that the cities of the Levites are “ransomed for ever,” for this ransom of the soul is a perpetual process (127). This again leads on to a discussion why these cities were assigned as a refuge for the homicide. The Levite like the homicide is a fugitive—from natural ties (129). He too has slain—wicked doctrines as in Exod. 32. (130), and he represents the merciful side of God’s legislative power, as the homicide does the punitive, for he slew “whom the Lord delivered into his hand” (131–133). Finally, when the sanctification of the Levite is assigned to the day when God smote Egypt, we are taught that since that smiting is perpetual, the sanctification is also perpetual (134–135).",
+            "We return for a moment to Abel and his offering of the fat, but pass at once to a comment on the fact that neither heart nor brain, the seat of the dominant principle, appear in the sacrificial ritual. Only when this mind of ours has been purged of its tendency to lapses will it be admitted as a proper part of the ὁλοκαύτωμα or “whole burnt offering” (136-end).",
+            "There are two special points in connexion with the text which require mention.",
+            "The first is that we have for this treatise and that of <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> the valuable help of a papyrus discovered in Upper Egypt in 1889. Not only is this papyrus considerably older than the other MSS. to which it is most akin, but the analysis given by Cohn goes far to justify his opinion that it presents on the whole a better text.",
+            "The other is the history of the sections 21–32, which do not appear in this place in Mangey’s edition nor in Yonge’s translation. These sections containing the allegory of the two women had been incorporated in an otherwise spurious treatise, <i>De Mercede Meretricis.</i> In consequence the archetype of the MSS. from which Turnebus made his edition of 1552 omitted them here, and this was followed in subsequent editions. That their proper place is in this treatise is shown not only by their presence in other MSS., but also by the evidence that Ambrose, whose treatise on Cain and Abel draws largely from Philo, evidently had these sections before him."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] And He added to this that she brought forth Abel his brother (Gen. 4:2). The addition of one thing implies the removal of some other, as in the case of arithmetical quantities or of our successive inward thoughts.",
+                "[2] If we must say that Abel was added we must suppose that Cain was taken away. In case these unfamiliar terms may cause perplexity to many, I will attempt to give as clear an account as I can of the underlying philosophical thought. It is a fact that there are two opposite and contending views of life, one which ascribes all things to the mind as our master, whether we are using our reason or our senses, in motion or at rest, the other which follows God, whose handiwork it believes itself to be. The first of these views is figured by Cain who is called Possession, because he thinks he possesses all things, the other by Abel, whose name means “one who refers (all things) to God.”",
+                "[3] Now both these views or conceptions lie in the womb of the single soul. But when they are brought to the birth they must needs be separated, for enemies cannot live together for ever. Thus so long as the soul had not brought forth the God-loving principle in Abel, the self-loving principle in Cain made her his dwelling. But when she bore the principle which acknowledges the Cause, she abandoned that which looks to the mind with its fancied wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[4] This will be shown still more clearly by the oracle which was given to Rebecca or Patience (Gen. 25:21 ff.). She had conceived the two contending natures of good and evil and considered earnestly, as wisdom bade her, the character of both, when she perceived them leaping and as in a skirmish preluding the war that should be between them. And therefore she besought God to show her what had befallen her, and how it might be remedied. He answered her question thus: “two nations are in thy womb.” That was what had befallen her—to bear both good and evil. But again “two peoples shall be separated from thy womb.” This is the remedy, that good and evil be separated and set apart from each other and no longer have the same habitation.",
+                "[5] So then when God added the good conviction Abel to the soul, he took away the foolish opinion Cain. So too, when Abraham left this mortal life, “he is added to the people of God” (Gen. 25:8), in that he inherited incorruption and became equal to the angels, for angels—those unbodied and blessed souls—are the host and people of God. In the same way again the Practiser Jacob, we read, is added to something better, when he left the worse (Gen. 49:33).",
+                "[6] Once more there is Isaac to whom was granted the higher gift of self-learnt knowledge. He too abandoned all such bodily elements as had been interwoven with the soul, and is added and allotted to another company; but not this time, with the others, to a people, but to a ‘race’ or ‘genus,’ as Moses says (Gen. 35:29). For genus is one, that which is above all, but people is a name for many.",
+                "[7] Those who have advanced to perfection as pupils under a teacher have their place among many others; for those who learn by hearing and instruction are no small number, and these he calls a people. But those who have dispensed with the instruction of men and have become apt pupils of God receive the free unlaboured knowledge and are translated into the genus of the imperishable and fully perfect. Theirs is a happier lot than the lot of the people, and in this sacred band Isaac stands confessed as a chorister."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[8] A further thought of the same nature is revealed to us.… There are still others, whom God has advanced even higher, and has trained them to soar above species and genus alike and stationed them beside himself. Such is Moses to whom He says “stand here with Me” (Deut. 5:31). And so when Moses was about to die we do not hear of him “leaving” or “being added” like those others. No room in him for adding or taking away. But through the ‘Word’ of the Supreme Cause he is translated (Deut. 34:5),  even through that Word by which also the whole universe was formed. Thus you may learn that God prizes the Wise Man as the world, for that same Word, by which He made the universe, is that by which He draws the perfect man from things earthly to Himself.",
+                "[9] And even when He sent him as a loan to the earthly sphere and suffered him to dwell therein, He gifted him with no ordinary excellence, such as that which kings and rulers have, wherewith to hold sway and sovereignty over the passions of the soul, but He appointed him as god, placing all the bodily region and the mind which rules it in subjection and slavery to him. “I give thee,” He says, “as god to Pharaoh” (Exod. 7:1); but God is not susceptible of addition or diminution, being fully and unchangeably himself.",
+                "[10] And therefore we are told that no man knows his grave (Deut. 34:6). For who has powers such that he could perceive the passing of a perfect soul to Him that “IS”? Nay I judge that the soul itself which is passing thus does not know of its change to better things, for at that hour it is filled with the spirit of God. For God does not consult with those whom He blesses as to the gifts He means to bestow. His wont is to extend His loving-kindness unstinted to those who have no thought of them.",
+                "Such is the meaning of the words that God added to the mind the birth of the perfect good. The good is holiness and the name of holiness is Abel."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] “And Abel became a shepherd of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the ground” (Gen. 4:2). Why is it that while he showed us Cain as older than Abel, he has now changed the order and mentions the younger first, when he comes to speak of their choice of occupations? For the probability was that the elder proceeded to his husbandry first, and the younger at a later time to his charge of the flock.",
+                "[12] But Moses sets no value on probabilities and plausibilities, but follows after truth in its purity. And when he comes alone to God apart from all, he frankly says that he has no gift of speech (by which he means that he has no desire for eloquence or persuasiveness), and this he says has been his condition from a few days ago when God first began to talk with him as His servant (Exod. 4:10).",
+                "[13] Those who have fallen into the surge and stormy sea of life must needs float on, not holding firmly to any strong support which knowledge gives, but trailed along by the flotsam of the probable and the plausible. But for the servant of God it is meet to hold fast to truth and spurn the fabulous inventions of eloquence, which are but baseless guesswork.",
+                "[14] What then is the special truth which here he brings before us? Surely that in point of time vice is senior to virtue, but that in point of value and honour the reverse is the case. And therefore when the birth of each is brought before us, Cain may have the precedence. When we make a comparison of the occupations of the two, Abel should take the lead.",
+                "[15] For when the life of man begins, from the very cradle till the time when the age of maturity brings the great change and quenches the fiery furnace of the passions, folly, incontinence, injustice, fear, cowardice, and all the kindred maladies of soul are his inseparable companions, and each of them is fostered and increased by nurses and tutors and by the fact that the rules and customs which impress and exercise their authority upon him expel piety and set up in its stead that superstition which is the sister of impiety.",
+                "[16] But when the prime is past, and the throbbing fever of the passions is abated, as though the storm winds had dropped, there begins in the man a late and hard-won calm. Virtue has lulled to rest the worst enemy of the soul, that commotion whose waves of passion follow each other in swift succession, and in that firm support of virtue he stands secure.",
+                "Thus vice will carry off the honour of precedence in time, virtue the precedence in repute and honour and good name. And to this truth we have a faithful witness in the legislator himself.",
+                "[17] For he shows us Esau, who is named after his folly, as elder in point of age, but it is to the younger brother named from his discipline and practice of things excellent, even Jacob, that he awards the prize of precedence. Yet Jacob will not judge himself worthy to accept this prize until, as in some contest of the arena, his adversary has surrendered in exhaustion and yielded up the victor’s crown to him who has waged war without parley or quarter against the passions. For Esau ‘sold,’ we read, the ‘birthright to Jacob’ (Gen. 25:33),",
+                "[18] in full admission that as the flute and lyre and the other instruments of music belong only to the musician, so all that is supreme in value, and all to which virtue gives its place of honour, belong not to any of the wicked, but to the lover of wisdom only."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[19] Again the same lesson is taught in a law which Moses enacts, a law both excellent and profitable. It runs thus. “If a man have two wives, one loved and the other hated, and each bear a son to him, and the son of her that is hated is the first-born, it shall be that on the day on which he allots his goods to his sons he shall not be able to give the right of the first-born to the son of her whom he loves, and set aside the first-born, the son of her whom he hates, but he shall acknowledge the first-born, the son of her whom he hates, to give him a double portion of all that he has gotten; for he is the beginning of his children, and to him belong the rights of the first-born” (Deut. 21:15–17).",
+                "[20] Mark well then, my soul, and understand who is she that is hated, and who is her son, and thou wilt straightway perceive that to this last alone and to none other belong the honours of the elder. For each of us is mated with two wives, who hate and loathe each other, and they fill the house of the soul with their jealous contentions. And one of these we love, because we find her winning and gentle, and we think her our nearest and dearest. Her name is pleasure. The other we hate; we think her rough, ungentle, crabbed and our bitter enemy. Her name is virtue.",
+                "[21] So Pleasure comes languishing in the guise of a harlot or courtesan. Her gait has the looseness which her extravagant wantonness and luxury has bred; the lascivious roll of her eyes is a bait to entice the souls of the young; her look speaks of boldness and shamelessness; her neck is held high; she assumes a stature which Nature has not given her; she grins and giggles; her hair is dressed in curious and elaborate plaits; under her eyes are pencil lines; her eyebrows are smothered in paint; she revels perpetually in the warmth of the bath; her flush is artificial; her costly raiment is broidered lavishly with flowers; bracelets and necklaces and every other feminine ornament wrought of gold and jewels hang round her; her breath is laden with fragrant scents; a strumpet of the streets, she takes the market-place for her home; devoid of true beauty, she pursues the false.",
+                "[22] In her train come a sample of her closest friends, villainy, recklessness, faithlessness, flattery, imposture, deceit, falsehood, perjury, impiety, injustice, profligacy; and taking her stand in their midst, like the leader of a chorus, she speaks thus to the Mind. “See here,” she says, “I have coffers containing all human blessings—such as belong to the gods are in heaven—and outside these coffers you will find no good thing. These I will open,",
+                "[23] if you will dwell with me, and give you unceasing and unstinted use and enjoyment of all that is therein. But first I wish to recount to you the multitude of joys within my store, so that if you assent it may be with willingness and gladness, and if you turn from them it will not be through ignorance that you refuse. With me you will find freedom from the sense of restraint, from the fear of punishment, from the stress of business, from the discipline of labour; you will find colours all and sundry, sweet modulations of melodious sounds, costly kinds of food and drink, abundant varieties of delicious perfumes, amours without ceasing, frolics unregulated, chamberings unrestricted, language unrepressed, deeds uncensored, life without care, sleep soft and sweet, satiety ever unfilled.",
+                "[24] If then you are willing to pass your time with me, I will be your cateress and give you from them all what accords with your wishes. I will join you in considering what food and drink would charm your palate, what sight would please your eyes, what sound your ears, what perfume your nostrils. And of all that you desire nothing shall fail, for you shall find fresh sweets ever springing up to replace and more than replace those which are consumed.",
+                "[25] For in the treasure-houses I have spoken of are evergreen plants, which bloom and bear fruit in constant succession, so that the fullness of the fresh fruit, each in their season, ever pursues and overtakes those that have already ripened. These plants never once have known the ravages of civil or foreign war, but from the day that earth took them to her bosom, she cherishes them like a kindly nurse. She makes their roots dive deep and fast below like foundations, she extends the growth above the ground till it soars to heaven. She brings forth branches, which imitate and answer to the hands and feet of living creatures. She causes leaves to bloom like hair, at once to shelter and adorn, and then at the last she gives the fruit, the crowning purpose of the whole process.”",
+                "[26] When the other heard this, standing as she was, hidden from sight, yet within earshot, she feared lest the Mind should unawares be made captive and enslaved, and carried away by this wealth of gifts and promises. She feared too lest he should yield to the spell of that countenance so well and cunningly dressed to deceive, for by her talismans and witchcrafts the sorceress was pricking him, and working in him the itch of desire. So suddenly coming forward she appeared with all the marks of a free-born citizen, a firm tread, a serene countenance, her person and her modesty alike without false colouring, her moral nature free from guile, her conduct from stain, her will from craft, her speech from falsehood, reflecting faithfully the honesty of her thoughts. Her carriage was unaffected, her movements quiet, her clothing plain, her adornment that of good sense and virtue, which is more precious than gold.",
+                "[27] And in her company came piety, holiness, truth, justice, religion, fidelity to oaths and bonds, righteousness, equity, fellow-feeling, self-control, temperance, orderliness, continence, meekness, frugality, contentment, modesty, a quiet temper, courage, nobility of spirit, good judgement, foresight, good sense, attentiveness, desire for amendment, cheerfulness, kindness, gentleness, mildness, humanity, high-mindedness, blessedness, goodness. The daylight will fail me while I recount the names of the specific virtues.",
+                "[28] Ranged on each side with her in their midst they formed her body-guard. She assuming her wonted mien thus began.",
+                "“I see yonder Pleasure, that lewd dealer in magic and inventor of fables, tricked out as for the stage, importunately seeking parley with you, and as it is my nature to hate evil, I feared lest being off your guard you should be deceived and consent to the worst of ills as though they were the highest good. Therefore, that you may not through sheer ignorance put from you aught that is to your advantage and purchase for yourself unwelcome misfortune, I judged it well to proclaim to you, before it was too late, the full truth of all that attaches to this woman.",
+                "[29] Know then that the finery with which she is bedizened is all borrowed. For of such things as make for true beauty she brings nothing—nothing that comes from herself and is indeed her own. But she has habited herself with a false and spurious comeliness, which is mere nets and snares to take you as her prey, and these, if you are wise, you will see in time and thus make her hunting of none effect. The sight of her is sweetness to your eyes, her voice like music ringing in your ears, but to the soul, the most precious of possessions, her nature is to work mischief through these and all other avenues.",
+                "Of what she has to give, she set before you in full such things as were bound to be pleasant hearing, but the innumerable others which do not make for ease and comfort, in malice prepense she hid from you, expecting that none would accept them lightly. But these too I will strip bare and set before you, and will not follow Pleasure’s way, to lay before you only what in me is attractive, and slur over and conceal what involves discomfort. Rather all such things as of themselves offer joy and delight I will pass in silence, for I know that they will speak for themselves in the language of facts, but all that spells pain and hardship I will set out in plain terms, without figure of speech, and show them openly, so that the nature of each may be clearly visible, even to those who see but dimly. For what of mine seems most to partake of ill shall be found by those who make trial thereof to be more beautiful and precious than the greatest goods which Pleasure has to give.",
+                "[30] But before I begin to speak of me and mine, I will bring to your mind as much as I can of what she left unsaid.",
+                "[31] For she told you of her treasured stores, of colours, sounds, scents, flavours, and all varieties, of the faculties born of touch and all forms of sense, and she heightened this sweetness with the seductiveness of her discourse. But there are other things which are part and parcel of her, the maladies and plagues which you must needs experience if you choose her gifts, and these she did not tell you, that carried off your feet by windy thoughts of some gain or other you might be caught in her net.",
+                "[32] Know then, my friend, that if you become a pleasure-lover you will be all these things:",
+                "unscrupulous, impudent, cross-tempered, unsociable, intractable, lawless, troublesome, passionate, headstrong, coarse, impatient of rebuke, reckless, evil-planning, ill to live with, unjust, inequitable, unfriendly, irreconcilable, implacable, covetous, amenable to no law, without friend, without home, without city, seditious, disorderly, impious, unholy, wavering, unstable, excommunicate, profane, accursed, a buffoon, unblest, murder-stained, low-minded, rude, beast-like, slavish, cowardly, incontinent, unseemly, shame-working, shame-enduring, unblushing, immoderate, insatiable, braggart, conceited, stubborn, mean, envious, censorious, quarrelsome, slanderous, vainglorious, deceitful, cheating, aimless, ignorant, stupid, dissident, [faithless], disobedient, unruly, a swindler, dissembling, mischievous, mistrustful, ill-reputed, skulking, unapproachable, abandoned, evil-minded, inconsistent, prating, garrulous, a babbler, windy-worded, a flatterer, dull-minded, unconsidering, unforeseeing, improvident, negligent, unpreparing, tasteless, erring, tripping, utterly failing, unregulated, unchampioned, lickerish, easily led, flaccid, pliable, full of cunning, double-minded, double-tongued, plot-hatching, treacherous, rascally, incorrigible, dependent, ever insecure, vagrant, agitated, a creature of impulse, an easy victim, frenzied, fickle, clinging to life, a glory-hunter, violent-tempered, ill-conditioned, sullen, disconsolate, quick to wrath, timorous, dilatory, dawdling, suspicious, faithless, stubborn, evil-thinking, a pessimist, lacrimose, malicious, maniacal, deranged, unformed, mischief-plotting, filthy-lucre-loving, selfish, servile, feud-loving, truckling to the mob, ill-managing, stiff-necked, womanish, decadent, dissolute, a scoffer, a glutton, a simpleton, a mass of misery and misfortune without relief.",
+                "[33] “Such then is the true story of that grand pageant which Pleasure, the lovely, the much coveted reveals. This truth she purposely concealed for fear lest, if you knew it, you should eschew association with her. But the riches of goodness that I have stored in my treasuries are such in number and greatness that none can tell of them as is their due. They who have already had part in them know them, and they too whose nature is attuned to them shall in their time know them, when they are bidden to sit down at that banquet, where you shall not find the pleasures that only bring the crammed belly and the bloated body, but where the mind ranging amid the virtues and nourished therewith rejoices and is glad."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] For this cause and because, as I said before, things holy in virtue of their essential goodness cannot but through their very nature have speech for us, though we pass them by in silence, I say no more about them. For neither do sun and moon need an interpreter, because their rising by day or night fills the whole world with light. Their shining is a proof that needs no further witness, established by the evidence of the eyes, an evidence clearer than the ears can give.",
+                "[35]But in my store there is one thing which seems especially to involve hardship and discomfort, and this I will tell you frankly without concealment; for though at the first encounter it seems on the surface painful to the imagination, practice makes it sweet and reflection shows it to be profitable. This thing is toil, the first and greatest of blessings, the enemy of ease, waging war to the death against pleasure.",
+                "[36] For in very truth, God has appointed toil as the beginning of all goodness and true worth to men, and without it you shall find that nothing excellent takes shape amongst mortal men. Toil is like light. Without light we cannot see, and neither the eye nor the colour is capable without the other of creating sight-perception; for before either, Nature created light to be a link between the two, a link which unites and connects the colour and the eye, while in the darkness each is powerless. And so the eye of the soul cannot grasp the practices of virtue, unless it take toil, like light, to co-operate with it. Toil stands midway between the mind and the excellence which the mind desires: with its right hand it draws to it the one, with its left the other, and of itself it creates that perfection of goodness, friendship and harmony between the two."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Choose any good thing whatsoever, and you will find that it results from and is established through toil. Piety and holiness are good, but we cannot attain to them save through the service of God, and service calls for earnest toil as its yoke-fellow. Prudence, courage, justice, all these are noble and excellent and perfectly good, yet we cannot acquire them by self-indulgent ease. It is much indeed if by constant care and practice there arise a kindliness between us and them. Service pleasing to God and to virtue is like an intense and severe harmony, and in no soul is there an instrument capable of sustaining it, without such frequent relaxation and unstringing of the chords that it descends from the higher forms of art to the lower.",
+                "[38] Yet even these lower forms demand much toil. Consider all who practise the school-learning, the so-called preparatory culture. Consider the labourers on the soil and all who get their living by some trade or profession. Neither by day nor night do they cast their cares aside, but always and everywhere they cease not to bear affliction, as the saying goes, in hand and foot and every faculty, so that often they choose death in its stead."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] But just as those who desire to have their soul attuned and favourable must needs cultivate the virtues of the soul, so those who purpose to gain the same qualities for their body must cultivate health and the powers that accompany health; and indeed all who take thought for the faculties within them, which combine to make them what they are, do so cultivate them with constant and unremitting toil.",
+                "[40] “You see then how good things spring and grow from toil as from a single root. Never therefore suffer yourself to lose your hold of toil, for with it will be lost, though you little know it, a vast heap of blessings. The Ruler indeed of all heaven and the world possesses and provides to whom He wills good things in ease absolute. Without toil He made this vast universe long ages ago, and now without toil He holds it in perpetual existence, for to know no weariness is an attribute most fitting to God. But it is not so with mortals. To them Nature has given no good thing to be acquired without toil, that here too God may alone be accounted happy—the one and only blessed being."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Toil, it seems to me, assumes a function similar to that of food. As food has made itself a necessity to life and has joined in the same connexion with itself all the conditions active or passive that are involved in life, so toil has made all good things dependent on itself. And therefore just as those who seek to live must not neglect food, so those who desire the acquisition of the good must make provision for toil, for it bears to the noble and excellent the same relation as food does to life.",
+                "“Never then despise toil, that from the one you may reap a multitude, even the harvest of every good thing.",
+                "[42] And so though you be the younger in birth you shall be accounted the elder and judged worthy of the elder’s place. And if your life to the end be a progress to the better, the Father will give you not only the birthright of the elder, but the whole inheritance, even as He did to Jacob, who overthrew the seat and foundation of passion—Jacob who confessed his life’s story in the words ‘God has had mercy on me and all things are mine’ (Gen. 33:11), words of sound doctrine and instruction for life, for on God’s mercy, as a sure anchor, all things rest."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] He had learnt this lesson under Abraham, who stood as grandfather to his early training, who gave to wise Isaac all his wealth (Gen. 25:5), leaving nothing for the false bastard thoughts bred of his concubines, save little gifts for those of little worth. For the real wealth, the perfect virtues, are the possessions of the perfect and true-born only. But the secondary things of the daily duties are fitting to the imperfect, who have risen only to the primary learning of the schools. These have Hagar and Keturah for their source, Hagar meaning ‘sojourning,’ and Keturah ‘incense-burning.’",
+                "[44] For he who contents himself with the secular learning only does but sojourn and is not domiciled with wisdom. He sheds indeed over the soul, as it were, a sweet fragrance from the exquisite niceties of his studies, but yet it is food, not fragrance, that he needs for his health. The sense of smell is but the minister of the sense of taste; she is as the slave who tastes each dish before the monarch; we call her indeed a useful contrivance of nature, yet only an underling. And the sovereign forms of knowledge must ever be served above the subject, and the native-born above the alien sojourner.”",
+                "[45] After hearing this the mind turns away from pleasure and cleaves to virtue, for it apprehends her loveliness, so pure, so simple, so holy to look upon. Then too it becomes a shepherd of the sheep, one who guides the chariot and controls the helm of the unreasoning faculties of the soul, who does not suffer them to be swept away in disorder and discord, without a master or a guide, lest their unbridled instincts come to perdition, when they lack the protection and control of a father’s hand, and help is far away."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[46] Surely when the Practiser submitted to “shepherd the sheep of Laban” (Gen. 30:36), of him, that is, whose thoughts are fixed on colours and shapes and lifeless bodies of every kind, he felt that it was a task most congenial to virtue. And note that he does not tend all the sheep, “but those that were left” (<i>ibid.</i>). What does this mean? Unreasonableness is of two kinds. One is the unreasonableness that defies convincing reason, as when men call the foolish man unreasonable. The other is the state from which reason is eliminated, as with the unreasoning animals.",
+                "[47] The first of these, the unreasoning movements of the mind, I mean the activities which defy convincing reason, are the charge of the sons of Laban, who were “three days’ journey away” (<i>ibid.</i>), a parable which tells us that they were severed for all time from a good life; for time has three divisions, compounded as it is of past, present and future. But the forces which are unreasonable in the other sense, not those which defy right reason, but merely lack reason (and in these the unreasoning animals participate), the Man of Practice will not disdain to tend. He feels that error has befallen them not so much through sinful wickedness, as through untutored ignorance.",
+                "[48] Ignorance is an involuntary state, a light matter, and its treatment through teaching is not hopeless. But wickedness is a wilful malady of the soul, and its action is such that to remove it is hard, if indeed it is not hopeless.",
+                "Thus Jacob’s sons, trained under an all-wise father, may go down into Egypt the passion-loving body, and meet with Pharaoh the disperser of the good, who deems himself the sovereign of the animal and the composite; yet they will not be dazzled by his lavish pomp and splendour, but will confess that they are shepherds of sheep, and not only they, but their fathers also (Gen. 47:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] And indeed no one could in power and sovereignty find so lofty a cause for boasting as these can in their office as shepherds. Surely to those who can reason it is a prouder task than kingship to have the strength to rule, as a king in a city or country, over the body and the senses and the belly, and the pleasures whose seat is below the belly, and the other passions and the tongue and in general all our compound being—aye and to rule them with vigour and with a right strong yet ever-gentle hand. For like the charioteer he must sometimes give the rein to his team, sometimes pull them in and draw them back, when they rush too wildly in unreined career towards the world of external things.",
+                "[50] How admirable again is the example of Moses the guardian of the laws, who, judging the business of a shepherd to be a great and glorious task, took it upon himself. For we find him ruling and leading the thoughts and counsels of the worldling Jethro and drawing them away from the absorbing crowd and tumult of the citizen’s life into the lonely land where injustice is not; for he “led his sheep down into the wilderness” (Exod. 3:1).",
+                "[51] It is a natural consequence of what we have said, that “every shepherd of sheep is an abomination to the Egyptians” (Gen. 46:34). For the right reason which is our pilot and guide to things excellent is an abomination to all who love the passions, just as really foolish children hate their teachers and tutors and every form of reason which would warn them and bring them to wisdom. And we find Moses saying that “he will sacrifice to God the abominations of Egypt” (Exod. 8:26), meaning thereby the virtues, these offerings unblemished and most worthy, which are the abominations of every fool.",
+                "With good reason then is Abel who refers all that is best to God called a shepherd, while Cain who refers them to himself and his own mind is called a tiller of the soil. But what is meant by a tiller of the soil (Gen. 4:2) I have shown in earlier books."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] “And it came to pass after some days that Cain brought of the fruits of the earth as an offering to God” (Gen. 4:3). There are two charges against the self-lover: one that he made his thank-offering to God “after some days,” instead of at once; the other that he offered of the fruits and not of the earliest fruits, or in a single word the first-fruits. Let us examine each of the charges, taking first that which is first in order.",
+                "[53] Our good deeds should be done in the spirit of eagerness to anticipate the call, and with slackness and hesitation put right away; and the best of deeds is to do without delay the pleasure of the Primal Good. And therefore it is commanded “if thou vowest a vow, delay not to pay it” (Deut. 23:21). Now the vow is a request of good things from God, and this commandment bids him, whose hopes have been fulfilled, to give the crown of honour to God and not to himself, and to give that crown, if it may be, without delay or loss of time.",
+                "[54] Those who fail in this fall into three classes. The first are those who through forgetfulness of their blessings have lost that great treasure, the spirit of thankfulness. The second are those who through overweening pride think that they themselves have caused the good things which have fallen to them, and not He who is the true cause. But there is also a third class who are guilty of an error less blameworthy than these last, but more so than the first named. They accept the Ruling Mind as the cause of the good, yet they say that these good things are their natural inheritance. They claim that they are prudent, courageous, temperate, and just, and are therefore in the sight of God counted worthy of His favours."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] To each of these the sacred pages have their counterword. To the first, with whom memory is dead and oblivion strong and living, the scripture says: “When thou hast eaten and art filled, and hast built fair houses and dwelt in them, and thy sheep and oxen are increased, and thy silver and gold and all that thou hast is multiplied, take heed lest thou be uplifted in thy heart and forget the Lord thy God” (Deut. 8:12–14). When then wilt thou not forget God? Only when thou dost not forget thyself. For if thou rememberest thine own nothingness in all things, thou wilt also remember the transscendence of God in all things.",
+                "[56] But him that believes himself to be the cause of the good things which befall him the scripture recalls to wisdom thus: “Say not ‘my strength or the might of my hand hath gotten me all this power,’ but thou shalt keep ever in remembrance the Lord thy God who gave thee strength to get power” (Deut. 8:17 f.).",
+                "[57] The third, he, that is, who thinks himself worthy of the possession and enjoyment of good, may learn a better lesson from the oracle which says “Not for thy righteousness nor for the holiness of thy heart dost thou go into the land to inhabit it,” but first “because of the iniquity of these nations,” since God visited their wickedness with destruction, and next “that he might establish the covenant which he sware to our fathers” (Deut. 9:5). Now the covenant of God is an allegory of His gifts of grace, and it may not be that any of His gifts should be imperfect. Thus, all the bounty of the Uncreated must be perfect and complete. But amongst all existing things the one that is complete is virtue and virtuous actions.",
+                "[58] If then we destroy forgetfulness and ingratitude and self-love and their parent vice, vainglory, we shall no longer through backwardness fall short of true service, but passing over things created, and staying not to embrace aught that is mortal, we shall run and leap to meet our Master, having made ourselves ready to do His bidding."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] For Abraham went with all zeal and speed and eagerness and bade Sarah (that is Virtue) hasten and knead three measures of meal and make “buried” cakes (Gen. 18:6), when God came attended by His two highest potencies, sovereignty and goodness, and He, the one between the two, called up before the eye of the soul, which has power to see, three separate visions or aspects. Each of these aspects, though not subject itself to measurement—for God and His potencies are alike uncircumscribed—is the measure of all things. His goodness is the measure of things good, His sovereignty of its subjects, and the Ruler Himself is the measure of all things corporeal and incorporeal, and it is to serve Him that these two potencies assume the functions of rules and standards, and measure what lies within their province.",
+                "[60] It is well that these three measures should be as it were kneaded and blended in the soul, that she, convinced that God who is above all exists—God who overtops His potencies in that He is visible apart from them and yet is revealed in them—may receive the impression of His sovereignty and beneficence. Thus too, being admitted into the inmost mysteries, she will learn not to blab or babble them thoughtlessly, but to store them up and guard them in secrecy and silence. For it is written “make buried cakes,” because the sacred story that unveils to us the truth of the Uncreated and His potencies must be buried, since the knowledge of divine rites is a trust which not every comer can guard aright."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[61] The stream that issues through the mouth and tongue of the ill-controlled soul floods in wherever there are ears to hear. Some of these have spacious cisterns which retain the influx. Others, because the passages are narrow, cannot imbibe the stream, and the overflow pouring forth unchecked is dispersed in all directions, while to its surface rise and float the secret truths, and thus like a mass of flotsam our most precious treasures are borne away in the current.",
+                "[62] And therefore they, who became partakers in the lesser before the greater mysteries, judged wisely, as I think, for they “baked their dough which they brought out of Egypt into buried unleavened cakes” (Exod. 12:39), that is, they kneaded the savage untamed passion with aid of reason that softened it as though it were food. And the method by which they softened it and wrought it to something better was revealed to them by divine inspiration, and they did not utter it aloud, but treasured it in silence. Their hearts were not lifted up by the revelation; rather they were bowed in submission, and all proud thoughts were humbled."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] Let us then say nay to all hesitation, and present ourselves ever up-girded and ready to give thanks and honour to the Almighty. For we are bidden to keep the Passover, which is the passage from the life of the passions to the practice of virtue, “with our loins girded” ready for service. We must grip the material body of flesh, that is the sandals, with “our feet,” that stand firm and sure. We must bear “in our hands the staff” of discipline, to the end that we may walk without stumbling through all the business of life. Last of all we must eat our meal “in haste” (Exod. 12:11). For it is no mortal passage, since it is called the passover of the Uncreate and Immortal one. And right fitly is it so called, for there is no good thing which is not divine and is not of God.",
+                "[64] Be this then thy quest, my soul, and that quickly, even as it was with the Practiser Jacob. He, when his father asked him “What is this that thou hast found so quickly, my son?” replied (and the words convey an important truth), “It is what the Lord God set before me” (Gen. 27:20). Long experience had taught him that what the world of creation gives to the soul it makes secure only after long time, as it is with those who impart the arts and their rules to their pupils. They cannot at once fill to the brim the mind of the beginners, as one fills a vessel. But when the fountain of wisdom, God, imparts each form of knowledge to the mortal race, He needs not time for the work. Such persons become apt disciples of the only wise Being and discover quickly what they seek."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] Now the first virtue of beginners is to desire that their imperfection may imitate as far as possible the perfection of the teacher. But the divine Teacher is swifter even than time, for not even when He created the Universe did time co-operate with Him, since time itself only came into being with the world. God spake and it was done—no interval between the two—or it might suggest a truer view to say that His word was deed. Now even amongst us mortals there is nothing swifter than word, for the outrush of the parts of speech leaves behind the hearer’s understanding of them.",
+                "[66] As the perennial streams which pour through the outlets of their springs never cease their motion, and cannot rest, for the oncoming flow ever impels them, so the current of words, when it begins to move, keeps pace with that swiftest of things in us—swifter than the flight of birds—the understanding. Thus as the Uncreated anticipates all created being, so the word of the Uncreated outruns the word of the created, though that ride with all speed upon the clouds. Therefore it is that He does not hesitate to say, “now thou shalt see if my word shall overtake thee or not” (Numb. 11:23), implying that the divine word has outrun and overtaken all things.",
+                "[67] But if the word has proved swifter than all, much more is it so with Him who speaks, as He testifies in another place. “Here I stand there before thou wast” (Exod. 17:6). He shows hereby that His subsistence is before all created being, and that He who is here exists also there and elsewhere and everywhere, for He has filled all wholly and entirely and left nothing where His presence is not.",
+                "[68] For He does not say “I will stand here and there,” but even now, when I am present here, I stand at the same time there also. My motion is not one of transference in space, where the traveller leaves one place when he occupies another, but it is a motion of self-extension and self-expansion.",
+                "Necessarily then do His loyal children imitate their Father’s nature and, with a forwardness that brooks no delay, do what is excellent, and the most excellent deed of all is before aught else to honour God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] But Pharaoh the “Disperser of the excellent” cannot receive the vision of timeless values, for the eyes of the soul, whereby alone incorporeal natures are apprehended, are blinded in him, nor will he bring himself to get help through what is timeless. When he is plagued by the frogs, those soulless opinions and conjectures, which produce noise and sound destitute and devoid of all reality, Moses said to him, “Appoint with me a time, when I shall pray for thee and thy servants, to take away the frogs” (Exod. 8:9). Though in that dire strait he should have said “Pray for me at once,” he puts it off with the word “to-morrow.” He must needs maintain to the end the unchanging level of his godlessness.",
+                "[70] This is the case with almost all the Facing-both-ways, even though they do not admit it in so many words. When anything befalls them which they would not, since they have never had any firm faith in God their Saviour, they first flee to the help which things created give, to physicians, herbs, drug-mixtures, strict rules of diet, and all the other aids that mortals use. And if one say to them, “Flee, ye fools, to the one and only physician of soul-sickness and cast away the help, miscalled as such, of the created and the mutable,” they laugh and mock, and all their answer is “tomorrow for that,” as though, whatever may befall, they would never supplicate God to save them from the ills that beset them.",
+                "[71] But when no human help avails, and all things, even healing remedies, prove to be but mischievous, then out of the depths of their helplessness, despairing of all other aid, still even in their misery reluctant, at this late hour they betake themselves to the only saviour, God. He, for He knows that what is done under stress of necessity has no sure foundation, does not in all cases follow His law (of mercy), but only when it may be followed for good and with profit.",
+                "So then every imagination which counts that all things are its own possession and honours itself before God—and such a mind is shown by the words “to sacrifice after some days”—may know that it stands in danger to be brought to the judgement-bar for impiety."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] We have now sufficiently considered the first charge against Cain. The second was as follows. Why does he make his offering of firstlings from the fruits instead of from the first-fruits? Surely for the same reason, namely to give the first honour to created being and render only the second to God. For as there are some who prefer the body to the soul, the slave to the mistress, so there are those who have honoured the created rather than God. And yet the Lawgiver laid down that we should bring “the firstlings of the first-fruits of the land into the house of the Lord God” (Exod. 23:19), and not ascribe them to ourselves. For it is right that we should acknowledge as belonging to God all the movements of the soul that come first either in order or in value.",
+                "[73] The first in order are those in which we became at once participators, when we came into existence, taking nourishment, growth, sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch, reason, mind, the parts of the soul, the parts of the body, their activities, in general their natural movements and states. The first in worth and value are righteous conduct, virtues, and virtuous actions.",
+                "[74] Of these then it is right to offer the firstlings, and the firstlings are the word of thanksgiving, sent up out of a true and sincere mind. This thank-offering we should divide into its proper sections, just as the lyre and other musical instruments have their parts. There each of the notes has music in itself and also is fully adapted to make harmony with another. Or again in the alphabet the vocals or vowels are each sounded by themselves and also with the consonants form entire and single sounds.",
+                "[75] So with ourselves, for nature has framed in us manifold powers of sense-perception and reason and intelligence, each attuned to some function of its own, and also she has so adjusted them all in due proportion, that they work in unity and harmony with each other. Whether we consider each severally or all together, we may justly say that nature has indeed been happy in her work."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[76] Wherefore, “if you bring an offering of first-fruits,” make such division as Holy Writ prescribes (Lev. 2:14). First the new, then the roasted, then the sliced, and last the ground.",
+                "The new is for the following reason. To those who cling to the old-world days with their fabled past and have not realized the instantaneous and timeless power of God, it is a lesson bidding them accept ideas that are new and fresh and in the vigour of youth. It bids them feed no more on effete fables, which the long course of the ages has handed down for the deception of mortal kind, and thus be filled with false opinions, but rather receive in full and generous measure new, fresh, blessed thoughts from the ever ageless God. So shall they be schooled to understand that with Him nothing is ancient, nothing at all past, but all is in its birth and existence timeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] And therefore in another place we find, “thou shalt rise up away from the head of the hoary and thou shalt honour the head of the elder” (Lev. 19:32). He suggests a vast contrast between the two words. For by “hoary” is meant time which has no activity, from whose presence we must hurry to depart and shun the illusion which deceives the multitude, that time is capable of effecting anything. By “elder” is meant he that is worthy of honour and privilege and high place, and to approve such was the task entrusted to Moses, the friend of God. For “whom thou knowest,” it runs, “these are the elders” (Numb. 11:16), meaning that he would welcome no mere innovation, but his wont is to love the truths that come from older days and are worthy of the highest reverence.",
+                "[78] No doubt it is profitable, if not for the acquisition of perfect virtue, at any rate for the life of civic virtue, to feed the mind on ancient and timehonoured thoughts, to trace the venerable tradition of noble deeds, which historians and all the family of poets have handed down to the memory of their own and future generations. But when, unforeseen and unhoped for, the sudden beam of self-inspired wisdom has shone upon us, when that wisdom has opened the closed eye of the soul and made us spectators rather than hearers of knowledge, and substituted in our minds sight, the swiftest of senses, for the slower sense of hearing, then it is idle any longer to exercise the ear with words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] And so we read “ye shall eat the old and older yet, but also bear out the old from the face of the new” (Lev. 26:10). The meaning is this. We must not indeed reject any learning that has grown grey through time, nay, we should make it our aim to read the writings of the sages and listen to proverbs and old-world stories from the lips of those who know antiquity, and ever seek for knowledge about the men and deeds of old. For truly it is sweet to leave nothing unknown. Yet when God causes the young shoots of self-inspired wisdom to spring up within the soul, the knowledge that comes from teaching must straightway be abolished and swept off. Ay, even of itself it will subside and ebb away. God’s scholar, God’s pupil, God’s disciple, call him by whatever name you will, cannot any more suffer the guidance of men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] Again, let the fresh ripeness of the soul be “roasted,” that is tested by the might of reason, as gold is tested by the furnace. The sign that it has been tested and approved is its solidity. For as the grain in the full-grown ears is roasted, that it may no longer be soft and flaccid, and this result can only be attained by fire, so too young aspirations to the ripeness of virtue must be made solid and steadfast by the invincible power of reason. Reason indeed not only can harden within the soul the principles it has acquired and save them from looseness and dissolution, but it also has the vigour to reduce to weakness the impulses of unreasoning passion.",
+                "[81] Behold the Practiser Jacob “seething” these impulses, and then the next moment we find Esau “fainting” (Gen. 25:29). For the bad man is based on vice and passion and, when he sees the props on which he rests conquered and robbed of strength by the reason which convicts them, he must in natural consequence find the bonds loosened which knit his strength together.",
+                "[82] But again this reason must not be a confused mass, but divided into its proper sections. This is the meaning of “slicing” the offering. Order is better than disorder everywhere, but especially in that nature of swiftest outflow, reason."
+            ],
+            [
+                "It must therefore be divided into main or leading thoughts, the so-called ‘relevant topics,’ and each of these must be provided with its properly constructed development. In this way we shall imitate the skilled archers, who set up a target and aim all their arrows at it. For the main thought is like the target and the developments like the arrows.",
+                "[83] In this way we weave into a harmonious whole that noblest of garments, reason; for the lawgiver cuts the plate of gold into threads, to weave them each in its fitting place into a lasting whole (Exod. 36:10). And so reason, which is more precious than gold, the rich and manifold union of myriad forms, is brought to its excellent perfection, if first it be shredded into the utmost nicety of leading thoughts and points, and then through these the arguments and demonstrations which they need are passed like woof through the warp.",
+                "[84] Further, there is the command that, when the victim destined to be burnt whole has been flayed, it shall be divided into its limbs (Lev. 1:6), in order that first the soul should be seen in its nakedness without the covering with which false and idle conjectures invest it, and then be divided as the limbs demand. It is virtue which is the whole and is seen as a genus, and it is then divided into its primary species, prudence, temperance, courage, and justice, so that observing the distinctions between each of these we may undertake willing service to them both severally and together.",
+                "[85] Let us see to it that we exercise our soul stripped of its encumbrances, that it be not confused and deceived by vague, wholesale, indiscriminate ideas of things, but may divide and classify such things as come before it, and look closely into each, so that it may make its scrutiny with strictest care. And so too we must train our reason, which so long as it flows in disordered current can only create obscurity, but when divided into its proper heads, with the arguments and demonstrations suited to each, will like a living animal be compacted of parts complete in themselves, and made into a harmonious whole.",
+                "Once more, if these things are to be our lasting possession we must continually exercise and discipline ourselves therein. For contact with knowledge without abiding in it is as if we should taste food or drink, and then be barred from receiving its nourishment to the full."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] So after the “slicing” must come the “pounding,” that is, after division and classification we must continually dwell in and linger over the thoughts presented to our minds. Continued exercise makes solid knowledge, as its absence makes ignorance. We see how great is the multitude of those who, through shirking bodily training, have enfeebled their natural strength. Not such an example did those follow who fed their soul with the heavenly food called manna. They ground and chafed it and made of it “buried” cakes (Numb. 11:8), judging it right to crush and grind virtue’s heaven-sent discourse, that its impress on their understanding might be the firmer.",
+                "[87] When then you acknowledge as God wills these four things, the new,’ that is the blossom or vigour; the ‘roasted,’ that is the fire-tested and invincible reason; the ‘sliced,’ that is the division of things into their classes; the ‘pounded,’ that is the persistent practice and exercise in what the mind has grasped, you will bring an offering of the first-fruits, even the first and best offspring of the soul. Yet even if we are slow to do this, He Himself is not slow to take to Himself those who are fit for His service. “I will take you,” He says, “to be My people and I will be your God (Exod. 6:7), and ye shall be to Me a people. I am the Lord” (Lev. 26:12)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] Such were the charges brought against Cain who made his offering after many days. But Abel brought other offerings and in other manner. His offering was living, Cain’s was lifeless. His was first in age and value, Cain’s but second. His had strength and superior fatness, Cain’s had but weakness. For we are told that Abel offered of the firstlings of the sheep and of their fat (Gen. 4:4).",
+                "[89] And thus he fulfilled the sacred ordinance, “It shall be when the Lord thy God has brought thee into the land of the Canaanites, as He sware to thy fathers, and shall give it unto thee, thou shalt separate everything that opens the womb that is male unto the Lord; everything that opens the womb from thy herds among thy cattle, all that are born to thee, the males to the Lord. All that opens the womb of an ass, thou shalt exchange for a sheep; but if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it”(Exod. 13:11–13). That which opens the womb is the first-born, that is Abel’s gift, and the time and method of this offering is a matter for thy search.",
+                "[90] The fittest time indeed is when God has brought thee where reason is tossed to and fro, that is to the land of the Canaanites. He brought thee there in no random manner, but according to His own oath. And He brought thee there not to be carried hither and thither, ever passive amid the surge and eddy and swirl, but that quit of the wild sea thou shouldst spend thy days under clear sky and in calm water, and reaching virtue as an anchorage or roadstead, or haven of most sure shelter, mightest there find a stable resting-place."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] But, when he tells us that God sware an oath, we must consider whether he lays down that such a thing can with truth be ascribed to God, since to thousands it seems unworthy of Him. For our conception of an oath is an appeal to God as a witness on some disputed matter. But nothing is uncertain or open to dispute with God.",
+                "[92] He it is who has shown to all others plainly the signs whereby they may know the truth. Truly He needs no witness, for there is no other god to be His peer. I need not argue that he who bears witness, in so far as he is a witness, is superior to him for whom the witness is given. For the one craves help, the other renders it, and the latter condition is always more excellent than the former. But there is nothing better than the Cause—even to think the thought were blasphemy—since there is nothing equal to Him, or even but a little below. The gulf that separates God from what comes next to Him is one of kind and nature.",
+                "[93] Now men have recourse to oaths to win belief, when others deem them untrustworthy; but God is trustworthy in His speech as elsewhere, so that His words in certitude and assurance differ not a whit from oaths. And so it is that while with us the oath gives warrant for our sincerity, it is itself guaranteed by God. For the oath does not make God trustworthy; it is God that assures the oath."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Why then did it seem well to the prophet and revealer to represent God as binding Himself by an oath? It was to convince created man of his weakness and to accompany conviction with help and comfort. We are not able to cherish continually in our souls the thought which sums so worthily the nature of the Cause, that “God is not as man” (Numb. 23:19), and thus rise superior to all the human conceptions of Him.",
+                "[95] In us the mortal is the chief ingredient. We cannot get outside ourselves in forming our ideas; we cannot escape our inborn infirmities. We creep within our covering of mortality, like snails into their shells, or like the hedgehog we roll ourselves into a ball, and we think of the blessed and the immortal in terms of our own natures. We shun indeed in words the monstrosity of saying that God is of human form, but in actual fact we accept the impious thought that He is of human passions.",
+                "[96] And therefore we invent for Him hands and feet, incomings and outgoings, enmities, aversions, estrangements, anger, in fact such parts and passions as can never belong to the Cause. And of such is the oath—a mere crutch for our weakness.",
+                "[97] So to resume, “if God gives such and such to thee, thou shalt separate them” (Exod. 13:11). Thus does Moses condition his command. Yes, for unless He gives, thou shalt not have, since all things are His possessions, all things outside thee, and the body, the senses, the reason, the mind, and the functions of them all; and not thyself only, but this world also. And whatsoever thou severest or dividest from it for thy use, thou shalt find to be not thine but Another’s. Earth and water, air, sky, stars, all forms of living creatures and plants, things that perish and things that perish not, thou dost not hold in ownership. Therefore whatsoever thou bringest as an offering, thou wilt offer God’s possession and not thine own."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Again note the true sense of holiness shown in the command to separate from what has been given us, not to bring all. For numberless are the gifts assigned by nature to mankind as their portion, in none of which does she herself participate. She is unborn yet gives birth, needs no nourishment yet gives it, changes not yet gives growth, admits neither of diminishment nor increase yet gives the ages of life in succession; she gives that bodily organization which has the power to take and give, advance, see, hear, absorb food, cast it forth when digested, distinguish flavours, utter speech, and do the many other things which belong to those offices which are at once useful and necessary.",
+                "[99] Perhaps it may be said that, while these are but indifferent things, nature must have taken for her own undoubted forms of good. Let us test then, among these truly named “good” things, those which in our judgement are most admired, all of which we pray to attain at their proper seasons, and whose attainment is counted our greatest happiness.",
+                "[100] Such are a happy old age and a happy death. We all know that they are the greatest blessings that can befall mankind, and yet in neither has nature any share, for she knows neither old age nor death. And why should we count it strange that the uncreated does not deign to use the good which belongs to the created, when even the created itself lays claim to virtues varying according to the different species into which it is divided? Men could not contest with women, nor women with men, the functions which fitly belong only to the other sex.",
+                "[101] If women should affect the practices of men, or men attempt those of women, they will in each case be held to belie their sex and win an ill name thereby. And some virtues and excellences nature has so discriminated, that not even long practice could make them common property. To sow and beget belongs to the man and is his peculiar excellence, and no woman could attain to it. Again welfare in child-bearing is a good thing belonging to women, but the nature of man admits not of it. Thus even the phrase “as a man” (cherisheth his son) (Deut. 1:31) is not used of God in its literal sense, but is a term used in figure, a word of help to our feeble apprehension. Separate, therefore, my soul, all that is created, mortal, mutable, profane, from thy conception of God the uncreated, the unchangeable, the immortal, the holy and solely blessed."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] The words “of all that openeth the womb, the males to the Lord,” are indeed true to nature. For as nature has given the womb to women as the proper part for generation of living offspring, so she has set in the soul for the generation of things a power by which the understanding conceives and travails and is the mother of many children.",
+                "[103] Of the thoughts thus brought to the birth some are male and some female, just as in the case of living beings. The female offspring of the soul is vice and passion, that emasculating influence which affects us in each of our pursuits. The male offspring is health of soul and virtue, by which we are stimulated and strengthened. Of these the men’s quarters must be dedicated wholly to God, the women’s quarters must be set to our own account, and therefore we have the command “all that openeth the womb, the males to the Lord.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] But we also find “everything which openeth the womb from thy herds amongst thy cattle, all that are born to thee, the males to the Lord” (Exod. 13:12). Having spoken of the offspring of the ruling element he proceeds to instruct us as to the offspring of the unreasoning element, the element allotted to the senses, which he likens to cattle. Now the younglings that are reared among the herd are tame and docile, because they are guided by the care of the herdsman who rules them. For those that roam at large and in liberty become wild for want of one to tame them, but those who are led by goatherd, neat-herd, shepherd, and the like, the herdsman, that is, who tends whatever kind of animal it may be, must needs be tame and gentle. So then, the senses also as a kind may be either wild or tame.",
+                "[105] They are wild when, throwing off the control of their herdsman the mind, they are carried away in their unreason into the outer sphere of things perceptible by them. They are tame when they respond submissively to reflection, the ruling element in our compound nature, and accept its guidance and control. Whatsoever then sense sees or hears or in general perceives under the direction of the mind is male and perfect, for each perception is made under good conditions.",
+                "[106] But whatsoever lacks that guide works destruction in our body, as anarchy does in a city. So then here, as in the former case, we must admit that the motions of the senses, which obey the mind and necessarily are of the better kind, come to pass through God’s will, but those which reject control must be held to belong to ourselves, when propelled by the external objects of sense we are carried away in unreasoning course."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Again we are bidden to set apart not only from these but from the “whole mixture.” The words of the commandment are as follows, “and it shall be that when ye eat of the bread of the land, ye shall set apart a portion marked out for the Lord: a loaf as the first offering of your mixture, ye shall set it apart as a portion. As ye do with a portion from the threshing-floor, so shall ye set it apart” (Numb. 15:19–20).",
+                "[108] The “mixture” then is ourselves, and indeed in a literal sense, so many substances are brought together and compounded in us, to make our complete selves. Cold and heat, wet and dry, such opposite forces as these were blended and combined by the moulder of living creatures to produce that single congeries the individual, and it is from this that it is here called a “mixture.”",
+                "Of this congeries, in which soul and body hold the place of primary divisions, we must dedicate the firstlings.",
+                "[109] These firstlings are the sacred impulses which accord with the excellence of either, and therefore also we have the comparison with the threshing-floor. For as on the threshing-floor the wheat, barley, and other grain are gathered apart, while the chaff and husk and any other refuse are scattered elsewhither, so too in us there are the best, the profitable elements which provide that true nourishment, whereby right living is brought to its fullness. These it is which must be dedicated to God, while the rest which has nothing of the divine must be left as refuse to mortality. It is from the former then that we must take for our offering.",
+                "[110] But there are some powers which are pure from evil through and through, and these we must not mutilate by severing into their parts. These are like the undivided sacrifices, the whole burnt-offerings of which Isaac is a clear example, whom God commanded to be offered in victim’s fashion, because he had no part or lot in any passion which breeds corruption.",
+                "[111] And the same truth is taught in another passage, “my gifts, my offerings, my fruits ye shall observe to offer me at my feasts” (Numb. 28:2). No word here of setting apart or dividing: they are to be brought full, perfect, and complete. For the soul’s feast is the joy and gladness which the perfect virtues bring, and by perfect is meant virtues unspotted by all the tainting evils to which the human race is liable. Such a feast the wise man only can keep and save him none other. For hardly ever shall you find a soul which has never tasted of passions or vices."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[112] Having given us the doctrine of the parts of the soul, of the ruling part and the subject part, and having shown also in each of these what is the masculine and what the feminine element, Moses proceeds to teach us the lesson that follows next. He knows well that without toil and care it is not possible for male offspring to fall to our lot. Thus his next words are “all that openeth the womb of an ass, thou shalt exchange for a sheep” (Exod. 13:13). It is as much as to say exchange all toil for progress. For the ass is the symbol of toil—he is a patient beast—and the sheep of progress, as the very name shows.",
+                "[113] Come then to the study of the arts, or the trades, or whatever else can be taught and learnt, not with disdain or slackness, but with all care and attention, with your mind braced to endure patiently all manner of drudgery, and at the same time be at pains not to be held in bondage by fruitless toil, but to bring your labour to the most honourable conclusion and win progress and betterment. For toil is to be borne for the sake of progress.",
+                "[114] But if it should chance that with all your acceptance of labour and its drudgery your nature gains nothing, but refuses the improvement which progress should bring, turn from it and desist. It is a weary task to oppose nature. And therefore it is that he adds “if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it” (Exod. 13:13): that is, if you cannot gain progress in exchange for your labour, let the labour go as well, for the word “redeem” suggests such a meaning, namely that you shall free your soul from the care that has no end and accomplishes nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[115] But these words do not apply to the virtues, but only to the secondary arts and any necessary trades which men practise to provide for the needs of the body, or to procure additional and material comforts. Labour undertaken for the perfectly good and excellent in any form, even though it fail to attain its end, is of itself strong to benefit the labourer from the first. It is those things which lie outside virtue which are all profitless, unless the result crown the work. It is just as it is with animals. If you take from them the head, all else goes with it. And the head of actions is their end or object. While it is in its place they live in some sort. If you choose to cut it off or amputate it, they die.",
+                "[116] So athletes who cannot win a victory, but are always defeated, will do well to retire. Merchants or shipmen who meet with perpetual disasters at sea should desist and change their occupation. Those who have studied the lower subjects, but have been unable through dullness of nature to imbibe any knowledge, will deserve praise if they abandon them. For exertion in such matters is not engaged in for the sake of the exercise, but for the sake of the object at which they aim.",
+                "[117] If then our nature opposes our efforts for progress in them, let us not fruitlessly resist her. If she forwards those efforts, let us do homage to God with those firstlings and honours which are the ransom of our souls, for they rescue it from cruel task-masters and redeem it into liberty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[118] We have it indeed on the authority of Moses that the Levites, who in place of the first-born were appointed to the service of Him who alone is worthy of service, were a ransom for all the others. “And behold I have taken,” he says, “the Levites from the midst of the sons of Israel, in place of every first-born that opens the womb from among the sons of Israel. They shall be their ransom and the Levites shall be mine, for every first-born is mine. On the day when I smote every first-born in the land of Egypt, I hallowed to myself every first-born in Israel” (Numb. 3:12, 13).",
+                "[119] It is Reason, who has taken refuge with God and become His suppliant, that is here given the name of Levite. This Reason God took from the midmost and most sovereign part of the soul, that is He drew it and allotted it to Himself and adjudged to it the portion of the eldest son. And thus it is clear from this that, while Reuben is the first-born of Jacob, Levi is the first-born of Israel. The former has the precedence in years, the latter in honour and value.",
+                "[120] For labour and progress of which Jacob is the symbol have their source in natural ability which gives Reuben his name, but the fountain of that devout contemplation of the only wise being, on which Israel’s rank is based, is the habit of service to God, and this service is symbolized by Levi. So then, just as Jacob appears as inheritor of the birthright of Esau, when labour striving for the good was victorious over the craving that pursues evil, so too Reuben the man of natural gifts must yield the rights of the elder to Levi, whose life is one of perfect virtue. And this perfection is shown most clearly in that he makes God his refuge and forsakes all dealing with the world of created things."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] This is the primary meaning of the price which the soul that craves liberty pays for its deliverance and ransom. But it may be that the prophet also means to show another truth and one that we could ill spare, namely that every wise man is a ransom for the fool, whose existence could not endure for an hour, did not the wise provide for his preservation by compassion and forethought. The wise are as physicians who fight against the infirmities of the sick, alleviate them or altogether remove them, unless the violence of the malady’s impetuous course overpower the careful treatment of the physician.",
+                "[122] It was such overpowering evil that destroyed Sodom, when no good could balance the vast sum of evil that weighed down the scale. If there had been found in Sodom the number fifty, the number which brings the message of redemption from slavery and full liberty to the soul (Lev. 25:10 ), or any of the numbers which wise Abraham named in succession from fifty downwards till he reached the lower limit of ten, the number sacred to education, the mind would not have perished in such shameful downfall (Gen. 18:24 ff.).",
+                "[123] Yet we should try, as well as we may, to save even those whom the evil within them is bringing to certain ruin, and follow the example of the good physicians, who, though they see that there is no hope for the patient, yet render their services gladly, lest others should think, in the event of some disaster which they did not expect, that it is due to the physician’s neglect. And if some seed of recovery should appear in him, however little, it should be cherished as we fan an ember with every care. For we may hope that the germ may grow and spread, and that thus the man may lead a better and more stable life.",
+                "[124] For my own part, when I see a good man living in a house or city, I hold that house or city happy and believe that their enjoyment of their present blessings will endure, and that their hopes for those as yet lacking will be realized. For God for the sake of the worthy dispenses to the unworthy also His boundless and illimitable wealth. I know indeed that they cannot escape old age, but I pray that their years may be prolonged to the utmost.",
+                "[125] For I believe that, as long as they may live, it will be well with the community. So when I see or hear that any of them are dead, my heart is sad and heavy. Not for them. They have reached in the due course of nature the end we all must reach. They have lived in happiness and died in honour. It is for the survivors that I mourn. Deprived of the strong protecting arm, which brought them safety, they are abandoned to the woes which are their proper portion, and which they soon will feel, unless indeed nature should raise up some new protectors to replace the old, as in the tree which sheds its now ripened fruit, her agency makes other fruits grow up to give sustenance and pleasure to those who can pluck them.",
+                "[126] As then in a city good men are the surest warrant of permanence, so in the commonwealth of the individual composed of soul and body, the strongest force to ensure stability belongs to those aspirations of the reason to wisdom and knowledge, which the lawgiver in his parable calls on grounds already stated “ransom” and “firstborn.”",
+                "[127] And thus too he speaks of the cities of the Levites as “ransomed for ever” (Lev. 25:32), because the worshipper of God has reaped eternal freedom, and, while in the continuous flux of the soul change succeeds change, healing also succeeds healing in him. For the saying that the cities may be redeemed not once for all, but for ever, suggests the thought that for the worshipper with perpetual change goes perpetual liberation. The one is incidental to mortal nature, the other stands firm through the grace of the Benefactor, who is that worshipper’s portion and possession."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] And here we may turn to another matter, which deserves more than a passing consideration. Why did he throw open the cities of the Levites to the fugitives from vengeance and deem fit that there the holiest should live side by side with men reckoned unholy, namely those who had committed involuntary homicide? The first answer is one that follows from what has been already said. We showed that the good are a ransom for the bad, and therefore it is with good reason that the sinners come to the consecrated to get purification.",
+                "Secondly, as they whom the Levites receive are exiles, so too the Levites themselves are virtually exiles.",
+                "[129] For as the homicides are expelled from the home of their nativity, so too the Levites have left children, parents, brothers, their nearest and dearest, to win an undying portion in place of that which perishes. The two differ in that the flight of these is not of their own desire, but for an involuntary deed, while those have fled of their own free will in loving quest of the highest. Again, the homicides find their refuge in the Levites, the Levites in Him who is ruler of all. The former in their imperfection think to have for their allotted province the holy word, the latter to have the God to whom they have been consecrated.",
+                "[130] And, once more, they who slew involuntarily were granted the right of living in the same cities as the Levites, because these too were privileged as a reward for slaying in a righteous cause. We find that when the soul fell and honoured the god of Egypt, the body, as gold, with an honour which was not its due, the holy thoughts with one accord of their own motion rushed to the defence in arms. These arms were the proofs and arguments which knowledge gives. And they set before them as their captain and leader the high priest and prophet and friend of God, Moses. They waged war to the death for true religion, and held not their hands till they had made an end of all the false doctrines of their enemies (Exod. 32:26–28). And thus it is natural that Levite and homicide should dwell together, for their deeds though not the same are alike."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] There is another interpretation current of this matter, though not for vulgar knowledge. It may be entrusted to the hearing of the elders: younger ears may well be sealed against it. It is this. Amongst all the highest powers that attach to God, there is one excelled by none, the legislative. For He Himself is the lawgiver and the fountain of laws, and on Him depend all particular lawgivers. This legislative power is such as to be divided into two parts, one for rewarding those who do well, the other for the punishment of evil-doers.",
+                "[132] Of the first of these divisions the Levite is the minister. For he undertakes all the rites that belong to that perfect priesthood, by which mortality is commended to and recognized by God, whether it be through burnt-offering or peace-offering or repentance of sins. But of the second division, whose function is to punish, they who shed blood involuntarily have thereby become the ministers.",
+                "[133] To this Moses testifies in the words “he did it not of intention, but God delivered him into his hands” (Exod. 21:13). The slayer’s hands we see were used as instruments, but He who worked invisibly by these was another, even the Invisible One. It is well then that the two should dwell together who are the ministers of the two forms of law-giving, the Levite serving that which bestows reward, the involuntary slayer that which executes vengeance.",
+                "[134] When we read “on the day that I smote all the first-born in Egypt, I sanctified to myself all the first-born in Israel” (Numb. 3:13), we must not suppose that at that time only when Egypt was dealt that mighty blow by the destruction of her first-born did the first-born of Israel become holy.",
+                "[135] No, the lesson is that in the past, in the present, in the future, that hallowing may be for ever repeated in the soul. When the most dominant elements of blind passion are destroyed then comes the sanctification of the elder and precious offspring of Israel who has the clear vision of God. For the exodus of evil works the entrance of virtue, and the opposite is true also. When good withdraws, the evil that is biding its time takes its place. Hardly has Jacob gone out (Gen. 27:30) when Esau is with our mind, which is open to all that come. He thinks to efface the image of virtue and impress in its stead, if he can, the stamp of vice. Yet he shall not be able to accomplish his purpose. The wise man will ward off the blow before it fall, and Esau shall wake to find himself tripped, supplanted, and his inheritance passed to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] But Abel offers the firstlings not only from the first-born, but from the fat, showing that the gladness and richness of the soul, all that protects and gives joy, should be set apart for God.",
+                "I note that also in the ordering of the sacrifices the worshipper is bidden to bring from the victims these three first, the fat, the kidneys, and the lobe of the liver (Lev. 3:3 ff.). Of these I will speak separately. But nowhere is there a word of the brain or the heart, which we should have supposed would be offered before all, seeing that also in the Lawgiver’s words it is acknowledged that the ruling principle resides in one or other of these.",
+                "[137] Yet perhaps it was in true piety and after careful thought that he excluded them from the altar of God, because this ruling principle from moment to moment is subject to many changes either way, to good and bad. And thus it is ever assuming different impressions: sometimes that of a coin pure and approved by the test, sometimes of one that is base and adulterated.",
+                "[138] This region then which admits both contending elements, the noble and the shameful, which is familiar with both, and honours both alike, seemed no less unholy than holy to the lawgiver, and therefore he dismissed it from the altar of God. For the shameful is profane, and the profane is surely unholy.",
+                "[139] It is this profaneness which has excluded the ruling principle. But if that should undergo purgation, then, when all the parts have been cleansed, there shall be given to the sacrificial fire a whole offering free from stain and pollution. For this is the law of burnt-offerings, that nothing save the excrement and hide which are the tokens of bodily weakness, not of wickedness, should be left to created being, but the rest, which show a soul wholly complete in all its parts, should be given in their entirety as a burnt-offering to God."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO THE SACRIFICES OF ABEL AND CAIN",
+            "§§ 5–7. In these sections we have a suggestion of the idea, to which Philo frequently recurs, of the “educational trinity,” stated by Aristotle in the form παιδείᾳ δεῖν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως. Philo takes as the typical examples of these three, Isaac, Abraham and Jacob, see particularly <i>De Abr.</i> 52 ff., where Isaac is ὁ αὐτομαθοῦς ἐπιστήμης ἀξιωθείς, Abraham represents οἱ μαθήσει καὶ διδασκαλίᾳ προκόψαντες (in <i>De Abr.</i> he is called the σύμβολον διδασκαλικῆς ἀρετῆς), while Jacob as usual is the ἀσκητής.",
+            "§ 9. Ex. 7:1. Philo’s treatment of this text here is worth comparing with his other explanations. In <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 40 the mind is the god of the unreasoning element, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 19. In <i>De Migr. Abr.</i> 84, the inspired mind is addressed as god, while in <i>Quod Det.</i> 161 the fact that the wise man is called the “god” of the fool is used as an illustration of the difference between reality and “opinion”; for even the wise man cannot be God in reality. To argue, therefore, as he does here, that an attribute which is inconsistent with God must also be inconsistent with Moses is to give the text a meaning which he shrinks from elsewhere.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Such is the meaning</i>, etc. The translation assumes that Philo here sums up the general result of the first ten sections which have been a homily on Gen. 4:2. It would be possible, however, to take it in closer connexion with the immediately preceding sentences, “even so it is when God adds,” etc.",
+            "§ 12. Ex. 4:10. The LXX. has οὐκ ἱκανός (some MSS. εὔλογός) εἰμι πρὸ τῆς χθές, οὐδὲ πρὸ τῆς τρίτης ἡμέρας, οὐδὲ ἀφʼ οὗ ἤρξω λαλεῖν τῷ θεράποντί σου. Our R.V. has “neither heretofore nor since thou hast spoken,” <i>i.e.</i> neither at the earlier nor the later date, and presumably this was the meaning of the LXX. Philo, however, by ignoring the second οὐδέ takes it to convey the idea that Moses’ contempt of τὸ εὔλογον only begins with his converse with God.",
+            "His use of εὔλογος here and in other quotations of the text shows clearly that he actually had that reading.",
+            "§ 13. <i>The fabulous inventions</i>, etc. Lit. “the conjectural and insecure myth-making of eloquence (or ‘the eloquent’)”, or, taking εὐλόγων εἰκαστικήν together, “which guesses at probabilities” (ὁ ψευδῶν εἰκαστικός, <i>De Cher.</i> 116, is in favour of this). Philo often uses εὔλογος in the ordinary sense of “reasonably probable,” but at other times, influenced perhaps by Ex. 4:10, in the double sense of (<i>a</i>) fine language, (<i>b</i>) merely probable as opposed to certain. It is impossible in translation to reproduce this double sense. The best modern equivalent would be “rhetorical,” were it not for the risk of confusion with the ancient technical use of “rhetoric” which is so common in Philo. There is a very similar phrasing in <i>Quod Det.</i> 38.",
+            "§§ 15–16. The thought of these sections is developed more fully in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 293–299, where four periods are indicated: (1) early childhood; (2) boyhood, the dangers of which are described in words very similar to our passage; (3) the stage in which the healing influences of philosophy are brought to bear upon the passions; (4) when the soul definitely turns away from sin to wisdom. He does not mean here that passion ordinarily ceases with youth, but that, in the case of the converted, conversion does not usually come till youth is past.",
+            "§ 17. <i>Named after his folly.</i> This is very far-fetched even for Philo. He interpreted the name of Esau from the Hebrew as (1) a thing made (ποίημα); (2) an oak or tree. In <i>De Cong.</i> 61 he says that the first signifies a fiction (πλάσμα) and the life of folly is of the nature of fiction, and that the second signifies a stubborn nature which takes folly for its counsellor.",
+            "§§ 21–33. On the reasons why these sections were omitted in earlier editions of the treatise see Anal. Introd. p. 93. This curious parable, which particularly in the list of nearly 150 vices goes far beyond anything else to be found in Philo, is obviously based on the famous fable of Xenophon, <i>Mem.</i> ii. I, there ascribed to Prodicus, in which Vice and Virtue plead with Hercules when he stands at the crossways of life. There are several definite reminiscences of this. It is also no doubt directly aimed at the doctrines of Epicurus.",
+            "§ 21. <i>Her eyebrows are smothered in paint.</i> Greek ladies sometimes painted their eyebrows with a preparation of soot (ἄσβολος) or of antimony (στίμμι), see <i>Dict, of Ant. s.v.</i>“fucus.”",
+            "[ἐγκεκαλυμμένη τὰς ὀφρῦς. Philo perhaps wrote ἐγκεκολαμμένη. There is ground for the belief that ὀφρυκολάπτης may have been as familiar to Philo as δρυκολάπτης to Aristophanes (<i>Birds</i> 480, 979) or δρυοκολάπτης to Aristotle. A pair of tweezers is the ordinary implement for “eyebrowshaping” (as it is called in Bond Street), but a razor is sometimes used, at all events in Germany. ‘Carve’ or ‘chisel’ is the <i>secondary</i> meaning of κολάπτω, ‘I peck.’—G. H. W.]",
+            "§§ 35–41. This eulogy of πόνος is based on the similar one put into the mouth of Virtue in the Prodicean fable.",
+            "§ 37. <i>Severe harmony.</i> An adaptation of the Platonic idea of virtue as a harmony of the soul together with the Stoic view that moral evil is a relaxation of its τόνος (tension, muscular vigour).",
+            "<i>Higher forms of art.</i> The Stoics said (<i>e.g.</i> Stob. <i>Eel.</i> ii. 6. 4) that virtue was a τέχνη περὶ ὅλον τὸν βίον and also (<i>ibid.</i>) that the chief virtues were both ἐπιστῆμαι and τέχναι. To judge from <i>De Cong.</i> 142 Philo would hardly have admitted the latter statement.",
+            "§ 45. <i>After hearing this.</i> These words show that the literary device of making Virtue discourse has been maintained up to this point, though not very skilfully in the last three sections. To put these O.T. illustrations into the mouth of the woman described in 26 is hardly appropriate.",
+            "§ 50. <i>Worldling.</i> Lit. “man of superfluity.” Philo explains the epithet in several places. Jethro is the vanity which deals with the varying customs, unsanctioned by nature, and thus serves to deceive the true life (<i>De Agr.</i> 43); or the seeming wise who perpetually changes according to the groundless opinions of men (<i>De Ebr.</i> 37); or jeers at things equal and necessary to life and glorifies the inequalities of superfluous wealth (<i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 103). “Worldling” seems to the translator to combine these ideas better than any other word.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Earlier books.</i> No such passage in the earlier books survives. But in <i>De Agr.</i> 21 ff. a “tiller of the soil” is explained as one who lives to satisfy the wants of the body.",
+            "§ 57. <i>Now the covenant</i>, etc. The argument seems to be: The covenant means God’s gifts, God’s gifts are perfect; virtue is perfect; therefore virtue is God’s gift, and not man’s merit.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Lesser mysteries.</i> See on <i>De Cher.</i> 49. The Passover represents the first stage of initiation in which the soul is escaping from the Egypt of passion and entering upon its life of practice. This is a lower stage than the “mysteries” described in 59–60. where the soul gains a perception of God.",
+            "§ 63. <i>She must grip … sandals.</i> The idea perhaps is that as the soul and body are bound together, the former must keep a tight hold of the latter. It thus corresponds to a foot which fits tightly into the sandal and does not allow it to slip.",
+            "§ 68. <i>Self-extension.</i> For the Stoic conception of “tension” (τόνος) including both expansion and condensation see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i> (Eng. trans.), p. 140.",
+            "§ 80. <i>It has the vigour.</i> In εὐτόνως we have again an allusion to the favourite Stoic idea of “tension” (see on 37). Here, however, the πάθη are conceived of as having their own τόνος, which is relaxed or weakened by the τόνος of reason. The same idea is no doubt present in the ἐκλύεται of 81.",
+            "§ 82. <i>Reason.</i> To preserve the continuity of the argument, this word has been retained in this and the following sections. But clearly Philo drifts away from the faculty of reason to its expression in definite thoughts and words.",
+            "§ 120. <i>Natural ability.</i> Reuben is several times taken as the type of εὐφυΐα. But it is strange to find this quality, which is elsewhere associated with φύσις and τὸ αὐτομαθές (Isaac) rather than with ἄσκησις (Jacob), taken here as the source of labour and progress of Jacob, and contrasted with the “inspired contemplation” of Israel.",
+            "§ 122. <i>The number sacred to education.</i> Philo seems to associate the “perfect” number ten (1 + 2 + 3 + 4) with education, partly at least because he found in Lev. 27:32 that “every tenth which comes under the rod shall be holy” and he was convinced that the rod was παιδεία (<i>De Cong.</i> 94). Also he seems to have argued that the μέση παιδεία was the minimum which God would accept, and that therefore the “ten” of Gen. 18:32, must refer to that. This view is developed in <i>De Mut.</i> 226 ff.",
+            "§ 123. <i>Due to the physician’s neglect.</i> This translation involves giving a very unnatural meaning to παρά with the acc. So far as the use of παρά goes, it would be better to take it “through the indifference (of the relatives) caused by them” (<i>i.e.</i> the physicians whose non-attendance leads the relatives to think that things are going well). But this rendering is very harsh and unnatural. The Papyrus has for παρʼ αὐτούς the unintelligible ανη ουτως which may perhaps conceal some illegible phrase = “apparent,” which the MSS. tried to patch up.",
+            "§ 136. <i>The brain or the heart.</i> The Stoics for the most part decided on the heart. For Chrysippus’s arguments see Arnim, <i>Stoic. Vet. Frag.</i> ii. 885 ff.; Zeller, <i>Stoics</i> (Eng. Trans.), p. 214. The opponents could appeal to Plato, who located τὸ λογιστικόν in the head.",
+            "<i>Also in the lawgiver’s words.</i> Philo could find plenty of examples of “heart” <i>e.g.</i> Deut. 5:29. For “brain” or “head” he may have relied on Gen. 3:15 LXX.",
+            "§ 137. <i>Nothing save the excrement and hide.</i> Philo’s memory has played him false. There is no such exception ordered with regard to the ὁλοκαύτωμα. He is perhaps thinking of the directions about the “sin offering” in Lev. 4:11, where, however, the hide and excrement are only mentioned with the head, legs, etc., to show that the whole animal must be burnt."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על קורבנות הבל וקין",
+        "enTitle": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+        "key": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+{
+    "title": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Birth_of_Abel_and_the_Sacrifices_Offered_by_him_and_by_his_Brother_Cain",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE BIRTH OF ABEL AND THE SACRIFICES OFFERED BY HIM AND BY HIS BROTHER CAIN (DE SACRIFICIIS ABELIS ET CAINI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The main theme of this treatise is the interpretation of Gen. 4:2–4.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 2 I. (1–10). He added to this that she brought forth his brother Abel.",
+            "II. (11–49). And Abel became a shepherd of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the land.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 3 III. (50–87). And it came to pass after some days that Cain brought of the fruits of the earth as a sacrifice to the Lord.",
+            "<i>v.</i> 4 IV. (88-end). And Abel brought also himself of the first-born of his sheep and of their fats.",
+            "In I. Philo principally meditates on the word “added,” the subject of which he assumes to be God. He holds that addition always implies a removal of something and thus the birth of the Abel attitude of mind, which refers all things to God, implies the removal of the opposite Cain attitude. His thought then passes (5) to the phrase used of the patriarchs “he was added to his people.” He makes comparisons in this respect between Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, thought of as the three who learn respectively by teaching, nature, and practice, and finally contrasts them (8) with Moses, who is not “added” but translated to God’s presence.",
+            "The treatment of II. opens (11) with a discussion as to why Abel the younger is mentioned in <i>v.</i> 2 before his elder brother, the answer being that vice is older in point of time, but virtue in point of worth. This is illustrated (15) from experience of life, for the philosophical calm comes later than the passions of youth, then (17) from the story of Jacob and Esau, and finally (19) by the law of Deut. 21:15–17, that the first-born who is the child of the hated wife (<i>i.e.</i> Virtue) is not to be disinherited in favour of the younger child of the beloved wife (<i>i.e.</i> Vice). This leads Philo on to the elaborate allegory (20–44) of the two, as courtesan and chaste woman, pressing their claims upon the mind. Virtue’s harangue, beginning 28, which contains what is probably the most formidable catalogue of bad qualities ever drawn up (32), includes an impassioned eulogy of toil (35–41) and ends with some loosely connected thoughts (43–44) on the inferior value of the secular learning. Her pleading prevails with the mind (45), which becomes what Abel was—a shepherd, and thus we resume the real consideration of the text. The true shepherd controls the unreasoning, but not vicious, faculties (46) and the greatness of the calling is illustrated from various verses in the Pentateuch (48–51). We should here expect some similar interpretation of Cain’s occupation, but Philo dismisses this with the remark that he has treated it in an earlier book (51).",
+            "III. The charges brought against Cain in <i>v.</i> 3 are (<i>a</i>) that he offered only “after some days,” (<i>b</i>) that he offered of the fruits, but not of the first-fruits. The first naturally leads to a homily (53) on the duty of ready service. The causes of tardiness are discussed and rebuked by appropriate texts (54–57), and an example of ready thankfulness is found (59) in the story of Abraham, when he bids Sarah <i>hasten</i> to prepare a meal for the angelic visitors of Gen. 18. Two side thoughts are suggested by this story, (1) an interpretation of the three measures of meal (59), (2) of the phrase “buried cakes” (<i>i.e.</i>, cakes baked in the ashes (60) which Philo explains as the duty of reticence about sacred truths; and as this phrase is also used of the dough brought out of Egypt, we are led on to some thoughts about the symbolism of the passover (60–63). We return (64) to the duty of avoiding delay, and Philo dwells on the timelessness of God’s actions, which we should imitate in our worship (64–68). This is contrasted (69) with Pharaoh’s postponement of Moses’ prayers on his behalf, which again is compared with the human tendency to seek help in misfortune from earthly remedies rather than from God (70–71).",
+            "The second charge brought against the Cain spirit necessitates an examination of what “first-fruits” are. They must be first in “value,” <i>i.e.</i> virtues (73), but the ἀπαρχή or “first offering” of these is rather an εὐχαριστητικὸς λόγος or body of pious meditation. At this point (74–75) Philo, remembering that in Lev. 2:14 the offering is to be “new, roasted, sliced, pounded,” passes on to an examination of these four, which are treated with much richness of thought. The substance of our meditation must be fresh inspired thoughts (76–79) which will supersede the old-world learning of the schools, dear as that is to Philo (78). It must be hardened by the fire of close reasoning (80–81). It must be “sliced” or divided by careful analysis and classification of the thoughts under their proper headings (82–85), and finally it must be “pounded,” <i>i.e.</i> made part of ourselves by the discipline of repeated meditation (85–87).",
+            "IV. The introduction of the subject of Abel’s offering of the first-born of his sheep is immediately followed by a quotation of the directions with regard to the offering of the first-born in Exod. 13:11–13, and the sections 90–117 are almost entirely short homilies on the different parts of this passage. Thus (<i>a</i>) the time of the offering is put at the entrance to Canaan, the “wavering reasoning” from which God means us to escape (90); (<i>b</i>) we have then an apologetic discussion of the words “God sware,” showing that such expressions are a concession to the human tendency to anthropomorphism (91–96); (<i>c</i>) by reading an “if” into the words “and shall give thee,” he draws his favourite moral that we can only give what God has given (97); (<i>d</i>) dwelling on the words “thou shalt set apart” or “separate,” he argues that the ideas of God which we offer to Him must be kept apart from lower and profane conceptions of Him (98–101); (<i>e</i>) “the males to the Lord” means that while the male offspring of the soul are the virtues, those of the “beasts” or senses are such as are kept under control of the mind (102–106); (<i>f</i>) we have an illustrative digression on the similar command in Numb. 15:19–20, to make offering from the “mixture,” <i>i.e.</i> our compound being, and a contrast with the offerings of perfection, in which there is no setting apart (107–112); (<i>g</i>) on the last verse of Exod. 13:11–13, “all that openeth the womb of the ass, thou shalt exchange it for a sheep, but if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it,” we are told that the ass is labour, the sheep progress, and that labour, at least in the case of things indifferent, is futile, unless it brings progress, and if futile must be “redeemed,” <i>i.e.</i> set free (112–116).",
+            "At this point the word “redeemed” seems to lead Philo to a different line of thought. What is meant by the saying that the Levites were a ransom or redemption for the first-born? Levi—‘sanctified Reason,’ Israel’s first-born, is accepted by God before Reuben, Jacob’s first-born, ‘natural ability’ (118–121). But it means also that the wise are the ransom for the fools. This was shown in God’s willingness to spare Sodom for the sake of ten righteous, and we see it in the saving influence of good men in a commonwealth, and so in the commonwealth of the individual virtuous thoughts redeem the evil (121–126). This last explains the saying that the cities of the Levites are “ransomed for ever,” for this ransom of the soul is a perpetual process (127). This again leads on to a discussion why these cities were assigned as a refuge for the homicide. The Levite like the homicide is a fugitive—from natural ties (129). He too has slain—wicked doctrines as in Exod. 32. (130), and he represents the merciful side of God’s legislative power, as the homicide does the punitive, for he slew “whom the Lord delivered into his hand” (131–133). Finally, when the sanctification of the Levite is assigned to the day when God smote Egypt, we are taught that since that smiting is perpetual, the sanctification is also perpetual (134–135).",
+            "We return for a moment to Abel and his offering of the fat, but pass at once to a comment on the fact that neither heart nor brain, the seat of the dominant principle, appear in the sacrificial ritual. Only when this mind of ours has been purged of its tendency to lapses will it be admitted as a proper part of the ὁλοκαύτωμα or “whole burnt offering” (136-end).",
+            "There are two special points in connexion with the text which require mention.",
+            "The first is that we have for this treatise and that of <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> the valuable help of a papyrus discovered in Upper Egypt in 1889. Not only is this papyrus considerably older than the other MSS. to which it is most akin, but the analysis given by Cohn goes far to justify his opinion that it presents on the whole a better text.",
+            "The other is the history of the sections 21–32, which do not appear in this place in Mangey’s edition nor in Yonge’s translation. These sections containing the allegory of the two women had been incorporated in an otherwise spurious treatise, <i>De Mercede Meretricis.</i> In consequence the archetype of the MSS. from which Turnebus made his edition of 1552 omitted them here, and this was followed in subsequent editions. That their proper place is in this treatise is shown not only by their presence in other MSS., but also by the evidence that Ambrose, whose treatise on Cain and Abel draws largely from Philo, evidently had these sections before him."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] And He added to this that she brought forth Abel his brother (Gen. 4:2). The addition of one thing implies the removal of some other, as in the case of arithmetical quantities or of our successive inward thoughts.",
+                "[2] If we must say that Abel was added we must suppose that Cain was taken away. In case these unfamiliar terms may cause perplexity to many, I will attempt to give as clear an account as I can of the underlying philosophical thought. It is a fact that there are two opposite and contending views of life, one which ascribes all things to the mind as our master, whether we are using our reason or our senses, in motion or at rest, the other which follows God, whose handiwork it believes itself to be. The first of these views is figured by Cain who is called Possession, because he thinks he possesses all things, the other by Abel, whose name means “one who refers (all things) to God.”",
+                "[3] Now both these views or conceptions lie in the womb of the single soul. But when they are brought to the birth they must needs be separated, for enemies cannot live together for ever. Thus so long as the soul had not brought forth the God-loving principle in Abel, the self-loving principle in Cain made her his dwelling. But when she bore the principle which acknowledges the Cause, she abandoned that which looks to the mind with its fancied wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[4] This will be shown still more clearly by the oracle which was given to Rebecca or Patience (Gen. 25:21 ff.). She had conceived the two contending natures of good and evil and considered earnestly, as wisdom bade her, the character of both, when she perceived them leaping and as in a skirmish preluding the war that should be between them. And therefore she besought God to show her what had befallen her, and how it might be remedied. He answered her question thus: “two nations are in thy womb.” That was what had befallen her—to bear both good and evil. But again “two peoples shall be separated from thy womb.” This is the remedy, that good and evil be separated and set apart from each other and no longer have the same habitation.",
+                "[5] So then when God added the good conviction Abel to the soul, he took away the foolish opinion Cain. So too, when Abraham left this mortal life, “he is added to the people of God” (Gen. 25:8), in that he inherited incorruption and became equal to the angels, for angels—those unbodied and blessed souls—are the host and people of God. In the same way again the Practiser Jacob, we read, is added to something better, when he left the worse (Gen. 49:33).",
+                "[6] Once more there is Isaac to whom was granted the higher gift of self-learnt knowledge. He too abandoned all such bodily elements as had been interwoven with the soul, and is added and allotted to another company; but not this time, with the others, to a people, but to a ‘race’ or ‘genus,’ as Moses says (Gen. 35:29). For genus is one, that which is above all, but people is a name for many.",
+                "[7] Those who have advanced to perfection as pupils under a teacher have their place among many others; for those who learn by hearing and instruction are no small number, and these he calls a people. But those who have dispensed with the instruction of men and have become apt pupils of God receive the free unlaboured knowledge and are translated into the genus of the imperishable and fully perfect. Theirs is a happier lot than the lot of the people, and in this sacred band Isaac stands confessed as a chorister."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[8] A further thought of the same nature is revealed to us.… There are still others, whom God has advanced even higher, and has trained them to soar above species and genus alike and stationed them beside himself. Such is Moses to whom He says “stand here with Me” (Deut. 5:31). And so when Moses was about to die we do not hear of him “leaving” or “being added” like those others. No room in him for adding or taking away. But through the ‘Word’ of the Supreme Cause he is translated (Deut. 34:5),  even through that Word by which also the whole universe was formed. Thus you may learn that God prizes the Wise Man as the world, for that same Word, by which He made the universe, is that by which He draws the perfect man from things earthly to Himself.",
+                "[9] And even when He sent him as a loan to the earthly sphere and suffered him to dwell therein, He gifted him with no ordinary excellence, such as that which kings and rulers have, wherewith to hold sway and sovereignty over the passions of the soul, but He appointed him as god, placing all the bodily region and the mind which rules it in subjection and slavery to him. “I give thee,” He says, “as god to Pharaoh” (Exod. 7:1); but God is not susceptible of addition or diminution, being fully and unchangeably himself.",
+                "[10] And therefore we are told that no man knows his grave (Deut. 34:6). For who has powers such that he could perceive the passing of a perfect soul to Him that “IS”? Nay I judge that the soul itself which is passing thus does not know of its change to better things, for at that hour it is filled with the spirit of God. For God does not consult with those whom He blesses as to the gifts He means to bestow. His wont is to extend His loving-kindness unstinted to those who have no thought of them.",
+                "Such is the meaning of the words that God added to the mind the birth of the perfect good. The good is holiness and the name of holiness is Abel."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] “And Abel became a shepherd of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the ground” (Gen. 4:2). Why is it that while he showed us Cain as older than Abel, he has now changed the order and mentions the younger first, when he comes to speak of their choice of occupations? For the probability was that the elder proceeded to his husbandry first, and the younger at a later time to his charge of the flock.",
+                "[12] But Moses sets no value on probabilities and plausibilities, but follows after truth in its purity. And when he comes alone to God apart from all, he frankly says that he has no gift of speech (by which he means that he has no desire for eloquence or persuasiveness), and this he says has been his condition from a few days ago when God first began to talk with him as His servant (Exod. 4:10).",
+                "[13] Those who have fallen into the surge and stormy sea of life must needs float on, not holding firmly to any strong support which knowledge gives, but trailed along by the flotsam of the probable and the plausible. But for the servant of God it is meet to hold fast to truth and spurn the fabulous inventions of eloquence, which are but baseless guesswork.",
+                "[14] What then is the special truth which here he brings before us? Surely that in point of time vice is senior to virtue, but that in point of value and honour the reverse is the case. And therefore when the birth of each is brought before us, Cain may have the precedence. When we make a comparison of the occupations of the two, Abel should take the lead.",
+                "[15] For when the life of man begins, from the very cradle till the time when the age of maturity brings the great change and quenches the fiery furnace of the passions, folly, incontinence, injustice, fear, cowardice, and all the kindred maladies of soul are his inseparable companions, and each of them is fostered and increased by nurses and tutors and by the fact that the rules and customs which impress and exercise their authority upon him expel piety and set up in its stead that superstition which is the sister of impiety.",
+                "[16] But when the prime is past, and the throbbing fever of the passions is abated, as though the storm winds had dropped, there begins in the man a late and hard-won calm. Virtue has lulled to rest the worst enemy of the soul, that commotion whose waves of passion follow each other in swift succession, and in that firm support of virtue he stands secure.",
+                "Thus vice will carry off the honour of precedence in time, virtue the precedence in repute and honour and good name. And to this truth we have a faithful witness in the legislator himself.",
+                "[17] For he shows us Esau, who is named after his folly, as elder in point of age, but it is to the younger brother named from his discipline and practice of things excellent, even Jacob, that he awards the prize of precedence. Yet Jacob will not judge himself worthy to accept this prize until, as in some contest of the arena, his adversary has surrendered in exhaustion and yielded up the victor’s crown to him who has waged war without parley or quarter against the passions. For Esau ‘sold,’ we read, the ‘birthright to Jacob’ (Gen. 25:33),",
+                "[18] in full admission that as the flute and lyre and the other instruments of music belong only to the musician, so all that is supreme in value, and all to which virtue gives its place of honour, belong not to any of the wicked, but to the lover of wisdom only."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[19] Again the same lesson is taught in a law which Moses enacts, a law both excellent and profitable. It runs thus. “If a man have two wives, one loved and the other hated, and each bear a son to him, and the son of her that is hated is the first-born, it shall be that on the day on which he allots his goods to his sons he shall not be able to give the right of the first-born to the son of her whom he loves, and set aside the first-born, the son of her whom he hates, but he shall acknowledge the first-born, the son of her whom he hates, to give him a double portion of all that he has gotten; for he is the beginning of his children, and to him belong the rights of the first-born” (Deut. 21:15–17).",
+                "[20] Mark well then, my soul, and understand who is she that is hated, and who is her son, and thou wilt straightway perceive that to this last alone and to none other belong the honours of the elder. For each of us is mated with two wives, who hate and loathe each other, and they fill the house of the soul with their jealous contentions. And one of these we love, because we find her winning and gentle, and we think her our nearest and dearest. Her name is pleasure. The other we hate; we think her rough, ungentle, crabbed and our bitter enemy. Her name is virtue.",
+                "[21] So Pleasure comes languishing in the guise of a harlot or courtesan. Her gait has the looseness which her extravagant wantonness and luxury has bred; the lascivious roll of her eyes is a bait to entice the souls of the young; her look speaks of boldness and shamelessness; her neck is held high; she assumes a stature which Nature has not given her; she grins and giggles; her hair is dressed in curious and elaborate plaits; under her eyes are pencil lines; her eyebrows are smothered in paint; she revels perpetually in the warmth of the bath; her flush is artificial; her costly raiment is broidered lavishly with flowers; bracelets and necklaces and every other feminine ornament wrought of gold and jewels hang round her; her breath is laden with fragrant scents; a strumpet of the streets, she takes the market-place for her home; devoid of true beauty, she pursues the false.",
+                "[22] In her train come a sample of her closest friends, villainy, recklessness, faithlessness, flattery, imposture, deceit, falsehood, perjury, impiety, injustice, profligacy; and taking her stand in their midst, like the leader of a chorus, she speaks thus to the Mind. “See here,” she says, “I have coffers containing all human blessings—such as belong to the gods are in heaven—and outside these coffers you will find no good thing. These I will open,",
+                "[23] if you will dwell with me, and give you unceasing and unstinted use and enjoyment of all that is therein. But first I wish to recount to you the multitude of joys within my store, so that if you assent it may be with willingness and gladness, and if you turn from them it will not be through ignorance that you refuse. With me you will find freedom from the sense of restraint, from the fear of punishment, from the stress of business, from the discipline of labour; you will find colours all and sundry, sweet modulations of melodious sounds, costly kinds of food and drink, abundant varieties of delicious perfumes, amours without ceasing, frolics unregulated, chamberings unrestricted, language unrepressed, deeds uncensored, life without care, sleep soft and sweet, satiety ever unfilled.",
+                "[24] If then you are willing to pass your time with me, I will be your cateress and give you from them all what accords with your wishes. I will join you in considering what food and drink would charm your palate, what sight would please your eyes, what sound your ears, what perfume your nostrils. And of all that you desire nothing shall fail, for you shall find fresh sweets ever springing up to replace and more than replace those which are consumed.",
+                "[25] For in the treasure-houses I have spoken of are evergreen plants, which bloom and bear fruit in constant succession, so that the fullness of the fresh fruit, each in their season, ever pursues and overtakes those that have already ripened. These plants never once have known the ravages of civil or foreign war, but from the day that earth took them to her bosom, she cherishes them like a kindly nurse. She makes their roots dive deep and fast below like foundations, she extends the growth above the ground till it soars to heaven. She brings forth branches, which imitate and answer to the hands and feet of living creatures. She causes leaves to bloom like hair, at once to shelter and adorn, and then at the last she gives the fruit, the crowning purpose of the whole process.”",
+                "[26] When the other heard this, standing as she was, hidden from sight, yet within earshot, she feared lest the Mind should unawares be made captive and enslaved, and carried away by this wealth of gifts and promises. She feared too lest he should yield to the spell of that countenance so well and cunningly dressed to deceive, for by her talismans and witchcrafts the sorceress was pricking him, and working in him the itch of desire. So suddenly coming forward she appeared with all the marks of a free-born citizen, a firm tread, a serene countenance, her person and her modesty alike without false colouring, her moral nature free from guile, her conduct from stain, her will from craft, her speech from falsehood, reflecting faithfully the honesty of her thoughts. Her carriage was unaffected, her movements quiet, her clothing plain, her adornment that of good sense and virtue, which is more precious than gold.",
+                "[27] And in her company came piety, holiness, truth, justice, religion, fidelity to oaths and bonds, righteousness, equity, fellow-feeling, self-control, temperance, orderliness, continence, meekness, frugality, contentment, modesty, a quiet temper, courage, nobility of spirit, good judgement, foresight, good sense, attentiveness, desire for amendment, cheerfulness, kindness, gentleness, mildness, humanity, high-mindedness, blessedness, goodness. The daylight will fail me while I recount the names of the specific virtues.",
+                "[28] Ranged on each side with her in their midst they formed her body-guard. She assuming her wonted mien thus began.",
+                "“I see yonder Pleasure, that lewd dealer in magic and inventor of fables, tricked out as for the stage, importunately seeking parley with you, and as it is my nature to hate evil, I feared lest being off your guard you should be deceived and consent to the worst of ills as though they were the highest good. Therefore, that you may not through sheer ignorance put from you aught that is to your advantage and purchase for yourself unwelcome misfortune, I judged it well to proclaim to you, before it was too late, the full truth of all that attaches to this woman.",
+                "[29] Know then that the finery with which she is bedizened is all borrowed. For of such things as make for true beauty she brings nothing—nothing that comes from herself and is indeed her own. But she has habited herself with a false and spurious comeliness, which is mere nets and snares to take you as her prey, and these, if you are wise, you will see in time and thus make her hunting of none effect. The sight of her is sweetness to your eyes, her voice like music ringing in your ears, but to the soul, the most precious of possessions, her nature is to work mischief through these and all other avenues.",
+                "Of what she has to give, she set before you in full such things as were bound to be pleasant hearing, but the innumerable others which do not make for ease and comfort, in malice prepense she hid from you, expecting that none would accept them lightly. But these too I will strip bare and set before you, and will not follow Pleasure’s way, to lay before you only what in me is attractive, and slur over and conceal what involves discomfort. Rather all such things as of themselves offer joy and delight I will pass in silence, for I know that they will speak for themselves in the language of facts, but all that spells pain and hardship I will set out in plain terms, without figure of speech, and show them openly, so that the nature of each may be clearly visible, even to those who see but dimly. For what of mine seems most to partake of ill shall be found by those who make trial thereof to be more beautiful and precious than the greatest goods which Pleasure has to give.",
+                "[30] But before I begin to speak of me and mine, I will bring to your mind as much as I can of what she left unsaid.",
+                "[31] For she told you of her treasured stores, of colours, sounds, scents, flavours, and all varieties, of the faculties born of touch and all forms of sense, and she heightened this sweetness with the seductiveness of her discourse. But there are other things which are part and parcel of her, the maladies and plagues which you must needs experience if you choose her gifts, and these she did not tell you, that carried off your feet by windy thoughts of some gain or other you might be caught in her net.",
+                "[32] Know then, my friend, that if you become a pleasure-lover you will be all these things:",
+                "unscrupulous, impudent, cross-tempered, unsociable, intractable, lawless, troublesome, passionate, headstrong, coarse, impatient of rebuke, reckless, evil-planning, ill to live with, unjust, inequitable, unfriendly, irreconcilable, implacable, covetous, amenable to no law, without friend, without home, without city, seditious, disorderly, impious, unholy, wavering, unstable, excommunicate, profane, accursed, a buffoon, unblest, murder-stained, low-minded, rude, beast-like, slavish, cowardly, incontinent, unseemly, shame-working, shame-enduring, unblushing, immoderate, insatiable, braggart, conceited, stubborn, mean, envious, censorious, quarrelsome, slanderous, vainglorious, deceitful, cheating, aimless, ignorant, stupid, dissident, [faithless], disobedient, unruly, a swindler, dissembling, mischievous, mistrustful, ill-reputed, skulking, unapproachable, abandoned, evil-minded, inconsistent, prating, garrulous, a babbler, windy-worded, a flatterer, dull-minded, unconsidering, unforeseeing, improvident, negligent, unpreparing, tasteless, erring, tripping, utterly failing, unregulated, unchampioned, lickerish, easily led, flaccid, pliable, full of cunning, double-minded, double-tongued, plot-hatching, treacherous, rascally, incorrigible, dependent, ever insecure, vagrant, agitated, a creature of impulse, an easy victim, frenzied, fickle, clinging to life, a glory-hunter, violent-tempered, ill-conditioned, sullen, disconsolate, quick to wrath, timorous, dilatory, dawdling, suspicious, faithless, stubborn, evil-thinking, a pessimist, lacrimose, malicious, maniacal, deranged, unformed, mischief-plotting, filthy-lucre-loving, selfish, servile, feud-loving, truckling to the mob, ill-managing, stiff-necked, womanish, decadent, dissolute, a scoffer, a glutton, a simpleton, a mass of misery and misfortune without relief.",
+                "[33] “Such then is the true story of that grand pageant which Pleasure, the lovely, the much coveted reveals. This truth she purposely concealed for fear lest, if you knew it, you should eschew association with her. But the riches of goodness that I have stored in my treasuries are such in number and greatness that none can tell of them as is their due. They who have already had part in them know them, and they too whose nature is attuned to them shall in their time know them, when they are bidden to sit down at that banquet, where you shall not find the pleasures that only bring the crammed belly and the bloated body, but where the mind ranging amid the virtues and nourished therewith rejoices and is glad."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] For this cause and because, as I said before, things holy in virtue of their essential goodness cannot but through their very nature have speech for us, though we pass them by in silence, I say no more about them. For neither do sun and moon need an interpreter, because their rising by day or night fills the whole world with light. Their shining is a proof that needs no further witness, established by the evidence of the eyes, an evidence clearer than the ears can give.",
+                "[35]But in my store there is one thing which seems especially to involve hardship and discomfort, and this I will tell you frankly without concealment; for though at the first encounter it seems on the surface painful to the imagination, practice makes it sweet and reflection shows it to be profitable. This thing is toil, the first and greatest of blessings, the enemy of ease, waging war to the death against pleasure.",
+                "[36] For in very truth, God has appointed toil as the beginning of all goodness and true worth to men, and without it you shall find that nothing excellent takes shape amongst mortal men. Toil is like light. Without light we cannot see, and neither the eye nor the colour is capable without the other of creating sight-perception; for before either, Nature created light to be a link between the two, a link which unites and connects the colour and the eye, while in the darkness each is powerless. And so the eye of the soul cannot grasp the practices of virtue, unless it take toil, like light, to co-operate with it. Toil stands midway between the mind and the excellence which the mind desires: with its right hand it draws to it the one, with its left the other, and of itself it creates that perfection of goodness, friendship and harmony between the two."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Choose any good thing whatsoever, and you will find that it results from and is established through toil. Piety and holiness are good, but we cannot attain to them save through the service of God, and service calls for earnest toil as its yoke-fellow. Prudence, courage, justice, all these are noble and excellent and perfectly good, yet we cannot acquire them by self-indulgent ease. It is much indeed if by constant care and practice there arise a kindliness between us and them. Service pleasing to God and to virtue is like an intense and severe harmony, and in no soul is there an instrument capable of sustaining it, without such frequent relaxation and unstringing of the chords that it descends from the higher forms of art to the lower.",
+                "[38] Yet even these lower forms demand much toil. Consider all who practise the school-learning, the so-called preparatory culture. Consider the labourers on the soil and all who get their living by some trade or profession. Neither by day nor night do they cast their cares aside, but always and everywhere they cease not to bear affliction, as the saying goes, in hand and foot and every faculty, so that often they choose death in its stead."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] But just as those who desire to have their soul attuned and favourable must needs cultivate the virtues of the soul, so those who purpose to gain the same qualities for their body must cultivate health and the powers that accompany health; and indeed all who take thought for the faculties within them, which combine to make them what they are, do so cultivate them with constant and unremitting toil.",
+                "[40] “You see then how good things spring and grow from toil as from a single root. Never therefore suffer yourself to lose your hold of toil, for with it will be lost, though you little know it, a vast heap of blessings. The Ruler indeed of all heaven and the world possesses and provides to whom He wills good things in ease absolute. Without toil He made this vast universe long ages ago, and now without toil He holds it in perpetual existence, for to know no weariness is an attribute most fitting to God. But it is not so with mortals. To them Nature has given no good thing to be acquired without toil, that here too God may alone be accounted happy—the one and only blessed being."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Toil, it seems to me, assumes a function similar to that of food. As food has made itself a necessity to life and has joined in the same connexion with itself all the conditions active or passive that are involved in life, so toil has made all good things dependent on itself. And therefore just as those who seek to live must not neglect food, so those who desire the acquisition of the good must make provision for toil, for it bears to the noble and excellent the same relation as food does to life.",
+                "“Never then despise toil, that from the one you may reap a multitude, even the harvest of every good thing.",
+                "[42] And so though you be the younger in birth you shall be accounted the elder and judged worthy of the elder’s place. And if your life to the end be a progress to the better, the Father will give you not only the birthright of the elder, but the whole inheritance, even as He did to Jacob, who overthrew the seat and foundation of passion—Jacob who confessed his life’s story in the words ‘God has had mercy on me and all things are mine’ (Gen. 33:11), words of sound doctrine and instruction for life, for on God’s mercy, as a sure anchor, all things rest."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] He had learnt this lesson under Abraham, who stood as grandfather to his early training, who gave to wise Isaac all his wealth (Gen. 25:5), leaving nothing for the false bastard thoughts bred of his concubines, save little gifts for those of little worth. For the real wealth, the perfect virtues, are the possessions of the perfect and true-born only. But the secondary things of the daily duties are fitting to the imperfect, who have risen only to the primary learning of the schools. These have Hagar and Keturah for their source, Hagar meaning ‘sojourning,’ and Keturah ‘incense-burning.’",
+                "[44] For he who contents himself with the secular learning only does but sojourn and is not domiciled with wisdom. He sheds indeed over the soul, as it were, a sweet fragrance from the exquisite niceties of his studies, but yet it is food, not fragrance, that he needs for his health. The sense of smell is but the minister of the sense of taste; she is as the slave who tastes each dish before the monarch; we call her indeed a useful contrivance of nature, yet only an underling. And the sovereign forms of knowledge must ever be served above the subject, and the native-born above the alien sojourner.”",
+                "[45] After hearing this the mind turns away from pleasure and cleaves to virtue, for it apprehends her loveliness, so pure, so simple, so holy to look upon. Then too it becomes a shepherd of the sheep, one who guides the chariot and controls the helm of the unreasoning faculties of the soul, who does not suffer them to be swept away in disorder and discord, without a master or a guide, lest their unbridled instincts come to perdition, when they lack the protection and control of a father’s hand, and help is far away."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[46] Surely when the Practiser submitted to “shepherd the sheep of Laban” (Gen. 30:36), of him, that is, whose thoughts are fixed on colours and shapes and lifeless bodies of every kind, he felt that it was a task most congenial to virtue. And note that he does not tend all the sheep, “but those that were left” (<i>ibid.</i>). What does this mean? Unreasonableness is of two kinds. One is the unreasonableness that defies convincing reason, as when men call the foolish man unreasonable. The other is the state from which reason is eliminated, as with the unreasoning animals.",
+                "[47] The first of these, the unreasoning movements of the mind, I mean the activities which defy convincing reason, are the charge of the sons of Laban, who were “three days’ journey away” (<i>ibid.</i>), a parable which tells us that they were severed for all time from a good life; for time has three divisions, compounded as it is of past, present and future. But the forces which are unreasonable in the other sense, not those which defy right reason, but merely lack reason (and in these the unreasoning animals participate), the Man of Practice will not disdain to tend. He feels that error has befallen them not so much through sinful wickedness, as through untutored ignorance.",
+                "[48] Ignorance is an involuntary state, a light matter, and its treatment through teaching is not hopeless. But wickedness is a wilful malady of the soul, and its action is such that to remove it is hard, if indeed it is not hopeless.",
+                "Thus Jacob’s sons, trained under an all-wise father, may go down into Egypt the passion-loving body, and meet with Pharaoh the disperser of the good, who deems himself the sovereign of the animal and the composite; yet they will not be dazzled by his lavish pomp and splendour, but will confess that they are shepherds of sheep, and not only they, but their fathers also (Gen. 47:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] And indeed no one could in power and sovereignty find so lofty a cause for boasting as these can in their office as shepherds. Surely to those who can reason it is a prouder task than kingship to have the strength to rule, as a king in a city or country, over the body and the senses and the belly, and the pleasures whose seat is below the belly, and the other passions and the tongue and in general all our compound being—aye and to rule them with vigour and with a right strong yet ever-gentle hand. For like the charioteer he must sometimes give the rein to his team, sometimes pull them in and draw them back, when they rush too wildly in unreined career towards the world of external things.",
+                "[50] How admirable again is the example of Moses the guardian of the laws, who, judging the business of a shepherd to be a great and glorious task, took it upon himself. For we find him ruling and leading the thoughts and counsels of the worldling Jethro and drawing them away from the absorbing crowd and tumult of the citizen’s life into the lonely land where injustice is not; for he “led his sheep down into the wilderness” (Exod. 3:1).",
+                "[51] It is a natural consequence of what we have said, that “every shepherd of sheep is an abomination to the Egyptians” (Gen. 46:34). For the right reason which is our pilot and guide to things excellent is an abomination to all who love the passions, just as really foolish children hate their teachers and tutors and every form of reason which would warn them and bring them to wisdom. And we find Moses saying that “he will sacrifice to God the abominations of Egypt” (Exod. 8:26), meaning thereby the virtues, these offerings unblemished and most worthy, which are the abominations of every fool.",
+                "With good reason then is Abel who refers all that is best to God called a shepherd, while Cain who refers them to himself and his own mind is called a tiller of the soil. But what is meant by a tiller of the soil (Gen. 4:2) I have shown in earlier books."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] “And it came to pass after some days that Cain brought of the fruits of the earth as an offering to God” (Gen. 4:3). There are two charges against the self-lover: one that he made his thank-offering to God “after some days,” instead of at once; the other that he offered of the fruits and not of the earliest fruits, or in a single word the first-fruits. Let us examine each of the charges, taking first that which is first in order.",
+                "[53] Our good deeds should be done in the spirit of eagerness to anticipate the call, and with slackness and hesitation put right away; and the best of deeds is to do without delay the pleasure of the Primal Good. And therefore it is commanded “if thou vowest a vow, delay not to pay it” (Deut. 23:21). Now the vow is a request of good things from God, and this commandment bids him, whose hopes have been fulfilled, to give the crown of honour to God and not to himself, and to give that crown, if it may be, without delay or loss of time.",
+                "[54] Those who fail in this fall into three classes. The first are those who through forgetfulness of their blessings have lost that great treasure, the spirit of thankfulness. The second are those who through overweening pride think that they themselves have caused the good things which have fallen to them, and not He who is the true cause. But there is also a third class who are guilty of an error less blameworthy than these last, but more so than the first named. They accept the Ruling Mind as the cause of the good, yet they say that these good things are their natural inheritance. They claim that they are prudent, courageous, temperate, and just, and are therefore in the sight of God counted worthy of His favours."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[55] To each of these the sacred pages have their counterword. To the first, with whom memory is dead and oblivion strong and living, the scripture says: “When thou hast eaten and art filled, and hast built fair houses and dwelt in them, and thy sheep and oxen are increased, and thy silver and gold and all that thou hast is multiplied, take heed lest thou be uplifted in thy heart and forget the Lord thy God” (Deut. 8:12–14). When then wilt thou not forget God? Only when thou dost not forget thyself. For if thou rememberest thine own nothingness in all things, thou wilt also remember the transscendence of God in all things.",
+                "[56] But him that believes himself to be the cause of the good things which befall him the scripture recalls to wisdom thus: “Say not ‘my strength or the might of my hand hath gotten me all this power,’ but thou shalt keep ever in remembrance the Lord thy God who gave thee strength to get power” (Deut. 8:17 f.).",
+                "[57] The third, he, that is, who thinks himself worthy of the possession and enjoyment of good, may learn a better lesson from the oracle which says “Not for thy righteousness nor for the holiness of thy heart dost thou go into the land to inhabit it,” but first “because of the iniquity of these nations,” since God visited their wickedness with destruction, and next “that he might establish the covenant which he sware to our fathers” (Deut. 9:5). Now the covenant of God is an allegory of His gifts of grace, and it may not be that any of His gifts should be imperfect. Thus, all the bounty of the Uncreated must be perfect and complete. But amongst all existing things the one that is complete is virtue and virtuous actions.",
+                "[58] If then we destroy forgetfulness and ingratitude and self-love and their parent vice, vainglory, we shall no longer through backwardness fall short of true service, but passing over things created, and staying not to embrace aught that is mortal, we shall run and leap to meet our Master, having made ourselves ready to do His bidding."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] For Abraham went with all zeal and speed and eagerness and bade Sarah (that is Virtue) hasten and knead three measures of meal and make “buried” cakes (Gen. 18:6), when God came attended by His two highest potencies, sovereignty and goodness, and He, the one between the two, called up before the eye of the soul, which has power to see, three separate visions or aspects. Each of these aspects, though not subject itself to measurement—for God and His potencies are alike uncircumscribed—is the measure of all things. His goodness is the measure of things good, His sovereignty of its subjects, and the Ruler Himself is the measure of all things corporeal and incorporeal, and it is to serve Him that these two potencies assume the functions of rules and standards, and measure what lies within their province.",
+                "[60] It is well that these three measures should be as it were kneaded and blended in the soul, that she, convinced that God who is above all exists—God who overtops His potencies in that He is visible apart from them and yet is revealed in them—may receive the impression of His sovereignty and beneficence. Thus too, being admitted into the inmost mysteries, she will learn not to blab or babble them thoughtlessly, but to store them up and guard them in secrecy and silence. For it is written “make buried cakes,” because the sacred story that unveils to us the truth of the Uncreated and His potencies must be buried, since the knowledge of divine rites is a trust which not every comer can guard aright."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[61] The stream that issues through the mouth and tongue of the ill-controlled soul floods in wherever there are ears to hear. Some of these have spacious cisterns which retain the influx. Others, because the passages are narrow, cannot imbibe the stream, and the overflow pouring forth unchecked is dispersed in all directions, while to its surface rise and float the secret truths, and thus like a mass of flotsam our most precious treasures are borne away in the current.",
+                "[62] And therefore they, who became partakers in the lesser before the greater mysteries, judged wisely, as I think, for they “baked their dough which they brought out of Egypt into buried unleavened cakes” (Exod. 12:39), that is, they kneaded the savage untamed passion with aid of reason that softened it as though it were food. And the method by which they softened it and wrought it to something better was revealed to them by divine inspiration, and they did not utter it aloud, but treasured it in silence. Their hearts were not lifted up by the revelation; rather they were bowed in submission, and all proud thoughts were humbled."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] Let us then say nay to all hesitation, and present ourselves ever up-girded and ready to give thanks and honour to the Almighty. For we are bidden to keep the Passover, which is the passage from the life of the passions to the practice of virtue, “with our loins girded” ready for service. We must grip the material body of flesh, that is the sandals, with “our feet,” that stand firm and sure. We must bear “in our hands the staff” of discipline, to the end that we may walk without stumbling through all the business of life. Last of all we must eat our meal “in haste” (Exod. 12:11). For it is no mortal passage, since it is called the passover of the Uncreate and Immortal one. And right fitly is it so called, for there is no good thing which is not divine and is not of God.",
+                "[64] Be this then thy quest, my soul, and that quickly, even as it was with the Practiser Jacob. He, when his father asked him “What is this that thou hast found so quickly, my son?” replied (and the words convey an important truth), “It is what the Lord God set before me” (Gen. 27:20). Long experience had taught him that what the world of creation gives to the soul it makes secure only after long time, as it is with those who impart the arts and their rules to their pupils. They cannot at once fill to the brim the mind of the beginners, as one fills a vessel. But when the fountain of wisdom, God, imparts each form of knowledge to the mortal race, He needs not time for the work. Such persons become apt disciples of the only wise Being and discover quickly what they seek."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] Now the first virtue of beginners is to desire that their imperfection may imitate as far as possible the perfection of the teacher. But the divine Teacher is swifter even than time, for not even when He created the Universe did time co-operate with Him, since time itself only came into being with the world. God spake and it was done—no interval between the two—or it might suggest a truer view to say that His word was deed. Now even amongst us mortals there is nothing swifter than word, for the outrush of the parts of speech leaves behind the hearer’s understanding of them.",
+                "[66] As the perennial streams which pour through the outlets of their springs never cease their motion, and cannot rest, for the oncoming flow ever impels them, so the current of words, when it begins to move, keeps pace with that swiftest of things in us—swifter than the flight of birds—the understanding. Thus as the Uncreated anticipates all created being, so the word of the Uncreated outruns the word of the created, though that ride with all speed upon the clouds. Therefore it is that He does not hesitate to say, “now thou shalt see if my word shall overtake thee or not” (Numb. 11:23), implying that the divine word has outrun and overtaken all things.",
+                "[67] But if the word has proved swifter than all, much more is it so with Him who speaks, as He testifies in another place. “Here I stand there before thou wast” (Exod. 17:6). He shows hereby that His subsistence is before all created being, and that He who is here exists also there and elsewhere and everywhere, for He has filled all wholly and entirely and left nothing where His presence is not.",
+                "[68] For He does not say “I will stand here and there,” but even now, when I am present here, I stand at the same time there also. My motion is not one of transference in space, where the traveller leaves one place when he occupies another, but it is a motion of self-extension and self-expansion.",
+                "Necessarily then do His loyal children imitate their Father’s nature and, with a forwardness that brooks no delay, do what is excellent, and the most excellent deed of all is before aught else to honour God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] But Pharaoh the “Disperser of the excellent” cannot receive the vision of timeless values, for the eyes of the soul, whereby alone incorporeal natures are apprehended, are blinded in him, nor will he bring himself to get help through what is timeless. When he is plagued by the frogs, those soulless opinions and conjectures, which produce noise and sound destitute and devoid of all reality, Moses said to him, “Appoint with me a time, when I shall pray for thee and thy servants, to take away the frogs” (Exod. 8:9). Though in that dire strait he should have said “Pray for me at once,” he puts it off with the word “to-morrow.” He must needs maintain to the end the unchanging level of his godlessness.",
+                "[70] This is the case with almost all the Facing-both-ways, even though they do not admit it in so many words. When anything befalls them which they would not, since they have never had any firm faith in God their Saviour, they first flee to the help which things created give, to physicians, herbs, drug-mixtures, strict rules of diet, and all the other aids that mortals use. And if one say to them, “Flee, ye fools, to the one and only physician of soul-sickness and cast away the help, miscalled as such, of the created and the mutable,” they laugh and mock, and all their answer is “tomorrow for that,” as though, whatever may befall, they would never supplicate God to save them from the ills that beset them.",
+                "[71] But when no human help avails, and all things, even healing remedies, prove to be but mischievous, then out of the depths of their helplessness, despairing of all other aid, still even in their misery reluctant, at this late hour they betake themselves to the only saviour, God. He, for He knows that what is done under stress of necessity has no sure foundation, does not in all cases follow His law (of mercy), but only when it may be followed for good and with profit.",
+                "So then every imagination which counts that all things are its own possession and honours itself before God—and such a mind is shown by the words “to sacrifice after some days”—may know that it stands in danger to be brought to the judgement-bar for impiety."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[72] We have now sufficiently considered the first charge against Cain. The second was as follows. Why does he make his offering of firstlings from the fruits instead of from the first-fruits? Surely for the same reason, namely to give the first honour to created being and render only the second to God. For as there are some who prefer the body to the soul, the slave to the mistress, so there are those who have honoured the created rather than God. And yet the Lawgiver laid down that we should bring “the firstlings of the first-fruits of the land into the house of the Lord God” (Exod. 23:19), and not ascribe them to ourselves. For it is right that we should acknowledge as belonging to God all the movements of the soul that come first either in order or in value.",
+                "[73] The first in order are those in which we became at once participators, when we came into existence, taking nourishment, growth, sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch, reason, mind, the parts of the soul, the parts of the body, their activities, in general their natural movements and states. The first in worth and value are righteous conduct, virtues, and virtuous actions.",
+                "[74] Of these then it is right to offer the firstlings, and the firstlings are the word of thanksgiving, sent up out of a true and sincere mind. This thank-offering we should divide into its proper sections, just as the lyre and other musical instruments have their parts. There each of the notes has music in itself and also is fully adapted to make harmony with another. Or again in the alphabet the vocals or vowels are each sounded by themselves and also with the consonants form entire and single sounds.",
+                "[75] So with ourselves, for nature has framed in us manifold powers of sense-perception and reason and intelligence, each attuned to some function of its own, and also she has so adjusted them all in due proportion, that they work in unity and harmony with each other. Whether we consider each severally or all together, we may justly say that nature has indeed been happy in her work."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[76] Wherefore, “if you bring an offering of first-fruits,” make such division as Holy Writ prescribes (Lev. 2:14). First the new, then the roasted, then the sliced, and last the ground.",
+                "The new is for the following reason. To those who cling to the old-world days with their fabled past and have not realized the instantaneous and timeless power of God, it is a lesson bidding them accept ideas that are new and fresh and in the vigour of youth. It bids them feed no more on effete fables, which the long course of the ages has handed down for the deception of mortal kind, and thus be filled with false opinions, but rather receive in full and generous measure new, fresh, blessed thoughts from the ever ageless God. So shall they be schooled to understand that with Him nothing is ancient, nothing at all past, but all is in its birth and existence timeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] And therefore in another place we find, “thou shalt rise up away from the head of the hoary and thou shalt honour the head of the elder” (Lev. 19:32). He suggests a vast contrast between the two words. For by “hoary” is meant time which has no activity, from whose presence we must hurry to depart and shun the illusion which deceives the multitude, that time is capable of effecting anything. By “elder” is meant he that is worthy of honour and privilege and high place, and to approve such was the task entrusted to Moses, the friend of God. For “whom thou knowest,” it runs, “these are the elders” (Numb. 11:16), meaning that he would welcome no mere innovation, but his wont is to love the truths that come from older days and are worthy of the highest reverence.",
+                "[78] No doubt it is profitable, if not for the acquisition of perfect virtue, at any rate for the life of civic virtue, to feed the mind on ancient and timehonoured thoughts, to trace the venerable tradition of noble deeds, which historians and all the family of poets have handed down to the memory of their own and future generations. But when, unforeseen and unhoped for, the sudden beam of self-inspired wisdom has shone upon us, when that wisdom has opened the closed eye of the soul and made us spectators rather than hearers of knowledge, and substituted in our minds sight, the swiftest of senses, for the slower sense of hearing, then it is idle any longer to exercise the ear with words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[79] And so we read “ye shall eat the old and older yet, but also bear out the old from the face of the new” (Lev. 26:10). The meaning is this. We must not indeed reject any learning that has grown grey through time, nay, we should make it our aim to read the writings of the sages and listen to proverbs and old-world stories from the lips of those who know antiquity, and ever seek for knowledge about the men and deeds of old. For truly it is sweet to leave nothing unknown. Yet when God causes the young shoots of self-inspired wisdom to spring up within the soul, the knowledge that comes from teaching must straightway be abolished and swept off. Ay, even of itself it will subside and ebb away. God’s scholar, God’s pupil, God’s disciple, call him by whatever name you will, cannot any more suffer the guidance of men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] Again, let the fresh ripeness of the soul be “roasted,” that is tested by the might of reason, as gold is tested by the furnace. The sign that it has been tested and approved is its solidity. For as the grain in the full-grown ears is roasted, that it may no longer be soft and flaccid, and this result can only be attained by fire, so too young aspirations to the ripeness of virtue must be made solid and steadfast by the invincible power of reason. Reason indeed not only can harden within the soul the principles it has acquired and save them from looseness and dissolution, but it also has the vigour to reduce to weakness the impulses of unreasoning passion.",
+                "[81] Behold the Practiser Jacob “seething” these impulses, and then the next moment we find Esau “fainting” (Gen. 25:29). For the bad man is based on vice and passion and, when he sees the props on which he rests conquered and robbed of strength by the reason which convicts them, he must in natural consequence find the bonds loosened which knit his strength together.",
+                "[82] But again this reason must not be a confused mass, but divided into its proper sections. This is the meaning of “slicing” the offering. Order is better than disorder everywhere, but especially in that nature of swiftest outflow, reason."
+            ],
+            [
+                "It must therefore be divided into main or leading thoughts, the so-called ‘relevant topics,’ and each of these must be provided with its properly constructed development. In this way we shall imitate the skilled archers, who set up a target and aim all their arrows at it. For the main thought is like the target and the developments like the arrows.",
+                "[83] In this way we weave into a harmonious whole that noblest of garments, reason; for the lawgiver cuts the plate of gold into threads, to weave them each in its fitting place into a lasting whole (Exod. 36:10). And so reason, which is more precious than gold, the rich and manifold union of myriad forms, is brought to its excellent perfection, if first it be shredded into the utmost nicety of leading thoughts and points, and then through these the arguments and demonstrations which they need are passed like woof through the warp.",
+                "[84] Further, there is the command that, when the victim destined to be burnt whole has been flayed, it shall be divided into its limbs (Lev. 1:6), in order that first the soul should be seen in its nakedness without the covering with which false and idle conjectures invest it, and then be divided as the limbs demand. It is virtue which is the whole and is seen as a genus, and it is then divided into its primary species, prudence, temperance, courage, and justice, so that observing the distinctions between each of these we may undertake willing service to them both severally and together.",
+                "[85] Let us see to it that we exercise our soul stripped of its encumbrances, that it be not confused and deceived by vague, wholesale, indiscriminate ideas of things, but may divide and classify such things as come before it, and look closely into each, so that it may make its scrutiny with strictest care. And so too we must train our reason, which so long as it flows in disordered current can only create obscurity, but when divided into its proper heads, with the arguments and demonstrations suited to each, will like a living animal be compacted of parts complete in themselves, and made into a harmonious whole.",
+                "Once more, if these things are to be our lasting possession we must continually exercise and discipline ourselves therein. For contact with knowledge without abiding in it is as if we should taste food or drink, and then be barred from receiving its nourishment to the full."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] So after the “slicing” must come the “pounding,” that is, after division and classification we must continually dwell in and linger over the thoughts presented to our minds. Continued exercise makes solid knowledge, as its absence makes ignorance. We see how great is the multitude of those who, through shirking bodily training, have enfeebled their natural strength. Not such an example did those follow who fed their soul with the heavenly food called manna. They ground and chafed it and made of it “buried” cakes (Numb. 11:8), judging it right to crush and grind virtue’s heaven-sent discourse, that its impress on their understanding might be the firmer.",
+                "[87] When then you acknowledge as God wills these four things, the new,’ that is the blossom or vigour; the ‘roasted,’ that is the fire-tested and invincible reason; the ‘sliced,’ that is the division of things into their classes; the ‘pounded,’ that is the persistent practice and exercise in what the mind has grasped, you will bring an offering of the first-fruits, even the first and best offspring of the soul. Yet even if we are slow to do this, He Himself is not slow to take to Himself those who are fit for His service. “I will take you,” He says, “to be My people and I will be your God (Exod. 6:7), and ye shall be to Me a people. I am the Lord” (Lev. 26:12)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] Such were the charges brought against Cain who made his offering after many days. But Abel brought other offerings and in other manner. His offering was living, Cain’s was lifeless. His was first in age and value, Cain’s but second. His had strength and superior fatness, Cain’s had but weakness. For we are told that Abel offered of the firstlings of the sheep and of their fat (Gen. 4:4).",
+                "[89] And thus he fulfilled the sacred ordinance, “It shall be when the Lord thy God has brought thee into the land of the Canaanites, as He sware to thy fathers, and shall give it unto thee, thou shalt separate everything that opens the womb that is male unto the Lord; everything that opens the womb from thy herds among thy cattle, all that are born to thee, the males to the Lord. All that opens the womb of an ass, thou shalt exchange for a sheep; but if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it”(Exod. 13:11–13). That which opens the womb is the first-born, that is Abel’s gift, and the time and method of this offering is a matter for thy search.",
+                "[90] The fittest time indeed is when God has brought thee where reason is tossed to and fro, that is to the land of the Canaanites. He brought thee there in no random manner, but according to His own oath. And He brought thee there not to be carried hither and thither, ever passive amid the surge and eddy and swirl, but that quit of the wild sea thou shouldst spend thy days under clear sky and in calm water, and reaching virtue as an anchorage or roadstead, or haven of most sure shelter, mightest there find a stable resting-place."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] But, when he tells us that God sware an oath, we must consider whether he lays down that such a thing can with truth be ascribed to God, since to thousands it seems unworthy of Him. For our conception of an oath is an appeal to God as a witness on some disputed matter. But nothing is uncertain or open to dispute with God.",
+                "[92] He it is who has shown to all others plainly the signs whereby they may know the truth. Truly He needs no witness, for there is no other god to be His peer. I need not argue that he who bears witness, in so far as he is a witness, is superior to him for whom the witness is given. For the one craves help, the other renders it, and the latter condition is always more excellent than the former. But there is nothing better than the Cause—even to think the thought were blasphemy—since there is nothing equal to Him, or even but a little below. The gulf that separates God from what comes next to Him is one of kind and nature.",
+                "[93] Now men have recourse to oaths to win belief, when others deem them untrustworthy; but God is trustworthy in His speech as elsewhere, so that His words in certitude and assurance differ not a whit from oaths. And so it is that while with us the oath gives warrant for our sincerity, it is itself guaranteed by God. For the oath does not make God trustworthy; it is God that assures the oath."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Why then did it seem well to the prophet and revealer to represent God as binding Himself by an oath? It was to convince created man of his weakness and to accompany conviction with help and comfort. We are not able to cherish continually in our souls the thought which sums so worthily the nature of the Cause, that “God is not as man” (Numb. 23:19), and thus rise superior to all the human conceptions of Him.",
+                "[95] In us the mortal is the chief ingredient. We cannot get outside ourselves in forming our ideas; we cannot escape our inborn infirmities. We creep within our covering of mortality, like snails into their shells, or like the hedgehog we roll ourselves into a ball, and we think of the blessed and the immortal in terms of our own natures. We shun indeed in words the monstrosity of saying that God is of human form, but in actual fact we accept the impious thought that He is of human passions.",
+                "[96] And therefore we invent for Him hands and feet, incomings and outgoings, enmities, aversions, estrangements, anger, in fact such parts and passions as can never belong to the Cause. And of such is the oath—a mere crutch for our weakness.",
+                "[97] So to resume, “if God gives such and such to thee, thou shalt separate them” (Exod. 13:11). Thus does Moses condition his command. Yes, for unless He gives, thou shalt not have, since all things are His possessions, all things outside thee, and the body, the senses, the reason, the mind, and the functions of them all; and not thyself only, but this world also. And whatsoever thou severest or dividest from it for thy use, thou shalt find to be not thine but Another’s. Earth and water, air, sky, stars, all forms of living creatures and plants, things that perish and things that perish not, thou dost not hold in ownership. Therefore whatsoever thou bringest as an offering, thou wilt offer God’s possession and not thine own."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Again note the true sense of holiness shown in the command to separate from what has been given us, not to bring all. For numberless are the gifts assigned by nature to mankind as their portion, in none of which does she herself participate. She is unborn yet gives birth, needs no nourishment yet gives it, changes not yet gives growth, admits neither of diminishment nor increase yet gives the ages of life in succession; she gives that bodily organization which has the power to take and give, advance, see, hear, absorb food, cast it forth when digested, distinguish flavours, utter speech, and do the many other things which belong to those offices which are at once useful and necessary.",
+                "[99] Perhaps it may be said that, while these are but indifferent things, nature must have taken for her own undoubted forms of good. Let us test then, among these truly named “good” things, those which in our judgement are most admired, all of which we pray to attain at their proper seasons, and whose attainment is counted our greatest happiness.",
+                "[100] Such are a happy old age and a happy death. We all know that they are the greatest blessings that can befall mankind, and yet in neither has nature any share, for she knows neither old age nor death. And why should we count it strange that the uncreated does not deign to use the good which belongs to the created, when even the created itself lays claim to virtues varying according to the different species into which it is divided? Men could not contest with women, nor women with men, the functions which fitly belong only to the other sex.",
+                "[101] If women should affect the practices of men, or men attempt those of women, they will in each case be held to belie their sex and win an ill name thereby. And some virtues and excellences nature has so discriminated, that not even long practice could make them common property. To sow and beget belongs to the man and is his peculiar excellence, and no woman could attain to it. Again welfare in child-bearing is a good thing belonging to women, but the nature of man admits not of it. Thus even the phrase “as a man” (cherisheth his son) (Deut. 1:31) is not used of God in its literal sense, but is a term used in figure, a word of help to our feeble apprehension. Separate, therefore, my soul, all that is created, mortal, mutable, profane, from thy conception of God the uncreated, the unchangeable, the immortal, the holy and solely blessed."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[102] The words “of all that openeth the womb, the males to the Lord,” are indeed true to nature. For as nature has given the womb to women as the proper part for generation of living offspring, so she has set in the soul for the generation of things a power by which the understanding conceives and travails and is the mother of many children.",
+                "[103] Of the thoughts thus brought to the birth some are male and some female, just as in the case of living beings. The female offspring of the soul is vice and passion, that emasculating influence which affects us in each of our pursuits. The male offspring is health of soul and virtue, by which we are stimulated and strengthened. Of these the men’s quarters must be dedicated wholly to God, the women’s quarters must be set to our own account, and therefore we have the command “all that openeth the womb, the males to the Lord.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] But we also find “everything which openeth the womb from thy herds amongst thy cattle, all that are born to thee, the males to the Lord” (Exod. 13:12). Having spoken of the offspring of the ruling element he proceeds to instruct us as to the offspring of the unreasoning element, the element allotted to the senses, which he likens to cattle. Now the younglings that are reared among the herd are tame and docile, because they are guided by the care of the herdsman who rules them. For those that roam at large and in liberty become wild for want of one to tame them, but those who are led by goatherd, neat-herd, shepherd, and the like, the herdsman, that is, who tends whatever kind of animal it may be, must needs be tame and gentle. So then, the senses also as a kind may be either wild or tame.",
+                "[105] They are wild when, throwing off the control of their herdsman the mind, they are carried away in their unreason into the outer sphere of things perceptible by them. They are tame when they respond submissively to reflection, the ruling element in our compound nature, and accept its guidance and control. Whatsoever then sense sees or hears or in general perceives under the direction of the mind is male and perfect, for each perception is made under good conditions.",
+                "[106] But whatsoever lacks that guide works destruction in our body, as anarchy does in a city. So then here, as in the former case, we must admit that the motions of the senses, which obey the mind and necessarily are of the better kind, come to pass through God’s will, but those which reject control must be held to belong to ourselves, when propelled by the external objects of sense we are carried away in unreasoning course."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[107] Again we are bidden to set apart not only from these but from the “whole mixture.” The words of the commandment are as follows, “and it shall be that when ye eat of the bread of the land, ye shall set apart a portion marked out for the Lord: a loaf as the first offering of your mixture, ye shall set it apart as a portion. As ye do with a portion from the threshing-floor, so shall ye set it apart” (Numb. 15:19–20).",
+                "[108] The “mixture” then is ourselves, and indeed in a literal sense, so many substances are brought together and compounded in us, to make our complete selves. Cold and heat, wet and dry, such opposite forces as these were blended and combined by the moulder of living creatures to produce that single congeries the individual, and it is from this that it is here called a “mixture.”",
+                "Of this congeries, in which soul and body hold the place of primary divisions, we must dedicate the firstlings.",
+                "[109] These firstlings are the sacred impulses which accord with the excellence of either, and therefore also we have the comparison with the threshing-floor. For as on the threshing-floor the wheat, barley, and other grain are gathered apart, while the chaff and husk and any other refuse are scattered elsewhither, so too in us there are the best, the profitable elements which provide that true nourishment, whereby right living is brought to its fullness. These it is which must be dedicated to God, while the rest which has nothing of the divine must be left as refuse to mortality. It is from the former then that we must take for our offering.",
+                "[110] But there are some powers which are pure from evil through and through, and these we must not mutilate by severing into their parts. These are like the undivided sacrifices, the whole burnt-offerings of which Isaac is a clear example, whom God commanded to be offered in victim’s fashion, because he had no part or lot in any passion which breeds corruption.",
+                "[111] And the same truth is taught in another passage, “my gifts, my offerings, my fruits ye shall observe to offer me at my feasts” (Numb. 28:2). No word here of setting apart or dividing: they are to be brought full, perfect, and complete. For the soul’s feast is the joy and gladness which the perfect virtues bring, and by perfect is meant virtues unspotted by all the tainting evils to which the human race is liable. Such a feast the wise man only can keep and save him none other. For hardly ever shall you find a soul which has never tasted of passions or vices."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[112] Having given us the doctrine of the parts of the soul, of the ruling part and the subject part, and having shown also in each of these what is the masculine and what the feminine element, Moses proceeds to teach us the lesson that follows next. He knows well that without toil and care it is not possible for male offspring to fall to our lot. Thus his next words are “all that openeth the womb of an ass, thou shalt exchange for a sheep” (Exod. 13:13). It is as much as to say exchange all toil for progress. For the ass is the symbol of toil—he is a patient beast—and the sheep of progress, as the very name shows.",
+                "[113] Come then to the study of the arts, or the trades, or whatever else can be taught and learnt, not with disdain or slackness, but with all care and attention, with your mind braced to endure patiently all manner of drudgery, and at the same time be at pains not to be held in bondage by fruitless toil, but to bring your labour to the most honourable conclusion and win progress and betterment. For toil is to be borne for the sake of progress.",
+                "[114] But if it should chance that with all your acceptance of labour and its drudgery your nature gains nothing, but refuses the improvement which progress should bring, turn from it and desist. It is a weary task to oppose nature. And therefore it is that he adds “if thou dost not exchange it, thou shalt redeem it” (Exod. 13:13): that is, if you cannot gain progress in exchange for your labour, let the labour go as well, for the word “redeem” suggests such a meaning, namely that you shall free your soul from the care that has no end and accomplishes nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[115] But these words do not apply to the virtues, but only to the secondary arts and any necessary trades which men practise to provide for the needs of the body, or to procure additional and material comforts. Labour undertaken for the perfectly good and excellent in any form, even though it fail to attain its end, is of itself strong to benefit the labourer from the first. It is those things which lie outside virtue which are all profitless, unless the result crown the work. It is just as it is with animals. If you take from them the head, all else goes with it. And the head of actions is their end or object. While it is in its place they live in some sort. If you choose to cut it off or amputate it, they die.",
+                "[116] So athletes who cannot win a victory, but are always defeated, will do well to retire. Merchants or shipmen who meet with perpetual disasters at sea should desist and change their occupation. Those who have studied the lower subjects, but have been unable through dullness of nature to imbibe any knowledge, will deserve praise if they abandon them. For exertion in such matters is not engaged in for the sake of the exercise, but for the sake of the object at which they aim.",
+                "[117] If then our nature opposes our efforts for progress in them, let us not fruitlessly resist her. If she forwards those efforts, let us do homage to God with those firstlings and honours which are the ransom of our souls, for they rescue it from cruel task-masters and redeem it into liberty."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[118] We have it indeed on the authority of Moses that the Levites, who in place of the first-born were appointed to the service of Him who alone is worthy of service, were a ransom for all the others. “And behold I have taken,” he says, “the Levites from the midst of the sons of Israel, in place of every first-born that opens the womb from among the sons of Israel. They shall be their ransom and the Levites shall be mine, for every first-born is mine. On the day when I smote every first-born in the land of Egypt, I hallowed to myself every first-born in Israel” (Numb. 3:12, 13).",
+                "[119] It is Reason, who has taken refuge with God and become His suppliant, that is here given the name of Levite. This Reason God took from the midmost and most sovereign part of the soul, that is He drew it and allotted it to Himself and adjudged to it the portion of the eldest son. And thus it is clear from this that, while Reuben is the first-born of Jacob, Levi is the first-born of Israel. The former has the precedence in years, the latter in honour and value.",
+                "[120] For labour and progress of which Jacob is the symbol have their source in natural ability which gives Reuben his name, but the fountain of that devout contemplation of the only wise being, on which Israel’s rank is based, is the habit of service to God, and this service is symbolized by Levi. So then, just as Jacob appears as inheritor of the birthright of Esau, when labour striving for the good was victorious over the craving that pursues evil, so too Reuben the man of natural gifts must yield the rights of the elder to Levi, whose life is one of perfect virtue. And this perfection is shown most clearly in that he makes God his refuge and forsakes all dealing with the world of created things."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] This is the primary meaning of the price which the soul that craves liberty pays for its deliverance and ransom. But it may be that the prophet also means to show another truth and one that we could ill spare, namely that every wise man is a ransom for the fool, whose existence could not endure for an hour, did not the wise provide for his preservation by compassion and forethought. The wise are as physicians who fight against the infirmities of the sick, alleviate them or altogether remove them, unless the violence of the malady’s impetuous course overpower the careful treatment of the physician.",
+                "[122] It was such overpowering evil that destroyed Sodom, when no good could balance the vast sum of evil that weighed down the scale. If there had been found in Sodom the number fifty, the number which brings the message of redemption from slavery and full liberty to the soul (Lev. 25:10 ), or any of the numbers which wise Abraham named in succession from fifty downwards till he reached the lower limit of ten, the number sacred to education, the mind would not have perished in such shameful downfall (Gen. 18:24 ff.).",
+                "[123] Yet we should try, as well as we may, to save even those whom the evil within them is bringing to certain ruin, and follow the example of the good physicians, who, though they see that there is no hope for the patient, yet render their services gladly, lest others should think, in the event of some disaster which they did not expect, that it is due to the physician’s neglect. And if some seed of recovery should appear in him, however little, it should be cherished as we fan an ember with every care. For we may hope that the germ may grow and spread, and that thus the man may lead a better and more stable life.",
+                "[124] For my own part, when I see a good man living in a house or city, I hold that house or city happy and believe that their enjoyment of their present blessings will endure, and that their hopes for those as yet lacking will be realized. For God for the sake of the worthy dispenses to the unworthy also His boundless and illimitable wealth. I know indeed that they cannot escape old age, but I pray that their years may be prolonged to the utmost.",
+                "[125] For I believe that, as long as they may live, it will be well with the community. So when I see or hear that any of them are dead, my heart is sad and heavy. Not for them. They have reached in the due course of nature the end we all must reach. They have lived in happiness and died in honour. It is for the survivors that I mourn. Deprived of the strong protecting arm, which brought them safety, they are abandoned to the woes which are their proper portion, and which they soon will feel, unless indeed nature should raise up some new protectors to replace the old, as in the tree which sheds its now ripened fruit, her agency makes other fruits grow up to give sustenance and pleasure to those who can pluck them.",
+                "[126] As then in a city good men are the surest warrant of permanence, so in the commonwealth of the individual composed of soul and body, the strongest force to ensure stability belongs to those aspirations of the reason to wisdom and knowledge, which the lawgiver in his parable calls on grounds already stated “ransom” and “firstborn.”",
+                "[127] And thus too he speaks of the cities of the Levites as “ransomed for ever” (Lev. 25:32), because the worshipper of God has reaped eternal freedom, and, while in the continuous flux of the soul change succeeds change, healing also succeeds healing in him. For the saying that the cities may be redeemed not once for all, but for ever, suggests the thought that for the worshipper with perpetual change goes perpetual liberation. The one is incidental to mortal nature, the other stands firm through the grace of the Benefactor, who is that worshipper’s portion and possession."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[128] And here we may turn to another matter, which deserves more than a passing consideration. Why did he throw open the cities of the Levites to the fugitives from vengeance and deem fit that there the holiest should live side by side with men reckoned unholy, namely those who had committed involuntary homicide? The first answer is one that follows from what has been already said. We showed that the good are a ransom for the bad, and therefore it is with good reason that the sinners come to the consecrated to get purification.",
+                "Secondly, as they whom the Levites receive are exiles, so too the Levites themselves are virtually exiles.",
+                "[129] For as the homicides are expelled from the home of their nativity, so too the Levites have left children, parents, brothers, their nearest and dearest, to win an undying portion in place of that which perishes. The two differ in that the flight of these is not of their own desire, but for an involuntary deed, while those have fled of their own free will in loving quest of the highest. Again, the homicides find their refuge in the Levites, the Levites in Him who is ruler of all. The former in their imperfection think to have for their allotted province the holy word, the latter to have the God to whom they have been consecrated.",
+                "[130] And, once more, they who slew involuntarily were granted the right of living in the same cities as the Levites, because these too were privileged as a reward for slaying in a righteous cause. We find that when the soul fell and honoured the god of Egypt, the body, as gold, with an honour which was not its due, the holy thoughts with one accord of their own motion rushed to the defence in arms. These arms were the proofs and arguments which knowledge gives. And they set before them as their captain and leader the high priest and prophet and friend of God, Moses. They waged war to the death for true religion, and held not their hands till they had made an end of all the false doctrines of their enemies (Exod. 32:26–28). And thus it is natural that Levite and homicide should dwell together, for their deeds though not the same are alike."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] There is another interpretation current of this matter, though not for vulgar knowledge. It may be entrusted to the hearing of the elders: younger ears may well be sealed against it. It is this. Amongst all the highest powers that attach to God, there is one excelled by none, the legislative. For He Himself is the lawgiver and the fountain of laws, and on Him depend all particular lawgivers. This legislative power is such as to be divided into two parts, one for rewarding those who do well, the other for the punishment of evil-doers.",
+                "[132] Of the first of these divisions the Levite is the minister. For he undertakes all the rites that belong to that perfect priesthood, by which mortality is commended to and recognized by God, whether it be through burnt-offering or peace-offering or repentance of sins. But of the second division, whose function is to punish, they who shed blood involuntarily have thereby become the ministers.",
+                "[133] To this Moses testifies in the words “he did it not of intention, but God delivered him into his hands” (Exod. 21:13). The slayer’s hands we see were used as instruments, but He who worked invisibly by these was another, even the Invisible One. It is well then that the two should dwell together who are the ministers of the two forms of law-giving, the Levite serving that which bestows reward, the involuntary slayer that which executes vengeance.",
+                "[134] When we read “on the day that I smote all the first-born in Egypt, I sanctified to myself all the first-born in Israel” (Numb. 3:13), we must not suppose that at that time only when Egypt was dealt that mighty blow by the destruction of her first-born did the first-born of Israel become holy.",
+                "[135] No, the lesson is that in the past, in the present, in the future, that hallowing may be for ever repeated in the soul. When the most dominant elements of blind passion are destroyed then comes the sanctification of the elder and precious offspring of Israel who has the clear vision of God. For the exodus of evil works the entrance of virtue, and the opposite is true also. When good withdraws, the evil that is biding its time takes its place. Hardly has Jacob gone out (Gen. 27:30) when Esau is with our mind, which is open to all that come. He thinks to efface the image of virtue and impress in its stead, if he can, the stamp of vice. Yet he shall not be able to accomplish his purpose. The wise man will ward off the blow before it fall, and Esau shall wake to find himself tripped, supplanted, and his inheritance passed to the other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] But Abel offers the firstlings not only from the first-born, but from the fat, showing that the gladness and richness of the soul, all that protects and gives joy, should be set apart for God.",
+                "I note that also in the ordering of the sacrifices the worshipper is bidden to bring from the victims these three first, the fat, the kidneys, and the lobe of the liver (Lev. 3:3 ff.). Of these I will speak separately. But nowhere is there a word of the brain or the heart, which we should have supposed would be offered before all, seeing that also in the Lawgiver’s words it is acknowledged that the ruling principle resides in one or other of these.",
+                "[137] Yet perhaps it was in true piety and after careful thought that he excluded them from the altar of God, because this ruling principle from moment to moment is subject to many changes either way, to good and bad. And thus it is ever assuming different impressions: sometimes that of a coin pure and approved by the test, sometimes of one that is base and adulterated.",
+                "[138] This region then which admits both contending elements, the noble and the shameful, which is familiar with both, and honours both alike, seemed no less unholy than holy to the lawgiver, and therefore he dismissed it from the altar of God. For the shameful is profane, and the profane is surely unholy.",
+                "[139] It is this profaneness which has excluded the ruling principle. But if that should undergo purgation, then, when all the parts have been cleansed, there shall be given to the sacrificial fire a whole offering free from stain and pollution. For this is the law of burnt-offerings, that nothing save the excrement and hide which are the tokens of bodily weakness, not of wickedness, should be left to created being, but the rest, which show a soul wholly complete in all its parts, should be given in their entirety as a burnt-offering to God."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO THE SACRIFICES OF ABEL AND CAIN",
+            "§§ 5–7. In these sections we have a suggestion of the idea, to which Philo frequently recurs, of the “educational trinity,” stated by Aristotle in the form παιδείᾳ δεῖν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως. Philo takes as the typical examples of these three, Isaac, Abraham and Jacob, see particularly <i>De Abr.</i> 52 ff., where Isaac is ὁ αὐτομαθοῦς ἐπιστήμης ἀξιωθείς, Abraham represents οἱ μαθήσει καὶ διδασκαλίᾳ προκόψαντες (in <i>De Abr.</i> he is called the σύμβολον διδασκαλικῆς ἀρετῆς), while Jacob as usual is the ἀσκητής.",
+            "§ 9. Ex. 7:1. Philo’s treatment of this text here is worth comparing with his other explanations. In <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 40 the mind is the god of the unreasoning element, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 19. In <i>De Migr. Abr.</i> 84, the inspired mind is addressed as god, while in <i>Quod Det.</i> 161 the fact that the wise man is called the “god” of the fool is used as an illustration of the difference between reality and “opinion”; for even the wise man cannot be God in reality. To argue, therefore, as he does here, that an attribute which is inconsistent with God must also be inconsistent with Moses is to give the text a meaning which he shrinks from elsewhere.",
+            "§ 10. <i>Such is the meaning</i>, etc. The translation assumes that Philo here sums up the general result of the first ten sections which have been a homily on Gen. 4:2. It would be possible, however, to take it in closer connexion with the immediately preceding sentences, “even so it is when God adds,” etc.",
+            "§ 12. Ex. 4:10. The LXX. has οὐκ ἱκανός (some MSS. εὔλογός) εἰμι πρὸ τῆς χθές, οὐδὲ πρὸ τῆς τρίτης ἡμέρας, οὐδὲ ἀφʼ οὗ ἤρξω λαλεῖν τῷ θεράποντί σου. Our R.V. has “neither heretofore nor since thou hast spoken,” <i>i.e.</i> neither at the earlier nor the later date, and presumably this was the meaning of the LXX. Philo, however, by ignoring the second οὐδέ takes it to convey the idea that Moses’ contempt of τὸ εὔλογον only begins with his converse with God.",
+            "His use of εὔλογος here and in other quotations of the text shows clearly that he actually had that reading.",
+            "§ 13. <i>The fabulous inventions</i>, etc. Lit. “the conjectural and insecure myth-making of eloquence (or ‘the eloquent’)”, or, taking εὐλόγων εἰκαστικήν together, “which guesses at probabilities” (ὁ ψευδῶν εἰκαστικός, <i>De Cher.</i> 116, is in favour of this). Philo often uses εὔλογος in the ordinary sense of “reasonably probable,” but at other times, influenced perhaps by Ex. 4:10, in the double sense of (<i>a</i>) fine language, (<i>b</i>) merely probable as opposed to certain. It is impossible in translation to reproduce this double sense. The best modern equivalent would be “rhetorical,” were it not for the risk of confusion with the ancient technical use of “rhetoric” which is so common in Philo. There is a very similar phrasing in <i>Quod Det.</i> 38.",
+            "§§ 15–16. The thought of these sections is developed more fully in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 293–299, where four periods are indicated: (1) early childhood; (2) boyhood, the dangers of which are described in words very similar to our passage; (3) the stage in which the healing influences of philosophy are brought to bear upon the passions; (4) when the soul definitely turns away from sin to wisdom. He does not mean here that passion ordinarily ceases with youth, but that, in the case of the converted, conversion does not usually come till youth is past.",
+            "§ 17. <i>Named after his folly.</i> This is very far-fetched even for Philo. He interpreted the name of Esau from the Hebrew as (1) a thing made (ποίημα); (2) an oak or tree. In <i>De Cong.</i> 61 he says that the first signifies a fiction (πλάσμα) and the life of folly is of the nature of fiction, and that the second signifies a stubborn nature which takes folly for its counsellor.",
+            "§§ 21–33. On the reasons why these sections were omitted in earlier editions of the treatise see Anal. Introd. p. 93. This curious parable, which particularly in the list of nearly 150 vices goes far beyond anything else to be found in Philo, is obviously based on the famous fable of Xenophon, <i>Mem.</i> ii. I, there ascribed to Prodicus, in which Vice and Virtue plead with Hercules when he stands at the crossways of life. There are several definite reminiscences of this. It is also no doubt directly aimed at the doctrines of Epicurus.",
+            "§ 21. <i>Her eyebrows are smothered in paint.</i> Greek ladies sometimes painted their eyebrows with a preparation of soot (ἄσβολος) or of antimony (στίμμι), see <i>Dict, of Ant. s.v.</i>“fucus.”",
+            "[ἐγκεκαλυμμένη τὰς ὀφρῦς. Philo perhaps wrote ἐγκεκολαμμένη. There is ground for the belief that ὀφρυκολάπτης may have been as familiar to Philo as δρυκολάπτης to Aristophanes (<i>Birds</i> 480, 979) or δρυοκολάπτης to Aristotle. A pair of tweezers is the ordinary implement for “eyebrowshaping” (as it is called in Bond Street), but a razor is sometimes used, at all events in Germany. ‘Carve’ or ‘chisel’ is the <i>secondary</i> meaning of κολάπτω, ‘I peck.’—G. H. W.]",
+            "§§ 35–41. This eulogy of πόνος is based on the similar one put into the mouth of Virtue in the Prodicean fable.",
+            "§ 37. <i>Severe harmony.</i> An adaptation of the Platonic idea of virtue as a harmony of the soul together with the Stoic view that moral evil is a relaxation of its τόνος (tension, muscular vigour).",
+            "<i>Higher forms of art.</i> The Stoics said (<i>e.g.</i> Stob. <i>Eel.</i> ii. 6. 4) that virtue was a τέχνη περὶ ὅλον τὸν βίον and also (<i>ibid.</i>) that the chief virtues were both ἐπιστῆμαι and τέχναι. To judge from <i>De Cong.</i> 142 Philo would hardly have admitted the latter statement.",
+            "§ 45. <i>After hearing this.</i> These words show that the literary device of making Virtue discourse has been maintained up to this point, though not very skilfully in the last three sections. To put these O.T. illustrations into the mouth of the woman described in 26 is hardly appropriate.",
+            "§ 50. <i>Worldling.</i> Lit. “man of superfluity.” Philo explains the epithet in several places. Jethro is the vanity which deals with the varying customs, unsanctioned by nature, and thus serves to deceive the true life (<i>De Agr.</i> 43); or the seeming wise who perpetually changes according to the groundless opinions of men (<i>De Ebr.</i> 37); or jeers at things equal and necessary to life and glorifies the inequalities of superfluous wealth (<i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 103). “Worldling” seems to the translator to combine these ideas better than any other word.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Earlier books.</i> No such passage in the earlier books survives. But in <i>De Agr.</i> 21 ff. a “tiller of the soil” is explained as one who lives to satisfy the wants of the body.",
+            "§ 57. <i>Now the covenant</i>, etc. The argument seems to be: The covenant means God’s gifts, God’s gifts are perfect; virtue is perfect; therefore virtue is God’s gift, and not man’s merit.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Lesser mysteries.</i> See on <i>De Cher.</i> 49. The Passover represents the first stage of initiation in which the soul is escaping from the Egypt of passion and entering upon its life of practice. This is a lower stage than the “mysteries” described in 59–60. where the soul gains a perception of God.",
+            "§ 63. <i>She must grip … sandals.</i> The idea perhaps is that as the soul and body are bound together, the former must keep a tight hold of the latter. It thus corresponds to a foot which fits tightly into the sandal and does not allow it to slip.",
+            "§ 68. <i>Self-extension.</i> For the Stoic conception of “tension” (τόνος) including both expansion and condensation see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i> (Eng. trans.), p. 140.",
+            "§ 80. <i>It has the vigour.</i> In εὐτόνως we have again an allusion to the favourite Stoic idea of “tension” (see on 37). Here, however, the πάθη are conceived of as having their own τόνος, which is relaxed or weakened by the τόνος of reason. The same idea is no doubt present in the ἐκλύεται of 81.",
+            "§ 82. <i>Reason.</i> To preserve the continuity of the argument, this word has been retained in this and the following sections. But clearly Philo drifts away from the faculty of reason to its expression in definite thoughts and words.",
+            "§ 120. <i>Natural ability.</i> Reuben is several times taken as the type of εὐφυΐα. But it is strange to find this quality, which is elsewhere associated with φύσις and τὸ αὐτομαθές (Isaac) rather than with ἄσκησις (Jacob), taken here as the source of labour and progress of Jacob, and contrasted with the “inspired contemplation” of Israel.",
+            "§ 122. <i>The number sacred to education.</i> Philo seems to associate the “perfect” number ten (1 + 2 + 3 + 4) with education, partly at least because he found in Lev. 27:32 that “every tenth which comes under the rod shall be holy” and he was convinced that the rod was παιδεία (<i>De Cong.</i> 94). Also he seems to have argued that the μέση παιδεία was the minimum which God would accept, and that therefore the “ten” of Gen. 18:32, must refer to that. This view is developed in <i>De Mut.</i> 226 ff.",
+            "§ 123. <i>Due to the physician’s neglect.</i> This translation involves giving a very unnatural meaning to παρά with the acc. So far as the use of παρά goes, it would be better to take it “through the indifference (of the relatives) caused by them” (<i>i.e.</i> the physicians whose non-attendance leads the relatives to think that things are going well). But this rendering is very harsh and unnatural. The Papyrus has for παρʼ αὐτούς the unintelligible ανη ουτως which may perhaps conceal some illegible phrase = “apparent,” which the MSS. tried to patch up.",
+            "§ 136. <i>The brain or the heart.</i> The Stoics for the most part decided on the heart. For Chrysippus’s arguments see Arnim, <i>Stoic. Vet. Frag.</i> ii. 885 ff.; Zeller, <i>Stoics</i> (Eng. Trans.), p. 214. The opponents could appeal to Plato, who located τὸ λογιστικόν in the head.",
+            "<i>Also in the lawgiver’s words.</i> Philo could find plenty of examples of “heart” <i>e.g.</i> Deut. 5:29. For “brain” or “head” he may have relied on Gen. 3:15 LXX.",
+            "§ 137. <i>Nothing save the excrement and hide.</i> Philo’s memory has played him false. There is no such exception ordered with regard to the ὁλοκαύτωμα. He is perhaps thinking of the directions about the “sin offering” in Lev. 4:11, where, however, the hide and excrement are only mentioned with the head, legs, etc., to show that the whole animal must be burnt."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על קורבנות הבל וקין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על קורבנות הבל וקין",
+        "enTitle": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+        "key": "On the Birth of Abel and the Sacrifices Offered by him and by his Brother Cain",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,492 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Change of Names",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1934",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על שינוי השמות",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CHANGE OF NAMES (DE MUTATIONE NOMINUM) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise is an exposition of various points arising in Gen. 17:1–5 and 15–22.",
+            "1. Abraham became ninety-nine years old, and the Lord was seen by Abraham and said to him, “I am thy God: be well pleasing before Me and become blameless.",
+            "2. And I will set my covenant between Me and between thee.…”",
+            "3. And Abraham fell upon his face and God spake to him, saying:",
+            "4. “And I, behold my covenant is with thee.…",
+            "5. And thy name shall no longer be called Abram, but thy name shall be Abraham.…”",
+            "15. And God said to Abraham, “Sarai thy wife, her name shall not be called Sarai. Sarah shall be her name.",
+            "16. And I will bless her, and give thee a child from her, and I will bless her, and she shall be for nations, and kings of nations shall be from her.”",
+            "17. And Abraham fell on his face and laughed, and he spake in his mind, saying, “Shall a son be born to one of a hundred years, and shall Sarah being ninety years bear a son?”",
+            "18. And Abraham said to God, “Let this Ishmael live before thee!”",
+            "19. And God said to Abraham, “Yes, behold Sarah thy wife shall bear thee a son, and thou shalt call his name Isaac.…",
+            "20. But as for Ishmael, behold I have heard thee, and behold I have blessed him, I will increase him, I will multiply him; he shall beget twelve nations.",
+            "21. But my covenant I will establish to Isaac, whom Sarah shall bear to thee at this season in the other year.”",
+            "“Abraham was ninety-nine years old, and the Lord appeared to him and said, ‘I am thy God.’ ” After a passing remark on the significance of ninety-nine as indicating the approach to the sacred hundred (1–2) we go on to “appeared” or “was seen.” Now God cannot be seen by the eye, but only by the mind (3–6), and indeed God in His essence cannot be apprehended by mind, any more than mind can apprehend itself. And so Moses was told that he could only see what was behind God, not His face (7–10). It follows that no proper name can be given to the God Who IS, and when in Exodus He calls Himself the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob it must be regarded as a κατάχρησις or licence of language (11–14). We must infer then that what appeared to Abraham was not God the Existent but His sovereign potency which in Scripture is called the Lord (15–17), and yet this sovereign potency also says “I am thy God.” Is not God the God of all men? we may ask. No, He is Lord to the bad, God to the earnest striver, God and Lord to the perfect (18–19). Thus He is spoken of as God to Moses, but Lord to Pharaoh and Lord God to Israel (19–23). But not only is God the good man’s God, but also the good man is God’s man, and we must remember that only by living up to the latter relation can we reach the former (24–26). Now while the Existent is absolute His potencies are relative. Kings, benefactors and makers must rule, benefit and make something (27–28). When God is called man’s God, it implies that God has made him, but God did not make the bad at all, and those between good and bad only through His subordinates, as the “Let us make” in Genesis shews (29–31). Therefore to have God for maker in the full sense is the highest honour. Who then are those who can claim this? Philo at first seems to limit the claim to the detached and ascetic kind who have risen entirely above all that is bodily (32–33). But such, he acknowledges, are rare: a thought which he supports with the phrase, “Enoch was not found,” and indeed philosophers have laid down rightly or wrongly that the wise man and wisdom do not actually exist (34–38). We must admit therefore the pos̨sibility of a more social form of goodness which can claim God for its maker, and this is indicated in the next words, “Be well pleasing before Me,” which have a different meaning from “Be well pleasing to Me,” for he who serves men is not only well pleasing to God but well pleasing before God (39–42). This double duty to man and God is symbolized by the two robes of the high priest and other duplicates, and the very fact that God existed before creation and only created out of His beneficence shews that we must combine supreme reverence for Him with due regard for the human nature which He has made (43–46).",
+            "The next words, “And become blameless,” may indicate that an abstinence from sin is a lower stage than the positive virtue which the Stoics called κατόρθωμα. But Philo does not lay stress on this, for he feels that to man subject so constantly to temptation, such abstinence is the most that can be asked (47–51), and indeed it is to the blameless that God promises to set His covenant “between Me and thee,” that is, to let nothing but His grace stand between the two (51–53).",
+            "When Abraham heard the promise he fell upon his face, where “fell” indicates the acknowledgement that God stands but humanity cannot stand, and “face” means sense, speech and mind, all of which lie prostrate unless God give the power to stand (54–56). Then comes the reassurance, “And I, behold my covenant is with thee,” words which to Philo’s mind suggest that God is Himself the covenant, and thus some more essentially divine gift is implied than those which God covenants to give to men in general. This special gift is then explained as the bestowal of a new name, and this brings Philo to the subject which occupies the next sixty sections and has somewhat unduly supplied the traditional name of the treatise (57–59).",
+            "That the divine blessing should take the form of adding an <i>alpha</i> to the name Abram and subsequently of a <i>rho</i> to that of his wife has, Philo tells us, attracted the jeers of the profane, and he mentions the miserable end of one such scoffer (60–62). As a matter of fact he agrees with the criticism if taken literally, and only differs in the inference he draws. That God should add letters to names, and that this should be held a divine benefaction, is absurd (63–64), but this only points to the conclusion that a change of name stands for a change of nature. Philo repeats the explanation given several times elsewhere that Abram which means “uplifted father” stands for the Chaldean, the astrologer, while Abraham is the “elect father of sound,” where father means mind, the father of sound or speech, and the whole therefore stands for the elect or wise mind. The change then is really a moral change from the study of God’s works to the study of God Himself, in fact from astrology to piety, and the text may be taken as a divine instruction that studies of the former kind are of no real value (66–67). So too the change of Sarai’s name to Sarah, that is from “my sovereignty” to “sovereign,” indicates the superiority of generic wisdom to wisdom as shown in the individual (77–80).",
+            "From these two cases which belong to the subject of the treatise Philo proceeds to deal with others outside it. Jacob the supplanter or wrestler is naturally renamed as Israel who sees God, because the divine vision is the guerdon which awaits the athlete soul (81–82). But it is a curious fact that while Abraham after the renaming is never called Abram, the names of Jacob and Israel are constantly interchanged in the subsequent narrative. To explain this Philo goes back to the familiar antithesis of Abraham as virtue acquired by teaching and Jacob as virtue acquired by practice. Abraham the scholar who has God Himself as teacher advances to knowledge continuously. The Practiser who has only his own will to urge him has many periods of weariness when he returns to his old nature, and this is supported by the observation that Abraham gets the new name from God, Jacob from the angel (83–87). Again, Isaac has no other name‚ and this is appropriate to the Self-taught, who by instinct is perfect from the first, and has not, like Abraham, to learn, or Jacob, to practise (88). In Joseph we have a change of another kind. His original name means addition, and describes the superfluities which the conventional mind desires, but Pharaoh renames him Psonthonphanech or “mouth which judges in answer,” and thus brings out the fact that the man of wealth and prosperity is supposed by the world to be able to pronounce with wisdom on all sorts of questions (89–91). In a somewhat similar way the child who is called by his father Benjamin, “the son of days,” or “sunlight,” and thus represents the vainglory which seems so brilliant to the world, is recognized by the mother, that is the soul, which dies in giving birth to him, as Benoni, or the son of sorrows (92–96). And here the mention of Joseph and his mother seems to lead Philo into an irrelevant interpolation of the analogy between Reuben and Simeon on the one hand and Ephraim and Manasseh on the other. Ephraim and Manasseh shall be to me, said Jacob, as Reuben and Simeon, which Philo interprets as shewing the similarity of the gifted nature, Reuben, to memory, Ephraim, and again of Simeon, the learner, to Manasseh, recollection (97–102).",
+            "We now return to further examples of double names. In Exodus 2 Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, appears in one place to be called Raguel. Jethro the “superfluous” as in other places is taken as the type of the worldling, and there follows a curiously perverted allusion to the meeting with Moses described in Exodus 18 in which Jethro is made to advise Moses to leave the teaching of the divine ordinances for that of human convention and unequal justice (103–104). Raguel on the other hand is the “shepherding of God,” and indicates the better side of the Jethro nature, when it accepts the authority of the good shepherd, Moses. An elaborate justification of this idea follows. Jethro or Raguel is called the priest of Midian, and while Midian which means “from judgement” sometimes stands for the outcasts excluded by judgement, as it does in the story of the Midianite seduction of Israel and the vindication by Phineas (105–109), it may also stand for the rightly judging nature which is akin to the prophetic. When then we read of the seven daughters who were succoured at the well by Moses, we recognize the seven bodily faculties which after the vain attempt of the enemy to seduce them from their proper office return to their father, the mind. That father is rightly called Raguel, not Jethro, and the welcome which this father proposes in the narrative to extend to Moses indicates the same higher nature (110–120).",
+            "The next illustration is the change of Joshua’s name from Hoshea, the latter, “he is saved,” signifying a particular individual or concrete embodiment of a state, the former “salvation of the Lord,” and thus a state or condition, which is permanent, while the individual perishes. Philo brings this into comparison with the statement about Caleb, that there was another spirit in him, inferring that though there is no change of name the man himself was wholly changed (121–125). Finally we have the example of the different titles given to Moses himself. First, the name Moses, the “receiving” or “handling,” fitly given to him who receives the power of legislation; secondly, the man of God, given to him as blessing the people, and finally god to Pharaoh, this godship being especially shown in his willingness to intercede for the sinner (125–129).",
+            "Here we leave the change of names and return to the exposition of the text. But the mention of Sarah’s change of name in §§ 77–80 seems to have drawn Philo away from the discussion of the intervening verses 6–14 to those which describe her blessedness. Verse 16 runs, “I will give to thee a son from her” (130). The words “I will give” surely imply that the gift is the giver’s own to give, and thus they assert that the Isaac, whose name means “laughter,” is the spiritual Isaac, inward laughter or joy, of which God is the true parent (131). This thought of the divine parentage is illustrated by the phrase, “The Lord opened Leah’s womb,” and by the story of Tamar and Judah, which Philo allegorizes, though in a shorter form, as he does in <i>De Fuga</i>, and it is actually asserted by Sarah when she says “The Lord has made laughter (that is Isaac) for me” (132–137). But she also adds, “whoever shall hear (<i>i.e</i>. understand it) will rejoice with me,” thus suggesting that this truth is one which the pagan mind may easily misunderstand, and therefore must be reserved for the ears of the wise, and Philo accordingly presses into his service the words of Hosea, “Thy fruit is from me, the wise will understand,” bringing out the double truth that all is from God and that the wise alone understand this (138–140).",
+            "The words “from her,” ἐξ αὐτῆς, have been by some interpreted as “outside her,” <i>i.e</i>. by divine agency, and also as the single word ἐξαυτῆς “immediately,” but Philo himself seems to adopt the natural view that, Sarah being assumed to be Virtue or Wisdom, the phrase asserts that none but virtue can be the mother of the good (141–142). And if indeed she has been called barren it is because Virtue is barren of Evil, even as Hannah or Grace was also barren and yet was the mother of the Mystic Seven (143–144). As for “child” the singular brings out that the idea of the good is single in contrast with the many particulars, while the word itself (τέκνον) coming from τίκτω declares the reality of Virtue’s motherhood (145–147). “I will bless her and she shall be for nations” tells us that in the manifold classes or nations of things in general Virtue is the one source of well-being (148–150), and in “kings of nations shall be from her” we can trace the Stoic doctrine that the sage alone is king (151–153).",
+            "Abraham hearing this falls and laughs. Philo as always refuses to entertain the idea that Abraham and Sarah’s laughter is one of incredulity. His falling is, as before, an acknowledgement of unworthiness; the laughter is humble joy (154–156). At this point he raises the question that as Isaac, laughter or joy, is not yet born, how could Abraham laugh? (157). This strange idea, however, gives him an opportunity for a fine disquisition on anticipation. He describes how young animals and young plants show a joyous promise of their future maturity, how the dawning of day smiles in expectation of the sunrise, how hope gives joy before the fact, just as fear gives grief, and the senses anticipate the feast before it is realized, and so man could laugh while laughter is yet unborn (158–165). Again, the joyous laughter of both Abraham and Sarah teaches us that joy is only for the good. If the wicked seem to smile it has no reality (166–169), and thus the so-called joy of Egypt at the coming of Jacob and his sons was either assumed or at the most a hope that they might seduce them as they had seduced Joseph (170–171); and this supposition leads him to discuss in detail the seeming-kindly promises made to Jacob by Pharaoh, and pronounce them to be nothing more than the temptations of the bodily element which the mind of the wise rejects (172–174).",
+            "Philo now has to deal with the words so difficult on his premises, “He said in his heart, shall this happen to one of a hundred years old, and shall Sarah being ninety years old bear a son?” His first explanation stresses the words “in his heart”; they imply that the doubt, so inconsistent with Abraham’s faith, was momentary with all the rapidity of thought, and died without reaching the lips (175–180). And if it is argued that it was unworthy of him to doubt even for a moment this is asking too much. The faith of weak mortals cannot be expected to be as the unswerving faith of God (181–187). But Philo would seem himself to incline to a “more courageous” explanation that the words are really a prayer: “Oh, that this perfect birth may take place under the perfect numbers of ninety and a hundred” (188). There follow several examples of a hundred as a special number, though as for ninety he cannot say anything more than that it is the difference between the sacred ten and the more sacred hundred (189–192). This explanation demands that “said in his heart (or mind)” signifies “sincerely,” for sincerity is the mark of the virtuous, whereas the wicked do not speak in or according to their minds. Thus when Shechem, the emblem of foolish labour, is said to have spoken “according to the mind” of Dinah, the emblem of justice, we may understand that he spoke contrary to his own mind (193–195). Thus Shechem stands for the insincere who prate of virtue and deceive the multitude, but are ultimately unmasked by the champions of truth, represented by Simeon and Levi in the story of Shechem’s punishment (196–200).",
+            "Jacob’s next words are “Let this Ishmael live before thee,” each part of which has to be examined (200–201). First, since Ishmael = hearing God, this seems to distinguish the right hearing from the hearing which hears only to misuse, as did Balaam’s (202–205). This is illustrated by other cases, where Philo supposes that the “this” serves to distinguish outwardly similar but different examples (206–209). Again, “live” points to the true life of the soul, and amounts to a prayer of the same nature as Jacob’s prayer that Reuben or natural goodness should live and not die (209–216), and when he adds “before God” he prays that this God-hearing may have the inestimable blessing of realizing the divine omnipotence (216–217). But we must not suppose that the prayer for Ishmael shows despair of the birth of Isaac. It is rather the cry of the soul which feels its inadequacy to sustain God’s highest gifts (218–219). But this consciousness of our inadequacy must not prevent us from dedicating thankfully such gifts as each of us possesses. If we cannot reach the highest that is no reason why we should not cherish the little we can do (220–227), and we have illustrations of this in Abraham’s plea for Sodom if only a little goodness could be found in it, and Esau’s hope that Isaac might have some blessing yet to give, even if the best was given to Jacob (228–230). Thus the best prayer of the soul is that God should give us what befits our weakness, for “shall not the hand of the Lord suffice” to benefit low as well as high? (231–232).",
+            "It is primarily to carry on this thought that Philo here introduces the subject of the three different kinds of sin-offering and purification according to the capacity of the offerer, the sheep, the two birds and the fine flour (233–235). But this soon passes into the very different suggestion that the three are atonements for sins of thought, word and deed, otherwise expressed as mind, mouth and hand. He then goes on to shew that while sins of thought are more venial than sins of speech and these than sins of deeds (and this is recognized in the code of punishments), the first-named are really the most difficult to avoid, for thoughts cannot be controlled as language can (235–244). The appropriateness of the three offerings is explained by saying that the sheep the most useful of animals is suited to our noblest part, the mind, the birds to the winged nature of words, and the fine flour as worked by the hand to deeds which the hand commits (245–251).",
+            "To resume the exposition of the text, the divine reply to this prayer for Ishmael is, “Yes, Sarah shall bear thee a son,” where the “yes” (ναί) marks the divine assent or nod (νεύω). Thus God answers the one request by two gifts (252–255). The greater gift is the self-taught Isaac nature of which, rare as it is in its highest form, we have a foretaste in the fact that our powers of sense and mental processes are acquired without teaching (256–257). Why wonder, then, that the unlaboured virtue symbolized by Isaac should be given direct from heaven, like the manna and the automatic harvest of the sabbatical year? (258–260). Further, this child is free from womanish passion and will be rightly named “laughter,” the natural outcry of the glad (261–262). The next words, “I have blessed Ishmael, but my covenant I will stablish with Isaac,” shews that, while God gives the stronger the higher wisdom of the self-taught, he also gives the weaker the lower wisdom of the schools.",
+            "The next words are, “whom Sarah shall bear at this season and in the other year.” By season (καιρός) we may understand God Himself, the season or opportunity, which forsakes the wicked but dwells in the good, and by the “other year” is meant eternity, the life of the world of thought which was also meant when Isaac “in that year found the hundredfold crop” (264–269). Finally the words “He completed talking with him and God went up from Abraham” indicate that when we have learnt our lesson we must be left to meditate on and practise it, a truth which every good teacher knows (270).",
+            "The MS. authority for this treatise seems to be unusually weak. Wendland found only two MSS. of any antiquity (A and B), both of them according to him of the same (and inferior) family. Mangey also used two late MSS. in the libraries of New College, Oxford, and Trinity, Cambridge. I have collated the latter of these, but without any results to speak of. Perhaps this lack of MS. support may serve me as some apology for having introduced so many conjectural emendations of my own into the text."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “Abraham became ninety-nine years old and the Lord was seen by Abraham and said to him, ‘I am thy God’ ” (Gen. 17:1). Nine plus ninety is next neighbour to a hundred, the number irradiated by the self-taught nature Isaac who is joy, the best of the good emotions.  For Isaac is born to Abraham when a hundred years old.",
+                "[2] A hundred also represents the first-fruits given to the priests by the Tribe of Levi. For when the Levites receive the tenths they offer from them, just as though they were their own produce, other tenths in which we find the hundred (Num. 18:26). For ten is a symbol of progress and a hundred of perfection. Now he who is in the intermediate stage is always pressing forward to the summit, employing the gifts with which nature has blessed him, and it is by such a one that Moses tells us that the Lord of all was seen.",
+                "[3] Yet do not suppose that the vision was presented to the eyes of the body. They see only the objects of sense and those are composite, brimful of corruptibility, while the divine is uncompounded and incorruptible. It is the eye of the soul which receives the presentation of the divine vision.",
+                "[4] Moreover what the eyes of the body behold they apprehend through the co-operation of light, and light is something different from either the seer or the thing seen, whereas what the soul beholds it beholds by its own agency without the assistance of any other. For the conceptions of the mind are a light to themselves.",
+                "[5] Our learning of the sciences follows the same rule. The mind applies its eye which never closes or sleeps to the principles and conclusions set before it and sees them by no borrowed but a genuine light which shines forth from itself.",
+                "[6] And so when you hear that God was seen by man, you must think that this takes place without the light which the senses know, for what belongs to mind can be apprehended only by the mental powers. And God is the fountain of the purest radiance, and so when He reveals Himself to a soul the rays He puts forth are free from all shadow and of intense brightness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] Do not however suppose that the Existent which truly exists is apprehended by any man; for we have in us no organ by which we can envisage it, neither in sense, for it is not perceptible by sense, nor yet in mind. So Moses the explorer of nature which lies beyond our vision, Moses who, as the divine oracles tell us, entered into the darkness  (Ex. 20:21), by which figure they indicate existence invisible and incorporeal, searched everywhere and into everything in his desire to see clearly and plainly Him, the object of our much yearning, Who alone is good.",
+                "[8] And when there was no sign of finding aught, not even any semblance of what he hoped for, in despair of learning from others, he took refuge with the Object of his search Itself and prayed in these words: “Reveal Thyself to me that I may see Thee with knowledge” (Ex. 33:13). And yet he fails to gain his object. To know what lies below the Existent, things material and immaterial alike, is a most ample gift even for the best sort among mortals, as God judges,",
+                "[9] for we read, “Thou shalt see what is behind Me, but My face thou shalt not see” (<i>ibid</i>. 23). It means that all below the Existent, things material and immaterial alike, are available to apprehension even if they are not all actually apprehended as yet, but He alone by His very nature cannot be seen.",
+                "[10] And why should we wonder that the Existent cannot be apprehended by men when even the mind in each of us is unknown to us? For who knows the essential nature of the soul, that mystery which has bred numberless contentions among the sophists who propound opinions contrary to each other or even totally and generically opposed?",
+                "[11] It is a logical consequence that no personal name even can be properly assigned to the truly Existent. Note that when the prophet desires to know what he must answer to those who ask about His name He says “I am He that IS” (Ex 3:14), which is equivalent to “My nature is to be, not to be spoken.”",
+                "[12] Yet that the human race should not totally lack a title to give to the supreme goodness He allows them to use by licence of language, as though it were His proper name,  the title of Lord God of the three natural orders, teaching, perfection, practice,  which are symbolized in the records as Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. For this He says is “My age-long name,” belonging as it were to the age of human existence, not to that when age as yet was not, “a memorial” too, not set, that is, beyond memory or apprehension, and again “to generations” (<i>ibid</i>. 15), not to beings that were never generated.",
+                "[13] For those who are born into mortality must needs have some substitute for the divine name, so that they may approach if not the fact at least the name of supreme excellence and be brought into relation with it. And this is shown by the oracle proclaimed as from the mouth of the Ruler of all in which He says that no proper name of Him has been revealed to any. “I was seen,” He says, “of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, being their God, and My name of’ ‘Lord’ I did not reveal to them” (Ex. 6:3). For when the transposition  is reset in the proper order it will run thus, “My proper name I did not reveal to thee,” but, He implies, only the substitute, and that for reasons already mentioned.",
+                "[14] So impossible to name indeed is the Existent that not even the Potencies who serve Him tell us a proper name. Thus after the wrestling-bout in which the Man of Practice engaged in his quest of virtue, he says to the unseen master,  “Announce to me Thy name,” and he said “Why dost thou ask this my name?” (Gen. 32:29), and he refuses to tell his personal and proper name. “It is enough for thee,” he means, “to profit through my benediction, but as for names, those symbols which indicate created beings, look not for them in the case of imperishable natures.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] Think it not then a hard saying that the Highest of all things should be unnamable when His Word has no name of its own which we can speak. And indeed if He is unnamable He is also inconceivable and incomprehensible.",
+                "And so the words “The Lord was seen of Abraham” (Gen. 17:1) must not be understood in the sense that the Cause of all shone upon him and appeared to him, for what human mind could contain the vastness of that vision? Rather we must think of it as the manifestation of one of the Potencies which attend him, the Potency of kingship, for the title Lord betokens sovereignty and kingship.",
+                "[16] While our mind pursued the airy speculations of the Chaldeans it ascribed to the world powers of action which it regarded as causes. But when it migrated from the Chaldean creed it recognized that the world had for its charioteer and pilot a Ruler Whose sovereignty was presented to it in vision.",
+                "[17] And therefore the words are “The Lord (not “The Existent”) was seen of him,” as though it would say, The king has been manifested, king indeed from the first, but hitherto unrecognized by the soul, which so long unschooled has not remained in ignorance for ever but has received the vision of the Sovereignty which rules over all that is.",
+                "[18] But the Sovereign when manifested confers a still higher gift on him who sees and hears him. He says to him, “I am thy God.” Which indeed amongst all this multitude of created things does not have Thee for its god? I might ask. But His interpreting word will shew me that He does not here speak of the world of which doubtless He is Creator and God, but of human souls which do not in His eyes deserve to be cared for all alike.",
+                "[19] His will is to be called the Lord and Master of the bad, the God of those who are on the way to betterment, but of the best and most perfect both at once God and Lord. For instance, when He has set Pharaoh before us as the crowning example of impiety He never calls Himself his God but gives that name to wise Moses, “Behold I give thee as god to Pharaoh” (Ex. 7:1). But He often names Himself as Lord in the oracles which He gives. We find such utterances as these,",
+                "[20] “These things saith the Lord” (Ex. 7:17), and at the beginning of His speech  “The Lord spake unto Moses, saying, ‘I am the Lord, speak unto Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, all that I speak unto thee’ ” (Ex. 6:29). And Moses says to Pharaoh,",
+                "[21] “When I go forth from the city I will spread out my hands to the Lord, and the sounds shall cease and the hail and the rain shall not be, that thou mayest know that to the Lord belongs the earth” (that is all the bodily earth-compounded frame), “and thou” (that is the mind which the body carries with it) “and thy servants” (that is the several thoughts which form its guard), “for I know that ye have not yet feared the Lord” (Ex. 9:29), meaning that Lord who is not merely so-called but is Lord in very truth.",
+                "[22] For none that is created is truly a lord, though he be invested with a rule that spreads from pole to pole. Only the Uncreated is truly ruler, and he who lives in fear and awe under that Ruler’s government receives a prize of truest value in His reproofs, while he who despises them has before him nothing but to perish miserably.",
+                "[23] So then He is shown to be the Lord of the foolish in that He holds over them the terrors that are proper to the sovereign. Of those who are on the way to betterment He is called in scripture God, as in this present passage, “I am thy God,” or “I am thy God, increase and multiply” (Gen. 35:11). Of the perfect He is both Lord and God as in the Decalogue “I am thy Lord God” (Ex. 20:2), and elsewhere “The Lord God of your fathers” (Deut. 4:1),",
+                "[24] for it is His will that the wicked man should be under His sway as his Lord, and thus with awe and groaning feel the fear of the Master hanging over him; that the man of progress should be benefited by Him as God and thus through those kindnesses reach perfection; that the perfect should be guided by Him as Lord and benefited by Him as God. For through the one he remains free from lapses, through the other he is most surely God’s man. This is best shown in Moses’ case.",
+                "[25] “This is the blessing,” we read, “which Moses gave, the man of God” (Deut. 33:1). To what a glorious, what a holy exchange is he promoted that in return for God’s protecting care he should give himself to God.",
+                "[26] But do not suppose that God becomes man’s in the same way that man becomes God’s, for a man is God’s as His possession, God is man’s to be his glory and assistance. If thou wouldst have God as thy heart’s portion, first become thyself a portion worthy for Him to take, and that thou shalt become if thou escape such faults as are thine own handiwork and come of free will."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] We should remember this also that the words ‘I am thy God” are used by licence of language and not in their proper sense, for the Existent considered as existent is not relative. He is full of Himself and is sufficient for Himself. It was so before the creation of the world, and is equally so after the creation of all that is.",
+                "[28] He cannot change nor alter and needs nothing else at all, so that all things are His but He Himself in the proper sense belongs to none. But the Potencies which He has projected into creation to benefit what He has framed are in some cases spoken of as in a sense relative,  such as the kingly and the beneficial, for a king is a king of someone and a benefactor the benefactor of someone, while the subject of the kingship and the recipient of the benefit is necessarily something different.",
+                "[29] Akin to these two is the creative Potency called God, because through this the Father who is its begetter and contriver made  the universe, so that “I am thy God” is equivalent to “I am the Maker and Artificer.”",
+                "[30] And the greatest gift we can have is to have Him for our Architect, Who was also the Architect of the whole world, for He did not form the soul of the bad, since wickedness is at enmity with Him, and in framing the soul which is in the intermediate stage He was not the sole agent according to the holiest of men, Moses, since such a soul would surely admit like wax the different qualities of noble and base.",
+                "[31] And therefore we read, “Let us make man after our image” (Gen. 1:26), so that according as the wax received the bad or the noble impress it should appear to be the handiwork of others or of Him Who is the framer of the noble and the good alone.  Surely then he is a man of virtue to whom God says “I am thy God,” for he has God alone for his maker without the co-operation of others.",
+                "[32] At the same time  Moses teaches us here by implication the doctrine which he so often  lays down that God is the maker of the wise and good only. And all that company  have voluntarily stripped themselves of the external goods which are so abundantly supplied to us, and further have despised what is dear to the flesh.",
+                "[33] Fine, lusty and athletic are those who use the body as a menace to the soul. Pale, wasted and withered, so to speak, are the children of discipline. They have made over the bodily muscles to serve the powers of the soul and in fact are resolved into a single form, that of soul, and become unbodied minds.",
+                "[34] Naturally then the earthly element is destroyed and dissolved when the mind in all its powers has a fixed purpose to be well pleasing to God.",
+                "But that kind is rare and hardly to be found, though that such should be is not impossible. This is shown by the oracle vouchsafed about Enoch. “Enoch was well pleasing to God and was not found”  (Gen. 5:24),",
+                "[35] for where could one search and find this good thing, what seas should he cross, what islands, what continents should he visit? Shall he look for it among the Greeks or the barbarians?",
+                "[36] Indeed are there not still among the disciples of philosophy some who say that a wise man is non-existent  and therefore wisdom also? None, they say, from the beginning of man’s creation up to the life of to-day has been held to be completely free from fault, for absolute happiness is impossible to one who is imprisoned in the mortal body.",
+                "[37] Whether these statements are true we will inquire at the proper occasion. At present we will accept the text and say that wisdom is indeed something which exists, and so too is the lover of wisdom, the sage, but, though he exists, we who are evil fail to see him, for good cannot keep company with bad.",
+                "[38] Therefore we are told that “he was not found,” this type of character which was well pleasing to God, meaning doubtless that though actually existing he was hidden from us and shunned our company. And to confirm this we read that he was “translated”  (<i>ibid</i>.), that is, changed his abode and journeyed as an emigrant from the mortal life to the immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] These are men inspired with heaven-sent madness, men who have gone out into the wild. But there are others who have followed a tame and gentle wisdom,  and such are both eminent in the practice of piety and do not despise human things. This is attested by the oracle in which it is said to Abraham, with God as speaker, “Be well pleasing before Me” (Gen. 17:1), that is, “be well pleasing not to Me only but to My works, while I as judge watch and survey thee.”",
+                "[40] For if you honour parents or show mercy to the poor or do kindness to your friends or defend your country or observe with care your duties to all men in general, you will surely be well pleasing to all with whom you have to do, but also well pleasing before God. For He with an eye that never sleeps beholds all things, and what is good He summons to Himself and approves with special favour.",
+                "[41] And therefore the Practiser in his prayer will show us the same truth. “The God,” he says, “to whom my fathers were well pleasing,” and adds “before Him” (Gen. 48:15) to show us the difference in fact between being pleasing “to Him” and “before Him.” The latter embraces both kinds of well pleasing, the former is confined to one only.",
+                "[42] And so Moses in his Exhortations  charges them in these words: “Thou shalt do what is well pleasing before the Lord thy God” (Deut. 12:28), meaning do such things as shall be worthy to appear before God, and when seen to be approved by Him, and such deeds as these commonly extend to our fellow-men.",
+                "[43] It was this thought which prompted Moses when he wove the tabernacle, dividing its precincts into two, and set a curtain between the parts to distinguish the inner from the outer (Ex. 26:33); when too he gilded the sacred ark which holds the laws both within and without (Ex. 25:10), and gave the high priest two robes, the linen robe to be worn within, the many-coloured one with the long skirt to be worn outside (Ex. 28:4, Lev. 6:10).",
+                "[44] These and the like are symbols of a soul which in inward things is undefiled towards God and in outward things is pure towards the world of our senses and human life. And so those were fitting words which were said to the victorious wrestler when he was about to be crowned with garlands of triumph. For “Thou hast been strong with God and mighty with men” (Gen. 32:28) were the words which proclaimed his victory.",
+                "[45] To win honour in both spheres, in our duty both towards the uncreated and the created, requires no petty mind, but one which stands in very truth midway between the world and God. And in sum the man of worth should follow in the steps of God, for the Ruler and Father of all cares for His creatures.",
+                "[46] We all know that before the creation of the world God was sufficient unto Himself and that after the creation He remained the same, unchanged. Why then did He make the things which were not? Why, save because He was good  and bountiful? Shall not then we His slaves follow our Master with profoundest awe and reverence for Him Who is the Cause, yet not forgetting the calls of our common humanity? "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] After saying “Be well pleasing before Me” He adds further “and become blameless.” This is in close sequence to the preceding. “Best it is,” He means, “to set your hand to excellence and thus be well pleasing, but failing this at least abstain from sins and thus escape blame.” For positively righteous conduct  brings praise to the doer, but abstention from iniquity saves him from censure.",
+                "[48] The highest prize of “well pleasing” may be won by positive well-doing, the second, freedom from blame, by avoidance of sin. And yet perhaps for the creature of mortal kind the former is declared by Scripture to coincide with the latter. For who, as Job says, is pure from defilement, even if his life be but for one day? (Job 14:4).",
+                "[49] Infinite indeed are the defilements that soil the soul, which it is impossible to wash and scour away altogether. For there still remain evils which are bound up with the life of every mortal, which may well be abated but cannot be wholly destroyed.",
+                "[50] Should we then seek to find in the medley of life one who is perfectly just or wise or temperate or good in general? Be satisfied, if you do but find one who is not unjust, is not foolish, is not licentious, is not cowardly, is not altogether evil. We may be content with the overthrow of vices, and the complete acquisition of virtues is impossible for man, as we know him.",
+                "[51] With good reason then did He say, “Become blameless,”for He holds that freedom from sin and guilt is a great furtherance towards a happy life. And to him who has elected to live in this fashion He promises to leave a covenanted portion such as is fitting for God to give and man to receive, for He says",
+                "[52] “I will set my covenant between Me and between thee” (Gen. 17:2). Now covenants are drawn up for the benefit of those who are worthy of the gift, and thus a covenant is a symbol of the grace which God has set between Himself Who proffers it and man who receives.",
+                "[53] And this is the crowning benefaction, that there is nothing between God and the soul save the virgin grace. But I have dealt with the whole subject of covenants in two treatises, and I willingly pass it over to avoid repetition, and also because I do not wish to interrupt the continuity of the discussion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] The next words are “Abraham fell on his face.” Ah, what else should he do, when he heard the divine promises, but know himself and the nothingness of our mortal race, and fall at the feet of Him Who stands, to show what conception he held of himself and God? He knew that God stands with place unchanged, yet moves the universal frame of creation, His own motion being the motion of self-extension (not the movement of the legs, for He is not of human form), but a motion whereby He shows His unalterable, unchanging nature.",
+                "[55] He knew that he himself is never firmly set in a stable position, that he is ever subject to various changes, and that throughout his life, which is one long slipping, he trips and falls, woe to him! and how great is that fall.",
+                "[56] Sometimes it is through involuntary ignorance, sometimes through voluntary yielding to temptation, and so we read also that it was on his face that he fell. By face is meant his senses and his mind and his speech, and the gesture is little less than a loud insistent utterance. Fallen is sense, it cries, unable of itself to perceive, were it not by a dispensation of God’s saving providence set on its feet to the perception of material substances: fallen is speech, because it were unable to express in language anything that is, did not He Who framed and adjusted to harmony the instrument of the voice beat out the music of its notes, opening the mouth and giving strength to the nerves of the tongue: fallen too is the royal mind, robbed of its powers of apprehension, did not the Framer of all that lives raise it up and establish it, and planting in it far-piercing eyes, lead it to the sight of the immaterial world."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[57] The frame of mind which shrank from Him and fell spontaneously won God’s high approval by thus acknowledging of the Existent that it is He alone Who stands and that all below Him are subject to change and mutation of every kind. He addresses him with an insistence which is also a call to partnership.  “And I,” He says, “—see, My covenant is with thee” (Gen. 17:4).",
+                "[58] The meaning suggested is to this purport—there are very many kinds of covenant, assuring bounties and gifts to the worthy, but the highest form of covenant is “I myself.” He shews and points to Himself, as far as He can be shewn Who is above all shewing, by the words “And I,” and adds, “behold my covenant,” the beginning and the fountain of all bounties is “I myself.”",
+                "[59] For to some God is wont to extend His benefactions by other means, earth, water, air, sun, moon, heaven, and other agencies not material, but to others by Himself alone, making Himself the portion of those who receive Him.",
+                "[60] On these He presently bestows as their due a different name. “Thy name shall not be called Abram (Ἀβράμ),” we read, “but Abraham (Ἀβραάμ)” (Gen. 17:5).",
+                "Some of the quarrelsome and captious type of people who wish to attach blame where it is not due, not so much to material things as to actions andideas,  and wage war to the death against what is holy, when they find anything which seems to them to fall short in propriety if taken literally, while really it is a symbol of the nature-truth which loves concealment, make no careful search for that truth, but disparage it and hold it up to obloquy. And this they do especially with the changes of names.",
+                "[61] Not long ago I heard the scoffing and railing of a godless and impious fellow who dared to speak thus: “Vast and extraordinary indeed are the gifts which Moses says come from the hand of the Ruler of all. What a boon He is supposed to have provided by adding a single letter, an alpha, and again by another addition of a rho, for He 〈turned Abram (Ἀβράμ) into Abraham (Ἀβραάμ) by doubling the alpha, and〉 Abraham’s wife Sarai (Σάρα) into Sarah (Σάρρα) by doubling the rho.” And in a sneering way he ran over the list of such cases without a moment’s pause.",
+                "[62] Well, it was not long before he paid the penalty which his wicked folly called for. For a slight and trivial cause he hastened to hang himself, and thus even a clean death was denied to the unclean miscreant."
+            ],
+            [
+                "It is only right that to prevent any other falling a victim to the same errors we should eradicate misgivings of this sort  by resorting to the truths of nature and shewing that what we thus read is worthy of our most earnest consideration.",
+                "[63] Letters, whether vowels or consonants and the parts of speech in general, are not the gifts of God’s grace, seeing that when He created the plants and animals He summoned them to man as their ruler, set apart by Him from them all in virtue of his knowledge, that he might give each kind their distinguishing names. “Everything,” he says, “which Adam called them, that was their name” (Gen. 2:19).",
+                "[64] If God did not think fit to assign names even in their completed form, but committed the task to a man of wisdom, the founder of the human race, is it proper to suppose that parts of names or syllables or single letters, not merely vocal vowels but mute consonants, were added and altered by Himself, and a gift and pre-eminent benefaction alleged to be conferred thereby? It is quite impossible.",
+                "[65] Such changes of name are signs  of moral values, the signs small, sensible, obvious, the values great, intelligible, hidden. And these values are found in noble verities, in unerring and pure notions, and in soul-betterments.",
+                "The proof of this is easy, starting from the change of name here before us,",
+                "[66] for Abram is interpreted as “uplifted father,” Abraham as “elect father of sound.”  How the two differ we shall understand more clearly if we first discover the meaning of each.",
+                "[67] Resorting then to allegory we say that “uplifted” is one who rising from earth to the heights surveys the supraterrestrial, conversing with and studying the phenomena of the upper world, investigating the size of the sun and its courses, how it regulates the seasons of the year by its revolutions as it advances and retreats at the same rate of speed; one who considers also the different illuminations of the moon, its phases, its waning and waxing, and the movement of the other stars both in the fixed and the planetary order.",
+                "[68] To inquire into such matters bespeaks a soul not devoid of natural gifts or unproductive, but highly gifted and capable of engendering offspring perfect and without blemish; and therefore he called the student of the upper world “father” because he is not unproductive of wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] Such is our definition of the meanings conveyed under the symbol of the name Abram; those conveyed by “Abraham” are such as I proceed to describe. They are three in number—“father,” “elect” and “of sound.” We say that sound stands for the uttered word, for in living creatures the instrument of sound is the vocal power. Its father is the mind, since the stream of speech issues from the understanding as its fount. The elect mind is the mind of the wise, since it contains what is best.",
+                "[70] So then the first set of signs delineated the lover of learning, the meteorologist, while those just sketched reveal the wisdom-lover or rather the wise. Cease then to suppose that the Deity’s gift was a change of name, instead of a betterment of character symbolized thereby.",
+                "[71] Him who was erstwhile busied in the study of the nature of heaven—the astrologer as some call him—He summoned to a partnership in virtue and both made him and named him wise, giving to the spiritual outlook thus recast the title of Abraham, as the Hebrews would call it, and in our language, Elect Father of Sound.",
+                "[72] For what purpose, He asks, do you investigate the rhythmic movements and revolutions of the stars? Why this great leap from earth up to the realm of ether? Is it just to busy yourself in idle labour with what is there? And what good can result from all that idle busying? How will it serve to subdue the urge of pleasure, to overthrow the power of lust, to suppress fear or grief? What surgery has it for passions which agitate and confound the soul?",
+                "[73] Just as there is no use for trees, if they are not capable of bearing fruit, so too also with nature-study, if it is not going to bring the acquisition of virtue.",
+                "[74] For virtue is its fruit, and therefore some of the ancients, comparing the study of philosophy to a field, likened the physical part to plants, the logical to the walls and fences, and the ethical to the fruit. ",
+                "[75] They considered that the walls round the field are built by the owners to guard the fruit and the trees grown to produce it, and that in the same way in philosophy physical and logical research should be brought to bear on ethics by which the character is bettered and yearns to acquire and also to make use of virtue.",
+                "[76] This is how we have learned to regard the story of Abraham. Literally his name was changed, actually he changed over from nature-study to ethical philosophy and abandoned the study of the world to find a new home in the knowledge of its Maker, and from this he gained piety, the most splendid of possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] We will now deal with the case of Sarah his wife. Her name Sarai (Σάρα) is changed to Sarah (Σάρρα) by the addition of one letter, rho. These are the names, now for the facts  indicated by them. Sarai means my sovereignty, Sarah sovereign.",
+                "[78] The former is a symbol of specific virtue, the latter of generic, and in the same measure as the genus is greater than the species is the second name greater than the former. The species is small and perishable, the genus is large and imperishable.",
+                "[79] And the gifts which God wills to bestow are great and immortal in exchange for small and perishable, and to give such is a work well suited to Him. Wisdom in the good man is a sovereignty vested in himself alone, and its possessor will not err if he says “The wisdom in me is my sovereignty.” But in the wisdom which is its archetype, the generic wisdom, we cease to have the sovereignty of the particular individual, but sovereignty its very self.",
+                "[80] And therefore that specific wisdom will perish with its possessor, while the other which like a seal gave it its shape, being free from all mortal element, will continue for ever imperishable. So too with the arts: the specific arts perish with their owners, the geometricians, the grammarians, the musicians: the generic arts remain imperishable. Incidentally another lesson suggested at the same time is that every virtue is a queen and a sovereign and a ruler of the course of human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] We shall also find that the change of Jacob’s name to Israel is much to the purpose. Why so? Because Jacob is the supplanter, and Israel he who sees God. It is the task of a supplanter in the practice of virtue to disturb and shake and upset the supports on which passion rests, and all the firmness and stability which they have. That is a work which cannot commonly be done without hard effort and the stains of the arena, but only when one maintains the contests of wisdom to the end, and drilled in the gymnastics of the soul wrestles with the thoughts which oppose and hold it fast in their grip. The task of him who sees God is not to leave the sacred arena uncrowned, but carry off the prizes of victory.",
+                "[82] And what garland more fitting for its purpose or of richer flowers could be woven for the victorious soul than the power which will enable him to behold the Existent with clear vision? Surely that is a glorious guerdon to offer to the athlete-soul, that it should be endowed with eyes to apprehend in bright light Him Who alone is worthy of our contemplation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] It is worth inquiring why Abraham, after the change of name, is not called by his old name, but always receives the same title as his right, whereas Jacob, after he is addressed as Israel, is in spite of this called Jacob many and many a time. We must reply that these are signs differing according as virtue acquired by teaching differs from virtue acquired by practice.",
+                "[84] He who is improved through teaching, being endowed with a happy nature, which with the co-operation of memory assures his retentiveness, gets a tight grip and a firm armhold of what he has learned and thus remains constant. The Practiser on the other hand, after strenuous exercise, takes a breathing-space and a relaxation while he collects and recovers the force which has been enfeebled by his labours. In this he resembles the athletes who anoint their bodies. When they are weary with exercise they pour oil upon their limbs to prevent their forces being utterly shattered by the intensity and severity of the contest.",
+                "[85] Again, the Man of Teaching has to aid him the voice of his monitor ringing in his ears, deathless as that monitor himself, and thus never swerves: the Man of Practice has only his own will which he exercises and drills to aid him to overthrow the passion natural to created being, and, even if he reaches the consummation, yet through weariness he returns to his old kind.",
+                "[86] He is more patient of toil, the other more blessed by fortune. This last has another for his teacher, while the toiler, self-helped only, is busied in searching and inquiring and zealously exploring the secrets of nature, engaged in labour ceaseless and unremitting.",
+                "[87] Therefore did Abraham in token of the even tenor of his future life receive his new name from God, the unchangeable, that the stability of his future might be set on a firm foundation by Him Who stands and is ever the same in nature and condition. But Jacob was re-named by an angel, God’s minister, the Word, in acknowledgement that what is below the Existent cannot produce permanence unswerving and unwavering, but only such harmony as is found in a musical instrument wherein the tones now stretched to a high pitch, now relaxed to a low, are blended into melody by the artist’s skill. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] Again, while the race has three founders it is the first and last of these, Abraham and Jacob, whose names were changed, while the middle founder, Isaac, has the same name throughout. Why is this? Because both the scholar’s form of virtue and the practiser’s are open to improving influences, since the former desires to know what he is ignorant of, the latter desires crowns of victory and the prizes offered to a soul which rejoices to toil and seek the vision of the truth. On the other hand the kind which has no teacher or pupil but itself, being made what it is by nature rather than by diligence, goes on its way from the first equal and perfect like an even number  with no other needed as complement.",
+                "[89] Not so with the controller of bodily necessaries, Joseph. For he changes his name and receives the title of Psonthomphanech  (Gen. 41:45) from the king of the country. The meaning of this also needs explanation. Joseph is by interpretation “addition,” and conventional goods are an adjunct of natural goods. The former are such as gold, silver, chattels, revenues, services of menials, abundant stocks of heirlooms and furniture and all other luxuries, and the instruments of pleasure ready to hand in numberless forms.",
+                "[90] The provider and superintendent of these, Joseph, is found to have the appropriate name of “Addition,” since he is invested with the direction of the imported adventitious wealth which is an addition to the natural. This is attested by the oracles which state that he stored up the food and managed the provisioning of the whole land (<i>ibid</i>. 48) of the body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] Such a character the tokens given lead us to find in Joseph. Let us consider the nature of Psonthomphanech. His name means “mouth which judges in answer.” For every fool thinks that the man of wealth who lives surrounded by a sea of outward kinds of substance must of necessity be able to reason aright, be capable of answering questions put to him and capable of originating judgements of value. And in general the fool holds wisdom to be subordinate to chance, instead of chance to wisdom, as he should do, since the unstable ought to be guided on its course by the stable.",
+                "[92] And also his uterine brother is addressed by his father as Benjamin and by his mother as Son of sorrow, and that is true to facts. For Benjamin by interpretation is Son of days, and the day is illumined by the sunlight visible to our senses, to which we liken vainglory.",
+                "[93] Such glory has a certain brilliance to the outward sense, in the laudations bestowed by the vulgar multitude, in the decrees which are enacted, in the dedications of statues and images, in purple robes and golden crowns, in chariots and four-horse cars and crowded processions. He who affects these things was with good reason named the Son of days, that is of the visible light and of the brilliance of vainglory.",
+                "[94] This name which exactly expresses the fact is given him by his father the head of the house, the reason. But the soul gives him the one that agrees with the experience by which she herself has learned. She calls him a son of sorrow. Why? Because those who are swept along by the current of empty opinion are thought to be happy, but are in reality most unhappy,",
+                "[95] for many are the counterblasts, envy, jealousies, continuous quarrelling, rancorous enmities unreconciled till death, feuds handed down successively to children’s children, an inheritance which cannot be possessed.",
+                "[96] And so God’s interpreter could not but represent the mother of vainglory as dying in the very pangs of childbirth. Rachel died, we read, in hard labour (Gen. 35:16, 19), for the conception and birth of vainglory, the creature of sense, is in reality the death of the soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] Again, when the sons of Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh, were likened to the two elder sons of Jacob, Reuben and Simeon, have we not something perfectly true to nature?  Jacob says, “Thy two sons who were born in Egypt before I came to Egypt are mine. Ephraim and Manasseh shall be as Reuben and Simeon to me” (Gen. 48:5). Let us observe how the two pairs tally with each other.",
+                "[98] Reuben, whose name is by interpretation “Seeing son,” is the symbol of natural excellence, because the man who enjoys facility of apprehension and natural excellence is endowed with sight. Ephraim, as we have often said elsewhere,  is the symbol of memory. For he is by interpretation “Fruit-bearing,” and memory is the best fruit of the soul. And no two things can be so close akin as memory and natural excellence.",
+                "[99] Again, Simeon is another name for learning and teaching, since Simeon is by interpretation “hearing,” and it is the peculiar mark of the learner that he hears and attends to what is said, while Manasseh is the symbol of recollection, for his name is “From forgetfulness.”",
+                "[100] The advance from forgetfulness necessarily involves recollection, and recollection is akin to learning. For what he has acquired often floats away from the learner’s mind, because in his weakness he is unable to retain it, and then emerges and starts again. When it flows away we say he is in a state of forgetfulness, and when it returns we call it a state of recollection.",
+                "[101] Surely then memory closely corresponds to natural excellence and recollection to learning. And the same relation which Simeon or learning bears to Reuben or nature is borne by Manasseh or recollection to Ephraim or memory.",
+                "[102] For just as natural excellence which resembles sight is better than learning which resembles hearing, the inferior of sight, so memory is in every way the superior of recollection, since while that is mixed with forgetfulness memory remains from first to last free from mixture or contamination."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Again, the chief prophet’s father-in-law is sometimes called in the oracles Jethro and sometimes Raguel. He is Jethro when vanity is flourishing, for Jethro is by interpretation “superfluous,” and vanity is to the verities of life a superfluity deriding as it does equalities and the mere necessaries of life and glorifying surplusage and inequality. ",
+                "[104] Jethro values the human above the divine, custom above laws, profane above sacred, mortal above immortal, and in general seeming above being. And he ventures to come self-bidden and take the position of an adviser and suggests to the sage that he should not teach the only thing worth learning, the ordinances of God and the law, but the contracts which men make with each other, which as a rule produce dealings where the partners have no real partnership.  And the great ones  of the earth accept all he says, and think that it is right to give great justice to the great and little justice to the little. ",
+                "[105] Yet often this wiseacre changes round and leaves the flock which had him in his blindness for their leader: he seeks the herd of God and becomes therein a member without reproach, so much does he admire the nature of its herdsman and reverence the skill in governing which he shews in the charge of his flock. For the meaning of Raguel (Ex. 2:18) is “the shepherding of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] I have stated the sum of the matter, Moses will shew us the proofs. In the first place he describes him as one who honours judgement and justice. For the word Midian when translated appears as “from judgement or sifting.” This has a twofold significance.  It means in one sense sifting out and sifting off, which we often see in the case of those who enter for the so-called sacred games.  For thousands of these who have been judged to be unfit have been known to be sifted out by the stewards.",
+                "[107] Midianites, in this sense, initiated in the unholy rites of Baal Peor (Num. 25:3), and widening all the orifices of the body to receive the streams which pour in from outside (for the meaning of Baal Peor is “mouth of skin above ”), flood the ruling mind and sink it to the lowest depths, so that it cannot float up to the top or rise ever so little.",
+                "[108] And this was its condition until the Man of Peace, an evident  priest of God, Phinehas (<i>ibid</i>. 12, 13), came a self-bidden champion. He is a hater of evil by nature and possessed by zeal for the good. And when he took the lance,  that is the sharp-edged word, able to probe and explore each thing, power was granted him, that duped by none and armed with mighty strength he should pierce passion through the womb, that it should henceforth bring to birth no plague of God’s sending (<i>ibid</i>. 7, 8).",
+                "[109] It is against these Midianites that the nation of vision sets on foot the greatest of wars in which none of their combatants was “lost”  (Num. 31:49), but returned safe and unwounded, crowned with the garlands of victory."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] The above is one of the types indicated by the word Midian; another is the judicial, justice-dispensing type which by marriage is akin to the prophetic sort. “The priest” of judgement and justice, he says, “had seven daughters” (Ex. 2:16).",
+                "[111] The daughters stand as a symbol for the seven faculties of the unreasoning element, namely reproductive power, speech, and the five senses. “Daughters,” it adds, “who kept the sheep of their father,” for through these seven faculties come the advances  and growths which repeated apprehension produces in the father, the mind. Each of these faculties “arrives at” its own, sight at colours and forms, hearing at sounds, smell at scents, taste at flavours, and the others at the objects appropriate to each in particular. Each “draws up,” so to speak, external objects of sense until they “fill the troughs” of the soul “from which they water the sheep of the father,” and by these I mean the purest of flocks, the flock of reasoning which brings with it at once protection and adornment. ",
+                "[112] But then “arrive” the comrades of envy and malice, the shepherds of an evil herd, and drive them from the uses prescribed by nature (<i>ibid</i>. 17). For whereas the daughters take outside objects inside to the mind, which is as it were their judge and king, hoping thus under the best of rulers to perform their duty aright,",
+                "[113] the others beset and pursue them and give the opposite orders, namely that they should entice the mind outside and there deliver over phenomena into its hand.  And in this way they will persist until the mind which loves virtue and is inspired by God, called Moses, shall “arise” from his former seeming quietude, protect and “save” the maidens from their subjugators, and nourish the flock of the father with words and thoughts, sweet as water to drink.",
+                "[114] And when the maidens have escaped the onset of those who are the mind’s enemies and have no aspiration but for the superfluities of life as though life were mere play-acting,  they return not now to Jethro but to Raguel. For they have discarded their kinship with vanity, and become affiliated to the guidance and rule of law,  resolved to become a part of the holy herd which is led by God’s Word as its name shews, for Raguel means “the shepherding of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[115] And since God cares for His own flock He has ready at hand a multitude of gifts for those of His charges who obey Him and do not rebel. In the Psalms there is a hymn of this kind, “The Lord is my shepherd, and nothing shall be lacking to me” (Ps. 23(22):1).",
+                "[116] So then we shall not be surprised to find the mind which has the Divine Word for its shepherd and king asking of its seven daughters, “Why have ye returned with such speed and so eagerly to-day?” (Ex. 2:18). For at other times when you visited the objects of sense you spent a long time out there and almost refused to return, so greatly were you enticed by them. But now something or other has induced you to come back with this unwonted eagerness.",
+                "[117] So they will reply that this hasty breathless racing out to the world of sense and back again is not due to themselves but to the man who rescued them from the shepherds of the savage herd, and they call Moses an Egyptian (<i>ibid</i>. 19), Moses who was not only a Hebrew, but of that purest Hebrew blood which alone is consecrated. They cannot, that is, rise above their own nature.",
+                "[118] For the senses are on the border-line between the intelligible realm and the sensible, and all that we can hope is that they should desire both realms and not be led by the latter only. To suppose that they will ever give their affections to the things of mind only would be the height of folly, and therefore they give both titles. By the word “man” they point out the world which reason alone discerns,  by “Egyptian” they represent the world of sense.",
+                "[119] On hearing this the father will ask again, where is the man? (<i>ibid</i>. 20). In what part of your surroundings does the element of the reason dwell? Why have you left him so easily, and why when you once fell in with him did you not take to your arms that treasure, so beautiful above all, so profitable to yourselves? But if you have not as yet,",
+                "[120] at least now “invite him that he may eat” (<i>ibid</i>. 20) and feed on your advance to higher stages of goodness and a closer affinity to him. Perhaps he will even dwell among you and wed the winged, inspired and prophetic nature called Zipporah (<i>ibid</i>. 21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] So much for this. But Moses also changes the name of Hoshea to Joshua (Num. 13:17), thus transforming the individual who embodies a state into the state itself.  For Hoshea by interpretation is “he,” that is a particular individual, “is saved.” But Joshua is “safety of the Lord,” a name for the best possible state.",
+                "[122] For states are better than the individuals who embody them, as music is better than the musician and medicine than the physician, and every art than every artist, better both in everlastingness and in power and in unerring mastery over its subject matter. The state is everlasting, active, perfect; the individual is mortal, acted on, imperfect; and the imperishable is higher and greater than the mortal, the acting cause than that on which it acts, and the perfect than the imperfect.",
+                "[123] Thus in the above also we see the coin which represents the man re-minted in a better form.",
+                "But in Caleb we have a total change of the man himself. For we read “there was another spirit in him” (Num. 14:24), as though the ruling mind in him was changed to supreme perfection. For Caleb is by interpretation “all heart,”",
+                "[124] and this is a figurative way of shewing that his was no partial change of a soul wavering and oscillating, but a change to proved excellence of the whole and entire soul which dislodged anything that was not entirely laudable by thoughts of repentance; for when it thus washed away its defilements, and made use of the lustrations and purifications of wisdom, it could not but be clean and fair."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[125] The chief of the prophets proves to have many names. When he interprets and teaches the oracles vouchsafed to him he is called Moses; when he prays and blesses the people, he is a Man of God (Deut. 33:1); and when Egypt is paying the penalties for its impious deeds he is the god (Ex. 7:1) of Pharaoh, the king of the country.",
+                "[126] Why these three? Because to enact fresh laws for the benefit of those to whom they would apply is the task of one whose hands are ever in touch with divine things, one who is called up (Ex. 24:1) by the Lawgiver who speaks in oracles, one who has received from Him a great gift, the power of language to express prophet-like the holy laws. For Moses, if translated, is a “receiving”  and it also means a handling, as shewn above. ",
+                "[127] Secondly, to pray and bless is not for any chance person but for a man who has had no eyes  for his kinship to created being and has given himself to be the portion of Him who is ruler and father of all.",
+                "[128] For one must be content if it be granted to him to follow right reasoning himself, but to procure the good gift for others is what only a greater, more perfect, truly God-inspired soul can promise, and the possessor of such a soul will with good reason be called God’s man.  Thirdly, this same person is a god, because he is wise and therefore the ruler of every fool, even though that fool boast ever so loudly in the support of his royal sceptre. And he is a god for this reason in particular.",
+                "[129] It is the will of the ruler of all that though there be some doomed to punishment for their intolerable misdeeds, they should have mediators to make intercession for them, who imitating the merciful power of the Father will dispense punishment with more moderation and in a kindlier spirit. Beneficence is the peculiar prerogative of a god. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] We have now dealt sufficiently with the change and substitution of names and will proceed to the next points in our inquiry. What followed at once was the promise of the birth of Isaac. For after calling his mother Sarah instead of Sarai He says to Abraham, “I will give thee a child from her” (Gen. 17:16). Each part of this must be severally examined.",
+                "[131] First, then, the giver of anything in the proper sense of the word must necessarily give something which belongs to himself, and if this is so Isaac must be not the man Isaac but the Isaac whose name is that of the best of the good emotions, joy, the Isaac who is the laughter of the heart, a son of God, who gives him as a means to soothe and cheer truly peaceful souls.",
+                "[132] It were a monstrous thing that one should be a husband, and another the parent, parent therefore of bastards born in adultery, and yet Moses writes of God as the husband of the virtue-loving mind when he says, “The Lord seeing that Leah was hated opened her womb” (Gen. 29:31),",
+                "[133] for moved by pity and compassion for the virtue hated by our mortal race and for the soul that loves virtue he sends barrenness 〈on the favourite and gives honour〉 to the nature which loves excellence and opens the fountain of happy parentage by granting her welfare in childbirth.",
+                "[134] And Tamar too; she bore within her womb the divine seed, but had not seen the sower.  For we are told that at that hour she veiled her face (Gen. 38:15), just as Moses when he turned aside fearing to look upon God (Ex. 3:6). But she closely scanned the symbols and tokens, and judging in her heart that these were the gifts of no mortal she cried aloud, “To whomsoever these belong, he it is by whom I am with child” (Gen. 38:25).",
+                "[135] Whose is the ring, the pledge of faith, the seal of the universe, the archetypal idea by which all things without form or quality before were stamped and shaped? Whose is the cord, that is, the world-order, the chain of destiny,  the correspondence and sequence of all things, with their ever-unbroken chain? Whose is the staff, that is the firmly planted, the unshaken, the unbending; the admonition, the chastening, the discipline; the sceptre, the kingship! whose are they? Are they not God’s alone?",
+                "[136] And therefore the temper which makes confession of thankfulness, that is Judah, pleased at the divine inspiration which masters her, says with all boldness, “She is justified since I gave her to no mortal” (<i>ibid</i>. 26), for he holds it impiety to defile the divine with things profane."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] So, too, the wisdom which as in motherhood brought forth the nature of the self-taught declares that God had begotten it. For when the child is born she says with pride, “The Lord has made laughter for me” (Gen. 21:6). That is the same as saying “He formed, He wrought, He begot, Isaac,” since Isaac and laughter are the same.",
+                "[138] But this saying is not for all to hear, so strongly does the evil tide of superstition flow in our minds and drown unmanly and degenerate souls.  And therefore she adds “Whoever shall hear will rejoice with me” (<i>ibid</i>.) as though there were few whose ears are opened and pricked up to receive these holy words, which teach us that to sow and beget the excellent is the peculiar task of God alone. To this lesson all but those few are deaf.",
+                "[139] I remember too an oracle given by a prophet’s mouth in words of fire which runs thus: “From Me thy fruit has been found. Who is wise and he shall understand them, who is understanding and he shall know them?” (Hos. 14:9, 10).  Under the prophet’s words I recognized the voice of the invisible master whose invisible hand plays on the instrument of human speech, and I was lost in admiration at the saying also.",
+                "[140] For all that is good in the range of existing things or rather the whole heaven and universe is in very truth God’s fruit, the inseparable growth, as it were, of the tree of His eternal and never-fading nature. And to know and confess such things is for the wise and understanding, not for men of no account."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[141] So much for the phrase “I will give to thee.” We must now explain “from her.” Some understand by it that which comes into being outside her, thinking that in the judgement of right reason the best decision is that the soul should declare that nothing good belongs to herself, but all is an addition from outside, through the high benevolence of God Who showers His gifts of grace.",
+                "[142] Others take it as “immediate,” “with speed.” They say that ἐξ αὐτῆς is equivalent to “straightway,” “at once,” “without postponement,” “without delay,” and this is the way in which the gifts of God are wont to be given, outrunning even the moments of time. There is a third class who say that virtue is the mother of any good that has come into being, receiving the seeds of that being from nothing that is mortal.",
+                "[143] Again, some ask whether the barren can bear children, since the oracles earlier describe Sarah as barren and now admit that she will become a mother. Our answer to this must be that it is not in the nature of a barren woman to bear, any more than of the blind to see or of the deaf to hear. But as for the soul which is sterilized to wickedness and unfruitful of the endless host of passions and vices, scarce any prosper in childbirth as she. For she bears offspring worthy of love, even the number seven according to the hymn of Hannah, that is, grace, who says “The barren hath borne seven, but she that is much in children hath languished” (1 Sam. 2:5).",
+                "[144] She applies the word “much” to the mind which is a medley of mixed and confused thoughts, which, because of the multitude of riots and turmoils that surround it, brings forth evils past all remedy. But the word “barren” she applies to the mind which refuses to accept any mortal sowing as fruitful, the mind which makes away with and brings to abortion all the intimacies and the matings of the wicked, but holds fast to the “seventh”  and the supreme peace which it gives. This peace she would fain bear in her womb and be called its mother."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Such is the meaning of “from her.” Let us now examine the third part of the phrase used, namely “child.” First then we may well wonder why He does not say He will give many children, but will grant one only. Why? Because excellence cannot be estimated by number but rather by value.",
+                "[146] For, to take examples at random, there are ever so many musical, grammatical and geometrical things, and just and prudent and courageous and temperate things, but music and grammar and geometry in the abstract and again justice and temperance and prudence and courage in the abstract are each of them one thing, the original, the same as the archetypal idea, and from this origin the many and indeed infinite particulars  have been formed.",
+                "[147] So much for His saying that He will give one, but the word actually used in this passage, “bairn,” is used not without care or consideration. He wishes to shew that the child is not alien or supposititious, nor again adopted or bastard, but the truly genuine and free-natured  offspring of a free-born soul. For “bairn” derived from “bearing” is used to bring out the affinity which is the natural tie between parents and children."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] “I will bless her,” He continues, “and she shall be for nations.” He shews hereby that not only is generic virtue divided into its proximate species and their subdivisions, as into nations, but also that actions and ideas have nations in a sense, just as living creatures have, and that to these nations the addition of virtue is most beneficial.",
+                "[149] For everything that lacks or has lost prudence is a source of mischief, just as all must be in darkness on which the sun does not shine. By virtue the husbandman takes better care of his plants; by virtue the charioteer guides his chariot in the horse-race without a fall; by virtue the helmsman steers his vessel safe through the voyage. Virtue again produces better conditions in households, city and country, by producing men who are good household managers, statesmanlike and neighbourly.",
+                "[150] Virtue, too, introduces the best laws, and sows everywhere seeds of peace. And in proof of this we see that where the opposite condition prevails the natural result is the opposite of these blessings, namely war, lawlessness, misgovernment, confusion, disasters at sea, revolutions, and in the realm of the sciences that most painful disease knavery, which causes them to be called perversions of art,  rather than arts. Virtue then will necessarily extend to nations, that is, large and comprehensive combinations both of living creatures and of actions and ideas, and will thus benefit those who receive her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] Next we read “And kings of nations shall be from her,” for those whom she conceives and bears are all rulers, chosen not for a short time by the uncertainty of lot or by the votes of men for the most part hirelings, but rulers appointed for ever by Nature herself.",
+                "[152] And this is no invention of mine, but a statement made by the most holy oracles, wherein certain people appear as saying to Abraham “Thou art a King from God among us” (Gen. 23:6). They did not consider his material resources, for what such were there in an emigrant, who was not even the inhabitant of a city but a wanderer over a wide and desolate and trackless land? Rather they perceived the kingship in his mind, and thus Moses confesses that the Sage alone is king. ",
+                "[153] For in truth the prudent man is ruler of the imprudent, for he knows what he should and should not do, and the temperate of the intemperate, for he has studied carefully how to choose and how to avoid: the brave man of the coward because he has learned with certainty what he should and should not endure: the just of the unjust, because he aims at unbiased equality in what he has to award:  the holy of the unholy because high and true conceptions of God prevail with him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[154] These promises might well have puffed up the mind to soar into the heights. But to convict us, so often proud-necked at the smallest cause, he falls down and straightway laughs (Gen. 17:17) with the laughter of the soul, mournfulness in his face, but smiles in his mind, where joy vast and unalloyed has made its lodging.",
+                "[155] For the sage who receives an inheritance of good beyond his hope these two things are simultaneous—to fall and to laugh. He falls as a pledge that the proved nothingness of mortality keeps him from vaunting: he laughs to shew that the thought that God alone is the cause of good and gracious gifts makes strong his piety.",
+                "[156] Let created being fall with mourning in its face; it is only what nature demands, so feeble in footing is it, so sad of heart in itself. Then let it be raised up by God and laugh, for God alone is its support and its joy.",
+                "[157] One might reasonably question how it is possible for anyone to laugh, when laughter had not yet come into being among us. For Isaac is laughter, which according to the view before us is not yet born. For as we cannot see without eyes nor hear without ears, nor smell without nostrils nor use the other senses without the corresponding organs, nor apprehend without the power of thought, so the act of laughing would be against all probability if laughter had not yet been created.",
+                "[158] What shall we say then? Nature often provides signs which shew us beforehand future happenings. Do you not often see how the fledgling, before it actually oars its way in the air, likes to flutter or shake its wings, thus giving a welcome promise of ability to fly hereafter?",
+                "[159] Or how the lamb or the he-goat or the youngling ox, if one provoke it, fronts its opponent and starts to defend itself with those parts from which spring the weapons of defence which Nature provides?",
+                "[160] Again, in the arena the bulls do not at once gore their antagonists, but set their legs well apart, bend their necks slightly, and turn them either way with a truly bull-like glare, and only then do they attack and shew a mind to set to in earnest. This kind of thing, one impulse, that is, precluding another, is called <i>orousis</i>,  or “springing,” by those who practise word-coining."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] Much the same often befalls the soul. When good is hoped for, it rejoices in anticipation, and thus may be said to feel joy before joy, gladness before gladness. We may find in this a likeness to what happens in the vegetable world. They too, when they are going to bear fruit, put forth shoots, flowers and leaves in anticipation.",
+                "[162] Observe the cultivated vine, what a wonderful piece of nature’s handiwork it is, with its twigs, tendrils, suckers, petals, leaves, which seem almost to break out into speech and proclaim their joy at the coming fruit of the tree. And the day laughs in forecast while the dawning is still young because the sunrise is coming. For beam heralds beam and the dimmer light leads the way for the clearer.",
+                "[163] And so the good when it has come is accompanied by joy, and when it is expected, by hope. For we rejoice at its arrival and hope when it is coming. Similarly with their opposites. The presence of evil produces grief, and its expectation fear. And so fear is grief before grief, just as hope is joy before joy. For fear, I think, bears the same relation to grief as hope does to joy.",
+                "[164] The senses, too, carry with them clear signs of what is here stated. Smell presides over taste and passes judgement in advance on practically all that serves for food or drink. And therefore some looking to the obvious fact have given to smell the apposite name of fore-taster. And so it is natural for hope to taste beforehand as it were the coming good and to recommend it to the soul which will have it for its solid possession.",
+                "[165] Again the hungry or thirsty traveller, if he suddenly sees in his journeying springs of water or trees of every kind laden with refreshing fruits, finds a preliminary satisfaction in the hope of future enjoyment, before he eats or drinks and even before he draws the water or plucks the fruit. And if we can find a feast in what feeds the body before we actually eat, can we possibly suppose that what feeds the mind is unable to give us a foretaste of gladness when the feast it provides is still to come?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[166] Well then might he laugh even though laughter seems to have been as yet unborn in our mortal race, and not only did he himself laugh but his wife also. For again we find Sarah laughed, saying in herself, “Not yet has this befallen me till now,” this unstudied, self-sprung good. Yet He that promised, she says, is “my Lord” (Gen. 18:12) and “older” than all creation, and I needs must believe Him. ",
+                "[167] At the same time Moses teaches us this lesson that virtue is by its very nature a thing for joy,  and that he who possesses it ever rejoices, while vice on the contrary is grievous and its possessor most unhappy. After this need we extol those philosophers who declare that virtue is a state of happy feeling ?",
+                "[168] For, see, we find in Moses the primary authority for this wise doctrine, since he pictures the good man as rejoicing and laughing, and elsewhere not the good man only but those also who come into company with him. “Seeing thee,” he says, “he will rejoice at it” (Ex. 4:14).  He suggests that the mere sight of the worthy is enough to make the mind cast off the soul’s most hateful burden, grief, and to fill it with joy.",
+                "[169] And to none of the wicked is rejoicing permitted, as indeed the orations of the prophets proclaim: “Rejoicing is not for the impious, said God” (Is. 48:22). It is indeed a divine saying and oracle that the life of every worthless man is one of gloom and sorrow and full of misery, even though he affect to wear a smiling face.",
+                "[170] I would not say that the Egyptians really rejoiced when they heard that Joseph’s brethren had come. Rather they assumed in hypocrisy the appearance of joy. For no fool when confronted by conviction is pleased with it, any more than the dissolute man on his sick-bed with the physician. For the profitable is followed by toil, the noxious by ease. And fools because they prefer ease to toil are naturally at enmity with those who would advise them to their profit.",
+                "[171] And so when you hear that “Pharaoh rejoiced and his servants” (Gen. 45:16) at the coming of the brothers of Joseph, do not suppose that they were really pleased, except perhaps at one thought: they expected once more to lead away the mind to desert its foster-brethren the goods of the soul for the numberless lusts of the body, and to debase its old ancestral coinage, the coinage of virtue its birth-fellow."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[172] With such hopes the pleasure-loving mind is not content merely to angle with the baits of every lust for the younger sort, the novices in the training-schools of temperance, but revolts from the idea that it should be unable to subjugate the older thinking, in which the frenzy of passion has passed its prime. ",
+                "[173] He makes other offers, offers which mean loss though he speaks of them as profit. “Take your father and your wealth,” he says, “and come to me” (<i>ibid</i>. 18) into Egypt, come, that is, to this King of terror, who when our paternal and our truly real wealth had in virtue of its natural liberty left the body behind in its advance, draws it back and throws it with violence into a prison of exceeding bitterness; and over this prison he sets for keeper, as the oracular text tells us, Potiphar (Gen. 39:1) the eunuch and chief cook : eunuch, because he has scant store of excellence and has lost by mutilation the soul’s organs of generation, unable further to sow and beget anything that tends to discipline; cook, because in cook-like fashion he slaughters living beings, chops and divides them, piece by piece, limb by limb, and moves in a chaos of lifeless carcasses, immaterial rather than material;  and with his elaborately seasoned dishes arouses and excites the appetites of fruitless passions, appetites which should rather be tamed and calmed.",
+                "[174] And also, says the Pleasure-lover, “I will give you of all the good things of Egypt, and ye shall eat the marrow of the land” (Gen. 45:18). But we will answer him, “We do not accept the body’s good, for we have seen the things of the soul. For so deeply has our strong yearning for these sunk into us that it can make us forget all that is dear to the flesh.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] Such indeed is the joy falsely so-called of the fool. The true joy has been described above, the joy which befits the virtuous alone. “And so Abraham fell and laughed” (Gen. 17:17). He fell not from God but from himself, for in clinging to the immovable Being he stood, but fell from his own conceit.",
+                "[176] And so when the spirit which is wise in its own conceits had been thrown to the ground and the spirit of love to God raised up and firmly planted round Him who alone never bends, he laughed at once and said in his mind, “Shall this happen to one of a hundred years old, and shall Sarah being ninety years old bear a son?”",
+                "[177] But do not think, good reader, that when “he said” is followed by “in his mind” instead of “with his mouth,” the addition has little meaning. No, it is made with very careful purpose. Why so? Because in saying “Shall this happen to one of a hundred years,” he seems to doubt the birth of Isaac in which in an earlier place he was said to believe, as was shown by the oracular words delivered a little time before. Those ran, “He shall not be thine heir, but one who shall come from thee,” and then immediately followed the words, “And Abraham believed God and it was accounted to him for righteousness” (Gen. 15:4, 6).",
+                "[178] So then, since doubt was not consistent with his past belief, Moses has represented the doubt not as long-lived, or prolonged to reach the mouth and tongue, but staying where it was with the swiftly moving mind. For, says the text, “He said in his mind,” which none of the creatures whose swiftness of foot we admire can outrun, and indeed no form of bird nature has such speed.",
+                "[179] This is, I think, the reason why the poet most highly esteemed among the Greeks says, “like a bird’s wing or a thought.”  He is showing the swiftness of the mind’s intensity, and to bring this out more strongly he puts thought after the bird’s wing. For the mind moves at the same moment to many things material and immaterial with indescribable rapidity and reaches at once the boundaries of land and sea, covering and dividing  distances of infinite magnitude. At the same time it leaps so high from the earth that it passes through the lower to the upper air and scarcely comes to a stop even when it reaches the furthermost sphere of the fixed stars.",
+                "[180] For its fiery fervent nature forbids it to rest and its onward journey carries it across wide spaces outside the limits of all this world of sense to the world framed from the ideas to which it feels itself akin. So then in the case of the virtuous man the swerving was short, instantaneous and infinitesimal, not belonging to sense but only to mind, and so to speak timeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[181] But perhaps it may be said, why did he, when once he had believed, admit any trace or shadow or breath of unbelief whatsoever? It seems to me that this question amounts to a wish to make out the created to be uncreated, the mortal immortal, the perishable imperishable, and if it is not blasphemy to say it, man to be God.",
+                "[182] Such a person asserts that the faith which man possesses should be so strong as to differ not at all from the faith which belongs to the Existent, a faith sound and complete in every way. For Moses says in the Greater Song,  “God is faithful and there is no injustice in Him” (Deut. 32:4),",
+                "[183] and it argues great ignorance to think that the soul of man can contain the unwavering, absolutely steadfast excellences of God. Enough for man is the power to possess the images of these, images in the scale of number and magnitude far below the archetypes.",
+                "[184] And surely this is to be expected, for the excellences of God must needs be unmixed since God is not compounded but a single nature, whereas man’s excellences are mixed, since we, too, are mixtures, with human and divine blended in us and formed into a harmony in the proportions of perfect music, and a compound of more than one ingredient is subject to natural counter-forces drawing it to each of these ingredients.",
+                "[185] Happy is he to whom it is granted to incline towards the better and more godlike part through most of his life. For it is impossible that it should be so with him throughout the whole length of life, since sometimes the opposing load of mortality throws its weight into the scales, and biding its time waits to find its chance in the mischances of reason and so prove too strong for him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[186] “Abraham then has believed God,” but only as a man, so that you may recognize the weakness, the distinctive mark of the mortal, and learn that, if he swerves, his swerving arises only according to nature. But if that swerving is short and momentary, thanks are due, for many others have been overwhelmed by the rushing of the tide and died a violent death in the waters.",
+                "[187] For, good friend, if you believe the holy Moses, virtue is not sound-footed in our mortal and bodily nature, but limps ever so little and is subject to a sort of stiffness, for we are told that “the width of the thigh was stiffened, and he halted on it” (Gen. 32:25, 31).",
+                "[188] But perhaps some more courageous spirits might come forward and say that the utterance does not even indicate any disbelief, but a prayer, that if joy, the best of good emotions, is to be born, its birth should be confined to the numbers ninety and a hundred, that so the perfect good may enter on its existence under perfect numbers.",
+                "[189] The numbers here named are perfect numbers, particularly according to the sacred writings. Let us consider each of them separately. To begin with Shem, the son of the just Noah, the ancestor of the nation of vision; he is said to have been a hundred years old when he begat Arphaxad (Gen. 11:10), the meaning of whose name is “he disturbed affliction.” And surely it is excellent that the soul’s offspring should harass and confound and destroy injustice, afflicted and full of evils as it is.",
+                "[190] Abraham too “plants an acre”  and adopts the hundred in measuring out the plot (Gen. 21:33), and Isaac “finds barley a hundredfold” (Gen. 26:12); and Moses in building the court of the tabernacle takes a hundred cubits in measuring out the distance from east to west (Ex. 27:9).",
+                "[191] And a hundred too appears in the firstfruit of firstfruit which the Levites offer to the consecrated priest (Num. 18:28), for when they receive the tenths from the nation, they are bidden to treat them as their own possessions and to give to the priest what may be called a holy tenth of tenths.",
+                "[192] And by observation we might discover contained in the laws many other examples in praise of the number here mentioned, but the above is quite sufficient for the present.",
+                "But if you separate from the hundred a tenth as the sacred first offering to God who brings the fruits of the soul to their beginning,  their increase and their fulfilment, you will leave behind another perfect number, ninety, for it must needs be perfect, placed as it is in a debatable land between the first and the tenth ten, and thus serve to a separate sanctities from sanctities like the veil in the midst of the tabernacle (Ex. 26:33). by which things of the same genus are distinguished through division into their respective species."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[193] The virtuous man then spoke truly virtuous words and “with his mind.”  But the wicked man sometimes gives admirable expression to noble thoughts, but his actions are most vile and their method equally so. Such a one is Shechem, the son of folly, for his father is Hamor whose name is translated by “ass,” while his own is interpreted as “shoulder,” the symbol of toil. The toil which is fathered by unintelligence is miserable and full of affliction, just as that which has intelligence for its congener is profitable.",
+                "[194] Thus the oracles say that Shechem spake “according to the mind of the virgin” after first humiliating her (Gen. 34:2, 3). Are not these words “according to the mind of the virgin” added with exact thought so as almost to shew that his actions were the opposite of his words? For Dinah is incorruptible judgement, the justice which is the assessor of God, the ever virgin, for the word “Dinah” by interpretation is either judgement or justice.",
+                "[195] The fools who attempt to seduce her by their plottings and their practices repeated day by day seek by means of specious talking to escape from conviction. Now they should either make their actions conform to their words or if they persist in iniquity keep still. For by keeping still men say evil is halved. And so Moses by rebuking him who adjudges the chief honours to creation and only the second to the imperishable God says, “Thou hast sinned, be still” (Gen. 4:7). ",
+                "[196] For to rant and boast of evil doings is a double sin. But what regularly happens with the multitude is this: they are ever addressing words of friendship and fairness to the maiden Virtue, but they let no occasion slip without using it to outrage and maltreat her if they can. What city is not crowded with those who hymn virtue the ever virgin?",
+                "[197] They tear to pieces the ears of all they meet with such disquisitions as these, prudence is necessary, imprudence is harmful, temperance deserves our choice, intemperance our hatred; courage is worthy of perseverance  therein, cowardice of avoidance; justice is profitable, injustice unprofitable; holiness is honourable, unholiness disgraceful; piety is praiseworthy, impiety blameworthy; right purposing, speaking and acting is most conformable to man’s nature, wrong purposing, speaking and acting most alien to the same.",
+                "[198] With a perpetual string of this or suchlike talk they deceive the law-courts, the theatres, the council-chambers and every gathering and group of men, like people who set handsome masks on the ugliest of faces to prevent the ugliness being detected by the eyes of others.",
+                "[199] But it is all useless. The vindicators will come strong and doughty, inspired with zeal for virtue. They will strip off all this complication of wraps and bandages which the perverted art of the talkers has put together, and beholding the soul naked in her very self they will know the secrets hidden from sight in the recesses of her nature; and then exposing to every eye in clear sunlight her shame and all her disgraces they will point the contrast between her real character, so hideous, so despicable, and the spurious comeliness which disguised in her wrappings she counterfeited.",
+                "[200] And the champions who stand ready to repel such profane and impure ways of thinking are two in number, Simeon and Levi, but they are one in will. That is why in the blessings, while their father ranked them under a single head (Gen. 49:5), because their minds are in concord and harmony and their purpose set in one and the same direction, Moses ceases even to mention the pair, but compresses the whole of Simeon into Levi (Deut. 33:8), and thus blending the two natures he makes them one, bearing the stamp of a single form, and unites hearing with action."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[201] So when he understood the promise and spoke “according to his mind” these words, so full of reverence and pious awe, the man of worth was moved by a twofold feeling, faith towards God, distrust of the creature. It is natural then that he should pray in these words, “Let this Ishmael live before thee” (Gen. 17:18), and each of the phrases here included, namely, “this,” “live,” “before Thee,” are applied by him appropriately. I say appropriately because many are deceived by the application of the same terms to denote different things.",
+                "[202] What I mean by this should be considered. Ishmael by interpretation is “hearing God,” but the divine truths are heard by some to their profit, by some to the harm of themselves and others.",
+                "Observe that dealer in augury, Balaam. He is described as “hearing the oracles of God and knowing knowledge from the Most High” (Num. 24:16),",
+                "[203] but what did he profit from such hearing or such knowledge, he who attempted to bring ruin on the soul’s best eye which alone has been trained to see God? But yet what he willed he could not, so strong was the Saviour’s invincible might. Therefore, stabbed by his own madness, he received many wounds and perished “in the midst of the wounded” (Num. 31:8) because with his soothsayer’s mock wisdom he defaced the stamp of heaven-sent prophecy.",
+                "[204] Rightly then it is “this Ishmael” for whose health alone the man of virtue prays, because of those others who do not hear with honest mind the holy instructions, whom Moses absolutely forbade to resort to the assembly of the Ruler of all. Such as in their pride extol their own mind and senses as the sole causes of all that happens amongst men—",
+                "[205] these are they who have spiritually lost the organs of generation by crushing or complete mutilation; such again as love the creed which holds that gods are many and pays all honour to that fellowship of deities—these are the children of the harlot who knows not the one husband and father of the virtue-loving soul,—are not all such with good reason expelled and banished? (Deut. 23:1, 2). ",
+                "[206] The parents too who accuse their son of wine-bibbing seem to make a like use of the pronoun. They say “This son of ours is disobedient” (Deut. 21:20), and thus by the addition of “this” they shew that they have other sons, strong-willed and self-controlling, who obey the injunctions of right reason and instruction. For these two are the soul’s parents who can never lie, and to be accused by them is the greatest disgrace, as their praise is the highest glory. ",
+                "[207] To take another instance, “It is this Moses and Aaron whom God bade lead the sons of Israel from Egypt” (Ex. 6:26), or “These are they who talked with Pharaoh the king” (<i>ibid</i>. 27). In neither of these cases must we suppose that the words are used carelessly and that the demonstrative pronouns served no other purpose than to indicate  the names.",
+                "[208] For since Moses is mind at its purest, and Aaron is its word, and each have been trained to holy things, the mind to grasp them as a God should and the word to express them worthily, the professors of false wisdom mimic and debase this authentic coin, and say that what they think of the most excellent is just, and what they say of it worthy of praise (Ex. 7:11). And so that when the spurious is set beside the authentic we may not be deceived by the likeness of the stamp he has given us a touchstone by which they may be distinguished.",
+                "[209] What is this touchstone? It is that he brought out of the land of the body the mind which could see and which loved wisdom and the vision. For he who could do this is “This Moses,” and he who could not, who had but the name and clothed himself with a multitude of grand-sounding titles, is made a laughing-stock.",
+                "When he prays that Ishmael may live, he is not concerned with the life of the body, but prays that what he hears from God may abide for ever with the soul and stir him into living flame;"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[210] and while Abraham prays, as we have said, that the grace of hearkening to holy words and learning holy truths may live, Jacob, the Man of Practice, prays for the life of natural goodness, for he says “Let Reuben live and not die” (Deut. 33:6).  Is he here praying that he should never know death and corruption, a gift impossible for a man? Surely not.",
+                "[211] Let us say then what he wishes to shew us. All that is heard or learned is a superstructure, built on the foundation of a nature receptive of instruction, for if nature be not there to begin with all else is useless. For those who are ungifted by nature would seem to differ not at all from an oak or mute stone, for nothing can adhere or fit into them, but all is shaken off and rebounds as from a solid substance.",
+                "[212] But in the souls of the naturally good we see a duly-tempered mixture like smooth wax, neither too solid nor too soft; a mixture which easily receives all that is seen and heard and itself reproduces perfectly the forms impressed upon it in lifelike copies preserved by memory. ",
+                "[213] Thus he was bound to pray that the nation of reason should possess natural goodness free from disease and death. For the life of virtue, which is LIFE in its truest form, is shared by few, and these few are not found among the vulgar herd, none of whom has part or lot in true life, but are only those to whom it is granted to escape the aims which engross humanity and to live to God alone.",
+                "[214] And therefore the Man of Practice and Courage wondered exceedingly that one who was borne along in the midstream of human life is not swept down by any rush of the swirling waters, but can breast the strong current of riches and stem the tide of pleasure’s ceaseless urge and keep his feet against the hurricane of vainglory.",
+                "[215] And so Jacob says to Joseph, though indeed it is rather the holy Word speaking to every man who in addition to bodily welfare is placed amidst abundance of the gear which makes for luxury, yet is proof against it all, “For thou still livest” (Gen. 46:30). A marvellous utterance, which has travelled beyond the range of the common life which we lead, we who if we but catch a puff of the air of prosperity loosen every reef and let the breeze blow fresh and clear, and then with our strong steady wind to swell our canvas speed on to the enjoyments of the passions, and never do we draw in the loose and slack licence of our lusts until we strike the rocks and wreck the whole bark of the soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[216] We  do well indeed then when we pray that this Ishmael may live. And so he adds “before God,” holding that in this lies the crown of happiness—that the mind should be privileged to live under the survey and watchful care of the Supreme Excellence.",
+                "[217] For when the tutor is present his charge  will not go amiss; the teacher at the learner’s side brings profit to him; the company of his senior gives to the youth the grace of modesty and self-control; the mere sight of father or mother can silently prevent the son from some intended wrongdoing. Imagine then the vastness of the blessings which we must suppose will be his who believes that the eye of God is ever upon him, for if he reverences the dignity of Him who is ever present, he will in fear and trembling fly from wrongdoing with all his might.",
+                "[218] But when he prays that Ishmael may live he does not despair of the birth of Isaac, as I have said before, but while he has trusted in God 〈he recognizes the weakness of humanity〉, for the gifts which God can give are not all such as man in his turn can receive, since for Him it is easy to bestow gifts, ever so many, ever so great, but for us it is no light matter to receive the proffered boons.",
+                "[219] For it is enough for us to obtain the good fruits of toil and effort, those more familiar gifts which grow up with us, but such as spring up independently without art or any form of human devising, which come ready-made to the recipient, we cannot even hope to attain. These are gifts of God, and therefore to discover them is the inevitable destiny of natures closer to God and undefiled and released from the mortal body.",
+                "[220] Yet Moses taught us to make our acknowledgements of thanks according to the power of our hands (Num. 6:21), the man of sagacity dedicating his good sense and prudence, the master of words consecrating all the excellences of speech in praises to the Existent in poem or prose, and from others offerings after their kind, natural philosophy, ethical philosophy, the lore of the arts and sciences from the several students of the same.",
+                "[221] In this way the sailor will dedicate success of voyage, the husbandman fruitfulness of crops, the herdsman the teeming increase of his livestock, the physician the health of his patients, or again the general his victory in war, the statesman or crowned head his lawful pre-eminence or sovereignty, and in short he who is not self-centred will avow as the cause of all goods of the soul or body or outside the body Him who in very truth is the one sole Cause of aught.",
+                "[222] Let none then of the lowly or obscure in repute shrink through despair of the higher hope from thankful supplication to God, but even if he no longer expects any greater boon, give thanks according to his power for the gifts which he has already received.",
+                "[223] Vast is the number of such gifts, birth, life, nurture, soul, sense-perception, mental picturing, impulse, reasoning. Now “reasoning” as a name is but a little word, but as a fact it is something most perfect and most divine, a piece torn off from the soul of the universe, or, as it might be put more reverently  following the philosophy of Moses, a faithful impress of the divine image."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[224] Well may we commend those members of the scouting party who tried to pluck up by the roots the trunk of virtue and carry it away, and when they could not, took at least a branch and a single cluster, which was all they could carry (Num. 13:24), as a specimen and part of the whole.",
+                "[225] We should indeed pray that our course may lie amid the collected body of the many virtues. But if this be too great for human nature, let us be content whenever it be granted to consort with one of the specific virtues, with temperance, or courage, or justice or humanity. Let the soul carry in its womb and bring to the birth one good thing at least and not be unfruitful and barren of them all.",
+                "[226] Would you lay upon your own son such injunctions as these? If you do not treat your servants kindly, neither must you have neighbourly dealings with your equals. If you do not behave well to your wife, you must not honour your parents either. If you despise your father and mother, you must also shew impiety towards God. If you delight in pleasure, you must not refrain from covetousness. Do you covet great riches? Then also give way to vain conceit.",
+                "[227] What, I would ask, do you mean that it is wrong to use self-control in some things if you cannot do so in all? The son would surely reply, What do you mean, father? Would you have your son become either completely bad or completely good, and will you not be satisfied if he chooses the midway course in preference to the extremes?",
+                "[228] It was such a feeling that made Abraham, in the case of the destruction of Sodom, begin with fifty and end with ten (Gen. 18:24 f.) when he besought and supplicated that if the means of complete release to liberty (Lev. 25:10), which is symbolized by fifty, be not forthcoming in created beings, the lower training, which is numerically reckoned as ten, may be accepted to respite the soul which stands on the verge of condemnation. ",
+                "[229] The trained have the advantage over the untrained, and those who are familiar with the culture of the schools over minds untuned to the muse; they start with better opportunities for growth, because as a rule from boyhood they have been bathed in a stream of ideas which deal with endurance and self-control and every virtue. And therefore if these have not entirely scoured and washed away their iniquity in the cleansing process, they are in a moderate and half-way degree purged.",
+                "[230] Esau’s words to his father seem to have a like meaning: “Hast thou one blessing, my father? bless me also, O my father” (Gen. 27:38). For different blessings should be set apart for different persons: perfect blessings for the perfect, half-way for the imperfect, just as we find with men’s bodies: for the healthy and the sick require different exercises and different diet, and in all other matters which affect their way of living the same treatment is impossible. The healthy need what agrees with them to prevent their falling sick at all, and the sick need what fits their condition to bring them round to better health.",
+                "[231] Since then the goods which nature has to bestow are many, grant me, O Lord, that which befits me in Thy sight, though it be but the smallest, looking to one thing only, that the gift be such as I can bear with ease, not one that slight as it is will bring me, poor weakling, fainting to the ground.",
+                "[232] And what do we suppose is meant by the words, “Shall not the hand of the Lord suffice?” (Num. 11:23). Surely this, that the powers of the Existent reach everywhere to benefit not only the highly placed but also those of lowlier reputation. And on these He bestows what befits them, according to the soul-measurements and appraisements of each, measuring and appraising in Himself  by the rule of equality the due proportion to each."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[233] I am profoundly struck by the law enacted for those who put off their sins and appear to be repentant. It bids them bring first as the victim a ewe without blemish, but “if his hand,” it continues, “have not strength for a sheep, he shall bring for the sin which he has committed two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one for sin and one for a burnt offering.",
+                "[234] But if his hand does not find a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, he shall bring for his gift fine flour the tenth of an ephah. He shall not pour upon it oil, nor put upon it frankincense, because it is a sin offering, and shall bring it to the priest, and the priest shall take from it a complete handful and lay the memorial upon the altar” (Lev. 5:7 ff.).",
+                "[235] Moses, then, employs for propitiation the three methods of repentance here mentioned, beasts or birds or wheaten flour, adapted doubtless to the capacity of the penitent who is purified, for small things do not need great, nor great things small purifications, but such as are like and equal on the principle of proportion.",
+                "[236] Why then there should be three ways of repentance is worth inquiry. Practically cases both of sinning and of achieving righteousness fall into three classes, thoughts and words and deeds. And therefore in his Exhortations Moses, when he is shewing that the acquisition of the good is neither impossible nor hard to pursue, says,",
+                "[237] “You need not fly up to heaven nor go to the ends of earth and sea to lay hold of it, but near and very near (and with the next words he shews the nearness as it were almost visible to the eye) is every work to thy mouth and heart and hands” (Deut. 30:12 ff.). In these three words he figures words, thoughts and intentions, deeds. For good thinking and intending, good speaking and good doing make up, he means, human happiness just as their opposites make up unhappiness,",
+                "[238] since achievement of righteousness and sinning are found in all these three places, heart, mouth and hand. For indeed some think and intend with excellent judgement and speak what is best and do what they should do. Of the three wrong thinking and intending is the least serious, and actually carrying out injustice is the most serious, while saying what we should not stands midway between the two.",
+                "[239] Yet in practice the least serious proves to be the most difficult to rid ourselves from, for it is a hard matter to bring to a standstill the soul’s changing movements. Their irresistible stream is such that we could sooner stem the rush of a torrent, for thoughts. after thoughts in countless numbers pour on like a huge breaker and drive and whirl and upset its whole being with their violence.",
+                "[240] This then is the best and most perfect form of purification, never even to admit any heinous thoughts, but to live with our fellow-citizens in peace and law observance, that order of which justice is the guiding influence. And the second best is to abstain from sinfulness of word, either by lying or perjury or subtlety or calumny, and in general from aiming at the ruin of others by giving a free rein to the mouth and tongue which it were better to bridle and bind with chains of adamant."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[241] It is easy to see why wrong-speaking is a graver matter than wrong-thinking. A man’s thoughts are sometimes not due to himself, but come without his will. He is compelled to admit ideas on subjects which he has no wish to consider, and where there is no will no blame is due.",
+                "[242] But speaking is voluntary, so that if a man gives utterance to language which offends, he is wronging others, unhappy in this, that even when there is an opportunity of speaking something of a kinder nature he is not willing to use it. Such a person would do best to court complete freedom from disturbance,  and if he has not this freedom he can surely if he wills it keep silence.",
+                "[243] But the unjust action is a more grievous sin than any speaking, for the word is the shadow of the act,  men say, and if the shadow be harmful, the act must be more harmful. And therefore Moses exempts mere intention from accusation and penalty. He knew that it was largely subject to involuntary changes and swervings, and rather the passive victim of the thoughts which flock into it than an active agent. But all that issues through the mouth he requires to make its defence and stand its trial on the principle that our speech is in our own power.",
+                "[244] But in these trials words are judged more leniently, culpable actions more severely, for he appoints great penalties for the authors of great misdeeds, those who carry into actual execution what their ill-intended intentions have planned or their reckless tongues have uttered."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[245] For the purgation of these three, thought, speech and action, he has named the sheep, the pair of doves or pigeons and the tenth of an ephah, the sacred measure, of fine flour, holding that thought should be purged with the sheep, speech with the birds, action with the fine flour.",
+                "[246] Why? Because just as the mind is the best element in us, so the sheep takes the same place among the unreasoning animals considered as a whole, in virtue of its superior gentleness and the annual produce which it raises by itself, to benefit men and adorn them at the same time. For raiment averts mischief from frost and heat, and by veiling what nature would have hidden promotes decency in the wearers.",
+                "[247] Let us take then the best animal, the sheep, as representing in a figure the purging of our best part, the mind, and similarly the birds as representing speech. For speech is light and winged by nature, moving swifter than an arrow, and flashing its way in every direction. For the word once spoken cannot return, but when carried outside races at a high speed, strikes the ears, and passing right through the whole region of hearing straightway turns into sound.",
+                "[248] Also speech is twofold, partly true and partly false, and thence I think its comparison to a pair of doves or pigeons. Moses directs that one bird should serve as a sin offering, and that the other should be offered by fire in its entirety, because it is a condition of true speech that it is entirely holy and perfect while false speech is the product of sin and needs reformation.",
+                "[249] The fine flour is, as I have said, the symbol of action, for it is a condition of flour that it is not brought into a pure state without art and contrivance but is sifted by the hands of corn-grinders, who have made a practice of this process. It accords with this when he says: “The priest shall take a complete handful and offer its memorial”—by the handful bringing out the thought of handiwork and action.",
+                "[250] And he makes a very careful contrast in speaking of the beasts and the birds. Of the first he says “If his hand be not strong enough for the sheep,” and of the second “If his hand do not find.” Why is this? Because it needs great strength and a very high degree of power to suppress the changing movements of the mind, but it needs no great might to restrain trespasses of speech.",
+                "[251] For against trespasses committed with the voice there is a remedy as I have said before in quietude, of which everyone can easily avail himself, though many through their loquacity and measureless chattering do not find any limit to put upon their words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[252] These and similar ways of analysing and distinguishing things become familiar to the man of virtue through breeding and practice, and does it not therefore seem natural that he should pray that Ishmael may live, if he cannot as yet be the parent  of Isaac?",
+                "[253] What then does God in His kindness do? Abraham had asked for one thing, God gives him two. He had prayed for the less, God grants him the greater. He said to him, we read, “Yes, Sarah thy wife shall bear a son” (Gen. 17:19). How significant is that answer “Yes,” fraught as it is with inner meaning. For what can be more befitting to God than to grant and promise His blessings in a moment and with a sign of assent?",
+                "[254] Yet those who receive a sign of assent from God are refused assent by every fool. Thus the oracles represent Leah as hated and for this reason she received such a name.  For by interpretation it means “rejected and weary,” because we all turn away from virtue and think her wearisome, so little to our taste are the commands she often lays upon us.",
+                "[255] But from the Ruler of all she was awarded such acceptance that her womb which He opened received the seed of divine impregnation (Gen. 29:31), whence should come the birth of noble practices and deeds.",
+                "Learn then, soul of man, that Sarah also, that is virtue, shall bear thee a son, as well as Hagar, the lower instruction. For Hagar’s offspring is the creature of teaching, but Sarah’s learns from none other at all than itself.",
+                "[256] And wonder not that God, who brings about all good things, has brought into being this kind also, and though there be few such upon earth, in Heaven vast is their number. You may learn this truth from the other elements, out of which man is constituted. Have the eyes been taught to see, do the nostrils learn to smell, do the hands touch or the feet advance in obedience to the orders or exhortations of instructors?",
+                "[257] As for our impulses and mental pictures, which are the primal conditions of the soul, according as it is in motion or at rest, are they made what they are by teaching? Does our mind attend the school of the professor of wisdom and there learn to think and to apprehend? All these exempt from teaching make use of self-worked independent nature for their respective activities.",
+                "[258] Why then need you still wonder that God showers virtue without toil or trouble, needing no controlling hand but perfect and complete from the very first? And if you would have further testimony of this can you find any more trustworthy than Moses, who says that while other men receive their food from earth, the nation of vision alone has it from heaven?",
+                "[259] The earthly food is produced with the co-operation of husbandmen, but the heavenly is sent like the snow by God the solely self-acting, with none to share his work. And indeed it says “Behold I rain upon you bread from heaven” (Ex. 16:4). Of what food can he rightly say that it is rained from heaven,",
+                "[260] save of heavenly wisdom which is sent from above on souls which yearn for virtue by Him who sheds the gift of prudence in rich abundance, whose grace waters the universe, and chiefly so in the holy seventh (year) which he calls the Sabbath?  For then he says there will be a plentiful supply of good things spontaneous and self-grown, which even all the art in the world could never raise, but springing up and bearing their proper fruit through self-originated, self-consummated nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[261] Virtue, then shall bear thee a true-born, male child, one free from all womanish feelings, and thou shalt call his name by the feeling which he raises in thee, which feeling is most surely joy. And therefore thou shalt give him a name significant of joy, even laughter.",
+                "[262] Just as fear and grief have their own special ejaculations, which the overpowering force of emotion coins, so moods of happy planning or of gladness compel us to break out into natural utterances, as aptly and exactly expressing our meaning as any which an adept in the study of names could devise.",
+                "[263] Therefore he says: “I have blessed him, I will increase and multiply him: he shall beget twelve nations (that is, the whole round and train of the early branches of the professional schools), but my covenant will I establish with Isaac” (Gen. 17:20 f.). Thus both forms of virtue, one where the teacher is another, one where teacher and learner are the same, will be open to human kind. And where man is weak he will claim the former, where he is strong the latter which comes ready to his hands."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[264] “But at this season,” he continues, “she shall bear to thee,” that is, wisdom shall bear joy. What is the season you set before us, Master? Wonder of wonders! Is it not the season which is as no other, which no created being can set forth? For the true season, the dayspring of the universe, when all is well and seasonable with earth and heaven, and the intermediate natures, both living creatures and plants, can be no other than Himself.",
+                "[265] And therefore Moses feared not to say to the fugitives from danger who shrank from waging the war for virtue against their antagonists, “The season hath departed from them, but the Lord is among you” (Num. 14:9).  Here he acknowledges with hardly any disguise that God is the Season which departs far away from all the impious, but walks in rich and fertile souls.",
+                "[266] “For I will walk among you,” he says, “and will be your God” (Lev. 26:12). But they who say that season means the changes of the year strain the terms from their proper meaning, for they have not carefully studied the real natures of things but are deeply tainted with looseness of thought."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[267] He goes on to say—thereby heightening the glory of the child to be—that he will be born “in the other year” (Gen. 17:21). And by other year he does not mean an interval of time which is measured by the revolutions of sun and moon, but something truly mysterious, strange and new, other than the realm of sight and sense, having its place in the realm of the incorporeal and intelligible, and to it belongs the model and archetype of time, eternity or aeon.  The word aeon signifies the life of the world of thought, as time is the life of the perceptible.",
+                "[268] In this same year, too, is “the hundredfold crop of barley found” (Gen. 26:12) by him who sows the gifts of God to produce an increase of blessings, and thereby increases to the uttermost the number of those who shall deservedly partake of it. But note that the sower generally reaps.",
+                "[269] Yet he, though he sowed, and thereby displayed the virtue which hates envy and vice, is not said to reap but to find. For He who ripened the ear of His benefits and filled it with corn was Another, even He who prepares and matures higher hopes and more abundant bounties and puts them forth to be found by those who seek."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[270] The words “he completed talking to him” (Gen. 17:22) are equivalent to “He perfected the hearer himself,” who before was devoid of wisdom, and filled him with thoughts that cannot die. And when the learner had become perfect, “the Lord went up from Abraham,” says Moses (<i>ibid</i>.). He does not mean that Abraham was parted from Him, for by his very nature the sage is God’s attendant, but he wished to shew the independence of the learner. His purpose is that when the superintendence of the master is withdrawn, and no compulsion is applied, the pupil may make an exhibition of his own powers, and shewing a diligence which is voluntary and self-imposed may work out by his own efforts what he has learnt. For it is the way of a teacher to give his pupil opportunity of independent practice without suggestions from himself, and thus set upon him the stamp of indelible memory in its surest form."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE MUTATIONE NOMINUM",
+            "§ 7. <i>Into the darkness.</i> Philo treats this text in much the same way in <i>De Post.</i> 14 ff., and follows it up in the same way with Ex. 33:13. But there he insists on a point which he does not make here, viz. that the search is not altogether fruitless, since to realize that τὸ ὄν is incomprehensible is in itself a vast boon.",
+            "§ 12. <i>The three natural orders</i>, etc. This favourite idea of the “educational trinity” stated by Aristotle in the form παιδεῖᾳ δεῖν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως, is several times applied by Philo to Isaac, Abraham, and Jacob respectively. See note on <i>De Sac.</i> 5–7. But the representation of Isaac as τελειότης (Joh. Dam.) or ὁσιότης (MSS.) instead of as φύσις or αὐτομαθής does not seem appropriate, and is not, as far as I have seen, paralleled elsewhere. It may be worth consideration whether Philo wrote τῶν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως, and when φύσεως had been corrupted to φύσεων the blank thus created for Isaac was variously filled up. That the things symbolized should then be given in their ordinary order and the symbols in their historical order would not, I think, be unnatural. Mangey proposed φύσεως in place of ὁσιότητος, which seems somewhat more arbitrary.",
+            "§ 13. ὄνομά τι. This reading, which, supported as it is by the MSS. ὀνόματι, has almost as much authority as Joh. Dam.’s τὸ ὄνομα, seems to me decidedly preferable in sense. In the next sentence Philo seems to lay down that τὸ ὄνομά μου κύριον is not a natural way of expressing “my proper name,” and it is unlikely that he would himself adopt this order of the words.",
+            "<i>Ibid. Transposition.</i> Hyperbaton defined as an “arrangement of words or thoughts changed from the consecutive order” (λέξεων ἢ νοήσεων ἐκ τοῦ κατʼ ἀκολουθίαν κεκινημένη τάξις) is a wide term of which the grammarians give several subdivisions, including tmesis and parenthesis. Quoted examples somewhat similar to the hyperbaton here as supposed by Philo are “transtra per et remos” and γέλασσε δὲ πᾶσα περὶ χθών (for περιεγέλασε). See Ernesti <i>s.v.</i> and indices to <i>Greek</i> and <i>Latin Grammarians.</i>",
+            "§ 28. <i>In a sense relative.</i> On ὡσανεὶ πρός τι Drummond writes (<i>Philo Judaeus</i>, vol. ii. pp. 48, 49): “When we ascribe to Him titles which are descriptive of relation, we refer only to certain aspects of His being, certain ‘powers’ which, because they are directed towards objects, are <i>quasi</i>-relative. The limitation <i>quasi</i> seems to imply that the dependence of the correlative terms is not mutual, but is all on one side, and that not the divine side. The powers of the self-existent are put forth into exercise without experiencing any alteration in their intrinsic character through the reaction of the objects to which they are applied; so that, although their names involve a relation, it would be truer to say that their objects are relative to them than that they are relative to their objects.” It is perhaps worth noting that ὡς πρός τι (<i>quasi ad aliquid</i>) was an accepted grammatical name for exclusive opposites as “night,” “day,” and “life,” “death,” distinguished from πρός τι, <i>e.g.</i> “father,” “son.” See index to <i>Grk. Gramm.</i> Philo, however, cannot be using ὡσανεί in this sense, as βασιλεύς and εὐεργέτης are clearly πρός τι.",
+            "§ 32. <i>And all that company.</i> Compare the Stoic dogma αὐστηροὺς εἷναι πάντας τοὺς σπουδαίους, Diog. Laert. vii. 117, <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 637–639. At the same time it is strange to find Philo limiting the wise entirely to this kind, in view of what he says in §§ 39 ff., and though his alternations between the Stoic strictness and the τιθασὸς καὶ ἥμερος σοφία of the Peripatetics are often startling, I think it may be worth while to consider the textually easy suggestion in the footnote: &lt;τοι&gt;οῦτος δὲ πᾶς ὁ θίασος &lt;ὃς&gt;.",
+            "§ 34. <i>Was not found.</i> This wording of the LXX suits Philo’s argument admirably, since one phrase of theirs was that the wise man μεχρὶ τοῦ νῦν ἀνεύρετός ἐστι (<i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 32, p. 216).",
+            "§ 36. <i>A wise man is non-existent.</i> Other Stoic pronouncements more or less in this sense, though not quite so absolute, are that the wise man like the Phoenix appears once in 500 years, Seneca, <i>Ep.</i> 42. 1; that there have been not more than one or two of them, Eusebius, <i>Pr. Ev.</i> vi. 8. 13; that Hercules or Ulysses may have realized the ideal, Seneca, <i>De Const.</i> 2. 1, and that Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus all fell short of it, Quintilian xii. 1.",
+            "§ 46. <i>Because He was good.</i> Evidently taken from <i>Timaeus</i> 29 D, E λέγωμεν δὴ διʼ ἥν τινα αἰτίαν γένεσιν καὶ τὸ πᾶν τόδε ὁ ξυνιστὰς ξυνέστησεν. ἀγαθὸς ἧν, ἀγαθῷ δὲ οὐδεὶς περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδέποτε ἐγγίγνεται φθόνος· τούτου δʼ ἐκτὸς ὢν πάντα ὅ τι μάλιστα γενέσθαι ἐβουλήθη παραπλήσια ἑαυτῷ. But by stopping short at ἀγαθός and ignoring the last ten words Philo seems rather to miss Plato’s point. See note on <i>De Cher.</i> 125.",
+            "§ 47. <i>Positively righteous conduct.</i> Philo here uses κατορθόῦ in a sense slightly different from the regular Stoic use. With them the κατόρθωματα are actions done from a good motive and part of a generally virtuous course of conduct, and are opposed to καθήκοντα or common duties; here it is opposed to simple abstention from evil-doing. See note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 100.",
+            "§ 57. ἐνηχεῖ. The word is inadequately treated in the Lexica. L. &amp; S. “whisper, prompt,” cited from Philo (omitted in later editions) cannot be maintained in face of <i>Quis Rerum</i> 67, where it is coupled with ἐμβοῆσαι. The six examples quoted from Philo in the index as well as in others from later writers in Stephanus suggest that, as with κατηχεῖν, the main idea is insistent or reiterated address, thus passing easily (again like κατηχεῖν) into “instruction.” So perhaps here, where the thought may be that generally the teacher stands superior to the taught, but in this case treats him as an equal. <i>Cf.</i> also <i>Quis Rerum</i> 71.",
+            "§ 61. Wendland’s expunging of στοιχείῳ περιττεύει is rather arbitrary. Short of this there are three possibilities: (<i>a</i>) read as Markland στοιχείου περιττόν. This seems pointless, unless we might take it as a reference to the cacophony of a repeated <i>a</i> (the combination αα is certainly rare); (<i>b</i>) &lt;ὡς&gt; στοιχείῳ περιττεύει&lt;ν&gt;, <i>i.e.</i> to be better off by a letter—again somewhat pointless; (<i>c</i>) &lt;τὸ&gt; στοιχείῳ περιττεύει&lt;ν&gt; and transfer to after παρεσχῆσθαι—“a fine boon—to be better off by a letter.” This would certainly be effective, if the transference is not too drastic.",
+            "For τοῦ ἑνὸς ἅλφα perhaps read ἑνός, τοῦ ἄλφα. <i>Cf.</i> § 77.",
+            "Need we suppose with Wendland that a clause has slipped out after παρεσχῆσθαι? Abraham’s case has been dealt with; Sarah’s has not. It is possible, I think, to regard τὴν &lt;γὰρ&gt; Ἀβρὰμ … παραλαβών as a parenthetic explanation by Philo himself of the addition of rho.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Misgivings of this sort</i>. Or simply “ideas,” <i>i.e.</i> that God actually changes names, <i>cf.</i> ὑπονοεῖν, § 64. In this case the insertion of τοιαύτας seems necessary. Possibly, however, ὑπονοίας is used in the regular Philonic sense of underlying or allegorical meanings, and the corruption lies in ἐκκόψαιμεν (ἐκκαλύψαιμεν?). In this case the insertion of τοιαύτας is not needed.",
+            "§ 65. <i>Signs</i>. The use of χαρακτήρ here, as compared with 70 and 83, all of which must stand together, is difficult. Ordinarily χαρ., if it does not mean literally a stamp, is not a type or symbol, but a trait or characteristic, and this suits § 83, for the two kinds of virtue. It may with some forcing suit § 70, for though the names are the χαρακτῆρες they represent characteristics. But here this is not so, for the χαρ. which are small, sensible, and obscure must be the names and <i>not</i> what they represent. I have tried to evade the difficulty by translating “signs.”",
+            "§ 77. <i>Facts.</i> Philo here uses τυγχάνοντα more or less in the sense in which it was used in the Stoic theory of speech. They distinguished between (1) φωνή, the actual word spoken; (2) σημαινόμενον or σημαινόμενον πρᾶγμα, otherwise called λεκτόν, the meaning understood by the hearer; (3) τύγχανον, the actual object spoken of. <i>Cf</i>. <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 166. Philo seems to make this distinction in <i>Leg. All.</i> ii. 15 τοῦ τυγχάνοντος ἢ τοῦ σημαινομένου. Here he perhaps uses τυγχ. for σημ., and though in Plutarch <i>Adv. Colotem</i> 1119 E the Epicureans are censured by the Stoics for eliminating σημ. and retaining only φωνή and τύγχ., the Stoics themselves are said to do the same in <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 236.",
+            "§ 106. <i>The so-called sacred games. Cf.</i> <i>De Agr.</i> 116 f, where after describing the pentathlum and other contests he says τούτων μὲν δὴ τῶν ἀγώνων πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἱερὸς οὐδείς, κἂν πάντες ἄνθρωποι μαρτυρῶσιν … ὁ τοίνυν Ὀλυμπιακὸς ἀγὼν μόνος ἂν λέγοιτο ἐνδίκως ἱερὸς, οὐχ ὃν τιθέασιν οἱ τὴν Ἧλιν οἰκοῦντες, ἀλλʼ ὁ περὶ κτήσεως τῶν θείων καὶ ὀλυμπίων ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀρετῶν.",
+            "§ 113. If Mangey’s correction of φαινόμενα to ποιμαινόμενα is adopted the picture becomes clear. The shepherd-mind and its sheep “the flock of reasoning” are naturally inseparable, and if the mind is enticed out into the bodily region, the flock will be easily given over by the senses into the hands of the “shepherds of an evil herd.”",
+            "§ 114. <i>Guidance and rule of law.</i> In the Stoic sense of law see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 613, 614 λόγος ὀρθὸς προστακτικὸς μὲν ὧν ποιητέον, ἀπαγορευτικὸν δὲ ὧν οὐ ποιητέον, and therefore the wise man alone is νόμιμος.",
+            "§ 121. ποιὸς οὗτος. Siegfried in a pamphlet, <i>Die hebräischen Worterklärungen des Philo</i>, pp. 21, 22, has the following note which I transcribe for the benefit of Hebraists: “τὸν Ὠσηὲ μετονομάζει Μωυσῆς εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, indem er den irgendwie beschaffenen zu einer bestimmten Qualität umprägt. Denn Ὠσηέ ist = ποῖος οὗτος ‘irgendwie beschaffen ist dieser’ Hebräisch dachte sich Philo Ὠσηέ etwa = אֵיוֶת. Er mochte meinen אַי bediente an sich ‘irgendwie,’ da אי mit בת = אֵיבָת = ‘wie’ ist.”",
+            "However plausible this explanation may be as far as the Hebrew goes, it cannot be fitted into the Greek. ποῖος is not “irgendwie beschaffen,” which would rather be ὁποιοσοῦν or even ἄποις. And even if ποῖος can mean this, it is incompatible with the use in the next sentence and in the references given in the footnote to <i>Leg. All.</i> Mangey makes the same mistake when he translates “salus qualiscumque.”",
+            "§ 135. <i>Chain of destiny.</i> Though there is no real philological connexion between εἰμαρμένη and εἰρμός, it seems to have been regularly assumed. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 915–921, <i>e.g.</i> 918 ἡ εἰμαρμένη εἱρμός τις οὖσα αἰτιῶν ἀπαράβατος· οὕτω γὰρ οἱ Στωικοὶ ὁρίζονται.",
+            "§ 138. <i>Superstition</i>, etc. It is noticeable that here also as in <i>De Cher.</i> 48 Philo insists on the esoteric character of the doctrine, that God was the father of the child of a human mother, as something which should not be mentioned to profane ears. See also <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 219. Presumably he felt that it easily lent itself to confusion with pagan myths.",
+            "§ 144. ἀμβλίσκουσαν for ἀναλίσκουσαν. In support of this conjecture and the suggestion that Philo may have in mind <i>Theaetetus</i> 149 D, it may be noted that Plato in the same passage speaks of the midwives regulating συνουσίαι, also that, in the parallel passage in Hannah’s hymn, <i>Quod Deus</i> 14, we saw some reason to suspect a quotation from the <i>Theaetetus.</i> He alludes again to the treatise in § 212 and quotes it at some length in <i>De Fuga</i> 63 and 82.",
+            "It may be objected, no doubt, that ἀμβλίσκειν used transitively would properly apply to the fruits of the συνουσία, rather than to the συνουσία itself; but this does not come out clearly from the words of the <i>Theaetetus</i>. I do not at any rate think that ἀναλίσκουσαν can be right.",
+            "§ 146. <i>Many and indeed infinite particulars.</i> For this “recognized formula of the Platonic school” <i>cf.</i> particularly <i>Philebus</i> 14 C, 15 B ff.",
+            "§ 150. <i>Perversions of art. Cf.</i> Quintilian ii. 15. 2 “(rhetoricen) quidam pravitatem quandam artis, id est κακοτεχνίαν, nominaverunt.”",
+            "§ 152. <i>The Sage alone is king.</i> This Stoic “paradox,” see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 617, has already appeared in <i>De Sobr</i>. 57 and <i>De Mig.</i> 197, and appears later in <i>De Som.</i> ii. 244.",
+            "§ 153. The definitions of the four virtues are those regularly accepted by the Stoics, see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 262. <i>Cf.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 63.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Orousis.</i> See <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 169, where it is defined as φορὰ διανοίας ἐπί τι μέλλον, but (<i>ibid.</i> 173) the ὁρμὴ πρὸ ὁρμῆς is called ἐπιβολή.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Virtue is … a thing for joy. Cf.</i> Cicero, <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> v. 43 “semper sapiens beatus est. Atque etiam omne bonum laetabile est.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. A state of happy feeling.</i> Who are the philosophers alluded to? Hardly the Stoics. I have found no evidence that they identified εὐπάθεια with ἀρετή, and it is <i>prima facie</i> unlikely. Outside Stoicism the word seems to be used rather with the suggestion of bodily welfare, or at least without the higher sense which Philo, who several times couples it with ἀρετή, often gives it. See note on <i>De Mig.</i> 219. I can hardly think, however, that he speaks without authority and should conjecture that there were philosophers who like him used it as = εὐδαιμονία and naturally therefore equated it with ἀρετή, perhaps also like him colouring it with the Stoic insistence on joy as “the best of the higher emotions.”",
+            "The MSS. reading ἀπάθειαν was retained by Mangey, and has in its favour that the Stoics definitely identified ἀπ. with ἀρ. (οἱ Στωικοὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τίθενται ἐν τῇ ἀπαθείᾳ Ps.-Plut. <i>Hom.</i> 134, <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 201), but the context clearly makes it impossible.",
+            "§ 197. <i>Worthy of perseverance.</i> Though neither Mangey nor Wendland question the reading, this use of ὑπομονή seems to me strange, for ἀνδρεία consists of ὑπομονή, or at least of knowledge of ἃ δεῖ ὑπομένειν, <i>cf.</i> § 153, and no one could be said ὑπομένειν ἀνδρείαν. I think ἐπιμονῆς should be read, used by Philo for “persistence,” <i>e.g.</i> <i>Quod Det.</i> 118. The phrase then = δεῖ ἐπιμένειν τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ. A tempting emendation would be &lt;ὑπομονὴ&gt; ὑπομονῆς ἀξίων ἡ ἀνδρεία, φυγὴ ἡ δειλία, which would be in exact accordance with the Stoic definition, but definition would be somewhat out of place here.",
+            "§ 207. <i>Demonstrative pronouns … indicate.</i> Both δείξεις and παρεμφαίνειν are technical terms in Greek grammar, the former, however, being used to describe the function performed by pronouns in general, personal as well as demonstrative. Possibly therefore “pronouns” would be a better translation here than “demonstrative pronouns,” see <i>Grk. Gramm.</i> Part II. vol. i. p. 9. The meaning of παρεμφαίνειν is best seen from the use of ἀπαρέμφατος as the regular term for the infinitive, because it does not particularize any gender, number, or person like the “paremphatic” words. See an article by myself in the <i>Journal of Theological Studies</i>, January 1921.",
+            "§ 217. <i>His charge.</i> Mangey and Wendland question ὁ ἀγομένος, proposing ὁ εἰσαγόμενος or ὁ παιδαγωγούμενος. I understand Philo to be thinking of the derivation of παιδαγωγός from παῖς and ἄγω, and probably also of the fact that one chief function of the παιδ. was to escort the boy to school.",
+            "§ 242. <i>Freedom from disturbance.</i> This translation is put forward as a desperate attempt to give some sense to the text as it stands. If we take ἡσυχία in the natural sense of “silence,” as it clearly is used, with reference to this passage, in § 251, the whole becomes absurdly pointless. Even with Wendland’s conjecture of ἐπεί τοι for κἄπειτα, “if a man does not keep silence he can surely be silent if he wishes” is strangely inept. I believe the passage is corrupt. The sense required is, speaking is voluntary, and therefore abstention from kind words and speaking unkind words are equally wrong. This might be obtained by correcting to ὁ μηδʼ ἐκ τύχης ἐθέλων τι τῶν ἐπιεικεστέρων φθέγξασθαι, οὗ δὲ (or καὶ οὗ) λυσιτελὲς τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἡσυχίαν δεξιοῦσθαι, μὴ ἡσυχάζων· ἐπεί τοι τις κτλ. In this case εἰ μὴ … φωνήν would mean “if he fails to speak kindly.”",
+            "§ 243. <i>The word is the shadow of the act.</i> This saying is ascribed to Democritus, Diog. Laert. ix. 37, Ps.-Plut. <i>De Lib. Educandis</i> 14."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שינוי השמות",
+        "enTitle": "On the Change of Names",
+        "key": "On the Change of Names",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "title": "On the Change of Names",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Change_of_Names",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CHANGE OF NAMES (DE MUTATIONE NOMINUM) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise is an exposition of various points arising in Gen. 17:1–5 and 15–22.",
+            "1. Abraham became ninety-nine years old, and the Lord was seen by Abraham and said to him, “I am thy God: be well pleasing before Me and become blameless.",
+            "2. And I will set my covenant between Me and between thee.…”",
+            "3. And Abraham fell upon his face and God spake to him, saying:",
+            "4. “And I, behold my covenant is with thee.…",
+            "5. And thy name shall no longer be called Abram, but thy name shall be Abraham.…”",
+            "15. And God said to Abraham, “Sarai thy wife, her name shall not be called Sarai. Sarah shall be her name.",
+            "16. And I will bless her, and give thee a child from her, and I will bless her, and she shall be for nations, and kings of nations shall be from her.”",
+            "17. And Abraham fell on his face and laughed, and he spake in his mind, saying, “Shall a son be born to one of a hundred years, and shall Sarah being ninety years bear a son?”",
+            "18. And Abraham said to God, “Let this Ishmael live before thee!”",
+            "19. And God said to Abraham, “Yes, behold Sarah thy wife shall bear thee a son, and thou shalt call his name Isaac.…",
+            "20. But as for Ishmael, behold I have heard thee, and behold I have blessed him, I will increase him, I will multiply him; he shall beget twelve nations.",
+            "21. But my covenant I will establish to Isaac, whom Sarah shall bear to thee at this season in the other year.”",
+            "“Abraham was ninety-nine years old, and the Lord appeared to him and said, ‘I am thy God.’ ” After a passing remark on the significance of ninety-nine as indicating the approach to the sacred hundred (1–2) we go on to “appeared” or “was seen.” Now God cannot be seen by the eye, but only by the mind (3–6), and indeed God in His essence cannot be apprehended by mind, any more than mind can apprehend itself. And so Moses was told that he could only see what was behind God, not His face (7–10). It follows that no proper name can be given to the God Who IS, and when in Exodus He calls Himself the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob it must be regarded as a κατάχρησις or licence of language (11–14). We must infer then that what appeared to Abraham was not God the Existent but His sovereign potency which in Scripture is called the Lord (15–17), and yet this sovereign potency also says “I am thy God.” Is not God the God of all men? we may ask. No, He is Lord to the bad, God to the earnest striver, God and Lord to the perfect (18–19). Thus He is spoken of as God to Moses, but Lord to Pharaoh and Lord God to Israel (19–23). But not only is God the good man’s God, but also the good man is God’s man, and we must remember that only by living up to the latter relation can we reach the former (24–26). Now while the Existent is absolute His potencies are relative. Kings, benefactors and makers must rule, benefit and make something (27–28). When God is called man’s God, it implies that God has made him, but God did not make the bad at all, and those between good and bad only through His subordinates, as the “Let us make” in Genesis shews (29–31). Therefore to have God for maker in the full sense is the highest honour. Who then are those who can claim this? Philo at first seems to limit the claim to the detached and ascetic kind who have risen entirely above all that is bodily (32–33). But such, he acknowledges, are rare: a thought which he supports with the phrase, “Enoch was not found,” and indeed philosophers have laid down rightly or wrongly that the wise man and wisdom do not actually exist (34–38). We must admit therefore the pos̨sibility of a more social form of goodness which can claim God for its maker, and this is indicated in the next words, “Be well pleasing before Me,” which have a different meaning from “Be well pleasing to Me,” for he who serves men is not only well pleasing to God but well pleasing before God (39–42). This double duty to man and God is symbolized by the two robes of the high priest and other duplicates, and the very fact that God existed before creation and only created out of His beneficence shews that we must combine supreme reverence for Him with due regard for the human nature which He has made (43–46).",
+            "The next words, “And become blameless,” may indicate that an abstinence from sin is a lower stage than the positive virtue which the Stoics called κατόρθωμα. But Philo does not lay stress on this, for he feels that to man subject so constantly to temptation, such abstinence is the most that can be asked (47–51), and indeed it is to the blameless that God promises to set His covenant “between Me and thee,” that is, to let nothing but His grace stand between the two (51–53).",
+            "When Abraham heard the promise he fell upon his face, where “fell” indicates the acknowledgement that God stands but humanity cannot stand, and “face” means sense, speech and mind, all of which lie prostrate unless God give the power to stand (54–56). Then comes the reassurance, “And I, behold my covenant is with thee,” words which to Philo’s mind suggest that God is Himself the covenant, and thus some more essentially divine gift is implied than those which God covenants to give to men in general. This special gift is then explained as the bestowal of a new name, and this brings Philo to the subject which occupies the next sixty sections and has somewhat unduly supplied the traditional name of the treatise (57–59).",
+            "That the divine blessing should take the form of adding an <i>alpha</i> to the name Abram and subsequently of a <i>rho</i> to that of his wife has, Philo tells us, attracted the jeers of the profane, and he mentions the miserable end of one such scoffer (60–62). As a matter of fact he agrees with the criticism if taken literally, and only differs in the inference he draws. That God should add letters to names, and that this should be held a divine benefaction, is absurd (63–64), but this only points to the conclusion that a change of name stands for a change of nature. Philo repeats the explanation given several times elsewhere that Abram which means “uplifted father” stands for the Chaldean, the astrologer, while Abraham is the “elect father of sound,” where father means mind, the father of sound or speech, and the whole therefore stands for the elect or wise mind. The change then is really a moral change from the study of God’s works to the study of God Himself, in fact from astrology to piety, and the text may be taken as a divine instruction that studies of the former kind are of no real value (66–67). So too the change of Sarai’s name to Sarah, that is from “my sovereignty” to “sovereign,” indicates the superiority of generic wisdom to wisdom as shown in the individual (77–80).",
+            "From these two cases which belong to the subject of the treatise Philo proceeds to deal with others outside it. Jacob the supplanter or wrestler is naturally renamed as Israel who sees God, because the divine vision is the guerdon which awaits the athlete soul (81–82). But it is a curious fact that while Abraham after the renaming is never called Abram, the names of Jacob and Israel are constantly interchanged in the subsequent narrative. To explain this Philo goes back to the familiar antithesis of Abraham as virtue acquired by teaching and Jacob as virtue acquired by practice. Abraham the scholar who has God Himself as teacher advances to knowledge continuously. The Practiser who has only his own will to urge him has many periods of weariness when he returns to his old nature, and this is supported by the observation that Abraham gets the new name from God, Jacob from the angel (83–87). Again, Isaac has no other name‚ and this is appropriate to the Self-taught, who by instinct is perfect from the first, and has not, like Abraham, to learn, or Jacob, to practise (88). In Joseph we have a change of another kind. His original name means addition, and describes the superfluities which the conventional mind desires, but Pharaoh renames him Psonthonphanech or “mouth which judges in answer,” and thus brings out the fact that the man of wealth and prosperity is supposed by the world to be able to pronounce with wisdom on all sorts of questions (89–91). In a somewhat similar way the child who is called by his father Benjamin, “the son of days,” or “sunlight,” and thus represents the vainglory which seems so brilliant to the world, is recognized by the mother, that is the soul, which dies in giving birth to him, as Benoni, or the son of sorrows (92–96). And here the mention of Joseph and his mother seems to lead Philo into an irrelevant interpolation of the analogy between Reuben and Simeon on the one hand and Ephraim and Manasseh on the other. Ephraim and Manasseh shall be to me, said Jacob, as Reuben and Simeon, which Philo interprets as shewing the similarity of the gifted nature, Reuben, to memory, Ephraim, and again of Simeon, the learner, to Manasseh, recollection (97–102).",
+            "We now return to further examples of double names. In Exodus 2 Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, appears in one place to be called Raguel. Jethro the “superfluous” as in other places is taken as the type of the worldling, and there follows a curiously perverted allusion to the meeting with Moses described in Exodus 18 in which Jethro is made to advise Moses to leave the teaching of the divine ordinances for that of human convention and unequal justice (103–104). Raguel on the other hand is the “shepherding of God,” and indicates the better side of the Jethro nature, when it accepts the authority of the good shepherd, Moses. An elaborate justification of this idea follows. Jethro or Raguel is called the priest of Midian, and while Midian which means “from judgement” sometimes stands for the outcasts excluded by judgement, as it does in the story of the Midianite seduction of Israel and the vindication by Phineas (105–109), it may also stand for the rightly judging nature which is akin to the prophetic. When then we read of the seven daughters who were succoured at the well by Moses, we recognize the seven bodily faculties which after the vain attempt of the enemy to seduce them from their proper office return to their father, the mind. That father is rightly called Raguel, not Jethro, and the welcome which this father proposes in the narrative to extend to Moses indicates the same higher nature (110–120).",
+            "The next illustration is the change of Joshua’s name from Hoshea, the latter, “he is saved,” signifying a particular individual or concrete embodiment of a state, the former “salvation of the Lord,” and thus a state or condition, which is permanent, while the individual perishes. Philo brings this into comparison with the statement about Caleb, that there was another spirit in him, inferring that though there is no change of name the man himself was wholly changed (121–125). Finally we have the example of the different titles given to Moses himself. First, the name Moses, the “receiving” or “handling,” fitly given to him who receives the power of legislation; secondly, the man of God, given to him as blessing the people, and finally god to Pharaoh, this godship being especially shown in his willingness to intercede for the sinner (125–129).",
+            "Here we leave the change of names and return to the exposition of the text. But the mention of Sarah’s change of name in §§ 77–80 seems to have drawn Philo away from the discussion of the intervening verses 6–14 to those which describe her blessedness. Verse 16 runs, “I will give to thee a son from her” (130). The words “I will give” surely imply that the gift is the giver’s own to give, and thus they assert that the Isaac, whose name means “laughter,” is the spiritual Isaac, inward laughter or joy, of which God is the true parent (131). This thought of the divine parentage is illustrated by the phrase, “The Lord opened Leah’s womb,” and by the story of Tamar and Judah, which Philo allegorizes, though in a shorter form, as he does in <i>De Fuga</i>, and it is actually asserted by Sarah when she says “The Lord has made laughter (that is Isaac) for me” (132–137). But she also adds, “whoever shall hear (<i>i.e</i>. understand it) will rejoice with me,” thus suggesting that this truth is one which the pagan mind may easily misunderstand, and therefore must be reserved for the ears of the wise, and Philo accordingly presses into his service the words of Hosea, “Thy fruit is from me, the wise will understand,” bringing out the double truth that all is from God and that the wise alone understand this (138–140).",
+            "The words “from her,” ἐξ αὐτῆς, have been by some interpreted as “outside her,” <i>i.e</i>. by divine agency, and also as the single word ἐξαυτῆς “immediately,” but Philo himself seems to adopt the natural view that, Sarah being assumed to be Virtue or Wisdom, the phrase asserts that none but virtue can be the mother of the good (141–142). And if indeed she has been called barren it is because Virtue is barren of Evil, even as Hannah or Grace was also barren and yet was the mother of the Mystic Seven (143–144). As for “child” the singular brings out that the idea of the good is single in contrast with the many particulars, while the word itself (τέκνον) coming from τίκτω declares the reality of Virtue’s motherhood (145–147). “I will bless her and she shall be for nations” tells us that in the manifold classes or nations of things in general Virtue is the one source of well-being (148–150), and in “kings of nations shall be from her” we can trace the Stoic doctrine that the sage alone is king (151–153).",
+            "Abraham hearing this falls and laughs. Philo as always refuses to entertain the idea that Abraham and Sarah’s laughter is one of incredulity. His falling is, as before, an acknowledgement of unworthiness; the laughter is humble joy (154–156). At this point he raises the question that as Isaac, laughter or joy, is not yet born, how could Abraham laugh? (157). This strange idea, however, gives him an opportunity for a fine disquisition on anticipation. He describes how young animals and young plants show a joyous promise of their future maturity, how the dawning of day smiles in expectation of the sunrise, how hope gives joy before the fact, just as fear gives grief, and the senses anticipate the feast before it is realized, and so man could laugh while laughter is yet unborn (158–165). Again, the joyous laughter of both Abraham and Sarah teaches us that joy is only for the good. If the wicked seem to smile it has no reality (166–169), and thus the so-called joy of Egypt at the coming of Jacob and his sons was either assumed or at the most a hope that they might seduce them as they had seduced Joseph (170–171); and this supposition leads him to discuss in detail the seeming-kindly promises made to Jacob by Pharaoh, and pronounce them to be nothing more than the temptations of the bodily element which the mind of the wise rejects (172–174).",
+            "Philo now has to deal with the words so difficult on his premises, “He said in his heart, shall this happen to one of a hundred years old, and shall Sarah being ninety years old bear a son?” His first explanation stresses the words “in his heart”; they imply that the doubt, so inconsistent with Abraham’s faith, was momentary with all the rapidity of thought, and died without reaching the lips (175–180). And if it is argued that it was unworthy of him to doubt even for a moment this is asking too much. The faith of weak mortals cannot be expected to be as the unswerving faith of God (181–187). But Philo would seem himself to incline to a “more courageous” explanation that the words are really a prayer: “Oh, that this perfect birth may take place under the perfect numbers of ninety and a hundred” (188). There follow several examples of a hundred as a special number, though as for ninety he cannot say anything more than that it is the difference between the sacred ten and the more sacred hundred (189–192). This explanation demands that “said in his heart (or mind)” signifies “sincerely,” for sincerity is the mark of the virtuous, whereas the wicked do not speak in or according to their minds. Thus when Shechem, the emblem of foolish labour, is said to have spoken “according to the mind” of Dinah, the emblem of justice, we may understand that he spoke contrary to his own mind (193–195). Thus Shechem stands for the insincere who prate of virtue and deceive the multitude, but are ultimately unmasked by the champions of truth, represented by Simeon and Levi in the story of Shechem’s punishment (196–200).",
+            "Jacob’s next words are “Let this Ishmael live before thee,” each part of which has to be examined (200–201). First, since Ishmael = hearing God, this seems to distinguish the right hearing from the hearing which hears only to misuse, as did Balaam’s (202–205). This is illustrated by other cases, where Philo supposes that the “this” serves to distinguish outwardly similar but different examples (206–209). Again, “live” points to the true life of the soul, and amounts to a prayer of the same nature as Jacob’s prayer that Reuben or natural goodness should live and not die (209–216), and when he adds “before God” he prays that this God-hearing may have the inestimable blessing of realizing the divine omnipotence (216–217). But we must not suppose that the prayer for Ishmael shows despair of the birth of Isaac. It is rather the cry of the soul which feels its inadequacy to sustain God’s highest gifts (218–219). But this consciousness of our inadequacy must not prevent us from dedicating thankfully such gifts as each of us possesses. If we cannot reach the highest that is no reason why we should not cherish the little we can do (220–227), and we have illustrations of this in Abraham’s plea for Sodom if only a little goodness could be found in it, and Esau’s hope that Isaac might have some blessing yet to give, even if the best was given to Jacob (228–230). Thus the best prayer of the soul is that God should give us what befits our weakness, for “shall not the hand of the Lord suffice” to benefit low as well as high? (231–232).",
+            "It is primarily to carry on this thought that Philo here introduces the subject of the three different kinds of sin-offering and purification according to the capacity of the offerer, the sheep, the two birds and the fine flour (233–235). But this soon passes into the very different suggestion that the three are atonements for sins of thought, word and deed, otherwise expressed as mind, mouth and hand. He then goes on to shew that while sins of thought are more venial than sins of speech and these than sins of deeds (and this is recognized in the code of punishments), the first-named are really the most difficult to avoid, for thoughts cannot be controlled as language can (235–244). The appropriateness of the three offerings is explained by saying that the sheep the most useful of animals is suited to our noblest part, the mind, the birds to the winged nature of words, and the fine flour as worked by the hand to deeds which the hand commits (245–251).",
+            "To resume the exposition of the text, the divine reply to this prayer for Ishmael is, “Yes, Sarah shall bear thee a son,” where the “yes” (ναί) marks the divine assent or nod (νεύω). Thus God answers the one request by two gifts (252–255). The greater gift is the self-taught Isaac nature of which, rare as it is in its highest form, we have a foretaste in the fact that our powers of sense and mental processes are acquired without teaching (256–257). Why wonder, then, that the unlaboured virtue symbolized by Isaac should be given direct from heaven, like the manna and the automatic harvest of the sabbatical year? (258–260). Further, this child is free from womanish passion and will be rightly named “laughter,” the natural outcry of the glad (261–262). The next words, “I have blessed Ishmael, but my covenant I will stablish with Isaac,” shews that, while God gives the stronger the higher wisdom of the self-taught, he also gives the weaker the lower wisdom of the schools.",
+            "The next words are, “whom Sarah shall bear at this season and in the other year.” By season (καιρός) we may understand God Himself, the season or opportunity, which forsakes the wicked but dwells in the good, and by the “other year” is meant eternity, the life of the world of thought which was also meant when Isaac “in that year found the hundredfold crop” (264–269). Finally the words “He completed talking with him and God went up from Abraham” indicate that when we have learnt our lesson we must be left to meditate on and practise it, a truth which every good teacher knows (270).",
+            "The MS. authority for this treatise seems to be unusually weak. Wendland found only two MSS. of any antiquity (A and B), both of them according to him of the same (and inferior) family. Mangey also used two late MSS. in the libraries of New College, Oxford, and Trinity, Cambridge. I have collated the latter of these, but without any results to speak of. Perhaps this lack of MS. support may serve me as some apology for having introduced so many conjectural emendations of my own into the text."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “Abraham became ninety-nine years old and the Lord was seen by Abraham and said to him, ‘I am thy God’ ” (Gen. 17:1). Nine plus ninety is next neighbour to a hundred, the number irradiated by the self-taught nature Isaac who is joy, the best of the good emotions.  For Isaac is born to Abraham when a hundred years old.",
+                "[2] A hundred also represents the first-fruits given to the priests by the Tribe of Levi. For when the Levites receive the tenths they offer from them, just as though they were their own produce, other tenths in which we find the hundred (Num. 18:26). For ten is a symbol of progress and a hundred of perfection. Now he who is in the intermediate stage is always pressing forward to the summit, employing the gifts with which nature has blessed him, and it is by such a one that Moses tells us that the Lord of all was seen.",
+                "[3] Yet do not suppose that the vision was presented to the eyes of the body. They see only the objects of sense and those are composite, brimful of corruptibility, while the divine is uncompounded and incorruptible. It is the eye of the soul which receives the presentation of the divine vision.",
+                "[4] Moreover what the eyes of the body behold they apprehend through the co-operation of light, and light is something different from either the seer or the thing seen, whereas what the soul beholds it beholds by its own agency without the assistance of any other. For the conceptions of the mind are a light to themselves.",
+                "[5] Our learning of the sciences follows the same rule. The mind applies its eye which never closes or sleeps to the principles and conclusions set before it and sees them by no borrowed but a genuine light which shines forth from itself.",
+                "[6] And so when you hear that God was seen by man, you must think that this takes place without the light which the senses know, for what belongs to mind can be apprehended only by the mental powers. And God is the fountain of the purest radiance, and so when He reveals Himself to a soul the rays He puts forth are free from all shadow and of intense brightness."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] Do not however suppose that the Existent which truly exists is apprehended by any man; for we have in us no organ by which we can envisage it, neither in sense, for it is not perceptible by sense, nor yet in mind. So Moses the explorer of nature which lies beyond our vision, Moses who, as the divine oracles tell us, entered into the darkness  (Ex. 20:21), by which figure they indicate existence invisible and incorporeal, searched everywhere and into everything in his desire to see clearly and plainly Him, the object of our much yearning, Who alone is good.",
+                "[8] And when there was no sign of finding aught, not even any semblance of what he hoped for, in despair of learning from others, he took refuge with the Object of his search Itself and prayed in these words: “Reveal Thyself to me that I may see Thee with knowledge” (Ex. 33:13). And yet he fails to gain his object. To know what lies below the Existent, things material and immaterial alike, is a most ample gift even for the best sort among mortals, as God judges,",
+                "[9] for we read, “Thou shalt see what is behind Me, but My face thou shalt not see” (<i>ibid</i>. 23). It means that all below the Existent, things material and immaterial alike, are available to apprehension even if they are not all actually apprehended as yet, but He alone by His very nature cannot be seen.",
+                "[10] And why should we wonder that the Existent cannot be apprehended by men when even the mind in each of us is unknown to us? For who knows the essential nature of the soul, that mystery which has bred numberless contentions among the sophists who propound opinions contrary to each other or even totally and generically opposed?",
+                "[11] It is a logical consequence that no personal name even can be properly assigned to the truly Existent. Note that when the prophet desires to know what he must answer to those who ask about His name He says “I am He that IS” (Ex 3:14), which is equivalent to “My nature is to be, not to be spoken.”",
+                "[12] Yet that the human race should not totally lack a title to give to the supreme goodness He allows them to use by licence of language, as though it were His proper name,  the title of Lord God of the three natural orders, teaching, perfection, practice,  which are symbolized in the records as Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. For this He says is “My age-long name,” belonging as it were to the age of human existence, not to that when age as yet was not, “a memorial” too, not set, that is, beyond memory or apprehension, and again “to generations” (<i>ibid</i>. 15), not to beings that were never generated.",
+                "[13] For those who are born into mortality must needs have some substitute for the divine name, so that they may approach if not the fact at least the name of supreme excellence and be brought into relation with it. And this is shown by the oracle proclaimed as from the mouth of the Ruler of all in which He says that no proper name of Him has been revealed to any. “I was seen,” He says, “of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, being their God, and My name of’ ‘Lord’ I did not reveal to them” (Ex. 6:3). For when the transposition  is reset in the proper order it will run thus, “My proper name I did not reveal to thee,” but, He implies, only the substitute, and that for reasons already mentioned.",
+                "[14] So impossible to name indeed is the Existent that not even the Potencies who serve Him tell us a proper name. Thus after the wrestling-bout in which the Man of Practice engaged in his quest of virtue, he says to the unseen master,  “Announce to me Thy name,” and he said “Why dost thou ask this my name?” (Gen. 32:29), and he refuses to tell his personal and proper name. “It is enough for thee,” he means, “to profit through my benediction, but as for names, those symbols which indicate created beings, look not for them in the case of imperishable natures.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[15] Think it not then a hard saying that the Highest of all things should be unnamable when His Word has no name of its own which we can speak. And indeed if He is unnamable He is also inconceivable and incomprehensible.",
+                "And so the words “The Lord was seen of Abraham” (Gen. 17:1) must not be understood in the sense that the Cause of all shone upon him and appeared to him, for what human mind could contain the vastness of that vision? Rather we must think of it as the manifestation of one of the Potencies which attend him, the Potency of kingship, for the title Lord betokens sovereignty and kingship.",
+                "[16] While our mind pursued the airy speculations of the Chaldeans it ascribed to the world powers of action which it regarded as causes. But when it migrated from the Chaldean creed it recognized that the world had for its charioteer and pilot a Ruler Whose sovereignty was presented to it in vision.",
+                "[17] And therefore the words are “The Lord (not “The Existent”) was seen of him,” as though it would say, The king has been manifested, king indeed from the first, but hitherto unrecognized by the soul, which so long unschooled has not remained in ignorance for ever but has received the vision of the Sovereignty which rules over all that is.",
+                "[18] But the Sovereign when manifested confers a still higher gift on him who sees and hears him. He says to him, “I am thy God.” Which indeed amongst all this multitude of created things does not have Thee for its god? I might ask. But His interpreting word will shew me that He does not here speak of the world of which doubtless He is Creator and God, but of human souls which do not in His eyes deserve to be cared for all alike.",
+                "[19] His will is to be called the Lord and Master of the bad, the God of those who are on the way to betterment, but of the best and most perfect both at once God and Lord. For instance, when He has set Pharaoh before us as the crowning example of impiety He never calls Himself his God but gives that name to wise Moses, “Behold I give thee as god to Pharaoh” (Ex. 7:1). But He often names Himself as Lord in the oracles which He gives. We find such utterances as these,",
+                "[20] “These things saith the Lord” (Ex. 7:17), and at the beginning of His speech  “The Lord spake unto Moses, saying, ‘I am the Lord, speak unto Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, all that I speak unto thee’ ” (Ex. 6:29). And Moses says to Pharaoh,",
+                "[21] “When I go forth from the city I will spread out my hands to the Lord, and the sounds shall cease and the hail and the rain shall not be, that thou mayest know that to the Lord belongs the earth” (that is all the bodily earth-compounded frame), “and thou” (that is the mind which the body carries with it) “and thy servants” (that is the several thoughts which form its guard), “for I know that ye have not yet feared the Lord” (Ex. 9:29), meaning that Lord who is not merely so-called but is Lord in very truth.",
+                "[22] For none that is created is truly a lord, though he be invested with a rule that spreads from pole to pole. Only the Uncreated is truly ruler, and he who lives in fear and awe under that Ruler’s government receives a prize of truest value in His reproofs, while he who despises them has before him nothing but to perish miserably.",
+                "[23] So then He is shown to be the Lord of the foolish in that He holds over them the terrors that are proper to the sovereign. Of those who are on the way to betterment He is called in scripture God, as in this present passage, “I am thy God,” or “I am thy God, increase and multiply” (Gen. 35:11). Of the perfect He is both Lord and God as in the Decalogue “I am thy Lord God” (Ex. 20:2), and elsewhere “The Lord God of your fathers” (Deut. 4:1),",
+                "[24] for it is His will that the wicked man should be under His sway as his Lord, and thus with awe and groaning feel the fear of the Master hanging over him; that the man of progress should be benefited by Him as God and thus through those kindnesses reach perfection; that the perfect should be guided by Him as Lord and benefited by Him as God. For through the one he remains free from lapses, through the other he is most surely God’s man. This is best shown in Moses’ case.",
+                "[25] “This is the blessing,” we read, “which Moses gave, the man of God” (Deut. 33:1). To what a glorious, what a holy exchange is he promoted that in return for God’s protecting care he should give himself to God.",
+                "[26] But do not suppose that God becomes man’s in the same way that man becomes God’s, for a man is God’s as His possession, God is man’s to be his glory and assistance. If thou wouldst have God as thy heart’s portion, first become thyself a portion worthy for Him to take, and that thou shalt become if thou escape such faults as are thine own handiwork and come of free will."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] We should remember this also that the words ‘I am thy God” are used by licence of language and not in their proper sense, for the Existent considered as existent is not relative. He is full of Himself and is sufficient for Himself. It was so before the creation of the world, and is equally so after the creation of all that is.",
+                "[28] He cannot change nor alter and needs nothing else at all, so that all things are His but He Himself in the proper sense belongs to none. But the Potencies which He has projected into creation to benefit what He has framed are in some cases spoken of as in a sense relative,  such as the kingly and the beneficial, for a king is a king of someone and a benefactor the benefactor of someone, while the subject of the kingship and the recipient of the benefit is necessarily something different.",
+                "[29] Akin to these two is the creative Potency called God, because through this the Father who is its begetter and contriver made  the universe, so that “I am thy God” is equivalent to “I am the Maker and Artificer.”",
+                "[30] And the greatest gift we can have is to have Him for our Architect, Who was also the Architect of the whole world, for He did not form the soul of the bad, since wickedness is at enmity with Him, and in framing the soul which is in the intermediate stage He was not the sole agent according to the holiest of men, Moses, since such a soul would surely admit like wax the different qualities of noble and base.",
+                "[31] And therefore we read, “Let us make man after our image” (Gen. 1:26), so that according as the wax received the bad or the noble impress it should appear to be the handiwork of others or of Him Who is the framer of the noble and the good alone.  Surely then he is a man of virtue to whom God says “I am thy God,” for he has God alone for his maker without the co-operation of others.",
+                "[32] At the same time  Moses teaches us here by implication the doctrine which he so often  lays down that God is the maker of the wise and good only. And all that company  have voluntarily stripped themselves of the external goods which are so abundantly supplied to us, and further have despised what is dear to the flesh.",
+                "[33] Fine, lusty and athletic are those who use the body as a menace to the soul. Pale, wasted and withered, so to speak, are the children of discipline. They have made over the bodily muscles to serve the powers of the soul and in fact are resolved into a single form, that of soul, and become unbodied minds.",
+                "[34] Naturally then the earthly element is destroyed and dissolved when the mind in all its powers has a fixed purpose to be well pleasing to God.",
+                "But that kind is rare and hardly to be found, though that such should be is not impossible. This is shown by the oracle vouchsafed about Enoch. “Enoch was well pleasing to God and was not found”  (Gen. 5:24),",
+                "[35] for where could one search and find this good thing, what seas should he cross, what islands, what continents should he visit? Shall he look for it among the Greeks or the barbarians?",
+                "[36] Indeed are there not still among the disciples of philosophy some who say that a wise man is non-existent  and therefore wisdom also? None, they say, from the beginning of man’s creation up to the life of to-day has been held to be completely free from fault, for absolute happiness is impossible to one who is imprisoned in the mortal body.",
+                "[37] Whether these statements are true we will inquire at the proper occasion. At present we will accept the text and say that wisdom is indeed something which exists, and so too is the lover of wisdom, the sage, but, though he exists, we who are evil fail to see him, for good cannot keep company with bad.",
+                "[38] Therefore we are told that “he was not found,” this type of character which was well pleasing to God, meaning doubtless that though actually existing he was hidden from us and shunned our company. And to confirm this we read that he was “translated”  (<i>ibid</i>.), that is, changed his abode and journeyed as an emigrant from the mortal life to the immortal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[39] These are men inspired with heaven-sent madness, men who have gone out into the wild. But there are others who have followed a tame and gentle wisdom,  and such are both eminent in the practice of piety and do not despise human things. This is attested by the oracle in which it is said to Abraham, with God as speaker, “Be well pleasing before Me” (Gen. 17:1), that is, “be well pleasing not to Me only but to My works, while I as judge watch and survey thee.”",
+                "[40] For if you honour parents or show mercy to the poor or do kindness to your friends or defend your country or observe with care your duties to all men in general, you will surely be well pleasing to all with whom you have to do, but also well pleasing before God. For He with an eye that never sleeps beholds all things, and what is good He summons to Himself and approves with special favour.",
+                "[41] And therefore the Practiser in his prayer will show us the same truth. “The God,” he says, “to whom my fathers were well pleasing,” and adds “before Him” (Gen. 48:15) to show us the difference in fact between being pleasing “to Him” and “before Him.” The latter embraces both kinds of well pleasing, the former is confined to one only.",
+                "[42] And so Moses in his Exhortations  charges them in these words: “Thou shalt do what is well pleasing before the Lord thy God” (Deut. 12:28), meaning do such things as shall be worthy to appear before God, and when seen to be approved by Him, and such deeds as these commonly extend to our fellow-men.",
+                "[43] It was this thought which prompted Moses when he wove the tabernacle, dividing its precincts into two, and set a curtain between the parts to distinguish the inner from the outer (Ex. 26:33); when too he gilded the sacred ark which holds the laws both within and without (Ex. 25:10), and gave the high priest two robes, the linen robe to be worn within, the many-coloured one with the long skirt to be worn outside (Ex. 28:4, Lev. 6:10).",
+                "[44] These and the like are symbols of a soul which in inward things is undefiled towards God and in outward things is pure towards the world of our senses and human life. And so those were fitting words which were said to the victorious wrestler when he was about to be crowned with garlands of triumph. For “Thou hast been strong with God and mighty with men” (Gen. 32:28) were the words which proclaimed his victory.",
+                "[45] To win honour in both spheres, in our duty both towards the uncreated and the created, requires no petty mind, but one which stands in very truth midway between the world and God. And in sum the man of worth should follow in the steps of God, for the Ruler and Father of all cares for His creatures.",
+                "[46] We all know that before the creation of the world God was sufficient unto Himself and that after the creation He remained the same, unchanged. Why then did He make the things which were not? Why, save because He was good  and bountiful? Shall not then we His slaves follow our Master with profoundest awe and reverence for Him Who is the Cause, yet not forgetting the calls of our common humanity? "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[47] After saying “Be well pleasing before Me” He adds further “and become blameless.” This is in close sequence to the preceding. “Best it is,” He means, “to set your hand to excellence and thus be well pleasing, but failing this at least abstain from sins and thus escape blame.” For positively righteous conduct  brings praise to the doer, but abstention from iniquity saves him from censure.",
+                "[48] The highest prize of “well pleasing” may be won by positive well-doing, the second, freedom from blame, by avoidance of sin. And yet perhaps for the creature of mortal kind the former is declared by Scripture to coincide with the latter. For who, as Job says, is pure from defilement, even if his life be but for one day? (Job 14:4).",
+                "[49] Infinite indeed are the defilements that soil the soul, which it is impossible to wash and scour away altogether. For there still remain evils which are bound up with the life of every mortal, which may well be abated but cannot be wholly destroyed.",
+                "[50] Should we then seek to find in the medley of life one who is perfectly just or wise or temperate or good in general? Be satisfied, if you do but find one who is not unjust, is not foolish, is not licentious, is not cowardly, is not altogether evil. We may be content with the overthrow of vices, and the complete acquisition of virtues is impossible for man, as we know him.",
+                "[51] With good reason then did He say, “Become blameless,”for He holds that freedom from sin and guilt is a great furtherance towards a happy life. And to him who has elected to live in this fashion He promises to leave a covenanted portion such as is fitting for God to give and man to receive, for He says",
+                "[52] “I will set my covenant between Me and between thee” (Gen. 17:2). Now covenants are drawn up for the benefit of those who are worthy of the gift, and thus a covenant is a symbol of the grace which God has set between Himself Who proffers it and man who receives.",
+                "[53] And this is the crowning benefaction, that there is nothing between God and the soul save the virgin grace. But I have dealt with the whole subject of covenants in two treatises, and I willingly pass it over to avoid repetition, and also because I do not wish to interrupt the continuity of the discussion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] The next words are “Abraham fell on his face.” Ah, what else should he do, when he heard the divine promises, but know himself and the nothingness of our mortal race, and fall at the feet of Him Who stands, to show what conception he held of himself and God? He knew that God stands with place unchanged, yet moves the universal frame of creation, His own motion being the motion of self-extension (not the movement of the legs, for He is not of human form), but a motion whereby He shows His unalterable, unchanging nature.",
+                "[55] He knew that he himself is never firmly set in a stable position, that he is ever subject to various changes, and that throughout his life, which is one long slipping, he trips and falls, woe to him! and how great is that fall.",
+                "[56] Sometimes it is through involuntary ignorance, sometimes through voluntary yielding to temptation, and so we read also that it was on his face that he fell. By face is meant his senses and his mind and his speech, and the gesture is little less than a loud insistent utterance. Fallen is sense, it cries, unable of itself to perceive, were it not by a dispensation of God’s saving providence set on its feet to the perception of material substances: fallen is speech, because it were unable to express in language anything that is, did not He Who framed and adjusted to harmony the instrument of the voice beat out the music of its notes, opening the mouth and giving strength to the nerves of the tongue: fallen too is the royal mind, robbed of its powers of apprehension, did not the Framer of all that lives raise it up and establish it, and planting in it far-piercing eyes, lead it to the sight of the immaterial world."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[57] The frame of mind which shrank from Him and fell spontaneously won God’s high approval by thus acknowledging of the Existent that it is He alone Who stands and that all below Him are subject to change and mutation of every kind. He addresses him with an insistence which is also a call to partnership.  “And I,” He says, “—see, My covenant is with thee” (Gen. 17:4).",
+                "[58] The meaning suggested is to this purport—there are very many kinds of covenant, assuring bounties and gifts to the worthy, but the highest form of covenant is “I myself.” He shews and points to Himself, as far as He can be shewn Who is above all shewing, by the words “And I,” and adds, “behold my covenant,” the beginning and the fountain of all bounties is “I myself.”",
+                "[59] For to some God is wont to extend His benefactions by other means, earth, water, air, sun, moon, heaven, and other agencies not material, but to others by Himself alone, making Himself the portion of those who receive Him.",
+                "[60] On these He presently bestows as their due a different name. “Thy name shall not be called Abram (Ἀβράμ),” we read, “but Abraham (Ἀβραάμ)” (Gen. 17:5).",
+                "Some of the quarrelsome and captious type of people who wish to attach blame where it is not due, not so much to material things as to actions andideas,  and wage war to the death against what is holy, when they find anything which seems to them to fall short in propriety if taken literally, while really it is a symbol of the nature-truth which loves concealment, make no careful search for that truth, but disparage it and hold it up to obloquy. And this they do especially with the changes of names.",
+                "[61] Not long ago I heard the scoffing and railing of a godless and impious fellow who dared to speak thus: “Vast and extraordinary indeed are the gifts which Moses says come from the hand of the Ruler of all. What a boon He is supposed to have provided by adding a single letter, an alpha, and again by another addition of a rho, for He 〈turned Abram (Ἀβράμ) into Abraham (Ἀβραάμ) by doubling the alpha, and〉 Abraham’s wife Sarai (Σάρα) into Sarah (Σάρρα) by doubling the rho.” And in a sneering way he ran over the list of such cases without a moment’s pause.",
+                "[62] Well, it was not long before he paid the penalty which his wicked folly called for. For a slight and trivial cause he hastened to hang himself, and thus even a clean death was denied to the unclean miscreant."
+            ],
+            [
+                "It is only right that to prevent any other falling a victim to the same errors we should eradicate misgivings of this sort  by resorting to the truths of nature and shewing that what we thus read is worthy of our most earnest consideration.",
+                "[63] Letters, whether vowels or consonants and the parts of speech in general, are not the gifts of God’s grace, seeing that when He created the plants and animals He summoned them to man as their ruler, set apart by Him from them all in virtue of his knowledge, that he might give each kind their distinguishing names. “Everything,” he says, “which Adam called them, that was their name” (Gen. 2:19).",
+                "[64] If God did not think fit to assign names even in their completed form, but committed the task to a man of wisdom, the founder of the human race, is it proper to suppose that parts of names or syllables or single letters, not merely vocal vowels but mute consonants, were added and altered by Himself, and a gift and pre-eminent benefaction alleged to be conferred thereby? It is quite impossible.",
+                "[65] Such changes of name are signs  of moral values, the signs small, sensible, obvious, the values great, intelligible, hidden. And these values are found in noble verities, in unerring and pure notions, and in soul-betterments.",
+                "The proof of this is easy, starting from the change of name here before us,",
+                "[66] for Abram is interpreted as “uplifted father,” Abraham as “elect father of sound.”  How the two differ we shall understand more clearly if we first discover the meaning of each.",
+                "[67] Resorting then to allegory we say that “uplifted” is one who rising from earth to the heights surveys the supraterrestrial, conversing with and studying the phenomena of the upper world, investigating the size of the sun and its courses, how it regulates the seasons of the year by its revolutions as it advances and retreats at the same rate of speed; one who considers also the different illuminations of the moon, its phases, its waning and waxing, and the movement of the other stars both in the fixed and the planetary order.",
+                "[68] To inquire into such matters bespeaks a soul not devoid of natural gifts or unproductive, but highly gifted and capable of engendering offspring perfect and without blemish; and therefore he called the student of the upper world “father” because he is not unproductive of wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] Such is our definition of the meanings conveyed under the symbol of the name Abram; those conveyed by “Abraham” are such as I proceed to describe. They are three in number—“father,” “elect” and “of sound.” We say that sound stands for the uttered word, for in living creatures the instrument of sound is the vocal power. Its father is the mind, since the stream of speech issues from the understanding as its fount. The elect mind is the mind of the wise, since it contains what is best.",
+                "[70] So then the first set of signs delineated the lover of learning, the meteorologist, while those just sketched reveal the wisdom-lover or rather the wise. Cease then to suppose that the Deity’s gift was a change of name, instead of a betterment of character symbolized thereby.",
+                "[71] Him who was erstwhile busied in the study of the nature of heaven—the astrologer as some call him—He summoned to a partnership in virtue and both made him and named him wise, giving to the spiritual outlook thus recast the title of Abraham, as the Hebrews would call it, and in our language, Elect Father of Sound.",
+                "[72] For what purpose, He asks, do you investigate the rhythmic movements and revolutions of the stars? Why this great leap from earth up to the realm of ether? Is it just to busy yourself in idle labour with what is there? And what good can result from all that idle busying? How will it serve to subdue the urge of pleasure, to overthrow the power of lust, to suppress fear or grief? What surgery has it for passions which agitate and confound the soul?",
+                "[73] Just as there is no use for trees, if they are not capable of bearing fruit, so too also with nature-study, if it is not going to bring the acquisition of virtue.",
+                "[74] For virtue is its fruit, and therefore some of the ancients, comparing the study of philosophy to a field, likened the physical part to plants, the logical to the walls and fences, and the ethical to the fruit. ",
+                "[75] They considered that the walls round the field are built by the owners to guard the fruit and the trees grown to produce it, and that in the same way in philosophy physical and logical research should be brought to bear on ethics by which the character is bettered and yearns to acquire and also to make use of virtue.",
+                "[76] This is how we have learned to regard the story of Abraham. Literally his name was changed, actually he changed over from nature-study to ethical philosophy and abandoned the study of the world to find a new home in the knowledge of its Maker, and from this he gained piety, the most splendid of possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] We will now deal with the case of Sarah his wife. Her name Sarai (Σάρα) is changed to Sarah (Σάρρα) by the addition of one letter, rho. These are the names, now for the facts  indicated by them. Sarai means my sovereignty, Sarah sovereign.",
+                "[78] The former is a symbol of specific virtue, the latter of generic, and in the same measure as the genus is greater than the species is the second name greater than the former. The species is small and perishable, the genus is large and imperishable.",
+                "[79] And the gifts which God wills to bestow are great and immortal in exchange for small and perishable, and to give such is a work well suited to Him. Wisdom in the good man is a sovereignty vested in himself alone, and its possessor will not err if he says “The wisdom in me is my sovereignty.” But in the wisdom which is its archetype, the generic wisdom, we cease to have the sovereignty of the particular individual, but sovereignty its very self.",
+                "[80] And therefore that specific wisdom will perish with its possessor, while the other which like a seal gave it its shape, being free from all mortal element, will continue for ever imperishable. So too with the arts: the specific arts perish with their owners, the geometricians, the grammarians, the musicians: the generic arts remain imperishable. Incidentally another lesson suggested at the same time is that every virtue is a queen and a sovereign and a ruler of the course of human life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[81] We shall also find that the change of Jacob’s name to Israel is much to the purpose. Why so? Because Jacob is the supplanter, and Israel he who sees God. It is the task of a supplanter in the practice of virtue to disturb and shake and upset the supports on which passion rests, and all the firmness and stability which they have. That is a work which cannot commonly be done without hard effort and the stains of the arena, but only when one maintains the contests of wisdom to the end, and drilled in the gymnastics of the soul wrestles with the thoughts which oppose and hold it fast in their grip. The task of him who sees God is not to leave the sacred arena uncrowned, but carry off the prizes of victory.",
+                "[82] And what garland more fitting for its purpose or of richer flowers could be woven for the victorious soul than the power which will enable him to behold the Existent with clear vision? Surely that is a glorious guerdon to offer to the athlete-soul, that it should be endowed with eyes to apprehend in bright light Him Who alone is worthy of our contemplation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] It is worth inquiring why Abraham, after the change of name, is not called by his old name, but always receives the same title as his right, whereas Jacob, after he is addressed as Israel, is in spite of this called Jacob many and many a time. We must reply that these are signs differing according as virtue acquired by teaching differs from virtue acquired by practice.",
+                "[84] He who is improved through teaching, being endowed with a happy nature, which with the co-operation of memory assures his retentiveness, gets a tight grip and a firm armhold of what he has learned and thus remains constant. The Practiser on the other hand, after strenuous exercise, takes a breathing-space and a relaxation while he collects and recovers the force which has been enfeebled by his labours. In this he resembles the athletes who anoint their bodies. When they are weary with exercise they pour oil upon their limbs to prevent their forces being utterly shattered by the intensity and severity of the contest.",
+                "[85] Again, the Man of Teaching has to aid him the voice of his monitor ringing in his ears, deathless as that monitor himself, and thus never swerves: the Man of Practice has only his own will which he exercises and drills to aid him to overthrow the passion natural to created being, and, even if he reaches the consummation, yet through weariness he returns to his old kind.",
+                "[86] He is more patient of toil, the other more blessed by fortune. This last has another for his teacher, while the toiler, self-helped only, is busied in searching and inquiring and zealously exploring the secrets of nature, engaged in labour ceaseless and unremitting.",
+                "[87] Therefore did Abraham in token of the even tenor of his future life receive his new name from God, the unchangeable, that the stability of his future might be set on a firm foundation by Him Who stands and is ever the same in nature and condition. But Jacob was re-named by an angel, God’s minister, the Word, in acknowledgement that what is below the Existent cannot produce permanence unswerving and unwavering, but only such harmony as is found in a musical instrument wherein the tones now stretched to a high pitch, now relaxed to a low, are blended into melody by the artist’s skill. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[88] Again, while the race has three founders it is the first and last of these, Abraham and Jacob, whose names were changed, while the middle founder, Isaac, has the same name throughout. Why is this? Because both the scholar’s form of virtue and the practiser’s are open to improving influences, since the former desires to know what he is ignorant of, the latter desires crowns of victory and the prizes offered to a soul which rejoices to toil and seek the vision of the truth. On the other hand the kind which has no teacher or pupil but itself, being made what it is by nature rather than by diligence, goes on its way from the first equal and perfect like an even number  with no other needed as complement.",
+                "[89] Not so with the controller of bodily necessaries, Joseph. For he changes his name and receives the title of Psonthomphanech  (Gen. 41:45) from the king of the country. The meaning of this also needs explanation. Joseph is by interpretation “addition,” and conventional goods are an adjunct of natural goods. The former are such as gold, silver, chattels, revenues, services of menials, abundant stocks of heirlooms and furniture and all other luxuries, and the instruments of pleasure ready to hand in numberless forms.",
+                "[90] The provider and superintendent of these, Joseph, is found to have the appropriate name of “Addition,” since he is invested with the direction of the imported adventitious wealth which is an addition to the natural. This is attested by the oracles which state that he stored up the food and managed the provisioning of the whole land (<i>ibid</i>. 48) of the body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] Such a character the tokens given lead us to find in Joseph. Let us consider the nature of Psonthomphanech. His name means “mouth which judges in answer.” For every fool thinks that the man of wealth who lives surrounded by a sea of outward kinds of substance must of necessity be able to reason aright, be capable of answering questions put to him and capable of originating judgements of value. And in general the fool holds wisdom to be subordinate to chance, instead of chance to wisdom, as he should do, since the unstable ought to be guided on its course by the stable.",
+                "[92] And also his uterine brother is addressed by his father as Benjamin and by his mother as Son of sorrow, and that is true to facts. For Benjamin by interpretation is Son of days, and the day is illumined by the sunlight visible to our senses, to which we liken vainglory.",
+                "[93] Such glory has a certain brilliance to the outward sense, in the laudations bestowed by the vulgar multitude, in the decrees which are enacted, in the dedications of statues and images, in purple robes and golden crowns, in chariots and four-horse cars and crowded processions. He who affects these things was with good reason named the Son of days, that is of the visible light and of the brilliance of vainglory.",
+                "[94] This name which exactly expresses the fact is given him by his father the head of the house, the reason. But the soul gives him the one that agrees with the experience by which she herself has learned. She calls him a son of sorrow. Why? Because those who are swept along by the current of empty opinion are thought to be happy, but are in reality most unhappy,",
+                "[95] for many are the counterblasts, envy, jealousies, continuous quarrelling, rancorous enmities unreconciled till death, feuds handed down successively to children’s children, an inheritance which cannot be possessed.",
+                "[96] And so God’s interpreter could not but represent the mother of vainglory as dying in the very pangs of childbirth. Rachel died, we read, in hard labour (Gen. 35:16, 19), for the conception and birth of vainglory, the creature of sense, is in reality the death of the soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[97] Again, when the sons of Joseph, Ephraim and Manasseh, were likened to the two elder sons of Jacob, Reuben and Simeon, have we not something perfectly true to nature?  Jacob says, “Thy two sons who were born in Egypt before I came to Egypt are mine. Ephraim and Manasseh shall be as Reuben and Simeon to me” (Gen. 48:5). Let us observe how the two pairs tally with each other.",
+                "[98] Reuben, whose name is by interpretation “Seeing son,” is the symbol of natural excellence, because the man who enjoys facility of apprehension and natural excellence is endowed with sight. Ephraim, as we have often said elsewhere,  is the symbol of memory. For he is by interpretation “Fruit-bearing,” and memory is the best fruit of the soul. And no two things can be so close akin as memory and natural excellence.",
+                "[99] Again, Simeon is another name for learning and teaching, since Simeon is by interpretation “hearing,” and it is the peculiar mark of the learner that he hears and attends to what is said, while Manasseh is the symbol of recollection, for his name is “From forgetfulness.”",
+                "[100] The advance from forgetfulness necessarily involves recollection, and recollection is akin to learning. For what he has acquired often floats away from the learner’s mind, because in his weakness he is unable to retain it, and then emerges and starts again. When it flows away we say he is in a state of forgetfulness, and when it returns we call it a state of recollection.",
+                "[101] Surely then memory closely corresponds to natural excellence and recollection to learning. And the same relation which Simeon or learning bears to Reuben or nature is borne by Manasseh or recollection to Ephraim or memory.",
+                "[102] For just as natural excellence which resembles sight is better than learning which resembles hearing, the inferior of sight, so memory is in every way the superior of recollection, since while that is mixed with forgetfulness memory remains from first to last free from mixture or contamination."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] Again, the chief prophet’s father-in-law is sometimes called in the oracles Jethro and sometimes Raguel. He is Jethro when vanity is flourishing, for Jethro is by interpretation “superfluous,” and vanity is to the verities of life a superfluity deriding as it does equalities and the mere necessaries of life and glorifying surplusage and inequality. ",
+                "[104] Jethro values the human above the divine, custom above laws, profane above sacred, mortal above immortal, and in general seeming above being. And he ventures to come self-bidden and take the position of an adviser and suggests to the sage that he should not teach the only thing worth learning, the ordinances of God and the law, but the contracts which men make with each other, which as a rule produce dealings where the partners have no real partnership.  And the great ones  of the earth accept all he says, and think that it is right to give great justice to the great and little justice to the little. ",
+                "[105] Yet often this wiseacre changes round and leaves the flock which had him in his blindness for their leader: he seeks the herd of God and becomes therein a member without reproach, so much does he admire the nature of its herdsman and reverence the skill in governing which he shews in the charge of his flock. For the meaning of Raguel (Ex. 2:18) is “the shepherding of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] I have stated the sum of the matter, Moses will shew us the proofs. In the first place he describes him as one who honours judgement and justice. For the word Midian when translated appears as “from judgement or sifting.” This has a twofold significance.  It means in one sense sifting out and sifting off, which we often see in the case of those who enter for the so-called sacred games.  For thousands of these who have been judged to be unfit have been known to be sifted out by the stewards.",
+                "[107] Midianites, in this sense, initiated in the unholy rites of Baal Peor (Num. 25:3), and widening all the orifices of the body to receive the streams which pour in from outside (for the meaning of Baal Peor is “mouth of skin above ”), flood the ruling mind and sink it to the lowest depths, so that it cannot float up to the top or rise ever so little.",
+                "[108] And this was its condition until the Man of Peace, an evident  priest of God, Phinehas (<i>ibid</i>. 12, 13), came a self-bidden champion. He is a hater of evil by nature and possessed by zeal for the good. And when he took the lance,  that is the sharp-edged word, able to probe and explore each thing, power was granted him, that duped by none and armed with mighty strength he should pierce passion through the womb, that it should henceforth bring to birth no plague of God’s sending (<i>ibid</i>. 7, 8).",
+                "[109] It is against these Midianites that the nation of vision sets on foot the greatest of wars in which none of their combatants was “lost”  (Num. 31:49), but returned safe and unwounded, crowned with the garlands of victory."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[110] The above is one of the types indicated by the word Midian; another is the judicial, justice-dispensing type which by marriage is akin to the prophetic sort. “The priest” of judgement and justice, he says, “had seven daughters” (Ex. 2:16).",
+                "[111] The daughters stand as a symbol for the seven faculties of the unreasoning element, namely reproductive power, speech, and the five senses. “Daughters,” it adds, “who kept the sheep of their father,” for through these seven faculties come the advances  and growths which repeated apprehension produces in the father, the mind. Each of these faculties “arrives at” its own, sight at colours and forms, hearing at sounds, smell at scents, taste at flavours, and the others at the objects appropriate to each in particular. Each “draws up,” so to speak, external objects of sense until they “fill the troughs” of the soul “from which they water the sheep of the father,” and by these I mean the purest of flocks, the flock of reasoning which brings with it at once protection and adornment. ",
+                "[112] But then “arrive” the comrades of envy and malice, the shepherds of an evil herd, and drive them from the uses prescribed by nature (<i>ibid</i>. 17). For whereas the daughters take outside objects inside to the mind, which is as it were their judge and king, hoping thus under the best of rulers to perform their duty aright,",
+                "[113] the others beset and pursue them and give the opposite orders, namely that they should entice the mind outside and there deliver over phenomena into its hand.  And in this way they will persist until the mind which loves virtue and is inspired by God, called Moses, shall “arise” from his former seeming quietude, protect and “save” the maidens from their subjugators, and nourish the flock of the father with words and thoughts, sweet as water to drink.",
+                "[114] And when the maidens have escaped the onset of those who are the mind’s enemies and have no aspiration but for the superfluities of life as though life were mere play-acting,  they return not now to Jethro but to Raguel. For they have discarded their kinship with vanity, and become affiliated to the guidance and rule of law,  resolved to become a part of the holy herd which is led by God’s Word as its name shews, for Raguel means “the shepherding of God.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[115] And since God cares for His own flock He has ready at hand a multitude of gifts for those of His charges who obey Him and do not rebel. In the Psalms there is a hymn of this kind, “The Lord is my shepherd, and nothing shall be lacking to me” (Ps. 23(22):1).",
+                "[116] So then we shall not be surprised to find the mind which has the Divine Word for its shepherd and king asking of its seven daughters, “Why have ye returned with such speed and so eagerly to-day?” (Ex. 2:18). For at other times when you visited the objects of sense you spent a long time out there and almost refused to return, so greatly were you enticed by them. But now something or other has induced you to come back with this unwonted eagerness.",
+                "[117] So they will reply that this hasty breathless racing out to the world of sense and back again is not due to themselves but to the man who rescued them from the shepherds of the savage herd, and they call Moses an Egyptian (<i>ibid</i>. 19), Moses who was not only a Hebrew, but of that purest Hebrew blood which alone is consecrated. They cannot, that is, rise above their own nature.",
+                "[118] For the senses are on the border-line between the intelligible realm and the sensible, and all that we can hope is that they should desire both realms and not be led by the latter only. To suppose that they will ever give their affections to the things of mind only would be the height of folly, and therefore they give both titles. By the word “man” they point out the world which reason alone discerns,  by “Egyptian” they represent the world of sense.",
+                "[119] On hearing this the father will ask again, where is the man? (<i>ibid</i>. 20). In what part of your surroundings does the element of the reason dwell? Why have you left him so easily, and why when you once fell in with him did you not take to your arms that treasure, so beautiful above all, so profitable to yourselves? But if you have not as yet,",
+                "[120] at least now “invite him that he may eat” (<i>ibid</i>. 20) and feed on your advance to higher stages of goodness and a closer affinity to him. Perhaps he will even dwell among you and wed the winged, inspired and prophetic nature called Zipporah (<i>ibid</i>. 21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[121] So much for this. But Moses also changes the name of Hoshea to Joshua (Num. 13:17), thus transforming the individual who embodies a state into the state itself.  For Hoshea by interpretation is “he,” that is a particular individual, “is saved.” But Joshua is “safety of the Lord,” a name for the best possible state.",
+                "[122] For states are better than the individuals who embody them, as music is better than the musician and medicine than the physician, and every art than every artist, better both in everlastingness and in power and in unerring mastery over its subject matter. The state is everlasting, active, perfect; the individual is mortal, acted on, imperfect; and the imperishable is higher and greater than the mortal, the acting cause than that on which it acts, and the perfect than the imperfect.",
+                "[123] Thus in the above also we see the coin which represents the man re-minted in a better form.",
+                "But in Caleb we have a total change of the man himself. For we read “there was another spirit in him” (Num. 14:24), as though the ruling mind in him was changed to supreme perfection. For Caleb is by interpretation “all heart,”",
+                "[124] and this is a figurative way of shewing that his was no partial change of a soul wavering and oscillating, but a change to proved excellence of the whole and entire soul which dislodged anything that was not entirely laudable by thoughts of repentance; for when it thus washed away its defilements, and made use of the lustrations and purifications of wisdom, it could not but be clean and fair."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[125] The chief of the prophets proves to have many names. When he interprets and teaches the oracles vouchsafed to him he is called Moses; when he prays and blesses the people, he is a Man of God (Deut. 33:1); and when Egypt is paying the penalties for its impious deeds he is the god (Ex. 7:1) of Pharaoh, the king of the country.",
+                "[126] Why these three? Because to enact fresh laws for the benefit of those to whom they would apply is the task of one whose hands are ever in touch with divine things, one who is called up (Ex. 24:1) by the Lawgiver who speaks in oracles, one who has received from Him a great gift, the power of language to express prophet-like the holy laws. For Moses, if translated, is a “receiving”  and it also means a handling, as shewn above. ",
+                "[127] Secondly, to pray and bless is not for any chance person but for a man who has had no eyes  for his kinship to created being and has given himself to be the portion of Him who is ruler and father of all.",
+                "[128] For one must be content if it be granted to him to follow right reasoning himself, but to procure the good gift for others is what only a greater, more perfect, truly God-inspired soul can promise, and the possessor of such a soul will with good reason be called God’s man.  Thirdly, this same person is a god, because he is wise and therefore the ruler of every fool, even though that fool boast ever so loudly in the support of his royal sceptre. And he is a god for this reason in particular.",
+                "[129] It is the will of the ruler of all that though there be some doomed to punishment for their intolerable misdeeds, they should have mediators to make intercession for them, who imitating the merciful power of the Father will dispense punishment with more moderation and in a kindlier spirit. Beneficence is the peculiar prerogative of a god. "
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] We have now dealt sufficiently with the change and substitution of names and will proceed to the next points in our inquiry. What followed at once was the promise of the birth of Isaac. For after calling his mother Sarah instead of Sarai He says to Abraham, “I will give thee a child from her” (Gen. 17:16). Each part of this must be severally examined.",
+                "[131] First, then, the giver of anything in the proper sense of the word must necessarily give something which belongs to himself, and if this is so Isaac must be not the man Isaac but the Isaac whose name is that of the best of the good emotions, joy, the Isaac who is the laughter of the heart, a son of God, who gives him as a means to soothe and cheer truly peaceful souls.",
+                "[132] It were a monstrous thing that one should be a husband, and another the parent, parent therefore of bastards born in adultery, and yet Moses writes of God as the husband of the virtue-loving mind when he says, “The Lord seeing that Leah was hated opened her womb” (Gen. 29:31),",
+                "[133] for moved by pity and compassion for the virtue hated by our mortal race and for the soul that loves virtue he sends barrenness 〈on the favourite and gives honour〉 to the nature which loves excellence and opens the fountain of happy parentage by granting her welfare in childbirth.",
+                "[134] And Tamar too; she bore within her womb the divine seed, but had not seen the sower.  For we are told that at that hour she veiled her face (Gen. 38:15), just as Moses when he turned aside fearing to look upon God (Ex. 3:6). But she closely scanned the symbols and tokens, and judging in her heart that these were the gifts of no mortal she cried aloud, “To whomsoever these belong, he it is by whom I am with child” (Gen. 38:25).",
+                "[135] Whose is the ring, the pledge of faith, the seal of the universe, the archetypal idea by which all things without form or quality before were stamped and shaped? Whose is the cord, that is, the world-order, the chain of destiny,  the correspondence and sequence of all things, with their ever-unbroken chain? Whose is the staff, that is the firmly planted, the unshaken, the unbending; the admonition, the chastening, the discipline; the sceptre, the kingship! whose are they? Are they not God’s alone?",
+                "[136] And therefore the temper which makes confession of thankfulness, that is Judah, pleased at the divine inspiration which masters her, says with all boldness, “She is justified since I gave her to no mortal” (<i>ibid</i>. 26), for he holds it impiety to defile the divine with things profane."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[137] So, too, the wisdom which as in motherhood brought forth the nature of the self-taught declares that God had begotten it. For when the child is born she says with pride, “The Lord has made laughter for me” (Gen. 21:6). That is the same as saying “He formed, He wrought, He begot, Isaac,” since Isaac and laughter are the same.",
+                "[138] But this saying is not for all to hear, so strongly does the evil tide of superstition flow in our minds and drown unmanly and degenerate souls.  And therefore she adds “Whoever shall hear will rejoice with me” (<i>ibid</i>.) as though there were few whose ears are opened and pricked up to receive these holy words, which teach us that to sow and beget the excellent is the peculiar task of God alone. To this lesson all but those few are deaf.",
+                "[139] I remember too an oracle given by a prophet’s mouth in words of fire which runs thus: “From Me thy fruit has been found. Who is wise and he shall understand them, who is understanding and he shall know them?” (Hos. 14:9, 10).  Under the prophet’s words I recognized the voice of the invisible master whose invisible hand plays on the instrument of human speech, and I was lost in admiration at the saying also.",
+                "[140] For all that is good in the range of existing things or rather the whole heaven and universe is in very truth God’s fruit, the inseparable growth, as it were, of the tree of His eternal and never-fading nature. And to know and confess such things is for the wise and understanding, not for men of no account."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[141] So much for the phrase “I will give to thee.” We must now explain “from her.” Some understand by it that which comes into being outside her, thinking that in the judgement of right reason the best decision is that the soul should declare that nothing good belongs to herself, but all is an addition from outside, through the high benevolence of God Who showers His gifts of grace.",
+                "[142] Others take it as “immediate,” “with speed.” They say that ἐξ αὐτῆς is equivalent to “straightway,” “at once,” “without postponement,” “without delay,” and this is the way in which the gifts of God are wont to be given, outrunning even the moments of time. There is a third class who say that virtue is the mother of any good that has come into being, receiving the seeds of that being from nothing that is mortal.",
+                "[143] Again, some ask whether the barren can bear children, since the oracles earlier describe Sarah as barren and now admit that she will become a mother. Our answer to this must be that it is not in the nature of a barren woman to bear, any more than of the blind to see or of the deaf to hear. But as for the soul which is sterilized to wickedness and unfruitful of the endless host of passions and vices, scarce any prosper in childbirth as she. For she bears offspring worthy of love, even the number seven according to the hymn of Hannah, that is, grace, who says “The barren hath borne seven, but she that is much in children hath languished” (1 Sam. 2:5).",
+                "[144] She applies the word “much” to the mind which is a medley of mixed and confused thoughts, which, because of the multitude of riots and turmoils that surround it, brings forth evils past all remedy. But the word “barren” she applies to the mind which refuses to accept any mortal sowing as fruitful, the mind which makes away with and brings to abortion all the intimacies and the matings of the wicked, but holds fast to the “seventh”  and the supreme peace which it gives. This peace she would fain bear in her womb and be called its mother."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] Such is the meaning of “from her.” Let us now examine the third part of the phrase used, namely “child.” First then we may well wonder why He does not say He will give many children, but will grant one only. Why? Because excellence cannot be estimated by number but rather by value.",
+                "[146] For, to take examples at random, there are ever so many musical, grammatical and geometrical things, and just and prudent and courageous and temperate things, but music and grammar and geometry in the abstract and again justice and temperance and prudence and courage in the abstract are each of them one thing, the original, the same as the archetypal idea, and from this origin the many and indeed infinite particulars  have been formed.",
+                "[147] So much for His saying that He will give one, but the word actually used in this passage, “bairn,” is used not without care or consideration. He wishes to shew that the child is not alien or supposititious, nor again adopted or bastard, but the truly genuine and free-natured  offspring of a free-born soul. For “bairn” derived from “bearing” is used to bring out the affinity which is the natural tie between parents and children."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] “I will bless her,” He continues, “and she shall be for nations.” He shews hereby that not only is generic virtue divided into its proximate species and their subdivisions, as into nations, but also that actions and ideas have nations in a sense, just as living creatures have, and that to these nations the addition of virtue is most beneficial.",
+                "[149] For everything that lacks or has lost prudence is a source of mischief, just as all must be in darkness on which the sun does not shine. By virtue the husbandman takes better care of his plants; by virtue the charioteer guides his chariot in the horse-race without a fall; by virtue the helmsman steers his vessel safe through the voyage. Virtue again produces better conditions in households, city and country, by producing men who are good household managers, statesmanlike and neighbourly.",
+                "[150] Virtue, too, introduces the best laws, and sows everywhere seeds of peace. And in proof of this we see that where the opposite condition prevails the natural result is the opposite of these blessings, namely war, lawlessness, misgovernment, confusion, disasters at sea, revolutions, and in the realm of the sciences that most painful disease knavery, which causes them to be called perversions of art,  rather than arts. Virtue then will necessarily extend to nations, that is, large and comprehensive combinations both of living creatures and of actions and ideas, and will thus benefit those who receive her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[151] Next we read “And kings of nations shall be from her,” for those whom she conceives and bears are all rulers, chosen not for a short time by the uncertainty of lot or by the votes of men for the most part hirelings, but rulers appointed for ever by Nature herself.",
+                "[152] And this is no invention of mine, but a statement made by the most holy oracles, wherein certain people appear as saying to Abraham “Thou art a King from God among us” (Gen. 23:6). They did not consider his material resources, for what such were there in an emigrant, who was not even the inhabitant of a city but a wanderer over a wide and desolate and trackless land? Rather they perceived the kingship in his mind, and thus Moses confesses that the Sage alone is king. ",
+                "[153] For in truth the prudent man is ruler of the imprudent, for he knows what he should and should not do, and the temperate of the intemperate, for he has studied carefully how to choose and how to avoid: the brave man of the coward because he has learned with certainty what he should and should not endure: the just of the unjust, because he aims at unbiased equality in what he has to award:  the holy of the unholy because high and true conceptions of God prevail with him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[154] These promises might well have puffed up the mind to soar into the heights. But to convict us, so often proud-necked at the smallest cause, he falls down and straightway laughs (Gen. 17:17) with the laughter of the soul, mournfulness in his face, but smiles in his mind, where joy vast and unalloyed has made its lodging.",
+                "[155] For the sage who receives an inheritance of good beyond his hope these two things are simultaneous—to fall and to laugh. He falls as a pledge that the proved nothingness of mortality keeps him from vaunting: he laughs to shew that the thought that God alone is the cause of good and gracious gifts makes strong his piety.",
+                "[156] Let created being fall with mourning in its face; it is only what nature demands, so feeble in footing is it, so sad of heart in itself. Then let it be raised up by God and laugh, for God alone is its support and its joy.",
+                "[157] One might reasonably question how it is possible for anyone to laugh, when laughter had not yet come into being among us. For Isaac is laughter, which according to the view before us is not yet born. For as we cannot see without eyes nor hear without ears, nor smell without nostrils nor use the other senses without the corresponding organs, nor apprehend without the power of thought, so the act of laughing would be against all probability if laughter had not yet been created.",
+                "[158] What shall we say then? Nature often provides signs which shew us beforehand future happenings. Do you not often see how the fledgling, before it actually oars its way in the air, likes to flutter or shake its wings, thus giving a welcome promise of ability to fly hereafter?",
+                "[159] Or how the lamb or the he-goat or the youngling ox, if one provoke it, fronts its opponent and starts to defend itself with those parts from which spring the weapons of defence which Nature provides?",
+                "[160] Again, in the arena the bulls do not at once gore their antagonists, but set their legs well apart, bend their necks slightly, and turn them either way with a truly bull-like glare, and only then do they attack and shew a mind to set to in earnest. This kind of thing, one impulse, that is, precluding another, is called <i>orousis</i>,  or “springing,” by those who practise word-coining."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[161] Much the same often befalls the soul. When good is hoped for, it rejoices in anticipation, and thus may be said to feel joy before joy, gladness before gladness. We may find in this a likeness to what happens in the vegetable world. They too, when they are going to bear fruit, put forth shoots, flowers and leaves in anticipation.",
+                "[162] Observe the cultivated vine, what a wonderful piece of nature’s handiwork it is, with its twigs, tendrils, suckers, petals, leaves, which seem almost to break out into speech and proclaim their joy at the coming fruit of the tree. And the day laughs in forecast while the dawning is still young because the sunrise is coming. For beam heralds beam and the dimmer light leads the way for the clearer.",
+                "[163] And so the good when it has come is accompanied by joy, and when it is expected, by hope. For we rejoice at its arrival and hope when it is coming. Similarly with their opposites. The presence of evil produces grief, and its expectation fear. And so fear is grief before grief, just as hope is joy before joy. For fear, I think, bears the same relation to grief as hope does to joy.",
+                "[164] The senses, too, carry with them clear signs of what is here stated. Smell presides over taste and passes judgement in advance on practically all that serves for food or drink. And therefore some looking to the obvious fact have given to smell the apposite name of fore-taster. And so it is natural for hope to taste beforehand as it were the coming good and to recommend it to the soul which will have it for its solid possession.",
+                "[165] Again the hungry or thirsty traveller, if he suddenly sees in his journeying springs of water or trees of every kind laden with refreshing fruits, finds a preliminary satisfaction in the hope of future enjoyment, before he eats or drinks and even before he draws the water or plucks the fruit. And if we can find a feast in what feeds the body before we actually eat, can we possibly suppose that what feeds the mind is unable to give us a foretaste of gladness when the feast it provides is still to come?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[166] Well then might he laugh even though laughter seems to have been as yet unborn in our mortal race, and not only did he himself laugh but his wife also. For again we find Sarah laughed, saying in herself, “Not yet has this befallen me till now,” this unstudied, self-sprung good. Yet He that promised, she says, is “my Lord” (Gen. 18:12) and “older” than all creation, and I needs must believe Him. ",
+                "[167] At the same time Moses teaches us this lesson that virtue is by its very nature a thing for joy,  and that he who possesses it ever rejoices, while vice on the contrary is grievous and its possessor most unhappy. After this need we extol those philosophers who declare that virtue is a state of happy feeling ?",
+                "[168] For, see, we find in Moses the primary authority for this wise doctrine, since he pictures the good man as rejoicing and laughing, and elsewhere not the good man only but those also who come into company with him. “Seeing thee,” he says, “he will rejoice at it” (Ex. 4:14).  He suggests that the mere sight of the worthy is enough to make the mind cast off the soul’s most hateful burden, grief, and to fill it with joy.",
+                "[169] And to none of the wicked is rejoicing permitted, as indeed the orations of the prophets proclaim: “Rejoicing is not for the impious, said God” (Is. 48:22). It is indeed a divine saying and oracle that the life of every worthless man is one of gloom and sorrow and full of misery, even though he affect to wear a smiling face.",
+                "[170] I would not say that the Egyptians really rejoiced when they heard that Joseph’s brethren had come. Rather they assumed in hypocrisy the appearance of joy. For no fool when confronted by conviction is pleased with it, any more than the dissolute man on his sick-bed with the physician. For the profitable is followed by toil, the noxious by ease. And fools because they prefer ease to toil are naturally at enmity with those who would advise them to their profit.",
+                "[171] And so when you hear that “Pharaoh rejoiced and his servants” (Gen. 45:16) at the coming of the brothers of Joseph, do not suppose that they were really pleased, except perhaps at one thought: they expected once more to lead away the mind to desert its foster-brethren the goods of the soul for the numberless lusts of the body, and to debase its old ancestral coinage, the coinage of virtue its birth-fellow."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[172] With such hopes the pleasure-loving mind is not content merely to angle with the baits of every lust for the younger sort, the novices in the training-schools of temperance, but revolts from the idea that it should be unable to subjugate the older thinking, in which the frenzy of passion has passed its prime. ",
+                "[173] He makes other offers, offers which mean loss though he speaks of them as profit. “Take your father and your wealth,” he says, “and come to me” (<i>ibid</i>. 18) into Egypt, come, that is, to this King of terror, who when our paternal and our truly real wealth had in virtue of its natural liberty left the body behind in its advance, draws it back and throws it with violence into a prison of exceeding bitterness; and over this prison he sets for keeper, as the oracular text tells us, Potiphar (Gen. 39:1) the eunuch and chief cook : eunuch, because he has scant store of excellence and has lost by mutilation the soul’s organs of generation, unable further to sow and beget anything that tends to discipline; cook, because in cook-like fashion he slaughters living beings, chops and divides them, piece by piece, limb by limb, and moves in a chaos of lifeless carcasses, immaterial rather than material;  and with his elaborately seasoned dishes arouses and excites the appetites of fruitless passions, appetites which should rather be tamed and calmed.",
+                "[174] And also, says the Pleasure-lover, “I will give you of all the good things of Egypt, and ye shall eat the marrow of the land” (Gen. 45:18). But we will answer him, “We do not accept the body’s good, for we have seen the things of the soul. For so deeply has our strong yearning for these sunk into us that it can make us forget all that is dear to the flesh.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[175] Such indeed is the joy falsely so-called of the fool. The true joy has been described above, the joy which befits the virtuous alone. “And so Abraham fell and laughed” (Gen. 17:17). He fell not from God but from himself, for in clinging to the immovable Being he stood, but fell from his own conceit.",
+                "[176] And so when the spirit which is wise in its own conceits had been thrown to the ground and the spirit of love to God raised up and firmly planted round Him who alone never bends, he laughed at once and said in his mind, “Shall this happen to one of a hundred years old, and shall Sarah being ninety years old bear a son?”",
+                "[177] But do not think, good reader, that when “he said” is followed by “in his mind” instead of “with his mouth,” the addition has little meaning. No, it is made with very careful purpose. Why so? Because in saying “Shall this happen to one of a hundred years,” he seems to doubt the birth of Isaac in which in an earlier place he was said to believe, as was shown by the oracular words delivered a little time before. Those ran, “He shall not be thine heir, but one who shall come from thee,” and then immediately followed the words, “And Abraham believed God and it was accounted to him for righteousness” (Gen. 15:4, 6).",
+                "[178] So then, since doubt was not consistent with his past belief, Moses has represented the doubt not as long-lived, or prolonged to reach the mouth and tongue, but staying where it was with the swiftly moving mind. For, says the text, “He said in his mind,” which none of the creatures whose swiftness of foot we admire can outrun, and indeed no form of bird nature has such speed.",
+                "[179] This is, I think, the reason why the poet most highly esteemed among the Greeks says, “like a bird’s wing or a thought.”  He is showing the swiftness of the mind’s intensity, and to bring this out more strongly he puts thought after the bird’s wing. For the mind moves at the same moment to many things material and immaterial with indescribable rapidity and reaches at once the boundaries of land and sea, covering and dividing  distances of infinite magnitude. At the same time it leaps so high from the earth that it passes through the lower to the upper air and scarcely comes to a stop even when it reaches the furthermost sphere of the fixed stars.",
+                "[180] For its fiery fervent nature forbids it to rest and its onward journey carries it across wide spaces outside the limits of all this world of sense to the world framed from the ideas to which it feels itself akin. So then in the case of the virtuous man the swerving was short, instantaneous and infinitesimal, not belonging to sense but only to mind, and so to speak timeless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[181] But perhaps it may be said, why did he, when once he had believed, admit any trace or shadow or breath of unbelief whatsoever? It seems to me that this question amounts to a wish to make out the created to be uncreated, the mortal immortal, the perishable imperishable, and if it is not blasphemy to say it, man to be God.",
+                "[182] Such a person asserts that the faith which man possesses should be so strong as to differ not at all from the faith which belongs to the Existent, a faith sound and complete in every way. For Moses says in the Greater Song,  “God is faithful and there is no injustice in Him” (Deut. 32:4),",
+                "[183] and it argues great ignorance to think that the soul of man can contain the unwavering, absolutely steadfast excellences of God. Enough for man is the power to possess the images of these, images in the scale of number and magnitude far below the archetypes.",
+                "[184] And surely this is to be expected, for the excellences of God must needs be unmixed since God is not compounded but a single nature, whereas man’s excellences are mixed, since we, too, are mixtures, with human and divine blended in us and formed into a harmony in the proportions of perfect music, and a compound of more than one ingredient is subject to natural counter-forces drawing it to each of these ingredients.",
+                "[185] Happy is he to whom it is granted to incline towards the better and more godlike part through most of his life. For it is impossible that it should be so with him throughout the whole length of life, since sometimes the opposing load of mortality throws its weight into the scales, and biding its time waits to find its chance in the mischances of reason and so prove too strong for him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[186] “Abraham then has believed God,” but only as a man, so that you may recognize the weakness, the distinctive mark of the mortal, and learn that, if he swerves, his swerving arises only according to nature. But if that swerving is short and momentary, thanks are due, for many others have been overwhelmed by the rushing of the tide and died a violent death in the waters.",
+                "[187] For, good friend, if you believe the holy Moses, virtue is not sound-footed in our mortal and bodily nature, but limps ever so little and is subject to a sort of stiffness, for we are told that “the width of the thigh was stiffened, and he halted on it” (Gen. 32:25, 31).",
+                "[188] But perhaps some more courageous spirits might come forward and say that the utterance does not even indicate any disbelief, but a prayer, that if joy, the best of good emotions, is to be born, its birth should be confined to the numbers ninety and a hundred, that so the perfect good may enter on its existence under perfect numbers.",
+                "[189] The numbers here named are perfect numbers, particularly according to the sacred writings. Let us consider each of them separately. To begin with Shem, the son of the just Noah, the ancestor of the nation of vision; he is said to have been a hundred years old when he begat Arphaxad (Gen. 11:10), the meaning of whose name is “he disturbed affliction.” And surely it is excellent that the soul’s offspring should harass and confound and destroy injustice, afflicted and full of evils as it is.",
+                "[190] Abraham too “plants an acre”  and adopts the hundred in measuring out the plot (Gen. 21:33), and Isaac “finds barley a hundredfold” (Gen. 26:12); and Moses in building the court of the tabernacle takes a hundred cubits in measuring out the distance from east to west (Ex. 27:9).",
+                "[191] And a hundred too appears in the firstfruit of firstfruit which the Levites offer to the consecrated priest (Num. 18:28), for when they receive the tenths from the nation, they are bidden to treat them as their own possessions and to give to the priest what may be called a holy tenth of tenths.",
+                "[192] And by observation we might discover contained in the laws many other examples in praise of the number here mentioned, but the above is quite sufficient for the present.",
+                "But if you separate from the hundred a tenth as the sacred first offering to God who brings the fruits of the soul to their beginning,  their increase and their fulfilment, you will leave behind another perfect number, ninety, for it must needs be perfect, placed as it is in a debatable land between the first and the tenth ten, and thus serve to a separate sanctities from sanctities like the veil in the midst of the tabernacle (Ex. 26:33). by which things of the same genus are distinguished through division into their respective species."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[193] The virtuous man then spoke truly virtuous words and “with his mind.”  But the wicked man sometimes gives admirable expression to noble thoughts, but his actions are most vile and their method equally so. Such a one is Shechem, the son of folly, for his father is Hamor whose name is translated by “ass,” while his own is interpreted as “shoulder,” the symbol of toil. The toil which is fathered by unintelligence is miserable and full of affliction, just as that which has intelligence for its congener is profitable.",
+                "[194] Thus the oracles say that Shechem spake “according to the mind of the virgin” after first humiliating her (Gen. 34:2, 3). Are not these words “according to the mind of the virgin” added with exact thought so as almost to shew that his actions were the opposite of his words? For Dinah is incorruptible judgement, the justice which is the assessor of God, the ever virgin, for the word “Dinah” by interpretation is either judgement or justice.",
+                "[195] The fools who attempt to seduce her by their plottings and their practices repeated day by day seek by means of specious talking to escape from conviction. Now they should either make their actions conform to their words or if they persist in iniquity keep still. For by keeping still men say evil is halved. And so Moses by rebuking him who adjudges the chief honours to creation and only the second to the imperishable God says, “Thou hast sinned, be still” (Gen. 4:7). ",
+                "[196] For to rant and boast of evil doings is a double sin. But what regularly happens with the multitude is this: they are ever addressing words of friendship and fairness to the maiden Virtue, but they let no occasion slip without using it to outrage and maltreat her if they can. What city is not crowded with those who hymn virtue the ever virgin?",
+                "[197] They tear to pieces the ears of all they meet with such disquisitions as these, prudence is necessary, imprudence is harmful, temperance deserves our choice, intemperance our hatred; courage is worthy of perseverance  therein, cowardice of avoidance; justice is profitable, injustice unprofitable; holiness is honourable, unholiness disgraceful; piety is praiseworthy, impiety blameworthy; right purposing, speaking and acting is most conformable to man’s nature, wrong purposing, speaking and acting most alien to the same.",
+                "[198] With a perpetual string of this or suchlike talk they deceive the law-courts, the theatres, the council-chambers and every gathering and group of men, like people who set handsome masks on the ugliest of faces to prevent the ugliness being detected by the eyes of others.",
+                "[199] But it is all useless. The vindicators will come strong and doughty, inspired with zeal for virtue. They will strip off all this complication of wraps and bandages which the perverted art of the talkers has put together, and beholding the soul naked in her very self they will know the secrets hidden from sight in the recesses of her nature; and then exposing to every eye in clear sunlight her shame and all her disgraces they will point the contrast between her real character, so hideous, so despicable, and the spurious comeliness which disguised in her wrappings she counterfeited.",
+                "[200] And the champions who stand ready to repel such profane and impure ways of thinking are two in number, Simeon and Levi, but they are one in will. That is why in the blessings, while their father ranked them under a single head (Gen. 49:5), because their minds are in concord and harmony and their purpose set in one and the same direction, Moses ceases even to mention the pair, but compresses the whole of Simeon into Levi (Deut. 33:8), and thus blending the two natures he makes them one, bearing the stamp of a single form, and unites hearing with action."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[201] So when he understood the promise and spoke “according to his mind” these words, so full of reverence and pious awe, the man of worth was moved by a twofold feeling, faith towards God, distrust of the creature. It is natural then that he should pray in these words, “Let this Ishmael live before thee” (Gen. 17:18), and each of the phrases here included, namely, “this,” “live,” “before Thee,” are applied by him appropriately. I say appropriately because many are deceived by the application of the same terms to denote different things.",
+                "[202] What I mean by this should be considered. Ishmael by interpretation is “hearing God,” but the divine truths are heard by some to their profit, by some to the harm of themselves and others.",
+                "Observe that dealer in augury, Balaam. He is described as “hearing the oracles of God and knowing knowledge from the Most High” (Num. 24:16),",
+                "[203] but what did he profit from such hearing or such knowledge, he who attempted to bring ruin on the soul’s best eye which alone has been trained to see God? But yet what he willed he could not, so strong was the Saviour’s invincible might. Therefore, stabbed by his own madness, he received many wounds and perished “in the midst of the wounded” (Num. 31:8) because with his soothsayer’s mock wisdom he defaced the stamp of heaven-sent prophecy.",
+                "[204] Rightly then it is “this Ishmael” for whose health alone the man of virtue prays, because of those others who do not hear with honest mind the holy instructions, whom Moses absolutely forbade to resort to the assembly of the Ruler of all. Such as in their pride extol their own mind and senses as the sole causes of all that happens amongst men—",
+                "[205] these are they who have spiritually lost the organs of generation by crushing or complete mutilation; such again as love the creed which holds that gods are many and pays all honour to that fellowship of deities—these are the children of the harlot who knows not the one husband and father of the virtue-loving soul,—are not all such with good reason expelled and banished? (Deut. 23:1, 2). ",
+                "[206] The parents too who accuse their son of wine-bibbing seem to make a like use of the pronoun. They say “This son of ours is disobedient” (Deut. 21:20), and thus by the addition of “this” they shew that they have other sons, strong-willed and self-controlling, who obey the injunctions of right reason and instruction. For these two are the soul’s parents who can never lie, and to be accused by them is the greatest disgrace, as their praise is the highest glory. ",
+                "[207] To take another instance, “It is this Moses and Aaron whom God bade lead the sons of Israel from Egypt” (Ex. 6:26), or “These are they who talked with Pharaoh the king” (<i>ibid</i>. 27). In neither of these cases must we suppose that the words are used carelessly and that the demonstrative pronouns served no other purpose than to indicate  the names.",
+                "[208] For since Moses is mind at its purest, and Aaron is its word, and each have been trained to holy things, the mind to grasp them as a God should and the word to express them worthily, the professors of false wisdom mimic and debase this authentic coin, and say that what they think of the most excellent is just, and what they say of it worthy of praise (Ex. 7:11). And so that when the spurious is set beside the authentic we may not be deceived by the likeness of the stamp he has given us a touchstone by which they may be distinguished.",
+                "[209] What is this touchstone? It is that he brought out of the land of the body the mind which could see and which loved wisdom and the vision. For he who could do this is “This Moses,” and he who could not, who had but the name and clothed himself with a multitude of grand-sounding titles, is made a laughing-stock.",
+                "When he prays that Ishmael may live, he is not concerned with the life of the body, but prays that what he hears from God may abide for ever with the soul and stir him into living flame;"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[210] and while Abraham prays, as we have said, that the grace of hearkening to holy words and learning holy truths may live, Jacob, the Man of Practice, prays for the life of natural goodness, for he says “Let Reuben live and not die” (Deut. 33:6).  Is he here praying that he should never know death and corruption, a gift impossible for a man? Surely not.",
+                "[211] Let us say then what he wishes to shew us. All that is heard or learned is a superstructure, built on the foundation of a nature receptive of instruction, for if nature be not there to begin with all else is useless. For those who are ungifted by nature would seem to differ not at all from an oak or mute stone, for nothing can adhere or fit into them, but all is shaken off and rebounds as from a solid substance.",
+                "[212] But in the souls of the naturally good we see a duly-tempered mixture like smooth wax, neither too solid nor too soft; a mixture which easily receives all that is seen and heard and itself reproduces perfectly the forms impressed upon it in lifelike copies preserved by memory. ",
+                "[213] Thus he was bound to pray that the nation of reason should possess natural goodness free from disease and death. For the life of virtue, which is LIFE in its truest form, is shared by few, and these few are not found among the vulgar herd, none of whom has part or lot in true life, but are only those to whom it is granted to escape the aims which engross humanity and to live to God alone.",
+                "[214] And therefore the Man of Practice and Courage wondered exceedingly that one who was borne along in the midstream of human life is not swept down by any rush of the swirling waters, but can breast the strong current of riches and stem the tide of pleasure’s ceaseless urge and keep his feet against the hurricane of vainglory.",
+                "[215] And so Jacob says to Joseph, though indeed it is rather the holy Word speaking to every man who in addition to bodily welfare is placed amidst abundance of the gear which makes for luxury, yet is proof against it all, “For thou still livest” (Gen. 46:30). A marvellous utterance, which has travelled beyond the range of the common life which we lead, we who if we but catch a puff of the air of prosperity loosen every reef and let the breeze blow fresh and clear, and then with our strong steady wind to swell our canvas speed on to the enjoyments of the passions, and never do we draw in the loose and slack licence of our lusts until we strike the rocks and wreck the whole bark of the soul."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[216] We  do well indeed then when we pray that this Ishmael may live. And so he adds “before God,” holding that in this lies the crown of happiness—that the mind should be privileged to live under the survey and watchful care of the Supreme Excellence.",
+                "[217] For when the tutor is present his charge  will not go amiss; the teacher at the learner’s side brings profit to him; the company of his senior gives to the youth the grace of modesty and self-control; the mere sight of father or mother can silently prevent the son from some intended wrongdoing. Imagine then the vastness of the blessings which we must suppose will be his who believes that the eye of God is ever upon him, for if he reverences the dignity of Him who is ever present, he will in fear and trembling fly from wrongdoing with all his might.",
+                "[218] But when he prays that Ishmael may live he does not despair of the birth of Isaac, as I have said before, but while he has trusted in God 〈he recognizes the weakness of humanity〉, for the gifts which God can give are not all such as man in his turn can receive, since for Him it is easy to bestow gifts, ever so many, ever so great, but for us it is no light matter to receive the proffered boons.",
+                "[219] For it is enough for us to obtain the good fruits of toil and effort, those more familiar gifts which grow up with us, but such as spring up independently without art or any form of human devising, which come ready-made to the recipient, we cannot even hope to attain. These are gifts of God, and therefore to discover them is the inevitable destiny of natures closer to God and undefiled and released from the mortal body.",
+                "[220] Yet Moses taught us to make our acknowledgements of thanks according to the power of our hands (Num. 6:21), the man of sagacity dedicating his good sense and prudence, the master of words consecrating all the excellences of speech in praises to the Existent in poem or prose, and from others offerings after their kind, natural philosophy, ethical philosophy, the lore of the arts and sciences from the several students of the same.",
+                "[221] In this way the sailor will dedicate success of voyage, the husbandman fruitfulness of crops, the herdsman the teeming increase of his livestock, the physician the health of his patients, or again the general his victory in war, the statesman or crowned head his lawful pre-eminence or sovereignty, and in short he who is not self-centred will avow as the cause of all goods of the soul or body or outside the body Him who in very truth is the one sole Cause of aught.",
+                "[222] Let none then of the lowly or obscure in repute shrink through despair of the higher hope from thankful supplication to God, but even if he no longer expects any greater boon, give thanks according to his power for the gifts which he has already received.",
+                "[223] Vast is the number of such gifts, birth, life, nurture, soul, sense-perception, mental picturing, impulse, reasoning. Now “reasoning” as a name is but a little word, but as a fact it is something most perfect and most divine, a piece torn off from the soul of the universe, or, as it might be put more reverently  following the philosophy of Moses, a faithful impress of the divine image."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[224] Well may we commend those members of the scouting party who tried to pluck up by the roots the trunk of virtue and carry it away, and when they could not, took at least a branch and a single cluster, which was all they could carry (Num. 13:24), as a specimen and part of the whole.",
+                "[225] We should indeed pray that our course may lie amid the collected body of the many virtues. But if this be too great for human nature, let us be content whenever it be granted to consort with one of the specific virtues, with temperance, or courage, or justice or humanity. Let the soul carry in its womb and bring to the birth one good thing at least and not be unfruitful and barren of them all.",
+                "[226] Would you lay upon your own son such injunctions as these? If you do not treat your servants kindly, neither must you have neighbourly dealings with your equals. If you do not behave well to your wife, you must not honour your parents either. If you despise your father and mother, you must also shew impiety towards God. If you delight in pleasure, you must not refrain from covetousness. Do you covet great riches? Then also give way to vain conceit.",
+                "[227] What, I would ask, do you mean that it is wrong to use self-control in some things if you cannot do so in all? The son would surely reply, What do you mean, father? Would you have your son become either completely bad or completely good, and will you not be satisfied if he chooses the midway course in preference to the extremes?",
+                "[228] It was such a feeling that made Abraham, in the case of the destruction of Sodom, begin with fifty and end with ten (Gen. 18:24 f.) when he besought and supplicated that if the means of complete release to liberty (Lev. 25:10), which is symbolized by fifty, be not forthcoming in created beings, the lower training, which is numerically reckoned as ten, may be accepted to respite the soul which stands on the verge of condemnation. ",
+                "[229] The trained have the advantage over the untrained, and those who are familiar with the culture of the schools over minds untuned to the muse; they start with better opportunities for growth, because as a rule from boyhood they have been bathed in a stream of ideas which deal with endurance and self-control and every virtue. And therefore if these have not entirely scoured and washed away their iniquity in the cleansing process, they are in a moderate and half-way degree purged.",
+                "[230] Esau’s words to his father seem to have a like meaning: “Hast thou one blessing, my father? bless me also, O my father” (Gen. 27:38). For different blessings should be set apart for different persons: perfect blessings for the perfect, half-way for the imperfect, just as we find with men’s bodies: for the healthy and the sick require different exercises and different diet, and in all other matters which affect their way of living the same treatment is impossible. The healthy need what agrees with them to prevent their falling sick at all, and the sick need what fits their condition to bring them round to better health.",
+                "[231] Since then the goods which nature has to bestow are many, grant me, O Lord, that which befits me in Thy sight, though it be but the smallest, looking to one thing only, that the gift be such as I can bear with ease, not one that slight as it is will bring me, poor weakling, fainting to the ground.",
+                "[232] And what do we suppose is meant by the words, “Shall not the hand of the Lord suffice?” (Num. 11:23). Surely this, that the powers of the Existent reach everywhere to benefit not only the highly placed but also those of lowlier reputation. And on these He bestows what befits them, according to the soul-measurements and appraisements of each, measuring and appraising in Himself  by the rule of equality the due proportion to each."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[233] I am profoundly struck by the law enacted for those who put off their sins and appear to be repentant. It bids them bring first as the victim a ewe without blemish, but “if his hand,” it continues, “have not strength for a sheep, he shall bring for the sin which he has committed two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one for sin and one for a burnt offering.",
+                "[234] But if his hand does not find a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, he shall bring for his gift fine flour the tenth of an ephah. He shall not pour upon it oil, nor put upon it frankincense, because it is a sin offering, and shall bring it to the priest, and the priest shall take from it a complete handful and lay the memorial upon the altar” (Lev. 5:7 ff.).",
+                "[235] Moses, then, employs for propitiation the three methods of repentance here mentioned, beasts or birds or wheaten flour, adapted doubtless to the capacity of the penitent who is purified, for small things do not need great, nor great things small purifications, but such as are like and equal on the principle of proportion.",
+                "[236] Why then there should be three ways of repentance is worth inquiry. Practically cases both of sinning and of achieving righteousness fall into three classes, thoughts and words and deeds. And therefore in his Exhortations Moses, when he is shewing that the acquisition of the good is neither impossible nor hard to pursue, says,",
+                "[237] “You need not fly up to heaven nor go to the ends of earth and sea to lay hold of it, but near and very near (and with the next words he shews the nearness as it were almost visible to the eye) is every work to thy mouth and heart and hands” (Deut. 30:12 ff.). In these three words he figures words, thoughts and intentions, deeds. For good thinking and intending, good speaking and good doing make up, he means, human happiness just as their opposites make up unhappiness,",
+                "[238] since achievement of righteousness and sinning are found in all these three places, heart, mouth and hand. For indeed some think and intend with excellent judgement and speak what is best and do what they should do. Of the three wrong thinking and intending is the least serious, and actually carrying out injustice is the most serious, while saying what we should not stands midway between the two.",
+                "[239] Yet in practice the least serious proves to be the most difficult to rid ourselves from, for it is a hard matter to bring to a standstill the soul’s changing movements. Their irresistible stream is such that we could sooner stem the rush of a torrent, for thoughts. after thoughts in countless numbers pour on like a huge breaker and drive and whirl and upset its whole being with their violence.",
+                "[240] This then is the best and most perfect form of purification, never even to admit any heinous thoughts, but to live with our fellow-citizens in peace and law observance, that order of which justice is the guiding influence. And the second best is to abstain from sinfulness of word, either by lying or perjury or subtlety or calumny, and in general from aiming at the ruin of others by giving a free rein to the mouth and tongue which it were better to bridle and bind with chains of adamant."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[241] It is easy to see why wrong-speaking is a graver matter than wrong-thinking. A man’s thoughts are sometimes not due to himself, but come without his will. He is compelled to admit ideas on subjects which he has no wish to consider, and where there is no will no blame is due.",
+                "[242] But speaking is voluntary, so that if a man gives utterance to language which offends, he is wronging others, unhappy in this, that even when there is an opportunity of speaking something of a kinder nature he is not willing to use it. Such a person would do best to court complete freedom from disturbance,  and if he has not this freedom he can surely if he wills it keep silence.",
+                "[243] But the unjust action is a more grievous sin than any speaking, for the word is the shadow of the act,  men say, and if the shadow be harmful, the act must be more harmful. And therefore Moses exempts mere intention from accusation and penalty. He knew that it was largely subject to involuntary changes and swervings, and rather the passive victim of the thoughts which flock into it than an active agent. But all that issues through the mouth he requires to make its defence and stand its trial on the principle that our speech is in our own power.",
+                "[244] But in these trials words are judged more leniently, culpable actions more severely, for he appoints great penalties for the authors of great misdeeds, those who carry into actual execution what their ill-intended intentions have planned or their reckless tongues have uttered."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[245] For the purgation of these three, thought, speech and action, he has named the sheep, the pair of doves or pigeons and the tenth of an ephah, the sacred measure, of fine flour, holding that thought should be purged with the sheep, speech with the birds, action with the fine flour.",
+                "[246] Why? Because just as the mind is the best element in us, so the sheep takes the same place among the unreasoning animals considered as a whole, in virtue of its superior gentleness and the annual produce which it raises by itself, to benefit men and adorn them at the same time. For raiment averts mischief from frost and heat, and by veiling what nature would have hidden promotes decency in the wearers.",
+                "[247] Let us take then the best animal, the sheep, as representing in a figure the purging of our best part, the mind, and similarly the birds as representing speech. For speech is light and winged by nature, moving swifter than an arrow, and flashing its way in every direction. For the word once spoken cannot return, but when carried outside races at a high speed, strikes the ears, and passing right through the whole region of hearing straightway turns into sound.",
+                "[248] Also speech is twofold, partly true and partly false, and thence I think its comparison to a pair of doves or pigeons. Moses directs that one bird should serve as a sin offering, and that the other should be offered by fire in its entirety, because it is a condition of true speech that it is entirely holy and perfect while false speech is the product of sin and needs reformation.",
+                "[249] The fine flour is, as I have said, the symbol of action, for it is a condition of flour that it is not brought into a pure state without art and contrivance but is sifted by the hands of corn-grinders, who have made a practice of this process. It accords with this when he says: “The priest shall take a complete handful and offer its memorial”—by the handful bringing out the thought of handiwork and action.",
+                "[250] And he makes a very careful contrast in speaking of the beasts and the birds. Of the first he says “If his hand be not strong enough for the sheep,” and of the second “If his hand do not find.” Why is this? Because it needs great strength and a very high degree of power to suppress the changing movements of the mind, but it needs no great might to restrain trespasses of speech.",
+                "[251] For against trespasses committed with the voice there is a remedy as I have said before in quietude, of which everyone can easily avail himself, though many through their loquacity and measureless chattering do not find any limit to put upon their words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[252] These and similar ways of analysing and distinguishing things become familiar to the man of virtue through breeding and practice, and does it not therefore seem natural that he should pray that Ishmael may live, if he cannot as yet be the parent  of Isaac?",
+                "[253] What then does God in His kindness do? Abraham had asked for one thing, God gives him two. He had prayed for the less, God grants him the greater. He said to him, we read, “Yes, Sarah thy wife shall bear a son” (Gen. 17:19). How significant is that answer “Yes,” fraught as it is with inner meaning. For what can be more befitting to God than to grant and promise His blessings in a moment and with a sign of assent?",
+                "[254] Yet those who receive a sign of assent from God are refused assent by every fool. Thus the oracles represent Leah as hated and for this reason she received such a name.  For by interpretation it means “rejected and weary,” because we all turn away from virtue and think her wearisome, so little to our taste are the commands she often lays upon us.",
+                "[255] But from the Ruler of all she was awarded such acceptance that her womb which He opened received the seed of divine impregnation (Gen. 29:31), whence should come the birth of noble practices and deeds.",
+                "Learn then, soul of man, that Sarah also, that is virtue, shall bear thee a son, as well as Hagar, the lower instruction. For Hagar’s offspring is the creature of teaching, but Sarah’s learns from none other at all than itself.",
+                "[256] And wonder not that God, who brings about all good things, has brought into being this kind also, and though there be few such upon earth, in Heaven vast is their number. You may learn this truth from the other elements, out of which man is constituted. Have the eyes been taught to see, do the nostrils learn to smell, do the hands touch or the feet advance in obedience to the orders or exhortations of instructors?",
+                "[257] As for our impulses and mental pictures, which are the primal conditions of the soul, according as it is in motion or at rest, are they made what they are by teaching? Does our mind attend the school of the professor of wisdom and there learn to think and to apprehend? All these exempt from teaching make use of self-worked independent nature for their respective activities.",
+                "[258] Why then need you still wonder that God showers virtue without toil or trouble, needing no controlling hand but perfect and complete from the very first? And if you would have further testimony of this can you find any more trustworthy than Moses, who says that while other men receive their food from earth, the nation of vision alone has it from heaven?",
+                "[259] The earthly food is produced with the co-operation of husbandmen, but the heavenly is sent like the snow by God the solely self-acting, with none to share his work. And indeed it says “Behold I rain upon you bread from heaven” (Ex. 16:4). Of what food can he rightly say that it is rained from heaven,",
+                "[260] save of heavenly wisdom which is sent from above on souls which yearn for virtue by Him who sheds the gift of prudence in rich abundance, whose grace waters the universe, and chiefly so in the holy seventh (year) which he calls the Sabbath?  For then he says there will be a plentiful supply of good things spontaneous and self-grown, which even all the art in the world could never raise, but springing up and bearing their proper fruit through self-originated, self-consummated nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[261] Virtue, then shall bear thee a true-born, male child, one free from all womanish feelings, and thou shalt call his name by the feeling which he raises in thee, which feeling is most surely joy. And therefore thou shalt give him a name significant of joy, even laughter.",
+                "[262] Just as fear and grief have their own special ejaculations, which the overpowering force of emotion coins, so moods of happy planning or of gladness compel us to break out into natural utterances, as aptly and exactly expressing our meaning as any which an adept in the study of names could devise.",
+                "[263] Therefore he says: “I have blessed him, I will increase and multiply him: he shall beget twelve nations (that is, the whole round and train of the early branches of the professional schools), but my covenant will I establish with Isaac” (Gen. 17:20 f.). Thus both forms of virtue, one where the teacher is another, one where teacher and learner are the same, will be open to human kind. And where man is weak he will claim the former, where he is strong the latter which comes ready to his hands."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[264] “But at this season,” he continues, “she shall bear to thee,” that is, wisdom shall bear joy. What is the season you set before us, Master? Wonder of wonders! Is it not the season which is as no other, which no created being can set forth? For the true season, the dayspring of the universe, when all is well and seasonable with earth and heaven, and the intermediate natures, both living creatures and plants, can be no other than Himself.",
+                "[265] And therefore Moses feared not to say to the fugitives from danger who shrank from waging the war for virtue against their antagonists, “The season hath departed from them, but the Lord is among you” (Num. 14:9).  Here he acknowledges with hardly any disguise that God is the Season which departs far away from all the impious, but walks in rich and fertile souls.",
+                "[266] “For I will walk among you,” he says, “and will be your God” (Lev. 26:12). But they who say that season means the changes of the year strain the terms from their proper meaning, for they have not carefully studied the real natures of things but are deeply tainted with looseness of thought."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[267] He goes on to say—thereby heightening the glory of the child to be—that he will be born “in the other year” (Gen. 17:21). And by other year he does not mean an interval of time which is measured by the revolutions of sun and moon, but something truly mysterious, strange and new, other than the realm of sight and sense, having its place in the realm of the incorporeal and intelligible, and to it belongs the model and archetype of time, eternity or aeon.  The word aeon signifies the life of the world of thought, as time is the life of the perceptible.",
+                "[268] In this same year, too, is “the hundredfold crop of barley found” (Gen. 26:12) by him who sows the gifts of God to produce an increase of blessings, and thereby increases to the uttermost the number of those who shall deservedly partake of it. But note that the sower generally reaps.",
+                "[269] Yet he, though he sowed, and thereby displayed the virtue which hates envy and vice, is not said to reap but to find. For He who ripened the ear of His benefits and filled it with corn was Another, even He who prepares and matures higher hopes and more abundant bounties and puts them forth to be found by those who seek."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[270] The words “he completed talking to him” (Gen. 17:22) are equivalent to “He perfected the hearer himself,” who before was devoid of wisdom, and filled him with thoughts that cannot die. And when the learner had become perfect, “the Lord went up from Abraham,” says Moses (<i>ibid</i>.). He does not mean that Abraham was parted from Him, for by his very nature the sage is God’s attendant, but he wished to shew the independence of the learner. His purpose is that when the superintendence of the master is withdrawn, and no compulsion is applied, the pupil may make an exhibition of his own powers, and shewing a diligence which is voluntary and self-imposed may work out by his own efforts what he has learnt. For it is the way of a teacher to give his pupil opportunity of independent practice without suggestions from himself, and thus set upon him the stamp of indelible memory in its surest form."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE MUTATIONE NOMINUM",
+            "§ 7. <i>Into the darkness.</i> Philo treats this text in much the same way in <i>De Post.</i> 14 ff., and follows it up in the same way with Ex. 33:13. But there he insists on a point which he does not make here, viz. that the search is not altogether fruitless, since to realize that τὸ ὄν is incomprehensible is in itself a vast boon.",
+            "§ 12. <i>The three natural orders</i>, etc. This favourite idea of the “educational trinity” stated by Aristotle in the form παιδεῖᾳ δεῖν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως, is several times applied by Philo to Isaac, Abraham, and Jacob respectively. See note on <i>De Sac.</i> 5–7. But the representation of Isaac as τελειότης (Joh. Dam.) or ὁσιότης (MSS.) instead of as φύσις or αὐτομαθής does not seem appropriate, and is not, as far as I have seen, paralleled elsewhere. It may be worth consideration whether Philo wrote τῶν τριῶν, φύσεως, διδασκαλίας, ἀσκήσεως, and when φύσεως had been corrupted to φύσεων the blank thus created for Isaac was variously filled up. That the things symbolized should then be given in their ordinary order and the symbols in their historical order would not, I think, be unnatural. Mangey proposed φύσεως in place of ὁσιότητος, which seems somewhat more arbitrary.",
+            "§ 13. ὄνομά τι. This reading, which, supported as it is by the MSS. ὀνόματι, has almost as much authority as Joh. Dam.’s τὸ ὄνομα, seems to me decidedly preferable in sense. In the next sentence Philo seems to lay down that τὸ ὄνομά μου κύριον is not a natural way of expressing “my proper name,” and it is unlikely that he would himself adopt this order of the words.",
+            "<i>Ibid. Transposition.</i> Hyperbaton defined as an “arrangement of words or thoughts changed from the consecutive order” (λέξεων ἢ νοήσεων ἐκ τοῦ κατʼ ἀκολουθίαν κεκινημένη τάξις) is a wide term of which the grammarians give several subdivisions, including tmesis and parenthesis. Quoted examples somewhat similar to the hyperbaton here as supposed by Philo are “transtra per et remos” and γέλασσε δὲ πᾶσα περὶ χθών (for περιεγέλασε). See Ernesti <i>s.v.</i> and indices to <i>Greek</i> and <i>Latin Grammarians.</i>",
+            "§ 28. <i>In a sense relative.</i> On ὡσανεὶ πρός τι Drummond writes (<i>Philo Judaeus</i>, vol. ii. pp. 48, 49): “When we ascribe to Him titles which are descriptive of relation, we refer only to certain aspects of His being, certain ‘powers’ which, because they are directed towards objects, are <i>quasi</i>-relative. The limitation <i>quasi</i> seems to imply that the dependence of the correlative terms is not mutual, but is all on one side, and that not the divine side. The powers of the self-existent are put forth into exercise without experiencing any alteration in their intrinsic character through the reaction of the objects to which they are applied; so that, although their names involve a relation, it would be truer to say that their objects are relative to them than that they are relative to their objects.” It is perhaps worth noting that ὡς πρός τι (<i>quasi ad aliquid</i>) was an accepted grammatical name for exclusive opposites as “night,” “day,” and “life,” “death,” distinguished from πρός τι, <i>e.g.</i> “father,” “son.” See index to <i>Grk. Gramm.</i> Philo, however, cannot be using ὡσανεί in this sense, as βασιλεύς and εὐεργέτης are clearly πρός τι.",
+            "§ 32. <i>And all that company.</i> Compare the Stoic dogma αὐστηροὺς εἷναι πάντας τοὺς σπουδαίους, Diog. Laert. vii. 117, <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 637–639. At the same time it is strange to find Philo limiting the wise entirely to this kind, in view of what he says in §§ 39 ff., and though his alternations between the Stoic strictness and the τιθασὸς καὶ ἥμερος σοφία of the Peripatetics are often startling, I think it may be worth while to consider the textually easy suggestion in the footnote: &lt;τοι&gt;οῦτος δὲ πᾶς ὁ θίασος &lt;ὃς&gt;.",
+            "§ 34. <i>Was not found.</i> This wording of the LXX suits Philo’s argument admirably, since one phrase of theirs was that the wise man μεχρὶ τοῦ νῦν ἀνεύρετός ἐστι (<i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 32, p. 216).",
+            "§ 36. <i>A wise man is non-existent.</i> Other Stoic pronouncements more or less in this sense, though not quite so absolute, are that the wise man like the Phoenix appears once in 500 years, Seneca, <i>Ep.</i> 42. 1; that there have been not more than one or two of them, Eusebius, <i>Pr. Ev.</i> vi. 8. 13; that Hercules or Ulysses may have realized the ideal, Seneca, <i>De Const.</i> 2. 1, and that Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus all fell short of it, Quintilian xii. 1.",
+            "§ 46. <i>Because He was good.</i> Evidently taken from <i>Timaeus</i> 29 D, E λέγωμεν δὴ διʼ ἥν τινα αἰτίαν γένεσιν καὶ τὸ πᾶν τόδε ὁ ξυνιστὰς ξυνέστησεν. ἀγαθὸς ἧν, ἀγαθῷ δὲ οὐδεὶς περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδέποτε ἐγγίγνεται φθόνος· τούτου δʼ ἐκτὸς ὢν πάντα ὅ τι μάλιστα γενέσθαι ἐβουλήθη παραπλήσια ἑαυτῷ. But by stopping short at ἀγαθός and ignoring the last ten words Philo seems rather to miss Plato’s point. See note on <i>De Cher.</i> 125.",
+            "§ 47. <i>Positively righteous conduct.</i> Philo here uses κατορθόῦ in a sense slightly different from the regular Stoic use. With them the κατόρθωματα are actions done from a good motive and part of a generally virtuous course of conduct, and are opposed to καθήκοντα or common duties; here it is opposed to simple abstention from evil-doing. See note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 100.",
+            "§ 57. ἐνηχεῖ. The word is inadequately treated in the Lexica. L. &amp; S. “whisper, prompt,” cited from Philo (omitted in later editions) cannot be maintained in face of <i>Quis Rerum</i> 67, where it is coupled with ἐμβοῆσαι. The six examples quoted from Philo in the index as well as in others from later writers in Stephanus suggest that, as with κατηχεῖν, the main idea is insistent or reiterated address, thus passing easily (again like κατηχεῖν) into “instruction.” So perhaps here, where the thought may be that generally the teacher stands superior to the taught, but in this case treats him as an equal. <i>Cf.</i> also <i>Quis Rerum</i> 71.",
+            "§ 61. Wendland’s expunging of στοιχείῳ περιττεύει is rather arbitrary. Short of this there are three possibilities: (<i>a</i>) read as Markland στοιχείου περιττόν. This seems pointless, unless we might take it as a reference to the cacophony of a repeated <i>a</i> (the combination αα is certainly rare); (<i>b</i>) &lt;ὡς&gt; στοιχείῳ περιττεύει&lt;ν&gt;, <i>i.e.</i> to be better off by a letter—again somewhat pointless; (<i>c</i>) &lt;τὸ&gt; στοιχείῳ περιττεύει&lt;ν&gt; and transfer to after παρεσχῆσθαι—“a fine boon—to be better off by a letter.” This would certainly be effective, if the transference is not too drastic.",
+            "For τοῦ ἑνὸς ἅλφα perhaps read ἑνός, τοῦ ἄλφα. <i>Cf.</i> § 77.",
+            "Need we suppose with Wendland that a clause has slipped out after παρεσχῆσθαι? Abraham’s case has been dealt with; Sarah’s has not. It is possible, I think, to regard τὴν &lt;γὰρ&gt; Ἀβρὰμ … παραλαβών as a parenthetic explanation by Philo himself of the addition of rho.",
+            "§ 62. <i>Misgivings of this sort</i>. Or simply “ideas,” <i>i.e.</i> that God actually changes names, <i>cf.</i> ὑπονοεῖν, § 64. In this case the insertion of τοιαύτας seems necessary. Possibly, however, ὑπονοίας is used in the regular Philonic sense of underlying or allegorical meanings, and the corruption lies in ἐκκόψαιμεν (ἐκκαλύψαιμεν?). In this case the insertion of τοιαύτας is not needed.",
+            "§ 65. <i>Signs</i>. The use of χαρακτήρ here, as compared with 70 and 83, all of which must stand together, is difficult. Ordinarily χαρ., if it does not mean literally a stamp, is not a type or symbol, but a trait or characteristic, and this suits § 83, for the two kinds of virtue. It may with some forcing suit § 70, for though the names are the χαρακτῆρες they represent characteristics. But here this is not so, for the χαρ. which are small, sensible, and obscure must be the names and <i>not</i> what they represent. I have tried to evade the difficulty by translating “signs.”",
+            "§ 77. <i>Facts.</i> Philo here uses τυγχάνοντα more or less in the sense in which it was used in the Stoic theory of speech. They distinguished between (1) φωνή, the actual word spoken; (2) σημαινόμενον or σημαινόμενον πρᾶγμα, otherwise called λεκτόν, the meaning understood by the hearer; (3) τύγχανον, the actual object spoken of. <i>Cf</i>. <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 166. Philo seems to make this distinction in <i>Leg. All.</i> ii. 15 τοῦ τυγχάνοντος ἢ τοῦ σημαινομένου. Here he perhaps uses τυγχ. for σημ., and though in Plutarch <i>Adv. Colotem</i> 1119 E the Epicureans are censured by the Stoics for eliminating σημ. and retaining only φωνή and τύγχ., the Stoics themselves are said to do the same in <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 236.",
+            "§ 106. <i>The so-called sacred games. Cf.</i> <i>De Agr.</i> 116 f, where after describing the pentathlum and other contests he says τούτων μὲν δὴ τῶν ἀγώνων πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἱερὸς οὐδείς, κἂν πάντες ἄνθρωποι μαρτυρῶσιν … ὁ τοίνυν Ὀλυμπιακὸς ἀγὼν μόνος ἂν λέγοιτο ἐνδίκως ἱερὸς, οὐχ ὃν τιθέασιν οἱ τὴν Ἧλιν οἰκοῦντες, ἀλλʼ ὁ περὶ κτήσεως τῶν θείων καὶ ὀλυμπίων ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀρετῶν.",
+            "§ 113. If Mangey’s correction of φαινόμενα to ποιμαινόμενα is adopted the picture becomes clear. The shepherd-mind and its sheep “the flock of reasoning” are naturally inseparable, and if the mind is enticed out into the bodily region, the flock will be easily given over by the senses into the hands of the “shepherds of an evil herd.”",
+            "§ 114. <i>Guidance and rule of law.</i> In the Stoic sense of law see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 613, 614 λόγος ὀρθὸς προστακτικὸς μὲν ὧν ποιητέον, ἀπαγορευτικὸν δὲ ὧν οὐ ποιητέον, and therefore the wise man alone is νόμιμος.",
+            "§ 121. ποιὸς οὗτος. Siegfried in a pamphlet, <i>Die hebräischen Worterklärungen des Philo</i>, pp. 21, 22, has the following note which I transcribe for the benefit of Hebraists: “τὸν Ὠσηὲ μετονομάζει Μωυσῆς εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, indem er den irgendwie beschaffenen zu einer bestimmten Qualität umprägt. Denn Ὠσηέ ist = ποῖος οὗτος ‘irgendwie beschaffen ist dieser’ Hebräisch dachte sich Philo Ὠσηέ etwa = אֵיוֶת. Er mochte meinen אַי bediente an sich ‘irgendwie,’ da אי mit בת = אֵיבָת = ‘wie’ ist.”",
+            "However plausible this explanation may be as far as the Hebrew goes, it cannot be fitted into the Greek. ποῖος is not “irgendwie beschaffen,” which would rather be ὁποιοσοῦν or even ἄποις. And even if ποῖος can mean this, it is incompatible with the use in the next sentence and in the references given in the footnote to <i>Leg. All.</i> Mangey makes the same mistake when he translates “salus qualiscumque.”",
+            "§ 135. <i>Chain of destiny.</i> Though there is no real philological connexion between εἰμαρμένη and εἰρμός, it seems to have been regularly assumed. See <i>S. V. F.</i> ii. 915–921, <i>e.g.</i> 918 ἡ εἰμαρμένη εἱρμός τις οὖσα αἰτιῶν ἀπαράβατος· οὕτω γὰρ οἱ Στωικοὶ ὁρίζονται.",
+            "§ 138. <i>Superstition</i>, etc. It is noticeable that here also as in <i>De Cher.</i> 48 Philo insists on the esoteric character of the doctrine, that God was the father of the child of a human mother, as something which should not be mentioned to profane ears. See also <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 219. Presumably he felt that it easily lent itself to confusion with pagan myths.",
+            "§ 144. ἀμβλίσκουσαν for ἀναλίσκουσαν. In support of this conjecture and the suggestion that Philo may have in mind <i>Theaetetus</i> 149 D, it may be noted that Plato in the same passage speaks of the midwives regulating συνουσίαι, also that, in the parallel passage in Hannah’s hymn, <i>Quod Deus</i> 14, we saw some reason to suspect a quotation from the <i>Theaetetus.</i> He alludes again to the treatise in § 212 and quotes it at some length in <i>De Fuga</i> 63 and 82.",
+            "It may be objected, no doubt, that ἀμβλίσκειν used transitively would properly apply to the fruits of the συνουσία, rather than to the συνουσία itself; but this does not come out clearly from the words of the <i>Theaetetus</i>. I do not at any rate think that ἀναλίσκουσαν can be right.",
+            "§ 146. <i>Many and indeed infinite particulars.</i> For this “recognized formula of the Platonic school” <i>cf.</i> particularly <i>Philebus</i> 14 C, 15 B ff.",
+            "§ 150. <i>Perversions of art. Cf.</i> Quintilian ii. 15. 2 “(rhetoricen) quidam pravitatem quandam artis, id est κακοτεχνίαν, nominaverunt.”",
+            "§ 152. <i>The Sage alone is king.</i> This Stoic “paradox,” see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 617, has already appeared in <i>De Sobr</i>. 57 and <i>De Mig.</i> 197, and appears later in <i>De Som.</i> ii. 244.",
+            "§ 153. The definitions of the four virtues are those regularly accepted by the Stoics, see <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 262. <i>Cf.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> i. 63.",
+            "§ 160. <i>Orousis.</i> See <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 169, where it is defined as φορὰ διανοίας ἐπί τι μέλλον, but (<i>ibid.</i> 173) the ὁρμὴ πρὸ ὁρμῆς is called ἐπιβολή.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Virtue is … a thing for joy. Cf.</i> Cicero, <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> v. 43 “semper sapiens beatus est. Atque etiam omne bonum laetabile est.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. A state of happy feeling.</i> Who are the philosophers alluded to? Hardly the Stoics. I have found no evidence that they identified εὐπάθεια with ἀρετή, and it is <i>prima facie</i> unlikely. Outside Stoicism the word seems to be used rather with the suggestion of bodily welfare, or at least without the higher sense which Philo, who several times couples it with ἀρετή, often gives it. See note on <i>De Mig.</i> 219. I can hardly think, however, that he speaks without authority and should conjecture that there were philosophers who like him used it as = εὐδαιμονία and naturally therefore equated it with ἀρετή, perhaps also like him colouring it with the Stoic insistence on joy as “the best of the higher emotions.”",
+            "The MSS. reading ἀπάθειαν was retained by Mangey, and has in its favour that the Stoics definitely identified ἀπ. with ἀρ. (οἱ Στωικοὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τίθενται ἐν τῇ ἀπαθείᾳ Ps.-Plut. <i>Hom.</i> 134, <i>cf</i>. <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 201), but the context clearly makes it impossible.",
+            "§ 197. <i>Worthy of perseverance.</i> Though neither Mangey nor Wendland question the reading, this use of ὑπομονή seems to me strange, for ἀνδρεία consists of ὑπομονή, or at least of knowledge of ἃ δεῖ ὑπομένειν, <i>cf.</i> § 153, and no one could be said ὑπομένειν ἀνδρείαν. I think ἐπιμονῆς should be read, used by Philo for “persistence,” <i>e.g.</i> <i>Quod Det.</i> 118. The phrase then = δεῖ ἐπιμένειν τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ. A tempting emendation would be &lt;ὑπομονὴ&gt; ὑπομονῆς ἀξίων ἡ ἀνδρεία, φυγὴ ἡ δειλία, which would be in exact accordance with the Stoic definition, but definition would be somewhat out of place here.",
+            "§ 207. <i>Demonstrative pronouns … indicate.</i> Both δείξεις and παρεμφαίνειν are technical terms in Greek grammar, the former, however, being used to describe the function performed by pronouns in general, personal as well as demonstrative. Possibly therefore “pronouns” would be a better translation here than “demonstrative pronouns,” see <i>Grk. Gramm.</i> Part II. vol. i. p. 9. The meaning of παρεμφαίνειν is best seen from the use of ἀπαρέμφατος as the regular term for the infinitive, because it does not particularize any gender, number, or person like the “paremphatic” words. See an article by myself in the <i>Journal of Theological Studies</i>, January 1921.",
+            "§ 217. <i>His charge.</i> Mangey and Wendland question ὁ ἀγομένος, proposing ὁ εἰσαγόμενος or ὁ παιδαγωγούμενος. I understand Philo to be thinking of the derivation of παιδαγωγός from παῖς and ἄγω, and probably also of the fact that one chief function of the παιδ. was to escort the boy to school.",
+            "§ 242. <i>Freedom from disturbance.</i> This translation is put forward as a desperate attempt to give some sense to the text as it stands. If we take ἡσυχία in the natural sense of “silence,” as it clearly is used, with reference to this passage, in § 251, the whole becomes absurdly pointless. Even with Wendland’s conjecture of ἐπεί τοι for κἄπειτα, “if a man does not keep silence he can surely be silent if he wishes” is strangely inept. I believe the passage is corrupt. The sense required is, speaking is voluntary, and therefore abstention from kind words and speaking unkind words are equally wrong. This might be obtained by correcting to ὁ μηδʼ ἐκ τύχης ἐθέλων τι τῶν ἐπιεικεστέρων φθέγξασθαι, οὗ δὲ (or καὶ οὗ) λυσιτελὲς τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἡσυχίαν δεξιοῦσθαι, μὴ ἡσυχάζων· ἐπεί τοι τις κτλ. In this case εἰ μὴ … φωνήν would mean “if he fails to speak kindly.”",
+            "§ 243. <i>The word is the shadow of the act.</i> This saying is ascribed to Democritus, Diog. Laert. ix. 37, Ps.-Plut. <i>De Lib. Educandis</i> 14."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1934",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על שינוי השמות",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שינוי השמות",
+        "enTitle": "On the Change of Names",
+        "key": "On the Change of Names",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Cherubim/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Cherubim/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..3354728382009fb01c65797f5803fc29bcf3703e
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@@ -0,0 +1,301 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Cherubim",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הכרובים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CHERUBIM, AND THE FLAMING SWORD, AND CAIN THE FIRST MAN CREATED OUT OF MAN (DE CHERUBIM) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This fine treatise divides itself into two parts, the first (1–39) a homily on Genesis 3:24—",
+            "“And He cast forth Adam and set over against the Garden of Pleasure the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way.”",
+            "The second (40—end) on Genesis 4:1—",
+            "“And Adam knew Eve, his wife, and she conceived and bare Cain, and he said ‘I have gotten a man through God.’ ”",
+            "I. In the first part we open (1–10) with a disquisition on the difference between the phrases “cast forth” and “sent forth,” which was used in Genesis 3:23: the former indicates a permanent, the latter a temporary expulsion (1–2). These different meanings are illustrated (3–9) by the earlier expulsion of Hagar, as described in Genesis 16, and the later and permanent expulsion of Genesis 21. In this, as often in Philo, Hagar stands for the lower and secular education, and Sarah for philosophy.",
+            "We then have a discussion (11–20) of the meaning of “over against.” While it is pointed out that the phrase may sometimes indicate hostility (12–13), and sometimes the position of the accused before his judge (14–17), in which the text “the priest shall set the (accused) woman before the Lord and uncover her head” leads to an interpretation of the last three words as meaning “reveal the real motives,” it is decided that the words in Genesis are used in the same sense of friendliness, as in the text “Abraham was standing before (opposite to) the Lord” (18–20).",
+            "From 21–39 we have mainly a discussion of what is intended by the two Cherubim and the Flaming Sword. Two physical explanations are suggested: (<i>a</i>) the planetary sphere on the one hand, with its seven zones in which each of the planets move, and that of the fixed stars on the other, the revolution of the whole heaven being the sword (21–24); (<i>b</i>) the two “hemispheres” of the heaven, with the sun as sword (25–26). But Philo’s personal preference is for a more profound interpretation (27–30), which finds in the Cherubim the two chief ‘Potencies’ of God, His ‘goodness’ or lovingkindness, and His majesty or sovereignty, while the sword is the reason or Logos which unites the two. This last leads to the reflection that Balaam, the foolish one, was rightly made swordless, as is shown in his words to the ass, “if I had a sword, I would have pierced thee” (32). And these particular words in their turn suggest a short meditation on those who, when disappointed in worldly affairs lay the blame on the affairs themselves (33–38). The whole homily concludes with a section emphasizing reason as the source of human happiness (39).",
+            "II. The main idea that runs through the second part is that Adam signifies mind, Eve sense (<i>i.e.</i> sense-perception), and Cain (whose name means ‘possession’) the impious idea engendered by Mind and Sense, that what we have is our own and not God’s. But we must first consider the words “Adam knew his wife.” The absence of any such phrase in connexion with the great saints of the Pentateuch indicates that their wives (unlike Adam’s) are Virtues which receive seed <i>from</i> God Himself, though they bear offspring <i>to</i> the persons who possess them, a lesson which is declared to be one for higher understandings, and too spiritual for profane ears (40–52). Next we have to ask why “Cain” is not more fully described as ‘first-born son’ (53–55), and the explanation of this point  merges into an exposition of the way in which Mind, helpless in itself, by mating with Sense, comes to comprehend phenomena and supposes that this comprehension is its own doing (56–64). The folly of this supposition is emphasized (65–66), and illustrated first from the words of Laban, “The daughters are my daughters, the sons my sons, and the cattle my cattle, and all that thou seest are mine.” The allegorizing of daughters, sons, and cattle as arts or sciences, reasonings, and sense-perceptions respectively, leads to an impassioned outburst on human fallibility and its slavery to delusions (67–71), a slavery which resembles that of the slave of Ex. 21 who “loved his master” and rejected freedom (72–74). A second illustration is drawn from the vain boasting of Pharaoh, as described in Moses’ song in Ex. 15. (74–76). The failure of the Pharaoh mind to realize that God alone acts, while it is for man to be passive (77), leads to a remarkable digression on the right form of human passiveness—not, that is, a helpless passiveness, but one which braces itself to accept and co-operate with the Actor (78–83).",
+            "In contrast with the idle claims of the Mind, we have the Divine claim that “all things are Mine … in My feasts.” The last few words suggest a meditation on the sense in which God keeps feast, how His resting is an eternal activity, which unlike the activity of the world knows no weariness (84–90). Man indeed can in no true sense feast, and there follows a powerful denunciation of the vanity, licence, and sinfulness of the popular festivals (91–97). The last few words of this denunciation deplore the pagan blindness to the truth that God sees into the recesses of the soul, and thus we pass, by a somewhat forced transition, to the thought of the soul as God’s house, and the nature of the preparations needed to fit it for His reception is described in a fine passage, in the course of which Philo gives a signal example of the high value he sets on the secular education and culture of his day  (98–105).",
+            "The soul thus fitted for God’s reception will inevitably find its chief joy in acknowledging God’s sovereignty and ownership (106–107). Thus we return to the main theme, which is once more illustrated by the text “The land shall not be sold … for all the land is Mine, because ye are sojourners and aliens before Me.” Spiritually the “land” is the world of creation, every part of which is a loan from Him to every other part, and here Philo dwells eloquently on the interdependence of created things (108–113). It is also ourselves, for, inconstant creatures that we are (113–114), ignorant of our whence and whither (114–115), our minds ever subject to delusion and seduction (116–117), we cannot be said to own ourselves, a thought which may well teach us resignation (118–119). The last words of the text, “ye are sojourners,” suggest the thought of God as the true ‘citizen,’ in contrast to ourselves who are at best immigrants (120–121), and once more the phrase “shall not be sold” reminds us that the benefits men exchange are at bottom a matter of sale and purchase, and that God alone is the real giver (121–123).",
+            "Finally we have a disquisition on the error involved in the words “I have gotten a man <i>through</i> God.” Philo, on the lines of Aristotle, names four causes of things, and shows that the “by whom,” or agent, and not the “through whom,” or instrument, is applicable to God (124–127); and this he illustrates by comparing the erroneous use by Joseph of the latter with the right use of the former by Moses (128–130)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON THE CHERUBIM, AND THE FLAMING SWORD, AND CAIN THE FIRST MAN CREATED OUT OF MAN</big> <br>[1] “And he cast forth Adam and set [him] over against the Garden of Pleasure [and posted] the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way, to guard the way of the Tree of Life” (Gen. 3:24). Observe the word “cast forth” instead of the earlier “sent forth” (<i>ib.</i> 23). The words are not set down at random, but chosen with a knowledge of the things to which he applies them in their proper and exact sense.",
+                "[2] He who is sent forth is not thereby prevented from returning. He who is cast forth by God is subject to eternal banishment. For to him who is not as yet firmly in the grip of wickedness it is open to repent and return to the virtue from which he was driven, as an exile returns to his fatherland. But to him that is weighed down and enslaved by that fierce and incurable malady, the horrors of the future must needs be undying and eternal: he is thrust forth to the place of the impious, there to endure misery continuous and unrelieved.",
+                "[3] And thus we see that Hagar or the lower education, whose sphere is the secular learning of the schools, while she twice departs from sovereign virtue in the person of Sarah, does once retrace her steps. On this first occasion hers was a voluntary flight, not a banishment, and when she met the angel or divine reason, she returned to her master’s house (Gen. 16:6 ff.). The second time she is cast forth utterly, never to return (Gen. 21:14)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[4] Here we must speak of the reasons for this first flight and that second eternal banishment. On the first occasion Abraham and Sarah had not yet received their change of names, that is they had not yet been changed in character to the betterment of soul, but one was still Abram “the uplifted father,” pursuing the philosophy of the super-terrestrial, the philosophy which treats of air and the ways in which it is affected, pursuing too the sublimer philosophy of the heaven and the beings existing therein, which mathematics claims as the noblest branch of “physic” or nature-study;",
+                "[5] and Sarah was still Sarai, the type of personal sovereignty (her name means “my sovereignty”); she had not yet undergone the change to generic virtue; for all that is generic must be imperishable. She still had her place with the particular and specific virtues. She was still prudence, as shown in the “I,” and similarly temperance, courage, justice, all perishable, because the sphere in which they move is the perishable “I,”",
+                "[6] And therefore Hagar the lower or secular culture, though she has hastened to escape the stern and gloomy life of the virtue-seekers, will return to that same life which as yet is unable to hold the heights of the generic and imperishable, still clinging to the particular and specific region in which the lower is preferred to the highest.",
+                "[7] But at the later stage Abram leaves the study of nature for the life of the wise, the lover of God. His name is changed to Abraham, meaning “the chosen father of sound,” for to “sound” is the function of the uttered word or reason, whose father is the mind when it has grasped the good. Sarai again quits personal sovereignty to become Sarah, whose name is “sovereign,” and this means that instead of being specific and perishable virtue she has become generic and imperishable.",
+                "[8] Then too there shines upon them the light of Isaac—the generic form of happiness, of the joy and gladness which belongs to those who have ceased from the manner of women (Gen. 18:11) and died to the passions—Isaac, whose heart is in the pursuit of no childish sports, but those which are divine. When all this is come to pass, then will be cast forth those preliminary studies which bear the name of Hagar, and cast forth too will be their son the sophist named Ishmael."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[9] The banishment on which they enter will be for ever, for the sentence of expulsion is confirmed by God when he bids the wise man hearken to the words of Sarah, who charges him expressly to cast forth the bondwoman and her son (Gen. 21:10). It is well to listen to the voice of virtue, above all when she sets before us such a doctrine as this, because the most perfect types of being and the secondary acquirements are worlds apart, and wisdom has no kinship with the sophist’s culture. For the latter has for the fruits of all its labour only those persuasions which tend to establish the false opinion, which destroys the soul; but wisdom studies truth and thus obtains that great source of profit to the mind, knowledge of right reason.",
+                "[10] Since then the sophist, who is ever sophist, and his mother, the instruction in the preliminary learning, are expelled and banished by God from the presence of wisdom and the wise, on whom he confers the titles of Sarah and Abraham, can we wonder that he has cast forth Adam, that is the mind, which is sick with the incurable sickness of folly, from the dwelling-place of virtue for ever and permits him not to return?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] Then too it is that the flaming sword and the Cherubim find their dwelling-place “over against” Paradise. The word “opposite” or “over against” may be used in three senses. First there is a hostile sense; a thing placed “over against” may be in opposition; and there is also a sense applicable to persons who are so placed to be judged, as when the accused is placed over against the juror. And thirdly there is the friendly sense. An object may be so placed to be fully observed, and, in consequence of this more accurate inspection, to be brought into closer connexion, just as painters and sculptors have the picture or statue which serve them as models.",
+                "[12] Of the first sense, that of hostility, we find an example in what is said of Cain that “he went out from the face of God and dwelt in Nod over against Eden” (Gen. 4:16). The meaning of Nod is “tossing” and Eden is “delight.” The former is the symbol of the vice that creates tumult in the soul; the latter of the virtue which wins it well-being and delight, not the weak and wanton sort, which the brute passion pleasure brings, but that sense of profound content and joy, which knows not toil or trouble.",
+                "[13] But when the mind goes forth from the vision of God, whereon it was good and profitable for it to be anchored, it must needs, like a ship at sea, battling with boisterous winds, straightway be borne hither and thither, and its only home and country is wild commotion, the very opposite of that constancy of the soul, which is the gift of the joy that bears the name of Eden."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] For the second sense when the word means set opposite for judgement, we have an example in the account of the woman suspected by her husband of adultery. “The priest,” so he says, “shall place the woman in front of, or ‘over against,’ the Lord and uncover her head” (Numb. 5:18). What scripture would indicate by these last words, let us investigate. An action right in itself may often be wrong in the doing, and things contrary to duty in themselves may be done in the spirit of duty. For instance the restoration of a deposit when it is done not from any honest motive but either to injure the recipient, or to lead up treacherously to the repudiation of a greater trust, is a duty in itself, yet in its actual execution wrong.",
+                "[15] On the other hand, if the physician who purposes to use purge or knife or hot iron to benefit his patient, conceals the truth from him, that he may not shirk the treatment through anticipation of its terror, or collapse and faint when exposed to it, we have an action contrary to duty in itself yet in its actual execution right. So too with the wise man who, fearing that the truth may strengthen the enemy’s position, gives them false information to save his country. And thus Moses says “follow justice justly” (Deut. 16:20), implying that it is possible to do so unjustly, when the judge brings no honest mind to bear upon the case.",
+                "[16] Now words spoken openly and deeds done openly are known to all, but the inward thought which prompts them in either case is not known. We cannot tell whether it is wholesome and pure, or diseased and stained with manifold defilement. No merely created being is capable of discerning the hidden thought and motive. Only God can do so, and therefore Moses says “things hidden are known to the Lord God, but things manifest are known to the Creature” (Deut. 29:29).",
+                "[17] Now we see the cause why Reason, the priest and prophet, is bidden to set the soul “over against the Lord” with her head uncovered (Numb. 5:18), that is with the dominant principles, which constitute her head, laid bare, and the motives which she has cherished stripped of their trappings, so that, being judged by the all-penetrating eye of God the incorruptible, she may either like counterfeit coinage have her lurking dissimulation revealed, or being innocent of all evil may, by appealing to the testimony of Him who alone can see the soul naked, wash away the charges brought against her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[18] So much for the second sense of “over against.” But the third where the object sought is closer intimacy we find in the words used of the wholly-wise Abraham, “He was still standing before (or over against) the Lord” (Gen. 18:22). And a proof of this closer intimacy is the further saying that “he drew nigh and said” (<i>ibid.</i> 23). Those who desire estrangement may stand aloof and separate themselves; it is for those who seek intimacy to draw nigh to each other.",
+                "[19] To stand fast and acquire an unswerving mind is to be stepping nigh to the power of God. For with the divine there is no turning: variableness belongs to the nature of the created. He then, who with the love of knowledge as his bridle checks the onward course which is natural to created being and compels it to stand still, may be sure that he is not far from the divine happiness.",
+                "[20] It is with this thought of intimacy that he assigns to the Cherubim and the flaming sword the abode in front of Paradise, not as to foes destined to contend in hostility with each other, but as to the dearest and closest of friends; that thus the Potencies ever gazing at each other in unbroken contemplation may acquire a mutual yearning, even that winged and heavenly love, wherewith God the bountiful giver inspires them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] We must now examine what is symbolized by the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way. I suggest that they are an allegorical figure of the revolution of the whole heaven. For the movements assigned to the heavenly spheres are of two opposite kinds, in the one case an unvarying course, embodying the principle of sameness, to the right, in the other a variable course, embodying the principle of otherness, to the left.",
+                "[22] The outermost sphere, which contains what are called the fixed stars, is a single one and always makes the same revolution from east to west. But the inner spheres, seven in number, contain the planets and each has two motions of opposite nature, one voluntary, the other under a compelling force. Their involuntary motion is similar to that of the fixed stars, for we see them pass every day from east to west, but their own proper motion is from west to east, and it is in this that we find the revolutions of the seven governed also by certain lengths of time. These lengths are the same in the case of three whose course is equal, and these three which have the same rate of speed are known as the Sun, the Morning-star, and the Sparkler (or Mercury). The others have unequal courses and different lengths of time in revolution, though these too preserve a definite proportion to each other and the above-named three.",
+                "[23] One of the Cherubim then symbolizes the outermost sphere of the fixed stars. It is the final heaven of all, the vault in which the choir of those who wander not move in a truly divine unchanging rhythm, never leaving the post which the Father who begat them has appointed them in the universe. The other of the Cherubim is the inner contained sphere, which through a sixfold division He has made into seven zones of regular proportion and fitted each planet into one of them.",
+                "[24] He has set each star in its proper zone as a driver in a chariot, and yet He has in no case trusted the reins to the driver, fearing that their rule might be one of discord, but He has made them all dependent on Himself, holding that thus would their march be orderly and harmonious. For when God is with us all we do is worthy of praise; all that is done without Him merits blame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[25] This then is one interpretation of the allegory of the Cherubim, and the flaming turning sword represents, we must suppose, their movement and the eternal revolution of the whole heaven. But perhaps on another interpretation the two Cherubim represent the two hemispheres. For we read that the Cherubim stand face to face with their wings inclining to the mercy-seat (Exod. 25:19). And so, too, the hemispheres are opposite to each other and stretch out to the earth, the centre of all things, which actually parts them.",
+                "[26] And as this alone in all the universe stands firm, it has been rightly named by men of old the standing-place, and it stands thus, that the revolution of each of the hemispheres may circle round one fixed centre and thus be wholly harmonious. The flaming sword on this interpretation is the Sun, that packed mass of flame, which is the swiftest of all existing things and whirls round the whole universe in a single day."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] But there is a higher thought than these. It comes from a voice in my own soul, which oftentimes is god-possessed and divines where it does not know. This thought I will record in words if I can. The voice told me that while God is indeed one, His highest and chiefest powers are two, even goodness and sovereignty. Through His goodness He begat all that is, through His sovereignty He rules what He has begotten.",
+                "[28] And in the midst between the two there is a third which unites them, Reason, for it is through reason that God is both ruler and good. Of these two potencies sovereignty and goodness the Cherubim are symbols, as the fiery sword is the symbol of reason. For exceeding swift and of burning heat is reason and chiefly so the reason of the (Great) Cause, for it alone preceded and outran all things, conceived before them all, manifest above them all.",
+                "[29] O then, my mind, admit the image unalloyed of the two Cherubim, that having learnt its clear lesson of the sovereignty and beneficence of the Cause, thou mayest reap the fruits of a happy lot. For straightway thou shalt understand how these unmixed potencies are mingled and united, how, where God is good, yet the glory of His sovereignty is seen amid the beneficence, how, where He is sovereign, through the sovereignty the beneficence still appears. Thus thou mayest gain the virtues begotten of these potencies, a cheerful courage and a reverent awe towards God. When things are well with thee, the majesty of the sovereign king will keep thee from high thoughts. When thou sufferest what thou wouldest not, thou wilt not despair of betterment, remembering the loving-kindness of the great and bountiful God.",
+                "[30] And for this cause is the sword a sword of flame, because in their company reason the measure of things must follow, reason with its fierce and burning heat, reason that ever moves with unswerving zeal, teaching thee to choose the good and eschew the evil."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] Remember how Abraham the wise, when he began to make God his standard in all things and leave nothing to the created, takes a copy of the flaming sword—“fire and knife” it says (Gen. 22:6)—desiring to sever and consume the mortal element away from himself and thus to fly upward to God with his understanding stripped of its trammels.",
+                "[32] And thus too Balaam (“foolish people” that is) is represented by Moses as disarmed, one who neither fights nor keeps the ranks, for Moses knew well that war which the soul should wage for knowledge as its guerdon. Balaam says to the ass, who signifies the unreasoning rule of life, which is ridden by every fool: “If I had a sword I would have ere now pierced thee through” (Numb. 22:29). Well may we thank the great Contriver, that, knowing the madness of folly, he did not put into its hands, as into the hands of a madman, the sword of the power of words, to wreak widespread and unrighteous carnage among all who came in his way.",
+                "[33] And this angry cry of Balaam is ever the cry of each of the unpurified in his vanity, if he has followed the life of the merchant or the farmer or other business that men pursue for gain. Each, while good fortune encounters them in their several walks of life, sits his beast with cheerful mood and keeps a tight grip of the reins and scouts the thought of letting them drop from his hands. And all those who bid him desist, and set limits to his desires, because the future is uncertain, he charges with malice and envy, and will have it that their warning is not of goodwill.",
+                "[34] But when disappointment and misfortune befall him he does indeed recognize that these were true prophets, fully competent to guard against the chances of the future, but he lays all the blame on wholly guiltless objects, the farming, the trading, the other pursuits, which of his own judgement he followed for lucre."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[35] And these pursuits, though they have no vocal organs, will utter the language which speaks in the reality of facts, a language which is plainer than the language of the tongue. “False slanderer,” they will cry, “are we not they on whom you rode proud-necked as on some beast of burden? Have we ever in mere insolence brought disaster on you? (Numb. 22:30). Behold the armed angel, the reason of God, standing in the way against you (<i>ibid.</i> 31), the source through whom both good and ill come to fulfilment. See where he stands.",
+                "[36] Why then blame us now, on whom you cast no blame before, when things fared well with you? We stay the same, we change not a jot of our nature. But the tests you use are false and your impatience is without reason. If you had learnt from the first that it is not your life-pursuits which bring your share in good or ill, but the divine reason, the ruler and steersman of all, you would bear with more patience what befalls you, and cease from slandering and ascribing to us what we have no power to bring about.",
+                "[37] If then that ruler should in turn subdue those warring elements, scatter the thoughts of disheartenment which war brings, and send a message of peace to your life, you will give us the hand of friendship with a bright and cheerful face, though we are what we ever were. But we are not elated at your goodwill, nor care we for your anger. We know that we cause not good or ill, though you imagine such things of us. It were as foolish to lay a prosperous voyage or the disasters of shipwreck to the charge of the sea itself instead of to the changes of the winds, which sometimes blow gently, sometimes in fiercest riot. For stillness is the natural self-engendered quality of all water,",
+                "[38] but when the favouring breeze follows behind the rudder and every reef is let out, the ship with full sail goes safely to the harbour, and again when a head-wind swoops suddenly down against the prow it raises a wild commotion, and overturns the bark. And all this is laid to the charge of the guiltless sea, though plainly it is calm or stormy according to the lightness or the violence of the winds.”",
+                "[39] Surely all this is sufficient proof that nature who has provided for men a mighty champion in reason makes him who can use this champion aright a truly happy and reasonable being. Him who cannot use it aright she leaves to unreason and misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] “And Adam knew his wife and she conceived and bare Cain, and he said, ‘I have gotten a man through God,’ and He added to this that she bore his brother Abel” (Gen. 4:1, 2). The persons to whose virtue the lawgiver has testified, such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses, and others of the same spirit, are not represented by him as knowing women.",
+                "[41] For since we hold that woman signifies in a figure sense-perception, and that knowledge comes into being through estrangement from sense and body, it will follow that the lovers of wisdom reject rather than choose sense. And surely this is natural. For the helpmeets of these men are called women, but are in reality virtues. Sarah “sovereign and leader,” Rebecca “steadfastness in excellence,” Leah “rejected and faint” through the unbroken discipline, which every fool rejects and turns from with words of denial, Zipporah, the mate of Moses, whose name is “bird,” speeding upwards from earth to heaven and contemplating there the nature of things divine and blessed.",
+                "[42] The virtues have their conception and their birth-pangs, but when I purpose to speak of them let them who corrupt religion into superstition close their ears or depart. For this is a divine mystery and its lesson is for the initiated who are worthy to receive the holiest secret, even those who in simplicity of heart practise the piety which is true and genuine, free from all tawdry ornament. The sacred revelation is not for those others who, under the spell of the deadly curse of vanity, have no other standards for measuring what is pure and holy but their barren words and phrases and their silly usages and ritual."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] Thus then must the sacred instruction begin. Man and Woman, male and female of the human race, in the course of nature come together to hold intercourse for the procreation of children. But virtues whose offspring are so many and so perfect may not have to do with mortal man, yet if they receive not seed of generation from another they will never of themselves conceive.",
+                "[44] Who then is he that sows in them the good seed save the Father of all, that is God unbegotten and begetter of all things? He then sows, but the fruit of His sowing, the fruit which is His own, He bestows as a gift. For God begets nothing for Himself, for He is in want of nothing, but all for him who needs to receive.",
+                "[45] I will give as a warrant for my words one that none can dispute, Moses the holiest of men. For he shows us Sarah conceiving at the time when God visited her in her solitude (Gen. 21:1), but when she brings forth it is not to the Author of her visitation, but to him who seeks to win wisdom, whose name is Abraham.",
+                "[46] And even clearer is Moses’ teaching of Leah, that God opened her womb (Gen. 29:31). Now to open the womb belongs to the husband. Yet when she conceived she brought forth not to God (for He is in Himself all-sufficing for Himself), but to him who endures toil to gain the good, even Jacob. Thus virtue receives the divine seed from the Creator, but brings forth to one of her own lovers, who is preferred above all others who seek her favour.",
+                "[47] Again Isaac the all-wise besought God, and through the power of Him who was thus besought Steadfastness or Rebecca became pregnant (Gen. 25:21). And without supplication or entreaty did Moses, when he took Zipporah the winged and soaring virtue, find her pregnant through no mortal agency (Exod. 2:22)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] These thoughts, ye initiated, whose ears are purified, receive into your souls as holy mysteries indeed and babble not of them to any of the profane. Rather as stewards guard the treasure in your own keeping, not where gold and silver, substances corruptible, are stored, but where lies that most beautiful of all possessions, the knowledge of the Cause and of virtue, and, besides these two, of the fruit which is engendered by them both. But, if ye meet with anyone of the initiated, press him closely, cling to him, lest knowing of some still newer secret he hide it from you; stay not till you have learnt its full lesson.",
+                "[49] I myself was initiated under Moses the God-beloved into his greater mysteries, yet when I saw the prophet Jeremiah and knew him to be not only himself enlightened, but a worthy minister of the holy secrets, I was not slow to become his disciple. He out of his manifold inspiration gave forth an oracle spoken in the person of God to Virtue the all-peaceful. “Didst thou not call upon Me as thy house, thy father and the husband of thy virginity?” (Jer. 3:4). Thus he implies clearly that God is a house, the incorporeal dwelling-place of incorporeal ideas, that He is the father of all things, for He begat them, and the husband of Wisdom, dropping the seed of happiness for the race of mortals into good and virgin soil. For it is meet that God should hold converse with the truly virgin nature, that which is undefiled and free from impure touch; but it is the opposite with us.",
+                "[50] For the union of human beings that is made for the procreation of children, turns virgins into women. But when God begins to consort with the soul, He makes what before was a woman into a virgin again, for He takes away the degenerate and emasculate passions which unmanned it and plants instead the native growth of unpolluted virtues. Thus He will not talk with Sarah till she has ceased from all that is after the manner of women (Gen. 18:11), and is ranked once more as a pure virgin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] Again even a virgin soul may perchance be dishonoured through the defilement of licentious passions. Therefore the oracle makes itself safe by speaking of God as the husband not of a virgin, for a virgin is liable to change and death, but of virginity, the idea which is unchangeable and eternal. For particulars within a class are of their nature such as to come into being and pass out of it again, but to the potencies which give their form to these particulars is allotted an existence indestructible.",
+                "[52] It is meet and right therefore that God the uncreated, the unchanging, should sow the ideas of the immortal and virgin virtues in virginity which changes not into the form of woman.",
+                "Why then, soul of man, when thou shouldst live the virgin life in the house of God and cling to knowledge, dost thou stand aloof from them and embrace outward sense, which unmans and defiles thee? For this thou shalt bring forth that thing of ruin and confusion, Cain, the fratricide, the accursed, the possession which is no possession. For the meaning of Cain is “possession.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] We may note with surprise the form of expression, which, contrary to the usual practice, the lawgiver often employs and in the case of many persons. For when after speaking of the earth-born pair he begins the story of the first-born child of man, though he has said nothing at all of him hitherto, he says simply “she brought forth Cain.” It is as though the name had been often mentioned before, instead of being now for the first time introduced for use in the narrative. We may ask the author “Who or what is this Cain?” What has he told us small or great about him in the past?",
+                "[54] Surely he is not ignorant how the names of persons should be given. We see indeed that later on he will show his knowledge plainly in speaking of this same person Eve. “Adam knew Eve his wife; and she conceived and brought forth a son, and called his name Seth” (Gen. 4:25). Surely it was far more necessary in the case of the firstborn, who was the beginning of human generation through two parents, first to state the male sex of the child, and then to give his personal name, Cain, as it might be.",
+                "[55] Since then it was clearly not because he was ignorant how names should be given, that he rejects the usual method in the case of Cain, we must consider why he speaks thus of the children of our first parents and uses the form natural to an incidental mention of the names, rather than that which is usual when names are originally assigned. I conjecture that the reason is as follows."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] Elsewhere the universal practice of men as a body is to give to things names which differ from the things, so that the objects are not the same as what we call them. But with Moses the names assigned are manifest images of the things, so that name and thing are inevitably the same from the first and the name and that to which the name is given differ not a whit. My meaning will be seen more clearly from the case before us.",
+                "[57] The Mind in us—call it Adam—having met with outward Sense, called Eve, the source, we hold, of life to all living bodies (Gen. 3:20) approaches her for their mutual intercourse. She for her part takes in and catches as in a net the external objects of sense, as nature bids. Through the eyes comes colour, through the ears sound, through the nostrils smell, through the organs of taste flavours and through the touch all solid matter. Thus conceiving and being made pregnant, she straightway becomes in labour and bears the worst evil of the soul, vanity of thought. For the Mind thought that all these were his own possessions, all that he saw or heard or smelt or tasted or touched—all his own invention and handiwork."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] That it should have been so with the Mind was not strange. For there was a time when Mind neither had sense-perception, nor held converse with it, but a great gulf divided it from associated interdependent things. Rather was it then like the solitary ungregarious animals. At that time it formed a class by itself; it had no contact with body, no all-collecting instrument in its grasp wherewith to bring into its power the external objects of sense. It was blind, incapable, not in the common meaning of blindness as applied to those whom we observe to have lost their eyesight, for they though deprived of one sense have the others more abundantly.",
+                "[59] No, the Mind was docked of all its powers of sense-perception, thus truly powerless. It was but half the perfect soul, lacking the power whereby it is the nature of bodies to be perceived, a mere unhappy section bereft of its mate without the support of the sense-perceiving organs, whereby it could have propped as with a staff its faltering steps. And thus all bodily objects were wrapped in profound darkness and none of them could come to the light. For sense, the means whereby they were to become the objects of knowledge, was not.",
+                "[60] God then, wishing to provide the Mind with perception of material as well as immaterial things, thought to complete the soul by weaving into the part first made the other section, which he called by the general name of “woman” and the proper name of “Eve,” thus symbolizing sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[61] This Eve or sense from the very moment of coming into being through each of her parts as through orifices poured multitudinous light into the Mind, and purging and dispersing the mist set it as it were in the place of a master, able to see in luminous clearness the natures of things bodily.",
+                "[62] And the Mind, like one enlightened by the flash of the sun’s beam, after night, or as one awakened from deep sleep, or like a blind man who has suddenly received his sight, found thronging on it all things which come into being, heaven, earth, air, water, the vegetable and animal world, their phases, qualities, faculties, dispositions whether temporary or permanent, movements, activities, functions, changes, extinctions. Some it saw, some it heard, some it tasted, some it smelt, and some it touched; and to some it was attracted, because they work pleasure, from others it was averse because they cause pain.",
+                "[63] So then it gazed around on every side and, beholding itself and its powers, feared not to utter the same boast as the Macedonian king Alexander. For the story is that, when he seemed to have gained the mastery of Europe and Asia, he stood in some commanding spot and, looking at the view around, said “this way and that all are mine.” The words showed the lightness of an immature and childish soul, the soul of a common man in truth and not of a king.",
+                "[64] But before Alexander’s day the Mind, having acquired the faculty of sense and through its agency laid hold of every form of bodily things, was filled and puffed up with unreasoning pride, and thus thought that all things were its own possessions and none belonged to any other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] It is this feeling in us which Moses expresses under the name of Cain, by interpretation Possession, a feeling foolish to the core or rather impious. For instead of thinking that all things are God’s possession, the Mind fancied that they were its own, though it cannot possess even itself securely, or even know what its own real being is. Yet if it trusts in the senses and their ability to lay hold of the objects of sense, let it tell us how it thinks to have power to avoid error in sight or hearing or any other sense.",
+                "[66] Indeed these errors must always befall us in each of our doings, to whatever pitch of accuracy the organs we use are brought. For to free ourselves altogether from natural sources of decay or involuntary delusions is hard or rather impossible, so innumerable in ourselves and around us and outside us throughout the whole race of mortals are the causes which produce false opinion. How foolish then, be its boasting ever so loud and its bearing ever so high, is the Mind’s thought that all things are its own possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] Surely Laban, whose heart was fixed on particular qualities, must have made Jacob laugh loud and long, Jacob who discerns rather than these the nature which is outside class or category. Laban dared to say to him “the daughters are my daughters, the sons are my sons, the cattle are my cattle, and all that thou seest are mine and my daughters’ ” (Gen. 31:43). In each case he adds the “my,” and his proud talk about himself goes on without ceasing.",
+                "[68] The daughters, tell me—daughters, you know, are the arts and branches of knowledge in the soul—do you say they are <i>your</i> daughters? How yours? Why in the first place you only received them from the mind that taught them to you. Secondly, it is in the course of nature that like other things you should lose them too, perhaps through the burden of other thoughts which drive them from your memory, or through cruel and incurable infirmities of the body, or that disease which is the doom of advancing years and no treatment can heal—old age—or a host of other causes, which no man can number.",
+                "[69] The sons—sons are the particular reasoned thoughts—when you say they are yours are you sane or mad to suppose such a thing? Fits of melancholy and insanity, bursts of frenzy, baseless conjectures, false impressions of things, mere notions, which are but unsubstantial will-o’-the-wisps made of the stuff of dreams, with their self-engendered throes and throbbings, loss of memory, the curse which so besets the soul, and other things more numerous than these, sap the security of your lordship, and show that these things are not your possessions but another’s.",
+                "[70] As for the cattle—the senses, that is, for sense is unreasoning and bestial—do you dare to say that they are yours? Consider your constant errors in sight and hearing, how you sometimes think bitter flavours sweet and sweet bitter, and in every sense are more often wrong than right. Surely a matter for blushing rather than for boasting and elation, as though you found all the faculties and activities of your soul infallible."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] But, if you reform and obtain a portion of the wisdom that you need, you will say that all are God’s possessions and not yours, your reflections, your knowledge of every kind, your arts, your conclusions, your reasonings on particular questions, your sense-perceptions, in fact the activities of your soul, whether carried on through the senses or without them. But if you leave yourself for ever unschooled and untaught, you will be eternally enslaved to hard mistresses, vain fancies, lusts, pleasures, promptings to wrongdoing, follies, false opinions.",
+                "[72] For if, says Moses, the servant should answer and say “I have come to love my master, my wife and my children, I will not go out free,” he shall be brought to the tribunal of God, and with God as judge shall have his request ratified, having first had his ear bored with an awl (Exod. 21:5, 6), that he may not receive the divine message of the freedom of the soul.",
+                "[73] For lofty words like these of having come to love the mind and thinking it his master and benefactor are worthy of a reasoning disqualified and rejected as it were from the sacred arena, a slave in very truth and wholly childish. And so too when he speaks of his exceeding affection for outward sense and his belief that she is his own possession and the greatest of blessings. So too with the children of these two, the children of mind—reflection, reasoning, judging, deliberating, conjecturing—the children of sense—sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch, in fact sense-perception in general."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[74] He who seeks intimacy with these can have had no perception, cannot even have dreamt, of freedom. For it is only by flight and estrangement from these that we can make a claim to the lot of the fearless.",
+                "We read of another who crowns his self-love with madness, and declares that, though what I have be taken from me, I will contend for it as my own and win the victory. “I will pursue,” he says, “I will overtake, I will divide the spoil; I will satisfy my soul; I will destroy with my sword; my hand shall have the mastery” (Exod. 15:9).",
+                "[75] To such a one I would say “Fool, is it hidden from you that every created being, who thinks he pursues, is pursued?” For maladies and old age and death, with all the other host of evils voluntary and involuntary, drive and hustle and pursue each one of us, and he who thinks to overtake and conquer is overtaken and conquered, and many a one who thinks to spoil and is already in his thoughts parcelling out the booty has fallen under the foot of victorious enemies. He receives into his soul emptiness for satisfaction, slavery for lordship, he is killed instead of killing, and all that he thought to do to others falls with full measure upon himself.",
+                "[76] For in very truth this man was the enemy of convincing reason and of nature herself, when he took to himself all active functions and forgot the passive, as though he was secure from the mass of calamities which these severally bring."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] For it was “the enemy,” as we read, who said “I will pursue and overtake.” What deadlier foe to the soul can there be than he who in his vainglory claims to himself that which belongs to God alone? For it belongs to God to act, and this we may not ascribe to any created being.",
+                "[78] What belongs to the created is to suffer, and he who accepts this from the first, as a necessity inseparable from his lot, will bear with patience what befalls him, however grievous it may be. He who thinks it a strange and alien thing will incur the penalty of Sisyphus, crushed by a vast and hopeless burden, unable even to lift his head, overwhelmed by all the terrors which beset and prostrate him, and increasing each misery by that abject spirit of surrender, which belongs to the degenerate and unmanly soul. Rather should he bravely bear, take his place firmly in the opposing ranks, and with those mightiest of virtues, which he himself contributes, patience and endurance, fortify his resolution and close the gates against the foe.",
+                "[79] There are two ways of undergoing shearing or shaving; one when there is reaction and reciprocation by the object, the other when there is complete submission or subjection. A sheep or a fleece or a “fell” puts forth no activity of itself, but is merely passive to the shearing process in the hands of another, but the man who is shaved acts with the barber, places himself in position, and accommodates himself, thus combining the active with the passive.",
+                "[80] So too with receiving blows. There is one kind which befalls a slave, whose wrongdoing has deserved it, or a free man who is stretched on the wheel for his crimes, or any lifeless things, such as stones or wood or gold or silver and all materials which are beaten or divided in a forge.",
+                "[81] The other kind we find in the case of an athlete in a boxing-match or pancratium for a crown of victory. As the blows fall upon him he brushes them off with either hand, or he turns his neck round this way and that and thus evades the blows, or often he rises on his tip-toes to his full height, or draws himself in and compels his adversary to lay about him in empty space, much as men do when practising the movements. But the slave or the metal lies impotent and irresponsive, passive to endure whatever the agent may determine to execute.",
+                "[82] This is a condition we should never admit into our bodies, much less into our souls. As mortals we must suffer, but let our suffering be that other kind which is the reaction of our own activity. Let us not like womanish folk, nerveless and unstrung, flagging ere the struggle begin, with all our spiritual forces relaxed, sink into utter prostration. Rather let the tension of our minds be firm and braced, that so we may be strong to relieve and lighten the force and onset of the misfortunes which menace us.",
+                "[83] Since then it has been shown that no mortal can in solid reality be lord of anything, and when we give the name of master we speak in the language of mere opinion, not of real truth; since too, as there is subject and servant, so in the universe there must be a leader and a lord, it follows that this true prince and lord must be one, even God, who alone can rightly claim that all things are His possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[84] Let us mark how sublime and worthy of the Deity is the enumeration of those possessions. “All things,” God says, “are Mine.” And these “all things” are the “bounties, and gifts and fruits which ye shall observe and offer to Me at My feasts” (Numb. 28:2). Here Moses clearly shows that among existing things there are some which rank lower as benefits, and this benefit is called “giving.” In others the benefit is of a higher kind and this has the special name of “bounty.” Others again are such that not only can they bear virtue as their fruit, but in their very nature through and through they are fruit meet for eating, even that one and only fruit which feeds the soul of him whose quest is the Vision.",
+                "[85] He who has learnt this lesson, and can keep and ponder it in his heart, will offer to God the blameless and fairest sacrifice of faith at feasts which are no feasts of mortals. For God has claimed the feasts for Himself, and herein He lays down a principle which they who belong to the company of the philosophers must not fail to know.",
+                "[86] The principle is this. God alone in the true sense keeps festival. Joy and gladness and rejoicing are His alone; to Him alone it is given to enjoy the peace which has no element of war. He is without grief or fear or share of ill, without faint-heartedness or pain or weariness, but full of happiness unmixed. Or rather since His nature is most perfect, He is Himself the summit, end and limit of happiness. He partakes of nothing outside Himself to increase His excellence. Nay He Himself has imparted of His own to all particular beings from that fountain of beauty—Himself. For the good and beautiful things in the world could never have been what they are, save that they were made in the image of the archetype, which is truly good and beautiful, even the uncreate, the blessed, the imperishable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] And therefore Moses often in his laws calls the sabbath, which means ‘rest,’ God’s sabbath (Exod. 20:10, etc.), not man’s, and thus he lays his finger on an essential fact in the nature of things. For in all truth there is but one thing in the universe which rests, that is God. But Moses does not give the name of rest to mere inactivity. The cause of all things is by its nature active; it never ceases to work all that is best and most beautiful. God’s rest is rather a working with absolute ease, without toil and without suffering. For the sun and moon and the whole heaven and universe, since they are not self-mastering and move and revolve continually, we may rightly say do suffer. Their labouring is most clearly seen by the seasons of the year.",
+                "[88] For of the heavenly bodies the chiefest change their courses, sometimes revolving to the south, sometimes to the north, sometimes elsewhere; and the air grows colder and warmer and undergoes all manner of changes; and these changes in condition peculiar to it prove that it labours and is weary. For weariness is the principal cause of change.",
+                "[89] It were folly to pursue the subject through the creatures of air and water and enumerate at length their general and particular changes: for these are naturally liable to far greater weakness than the creatures of the upper world, since they in largest measure partake of the lowest form of substance, namely the earthly.",
+                "[90] Since then weariness is the natural cause of change in things that turn and vary, and since God turns not and changes not, He must be by nature unwearying. But a being that is free from weakness, even though he be making all things, will cease not to all eternity to be at rest, and thus rest belongs in the fullest sense to God and to Him alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "Now we showed that keeping festival pertained to Him and therefore we see that all such festivals, whether they be weekly sabbaths or (the occasional) feasts, are His, who is the Cause, and pertain not to any man at all.",
+                "[91] Let us consider our famous festal assemblies. Different nations, whether Greek or barbarian, have their own, the product of myth and fiction, and their only purpose is empty vanity. We need not dwell on them, for the whole of human life would not suffice to tell in detail of the follies inherent in them. Yet, without overstepping the right limit, a few words, to serve for many, may be said to cover them all.",
+                "[92] In every feast and gathering in our country what is it that men admire and seek so eagerly? Freedom from the fear of punishment, from sense of restraint, from stress of business; drunkenness, tipsy rioting, routs and revels, wantonness, debauchery; lovers thronging their mistresses’ doors, nightlong carouses, unseemly pleasures, daylight chamberings, deeds of insolence and outrage, hours spent in training to be intemperate, in studying to be fools, in cultivating baseness, wholesale depravation of all that is noble: the works to which nature prompts us are turned upside down: men keep vigil by night to indulge their insatiable lust: the day time, the hours given for wakefulness, they spend in sleep.",
+                "[93] At such times virtue is jeered at as mischievous, vice snatched at as profitable. At such times right actions are dishonoured, wrong actions honoured. At such times music, philosophy, all culture, those truly divine images set in the divinely given soul, are mute. Only the arts which pander and minister pleasure to the belly and the organs below it are vocal and loud-voiced."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Such are the feasts of those whom men call happy. And so long as they confine their unseemly doings to houses or unconsecrated places, their sin seems less to me. But when their wickedness like a rushing torrent spreads over every place and invades and violates the most sacred temples, it straightway overturns all that is venerable in them, and as a result come sacrifices unholy, offerings unmeet, vows unfulfilled, their rites and mysteries a mockery, their piety but a bastard growth, their holiness debased, their purity impure, their truth falsehood, their worship a sacrilege.",
+                "[95] Furthermore they cleanse their bodies with lustrations and purifications, but they neither wish nor practise to wash off from their souls the passions by which life is defiled. They are zealous to go to the temples white-robed, attired in spotless raiment, but with a spotted heart they pass into the inmost sanctuary and are not ashamed.",
+                "[96] And if an animal be found to be blemished or imperfect, it is driven out of the consecrated precincts and not suffered to approach the altar, though it is through no will of its own that it has any of these bodily defects. But they themselves—their souls are a mass of wounds from the hideous maladies with which the irresistible power of vice has smitten them, or rather they are mutilated, docked of their noblest parts, prudence, courage to endure, justice, piety and all the other virtues of which human nature is capable. And though it is with free deliberate judgement that they have imbibed the mischief, yet they dare to handle the holy thing, and think that the eye of God sees nothing but the outer world through the co-operation of the sun. They do not know that He surveys the unseen even before the seen, for He Himself is His own light.",
+                "[97] For the eye of the Absolutely Existent needs no other light to effect perception, but He Himself is the archetypal essence of which myriads of rays are the effluence, none visible to sense, all to the mind. And therefore they are the instruments of that same God alone, who is apprehended by mind, not of any who have part and lot in the world of creation. For the created is approached by sense, which can never grasp the nature which is apprehended by mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Seeing then that our souls are a region open to His invisible entrance, let us make that place as beautiful as we may, to be a lodging fit for God. Else He will pass silently into some other home, where He judges that the builder’s hands have wrought something worthier.",
+                "[99] When we think to entertain kings we brighten and adorn our own houses. We despise no embellishment, but use all such freely and ungrudgingly, and make it our aim that their lodging shall have every delight and the honour withal that is their due. What house shall be prepared for God the King of kings, the Lord of all, who in His tender mercy and loving-kindness has deigned to visit created being and come down from the boundaries of heaven to the utmost ends of earth, to show His goodness to our race?",
+                "[100] Shall it be of stone or timber? Away with the thought, the very words are blasphemy. For though the whole earth should suddenly turn into gold, or something more precious than gold, though all that wealth should be expended by the builder’s skill on porches and porticos, on chambers, vestibules, and shrines, yet there would be no place where His feet could tread. One worthy house there is—the soul that is fitted to receive Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] Justly and rightly then shall we say that in the invisible soul the invisible God has His earthly dwelling-place.",
+                "And that the house may have both strength and loveliness, let its foundations be laid in natural excellence and good teaching, and let us rear upon them virtues and noble actions, and let its external ornaments be the reception of the learning of the schools.",
+                "[102] The first of these, natural excellence, brings quickness of apprehension, perseverance and memory. From teaching are borrowed readiness to learn and concentration. They are like the roots of the tree that will bring forth good fruit, and without them the mind cannot be brought to its fullness.",
+                "[103] Virtues and the good actions that follow them provide the stability and firmness that make the structure secure, so that all that purposes to banish or sever or draw away the soul from good is powerless against such steadfastness and strength.",
+                "[104] From the study of the introductory learning of the schools come the ornaments of the soul, which are attached to it as to a house.",
+                "For as stuccoes, paintings, and tablets and arrangements of precious stones and the like, with which men adorn pavements as well as walls, contribute nothing to the strength of the building, but only serve to give pleasure to the inmates,",
+                "[105] so the knowledge of the schools adorns the whole house of the soul. Grammar or literature makes research into poetry and pursues the study of the doings of old time. Geometry gives us the sense of equality produced by proportion. It also heals by the means of fine music all that is harsh and inharmonious or discordant in the soul, under the influence of rhythm, metre, and melody. Rhetoric seeks out and weighs the materials for shrewd treatment in all the subjects which it handles, and welds them to the language that befits them. Sometimes it raises us to a pitch of strong emotion, at other times the tension is relaxed in a sense of pleasure. With all this it gives fluency and facility in using our tongues and organs of speech."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] If such a house be raised amid our mortal race, earth and all that dwells on earth will be filled with high hopes, expecting the descent of the divine potencies. With laws and ordinances from heaven they will descend, to sanctify and consecrate them on earth, according to their Father’s bidding. Then, joined in commonalty of daily life and board with virtue-loving souls, they sow within them the nature of happiness, even as they gave to wise Abraham in Isaac the most perfect thank-offering for their stay with him.",
+                "[107] The purified mind rejoices in nothing more than in confessing that it has the lord of all for its master. For to be the slave of God is the highest boast of man, a treasure more precious not only than freedom, but than wealth and power and all that mortals most cherish.",
+                "[108] To this sovereignty of the Absolutely Existent the oracle is a true witness in these words, “and the land shall not be sold in perpetuity, for all the land is mine, because ye are strangers and sojourners before me” (Lev. 25:23). A clear proof surely that in possession all things are God’s,",
+                "[109] and only as a loan do they belong to created beings. For nothing, he means, will be sold in perpetuity to any created being, because there is but One, to whom in a full and complete sense the possession of all things is assured.",
+                "For all created things are assigned as a loan to all from God, and He has made none of these particular things complete in itself, so that it should have no need at all of another. Thus through the desire to obtain what it needs,",
+                "[110] it must perforce approach that which can supply its need, and this approach must be mutual and reciprocal. Thus through reciprocity and combination, even as a lyre is formed of unlike notes, God meant that they should come to fellowship and concord and form a single harmony, and that an universal give and take should govern them, and lead up to the consummation of the whole world.",
+                "[111] Thus love draws lifeless to living, unreasoning to reasoning, trees to men, men to plants, cultivated to wild, savage to tame, each sex to the other; so too, in a word, the creatures of the land to the creatures of the water, these to the fowls of the air and those to both:",
+                "[112] so again heaven to earth, earth to heaven, air to water, and water to air. So natures intermediate yearn for each other and those at either extreme; these too for their fellows and the intermediate beings. Winter needs summer, summer winter, spring both, and autumn spring. Thus each, we may say, wants and needs each; all need all, that so this whole, of which each is a part, might be that perfect work worthy of its architect, this world."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] In this way combining all things He claimed the sovereignty of all for Himself; to His subjects He assigned the use and enjoyment of themselves and each other. For indeed we have ourselves and all that go to make these selves for use. I am formed of soul and body, I seem to have mind, reason, sense, yet I find that none of them is really mine.",
+                "[114] Where was my body before birth, and whither will it go when I have departed? What has become of the changes produced by life’s various stages in the seemingly permanent self? Where is the babe that once I was, the boy and the other gradations between boy and full-grown man? Whence came the soul, whither will it go, how long will it be our mate and comrade? Can we tell its essential nature? When did we get it? Before birth? But then there was no “ourselves.” What of it after death? But then we who are here joined to the body, creatures of composition and quality, shall be no more, but shall go forward to our rebirth, to be with the unbodied, without composition and without quality.",
+                "[115] Even now in this life, we are the ruled rather than the rulers, known rather than knowing. The soul knows us, though we know it not; it lays on us commands, which we must fain obey, as a servant obeys his mistress. And when it will, it will claim its divorce in court and depart, leaving our home desolate of life. Press it as we may to stay, it will escape from our hands. So subtle is it of nature, that it affords no grip or handle to the body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Is my mind my own possession? That parent of false conjectures, that purveyor of delusion, the delirious, the fatuous, and in frenzy or melancholy or senility proved to be the very negation of mind. Is my utterance my own possession, or my organs of speech? A little sickness is a cause sufficient to cripple the tongue and sew up the lips of the most eloquent, and the expectation of disaster paralyses multitudes into speechlessness.",
+                "[117] Not even of my sense-perception do I find myself master, rather, it may well be, its slave, who follows it where it leads, to colours, shapes, sounds, scents, flavours, and the other material things.",
+                "All this surely makes it plain that what we use are the possessions of another, that nor glory, nor wealth, nor honours, nor offices, nor all that makes up body or soul are our own, not even life itself.",
+                "[118] And if we recognize that we have but their use, we shall tend them with care as God’s possessions, remembering from the first, that it is the master’s custom, when he will, to take back his own. The thought will lighten our sorrow when they are taken from us. But as it is, with the mass of men, the belief that all things are their own makes their loss or absence at once a source of grief and trouble.",
+                "[119] And so the thought that the world and all that therein is are both the works and the possessions of Him that begat them becomes not only a truth but a doctrine most comfortable.",
+                "But this work which is His own He has bestowed freely, for He needs it not. Yet he who has the use does not thereby become possessor, because there is one lord and master of all, who will most rightly say “all the land is mine (which is the same as ‘all creation is mine’), but ye are strangers and sojourners before me” (Lev. 25:23)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] In relation to each other all created beings rank as men of longest descent and highest birth; all enjoy equal honour and equal rights, but to God they are aliens and sojourners. For each of us has come into this world as into a foreign city, in which before our birth we had no part, and in this city he does but sojourn, until he has exhausted his appointed span of life.",
+                "[121] And there is another lesson of wisdom that he teaches in these words, even this—God alone is in the true sense a citizen, and all created being is a sojourner and alien, and those whom we call citizens are so called only by a licence of language. But to the wise it is a sufficient bounty, if when ranged beside God, the only citizen, they are counted as aliens and sojourners, since the fool can in no wise hold such a rank in the city of God, but we see him an outcast from it and nothing more.",
+                "Such a lesson too He has proclaimed to us in an utterance of deepest meaning. “The land shall not be sold at all.” No word of the seller there, that through this very silence he, who has access to the secrets of nature-truth, may profit in the quest of knowledge.",
+                "[122] Look round you and you shall find that those who are said to bestow benefits sell rather than give, and those who seem to us to receive them in truth buy. The givers are seeking praise or honour as their exchange and look for the repayment of the benefit, and thus, under the specious name of gift, they in real truth carry out a sale; for the seller’s way is to take something for what he offers. The receivers of the gift, too, study to make some return, and do so as opportunity offers, and thus they act as buyers. For buyers know well that receiving and paying go hand in hand.",
+                "[123] But God is no salesman, hawking his goods in the market, but a free giver of all things, pouring forth eternal fountains of free bounties, and seeking no return. For He has no needs Himself and no created being is able to repay His gift."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Thus we have agreed that all things are God’s possessions on the strength of true reasonings and testimonies which none may convict of false witness, for our witnesses are the oracles which Moses wrote in the sacred books. And therefore we must make our protest against the Mind, which thought the offspring engendered by union with sense his own possession, called it Cain and said “I have <i>gotten</i> a man through God.” Even in these last two words he erred. You ask how?",
+                "[125] Because God is the cause not the instrument, and that which comes into being is brought into being <i>through</i> an instrument, but <i>by</i> a cause. For to bring anything into being needs all these conjointly, the “by which,” the “from which,” the “through which,” the “for which,” and the first of these is the cause, the second the material, the third the tool or instrument, and the fourth the end or object.",
+                "[126] If we ask what combination is always needed that a house or city should be built, the answer is a builder, stones or timber, and instruments. What is the builder but the cause “by which”? What are the stones and timber but the material “from which”? What are the instruments but the means “through which”?",
+                "[127] And what is the end or object of the building but shelter and safety, and this constitutes the “for which.”",
+                "Let us leave these merely particular buildings, and contemplate that greatest of houses or cities, this universe. We shall see that its cause is God, by whom it has come into being, its material the four elements, from which it was compounded, its instrument the word of God, through which it was framed, and the final cause of the building is the goodness of the architect. It is thus that truth-lovers distinguish, who desire true and sound knowledge. But those who say that they possess something through God, suppose the Cause, that is the Maker, to be the instrument, and the instrument, that is the human mind, they suppose to be the cause.",
+                "[128] Right reason too would not hold Joseph free from blame, when he said that <i>through</i> God would the true meaning of dreams be found (Gen. 40:8). He should have said that <i>by</i> Him as cause the unfolding and right interpretation of things hidden would fitly come to pass. For we are the instruments, wielded in varying degrees of force, through which each particular form of action is produced; the Craftsman it is who brings to bear on the material the impact of our forces, whether of soul or body, even He by whom all things are moved.",
+                "[129] There are those who have not of themselves the capacity to distinguish differences in things; these we must instruct as ignorant. There are those who through contentiousness reverse and confuse the thoughts which their words express: these we must eschew as mere lovers of strife. But there are also those, who with careful search into what comes before them, assign to each as it is presented its proper place: these we must praise as the followers of a philosophy that cannot lie.",
+                "[130] And these Moses supports, when he says to those who feared to perish at the hands of the wicked one and his pursuing host, “Stand fast and see the salvation from the Lord, which he will accomplish for you” (Exod. 14:13). Thus he showed that not through God, but from Him as cause does salvation come."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CHERUBIM",
+            "§ 6. <i>The stern and gloomy life</i>, etc. Philo seems to interpret this first flight of Hagar as the tendency of youth to shrink from the stern discipline of the school, the Encyclia being for the moment treated as “the mind which is trained in them,” as in <i>De Cong.</i> 180.",
+            "§ 8. ἐπιλάμψῃ … μεταδιώκων. The obvious way of taking this difficult and probably corrupt passage, namely to translate ἀποθανόντων τὰ πάθη χαρᾶς καὶ εὑφροσύνης by “died to the passions (or ‘feelings’) of joy and gladness,” must be wrong, for as Isaac is regularly regarded as embodying these qualities (<i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 218), it is impossible that his parents should be thought of as discarding them at his birth. Two lines of correction seem possible, (<i>a</i>) as adopted in the translation, to bring χαρᾶς and εὐφροσύνης into co-ordination with εὐδαιμονίας, (<i>b</i>) to co-ordinate them with παιδιάς by reading χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας. This in itself would still leave untouched the awkward gen. abs. ἐκλιπόντων and ἀποθανόντων, to say nothing of the difficulty involved in applying the phrase ἐκλιπεῖν τὰ γυναικεῖα (used of Sarah in Gen. 18:11) to Abraham also. These difficulties, however, might be removed by reading also ἐκλιπόν … ἀποθανόν (ἀπομαθόν?) … μεταδίωκον. (<i>a</i>) certainly as it stands leaves the sentence almost intolerable. Perhaps the least drastic correction would be to expel ὁ Ἰσαάκ as a gloss, put in its place καὶ τῶν and insert ὁ before καὶ παιδιάς. Thus the whole sentence will run, ἐπιλάμψῃ δὲ καὶ τὸ εὐδαιμονίας γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκλιπόντων τὰ γυναικεῖα καὶ ἀποθανόντων τὰ πάθη χαρᾶς καὶ εὐφροσύνης, ὁ καὶ παιδιάς, etc. The participial genitives in this case though still clumsy are less unnatural, and the difficulty of the application of ἐκλιπεῖν, etc., to Abraham is avoided as the phrase becomes a general statement. The obvious difficulty involved in (<i>b</i>) that it ascribes to Isaac what belongs to Sarah may be met by supposing that Philo equates Sarah’s “ceasing from the manner of women” with the conception of Isaac (<i>cf.</i> <i>De Post.</i> 134).",
+            "[It would bring this passage into harmony with other passages, if what Philo wrote was ἐκλιπὸν … ἀποθανὸν … μεταδίωκον (all in agreement with γένος), and χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας. It would seem not unlikely that a scribe, a little puzzled by the neuters ἐκλιπὸν and ἀποθανόν, and seeing ἐκλιπόντ- and ἀποθανόντ- before him, filled in the -ων in each word, producing ἐκλιπόντων and ἀποθανόντων. This led to the change of χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας into genitives singular. With ἑκλιπόν and ἀποθανόν restored, the construction is the same as that in <i>De Somniis</i>, i. 68 ᾦ τὸ αὐτομαθὲς γενός, Ισαάκ, ἐνδιαιγᾶται, μηδέποτε … <b>ἀφιστάμενον</b>. Our passage is also illustrated by <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 1 ᾗ τὸ αὐτομαθὲς ἐπέλαμψε γένος, Ἰσαάκ, εὐπαθειῶν ἀρίστη, χαρά, and <i>Quod Det. 46</i> τὸ μόνον ἀπαθὲς εἶδος ἐν γενέσει τὸν Ἰσαάκ <i>and</i> <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 261 τέξεται οὖν σοι ἡ ἀρετὴ υἱὸν γενναῖον ἄρρενα (Gen. 17:19) <b>παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένον θήλεος πάθους.<b></b></b>",
+            "To Philo the fact that Isaac was sprung from one “as good as dead” and “the deadness of Sarah’s womb” carried with it his deadness to passions and his complete immunity from all that was weak and womanish.—G. H. W.]",
+            "τὰς παίδων. We have perhaps here an allusion to Gen. 21:9, where according to the A.V. Sarah saw Ishmael ‘mocking.’ The R.V. margin, however, has ‘playing,’ and the LXX. παίζοντα. The fact that it was this “playing of children” which led to Ishmael’s expulsion, would lend additional point to the words here.",
+            "§ 15. The idea of the lawfulness of falsehood under the circumstances here described is perhaps taken from Plato, <i>Rep.</i> iii. 389 B.",
+            "§ 25. <i>The two hemispheres.</i> Empedocles said εἶναι δύο ἡμισφαίρια, τὸ μὲν καθόλου πυρός, τὸ δὲ μικτὸν ἐξ ἀέρος καὶ ὀλίγου πυρός, ὅπερ οἴεται τὴν νύκτα εἶναι (see Ritter and Preller, 170). “Thus there arose two hemispheres which together form the concave sphere of heaven; the one is bright and consists entirely of fire; the other is dark and consists of air with isolated masses of fire sprinkled in it” (Zeller). <i>Cf.</i> Plato. <i>Axiochus</i> 376 A. A theory is mentioned that τοῦ πόλου ὄντος σφαιροειδοῦς …, τὸ μὲν ἕτερον ἡμισφαίριον οἱ θεοὶ ἔλαχον οἱ οὐράνιοι, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον οἱ ὑπένερθεν.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Named by men of old the standing-place. Cf.</i> Philolaus (<i>ap.</i> Stob. <i>Ecl.</i> i. 21. 8) τὸ πρᾶτον ἁρμοσθὲν τὸ ἓν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τᾶς σφαίρας ἑστία καλεῖται.",
+            "§ 28. Elsewhere, in <i>Quaestiones in Gen.</i> i. 58 (which only survives in the Armenian), Philo gives the same explanation of the Cherubim, but interprets the sword as “heaven.”",
+            "§ 32. <i>Neither fights nor keeps the ranks.</i> Guilty, that is, of ἀστρατεία, shirking service, and λιποτάξιον, desertion in the field. Both these were punishable offences in Attic law.",
+            "§ 41. <i>Leah.</i> Leah (symbolizing virtue) is derived by Philo from the Hebrew words “lo” = not, and “lahah” = to be weary. The fool “says no” (ἀνανεύει) to her ἄσκησις which makes <i>herself</i> weary. Elsewhere (in <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 254) the weariness is interpreted of the weariness which she <i>causes</i>, and again (<i>De Migr. Abr.</i> 145) of the weariness caused by the burden of wickedness which she has cast off. In ἀνανευομένῃ there is also a reference to Jacob’s rejection of Leah in the actual story.",
+            "§ 42. <i>Who have no other standards</i>, etc. Cohn punctuates differently with a comma before τύφῳ and another after ἐθῶν, thus making ῥημάτων genitive after τύφῳ. But it seems unreasonable to break up the common collocation of ὀνόματα (nouns) with ῥήματα (verbs or phrases), the two together constantly standing for language as a whole.",
+            "τερθρείαις ἐθῶν, <i>i.e.</i> “mummeries of rituals.” This is well illustrated by Dion. Hal. <i>Ant. Rom.</i> 19, where both the τῦφος and the τερθρεία μυθική of the rites of Cybele are denounced.",
+            "§ 45. <i>In her solitude.</i> Apparently a fanciful deduction from the fact that Abraham’s presence is not mentioned in Gen. 21:1. In the cases that follow there is the same deduction from the absence of any mention of the husband.",
+            "§ 49. <i>His greater mysteries.</i> Philo borrows from the Eleusinian mysteries this idea of “greater” and “less.” Here Moses is the greater and the Prophets the less. For another application of the distinction see <i>De Sacr.</i> 62.",
+            "<i>Husband.</i>—The LXX. in Jer. 3:4, which differs wholly from the Hebrew, has ἀρχηγόν. As ἄνδρα is necessary to Philo’s argument he may be quoting some earlier rendering.",
+            "§§ 53–66. The argument of these sections seems to be as follows. Names do not ordinarily represent the thing named so absolutely that no further explanation is required. We should not know from the name Cain that he was first-born or male. But Moses’ names are given on a different principle. To show what this is, in 57–64 Philo describes the primitive τρόπος (65) of the mind to think that it possesses all that it seems to have. Since the name “Possession” indicates this τρόπος clearly, Moses had no need to say anything more. Philo adopts partially the Stoic theory that names came originally φύσει, but restricts it to the names of the O.T.",
+            "§ 69. <i>Will-o’-the-wisps.</i> The following passage suggests strongly that the reading adopted by the translator rather than that of Cohn is right. Chrysippus (on the distinction between φάντασμα, φανταστόν, φανταστικόν) says: φανταστικὸν δέ ἐστι διάκενος ἑλκυσμός, πάθος ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς φανταστοῦ γινόμενον, κάθαπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιαμαχοῦντος καὶ κενοῖς ἐπιφέροντος τὰς χεῖρας … φάντασμα δέ ἐστιν ἐφʼ ὂ ἑλκόμεθα κατὰ τὸν φανταστικὸν διάκενον ἑλκυσμόν. ταῦτα δὲ γίνεται ἐπὶ τῶν μελαγχολώντων καὶ μεμηνότων (Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>, ii. 54. <i>Cf.</i> <i>ibid.</i> 64).",
+            "§ 79. <i>Where there is reaction</i> (ἀντιπεπονθός). Philo here utilizes a piece of Stoic grammar. <i>Cf.</i> Diog. Laert. vii. 64: ἀντιπεπονθότα δέ ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς ὑπτίοις, ἃ ὕπτια ὄντα ἐνεργήματά ἑστιν, οἷον Κείρεται· ἐμπεριέχει (perhaps ἐμπαρέχει, see παρέχων ἑαυτόν, 79) γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁ κειρόμενος, <i>i.e.</i> the ἀντιπεπονθότα are those among the passives which though passive (in form) represent actions, as κείρεται. The application of the term in these sections of Philo suggests that the grammatical meaning of the term was not so much that of the ordinary middle (I shave myself) as that of the causative middle “I get myself shaved.” The term thus describes “having something done to us in response to something we have done ourselves.”",
+            "<i>A sheep or a fleece.</i> δέρμα and κῴδιον might possibly be taken as accusatives, but the phraseology in the parallel passage, <i>L.A.</i> iii. 201 κείρεις ἑτέρως μὲν ἅνθρωπον ἑτέρως δὲ τὸ κῴδιον, suggests that they are nominatives. The translator is unable to make any suggestion as to the distinction between the two nouns, or why τὸ λεγόμενον is added.",
+            "§ 84. “<i>All things</i>,” <i>He says</i>, “<i>are mine.</i>” The phrase does not occur in the O.T. Perhaps print ὅλα “μου,” φησίν, ἐστίν, and refer “He says” to the threefold “mine” in Numb. 28:2. <i>Cf.</i> <i>L.A.</i> iii. 176.",
+            "§ 105. <i>Grammar or literature.</i> γραμματική always included the study of the poets and historians as well as what we call grammar, and in Philo’s time this literary side was by far the most important.",
+            "<i>By the means of fine music.</i> The text implies that music is part of “geometry,” a view which is very unusual, if not unprecedented, though the two, since geometry included arithmetic, were closely connected. The change of the nominatives γραμματική, etc., to -κῇ (datives), suggested by Cohn, would obviate this, but to represent knowledge as <i>e.g.</i> studying history <i>by means of</i> γραμματική is very harsh. Cohn confessed that his emendation did not satisfy him.",
+            "<i>Rhetoric</i>, etc. The allusion in this sentence is (<i>a</i>) to the regular division of rhetoric into (1) “invention” (εὔρεσις including τάξις), (2) style or expression (ἑρμηνεία), (3) delivery (ὑπόκρισις); and (<i>b</i>) to the expression of the gentler emotions (ἤθη) and that of the stronger emotions (πάθη).",
+            "§§ 109–112. For the sense of this and the preceding sections <i>cf.</i> Epictetus, <i>Diss.</i> i. 12. 16 διέταξε δὲ θέρος εἷναι καὶ χειμῶνα καὶ φορὰν καὶ ἀφορίαν καὶ ἀρετὴν καὶ κακίαν καὶ πάσας τὰς τοιαύτας ἐναντιότητας ὑπὲρ συμφωνίας τῶν ὅλων.",
+            "§ 114. <i>The other gradations.</i> Of the five gradations left untranslated ἡβῶν perhaps = age of puberty, while πρωτογένειος speaks for itself, and the other three fall of course between the limits thus indicated.",
+            "<i>Rebirth. Cf.</i> a passage in <i>Quaest. in Ex.</i> ii. 46, where, according to the Latin version of the Armenian, the calling of Moses to the Mount is said to typify the “secunda nativitas sive regeneratio priore melior.” If we are to suppose that this “regeneration” is absorption in the Divine and occurs at death, the correction to ἀσύγκριτοι ἄποιοι, which is also wanted for the balance of the two clauses, seems necessary. But it is possible that Philo is following the Stoic doctrine, according to which the souls (of the good at any rate) survived the general conflagration (ἐκπύρωσις) which was to be followed by the “reconstruction” (παλιγγενεσία); see Arnim, <i>l.c.</i> ii. 802–822. In this case Cohn’s reading might stand; for the soul through this interregnum, though ἀσώματος, would still be σύγκριτος (of fire and air) and ποιός.",
+            "§ 115. Philo adapts from the Attic orators the technical language used of a wife who formally claimed divorce or separation from her husband. If the husband did not agree, an ἀπολείψεως δίκη had to be brought before the Archon (πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα) (see <i>Dict. of Ant.</i>, art. “Divortium”). <i>Cf</i>. <i>Quod Det.</i> 143, where also we have the phrase (apparently in general use: see Bekker, <i>Anecd.</i> 430. 30) χρηματίζειν ἀπόλειψιν.",
+            "§ 121. <i>Licence of language.</i> κατάχρησις (<i>abusio</i>) is the name used by the grammarians for the figure of speech involved in such a phrase as the “aedificare equum” of Virgil (<i>aedificare</i> being properly to build a house only).",
+            "<i>The land shall not be sold at all.</i> Philo is still quoting Lev. 25:23, which he cited correctly in 108. Here, however, he substitutes πράσει for εἰς βεβαίωσιν, probably from a reminiscence of Deut. 21:14, where the phrase πράσει οὐ πραθήσεται is used. The alteration, though it makes a considerable difference in the meaning of the text, hardly affects the argument.",
+            "§ 123. <i>Hawking his goods.</i> Properly speaking the word ἐπευωνίζων means “selling cheap,” and this shade of meaning makes good sense in <i>De Gig.</i> 32. On the other hand here and elsewhere there is no special point in the cheapness, and probably the word merely conveys some measure of contempt. If, however, the ἑαυτοῦ is to be pressed, the idea might be “pressing his own goods upon the purchaser and thus underselling his competitors.”",
+            "§ 125. πρὸς γὰρ τὴν γένεσιν, etc. Philo’s four causes are evidently based on Aristotle’s four, (1) the οὐσία or τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι (formal cause), (2) the ὕλη or ἐξ οὖ (material cause), (3) the ἀρχὴ τῆς κινήσεως or τὸ ποιοῦν (efficient cause), (4) τὸ οὖ ἕνεκα or ἀγαθόν (final cause). But for the “formal cause” he substitutes the “instrument,” a view to which his theory of the λόγος naturally led. He repeats the first three of the causes in <i>Quaest. in Gen.</i> i. 58, and all four in <i>De Providentia</i> (also only extant in the Armenian). There, however, the “ad quid?” is answered by “ut sit argumentum,” <i>i.e.</i> apparently, to give a proof of his goodness. Here there is an evident confusion of his treatment of the world as compared with his treatment of the house. The ἀγαθότης of God does not correspond with the σκέπη furnished by the house. Philo is perhaps misled by Plato, <i>Timaeus</i> 29 E, where the question, “why did God make the world?” is answered in the first instance by ἀγαθὸς ἦν, but the true answer, namely that He wanted to make all things like Himself, follows directly."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הכרובים",
+        "enTitle": "On the Cherubim",
+        "key": "On the Cherubim",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,299 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Cherubim",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Cherubim",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CHERUBIM, AND THE FLAMING SWORD, AND CAIN THE FIRST MAN CREATED OUT OF MAN (DE CHERUBIM) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This fine treatise divides itself into two parts, the first (1–39) a homily on Genesis 3:24—",
+            "“And He cast forth Adam and set over against the Garden of Pleasure the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way.”",
+            "The second (40—end) on Genesis 4:1—",
+            "“And Adam knew Eve, his wife, and she conceived and bare Cain, and he said ‘I have gotten a man through God.’ ”",
+            "I. In the first part we open (1–10) with a disquisition on the difference between the phrases “cast forth” and “sent forth,” which was used in Genesis 3:23: the former indicates a permanent, the latter a temporary expulsion (1–2). These different meanings are illustrated (3–9) by the earlier expulsion of Hagar, as described in Genesis 16, and the later and permanent expulsion of Genesis 21. In this, as often in Philo, Hagar stands for the lower and secular education, and Sarah for philosophy.",
+            "We then have a discussion (11–20) of the meaning of “over against.” While it is pointed out that the phrase may sometimes indicate hostility (12–13), and sometimes the position of the accused before his judge (14–17), in which the text “the priest shall set the (accused) woman before the Lord and uncover her head” leads to an interpretation of the last three words as meaning “reveal the real motives,” it is decided that the words in Genesis are used in the same sense of friendliness, as in the text “Abraham was standing before (opposite to) the Lord” (18–20).",
+            "From 21–39 we have mainly a discussion of what is intended by the two Cherubim and the Flaming Sword. Two physical explanations are suggested: (<i>a</i>) the planetary sphere on the one hand, with its seven zones in which each of the planets move, and that of the fixed stars on the other, the revolution of the whole heaven being the sword (21–24); (<i>b</i>) the two “hemispheres” of the heaven, with the sun as sword (25–26). But Philo’s personal preference is for a more profound interpretation (27–30), which finds in the Cherubim the two chief ‘Potencies’ of God, His ‘goodness’ or lovingkindness, and His majesty or sovereignty, while the sword is the reason or Logos which unites the two. This last leads to the reflection that Balaam, the foolish one, was rightly made swordless, as is shown in his words to the ass, “if I had a sword, I would have pierced thee” (32). And these particular words in their turn suggest a short meditation on those who, when disappointed in worldly affairs lay the blame on the affairs themselves (33–38). The whole homily concludes with a section emphasizing reason as the source of human happiness (39).",
+            "II. The main idea that runs through the second part is that Adam signifies mind, Eve sense (<i>i.e.</i> sense-perception), and Cain (whose name means ‘possession’) the impious idea engendered by Mind and Sense, that what we have is our own and not God’s. But we must first consider the words “Adam knew his wife.” The absence of any such phrase in connexion with the great saints of the Pentateuch indicates that their wives (unlike Adam’s) are Virtues which receive seed <i>from</i> God Himself, though they bear offspring <i>to</i> the persons who possess them, a lesson which is declared to be one for higher understandings, and too spiritual for profane ears (40–52). Next we have to ask why “Cain” is not more fully described as ‘first-born son’ (53–55), and the explanation of this point  merges into an exposition of the way in which Mind, helpless in itself, by mating with Sense, comes to comprehend phenomena and supposes that this comprehension is its own doing (56–64). The folly of this supposition is emphasized (65–66), and illustrated first from the words of Laban, “The daughters are my daughters, the sons my sons, and the cattle my cattle, and all that thou seest are mine.” The allegorizing of daughters, sons, and cattle as arts or sciences, reasonings, and sense-perceptions respectively, leads to an impassioned outburst on human fallibility and its slavery to delusions (67–71), a slavery which resembles that of the slave of Ex. 21 who “loved his master” and rejected freedom (72–74). A second illustration is drawn from the vain boasting of Pharaoh, as described in Moses’ song in Ex. 15. (74–76). The failure of the Pharaoh mind to realize that God alone acts, while it is for man to be passive (77), leads to a remarkable digression on the right form of human passiveness—not, that is, a helpless passiveness, but one which braces itself to accept and co-operate with the Actor (78–83).",
+            "In contrast with the idle claims of the Mind, we have the Divine claim that “all things are Mine … in My feasts.” The last few words suggest a meditation on the sense in which God keeps feast, how His resting is an eternal activity, which unlike the activity of the world knows no weariness (84–90). Man indeed can in no true sense feast, and there follows a powerful denunciation of the vanity, licence, and sinfulness of the popular festivals (91–97). The last few words of this denunciation deplore the pagan blindness to the truth that God sees into the recesses of the soul, and thus we pass, by a somewhat forced transition, to the thought of the soul as God’s house, and the nature of the preparations needed to fit it for His reception is described in a fine passage, in the course of which Philo gives a signal example of the high value he sets on the secular education and culture of his day  (98–105).",
+            "The soul thus fitted for God’s reception will inevitably find its chief joy in acknowledging God’s sovereignty and ownership (106–107). Thus we return to the main theme, which is once more illustrated by the text “The land shall not be sold … for all the land is Mine, because ye are sojourners and aliens before Me.” Spiritually the “land” is the world of creation, every part of which is a loan from Him to every other part, and here Philo dwells eloquently on the interdependence of created things (108–113). It is also ourselves, for, inconstant creatures that we are (113–114), ignorant of our whence and whither (114–115), our minds ever subject to delusion and seduction (116–117), we cannot be said to own ourselves, a thought which may well teach us resignation (118–119). The last words of the text, “ye are sojourners,” suggest the thought of God as the true ‘citizen,’ in contrast to ourselves who are at best immigrants (120–121), and once more the phrase “shall not be sold” reminds us that the benefits men exchange are at bottom a matter of sale and purchase, and that God alone is the real giver (121–123).",
+            "Finally we have a disquisition on the error involved in the words “I have gotten a man <i>through</i> God.” Philo, on the lines of Aristotle, names four causes of things, and shows that the “by whom,” or agent, and not the “through whom,” or instrument, is applicable to God (124–127); and this he illustrates by comparing the erroneous use by Joseph of the latter with the right use of the former by Moses (128–130)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "<big>ON THE CHERUBIM, AND THE FLAMING SWORD, AND CAIN THE FIRST MAN CREATED OUT OF MAN</big> <br>[1] “And he cast forth Adam and set [him] over against the Garden of Pleasure [and posted] the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way, to guard the way of the Tree of Life” (Gen. 3:24). Observe the word “cast forth” instead of the earlier “sent forth” (<i>ib.</i> 23). The words are not set down at random, but chosen with a knowledge of the things to which he applies them in their proper and exact sense.",
+                "[2] He who is sent forth is not thereby prevented from returning. He who is cast forth by God is subject to eternal banishment. For to him who is not as yet firmly in the grip of wickedness it is open to repent and return to the virtue from which he was driven, as an exile returns to his fatherland. But to him that is weighed down and enslaved by that fierce and incurable malady, the horrors of the future must needs be undying and eternal: he is thrust forth to the place of the impious, there to endure misery continuous and unrelieved.",
+                "[3] And thus we see that Hagar or the lower education, whose sphere is the secular learning of the schools, while she twice departs from sovereign virtue in the person of Sarah, does once retrace her steps. On this first occasion hers was a voluntary flight, not a banishment, and when she met the angel or divine reason, she returned to her master’s house (Gen. 16:6 ff.). The second time she is cast forth utterly, never to return (Gen. 21:14)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[4] Here we must speak of the reasons for this first flight and that second eternal banishment. On the first occasion Abraham and Sarah had not yet received their change of names, that is they had not yet been changed in character to the betterment of soul, but one was still Abram “the uplifted father,” pursuing the philosophy of the super-terrestrial, the philosophy which treats of air and the ways in which it is affected, pursuing too the sublimer philosophy of the heaven and the beings existing therein, which mathematics claims as the noblest branch of “physic” or nature-study;",
+                "[5] and Sarah was still Sarai, the type of personal sovereignty (her name means “my sovereignty”); she had not yet undergone the change to generic virtue; for all that is generic must be imperishable. She still had her place with the particular and specific virtues. She was still prudence, as shown in the “I,” and similarly temperance, courage, justice, all perishable, because the sphere in which they move is the perishable “I,”",
+                "[6] And therefore Hagar the lower or secular culture, though she has hastened to escape the stern and gloomy life of the virtue-seekers, will return to that same life which as yet is unable to hold the heights of the generic and imperishable, still clinging to the particular and specific region in which the lower is preferred to the highest.",
+                "[7] But at the later stage Abram leaves the study of nature for the life of the wise, the lover of God. His name is changed to Abraham, meaning “the chosen father of sound,” for to “sound” is the function of the uttered word or reason, whose father is the mind when it has grasped the good. Sarai again quits personal sovereignty to become Sarah, whose name is “sovereign,” and this means that instead of being specific and perishable virtue she has become generic and imperishable.",
+                "[8] Then too there shines upon them the light of Isaac—the generic form of happiness, of the joy and gladness which belongs to those who have ceased from the manner of women (Gen. 18:11) and died to the passions—Isaac, whose heart is in the pursuit of no childish sports, but those which are divine. When all this is come to pass, then will be cast forth those preliminary studies which bear the name of Hagar, and cast forth too will be their son the sophist named Ishmael."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[9] The banishment on which they enter will be for ever, for the sentence of expulsion is confirmed by God when he bids the wise man hearken to the words of Sarah, who charges him expressly to cast forth the bondwoman and her son (Gen. 21:10). It is well to listen to the voice of virtue, above all when she sets before us such a doctrine as this, because the most perfect types of being and the secondary acquirements are worlds apart, and wisdom has no kinship with the sophist’s culture. For the latter has for the fruits of all its labour only those persuasions which tend to establish the false opinion, which destroys the soul; but wisdom studies truth and thus obtains that great source of profit to the mind, knowledge of right reason.",
+                "[10] Since then the sophist, who is ever sophist, and his mother, the instruction in the preliminary learning, are expelled and banished by God from the presence of wisdom and the wise, on whom he confers the titles of Sarah and Abraham, can we wonder that he has cast forth Adam, that is the mind, which is sick with the incurable sickness of folly, from the dwelling-place of virtue for ever and permits him not to return?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[11] Then too it is that the flaming sword and the Cherubim find their dwelling-place “over against” Paradise. The word “opposite” or “over against” may be used in three senses. First there is a hostile sense; a thing placed “over against” may be in opposition; and there is also a sense applicable to persons who are so placed to be judged, as when the accused is placed over against the juror. And thirdly there is the friendly sense. An object may be so placed to be fully observed, and, in consequence of this more accurate inspection, to be brought into closer connexion, just as painters and sculptors have the picture or statue which serve them as models.",
+                "[12] Of the first sense, that of hostility, we find an example in what is said of Cain that “he went out from the face of God and dwelt in Nod over against Eden” (Gen. 4:16). The meaning of Nod is “tossing” and Eden is “delight.” The former is the symbol of the vice that creates tumult in the soul; the latter of the virtue which wins it well-being and delight, not the weak and wanton sort, which the brute passion pleasure brings, but that sense of profound content and joy, which knows not toil or trouble.",
+                "[13] But when the mind goes forth from the vision of God, whereon it was good and profitable for it to be anchored, it must needs, like a ship at sea, battling with boisterous winds, straightway be borne hither and thither, and its only home and country is wild commotion, the very opposite of that constancy of the soul, which is the gift of the joy that bears the name of Eden."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] For the second sense when the word means set opposite for judgement, we have an example in the account of the woman suspected by her husband of adultery. “The priest,” so he says, “shall place the woman in front of, or ‘over against,’ the Lord and uncover her head” (Numb. 5:18). What scripture would indicate by these last words, let us investigate. An action right in itself may often be wrong in the doing, and things contrary to duty in themselves may be done in the spirit of duty. For instance the restoration of a deposit when it is done not from any honest motive but either to injure the recipient, or to lead up treacherously to the repudiation of a greater trust, is a duty in itself, yet in its actual execution wrong.",
+                "[15] On the other hand, if the physician who purposes to use purge or knife or hot iron to benefit his patient, conceals the truth from him, that he may not shirk the treatment through anticipation of its terror, or collapse and faint when exposed to it, we have an action contrary to duty in itself yet in its actual execution right. So too with the wise man who, fearing that the truth may strengthen the enemy’s position, gives them false information to save his country. And thus Moses says “follow justice justly” (Deut. 16:20), implying that it is possible to do so unjustly, when the judge brings no honest mind to bear upon the case.",
+                "[16] Now words spoken openly and deeds done openly are known to all, but the inward thought which prompts them in either case is not known. We cannot tell whether it is wholesome and pure, or diseased and stained with manifold defilement. No merely created being is capable of discerning the hidden thought and motive. Only God can do so, and therefore Moses says “things hidden are known to the Lord God, but things manifest are known to the Creature” (Deut. 29:29).",
+                "[17] Now we see the cause why Reason, the priest and prophet, is bidden to set the soul “over against the Lord” with her head uncovered (Numb. 5:18), that is with the dominant principles, which constitute her head, laid bare, and the motives which she has cherished stripped of their trappings, so that, being judged by the all-penetrating eye of God the incorruptible, she may either like counterfeit coinage have her lurking dissimulation revealed, or being innocent of all evil may, by appealing to the testimony of Him who alone can see the soul naked, wash away the charges brought against her."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[18] So much for the second sense of “over against.” But the third where the object sought is closer intimacy we find in the words used of the wholly-wise Abraham, “He was still standing before (or over against) the Lord” (Gen. 18:22). And a proof of this closer intimacy is the further saying that “he drew nigh and said” (<i>ibid.</i> 23). Those who desire estrangement may stand aloof and separate themselves; it is for those who seek intimacy to draw nigh to each other.",
+                "[19] To stand fast and acquire an unswerving mind is to be stepping nigh to the power of God. For with the divine there is no turning: variableness belongs to the nature of the created. He then, who with the love of knowledge as his bridle checks the onward course which is natural to created being and compels it to stand still, may be sure that he is not far from the divine happiness.",
+                "[20] It is with this thought of intimacy that he assigns to the Cherubim and the flaming sword the abode in front of Paradise, not as to foes destined to contend in hostility with each other, but as to the dearest and closest of friends; that thus the Potencies ever gazing at each other in unbroken contemplation may acquire a mutual yearning, even that winged and heavenly love, wherewith God the bountiful giver inspires them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] We must now examine what is symbolized by the Cherubim and the sword of flame which turns every way. I suggest that they are an allegorical figure of the revolution of the whole heaven. For the movements assigned to the heavenly spheres are of two opposite kinds, in the one case an unvarying course, embodying the principle of sameness, to the right, in the other a variable course, embodying the principle of otherness, to the left.",
+                "[22] The outermost sphere, which contains what are called the fixed stars, is a single one and always makes the same revolution from east to west. But the inner spheres, seven in number, contain the planets and each has two motions of opposite nature, one voluntary, the other under a compelling force. Their involuntary motion is similar to that of the fixed stars, for we see them pass every day from east to west, but their own proper motion is from west to east, and it is in this that we find the revolutions of the seven governed also by certain lengths of time. These lengths are the same in the case of three whose course is equal, and these three which have the same rate of speed are known as the Sun, the Morning-star, and the Sparkler (or Mercury). The others have unequal courses and different lengths of time in revolution, though these too preserve a definite proportion to each other and the above-named three.",
+                "[23] One of the Cherubim then symbolizes the outermost sphere of the fixed stars. It is the final heaven of all, the vault in which the choir of those who wander not move in a truly divine unchanging rhythm, never leaving the post which the Father who begat them has appointed them in the universe. The other of the Cherubim is the inner contained sphere, which through a sixfold division He has made into seven zones of regular proportion and fitted each planet into one of them.",
+                "[24] He has set each star in its proper zone as a driver in a chariot, and yet He has in no case trusted the reins to the driver, fearing that their rule might be one of discord, but He has made them all dependent on Himself, holding that thus would their march be orderly and harmonious. For when God is with us all we do is worthy of praise; all that is done without Him merits blame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[25] This then is one interpretation of the allegory of the Cherubim, and the flaming turning sword represents, we must suppose, their movement and the eternal revolution of the whole heaven. But perhaps on another interpretation the two Cherubim represent the two hemispheres. For we read that the Cherubim stand face to face with their wings inclining to the mercy-seat (Exod. 25:19). And so, too, the hemispheres are opposite to each other and stretch out to the earth, the centre of all things, which actually parts them.",
+                "[26] And as this alone in all the universe stands firm, it has been rightly named by men of old the standing-place, and it stands thus, that the revolution of each of the hemispheres may circle round one fixed centre and thus be wholly harmonious. The flaming sword on this interpretation is the Sun, that packed mass of flame, which is the swiftest of all existing things and whirls round the whole universe in a single day."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] But there is a higher thought than these. It comes from a voice in my own soul, which oftentimes is god-possessed and divines where it does not know. This thought I will record in words if I can. The voice told me that while God is indeed one, His highest and chiefest powers are two, even goodness and sovereignty. Through His goodness He begat all that is, through His sovereignty He rules what He has begotten.",
+                "[28] And in the midst between the two there is a third which unites them, Reason, for it is through reason that God is both ruler and good. Of these two potencies sovereignty and goodness the Cherubim are symbols, as the fiery sword is the symbol of reason. For exceeding swift and of burning heat is reason and chiefly so the reason of the (Great) Cause, for it alone preceded and outran all things, conceived before them all, manifest above them all.",
+                "[29] O then, my mind, admit the image unalloyed of the two Cherubim, that having learnt its clear lesson of the sovereignty and beneficence of the Cause, thou mayest reap the fruits of a happy lot. For straightway thou shalt understand how these unmixed potencies are mingled and united, how, where God is good, yet the glory of His sovereignty is seen amid the beneficence, how, where He is sovereign, through the sovereignty the beneficence still appears. Thus thou mayest gain the virtues begotten of these potencies, a cheerful courage and a reverent awe towards God. When things are well with thee, the majesty of the sovereign king will keep thee from high thoughts. When thou sufferest what thou wouldest not, thou wilt not despair of betterment, remembering the loving-kindness of the great and bountiful God.",
+                "[30] And for this cause is the sword a sword of flame, because in their company reason the measure of things must follow, reason with its fierce and burning heat, reason that ever moves with unswerving zeal, teaching thee to choose the good and eschew the evil."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] Remember how Abraham the wise, when he began to make God his standard in all things and leave nothing to the created, takes a copy of the flaming sword—“fire and knife” it says (Gen. 22:6)—desiring to sever and consume the mortal element away from himself and thus to fly upward to God with his understanding stripped of its trammels.",
+                "[32] And thus too Balaam (“foolish people” that is) is represented by Moses as disarmed, one who neither fights nor keeps the ranks, for Moses knew well that war which the soul should wage for knowledge as its guerdon. Balaam says to the ass, who signifies the unreasoning rule of life, which is ridden by every fool: “If I had a sword I would have ere now pierced thee through” (Numb. 22:29). Well may we thank the great Contriver, that, knowing the madness of folly, he did not put into its hands, as into the hands of a madman, the sword of the power of words, to wreak widespread and unrighteous carnage among all who came in his way.",
+                "[33] And this angry cry of Balaam is ever the cry of each of the unpurified in his vanity, if he has followed the life of the merchant or the farmer or other business that men pursue for gain. Each, while good fortune encounters them in their several walks of life, sits his beast with cheerful mood and keeps a tight grip of the reins and scouts the thought of letting them drop from his hands. And all those who bid him desist, and set limits to his desires, because the future is uncertain, he charges with malice and envy, and will have it that their warning is not of goodwill.",
+                "[34] But when disappointment and misfortune befall him he does indeed recognize that these were true prophets, fully competent to guard against the chances of the future, but he lays all the blame on wholly guiltless objects, the farming, the trading, the other pursuits, which of his own judgement he followed for lucre."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[35] And these pursuits, though they have no vocal organs, will utter the language which speaks in the reality of facts, a language which is plainer than the language of the tongue. “False slanderer,” they will cry, “are we not they on whom you rode proud-necked as on some beast of burden? Have we ever in mere insolence brought disaster on you? (Numb. 22:30). Behold the armed angel, the reason of God, standing in the way against you (<i>ibid.</i> 31), the source through whom both good and ill come to fulfilment. See where he stands.",
+                "[36] Why then blame us now, on whom you cast no blame before, when things fared well with you? We stay the same, we change not a jot of our nature. But the tests you use are false and your impatience is without reason. If you had learnt from the first that it is not your life-pursuits which bring your share in good or ill, but the divine reason, the ruler and steersman of all, you would bear with more patience what befalls you, and cease from slandering and ascribing to us what we have no power to bring about.",
+                "[37] If then that ruler should in turn subdue those warring elements, scatter the thoughts of disheartenment which war brings, and send a message of peace to your life, you will give us the hand of friendship with a bright and cheerful face, though we are what we ever were. But we are not elated at your goodwill, nor care we for your anger. We know that we cause not good or ill, though you imagine such things of us. It were as foolish to lay a prosperous voyage or the disasters of shipwreck to the charge of the sea itself instead of to the changes of the winds, which sometimes blow gently, sometimes in fiercest riot. For stillness is the natural self-engendered quality of all water,",
+                "[38] but when the favouring breeze follows behind the rudder and every reef is let out, the ship with full sail goes safely to the harbour, and again when a head-wind swoops suddenly down against the prow it raises a wild commotion, and overturns the bark. And all this is laid to the charge of the guiltless sea, though plainly it is calm or stormy according to the lightness or the violence of the winds.”",
+                "[39] Surely all this is sufficient proof that nature who has provided for men a mighty champion in reason makes him who can use this champion aright a truly happy and reasonable being. Him who cannot use it aright she leaves to unreason and misery."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] “And Adam knew his wife and she conceived and bare Cain, and he said, ‘I have gotten a man through God,’ and He added to this that she bore his brother Abel” (Gen. 4:1, 2). The persons to whose virtue the lawgiver has testified, such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses, and others of the same spirit, are not represented by him as knowing women.",
+                "[41] For since we hold that woman signifies in a figure sense-perception, and that knowledge comes into being through estrangement from sense and body, it will follow that the lovers of wisdom reject rather than choose sense. And surely this is natural. For the helpmeets of these men are called women, but are in reality virtues. Sarah “sovereign and leader,” Rebecca “steadfastness in excellence,” Leah “rejected and faint” through the unbroken discipline, which every fool rejects and turns from with words of denial, Zipporah, the mate of Moses, whose name is “bird,” speeding upwards from earth to heaven and contemplating there the nature of things divine and blessed.",
+                "[42] The virtues have their conception and their birth-pangs, but when I purpose to speak of them let them who corrupt religion into superstition close their ears or depart. For this is a divine mystery and its lesson is for the initiated who are worthy to receive the holiest secret, even those who in simplicity of heart practise the piety which is true and genuine, free from all tawdry ornament. The sacred revelation is not for those others who, under the spell of the deadly curse of vanity, have no other standards for measuring what is pure and holy but their barren words and phrases and their silly usages and ritual."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] Thus then must the sacred instruction begin. Man and Woman, male and female of the human race, in the course of nature come together to hold intercourse for the procreation of children. But virtues whose offspring are so many and so perfect may not have to do with mortal man, yet if they receive not seed of generation from another they will never of themselves conceive.",
+                "[44] Who then is he that sows in them the good seed save the Father of all, that is God unbegotten and begetter of all things? He then sows, but the fruit of His sowing, the fruit which is His own, He bestows as a gift. For God begets nothing for Himself, for He is in want of nothing, but all for him who needs to receive.",
+                "[45] I will give as a warrant for my words one that none can dispute, Moses the holiest of men. For he shows us Sarah conceiving at the time when God visited her in her solitude (Gen. 21:1), but when she brings forth it is not to the Author of her visitation, but to him who seeks to win wisdom, whose name is Abraham.",
+                "[46] And even clearer is Moses’ teaching of Leah, that God opened her womb (Gen. 29:31). Now to open the womb belongs to the husband. Yet when she conceived she brought forth not to God (for He is in Himself all-sufficing for Himself), but to him who endures toil to gain the good, even Jacob. Thus virtue receives the divine seed from the Creator, but brings forth to one of her own lovers, who is preferred above all others who seek her favour.",
+                "[47] Again Isaac the all-wise besought God, and through the power of Him who was thus besought Steadfastness or Rebecca became pregnant (Gen. 25:21). And without supplication or entreaty did Moses, when he took Zipporah the winged and soaring virtue, find her pregnant through no mortal agency (Exod. 2:22)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] These thoughts, ye initiated, whose ears are purified, receive into your souls as holy mysteries indeed and babble not of them to any of the profane. Rather as stewards guard the treasure in your own keeping, not where gold and silver, substances corruptible, are stored, but where lies that most beautiful of all possessions, the knowledge of the Cause and of virtue, and, besides these two, of the fruit which is engendered by them both. But, if ye meet with anyone of the initiated, press him closely, cling to him, lest knowing of some still newer secret he hide it from you; stay not till you have learnt its full lesson.",
+                "[49] I myself was initiated under Moses the God-beloved into his greater mysteries, yet when I saw the prophet Jeremiah and knew him to be not only himself enlightened, but a worthy minister of the holy secrets, I was not slow to become his disciple. He out of his manifold inspiration gave forth an oracle spoken in the person of God to Virtue the all-peaceful. “Didst thou not call upon Me as thy house, thy father and the husband of thy virginity?” (Jer. 3:4). Thus he implies clearly that God is a house, the incorporeal dwelling-place of incorporeal ideas, that He is the father of all things, for He begat them, and the husband of Wisdom, dropping the seed of happiness for the race of mortals into good and virgin soil. For it is meet that God should hold converse with the truly virgin nature, that which is undefiled and free from impure touch; but it is the opposite with us.",
+                "[50] For the union of human beings that is made for the procreation of children, turns virgins into women. But when God begins to consort with the soul, He makes what before was a woman into a virgin again, for He takes away the degenerate and emasculate passions which unmanned it and plants instead the native growth of unpolluted virtues. Thus He will not talk with Sarah till she has ceased from all that is after the manner of women (Gen. 18:11), and is ranked once more as a pure virgin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] Again even a virgin soul may perchance be dishonoured through the defilement of licentious passions. Therefore the oracle makes itself safe by speaking of God as the husband not of a virgin, for a virgin is liable to change and death, but of virginity, the idea which is unchangeable and eternal. For particulars within a class are of their nature such as to come into being and pass out of it again, but to the potencies which give their form to these particulars is allotted an existence indestructible.",
+                "[52] It is meet and right therefore that God the uncreated, the unchanging, should sow the ideas of the immortal and virgin virtues in virginity which changes not into the form of woman.",
+                "Why then, soul of man, when thou shouldst live the virgin life in the house of God and cling to knowledge, dost thou stand aloof from them and embrace outward sense, which unmans and defiles thee? For this thou shalt bring forth that thing of ruin and confusion, Cain, the fratricide, the accursed, the possession which is no possession. For the meaning of Cain is “possession.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] We may note with surprise the form of expression, which, contrary to the usual practice, the lawgiver often employs and in the case of many persons. For when after speaking of the earth-born pair he begins the story of the first-born child of man, though he has said nothing at all of him hitherto, he says simply “she brought forth Cain.” It is as though the name had been often mentioned before, instead of being now for the first time introduced for use in the narrative. We may ask the author “Who or what is this Cain?” What has he told us small or great about him in the past?",
+                "[54] Surely he is not ignorant how the names of persons should be given. We see indeed that later on he will show his knowledge plainly in speaking of this same person Eve. “Adam knew Eve his wife; and she conceived and brought forth a son, and called his name Seth” (Gen. 4:25). Surely it was far more necessary in the case of the firstborn, who was the beginning of human generation through two parents, first to state the male sex of the child, and then to give his personal name, Cain, as it might be.",
+                "[55] Since then it was clearly not because he was ignorant how names should be given, that he rejects the usual method in the case of Cain, we must consider why he speaks thus of the children of our first parents and uses the form natural to an incidental mention of the names, rather than that which is usual when names are originally assigned. I conjecture that the reason is as follows."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[56] Elsewhere the universal practice of men as a body is to give to things names which differ from the things, so that the objects are not the same as what we call them. But with Moses the names assigned are manifest images of the things, so that name and thing are inevitably the same from the first and the name and that to which the name is given differ not a whit. My meaning will be seen more clearly from the case before us.",
+                "[57] The Mind in us—call it Adam—having met with outward Sense, called Eve, the source, we hold, of life to all living bodies (Gen. 3:20) approaches her for their mutual intercourse. She for her part takes in and catches as in a net the external objects of sense, as nature bids. Through the eyes comes colour, through the ears sound, through the nostrils smell, through the organs of taste flavours and through the touch all solid matter. Thus conceiving and being made pregnant, she straightway becomes in labour and bears the worst evil of the soul, vanity of thought. For the Mind thought that all these were his own possessions, all that he saw or heard or smelt or tasted or touched—all his own invention and handiwork."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[58] That it should have been so with the Mind was not strange. For there was a time when Mind neither had sense-perception, nor held converse with it, but a great gulf divided it from associated interdependent things. Rather was it then like the solitary ungregarious animals. At that time it formed a class by itself; it had no contact with body, no all-collecting instrument in its grasp wherewith to bring into its power the external objects of sense. It was blind, incapable, not in the common meaning of blindness as applied to those whom we observe to have lost their eyesight, for they though deprived of one sense have the others more abundantly.",
+                "[59] No, the Mind was docked of all its powers of sense-perception, thus truly powerless. It was but half the perfect soul, lacking the power whereby it is the nature of bodies to be perceived, a mere unhappy section bereft of its mate without the support of the sense-perceiving organs, whereby it could have propped as with a staff its faltering steps. And thus all bodily objects were wrapped in profound darkness and none of them could come to the light. For sense, the means whereby they were to become the objects of knowledge, was not.",
+                "[60] God then, wishing to provide the Mind with perception of material as well as immaterial things, thought to complete the soul by weaving into the part first made the other section, which he called by the general name of “woman” and the proper name of “Eve,” thus symbolizing sense."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[61] This Eve or sense from the very moment of coming into being through each of her parts as through orifices poured multitudinous light into the Mind, and purging and dispersing the mist set it as it were in the place of a master, able to see in luminous clearness the natures of things bodily.",
+                "[62] And the Mind, like one enlightened by the flash of the sun’s beam, after night, or as one awakened from deep sleep, or like a blind man who has suddenly received his sight, found thronging on it all things which come into being, heaven, earth, air, water, the vegetable and animal world, their phases, qualities, faculties, dispositions whether temporary or permanent, movements, activities, functions, changes, extinctions. Some it saw, some it heard, some it tasted, some it smelt, and some it touched; and to some it was attracted, because they work pleasure, from others it was averse because they cause pain.",
+                "[63] So then it gazed around on every side and, beholding itself and its powers, feared not to utter the same boast as the Macedonian king Alexander. For the story is that, when he seemed to have gained the mastery of Europe and Asia, he stood in some commanding spot and, looking at the view around, said “this way and that all are mine.” The words showed the lightness of an immature and childish soul, the soul of a common man in truth and not of a king.",
+                "[64] But before Alexander’s day the Mind, having acquired the faculty of sense and through its agency laid hold of every form of bodily things, was filled and puffed up with unreasoning pride, and thus thought that all things were its own possessions and none belonged to any other."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[65] It is this feeling in us which Moses expresses under the name of Cain, by interpretation Possession, a feeling foolish to the core or rather impious. For instead of thinking that all things are God’s possession, the Mind fancied that they were its own, though it cannot possess even itself securely, or even know what its own real being is. Yet if it trusts in the senses and their ability to lay hold of the objects of sense, let it tell us how it thinks to have power to avoid error in sight or hearing or any other sense.",
+                "[66] Indeed these errors must always befall us in each of our doings, to whatever pitch of accuracy the organs we use are brought. For to free ourselves altogether from natural sources of decay or involuntary delusions is hard or rather impossible, so innumerable in ourselves and around us and outside us throughout the whole race of mortals are the causes which produce false opinion. How foolish then, be its boasting ever so loud and its bearing ever so high, is the Mind’s thought that all things are its own possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[67] Surely Laban, whose heart was fixed on particular qualities, must have made Jacob laugh loud and long, Jacob who discerns rather than these the nature which is outside class or category. Laban dared to say to him “the daughters are my daughters, the sons are my sons, the cattle are my cattle, and all that thou seest are mine and my daughters’ ” (Gen. 31:43). In each case he adds the “my,” and his proud talk about himself goes on without ceasing.",
+                "[68] The daughters, tell me—daughters, you know, are the arts and branches of knowledge in the soul—do you say they are <i>your</i> daughters? How yours? Why in the first place you only received them from the mind that taught them to you. Secondly, it is in the course of nature that like other things you should lose them too, perhaps through the burden of other thoughts which drive them from your memory, or through cruel and incurable infirmities of the body, or that disease which is the doom of advancing years and no treatment can heal—old age—or a host of other causes, which no man can number.",
+                "[69] The sons—sons are the particular reasoned thoughts—when you say they are yours are you sane or mad to suppose such a thing? Fits of melancholy and insanity, bursts of frenzy, baseless conjectures, false impressions of things, mere notions, which are but unsubstantial will-o’-the-wisps made of the stuff of dreams, with their self-engendered throes and throbbings, loss of memory, the curse which so besets the soul, and other things more numerous than these, sap the security of your lordship, and show that these things are not your possessions but another’s.",
+                "[70] As for the cattle—the senses, that is, for sense is unreasoning and bestial—do you dare to say that they are yours? Consider your constant errors in sight and hearing, how you sometimes think bitter flavours sweet and sweet bitter, and in every sense are more often wrong than right. Surely a matter for blushing rather than for boasting and elation, as though you found all the faculties and activities of your soul infallible."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[71] But, if you reform and obtain a portion of the wisdom that you need, you will say that all are God’s possessions and not yours, your reflections, your knowledge of every kind, your arts, your conclusions, your reasonings on particular questions, your sense-perceptions, in fact the activities of your soul, whether carried on through the senses or without them. But if you leave yourself for ever unschooled and untaught, you will be eternally enslaved to hard mistresses, vain fancies, lusts, pleasures, promptings to wrongdoing, follies, false opinions.",
+                "[72] For if, says Moses, the servant should answer and say “I have come to love my master, my wife and my children, I will not go out free,” he shall be brought to the tribunal of God, and with God as judge shall have his request ratified, having first had his ear bored with an awl (Exod. 21:5, 6), that he may not receive the divine message of the freedom of the soul.",
+                "[73] For lofty words like these of having come to love the mind and thinking it his master and benefactor are worthy of a reasoning disqualified and rejected as it were from the sacred arena, a slave in very truth and wholly childish. And so too when he speaks of his exceeding affection for outward sense and his belief that she is his own possession and the greatest of blessings. So too with the children of these two, the children of mind—reflection, reasoning, judging, deliberating, conjecturing—the children of sense—sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch, in fact sense-perception in general."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[74] He who seeks intimacy with these can have had no perception, cannot even have dreamt, of freedom. For it is only by flight and estrangement from these that we can make a claim to the lot of the fearless.",
+                "We read of another who crowns his self-love with madness, and declares that, though what I have be taken from me, I will contend for it as my own and win the victory. “I will pursue,” he says, “I will overtake, I will divide the spoil; I will satisfy my soul; I will destroy with my sword; my hand shall have the mastery” (Exod. 15:9).",
+                "[75] To such a one I would say “Fool, is it hidden from you that every created being, who thinks he pursues, is pursued?” For maladies and old age and death, with all the other host of evils voluntary and involuntary, drive and hustle and pursue each one of us, and he who thinks to overtake and conquer is overtaken and conquered, and many a one who thinks to spoil and is already in his thoughts parcelling out the booty has fallen under the foot of victorious enemies. He receives into his soul emptiness for satisfaction, slavery for lordship, he is killed instead of killing, and all that he thought to do to others falls with full measure upon himself.",
+                "[76] For in very truth this man was the enemy of convincing reason and of nature herself, when he took to himself all active functions and forgot the passive, as though he was secure from the mass of calamities which these severally bring."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] For it was “the enemy,” as we read, who said “I will pursue and overtake.” What deadlier foe to the soul can there be than he who in his vainglory claims to himself that which belongs to God alone? For it belongs to God to act, and this we may not ascribe to any created being.",
+                "[78] What belongs to the created is to suffer, and he who accepts this from the first, as a necessity inseparable from his lot, will bear with patience what befalls him, however grievous it may be. He who thinks it a strange and alien thing will incur the penalty of Sisyphus, crushed by a vast and hopeless burden, unable even to lift his head, overwhelmed by all the terrors which beset and prostrate him, and increasing each misery by that abject spirit of surrender, which belongs to the degenerate and unmanly soul. Rather should he bravely bear, take his place firmly in the opposing ranks, and with those mightiest of virtues, which he himself contributes, patience and endurance, fortify his resolution and close the gates against the foe.",
+                "[79] There are two ways of undergoing shearing or shaving; one when there is reaction and reciprocation by the object, the other when there is complete submission or subjection. A sheep or a fleece or a “fell” puts forth no activity of itself, but is merely passive to the shearing process in the hands of another, but the man who is shaved acts with the barber, places himself in position, and accommodates himself, thus combining the active with the passive.",
+                "[80] So too with receiving blows. There is one kind which befalls a slave, whose wrongdoing has deserved it, or a free man who is stretched on the wheel for his crimes, or any lifeless things, such as stones or wood or gold or silver and all materials which are beaten or divided in a forge.",
+                "[81] The other kind we find in the case of an athlete in a boxing-match or pancratium for a crown of victory. As the blows fall upon him he brushes them off with either hand, or he turns his neck round this way and that and thus evades the blows, or often he rises on his tip-toes to his full height, or draws himself in and compels his adversary to lay about him in empty space, much as men do when practising the movements. But the slave or the metal lies impotent and irresponsive, passive to endure whatever the agent may determine to execute.",
+                "[82] This is a condition we should never admit into our bodies, much less into our souls. As mortals we must suffer, but let our suffering be that other kind which is the reaction of our own activity. Let us not like womanish folk, nerveless and unstrung, flagging ere the struggle begin, with all our spiritual forces relaxed, sink into utter prostration. Rather let the tension of our minds be firm and braced, that so we may be strong to relieve and lighten the force and onset of the misfortunes which menace us.",
+                "[83] Since then it has been shown that no mortal can in solid reality be lord of anything, and when we give the name of master we speak in the language of mere opinion, not of real truth; since too, as there is subject and servant, so in the universe there must be a leader and a lord, it follows that this true prince and lord must be one, even God, who alone can rightly claim that all things are His possessions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[84] Let us mark how sublime and worthy of the Deity is the enumeration of those possessions. “All things,” God says, “are Mine.” And these “all things” are the “bounties, and gifts and fruits which ye shall observe and offer to Me at My feasts” (Numb. 28:2). Here Moses clearly shows that among existing things there are some which rank lower as benefits, and this benefit is called “giving.” In others the benefit is of a higher kind and this has the special name of “bounty.” Others again are such that not only can they bear virtue as their fruit, but in their very nature through and through they are fruit meet for eating, even that one and only fruit which feeds the soul of him whose quest is the Vision.",
+                "[85] He who has learnt this lesson, and can keep and ponder it in his heart, will offer to God the blameless and fairest sacrifice of faith at feasts which are no feasts of mortals. For God has claimed the feasts for Himself, and herein He lays down a principle which they who belong to the company of the philosophers must not fail to know.",
+                "[86] The principle is this. God alone in the true sense keeps festival. Joy and gladness and rejoicing are His alone; to Him alone it is given to enjoy the peace which has no element of war. He is without grief or fear or share of ill, without faint-heartedness or pain or weariness, but full of happiness unmixed. Or rather since His nature is most perfect, He is Himself the summit, end and limit of happiness. He partakes of nothing outside Himself to increase His excellence. Nay He Himself has imparted of His own to all particular beings from that fountain of beauty—Himself. For the good and beautiful things in the world could never have been what they are, save that they were made in the image of the archetype, which is truly good and beautiful, even the uncreate, the blessed, the imperishable."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[87] And therefore Moses often in his laws calls the sabbath, which means ‘rest,’ God’s sabbath (Exod. 20:10, etc.), not man’s, and thus he lays his finger on an essential fact in the nature of things. For in all truth there is but one thing in the universe which rests, that is God. But Moses does not give the name of rest to mere inactivity. The cause of all things is by its nature active; it never ceases to work all that is best and most beautiful. God’s rest is rather a working with absolute ease, without toil and without suffering. For the sun and moon and the whole heaven and universe, since they are not self-mastering and move and revolve continually, we may rightly say do suffer. Their labouring is most clearly seen by the seasons of the year.",
+                "[88] For of the heavenly bodies the chiefest change their courses, sometimes revolving to the south, sometimes to the north, sometimes elsewhere; and the air grows colder and warmer and undergoes all manner of changes; and these changes in condition peculiar to it prove that it labours and is weary. For weariness is the principal cause of change.",
+                "[89] It were folly to pursue the subject through the creatures of air and water and enumerate at length their general and particular changes: for these are naturally liable to far greater weakness than the creatures of the upper world, since they in largest measure partake of the lowest form of substance, namely the earthly.",
+                "[90] Since then weariness is the natural cause of change in things that turn and vary, and since God turns not and changes not, He must be by nature unwearying. But a being that is free from weakness, even though he be making all things, will cease not to all eternity to be at rest, and thus rest belongs in the fullest sense to God and to Him alone."
+            ],
+            [
+                "Now we showed that keeping festival pertained to Him and therefore we see that all such festivals, whether they be weekly sabbaths or (the occasional) feasts, are His, who is the Cause, and pertain not to any man at all.",
+                "[91] Let us consider our famous festal assemblies. Different nations, whether Greek or barbarian, have their own, the product of myth and fiction, and their only purpose is empty vanity. We need not dwell on them, for the whole of human life would not suffice to tell in detail of the follies inherent in them. Yet, without overstepping the right limit, a few words, to serve for many, may be said to cover them all.",
+                "[92] In every feast and gathering in our country what is it that men admire and seek so eagerly? Freedom from the fear of punishment, from sense of restraint, from stress of business; drunkenness, tipsy rioting, routs and revels, wantonness, debauchery; lovers thronging their mistresses’ doors, nightlong carouses, unseemly pleasures, daylight chamberings, deeds of insolence and outrage, hours spent in training to be intemperate, in studying to be fools, in cultivating baseness, wholesale depravation of all that is noble: the works to which nature prompts us are turned upside down: men keep vigil by night to indulge their insatiable lust: the day time, the hours given for wakefulness, they spend in sleep.",
+                "[93] At such times virtue is jeered at as mischievous, vice snatched at as profitable. At such times right actions are dishonoured, wrong actions honoured. At such times music, philosophy, all culture, those truly divine images set in the divinely given soul, are mute. Only the arts which pander and minister pleasure to the belly and the organs below it are vocal and loud-voiced."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] Such are the feasts of those whom men call happy. And so long as they confine their unseemly doings to houses or unconsecrated places, their sin seems less to me. But when their wickedness like a rushing torrent spreads over every place and invades and violates the most sacred temples, it straightway overturns all that is venerable in them, and as a result come sacrifices unholy, offerings unmeet, vows unfulfilled, their rites and mysteries a mockery, their piety but a bastard growth, their holiness debased, their purity impure, their truth falsehood, their worship a sacrilege.",
+                "[95] Furthermore they cleanse their bodies with lustrations and purifications, but they neither wish nor practise to wash off from their souls the passions by which life is defiled. They are zealous to go to the temples white-robed, attired in spotless raiment, but with a spotted heart they pass into the inmost sanctuary and are not ashamed.",
+                "[96] And if an animal be found to be blemished or imperfect, it is driven out of the consecrated precincts and not suffered to approach the altar, though it is through no will of its own that it has any of these bodily defects. But they themselves—their souls are a mass of wounds from the hideous maladies with which the irresistible power of vice has smitten them, or rather they are mutilated, docked of their noblest parts, prudence, courage to endure, justice, piety and all the other virtues of which human nature is capable. And though it is with free deliberate judgement that they have imbibed the mischief, yet they dare to handle the holy thing, and think that the eye of God sees nothing but the outer world through the co-operation of the sun. They do not know that He surveys the unseen even before the seen, for He Himself is His own light.",
+                "[97] For the eye of the Absolutely Existent needs no other light to effect perception, but He Himself is the archetypal essence of which myriads of rays are the effluence, none visible to sense, all to the mind. And therefore they are the instruments of that same God alone, who is apprehended by mind, not of any who have part and lot in the world of creation. For the created is approached by sense, which can never grasp the nature which is apprehended by mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Seeing then that our souls are a region open to His invisible entrance, let us make that place as beautiful as we may, to be a lodging fit for God. Else He will pass silently into some other home, where He judges that the builder’s hands have wrought something worthier.",
+                "[99] When we think to entertain kings we brighten and adorn our own houses. We despise no embellishment, but use all such freely and ungrudgingly, and make it our aim that their lodging shall have every delight and the honour withal that is their due. What house shall be prepared for God the King of kings, the Lord of all, who in His tender mercy and loving-kindness has deigned to visit created being and come down from the boundaries of heaven to the utmost ends of earth, to show His goodness to our race?",
+                "[100] Shall it be of stone or timber? Away with the thought, the very words are blasphemy. For though the whole earth should suddenly turn into gold, or something more precious than gold, though all that wealth should be expended by the builder’s skill on porches and porticos, on chambers, vestibules, and shrines, yet there would be no place where His feet could tread. One worthy house there is—the soul that is fitted to receive Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] Justly and rightly then shall we say that in the invisible soul the invisible God has His earthly dwelling-place.",
+                "And that the house may have both strength and loveliness, let its foundations be laid in natural excellence and good teaching, and let us rear upon them virtues and noble actions, and let its external ornaments be the reception of the learning of the schools.",
+                "[102] The first of these, natural excellence, brings quickness of apprehension, perseverance and memory. From teaching are borrowed readiness to learn and concentration. They are like the roots of the tree that will bring forth good fruit, and without them the mind cannot be brought to its fullness.",
+                "[103] Virtues and the good actions that follow them provide the stability and firmness that make the structure secure, so that all that purposes to banish or sever or draw away the soul from good is powerless against such steadfastness and strength.",
+                "[104] From the study of the introductory learning of the schools come the ornaments of the soul, which are attached to it as to a house.",
+                "For as stuccoes, paintings, and tablets and arrangements of precious stones and the like, with which men adorn pavements as well as walls, contribute nothing to the strength of the building, but only serve to give pleasure to the inmates,",
+                "[105] so the knowledge of the schools adorns the whole house of the soul. Grammar or literature makes research into poetry and pursues the study of the doings of old time. Geometry gives us the sense of equality produced by proportion. It also heals by the means of fine music all that is harsh and inharmonious or discordant in the soul, under the influence of rhythm, metre, and melody. Rhetoric seeks out and weighs the materials for shrewd treatment in all the subjects which it handles, and welds them to the language that befits them. Sometimes it raises us to a pitch of strong emotion, at other times the tension is relaxed in a sense of pleasure. With all this it gives fluency and facility in using our tongues and organs of speech."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] If such a house be raised amid our mortal race, earth and all that dwells on earth will be filled with high hopes, expecting the descent of the divine potencies. With laws and ordinances from heaven they will descend, to sanctify and consecrate them on earth, according to their Father’s bidding. Then, joined in commonalty of daily life and board with virtue-loving souls, they sow within them the nature of happiness, even as they gave to wise Abraham in Isaac the most perfect thank-offering for their stay with him.",
+                "[107] The purified mind rejoices in nothing more than in confessing that it has the lord of all for its master. For to be the slave of God is the highest boast of man, a treasure more precious not only than freedom, but than wealth and power and all that mortals most cherish.",
+                "[108] To this sovereignty of the Absolutely Existent the oracle is a true witness in these words, “and the land shall not be sold in perpetuity, for all the land is mine, because ye are strangers and sojourners before me” (Lev. 25:23). A clear proof surely that in possession all things are God’s,",
+                "[109] and only as a loan do they belong to created beings. For nothing, he means, will be sold in perpetuity to any created being, because there is but One, to whom in a full and complete sense the possession of all things is assured.",
+                "For all created things are assigned as a loan to all from God, and He has made none of these particular things complete in itself, so that it should have no need at all of another. Thus through the desire to obtain what it needs,",
+                "[110] it must perforce approach that which can supply its need, and this approach must be mutual and reciprocal. Thus through reciprocity and combination, even as a lyre is formed of unlike notes, God meant that they should come to fellowship and concord and form a single harmony, and that an universal give and take should govern them, and lead up to the consummation of the whole world.",
+                "[111] Thus love draws lifeless to living, unreasoning to reasoning, trees to men, men to plants, cultivated to wild, savage to tame, each sex to the other; so too, in a word, the creatures of the land to the creatures of the water, these to the fowls of the air and those to both:",
+                "[112] so again heaven to earth, earth to heaven, air to water, and water to air. So natures intermediate yearn for each other and those at either extreme; these too for their fellows and the intermediate beings. Winter needs summer, summer winter, spring both, and autumn spring. Thus each, we may say, wants and needs each; all need all, that so this whole, of which each is a part, might be that perfect work worthy of its architect, this world."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[113] In this way combining all things He claimed the sovereignty of all for Himself; to His subjects He assigned the use and enjoyment of themselves and each other. For indeed we have ourselves and all that go to make these selves for use. I am formed of soul and body, I seem to have mind, reason, sense, yet I find that none of them is really mine.",
+                "[114] Where was my body before birth, and whither will it go when I have departed? What has become of the changes produced by life’s various stages in the seemingly permanent self? Where is the babe that once I was, the boy and the other gradations between boy and full-grown man? Whence came the soul, whither will it go, how long will it be our mate and comrade? Can we tell its essential nature? When did we get it? Before birth? But then there was no “ourselves.” What of it after death? But then we who are here joined to the body, creatures of composition and quality, shall be no more, but shall go forward to our rebirth, to be with the unbodied, without composition and without quality.",
+                "[115] Even now in this life, we are the ruled rather than the rulers, known rather than knowing. The soul knows us, though we know it not; it lays on us commands, which we must fain obey, as a servant obeys his mistress. And when it will, it will claim its divorce in court and depart, leaving our home desolate of life. Press it as we may to stay, it will escape from our hands. So subtle is it of nature, that it affords no grip or handle to the body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Is my mind my own possession? That parent of false conjectures, that purveyor of delusion, the delirious, the fatuous, and in frenzy or melancholy or senility proved to be the very negation of mind. Is my utterance my own possession, or my organs of speech? A little sickness is a cause sufficient to cripple the tongue and sew up the lips of the most eloquent, and the expectation of disaster paralyses multitudes into speechlessness.",
+                "[117] Not even of my sense-perception do I find myself master, rather, it may well be, its slave, who follows it where it leads, to colours, shapes, sounds, scents, flavours, and the other material things.",
+                "All this surely makes it plain that what we use are the possessions of another, that nor glory, nor wealth, nor honours, nor offices, nor all that makes up body or soul are our own, not even life itself.",
+                "[118] And if we recognize that we have but their use, we shall tend them with care as God’s possessions, remembering from the first, that it is the master’s custom, when he will, to take back his own. The thought will lighten our sorrow when they are taken from us. But as it is, with the mass of men, the belief that all things are their own makes their loss or absence at once a source of grief and trouble.",
+                "[119] And so the thought that the world and all that therein is are both the works and the possessions of Him that begat them becomes not only a truth but a doctrine most comfortable.",
+                "But this work which is His own He has bestowed freely, for He needs it not. Yet he who has the use does not thereby become possessor, because there is one lord and master of all, who will most rightly say “all the land is mine (which is the same as ‘all creation is mine’), but ye are strangers and sojourners before me” (Lev. 25:23)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] In relation to each other all created beings rank as men of longest descent and highest birth; all enjoy equal honour and equal rights, but to God they are aliens and sojourners. For each of us has come into this world as into a foreign city, in which before our birth we had no part, and in this city he does but sojourn, until he has exhausted his appointed span of life.",
+                "[121] And there is another lesson of wisdom that he teaches in these words, even this—God alone is in the true sense a citizen, and all created being is a sojourner and alien, and those whom we call citizens are so called only by a licence of language. But to the wise it is a sufficient bounty, if when ranged beside God, the only citizen, they are counted as aliens and sojourners, since the fool can in no wise hold such a rank in the city of God, but we see him an outcast from it and nothing more.",
+                "Such a lesson too He has proclaimed to us in an utterance of deepest meaning. “The land shall not be sold at all.” No word of the seller there, that through this very silence he, who has access to the secrets of nature-truth, may profit in the quest of knowledge.",
+                "[122] Look round you and you shall find that those who are said to bestow benefits sell rather than give, and those who seem to us to receive them in truth buy. The givers are seeking praise or honour as their exchange and look for the repayment of the benefit, and thus, under the specious name of gift, they in real truth carry out a sale; for the seller’s way is to take something for what he offers. The receivers of the gift, too, study to make some return, and do so as opportunity offers, and thus they act as buyers. For buyers know well that receiving and paying go hand in hand.",
+                "[123] But God is no salesman, hawking his goods in the market, but a free giver of all things, pouring forth eternal fountains of free bounties, and seeking no return. For He has no needs Himself and no created being is able to repay His gift."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Thus we have agreed that all things are God’s possessions on the strength of true reasonings and testimonies which none may convict of false witness, for our witnesses are the oracles which Moses wrote in the sacred books. And therefore we must make our protest against the Mind, which thought the offspring engendered by union with sense his own possession, called it Cain and said “I have <i>gotten</i> a man through God.” Even in these last two words he erred. You ask how?",
+                "[125] Because God is the cause not the instrument, and that which comes into being is brought into being <i>through</i> an instrument, but <i>by</i> a cause. For to bring anything into being needs all these conjointly, the “by which,” the “from which,” the “through which,” the “for which,” and the first of these is the cause, the second the material, the third the tool or instrument, and the fourth the end or object.",
+                "[126] If we ask what combination is always needed that a house or city should be built, the answer is a builder, stones or timber, and instruments. What is the builder but the cause “by which”? What are the stones and timber but the material “from which”? What are the instruments but the means “through which”?",
+                "[127] And what is the end or object of the building but shelter and safety, and this constitutes the “for which.”",
+                "Let us leave these merely particular buildings, and contemplate that greatest of houses or cities, this universe. We shall see that its cause is God, by whom it has come into being, its material the four elements, from which it was compounded, its instrument the word of God, through which it was framed, and the final cause of the building is the goodness of the architect. It is thus that truth-lovers distinguish, who desire true and sound knowledge. But those who say that they possess something through God, suppose the Cause, that is the Maker, to be the instrument, and the instrument, that is the human mind, they suppose to be the cause.",
+                "[128] Right reason too would not hold Joseph free from blame, when he said that <i>through</i> God would the true meaning of dreams be found (Gen. 40:8). He should have said that <i>by</i> Him as cause the unfolding and right interpretation of things hidden would fitly come to pass. For we are the instruments, wielded in varying degrees of force, through which each particular form of action is produced; the Craftsman it is who brings to bear on the material the impact of our forces, whether of soul or body, even He by whom all things are moved.",
+                "[129] There are those who have not of themselves the capacity to distinguish differences in things; these we must instruct as ignorant. There are those who through contentiousness reverse and confuse the thoughts which their words express: these we must eschew as mere lovers of strife. But there are also those, who with careful search into what comes before them, assign to each as it is presented its proper place: these we must praise as the followers of a philosophy that cannot lie.",
+                "[130] And these Moses supports, when he says to those who feared to perish at the hands of the wicked one and his pursuing host, “Stand fast and see the salvation from the Lord, which he will accomplish for you” (Exod. 14:13). Thus he showed that not through God, but from Him as cause does salvation come."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO ON THE CHERUBIM",
+            "§ 6. <i>The stern and gloomy life</i>, etc. Philo seems to interpret this first flight of Hagar as the tendency of youth to shrink from the stern discipline of the school, the Encyclia being for the moment treated as “the mind which is trained in them,” as in <i>De Cong.</i> 180.",
+            "§ 8. ἐπιλάμψῃ … μεταδιώκων. The obvious way of taking this difficult and probably corrupt passage, namely to translate ἀποθανόντων τὰ πάθη χαρᾶς καὶ εὑφροσύνης by “died to the passions (or ‘feelings’) of joy and gladness,” must be wrong, for as Isaac is regularly regarded as embodying these qualities (<i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All.</i> iii. 218), it is impossible that his parents should be thought of as discarding them at his birth. Two lines of correction seem possible, (<i>a</i>) as adopted in the translation, to bring χαρᾶς and εὐφροσύνης into co-ordination with εὐδαιμονίας, (<i>b</i>) to co-ordinate them with παιδιάς by reading χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας. This in itself would still leave untouched the awkward gen. abs. ἐκλιπόντων and ἀποθανόντων, to say nothing of the difficulty involved in applying the phrase ἐκλιπεῖν τὰ γυναικεῖα (used of Sarah in Gen. 18:11) to Abraham also. These difficulties, however, might be removed by reading also ἐκλιπόν … ἀποθανόν (ἀπομαθόν?) … μεταδίωκον. (<i>a</i>) certainly as it stands leaves the sentence almost intolerable. Perhaps the least drastic correction would be to expel ὁ Ἰσαάκ as a gloss, put in its place καὶ τῶν and insert ὁ before καὶ παιδιάς. Thus the whole sentence will run, ἐπιλάμψῃ δὲ καὶ τὸ εὐδαιμονίας γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκλιπόντων τὰ γυναικεῖα καὶ ἀποθανόντων τὰ πάθη χαρᾶς καὶ εὐφροσύνης, ὁ καὶ παιδιάς, etc. The participial genitives in this case though still clumsy are less unnatural, and the difficulty of the application of ἐκλιπεῖν, etc., to Abraham is avoided as the phrase becomes a general statement. The obvious difficulty involved in (<i>b</i>) that it ascribes to Isaac what belongs to Sarah may be met by supposing that Philo equates Sarah’s “ceasing from the manner of women” with the conception of Isaac (<i>cf.</i> <i>De Post.</i> 134).",
+            "[It would bring this passage into harmony with other passages, if what Philo wrote was ἐκλιπὸν … ἀποθανὸν … μεταδίωκον (all in agreement with γένος), and χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας. It would seem not unlikely that a scribe, a little puzzled by the neuters ἐκλιπὸν and ἀποθανόν, and seeing ἐκλιπόντ- and ἀποθανόντ- before him, filled in the -ων in each word, producing ἐκλιπόντων and ἀποθανόντων. This led to the change of χαρὰς καὶ εὐφροσύνας into genitives singular. With ἑκλιπόν and ἀποθανόν restored, the construction is the same as that in <i>De Somniis</i>, i. 68 ᾦ τὸ αὐτομαθὲς γενός, Ισαάκ, ἐνδιαιγᾶται, μηδέποτε … <b>ἀφιστάμενον</b>. Our passage is also illustrated by <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 1 ᾗ τὸ αὐτομαθὲς ἐπέλαμψε γένος, Ἰσαάκ, εὐπαθειῶν ἀρίστη, χαρά, and <i>Quod Det. 46</i> τὸ μόνον ἀπαθὲς εἶδος ἐν γενέσει τὸν Ἰσαάκ <i>and</i> <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 261 τέξεται οὖν σοι ἡ ἀρετὴ υἱὸν γενναῖον ἄρρενα (Gen. 17:19) <b>παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένον θήλεος πάθους.<b></b></b>",
+            "To Philo the fact that Isaac was sprung from one “as good as dead” and “the deadness of Sarah’s womb” carried with it his deadness to passions and his complete immunity from all that was weak and womanish.—G. H. W.]",
+            "τὰς παίδων. We have perhaps here an allusion to Gen. 21:9, where according to the A.V. Sarah saw Ishmael ‘mocking.’ The R.V. margin, however, has ‘playing,’ and the LXX. παίζοντα. The fact that it was this “playing of children” which led to Ishmael’s expulsion, would lend additional point to the words here.",
+            "§ 15. The idea of the lawfulness of falsehood under the circumstances here described is perhaps taken from Plato, <i>Rep.</i> iii. 389 B.",
+            "§ 25. <i>The two hemispheres.</i> Empedocles said εἶναι δύο ἡμισφαίρια, τὸ μὲν καθόλου πυρός, τὸ δὲ μικτὸν ἐξ ἀέρος καὶ ὀλίγου πυρός, ὅπερ οἴεται τὴν νύκτα εἶναι (see Ritter and Preller, 170). “Thus there arose two hemispheres which together form the concave sphere of heaven; the one is bright and consists entirely of fire; the other is dark and consists of air with isolated masses of fire sprinkled in it” (Zeller). <i>Cf.</i> Plato. <i>Axiochus</i> 376 A. A theory is mentioned that τοῦ πόλου ὄντος σφαιροειδοῦς …, τὸ μὲν ἕτερον ἡμισφαίριον οἱ θεοὶ ἔλαχον οἱ οὐράνιοι, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον οἱ ὑπένερθεν.",
+            "§ 26. <i>Named by men of old the standing-place. Cf.</i> Philolaus (<i>ap.</i> Stob. <i>Ecl.</i> i. 21. 8) τὸ πρᾶτον ἁρμοσθὲν τὸ ἓν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τᾶς σφαίρας ἑστία καλεῖται.",
+            "§ 28. Elsewhere, in <i>Quaestiones in Gen.</i> i. 58 (which only survives in the Armenian), Philo gives the same explanation of the Cherubim, but interprets the sword as “heaven.”",
+            "§ 32. <i>Neither fights nor keeps the ranks.</i> Guilty, that is, of ἀστρατεία, shirking service, and λιποτάξιον, desertion in the field. Both these were punishable offences in Attic law.",
+            "§ 41. <i>Leah.</i> Leah (symbolizing virtue) is derived by Philo from the Hebrew words “lo” = not, and “lahah” = to be weary. The fool “says no” (ἀνανεύει) to her ἄσκησις which makes <i>herself</i> weary. Elsewhere (in <i>De Mut. Nom.</i> 254) the weariness is interpreted of the weariness which she <i>causes</i>, and again (<i>De Migr. Abr.</i> 145) of the weariness caused by the burden of wickedness which she has cast off. In ἀνανευομένῃ there is also a reference to Jacob’s rejection of Leah in the actual story.",
+            "§ 42. <i>Who have no other standards</i>, etc. Cohn punctuates differently with a comma before τύφῳ and another after ἐθῶν, thus making ῥημάτων genitive after τύφῳ. But it seems unreasonable to break up the common collocation of ὀνόματα (nouns) with ῥήματα (verbs or phrases), the two together constantly standing for language as a whole.",
+            "τερθρείαις ἐθῶν, <i>i.e.</i> “mummeries of rituals.” This is well illustrated by Dion. Hal. <i>Ant. Rom.</i> 19, where both the τῦφος and the τερθρεία μυθική of the rites of Cybele are denounced.",
+            "§ 45. <i>In her solitude.</i> Apparently a fanciful deduction from the fact that Abraham’s presence is not mentioned in Gen. 21:1. In the cases that follow there is the same deduction from the absence of any mention of the husband.",
+            "§ 49. <i>His greater mysteries.</i> Philo borrows from the Eleusinian mysteries this idea of “greater” and “less.” Here Moses is the greater and the Prophets the less. For another application of the distinction see <i>De Sacr.</i> 62.",
+            "<i>Husband.</i>—The LXX. in Jer. 3:4, which differs wholly from the Hebrew, has ἀρχηγόν. As ἄνδρα is necessary to Philo’s argument he may be quoting some earlier rendering.",
+            "§§ 53–66. The argument of these sections seems to be as follows. Names do not ordinarily represent the thing named so absolutely that no further explanation is required. We should not know from the name Cain that he was first-born or male. But Moses’ names are given on a different principle. To show what this is, in 57–64 Philo describes the primitive τρόπος (65) of the mind to think that it possesses all that it seems to have. Since the name “Possession” indicates this τρόπος clearly, Moses had no need to say anything more. Philo adopts partially the Stoic theory that names came originally φύσει, but restricts it to the names of the O.T.",
+            "§ 69. <i>Will-o’-the-wisps.</i> The following passage suggests strongly that the reading adopted by the translator rather than that of Cohn is right. Chrysippus (on the distinction between φάντασμα, φανταστόν, φανταστικόν) says: φανταστικὸν δέ ἐστι διάκενος ἑλκυσμός, πάθος ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς φανταστοῦ γινόμενον, κάθαπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιαμαχοῦντος καὶ κενοῖς ἐπιφέροντος τὰς χεῖρας … φάντασμα δέ ἐστιν ἐφʼ ὂ ἑλκόμεθα κατὰ τὸν φανταστικὸν διάκενον ἑλκυσμόν. ταῦτα δὲ γίνεται ἐπὶ τῶν μελαγχολώντων καὶ μεμηνότων (Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>, ii. 54. <i>Cf.</i> <i>ibid.</i> 64).",
+            "§ 79. <i>Where there is reaction</i> (ἀντιπεπονθός). Philo here utilizes a piece of Stoic grammar. <i>Cf.</i> Diog. Laert. vii. 64: ἀντιπεπονθότα δέ ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς ὑπτίοις, ἃ ὕπτια ὄντα ἐνεργήματά ἑστιν, οἷον Κείρεται· ἐμπεριέχει (perhaps ἐμπαρέχει, see παρέχων ἑαυτόν, 79) γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁ κειρόμενος, <i>i.e.</i> the ἀντιπεπονθότα are those among the passives which though passive (in form) represent actions, as κείρεται. The application of the term in these sections of Philo suggests that the grammatical meaning of the term was not so much that of the ordinary middle (I shave myself) as that of the causative middle “I get myself shaved.” The term thus describes “having something done to us in response to something we have done ourselves.”",
+            "<i>A sheep or a fleece.</i> δέρμα and κῴδιον might possibly be taken as accusatives, but the phraseology in the parallel passage, <i>L.A.</i> iii. 201 κείρεις ἑτέρως μὲν ἅνθρωπον ἑτέρως δὲ τὸ κῴδιον, suggests that they are nominatives. The translator is unable to make any suggestion as to the distinction between the two nouns, or why τὸ λεγόμενον is added.",
+            "§ 84. “<i>All things</i>,” <i>He says</i>, “<i>are mine.</i>” The phrase does not occur in the O.T. Perhaps print ὅλα “μου,” φησίν, ἐστίν, and refer “He says” to the threefold “mine” in Numb. 28:2. <i>Cf.</i> <i>L.A.</i> iii. 176.",
+            "§ 105. <i>Grammar or literature.</i> γραμματική always included the study of the poets and historians as well as what we call grammar, and in Philo’s time this literary side was by far the most important.",
+            "<i>By the means of fine music.</i> The text implies that music is part of “geometry,” a view which is very unusual, if not unprecedented, though the two, since geometry included arithmetic, were closely connected. The change of the nominatives γραμματική, etc., to -κῇ (datives), suggested by Cohn, would obviate this, but to represent knowledge as <i>e.g.</i> studying history <i>by means of</i> γραμματική is very harsh. Cohn confessed that his emendation did not satisfy him.",
+            "<i>Rhetoric</i>, etc. The allusion in this sentence is (<i>a</i>) to the regular division of rhetoric into (1) “invention” (εὔρεσις including τάξις), (2) style or expression (ἑρμηνεία), (3) delivery (ὑπόκρισις); and (<i>b</i>) to the expression of the gentler emotions (ἤθη) and that of the stronger emotions (πάθη).",
+            "§§ 109–112. For the sense of this and the preceding sections <i>cf.</i> Epictetus, <i>Diss.</i> i. 12. 16 διέταξε δὲ θέρος εἷναι καὶ χειμῶνα καὶ φορὰν καὶ ἀφορίαν καὶ ἀρετὴν καὶ κακίαν καὶ πάσας τὰς τοιαύτας ἐναντιότητας ὑπὲρ συμφωνίας τῶν ὅλων.",
+            "§ 114. <i>The other gradations.</i> Of the five gradations left untranslated ἡβῶν perhaps = age of puberty, while πρωτογένειος speaks for itself, and the other three fall of course between the limits thus indicated.",
+            "<i>Rebirth. Cf.</i> a passage in <i>Quaest. in Ex.</i> ii. 46, where, according to the Latin version of the Armenian, the calling of Moses to the Mount is said to typify the “secunda nativitas sive regeneratio priore melior.” If we are to suppose that this “regeneration” is absorption in the Divine and occurs at death, the correction to ἀσύγκριτοι ἄποιοι, which is also wanted for the balance of the two clauses, seems necessary. But it is possible that Philo is following the Stoic doctrine, according to which the souls (of the good at any rate) survived the general conflagration (ἐκπύρωσις) which was to be followed by the “reconstruction” (παλιγγενεσία); see Arnim, <i>l.c.</i> ii. 802–822. In this case Cohn’s reading might stand; for the soul through this interregnum, though ἀσώματος, would still be σύγκριτος (of fire and air) and ποιός.",
+            "§ 115. Philo adapts from the Attic orators the technical language used of a wife who formally claimed divorce or separation from her husband. If the husband did not agree, an ἀπολείψεως δίκη had to be brought before the Archon (πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα) (see <i>Dict. of Ant.</i>, art. “Divortium”). <i>Cf</i>. <i>Quod Det.</i> 143, where also we have the phrase (apparently in general use: see Bekker, <i>Anecd.</i> 430. 30) χρηματίζειν ἀπόλειψιν.",
+            "§ 121. <i>Licence of language.</i> κατάχρησις (<i>abusio</i>) is the name used by the grammarians for the figure of speech involved in such a phrase as the “aedificare equum” of Virgil (<i>aedificare</i> being properly to build a house only).",
+            "<i>The land shall not be sold at all.</i> Philo is still quoting Lev. 25:23, which he cited correctly in 108. Here, however, he substitutes πράσει for εἰς βεβαίωσιν, probably from a reminiscence of Deut. 21:14, where the phrase πράσει οὐ πραθήσεται is used. The alteration, though it makes a considerable difference in the meaning of the text, hardly affects the argument.",
+            "§ 123. <i>Hawking his goods.</i> Properly speaking the word ἐπευωνίζων means “selling cheap,” and this shade of meaning makes good sense in <i>De Gig.</i> 32. On the other hand here and elsewhere there is no special point in the cheapness, and probably the word merely conveys some measure of contempt. If, however, the ἑαυτοῦ is to be pressed, the idea might be “pressing his own goods upon the purchaser and thus underselling his competitors.”",
+            "§ 125. πρὸς γὰρ τὴν γένεσιν, etc. Philo’s four causes are evidently based on Aristotle’s four, (1) the οὐσία or τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι (formal cause), (2) the ὕλη or ἐξ οὖ (material cause), (3) the ἀρχὴ τῆς κινήσεως or τὸ ποιοῦν (efficient cause), (4) τὸ οὖ ἕνεκα or ἀγαθόν (final cause). But for the “formal cause” he substitutes the “instrument,” a view to which his theory of the λόγος naturally led. He repeats the first three of the causes in <i>Quaest. in Gen.</i> i. 58, and all four in <i>De Providentia</i> (also only extant in the Armenian). There, however, the “ad quid?” is answered by “ut sit argumentum,” <i>i.e.</i> apparently, to give a proof of his goodness. Here there is an evident confusion of his treatment of the world as compared with his treatment of the house. The ἀγαθότης of God does not correspond with the σκέπη furnished by the house. Philo is perhaps misled by Plato, <i>Timaeus</i> 29 E, where the question, “why did God make the world?” is answered in the first instance by ἀγαθὸς ἦν, but the true answer, namely that He wanted to make all things like Himself, follows directly."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הכרובים",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הכרובים",
+        "enTitle": "On the Cherubim",
+        "key": "On the Cherubim",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,190 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על חיי העיון",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE OR SUPPLIANTS (DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA) <br>INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA</i>",
+            "This treatise is except for a few digressions a highly eulogistic account of an ascetic community known to Philo and settled near Alexandria. It is introduced as a counterpart to his description of the Essenes, whether that in <i>Quod Omnis Probus</i> 75–91 or perhaps more probably that in the <i>Hypothetica</i>, 11. 1–18, or possibly some third which has not survived. The Therapeutae are differentiated from the others in that while the Essenes exemplify the practical they represent the contemplative life. They do not have any active occupation or any custom of sharing houses or garments, nor do they even mess together except on special occasions. Another difference is that while the Essenes are exclusively male the Therapeutae admit women freely to such communal life as they have. On the other hand while the Essenes of course observe frugality there is no suggestion that they practised abstinence like the Therapeutae, who carried it to an extreme.",
+            "The treatise does not seem to me to rank high among the works of Philo; the subject is slight and gives little scope to the richness of thought which marks so much of the commentary and in a less degree the exposition of the Law. Historically it is perhaps of some importance as giving an account of an institution with some of the marks of later monasticism for which we have no parallel either without or within the Judaism of the times. And the importance would be much greater if we could suppose that this Alexandrian community was of a type widespread through the world outside. The opening words of section 21 may at first suggest that this was so and the argument of Lucius who maintained that the treatise was spurious was primarily based on this assumption. The Therapeutae, he argued, are said by the author to have been found in many places; if it were so we must have heard of them from other sources, and as we do not hear of them the whole thing must be a fiction. But I do not think that section 21 bears this meaning. This kind he says is found in many parts of the world, particularly in Egypt, and the best of them find a home in a certain spot which he proceeds to describe. But when we look back to find who this kind are it appears that they are religious enthusiasts who give up their property and family ties and go and live in solitude. That this type of character existed in Philo’s time we might take for granted even if we did not have, abundant evidence in his own writings, and it would not be surprising to find them occasionally organizing themselves into communities which would not necessarily attract much attention. Philo however does not assert that they ever did so except in the body which he glorifies in this treatise. Nor does he tell us how numerous they were or how long they maintained themselves. If any inference is to be drawn from the absence of mention elsewhere it would be that this settlement was small and ephemeral.",
+            "In fact it is neither the literary nor the philosophical value nor its historical importance which has made this treatise better known and more discussed than any other work of Philo. It owes its fame to the controversies which have raged round it since the fourth century. The thing began when Eusebius, <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> ii. 17 discovered in the Therapeutae a picture of the first Christian converts. After noting the traditional evangelization of Alexandria by St. Mark, he declares that no one could possibly doubt that Philo was referring to the first generation of his converts. In the renunciation of their property, their severe fasting, in the virginity of the women members, in their study of the scriptures including the writings of men of old which are clearly the gospels and apostolic writings and commentaries on the Old Testament such as Paul used—in their festal meetings which are a description of Easter celebrations, and the officials who manage these meetings in whom we may see bishops, priests and deacons, no one can possibly fail to see the first Christians. Nowadays it seems needless to argue that the theory has no foundation whatever. But it is easy to understand that the idea of finding in this Jewish philosopher an account of the life and worship of the early church, particularly in the great city whose evangelization is unnoticed in the New Testament, was very fascinating, and it is not surprising that it was strongly maintained by orthodox churchmen down to the 18th century. Hardly had it died out in the form sketched by Eusebius when it was revived in another form by two German scholars, Grätz and (more elaborately) Lucius in 1880. Eusebius had believed that Philo himself was in good faith describing the actual Christians of his time. Lucius supposed that some unknown writer at the end of the third century A.D. drew up an imaginary account of the monasticism of his own time which he put forth in Philo’s name in order to commend it to readers, who impressed by the authority thus given to it would believe that it was a genuine picture of the primitive church. Somehow Lucius secured the approval not only of such distinguished historians as Schiirer and Zeller but a formidable number of other distinguished scholars. But I find it difficult to understand how anyone who reads Conybeare’s and Wendland’s refutations side by side with Lucius’s dissertation can believe it. I will not attempt to give more than a few main points. Lucius’s strongest argument was the absolute silence elsewhere about the Therapeutae, and this might have weight if we understood the author to assert that communities like that of the Mareotic Lake were to be found everywhere through the Roman world. But as I have said above I see no need to make such a deduction. Lucius also declared that various practices mentioned had Christian parallels, a claim in some cases obviously absurd, in others I daresay justified. But it was necessary to his argument to show that these customs or practices were not only Christian but also non-Jewish and this, if the two writers I have mentioned are to be believed, is rarely if ever the case. But the one great source of evidence on which a student of Philo not expert in Christian Antiquities is entitled to give his opinion is the style and language. Here the evidence as shown not merely in thought but in vocabulary and phrasing seems to me quite beyond dispute. The Testimonia printed by Conybeare at the foot of each page are overwhelming and with the additions made by Wend-land demand at any rate a forger of extraordinary skill. They prove also that Lucius’s study of Philo, as shown in what he considers to be an approximately correct list of the parallels in the treatise with the rest of Philo, was exceedingly inadequate. Whatever was the case when Lucius’s argument was put forward sixty years ago, the tide of opinion has turned against it and rightly so far as I can judge.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the treatise:",
+            "He opens with saying that as a counterpart to the practical type represented by the Essenes he will describe the contemplative type which he calls Therapeutic. The name may originally mean healing but also worshipping, and this is the sense in which he further develops it (1–2). He compares this worship to the honour paid to other objects; the elements, the heavenly bodies and images are each reviewed and their inadequacy exposed (3–7), and this discussion ends with a scathing denunciation of the worst of all these false religions the Egyptian animal worship (8–9).",
+            "We now return to the Therapeutic type; their most essential characteristic is their mystical aspiration to reach the vision of the one God and this leads them to renounce all thoughts of private property (10–13). Philo praises them because in contrast to Anaxagoras and Democritus they do not let their property run to waste but give it over to friends and kinsmen while at the same time they gain leisure to devote themselves to the higher life (14–17). Free from these cares they leave behind them all family ties and seek solitude away from the corrupting influence of cities (18–20).",
+            "While the Therapeutic type in this wider sense is to be found in many parts of the Greek and Barbarian world, and particularly in Egypt, Philo declares that the best of them (in Egypt?) resort from every quarter to a particular spot near the Mareotic Lake, the climate and position of which he describes (21–23). The simple houses of these settlers each of them contain a room set apart for their meditations in which they study the Scriptures and devotional works from sunrise to sunset (24–26). At both times they pray and also compose hymns (27–29). This solitary life is relaxed somewhat on the Sabbath, when they meet in the synagogue where men and women sit in separate partitions and listen to a sermon (30–33). As to their diet, during the six days they eat nothing till sunset and even in some cases fast for three whole days or more, but on the Sabbath it is more generous, though then the food and drink are little more than bread and water (34–37) and this asceticism extends to their dress (38–39).",
+            "The ordinary Sabbath meeting does not seem to include a Symposium, but they have such a thing on occasions. But before giving an account of it Philo makes a digression which takes up about a quarter of the whole treatise, describing the pagan feasts with which he will contrast it. First he notes the savage violence and drunkenness which disfigure such feasts (40–47), secondly the extravagant luxury shown in the appurtenances, couches and drinking vessels and still more in the number, finery and beauty of the attendants (48–52), and the number and variety of the dishes with which the guests gorge themselves (53–56). Greek literature does include two Symposia of a more refined kind, those described by Xenophon and Plato. Yet even these are full of folly, and Philo can see little more in Plato’s than the exaltation of pederasty which he takes the occasion to denounce (57–63). The rest of the treatise (64–90) describes in contrast to the above the festal meeting of the Therapeutae. First the date and occasion (65); then the preliminaries and prayers, the seating in order of seniority in the community, with the sexes separate (66–69); then the nature of the couches used and the qualifications of the attendants who are not slaves but young freemen (69–72); the simplicity of the meal provided (73–74). After they have taken their places on the couches there follows a discourse by the President on some scriptural point bringing out the spiritual lessons that the literal text provides, which is received with all attention followed by applause at the end (75–79). The discourse is followed by hymns, the first sung by the President, the others by the congregation each in turn, while all join in the refrain at the end (80–81). Then at last the meal itself is served (82). After this the vigil begins, the men and women each form a choir, the two choirs sing and dance in turn and then join together (83–85), thus resembling the songs of Moses and Miriam after the destruction of Pharaoh in the Red Sea, which is once more told in some detail (85–87). This is continued till dawn when they stand up and face the east and at sunrise after prayer return each to their own prayer room (88–89). The concluding section sums up the virtues and blessedness of the Therapeutae (90)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] I have discussed the Essenes, who persistently pursued the active life and excelled in all or, to put it more moderately, in most of its departments. I will now proceed at once in accordance with the sequence required by the subject to say what is needed about those who embraced the life of contemplation. In doing so I will not add anything of my own procuring to improve upon the facts as is constantly done by poets and historians through lack of excellence in the lives and practices which they record, but shall adhere absolutely to the actual truth. Though I know that in this case it is such as to unnerve the greatest master of oratory, still we must persevere and not decline the conflict, for the magnitude of virtue shown by these men must not be allowed to tie the tongues of those who hold that nothing excellent should be passed over in silence.",
+                "[2] The vocation of these philosophers is at once made clear from their title of Therapeutae and Therapeutrides, a name derived from θεραπεύω, either in the sense of “cure” because they profess an art of healing better than that current in the cities which cures only the bodies, while theirs treats also souls oppressed with grievous and well-nigh incurable diseases, inflicted by pleasures and desires and griefs and fears, by acts of covetousness, folly and injustice and the countless host of the other passions and vices: or else in the sense of “worship,” because nature and the sacred laws have schooled them to worship the Self-existent who is better than the good, purer than the One and more primordial than the Monad.",
+                "[3] Who among those who profess piety deserve to be compared with these?",
+                "Can we compare those who revere the elements, earth, water, air, fire, which have received different names from different peoples who call fire Hephaestus because it is kindled (ἐξάπτω), air Hera because it is lifted up (αἴρω) and exalted on high, water Poseidon perhaps because it is drunk (ποτός), and earth Demeter because it appears to be the mother of all plants and animals?",
+                "[4] Sophists have invented these names for the elements but the elements themselves are lifeless matter incapable of movement of itself and laid by the Artificer as a substratum for every kind of shape and quality.",
+                "[5] What of the worshippers of the bodies framed from the elements, sun, moon or the other stars fixed or wandering, or the whole heaven and universe? But these too were not brought into being self-made, but through an architect of most perfect knowledge.",
+                "[6] What of the worship of the demi-gods? Surely this is quite ridiculous. How could one and the same person be both mortal and immortal, to say nothing of the reproach attaching to the original source of their birth, tainted as it is with the licentiousness of wanton youth which they impiously dare to ascribe to the blissful and divine powers by supposing that the thrice blessed and exempt from every passion in their infatuation had intercourse with mortal women.",
+                "[7] What of the worshippers of the different kinds of images? Their substance is wood and stone, till a short time ago completely shapeless, hewn away from their congenital structure by quarrymen and woodcutters while their brethren, pieces from the same original source, have become urns and foot-basins or some others of the less honourable vessels which serve the purposes of darkness rather than of light.",
+                "[8] For as for the gods of the Egyptians it is hardly decent even to mention them. The Egyptians have promoted to divine honours irrational animals, not only of the tame sort but also beasts of the utmost savagery, drawn from each of the kinds found below the moon, from the creatures of the land the lion, from those of the water their indigenous crocodile, from the rangers of the air the hawk and the Egyptian ibis.",
+                "[9] And though they see these creatures brought to their birth, requiring food, eating voraciously, full of ordure, venomous too and man-eating, the prey of every sort of disease, and perishing not only by a natural but often by a violent death, they render worship to them, they the civilized to the uncivilized and untamed, the reasonable to the irrational, the kinsfolk of the Godhead to ugliness unmatched even by a Thersites, the rulers and masters to the naturally subservient and slavish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] These indeed, since they infect not only their own compatriots but the peoples in their neighbourhood with their folly, must remain incurable, for they have lost the use of the most vital of the senses, sight. And by this I do not mean the sight of the body but of the soul, the sight which alone gives a knowledge of truth and falsehood.",
+                "[11] But it is well that the Therapeutae, a people always taught from the first to use their sight, should desire the vision of the Existent and soar above the sun of our senses and never leave their place in this company which carries them on to perfect happiness.",
+                "[12] And those who set themselves to this service, not just following custom nor on the advice and admonition of others but carried away by a heaven-sent passion of love, remain rapt and possessed like bacchanals or corybants until they see the object of their yearning.",
+                "[13] Then such is their longing for the deathless and blessed life that thinking their mortal life already ended they abandon their property to their sons or daughters or to other kinsfolk, thus voluntarily advancing the time of their inheritance, while those who have no kinsfolk give them to comrades and friends. For it was right that those who have received ready to their hand the wealth that has eyes to see should surrender the blind wealth to those who are still blind in mind.",
+                "[14] The Greeks extol Anaxagoras and Democritus because smitten with the desire for philosophy they left their fields to be devoured by sheep. I too myself admire them for showing themselves superior to wealth, but how much better are these who did not let their estates serve as feeding-ground for cattle but made good the needs of men, their kinsfolk and friends, and so turned their indigence into affluence. Of the two actions the first was thoughtless, I might say mad, but that the persons concerned have the admiration of Greece, the second showed soberness and careful consideration and remarkable good sense.",
+                "[15] What more does a hostile army do than cut the crops and hew the trees of their opponents’ country to force them to surrender through lack of necessaries? This is what a Democritus did to his own blood-relations, inflicting on them poverty and indigence artificially created, not perhaps with mischievous intent but through lack of foresight and consideration for the interest of the others.",
+                "[16] How much better and more admirable are these who with no less ardour for the study of wisdom preferred magnanimity to negligence and gave away their possessions instead of wasting them, in this way benefiting both others and themselves, others through supplying them with abundant resources, themselves through furthering the study of philosophy? For taking care of wealth and possessions consumes time and to economize time is an excellent thing since according to the physician Hippocrates “life is short but art is long.”",
+                "[17] The same idea is suggested I think by Homer in the <i>Iliad</i> at the beginning of the thirteenth book in the lines",
+                "<small>The Mysians fighting hand to hand, and noble Mare’s-milk-drinkers— <br>Nought else but milk sustains their life, these men of perfect justice.</small>",
+                "The idea conveyed is that injustice is bred by anxious thought for the means of life and for money-making, justice by holding and following the opposite creed. The first entails inequality, the second equality, the principle by which nature’s wealth is regulated and so stands superior to the wealth of vain opinion.",
+                "[18] So when they have divested themselves of their possessions and have no longer aught to ensnare them they flee without a backward glance and leave their brothers, their children, their wives, their parents, the wide circle of their kinsfolk, the groups of friends around them, the fatherlands in which they were born and reared, since strong is the attraction of familiarity and very great its power to ensnare.",
+                "[19] And they do not migrate into another city like the unfortunate or worthless slaves who demand to be sold by their owners and so procure a change of masters but not freedom. For every city, even the best governed, is full of turmoils and disturbances innumerable which no one could endure who has ever been even once under the guidance of wisdom.",
+                "[20] Instead of this they pass their days outside the walls pursuing solitude in gardens or lonely bits of country, not from any acquired habit of misanthropical bitterness but because they know how unprofitable and mischievous are associations with persons of dissimilar character."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] This kind exists in many places in the inhabited world, for perfect goodness must needs be shared both by Greeks and the world outside Greece, but it abounds in Egypt in each of the nomes as they are called and especially round Alexandria.",
+                "[22] But the best of these votaries journey from every side to settle in a certain very suitable place which they regard as their fatherland. This place is situated above the Mareotic Lake on a somewhat low-lying hill very happily placed both because of its security and the pleasantly tempered air.",
+                "[23] The safety is secured by the farm buildings and villages round about and the pleasantness of the air by the continuous breezes which arise both from the lake which debouches into the sea and from the open sea hard by. For the sea breezes are light, the lake breezes close and the two combining together produce a most healthy condition of climate.",
+                "[24] The houses of the society thus collected are exceedingly simple, providing protection against two of the most pressing dangers, the fiery heat of the sun and the icy cold of the air. They are neither near together as in towns, since living at close quarters is troublesome and displeasing to people who are seeking to satisfy their desire for solitude, nor yet at a great distance because of the sense of fellowship which they cherish, and to render help to each other if robbers attack them.",
+                "[25] In each house there is a consecrated room which is called a sanctuary or closet and closeted in this they are initiated into the mysteries of the sanctified life. They take nothing into it, either drink or food or any other of the things necessary for the needs of the body, but laws and oracles delivered through the mouth of prophets, and psalms and anything else which fosters and perfects knowledge and piety.",
+                "[26] They keep the memory of God alive and never forget it, so that even in their dreams the picture is nothing else but the loveliness of divine excellences and powers. Indeed many when asleep and dreaming give utterance to the glorious verities of their holy philosophy.",
+                "[27] Twice every day they pray, at dawn and at eventide; at sunrise they pray for a fine bright day, fine and bright in the true sense of the heavenly daylight which they pray may fill their minds. At sunset they ask that the soul may be wholly relieved from the press of the senses and the objects of sense and sitting where she is consistory and council chamber to herself pursue the quest of truth.",
+                "[28] The interval between early morning and evening is spent entirely in spiritual exercise. They read the Holy Scriptures and seek wisdom from their ancestral philosophy by taking it as an allegory, since they think that the words of the literal text are symbols of something whose hidden nature is revealed by studying the underlying meaning.",
+                "[29] They have also writings of men of old, the founders of their way of thinking, who left many memorials of the form used in allegorical interpretation and these they take as a kind of archetype and imitate the method in which this principle is carried out. And so they do not confine themselves to contemplation but also compose hymns and psalms to God in all sorts of metres and melodies which they write down with the rhythms necessarily made more solemn.",
+                "[30] For six days they seek wisdom by themselves in solitude in the closets mentioned above, never passing the outside door of the house or even getting a distant view of it. But every seventh day they meet together as for a general assembly and sit in order according to their age in the proper attitude, with their hands inside the robe, the right hand between the breast and the chin and the left withdrawn along the flank.",
+                "[31] Then the senior among them who also has the fullest knowledge of the doctrines which they profess comes forward and with visage and voice alike quiet and composed gives a well-reasoned and wise discourse. He does not make an exhibition of clever rhetoric like the orators or sophists of to-day but follows careful examination by careful expression of the exact meaning of the thoughts, and this does not lodge just outside the ears of the audience but passes through the hearing into the soul and there stays securely. All the others sit still and listen showing their approval merely by their looks or nods.",
+                "[32] This common sanctuary in which they meet every seventh day is a double enclosure, one portion set apart for the use of the men, the other for the women. For women too regularly make part of the audience with the same ardour and the same sense of their calling.",
+                "[33] The wall between the two chambers rises up from the ground to three or four cubits built in the form of a breast work, while the space above up to the roof is left open. This arrangement serves two purposes; the modesty becoming to the female sex is preserved, while the women sitting within ear-shot can easily follow what is said since there is nothing to obstruct the voice of the speaker."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] They lay self-control to be as it were the foundation of their soul and on it build the other virtues. None of them would put food or drink to his lips before sunset since they hold that philosophy finds its right place in the light, the needs of the body in the darkness, and therefore they assign the day to the one and some small part of the night to the other. Some in whom the desire for studying wisdom is more deeply implanted even only after three days remember to take food.",
+                "[35] Others so luxuriate and delight in the banquet of truths which wisdom richly and lavishly supplies that they hold out for twice that time and only after six days do they bring themselves to taste such sustenance as is absolutely necessary. They have become habituated to abstinence like the grasshoppers who are said to live on air because, I suppose, their singing makes their lack of food a light matter.",
+                "[36] But to the seventh day as they consider it to be sacred and festal in the highest degree they have awarded special privileges as its due, and on it after providing for the soul refresh the body also, which they do as a matter of course with the cattle too by releasing them from their continuous labour.",
+                "[37] Still they eat nothing costly, only common bread with salt for a relish flavoured further by the daintier with hyssop, and their drink is spring water. For as nature has set hunger and thirst as mistresses over mortal kind they propitiate them without using anything to curry favour but only such things as are actually needed and without which life cannot be maintained. Therefore they eat enough to keep from hunger and drink enough to keep from thirst but abhor surfeiting as a malignant enemy both to soul and body.",
+                "[38] As for the two forms of shelter, clothes and housing, we have already said that the house is unembellished and a makeshift constructed for utility only. Their clothing likewise is the most inexpensive, enough to protect them against extreme cold and heat, a thick coat of shaggy skin in winter and in summer a vest or linen shirt.",
+                "[39] For they practise an all-round simplicity knowing that its opposite, vanity, is the source of falsehood as simplicity is of truth, and that both play the part of a fountain head of other things, since from falsehood flow the manifold forms of evil and from truth abundant streams of goodness both human and divine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] I wish also to speak of their common assemblages and the cheerfulness of their convivial meals as contrasted with those of other people. Some people when they have filled themselves with strong drink behave as though they had drunk not wine but some witch’s potion charged with frenzy and madness and anything more fatal that can be imagined to overthrow their reason. They bellow and rave like wild dogs, attack and bite each other and gnaw off noses, ears, fingers and some other parts of the body, so that they make good the story of the comrades of Odysseus and the Cyclops by eating “gobbets” of men, as the poet says, and with greater cruelty than the Cyclops.",
+                "[41] For he avenged himself on men whom he suspected to be enemies, they on their familiars and friends and sometimes even on their kin over the salt and across the board, and as they pour the libation of peace they commit deeds of war like those of the gymnastic contests, counterfeiting the genuine coin of manly exercise, no wrestlers but wretches, for that is the right name to give them.",
+                "[42] For what the athletes do in the arena while sober, in the daylight, with the eyes of all Greece upon them, in the hope of victory and the crown and in the exercise of their skill, are debased by the revellers who ply their activities in convivial gatherings by night and in darkness, drink-besotted, ignorant and skilful only for mischief to inflict dishonour, insult and grievous outrage on the objects of their assault.",
+                "[43] And if no one plays the umpire and comes forward to intervene and separate them they carry on the bout with increased licence to the finish, ready both to kill and to be killed. For they suffer no less than what they mete to others though they know it not, so infatuated are these who shrink not from drinking wine, as the comic poet says, to mar not only their neighbours but themselves.",
+                "[44] And so those who but now came to the party sound in body and friendly at heart leave soon afterwards in enmity and with bodily mutilation,—enmity in some cases calling for advocates and judges, mutilation in others requiring the apothecary and physician and the help that they can bring.",
+                "[45] Others belonging to what we may suppose is the more moderate part of the company are in a state of overflow. Draughts of strong wine act upon them like mandragora, they throw the left elbow forward, turn the neck at a right angle, belch into the cups and sink into a profound sleep, seeing nothing and hearing nothing, having apparently only one sense and that the most slavish, taste.",
+                "[46] I know of some who when they are half-seas-over and before they have completely gone under arrange donations and subscriptions in preparation for to-morrow’s bout, considering that one factor in their present exhilaration is the hope of future intoxication.",
+                "[47] In this way they spend their whole life ever hearthless and homeless, enemies to their parents, their wives and their children, enemies too to their country and at war with themselves. For a loose and a dissolute life is a menace to all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] Some perhaps may approve the method of banqueting now prevalent everywhere through hankering for the Italian expensiveness and luxury emulated both by Greek and non-Greeks who make their arrangements for ostentation rather than festivity.",
+                "[49] Sets of three or many couches made of tortoise shell or ivory or even more valuable material, most of them inlaid with precious stones; coverlets purple-dyed with gold interwoven, others brocaded with flower patterns of all sorts of colours to allure the eye; a host of drinking cups set out in their several kinds, beakers, stoops, tankards, other goblets of many shapes, very artistically and elaborately chased by scientific craftsmen.",
+                "[50] For waiting there are slaves of the utmost comeliness and beauty, giving the idea that they have come not so much to render service as to give pleasure to the eyes of the beholders by appearing on the scene. Some of them who are still boys pour the wine, while the water is carried by full-grown lads fresh from the bath and smooth shaven, with their faces smeared with cosmetics and paint under the eyelids and the hair of the head prettily plaited and tightly bound.",
+                "[51] For they have long thick hair which is not cut at all or else the forelocks only are cut at the tips to make them level and take exactly the figure of a circular line. They wear tunics fine as cobwebs and of dazzling white girt high up; the front part hangs below the under knee, the back part a little below the back of the knee and they draw together each part with curly bows of ribbon along the line of join of the tunics and then let the folds dangle down obliquely, broadening out the hollows along the sides.",
+                "[52] In the background are others, grown lads newly bearded with the down just blooming on their cheeks, recently pets of the pederasts, elaborately dressed up for the heavier services, a proof of the opulence of the hosts as those who employ them know, but in reality of their bad taste.",
+                "[53] Besides there are the varieties of baked meats, savoury dishes and seasonings produced by the labour of cooks and confectioners who are careful to please not merely the taste as they are bound to do but also the sight by the elegance of the viands. (The assembled guests) turn their necks round and round, greedily eyeing the richness and abundance of the meat and nosing the steamy odour which arises from it. When they have had their fill of both seeing and smelling they give the word to fall to with many a compliment to the entertainment and the munificence of the entertainer.",
+                "[54] Seven tables at the least and even more are brought in covered with the flesh of every creature that land, sea and rivers or air produce, beast, fish or bird, all choice and in fine condition, each table differing in the dishes served and the method of seasoning. And, that nothing to be found in nature should be unrepresented, the last tables brought in are loaded with fruits, not including those reserved for the drinking bouts and the after-dinners as they call them.",
+                "[55] Then while some tables are taken out emptied by the gluttony of the company who gorge themselves like cormorants, so voraciously that they nibble even at the bones, other tables have their dishes mangled and torn and left half eaten. And when they are quite exhausted, their bellies crammed up to the gullets, but their lust still ravenous, impotent for eating (they turn to the drink).",
+                "[56] But why dilate on these doings which are now condemned by many of the more sober minded as giving further vent to the lusts which might profitably be curtailed? For one may well pray for what men most pray to escape, hunger and thirst, rather than for the lavish profusion of food and drink found in festivities of this kind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[57] Among the banquets held in Greece there are two celebrated and highly notable examples, namely those in which Socrates took part, one held in the house of Callias and given by him in honour of the victory in which Autolycus won the crown, the other in the house of Agathon. That these deserve to be remembered was the judgement of men whose character and discourses showed them to be philosophers, Xenophon and Plato, who described them as worthy to be recorded, surmising that they would serve to posterity as models of the happily conducted banquet.",
+                "[58] Yet even these if compared with those of our people who embrace the contemplative life will appear as matters for derision. Pleasure is an element in both, but Xenophon’s banquet is more concerned with ordinary humanity. There are flute girls, dancers, jugglers, fun-makers, proud of their gift of jesting and facetiousness, and other accompaniments of more unrestrained merrymaking.",
+                "[59] In Plato’s banquet the talk is almost entirely concerned with love, not merely with the love-sickness of men for women, or women for men, passions recognized by the laws of nature, but of men for other males differing from them only in age. For, if we find some clever subtlety dealing apparently with the heavenly Love and Aphrodite, it is brought in to give a touch of humour.",
+                "[60] The chief part is taken up by the common vulgar love which robs men of the courage which is the virtue most valuable for the life both of peace and war, sets up the disease of effeminacy in their souls and turns into a hybrid of man and woman those who should have been disciplined in all the practices which make for valour.",
+                "[61] And having wrought havoc with the years of boyhood and reduced the boy to the grade and condition of a girl besieged by a lover it inflicts damage on the lovers also in three most essential respects, their bodies, their souls and their property. For the mind of the lover is necessarily set towards his darling and its sight is keen for him only, blind to all other interests, private and public; his body wastes away through desire, particularly if his suit is unsuccessful, while his property is diminished by two causes, neglect and expenditure on his beloved.",
+                "[62] As a side growth we have another greater evil of national importance. Cities are desolated, the best kind of men become scarce, sterility and childlessness ensue through the devices of these who imitate men who have no knowledge of husbandry by sowing not in the deep soil of the lowland but in briny fields and stony and stubborn places, which not only give no possibility for anything to grow but even destroy the seed deposited within them.",
+                "[63] I pass over the mythical stories of the double-bodied men who were originally brought by unifying forces into cohesion with each other and afterwards came asunder, as an assemblage of separate parts might do when the bond of union which brought them together was loosened. All these are seductive enough, calculated by the novelty of the notion to beguile the ear, but the disciples of Moses trained from their earliest years to love the truth regard them with supreme contempt and continue undeceived."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] But since the story of these well-known banquets is full of such follies and they stand self-convicted in the eyes of any who do not regard conventional opinions and the widely circulated report which declares them to have been all that they should be, I will describe in contrast the festal meetings of those who have dedicated their own life and themselves to knowledge and the contemplation of the verities of nature, following the truly sacred instructions of the prophet Moses.",
+                "[65] First of all these people assemble after seven sets of seven days have passed, for they revere not only the simple seven but its square also, since they know its chastity and perpetual virginity. This is the eve of the chief feast which Fifty takes for its own, Fifty the most sacred of numbers and the most deeply rooted in nature, being formed from the square of the right-angled triangle which is the source from which the universe springs.",
+                "[66] So then they assemble, white-robed and with faces in which cheerfulness is combined with the utmost seriousness, but before they recline, at a signal from a member of the Rota, which is the name commonly given to those who perform these services, they take their stand in a regular line in an orderly way, their eyes and hands lifted up to Heaven, eyes because they have been trained to fix their gaze on things worthy of contemplation, hands in token that they are clean from gain-taking and not defiled through any cause of the profit-making kind. So standing they pray to God that their feasting may be acceptable and proceed as He would have it.",
+                "[67] After the prayers the seniors recline according to the order of their admission, since by senior they do not understand the aged and grey headed who are regarded as still mere children if they have only in late years come to love this rule of life, but those who from their earliest years have grown to manhood and spent their prime in pursuing the contemplative branch of philosophy, which indeed is the noblest and most god-like part.",
+                "[68] The feast is shared by women also, most of them aged virgins, who have kept their chastity not under compulsion, like some of the Greek priestesses, but of their own free will in their ardent yearning for wisdom. Eager to have her for their life mate they have spurned the pleasures of the body and desire no mortal offspring but those immortal children which only the soul that is dear to God can bring to the birth unaided because the Father has sown in her spiritual rays enabling her to behold the verities of wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] The order of reclining is so apportioned that the men sit by themselves on the right and the women by themselves on the left. Perhaps it may be thought that couches though not costly still of a softer kind would have been provided for people of good birth and high character and trained practice in philosophy. Actually they are plank beds of the common kinds of wood, covered with quite cheap strewings of native papyrus, raised slightly at the arms to give something to lean on. For while they mitigate somewhat the harsh austerity of Sparta, they always and everywhere practise a frugal contentment worthy of the free, and oppose with might and main the love-lures of pleasure.",
+                "[70] They do not have slaves to wait upon them as they consider that the ownership of servants is entirely against nature. For nature has borne all men to be free, but the wrongful and covetous acts of some who pursued that source of evil, inequality, have imposed their yoke and invested the stronger with power over the weaker.",
+                "[71] In this sacred banquet there is as I have said no slave, but the services are rendered by free men who perform their tasks as attendants not under compulsion nor yet waiting for orders, but with deliberate goodwill anticipating eagerly and zealously the demands that may be made.",
+                "[72] For it is not just any free men who are appointed for these offices but young members of the association chosen with all care for their special merit who as becomes their good character and nobility are pressing on to reach the summit of virtue. They give their services gladly and proudly like sons to their real fathers and mothers, judging them to be the parents of them all in common, in a closer affinity than that of blood, since to the right minded there is no closer tie than noble living. And they come in to do their office ungirt and with tunics hanging down, that in their appearance there may be no shadow of anything to suggest the slave.",
+                "[73] In this banquet—I know that some will laugh at this, but only those whose actions call for tears and lamentation—no wine is brought during those days but only water of the brightest and clearest, cold for most of the guests but warm for such of the older men as live delicately. The table too is kept pure from the flesh of animals; the food laid on it is loaves of bread with salt as a seasoning, sometimes also flavoured with hyssop as a relish for the daintier appetites.",
+                "[74] Abstinence from wine is enjoined by right reason as for the priest when sacrificing, so to these for their lifetime. For wine acts like a drug producing folly, and costly dishes stir up that most insatiable of animals, desire."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[75] Such are the preliminaries. But when the guests have laid themselves down arranged in rows, as I have described, and the attendants have taken their stand with everything in order ready for their ministry, the President of the company, when a general silence is established—here it may be asked when is there no silence—well at this point there is silence even more than before so that no one ventures to make a sound or breathe with more force than usual—amid this silence, I say, he discusses some question arising in the Holy Scriptures or solves one that has been propounded by someone else. In doing this he has no thought of making a display, for he has no ambition to get a reputation for clever oratory but desires to gain a closer insight into some particular matters and having gained it not to withhold it selfishly from those who if not so clear-sighted as he have at least a similar desire to learn.",
+                "[76] His instruction proceeds in a leisurely manner; he lingers over it and spins it out with repetitions, thus permanently imprinting the thoughts in the souls of the hearers, since if the speaker goes on descanting with breathless rapidity the mind of the hearers is unable to follow his language, loses ground and fails to arrive at apprehension of what is said.",
+                "[77] His audience listen with ears pricked up and eyes fixed on him always in exactly the same posture, signifying comprehension and understanding by nods and glances, praise of the speaker by the cheerful change of expression which steals over the face, difficulty by a gentler movement of the head and by pointing with a finger-tip of the right hand. The young men standing by show no less attentiveness than the occupants of the couches.",
+                "[78] The exposition of the sacred scriptures treats the inner meaning conveyed in allegory. For to these people the whole law book seems to resemble a living creature with the literal ordinances for its body and for its soul the invisible mind laid up in its wording. It is in this mind especially that the rational soul begins to contemplate the things akin to itself and looking through the words as through a mirror beholds the marvellous beauties of the concepts, unfolds and removes the symbolic coverings and brings forth the thoughts and sets them bare to the light of day for those who need but a little reminding to enable them to discern the inward and hidden through the outward and visible.",
+                "[79] When then the President thinks he has discoursed enough and both sides feel sure that they have attained their object, the speaker in the effectiveness with which his discourse has carried out his aims, the audience in the substance of what they have heard, universal applause arises showing a general pleasure in the prospect of what is still to follow.",
+                "[80] Then the President rises and sings a hymn composed as an address to God, either a new one of his own composition or an old one by poets of an earlier day who have left behind them hymns in many measures and melodies, hexameters and iambics, lyrics suitable for processions or in libations and at the altars, or for the chorus whilst standing or dancing, with careful metrical arrangements to fit the various evolutions. After him all the others take their turn as they are arranged and in the proper order while all the rest listen in complete silence except when they have to chant the closing lines or refrains, for then they all lift up their voices, men and women alike.",
+                "[81] When everyone has finished his hymn the young men bring in the tables mentioned a little above on which is set the truly purified meal of leavened bread seasoned with salt mixed with hyssop, out of reverence for the holy table enshrined in the sacred vestibule of the temple on which lie loaves and salt without condiments, the loaves unleavened and the salt unmixed.",
+                "[82] For it was meet that the simplest and purest food should be assigned to the highest caste, namely the priests, as a reward for their ministry, and that the others while aspiring to similar privileges should abstain from seeking the same as they and allow their superiors to retain their precedence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] After the supper they hold the sacred vigil which is conducted in the following way. They rise up all together and standing in the middle of the refectory form themselves first into two choirs, one of men and one of women, the leader and precentor chosen for each being the most honoured amongst them and also the most musical.",
+                "[84] Then they sing hymns to God composed of many measures and set to many melodies, sometimes chanting together, sometimes taking up the harmony antiphonally, hands and feet keeping time in accompaniment, and rapt with enthusiasm reproduce sometimes the lyrics of the procession, sometimes of the halt and of the wheeling and counter-wheeling of a choric dance.",
+                "[85] Then when each choir has separately done its own part in the feast, having drunk as in the Bacchic rites of the strong wine of God’s love they mix and both together become a single choir, a copy of the choir set up of old beside the Red Sea in honour of the wonders there wrought.",
+                "[86] For at the command of God the sea became a source of salvation to one party and of perdition to the other. As it broke in twain and withdrew under the violence of the forces which swept it back there rose on either side, opposite to each other, the semblance of solid walls, while the space thus opened between them broadened into a highway smooth and dry throughout on which the people marched under guidance right on until they reached the higher ground on the opposite mainland. But when the sea came rushing in with the returning tide, and from either side passed over the ground where dry land had appeared the pursuing enemy were submerged and perished.",
+                "[87] This wonderful sight and experience, an act transcending word and thought and hope, so filled with ecstasy both men and women that forming a single choir they sang hymns of thanksgiving to God their Saviour, the men led by the prophet Moses and the women by the prophetess Miriam.",
+                "[88] It is on this model above all that the choir of the Therapeutae of either sex, note in response to note and voice to voice, the treble of the women blending with the bass of the men, create an harmonious concent, music in the truest sense. Lovely are the thoughts, lovely the words and worthy of reverence the choristers, and the end and aim of thoughts, words and choristers alike is piety.",
+                "[89] Thus they continue till dawn, drunk with this drunkenness in which there is no shame, then not with heavy heads or drowsy eyes but more alert and wakeful than when they came to the banquet, they stand with their faces and whole body turned to the east and when they see the sun rising they stretch their hands up to heaven and pray for bright days and knowledge of the truth and the power of keen sighted thinking. And after the prayers they depart each to his private sanctuary once more to ply the trade and till the field of their wonted philosophy.",
+                "[90] So much then for the Therapeutae, who have taken to their hearts the contemplation of nature and what it has to teach, and have lived in the soul alone, citizens of Heaven and the world, presented to the Father and Maker of all by their faithful sponsor Virtue, who has procured for them God’s friendship and added a gift going hand in hand with it, true excellence of life, a boon better than all good fortune and rising to the very summit of felicity."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA",
+            "(Title and sub-title.) The main title as here printed is that used by Eusebius himself, first when making his famous disquisition on the Therapeutae, <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> ii. 17, and again in his list of Philo’s writings in the next chapter. There can therefore be no doubt of its authenticity, but it is difficult to see why Philo substituted ἱκετῶν for θεραπευτῶν. It does not occur in the treatise itself and though as Conybeare shows there are many passages where ἱκεταί and θεραπευταί are coupled, they are not exactly the same and ἱκεταί does not suit the sense of healing which he gives as an alternative meaning for Therapeutae.",
+            "As for the sub-title, the “fourth (part or book) of the virtues” has no authority from Eusebius but appears to be given in all the MSS. The title of Περὶ ἀρετῶν is given by Eus. ii. 18 to the treatise of which the <i>Legatio</i> as we have it is a part, and he says in ii. 5 that this had five books and in ii. 6 speaks of the sufferings of the Jews in Alexandria as being described in the second book. The sub-title, therefore, affirms that the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> was the fourth book of this treatise. We may be sure at any rate that Eusebius had no idea of this. But this, being part of the wider question what the complete Περὶ ἀρετῶν consists of and what is the meaning of the title, may be postponed until the <i>Legatio</i> is translated.",
+            "§ 2. προαίρεσις. This word occurs again five times in this treatise, §§ 17, 29, 32, 67, 79, and twice elsewhere in this volume, <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> 89 and <i>Hyp.</i> 11. 2. The uses in Philo, all springing from the sense of choice or purpose, may be divided into those which describe the purpose or motive of some particular action and those which indicate the motives and principles which regulate a lifetime or a career. To the first class belong §§ 29 and 79 as I understand the passage, and § 32 might be taken in the same way. In the other passages it is used in the second sense. In §§ 2, 17 and <i>Hyp.</i> 11. 2, where it is applied to the Therapeutae or the Essenes, it may be thought that it simply = the sect itself. So indeed Gifford translates it in the latter passage and L. &amp; S. recognizes this use of the word. But it seems to me better in the Philonic passages to take it as the beliefs and principles held by the sects, thus including both a creed and a rule of life. The various attempts made in this volume to translate it, <i>i.e.</i> “persuasion,” “vocation,” “creed” and “rule of life,” are none of them, perhaps, quite adequate.",
+            "§ 3. (Hephaestus and Poseidon.) So Cornutus (§ 19) says of Hephaestus ἐκ τοῦ ἧφθαι ὠνομασμένος. In the same chapter he, like Philo in <i>De Dec.</i> 54, identifies Ἥρα with ἀήρ, but does not suggest a common derivation. For Poseidon <i>cf.</i> Corn. 4, where he identifies him with ἡ ἀπεργαστικὴ τοῦ ἐν τῇ γῇ καὶ περὶ τὴν γῆν ὑγροῦ δύναμις and adds εἴτʼ ἀπὸ τῆς πόσεως οὕτω κέκληται. This is followed by two alternative suggestions, <i>cf.</i> Philo’s τάχα.",
+            "§ 17. ῥαψῳδίας. Conybeare, scolding Lucius, who saw in this reference to the thirteenth rhapsody the mark of later authorship, says that the division into rhapsodies was the work of Zenodotus and Aristarchus, 250 years before Philo. He does not give his authority for this. As to the use of the word in this sense the lexica do not give any certain evidence. L. &amp; S. (old and revised) gives “portions of an epic poem fit for recitation, etc., <i>e.g.</i> a book of the <i>Iliad</i> or <i>Odyssey</i>, Plut. 2, 186 E, Lucian, <i>D. Mort.</i> 20. 2 and <i>Cont.</i> 9.” In this they are really repeating Stephanus. In the first of the Lucian passages the greater Homeric personalities when in Hades are described as τὰ κεφάλαια τῶν ῥαψῳδιῶν. In the second Homer in Charon’s boat was sea-sick and vomits his rhapsodies. Plutarch is more definite. Alcibiades asks the teacher for a rhapsody of Homer and when the teacher says he has no Homer gives him a box on the ears. In the <i>Life of Alcibiades</i> 7 Plutarch repeats this story, substituting βίβλιον for ῥαψῳδίαν. It is both curious and regrettable that this passage of Philo which so definitely establishes the use of the word for the Homeric books as we have them has not found its way into the lexicon.",
+            "§ 25. μοναστήριον. On this word Conybeare states that it does not exist elsewhere in any Greek document until the end of the third century, when it has acquired the sense of a building or establishment for a single monk or hermit (for which he gives references from Athanasius and other patristic writers) or for several monks together. The statement that it does not occur earlier is confirmed by L. &amp; S. revised, which, apparently ignoring the patristic use, quotes this passage but nothing else earlier than the sixth century. It translates it here by “hermit’s cell,” which does not seem to me a happy phrase. It indicates simply a room in a house, into which no one else is allowed to enter. The familiar “closet” of Matt. 6:6, though the R.V. has replaced it by “inner chamber,” seems to me to carry the same idea.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> (End of section.) τὰ ἄλλα presumably refers to writings of some kind. But the words may refer to the συγγράμματα mentioned in § 29, or to the other books of scripture besides those indicated above. So Wendland, who quotes the Canon given by Josephus, <i>Ant.</i> i. 8, <i>i.e.</i> the Law, the Prophets (including the historical books), and the four books of the psalms and precepts of human life, <i>i.e.</i> Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Cantica. If Philo means this, τὰ ἄλλα will be the last three. But unless other evidence is forthcoming this seems very conjectural.",
+            "§ 36. λιπαίνουσιν. Wendland, like Conybeare, takes this word to mean “anoint” in the literal sense. He does not translate the passage, but as he thinks that τὰ θρέμματα is figuratively used and cites several passages where Philo uses the word to represent the senses or body as cattle under the guidance of the shepherd, the mind, he presumably would translate it “releasing as it were the animal side from its labours.” He also takes the passage to be a reminiscence of Plato, <i>Menexenus</i> 238 A, where oil is spoken of as πόνων ἀρωγήν, <i>cf. De Aet. 63</i>. With all due deference to two such high authorities, I still hold to the interpretation given in the translation that the relaxation of abstinence on the sabbath is to the Therapeutae what release from labour is to the beasts of burden. The Therapeutae have not endured the labour for which oil is a relief nor is λιπαίνω the natural word for anointing. Wendland certainly makes a point when he remarks that the indicative ἀνίασι would be expected rather than the participle. But the construction may, I think, be explained quite easily by understanding λιπαίνουσι. When he asks if they only eat bread and salt on the sabbath, what did they do on the other days, the natural answer is that on the sabbath they did not fast for the whole day or even until sunset. It is, I think, worth noting that according to Josephus, <i>B.J.</i> ii. 8. 3, the Essenes abstained altogether from the use of oil. Though it is not a decisive point it is a little surprising to find the Therapeutae making a sabbatical luxury of the indulgence which the less ascetic Essenes refuse.",
+            "§ 49. τρίκλινα. “Sets of three couches” is one of the meanings given in L. &amp; S. revised for τρίκλινος (the more usual form) and τρίκλινον which appears to be found occasionally. Conybeare gives “couches for three to recline upon.” Whatever the exact meaning is the point is, as he says, that they are large articles of furniture and therefore it shows extravagance to make them of very expensive material.",
+            "§ 58. (Xenophon’s <i>Symposium</i>.) Philo’s description of this is very superficial. The amusements mentioned chiefly appear at the beginning and end of the banquet and he does no justice to the mixture of banter and seriousness (ἀναμὶξ ἔσκωψάν τε καὶ ἐσπούδασαν) which characterizes most of the talk, nor to the real seriousness in Socrates’ longer speech, while, on the other hand, he ignores the fact that the acceptance of the feature in Greek sentiment so strongly denounced in §§ 60–62 is as prominent here as in Plato’s <i>Symposium</i>.",
+            "§ 59. (Plato’s <i>Symposium</i>.) Philo’s criticisms of this are not very creditable to him. In the first place his equating πάνδημος ἔρως with παιδεραστία is entirely wrong. The essence of πάνδημος ἔρως as represented in Pausanias’s speech, where the phrase principally appears, is that it is περὶ σώματος. It is concerned with women as much as with boys (181 B) and the passion of a male for a younger male plays a greater part in οὐράνιος ἔρως. But more important than this is the error of dismissing the οὐράνιος ἔρως as merely a secondary adjunct brought in to give a touch of humour or wit. Such a description indeed would be appropriate to Aristophanes’ fable of the original third sex which Philo takes so seriously in § 63, but it does not apply to the rest, and much of the picture ascribed by Socrates to Diotima is very much after Philo’s heart. Indeed, he himself uses the word ἔρως in the same idealistic way, <i>e.g.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 136.",
+            "Philo, of course, is not the only person who has been shocked by the acceptance in some parts of the <i>Symposium</i> of παιδεραστία as a normal feeling and still more by the apparent callousness of Socrates as described by Alcibiades in the last part. It was perhaps with reference mainly to this that Athenaeus xi. 506 c declares that what Plato says about Alcibiades in the <i>Symposium</i> is not fit for repetition οὐδʼ εἰς φῶς ἄξιον λέγεσθαι, and that, as every Cambridge student learnt in an earlier generation, Paley in the <i>Evidences</i>, part ii. 2, says that Socrates himself was more than suspected of the foulest impurities. Philo makes very little use of the <i>Symposium</i> himself. The only definite reminiscence listed by Leisegang is that noted on p. 232 of this volume, though perhaps the thought of the preference of the Therapeutae for the immortal rather than mortal children in <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 68 may have in mind <i>Symp.</i> 209.",
+            "§ 65. διʼ ἑπτὰ ἑβδομάδων. Wendland rejects Conybeare’s view almost entirely on the ground that the word cannot yield this sense. He is wrong, I believe, in saying that the words in themselves cannot mean “after seven weeks.” διά in this sense indicates the interval between two events, but whether this interval occurs only once or recurs regularly depends on the context. Here, as stated in the footnote, since weekly sabbaths have been mentioned, “every seven weeks” is the natural meaning. But admitting that Philo has expressed himself carelessly if he means seven weeks after the Passover, is it likely that the Therapeutae, who appear to have been orthodox Jews, discarded the religious calendar of Moses and arranged a new system of festal days which one would have thought would have been difficult in itself? For since periods of fifty days do not fit into the year, this great feast would recur seven times in one year and eight times in another and in different months from year to year.",
+            "Wendland does not notice μεγίστης ἑορτῆς, which is not without its difficulties on Conybeare’s hypothesis but much more perplexing on his. In what sense is every fiftieth day which follows the <i>Symposium</i> on the forty-ninth called the greatest feast and what happened on it? Nor does he notice τὸ μὲν πρῶτον. Conybeare understood this to mean that they first meet on the eve for the banquet, the religious meeting on the day itself for worship being taken for granted. By translating it “first of all” I suggest that he does not rule out other cheerful convivial meals but takes this as the most notable, <i>cf.</i> § 40.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> <i>The chief feast</i>. Conybeare, p. 313, gives the following as reasons why Philo describes the Pentecostal meal in preference to the Paschal. The Passover was a domestic feast celebrated more austerely than Pentecost, which was also a day prescribed by the Law for rejoicing; also it occurred in a season more suited to remaining all night in the open air. These are perhaps satisfactory reasons for his selection of the feast for description, but not for his calling it the greatest feast, and Conybeare is mistaken when he says, p. 300, that Philo uniformly refers to Pentecost as the greatest of the feasts. Philo I think only mentions Pentecost three times, <i>De Dec.</i> 160, <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 183, ii. 176 ff. In the third of these he remarks that it is a greater feast than the Sheaf which he has just described. In the second he calls it δημοτελεστάτη, <i>i.e.</i> especially national or generally celebrated, while in the first he speaks of the Passover and Tabernacles as the greatest feasts. However this inconsistency is not greater than many of those to be found in Philo’s writings.",
+            "§ 67. (Genuineness of ἀλλʼ ἔτι κομιδῇ νέους παῖδας.) In <i>Hermes</i>, 1916, p. 179, Cohn gives as an additional reason for expunging these words that they make no sense, and that not they but ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐκ πρώτης … φιλοσοφίας are the antithesis to τοὺς πολυετεῖς καὶ πολιούς. This last is true, but the sentence contains another antithesis, viz. πρεσβυτέρους and νέους παῖδας. This may be awkward, but is perfectly intelligible. Conybeare says “Armenio plane desunt, non tamen omittenda esse videntur.”",
+            "§ 78. <i>Reminding</i>. I think this should be taken as an allusion to the Platonic doctrine that learning is recollection (<i>Meno</i> 81). The knowledge is latent in the mind and the teacher only brings it into consciousness, <i>cf. De Praem. 9</i>.",
+            "Conybeare discussing this thinks that the employment of ὑπόμνησις instead of ἀνάμνησις is against it. But surely if learning is recollection, teaching is reminding. He considers that <i>Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 107 is still more against it, but this seems to me irrelevant. There Philo says that, when the lesson is over, the pupil, by chewing the cud, <i>i.e.</i> by using his memory to call up what the teacher has told him, stamps a firm impression of them on his mind.",
+            "§ 80. (The hymns.) That the Jewish churches in the Hellenistic world should have hymns and that they should be composed in metres familiar to Greeks is perfectly natural, and I presume it was knowledge of such hymns that led Josephus to make the fanciful statement (<i>Ant.</i> vii. 12. 3) that David arranged the Psalms, some in trimeters and others in pentameters, and also that Moses composed both his longer and shorter hymns in hexameters (ii. 16. 4, iv. 8. 44), but I have seen no illustration of this statement of Philo which seems curiously elaborate, particularly its enumeration of Greek metres. Among these προσοδίων (or, at least the variant προσοδιακῶν) and στασίμων are recognized metrical terms. But παραβωμίων and παρασπονδείων are not cited elsewhere, at least as applied to hymns or lyrics, and χορικῶν appears to be a general term for any choral hymn."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על חיי העיון",
+        "enTitle": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+        "key": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..15fb7906c2b3e8dfb590c5839845ee49c9596c79
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants/English/merged.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,188 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Contemplative_Life_or_Suppliants",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE OR SUPPLIANTS (DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA) <br>INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA</i>",
+            "This treatise is except for a few digressions a highly eulogistic account of an ascetic community known to Philo and settled near Alexandria. It is introduced as a counterpart to his description of the Essenes, whether that in <i>Quod Omnis Probus</i> 75–91 or perhaps more probably that in the <i>Hypothetica</i>, 11. 1–18, or possibly some third which has not survived. The Therapeutae are differentiated from the others in that while the Essenes exemplify the practical they represent the contemplative life. They do not have any active occupation or any custom of sharing houses or garments, nor do they even mess together except on special occasions. Another difference is that while the Essenes are exclusively male the Therapeutae admit women freely to such communal life as they have. On the other hand while the Essenes of course observe frugality there is no suggestion that they practised abstinence like the Therapeutae, who carried it to an extreme.",
+            "The treatise does not seem to me to rank high among the works of Philo; the subject is slight and gives little scope to the richness of thought which marks so much of the commentary and in a less degree the exposition of the Law. Historically it is perhaps of some importance as giving an account of an institution with some of the marks of later monasticism for which we have no parallel either without or within the Judaism of the times. And the importance would be much greater if we could suppose that this Alexandrian community was of a type widespread through the world outside. The opening words of section 21 may at first suggest that this was so and the argument of Lucius who maintained that the treatise was spurious was primarily based on this assumption. The Therapeutae, he argued, are said by the author to have been found in many places; if it were so we must have heard of them from other sources, and as we do not hear of them the whole thing must be a fiction. But I do not think that section 21 bears this meaning. This kind he says is found in many parts of the world, particularly in Egypt, and the best of them find a home in a certain spot which he proceeds to describe. But when we look back to find who this kind are it appears that they are religious enthusiasts who give up their property and family ties and go and live in solitude. That this type of character existed in Philo’s time we might take for granted even if we did not have, abundant evidence in his own writings, and it would not be surprising to find them occasionally organizing themselves into communities which would not necessarily attract much attention. Philo however does not assert that they ever did so except in the body which he glorifies in this treatise. Nor does he tell us how numerous they were or how long they maintained themselves. If any inference is to be drawn from the absence of mention elsewhere it would be that this settlement was small and ephemeral.",
+            "In fact it is neither the literary nor the philosophical value nor its historical importance which has made this treatise better known and more discussed than any other work of Philo. It owes its fame to the controversies which have raged round it since the fourth century. The thing began when Eusebius, <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> ii. 17 discovered in the Therapeutae a picture of the first Christian converts. After noting the traditional evangelization of Alexandria by St. Mark, he declares that no one could possibly doubt that Philo was referring to the first generation of his converts. In the renunciation of their property, their severe fasting, in the virginity of the women members, in their study of the scriptures including the writings of men of old which are clearly the gospels and apostolic writings and commentaries on the Old Testament such as Paul used—in their festal meetings which are a description of Easter celebrations, and the officials who manage these meetings in whom we may see bishops, priests and deacons, no one can possibly fail to see the first Christians. Nowadays it seems needless to argue that the theory has no foundation whatever. But it is easy to understand that the idea of finding in this Jewish philosopher an account of the life and worship of the early church, particularly in the great city whose evangelization is unnoticed in the New Testament, was very fascinating, and it is not surprising that it was strongly maintained by orthodox churchmen down to the 18th century. Hardly had it died out in the form sketched by Eusebius when it was revived in another form by two German scholars, Grätz and (more elaborately) Lucius in 1880. Eusebius had believed that Philo himself was in good faith describing the actual Christians of his time. Lucius supposed that some unknown writer at the end of the third century A.D. drew up an imaginary account of the monasticism of his own time which he put forth in Philo’s name in order to commend it to readers, who impressed by the authority thus given to it would believe that it was a genuine picture of the primitive church. Somehow Lucius secured the approval not only of such distinguished historians as Schiirer and Zeller but a formidable number of other distinguished scholars. But I find it difficult to understand how anyone who reads Conybeare’s and Wendland’s refutations side by side with Lucius’s dissertation can believe it. I will not attempt to give more than a few main points. Lucius’s strongest argument was the absolute silence elsewhere about the Therapeutae, and this might have weight if we understood the author to assert that communities like that of the Mareotic Lake were to be found everywhere through the Roman world. But as I have said above I see no need to make such a deduction. Lucius also declared that various practices mentioned had Christian parallels, a claim in some cases obviously absurd, in others I daresay justified. But it was necessary to his argument to show that these customs or practices were not only Christian but also non-Jewish and this, if the two writers I have mentioned are to be believed, is rarely if ever the case. But the one great source of evidence on which a student of Philo not expert in Christian Antiquities is entitled to give his opinion is the style and language. Here the evidence as shown not merely in thought but in vocabulary and phrasing seems to me quite beyond dispute. The Testimonia printed by Conybeare at the foot of each page are overwhelming and with the additions made by Wend-land demand at any rate a forger of extraordinary skill. They prove also that Lucius’s study of Philo, as shown in what he considers to be an approximately correct list of the parallels in the treatise with the rest of Philo, was exceedingly inadequate. Whatever was the case when Lucius’s argument was put forward sixty years ago, the tide of opinion has turned against it and rightly so far as I can judge.",
+            "The following is an analysis of the treatise:",
+            "He opens with saying that as a counterpart to the practical type represented by the Essenes he will describe the contemplative type which he calls Therapeutic. The name may originally mean healing but also worshipping, and this is the sense in which he further develops it (1–2). He compares this worship to the honour paid to other objects; the elements, the heavenly bodies and images are each reviewed and their inadequacy exposed (3–7), and this discussion ends with a scathing denunciation of the worst of all these false religions the Egyptian animal worship (8–9).",
+            "We now return to the Therapeutic type; their most essential characteristic is their mystical aspiration to reach the vision of the one God and this leads them to renounce all thoughts of private property (10–13). Philo praises them because in contrast to Anaxagoras and Democritus they do not let their property run to waste but give it over to friends and kinsmen while at the same time they gain leisure to devote themselves to the higher life (14–17). Free from these cares they leave behind them all family ties and seek solitude away from the corrupting influence of cities (18–20).",
+            "While the Therapeutic type in this wider sense is to be found in many parts of the Greek and Barbarian world, and particularly in Egypt, Philo declares that the best of them (in Egypt?) resort from every quarter to a particular spot near the Mareotic Lake, the climate and position of which he describes (21–23). The simple houses of these settlers each of them contain a room set apart for their meditations in which they study the Scriptures and devotional works from sunrise to sunset (24–26). At both times they pray and also compose hymns (27–29). This solitary life is relaxed somewhat on the Sabbath, when they meet in the synagogue where men and women sit in separate partitions and listen to a sermon (30–33). As to their diet, during the six days they eat nothing till sunset and even in some cases fast for three whole days or more, but on the Sabbath it is more generous, though then the food and drink are little more than bread and water (34–37) and this asceticism extends to their dress (38–39).",
+            "The ordinary Sabbath meeting does not seem to include a Symposium, but they have such a thing on occasions. But before giving an account of it Philo makes a digression which takes up about a quarter of the whole treatise, describing the pagan feasts with which he will contrast it. First he notes the savage violence and drunkenness which disfigure such feasts (40–47), secondly the extravagant luxury shown in the appurtenances, couches and drinking vessels and still more in the number, finery and beauty of the attendants (48–52), and the number and variety of the dishes with which the guests gorge themselves (53–56). Greek literature does include two Symposia of a more refined kind, those described by Xenophon and Plato. Yet even these are full of folly, and Philo can see little more in Plato’s than the exaltation of pederasty which he takes the occasion to denounce (57–63). The rest of the treatise (64–90) describes in contrast to the above the festal meeting of the Therapeutae. First the date and occasion (65); then the preliminaries and prayers, the seating in order of seniority in the community, with the sexes separate (66–69); then the nature of the couches used and the qualifications of the attendants who are not slaves but young freemen (69–72); the simplicity of the meal provided (73–74). After they have taken their places on the couches there follows a discourse by the President on some scriptural point bringing out the spiritual lessons that the literal text provides, which is received with all attention followed by applause at the end (75–79). The discourse is followed by hymns, the first sung by the President, the others by the congregation each in turn, while all join in the refrain at the end (80–81). Then at last the meal itself is served (82). After this the vigil begins, the men and women each form a choir, the two choirs sing and dance in turn and then join together (83–85), thus resembling the songs of Moses and Miriam after the destruction of Pharaoh in the Red Sea, which is once more told in some detail (85–87). This is continued till dawn when they stand up and face the east and at sunrise after prayer return each to their own prayer room (88–89). The concluding section sums up the virtues and blessedness of the Therapeutae (90)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] I have discussed the Essenes, who persistently pursued the active life and excelled in all or, to put it more moderately, in most of its departments. I will now proceed at once in accordance with the sequence required by the subject to say what is needed about those who embraced the life of contemplation. In doing so I will not add anything of my own procuring to improve upon the facts as is constantly done by poets and historians through lack of excellence in the lives and practices which they record, but shall adhere absolutely to the actual truth. Though I know that in this case it is such as to unnerve the greatest master of oratory, still we must persevere and not decline the conflict, for the magnitude of virtue shown by these men must not be allowed to tie the tongues of those who hold that nothing excellent should be passed over in silence.",
+                "[2] The vocation of these philosophers is at once made clear from their title of Therapeutae and Therapeutrides, a name derived from θεραπεύω, either in the sense of “cure” because they profess an art of healing better than that current in the cities which cures only the bodies, while theirs treats also souls oppressed with grievous and well-nigh incurable diseases, inflicted by pleasures and desires and griefs and fears, by acts of covetousness, folly and injustice and the countless host of the other passions and vices: or else in the sense of “worship,” because nature and the sacred laws have schooled them to worship the Self-existent who is better than the good, purer than the One and more primordial than the Monad.",
+                "[3] Who among those who profess piety deserve to be compared with these?",
+                "Can we compare those who revere the elements, earth, water, air, fire, which have received different names from different peoples who call fire Hephaestus because it is kindled (ἐξάπτω), air Hera because it is lifted up (αἴρω) and exalted on high, water Poseidon perhaps because it is drunk (ποτός), and earth Demeter because it appears to be the mother of all plants and animals?",
+                "[4] Sophists have invented these names for the elements but the elements themselves are lifeless matter incapable of movement of itself and laid by the Artificer as a substratum for every kind of shape and quality.",
+                "[5] What of the worshippers of the bodies framed from the elements, sun, moon or the other stars fixed or wandering, or the whole heaven and universe? But these too were not brought into being self-made, but through an architect of most perfect knowledge.",
+                "[6] What of the worship of the demi-gods? Surely this is quite ridiculous. How could one and the same person be both mortal and immortal, to say nothing of the reproach attaching to the original source of their birth, tainted as it is with the licentiousness of wanton youth which they impiously dare to ascribe to the blissful and divine powers by supposing that the thrice blessed and exempt from every passion in their infatuation had intercourse with mortal women.",
+                "[7] What of the worshippers of the different kinds of images? Their substance is wood and stone, till a short time ago completely shapeless, hewn away from their congenital structure by quarrymen and woodcutters while their brethren, pieces from the same original source, have become urns and foot-basins or some others of the less honourable vessels which serve the purposes of darkness rather than of light.",
+                "[8] For as for the gods of the Egyptians it is hardly decent even to mention them. The Egyptians have promoted to divine honours irrational animals, not only of the tame sort but also beasts of the utmost savagery, drawn from each of the kinds found below the moon, from the creatures of the land the lion, from those of the water their indigenous crocodile, from the rangers of the air the hawk and the Egyptian ibis.",
+                "[9] And though they see these creatures brought to their birth, requiring food, eating voraciously, full of ordure, venomous too and man-eating, the prey of every sort of disease, and perishing not only by a natural but often by a violent death, they render worship to them, they the civilized to the uncivilized and untamed, the reasonable to the irrational, the kinsfolk of the Godhead to ugliness unmatched even by a Thersites, the rulers and masters to the naturally subservient and slavish."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] These indeed, since they infect not only their own compatriots but the peoples in their neighbourhood with their folly, must remain incurable, for they have lost the use of the most vital of the senses, sight. And by this I do not mean the sight of the body but of the soul, the sight which alone gives a knowledge of truth and falsehood.",
+                "[11] But it is well that the Therapeutae, a people always taught from the first to use their sight, should desire the vision of the Existent and soar above the sun of our senses and never leave their place in this company which carries them on to perfect happiness.",
+                "[12] And those who set themselves to this service, not just following custom nor on the advice and admonition of others but carried away by a heaven-sent passion of love, remain rapt and possessed like bacchanals or corybants until they see the object of their yearning.",
+                "[13] Then such is their longing for the deathless and blessed life that thinking their mortal life already ended they abandon their property to their sons or daughters or to other kinsfolk, thus voluntarily advancing the time of their inheritance, while those who have no kinsfolk give them to comrades and friends. For it was right that those who have received ready to their hand the wealth that has eyes to see should surrender the blind wealth to those who are still blind in mind.",
+                "[14] The Greeks extol Anaxagoras and Democritus because smitten with the desire for philosophy they left their fields to be devoured by sheep. I too myself admire them for showing themselves superior to wealth, but how much better are these who did not let their estates serve as feeding-ground for cattle but made good the needs of men, their kinsfolk and friends, and so turned their indigence into affluence. Of the two actions the first was thoughtless, I might say mad, but that the persons concerned have the admiration of Greece, the second showed soberness and careful consideration and remarkable good sense.",
+                "[15] What more does a hostile army do than cut the crops and hew the trees of their opponents’ country to force them to surrender through lack of necessaries? This is what a Democritus did to his own blood-relations, inflicting on them poverty and indigence artificially created, not perhaps with mischievous intent but through lack of foresight and consideration for the interest of the others.",
+                "[16] How much better and more admirable are these who with no less ardour for the study of wisdom preferred magnanimity to negligence and gave away their possessions instead of wasting them, in this way benefiting both others and themselves, others through supplying them with abundant resources, themselves through furthering the study of philosophy? For taking care of wealth and possessions consumes time and to economize time is an excellent thing since according to the physician Hippocrates “life is short but art is long.”",
+                "[17] The same idea is suggested I think by Homer in the <i>Iliad</i> at the beginning of the thirteenth book in the lines",
+                "<small>The Mysians fighting hand to hand, and noble Mare’s-milk-drinkers— <br>Nought else but milk sustains their life, these men of perfect justice.</small>",
+                "The idea conveyed is that injustice is bred by anxious thought for the means of life and for money-making, justice by holding and following the opposite creed. The first entails inequality, the second equality, the principle by which nature’s wealth is regulated and so stands superior to the wealth of vain opinion.",
+                "[18] So when they have divested themselves of their possessions and have no longer aught to ensnare them they flee without a backward glance and leave their brothers, their children, their wives, their parents, the wide circle of their kinsfolk, the groups of friends around them, the fatherlands in which they were born and reared, since strong is the attraction of familiarity and very great its power to ensnare.",
+                "[19] And they do not migrate into another city like the unfortunate or worthless slaves who demand to be sold by their owners and so procure a change of masters but not freedom. For every city, even the best governed, is full of turmoils and disturbances innumerable which no one could endure who has ever been even once under the guidance of wisdom.",
+                "[20] Instead of this they pass their days outside the walls pursuing solitude in gardens or lonely bits of country, not from any acquired habit of misanthropical bitterness but because they know how unprofitable and mischievous are associations with persons of dissimilar character."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] This kind exists in many places in the inhabited world, for perfect goodness must needs be shared both by Greeks and the world outside Greece, but it abounds in Egypt in each of the nomes as they are called and especially round Alexandria.",
+                "[22] But the best of these votaries journey from every side to settle in a certain very suitable place which they regard as their fatherland. This place is situated above the Mareotic Lake on a somewhat low-lying hill very happily placed both because of its security and the pleasantly tempered air.",
+                "[23] The safety is secured by the farm buildings and villages round about and the pleasantness of the air by the continuous breezes which arise both from the lake which debouches into the sea and from the open sea hard by. For the sea breezes are light, the lake breezes close and the two combining together produce a most healthy condition of climate.",
+                "[24] The houses of the society thus collected are exceedingly simple, providing protection against two of the most pressing dangers, the fiery heat of the sun and the icy cold of the air. They are neither near together as in towns, since living at close quarters is troublesome and displeasing to people who are seeking to satisfy their desire for solitude, nor yet at a great distance because of the sense of fellowship which they cherish, and to render help to each other if robbers attack them.",
+                "[25] In each house there is a consecrated room which is called a sanctuary or closet and closeted in this they are initiated into the mysteries of the sanctified life. They take nothing into it, either drink or food or any other of the things necessary for the needs of the body, but laws and oracles delivered through the mouth of prophets, and psalms and anything else which fosters and perfects knowledge and piety.",
+                "[26] They keep the memory of God alive and never forget it, so that even in their dreams the picture is nothing else but the loveliness of divine excellences and powers. Indeed many when asleep and dreaming give utterance to the glorious verities of their holy philosophy.",
+                "[27] Twice every day they pray, at dawn and at eventide; at sunrise they pray for a fine bright day, fine and bright in the true sense of the heavenly daylight which they pray may fill their minds. At sunset they ask that the soul may be wholly relieved from the press of the senses and the objects of sense and sitting where she is consistory and council chamber to herself pursue the quest of truth.",
+                "[28] The interval between early morning and evening is spent entirely in spiritual exercise. They read the Holy Scriptures and seek wisdom from their ancestral philosophy by taking it as an allegory, since they think that the words of the literal text are symbols of something whose hidden nature is revealed by studying the underlying meaning.",
+                "[29] They have also writings of men of old, the founders of their way of thinking, who left many memorials of the form used in allegorical interpretation and these they take as a kind of archetype and imitate the method in which this principle is carried out. And so they do not confine themselves to contemplation but also compose hymns and psalms to God in all sorts of metres and melodies which they write down with the rhythms necessarily made more solemn.",
+                "[30] For six days they seek wisdom by themselves in solitude in the closets mentioned above, never passing the outside door of the house or even getting a distant view of it. But every seventh day they meet together as for a general assembly and sit in order according to their age in the proper attitude, with their hands inside the robe, the right hand between the breast and the chin and the left withdrawn along the flank.",
+                "[31] Then the senior among them who also has the fullest knowledge of the doctrines which they profess comes forward and with visage and voice alike quiet and composed gives a well-reasoned and wise discourse. He does not make an exhibition of clever rhetoric like the orators or sophists of to-day but follows careful examination by careful expression of the exact meaning of the thoughts, and this does not lodge just outside the ears of the audience but passes through the hearing into the soul and there stays securely. All the others sit still and listen showing their approval merely by their looks or nods.",
+                "[32] This common sanctuary in which they meet every seventh day is a double enclosure, one portion set apart for the use of the men, the other for the women. For women too regularly make part of the audience with the same ardour and the same sense of their calling.",
+                "[33] The wall between the two chambers rises up from the ground to three or four cubits built in the form of a breast work, while the space above up to the roof is left open. This arrangement serves two purposes; the modesty becoming to the female sex is preserved, while the women sitting within ear-shot can easily follow what is said since there is nothing to obstruct the voice of the speaker."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] They lay self-control to be as it were the foundation of their soul and on it build the other virtues. None of them would put food or drink to his lips before sunset since they hold that philosophy finds its right place in the light, the needs of the body in the darkness, and therefore they assign the day to the one and some small part of the night to the other. Some in whom the desire for studying wisdom is more deeply implanted even only after three days remember to take food.",
+                "[35] Others so luxuriate and delight in the banquet of truths which wisdom richly and lavishly supplies that they hold out for twice that time and only after six days do they bring themselves to taste such sustenance as is absolutely necessary. They have become habituated to abstinence like the grasshoppers who are said to live on air because, I suppose, their singing makes their lack of food a light matter.",
+                "[36] But to the seventh day as they consider it to be sacred and festal in the highest degree they have awarded special privileges as its due, and on it after providing for the soul refresh the body also, which they do as a matter of course with the cattle too by releasing them from their continuous labour.",
+                "[37] Still they eat nothing costly, only common bread with salt for a relish flavoured further by the daintier with hyssop, and their drink is spring water. For as nature has set hunger and thirst as mistresses over mortal kind they propitiate them without using anything to curry favour but only such things as are actually needed and without which life cannot be maintained. Therefore they eat enough to keep from hunger and drink enough to keep from thirst but abhor surfeiting as a malignant enemy both to soul and body.",
+                "[38] As for the two forms of shelter, clothes and housing, we have already said that the house is unembellished and a makeshift constructed for utility only. Their clothing likewise is the most inexpensive, enough to protect them against extreme cold and heat, a thick coat of shaggy skin in winter and in summer a vest or linen shirt.",
+                "[39] For they practise an all-round simplicity knowing that its opposite, vanity, is the source of falsehood as simplicity is of truth, and that both play the part of a fountain head of other things, since from falsehood flow the manifold forms of evil and from truth abundant streams of goodness both human and divine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] I wish also to speak of their common assemblages and the cheerfulness of their convivial meals as contrasted with those of other people. Some people when they have filled themselves with strong drink behave as though they had drunk not wine but some witch’s potion charged with frenzy and madness and anything more fatal that can be imagined to overthrow their reason. They bellow and rave like wild dogs, attack and bite each other and gnaw off noses, ears, fingers and some other parts of the body, so that they make good the story of the comrades of Odysseus and the Cyclops by eating “gobbets” of men, as the poet says, and with greater cruelty than the Cyclops.",
+                "[41] For he avenged himself on men whom he suspected to be enemies, they on their familiars and friends and sometimes even on their kin over the salt and across the board, and as they pour the libation of peace they commit deeds of war like those of the gymnastic contests, counterfeiting the genuine coin of manly exercise, no wrestlers but wretches, for that is the right name to give them.",
+                "[42] For what the athletes do in the arena while sober, in the daylight, with the eyes of all Greece upon them, in the hope of victory and the crown and in the exercise of their skill, are debased by the revellers who ply their activities in convivial gatherings by night and in darkness, drink-besotted, ignorant and skilful only for mischief to inflict dishonour, insult and grievous outrage on the objects of their assault.",
+                "[43] And if no one plays the umpire and comes forward to intervene and separate them they carry on the bout with increased licence to the finish, ready both to kill and to be killed. For they suffer no less than what they mete to others though they know it not, so infatuated are these who shrink not from drinking wine, as the comic poet says, to mar not only their neighbours but themselves.",
+                "[44] And so those who but now came to the party sound in body and friendly at heart leave soon afterwards in enmity and with bodily mutilation,—enmity in some cases calling for advocates and judges, mutilation in others requiring the apothecary and physician and the help that they can bring.",
+                "[45] Others belonging to what we may suppose is the more moderate part of the company are in a state of overflow. Draughts of strong wine act upon them like mandragora, they throw the left elbow forward, turn the neck at a right angle, belch into the cups and sink into a profound sleep, seeing nothing and hearing nothing, having apparently only one sense and that the most slavish, taste.",
+                "[46] I know of some who when they are half-seas-over and before they have completely gone under arrange donations and subscriptions in preparation for to-morrow’s bout, considering that one factor in their present exhilaration is the hope of future intoxication.",
+                "[47] In this way they spend their whole life ever hearthless and homeless, enemies to their parents, their wives and their children, enemies too to their country and at war with themselves. For a loose and a dissolute life is a menace to all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[48] Some perhaps may approve the method of banqueting now prevalent everywhere through hankering for the Italian expensiveness and luxury emulated both by Greek and non-Greeks who make their arrangements for ostentation rather than festivity.",
+                "[49] Sets of three or many couches made of tortoise shell or ivory or even more valuable material, most of them inlaid with precious stones; coverlets purple-dyed with gold interwoven, others brocaded with flower patterns of all sorts of colours to allure the eye; a host of drinking cups set out in their several kinds, beakers, stoops, tankards, other goblets of many shapes, very artistically and elaborately chased by scientific craftsmen.",
+                "[50] For waiting there are slaves of the utmost comeliness and beauty, giving the idea that they have come not so much to render service as to give pleasure to the eyes of the beholders by appearing on the scene. Some of them who are still boys pour the wine, while the water is carried by full-grown lads fresh from the bath and smooth shaven, with their faces smeared with cosmetics and paint under the eyelids and the hair of the head prettily plaited and tightly bound.",
+                "[51] For they have long thick hair which is not cut at all or else the forelocks only are cut at the tips to make them level and take exactly the figure of a circular line. They wear tunics fine as cobwebs and of dazzling white girt high up; the front part hangs below the under knee, the back part a little below the back of the knee and they draw together each part with curly bows of ribbon along the line of join of the tunics and then let the folds dangle down obliquely, broadening out the hollows along the sides.",
+                "[52] In the background are others, grown lads newly bearded with the down just blooming on their cheeks, recently pets of the pederasts, elaborately dressed up for the heavier services, a proof of the opulence of the hosts as those who employ them know, but in reality of their bad taste.",
+                "[53] Besides there are the varieties of baked meats, savoury dishes and seasonings produced by the labour of cooks and confectioners who are careful to please not merely the taste as they are bound to do but also the sight by the elegance of the viands. (The assembled guests) turn their necks round and round, greedily eyeing the richness and abundance of the meat and nosing the steamy odour which arises from it. When they have had their fill of both seeing and smelling they give the word to fall to with many a compliment to the entertainment and the munificence of the entertainer.",
+                "[54] Seven tables at the least and even more are brought in covered with the flesh of every creature that land, sea and rivers or air produce, beast, fish or bird, all choice and in fine condition, each table differing in the dishes served and the method of seasoning. And, that nothing to be found in nature should be unrepresented, the last tables brought in are loaded with fruits, not including those reserved for the drinking bouts and the after-dinners as they call them.",
+                "[55] Then while some tables are taken out emptied by the gluttony of the company who gorge themselves like cormorants, so voraciously that they nibble even at the bones, other tables have their dishes mangled and torn and left half eaten. And when they are quite exhausted, their bellies crammed up to the gullets, but their lust still ravenous, impotent for eating (they turn to the drink).",
+                "[56] But why dilate on these doings which are now condemned by many of the more sober minded as giving further vent to the lusts which might profitably be curtailed? For one may well pray for what men most pray to escape, hunger and thirst, rather than for the lavish profusion of food and drink found in festivities of this kind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[57] Among the banquets held in Greece there are two celebrated and highly notable examples, namely those in which Socrates took part, one held in the house of Callias and given by him in honour of the victory in which Autolycus won the crown, the other in the house of Agathon. That these deserve to be remembered was the judgement of men whose character and discourses showed them to be philosophers, Xenophon and Plato, who described them as worthy to be recorded, surmising that they would serve to posterity as models of the happily conducted banquet.",
+                "[58] Yet even these if compared with those of our people who embrace the contemplative life will appear as matters for derision. Pleasure is an element in both, but Xenophon’s banquet is more concerned with ordinary humanity. There are flute girls, dancers, jugglers, fun-makers, proud of their gift of jesting and facetiousness, and other accompaniments of more unrestrained merrymaking.",
+                "[59] In Plato’s banquet the talk is almost entirely concerned with love, not merely with the love-sickness of men for women, or women for men, passions recognized by the laws of nature, but of men for other males differing from them only in age. For, if we find some clever subtlety dealing apparently with the heavenly Love and Aphrodite, it is brought in to give a touch of humour.",
+                "[60] The chief part is taken up by the common vulgar love which robs men of the courage which is the virtue most valuable for the life both of peace and war, sets up the disease of effeminacy in their souls and turns into a hybrid of man and woman those who should have been disciplined in all the practices which make for valour.",
+                "[61] And having wrought havoc with the years of boyhood and reduced the boy to the grade and condition of a girl besieged by a lover it inflicts damage on the lovers also in three most essential respects, their bodies, their souls and their property. For the mind of the lover is necessarily set towards his darling and its sight is keen for him only, blind to all other interests, private and public; his body wastes away through desire, particularly if his suit is unsuccessful, while his property is diminished by two causes, neglect and expenditure on his beloved.",
+                "[62] As a side growth we have another greater evil of national importance. Cities are desolated, the best kind of men become scarce, sterility and childlessness ensue through the devices of these who imitate men who have no knowledge of husbandry by sowing not in the deep soil of the lowland but in briny fields and stony and stubborn places, which not only give no possibility for anything to grow but even destroy the seed deposited within them.",
+                "[63] I pass over the mythical stories of the double-bodied men who were originally brought by unifying forces into cohesion with each other and afterwards came asunder, as an assemblage of separate parts might do when the bond of union which brought them together was loosened. All these are seductive enough, calculated by the novelty of the notion to beguile the ear, but the disciples of Moses trained from their earliest years to love the truth regard them with supreme contempt and continue undeceived."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] But since the story of these well-known banquets is full of such follies and they stand self-convicted in the eyes of any who do not regard conventional opinions and the widely circulated report which declares them to have been all that they should be, I will describe in contrast the festal meetings of those who have dedicated their own life and themselves to knowledge and the contemplation of the verities of nature, following the truly sacred instructions of the prophet Moses.",
+                "[65] First of all these people assemble after seven sets of seven days have passed, for they revere not only the simple seven but its square also, since they know its chastity and perpetual virginity. This is the eve of the chief feast which Fifty takes for its own, Fifty the most sacred of numbers and the most deeply rooted in nature, being formed from the square of the right-angled triangle which is the source from which the universe springs.",
+                "[66] So then they assemble, white-robed and with faces in which cheerfulness is combined with the utmost seriousness, but before they recline, at a signal from a member of the Rota, which is the name commonly given to those who perform these services, they take their stand in a regular line in an orderly way, their eyes and hands lifted up to Heaven, eyes because they have been trained to fix their gaze on things worthy of contemplation, hands in token that they are clean from gain-taking and not defiled through any cause of the profit-making kind. So standing they pray to God that their feasting may be acceptable and proceed as He would have it.",
+                "[67] After the prayers the seniors recline according to the order of their admission, since by senior they do not understand the aged and grey headed who are regarded as still mere children if they have only in late years come to love this rule of life, but those who from their earliest years have grown to manhood and spent their prime in pursuing the contemplative branch of philosophy, which indeed is the noblest and most god-like part.",
+                "[68] The feast is shared by women also, most of them aged virgins, who have kept their chastity not under compulsion, like some of the Greek priestesses, but of their own free will in their ardent yearning for wisdom. Eager to have her for their life mate they have spurned the pleasures of the body and desire no mortal offspring but those immortal children which only the soul that is dear to God can bring to the birth unaided because the Father has sown in her spiritual rays enabling her to behold the verities of wisdom."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] The order of reclining is so apportioned that the men sit by themselves on the right and the women by themselves on the left. Perhaps it may be thought that couches though not costly still of a softer kind would have been provided for people of good birth and high character and trained practice in philosophy. Actually they are plank beds of the common kinds of wood, covered with quite cheap strewings of native papyrus, raised slightly at the arms to give something to lean on. For while they mitigate somewhat the harsh austerity of Sparta, they always and everywhere practise a frugal contentment worthy of the free, and oppose with might and main the love-lures of pleasure.",
+                "[70] They do not have slaves to wait upon them as they consider that the ownership of servants is entirely against nature. For nature has borne all men to be free, but the wrongful and covetous acts of some who pursued that source of evil, inequality, have imposed their yoke and invested the stronger with power over the weaker.",
+                "[71] In this sacred banquet there is as I have said no slave, but the services are rendered by free men who perform their tasks as attendants not under compulsion nor yet waiting for orders, but with deliberate goodwill anticipating eagerly and zealously the demands that may be made.",
+                "[72] For it is not just any free men who are appointed for these offices but young members of the association chosen with all care for their special merit who as becomes their good character and nobility are pressing on to reach the summit of virtue. They give their services gladly and proudly like sons to their real fathers and mothers, judging them to be the parents of them all in common, in a closer affinity than that of blood, since to the right minded there is no closer tie than noble living. And they come in to do their office ungirt and with tunics hanging down, that in their appearance there may be no shadow of anything to suggest the slave.",
+                "[73] In this banquet—I know that some will laugh at this, but only those whose actions call for tears and lamentation—no wine is brought during those days but only water of the brightest and clearest, cold for most of the guests but warm for such of the older men as live delicately. The table too is kept pure from the flesh of animals; the food laid on it is loaves of bread with salt as a seasoning, sometimes also flavoured with hyssop as a relish for the daintier appetites.",
+                "[74] Abstinence from wine is enjoined by right reason as for the priest when sacrificing, so to these for their lifetime. For wine acts like a drug producing folly, and costly dishes stir up that most insatiable of animals, desire."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[75] Such are the preliminaries. But when the guests have laid themselves down arranged in rows, as I have described, and the attendants have taken their stand with everything in order ready for their ministry, the President of the company, when a general silence is established—here it may be asked when is there no silence—well at this point there is silence even more than before so that no one ventures to make a sound or breathe with more force than usual—amid this silence, I say, he discusses some question arising in the Holy Scriptures or solves one that has been propounded by someone else. In doing this he has no thought of making a display, for he has no ambition to get a reputation for clever oratory but desires to gain a closer insight into some particular matters and having gained it not to withhold it selfishly from those who if not so clear-sighted as he have at least a similar desire to learn.",
+                "[76] His instruction proceeds in a leisurely manner; he lingers over it and spins it out with repetitions, thus permanently imprinting the thoughts in the souls of the hearers, since if the speaker goes on descanting with breathless rapidity the mind of the hearers is unable to follow his language, loses ground and fails to arrive at apprehension of what is said.",
+                "[77] His audience listen with ears pricked up and eyes fixed on him always in exactly the same posture, signifying comprehension and understanding by nods and glances, praise of the speaker by the cheerful change of expression which steals over the face, difficulty by a gentler movement of the head and by pointing with a finger-tip of the right hand. The young men standing by show no less attentiveness than the occupants of the couches.",
+                "[78] The exposition of the sacred scriptures treats the inner meaning conveyed in allegory. For to these people the whole law book seems to resemble a living creature with the literal ordinances for its body and for its soul the invisible mind laid up in its wording. It is in this mind especially that the rational soul begins to contemplate the things akin to itself and looking through the words as through a mirror beholds the marvellous beauties of the concepts, unfolds and removes the symbolic coverings and brings forth the thoughts and sets them bare to the light of day for those who need but a little reminding to enable them to discern the inward and hidden through the outward and visible.",
+                "[79] When then the President thinks he has discoursed enough and both sides feel sure that they have attained their object, the speaker in the effectiveness with which his discourse has carried out his aims, the audience in the substance of what they have heard, universal applause arises showing a general pleasure in the prospect of what is still to follow.",
+                "[80] Then the President rises and sings a hymn composed as an address to God, either a new one of his own composition or an old one by poets of an earlier day who have left behind them hymns in many measures and melodies, hexameters and iambics, lyrics suitable for processions or in libations and at the altars, or for the chorus whilst standing or dancing, with careful metrical arrangements to fit the various evolutions. After him all the others take their turn as they are arranged and in the proper order while all the rest listen in complete silence except when they have to chant the closing lines or refrains, for then they all lift up their voices, men and women alike.",
+                "[81] When everyone has finished his hymn the young men bring in the tables mentioned a little above on which is set the truly purified meal of leavened bread seasoned with salt mixed with hyssop, out of reverence for the holy table enshrined in the sacred vestibule of the temple on which lie loaves and salt without condiments, the loaves unleavened and the salt unmixed.",
+                "[82] For it was meet that the simplest and purest food should be assigned to the highest caste, namely the priests, as a reward for their ministry, and that the others while aspiring to similar privileges should abstain from seeking the same as they and allow their superiors to retain their precedence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] After the supper they hold the sacred vigil which is conducted in the following way. They rise up all together and standing in the middle of the refectory form themselves first into two choirs, one of men and one of women, the leader and precentor chosen for each being the most honoured amongst them and also the most musical.",
+                "[84] Then they sing hymns to God composed of many measures and set to many melodies, sometimes chanting together, sometimes taking up the harmony antiphonally, hands and feet keeping time in accompaniment, and rapt with enthusiasm reproduce sometimes the lyrics of the procession, sometimes of the halt and of the wheeling and counter-wheeling of a choric dance.",
+                "[85] Then when each choir has separately done its own part in the feast, having drunk as in the Bacchic rites of the strong wine of God’s love they mix and both together become a single choir, a copy of the choir set up of old beside the Red Sea in honour of the wonders there wrought.",
+                "[86] For at the command of God the sea became a source of salvation to one party and of perdition to the other. As it broke in twain and withdrew under the violence of the forces which swept it back there rose on either side, opposite to each other, the semblance of solid walls, while the space thus opened between them broadened into a highway smooth and dry throughout on which the people marched under guidance right on until they reached the higher ground on the opposite mainland. But when the sea came rushing in with the returning tide, and from either side passed over the ground where dry land had appeared the pursuing enemy were submerged and perished.",
+                "[87] This wonderful sight and experience, an act transcending word and thought and hope, so filled with ecstasy both men and women that forming a single choir they sang hymns of thanksgiving to God their Saviour, the men led by the prophet Moses and the women by the prophetess Miriam.",
+                "[88] It is on this model above all that the choir of the Therapeutae of either sex, note in response to note and voice to voice, the treble of the women blending with the bass of the men, create an harmonious concent, music in the truest sense. Lovely are the thoughts, lovely the words and worthy of reverence the choristers, and the end and aim of thoughts, words and choristers alike is piety.",
+                "[89] Thus they continue till dawn, drunk with this drunkenness in which there is no shame, then not with heavy heads or drowsy eyes but more alert and wakeful than when they came to the banquet, they stand with their faces and whole body turned to the east and when they see the sun rising they stretch their hands up to heaven and pray for bright days and knowledge of the truth and the power of keen sighted thinking. And after the prayers they depart each to his private sanctuary once more to ply the trade and till the field of their wonted philosophy.",
+                "[90] So much then for the Therapeutae, who have taken to their hearts the contemplation of nature and what it has to teach, and have lived in the soul alone, citizens of Heaven and the world, presented to the Father and Maker of all by their faithful sponsor Virtue, who has procured for them God’s friendship and added a gift going hand in hand with it, true excellence of life, a boon better than all good fortune and rising to the very summit of felicity."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA",
+            "(Title and sub-title.) The main title as here printed is that used by Eusebius himself, first when making his famous disquisition on the Therapeutae, <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> ii. 17, and again in his list of Philo’s writings in the next chapter. There can therefore be no doubt of its authenticity, but it is difficult to see why Philo substituted ἱκετῶν for θεραπευτῶν. It does not occur in the treatise itself and though as Conybeare shows there are many passages where ἱκεταί and θεραπευταί are coupled, they are not exactly the same and ἱκεταί does not suit the sense of healing which he gives as an alternative meaning for Therapeutae.",
+            "As for the sub-title, the “fourth (part or book) of the virtues” has no authority from Eusebius but appears to be given in all the MSS. The title of Περὶ ἀρετῶν is given by Eus. ii. 18 to the treatise of which the <i>Legatio</i> as we have it is a part, and he says in ii. 5 that this had five books and in ii. 6 speaks of the sufferings of the Jews in Alexandria as being described in the second book. The sub-title, therefore, affirms that the <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> was the fourth book of this treatise. We may be sure at any rate that Eusebius had no idea of this. But this, being part of the wider question what the complete Περὶ ἀρετῶν consists of and what is the meaning of the title, may be postponed until the <i>Legatio</i> is translated.",
+            "§ 2. προαίρεσις. This word occurs again five times in this treatise, §§ 17, 29, 32, 67, 79, and twice elsewhere in this volume, <i>Quod Omn. Prob.</i> 89 and <i>Hyp.</i> 11. 2. The uses in Philo, all springing from the sense of choice or purpose, may be divided into those which describe the purpose or motive of some particular action and those which indicate the motives and principles which regulate a lifetime or a career. To the first class belong §§ 29 and 79 as I understand the passage, and § 32 might be taken in the same way. In the other passages it is used in the second sense. In §§ 2, 17 and <i>Hyp.</i> 11. 2, where it is applied to the Therapeutae or the Essenes, it may be thought that it simply = the sect itself. So indeed Gifford translates it in the latter passage and L. &amp; S. recognizes this use of the word. But it seems to me better in the Philonic passages to take it as the beliefs and principles held by the sects, thus including both a creed and a rule of life. The various attempts made in this volume to translate it, <i>i.e.</i> “persuasion,” “vocation,” “creed” and “rule of life,” are none of them, perhaps, quite adequate.",
+            "§ 3. (Hephaestus and Poseidon.) So Cornutus (§ 19) says of Hephaestus ἐκ τοῦ ἧφθαι ὠνομασμένος. In the same chapter he, like Philo in <i>De Dec.</i> 54, identifies Ἥρα with ἀήρ, but does not suggest a common derivation. For Poseidon <i>cf.</i> Corn. 4, where he identifies him with ἡ ἀπεργαστικὴ τοῦ ἐν τῇ γῇ καὶ περὶ τὴν γῆν ὑγροῦ δύναμις and adds εἴτʼ ἀπὸ τῆς πόσεως οὕτω κέκληται. This is followed by two alternative suggestions, <i>cf.</i> Philo’s τάχα.",
+            "§ 17. ῥαψῳδίας. Conybeare, scolding Lucius, who saw in this reference to the thirteenth rhapsody the mark of later authorship, says that the division into rhapsodies was the work of Zenodotus and Aristarchus, 250 years before Philo. He does not give his authority for this. As to the use of the word in this sense the lexica do not give any certain evidence. L. &amp; S. (old and revised) gives “portions of an epic poem fit for recitation, etc., <i>e.g.</i> a book of the <i>Iliad</i> or <i>Odyssey</i>, Plut. 2, 186 E, Lucian, <i>D. Mort.</i> 20. 2 and <i>Cont.</i> 9.” In this they are really repeating Stephanus. In the first of the Lucian passages the greater Homeric personalities when in Hades are described as τὰ κεφάλαια τῶν ῥαψῳδιῶν. In the second Homer in Charon’s boat was sea-sick and vomits his rhapsodies. Plutarch is more definite. Alcibiades asks the teacher for a rhapsody of Homer and when the teacher says he has no Homer gives him a box on the ears. In the <i>Life of Alcibiades</i> 7 Plutarch repeats this story, substituting βίβλιον for ῥαψῳδίαν. It is both curious and regrettable that this passage of Philo which so definitely establishes the use of the word for the Homeric books as we have them has not found its way into the lexicon.",
+            "§ 25. μοναστήριον. On this word Conybeare states that it does not exist elsewhere in any Greek document until the end of the third century, when it has acquired the sense of a building or establishment for a single monk or hermit (for which he gives references from Athanasius and other patristic writers) or for several monks together. The statement that it does not occur earlier is confirmed by L. &amp; S. revised, which, apparently ignoring the patristic use, quotes this passage but nothing else earlier than the sixth century. It translates it here by “hermit’s cell,” which does not seem to me a happy phrase. It indicates simply a room in a house, into which no one else is allowed to enter. The familiar “closet” of Matt. 6:6, though the R.V. has replaced it by “inner chamber,” seems to me to carry the same idea.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> (End of section.) τὰ ἄλλα presumably refers to writings of some kind. But the words may refer to the συγγράμματα mentioned in § 29, or to the other books of scripture besides those indicated above. So Wendland, who quotes the Canon given by Josephus, <i>Ant.</i> i. 8, <i>i.e.</i> the Law, the Prophets (including the historical books), and the four books of the psalms and precepts of human life, <i>i.e.</i> Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Cantica. If Philo means this, τὰ ἄλλα will be the last three. But unless other evidence is forthcoming this seems very conjectural.",
+            "§ 36. λιπαίνουσιν. Wendland, like Conybeare, takes this word to mean “anoint” in the literal sense. He does not translate the passage, but as he thinks that τὰ θρέμματα is figuratively used and cites several passages where Philo uses the word to represent the senses or body as cattle under the guidance of the shepherd, the mind, he presumably would translate it “releasing as it were the animal side from its labours.” He also takes the passage to be a reminiscence of Plato, <i>Menexenus</i> 238 A, where oil is spoken of as πόνων ἀρωγήν, <i>cf. De Aet. 63</i>. With all due deference to two such high authorities, I still hold to the interpretation given in the translation that the relaxation of abstinence on the sabbath is to the Therapeutae what release from labour is to the beasts of burden. The Therapeutae have not endured the labour for which oil is a relief nor is λιπαίνω the natural word for anointing. Wendland certainly makes a point when he remarks that the indicative ἀνίασι would be expected rather than the participle. But the construction may, I think, be explained quite easily by understanding λιπαίνουσι. When he asks if they only eat bread and salt on the sabbath, what did they do on the other days, the natural answer is that on the sabbath they did not fast for the whole day or even until sunset. It is, I think, worth noting that according to Josephus, <i>B.J.</i> ii. 8. 3, the Essenes abstained altogether from the use of oil. Though it is not a decisive point it is a little surprising to find the Therapeutae making a sabbatical luxury of the indulgence which the less ascetic Essenes refuse.",
+            "§ 49. τρίκλινα. “Sets of three couches” is one of the meanings given in L. &amp; S. revised for τρίκλινος (the more usual form) and τρίκλινον which appears to be found occasionally. Conybeare gives “couches for three to recline upon.” Whatever the exact meaning is the point is, as he says, that they are large articles of furniture and therefore it shows extravagance to make them of very expensive material.",
+            "§ 58. (Xenophon’s <i>Symposium</i>.) Philo’s description of this is very superficial. The amusements mentioned chiefly appear at the beginning and end of the banquet and he does no justice to the mixture of banter and seriousness (ἀναμὶξ ἔσκωψάν τε καὶ ἐσπούδασαν) which characterizes most of the talk, nor to the real seriousness in Socrates’ longer speech, while, on the other hand, he ignores the fact that the acceptance of the feature in Greek sentiment so strongly denounced in §§ 60–62 is as prominent here as in Plato’s <i>Symposium</i>.",
+            "§ 59. (Plato’s <i>Symposium</i>.) Philo’s criticisms of this are not very creditable to him. In the first place his equating πάνδημος ἔρως with παιδεραστία is entirely wrong. The essence of πάνδημος ἔρως as represented in Pausanias’s speech, where the phrase principally appears, is that it is περὶ σώματος. It is concerned with women as much as with boys (181 B) and the passion of a male for a younger male plays a greater part in οὐράνιος ἔρως. But more important than this is the error of dismissing the οὐράνιος ἔρως as merely a secondary adjunct brought in to give a touch of humour or wit. Such a description indeed would be appropriate to Aristophanes’ fable of the original third sex which Philo takes so seriously in § 63, but it does not apply to the rest, and much of the picture ascribed by Socrates to Diotima is very much after Philo’s heart. Indeed, he himself uses the word ἔρως in the same idealistic way, <i>e.g.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 136.",
+            "Philo, of course, is not the only person who has been shocked by the acceptance in some parts of the <i>Symposium</i> of παιδεραστία as a normal feeling and still more by the apparent callousness of Socrates as described by Alcibiades in the last part. It was perhaps with reference mainly to this that Athenaeus xi. 506 c declares that what Plato says about Alcibiades in the <i>Symposium</i> is not fit for repetition οὐδʼ εἰς φῶς ἄξιον λέγεσθαι, and that, as every Cambridge student learnt in an earlier generation, Paley in the <i>Evidences</i>, part ii. 2, says that Socrates himself was more than suspected of the foulest impurities. Philo makes very little use of the <i>Symposium</i> himself. The only definite reminiscence listed by Leisegang is that noted on p. 232 of this volume, though perhaps the thought of the preference of the Therapeutae for the immortal rather than mortal children in <i>De Vit. Cont.</i> 68 may have in mind <i>Symp.</i> 209.",
+            "§ 65. διʼ ἑπτὰ ἑβδομάδων. Wendland rejects Conybeare’s view almost entirely on the ground that the word cannot yield this sense. He is wrong, I believe, in saying that the words in themselves cannot mean “after seven weeks.” διά in this sense indicates the interval between two events, but whether this interval occurs only once or recurs regularly depends on the context. Here, as stated in the footnote, since weekly sabbaths have been mentioned, “every seven weeks” is the natural meaning. But admitting that Philo has expressed himself carelessly if he means seven weeks after the Passover, is it likely that the Therapeutae, who appear to have been orthodox Jews, discarded the religious calendar of Moses and arranged a new system of festal days which one would have thought would have been difficult in itself? For since periods of fifty days do not fit into the year, this great feast would recur seven times in one year and eight times in another and in different months from year to year.",
+            "Wendland does not notice μεγίστης ἑορτῆς, which is not without its difficulties on Conybeare’s hypothesis but much more perplexing on his. In what sense is every fiftieth day which follows the <i>Symposium</i> on the forty-ninth called the greatest feast and what happened on it? Nor does he notice τὸ μὲν πρῶτον. Conybeare understood this to mean that they first meet on the eve for the banquet, the religious meeting on the day itself for worship being taken for granted. By translating it “first of all” I suggest that he does not rule out other cheerful convivial meals but takes this as the most notable, <i>cf.</i> § 40.",
+            "<i>Ibid.</i> <i>The chief feast</i>. Conybeare, p. 313, gives the following as reasons why Philo describes the Pentecostal meal in preference to the Paschal. The Passover was a domestic feast celebrated more austerely than Pentecost, which was also a day prescribed by the Law for rejoicing; also it occurred in a season more suited to remaining all night in the open air. These are perhaps satisfactory reasons for his selection of the feast for description, but not for his calling it the greatest feast, and Conybeare is mistaken when he says, p. 300, that Philo uniformly refers to Pentecost as the greatest of the feasts. Philo I think only mentions Pentecost three times, <i>De Dec.</i> 160, <i>Spec. Leg.</i> i. 183, ii. 176 ff. In the third of these he remarks that it is a greater feast than the Sheaf which he has just described. In the second he calls it δημοτελεστάτη, <i>i.e.</i> especially national or generally celebrated, while in the first he speaks of the Passover and Tabernacles as the greatest feasts. However this inconsistency is not greater than many of those to be found in Philo’s writings.",
+            "§ 67. (Genuineness of ἀλλʼ ἔτι κομιδῇ νέους παῖδας.) In <i>Hermes</i>, 1916, p. 179, Cohn gives as an additional reason for expunging these words that they make no sense, and that not they but ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἐκ πρώτης … φιλοσοφίας are the antithesis to τοὺς πολυετεῖς καὶ πολιούς. This last is true, but the sentence contains another antithesis, viz. πρεσβυτέρους and νέους παῖδας. This may be awkward, but is perfectly intelligible. Conybeare says “Armenio plane desunt, non tamen omittenda esse videntur.”",
+            "§ 78. <i>Reminding</i>. I think this should be taken as an allusion to the Platonic doctrine that learning is recollection (<i>Meno</i> 81). The knowledge is latent in the mind and the teacher only brings it into consciousness, <i>cf. De Praem. 9</i>.",
+            "Conybeare discussing this thinks that the employment of ὑπόμνησις instead of ἀνάμνησις is against it. But surely if learning is recollection, teaching is reminding. He considers that <i>Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 107 is still more against it, but this seems to me irrelevant. There Philo says that, when the lesson is over, the pupil, by chewing the cud, <i>i.e.</i> by using his memory to call up what the teacher has told him, stamps a firm impression of them on his mind.",
+            "§ 80. (The hymns.) That the Jewish churches in the Hellenistic world should have hymns and that they should be composed in metres familiar to Greeks is perfectly natural, and I presume it was knowledge of such hymns that led Josephus to make the fanciful statement (<i>Ant.</i> vii. 12. 3) that David arranged the Psalms, some in trimeters and others in pentameters, and also that Moses composed both his longer and shorter hymns in hexameters (ii. 16. 4, iv. 8. 44), but I have seen no illustration of this statement of Philo which seems curiously elaborate, particularly its enumeration of Greek metres. Among these προσοδίων (or, at least the variant προσοδιακῶν) and στασίμων are recognized metrical terms. But παραβωμίων and παρασπονδείων are not cited elsewhere, at least as applied to hymns or lyrics, and χορικῶν appears to be a general term for any choral hymn."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1941",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על חיי העיון",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על חיי העיון",
+        "enTitle": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+        "key": "On the Contemplative Life or Suppliants",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Life of Moses/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Life of Moses/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..1b6074385bde886a776f4b56e1107d086b3fdab8
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Life of Moses/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,956 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Life of Moses",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על חיי משה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Book I": {
+            "Introduction": [
+                "INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE VITA MOSIS</i> I AND II",
+                "The first of these two treatises covers, as is stated at the beginning of the second, the early life and education of Moses and the main facts of his work as King; that is, as the leader of the Israelites in their escape from Egypt and adventures in the wilderness. It runs on very straight-forwardly and does not call for any detailed analysis. There is only one attempt at allegory, viz. the reflections on the meaning of the vision of the Burning Bush.",
+                "The second treatise is far more complicated. It treats the character of Moses under three heads, the legislative, the high-priestly and the prophetic, a method which necessarily precludes any chronological arrangement. The first division as it stands begins with some general remarks on the need of these three qualifications as adjuncts to the ideal king (1–11), and proceeds to base the glory of Moses as a legislator first on the permanence of his laws (12–16), secondly on the respect paid to them by other nations (17–24) in support of which he adds an account of the making of the Septuagint (25–44). To these is to be added the greatness of the law-book itself, but this passes away into a justification of the scheme by which the legislative element is preceded by the historical, and this is followed by a dissertation on how the historical part records the punishment of the wicked and the salvation of the good, this last including a detailed account of Noah and the Ark (45–65).",
+                "In the second division the discussion of Moses as priest leads to a detailed description of the tabernacle and its appurtenances (66–108 and 136–140), the priest’s vesture with its symbolism (109–135), the appointment of the priests and Levites (141–158) and this last to an account of the part played by the Levites in punishing the idolatry of the Golden Calf (159–173), and finally of the vindication of the superiority of the priests by the blossoming of Aaron’s rod (174–186).",
+                "The third division treating of Moses as prophet is subdivided according as his pronouncements are made from an oracle given in answer to his question or from his own prophetic inspiration (181–191). Four examples are given of each: of the former, (<i>a</i>) the sentence on the blasphemer (192–208), (<i>b</i>) on the Sabbath-breaker (209–220), (<i>c</i>) special regulations as to the Passover (221–232), (<i>d</i>) the law of inheritance (233–245). As examples of the latter he gives Moses’ prophecies (<i>a</i>) of the destruction of the Egyptians (246–257), (<i>b</i>) of the manna (258–269), (<i>c</i>) of the slaughter of the idolaters (270–274) and (<i>d</i>) the destruction of Korah and his companions (275–287). The treatise ends with a few sections about the end of Moses. Altogether the two books, between them, cover most of the story of Moses as given in the Pentateuch, the only really serious omission being that of the theophany on Sinai."
+            ],
+            "": [
+                [
+                    "[1] I purpose to write the life of Moses, whom some describe as the legislator of the Jews, others as the interpreter of the Holy Laws. I hope to bring the story of this greatest and most perfect of men to the knowledge of such as deserve not to remain in ignorance of it;",
+                    "[2] for, while the fame of the laws which he left behind him has travelled throughout the civilized world and reached the ends of the earth, the man himself as he really was is known to few. Greek men of letters have refused to treat him as worthy of memory, possibly through envy, and also because in many cases the ordinances of the legislators of the different states are opposed to his.",
+                    "[3] Most of these authors have abused the powers which education gave them, by composing in verse or prose comedies and pieces of voluptuous licence, to their widespread disgrace, when they should have used their natural gifts to the full on the lessons taught by good men and their lives. In this way they might have ensured that nothing of excellence, old or new, should be consigned to oblivion and to the extinction of the light which it could give, and also save themselves from seeming to neglect the better themes and prefer others unworthy of attention, in which all their efforts to express bad matter in good language served to confer distinction on shameful subjects.",
+                    "[4] But I will disregard their malice, and tell the story of Moses as I have learned it, both from the sacred books, the wonderful monuments of his wisdom which he has left behind him, and from some of the elders of the nation; for I always interwove what I was told with what I read, and thus believed myself to have a closer knowledge than others of his life’s history."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[5] I will begin with what is necessarily the right place to begin. Moses was by race a Chaldean, but was born and reared in Egypt, as his ancestors had migrated thither to seek food with their whole households, in consequence of the long famine under which Babylon and the neighbouring populations were suffering. Egypt is a land rich in plains, with deep soil, and very productive of all that human nature needs,",
+                    "[6] and particularly of corn. For the river of this country, in the height of summer, when other streams, whether winter torrents or spring-fed, are said to dwindle, rises and overflows, and its flood makes a lake of the fields which need no rain but every year bear a plentiful crop of good produce of every kind, if not prevented by some visitation of the wrath of God to punish the prevailing impiety of the inhabitants.",
+                    "[7] He had for his father and mother the best of their contemporaries, members of the same tribe, though with them mutual affection was a stronger tie than family connexions. He was seventh in descent from the first settler, who became the founder of the whole Jewish nation. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[8] He was brought up as a prince, a promotion due to the following cause. As the nation of the newcomers was constantly growing more numerous, the king of the country, fearing that the settlers, thus increasing, might shew their superiority by contesting the chief power with the original inhabitants, contrived a most iniquitous scheme to deprive them of their strength. He gave orders to rear the female infants, since her natural weakness makes a woman inactive in war, but to put the males to death, to prevent their number increasing throughout the cities; for a flourishing male population is a coign of vantage to an aggressor which cannot easily be taken or destroyed.",
+                    "[9] Now, the child from his birth had an appearance of more than ordinary goodliness,  so that his parents as long as they could actually set at nought the proclamations of the despot. In fact we are told that, unknown to all but few, he was kept at home and fed from his mother’s breast for three successive months.",
+                    "[10] But, since, as is often the case under a monarch, there were persons prying into holes and corners, ever eager to carry some new report to the king, his parents in their fear that their efforts to save one would but cause a larger number, namely themselves, to perish with him, exposed him with tears on the banks of the river, and departed groaning. They pitied themselves being forced, as they said in their self-reproach, to be the murderers of their own child, and they pitied him too, left to perish in this unnatural way.",
+                    "[11] Then, as was natural in so strangely cruel a situation, they began to accuse themselves of having made bad worse. “Why did we not cast him away,” they said, “directly he was born? The child who has not survived to enjoy a kind nurture is not usually reckoned as a human being. But we meddlers actually nurtured him for three whole months, thus procuring more abundant affliction for ourselves and torture for him, only that when he was fully capable of feeling pleasure and pain he should perish conscious of the increased misery of his sufferings.” "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[12] While they departed ignorant of the future, overcome by grief and sorrow, the sister of the infant castaway, a girl still unmarried, moved by family affection, remained at a little distance, waiting to see what would happen, all this being brought about, in my opinion, by the providence of God watching over the child.",
+                    "[13] The king of the country had but one cherished daughter, who, we are told, had been married for a considerable time but had never conceived a child, though she naturally desired one, particularly of the male sex, to succeed to the magnificent inheritance of her father’s kingdom, which threatened to go to strangers if his daughter gave him no grandson. ",
+                    "[14] Depressed and loud in lamentation she always was, but on this particular day she broke down under the weight of cares; and, though her custom was to remain at home and never even cross the threshold, she set off with her maids to the river, where the child was exposed. Then, as she was preparing to make her ablutions in the purifying water, she saw him lying where the marshland growth was thickest, and bade him be brought to her.",
+                    "[15] Thereupon, surveying him from head to foot, she approved of his beauty and fine condition, and seeing him weeping took pity on him, for her heart was now moved to feel for him as a mother for her own child. And, recognizing that he belonged to the Hebrews, who were intimidated by the king’s orders, she considered how to have him nursed, for at present it was not safe to take him to the palace.",
+                    "[16] While she was still thus debating, the child’s sister, who guessed her difficulty, ran up from where she stood like a scout, and asked whether she would like to take for his foster-mother a Hebrew woman who had lately been with child.",
+                    "[17] When the princess agreed, she brought her own and the babe’s mother in the guise of a stranger, who readily and gladly promised to nurse him, ostensibly for wages. Thus, by God’s disposing, it was provided that the child’s first nursing should come from the natural source. Since he had been taken up from the water, the princess gave him a name derived from this,  and called him Moses, for <i>Möu</i> is the Egyptian word for water."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[18] As he grew and thrived without a break, and was weaned at an earlier date than they had reckoned, his mother and nurse in one brought him to her from whom she had received him, since he had ceased to need an infant’s milk. He was noble and goodly to look upon;",
+                    "[19] and the princess, seeing him so advanced beyond his age, conceived for him an even greater fondness than before, and took him for her son, having at an earlier time artificially enlarged the figure of her womb to make him pass as her real and not a supposititious child. God makes all that He wills easy, however difficult be the accomplishment.",
+                    "[20] So now he received as his right the nurture and service due to a prince. Yet he did not bear himself like the mere infant that he was, nor delight in fun and laughter and sport, though those who had the charge of him did not grudge him relaxation or shew him any strictness;  but with a modest and serious bearing he applied himself to hearing and seeing what was sure to profit the soul.",
+                    "[21] Teachers at once arrived from different parts, some unbidden from the neighbouring countries and the provinces of Egypt, others summoned from Greece under promise of high reward. But in a short time he advanced beyond their capacities; his gifted nature forestalled their instruction, so that his seemed a case rather of recollection than of learning, and indeed he himself devised and propounded problems which they could not easily solve.",
+                    "[22] For great natures carve out much that is new in the way of knowledge; and, just as bodies, robust and agile in every part, free their trainers from care, and receive little or none of their usual attention, and in the same way well-grown and naturally healthy trees, which improve of themselves, give the husbandmen no trouble, so the gifted soul takes the lead in meeting the lessons given by itself rather than the teacher and is profited thereby, and as soon as it has a grasp of some of the first principles of knowledge presses forward like the horse to the meadow, ",
+                    "[23] as the proverb goes. Arithmetic, geometry, the lore of metre, rhythm and harmony, and the whole subject of music as shown by the use of instruments or in textbooks and treatises of a more special character, were imparted to him by learned Egyptians.  These further instructed him in the philosophy conveyed in symbols, as displayed in the so-called holy inscriptions and in the regard paid to animals, to which they even pay divine honours. He had Greeks to teach him the rest of the regular school course,  and the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries for Assyrian letters  and the Chaldean science of the heavenly bodies.",
+                    "[24] This he also acquired from Egyptians,  who give special attention to astrology. And, when he had mastered the lore of both nations, both where they agree and where they differ, he eschewed all strife and contention and sought only for truth. His mind was incapable of accepting any falsehood, as is the way with the sectarians, who defend the doctrines they have propounded, whatever they may be, without examining whether they can stand scrutiny, and thus put themselves on a par with hired advocates who have no thought nor care for justice."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[25] When he was now passing beyond the term of boyhood, his good sense became more active. He did not, as some, allow the lusts of adolescence to go unbridled, though the abundant resources which palaces provide supply numberless incentives to foster their flame. But he kept a tight hold on them with the reins, as it were, of temperance and self-control, and forcibly pulled them back from their forward course.",
+                    "[26] And each of the other passions, which rage so furiously if left to themselves, he tamed and assuaged and reduced to mildness; and if they did but gently stir or flutter he provided for them heavier chastisement than any rebuke of words could give; and in general he watched the first directions and impulses of the soul as one would a restive horse, in fear lest they should run away with the reason which ought to rein them in, and thus cause universal chaos. For it is these impulses which cause both good and bad—good when they obey the guidance of reason, bad when they turn from their regular course into anarchy.",
+                    "[27] Naturally, therefore, his associates and everyone else, struck with amazement at what they felt was a novel spectacle, considered earnestly what the mind which dwelt in his body like an image in its shrine could be, whether it was human or divine or a mixture of both, so utterly unlike was it to the majority, soaring above them and exalted to a grander height.",
+                    "[28] For on his belly he bestowed no more than the necessary tributes which nature has appointed, and as for the pleasures that have their seat below, save for the lawful begetting of children, they passed altogether even out of his memory.",
+                    "[29] And, in his desire to live to the soul alone and not to the body, he made a special practice of frugal contentment, and had an unparalleled scorn for a life of luxury. He exemplified his philosophical creed by his daily actions. His words expressed his feelings, and his actions accorded with his words, so that speech and life were in harmony, and thus through their mutual agreement were found to make melody together as on a musical intrument.",
+                    "[30] Now, most men, if they feel a breath of prosperity ever so small upon them, make much ado of puffing and blowing, and boast themselves as bigger than meaner men, and miscall them offscourings and nuisances and cumberers of the earth and other suchlike names, as if they themselves had the permanence of their prosperity securely sealed in their possession, though even the morrow may find them no longer where they are.",
+                    "[31] For nothing is more unstable than Fortune, who moves human affairs up and down on the draughtboard of life, and in a single day pulls down the lofty and exalts the lowly on high;  and though they see and know full well that this is always happening, they nevertheless look down on their relations and friends and set at naught the laws under which they were born and bred, and subvert the ancestral customs to which no blame can justly attach, by adopting different modes of life, and, in their contentment with the present, lose all memory of the past."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[32] But Moses, having reached the very pinnacle of human prosperity, regarded as the son of the king’s daughter, and in general expectation almost the successor to his grandfather’s sovereignty, and indeed regularly called the young king, was zealous for the discipline and culture of his kinsmen and ancestors. The good fortune of his adopters, he held, was a spurious one, even though the circumstances gave it greater lustre; that of his natural parents, though less distinguished for the nonce,",
+                    "[33] was at any rate his own and genuine; and so, estimating the claims of his real and his adopted parents like an impartial judge, he requited the former with good feeling and profound affection, the latter with gratitude for their kind treatment of him. And he would have continued to do so throughout had he not found the king adopting in the country a new and highly impious course of action.  The Jews,",
+                    "[34] as I have said before, were strangers, since famine had driven the founders of the nation, through lack of food, to migrate to Egypt from Babylon and the inland satrapies. They were, in a sense, suppliants, who had found a sanctuary in the pledged faith of the king and the pity felt for them by the inhabitants.",
+                    "[35] For strangers, in my judgement, must be regarded as suppliants of those who receive them, and not only suppliants but settlers and friends who are anxious to obtain equal rights with the burgesses and are near to being citizens because they differ little from the original inhabitants.",
+                    "[36] So, then, these strangers, who had left their own country and come to Egypt hoping to live there in safety as in a second fatherland, were made slaves by the ruler of the country and reduced to the condition of captives taken by the custom of war, or persons purchased from the masters in whose household they had been bred. And in thus making serfs of men who were not only free but guests, suppliants and settlers, he showed no shame or fear of the God of liberty and hospitality and of justice to guests and suppliants, Who watches over such as these.",
+                    "[37] Then he laid commands upon them, severe beyond their capacity, and added labour to labour; and, when they failed through weakness, the iron hand was upon them; for he chose as superintendents of the works men of the most cruel and savage temper who showed no mercy to anyone, men whose name of “task-pursuer” well described the facts.",
+                    "[38] Some of the workers wrought clay into brick, while others fetched from every quarter straw which served to bind the brick. Others were appointed to build houses and walls and cities or to cut canals. They carried the materials themselves day and night, with no shifts to relieve them, no period of rest, not even suffered just to sleep for a bit and then resume their work. In fact, they were compelled to do all the work, both of the artisan and his assistants, so that in a short time loss of heart was followed necessarily by bodily exhaustion.",
+                    "[39] This was shown by the way in which they died one after the other, as though they were the victims of a pestilence, to be flung unburied outside the borders by their masters, who did not allow the survivors even to collect dust to throw upon the corpses or even to shed tears for their kinsfolk or friends thus pitifully done to death. And, though nature has given to the untrammelled feelings of the soul a liberty which she has denied to almost everything else, they impiously threatened to exert their despotism over these also and suppressed them with the intolerable weight of a constraint more powerful than nature."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[40] All this continued to depress and anger Moses, who had no power either to punish those who did the wrong or help those who suffered it. What he could he did. He assisted with his words, exhorting the overseers to show clemency and relax and alleviate the stringency of their orders, and the workers to bear their present condition bravely, to display a manly spirit and not let their souls share the weariness of their bodies, but look for good to take the place of evil.",
+                    "[41] All things in the world, he told them, change to their opposites: clouds to open sky, violent winds to tranquil weather, stormy seas to calm and peaceful, and human affairs still more so, even as they are more unstable.",
+                    "[42] With such soothing words, like a good physician, he thought to relieve the sickness of their plight, terrible as it was. But, when it abated, it did but turn and make a fresh attack and gather from the breathing-space some new misery more powerful than its predecessors.",
+                    "[43] For some of the overseers were exceedingly harsh and ferocious, in savageness differing nothing from venomous and carnivorous animals, wild beasts in human shape who assumed in outward form the semblance of civilized beings only to beguile and catch their prey, in reality more unyielding than iron or adamant.",
+                    "[44] One of these, the cruellest of all, was killed by Moses, because he not only made no concession but was rendered harsher than ever by his exhortations, beating those who did not execute his orders with breathless promptness, persecuting them to the point of death and subjecting them to every outrage. Moses considered that his action in killing him was a righteous action. And righteous it was that one who only lived to destroy men should himself be destroyed.",
+                    "[45] When the king heard this, he was very indignant. What he felt so strongly was not that one man had been killed by another whether justly or unjustly, but that his own daughter’s son did not think with him, and had not considered the king’s friends and enemies to be his own friends and enemies, but hated those of whom he was fond, and loved those whom he rejected, and pitied those to whom he was relentless and inexorable."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[46] When those in authority who suspected the youth’s intentions, knowing that he would remember their wicked actions against them and take vengeance when the opportunity came, had thus once got a handle, they poured malicious suggestions by the thousand from every side into the open ears of his grandfather, so as to instil the fear that his sovereignty might be taken from him. “He will attack you,” they said, “he is highly ambitious. He is always busy with some further project. He is eager to get the kingship before the time comes. He flatters some, threatens others, slays without trial and treats as outcasts those who are most loyal to you. Why do you hesitate, instead of cutting short his projected undertakings? The aggressor is greatly served by delay on the part of his proposed victim.”",
+                    "[47] While such talk was in circulation, Moses retired into the neighbouring country of Arabia, where it was safe for him to stay, at the same time beseeching God to save the oppressed from their helpless, miserable plight, and to punish as they deserved the oppressors who had left no form of maltreatment untried, and to double the gift by granting to himself that he should see both these accomplished. God, in high approval of his spirit, which loved the good and hated evil, listened to his prayers, and very shortly judged the land and its doings as became His nature.",
+                    "[48] But, while the divine judgement was still waiting, Moses was carrying out the exercises of virtue with an admirable trainer, the reason within him, under whose discipline he laboured to fit himself for life in its highest forms, the theoretical and the practical. He was ever opening the scroll of philosophical doctrines, digested them inwardly with quick understanding, committed them to memory never to be forgotten, and straightway brought his personal conduct, praiseworthy in all respects, into conformity with them; for he desired truth rather than seeming, because the one mark he set before him was nature’s right reason, the sole source and fountain of virtues.",
+                    "[49] Now, any other who was fleeing from the king’s relentless wrath, and had just arrived for the first time in a foreign land, who had not yet become familiar with the customs of the natives nor gained exact knowledge of what pleases or offends them, might well have been eager to keep quiet and live in obscurity unnoticed by the multitude; or else he might have wished to come forward in public, and by obsequious persistence court the favour of men of highest authority and power, if none others, men who might be expected to give help and succour should some come and attempt to carry him off by force.",
+                    "[50] But the path which he took was the opposite of what we should expect. He followed the wholesome impulses of his soul, and suffered none of them to be brought to the ground. And, therefore, at times he showed a gallant temper beyond his fund of strength, for he regarded justice as strength invincible, which urged him on his self-appointed task to champion the weaker."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[51] I will describe an action of his at this time, which, though it may seem a petty matter, argues a spirit of no petty kind. The Arabs are breeders of cattle, and they employ for tending them not only men but women, youths and maidens alike, and not only those of insignificant and humble families but those of the highest position.",
+                    "[52] Seven maidens, daughters of the priest, had come to a well, and, after attaching the buckets to the ropes, drew water, taking turns with each to share the labour equally. They had with great industry filled the troughs which lay near,",
+                    "[53] when some other shepherds appeared on the spot who, disdaining the weakness of the girls, tried to drive them and their flock away, and proceeded to bring their own animals to the place where the water lay ready, and thus appropriate the labours of others.",
+                    "[54] But Moses, who was not far off, seeing what had happened, quickly ran up and, standing near by, said: “Stop this injustice. You think you can take advantage of the loneliness of the place. Are you not ashamed to let your arms and elbows live an idle life? You are masses of long hair and lumps of flesh, not men. The girls are working like youths, and shirk none of their duties, while you young men go daintily like girls.",
+                    "[55] Away with you: give place to those who were here before you, to whom the water belongs. Properly, you should have drawn for them, to make the supply more abundant; instead, you are all agog to take from them what they have provided. Nay, by the heavenly eye of justice, you shall not take it; for that eye sees even what is done in the greatest solitude.",
+                    "[56] In me at least it has appointed a champion whom you did not expect, for I fight to succour these injured maidens, allied to a mighty arm which the rapacious may not see, but you shall feel its invisible power to wound if you do not change your ways.”",
+                    "[57] As he proceeded thus, they were seized with fear that they were listening to some oracular utterance, for as he spoke he grew inspired and was transfigured into a prophet. They became submissive, and led the maidens’ flock to the troughs, after removing their own."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[58] The girls went home in high glee, and told the story of the unexpected event to their father, who thence conceived a strong desire to see the stranger, which he showed by censuring them for their ingratitude. “What possessed you,” he said, “to let him depart? You should have brought him straight along, and pressed him if he showed reluctance. Did you ever have to charge me with unsociable ways? Do you not expect that you may again fall in with those who would wrong you? Those who forget kindness are sure to lack defenders. Still, your error is not yet past cure. Run back with all speed, and invite him to receive from me first the entertainment due to him as a stranger, secondly some requital of the favour which we owe to him.”",
+                    "[59] They hurried back and found him not far from the well, and, after explaining their father’s message, persuaded him to come home with them. Their father was at once struck with admiration of his face, and soon afterwards of his disposition, for great natures are transparent and need no length of time to be recognized. Accordingly, he gave him the fairest of his daughters in marriage, and, by that one action, attested all his noble qualities, and showed that excellence standing alone deserves our love, and needs no commendation from aught else, but carries within itself the tokens by which it is known.",
+                    "[60] After the marriage, Moses took charge of the sheep and tended them, thus receiving his first lesson in command of others; for the shepherd’s business is a training-ground and a preliminary exercise in kingship for one who is destined to command the herd of mankind, the most civilized of herds, just as also hunting is for warlike natures, since those who are trained to generalship practise themselves first in the chase.  And thus unreasoning animals are made to subserve as material wherewith to gain practice in government in the emergencies of both peace and war;",
+                    "[61] for the chase of wild animals is a drilling-ground for the general in fighting the enemy, and the care and supervision of tame animals is a schooling for the king in dealing with his subjects, and therefore kings are called “shepherds of their people,” not as a term of reproach but as the highest honour.",
+                    "[62] And my opinion, based not on the opinions of the multitude but on my own inquiry into the truth of the matter, is that the only perfect king (let him laugh who will) is one who is skilled in the knowledge of shepherding, one who has been trained by management of the inferior creatures to manage the superior. For initiation in the lesser mysteries must precede initiation in the greater. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[63] To return to Moses, he became more skilled than any of his time in managing flocks and providing what tended to the benefit of his charges. His capacity was due to his never shirking any duty, but showing an eager and unprompted zeal wherever it was needed, and maintaining a pure and guileless honesty in the conduct of his office.",
+                    "[64] Consequently the flocks increased under him, and this roused the envy of the other graziers, who did not see anything of the sort happening in their own flocks. In their case it was felt to be a piece of luck if they remained as they had been, but with the flocks of Moses any failure to make daily improvement was a set-back, so great was the progress regularly made, both in fine quality, through increased fatness and firmness of flesh, and in number through their fecundity and the wholesomeness of their food.",
+                    "[65] Now, as he was leading the flock to a place where the water and the grass were abundant, and where there happened to be plentiful growth of herbage for the sheep, he found himself at a glen where he saw a most astonishing sight. There was a bramble-bush, a thorny sort of plant, and of the most weakly kind, which, without anyone’s setting it alight, suddenly took fire; and, though enveloped from root to twigs in a mass of fire, which looked as though it were spouted up from a fountain, yet remained whole, and, instead of being consumed, seemed to be a substance impervious to attack, and, instead of serving as fuel to the fire, actually fed on it.",
+                    "[66] In the midst of the flame was a form of the fairest beauty, unlike any visible object, an image supremely divine in appearance, refulgent with a light brighter than the light of fire. It might be supposed that this was the image of Him that IS; but let us rather call it an angel or herald, since, with a silence that spoke more clearly than speech, it employed as it were the miracle of sight to herald future events.",
+                    "[67] For the burning bramble was a symbol of those who suffered wrong, as the flaming fire of those who did it. Yet that which burned was not burnt up, and this was a sign that the sufferers would not be destroyed by their aggressors, who would find that the aggression was vain and profitless while the victims of malice escaped unharmed. The angel was a symbol of God’s providence, which all silently brings relief to the greatest dangers, exceeding every hope."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[68] But the details of the comparison must be considered. The bramble, as I have said, is a very weakly plant, yet it is prickly and will wound if one do but touch it. Again, though fire is naturally destructive, the bramble was not devoured thereby, but on the contrary was guarded by it, and remained just as it was before it took fire, lost nothing at all but gained an additional brightness.",
+                    "[69] All this is a description of the nation’s condition as it then stood, and we may think of it as a voice proclaiming to the sufferers: “Do not lose heart; your weakness is your strength, which can prick, and thousands will suffer from its wounds. Those who desire to consume you will be your unwilling saviours instead of your destroyers. Your ills will work you no ill. Nay, just when the enemy is surest of ravaging you, your fame will shine forth most gloriously.”",
+                    "[70] Again fire, the element which works destruction, convicts the cruel-hearted.  “Exult not in your own strength” it says. “Behold your invincible might brought low, and learn wisdom. The property of flame is to consume, yet it is consumed, like wood. The nature of wood is to be consumed yet it is manifested as the consumer, as though it were the fire.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[71] After showing to Moses this miraculous portent, so clearly warning him of the events that were to be, God begins in oracular speech to urge him to take charge of the nation with all speed, in the capacity not merely of an assistant to their liberation, but of the leader who would shortly take them from Egypt to another home. He promised to help him in everything:",
+                    "[72] “For,” he said, “suffering, as they do, prolonged ill-treatment, and subjected to intolerable outrages, with no relief or pity for their miseries from men, I have taken compassion on them Myself. For I know that each severally, and all unitedly, have betaken themselves to prayers and supplications in hope to gain help from Me, and I am of a kindly nature and gracious to true suppliants.",
+                    "[73] Now go to the king of the land, and fear not at all, for the former king from whom you fled in fear that he meant mischief is dead, and the land is in the hands of another who does not remember any of your actions against you. Take with you also the elders of the nation, and tell him that the people has received a command from Me to make a three-days’ journey beyond the bounds of the country, and there sacrifice according to the rites of their fathers.”",
+                    "[74] Moses knew well that his own nation and all the others would disbelieve his words, and said: “If they ask the name of him who sent me, and I cannot myself tell them, will they not think me a deceiver?”",
+                    "[75] God replied: “First tell them that I am He Who IS, that they may learn the difference between what IS and what is not, and also the further lesson that no name at all can properly be used of Me,",
+                    "[76] to Whom alone existence belongs. And, if, in their natural weakness, they seek some title to use, tell them not only that I am God, but also the God of the three men whose names express their virtue, each of them the exemplar of the wisdom they have gained—Abraham by teaching, Isaac by nature, Jacob by practice.  And, if they still disbelieve, three signs which no man has ever before seen or heard of will be sufficient lesson to convert them.”",
+                    "[77] The signs were such as these. He bade him cast on the ground the rod which he carried, and this at once took life and began to creep, and became that high chief of the reptile kingdom, a huge serpent grown to full strength. Moses quickly leaped away from the creature, and, in his fright, was starting to fly, when he was recalled by God, and, at His bidding and inspired by Him with courage,",
+                    "[78] grasped its tail. It was still wriggling, but stopped at his touch, and, stretching itself to its full length, was metamorphosed at once into the rod which it had been before, so that Moses marvelled at the double change, unable to decide which was the more astonishing, so evenly balanced was the profound impression which each made upon his soul.",
+                    "[79] This was the first miracle, and a second followed soon. God bade him conceal one of his hands in his bosom, and, after a little while, draw it out. And when he did as he was bid, the hand suddenly appeared whiter than snow. He did the same again, put it in his bosom and then brought it out, when it turned to its original colour and recovered its proper appearance.",
+                    "[80] These lessons he received when he and God were alone together, like pupil and master, and while the instruments of the miracles, the hand and the staff, with which he was equipped for his mission were both in his own possession.",
+                    "[81] But the third had its birthplace in Egypt. It was one which he could not carry with him or rehearse beforehand, yet the amazement which it was sure to cause was quite as great. It was this: “The water,” God said, “which thou dost draw from the river and pour on the land will be blood quite ruddy, and not only its colour but its properties will be completely changed.”",
+                    "[82] Moses evidently felt that this too was credible, not only because of the infallibility of the Speaker, but through the proofs he had already been shewn in the miracles of the hand and the staff.",
+                    "[83] But, though he believed, he tried to refuse the mission, declaring that he was not eloquent, but feeble of voice and slow of tongue, especially ever since he heard God speaking to him; for he considered that human eloquence compared with God’s was dumbness, and also, cautious as he was by nature, he shrank from things sublime and judged that matters of such magnitude were not for him. And therefore he begged Him to choose another, who would prove able to execute with ease all that was committed to him.",
+                    "[84] But God, though approving his modesty, answered: “Dost thou not know who it is that gave man a mouth, and formed his tongue and throat and all the organism of reasonable speech? It is I Myself: therefore, fear not, for at a sign from Me all will become articulate and be brought over to method and order, so that none can hinder the stream of words from flowing easily and smoothly from a fountain undefiled. And, if thou shouldst have need of an interpreter, thou wilt have in thy brother a mouth to assist thy service, to report to the people thy words, as thou reportest those of God to him.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[85] Moses, hearing this, and knowing how unsafe and hazardous it was to persist in gainsaying, took his departure, and travelled with his wife and children on the road to Egypt. During the journey he met his brother, to whom he declared the divine message, and persuaded him to accompany him. His brother’s soul, in fact, had already, through the watchful working of God, been predisposed to obedience, so that without hesitation he assented and readily followed.",
+                    "[86] When they had arrived in Egypt, one in mind and heart, they first summoned the senators of the nation secretly, and informed them of the oracles, and how God had, in pity and compassion for them, assured them liberty and departure from their present to a better country, and promised to be Himself their leader.",
+                    "[87] After this they were now emboldened to talk to the king, and lay before him their request that he should send the people out of his boundaries to sacrifice. They told him that their ancestral sacrifices must be performed in the desert, as they did not conform with those of the rest of mankind, but so exceptional were the customs peculiar to the Hebrews that their rule and method of sacrifices ran counter to the common course. ",
+                    "[88] The king, whose soul from his earliest years was weighed down with the pride of many generations, did not accept a God discernible only by the mind, or any at all beyond those whom his eyes beheld; and therefore he answered insolently: “Who is he whom I must obey? I know not this new Lord of whom you speak. I refuse to send the nation forth to run loose under pretext of festival and sacrifices.”",
+                    "[89] Then, in the harshness and ferocity and obstinacy of his temper, he bade the overseers of the tasks treat the people with contumely, for showing slackness and laziness. “For just this,” he said, “was what was meant by the proposal to hold festival and sacrifice—things the very memory of which was lost by the hard pressed, and retained only by those whose life was spent in much comfort and luxury.”",
+                    "[90] Thus they endured woes more grievous than ever, and were enraged against Moses and his companion as deceivers, abusing them, sometimes secretly, sometimes openly, and accusing them of impiety in that they appeared to have spoken falsely of God. Whereupon Moses began to show the wonders which he had been previously taught to perform, thinking that the sight would convert them from the prevailing unbelief to belief in his words.",
+                    "[91] The exhibition of these wonders to the king and the Egyptian nobles followed very quickly;"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "so, when all the magnates had collected at the palace, the brother of Moses took his staff, and, after waving it in a very conspicuous manner, flung it on the ground, where it immediately turned into a serpent, while the onlookers standing round were filled with wonder, fell back in fear, and were on the point of running away.",
+                    "[92] But all the wizards and magicians who were present said: “Why are you terrified? We, too, are practised in such matters, and we use our skill to produce similar results.” Then, as each of them threw down the staff which he held, there appeared a multitude of serpents writhing round a single one;",
+                    "[93] that one, the first, showed its great superiority by rising high, widening its chest and opening its mouth, when with the suction of its breath it swept the others in with irresistible force, like a whole draught of fishes encircled by the net, and, after swallowing them up, changed to its original nature, and became a staff.",
+                    "[94] By this time, the marvellous spectacle had refuted the scepticism in every ill-disposed person’s soul, and they now regarded these events not as the works of human cunning or artifices fabricated to deceive, but as brought about by some diviner power to which every feat is easy.",
+                    "[95] But, though they were compelled by the clear evidence of the facts to admit the truth, they did not abate their audacity, but clung to their old inhumanity and impiety as though it were the surest of blessings. They did not show mercy to those who were unjustly enslaved, nor carry out the orders which had divine authority,  since God had shown His will by the proofs of signs and wonders, which are clearer than oracles. And therefore a severer visitation was needed, and volley of those blows whereby fools whom reason has not disciplined are brought to their senses.",
+                    "[96] The punishments inflicted on the land were ten—a perfect number for the chastisement of those who brought sin to perfection. The chastisement was different from the usual kind,"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "for the elements of the universe—earth, fire, air, water—carried out the assault. God’s judgement was that the materials which had served to produce the world should serve also to destrov the land of the impious; and to show the mightiness of the sovereignty which He holds, what He shaped in His saving goodness to create the universe He turned into instruments for the perdition of the impious whenever He would.",
+                    "[97] He distributed the punishments in this wise: three belonging to the denser elements, earth and water, which have gone to make our bodily qualities what they are, He committed to the brother of Moses; another set of three, belonging to air and fire, the two most productive of life, He gave to Moses alone; one, the seventh, He committed to both in common; and the other three which go to complete the ten He reserved to Himself. ",
+                    "[98] He began by bringing into play first the plagues of water; for, since the Egyptians had paid a specially high homage to water, which they believed to be the original source of the creation of the All, He thought well to summon water first to reprove and admonish its votaries.",
+                    "[99] What, then, was the event which so soon came to pass? The brother of Moses, at the command of God, smote the river with his staff, and at once, from Ethiopia to the sea, it turned into blood, and so did also the lakes, canals, springs, wells and fountains and all the existing water-supply of Egypt. Consequently, having nothing to drink, they dug up the ground along the banks; but the veins thus opened spouted up squirts of blood, which shot up as in haemorrhages, and not a drop of clear liquid was anywhere to be seen.",
+                    "[100] Every kind of fish died therein, since its life-giving properties had become a means of destruction, so that a general stench pervaded everything from all these bodies rotting together. Also a great multitude of men, killed by thirst, lay in heaps at the cross-roads, since their relatives had not the strength to carry the dead to the tombs.",
+                    "[101] For seven days the terror reigned, until the Egyptians besought Moses and his brother, and they besought God, to take pity on the perishing. And He Whose nature is to show mercy changed the blood into water fit for drinking, and restored to the river its old health-giving flood free from impurity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[102] For a very short time they relaxed, but soon betook themselves to the same cruelty and lawlessness as before, and seemed to think that either justice had disappeared utterly from amongst men, or that those who had suffered one punishment could not be expected to receive a second blow. But, like foolish children, they were taught once more by experience not to despise the warning. For chastisement, dogging their steps, slowed down when they tarried, but when they hastened to deeds of wickedness quickened its pace and overtook them.",
+                    "[103] For once more the brother of Moses, at God’s command, stretched forth and brought his rod upon the canals and lakes and fens; and, as he stretched it, a multitude of frogs crept up, so numerous that not only the market-places and all the open spaces, but all the farm-buildings as well, and houses and temples and every place, public or private, was filled with them, as though it were nature’s purpose to send one kind of the aquatic animals to colonize the opposite region, since land is the opposite of water.",
+                    "[104] The people, who could neither go out into the streets, because the passages were occupied by the frogs, nor yet stay indoors, because they had already crept up even to the tops of the houses and taken up the inmost recesses, were in the most unhappy and desperate straits.",
+                    "[105] So, after the king had promised them to permit the Hebrews to leave the land, they fled for refuge to those who had helped them before; and they made intercession with God, and when their prayer was granted some of the frogs went back into the river, and others died at once and lay in heaps at the cross-roads, to which the Egyptians added the piles of those which they brought out of their houses, because of the intolerable stench arising from the dead bodies, and bodies of a kind which, even when alive, is highly displeasing to the senses."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[106] But, having thus obtained a short breathing-space from punishment, and, like athletes in the arena, rallied their forces, only to gain fresh strength for evil-doing, they quickly returned to their familiar wickedness, forgetful of the evils which they had suffered so long. ",
+                    "[107] Then God stayed from using water to afflict them, and used the earth instead; but appointed the same minister of chastisement, who once more, when bidden, struck the ground with his staff, when a stream of gnats  poured forth, and spread like a cloud over the whole extent of Egypt.",
+                    "[108] Now the gnat is a very small creature, but exceedingly troublesome, for it not only causes mischief to the surface of the body, and produces an unpleasant and very noxious itching, but it forces its way inside through the nostrils and ears, and also flies into and damages the pupils of the eyes, if one does not take precautions. And what precautions would be possible against such a stream, especially when it is a chastisement sent by God?",
+                    "[109] Someone perhaps may ask why He punished the land through such petty and insignificant creatures, and refrained from using bears and lions and panthers and the other kinds of savage beasts which feed on human flesh; and, if not these, at any rate the asps of Egypt, whose bites are such as to cause immediate death.",
+                    "[110] If such a person really does not know the answer, let him learn it: first, God wished to admonish the inhabitants of the land rather than to destroy them, for had He wished to annihilate them altogether He would not have taken animals to co-operate in His visitation, but calamities sent direct from heaven—pestilence and famine.",
+                    "[111] And after this the inquirer should be taught a further lesson, and one that is needed throughout life. What is this? When men make war, they look round to find the most powerful auxiliaries to fight beside them, and so compensate for their own weakness; but God, the highest and greatest power, needs no one. But if, at any time, He wills to use any as instruments for His vengeance, He does not choose the strongest and the greatest, of whose might He takes no account, but provides the slightest and the smallest with irresistible and invincible powers, and through them wreaks vengeance on the evil-doers. So it was in this case.",
+                    "[112] For what is slighter than a gnat? Yet so great was its power that all Egypt lost heart, and was forced to cry aloud: “This is the finger of God”; for as for His hand not all the habitable world from end to end could stand against it, or rather not even the whole universe. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[113] Such, then, were the punishments in which the brother of Moses was the agent. We have now, in due course, to examine those which were administered by Moses himself, and to shew what were the parts of nature which went to their making. We find that air and heaven, the purest portions of the universe, took on the succession to earth and water in that admonition of Egypt which Moses was appointed to superintend.",
+                    "[114] First, he began to cause disturbance in the air. We must remember that Egypt is almost the only country, apart from those in southern latitudes, which is unvisited by one of the year’s seasons—winter. The reason may be, some say, that it is not far from the torrid zone, and that the fiery heat which insensibly emanates thence warms all its surroundings. It may be, again, that the clouds are used up beforehand by the flooding of the river at the summer solstice.",
+                    "[115] The river begins to rise as the summer opens, and ceases when it ceases, and during that time the Etesian winds sweep down opposite to the mouths of the Nile and put a stop to its outflow through them. For, as the sea rises to a great height through the violence of the winds, extending its huge billows like a long wall, it coops the river up within; and then as the stream which flows from the upland springs, and the other which should find its way out but is driven inland by the obstacles which face it, meet each other, prevented as they are from expanding by the banks which compress them on either side, the river naturally rises aloft.",
+                    "[116] Another possible reason is that winter is unneeded in Egypt. For the river, by making a lake of the fields, and thus producing the yearly crops, serves the purpose of rainfall.",
+                    "[117] And, indeed, nature is no wastrel in her work, to provide rain for a land which does not want it. At the same time she rejoices to employ her science in works of manifold variety, and thus out of contrarieties form the harmony of the universe. And therefore she supplies the benefit of water to some from heaven above, to others from the springs and rivers below.",
+                    "[118] Such was the condition of the land, enjoying springtime at mid-winter, the seaboard enriched by only slight showers, while the parts above Memphis, where the royal palace of Egypt was, experienced no rainfall at all, when suddenly a complete change came over the air, and all the visitations which belong to severe winter fell upon it in a body: rainstorms, a great quantity of heavy hail, violent winds, clashing and roaring against each other, cloudbursts, continuous claps of thunder and flashes of lightning and constant thunderbolts. These last provided a most marvellous spectacle, for they ran through the hail, their natural antagonist, and yet did not melt it nor were quenched by it, but unchanged coursed up and down and kept guard over the hail.",
+                    "[119] Intense was the despondency to which the inhabitants were reduced, not only by the disastrous onset of all these things, but by the strangeness of the event. For they thought, as indeed was the case, that divine wrath had brought about these novel happenings; that the air in a way unknown before had conspired to ruin and destroy the trees and fruits, while at the same time many animals perished, some through excessive cold, others stoned to death, as it were, through the weight of the falling hail, others consumed by the fire, while some survived half-burnt and bore the marks of the wounds inflicted by the thunderbolts as a warning to the beholders."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[120] When the plague abated, and the king and his surroundings recovered their courage, Moses, at God’s command,  stretched his rod into the air, and then a violent south  wind swooped down, gaining force and intensity throughout the day and night. This in itself was a source of much mischief, for the south wind is dry and produces headache and makes hearing difficult, and thus is fitted to cause distress and suffering, particularly in Egypt which lies well to the south, where the sun and the planets have their orbits, so that when the wind sets it in motion the scorching of the sun is pushed forward with it, and burns up everything.",
+                    "[121] But it also brought with it a huge multitude of creatures which destroyed the plants, locusts that is, who poured forth ceaselessly like a stream, and filling the whole air devoured whatever the lightnings and hail had left, so that nothing any longer could be seen growing in all that great country.",
+                    "[122] Then those in authority, reluctantly brought to a full realization of their own evil plight, approached the king and said: “How long will you refuse to grant these men leave to depart? Do you not yet understand that Egypt is destroyed?” The king yielded, or appeared to do so, and promised to comply if he were relieved from the dire scourge. And when Moses prayed again, a wind from the sea caught and scattered the locusts.",
+                    "[123] But, when they were scattered, and the king was sick to death at the thought of releasing the people, a plague  arose greater than all that had gone before; for, in bright daylight, darkness was suddenly overspread, possibly because there was an eclipse of the sun more complete than the ordinary, or perhaps because the stream of rays was cut off by continuous clouds, compressed with great force into masses of unbroken density. The result was that night and day were the same, and indeed what else could it seem but a single night of great length, equivalent to three days and the same number of nights?",
+                    "[124] Then, indeed, as we are told, some who had thrown themselves on their beds did not dare to rise from them, while others, when any of the needs of nature pressed, felt their way along the walls or any other object, proceeding with difficulty as though they were blind. For the light of artificial fire  was partly quenched by the prevailing storm wind, partly dimmed to the point of disappearance by the depth of the darkness, so that sight, the most indispensable of the senses, though sound in itself, was helpless and unable to see anything; and the other senses were discomfited,",
+                    "[125] like subjects when their queen has fallen. For men could not bring themselves to speak or hear or take food, but lay tortured in silence and famine with no heart to use any of the senses, so entirely overwhelmed were they by the disaster, until Moses again took pity and besought God, Who made light to take the place of darkness, and day of night, with bright open sky all around."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[126] Such, we are told, were the plagues  inflicted through the agency of Moses alone, namely the plague of hail and lightning, the plague of the locusts, and that of the darkness which was proof against every form of light. One was committed to him and his brother together, which I will at once proceed to describe.",
+                    "[127] They took in their hands, at God’s bidding, ashes from a furnace, which Moses scattered in the air, and then dust suddenly fell upon men and the lower animals alike. It produced an angry, painful ulceration over the whole skin, and, simultaneously with this eruption, their bodies swelled with suppurated blisters, which might be supposed to be extravasations from inflammation lurking beneath.",
+                    "[128] Oppressed as they naturally were by the extreme painfulness and soreness of the ulceration and inflammation, they suffered in spirit more or no less than in body from the exhaustion which their miseries produced. For one continuous ulcer was to be seen stretching from head to foot, the sores scattered over every particular limb and part of the body being concentrated into a single form of the same appearance throughout. So it was until, again by the intercessions which the lawgiver made on behalf of the sufferers, the distemper was lightened.",
+                    "[129] Rightly indeed was this chastisement committed to the two in common: to the brother because the dust which came down upon the people was from the earth, and what was of earth was under his charge; to Moses because the air was changed to afflict them, and plagues of heaven and air belonged to his ministration."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[130] The three remaining chastisements were self-wrought, without any human agent, each of which I will proceed to describe as well as possible. In the first, a creature is employed whose ferocity is unequalled in all nature—the dog-fly.  This name, which the coiners of words in their wisdom have given it, well expresses its character, for it is a compound formed from the two most shameless animals of the land and the air—the dog and the fly. Both these are persistent and fearless in their assaults, and if one attempts to ward them off meet him with a perseverance which refuses to be beaten, until they have got their fill of flesh and blood.",
+                    "[131] The dog-fly has acquired the audacity of both, and is a creature venomous and vicious, which comes with a whirr from a distance, hurls itself like a javelin, and, with a violent onrush, fastens itself firmly on its victim.",
+                    "[132] On this occasion the assault was also divinely impelled, so that its viciousness was doubled, prompted by avidity due not only to nature but to divine providence, which armed the creature and roused it to use its force against the population.",
+                    "[133] After the dog-fly there followed again a chastisement brought about without human co-operation, the death of the live-stock ; for great herds of oxen and sheep and goats, and every kind of beast of burden and other cattle, perished as by a single agreed signal in a single day, whole droves at a time, thus presaging the destruction of men which was about to follow, just as we find in epidemics. For pestilential disorders are said to be preluded by a sudden murrain among the lower animals."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[134] After this came the tenth and final judgement, transcending all its predecessors.  This was the death of the Egyptians, not of the whole population, since God’s purpose was not to make a complete desert of the country, but only to teach them a lesson, nor yet of the great majority of the men and women of every age. Instead, He permitted the rest to live, but sentenced the first-born only to death, beginning with the king and ending with the meanest woman who grinds at the mill, in each case their eldest male child.",
+                    "[135] For, about midnight, those who had been the first to call their parents father and mother, first to be called sons by them,  all in full health and robust of body, were suddenly cut off wholesale without apparent cause, and no household, as we are told, was spared this calamity.",
+                    "[136] When dawn came, every family, seeing their dearest thus unexpectedly dead, who, up till the evening, had shared their home and board, were naturally struck with profound grief and filled the whole place with their lamentations. And so, since in this general disaster the same emotion drew from all a united outcry, one single dirge of wailing resounded from end to end of the whole land.",
+                    "[137] And, as long as they stayed in their houses, everyone, ignorant of his neighbour’s evil plight, bewailed his own only; but, when they came forth and learned what had befallen the rest, their grief was straightway doubled. To the personal sorrow, the lighter and lesser, was added the public, greater and heavier, since they lost even the hope of consolation. For who could be expected to comfort another if he needs consolation himself?",
+                    "[138] And, as so often happens in such circumstances, they thought that their present condition was but the beginning of greater evils, and were filled with fear of the destruction of those who still lived. Consequently, bathed in tears and with garments rent, they rushed together to the palace and cried out against the king as the cause of all the dire events that had befallen them.",
+                    "[139] If, they said, at the very beginning, when Moses first entreated him, he had suffered the people to go forth, they would have experienced none at all of these happenings; but, as he indulged his usual self-will, the rewards of his contentiousness had been promptly reaped by themselves. Then they exhorted each other to use all speed in driving the people from the whole country, and declared that to detain them even for a single day, or rather only for an hour, would bring upon them a deadly vengeance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[140] The Hebrews, thus hunted as outcasts from the land, and conscious of their own high lineage, were emboldened to act as was natural to them, as freemen and men who were not oblivious of the injustices which malice had inflicted on them;",
+                    "[141] for they took out with them much spoil, which they carried partly on their backs, partly laid on their beasts of burden. And they did this not in avarice, or, as their accusers might say, in covetousness of what belonged to others. No, indeed. In the first place, they were but receiving a bare wage for all their time of service; secondly, they were retaliating, not on an equal but on a lesser scale, for their enslavement. For what resemblance is there between forfeiture of money and deprivation of liberty, for which men of sense are willing to sacrifice not only their substance but their life?",
+                    "[142] In either case, their action was right, whether one regard it as an act of peace, the acceptance of payment long kept back through reluctance to pay what was due, or as an act of war, the claim under the law of the victors to take their enemies’ goods. For the Egyptians began the wrongdoing by reducing guests and suppliants to slavery like captives, as I said before. The Hebrews, when the opportunity came, avenged themselves without warlike preparations, shielded by justice whose arm was extended to defend them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[143] With all these plagues and punishments was Egypt admonished, none of which touched the Hebrews, though they dwelt in the same cities and villages and houses, and though earth, water, air, fire, the constituent parts of that nature which it is impossible to escape, joined in the attack. And the strangest thing of all was that the same elements in the same place and at the same time brought destruction to one people and safety to the other.",
+                    "[144] The river changed to blood, but not for the Hebrews; for, when they wished to draw from it, it turned into good drinking-water. The frog tribe crept from the water on to the land, and filled the market-places, the farm buildings and houses, but held aloof from the Hebrews alone, as though it knew how to distinguish who should be punished and who should not.",
+                    "[145] Neither the gnats, nor the dog-flies nor the locusts, which did so great damage to plants and fruits and animals and men, winged their way to them; neither the rainstorm nor the hail nor the thunderbolts which fell continuously reached as far as them. That most painful ulceration was not felt, or even imagined, by them. When the others were wrapped in profound darkness, they lived in clear radiance with the light of day shining upon them. When the first-born of the Egyptians was slain, no Hebrew died, nor was it likely that they should, when even the murrain, by which numberless cattle perished, did not involve a single herd of theirs in the destruction.",
+                    "[146] Indeed, I think that everyone who witnessed the events of that time could not but have thought of the Hebrews as spectators of the sufferings of others, and not merely spectators in safety, but learners thereby of the finest and most profitable of lessons—piety. For never was judgement so clearly passed on good and bad, a judgement which brought perdition to the latter and salvation to the former."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[147] The departing emigrants had among them over six hundred thousand men of military age, while the rest of the multitude, consisting of old men, womenfolk and children, could not easily be counted. They were accompanied by a promiscuous, nondescript and menial crowd, a bastard host, so to speak, associated with the true-born. These were the children of Egyptian women by Hebrew fathers into whose families they had been adopted, also those who, reverencing the divine favour shewn to the people, had come over to them, and such as were converted and brought to a wiser mind by the magnitude and the number of the successive punishments. ",
+                    "[148] The appointed leader of all these was Moses, invested with this office and kingship, not like some of those who thrust themselves into positions of power by means of arms and engines of war and strength of infantry, cavalry and navy, but on account of his goodness and his nobility of conduct and the universal benevolence which he never failed to shew. Further, his office was bestowed upon him by God, the lover of virtue and nobility, as the reward due to him.",
+                    "[149] For, when he gave up the lordship of Egypt, which he held as son to the daughter of the then reigning king, because the sight of the iniquities committed in the land and his own nobility of soul and magnanimity of spirit and inborn hatred of evil led him to renounce completely his expected inheritance from the kinsfolk of his adoption, He Who presides over and takes charge of all things thought good to requite him with the kingship of a nation more populous and mightier, a nation destined to be consecrated above all others to offer prayers for ever on behalf of the human race that it may be delivered from evil and participate in what is good.",
+                    "[150] Having received this office, he did not, like some, take pains to exalt his own house, and promote his sons, of whom he had two, to great power and make them his consorts for the present and his successors for the hereafter. For in all things great and small he followed a pure and guileless policy, and, like a good judge, allowed the incorruptibility of reason to subdue his natural affection for his children.",
+                    "[151] For he had set before him one essential aim, to benefit his subjects; and, in all that he said or did, to further their interests and neglect no opportunity which would forward the common well-being.",
+                    "[152] In solitary contrast to those who had hitherto held the same authority, he did not treasure up gold and silver, did not levy tributes, did not possess houses or chattels or livestock or a staff of slaves or revenues or any other accompaniment of costly and opulent living, though he might have had all in abundance.",
+                    "[153] He held that to prize material wealth shews poverty of soul, and despised such wealth as blind; but the wealth of nature which has eyes to see he highly honoured and zealously pursued, more perhaps than any other man. In dress and food and the other sides of life, he made no arrogant parade to increase his pomp and grandeur. But, while in these he practised the economy and unassuming ways of a private citizen, he was liberal in the truly royal expenditure of those treasures which the ruler may well desire to have in abundance.",
+                    "[154] These treasures were the repeated exhibition of self-restraint, continence, temperance, shrewdness, good sense, knowledge, endurance of toil and hardships, contempt of pleasures, justice, advocacy of excellence, censure and chastisement according to law for wrong-doers, praise and honour for well-doers, again as the law directs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[155] And so, as he abjured the accumulation of lucre, and the wealth whose influence is mighty among men, God rewarded him by giving him instead the greatest and most perfect wealth. That is the wealth of the whole earth and sea and rivers, and of all the other elements and the combinations which they form. For, since God judged him worthy to appear as a partner of His own possessions, He gave into his hands the whole world as a portion well fitted for His heir.",
+                    "[156] Therefore, each element obeyed him as its master, changed its natural properties and submitted to his command, and this perhaps is no wonder. For if, as the proverb says, what belongs to friends is common,  and the prophet is called the friend of God,  it would follow that he shares also God’s possessions, so far as it is serviceable.",
+                    "[157] For God possesses all things, but needs nothing; while the good man, though he possesses nothing in the proper sense, not even himself, partakes of the precious things of God so far as he is capable. And that is but natural, for he is a world citizen, and therefore not on the roll of any city of men’s habitation, rightly so because he has received no mere piece of land but the whole world as his portion.",
+                    "[158] Again, was not the joy of his partnership with the Father and Maker of all magnified also by the honour of being deemed worthy to bear the same title? For he was named god and king of the whole nation, and entered, we are told, into the darkness where God was,  that is into the unseen, invisible, incorporeal and archetypal essence of existing things. Thus he beheld what is hidden from the sight of mortal nature, and, in himself and his life displayed for all to see, he has set before us, like some well-wrought picture, a piece of work beautiful and godlike, a model for those who are willing to copy it.",
+                    "[159] Happy are they who imprint, or strive to imprint, that image in their souls. For it were best that the mind should carry the form of virtue in perfection, but, failing this, let it at least have the unflinching desire to possess that form.",
+                    "[160] And, indeed, we all know this, that meaner men emulate men of distinction, and set their inclinations in the direction of what <i>they</i> seem to desire. Thus, when a ruler begins to shew profligacy and turn to a life of luxury, the whole body almost of his subjects gives full vent to the appetites of belly and sex beyond their actual needs, save in the case of some who, blessed by the gifts of nature, possess a soul kindly and propitious and free from viciousness;",
+                    "[161] whereas, if that ruler adopt a more severe and more serious rule of life, even the very licentious are converted to continence and are eager, either through fear or shame, to create the impression that, after all, their aims are like to his. In fact the worse, even in madness, will never be found to condemn the ways of the better.",
+                    "[162] Perhaps, too, since he was destined to be a legislator, the providence of God which afterwards appointed him without his knowledge to that work, caused him long before that day to be the reasonable and living impersonation of law."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[163] So, having received the authority which they willingly gave him, with the sanction and assent of God, he proposed to lead them to settle in Phoenicia and Coelesyria and Palestine, then called the land of the Canaanites, the boundaries of which were three days’ journey from Egypt.",
+                    "[164] The course by which he then led them was not the straight road. He avoided this, partly because he was apprehensive that if the inhabitants, fearing to lose their homes and personal liberty, offered them opposition, and war ensued, they might return by the same road to Egypt, and thus, exchanging one enemy for another, the new for the old, might be mocked, derided and subjected to hardships worse and more painful than what they underwent before. Partly, too, he wished by leading them through a long stretch of desert country to test the extent of their loyalty when supplies were not abundant but gradually grew scarcer and scarcer.",
+                    "[165] Therefore, leaving the straight road, he found one at an angle to it, and, thinking that it extended to the Red Sea, began the journey. It was then, we are told, that there occurred a prodigy, a mighty work of nature, the like of which none can remember to have been seen in the past.",
+                    "[166] A cloud shaped like a tall pillar, the light of which in the day-time was as the sun and in night as flame, went before the host, so that they should not stray in their journey, but follow in the steps of a guide who could never err. Perhaps indeed there was enclosed within the cloud one of the lieutenants of the great King, an unseen angel, a forerunner on whom the eyes of the body were not permitted to look."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[167] But the king of Egypt, seeing, as he thought, that they had lost their way and were traversing a rough and pathless desert, was pleased to find that disaster had befallen their journey, since he judged them to be shut in without an outlet. And, repenting that he had let them go, he essayed to pursue, expecting that he would make the multitude return in fear to renewed slavery, or massacre them wholesale if they proved refractory.",
+                    "[168] Then he took with him all his cavalry, javelineers, slingers, mounted archers, and all his other light-armed troops, and gave the six hundred finest of his scythed chariots to the men of rank that they might follow in suitable state and take part in the campaign. With unabated rapidity he rushed to the attack, and pushed on eagerly, wishing to come upon them suddenly and unforeseen. For the unexpected ill is ever more troublesome than the expected, since a negligently, compared with a carefully, guarded force is more liable to be successfully attacked.",
+                    "[169] While he pursued them with these intentions, hoping to win an uncontested victory, they, as it happened, were already encamped on the shores of the sea. And, just as they were preparing to take their early meal, first a mighty din was heard, caused by the host of men and beasts coming on at full speed; and, at the sound, they poured out of their tents, standing on tiptoe to look around and listen with both ears. Then, shortly afterwards, high on the hill, appeared the enemy’s forces, armed and drawn up for battle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[170] At this strange, unexpected sight, they were panic-stricken. They were not ready to defend themselves, for lack of the necessary weapons, for their expedition was not for war but for colonization. They could not fly, for the sea was behind them, the enemy in front, and on either side the depths of the trackless desert. So, in the bitterness of their hearts, broken down by the greatness of their misfortune, they acted as men often act in such troubles, and began to accuse their ruler.",
+                    "[171] “Was it because there were no tombs in Egypt where our dead bodies could be laid that you brought us out to kill and bury us here? Is not any slavery a lighter ill than death? You enticed this multitude with the hope of liberty, and then have saddled it with the greater danger which threatens its life.",
+                    "[172] Did you not know our unarmedness, and the bitterness and savage temper of the Egyptians? Do you not see how great are our troubles, how impossible to escape? What must we do? Can we fight unarmed against the armed? Can we fly, surrounded as in a net by merciless enemies, pathless deserts, seas impassable to ships, or, if indeed they are passable, what supply of boats have we to enable us to cross?”",
+                    "[173] Moses, when he heard these words, pardoned them, but remembered the divine messages, and, using his mind and speech simultaneously for different purposes, with the former silently interceded with God to save them from their desperate afflictions, with the latter encouraged and comforted the loud-voiced malcontents. “Do not lose heart,” he said, “God’s way of defence is not as that of men.",
+                    "[174] Why are you quick to trust in the specious and plausible and that only? When God gives help He needs no armament. It is His special property to find a way where no way is. What is impossible to all created being is possible to Him only, ready to His hand.” Thus he discoursed, still calm and composed;",
+                    "[175] but, after a little, he became possessed, and, filled with the spirit which was wont to visit him, uttered these oracular words of prophecy: “The host which you see armed to the teeth you shall see no more arrayed against you. It shall all fall in utter ruin and disappear in the depths, so that no remnant may be seen above the earth. And this shall be at no distant time, but in the coming night.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[176] Such was his prediction. But at sunset a south wind of tremendous violence arose, and, as it rushed down, the sea under it was driven back, and, though regularly tidal, was on this occasion more so than usually, and swept as into a chasm or whirlpool, when driven against the shore. No star appeared, but a thick black cloud covered the whole heaven, and the murkiness of the night struck terror into the pursuers. Moses now, at God’s command,",
+                    "[177] smote the sea with his staff, and as he did so it broke and parted into two. Of the waters thus divided, one part rose up to a vast height, where the break was made, and stood quite firmly, motionless and still like a wall; those behind were held back and bridled in their forward course, and reared as though pulled back by invisible reins; while the intervening part, which was the scene of the breaking, dried up and became a broad highway. Moses, seeing this, marvelled and was glad, and in the fullness of his joy encouraged his men and bade them move on with all speed.",
+                    "[178] And, when they were about to begin the passage, a most extraordinary sign occurred. The guiding cloud, which at other times stood in front, turned round to the back of the multitude to form its rearguard, and thus posted between the pursuers and pursued regulated the course of the latter and drove them before it under safe protection, but checked and repelled the former when they strove to advance. When the Egyptians saw this, tumult and confusion prevailed everywhere among them. In their terror their ranks fell into disorder. They tumbled over each other, and sought to escape, but it was of no avail; for,",
+                    "[179] while the Hebrews with their women and children, still mere infants, crossed on a dry road in the early dawn, it was otherwise with the Egyptians. Under the north wind the returning tide was swept back, and hurled its lofty billows upon them. The two sections of the sea rolled upon them from either side, united and submerged them, horses, chariots and all, with not even a torchbearer  left to announce to the people of Egypt the sudden disaster.",
+                    "[180] This great and marvellous work struck the Hebrews with amazement, and, finding themselves unexpectedly victorious in a bloodless conflict, and seeing their enemies, one and all, destroyed in a moment, they set up two choirs, one of men and one of women, on the beach, and sang hymns of thanksgiving to God. Over these choirs Moses and his sister presided, and led the hymns, the former for the men and the latter for the women."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[181] They set out from the sea coast, and travelled for some time, no longer in any fear of danger from the enemy. But after three days the water failed, and thirst once more reduced them to despondency. Again they began to grumble at their lot, as though nothing good had befallen them hitherto. For, under the onset of the present terror, we always lose sense of the pleasantness of past blessings.",
+                    "[182] Then they saw some springs and ran to draw from them, full of joy, but in their ignorance of the truth were deceived. For the water was bitter, and, when they had tasted it, the disappointment broke them down. Their bodies were exhausted and their souls dejected, not so much for themselves as for their infant children, the sight of whom, as they cried for something to drink, was more than they could face without tears.",
+                    "[183] Some of the more thoughtless, men of feeble piety, even denounced the past events as not having been intended for their benefit, but rather to bring them into worse misfortunes. It were better, they said, to die thrice, not merely once, at the hands of enemies, than to perish, or worse than perish, by thirst. To depart from life swiftly and easily is, in the eyes of the wise, the same thing as never dying, and death in the true sense is that which comes slowly and painfully, whose terrors appear not in the state of death, but only in the process of dying.",
+                    "[184] While they were engaged in such lamentations, Moses again addressed his supplications to God, that, knowing the weakness of His creatures, and particularly of mankind, and the necessities of the body, which depends on food, and is tied to those stern mistresses, meat and drink, He should pardon the despondent and also satisfy the needs of all, not at some distant time but with a boon bestowed promptly and swiftly, considering the inborn short-sightedness of mortality, which desires that assistance should be rendered quickly and at the moment. Hardly had he so prayed,",
+                    "[185] when God sent in advance the power of His grace, and, opening the vigilant eye of the suppliant’s soul, bade him lift and throw into the spring a tree which he shewed him, possibly formed by nature to exercise a virtue which had hitherto remained unknown, or possibly created on this occasion for the service which it was destined to perform. Moses did as he was bid,",
+                    "[186] whereupon the springs became sweet, and were converted into drinkable water, so that no one could even guess that they had originally been bitter, since no trace or tang remained to remind one of its former badness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[187] When they had relieved their thirst with double pleasure, since the unexpectedness of the event gave a delight beyond the actual enjoyment, they filled their water-vessels and then resumed their journey, feeling as though they had risen from a banquet and merry-making, and elated, with the intoxication not of wine, but of the sober carousal which the piety of the ruler who led them had invited them to enjoy. ",
+                    "[188] They then arrived at a second halting-place, one well wooded and well watered, called Elim, irrigated by twelve springs beside which rose young palm-trees, fine and luxuriant, to the number of seventy. Anyone who has the gift of keen mental sight may see in this clear signs and tokens of the national blessings. For the nation has twelve tribes,",
+                    "[189] each of which, in virtue of its piety, will be represented by the well which supplies piety in perennial streams and noble actions unceasingly, while the heads of the whole nation are seventy, who may properly be compared to the palm, the noblest of trees, excellent both in its appearance and in the fruit which it bears. Also it has its life-giving principle, not, like the others, buried in its roots, but mounted aloft, seated like a heart in the very centre of the branches which stand around to guard it as their very queen.",
+                    "[190] Such, too, is the nature of the mind of those who have tasted of holiness. Such a mind has learned to gaze and soar upwards, and, as it ever ranges the heights and searches into divine beauties, it makes a mock of earthly things, counting them to be but child’s-play, and those to be truly matters for earnest care."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[191] After this no long time had elapsed when they were famished for want of food. It seemed as though the forces of necessity were taking turns to attack them. For those stern mistresses, hunger and thirst, had parcelled out their inflictions and plied them with these successively, with the result that when one was relaxed the other was upon them. This was most intolerable to the victims, since, often when they thought they had got free of thirst, they soon found the scourge of hunger waiting to take its place.",
+                    "[192] And the presence of the dearth was not their only hardship; there was also the despair of obtaining provisions in the future. The sight of the deep, wide desert, utterly barren of fruits, filled them with despondency. All around there was nothing but rough, broken rocks, or plains where the soil was full of salt, or very stony mountains, or depths of sand stretching upwards steep and high, and again no rivers, spring-fed or winter torrent, no well, no tilth, no woodland of trees, either cultivated or wild, no living creature either of the air or of the land, save reptiles that vent poison for the destruction of mankind, such as snakes and scorpions.",
+                    "[193] Then, remembering the teeming fertility of Egypt, and contrasting the abundance of everything there with the lack of everything here, they were roused to anger, and expressed their feelings to each other in such words as these: “We left the country in the hope of freedom, and yet we have no security even of life. Our leader promised us happiness; in actual fact, we are the most miserable of men.",
+                    "[194] What will be the end of this long, interminable journey? Every traveller by sea or land has set before him some goal to come to, market or harbour for the one, city or country for the other; we alone have before us a pathless wilderness, painful journeying, desperate straits. For, as we proceed, there opens out before us, as it were, an ocean, vast, deep, impassable, ever wider day by day. He exhorted and puffed us up with his words,",
+                    "[195] and filled our ears with empty hopes, and then tortures our bellies with hunger, not providing even the barest nourishment. With the name of colonization he has deceived this great multitude, and first carried us from an inhabited to an uninhabited world, then led us on to the grave along the road which brings life to its end.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[196] Moses, when reviled in this way, was indignant not so much at their denunciations of himself as at their instability of judgement. For, after experiencing strange events outside the customary without number, they should have ceased to be guided by anything that is specious and plausible, but should have put their trust in him of whose unfailing truthfulness they had received the clearest proofs.",
+                    "[197] But, on the other hand, when he considered the want of food, as great a misfortune as any that can befall mankind, he forgave them, knowing that the multitude by its very nature is an unstable thing, shaken by the circumstances of the moment, which produce oblivion of the past and despondency of the future. So, while they were all thus overwhelmed by affliction,",
+                    "[198] and expecting the extreme misfortunes which they believed to be close at hand, ready to attack them, God, moved partly by the clemency and benevolence to man which belongs to His nature, partly too by His wish to honour the ruler whom He had appointed, and still more to bring home to them the greatness of that ruler’s piety and holiness as shewn in matters both clear and obscure, took pity on them and healed their sufferings.",
+                    "[199] He, therefore, devised new and strange forms of benefaction, that by clearer manifestations they might now be schooled not to shew bitter resentment if something did not at once turn out as they would have it, but bear it patiently in expectation of good to come.",
+                    "[200] What, then, did happen? On the morrow about daybreak, a great quantity of dew lay deep around the whole camp, showered noiselessly by God; a strange, extraordinary rain, not water, nor hail, nor snow, nor ice, such as are produced by the changes in the clouds at the winter solstice, but of grains exceedingly small and white, which, poured down in a continuous flow, lay in heaps in front of the tents. It was an incredible sight; and, in astonishment thereat, they asked their leader, “What is this rain, which no man ever saw before, and for what purpose has it come?”",
+                    "[201] Moses, in answer, possessed by divine inspiration, spoke these oracular words: “Mortals have the deep-soiled plainland given over to them, which they cut into furrows with the plough, and there sow their seed, and perform the other tasks of the husbandman, thus providing the yearly fruits, and through them abundance of the necessaries of life. But God has subject to Him not one portion of the universe, but the whole world and its parts, to minister as slaves to their master for every service that He wills.",
+                    "[202] So now it has seemed good to Him that the air should bring food instead of water, for the earth too often brings rain. What is the river of Egypt, when every year it overflows and waters the fields with its inroads, but a rainpour from beneath?”",
+                    "[203] This work of God was strange enough even if it had stopped at this point, but actually there were other facts still stronger enhancing its marvels. For the men brought vessels from every quarter, and collected the grains, some on their beasts, others in burdens on their shoulders, thinking thus to store up provisions to last for later use.",
+                    "[204] But, as it turned out, it was impossible to store or hoard them, since it was God’s purpose to bestow gifts ever new. For when they took a sufficient stock for their needs at the time, they consumed it with pleasure, but anything they left for the morrow they found did not keep, but changed and stank and was full of such life as is regularly bred in putrescence. This they naturally threw away, but found other food prepared for them, rained upon them with the dew every day.",
+                    "[205] A special distinction was given to the sacred seventh day,  for, since it was not permitted to do anything on that day, abstinence from works great or small being expressly enjoined, and therefore they could not then gather what was necessary, God rained a double supply the day before, and bade them bring in what would be sufficient for two days. And what was thus collected kept sound, nor did any of it decay at all as in the previous case."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[206] There is something still more wonderful to be told. During all that long period of forty years in which they journeyed, the food required was supplied according to the rules just mentioned, like rations measured out to provide the allotment needed for each.",
+                    "[207] At the same time, they learned to date aright the day of which they had dearly longed to have knowledge.  For, long before, they had asked what was the birthday of the world on which this universe was completed, and to this question, which had been passed down unsolved from generation to generation, they now at long last found the answer, learnt not only through divine pronouncements but by a perfectly certain proof. For, as we have said, while the surplus of the downpour decayed on the other days, on the day before the seventh it not only did not change, but was actually supplied in double measure.",
+                    "[208] The method they employed with the food was as follows: At dawn they collected what fell, ground or crunched it and then boiled it, when they found it a very pleasant form of food, like a honey-cake, and felt no need of elaborate cookery.",
+                    "[209] But in fact, not long after, they were well supplied with the means of luxurious living, since God was pleased to provide to them abundantly, and more than abundantly, in the wilderness all the viands which are found in a rich and well-inhabited country. For in the evenings a continuous cloud of quails appeared from the sea and overshadowed the whole camp, flying close to the land, so as to be an easy prey.  So they caught and dressed them, each according to his tastes, and feasted on flesh of the most delicious kind, thus obtaining the relish required to make their food more palatable."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[210] Though this supply of food never failed and continued to be enjoyed in abundance, a serious scarcity of water again occurred. Sore pressed by this, their mood turned to desperation, whereupon Moses, taking that sacred staff with which he accomplished the signs in Egypt, under inspiration smote the steep  rock with it.",
+                    "[211] It may be that the rock contained originally a spring and now had its artery clean severed, or perhaps that then for the first time a body of water collected in it through hidden channels was forced out by the impact. Whichever is the case, it opened under the violence of the stream and spouted out its contents, so that not only then did it provide a remedy for their thirst but also abundance of drink for a longer time for all these thousands. For they filled all their water vessels, as they had done on the former occasion, from the springs that were naturally bitter but were changed and sweetened by God’s directing care.",
+                    "[212] If anyone disbelieves these things, he neither knows God nor has ever sought to know Him; for if he did he would at once have perceived—aye, perceived with a firm apprehension—that these extraordinary and seemingly incredible events are but child’s-play to God. He has but to turn his eyes to things which are really great and worthy of his earnest contemplation, the creation of heaven and the rhythmic movements of the planets and fixed stars, the light that shines upon us from the sun by day and from the moon by night, the establishment of the earth in the very centre of the universe, the vast expanses of continents and islands and the numberless species of animals and plants, and again the widespreading seas, the rushing rivers, spring-fed and winter torrents, the fountains with their perennial streams, some sending forth cold, other warm, water, the air with its changes of every sort, the yearly seasons with their well-marked diversities and other beauties innumerable.",
+                    "[213] He who should wish to describe the several parts, or rather any one of the cardinal parts of the universe, would find life too short, even if his years were prolonged beyond those of all other men. But these things, though truly marvellous, are held in little account because they are familiar. Not so with the unfamiliar; though they be but small matters, we give way before what appears so strange, and, drawn by their novelty, regard them with amazement."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[214] After traversing a long and pathless expanse, they came within sight of the confines of habitable land, and the outlying districts of the country in which they proposed to settle. This country was occupied by Phoenicians.  Here they had thought to find a life of peace and quiet, but their hopes were disappointed.",
+                    "[215] For the king who ruled there, fearing pillage and rapine, called up the youth of his cities and came to meet them, hoping to bar their way, or, if that were not feasible and they attempted violence, to discomfit them by force of arms, seeing that his men were unwearied and fresh for the contest, while the others were exhausted with much journeying and by the famine and drought which had alternately attacked them. Moses,",
+                    "[216] learning from his scouts that the enemy was not far distant, mustered his men of military age, and, choosing as their general one of his lieutenants named Joshua, hastened himself to take a more important part in the fight.  Having purified himself according to the customary ritual, he ran without delay to the neighbouring hill and besought God to shield the Hebrews and give a triumphant victory to the people whom He had saved from wars and other troubles still more grievous than this, dispersing not only the misfortunes with which men had menaced them but also those so miraculously brought about in Egypt by the upheaval of the elements and by the continual dearth which beset them in their journeying.",
+                    "[217] But, when they were about to engage in the fight, his hands were affected in the most marvellous way. They became very light and very heavy in turns, and, whenever they were in the former condition and rose aloft, his side of the combatants was strong and distinguished itself the more by its valour, but whenever his hands were weighed down the enemy prevailed. Thus, by symbols, God shewed that earth and the lowest regions of the universe were the portion assigned as their own to the one party, and the ethereal, the holiest region, to the other; and that, just as heaven holds kingship in the universe and is superior to earth, so this nation should be victorious over its opponents in war.",
+                    "[218] While, then, his hands became successively lighter and weightier, like scales in the balance, the fight, too, continued to be doubtful; but, when they suddenly lost all weight, the fingers serving them as pinions, they were lifted on high like the tribe that wings its way through the air, and remained thus soaring until the Hebrews won an undisputed victory and their enemies were slaughtered wholesale, thus justly suffering the punishment which they wrongly strove to deal to others.",
+                    "[219] Then, too, Moses set up an altar, and called it from the event “Refuge of God,”  and on this, with prayers of thanksgiving, he offered sacrifices in celebration of the victory."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[220] After this battle he came to the conclusion that, since it was now the second year of their travels, he ought to inspect the land in which the nation proposed to settle. He wished them, instead of arguing ignorantly in the usual way, to obtain a good idea of the country by first-hand report, and with this solid knowledge of the conditions to calculate the proper course of action.",
+                    "[221] He chose twelve men corresponding to the number of the tribes, one headman from each, selecting the most approved for their high merit, in order that no part of the nation might be set at variance with the others through receiving either more or less than they, but all might get to know through their chieftains the conditions in which the inhabitants lived, as they would do if the emissaries were willing to report the full truth.",
+                    "[222] When he had chosen them, he spoke as follows: “The conflicts and dangers which we have undergone and still endure, have for their prize the lands which we hope to apportion, a hope which we trust may not be disappointed, since the nation which we are bringing to settle there is so populous. To know the places, the men and their circumstances, is as useful as the ignorance of them is mischievous.",
+                    "[223] So we have appointed you that with the aid of your sight and intelligence we may be able to survey the state of the country. Become, then, the ears and eyes of all this great multitude, to give them a clear apprehension of what they require to know.",
+                    "[224] There are three things which we desire to learn: the size and strength of the population, whether the cities are favourably situated and strongly built, or the contrary, and whether the land has a deep, rich soil, well-adapted to produce every kind of fruits from cornfields and orchards, or on the other hand is thin and poor. Thus shall we counter the number and power of the inhabitants with equal forces, and the strength of their position with machines and siege engines. Knowledge of the fertility or unfertility of the land is also indispensable, for if it is poor it would be folly to court danger to win it.",
+                    "[225] Our arms and engines and all our power consist solely in faith in God. Equipped with this, we shall defy every terror. Faith is able to overpower, and more than overpower, forces the most invincible, in physique, courage, experience and number, and by it we are supplied in the depths of the desert with all that the rich resources of cities can give.",
+                    "[226] Now the season which has been found to be best for testing the goodness of a land is spring, which is now present; for in springtime the different crops come to their fullness and the fruit-trees begin to shew their natural growth. Yet it might be better to wait till summer is at its height, and bring back fruits as samples of the wealth of the land.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[227] When the spies heard this, they set out on their errand, escorted by the whole multitude, who feared that they might be taken and slain, thus entailing two heavy misfortunes, the death of the men who were as eyesight to their particular tribe, and concerning the foe that lay ready to attack them ignorance of the facts which it would be useful to know.",
+                    "[228] The men took with them scouts and guides to the road, and followed behind them. And, when they came near to their destination, they quickly ascended the highest of the mountains in the neighbourhood and surveyed the country. Much of it was plainland bearing barley, wheat and grass, while the uplands were equally full of vines and other trees, all of it well timbered and thickly overgrown and intersected with springs and rivers which gave it abundance of water, so that from the lowest part to the summits the whole of the hill country, particularly the ridges and the deep clefts, formed a close texture of umbrageous trees.",
+                    "[229] They observed also that the cities were strongly fortified, in two ways, through the favourable nature of their situation and the solidity of their walls. And, on scrutinizing the inhabitants, they saw that they were countless in number and giants of huge stature, or at least giant-like in their physical superiority both in size and strength.",
+                    "[230] Having marked these things, they stayed on to get a more accurate apprehension, for first impressions are treacherous and only slowly in time get the seal of reality. And, at the same time, they were at pains to pluck some of the fruits of the trees, not those in the first stage of hardening, but fruits darkening to ripeness, and thus have something which would naturally keep in good condition to exhibit to the whole multitude.",
+                    "[231] They were especially amazed by the fruit of the vine, for the bunches were of huge size, stretching right along the branches and shoots and presenting an incredible spectacle. One, indeed, they cut off, and carried it suspended from the middle part of a beam, the ends of which were laid on two youths, one in front and another behind, a fresh pair at intervals relieving its predecessors, as they continually were wearied by the great weight of the burden.",
+                    "On vital matters, the envoys were not of one mind."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[232] Indeed, there were numberless contentions among them, even during the journey before they arrived back, though of a lighter kind, as they did not wish that their disputes or conflicting reports should produce faction in the mass of the people. But, when they had returned, these contentions became more severe.",
+                    "[233] For, while one party, by dilating upon the fortifications of the cities and the great population of each and by magnifying everything in their description, created fear in their hearers, the others belittled the gravity of all that they had seen, and bade them not be faint-hearted but persist in founding their settlement in the certainty that they would succeed without striking a blow. No city, they said, could resist the combined onset of so great a power, but would fall overwhelmed by its weight. Both parties transmitted the results of their own feelings to the souls of their hearers, the unmanly their cowardice, the undismayed their courage and hopefulness.",
+                    "[234] But these last numbered but a fifth part of the craven-hearted, who were five times as many as the better spirited.",
+                    "Courage confined to few is lost to sight, when timidity has the superiority of numbers: and that, we are told, happened on this occasion; for the two who gave a highly favourable account were so outweighed by the ten who said the opposite that the latter brought over the whole multitude into dissent from the others and agreement with themselves.",
+                    "[235] With regard to the country, they all stated the same, unanimously extolling the beauty of both the plain and hill country. “But of what use to us,” at once cried out the people, “are good things which belong to others, and moreover are strongly guarded so that none can take them away?” And they set upon the two, and nearly stoned them in their preference of the pleasant-sounding to the profitable, and of deceit to truth.",
+                    "[236] This roused their ruler’s indignation, who, at the same time, feared lest some scourge should descend upon them from God for their senseless disbelief in His utterances. This actually happened. For the ten cowardly spies perished in a pestilence with those of the people who had shared their foolish despondency, while the two who alone had advised them not to be terrified, but hold to their plan of settlement, were saved, because they had been obedient to the oracles, and received the special privilege that they did not perish with the others."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[237] This event was the reason why they did not come sooner to the land where they proposed to settle. For, though they could have occupied the cities of Syria and their portions of land in the second year after leaving Egypt, they turned away from the road which led directly thither and wandered about, travelling with difficulty, through long, pathless tracts, which appeared one after the other, bringing endless weariness of soul and body, the punishment they needs must endure for their great impiety.",
+                    "[238] For thirty-eight years in addition to the time already spent, the span of a generation of human life, they went wayworn up and down, tracing and retracing the trackless wilds till at last in the fortieth year they succeeded in reaching those boundaries of the country to which they had come before.",
+                    "[239] Near the entrances there dwelt, among others, some kinsfolk of their own, who, they quite thought, would join in the war against their neighbours and assist the new settlement in every way, or, if they shrank from this, would at the worst abstain from force and remain neutral. For the ancestors of both nations,",
+                    "[240] the Hebrews and the inhabitants of the outlying districts, were two brothers with the same father and mother, and twins to boot. Both had become the parents of an increasing family, and, as their descendants were by no means unfruitful, both households had spread into great and populous nations. One of these had clung to the homeland, the other, as has been said, migrated to Egypt on account of the famine, and was returning after many years.",
+                    "[241] The latter in spite of its long separation maintained the tie of relationship, and though it had to deal with men who retained none of their ancestral customs, but had abandoned all the old ways of communal life, considered that it was proper for humane natures to pay some tribute of goodwill to the name of kinship.",
+                    "[242] The other, on the contrary, had upset all that made for friendship. In its customs and language, its policy and actions, it shewed implacable enmity and kept alive the fire of an ancestral feud. For the founder of the nation, after having of his own accord sold his birthright as the elder to his brother, had later reclaimed what he had surrendered, in violation of their agreement, and had sought his blood, threatening him with death if he did not make restitution; and this old feud between two individual men was renewed by the nation so many generations after.",
+                    "[243] Now the leader of the Hebrews, Moses, though an attack might have won him an uncontested victory, did not feel justified in taking this course because of the above-mentioned kinship. Instead, he merely asked for the right of passage through the country, and promised to carry out all that he agreed to do, not to ravage any estate, not to carry off cattle or spoil of any kind, to pay a price for water if drink were scarce and for anything else which their wants caused them to purchase. But they refused these very peaceful overtures with all their might, and threatened war if they found them overstepping their frontiers, or even merely on the threshold."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[244] The Hebrews were incensed at the answer, and were now starting to take up arms when Moses, standing where he could be heard, said: “My men, your indignation is just and reasonable. We made friendly proposals in the kindest spirit. In the malice of their hearts, they have answered us with evil.",
+                    "[245] But the fact that they deserve to be punished for their brutality does not make it right for us to proceed to take vengeance on them. The honour of our nation forbids it, and demands that here too we should mark the contrast between our goodness and their unworthiness by inquiring not only whether some particular persons deserve to be punished, but also whether the punishment can properly be carried out by us.”",
+                    "[246] He then turned aside and led the multitude by another way, since he saw that all the roads of that country were barricaded by watches set by those who had no cause to expect injury but through envy and malice refused to grant a passage along the direct road.",
+                    "[247] This was the clearest proof of the vexation which these persons felt at the nation’s liberation, just as doubtless they rejoiced at the bitter slavery which it endured in Egypt. For those who are grieved at the welfare of their neighbours are sure to enjoy their misfortunes, though they may not confess it.",
+                    "[248] As it happened, the Hebrews, believing that their feelings and wishes were the same as their own, had communicated to them all their experiences, painful and pleasant, and did not know that they were far advanced in depravity and with their spiteful and quarrelsome disposition were sure to mourn their good fortune and take pleasure in the opposite.",
+                    "[249] But, when their malevolence was exposed, the Hebrews were prevented from using force against them by their commander, who displayed two of the finest qualities—good sense, and at the same time good feeling. His sense was shown in guarding against the possibility of disaster, his humanity in that on kinsmen he had not even the will to take his revenge."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[250] So, then, he passed by the cities of this nation; but the king of the adjoining country Chananes  by name, having received a report from his scouts that the host of wayfarers was at no great distance, supposed that they were disorganized and would be an easy conquest if he attacked them first. He, therefore, started with a strongly armed force of such younger men as he had around him, and by a rapid attack routed those who first met him, unprepared as they were for battle; and, having taken them captive, elated at the unexpected success he advanced further, expecting to overpower all the rest.",
+                    "[251] But they, not a whit daunted by the defeat of the vanguard, but infused with courage greater even than before, and eager to supply by their zealousness the deficiency caused by the capture of their comrades, worked upon each other not to be faint-hearted. “Let us be up and doing,” they cried. “We are are now setting foot in the country. Let us shew ourselves undismayed and possessed of the security which courage gives. The end is often determined by the beginning. Here, at the entrance of the land, let us strike terror into the inhabitants, and feel that ours is the wealth of their cities, theirs the lack of necessities which we bring with us from the desert and have given them in exchange.”",
+                    "[252] While they thus exhorted each other, they vowed to devote to God the cities of the king and the citizens in each as firstfruits of the land, and God, assenting to their prayers, and inspiring courage into the Hebrews, caused the army of the enemy to fall into their hands.",
+                    "[253] Having thus captured them by the might of their assault, in fulfilment of their vows of thank-offering, they took none of the spoil for themselves, but dedicated the cities, men and treasures alike, and marked the fact by naming the whole kingdom “Devoted.”",
+                    "[254] For, just as every pious person gives firstfruits of the year’s produce, whatever he reaps from his own possessions, so too the whole nation set apart the kingdom which they took at the outset, and thus gave a great slice of the great country into which they were migrating as the firstfruits of their settlement. For they judged it irreligious to distribute the land until they had made a firstfruit offering of the land and the cities."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[255] Shortly afterwards they also found a spring of good water in a well situated on the borders of the land. This supplied the whole multitude with drink, and their spirits were enlivened thereby, as though the draught were strong wine rather than water. In their joy and gladness, the people of God’s choice set up choirs around the well, and sang a new song to the Deity, Who gave them the land as their portion and had, in truth, led them in their migration. They did so at this point because here, for the first time, when they passed from the long expanse of desert to set foot in a habitable land, and one which they were to possess, they had found water in abundance, and therefore they judged it fitting not to leave the well uncelebrated.",
+                    "[256] For, as they were told,  it had been dug by the hands of no common men, but of kings, whose ambition was not only to find the water but so to build the well that the wealth lavished upon it should shew the royal character of the work and the sovereignty and lofty spirit of the builders. ",
+                    "[257] Moses, rejoicing at the succession of unexpected happinesses, proceeded further, after distributing his younger men into vanguard and rearguard and placing the old men, womenfolk and children in the centre, so as to be protected by those on either side if any enemy host should attack either in front or behind."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[258] A few days after, he entered the land of the Amorites, and sent ambassadors to the king, Sihon by name, with the same demands as he had made to his kinsman before. But Sihon not merely answered the envoys insolently, and came nigh to putting them to death, had he not been prevented by the law of embassies, but also mustered his whole army, and went to the attack thinking to win an immediate victory.",
+                    "[259] But, when he engaged, he perceived that he had no untrained or unpractised fighters to deal with, but men who were truly masters in warfare and invincible, men who had shortly before performed many great feats of bravery and shown themselves strong in body, mettlesome in spirit, and lofty in virtue, and through these qualities had captured their enemies with abundant ease, while they left the spoil untouched in their eagerness to dedicate the first prizes to God.",
+                    "[260] So, too, on this occasion, mightily fortified by the same resolutions and armoury, they went out to meet the foe, taking with them that irresistible ally, justice, whereby also they became bolder in courage and champions full of zeal. The proof of this was clearly shewn.",
+                    "[261] No second battle was needed, but this first fight was the only one, and in it the whole opposing force was turned to flight, then overthrown and straightway annihilated in wholesale slaughter.",
+                    "[262] Their cities were at once both emptied and filled—emptied of their old inhabitants, filled with the victors. And, in the same way, the farm-houses in the country were deserted by the occupants, but received others superior in every way."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[263] This war caused terrible alarm among all the nations of Asia, particularly among those of the adjoining territories, since the expectation of danger was nearer. But one of the neighbouring kings, named Balak, who had brought under his sway a great and populous portion of the East, lost heart before the contest began. As he had no mind to meet the enemy face to face, and shrank from a war of destruction waged freely and openly with arms, he had recourse to augury and soothsaying, and thought that, if the power of the Hebrews was invincible in battle, he might be able to overthrow it by imprecations of some kind.",
+                    "[264] Now, there was at that time a man living in Mesopotamia far-famed as a soothsayer, who had learned the secrets of that art in its every form, but was particularly admired for his high proficiency in augury, so great and incredible were the things which he had revealed to many persons and on many occasions.",
+                    "[265] To some he had foretold rainstorms in summer, to others drought and great heat in mid-winter, to some barrenness to follow fertility, or again plenty to follow dearth, to some rivers full or empty, ways of dealing with pestilences, and other things without number. In every one of these his reputation for prediction made his name well known and was advancing him to great fame, since the report of him was continually spreading and reaching to every part.",
+                    "[266] To him Balak sent some of his courtiers, and invited him to come, offering him gifts at once and promising others to follow, at the same time explaining the purpose for which his presence was required. But the seer, actuated not by any honourable or sincere feelings, but rather by a wish to pose  as a distinguished prophet whose custom was to do nothing without the sanction of an oracle, declined, saying that the Deity did not permit him to go.",
+                    "[267] The envoys then returned to the king without success, but others, selected from the more highly reputed courtiers, were at once appointed for the same purpose who brought more money and promised more abundant gifts.",
+                    "[268] Enticed by those offers present and prospective, and in deference to the dignity of the ambassadors, he gave way, again dishonestly alleging a divine command. And so on the morrow he made his preparations for the journey, and talked of dreams in which he said he had been beset by visions so clear that they compelled him to stay no longer but follow the envoys."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[269] But, as he proceeded there was given to him on the road an unmistakable sign that the purpose which he was so eager to serve was one of evil omen. For the beast on which he happened to be riding, while proceeding along the straight road,",
+                    "[270] first came to a sudden stop, then, as though someone opposite was thrusting it by force or causing it to rear, it fell back  and then again swerved to right and left and floundered hither and thither unable to keep still, as though heady with wine or drink; and, while repeatedly beaten, it paid no regard to the blows, so that it almost threw its rider, and, even though he kept his seat, caused him as much pain as he gave.",
+                    "[271] For the estates on either side had walls and hedges close by, so that when the beast in its movements dashed against these, the feet, knees and shins of its master were crushed and lacerated by the pressure.",
+                    "[272] It was evidently a divine vision, whose haunting presence had for a considerable time been seen by the terrified animal, though invisible to the man, thus proving his insensibility. For the unreasoning animal showed a superior power of sight to him who claimed to see not only the world but the world’s Maker.",
+                    "[273] When, cat last, he did discern the angel standing in his way, not because he was worthy of such a sight, but that he might perceive his own baseness and nothingness, he betook himself to prayers and supplications, begging pardon for an error committed in ignorance and not through voluntary intention.",
+                    "[274] Yet even then, when he should have returned, he asked of the apparition whether he should retrace his steps homewards. But the angel perceived his dissimulation, for why should he ask about a matter so evident, which in itself provided its own demonstration and needed no confirmation by word, as though ears could be more truthful than eyes or speech than facts? And so in displeasure he answered: “Pursue your journey. Your hurrying will avail you nought. I shall prompt the needful words without your mind’s consent, and direct your organs of speech as justice and convenience require. I shall guide the reins of speech, and, though you understand it not, employ your tongue for each prophetic utterance.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[275] When the king heard that he was now near at hand, he came forth with his guards to meet him. The interview naturally began with friendly greetings, which were followed by a few words of censure for his slowness and failing to come more readily. Then came high feasting and sumptuous banquets, and the other usual forms of provision for the reception of guests, each through the king’s ambition of more magnificence and more imposing pomp than the last.",
+                    "[276] The next day at dawn Balak took the prophet to a hill, where it chanced that in honour of some deity a pillar  had been set up which the natives worshipped. From thence a part of the Hebrew encampment was visible, which he shewed as a watchman from his tower to the wizard.",
+                    "[277] He looked and said: “King, do you build seven altars, and sacrifice a calf and a ram on each, and I will go aside and inquire of God what I should say.” He advanced outside, and straightway became possessed, and there fell upon him the truly prophetic spirit which banished utterly from his soul his art of wizardry. For the craft of the sorcerer and the inspiration of the Holiest might not live together. Then he returned, and, seeing the sacrifices and the altars flaming, he spake these oracles as one repeating the words which another had put into his mouth.",
+                    "[278] “From Mesopotamia hath Balak called me, a far journey from the East, that he may avenge him on the Hebrews through my cursing. But I, how shall I curse them whom God hath not cursed? I shall behold them with my eyes from the highest mountains, and perceive them with my mind. But I shall not be able to harm the people, which shall dwell alone, not reckoned among other nations; and that, not because their dwelling-place is set apart and their land severed from others, but because in virtue of the distinction of their peculiar customs they do not mix with others to depart from the ways of their fathers.",
+                    "[279] Who has made accurate discovery of how the sowing  of their generation was first made? Their bodies have been moulded from human seeds, but their souls are sprung from divine seeds, and therefore their stock is akin to God.  May my soul die to the life of the body  that it may be reckoned among the souls of the just, even such as are the souls of these men.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[280] Balak suffered tortures inwardly as he listened to these words, and, when the speaker ceased, he could not contain his passion. “Are you not ashamed,” he cried, “that, summoned to curse the enemy, you have prayed for them? It seems that all unconsciously I was deceiving myself in treating you as a friend, who were secretly ranged on the side of the enemy, as has now become plain. Doubtless also your delay in coming here was due to your secretly harbouring a feeling of attachment to them and aversion for me and mine. For, as the old saying goes, the certain proves the uncertain.”",
+                    "[281] The other, now liberated from the possession, replied: “I suffer under a most unjust charge and calumny, for I say nothing that is my own, but only what is prompted by God, and this I do not say or you hear now for the first time, but I said it before when you sent the ambassadors to whom I gave the same answer.”",
+                    "[282] But the king, thinking either to deceive the seer or to move the Deity and draw Him from His firm purpose by a change of place, led the way to another spot, and from an exceedingly high hill shewed the seer a part of the enemy’s host. Then again he set up seven altars, and, after sacrificing the same number of victims as before, sent him away to seek good omens through birds or voices. ",
+                    "[283] In this solitude, he was suddenly possessed, and, understanding nothing, his reason as it were roaming, uttered these prophetic words which were put into his mouth.  “Arise, O King, and listen. Lend me a ready ear. God cannot be deceived  as a man, nor as the son of man does He repent  or fail to abide by what He has once said. He will utter nothing at all which shall not certainly be performed, for His word is His deed. As for me, I was summoned to bless, not to curse.",
+                    "[284] There shall be no trouble or labour among the Hebrews. Their God is their shield for all to see, He Who also scattered the fierce onset of the ills of Egypt, and brought up all these myriads as a single man. Therefore, they care nothing for omens and all the lore of the soothsayer, because they trust in One Who is the ruler of the world. I see the people rising up as a lion’s cub, and exulting as a lion. He shall feast upon the prey, and take for his drink the blood of the wounded, and, when he has had his fill, he shall not betake himself to slumber, but unsleeping sing the song of the victorious.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[285] Highly indignant at finding the soothsayer’s powers thus unexpectedly hostile,  Balak said: “Sirrah, do not either curse or bless, for the silence which avoids danger is better than words which displease.” And, having said this, as though in the inconstancy of his judgement he had forgotten what he said, he led the seer away to another place from which he shewed him a part of the Hebrew host and begged him to curse them.",
+                    "[286] Here the seer proved himself to be even worse than the king; for, though he had met the charges brought against him solely by the true plea that nothing which he said was his own but the divinely inspired version of the promptings of another, and therefore ought to have ceased to follow, and departed home, instead, he pressed forward even more readily than his conductor, partly because he was dominated by the worst of vices, conceit, partly because in his heart he longed to curse, even if he were prevented from doing so with his voice.",
+                    "[287] And, having arrived at a mountain higher than those where he had stood before, and of great extent, he bade them perform the same sacrifice after again erecting seven altars, and bringing fourteen victims, two for each altar, a ram and a calf. But he himself did not go again, as was to be expected, to seek for omens from birds or voices, for he had conceived a great contempt for his own art, feeling that, as a picture fades in the course of years, its gift of happy conjecture had lost all its brilliance. Besides, he at last realized that the purpose of the king who had hired him was not in harmony with the will of God.",
+                    "[288] So, setting his face to the wilderness, he looked upon the Hebrews encamped in their tribes, and, astounded at their number and order, which resembled a city rather than a camp, he was filled with the spirit, and spoke as follows:",
+                    "[289] “Thus saith the man who truly sees, who in slumber saw the clear vision of God with the unsleeping eyes of the soul. How goodly are thy dwellings, thou host of the Hebrews! Thy tents are as shady dells, as a garden by the riverside, as a cedar beside the waters.",
+                    "[290] There shall come forth from you one day a man and he shall rule over many nations, and his kingdom spreading every day shall be exalted on high.  This people, throughout its journey from Egypt, has had God as its guide, Who leads the multitude in a single column. ",
+                    "[291] Therefore, it shall eat up many nations of its enemies, and take all the fatness of them right up to the marrow, and destroy its foes with its far-reaching bolts. It shall lie down and rest as a lion, or a lion’s cub, full of scorn, fearing none but putting fear in all others. Woe to him who stirs up and rouses it. Worthy of benediction are those who bless thee, worthy of cursing those who curse thee.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[292] Greatly incensed by this, the king said: “Thou wast summoned to curse the enemy, and hast now thrice invoked blessings on them. Flee quickly, for fierce is the passion of wrath, lest I be forced to do thee some mischief.",
+                    "[293] Most foolish of men, of what a store of wealth and presents, of what fame and glory, hast thou robbed thyself by thy madness. Thou wilt return from the stranger’s land to thy own with nothing good in thy hand, but with reproaches and deep disgrace, as all may see, having merely brought such ridicule on the lore of the knowledge on which thou didst pride thyself before.” ",
+                    "[294] The other replied: “All that has been said hitherto was oracles from above. What I have now to say is suggestions of my own designing.” And, taking him by the right hand, he counselled him in strict privacy as to the means by which, as far as might be, he should defend himself against the army of the enemy. Hereby he convicted himself of the utmost impiety; for, “Why,” we might ask him, “do you put forth your own personal counsels in opposition to the oracles of God? That were to hold that your projects are more powerful than the divine utterances.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[295] Well, then, let us examine these fine injunctions of his, and see how they were contrived to gain an unquestioned victory over the truths which have ever the power to prevail. His advice was this. Knowing that the one way by which the Hebrews could be overthrown was disobedience, he set himself to lead them, through wantonness and licentiousness, to impiety, through a great sin to a still greater, and put before them the bait of pleasure.",
+                    "[296] “You have in your countrywomen, king,” he said, “persons of pre-eminent beauty. And there is nothing to which a man more easily falls a captive than women’s comeliness. If, then, you permit the fairest among them to prostitute themselves for hire, they will ensnare the younger of their enemies.",
+                    "[297] But you must instruct them not to allow their wooers to enjoy their charms at once. For coyness titillates, and thereby makes the appetites more active, and inflames the passions. And, when their lust has them in its grip, there is nothing which they will shrink from doing or suffering.",
+                    "[298] Then, when the lover is in this condition, one of those who are arming to take their prey should say, with a saucy air: ‘You must not be permitted to enjoy my favours until you have left the ways of your fathers and become a convert to honouring what I honour. That your conversion is sincere will be clearly proved to me if you are willing to take part in the libations and sacrifices which we offer to idols of stone and wood and the other images.’",
+                    "[299] Then the lover, caught in the meshes of her multiform lures, her beauty and the enticements of her wheedling talk, will not gainsay her, but, with his reason trussed and pinioned, will subserve her orders to his sorrow, and be enrolled as a slave of passion.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[300] Such was his advice. And the king, thinking that the proposal was good, ignoring the law against adultery, and annulling those which prohibited seduction and fornication as though they had never been enacted at all, permitted the women, without restriction, to have intercourse with whom they would. Having thus received immunity,",
+                    "[301] so greatly did they mislead the minds of most of the young men, and pervert them by their arts to impiety, that they soon  made a conquest of them. And this continued until Phinehas, the son of the high priest, greatly angered at what he saw, and horrified at the thought that his people had at the same moment surrendered their bodies to pleasure and their souls to lawlessness and unholiness, shewed the young, gallant spirit which befitted a man of true excellence.",
+                    "[302] For, seeing one of his race offering sacrifice and visiting a harlot, not with his head bowed down towards the ground, nor trying in the usual way to make a stealthy entrance unobserved by the public, but flaunting his licentiousness boldly and shamelessly, and pluming himself as though his conduct called for honour instead of scorn,  he was filled with bitterness and righteous anger, and attacking the pair whilst they still lay together he slew both the lover and his concubine, ripping up also her parts of generation because they had served to receive the illicit seed.",
+                    "[303] This example being observed by some of those who were zealous for continence and godliness they copied it at the command of Moses, and massacred all their friends and kinsfolk who had taken part in the rites of these idols made by men’s hands. And thus they purged the defilement of the nation, by relentlessly punishing the actual sinners, while they spared the rest who gave clear proof of their piety. To none of their convicted blood-relations did they shew pity, or mercifully condone their crimes, but held that their slayers were free from guilt. And, therefore, they kept in their own hand the act of vengeance, which in the truest sense was laudable to its executors. Twenty-four thousand,",
+                    "[304] we are told, perished in one day. And with them perished, at the same moment, the common pollution which was defiling the whole host.  When the purging was completed, Moses sought how to give to the high priest’s son, who had been the first to rush to the defence, such reward as he deserved for his heroism. But he was forestalled by God, Whose voice granted to Phinehas the highest of blessings, peace—a gift which no human being can bestow—and, besides peace, full possession of the priesthood, a heritage to himself and his family which none should take from them. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[305] Since, now, their internal troubles were entirely at an end, and, further, all those who were suspected of desertion or treachery had perished, it seemed to be a very suitable opportunity for waging war against Balak who had both plotted and executed mischief on so vast a scale. In the plotting he had been served by the soothsayer, who, he hoped, would be able by his curses to destroy the power of the Hebrews; in the execution by the licentiousness and wantonness of the women, who had caused the ruin of their paramours, of their bodies through lust, of their souls through impiety.",
+                    "[306] However, Moses did not think well to employ his whole army, knowing that over-large multitudes fall through their own unwieldiness, and, at the same time, he thought it was an advantage to have reserves to reinforce those who bore the first brunt. He accordingly selected the flower of his men of military age, one thousand from each tribe, twelve thousand, that is, corresponding to the number of the tribes, and chose as commander-in-chief Phinehas, who had already given proof of his courage in that capacity; and after favourable sacrifices he dispatched his armed men, with words of encouragement to the following effect: “The contest before you is not to win dominion,",
+                    "[307] nor to appropriate the possessions of others, which is the sole or principal object of other wars, but to defend piety and holiness, from which our kinsfolk and friends have been perverted by the enemies who have indirectly caused their victims to perish miserably.",
+                    "[308] It would be absurd, then, if, after having slain with our own hands those who transgressed the law, we should spare the enemies who committed the graver wrong; if, after putting to death those who learned the lesson of wrongdoing, we should leave unpunished the teachers who forced them to it, and are responsible for all they did or suffered.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[309] So, braced by these exhortations, with the native gallantry of their souls kindled to a flame, they went forth to the contest as to certain victory with indomitable resolution, and in the engagement shewed such a wealth of strength and boldness, that they made a slaughter of their opponents, and returned themselves all safe and sound without a single one killed or even wounded.",
+                    "[310] Indeed, any spectator who did not know the facts would have supposed that they were returning not from a war or pitched battle but from those military reviews and displays of arms so frequently made in peace-time, which serve as drilling and practising grounds, where training for hostilities is carried on among friends.",
+                    "[311] They proceeded to destroy the cities utterly by demolition or fire, so that no one could have told that they had ever been inhabited. And, having carried off prisoners more than they could count, they felt justified in putting the men and women to death, the former because these iniquitous designs and actions had been begun by them, the women because they had bewitched the younger Hebrews and thus led them into licentiousness and impiety and finally to death; but to the boys who were quite young and the maidens they shewed the mercy which their tender age secured for them.",
+                    "[312] Having greatly enriched themselves with much booty from the palaces and private houses, and also from the country homesteads, since there was as much to be got from the estates as from the cities, they returned to the camp laden with all the wealth obtained from their enemies.",
+                    "[313] Moses praised the general, Phinehas, and the combatants for their exploits, and also because they had not rushed to gain the prizes, nor thought of taking the spoil for themselves alone, but put it into a common stock, that those who had stayed behind in the tents might have their share. But he gave orders that they should stay outside the camp for some days, and that the high priest should purge from bloodshed those members of the united army who returned after being actually engaged.",
+                    "[314] For, though the slaughter of enemies is lawful, yet one who kills a man, even if he does so justly and in self-defence and under compulsion, has something to answer for, in view of the primal common kinship of mankind. And therefore purification was needed for the slayers, to absolve them from what was held to have been a pollution."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[315] However, after a short time, he went on to distribute the spoil, giving half to the campaigners, who were a small number compared with those who had remained inactive, while the other half he gave to those who had stayed in the camp. For he considered that it was just to give them a part of the prizes, seeing that their souls at least, if not their bodies, had taken part in the conflict. For reserve troops are not inferior in spirit to the actual fighters, but take a second place only in time and because the first place is preoccupied by others.",
+                    "[316] And, now that the few had taken more, because they were in the forefront of danger, and the many less, because they had remained in the camp, he thought it necessary to dedicate the firstfruits of all the spoil. So the reserves contributed a fiftieth, and those who had led the advance a five-hundredth. The offerings of the latter class he ordered to be given to the high priest, and those of the former class to the temple servants, who were called Levites.",
+                    "[317] But the commanders of hundreds and thousands, and the rest of the company of officers who led the various divisions,  voluntarily made a special offering of firstfruits in acknowledgement of the preservation of themselves and their fellow-combatants, and of the victory whose glory no words could describe. These offerings were all the golden ornaments which each of them obtained from the spoil, and very costly vessels also made of gold; all of which Moses took, and, honouring the piety of the donors, laid them up in the consecrated tabernacle as a memorial of their thankfulness. Admirable indeed was the system of distributing the firstfruits.",
+                    "[318] The tribute of the non-combatants, who had shewn a half-excellence by a zeal unaccompanied by action, he assigned to the temple servants; that of the fighters, who had hasarded bodies and souls, and thus displayed a complete measure of manly worth, he gave to the high priest, the president of the temple servants, that of the commanders of divisions, being the gift of captains, to the captain all, even God."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[319] All these wars were fought and won without crossing the river of the land, the Jordan, against the inhabitants of the rich and deep-soiled country on the outer side, where there was much expanse of plain fit for growing corn and providing excellent fodder for cattle.",
+                    "[320] When the two cattle-breeding tribes, who were a sixth part of the whole host, surveyed this country, they besought Moses to let them take their allotments there and settle down at once; for the region, they said, was very well suited to give pasturage and grazing to cattle, being well supplied with water and grassland and producing of itself abundance of herbage for maintaining sheep.",
+                    "[321] Moses, however, considered that they were either claiming to have precedence in the distribution and to take their prizes before they were due, or else were shirking the wars which awaited them, where more kings, whose possessions were situated on the inner side of the river, were still lying ready to resist them. Consequently, he was greatly incensed, and answered them angrily in these words:",
+                    "[322] “Are you, then, to settle down here to enjoy an undeserved leisure and idleness, leaving your kinsfolk and friends to the agony of the wars which still remain? And are the prizes to be given to you alone, as though success was complete, while battles and labours and tribulation and supreme dangers await the others?",
+                    "[323] Nay, it is not just that you should reap peace and its blessings, while the others are struggling with wars and countless ills, or that the whole should be a mere appendage to the parts, whereas, on the contrary, it is only on the merits of the whole that the parts are held deserving of their portion.",
+                    "[324] You have all equal rights with us; one race, the same fathers, one house, the same customs, community of laws, and other things innumerable, each of which strengthens the tie of kinship and the harmony of goodwill.  Why, then, when you have been adjudged an equal share in the greatest and most vital matters, should you seek an unfair preference in the distribution, with the arrogance which a ruler might shew to his subjects or a master to his slaves?",
+                    "[325] You ought, indeed, to have learnt a lesson from the blows which others have suffered; for wise men do not wait till the calamity is upon them. As it is, though your own kin supplies you with examples of warning in your fathers who inspected this land, and in the misfortune of them and those who shared their craven-heartedness, all of whom perished save two, though you should not let your name be associated with any such as these, so senseless are you that you follow after cowardice and forget that it will make you an easier prey. And you upset the ardent resolution of those who are fully disposed to manliness, whose spirits you paralyse and unnerve. Therefore, in hastening to sin,",
+                    "[326] you will be hastening to punishment also;  for it is the way of justice to be slow to move, but, when it is once moved, it overtakes and seizes the fugitives.",
+                    "[327] When all the enemies are destroyed, and there is no prospect of war still awaiting us; when all the confederates have on scrutiny been found guiltless of desertion from the ranks or from the army, or of any other action which is the sequel of defeat, but have proved their constancy both of body and spirit from first to last; when finally the whole country has been cleared of its former inhabitants, then will the prizes and rewards for valour be given to the tribes on equal terms.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[328] The two tribes listened to this admonition meekly, as true-born sons to a very kindly father. For they knew that he did not speak with an arrogance founded on official authority, but out of solicitude for them all and respect for justice and equality, and that his detestation of evil was never meant to cast reproach but always to bring those capable of improvement to a better mind. “You are naturally indignant,” they replied, “if you have got the idea that we are eager to leave the confederacy and take our portions before they are due.",
+                    "[329] But you must clearly understand that no form of virtuous conduct, however toilsome it may be, alarms us. And by virtuous conduct we understand that we should obey you, great leader as you are, and be backward in no danger, and take our place in all the coming campaigns until the happy consummation is reached.",
+                    "[330] We will, therefore, as before, take our place in the ranks, and cross Jordan with our full equipment, and give none of our armed men any excuse to stay behind; but our sons who are mere children and our daughters and our wives and our great stock of cattle will be left behind, if you permit, after we have built houses for the women and children and sheds for the animals, since otherwise, caught before we return, in a position unfortified and unprotected, they might meet with disaster at the hands of raiders.”",
+                    "[331] Moses’ face was kindly and his tones milder, as he replied as follows: “If you are true to your words, the apportionments which you have asked shall remain secure to you. Leave your women and children and cattle, as you demand, and cross the river yourselves in your battalions with the rest, fully armed and arrayed for the fight, ready to engage at once if necessary.",
+                    "[332] Later, when all the enemy are destroyed, and, peace having been made, the victors divide the land, you too will return to your people to enjoy the good things that fall to your share and reap the fruits of the lot that you have chosen.”",
+                    "[333] When they heard these promises from his lips, filled with joy and courage, they settled their people and cattle safely in positions strongly protected against assault, in most cases by artificial fortifications. Then, taking up their arms, they rushed to the field more eagerly than the other confederates, as though they would wage the war alone or at any rate be the first of all to enter the conflict. For the acceptance of a gift beforehand increases a man’s readiness to support his comrades. He feels that he is not a free giver, but is repaying a debt which he cannot escape.",
+                    "[334] We have now told the story of Moses’ actions in his capacity of king. We must next deal with all that he achieved by his powers as high priest and legislator, powers which he possessed as the most fitting accompaniments of kingship."
+                ]
+            ],
+            "Appendix": [
+                "APPENDIX TO <i>DE VITA MOSIS</i> I",
+                "§ 11. <i>Conscious of the increased misery</i>, etc. This idea, which does not seem very applicable to a three-months-old infant, is mentioned as a common, though mistaken, feeling about the death of older children in <i>Tusc. Disp</i>. i. 93 “idem, si puer parvus occidit, aequo animo ferendum putant; si vero in cunis ne querendum quidem … ‘Nondum gustaverat,’ inquiunt, ‘vitae suavitatem; hic autem iam sperabat magna, quibus frui coeperat.’ ”",
+                "§ 22. <i>Like the horse to the meadow</i>. The proverb appears with ἱππεύς instead of ἵππος in Plato, <i>Theaetetus</i> 183 D ἱππέας εἰς πεδίον προκαλεῖ Σωκράτη εἰς λόγους προκαλούμενος, and so in Lucian, <i>Pseudosophistes</i> 8. On the other hand ἵππος as here in Lucian, <i>Piscator</i> 9.",
+                "§ 23. <i>Assyrian letters</i>. Whatever Philo understood by this, he may have got the idea from Herodotus iv. 87, where Herodotus records the erection by Darius on the Bosporus of two <i>stelae</i>, one inscribed with Ἀσσύρια γράμματα, the other with Ἑλληνικά.",
+                "§ 263. Balaam’s ass (see footnote). Philo’s omission of any mention of the ass speaking may no doubt be due to the feeling that the story might seem ridiculous to the Gentile readers, whom he certainly has in view. But he quite possibly may have felt that it was one of the many passages which could only be accepted in a spiritual sense, like the mythical (μυθῶδες) account of the creation of Eve from the rib of Adam. In the one place where he mentions this part of the story, <i>De Cher</i>. 32–35, he gives the interpretation that the ass stands for the “unreasoning rule of life,” <i>i.e</i>. ordinary life pursuits, which the fool unjustly blames when things go wrong.",
+                "§ 304. πληγή (in Num. 25:8, 9). Not only is Philo’s mistake in taking this as = “slaughter” very natural, but are we sure that the LXX did not intend it? The word does not seem to be used in the LXX, in the historical books at least, of a pestilence as excluding other forms of divine visitation, except perhaps in 1 Chron. 21:22, and on the other hand is constantly used of a slaughter, <i>e.g</i>. 1 Sam. 4:10. Psalm 106(105):30 speaking of the incident takes it as a plague, but uses the θραῦσις of Num. 16:48, 49. Whether Paul understood it as a plague or a slaughter is not clear (1 Cor. 10:8)."
+            ]
+        },
+        "Book II": {
+            "": [
+                [
+                    "[1] The former treatise dealt with the birth and nurture of Moses; also with his education and career as a ruler, in which capacity his conduct was not merely blameless but highly praiseworthy; also with the works which he performed in Egypt and during the journeys both at the Red Sea and in the wilderness—works which no words can adequately describe; further, with the troubles which he successfully surmounted, and with his partial distribution of territories to the combatants. The present treatise is concerned with matters allied and consequent to these.",
+                    "[2] For it has been said, not without good reason, that states can only make progress in well-being if either kings are philosophers or philosophers are kings.  But Moses will be found to have displayed, and more than displayed, combined in his single person, not only these two faculties—the kingly and the philosophical—but also three others, one of which is concerned with law-giving, the second with the high priest’s office, and the last with prophecy.",
+                    "[3] On these three I have now elected to write, being forced to the conviction that it is fitting that they should be combined in the same person. For Moses, through God’s providence, became king and lawgiver and high priest and prophet; and in each function he won the highest place. But why it is fitting that they should all be combined in the same person needs explanation.",
+                    "[4] It is a king’s duty to command what is right and forbid what is wrong. But to command what should be done and to forbid what should not be done is the peculiar function of law; so that it follows at once that the king is a living law, and the law a just king. ",
+                    "[5] But a king and lawgiver ought to have under his purview not only human but divine things; for, without God’s directing care, the affairs of kings and subjects cannot go aright. And therefore such as he needs the chief priest-hood, so that, fortified with perfect rites and the perfect knowledge of the service of God, he may ask that he and those whom he rules may receive prevention of evil and participation in good from the gracious Being Who assents to prayers. For surely that Being will grant fulfilment to prayers, seeing that He is kindly by nature and deems worthy of His special favour those who give Him genuine service.",
+                    "[6] But, since to this king, lawgiver and high priest who, though possessed of so generous a heritage of fortune’s gifts, is after all but a mortal creature, countless things both human and divine are wrapped in obscurity, Moses necessarily obtained prophecy also, in order that through the providence of God he might discover what by reasoning he could not grasp. For prophecy 7 finds its way to what the mind fails to reach.",
+                    "[7] Beautiful and all-harmonious is the union of these four faculties; for, intertwined and clinging to each other, they move in rhythmic concord, mutually receiving and repaying benefits, and thus imitate the virgin Graces whom an immutable law of nature forbids to be separated. And of them it may be justly said, what is often said of the virtues, that to have one is to have all. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[8] First, we must speak of the legislative condition of mind. I know, indeed, that he who is to obtain excellence as a legislator should possess all the virtues fully and completely. But, since also in households there are some very nearly and others only distantly connected with the family, though all are akin to each other, so too we must suppose that some virtues are more closely associated with some situations, while others have less affinity.",
+                    "[9] The legislative faculty has for its brothers and close kinsfolk these four in particular: love of humanity, of justice, of goodness, and hatred of evil. Each of these has its message of encouragement for everyone who is inspired with a zeal for law-making. By love of humanity he is bidden to produce for public use his thoughts for the common weal; by justice to honour equality and to render to every man his due; by love of goodness to approve of things naturally excellent, and to supply them without reserve to all who are worthy of them for their unstinted use; by hatred of evil to spurn the dishonourers of virtue, and frown upon them as the common enemies of the human race.",
+                    "[10] It is no small thing if it is given to anyone to acquire even one of these—a marvel surely that he should be able to grasp them all together. And to this Moses alone appears to have attained, who shews distinctly these aforesaid virtues in his ordinances.",
+                    "[11] They know this well who read the sacred books, which, unless he was such as we have said, he would never have composed under God’s guidance and handed on for the use of those who are worthy to use them, to be their fairest possession, likenesses and copies of the patterns enshrined in the soul, as also are the laws set before us in these books, which shew so clearly the said virtues."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[12] That Moses himself was the best of all lawgivers in all countries, better in fact than any that have ever arisen among either the Greeks or the barbarians, and that his laws are most excellent and truly come from God, since they omit nothing that is needful, is shewn most clearly by the following proof.",
+                    "[13] Anyone who takes a considered view of the institutions of other peoples will find that they have been unsettled by numberless causes—wars, tyrannies or other mishaps—which the revolutions of fortune have launched upon them. Often, too, luxury, growing to excess by lavish supplies of superfluities, has upset the laws; because the mass of people, being unable to bear “good things in excess,”  becomes surfeited and consequently violent: and violence is the enemy of law. But Moses is alone in this, that his laws,",
+                    "[14] firm, unshaken, immovable, stamped, as it were, with the seals of nature herself, remain secure from the day when they were first enacted to now, and we may hope that they will remain for all future ages as though immortal, so long as the sun and moon and the whole heaven and universe exist.",
+                    "[15] Thus, though the nation has undergone so many changes, both to increased prosperity and the reverse, nothing—not even the smallest part of the ordinances—has been disturbed; because all have clearly paid high honour to their venerable and godlike character.",
+                    "[16] But that which no famine nor pestilence nor war nor king nor tyrant, no rebel assault of soul or body or passion or vice, nor any other evil whether of God’s sending or man’s making, could undo, must surely be precious beyond what words can describe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[17] Yet, though it may be rightly thought a great matter in itself that the laws should have been guarded securely through all time, we have not reached the true marvel. There is something surely still more wonderful—even this: not only Jews but almost every other people, particularly those which take more account of virtue, have so far grown in holiness as to value and honour our laws. In this they have received a special distinction which belongs to no other code. Here is the proof.",
+                    "[18] Throughout the world of Greeks and barbarians, there is practically no state which honours the institutions of any other. Indeed, they can scarcely be said to retain their own perpetually, as they adapt them to meet the vicissitudes of times and circumstances.",
+                    "[19] The Athenians reject the customs and institutions of the Lacedaemonians, and the Lacedaemonians those of the Athenians; nor, in the world of the barbarians, do the Egyptians maintain the laws of the Scythians nor the Scythians those of the Egyptians—nor, to put it generally, Europeans those of Asiatics nor Asiatics those of Europeans. We may fairly say that mankind from east to west, every country and nation and state, shew aversion to foreign institutions, and think that they will enhance the respect for their own by shewing disrespect for those of other countries.",
+                    "[20] It is not so with ours. They attract and win the attention of all, of barbarians, of Greeks, of dwellers on the mainland and islands, of nations of the east and the west, of Europe and Asia, of the whole inhabited world from end to end.",
+                    "[21] For, who has not shewn his high respect for that sacred seventh day, by giving rest and relaxation from labour to himself and his neighbours, freemen and slaves alike, and beyond these to his beasts?",
+                    "[22] For the holiday extends also to every herd, and to all creatures made to minister to man, who serve like slaves their natural master. It extends also to every kind of trees and plants; for it is not permitted to cut any shoot or branch, or even a leaf, or to pluck any fruit whatsoever. All such are set at liberty on that day, and live as it were in freedom, under the general edict that proclaims that none should touch them.",
+                    "[23] Again, who does not every year shew awe and reverence for the fast, as it is called,  which is kept more strictly and solemnly than the “holy month”  of the Greeks? For in this last the untempered wine flows freely, and the board is spread sumptuously, and all manner of food and drink are lavishly provided, whereby the insatiable pleasures of the belly are enhanced, and further cause the outburst of the lusts that lie below it.",
+                    "[24] But in our fast men may not put food and drink to their lips, in order that with pure hearts, untroubled and untrammelled by any bodily passion, such as is the common outcome of repletion, they may keep the holy-day, propitiating the Father of All with fitting prayers, in which they are wont to ask that their old sins may be forgiven and new blessings gained and enjoyed."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[25] That the sanctity of our legislation has been a source of wonder not only to the Jews but also to all other nations, is clear both from the facts already mentioned and those which I proceed to state. ",
+                    "[26] In ancient times the laws were written in the Chaldean tongue, and remained in that form for many years, without any change of language, so long as they had not yet revealed their beauty to the rest of mankind. But, in course of time, the daily,",
+                    "[27] unbroken regularity of practice exercised by those who observed them brought them to the knowledge of others, and their fame began to spread on every side. For things excellent, even if they are beclouded for a short time through envy, shine out again under the benign operation of nature when their time comes. Then it was that some people, thinking it a shame that the laws should be found in one half only of the human race, the barbarians, and denied altogether to the Greeks, took steps to have them translated.",
+                    "[28] In view of the importance and public utility of the task, it was referred not to private persons or magistrates, who were very numerous, but to kings, and amongst them to the king of highest repute.",
+                    "[29] Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, was the third in succession to Alexander, the conqueror of Egypt. In all the qualities which make a good ruler, he excelled not only his contemporaries, but all who have arisen in the past; and even till to-day, after so many generations, his praises are sung for the many evidences and monuments of his greatness of mind which he left behind him in different cities and countries, so that, even now, acts of more than ordinary munificence or buildings on a specially great scale are proverbially called Philadelphian after him.",
+                    "[30] To put it shortly, as the house of the Ptolemies was highly distinguished, compared with other dynasties, so was Philadelphus among the Ptolemies. The creditable achievements of this one man almost outnumbered those of all the others put together, and, as the head takes the highest place in the living body, so he may be said to head the kings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[31] This great man, having conceived an ardent affection for our laws, determined to have the Chaldean translated into Greek, and at once dispatched envoys to the high priest and king of Judaea, both offices being held by the same person, explaining his wishes and urging him to choose by merit persons to make a full rendering of the Law into Greek.",
+                    "[32] The high priest was naturally pleased, and, thinking that God’s guiding care must have led the king to busy himself in such an undertaking, sought out such Hebrews as he had of the highest reputation, who had received an education in Greek as well as in their native lore, and joyfully sent them to Ptolemy.",
+                    "[33] When they arrived, they were offered hospitality, and, having been sumptuously entertained, requited their entertainer with a feast of words full of wit and weight. For he tested the wisdom of each by propounding for discussion new instead of the ordinary questions, which problems they solved with happy and well-pointed answers in the form of apophthegms, as the occasion did not allow of lengthy speaking.",
+                    "[34] After standing this test, they at once began to fulfil the duties of their high errand. Reflecting how great an undertaking it was to make a full version of the laws given by the Voice of God, where they could not add or take away or transfer anything, but must keep the original form and shape, they proceeded to look for the most open and unoccupied  spot in the neighbourhood outside the city. For, within the walls, it was full of every kind of living creatures, and consequently the prevalence of diseases and deaths, and the impure conduct of the healthy inhabitants, made them suspicious of it.",
+                    "[35] In front of Alexandria lies the island of Pharos, stretching with its narrow strip of land towards the city, and enclosed by a sea not deep but mostly consisting of shoals, so that the loud din and booming of the surging waves grows faint through the long distance before it reaches the land.",
+                    "[36] Judging this to be the most suitable place in the district, where they might find peace and tranquillity and the soul could commune with the laws with none to disturb its privacy, they fixed their abode there; and, taking the sacred books, stretched them out towards heaven with the hands that held them, asking of God that they might not fail in their purpose. And He assented to their prayers, to the end that the greater part, or even the whole, of the human race might be profited and led to a better life by continuing to observe such wise and truly admirable ordinances."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[37] Sitting here in seclusion with none present save the elements of nature, earth, water, air, heaven, the genesis of which was to be the first theme of their sacred revelation, for the laws begin with the story of the world’s creation, they became as it were possessed, and, under inspiration, wrote, not each several scribe something different, but the same word for word, as though dictated  to each by an invisible prompter.",
+                    "[38] Yet who does not know that every language, and Greek especially, abounds in terms, and that the same thought can be put in many shapes by changing single words and whole phrases  and suiting the expression to the occasion? This was not the case, we are told, with this law of ours, but the Greek words used corresponded literally  with the Chaldean, exactly suited to the things they indicated.",
+                    "[39] For, just as in geometry and logic, so it seems to me, the sense indicated does not admit of variety in the expression which remains unchanged in its original form, so these writers, as it clearly appears, arrived at a wording which corresponded with the matter, and alone, or better than any other, would bring out clearly what was meant. The clearest proof of this is that,",
+                    "[40] if Chaldeans have learned Greek, or Greeks Chaldean, and read both versions, the Chaldean and the translation, they regard them with awe and reverence as sisters, or rather one and the same, both in matter and words, and speak of the authors not as translators but as prophets and priests of the mysteries, whose sincerity and singleness of thought has enabled them to go hand in hand with the purest of spirits, the spirit of Moses.",
+                    "[41] Therefore, even to the present day, there is held every year a feast and general assembly in the island of Pharos, whither not only Jews but multitudes of others cross the water, both to do honour to the place in which the light of that version first shone out, and also to thank God for the good gift so old yet ever young. But, after the prayers and thanksgivings,",
+                    "[42] some fixing tents on the seaside and others reclining on the sandy beach in the open air feast with their relations and friends, counting that shore for the time a more magnificent lodging than the fine mansions in the royal precincts.",
+                    "[43] Thus the laws are shewn to be desirable and precious in the eyes of all, ordinary citizens and rulers alike, and that too though our nation has not prospered for many a year. It is but natural that when people are not flourishing their belongings to some degree are under a cloud.",
+                    "[44] But, if a fresh start should be made to brighter prospects, how great a change for the better might we expect to see! I believe that each nation would abandon its peculiar ways, and, throwing overboard their ancestral customs, turn to honouring our laws alone. For, when the brightness of their shining is accompanied by national prosperity, it will darken the light of the others as the risen sun darkens the stars."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[45] The above is sufficient in itself as a high commendation to the lawgiver; but there is another still greater contained in the sacred books themselves, and to these we must now turn to shew the great qualities of the writer.",
+                    "[46] They consist of two parts: one the historical, the other concerned with commands and prohibitions, and of this we will speak later, after first treating fully what comes first in order.",
+                    "[47] One division of the historical side deals with the creation of the world, the other with particular persons,  and this last partly with the punishment of the impious, partly with the honouring of the just. We must now give the reason why he began his law-book with the history, and put the commands and prohibitions in the second place.",
+                    "[48] He did not, like any historian, make it his business to leave behind for posterity records of ancient deeds for the pleasant but unimproving entertainment which they give; but, in relating the history of early times, and going for its beginning right to the creation of the universe, he wished to shew two most essential things: first that the Father and Maker of the world was in the truest sense also its Lawgiver, secondly that he who would observe the laws will accept gladly the duty of following nature and live in accordance with the ordering of the universe, so that his deeds are attuned to harmony with his words and his words with his deeds. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[49] Now, other legislators are divided into those who set out by ordering what should or should not be done, and laying down penalties for disobedience, and those who, thinking themselves superior, did not begin with this, but first founded and established their state as they conceived it, and then, by framing laws, attached to it the constitution which they thought most agreeable and suitable to the form in which they had founded it. ",
+                    "[50] But Moses, thinking that the former course, namely issuing orders without words of exhortation, as though to slaves instead of free men, savoured of tyranny and despotism, as indeed it did, and that the second, though aptly conceived, was evidently not entirely satisfactory in the judgement of all, took a different line in both departments.",
+                    "[51] In his commands and prohibitions he suggests and admonishes rather than commands, and the very numerous and necessary instructions which he essays to give are accompanied by forewords and after-words, in order to exhort rather than to enforce. Again, he considered that to begin his writings with the foundation of a man-made city was below the dignity of the laws, and, surveying the greatness and beauty of the whole code with the accurate discernment of his mind’s eye, and thinking it too good and godlike to be confined within any earthly walls, he inserted the story of the genesis of the “Great City,” holding that the laws were the most faithful picture of the world-polity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[52] Thus whoever will carefully examine the nature of the particular enactments will find that they seek to attain to the harmony of the universe and are in agreement with the principles of eternal nature.",
+                    "[53] Therefore all those to whom God thought fit to grant abundance of the good gifts of bodily well-being and of good fortune in the shape of wealth and other externals—who then rebelled against virtue, and, freely and intentionally under no compulsion, practised knavery, injustice and the other vices, thinking to gain much by losing all, were counted, Moses tells us, as enemies not of men but of the whole heaven and universe, and suffered not the ordinary, but strange and unexampled punishments wrought by the might of justice, the hater of evil and assessor of God. For the most forceful elements of the universe, fire and water, fell upon them, so that, as the times revolved, some perished by deluge, others were consumed by conflagration.  The seas lifted up their waters,",
+                    "[54] and the rivers, spring-fed and winter torrents, rose on high and flooded and swept away all the cities of the plain, while the continuous and ceaseless streams of rain by night and day did the same for the cities of the uplands.",
+                    "[55] At a later time, when the race sprung from the remnant had again increased and become very populous, since the descendants did not take the fate of their forefathers as a lesson in wisdom, but turned to deeds of licence and followed eagerly still more grievous practices, He determined to destroy them with fire. Then, as the oracles declare,",
+                    "[56] the lightnings poured from heaven and consumed the impious and their cities, and to the present day the memorials to the awful disaster are shewn in Syria, ruins and cinders and brimstone and smoke, and the dusky flame still arises as though fire were smouldering within.",
+                    "[57] But while in these disasters the impious were chastised with the said punishments, it was also the case that those who stood out in excellence of conduct fared well and received the rewards which their virtue deserved.",
+                    "[58] While the rush of the flaming thunderbolts consumed the whole land, and the inhabitants to boot, one man alone, an immigrant, was saved by God’s protecting care, because he had shewn no liking for any of the misdeeds of the country, though immigrants, to secure themselves, usually shew respect for the customs of their hosts, knowing that disrespect for these entails danger at the hands of the original inhabitants. Yet he did not reach the summit of wisdom, nor was it because of the perfection of his nature that he was deemed worthy of this great privilege, but because he alone did not fall in with the multitude, when they turned aside to licentious living and fed every pleasure and every lust with lavish supplies of fuel like a flame when the brushwood is piled upon it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[59] So, too, in the great deluge when all but the whole human race perished, one house, we are told, suffered no harm because the most venerable member and head of the household had committed no deliberate wrong. The manner of his preservation is a story worth recording, both as a marvel and as a means of edification.",
+                    "[60] Being judged a fit person not only to be exempted from the common fate, but also to be himself the beginner of a second generation of mankind, by God’s commands enjoined by the oracular voice, he built a huge structure of wood, three hundred cubits in length, fifty in breadth and thirty in height. Inside this, he framed a series of rooms, on the ground floor and second, third and fourth stories. Then, having laid up provisions, he introduced a male and female specimen of every kind of living creature both of the land and the air, thus reserving seeds in expectation of the better times  that were once more to come. For he knew that the nature of God was gracious,",
+                    "[61] and that, though the individuals perished, the race would be preserved indestructible because of its likeness to Himself, and that nothing whose being He had willed would ever be brought to nought."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "In consequence, all the creatures obeyed him, and the erstwhile savage grew gentle, and in their new tameness followed him as a flock follows its leader. When they had all entered,",
+                    "[62] anyone who surveyed the crew might fairly have said that it was a miniature of earth in its entirety, comprising the races of living creatures, of which the world had carried before innumerable specimens, and perhaps would carry them again.",
+                    "[63] What he had surmised came to pass not long afterwards, for the trouble abated, and the force of the deluge diminished every day, as the rain ceased and the water that had covered every land partly disappeared under the heat of the sun, partly subsided into the beds of water torrents and into chasms and the other hollows in the earth. For, as though by God’s command, every form of nature, sea, springs and rivers, received back what it had lent as a debt which must be repaid; for each stream subsided into its proper place.",
+                    "[64] But when the sublunary world had been purged, when earth rising from its ablutions shewed itself renewed with the likeness which we may suppose it to have worn when originally it was created with the universe, there issued from the wooden structure himself and his wife and his sons and his sons’ wives, and with the household, moving like a herd, the various animals which had been assembled there came forth to beget and reproduce their kind.",
+                    "[65] These are the guerdons and the prizes of the good, by which not only they themselves and their families won safety and escaped the greatest dangers, which, with the wild uprising of the elements as their weapon, stood menacingly over all and everywhere, but also became leaders of the regeneration, inaugurators of a second cycle, spared as embers to rekindle mankind, that highest form of life, which has received dominion over everything whatsoever upon earth, born to be the likeness of God’s power and image of His nature, the visible of the Invisible, the created of the Eternal. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[66] We have now fully treated of two sides of the life of Moses, the royal and the legislative. We must proceed to give account of the third, which concerns his priesthood. The chief and most essential quality required by a priest is piety, and this he practised in a very high degree, and at the same time made use of his great natural gifts. In these, philosophy found a good soil, which she improved still further by the admirable truths which she brought before his eyes, nor did she cease until the fruits of virtue shewn in word and deed were brought to perfection.",
+                    "[67] Thus he came to love God and be loved by Him as have been few others. A heaven-sent rapture inspired him, so markedly did he honour the Ruler of the All and was honoured in return by Him. An honour well-becoming the wise is to serve the Being Who truly IS, and the service of God is ever the business of the priesthood. This privilege, a blessing which nothing in the world can surpass, was given to him as his due, and oracles instructed him in all that pertains to rites of worship and the sacred tasks of his ministry."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[68] But first he had to be clean, as in soul so also in body, to have no dealings with any passion, purifying himself from all the calls of mortal nature, food and drink and intercourse with women.",
+                    "[69] This last he had disdained for many a day, almost from the time when, possessed by the spirit, he entered on his work as prophet, since he held it fitting to hold himself always in readiness to receive the oracular messages. As for eating and drinking, he had no thought of them for forty successive days, doubtless because he had the better food of contemplation, through whose inspiration, sent from heaven above, he grew in grace, first of mind, then of body also through the soul, and in both so advanced in strength and well-being that those who saw him afterwards could not believe their eyes.",
+                    "[70] For we read that by God’s command he ascended an inaccessible and pathless mountain, the highest and most sacred in the region, and remained for the period named, taking nothing that is needed to satisfy the requirements of bare sustenance. Then, after the said forty days had passed, he descended with a countenance far more beautiful than when he ascended, so that those who saw him were filled with awe and amazement; nor even could their eyes continue to stand the dazzling brightness that flashed from him like the rays of the sun. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[71] While he was still staying on the mount, he was being instructed in all the mysteries of his priestly duties: and first in those which stood first in order, namely the building and furnishing of the sanctuary.",
+                    "[72] Now, if they had already occupied the land into which they were removing, they would necessarily have had to erect a magnificent temple on the most open and conspicuous site,  with costly stones for its material, and build great walls around it, with plenty of houses for the attendants, and call the place the holy city.",
+                    "[73] But, as they were still wandering in the desert and had as yet no settled habitation, it suited them to have a portable sanctuary, so that during their journeys and encampment they might bring their sacrifices to it and perform all their other religious duties, not lacking anything which dwellers in cities should have. It was determined,",
+                    "[74] therefore, to fashion a tabernacle, a work of the highest sanctity, the construction of which was set forth to Moses on the mount by divine pronouncements. He saw with the soul’s eye the immaterial forms of the material objects about to be made, and these forms had to be reproduced in copies perceived by the senses, taken from the original draught, so to speak, and from patterns conceived in the mind.",
+                    "[75] For it was fitting that the construction of the sanctuary should be committed to him who was truly high priest, in order that his performance of the rites belonging to his sacred office might be in more than full accordance and harmony with the fabric."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[76] So the shape of the model was stamped upon the mind of the prophet, a secretly painted or moulded prototype, produced by immaterial and invisible forms; and then the resulting work was built in accordance with that shape by the artist impressing the stampings upon the material substances required in each case.",
+                    "[77] The actual construction was as follows. Forty-eight pillars  of the most durable cedar wood, hewn out of the finest trunks, were encased in a deep layer of gold, and each of these had two silver bases  set to support it and a golden capital fixed on the top. For the length of the building,",
+                    "[78] the craftsman put forty pillars, half of them—that is a row of twenty—on each side, with no interval left between them, but each joined and fitted on to the next, so as to present the appearance of a single wall. For the breadth he set right inside the remaining eight, six in the central space and two in the corners on either side of the centre, one on the right and one on the left; also four others at the entrance, like the rest in everything else, except that they had one base instead of the two of the pillars opposite, and after these, at the very outside, five, differing only in their bases, which were of brass.",
+                    "[79] Thus the whole number of pillars visible in the tabernacle, leaving out the two in the corners, hidden from view, amounted to fifty-five, that is to the sum of successive numbers from one to the supremely perfect ten. ",
+                    "[80] But if you choose to exclude the five in the propylaeum adjoining the open-air space which he has called the court, there will be left the most sacred number, fifty, the square of the sides of the right-angled triangle, the original source from which the universe springs.  This fifty is obtained by adding together the inside pillars, namely the forty made up by the twenties on each side, then the six in the middle, leaving out the two hidden away in the corners, and then the four opposite which support the veil.",
+                    "[81] I will now give my reason for first counting the five with the fifty and then separately. Five is the number of the senses, and sense in mankind inclines on one side to things external, while on the other its trend is towards mind, whose handmaiden it is by the laws of nature. And therefore he assigned the position on the border to the five pillars, for what lies inside them verges on the inmost sanctuary of the tabernacle, which symbolically represents the realm of mind, while what lies outside them verges on the open-air space and court which represent the realm of sense.",
+                    "[82] And therefore the five differ from the rest also in their bases which are of brass. Since the mind is head and ruler of the sense-faculty in us, and the world which sense apprehends is the extremity and, as it were, the base of mind, he symbolized the mind by the gold and the sense-objects by the brass.",
+                    "[83] The dimensions of the pillars were as follows: the height, ten cubits, the breadth, one-and-a-half, so that the tabernacle might appear equal in all its parts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[84] He also surrounded it with the most beautiful pieces of woven work of various colours, using without stint materials of dark red and purple and scarlet and bright white, for the weaving. For he made ten curtains, as he calls them in the sacred writings, of the four kinds of material just mentioned, twenty-eight cubits in length and extended to four cubits in breadth. Thus we find in them ten, the supremely perfect number, four which contains the essence of ten, twenty-eight, a perfect number, equal to the sum of its factors,  and forty, the most prolific of life, which gives the time in which, as we are told, the man is fully formed in the laboratory of nature. ",
+                    "[85] The twenty-eight cubits of the curtains were distributed as follows: ten along the roof, that being the breadth of the tabernacle, the rest extended along the sides, nine on each to cover the pillars, but leaving one cubit free from the floor, that this work so magnificent and worthily held sacred should not trail in the dust.",
+                    "[86] Of the forty cubits which sum up the breadth of the ten curtains, thirty are taken up by the length of the tabernacle itself, that being its extent, nine by the backyard, and the remaining one by the space at the propylaeum, thus forming a bond to make the enclosing complete.  On the propylaeum was set the veil.",
+                    "[87] But in a sense the curtains also are veils, not only because they cover the roof and the walls, but also because they are woven with the same kinds of material, dark red and purple and scarlet and bright white. And what he calls the “covering”  was also made with the same materials as the veil, that being placed inside along the four pillars to hide the inmost sanctuary, the “covering” outside along the five pillars, so that no unconsecrated person should get even a distant view of the holy precincts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[88] But, in choosing the materials for the woven work, he selected as the best out of a vast number possible four, as equal in number to the elements—earth, water, air, fire—out of which the world was made, and with a definite relation to those elements; the byssus, or bright white, coming from the earth, purple from the water, while dark red is like the air, which is naturally black, and scarlet like fire, since both are bright red. For it was necessary that in framing a temple of man’s making, dedicated to the Father and Ruler of All, he should take substances like those with which that Ruler made the All.",
+                    "[89] The tabernacle, then, was constructed to resemble a sacred temple in the way described. Its precincts contained an area of a hundred cubits long by fifty broad, with pillars at equal intervals of five cubits from each other, so that the total number was sixty, with forty arranged on the long sides and twenty on the broad sides,",
+                    "[90] in both cases half to each side. The material of the columns was of cedar wood overlaid by silver. The bases in all cases were of brass, and the height was five cubits. For the master craftsman thought it proper to cut down the height of what he calls the court by a complete half, in order that the tabernacle should be conspicuous by rising up to double the height. Five linen sheets like sails were attached to the pillars, both on the length and the breadth, so that no impure person could enter the place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[91] The plan was as follows. The tabernacle itself was set in the midst, thirty cubits long and ten broad, including the thickness of the pillars. From three aspects, namely the two long sides and the space at the back, it was the same distance from the boundary of the court, reckoned at twenty cubits. But at the propylaeum there was naturally a greater interval of fifty cubits, on account of the number of people entering. This increase was required to make up the hundred cubits of the court; the twenty of the back-space and the thirty taken up by the tabernacle being added to the fifty at the entrances.",
+                    "[92] For the propylaeum  of the tabernacle was set as the border-line between the two fifties, namely the fifty on the eastern half, where the entrance is, and the fifty on the western half, consisting of the tabernacle and the area behind it.",
+                    "[93] At the beginning of the entrance to the court was built another very fine and large propylaeum with four pillars, on which was stretched a piece of woven work of various colours, made in the same way as those within the tabernacle and of like materials.",
+                    "[94] With these were also made the sacred vessels and furniture, the ark, candlestick, table and altars for incense and burnt offerings. The altar for burnt offerings was placed in the open air, opposite the entrance of the tabernacle,  at a distance sufficient to give the ministrants room for the daily performance of the sacrifices."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[95] The ark was placed on the forbidden ground of the inner sanctuary, within the veils. It was coated with costly gilding within and without, and was covered by a sort of lid, which is called in the sacred books the mercy-seat. ",
+                    "[96] The length and breadth of this are stated, but no depth, and thus it closely resembles the plane surface of geometry. It appears to be a symbol in a theological sense  of the gracious power of God; in the human sense, of a mind which is gracious to itself and feels the duty of repressing and destroying with the aid of knowledge the conceit which in its love of vanity uplifts it in unreasoning exaltation and puffs it with pride.",
+                    "[97] The ark itself is the coffer of the laws, for in it are deposited the oracles which have been delivered. But the cover, which is called the mercy-seat, serves to support the two winged creatures which in the Hebrew are called cherubim, but, as we should term them,",
+                    "[98] recognition and full knowledge.  Some hold that, since they are set facing each other, they are symbols of the two hemispheres, one above the earth and one under it,",
+                    "[99] for the whole heaven has wings. I should myself say that they are allegorical representations of the two most august and highest potencies of Him that IS, the creative and the kingly. His creative potency is called God, because through it He placed  and made and ordered this universe, and the kingly is called Lord, being that with which He governs what has come into being and rules it steadfastly with justice.",
+                    "[100] For, as He alone really IS, He is undoubtedly also the Maker, since He brought into being what was not, and He is in the nature of things King, since none could more justly govern what has been made than the Maker."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[101] In the space between the four and the five pillars, which may properly be called the vestibule of the temple, and is shut off by two woven screens, the inner and the outer, called respectively the veil and the covering, he set the remaining three of the equipments mentioned above. The altar of incense he placed in the middle, a symbol of the thankfulness for earth and water which should be rendered for the benefits derived from both these, since the mid-position in the universe has been assigned to them. The candlestick he placed at the south,",
+                    "[102] figuring thereby the movements of the luminaries above; for the sun and the moon and the others run their courses in the south far away from the north. And therefore six branches, three on each side, issue from the central candlestick, bringing up the number to seven,",
+                    "[103] and on all these are set seven lamps and candlebearers, symbols of what the men of science call planets. For the sun, like the candlestick, has the fourth place in the middle of the six and gives light to the three above and the three below it, so tuning to harmony an instrument of music truly divine."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[104] The table is set at the north and has bread and salt  on it, as the north winds are those which most provide us with food, and food comes from heaven and earth, the one sending rain, the other bringing the seeds to their fullness when watered by the showers. ",
+                    "[105] In a line with the table are set the symbols of heaven and earth, as our account has shewn, heaven being signified by the candlestick, earth and its parts, from which rise the vapours, by what is appropriately called the vapour-keeper  or altar of incense.",
+                    "[106] The great altar in the open court he usually calls by a name which means sacrifice-keeper, and when he thus speaks of the altar which destroys sacrifices as their keeper and guardian he alludes not to the parts and limbs of the victims, whose nature is to be consumed by fire, but to the intention of the offerer.",
+                    "[107] For, if the worshipper is without kindly feeling or justice, the sacrifices are no sacrifices, the consecrated oblation is desecrated, the prayers are words of ill omen with utter destruction waiting upon them. For, when to outward appearance they are offered, it is not a remission but a reminder of past sins which they effect.",
+                    "[108] But, if he is pure of heart and just, the sacrifice stands firm, though the flesh is consumed, or rather, even if no victim at all is brought to the altar. For the true oblation, what else can it be but the devotion of a soul which is dear to God? The thank-offering of such a soul receives immortality, and is inscribed in the records of God, sharing the eternal life of the sun and moon and the whole universe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[109] Next after these, the master prepared for the future high priest a vesture, the fabric of which had a texture of great and marvellous beauty. It consisted of two garments, one of which he calls the robe and the other the ephod. ",
+                    "[110] The robe was of a comparatively uniform make, for it was all of the dark red colour, except at the lowest extremities, where it was variegated with golden pomegranates and bells and intertwined flowers.",
+                    "[111] The ephod, a work of special magnificence and artistry, was wrought with perfect knowledge in the kinds of materials mentioned above, namely dark red and purple and bright white and scarlet, with gold thread intertwined. For gold leaf cut into fine threads was woven with all the yarn.",
+                    "[112] On the shoulder-tops were fitted two highly precious stones of the costly emerald kind, and on them were graven the names of the patriarchs, six for each shoulder, twelve in all. On the breast were twelve other costly stones of different colours, like seals, in four rows of three each. These were fitted into what he calls the “place of reason.” ",
+                    "[113] This was made four-square and doubled, forming a ground to enshrine the two virtues, clear showing and truth.  The whole was attached by golden chainlets to the ephod, fastened strongly to it so as not to come loose.",
+                    "[114] A piece of gold plate, too, was wrought into the form of a crown with four incisions, showing a name which only those whose ears and tongues are purified may hear or speak in the holy place, and no other person, nor in any other place at all.",
+                    "[115] That name has four letters,  so says that master learned in divine verities, who, it may be, gives them as symbols of the first numbers, one, two, three and four; since the geometrical categories under which all things fall, point, line, superficies, solid, are all embraced in four. So, too, with the best harmonies in music, the fourth, fifth, octave and double octave intervals, where the ratios are respectively four to three, three to two, two to one and four to one. Four, too, has countless other virtues, most of which I have set forth in detail in my treatise on numbers. ",
+                    "[116] Under the crown, to prevent the plate touching the head, was a headband. A turban also was provided, for the turban is regularly worn by eastern monarchs instead of a diadem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[117] Such was the vesture of the high priest. But I must not leave untold its meaning and that of its parts. We have in it as a whole and in its parts a typical representation of the world and its particular parts.",
+                    "[118] Let us begin with the full-length robe. This gown is all of violet, and is thus an image of the air; for the air is naturally black, and so to speak a robe reaching to the feet, since it stretches down from the region below the moon to the ends of the earth, and spreads out everywhere. And, therefore, the gown, too, spreads out from the breast to the feet round the whole body.",
+                    "[119] At the ankles there stand out from it pomegranates and flower trimming and bells. The earth is represented by the flowers, for all that flowers and grows comes from the earth; the water by the pomegranates or flowing fruit, so aptly called from their flowing juice; while the bells represent the harmonious alliance of these two, since life cannot be produced by earth without water or by water without the substance of earth, but only by the union and combination of both.",
+                    "[120] Their position testifies most clearly to this explanation. For, just as the pomegranates, the flower trimming and the bells are at the extremities of the long robe, so too what these symbolize, namely earth and water, occupy the lowest place in the universe, and in unison with the harmony of the All display their several powers at fixed revolutions of time and at their proper seasons.",
+                    "[121] This proof that the three elements, earth, water and air, from which come and in which live all mortal and perishable forms of life, are symbolized by the long robe with the appendages at the ankles, is supported  by observing that as the gown is one, the three said elements are of a single kind, since all below the moon is alike in its liability to change and alteration, and that, as the pomegranates and flower patterns are fastened to the gown, so too in a sense earth and water are suspended on the air, which acts as their support.",
+                    "[122] As for the ephod, consideration following what probability suggests will represent it as a symbol of heaven. For first the two circular emerald stones on the shoulder-pieces indicate, as some think, those heavenly bodies which rule the day and night, namely the sun and moon, or, as may be said with a nearer approach to truth, the two hemispheres of the sky. For, just as the stones are equal to each other, so is the hemisphere above to that below the earth, and neither is so constituted as to increase and diminish as does the moon.",
+                    "[123] A similar testimony is given by their colour, for the appearance of the whole heaven as presented to our sight is like the emerald. Six names, too, had to be engraved on each of the stones, since each of the hemispheres also divides the zodiac into two, and appropriates six of the signs.",
+                    "[124] Secondly, the stones at the breast, which are dissimilar in colour, and are distributed into four rows of threes, what else should they signify but the zodiac circle? For that circle, when divided into four parts, constitutes by three signs in each case the seasons of the year—spring, summer, autumn, winter—those four, the transition in each of which is determined by three signs and made known to us by the revolutions of the sun, according to a mathematical law, unshaken, immutable and truly divine.",
+                    "[125] Therefore also they were fitted into what is rightly called the place of reason, for a rational principle, ordered and firmly established, creates the transitions and seasons of the year. And the strangest thing is that it is this seasonal change which demonstrates their age-long permanence.",
+                    "[126] It is an excellent and indeed a splendid point that the twelve stones are of different colours and none of them like to any other. For each of the signs of the zodiac also produces its own particular colouring in the air and earth and water and their phases, and also in the different kinds of animals and plants."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[127] There is a point, too, in the reason-seat being doubled, for the rational principle is twofold as well in the universe as in human nature. In the universe we find it in one form dealing with the incorporeal and archetypal ideas from which the intelligible world was framed, and in another with the visible objects which are the copies and likenesses of those ideas and out of which this sensible world was produced. With man, in one form it resides within, in the other it passes out from him in utterance. The former is like a spring, and is the source from which the latter, the spoken, flows. The inward is located in the dominant mind, the outward in the tongue and mouth and the rest of the vocal organism.",
+                    "[128] The master did well also in assigning a four-square shape to the reason-seat, thereby shewing in a figure that the rational principle, both in nature and in man, must everywhere stand firm and never be shaken in any respect at all; and, therefore, he allotted to it the two above-named virtues, clear shewing and truth. For the rational principle in nature is true, and sets forth all things clearly, and, in the wise man, being a copy of the other, has as its bounden duty to honour truth with absolute freedom from falsehood, and not keep dark through jealousy anything the disclosure of which will benefit those who hear its lesson.",
+                    "[129] At the same time, as in each of us, reason has two forms, the outward of utterance and the inward of thought, he gave them each one of the two virtues as its special property; to utterance clear shewing, to the thinking mind truth. For it is the duty of the thinking faculty to admit no falsehood, and of the language faculty to give free play to all that helps to shew facts clearly with the utmost exactness.",
+                    "[130] Yet reason, as seen in either of these faculties, is of no value, however admirable and excellent are its lofty pronouncements, unless followed by deeds in accordance with it. And, therefore, since in his judgement speech and thought should never be separated from actions, he fastened the reason-seat to the ephod or shoulder-piece so that it should not come loose. For he regards the shoulder as the symbol of deeds and activity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[131] Such are the ideas which he suggests under the figure of the sacred vesture; but, in setting a turban on the priest’s head, instead of a diadem, he expresses his judgement that he who is consecrated to God is superior when he acts as a priest to all others, not only the ordinary laymen, but even kings.",
+                    "[132] Above the turban is the golden plate on which the graven shapes of four letters, indicating, as we are told, the name of the Self-Existent, are impressed, meaning that it is impossible for anything that is to subsist without invocation of Him; for it is His goodness and gracious power which join and compact all things.",
+                    "[133] Thus is the high priest arrayed when he sets forth to his holy duties, in order that when he enters to offer the ancestral prayers and sacrifices there may enter with him the whole universe, as signified in the types of it which he brings upon his person, the long robe a copy of the air, the pomegranate of water, the flower trimming of earth, the scarlet of fire, the ephod of heaven, the circular emeralds on the shoulder-tops with the six engravings in each of the two hemispheres which they resemble in form, the twelve stones on the breast in four rows of threes of the zodiac, the reason-seat of that Reason  which holds together and administers all things.",
+                    "[134] For he who has been consecrated to the Father of the world must needs have that Father’s Son  with all His fullness of excellence to plead his cause, that sins may be remembered no more and good gifts showered in rich abundance.",
+                    "[135] Perhaps, too, he is preparing the servant of God to learn the lesson, that, if it be beyond him to be worthy of the world’s Maker, he should try to be throughout worthy of the world. For, as he wears a vesture which represents the world, his first duty is to carry the pattern enshrined in his heart, and so be in a sense transformed from a man into the nature of the world; and, if one may dare to say so—and in speaking of truth one may well dare to state the truth—be himself a little world, a microcosm."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[136] Outside the propylaeum, at the entrance, there was a brazen laver, for the making of which the master did not take unworked material, as is usually done, but chattels already elaborately wrought for another purpose. These the women brought, filled with fervent zeal, rivalling the men in piety, resolved to win the prize of high excellence, and eager to use every power that they had that they might not be outstripped by them in holiness.",
+                    "[137] For, with spontaneous ardour at no other bidding than their own, they gave the mirrors which they used in adorning their comely persons, a truly fitting firstfruit offering of their modesty and chastity in marriage, and in fact of their beauty of soul.",
+                    "[138] These the master thought good to take, and, after melting them down, construct therewith the laver and nothing else, to serve for lustration to priests who should enter the temple to perform the appointed rites, particularly for washing the hands and feet; a symbol, this, of a blameless life, of years of cleanliness employed in laudable actions, and in straight travelling, not on the rough road or more properly pathless waste of vice, but on the smooth high road through virtue’s land.",
+                    "[139] Let him, he means, who shall be purified with water, bethink him that the mirrors were the material of this vessel, to the end that he himself may behold his own mind as in a mirror; and, if some ugly spot appear of unreasoning passion, either of pleasure, uplifting and raising him to heights which nature forbids, or of its converse pain, making him shrink and pulling him down, or of fear, diverting and distorting the straight course to which his face was set, or of desire, pulling and dragging him perforce to what he has not got, then he may salve and heal the sore and hope to gain the beauty which is genuine and unalloyed.",
+                    "[140] For beauty of body lies in well-proportioned parts, in a fine complexion and good condition of flesh, and short is the season of its bloom. But beauty of mind lies in harmony of creed, in concent of virtues. The passing of time cannot wither it, and, as its years lengthen, it ever renews its youth, adorned with the lustrous hue of truth and of consistency of deeds with words and words with deeds, and further of thoughts and intentions with both."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[141] When he had been taught the patterns of the holy tabernacle, and had passed on the lesson to those who were of quick understanding and happily gifted to undertake and complete the works in which their handicraft was necessary, the construction of the sacred fabric followed in natural course. The next step needed was that the most suitable persons should be chosen as priests, and learn in good time how they should proceed to bring the offerings to the altar and perform the holy rites.",
+                    "[142] Accordingly, he selected out of the whole number his brother as high priest on his merits, and appointed that brother’s sons as priests, and in this he was not giving precedence to his own family but to the piety and holiness which he observed in their characters. This is clearly shewn by the following fact. Neither of his sons, of whom he had two, did he judge worthy of this distinction, though he would surely have chosen both if he had attributed any value to family affection.",
+                    "[143] The installation was made with the consent of the whole nation, and, followed the directions laid down by the oracles, in a wholly new manner which deserves to be recorded. First he washed them with the purest and freshest spring water, then he put on them the sacred garments; on his brother the vesture, woven with its manifold workmanship to represent the universe, that is the long robe and the ephod in the shape of a breastplate; on his nephews linen tunics, and on all three girdles and breeches.",
+                    "[144] The object of the girdles was to keep them unhampered and readier for the holy ministry, by tightening the loose folds of the tunics; of the breeches to prevent anything being visible which decency requires to be concealed, particularly when they were going up to the altar or coming down from above and moving quickly and rapidly in all their operations.",
+                    "[145] For, if their dress had not been arranged so carefully, as a precaution against unforseen events, they would in their eagerness to carry out their duties with expedition reveal their nakedness and be unable to preserve the decency befitting consecrated places and persons."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[146] When he had attired them in these vestments, he took some very fragrant ointment which was compounded by the perfumer’s art, and applied it first to what stood in the open court, namely the great altar and the laver, sprinkling it on them seven times, then to the tabernacle and each of the sacred chattels, the ark, the candlestick, the altar of incense, the table, the libation cups or bowls, the vials, and everything else which was necessary or useful in sacrifices; and finally, coming to the high priest, he anointed him on his head plentifully with the unguent.",
+                    "[147] Having performed all this religiously, he ordered a calf and two rams to be brought. The calf he purposed to offer to gain remission of sins, showing by this figure that sin is congenital to every created being, even the best, just because they are created, and this sin requires prayers and sacrifices to propitiate the Deity, lest His wrath be roused and visited upon them.",
+                    "[148] Of the rams, one he offered as a whole burnt offering in thanksgiving for His ordering of the whole, that gift which each of us shares according to the part allotted through the benefits which he receives from the elements: from earth, for habitation and the food which it affords; from water, for drinking and cleansing and voyaging; from air, for breathing and perception through the senses, all of which operate by means of air, which also gives us the seasons of the year; from the fire of common use, for cooking and heating, and from the heavenly variety for light-giving and all visibility.",
+                    "[149] The other ram he offered on behalf of those who were consecrated by the sanctifying purification for their full perfection, and accordingly called it the ram of “fulfilment,” from the full rites befitting the servants and ministers of God into which they were to be initiated.",
+                    "[150] He then took its blood and poured part of it round the altar. The rest he received in a vial which he held underneath, and smeared it on three parts of the bodies of those who were being admitted to the priesthood, on the extremity of the ear, the extremity of the hand, the extremity of the foot, in all these on the right side. In this figure, he indicated that the fully-consecrated must be pure in words and actions and in his whole life; for words are judged by the hearing, the hand is a symbol of action, and the foot of the pilgrimage of life.",
+                    "[151] And, as in each case the part smeared is the extreme end and on the right-hand side, we must suppose the truth indicated to be that improvement in all things needs a dexterous spirit, and seeks to reach the extreme of happiness, and the end to which we must press and refer all our actions, aiming our shafts, like archers, at the target of life."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[152] His first step, then, is to smear the unmixed blood of the single victim called the ram of fulfilment on the three parts of the priests’ bodies named above. After this, he took some of the blood at the altar, got from all the victims, and also some of the unguent already mentioned as compounded by the perfumers, and mixed the oil with the blood. He then used the mixture to sprinkle the priests and their garments, wishing to make them partakers not only of the sanctity of the outer and open court but that of the shrine within, since they were going to minister in the inner part also, all of which had been anointed with oil.",
+                    "[153] After other additional sacrifices had been brought, some by the priests on behalf of themselves, and others by the body of elders on behalf of the whole nation, Moses entered the tabernacle, taking his brother with him. This was on the eighth and last day of the celebration, the seven preceding days having been spent by him in initiating his nephews and their father and in acting as their guide to the sacred mysteries. After entering, he gave such instruction as the good teacher gives to an apt pupil on the way in which the high priest should perform the rites of the inner shrine.",
+                    "[154] Then they both came out, and, stretching forth their hands in front of their faces, offered prayers which befitted the needs of the nation in all sincerity and purity of heart. And, while they were still praying, a great marvel happened. There issued suddenly from the shrine a mass of flame. Whether it was a fragment of ether, the purest of substances, or of air resolved into fire by a natural conversion of the elements, it suddenly burst right through, and, with a mighty rush, fell upon the altar and consumed all that was on it, thus giving, I hold, the clearest proof that none of these rites was without divine care and supervision.",
+                    "[155] For it was natural that the holy place should have a special gift attached to it, over and above what human handiwork had given, through the purest of elements, fire, and thus the altar be saved from contact with the familiar fire of common use, perhaps because such a multitude of evils are associated with it.",
+                    "[156] For its activity is applied not only to the lower animals when they are roasted or boiled, to satisfy the cruel cravings of the miserable belly, but to the human beings slaughtered by the design of others, and that not in threes or fours but in assembled multitudes.",
+                    "[157] Ere now we have known the impact of fire-carrying arrows burn up great fully-manned fleets, and consume whole cities which have smouldered down to their very foundations and wasted away into ashes, leaving no trace to shew that they were populated in the past.",
+                    "[158] This is the reason, I imagine, why God expelled from His most pure and sacred altar the fire of common use and rained instead an ethereal flame from heaven, to distinguish between the holy and the profane, the human and the divine. For it was fitting that fire of a more incorruptible nature than that which subserves the needs of human life should be assigned to the sacrificial offerings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[159] Many sacrifices were necessarily brought every day, and particularly at general assemblies and feasts, on behalf both of individuals and all in common, and for a multitude of different reasons. This piety shewn by so populous a nation made it needful to have also a number of temple attendants to help in the sacred services.",
+                    "[160] These, again, were chosen in a very novel and unusual manner. He selected and appointed one of the twelve tribes as the most meritorious, giving them the office as the prize and reward of a deed well pleasing to God.",
+                    "[161] The story of that deed is as follows: When Moses had gone up into the mountain, and was there several days communing privately with God, the men of unstable nature, thinking his absence a suitable opportunity, rushed into impious practices unrestrainedly, as though authority had ceased to be, and, forgetting the reverence they owed to the Self-Existent, became zealous devotees of Egyptian fables.",
+                    "[162] Then, having fashioned a golden bull, in imitation of the animal held most sacred in that country,  they offered sacrifices which were no sacrifices, set up choirs which were no choirs, sang hymns which were very funeral chants, and, filled with strong drink, were overcome by the twofold intoxication of wine and folly. And so, revelling and carousing the livelong night, and unwary of the future, they lived wedded to their pleasant vices, while justice, the unseen watcher of them and the punishments they deserved, stood ready to strike.",
+                    "[163] But, since the continuous shouting in the camp which arose from the great masses of men gathered together carried for a long distance, so that the echoes reached even to the mountain-top, Moses, as they smote upon his ear, was in a dilemma between God’s love for him and his love for man. He could not bear to leave his converse with God, in which he talked with Him as in private with none other present, nor yet to disregard the multitude, brimful of the miseries which anarchy creates.",
+                    "[164] For, skilled as he was to divine in an inarticulate and meaningless noise the distinguishing marks of inward passions which to others were obscure and invisible, he recognized the tumult for what it was, saw that drunkenness caused the prevailing confusion, since intemperance begets satiety, and satiety riot.",
+                    "[165] So, drawn backwards and forwards, hither and thither, by the two sides of his being, he was at a loss what he should do. And, as he considered, this divine message came. “Go quickly hence. Descend. The people have run after lawlessness. They have fashioned a god, the work of their hands, in the form of a bull, and to this god, who is no god, they offer worship and sacrifice, and have forgotten all the influences to piety which they have seen and heard.”",
+                    "[166] Struck with dismay, and compelled to believe the incredible tale, he yet took the part of mediator and reconciler and did not hurry away at once, but first made prayers and supplications, begging that their sins might be forgiven. Then, when this protector and intercessor had softened the wrath of the Ruler, he wended his way back in mingled joy and dejection. He rejoiced that God accepted his prayers, yet was ready to burst with the dejection and heaviness that filled him at the transgression of the multitude."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[167] When he arrived at the middle of the camp, and marvelled at the sudden apostasy of the multitude and their delusion, so strongly contrasting with the truth which they had bartered for it, he observed that the contagion had not extended to all and that there were still some sound at heart and cherishing a feeling of hatred of evil. Wishing, therefore, to distinguish the incurable from those who were displeased to see such actions and from any who had sinned but repented, he made a proclamation, a touchstone calculated to test exactly the bias of each to godliness or its opposite.",
+                    "[168] “If any is on the Lord’s side,” he said, “let him come to me.” Few words, indeed, but fraught with much meaning, for the purport was as follows: “Whoso holds that none of the works of men’s hands, nor any created things, are gods, but that there is one God only, the Ruler of the universe, let him join me.”",
+                    "[169] Of the rest, some, whom devotion to the vanity of Egypt had made rebellious, paid no heed to his words, while others, possibly in fear of chastisement, had not the courage to take their place beside him, either because they feared the vengeance they might suffer at the hand of Moses or the onslaught of an insurgent mob. For the multitude always set upon those who refuse to share their madness.",
+                    "[170] Among them all one tribe alone, known as Levites, when they heard the proclamation, came running with all speed, like troops for whom one signal is enough, shewing by their swiftness their zeal and the keenness of the inward feelings which urged them to piety.",
+                    "[171] Moses saw them coming like racers from the starting-point, and cried: “Whether the speed which has brought you here exists not only in your bodies but in your minds shall at once be put to the proof. Take each of you his sword, and slay those whose deeds deserve a thousand deaths, who have left the true God, and wrought gods, falsely so called, from corruptible and created matter, and given them a title which belongs to the Incorruptible and Uncreated. Yea, slay them, though they be kinsmen and friends, believing that between the good there is no kinship and friendship but godliness.”",
+                    "[172] Their readiness anticipated his exhortations, for their sentiments had been hostile to the offenders almost from the first moment that they saw their misconduct, and they made a wholesale slaughter to the number of three thousand of those who but now had been their dearest. As their corpses lay in the middle of the market-place, the multitude as they gazed felt pity for them, but, terror-struck at the still heated and wrathful resolution of the slayers, learned wisdom from fear.",
+                    "[173] But Moses, in approval of this heroism, devised and confirmed a reward for the victors well suited to the deed. For it was right that those who had voluntarily taken up arms for the honour of God, and so quickly achieved success, should receive the priesthood, and thus be worthily promoted to be His ministers."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[174] Now the consecrated persons consisted of more than one order. They included both those who were commissioned to penetrate to the inner shrine and offer the prayers and sacrifices and the other holy rites, and those sometimes called temple attendants who had none of these duties but had the care and guarding of the sacred building and its contents by day and night. Consequently, the strife for precedence, the cause of innumerable troubles to many persons and in many places, gained ground here also. The temple attendants made headway against the priests, and purposed to wrest their privileges from them, and they hoped to accomplish this easily, since they were many times the number of the others.",
+                    "[175] To prevent this sedition appearing to be their own particular project, they persuaded the senior tribe of the twelve to make common cause with them, and this tribe had many adherents among the more thoughtless, who supposed it capable of taking the supremacy as its birthright.",
+                    "[176] Moses recognized in this the rise of a grave attack upon himself, for he had chosen his brother as high priest in accordance with the oracles vouchsafed to him. But there were spiteful rumours that he had falsely invented the oracles, and had made his choice through family feeling and affection for his brother.",
+                    "[177] He was naturally pained at this, not merely that he was distrusted when he had shewn his good faith by so many proofs, but that this distrust extended to actions which concerned the honouring of God, actions which by themselves would necessarily ensure truthfulness even in one whose character was false in everything else, for truth is God’s attendant. But he did not think good to use words to explain to them his motives, knowing that it is vain labour to try to change the convictions of those of whom the opposite opinions have already taken hold, but besought God to shew them by clear demonstration that there had been no dishonesty in his choice of persons for the priesthood.",
+                    "[178] God commanded him to take twelve rods, corresponding to the number of the tribes, and on eleven of them to inscribe the names of the other patriarchs, but on the twelfth that of his brother who was also high priest, and then to take them into the temple, right into the inner sanctuary. Moses did as he was bidden, and eagerly awaited the result.",
+                    "[179] On the next day, under the impulse of a divine intimation, with all the people standing near, he went in and brought out the rods. The others shewed no difference, but the one on which was inscribed the name of his brother had undergone a wonderful change. Like a goodly plant, it had young sprouts growing all over it, and was laden with abundance of fruits."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[180] Now, the fruits were nuts, which in nature are the opposite of other fruits, for in most cases, the grape, the olive, the apple, there is a difference between the seed and the eatable part, and this difference extends to their situation, which is separate, for the edible part is outside, and the seed enclosed within. But, in the nut, seed and edible part are identical, merged in a single form, and their situation is the same inside, shielded and guarded on all sides by a double fence, composed partly of very thick shell and partly of a substance equivalent to a wooden framework.",
+                    "[181] In this way, it signifies perfect virtue; for, just as in a nut, beginning and end are identical, beginning represented by seed and end by fruit, so it is with the virtues. There, too, it is the case that each is both a beginning and an end; a beginning in that it springs from no other power but itself, an end in that it is the aspiration of the life which follows nature.",
+                    "[182] This is one reason why the nut is a type of virtue, but there is another given which is even clearer than that. The shell-formed part of the nut is bitter, and the inner layer which surrounds the fruit like a wooden fence is exceedingly solid and hard; and, as the fruit is enclosed in both these, it is not easy to get at.",
+                    "[183] In this Moses finds the parable of the practising soul, which he thinks he can rightly use to encourage that soul to virtue and teach it that it must first encounter toil. Toil is bitter and stiff and hard, yet from it springs goodness, and therefore there must be no softening.",
+                    "[184] For he who flees from toil flees from the good also, but he who patiently and manfully endures what is hard to bear is pressing on to blessedness. For in the voluptuous livers, whose souls are emasculated and whose bodies run to waste with ceaseless luxury prolonged from day to day, virtue cannot make its lodging; but it will first procure its divorce for misusage in the court of right reason,  and then seek another home.",
+                    "[185] But in very truth that most holy company, justice, temperance, courage, wisdom, follow in the train of the practisers and all who devote themselves to a life of austerity and hardship, that is to continence and self-restraint, together with simplicity and frugal contentment. For by these the highest authority within us, reason, advances to sound health and well-being, and brings to nought the formidable menace to the body, engineered in many a scene of drunkenness and gluttony and lewdness and the other insatiable lusts, the parents of that grossness of flesh which is the enemy of quickness of mind.",
+                    "[186] Further, they say, that of all the trees which regularly bud in the spring the almond-tree is the first to blossom with a welcome promise of a plentiful crop of fruit, and the last to shed its leaves, year by year protracting the hale old age of its verdure to the longest span. Each of these facts he takes as a parable of the priestly tribe, intimating that it will be the first and last of all the human race to blossom, in that day, whenever it shall be, when it shall please God to make our life as a springtime by ridding it of covetousness, that insidious foe which is the source of our misery. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[187] We said above that there are four adjuncts to the truly perfect ruler. He must have kingship, the faculty of legislation, priesthood and prophecy, so that in his capacity of legislator he may command what should be done and forbid what should not be done, as priest dispose not only things human but things divine, as prophet declare by inspiration what cannot be apprehended by reason. I have discussed the first three, and shewn that Moses was the best of kings, of lawgivers and of high priests, and will now go on to shew in conclusion that he was a prophet of the highest quality.",
+                    "[188] Now I am fully aware that all things written in the sacred books are oracles delivered through Moses; but I will confine myself to those which are more especially his, with the following preliminary remarks. Of the divine utterances, some are spoken by God in His own Person with His prophet for interpreter, in some the revelation comes through question and answer, and others are spoken by Moses in his own person, when possessed by God and carried away out of himself.",
+                    "[189] The first kind are absolutely and entirely signs of the divine excellences, graciousness and beneficence, by which He incites all men to noble conduct, and particularly the nation of His worshippers, for whom He opens up the road which leads to happiness.",
+                    "[190] In the second kind we find combination and partnership: the prophet asks questions of God about matters on which he has been seeking knowledge, and God replies and instructs him. The third kind are assigned to the lawgiver himself: God has given to him of His own power of foreknowledge and by this he will reveal future events.",
+                    "[191] Now, the first kind must be left out of the discussion. They are too great to be lauded by human lips; scarcely indeed could heaven and the world and the whole existing universe worthily sing their praises. Besides, they are delivered through an interpreter, and interpretation and prophecy are not the same thing. The second kind I will at once proceed to describe, interweaving with it the third kind, in which the speaker appears under that divine possession in virtue of which he is chiefly and in the strict sense considered a prophet."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[192] In fulfilment of my promise, I must begin with the following examples. There are four cases upon which the divine voice laid down the law in the form of question and answer and which therefore have a mixed character; for, on the one hand, the prophet asks a question under divine possession, and on the other hand the Father, in giving the word of revelation, answers him and talks with him as with a partner.  The first case is one which would have enraged not only Moses, the holiest of men ever yet born, but even one who knew but a little of the flavour of godliness.",
+                    "[193] A certain base-born man, the child of an unequal marriage, his father an Egyptian, his mother a Jewess, had set at naught the ancestral customs of his mother and turned aside, as we are told, to the impiety of Egypt and embraced the atheism of that people.",
+                    "[194] For the Egyptians almost alone among the nations have set up earth as a power to challenge heaven.  Earth they held to be worthy of the honours due to a god, and refused to render to heaven any special tribute of reverence, acting as though it were right to shew respect to the outermost regions rather than to the royal palace. For in the universe heaven is a palace of the highest sanctity, and earth is the outer region, estimable indeed in itself, but when it comes into comparison with ether, as far inferior to it as darkness is to light and night to day and corruption to incorruption and mortal man to God.",
+                    "[195] The Egyptians thought otherwise; for, since the land is not watered like other countries by the downpour of rain but regularly every year becomes a standing water through the flooding of the river, they speak of the Nile as though it were the counterpart of heaven and therefore to be deified, and talk about the land in terms of high reverence."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[196] And, lo, this half-bred person, having a quarrel with someone of the nation that has vision and knowledge, losing in his anger all control over himself, and also urged by fondness for Egyptian atheism, extended his impiety from earth to heaven, and with his soul and tongue and all the organism of speech alike accursed, foul, abominable, in the superabundance of his manifold wickedness cursed Him, Whom even to bless is a privilege not permitted to all but only to the best, even those who have received full and complete purification.",
+                    "[197] Whereupon Moses, astonished at his madness and the superabundance of his audacity, though the spirit of noble indignation was strong within him and he would fain have cut him off with his own hand, feared lest he might exact too light a penalty; for to devise an adequate punishment for such impiety was beyond human powers.",
+                    "[198] Refusal to reverence God implies refusal to honour parents and country and benefactors. And, if so, what depths of depravity remain for him to reach who besides refusing reverence dares also to revile Him? And yet even reviling is a lesser sin compared with cursing. But, when an idle tongue and an unbridled mouth put themselves at the service of lawless follies, some monstrous violation of the moral law is sure to be committed.",
+                    "[199] Answer me, thou man, Does anyone curse God? Then what other god does he call on to make good the curse, or is it clear that he invokes the help of God against Himself? Avaunt such profane and unholy thoughts! Well may the unhappy soul purge itself, which through the ministry of that purblind sense, the ears, has been outraged by listening to such words.",
+                    "[200] And was not the tongue of him who uttered such a blasphemy paralysed? and the ears of him who was to hear it blocked? Surely they would have been, were it not otherwise provided by justice, who holds that over nothing which is extremely good or exceedingly bad should a veil be thrown, but would have them submitted to the clearest test of their goodness or badness, that it may award approval to the one and punishment to the other.",
+                    "[201] Moses, therefore, ordered the man to be haled to prison and put in chains, and implored God, to Whose mercy he appealed, pleading the enforcement of the senses by which we see what by rights we should not see and hear what we should not hear, to shew what should be done to the author of this impious and unholy crime, so monstrous and unheard-of.",
+                    "[202] God commanded that he should be stoned, holding, I suppose, that stoning was the fitting punishment for a man of a hard and stony soul, and also desiring that the work of vengeance should be shared by all the people, who, as He knew, were deeply indignant and desired the death of the offender. And execution by missiles appeared to be the only mode in which so many thousands could take part.",
+                    "[203] When this impious malefactor had paid the penalty, a new ordinance was drawn up. Previous to this, no such enactment would have seemed to be required. But unexpected disorders demand new laws as a check to offences. And so on this occasion  the following law was promulgated: Whoever curses god, let him bear the guilt of his sin, but he that nameth the name of the Lord let him die. ",
+                    "[204] Well hast thou said, thou wisest of men, who alone hast drunk deep of the untempered wine of wisdom. Thou hast held the naming to be worse than the cursing, for thou couldst not be treating lightly one guilty of the gravest impiety and ranking him with the milder offenders while thou didst decree the extreme penalty of death to one who was judged to have committed the lesser iniquity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[205] No, clearly by “god,” he is not here alluding to the Primal God, the Begetter of the Universe, but to the gods of the different cities who are falsely so called, being fashioned by the skill of painters and sculptors. For the world as we know it is full of idols of wood and stone, and suchlike images. We must refrain from speaking insultingly of these, lest any of Moses’ disciples get into the habit of treating lightly the name “god” in general, for it is a title worthy of the highest respect and love.",
+                    "[206] But if anyone, I will not say blasphemes the Lord of gods and men, but even ventures to utter His Name unseasonably, let him suffer the penalty of death.",
+                    "[207] For, even in the case of our own parents, though they are but mortals, all who have regard for the honour due to parentage abstain from using their personal names, and, leaving these unsaid, call them instead by the terms of natural relationship—father and mother—and their so addressing them is seen at once to be an indirect acknowledgement of unsurpassed benefits conferred by them and an expression of their own standing gratitude.",
+                    "[208] After this, can we still think worthy of pardon those, who, with a reckless tongue, make unseasonable use of the most holy name of the Deity and treat it as a mere expletive?"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[209] After this honour paid to the Parent of All, the prophet magnified the holy seventh day, seeing with his keener vision its marvellous beauty stamped upon heaven and the whole world and enshrined in nature itself.",
+                    "[210] For he found that she was in the first place motherless, exempt from female parentage, begotten by the Father alone, without begetting, brought to the birth, yet not carried in the womb. Secondly, he saw not only these, that she was all lovely and motherless, but that she was also ever virgin, neither born of a mother nor a mother herself, neither bred from corruption nor doomed to suffer corruption.  Thirdly, as he scanned her, he recognized in her the birthday of the world,  a feast celebrated by heaven, celebrated by earth and things on earth as they rejoice and exult in the full harmony of the sacred number.",
+                    "[211] For this cause, Moses, great in everything, determined that all whose names were written on his holy burgess-roll and who followed the laws of nature should hold high festival through hours of cheerful gaiety, abstaining from work and profit-making crafts and professions  and business pursued to get a livelihood, and enjoy a respite from labour released from weary and painful care. But this leisure should be occupied, not as by some in bursts of laughter or sports or shows of mimes and dancers on which stage-struck fools waste away their strength almost to the point of death, and through the dominant senses of sight and hearing reduce to slavery their natural queen, the soul, but by the pursuit of wisdom only.",
+                    "[212] And the wisdom must not be that of the systems hatched by the word-catchers and sophists who sell their tenets and arguments like any bit of merchandise in the market, men who for ever pit philosophy against philosophy without a blush, O earth and sun, but the true philosophy which is woven from three strands—thoughts, words and deeds—united into a single piece for the attainment and enjoyment of happiness.",
+                    "[213] Now, a certain man, setting at nought this ordinance, though the echoes of the divine commands about the sacredness of the seventh day were ringing in his ears, commands promulgated by God not through His prophet but by a voice which, strange paradox, was visible  and aroused the eyes rather than the ears of the bystanders, went forth through the midst of the camp to gather firewood, knowing that all were resting in their tents. But that his crime might not remain hidden,  he was observed while still engaged in the wicked deed.",
+                    "[214] For some persons who had gone out of the gates into the wilderness to pray in the quiet open solitude  saw this lawless sight, a man gathering sticks for fuel, and, hardly able to control themselves, they were minded to slay him. Reflection, however, caused them to restrain the fierceness of their anger. They did not wish to make it appear that they who were but private citizens took upon themselves the ruler’s duty of punishment, and that too without a trial, however clear was the offence in other ways, or that the pollution of bloodshed, however justly deserved, should profane the sacredness of the day. Accordingly they arrested him, and took him before the ruler beside whom the priests were seated, while the whole multitude stood around to listen;",
+                    "[215] for it was customary on every day when opportunity offered, and pre-eminently on the seventh day, as I have explained above, to pursue the study of wisdom with the ruler expounding and instructing the people what they should say and do, while they received edification and betterment in moral principles and conduct.",
+                    "[216] Even now this practice is retained, and the Jews every seventh day occupy themselves with the philosophy of their fathers, dedicating that time to the acquiring of knowledge and the study of the truths of nature.  For what are our places of prayer throughout the cities but schools of prudence and courage and temperance and justice and also of piety, holiness and every virtue by which duties to God and men are discerned and rightly performed?"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[217] So, then, the perpetrator of this great sin against God was for the time being taken into custody. But Moses was in doubt as to what should be done to him. He knew that the action deserved death,  but what would be the proper method of punishment? So, then, in spirit, he approached the judgement-seat, invisible even as the spirit which sought it, and asked of the Judge Who knows all before He hears it what His sentence was.",
+                    "[218] That Judge declared His decision that the man should die, and by no other death but stoning; since in him, as in the earlier culprit, the mind had been changed into a senseless stone by a deed which was the perfection of wickedness, and covered practically all the prohibitions enacted for the honouring of the seventh day.",
+                    "[219] How is this? Because not merely the mechanical but also the other arts and occupations, particularly those which are undertaken for profit and to get a livelihood, are carried on directly or indirectly by the instrumentality of fire. And, therefore, he often  forbids the lighting of a fire on the seventh day, regarding it as the cause which lay at the root of all and as the primary activity; and, if this ceased, he considered that other particular activities would naturally cease also.",
+                    "[220] But sticks are the material for fire, so that by picking them up he committed a sin which was brother to and of the same family as the sin of burning them. And his was a double crime; it lay first in the mere act of collecting, in defiance of the commandment to rest from work, secondly in the nature of what he collected, being materials for fire which is the basis of the arts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[221] Both the incidents mentioned above are concerned with the punishment of impious persons, ratified by means of question and answer. There are two others of a different kind: one connected with the succession to an inheritance, the other with a rite performed at apparently a wrong season. It will be better to take the latter example before the other. ",
+                    "[222] Moses dates the first month of the year’s revolution at the beginning of the spring equinox. And, in doing so, he is not like some giving the place of honour to the actual time but rather to the gifts of nature which she raises up for men. For at the equinox the corn crops, our necessary food, become ripe, while on the trees, which are in full bloom, the fruit is just beginning to appear. This ranks second to the corn, and therefore is a later growth. For in nature what is a less pressing always comes after a really pressing necessity.",
+                    "[223] Now, wheat and barley and the other kinds of food without which life is impossible are pressing necessities, but wine and olive oil and tree fruits do not come under this head, as men continue their life for many years and reach extreme old age without them.",
+                    "[224] In this month, about the fourteenth day, when the disc of the moon is becoming full, is held the commemoration of the crossing, a public festival called in Hebrew Pasch, on which the victims are not brought to the altar by the laity and sacrificed by the priests, but, as commanded by the law, the whole nation acts as priest, each individual bringing what he offers on his own behalf and dealing with it with his own hands.",
+                    "[225] Now, while all the rest of the people were joyful and cheerful, each feeling that he had the honour of priesthood, there were others passing the time in tears and sorrow. They had lost relations lately by death, and in mourning them they suffered a double sorrow. Added to their grief for their dead kinsfolk was that which they felt at the loss of the pleasure and honour of the sacred rite. For they were not even allowed to purify or besprinkle themselves with holy water on that day, since their mourning had still some days to run and had not passed the appointed term.",
+                    "[226] These persons, after the festival, came to the ruler full of gloom and depression and put the case before him—the still recent death of their kinsfolk, the necessity of performing their duty as mourners and their consequent inability to take part in the sacrifice of the crossing-feast.",
+                    "[227] Then they prayed that they might not fare worse than the others, and that the misfortune which they had sustained in the death of their relations might not be counted as misconduct entailing punishment rather than pity. In that case they considered that their fate would be worse than that of the dead, for they have no longer any perception of their troubles, while they themselves would be suffering a living death, in which they still retained consciousness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[228] Moses, hearing this, recognized the reasonableness of their claim, and also the cogency of their excuse for absenting themselves from the sacrifice; and with these was mingled a feeling of sympathy. Yet he wavered in his judgement, and oscillated as on a balance: one scale was weighed down by pity and justice, while in the other lay as a counterpoise the law of the Paschal sacrifices in which both the first month and the fourteenth day were clearly appointed for the rite. So, vacillating between refusal and assent, he besought God to act as judge and to give an oracle declaring his decision.",
+                    "[229] And God hearkened to him and vouchsafed an answer revealing His will, touching not only those for whom the prophet interceded but those of future generations who might find themselves in the same case. And, His grace abounding further, He included in the divine edict those who for other reasons might be unable to join the whole nation in a sacred service.",
+                    "[230] It is right to state what the pronouncements thus given were. “Mourning for kinsfolk,” He said, “is an affliction which the family cannot avoid, but it does not count as an offence.",
+                    "[231] While it is still running its appointed course, it should be banished from the sacred precincts which must be kept pure from all pollution, not only that which is voluntary but also that which is unintentionally incurred. But when its term is finished let not the mourners be denied an equal share in the sacred services, and thus the living be made an appendage to the dead. Let them form a second set to come on the second month and also on the fourteenth day, and sacrifice just as the first set, and observe a similar rule and method in dealing with the victims.",
+                    "[232] The same permission also must be given to those who are prevented from joining the whole nation in worship not by mourning but by absence in a distant country. For settlers abroad and inhabitants of other regions are not wrongdoers who deserve to be deprived of equal privileges, particularly if the nation has grown so populous that a single country cannot contain it and has sent out colonies in all directions.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[233] Having thus discussed the case of those who, through adverse circumstances, failed to make the Paschal sacrifice with the mass of the nation, but were set upon repairing the omission if late yet as best they could,  I will pass on to the final ordinance, which concerns the succession to an inheritance. This, like the others, originated in a question and answer and was thus of a mixed character.",
+                    "[234] There was a man called Zelophehad, highly reputed and of no mean tribe, who had five daughters and no son. After the death of their father, the daughters, suspecting that they would be deprived of the property he had left, since inheritances went in the male line, approached the ruler in all maidenly modesty, not in pursuit of wealth but from a desire to preserve the name and reputation of their father.",
+                    "[235] “Our father died,” they said, “but not in any of the risings in which, as it fell out, multitudes perished, but followed contentedly the quiet life of an ordinary citizen, and surely it is not to be accounted as a sin that he had no male issue.  We are here outwardly as orphans, but in reality hoping to find a father in you; for a lawful ruler is closer akin to his subjects than he who begat them.”",
+                    "[236] Moses admired the good sense of the maidens and their loyalty to their parent, but suspended his judgement, being influenced by another view, which holds that men should divide inheritances among themselves, to be taken as the reward for military service and the wars of which they have borne the brunt; while nature, who grants to women exemption from such conflicts, clearly also refuses them a share in the prizes assigned thereto.",
+                    "[237] Naturally, therefore, in this wavering and undecided state of mind, he referred the difficulty to God, Who alone, as he knew, can distinguish by infallible and absolutely unerring tests the finest differences and thereby shew His truth and justice.",
+                    "[238] And He, the Maker of All, the Father of the World, Who holds firmly knit together heaven and earth and water and air and all that each of them produces, the Ruler of men and gods, did not disdain to give response to the petition of some orphan girls. And, with that response, He gave something more than a judge would give, so kind and gracious was He, Who has filled the universe through and through with His beneficent power; for He stated His full approval of the maidens.",
+                    "[239] O Lord and Master, how can one hymn Thee? What mouth, what tongue, what else of the instruments of speech, what mind, soul’s dominant part, is equal to the task? If the stars become a single choir, will their song be worthy of Thee? If all heaven be resolved into sound, will it be able to recount any part of Thy excellences? “The daughters of Zelophehad have spoken rightly,” He said.",
+                    "[240] Who can fail to know how great a commendation is this testimony from God? Come now, you boasters, with your windy pride in your prosperity, and your pose of perked up necks and lifted eyebrows, who treat widowhood, that piteous calamity, as a joke, and the still more piteous desolation of orphanhood as a matter for mockery.",
+                    "[241] Mark how the persons who seem thus lonely and unfortunate are not treated as nothing worth and negligible in the judgement of God, of Whose empire the least honoured parts are the kingdoms found everywhere in the civilized world; for even the whole compass of the round earth is but the outermost fringe of His works—mark this, I say, and learn its much-needed lesson.",
+                    "[242] Still, though he praised the petition of the maidens and refrained from leaving them empty-handed, he did not promote them to equal honour with the men who bore the brunt of conflict. To these he assigned the inheritances as prizes suitable to their feats of valour; the women he judged worthy of charity and kindness, not of reward for services. He shows this clearly by the words He uses. He says: “Gift” and “thou shall give,”  not “payment” and “thou shalt pay,” for the latter pair are used when we receive what is our own,  the former when we make a free gift."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[243] After signifying His will as to the petition of the orphan maids, He lays down also a more general law about succession to inheritances. He names sons first for participation in their father’s property, and daughters second, if there are no sons. In the case of the daughters His phrase is that the inheritance should be “put round”  them, as though it were an external ornament, not a possession by right of kinship inalienable. For what is put round does not have an intimate connexion with what it adorns, and the ideas of close fitting and union are quite foreign to it.",
+                    "[244] After the daughters, He names the brothers as standing third, and the fourth place He assigns to uncles on the father’s side, thereby indirectly suggesting that fathers may become the heirs of sons. For it would be foolish to suppose that, while He assigns the inheritance of a nephew to his paternal uncle, because of that uncle’s relation to the father, He withdraws from the father himself the right of succession.",
+                    "[245] But since, in the natural order of things, sons are the heirs of their fathers and not fathers of their sons, He left unmentioned this deplorable and sinister possibility, to avoid the idea of a father and mother making profit out of their inconsolable sorrow at the untimely death of their children. But He does indirectly mention this by admitting the right of the uncles; and thus He attains both ends, the preservation of decency and the rule that the property should not go out of the family. After the uncles comes the fifth class, the nearest relations. And in all such cases it is the first in succession to whom He gives the inheritances."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[246] Having completed this necessary account of the oracles of mixed character, I will proceed next to describe those delivered by the prophet himself under divine inspiration, for this was included in my promise. The examples of his possession by God’s spirit begin with one which was also the beginning of the prosperity of the nation, when its many myriads set out as colonists from Egypt to the cities of Syria.",
+                    "[247] Men and women alike, they had traversed a long and pathless wilderness, and arrived at the Red Sea, as it is called. They were then naturally in great difficulties, as they could not cross the sea for want of boats, and did not think it safe to retrace their steps.",
+                    "[248] When they were in this state of mind, a greater misfortune burst upon them. The king of Egypt, accompanied by a very formidable body of infantry and cavalry, came in hot pursuit, eager to overtake them and so chastise them for leaving the country. He had, indeed, permitted them to do so, induced by unmistakable warnings from God. But the disposition of the wicked is, as may be well seen, unstable, suspended as it were on a balance and swayed up and down by the slightest cause in opposite directions.",
+                    "[249] Thus, caught between the enemy and the sea, they despaired each of his own safety. Some thought that the most miserable death would be a welcome blessing, while others, believing it to be better to perish by the elements of nature than to become a laughing-stock to their enemies, purposed to throw themselves into the sea, and, loaded with some heavy substances, sat waiting by the shore, so that when they saw the foe near at hand they might leap down and easily sink into the depths.",
+                    "[250] But, while in these helpless straits, they were at death’s door with consternation"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "the prophet, seeing the whole nation entangled in the meshes of panic, like a draught of fishes, was taken out of himself by divine possession and uttered these inspired words: “Alarm you needs must feel.",
+                    "[251] Terror is near at hand: the danger is great. In front is a vast expanse of sea; no haven for a refuge, no boats at hand: behind, the menace of the enemy’s troops, which march along in unresting pursuit. Whither can one turn or swim for safety? Everything has attacked us suddenly from every side—earth, sea, man, the elements of nature.",
+                    "[252] Yet be of good courage, faint not. Stand with unshaken minds, look for the invincible help which God will send. Self-sent it will be with you anon, invisible it will fight before you. Ere now you have often experienced its unseen defence. I see it preparing for the contest and casting a noose round the necks of the enemy. It drags them down through the sea. They sink like lead into the depths.  You see them still alive: I have a vision of them dead, and to-day you too shall see their corpses.”",
+                    "[253] So he spake with words of promise exceeding anything they could hope for. But they began to find by the experience of facts the truth of the heavenly message. For what he prophesied came to pass through the might of God, though harder to credit than any fable. Let us picture the scene. The sea breaks in two, and each section retires. The parts around the break, through the whole depth of their waters, congeal to serve as walls of vast strength: a path is drawn straight, a road of miracle between the frozen walls on either side:",
+                    "[254] the nation makes its passage, marching safely through the sea, as on a dry path or a stone-paved causeway; for the sand is crisped, and its scattered particles grow together into a unity: the enemy advance in unresting pursuit, hastening to their own destruction: the cloud goes behind the travellers’ rear to guide them on their way, and within is the vision of the Godhead, flashing rays of fire. Then the waters which had been stayed from their course and parted for a while return to their place: the dried-up cleft between the walls suddenly becomes a sea again:",
+                    "[255] the enemy meet their doom, sent to their last sleep by the fall of the frozen walls, and overwhelmed by the tides, as they rush down upon their path as into a ravine! that doom is evidenced by the corpses which are floated to the top and strew the surface of the sea: last comes a mighty rushing wave, which flings the corpses in heaps upon the opposite shore, a sight inevitably to be seen by the saved, thus permitted not only to escape their dangers, but also to behold their enemies fallen under a chastisement which no words can express, through the power of God and not of man.",
+                    "[256] After this, what should Moses do but honour the Benefactor with hymns of thanksgiving? He divides the nation into two choirs, one of men, the other of women, and himself leads the men while he appoints his sister to lead the women, that the two in concert might sing hymns to the Father and Creator in tuneful response, with a blending both of temperaments  and melody—temperaments eager to render to each other like for like; melody produced by the concord of treble and bass; for the voices of men are bass and the women’s treble, and when they are blended in due proportion the resulting melody is of the fullest and sweetest harmony.",
+                    "[257] All these myriads were persuaded by Moses to sing with hearts in accord the same song, telling of those mighty and marvellous works which I have recorded just above. And the prophet, rejoicing at this, seeing the people also overjoyed, and himself no longer able to contain his delight, led off the song, and his hearers massed in two choirs sang with him the story of these same deeds. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[258] It was thus that Moses began and opened his work as a prophet possessed by God’s spirit. His next utterance of this sort was concerned with that primary and most necessary matter, food; and this food was not produced by the earth, which was barren and unfruitful, but heaven rained down before daybreak, not once only but every day for forty years, a celestial fruit in the form of dew, like millet grain.",
+                    "[259] When Moses saw it, he bade them gather it, and said under inspiration: “We must trust God as we have experienced His kindnesses in deeds greater than we could have hoped for. Do not treasure up or store the food He sends. Let none leave any part of it over till the morrow.”",
+                    "[260] On hearing this, some whose piety had little ballast, thinking perhaps that the statement was no divine oracle but just the exhortation of the ruler, left it to the next day; but it first rotted and filled the whole extent of the camp with its stench, and then turned into worms which are bred from corruption.",
+                    "[261] Moses, seeing this, was naturally and indeed inevitably indignant at their disobedience—to think that after witnessing wonders so many and so great, impossibilities no doubt as judged by what to outward appearance is credible and reasonable but easily accomplished by the dispensations of God’s providence, they not only doubted, but in their utter incapacity for learning actually disbelieved.",
+                    "[262] But the Father confirmed the utterance of the prophet with two most convincing proofs. One proof He had given at the time, when what was left over corrupted and stank and then was changed into worms, the vilest of living creatures. The other He gave later, for the unneeded surplus over what was gathered by the multitude was dissolved by the sun’s rays, melted away and disappeared."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[263] Not long after, Moses delivered a second inspired pronouncement concerning the sacred seventh day. That day has held the place of honour in nature, not merely from the time when the world was framed, but even before the heaven and all that sense perceives came into being. Yet men knew it not, perhaps because by reason of the constant and repeated destructions by water and fire the later generations did not receive from the former the memory of the order and sequence of events in the series of years.  This hidden truth Moses, under inspiration, revealed in an announcement to which a manifest sign gave testimony.",
+                    "[264] This sign was as follows: the shower of food from the air was less on the first days, but on a later day was doubled; and on those first days anything left melted and was dissolved till, after turning completely into moisture, it disappeared; but on that later day it admitted no change and remained just as it had been. Moses, when he heard of this and also actually saw it, was awestruck and, guided by what was not so much surmise as God-sent inspiration, made announcement of the sabbath.",
+                    "[265] I need hardly say that conjectures of this kind are closely akin to prophecies. For the mind could not have made so straight an aim if there was not also the divine spirit guiding it to the truth itself.",
+                    "[266] Now the greatness of the wonder was shown not only by the double supply of food and its remaining sound contrary to the usual happening, but by the combination of both these occurring on the sixth day, counting from the day on which the food began to be supplied from the air; and that sixth day was to be followed by the dawning of the seventh which is the most sacred of numbers. And therefore consideration will show the inquirer that the food given from heaven followed the analogy of the birth of the world; for both the creating of the world and also the raining of the said food were begun by God on the first day out of six.",
+                    "[267] The copy reproduces the original very exactly: for, as God called up His most perfect work, the world, out of not being into being, so He called up plenty in the desert, changing round the elements to meet the pressing need of the occasion, so that instead of the earth the air bore food for their nourishment, and that without labour or travail for those who had no chance of resorting to any deliberate process of providing sustenance.",
+                    "[268] After this, he uttered a third prophetic saying of truly marvellous import. He declared that on the sabbath the air would not yield the accustomed food, and that nothing would come down to earth as it had done before, not even the smallest morsel.",
+                    "[269] And this proved true in the result, for it was on the day before the sabbath that he prophesied this, but on the morrow some of the weaker-minded set out to gather the food but were disappointed and returned baffled, reproaching themselves for their disbelief and hailing the prophet as a true seer, an interpreter of God, and alone gifted with foreknowledge of the hidden future."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[270] Such was his pronouncement under divine inspiration on the matter of the food which came from heaven, but there are examples to follow which must be noted, though perhaps they may be thought to resemble exhortations rather than oracular sayings. Among these is the command given at their great backsliding from the ways of their fathers, about which I have spoken above. This was when, after fashioning a golden bull in imitation of the vanity of Egypt,  they set up choirs and built altars and brought victims for sacrifice in forgetfulness of the true God and to the ruin of the high-born qualities inherited from their forefathers and fostered by piety and holiness.",
+                    "[271] At this, Moses was cut to the heart to think that in the first place the whole people had suddenly been blinded who a few hours ago had excelled every nation in clearness of vision, and secondly, that a fable falsely invented could quench the bright radiance of truth—truth on which no eclipse of the sun or of all the starry choir can cast a shadow, since it is illumined by its own light, the intelligible, the incorporeal, compared with which the light of the senses would seem to be as night compared with day.",
+                    "[272] He therefore became another man, changed both in outward appearance and mind; and, filled with the spirit, he cried: “Who is there who has no part with this delusion nor has given to no-lords the name of lordship? Let all such come to me.”",
+                    "[273] One tribe came at the call, bringing with them their minds no less than their bodies, men who for some time had been breathing slaughter against the godless workers of unholiness, but sought to find a leader and captain who would have the right to tell them when and how to make this attack. When Moses found them hot with rage and brimful of courage and resolution, he was more than ever possessed by the spirit and said: “Let each of you take his sword and rush through the whole camp, and slay not only those who are strangers to you but also the very nearest of your friends and kinsfolk. Mow them down, holding that to be a truly righteous deed which is done for truth and God’s honour, a cause which to champion and defend is the lightest of labours.”",
+                    "[274] So they slaughtered three thousand of the principal leaders in godlessness, without meeting any resistance, and thereby not only made good their defence against the charge of having been party to the shameless crime, but were accounted as the noblest of heroes and awarded the prize most suitable to their action, that is the priesthood. For it was meet that the duty of ministering to holiness should be given to those who had battled and acquitted themselves bravely in its defence."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[275] There is another still more remarkable utterance of this kind which I may mention. It is one which I described some way back when I was speaking of the prophet in his capacity of high priest. This again came from his own mouth when again under possession, and it was fulfilled not long afterwards but at the very time when the prediction was given.",
+                    "[276] The ministers of the temple are of two ranks, the higher consisting of priests, the lower of temple attendants; and at that time there were three priests  but many thousand attendants.",
+                    "[277] These last, puffed with pride at their own numerical superiority over the priests, despised their fewness, and combined in the same deed two trespasses, by attempting on the one hand to bring low the superior, on the other to exalt the inferior. This is what happens when subjects attack their rulers to confound that most excellent promoter of the common weal, order.",
+                    "[278] Then, conspiring with each other, and collecting in great numbers, they raised an outcry against the prophet, declaring that he had bestowed the priesthood on his brother and nephews because of their relation to him, and had given a false account of their election, which had not really been made under divine direction, as we stated it above to be.",
+                    "[279] Moses, greatly hurt and grieved at this, though the mildest and meekest of men, was so spurred to righteous anger by his passionate hatred of evil that he besought God to turn His face from their sacrifice; not that the All-righteous Judge would ever accept the ministries of the impious, but because the soul of one whom God loves must also do its part and not keep silence, so eagerly does it desire that the unholy may not prosper but ever fail to attain their purpose.",
+                    "[280] While his heart was still hot within him, burning with lawful indignation, inspiration came upon him, and, transformed into a prophet, he pronounced these words: “Disbelief falls hardly on the disbelievers only. Such are schooled by facts alone, and not by words. Experience will show them what teaching has failed to show that I do not lie.",
+                    "[281] This matter will be judged by the manner of their latter end. If the death they meet is in the ordinary course of nature, my oracles are a false invention; but, if it be of a new and different kind, my truthfulness will be attested. I see the earth opened and vast chasms yawning wide. I see great bands of kinsfolk perishing, houses dragged down and swallowed up with their inmates, and living men descending into Hades.”",
+                    "[282] As he ceased speaking, the earth burst open under the shock of a convulsion, and the bursting was just in that part where the tents of the impious stood, so that they were borne below in a mass and hidden from sight; for the gaping sides closed again when the object was accomplished for which they had been split asunder.",
+                    "[283] And, shortly after, thunderbolts fell suddenly on two hundred and fifty men who had led the sedition and destroyed them in a mass, leaving no part of their bodies to receive the tribute of burial.",
+                    "[284] The quick succession of these punishments and their magnitude in both cases clearly and widely established the fame of the prophet’s godliness, to the truth of whose pronouncements God Himself had testified.",
+                    "[285] This too we should not fail to note, that the work of chastising the impious was shared by earth and heaven, the fundamental parts of the universe. For they had set the roots of their wickedness on earth, but let it grow so high that it mounted right up to ether above.",
+                    "[286] Therefore each of the two elements supplied its punishment: earth burst and parted asunder to drag down and swallow up those who had then become a burden to it; heaven poured down the strangest of rainstorms, a great stream of fire to blast them in its flames.",
+                    "[287] Whether they were swallowed up or destroyed by the thunderbolts, the result was the same: neither party was ever seen again, the former hidden in the earth by the closing of the chasm which united to form level ground again, the latter consumed absolutely and entirely by the flame of the thunderbolt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[288] Afterwards the time came when he had to make his pilgrimage from earth to heaven, and leave this mortal life for immortality, summoned thither by the Father Who resolved his twofold nature of soul and body into a single unity, transforming his whole being into mind, pure as the sunlight. Then, indeed, we find him possessed by the spirit, no longer uttering general truths to the whole nation but prophesying to each tribe in particular the things which were to be and hereafter must come to pass. Some of these have already taken place, others are still looked for, since confidence in the future is assured by fulfilment in the past.",
+                    "[289] It was very fitting that persons so different in the history of their birth, particularly in their descent on the mother’s side and in the manifold varieties of their thoughts and aims and the endless diversities of their practices and habits of life, should receive as a sort of legacy a suitable apportionment of oracles and inspired sayings.",
+                    "[290] This was indeed wonderful: but most wonderful of all is the conclusion of the Holy Scriptures, which stands to the whole law-book as the head to the living creature;",
+                    "[291] for when he was already being exalted and stood at the very barrier, ready at the signal to direct his upward flight to heaven, the divine spirit fell upon him and he prophesied with discernment while still alive the story of his own death; told ere the end how the end came; told how he was buried with none present, surely by no mortal hands but by immortal powers; how also he was not laid to rest in the tomb of his forefathers but was given a monument of special dignity which no man has ever seen; how all the nation wept and mourned for him a whole month and made open display, private and public, of their sorrow, in memory of his vast benevolence and watchful care for each one of them and for all.",
+                    "[292] Such, as recorded in the Holy Scriptures, was the life and such the end of Moses, king, lawgiver, high priest, prophet."
+                ]
+            ],
+            "Appendix": [
+                "APPENDIX TO DE VITA MOSIS II",
+                "§ 4. <i>The king is a living law</i>. This application of the term νόμος ἔμψυχος to the ruler (rather than as in <i>De Abr</i>. 4 to an exemplary person) is often met with. <i>Cf</i>. especially Musonius, δεῖ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐδόκει τοῖς παλαιοῖς νόμον ἔμψυχον εἶναι (Stobaeus, <i>Flor</i>. xlvii. 67, Meineke’s edition, vol. ii. p. 274). Other examples are Archytas, νόμων δὲ ὁ μὲν ἔμψυχος, βασιλεύς, ὁ δὲ ἄψυχος, γράμμα (<i>ibid</i>. xliii. 132, Mein. <i>ibid</i>. p. 136), and Diotogenes, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἤτοι νόμος ἔμψυχος ἢ νόμιμος ἄρχων (<i>ibid</i>, xlvii. 61, Mein. <i>ibid</i>. p. 260). I owe these examples to an article by Professor Goodenough in <i>Yale Classical Studies</i>, vol. i. pp. 56–101, on “The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship.” For the other part of the dictum, that the law is a just king, <i>cf.</i> <i>Quod Det</i>. 141 and note, where Plato, <i>Symposium</i> 196 c οἱ πόλεως βασιλῆς νόμοι, is quoted.",
+                "§ 26–44. Philo’s story of the origin of the Septuagint is probably founded on and in the main agrees with the long and elaborate account in the so-called letter of Aristeas. This document is admittedly pseudonymous and not written as it claims to be by a contemporary Greek at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Its probable date is a matter of dispute, opinions ranging from 200 to 80 B.C. The chief difference is that Aristeas represents the seventy-two translators as comparing their work as they write it and producing an agreed though not an inspired version. The feasting also is more elaborate than Philo suggests, and occupies seven days, during which some question bearing on morals, particularly on the duties of kingship, is propounded to each of the translators in turn, and each of the answers is recorded. The account of the annual festival at Pharos could not of course appear in Aristeas.",
+                "Aristeas like Philo, as also Josephus, who gives a free paraphrase of a large part of the letter (<i>Ant</i>. xii. 2. 1), confines the translation to the Pentateuch. Modern criticism tends to accept the view that the version was made in the time of Philadelphus and may well have had his approval, but doubts the official co-operation of the king with the high priest and the employment of Palestinian Jews.",
+                "(See Swete, <i>Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek</i>, or Thackeray’s translation of the letter with appendices.)",
+                "§ 38. κύρια κυρίοις ὀνόμασι. Thackeray in his version of these sections in an appendix to his translation of the letter of Aristeas, p. 92, renders “the appropriate technical words in the translation corresponded with the technical words in the original.” I do not think that κύριον ὄνομα, here at any rate, means a technical term. A κύριον ὄνομα is a word used in its literal and exact sense (without μετάφρασις or παράφρασις), and all that the phrase suggests is that each word is an exact rendering of the corresponding word in the original. The duplication serves to bring out more strongly the mutuality of the correspondence like μόνη … μόνους in § 36. See note on <i>De Mut</i>. 12.",
+                "§ 47. τὸ γενεαλογικόν. In the grammatical schools the ἐξήγησις ἱστοριῶν, <i>i.e</i>. the elucidation of allusions in literature, was classified according as they dealt with places (τοπικαί), dates (χρονικαί), events (πραγματικαί), and persons (γενεαλογικαί); see Usener, <i>Kleine Schriften</i> ii. p. 286. So in Polybius ix. 1 the γενεαλογικὸς τρόπος of historiography is opposed to ὁ περὶ τὰς ἀποικίας καὶ κτίσεις καὶ συγγενείας, <i>i.e</i>. the ethnological, and ὁ περὶ τὰς πράξεις τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δυναστῶν, called afterwards ὁ πραγματικός, which Polybius himself adopts. No doubt the Pentateuch contains much of the “pragmatical,” but Philo’s preoccupation with character would lead him to regard it as “genealogical.” (This use of the word is ignored in L. &amp; S.)",
+                "§ 65. While I have followed Cohn’s text in indicating a lacuna at this point, which is also the termination of the second book in those editions which divide the <i>De Vita Mosis</i> into three, the correctness of this should not, I think, be regarded as certain. The decision really depends on the interpretation put on § 46 ὑπὲρ οὖ (<i>i.e</i>. the legislative part of the Pentateuch) δεύτερον λέξομεν τὸ πρότερον τῇ τάξει (<i>i.e</i>. the historical part) πρότερον ἀκριβώσαντες. If these words, as has generally been thought and at first sight seems natural, refer to the plan of this treatise we should conclude that the following sections give the “full treatment” of the historical part and that some similar discussion on the legislative part has been lost. [It does not, however, seem to me that this need have been of any great length, or much more than a general praise of the laws to the same effect as what we find in § 52.] But I am inclined to agree with the suggestion of Professor Goodenough that the reference is to the scheme of the whole Exposition. On this view the full treatment of the historical part is being carried out in the four treatises, and the discussion of the legislation relegated to books <i>De Specialibus Legibus</i>, and the sections 47–65 are merely a justification of Moses’ plan of setting the historical before the legislative.",
+                "This will not, of course, seem convincing to those who regard the <i>De Vita Mosis</i> as a separate work entirely independent of the scheme of the Exposition (see General Introduction pp. xv f.). Also it may be argued that if there is no lacuna, or only a very small one, the length of the treatment of Moses as lawgiver is disproportionately short compared with what is given to him as high priest and prophet. Also it must be remembered that in the copies made by the scribes whose MSS. we possess, the book did end at § 65, and that a loss at the end of a book is more likely to occur than a lacuna in the middle.",
+                "§ 79. <i>The sum of successive numbers</i>, etc. Fifty-five is what in ancient arithmetic is called a “triangular” number being the sum of 1 + 2 + 3 … 10, and therefore = . This name is given to these numbers because the units can be arranged in the form of an equilateral triangle. Thus <i>e.g</i>. 10 units can be arranged so as to form an equilateral triangle  with each side consisting of 4 units. This side, sometimes called the gnomon, is regarded as the base of the whole triangle, and thought to possess any allegorical virtues which belong to it. <i>Cf</i>. § 84, where four is said to be the essence of ten. Twenty-eight is also a triangular number, being the sum of 1 + 2 … 7, but any virtues which it possesses as such appear to be superseded by its being also the sum of its factors. The number of the Beast (666 = 1 + 2 … 36) and the Fishes in John 21 (153 = 1 + 2 … 17) are also triangular, and attempts have been made to interpret them from this point of view.",
+                "§ 114. (The inscription on the πέταλον.) The footnote requires supplementing and perhaps correcting. Thackeray in his note to Joseph. <i>Bell. Iud</i>. v. 235 states positively that the inscription has been shewn to be the “tetragrammaton” rather than “Holiness to the Lord.” He refers to a note in the <i>Journal of Theological Studies</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 72 by Mr. J. E. Hogg. I do not think this note does more than argue (with what success I cannot tell) that the Hebrew in Ex. 28:36 (LXX 32) and in Ex. 39:30 (LXX, 36:38)—though the <i>prima facie</i> meaning is “Holy to Jahve”—<i>may</i> mean “the sacred name Jahve,” and also that the LXX in Ex. 28 does not assert more than that the thing engraved was a “holy thing belonging to the Lord.” This last is true, but in the other passage, Ex. 39 (LXX, 36), the translators make it perfectly clear that the inscription was ἁγίασμα κυρίῳ.",
+                "As for Philo, in <i>De Mig</i>. 103, where he quotes Ex. 28 in the form πέταλον χρυσοῦν καθαρόν, ἔχον ἐκτύπωμα σφραγῖδος, ἁγίσμα κυρίῳ, it is quite possible that he takes ἁγίασμα in apposition to πέταλον or ἐκτύπωμα, and does not mention any inscription at all. The words then mean “a plate of pure gold, having the engraving (embossment?) of a signet, a sacred thing to the Lord”; not “<i>as</i> of a signet,” for he goes on to explain that the signet represents the ἰδέα ἰδεῶν, a phrase which, I think, refers to the Logos rather than to the Self-existent. If so, in <i>Mos</i>. ii. 114 and 132 he is following quite another tradition. What authorities are there for this besides himself and Josephus? Prof. Burkitt in a supplementary note in <i>J.T.S</i>. xxvi. p. 180 remarks that the same is stated by Bar Hebraeus, “who must ultimately have derived it from Origen,” and by Origen, who may “possibly” have derived it from Philo. Considering Origen’s well-known acquaintance with Philo, “possibly” seems a weak word. Mangey also quotes Jerome to the same effect, but Jerome also makes frequent use of Philo. Is it a Rabbinic tradition? The German translators, generally well versed in such parallels, quote nothing from this source.",
+                "The question then suggests itself, “Did Josephus also merely follow Philo?” If so, though it is not given among Cohn’s examples of coincidence between the two, it is the strongest evidence I have yet seen of Josephus’s use of his predecessor.",
+                "A further question, to which I can give no answer, is what does Philo mean by saying that the “theologian,” presumably Moses, declares that the name of the Self-existent has four letters. I do not think he anywhere shews any knowledge of the YHVH, or that it is represented by κύριος in the LXX.",
+                "§ 117–135. (Symbolism of the High Priest’s vesture.) A much shorter account in <i>De Spec. Leg</i>. i. 85–95 agrees very closely with this in substance. The chief differences are that the bells there signify the harmony, not between merely earth and water, but between all the parts of the universe, and that “Clear-shewing” and “Truth” are given a somewhat different interpretation. There “Clear-shewing” is entirely confined to the “natures in heaven” (corresponding more or less to the “rational principle in nature” of this treatise), and “Truth” only concerns men as a qualification for the “heaven” which the breastplate in both passages represents, while in this treatise both are common to both forms of λόγος. In <i>De Mig</i>. 102 f. the only parts noticed are the gold-plate on the head, and the flowers and the bells at the feet (the pomegranates being left unnoticed). The treatment of these two (the flowers and bells) is altogether different. The two together represent the αἰσθητά, as opposed to the νοητά (the head-gear), the flowers being the things seen, and the bells the things heard, and, while in <i>De Vita Mosis</i> the harmony produced by the latter is that between earth and water, in <i>De Mig</i>. we have the profounder idea that it is the essential harmony between the world of sense and the world of thought.",
+                "In Josephus’s short notice (<i>Ant</i>. ii. 184), besides other differences, the pomegranates signify the lightning, and the bells the thunder.",
+                "§ 210. <i>Ever virgin</i>, etc. In <i>De Op</i>. 100 Philo has ascribed these epithets to philosophers other than Pythagorean; in <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 15 to the Pythagoreans themselves. The second view is supported by the statement of Stobaeus, <i>Ecl</i>. 1.1. 10, that Pythagoras, likening the numbers to the Gods, called Seven Athena."
+            ]
+        }
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על חיי משה",
+        "enTitle": "On the Life of Moses",
+        "key": "On the Life of Moses",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "ספר א",
+                "enTitle": "Book I",
+                "nodes": [
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                        "enTitle": "Introduction"
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "",
+                        "enTitle": ""
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הערות",
+                        "enTitle": "Appendix"
+                    }
+                ]
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "ספר ב",
+                "enTitle": "Book II",
+                "nodes": [
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "",
+                        "enTitle": ""
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הערות",
+                        "enTitle": "Appendix"
+                    }
+                ]
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Life of Moses/English/merged.json	
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+{
+    "title": "On the Life of Moses",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Life_of_Moses",
+    "text": {
+        "Book I": {
+            "Introduction": [
+                "INTRODUCTION TO <i>DE VITA MOSIS</i> I AND II",
+                "The first of these two treatises covers, as is stated at the beginning of the second, the early life and education of Moses and the main facts of his work as King; that is, as the leader of the Israelites in their escape from Egypt and adventures in the wilderness. It runs on very straight-forwardly and does not call for any detailed analysis. There is only one attempt at allegory, viz. the reflections on the meaning of the vision of the Burning Bush.",
+                "The second treatise is far more complicated. It treats the character of Moses under three heads, the legislative, the high-priestly and the prophetic, a method which necessarily precludes any chronological arrangement. The first division as it stands begins with some general remarks on the need of these three qualifications as adjuncts to the ideal king (1–11), and proceeds to base the glory of Moses as a legislator first on the permanence of his laws (12–16), secondly on the respect paid to them by other nations (17–24) in support of which he adds an account of the making of the Septuagint (25–44). To these is to be added the greatness of the law-book itself, but this passes away into a justification of the scheme by which the legislative element is preceded by the historical, and this is followed by a dissertation on how the historical part records the punishment of the wicked and the salvation of the good, this last including a detailed account of Noah and the Ark (45–65).",
+                "In the second division the discussion of Moses as priest leads to a detailed description of the tabernacle and its appurtenances (66–108 and 136–140), the priest’s vesture with its symbolism (109–135), the appointment of the priests and Levites (141–158) and this last to an account of the part played by the Levites in punishing the idolatry of the Golden Calf (159–173), and finally of the vindication of the superiority of the priests by the blossoming of Aaron’s rod (174–186).",
+                "The third division treating of Moses as prophet is subdivided according as his pronouncements are made from an oracle given in answer to his question or from his own prophetic inspiration (181–191). Four examples are given of each: of the former, (<i>a</i>) the sentence on the blasphemer (192–208), (<i>b</i>) on the Sabbath-breaker (209–220), (<i>c</i>) special regulations as to the Passover (221–232), (<i>d</i>) the law of inheritance (233–245). As examples of the latter he gives Moses’ prophecies (<i>a</i>) of the destruction of the Egyptians (246–257), (<i>b</i>) of the manna (258–269), (<i>c</i>) of the slaughter of the idolaters (270–274) and (<i>d</i>) the destruction of Korah and his companions (275–287). The treatise ends with a few sections about the end of Moses. Altogether the two books, between them, cover most of the story of Moses as given in the Pentateuch, the only really serious omission being that of the theophany on Sinai."
+            ],
+            "": [
+                [
+                    "[1] I purpose to write the life of Moses, whom some describe as the legislator of the Jews, others as the interpreter of the Holy Laws. I hope to bring the story of this greatest and most perfect of men to the knowledge of such as deserve not to remain in ignorance of it;",
+                    "[2] for, while the fame of the laws which he left behind him has travelled throughout the civilized world and reached the ends of the earth, the man himself as he really was is known to few. Greek men of letters have refused to treat him as worthy of memory, possibly through envy, and also because in many cases the ordinances of the legislators of the different states are opposed to his.",
+                    "[3] Most of these authors have abused the powers which education gave them, by composing in verse or prose comedies and pieces of voluptuous licence, to their widespread disgrace, when they should have used their natural gifts to the full on the lessons taught by good men and their lives. In this way they might have ensured that nothing of excellence, old or new, should be consigned to oblivion and to the extinction of the light which it could give, and also save themselves from seeming to neglect the better themes and prefer others unworthy of attention, in which all their efforts to express bad matter in good language served to confer distinction on shameful subjects.",
+                    "[4] But I will disregard their malice, and tell the story of Moses as I have learned it, both from the sacred books, the wonderful monuments of his wisdom which he has left behind him, and from some of the elders of the nation; for I always interwove what I was told with what I read, and thus believed myself to have a closer knowledge than others of his life’s history."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[5] I will begin with what is necessarily the right place to begin. Moses was by race a Chaldean, but was born and reared in Egypt, as his ancestors had migrated thither to seek food with their whole households, in consequence of the long famine under which Babylon and the neighbouring populations were suffering. Egypt is a land rich in plains, with deep soil, and very productive of all that human nature needs,",
+                    "[6] and particularly of corn. For the river of this country, in the height of summer, when other streams, whether winter torrents or spring-fed, are said to dwindle, rises and overflows, and its flood makes a lake of the fields which need no rain but every year bear a plentiful crop of good produce of every kind, if not prevented by some visitation of the wrath of God to punish the prevailing impiety of the inhabitants.",
+                    "[7] He had for his father and mother the best of their contemporaries, members of the same tribe, though with them mutual affection was a stronger tie than family connexions. He was seventh in descent from the first settler, who became the founder of the whole Jewish nation. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[8] He was brought up as a prince, a promotion due to the following cause. As the nation of the newcomers was constantly growing more numerous, the king of the country, fearing that the settlers, thus increasing, might shew their superiority by contesting the chief power with the original inhabitants, contrived a most iniquitous scheme to deprive them of their strength. He gave orders to rear the female infants, since her natural weakness makes a woman inactive in war, but to put the males to death, to prevent their number increasing throughout the cities; for a flourishing male population is a coign of vantage to an aggressor which cannot easily be taken or destroyed.",
+                    "[9] Now, the child from his birth had an appearance of more than ordinary goodliness,  so that his parents as long as they could actually set at nought the proclamations of the despot. In fact we are told that, unknown to all but few, he was kept at home and fed from his mother’s breast for three successive months.",
+                    "[10] But, since, as is often the case under a monarch, there were persons prying into holes and corners, ever eager to carry some new report to the king, his parents in their fear that their efforts to save one would but cause a larger number, namely themselves, to perish with him, exposed him with tears on the banks of the river, and departed groaning. They pitied themselves being forced, as they said in their self-reproach, to be the murderers of their own child, and they pitied him too, left to perish in this unnatural way.",
+                    "[11] Then, as was natural in so strangely cruel a situation, they began to accuse themselves of having made bad worse. “Why did we not cast him away,” they said, “directly he was born? The child who has not survived to enjoy a kind nurture is not usually reckoned as a human being. But we meddlers actually nurtured him for three whole months, thus procuring more abundant affliction for ourselves and torture for him, only that when he was fully capable of feeling pleasure and pain he should perish conscious of the increased misery of his sufferings.” "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[12] While they departed ignorant of the future, overcome by grief and sorrow, the sister of the infant castaway, a girl still unmarried, moved by family affection, remained at a little distance, waiting to see what would happen, all this being brought about, in my opinion, by the providence of God watching over the child.",
+                    "[13] The king of the country had but one cherished daughter, who, we are told, had been married for a considerable time but had never conceived a child, though she naturally desired one, particularly of the male sex, to succeed to the magnificent inheritance of her father’s kingdom, which threatened to go to strangers if his daughter gave him no grandson. ",
+                    "[14] Depressed and loud in lamentation she always was, but on this particular day she broke down under the weight of cares; and, though her custom was to remain at home and never even cross the threshold, she set off with her maids to the river, where the child was exposed. Then, as she was preparing to make her ablutions in the purifying water, she saw him lying where the marshland growth was thickest, and bade him be brought to her.",
+                    "[15] Thereupon, surveying him from head to foot, she approved of his beauty and fine condition, and seeing him weeping took pity on him, for her heart was now moved to feel for him as a mother for her own child. And, recognizing that he belonged to the Hebrews, who were intimidated by the king’s orders, she considered how to have him nursed, for at present it was not safe to take him to the palace.",
+                    "[16] While she was still thus debating, the child’s sister, who guessed her difficulty, ran up from where she stood like a scout, and asked whether she would like to take for his foster-mother a Hebrew woman who had lately been with child.",
+                    "[17] When the princess agreed, she brought her own and the babe’s mother in the guise of a stranger, who readily and gladly promised to nurse him, ostensibly for wages. Thus, by God’s disposing, it was provided that the child’s first nursing should come from the natural source. Since he had been taken up from the water, the princess gave him a name derived from this,  and called him Moses, for <i>Möu</i> is the Egyptian word for water."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[18] As he grew and thrived without a break, and was weaned at an earlier date than they had reckoned, his mother and nurse in one brought him to her from whom she had received him, since he had ceased to need an infant’s milk. He was noble and goodly to look upon;",
+                    "[19] and the princess, seeing him so advanced beyond his age, conceived for him an even greater fondness than before, and took him for her son, having at an earlier time artificially enlarged the figure of her womb to make him pass as her real and not a supposititious child. God makes all that He wills easy, however difficult be the accomplishment.",
+                    "[20] So now he received as his right the nurture and service due to a prince. Yet he did not bear himself like the mere infant that he was, nor delight in fun and laughter and sport, though those who had the charge of him did not grudge him relaxation or shew him any strictness;  but with a modest and serious bearing he applied himself to hearing and seeing what was sure to profit the soul.",
+                    "[21] Teachers at once arrived from different parts, some unbidden from the neighbouring countries and the provinces of Egypt, others summoned from Greece under promise of high reward. But in a short time he advanced beyond their capacities; his gifted nature forestalled their instruction, so that his seemed a case rather of recollection than of learning, and indeed he himself devised and propounded problems which they could not easily solve.",
+                    "[22] For great natures carve out much that is new in the way of knowledge; and, just as bodies, robust and agile in every part, free their trainers from care, and receive little or none of their usual attention, and in the same way well-grown and naturally healthy trees, which improve of themselves, give the husbandmen no trouble, so the gifted soul takes the lead in meeting the lessons given by itself rather than the teacher and is profited thereby, and as soon as it has a grasp of some of the first principles of knowledge presses forward like the horse to the meadow, ",
+                    "[23] as the proverb goes. Arithmetic, geometry, the lore of metre, rhythm and harmony, and the whole subject of music as shown by the use of instruments or in textbooks and treatises of a more special character, were imparted to him by learned Egyptians.  These further instructed him in the philosophy conveyed in symbols, as displayed in the so-called holy inscriptions and in the regard paid to animals, to which they even pay divine honours. He had Greeks to teach him the rest of the regular school course,  and the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries for Assyrian letters  and the Chaldean science of the heavenly bodies.",
+                    "[24] This he also acquired from Egyptians,  who give special attention to astrology. And, when he had mastered the lore of both nations, both where they agree and where they differ, he eschewed all strife and contention and sought only for truth. His mind was incapable of accepting any falsehood, as is the way with the sectarians, who defend the doctrines they have propounded, whatever they may be, without examining whether they can stand scrutiny, and thus put themselves on a par with hired advocates who have no thought nor care for justice."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[25] When he was now passing beyond the term of boyhood, his good sense became more active. He did not, as some, allow the lusts of adolescence to go unbridled, though the abundant resources which palaces provide supply numberless incentives to foster their flame. But he kept a tight hold on them with the reins, as it were, of temperance and self-control, and forcibly pulled them back from their forward course.",
+                    "[26] And each of the other passions, which rage so furiously if left to themselves, he tamed and assuaged and reduced to mildness; and if they did but gently stir or flutter he provided for them heavier chastisement than any rebuke of words could give; and in general he watched the first directions and impulses of the soul as one would a restive horse, in fear lest they should run away with the reason which ought to rein them in, and thus cause universal chaos. For it is these impulses which cause both good and bad—good when they obey the guidance of reason, bad when they turn from their regular course into anarchy.",
+                    "[27] Naturally, therefore, his associates and everyone else, struck with amazement at what they felt was a novel spectacle, considered earnestly what the mind which dwelt in his body like an image in its shrine could be, whether it was human or divine or a mixture of both, so utterly unlike was it to the majority, soaring above them and exalted to a grander height.",
+                    "[28] For on his belly he bestowed no more than the necessary tributes which nature has appointed, and as for the pleasures that have their seat below, save for the lawful begetting of children, they passed altogether even out of his memory.",
+                    "[29] And, in his desire to live to the soul alone and not to the body, he made a special practice of frugal contentment, and had an unparalleled scorn for a life of luxury. He exemplified his philosophical creed by his daily actions. His words expressed his feelings, and his actions accorded with his words, so that speech and life were in harmony, and thus through their mutual agreement were found to make melody together as on a musical intrument.",
+                    "[30] Now, most men, if they feel a breath of prosperity ever so small upon them, make much ado of puffing and blowing, and boast themselves as bigger than meaner men, and miscall them offscourings and nuisances and cumberers of the earth and other suchlike names, as if they themselves had the permanence of their prosperity securely sealed in their possession, though even the morrow may find them no longer where they are.",
+                    "[31] For nothing is more unstable than Fortune, who moves human affairs up and down on the draughtboard of life, and in a single day pulls down the lofty and exalts the lowly on high;  and though they see and know full well that this is always happening, they nevertheless look down on their relations and friends and set at naught the laws under which they were born and bred, and subvert the ancestral customs to which no blame can justly attach, by adopting different modes of life, and, in their contentment with the present, lose all memory of the past."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[32] But Moses, having reached the very pinnacle of human prosperity, regarded as the son of the king’s daughter, and in general expectation almost the successor to his grandfather’s sovereignty, and indeed regularly called the young king, was zealous for the discipline and culture of his kinsmen and ancestors. The good fortune of his adopters, he held, was a spurious one, even though the circumstances gave it greater lustre; that of his natural parents, though less distinguished for the nonce,",
+                    "[33] was at any rate his own and genuine; and so, estimating the claims of his real and his adopted parents like an impartial judge, he requited the former with good feeling and profound affection, the latter with gratitude for their kind treatment of him. And he would have continued to do so throughout had he not found the king adopting in the country a new and highly impious course of action.  The Jews,",
+                    "[34] as I have said before, were strangers, since famine had driven the founders of the nation, through lack of food, to migrate to Egypt from Babylon and the inland satrapies. They were, in a sense, suppliants, who had found a sanctuary in the pledged faith of the king and the pity felt for them by the inhabitants.",
+                    "[35] For strangers, in my judgement, must be regarded as suppliants of those who receive them, and not only suppliants but settlers and friends who are anxious to obtain equal rights with the burgesses and are near to being citizens because they differ little from the original inhabitants.",
+                    "[36] So, then, these strangers, who had left their own country and come to Egypt hoping to live there in safety as in a second fatherland, were made slaves by the ruler of the country and reduced to the condition of captives taken by the custom of war, or persons purchased from the masters in whose household they had been bred. And in thus making serfs of men who were not only free but guests, suppliants and settlers, he showed no shame or fear of the God of liberty and hospitality and of justice to guests and suppliants, Who watches over such as these.",
+                    "[37] Then he laid commands upon them, severe beyond their capacity, and added labour to labour; and, when they failed through weakness, the iron hand was upon them; for he chose as superintendents of the works men of the most cruel and savage temper who showed no mercy to anyone, men whose name of “task-pursuer” well described the facts.",
+                    "[38] Some of the workers wrought clay into brick, while others fetched from every quarter straw which served to bind the brick. Others were appointed to build houses and walls and cities or to cut canals. They carried the materials themselves day and night, with no shifts to relieve them, no period of rest, not even suffered just to sleep for a bit and then resume their work. In fact, they were compelled to do all the work, both of the artisan and his assistants, so that in a short time loss of heart was followed necessarily by bodily exhaustion.",
+                    "[39] This was shown by the way in which they died one after the other, as though they were the victims of a pestilence, to be flung unburied outside the borders by their masters, who did not allow the survivors even to collect dust to throw upon the corpses or even to shed tears for their kinsfolk or friends thus pitifully done to death. And, though nature has given to the untrammelled feelings of the soul a liberty which she has denied to almost everything else, they impiously threatened to exert their despotism over these also and suppressed them with the intolerable weight of a constraint more powerful than nature."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[40] All this continued to depress and anger Moses, who had no power either to punish those who did the wrong or help those who suffered it. What he could he did. He assisted with his words, exhorting the overseers to show clemency and relax and alleviate the stringency of their orders, and the workers to bear their present condition bravely, to display a manly spirit and not let their souls share the weariness of their bodies, but look for good to take the place of evil.",
+                    "[41] All things in the world, he told them, change to their opposites: clouds to open sky, violent winds to tranquil weather, stormy seas to calm and peaceful, and human affairs still more so, even as they are more unstable.",
+                    "[42] With such soothing words, like a good physician, he thought to relieve the sickness of their plight, terrible as it was. But, when it abated, it did but turn and make a fresh attack and gather from the breathing-space some new misery more powerful than its predecessors.",
+                    "[43] For some of the overseers were exceedingly harsh and ferocious, in savageness differing nothing from venomous and carnivorous animals, wild beasts in human shape who assumed in outward form the semblance of civilized beings only to beguile and catch their prey, in reality more unyielding than iron or adamant.",
+                    "[44] One of these, the cruellest of all, was killed by Moses, because he not only made no concession but was rendered harsher than ever by his exhortations, beating those who did not execute his orders with breathless promptness, persecuting them to the point of death and subjecting them to every outrage. Moses considered that his action in killing him was a righteous action. And righteous it was that one who only lived to destroy men should himself be destroyed.",
+                    "[45] When the king heard this, he was very indignant. What he felt so strongly was not that one man had been killed by another whether justly or unjustly, but that his own daughter’s son did not think with him, and had not considered the king’s friends and enemies to be his own friends and enemies, but hated those of whom he was fond, and loved those whom he rejected, and pitied those to whom he was relentless and inexorable."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[46] When those in authority who suspected the youth’s intentions, knowing that he would remember their wicked actions against them and take vengeance when the opportunity came, had thus once got a handle, they poured malicious suggestions by the thousand from every side into the open ears of his grandfather, so as to instil the fear that his sovereignty might be taken from him. “He will attack you,” they said, “he is highly ambitious. He is always busy with some further project. He is eager to get the kingship before the time comes. He flatters some, threatens others, slays without trial and treats as outcasts those who are most loyal to you. Why do you hesitate, instead of cutting short his projected undertakings? The aggressor is greatly served by delay on the part of his proposed victim.”",
+                    "[47] While such talk was in circulation, Moses retired into the neighbouring country of Arabia, where it was safe for him to stay, at the same time beseeching God to save the oppressed from their helpless, miserable plight, and to punish as they deserved the oppressors who had left no form of maltreatment untried, and to double the gift by granting to himself that he should see both these accomplished. God, in high approval of his spirit, which loved the good and hated evil, listened to his prayers, and very shortly judged the land and its doings as became His nature.",
+                    "[48] But, while the divine judgement was still waiting, Moses was carrying out the exercises of virtue with an admirable trainer, the reason within him, under whose discipline he laboured to fit himself for life in its highest forms, the theoretical and the practical. He was ever opening the scroll of philosophical doctrines, digested them inwardly with quick understanding, committed them to memory never to be forgotten, and straightway brought his personal conduct, praiseworthy in all respects, into conformity with them; for he desired truth rather than seeming, because the one mark he set before him was nature’s right reason, the sole source and fountain of virtues.",
+                    "[49] Now, any other who was fleeing from the king’s relentless wrath, and had just arrived for the first time in a foreign land, who had not yet become familiar with the customs of the natives nor gained exact knowledge of what pleases or offends them, might well have been eager to keep quiet and live in obscurity unnoticed by the multitude; or else he might have wished to come forward in public, and by obsequious persistence court the favour of men of highest authority and power, if none others, men who might be expected to give help and succour should some come and attempt to carry him off by force.",
+                    "[50] But the path which he took was the opposite of what we should expect. He followed the wholesome impulses of his soul, and suffered none of them to be brought to the ground. And, therefore, at times he showed a gallant temper beyond his fund of strength, for he regarded justice as strength invincible, which urged him on his self-appointed task to champion the weaker."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[51] I will describe an action of his at this time, which, though it may seem a petty matter, argues a spirit of no petty kind. The Arabs are breeders of cattle, and they employ for tending them not only men but women, youths and maidens alike, and not only those of insignificant and humble families but those of the highest position.",
+                    "[52] Seven maidens, daughters of the priest, had come to a well, and, after attaching the buckets to the ropes, drew water, taking turns with each to share the labour equally. They had with great industry filled the troughs which lay near,",
+                    "[53] when some other shepherds appeared on the spot who, disdaining the weakness of the girls, tried to drive them and their flock away, and proceeded to bring their own animals to the place where the water lay ready, and thus appropriate the labours of others.",
+                    "[54] But Moses, who was not far off, seeing what had happened, quickly ran up and, standing near by, said: “Stop this injustice. You think you can take advantage of the loneliness of the place. Are you not ashamed to let your arms and elbows live an idle life? You are masses of long hair and lumps of flesh, not men. The girls are working like youths, and shirk none of their duties, while you young men go daintily like girls.",
+                    "[55] Away with you: give place to those who were here before you, to whom the water belongs. Properly, you should have drawn for them, to make the supply more abundant; instead, you are all agog to take from them what they have provided. Nay, by the heavenly eye of justice, you shall not take it; for that eye sees even what is done in the greatest solitude.",
+                    "[56] In me at least it has appointed a champion whom you did not expect, for I fight to succour these injured maidens, allied to a mighty arm which the rapacious may not see, but you shall feel its invisible power to wound if you do not change your ways.”",
+                    "[57] As he proceeded thus, they were seized with fear that they were listening to some oracular utterance, for as he spoke he grew inspired and was transfigured into a prophet. They became submissive, and led the maidens’ flock to the troughs, after removing their own."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[58] The girls went home in high glee, and told the story of the unexpected event to their father, who thence conceived a strong desire to see the stranger, which he showed by censuring them for their ingratitude. “What possessed you,” he said, “to let him depart? You should have brought him straight along, and pressed him if he showed reluctance. Did you ever have to charge me with unsociable ways? Do you not expect that you may again fall in with those who would wrong you? Those who forget kindness are sure to lack defenders. Still, your error is not yet past cure. Run back with all speed, and invite him to receive from me first the entertainment due to him as a stranger, secondly some requital of the favour which we owe to him.”",
+                    "[59] They hurried back and found him not far from the well, and, after explaining their father’s message, persuaded him to come home with them. Their father was at once struck with admiration of his face, and soon afterwards of his disposition, for great natures are transparent and need no length of time to be recognized. Accordingly, he gave him the fairest of his daughters in marriage, and, by that one action, attested all his noble qualities, and showed that excellence standing alone deserves our love, and needs no commendation from aught else, but carries within itself the tokens by which it is known.",
+                    "[60] After the marriage, Moses took charge of the sheep and tended them, thus receiving his first lesson in command of others; for the shepherd’s business is a training-ground and a preliminary exercise in kingship for one who is destined to command the herd of mankind, the most civilized of herds, just as also hunting is for warlike natures, since those who are trained to generalship practise themselves first in the chase.  And thus unreasoning animals are made to subserve as material wherewith to gain practice in government in the emergencies of both peace and war;",
+                    "[61] for the chase of wild animals is a drilling-ground for the general in fighting the enemy, and the care and supervision of tame animals is a schooling for the king in dealing with his subjects, and therefore kings are called “shepherds of their people,” not as a term of reproach but as the highest honour.",
+                    "[62] And my opinion, based not on the opinions of the multitude but on my own inquiry into the truth of the matter, is that the only perfect king (let him laugh who will) is one who is skilled in the knowledge of shepherding, one who has been trained by management of the inferior creatures to manage the superior. For initiation in the lesser mysteries must precede initiation in the greater. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[63] To return to Moses, he became more skilled than any of his time in managing flocks and providing what tended to the benefit of his charges. His capacity was due to his never shirking any duty, but showing an eager and unprompted zeal wherever it was needed, and maintaining a pure and guileless honesty in the conduct of his office.",
+                    "[64] Consequently the flocks increased under him, and this roused the envy of the other graziers, who did not see anything of the sort happening in their own flocks. In their case it was felt to be a piece of luck if they remained as they had been, but with the flocks of Moses any failure to make daily improvement was a set-back, so great was the progress regularly made, both in fine quality, through increased fatness and firmness of flesh, and in number through their fecundity and the wholesomeness of their food.",
+                    "[65] Now, as he was leading the flock to a place where the water and the grass were abundant, and where there happened to be plentiful growth of herbage for the sheep, he found himself at a glen where he saw a most astonishing sight. There was a bramble-bush, a thorny sort of plant, and of the most weakly kind, which, without anyone’s setting it alight, suddenly took fire; and, though enveloped from root to twigs in a mass of fire, which looked as though it were spouted up from a fountain, yet remained whole, and, instead of being consumed, seemed to be a substance impervious to attack, and, instead of serving as fuel to the fire, actually fed on it.",
+                    "[66] In the midst of the flame was a form of the fairest beauty, unlike any visible object, an image supremely divine in appearance, refulgent with a light brighter than the light of fire. It might be supposed that this was the image of Him that IS; but let us rather call it an angel or herald, since, with a silence that spoke more clearly than speech, it employed as it were the miracle of sight to herald future events.",
+                    "[67] For the burning bramble was a symbol of those who suffered wrong, as the flaming fire of those who did it. Yet that which burned was not burnt up, and this was a sign that the sufferers would not be destroyed by their aggressors, who would find that the aggression was vain and profitless while the victims of malice escaped unharmed. The angel was a symbol of God’s providence, which all silently brings relief to the greatest dangers, exceeding every hope."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[68] But the details of the comparison must be considered. The bramble, as I have said, is a very weakly plant, yet it is prickly and will wound if one do but touch it. Again, though fire is naturally destructive, the bramble was not devoured thereby, but on the contrary was guarded by it, and remained just as it was before it took fire, lost nothing at all but gained an additional brightness.",
+                    "[69] All this is a description of the nation’s condition as it then stood, and we may think of it as a voice proclaiming to the sufferers: “Do not lose heart; your weakness is your strength, which can prick, and thousands will suffer from its wounds. Those who desire to consume you will be your unwilling saviours instead of your destroyers. Your ills will work you no ill. Nay, just when the enemy is surest of ravaging you, your fame will shine forth most gloriously.”",
+                    "[70] Again fire, the element which works destruction, convicts the cruel-hearted.  “Exult not in your own strength” it says. “Behold your invincible might brought low, and learn wisdom. The property of flame is to consume, yet it is consumed, like wood. The nature of wood is to be consumed yet it is manifested as the consumer, as though it were the fire.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[71] After showing to Moses this miraculous portent, so clearly warning him of the events that were to be, God begins in oracular speech to urge him to take charge of the nation with all speed, in the capacity not merely of an assistant to their liberation, but of the leader who would shortly take them from Egypt to another home. He promised to help him in everything:",
+                    "[72] “For,” he said, “suffering, as they do, prolonged ill-treatment, and subjected to intolerable outrages, with no relief or pity for their miseries from men, I have taken compassion on them Myself. For I know that each severally, and all unitedly, have betaken themselves to prayers and supplications in hope to gain help from Me, and I am of a kindly nature and gracious to true suppliants.",
+                    "[73] Now go to the king of the land, and fear not at all, for the former king from whom you fled in fear that he meant mischief is dead, and the land is in the hands of another who does not remember any of your actions against you. Take with you also the elders of the nation, and tell him that the people has received a command from Me to make a three-days’ journey beyond the bounds of the country, and there sacrifice according to the rites of their fathers.”",
+                    "[74] Moses knew well that his own nation and all the others would disbelieve his words, and said: “If they ask the name of him who sent me, and I cannot myself tell them, will they not think me a deceiver?”",
+                    "[75] God replied: “First tell them that I am He Who IS, that they may learn the difference between what IS and what is not, and also the further lesson that no name at all can properly be used of Me,",
+                    "[76] to Whom alone existence belongs. And, if, in their natural weakness, they seek some title to use, tell them not only that I am God, but also the God of the three men whose names express their virtue, each of them the exemplar of the wisdom they have gained—Abraham by teaching, Isaac by nature, Jacob by practice.  And, if they still disbelieve, three signs which no man has ever before seen or heard of will be sufficient lesson to convert them.”",
+                    "[77] The signs were such as these. He bade him cast on the ground the rod which he carried, and this at once took life and began to creep, and became that high chief of the reptile kingdom, a huge serpent grown to full strength. Moses quickly leaped away from the creature, and, in his fright, was starting to fly, when he was recalled by God, and, at His bidding and inspired by Him with courage,",
+                    "[78] grasped its tail. It was still wriggling, but stopped at his touch, and, stretching itself to its full length, was metamorphosed at once into the rod which it had been before, so that Moses marvelled at the double change, unable to decide which was the more astonishing, so evenly balanced was the profound impression which each made upon his soul.",
+                    "[79] This was the first miracle, and a second followed soon. God bade him conceal one of his hands in his bosom, and, after a little while, draw it out. And when he did as he was bid, the hand suddenly appeared whiter than snow. He did the same again, put it in his bosom and then brought it out, when it turned to its original colour and recovered its proper appearance.",
+                    "[80] These lessons he received when he and God were alone together, like pupil and master, and while the instruments of the miracles, the hand and the staff, with which he was equipped for his mission were both in his own possession.",
+                    "[81] But the third had its birthplace in Egypt. It was one which he could not carry with him or rehearse beforehand, yet the amazement which it was sure to cause was quite as great. It was this: “The water,” God said, “which thou dost draw from the river and pour on the land will be blood quite ruddy, and not only its colour but its properties will be completely changed.”",
+                    "[82] Moses evidently felt that this too was credible, not only because of the infallibility of the Speaker, but through the proofs he had already been shewn in the miracles of the hand and the staff.",
+                    "[83] But, though he believed, he tried to refuse the mission, declaring that he was not eloquent, but feeble of voice and slow of tongue, especially ever since he heard God speaking to him; for he considered that human eloquence compared with God’s was dumbness, and also, cautious as he was by nature, he shrank from things sublime and judged that matters of such magnitude were not for him. And therefore he begged Him to choose another, who would prove able to execute with ease all that was committed to him.",
+                    "[84] But God, though approving his modesty, answered: “Dost thou not know who it is that gave man a mouth, and formed his tongue and throat and all the organism of reasonable speech? It is I Myself: therefore, fear not, for at a sign from Me all will become articulate and be brought over to method and order, so that none can hinder the stream of words from flowing easily and smoothly from a fountain undefiled. And, if thou shouldst have need of an interpreter, thou wilt have in thy brother a mouth to assist thy service, to report to the people thy words, as thou reportest those of God to him.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[85] Moses, hearing this, and knowing how unsafe and hazardous it was to persist in gainsaying, took his departure, and travelled with his wife and children on the road to Egypt. During the journey he met his brother, to whom he declared the divine message, and persuaded him to accompany him. His brother’s soul, in fact, had already, through the watchful working of God, been predisposed to obedience, so that without hesitation he assented and readily followed.",
+                    "[86] When they had arrived in Egypt, one in mind and heart, they first summoned the senators of the nation secretly, and informed them of the oracles, and how God had, in pity and compassion for them, assured them liberty and departure from their present to a better country, and promised to be Himself their leader.",
+                    "[87] After this they were now emboldened to talk to the king, and lay before him their request that he should send the people out of his boundaries to sacrifice. They told him that their ancestral sacrifices must be performed in the desert, as they did not conform with those of the rest of mankind, but so exceptional were the customs peculiar to the Hebrews that their rule and method of sacrifices ran counter to the common course. ",
+                    "[88] The king, whose soul from his earliest years was weighed down with the pride of many generations, did not accept a God discernible only by the mind, or any at all beyond those whom his eyes beheld; and therefore he answered insolently: “Who is he whom I must obey? I know not this new Lord of whom you speak. I refuse to send the nation forth to run loose under pretext of festival and sacrifices.”",
+                    "[89] Then, in the harshness and ferocity and obstinacy of his temper, he bade the overseers of the tasks treat the people with contumely, for showing slackness and laziness. “For just this,” he said, “was what was meant by the proposal to hold festival and sacrifice—things the very memory of which was lost by the hard pressed, and retained only by those whose life was spent in much comfort and luxury.”",
+                    "[90] Thus they endured woes more grievous than ever, and were enraged against Moses and his companion as deceivers, abusing them, sometimes secretly, sometimes openly, and accusing them of impiety in that they appeared to have spoken falsely of God. Whereupon Moses began to show the wonders which he had been previously taught to perform, thinking that the sight would convert them from the prevailing unbelief to belief in his words.",
+                    "[91] The exhibition of these wonders to the king and the Egyptian nobles followed very quickly;"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "so, when all the magnates had collected at the palace, the brother of Moses took his staff, and, after waving it in a very conspicuous manner, flung it on the ground, where it immediately turned into a serpent, while the onlookers standing round were filled with wonder, fell back in fear, and were on the point of running away.",
+                    "[92] But all the wizards and magicians who were present said: “Why are you terrified? We, too, are practised in such matters, and we use our skill to produce similar results.” Then, as each of them threw down the staff which he held, there appeared a multitude of serpents writhing round a single one;",
+                    "[93] that one, the first, showed its great superiority by rising high, widening its chest and opening its mouth, when with the suction of its breath it swept the others in with irresistible force, like a whole draught of fishes encircled by the net, and, after swallowing them up, changed to its original nature, and became a staff.",
+                    "[94] By this time, the marvellous spectacle had refuted the scepticism in every ill-disposed person’s soul, and they now regarded these events not as the works of human cunning or artifices fabricated to deceive, but as brought about by some diviner power to which every feat is easy.",
+                    "[95] But, though they were compelled by the clear evidence of the facts to admit the truth, they did not abate their audacity, but clung to their old inhumanity and impiety as though it were the surest of blessings. They did not show mercy to those who were unjustly enslaved, nor carry out the orders which had divine authority,  since God had shown His will by the proofs of signs and wonders, which are clearer than oracles. And therefore a severer visitation was needed, and volley of those blows whereby fools whom reason has not disciplined are brought to their senses.",
+                    "[96] The punishments inflicted on the land were ten—a perfect number for the chastisement of those who brought sin to perfection. The chastisement was different from the usual kind,"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "for the elements of the universe—earth, fire, air, water—carried out the assault. God’s judgement was that the materials which had served to produce the world should serve also to destrov the land of the impious; and to show the mightiness of the sovereignty which He holds, what He shaped in His saving goodness to create the universe He turned into instruments for the perdition of the impious whenever He would.",
+                    "[97] He distributed the punishments in this wise: three belonging to the denser elements, earth and water, which have gone to make our bodily qualities what they are, He committed to the brother of Moses; another set of three, belonging to air and fire, the two most productive of life, He gave to Moses alone; one, the seventh, He committed to both in common; and the other three which go to complete the ten He reserved to Himself. ",
+                    "[98] He began by bringing into play first the plagues of water; for, since the Egyptians had paid a specially high homage to water, which they believed to be the original source of the creation of the All, He thought well to summon water first to reprove and admonish its votaries.",
+                    "[99] What, then, was the event which so soon came to pass? The brother of Moses, at the command of God, smote the river with his staff, and at once, from Ethiopia to the sea, it turned into blood, and so did also the lakes, canals, springs, wells and fountains and all the existing water-supply of Egypt. Consequently, having nothing to drink, they dug up the ground along the banks; but the veins thus opened spouted up squirts of blood, which shot up as in haemorrhages, and not a drop of clear liquid was anywhere to be seen.",
+                    "[100] Every kind of fish died therein, since its life-giving properties had become a means of destruction, so that a general stench pervaded everything from all these bodies rotting together. Also a great multitude of men, killed by thirst, lay in heaps at the cross-roads, since their relatives had not the strength to carry the dead to the tombs.",
+                    "[101] For seven days the terror reigned, until the Egyptians besought Moses and his brother, and they besought God, to take pity on the perishing. And He Whose nature is to show mercy changed the blood into water fit for drinking, and restored to the river its old health-giving flood free from impurity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[102] For a very short time they relaxed, but soon betook themselves to the same cruelty and lawlessness as before, and seemed to think that either justice had disappeared utterly from amongst men, or that those who had suffered one punishment could not be expected to receive a second blow. But, like foolish children, they were taught once more by experience not to despise the warning. For chastisement, dogging their steps, slowed down when they tarried, but when they hastened to deeds of wickedness quickened its pace and overtook them.",
+                    "[103] For once more the brother of Moses, at God’s command, stretched forth and brought his rod upon the canals and lakes and fens; and, as he stretched it, a multitude of frogs crept up, so numerous that not only the market-places and all the open spaces, but all the farm-buildings as well, and houses and temples and every place, public or private, was filled with them, as though it were nature’s purpose to send one kind of the aquatic animals to colonize the opposite region, since land is the opposite of water.",
+                    "[104] The people, who could neither go out into the streets, because the passages were occupied by the frogs, nor yet stay indoors, because they had already crept up even to the tops of the houses and taken up the inmost recesses, were in the most unhappy and desperate straits.",
+                    "[105] So, after the king had promised them to permit the Hebrews to leave the land, they fled for refuge to those who had helped them before; and they made intercession with God, and when their prayer was granted some of the frogs went back into the river, and others died at once and lay in heaps at the cross-roads, to which the Egyptians added the piles of those which they brought out of their houses, because of the intolerable stench arising from the dead bodies, and bodies of a kind which, even when alive, is highly displeasing to the senses."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[106] But, having thus obtained a short breathing-space from punishment, and, like athletes in the arena, rallied their forces, only to gain fresh strength for evil-doing, they quickly returned to their familiar wickedness, forgetful of the evils which they had suffered so long. ",
+                    "[107] Then God stayed from using water to afflict them, and used the earth instead; but appointed the same minister of chastisement, who once more, when bidden, struck the ground with his staff, when a stream of gnats  poured forth, and spread like a cloud over the whole extent of Egypt.",
+                    "[108] Now the gnat is a very small creature, but exceedingly troublesome, for it not only causes mischief to the surface of the body, and produces an unpleasant and very noxious itching, but it forces its way inside through the nostrils and ears, and also flies into and damages the pupils of the eyes, if one does not take precautions. And what precautions would be possible against such a stream, especially when it is a chastisement sent by God?",
+                    "[109] Someone perhaps may ask why He punished the land through such petty and insignificant creatures, and refrained from using bears and lions and panthers and the other kinds of savage beasts which feed on human flesh; and, if not these, at any rate the asps of Egypt, whose bites are such as to cause immediate death.",
+                    "[110] If such a person really does not know the answer, let him learn it: first, God wished to admonish the inhabitants of the land rather than to destroy them, for had He wished to annihilate them altogether He would not have taken animals to co-operate in His visitation, but calamities sent direct from heaven—pestilence and famine.",
+                    "[111] And after this the inquirer should be taught a further lesson, and one that is needed throughout life. What is this? When men make war, they look round to find the most powerful auxiliaries to fight beside them, and so compensate for their own weakness; but God, the highest and greatest power, needs no one. But if, at any time, He wills to use any as instruments for His vengeance, He does not choose the strongest and the greatest, of whose might He takes no account, but provides the slightest and the smallest with irresistible and invincible powers, and through them wreaks vengeance on the evil-doers. So it was in this case.",
+                    "[112] For what is slighter than a gnat? Yet so great was its power that all Egypt lost heart, and was forced to cry aloud: “This is the finger of God”; for as for His hand not all the habitable world from end to end could stand against it, or rather not even the whole universe. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[113] Such, then, were the punishments in which the brother of Moses was the agent. We have now, in due course, to examine those which were administered by Moses himself, and to shew what were the parts of nature which went to their making. We find that air and heaven, the purest portions of the universe, took on the succession to earth and water in that admonition of Egypt which Moses was appointed to superintend.",
+                    "[114] First, he began to cause disturbance in the air. We must remember that Egypt is almost the only country, apart from those in southern latitudes, which is unvisited by one of the year’s seasons—winter. The reason may be, some say, that it is not far from the torrid zone, and that the fiery heat which insensibly emanates thence warms all its surroundings. It may be, again, that the clouds are used up beforehand by the flooding of the river at the summer solstice.",
+                    "[115] The river begins to rise as the summer opens, and ceases when it ceases, and during that time the Etesian winds sweep down opposite to the mouths of the Nile and put a stop to its outflow through them. For, as the sea rises to a great height through the violence of the winds, extending its huge billows like a long wall, it coops the river up within; and then as the stream which flows from the upland springs, and the other which should find its way out but is driven inland by the obstacles which face it, meet each other, prevented as they are from expanding by the banks which compress them on either side, the river naturally rises aloft.",
+                    "[116] Another possible reason is that winter is unneeded in Egypt. For the river, by making a lake of the fields, and thus producing the yearly crops, serves the purpose of rainfall.",
+                    "[117] And, indeed, nature is no wastrel in her work, to provide rain for a land which does not want it. At the same time she rejoices to employ her science in works of manifold variety, and thus out of contrarieties form the harmony of the universe. And therefore she supplies the benefit of water to some from heaven above, to others from the springs and rivers below.",
+                    "[118] Such was the condition of the land, enjoying springtime at mid-winter, the seaboard enriched by only slight showers, while the parts above Memphis, where the royal palace of Egypt was, experienced no rainfall at all, when suddenly a complete change came over the air, and all the visitations which belong to severe winter fell upon it in a body: rainstorms, a great quantity of heavy hail, violent winds, clashing and roaring against each other, cloudbursts, continuous claps of thunder and flashes of lightning and constant thunderbolts. These last provided a most marvellous spectacle, for they ran through the hail, their natural antagonist, and yet did not melt it nor were quenched by it, but unchanged coursed up and down and kept guard over the hail.",
+                    "[119] Intense was the despondency to which the inhabitants were reduced, not only by the disastrous onset of all these things, but by the strangeness of the event. For they thought, as indeed was the case, that divine wrath had brought about these novel happenings; that the air in a way unknown before had conspired to ruin and destroy the trees and fruits, while at the same time many animals perished, some through excessive cold, others stoned to death, as it were, through the weight of the falling hail, others consumed by the fire, while some survived half-burnt and bore the marks of the wounds inflicted by the thunderbolts as a warning to the beholders."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[120] When the plague abated, and the king and his surroundings recovered their courage, Moses, at God’s command,  stretched his rod into the air, and then a violent south  wind swooped down, gaining force and intensity throughout the day and night. This in itself was a source of much mischief, for the south wind is dry and produces headache and makes hearing difficult, and thus is fitted to cause distress and suffering, particularly in Egypt which lies well to the south, where the sun and the planets have their orbits, so that when the wind sets it in motion the scorching of the sun is pushed forward with it, and burns up everything.",
+                    "[121] But it also brought with it a huge multitude of creatures which destroyed the plants, locusts that is, who poured forth ceaselessly like a stream, and filling the whole air devoured whatever the lightnings and hail had left, so that nothing any longer could be seen growing in all that great country.",
+                    "[122] Then those in authority, reluctantly brought to a full realization of their own evil plight, approached the king and said: “How long will you refuse to grant these men leave to depart? Do you not yet understand that Egypt is destroyed?” The king yielded, or appeared to do so, and promised to comply if he were relieved from the dire scourge. And when Moses prayed again, a wind from the sea caught and scattered the locusts.",
+                    "[123] But, when they were scattered, and the king was sick to death at the thought of releasing the people, a plague  arose greater than all that had gone before; for, in bright daylight, darkness was suddenly overspread, possibly because there was an eclipse of the sun more complete than the ordinary, or perhaps because the stream of rays was cut off by continuous clouds, compressed with great force into masses of unbroken density. The result was that night and day were the same, and indeed what else could it seem but a single night of great length, equivalent to three days and the same number of nights?",
+                    "[124] Then, indeed, as we are told, some who had thrown themselves on their beds did not dare to rise from them, while others, when any of the needs of nature pressed, felt their way along the walls or any other object, proceeding with difficulty as though they were blind. For the light of artificial fire  was partly quenched by the prevailing storm wind, partly dimmed to the point of disappearance by the depth of the darkness, so that sight, the most indispensable of the senses, though sound in itself, was helpless and unable to see anything; and the other senses were discomfited,",
+                    "[125] like subjects when their queen has fallen. For men could not bring themselves to speak or hear or take food, but lay tortured in silence and famine with no heart to use any of the senses, so entirely overwhelmed were they by the disaster, until Moses again took pity and besought God, Who made light to take the place of darkness, and day of night, with bright open sky all around."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[126] Such, we are told, were the plagues  inflicted through the agency of Moses alone, namely the plague of hail and lightning, the plague of the locusts, and that of the darkness which was proof against every form of light. One was committed to him and his brother together, which I will at once proceed to describe.",
+                    "[127] They took in their hands, at God’s bidding, ashes from a furnace, which Moses scattered in the air, and then dust suddenly fell upon men and the lower animals alike. It produced an angry, painful ulceration over the whole skin, and, simultaneously with this eruption, their bodies swelled with suppurated blisters, which might be supposed to be extravasations from inflammation lurking beneath.",
+                    "[128] Oppressed as they naturally were by the extreme painfulness and soreness of the ulceration and inflammation, they suffered in spirit more or no less than in body from the exhaustion which their miseries produced. For one continuous ulcer was to be seen stretching from head to foot, the sores scattered over every particular limb and part of the body being concentrated into a single form of the same appearance throughout. So it was until, again by the intercessions which the lawgiver made on behalf of the sufferers, the distemper was lightened.",
+                    "[129] Rightly indeed was this chastisement committed to the two in common: to the brother because the dust which came down upon the people was from the earth, and what was of earth was under his charge; to Moses because the air was changed to afflict them, and plagues of heaven and air belonged to his ministration."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[130] The three remaining chastisements were self-wrought, without any human agent, each of which I will proceed to describe as well as possible. In the first, a creature is employed whose ferocity is unequalled in all nature—the dog-fly.  This name, which the coiners of words in their wisdom have given it, well expresses its character, for it is a compound formed from the two most shameless animals of the land and the air—the dog and the fly. Both these are persistent and fearless in their assaults, and if one attempts to ward them off meet him with a perseverance which refuses to be beaten, until they have got their fill of flesh and blood.",
+                    "[131] The dog-fly has acquired the audacity of both, and is a creature venomous and vicious, which comes with a whirr from a distance, hurls itself like a javelin, and, with a violent onrush, fastens itself firmly on its victim.",
+                    "[132] On this occasion the assault was also divinely impelled, so that its viciousness was doubled, prompted by avidity due not only to nature but to divine providence, which armed the creature and roused it to use its force against the population.",
+                    "[133] After the dog-fly there followed again a chastisement brought about without human co-operation, the death of the live-stock ; for great herds of oxen and sheep and goats, and every kind of beast of burden and other cattle, perished as by a single agreed signal in a single day, whole droves at a time, thus presaging the destruction of men which was about to follow, just as we find in epidemics. For pestilential disorders are said to be preluded by a sudden murrain among the lower animals."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[134] After this came the tenth and final judgement, transcending all its predecessors.  This was the death of the Egyptians, not of the whole population, since God’s purpose was not to make a complete desert of the country, but only to teach them a lesson, nor yet of the great majority of the men and women of every age. Instead, He permitted the rest to live, but sentenced the first-born only to death, beginning with the king and ending with the meanest woman who grinds at the mill, in each case their eldest male child.",
+                    "[135] For, about midnight, those who had been the first to call their parents father and mother, first to be called sons by them,  all in full health and robust of body, were suddenly cut off wholesale without apparent cause, and no household, as we are told, was spared this calamity.",
+                    "[136] When dawn came, every family, seeing their dearest thus unexpectedly dead, who, up till the evening, had shared their home and board, were naturally struck with profound grief and filled the whole place with their lamentations. And so, since in this general disaster the same emotion drew from all a united outcry, one single dirge of wailing resounded from end to end of the whole land.",
+                    "[137] And, as long as they stayed in their houses, everyone, ignorant of his neighbour’s evil plight, bewailed his own only; but, when they came forth and learned what had befallen the rest, their grief was straightway doubled. To the personal sorrow, the lighter and lesser, was added the public, greater and heavier, since they lost even the hope of consolation. For who could be expected to comfort another if he needs consolation himself?",
+                    "[138] And, as so often happens in such circumstances, they thought that their present condition was but the beginning of greater evils, and were filled with fear of the destruction of those who still lived. Consequently, bathed in tears and with garments rent, they rushed together to the palace and cried out against the king as the cause of all the dire events that had befallen them.",
+                    "[139] If, they said, at the very beginning, when Moses first entreated him, he had suffered the people to go forth, they would have experienced none at all of these happenings; but, as he indulged his usual self-will, the rewards of his contentiousness had been promptly reaped by themselves. Then they exhorted each other to use all speed in driving the people from the whole country, and declared that to detain them even for a single day, or rather only for an hour, would bring upon them a deadly vengeance."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[140] The Hebrews, thus hunted as outcasts from the land, and conscious of their own high lineage, were emboldened to act as was natural to them, as freemen and men who were not oblivious of the injustices which malice had inflicted on them;",
+                    "[141] for they took out with them much spoil, which they carried partly on their backs, partly laid on their beasts of burden. And they did this not in avarice, or, as their accusers might say, in covetousness of what belonged to others. No, indeed. In the first place, they were but receiving a bare wage for all their time of service; secondly, they were retaliating, not on an equal but on a lesser scale, for their enslavement. For what resemblance is there between forfeiture of money and deprivation of liberty, for which men of sense are willing to sacrifice not only their substance but their life?",
+                    "[142] In either case, their action was right, whether one regard it as an act of peace, the acceptance of payment long kept back through reluctance to pay what was due, or as an act of war, the claim under the law of the victors to take their enemies’ goods. For the Egyptians began the wrongdoing by reducing guests and suppliants to slavery like captives, as I said before. The Hebrews, when the opportunity came, avenged themselves without warlike preparations, shielded by justice whose arm was extended to defend them."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[143] With all these plagues and punishments was Egypt admonished, none of which touched the Hebrews, though they dwelt in the same cities and villages and houses, and though earth, water, air, fire, the constituent parts of that nature which it is impossible to escape, joined in the attack. And the strangest thing of all was that the same elements in the same place and at the same time brought destruction to one people and safety to the other.",
+                    "[144] The river changed to blood, but not for the Hebrews; for, when they wished to draw from it, it turned into good drinking-water. The frog tribe crept from the water on to the land, and filled the market-places, the farm buildings and houses, but held aloof from the Hebrews alone, as though it knew how to distinguish who should be punished and who should not.",
+                    "[145] Neither the gnats, nor the dog-flies nor the locusts, which did so great damage to plants and fruits and animals and men, winged their way to them; neither the rainstorm nor the hail nor the thunderbolts which fell continuously reached as far as them. That most painful ulceration was not felt, or even imagined, by them. When the others were wrapped in profound darkness, they lived in clear radiance with the light of day shining upon them. When the first-born of the Egyptians was slain, no Hebrew died, nor was it likely that they should, when even the murrain, by which numberless cattle perished, did not involve a single herd of theirs in the destruction.",
+                    "[146] Indeed, I think that everyone who witnessed the events of that time could not but have thought of the Hebrews as spectators of the sufferings of others, and not merely spectators in safety, but learners thereby of the finest and most profitable of lessons—piety. For never was judgement so clearly passed on good and bad, a judgement which brought perdition to the latter and salvation to the former."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[147] The departing emigrants had among them over six hundred thousand men of military age, while the rest of the multitude, consisting of old men, womenfolk and children, could not easily be counted. They were accompanied by a promiscuous, nondescript and menial crowd, a bastard host, so to speak, associated with the true-born. These were the children of Egyptian women by Hebrew fathers into whose families they had been adopted, also those who, reverencing the divine favour shewn to the people, had come over to them, and such as were converted and brought to a wiser mind by the magnitude and the number of the successive punishments. ",
+                    "[148] The appointed leader of all these was Moses, invested with this office and kingship, not like some of those who thrust themselves into positions of power by means of arms and engines of war and strength of infantry, cavalry and navy, but on account of his goodness and his nobility of conduct and the universal benevolence which he never failed to shew. Further, his office was bestowed upon him by God, the lover of virtue and nobility, as the reward due to him.",
+                    "[149] For, when he gave up the lordship of Egypt, which he held as son to the daughter of the then reigning king, because the sight of the iniquities committed in the land and his own nobility of soul and magnanimity of spirit and inborn hatred of evil led him to renounce completely his expected inheritance from the kinsfolk of his adoption, He Who presides over and takes charge of all things thought good to requite him with the kingship of a nation more populous and mightier, a nation destined to be consecrated above all others to offer prayers for ever on behalf of the human race that it may be delivered from evil and participate in what is good.",
+                    "[150] Having received this office, he did not, like some, take pains to exalt his own house, and promote his sons, of whom he had two, to great power and make them his consorts for the present and his successors for the hereafter. For in all things great and small he followed a pure and guileless policy, and, like a good judge, allowed the incorruptibility of reason to subdue his natural affection for his children.",
+                    "[151] For he had set before him one essential aim, to benefit his subjects; and, in all that he said or did, to further their interests and neglect no opportunity which would forward the common well-being.",
+                    "[152] In solitary contrast to those who had hitherto held the same authority, he did not treasure up gold and silver, did not levy tributes, did not possess houses or chattels or livestock or a staff of slaves or revenues or any other accompaniment of costly and opulent living, though he might have had all in abundance.",
+                    "[153] He held that to prize material wealth shews poverty of soul, and despised such wealth as blind; but the wealth of nature which has eyes to see he highly honoured and zealously pursued, more perhaps than any other man. In dress and food and the other sides of life, he made no arrogant parade to increase his pomp and grandeur. But, while in these he practised the economy and unassuming ways of a private citizen, he was liberal in the truly royal expenditure of those treasures which the ruler may well desire to have in abundance.",
+                    "[154] These treasures were the repeated exhibition of self-restraint, continence, temperance, shrewdness, good sense, knowledge, endurance of toil and hardships, contempt of pleasures, justice, advocacy of excellence, censure and chastisement according to law for wrong-doers, praise and honour for well-doers, again as the law directs."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[155] And so, as he abjured the accumulation of lucre, and the wealth whose influence is mighty among men, God rewarded him by giving him instead the greatest and most perfect wealth. That is the wealth of the whole earth and sea and rivers, and of all the other elements and the combinations which they form. For, since God judged him worthy to appear as a partner of His own possessions, He gave into his hands the whole world as a portion well fitted for His heir.",
+                    "[156] Therefore, each element obeyed him as its master, changed its natural properties and submitted to his command, and this perhaps is no wonder. For if, as the proverb says, what belongs to friends is common,  and the prophet is called the friend of God,  it would follow that he shares also God’s possessions, so far as it is serviceable.",
+                    "[157] For God possesses all things, but needs nothing; while the good man, though he possesses nothing in the proper sense, not even himself, partakes of the precious things of God so far as he is capable. And that is but natural, for he is a world citizen, and therefore not on the roll of any city of men’s habitation, rightly so because he has received no mere piece of land but the whole world as his portion.",
+                    "[158] Again, was not the joy of his partnership with the Father and Maker of all magnified also by the honour of being deemed worthy to bear the same title? For he was named god and king of the whole nation, and entered, we are told, into the darkness where God was,  that is into the unseen, invisible, incorporeal and archetypal essence of existing things. Thus he beheld what is hidden from the sight of mortal nature, and, in himself and his life displayed for all to see, he has set before us, like some well-wrought picture, a piece of work beautiful and godlike, a model for those who are willing to copy it.",
+                    "[159] Happy are they who imprint, or strive to imprint, that image in their souls. For it were best that the mind should carry the form of virtue in perfection, but, failing this, let it at least have the unflinching desire to possess that form.",
+                    "[160] And, indeed, we all know this, that meaner men emulate men of distinction, and set their inclinations in the direction of what <i>they</i> seem to desire. Thus, when a ruler begins to shew profligacy and turn to a life of luxury, the whole body almost of his subjects gives full vent to the appetites of belly and sex beyond their actual needs, save in the case of some who, blessed by the gifts of nature, possess a soul kindly and propitious and free from viciousness;",
+                    "[161] whereas, if that ruler adopt a more severe and more serious rule of life, even the very licentious are converted to continence and are eager, either through fear or shame, to create the impression that, after all, their aims are like to his. In fact the worse, even in madness, will never be found to condemn the ways of the better.",
+                    "[162] Perhaps, too, since he was destined to be a legislator, the providence of God which afterwards appointed him without his knowledge to that work, caused him long before that day to be the reasonable and living impersonation of law."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[163] So, having received the authority which they willingly gave him, with the sanction and assent of God, he proposed to lead them to settle in Phoenicia and Coelesyria and Palestine, then called the land of the Canaanites, the boundaries of which were three days’ journey from Egypt.",
+                    "[164] The course by which he then led them was not the straight road. He avoided this, partly because he was apprehensive that if the inhabitants, fearing to lose their homes and personal liberty, offered them opposition, and war ensued, they might return by the same road to Egypt, and thus, exchanging one enemy for another, the new for the old, might be mocked, derided and subjected to hardships worse and more painful than what they underwent before. Partly, too, he wished by leading them through a long stretch of desert country to test the extent of their loyalty when supplies were not abundant but gradually grew scarcer and scarcer.",
+                    "[165] Therefore, leaving the straight road, he found one at an angle to it, and, thinking that it extended to the Red Sea, began the journey. It was then, we are told, that there occurred a prodigy, a mighty work of nature, the like of which none can remember to have been seen in the past.",
+                    "[166] A cloud shaped like a tall pillar, the light of which in the day-time was as the sun and in night as flame, went before the host, so that they should not stray in their journey, but follow in the steps of a guide who could never err. Perhaps indeed there was enclosed within the cloud one of the lieutenants of the great King, an unseen angel, a forerunner on whom the eyes of the body were not permitted to look."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[167] But the king of Egypt, seeing, as he thought, that they had lost their way and were traversing a rough and pathless desert, was pleased to find that disaster had befallen their journey, since he judged them to be shut in without an outlet. And, repenting that he had let them go, he essayed to pursue, expecting that he would make the multitude return in fear to renewed slavery, or massacre them wholesale if they proved refractory.",
+                    "[168] Then he took with him all his cavalry, javelineers, slingers, mounted archers, and all his other light-armed troops, and gave the six hundred finest of his scythed chariots to the men of rank that they might follow in suitable state and take part in the campaign. With unabated rapidity he rushed to the attack, and pushed on eagerly, wishing to come upon them suddenly and unforeseen. For the unexpected ill is ever more troublesome than the expected, since a negligently, compared with a carefully, guarded force is more liable to be successfully attacked.",
+                    "[169] While he pursued them with these intentions, hoping to win an uncontested victory, they, as it happened, were already encamped on the shores of the sea. And, just as they were preparing to take their early meal, first a mighty din was heard, caused by the host of men and beasts coming on at full speed; and, at the sound, they poured out of their tents, standing on tiptoe to look around and listen with both ears. Then, shortly afterwards, high on the hill, appeared the enemy’s forces, armed and drawn up for battle."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[170] At this strange, unexpected sight, they were panic-stricken. They were not ready to defend themselves, for lack of the necessary weapons, for their expedition was not for war but for colonization. They could not fly, for the sea was behind them, the enemy in front, and on either side the depths of the trackless desert. So, in the bitterness of their hearts, broken down by the greatness of their misfortune, they acted as men often act in such troubles, and began to accuse their ruler.",
+                    "[171] “Was it because there were no tombs in Egypt where our dead bodies could be laid that you brought us out to kill and bury us here? Is not any slavery a lighter ill than death? You enticed this multitude with the hope of liberty, and then have saddled it with the greater danger which threatens its life.",
+                    "[172] Did you not know our unarmedness, and the bitterness and savage temper of the Egyptians? Do you not see how great are our troubles, how impossible to escape? What must we do? Can we fight unarmed against the armed? Can we fly, surrounded as in a net by merciless enemies, pathless deserts, seas impassable to ships, or, if indeed they are passable, what supply of boats have we to enable us to cross?”",
+                    "[173] Moses, when he heard these words, pardoned them, but remembered the divine messages, and, using his mind and speech simultaneously for different purposes, with the former silently interceded with God to save them from their desperate afflictions, with the latter encouraged and comforted the loud-voiced malcontents. “Do not lose heart,” he said, “God’s way of defence is not as that of men.",
+                    "[174] Why are you quick to trust in the specious and plausible and that only? When God gives help He needs no armament. It is His special property to find a way where no way is. What is impossible to all created being is possible to Him only, ready to His hand.” Thus he discoursed, still calm and composed;",
+                    "[175] but, after a little, he became possessed, and, filled with the spirit which was wont to visit him, uttered these oracular words of prophecy: “The host which you see armed to the teeth you shall see no more arrayed against you. It shall all fall in utter ruin and disappear in the depths, so that no remnant may be seen above the earth. And this shall be at no distant time, but in the coming night.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[176] Such was his prediction. But at sunset a south wind of tremendous violence arose, and, as it rushed down, the sea under it was driven back, and, though regularly tidal, was on this occasion more so than usually, and swept as into a chasm or whirlpool, when driven against the shore. No star appeared, but a thick black cloud covered the whole heaven, and the murkiness of the night struck terror into the pursuers. Moses now, at God’s command,",
+                    "[177] smote the sea with his staff, and as he did so it broke and parted into two. Of the waters thus divided, one part rose up to a vast height, where the break was made, and stood quite firmly, motionless and still like a wall; those behind were held back and bridled in their forward course, and reared as though pulled back by invisible reins; while the intervening part, which was the scene of the breaking, dried up and became a broad highway. Moses, seeing this, marvelled and was glad, and in the fullness of his joy encouraged his men and bade them move on with all speed.",
+                    "[178] And, when they were about to begin the passage, a most extraordinary sign occurred. The guiding cloud, which at other times stood in front, turned round to the back of the multitude to form its rearguard, and thus posted between the pursuers and pursued regulated the course of the latter and drove them before it under safe protection, but checked and repelled the former when they strove to advance. When the Egyptians saw this, tumult and confusion prevailed everywhere among them. In their terror their ranks fell into disorder. They tumbled over each other, and sought to escape, but it was of no avail; for,",
+                    "[179] while the Hebrews with their women and children, still mere infants, crossed on a dry road in the early dawn, it was otherwise with the Egyptians. Under the north wind the returning tide was swept back, and hurled its lofty billows upon them. The two sections of the sea rolled upon them from either side, united and submerged them, horses, chariots and all, with not even a torchbearer  left to announce to the people of Egypt the sudden disaster.",
+                    "[180] This great and marvellous work struck the Hebrews with amazement, and, finding themselves unexpectedly victorious in a bloodless conflict, and seeing their enemies, one and all, destroyed in a moment, they set up two choirs, one of men and one of women, on the beach, and sang hymns of thanksgiving to God. Over these choirs Moses and his sister presided, and led the hymns, the former for the men and the latter for the women."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[181] They set out from the sea coast, and travelled for some time, no longer in any fear of danger from the enemy. But after three days the water failed, and thirst once more reduced them to despondency. Again they began to grumble at their lot, as though nothing good had befallen them hitherto. For, under the onset of the present terror, we always lose sense of the pleasantness of past blessings.",
+                    "[182] Then they saw some springs and ran to draw from them, full of joy, but in their ignorance of the truth were deceived. For the water was bitter, and, when they had tasted it, the disappointment broke them down. Their bodies were exhausted and their souls dejected, not so much for themselves as for their infant children, the sight of whom, as they cried for something to drink, was more than they could face without tears.",
+                    "[183] Some of the more thoughtless, men of feeble piety, even denounced the past events as not having been intended for their benefit, but rather to bring them into worse misfortunes. It were better, they said, to die thrice, not merely once, at the hands of enemies, than to perish, or worse than perish, by thirst. To depart from life swiftly and easily is, in the eyes of the wise, the same thing as never dying, and death in the true sense is that which comes slowly and painfully, whose terrors appear not in the state of death, but only in the process of dying.",
+                    "[184] While they were engaged in such lamentations, Moses again addressed his supplications to God, that, knowing the weakness of His creatures, and particularly of mankind, and the necessities of the body, which depends on food, and is tied to those stern mistresses, meat and drink, He should pardon the despondent and also satisfy the needs of all, not at some distant time but with a boon bestowed promptly and swiftly, considering the inborn short-sightedness of mortality, which desires that assistance should be rendered quickly and at the moment. Hardly had he so prayed,",
+                    "[185] when God sent in advance the power of His grace, and, opening the vigilant eye of the suppliant’s soul, bade him lift and throw into the spring a tree which he shewed him, possibly formed by nature to exercise a virtue which had hitherto remained unknown, or possibly created on this occasion for the service which it was destined to perform. Moses did as he was bid,",
+                    "[186] whereupon the springs became sweet, and were converted into drinkable water, so that no one could even guess that they had originally been bitter, since no trace or tang remained to remind one of its former badness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[187] When they had relieved their thirst with double pleasure, since the unexpectedness of the event gave a delight beyond the actual enjoyment, they filled their water-vessels and then resumed their journey, feeling as though they had risen from a banquet and merry-making, and elated, with the intoxication not of wine, but of the sober carousal which the piety of the ruler who led them had invited them to enjoy. ",
+                    "[188] They then arrived at a second halting-place, one well wooded and well watered, called Elim, irrigated by twelve springs beside which rose young palm-trees, fine and luxuriant, to the number of seventy. Anyone who has the gift of keen mental sight may see in this clear signs and tokens of the national blessings. For the nation has twelve tribes,",
+                    "[189] each of which, in virtue of its piety, will be represented by the well which supplies piety in perennial streams and noble actions unceasingly, while the heads of the whole nation are seventy, who may properly be compared to the palm, the noblest of trees, excellent both in its appearance and in the fruit which it bears. Also it has its life-giving principle, not, like the others, buried in its roots, but mounted aloft, seated like a heart in the very centre of the branches which stand around to guard it as their very queen.",
+                    "[190] Such, too, is the nature of the mind of those who have tasted of holiness. Such a mind has learned to gaze and soar upwards, and, as it ever ranges the heights and searches into divine beauties, it makes a mock of earthly things, counting them to be but child’s-play, and those to be truly matters for earnest care."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[191] After this no long time had elapsed when they were famished for want of food. It seemed as though the forces of necessity were taking turns to attack them. For those stern mistresses, hunger and thirst, had parcelled out their inflictions and plied them with these successively, with the result that when one was relaxed the other was upon them. This was most intolerable to the victims, since, often when they thought they had got free of thirst, they soon found the scourge of hunger waiting to take its place.",
+                    "[192] And the presence of the dearth was not their only hardship; there was also the despair of obtaining provisions in the future. The sight of the deep, wide desert, utterly barren of fruits, filled them with despondency. All around there was nothing but rough, broken rocks, or plains where the soil was full of salt, or very stony mountains, or depths of sand stretching upwards steep and high, and again no rivers, spring-fed or winter torrent, no well, no tilth, no woodland of trees, either cultivated or wild, no living creature either of the air or of the land, save reptiles that vent poison for the destruction of mankind, such as snakes and scorpions.",
+                    "[193] Then, remembering the teeming fertility of Egypt, and contrasting the abundance of everything there with the lack of everything here, they were roused to anger, and expressed their feelings to each other in such words as these: “We left the country in the hope of freedom, and yet we have no security even of life. Our leader promised us happiness; in actual fact, we are the most miserable of men.",
+                    "[194] What will be the end of this long, interminable journey? Every traveller by sea or land has set before him some goal to come to, market or harbour for the one, city or country for the other; we alone have before us a pathless wilderness, painful journeying, desperate straits. For, as we proceed, there opens out before us, as it were, an ocean, vast, deep, impassable, ever wider day by day. He exhorted and puffed us up with his words,",
+                    "[195] and filled our ears with empty hopes, and then tortures our bellies with hunger, not providing even the barest nourishment. With the name of colonization he has deceived this great multitude, and first carried us from an inhabited to an uninhabited world, then led us on to the grave along the road which brings life to its end.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[196] Moses, when reviled in this way, was indignant not so much at their denunciations of himself as at their instability of judgement. For, after experiencing strange events outside the customary without number, they should have ceased to be guided by anything that is specious and plausible, but should have put their trust in him of whose unfailing truthfulness they had received the clearest proofs.",
+                    "[197] But, on the other hand, when he considered the want of food, as great a misfortune as any that can befall mankind, he forgave them, knowing that the multitude by its very nature is an unstable thing, shaken by the circumstances of the moment, which produce oblivion of the past and despondency of the future. So, while they were all thus overwhelmed by affliction,",
+                    "[198] and expecting the extreme misfortunes which they believed to be close at hand, ready to attack them, God, moved partly by the clemency and benevolence to man which belongs to His nature, partly too by His wish to honour the ruler whom He had appointed, and still more to bring home to them the greatness of that ruler’s piety and holiness as shewn in matters both clear and obscure, took pity on them and healed their sufferings.",
+                    "[199] He, therefore, devised new and strange forms of benefaction, that by clearer manifestations they might now be schooled not to shew bitter resentment if something did not at once turn out as they would have it, but bear it patiently in expectation of good to come.",
+                    "[200] What, then, did happen? On the morrow about daybreak, a great quantity of dew lay deep around the whole camp, showered noiselessly by God; a strange, extraordinary rain, not water, nor hail, nor snow, nor ice, such as are produced by the changes in the clouds at the winter solstice, but of grains exceedingly small and white, which, poured down in a continuous flow, lay in heaps in front of the tents. It was an incredible sight; and, in astonishment thereat, they asked their leader, “What is this rain, which no man ever saw before, and for what purpose has it come?”",
+                    "[201] Moses, in answer, possessed by divine inspiration, spoke these oracular words: “Mortals have the deep-soiled plainland given over to them, which they cut into furrows with the plough, and there sow their seed, and perform the other tasks of the husbandman, thus providing the yearly fruits, and through them abundance of the necessaries of life. But God has subject to Him not one portion of the universe, but the whole world and its parts, to minister as slaves to their master for every service that He wills.",
+                    "[202] So now it has seemed good to Him that the air should bring food instead of water, for the earth too often brings rain. What is the river of Egypt, when every year it overflows and waters the fields with its inroads, but a rainpour from beneath?”",
+                    "[203] This work of God was strange enough even if it had stopped at this point, but actually there were other facts still stronger enhancing its marvels. For the men brought vessels from every quarter, and collected the grains, some on their beasts, others in burdens on their shoulders, thinking thus to store up provisions to last for later use.",
+                    "[204] But, as it turned out, it was impossible to store or hoard them, since it was God’s purpose to bestow gifts ever new. For when they took a sufficient stock for their needs at the time, they consumed it with pleasure, but anything they left for the morrow they found did not keep, but changed and stank and was full of such life as is regularly bred in putrescence. This they naturally threw away, but found other food prepared for them, rained upon them with the dew every day.",
+                    "[205] A special distinction was given to the sacred seventh day,  for, since it was not permitted to do anything on that day, abstinence from works great or small being expressly enjoined, and therefore they could not then gather what was necessary, God rained a double supply the day before, and bade them bring in what would be sufficient for two days. And what was thus collected kept sound, nor did any of it decay at all as in the previous case."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[206] There is something still more wonderful to be told. During all that long period of forty years in which they journeyed, the food required was supplied according to the rules just mentioned, like rations measured out to provide the allotment needed for each.",
+                    "[207] At the same time, they learned to date aright the day of which they had dearly longed to have knowledge.  For, long before, they had asked what was the birthday of the world on which this universe was completed, and to this question, which had been passed down unsolved from generation to generation, they now at long last found the answer, learnt not only through divine pronouncements but by a perfectly certain proof. For, as we have said, while the surplus of the downpour decayed on the other days, on the day before the seventh it not only did not change, but was actually supplied in double measure.",
+                    "[208] The method they employed with the food was as follows: At dawn they collected what fell, ground or crunched it and then boiled it, when they found it a very pleasant form of food, like a honey-cake, and felt no need of elaborate cookery.",
+                    "[209] But in fact, not long after, they were well supplied with the means of luxurious living, since God was pleased to provide to them abundantly, and more than abundantly, in the wilderness all the viands which are found in a rich and well-inhabited country. For in the evenings a continuous cloud of quails appeared from the sea and overshadowed the whole camp, flying close to the land, so as to be an easy prey.  So they caught and dressed them, each according to his tastes, and feasted on flesh of the most delicious kind, thus obtaining the relish required to make their food more palatable."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[210] Though this supply of food never failed and continued to be enjoyed in abundance, a serious scarcity of water again occurred. Sore pressed by this, their mood turned to desperation, whereupon Moses, taking that sacred staff with which he accomplished the signs in Egypt, under inspiration smote the steep  rock with it.",
+                    "[211] It may be that the rock contained originally a spring and now had its artery clean severed, or perhaps that then for the first time a body of water collected in it through hidden channels was forced out by the impact. Whichever is the case, it opened under the violence of the stream and spouted out its contents, so that not only then did it provide a remedy for their thirst but also abundance of drink for a longer time for all these thousands. For they filled all their water vessels, as they had done on the former occasion, from the springs that were naturally bitter but were changed and sweetened by God’s directing care.",
+                    "[212] If anyone disbelieves these things, he neither knows God nor has ever sought to know Him; for if he did he would at once have perceived—aye, perceived with a firm apprehension—that these extraordinary and seemingly incredible events are but child’s-play to God. He has but to turn his eyes to things which are really great and worthy of his earnest contemplation, the creation of heaven and the rhythmic movements of the planets and fixed stars, the light that shines upon us from the sun by day and from the moon by night, the establishment of the earth in the very centre of the universe, the vast expanses of continents and islands and the numberless species of animals and plants, and again the widespreading seas, the rushing rivers, spring-fed and winter torrents, the fountains with their perennial streams, some sending forth cold, other warm, water, the air with its changes of every sort, the yearly seasons with their well-marked diversities and other beauties innumerable.",
+                    "[213] He who should wish to describe the several parts, or rather any one of the cardinal parts of the universe, would find life too short, even if his years were prolonged beyond those of all other men. But these things, though truly marvellous, are held in little account because they are familiar. Not so with the unfamiliar; though they be but small matters, we give way before what appears so strange, and, drawn by their novelty, regard them with amazement."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[214] After traversing a long and pathless expanse, they came within sight of the confines of habitable land, and the outlying districts of the country in which they proposed to settle. This country was occupied by Phoenicians.  Here they had thought to find a life of peace and quiet, but their hopes were disappointed.",
+                    "[215] For the king who ruled there, fearing pillage and rapine, called up the youth of his cities and came to meet them, hoping to bar their way, or, if that were not feasible and they attempted violence, to discomfit them by force of arms, seeing that his men were unwearied and fresh for the contest, while the others were exhausted with much journeying and by the famine and drought which had alternately attacked them. Moses,",
+                    "[216] learning from his scouts that the enemy was not far distant, mustered his men of military age, and, choosing as their general one of his lieutenants named Joshua, hastened himself to take a more important part in the fight.  Having purified himself according to the customary ritual, he ran without delay to the neighbouring hill and besought God to shield the Hebrews and give a triumphant victory to the people whom He had saved from wars and other troubles still more grievous than this, dispersing not only the misfortunes with which men had menaced them but also those so miraculously brought about in Egypt by the upheaval of the elements and by the continual dearth which beset them in their journeying.",
+                    "[217] But, when they were about to engage in the fight, his hands were affected in the most marvellous way. They became very light and very heavy in turns, and, whenever they were in the former condition and rose aloft, his side of the combatants was strong and distinguished itself the more by its valour, but whenever his hands were weighed down the enemy prevailed. Thus, by symbols, God shewed that earth and the lowest regions of the universe were the portion assigned as their own to the one party, and the ethereal, the holiest region, to the other; and that, just as heaven holds kingship in the universe and is superior to earth, so this nation should be victorious over its opponents in war.",
+                    "[218] While, then, his hands became successively lighter and weightier, like scales in the balance, the fight, too, continued to be doubtful; but, when they suddenly lost all weight, the fingers serving them as pinions, they were lifted on high like the tribe that wings its way through the air, and remained thus soaring until the Hebrews won an undisputed victory and their enemies were slaughtered wholesale, thus justly suffering the punishment which they wrongly strove to deal to others.",
+                    "[219] Then, too, Moses set up an altar, and called it from the event “Refuge of God,”  and on this, with prayers of thanksgiving, he offered sacrifices in celebration of the victory."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[220] After this battle he came to the conclusion that, since it was now the second year of their travels, he ought to inspect the land in which the nation proposed to settle. He wished them, instead of arguing ignorantly in the usual way, to obtain a good idea of the country by first-hand report, and with this solid knowledge of the conditions to calculate the proper course of action.",
+                    "[221] He chose twelve men corresponding to the number of the tribes, one headman from each, selecting the most approved for their high merit, in order that no part of the nation might be set at variance with the others through receiving either more or less than they, but all might get to know through their chieftains the conditions in which the inhabitants lived, as they would do if the emissaries were willing to report the full truth.",
+                    "[222] When he had chosen them, he spoke as follows: “The conflicts and dangers which we have undergone and still endure, have for their prize the lands which we hope to apportion, a hope which we trust may not be disappointed, since the nation which we are bringing to settle there is so populous. To know the places, the men and their circumstances, is as useful as the ignorance of them is mischievous.",
+                    "[223] So we have appointed you that with the aid of your sight and intelligence we may be able to survey the state of the country. Become, then, the ears and eyes of all this great multitude, to give them a clear apprehension of what they require to know.",
+                    "[224] There are three things which we desire to learn: the size and strength of the population, whether the cities are favourably situated and strongly built, or the contrary, and whether the land has a deep, rich soil, well-adapted to produce every kind of fruits from cornfields and orchards, or on the other hand is thin and poor. Thus shall we counter the number and power of the inhabitants with equal forces, and the strength of their position with machines and siege engines. Knowledge of the fertility or unfertility of the land is also indispensable, for if it is poor it would be folly to court danger to win it.",
+                    "[225] Our arms and engines and all our power consist solely in faith in God. Equipped with this, we shall defy every terror. Faith is able to overpower, and more than overpower, forces the most invincible, in physique, courage, experience and number, and by it we are supplied in the depths of the desert with all that the rich resources of cities can give.",
+                    "[226] Now the season which has been found to be best for testing the goodness of a land is spring, which is now present; for in springtime the different crops come to their fullness and the fruit-trees begin to shew their natural growth. Yet it might be better to wait till summer is at its height, and bring back fruits as samples of the wealth of the land.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[227] When the spies heard this, they set out on their errand, escorted by the whole multitude, who feared that they might be taken and slain, thus entailing two heavy misfortunes, the death of the men who were as eyesight to their particular tribe, and concerning the foe that lay ready to attack them ignorance of the facts which it would be useful to know.",
+                    "[228] The men took with them scouts and guides to the road, and followed behind them. And, when they came near to their destination, they quickly ascended the highest of the mountains in the neighbourhood and surveyed the country. Much of it was plainland bearing barley, wheat and grass, while the uplands were equally full of vines and other trees, all of it well timbered and thickly overgrown and intersected with springs and rivers which gave it abundance of water, so that from the lowest part to the summits the whole of the hill country, particularly the ridges and the deep clefts, formed a close texture of umbrageous trees.",
+                    "[229] They observed also that the cities were strongly fortified, in two ways, through the favourable nature of their situation and the solidity of their walls. And, on scrutinizing the inhabitants, they saw that they were countless in number and giants of huge stature, or at least giant-like in their physical superiority both in size and strength.",
+                    "[230] Having marked these things, they stayed on to get a more accurate apprehension, for first impressions are treacherous and only slowly in time get the seal of reality. And, at the same time, they were at pains to pluck some of the fruits of the trees, not those in the first stage of hardening, but fruits darkening to ripeness, and thus have something which would naturally keep in good condition to exhibit to the whole multitude.",
+                    "[231] They were especially amazed by the fruit of the vine, for the bunches were of huge size, stretching right along the branches and shoots and presenting an incredible spectacle. One, indeed, they cut off, and carried it suspended from the middle part of a beam, the ends of which were laid on two youths, one in front and another behind, a fresh pair at intervals relieving its predecessors, as they continually were wearied by the great weight of the burden.",
+                    "On vital matters, the envoys were not of one mind."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[232] Indeed, there were numberless contentions among them, even during the journey before they arrived back, though of a lighter kind, as they did not wish that their disputes or conflicting reports should produce faction in the mass of the people. But, when they had returned, these contentions became more severe.",
+                    "[233] For, while one party, by dilating upon the fortifications of the cities and the great population of each and by magnifying everything in their description, created fear in their hearers, the others belittled the gravity of all that they had seen, and bade them not be faint-hearted but persist in founding their settlement in the certainty that they would succeed without striking a blow. No city, they said, could resist the combined onset of so great a power, but would fall overwhelmed by its weight. Both parties transmitted the results of their own feelings to the souls of their hearers, the unmanly their cowardice, the undismayed their courage and hopefulness.",
+                    "[234] But these last numbered but a fifth part of the craven-hearted, who were five times as many as the better spirited.",
+                    "Courage confined to few is lost to sight, when timidity has the superiority of numbers: and that, we are told, happened on this occasion; for the two who gave a highly favourable account were so outweighed by the ten who said the opposite that the latter brought over the whole multitude into dissent from the others and agreement with themselves.",
+                    "[235] With regard to the country, they all stated the same, unanimously extolling the beauty of both the plain and hill country. “But of what use to us,” at once cried out the people, “are good things which belong to others, and moreover are strongly guarded so that none can take them away?” And they set upon the two, and nearly stoned them in their preference of the pleasant-sounding to the profitable, and of deceit to truth.",
+                    "[236] This roused their ruler’s indignation, who, at the same time, feared lest some scourge should descend upon them from God for their senseless disbelief in His utterances. This actually happened. For the ten cowardly spies perished in a pestilence with those of the people who had shared their foolish despondency, while the two who alone had advised them not to be terrified, but hold to their plan of settlement, were saved, because they had been obedient to the oracles, and received the special privilege that they did not perish with the others."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[237] This event was the reason why they did not come sooner to the land where they proposed to settle. For, though they could have occupied the cities of Syria and their portions of land in the second year after leaving Egypt, they turned away from the road which led directly thither and wandered about, travelling with difficulty, through long, pathless tracts, which appeared one after the other, bringing endless weariness of soul and body, the punishment they needs must endure for their great impiety.",
+                    "[238] For thirty-eight years in addition to the time already spent, the span of a generation of human life, they went wayworn up and down, tracing and retracing the trackless wilds till at last in the fortieth year they succeeded in reaching those boundaries of the country to which they had come before.",
+                    "[239] Near the entrances there dwelt, among others, some kinsfolk of their own, who, they quite thought, would join in the war against their neighbours and assist the new settlement in every way, or, if they shrank from this, would at the worst abstain from force and remain neutral. For the ancestors of both nations,",
+                    "[240] the Hebrews and the inhabitants of the outlying districts, were two brothers with the same father and mother, and twins to boot. Both had become the parents of an increasing family, and, as their descendants were by no means unfruitful, both households had spread into great and populous nations. One of these had clung to the homeland, the other, as has been said, migrated to Egypt on account of the famine, and was returning after many years.",
+                    "[241] The latter in spite of its long separation maintained the tie of relationship, and though it had to deal with men who retained none of their ancestral customs, but had abandoned all the old ways of communal life, considered that it was proper for humane natures to pay some tribute of goodwill to the name of kinship.",
+                    "[242] The other, on the contrary, had upset all that made for friendship. In its customs and language, its policy and actions, it shewed implacable enmity and kept alive the fire of an ancestral feud. For the founder of the nation, after having of his own accord sold his birthright as the elder to his brother, had later reclaimed what he had surrendered, in violation of their agreement, and had sought his blood, threatening him with death if he did not make restitution; and this old feud between two individual men was renewed by the nation so many generations after.",
+                    "[243] Now the leader of the Hebrews, Moses, though an attack might have won him an uncontested victory, did not feel justified in taking this course because of the above-mentioned kinship. Instead, he merely asked for the right of passage through the country, and promised to carry out all that he agreed to do, not to ravage any estate, not to carry off cattle or spoil of any kind, to pay a price for water if drink were scarce and for anything else which their wants caused them to purchase. But they refused these very peaceful overtures with all their might, and threatened war if they found them overstepping their frontiers, or even merely on the threshold."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[244] The Hebrews were incensed at the answer, and were now starting to take up arms when Moses, standing where he could be heard, said: “My men, your indignation is just and reasonable. We made friendly proposals in the kindest spirit. In the malice of their hearts, they have answered us with evil.",
+                    "[245] But the fact that they deserve to be punished for their brutality does not make it right for us to proceed to take vengeance on them. The honour of our nation forbids it, and demands that here too we should mark the contrast between our goodness and their unworthiness by inquiring not only whether some particular persons deserve to be punished, but also whether the punishment can properly be carried out by us.”",
+                    "[246] He then turned aside and led the multitude by another way, since he saw that all the roads of that country were barricaded by watches set by those who had no cause to expect injury but through envy and malice refused to grant a passage along the direct road.",
+                    "[247] This was the clearest proof of the vexation which these persons felt at the nation’s liberation, just as doubtless they rejoiced at the bitter slavery which it endured in Egypt. For those who are grieved at the welfare of their neighbours are sure to enjoy their misfortunes, though they may not confess it.",
+                    "[248] As it happened, the Hebrews, believing that their feelings and wishes were the same as their own, had communicated to them all their experiences, painful and pleasant, and did not know that they were far advanced in depravity and with their spiteful and quarrelsome disposition were sure to mourn their good fortune and take pleasure in the opposite.",
+                    "[249] But, when their malevolence was exposed, the Hebrews were prevented from using force against them by their commander, who displayed two of the finest qualities—good sense, and at the same time good feeling. His sense was shown in guarding against the possibility of disaster, his humanity in that on kinsmen he had not even the will to take his revenge."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[250] So, then, he passed by the cities of this nation; but the king of the adjoining country Chananes  by name, having received a report from his scouts that the host of wayfarers was at no great distance, supposed that they were disorganized and would be an easy conquest if he attacked them first. He, therefore, started with a strongly armed force of such younger men as he had around him, and by a rapid attack routed those who first met him, unprepared as they were for battle; and, having taken them captive, elated at the unexpected success he advanced further, expecting to overpower all the rest.",
+                    "[251] But they, not a whit daunted by the defeat of the vanguard, but infused with courage greater even than before, and eager to supply by their zealousness the deficiency caused by the capture of their comrades, worked upon each other not to be faint-hearted. “Let us be up and doing,” they cried. “We are are now setting foot in the country. Let us shew ourselves undismayed and possessed of the security which courage gives. The end is often determined by the beginning. Here, at the entrance of the land, let us strike terror into the inhabitants, and feel that ours is the wealth of their cities, theirs the lack of necessities which we bring with us from the desert and have given them in exchange.”",
+                    "[252] While they thus exhorted each other, they vowed to devote to God the cities of the king and the citizens in each as firstfruits of the land, and God, assenting to their prayers, and inspiring courage into the Hebrews, caused the army of the enemy to fall into their hands.",
+                    "[253] Having thus captured them by the might of their assault, in fulfilment of their vows of thank-offering, they took none of the spoil for themselves, but dedicated the cities, men and treasures alike, and marked the fact by naming the whole kingdom “Devoted.”",
+                    "[254] For, just as every pious person gives firstfruits of the year’s produce, whatever he reaps from his own possessions, so too the whole nation set apart the kingdom which they took at the outset, and thus gave a great slice of the great country into which they were migrating as the firstfruits of their settlement. For they judged it irreligious to distribute the land until they had made a firstfruit offering of the land and the cities."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[255] Shortly afterwards they also found a spring of good water in a well situated on the borders of the land. This supplied the whole multitude with drink, and their spirits were enlivened thereby, as though the draught were strong wine rather than water. In their joy and gladness, the people of God’s choice set up choirs around the well, and sang a new song to the Deity, Who gave them the land as their portion and had, in truth, led them in their migration. They did so at this point because here, for the first time, when they passed from the long expanse of desert to set foot in a habitable land, and one which they were to possess, they had found water in abundance, and therefore they judged it fitting not to leave the well uncelebrated.",
+                    "[256] For, as they were told,  it had been dug by the hands of no common men, but of kings, whose ambition was not only to find the water but so to build the well that the wealth lavished upon it should shew the royal character of the work and the sovereignty and lofty spirit of the builders. ",
+                    "[257] Moses, rejoicing at the succession of unexpected happinesses, proceeded further, after distributing his younger men into vanguard and rearguard and placing the old men, womenfolk and children in the centre, so as to be protected by those on either side if any enemy host should attack either in front or behind."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[258] A few days after, he entered the land of the Amorites, and sent ambassadors to the king, Sihon by name, with the same demands as he had made to his kinsman before. But Sihon not merely answered the envoys insolently, and came nigh to putting them to death, had he not been prevented by the law of embassies, but also mustered his whole army, and went to the attack thinking to win an immediate victory.",
+                    "[259] But, when he engaged, he perceived that he had no untrained or unpractised fighters to deal with, but men who were truly masters in warfare and invincible, men who had shortly before performed many great feats of bravery and shown themselves strong in body, mettlesome in spirit, and lofty in virtue, and through these qualities had captured their enemies with abundant ease, while they left the spoil untouched in their eagerness to dedicate the first prizes to God.",
+                    "[260] So, too, on this occasion, mightily fortified by the same resolutions and armoury, they went out to meet the foe, taking with them that irresistible ally, justice, whereby also they became bolder in courage and champions full of zeal. The proof of this was clearly shewn.",
+                    "[261] No second battle was needed, but this first fight was the only one, and in it the whole opposing force was turned to flight, then overthrown and straightway annihilated in wholesale slaughter.",
+                    "[262] Their cities were at once both emptied and filled—emptied of their old inhabitants, filled with the victors. And, in the same way, the farm-houses in the country were deserted by the occupants, but received others superior in every way."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[263] This war caused terrible alarm among all the nations of Asia, particularly among those of the adjoining territories, since the expectation of danger was nearer. But one of the neighbouring kings, named Balak, who had brought under his sway a great and populous portion of the East, lost heart before the contest began. As he had no mind to meet the enemy face to face, and shrank from a war of destruction waged freely and openly with arms, he had recourse to augury and soothsaying, and thought that, if the power of the Hebrews was invincible in battle, he might be able to overthrow it by imprecations of some kind.",
+                    "[264] Now, there was at that time a man living in Mesopotamia far-famed as a soothsayer, who had learned the secrets of that art in its every form, but was particularly admired for his high proficiency in augury, so great and incredible were the things which he had revealed to many persons and on many occasions.",
+                    "[265] To some he had foretold rainstorms in summer, to others drought and great heat in mid-winter, to some barrenness to follow fertility, or again plenty to follow dearth, to some rivers full or empty, ways of dealing with pestilences, and other things without number. In every one of these his reputation for prediction made his name well known and was advancing him to great fame, since the report of him was continually spreading and reaching to every part.",
+                    "[266] To him Balak sent some of his courtiers, and invited him to come, offering him gifts at once and promising others to follow, at the same time explaining the purpose for which his presence was required. But the seer, actuated not by any honourable or sincere feelings, but rather by a wish to pose  as a distinguished prophet whose custom was to do nothing without the sanction of an oracle, declined, saying that the Deity did not permit him to go.",
+                    "[267] The envoys then returned to the king without success, but others, selected from the more highly reputed courtiers, were at once appointed for the same purpose who brought more money and promised more abundant gifts.",
+                    "[268] Enticed by those offers present and prospective, and in deference to the dignity of the ambassadors, he gave way, again dishonestly alleging a divine command. And so on the morrow he made his preparations for the journey, and talked of dreams in which he said he had been beset by visions so clear that they compelled him to stay no longer but follow the envoys."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[269] But, as he proceeded there was given to him on the road an unmistakable sign that the purpose which he was so eager to serve was one of evil omen. For the beast on which he happened to be riding, while proceeding along the straight road,",
+                    "[270] first came to a sudden stop, then, as though someone opposite was thrusting it by force or causing it to rear, it fell back  and then again swerved to right and left and floundered hither and thither unable to keep still, as though heady with wine or drink; and, while repeatedly beaten, it paid no regard to the blows, so that it almost threw its rider, and, even though he kept his seat, caused him as much pain as he gave.",
+                    "[271] For the estates on either side had walls and hedges close by, so that when the beast in its movements dashed against these, the feet, knees and shins of its master were crushed and lacerated by the pressure.",
+                    "[272] It was evidently a divine vision, whose haunting presence had for a considerable time been seen by the terrified animal, though invisible to the man, thus proving his insensibility. For the unreasoning animal showed a superior power of sight to him who claimed to see not only the world but the world’s Maker.",
+                    "[273] When, cat last, he did discern the angel standing in his way, not because he was worthy of such a sight, but that he might perceive his own baseness and nothingness, he betook himself to prayers and supplications, begging pardon for an error committed in ignorance and not through voluntary intention.",
+                    "[274] Yet even then, when he should have returned, he asked of the apparition whether he should retrace his steps homewards. But the angel perceived his dissimulation, for why should he ask about a matter so evident, which in itself provided its own demonstration and needed no confirmation by word, as though ears could be more truthful than eyes or speech than facts? And so in displeasure he answered: “Pursue your journey. Your hurrying will avail you nought. I shall prompt the needful words without your mind’s consent, and direct your organs of speech as justice and convenience require. I shall guide the reins of speech, and, though you understand it not, employ your tongue for each prophetic utterance.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[275] When the king heard that he was now near at hand, he came forth with his guards to meet him. The interview naturally began with friendly greetings, which were followed by a few words of censure for his slowness and failing to come more readily. Then came high feasting and sumptuous banquets, and the other usual forms of provision for the reception of guests, each through the king’s ambition of more magnificence and more imposing pomp than the last.",
+                    "[276] The next day at dawn Balak took the prophet to a hill, where it chanced that in honour of some deity a pillar  had been set up which the natives worshipped. From thence a part of the Hebrew encampment was visible, which he shewed as a watchman from his tower to the wizard.",
+                    "[277] He looked and said: “King, do you build seven altars, and sacrifice a calf and a ram on each, and I will go aside and inquire of God what I should say.” He advanced outside, and straightway became possessed, and there fell upon him the truly prophetic spirit which banished utterly from his soul his art of wizardry. For the craft of the sorcerer and the inspiration of the Holiest might not live together. Then he returned, and, seeing the sacrifices and the altars flaming, he spake these oracles as one repeating the words which another had put into his mouth.",
+                    "[278] “From Mesopotamia hath Balak called me, a far journey from the East, that he may avenge him on the Hebrews through my cursing. But I, how shall I curse them whom God hath not cursed? I shall behold them with my eyes from the highest mountains, and perceive them with my mind. But I shall not be able to harm the people, which shall dwell alone, not reckoned among other nations; and that, not because their dwelling-place is set apart and their land severed from others, but because in virtue of the distinction of their peculiar customs they do not mix with others to depart from the ways of their fathers.",
+                    "[279] Who has made accurate discovery of how the sowing  of their generation was first made? Their bodies have been moulded from human seeds, but their souls are sprung from divine seeds, and therefore their stock is akin to God.  May my soul die to the life of the body  that it may be reckoned among the souls of the just, even such as are the souls of these men.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[280] Balak suffered tortures inwardly as he listened to these words, and, when the speaker ceased, he could not contain his passion. “Are you not ashamed,” he cried, “that, summoned to curse the enemy, you have prayed for them? It seems that all unconsciously I was deceiving myself in treating you as a friend, who were secretly ranged on the side of the enemy, as has now become plain. Doubtless also your delay in coming here was due to your secretly harbouring a feeling of attachment to them and aversion for me and mine. For, as the old saying goes, the certain proves the uncertain.”",
+                    "[281] The other, now liberated from the possession, replied: “I suffer under a most unjust charge and calumny, for I say nothing that is my own, but only what is prompted by God, and this I do not say or you hear now for the first time, but I said it before when you sent the ambassadors to whom I gave the same answer.”",
+                    "[282] But the king, thinking either to deceive the seer or to move the Deity and draw Him from His firm purpose by a change of place, led the way to another spot, and from an exceedingly high hill shewed the seer a part of the enemy’s host. Then again he set up seven altars, and, after sacrificing the same number of victims as before, sent him away to seek good omens through birds or voices. ",
+                    "[283] In this solitude, he was suddenly possessed, and, understanding nothing, his reason as it were roaming, uttered these prophetic words which were put into his mouth.  “Arise, O King, and listen. Lend me a ready ear. God cannot be deceived  as a man, nor as the son of man does He repent  or fail to abide by what He has once said. He will utter nothing at all which shall not certainly be performed, for His word is His deed. As for me, I was summoned to bless, not to curse.",
+                    "[284] There shall be no trouble or labour among the Hebrews. Their God is their shield for all to see, He Who also scattered the fierce onset of the ills of Egypt, and brought up all these myriads as a single man. Therefore, they care nothing for omens and all the lore of the soothsayer, because they trust in One Who is the ruler of the world. I see the people rising up as a lion’s cub, and exulting as a lion. He shall feast upon the prey, and take for his drink the blood of the wounded, and, when he has had his fill, he shall not betake himself to slumber, but unsleeping sing the song of the victorious.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[285] Highly indignant at finding the soothsayer’s powers thus unexpectedly hostile,  Balak said: “Sirrah, do not either curse or bless, for the silence which avoids danger is better than words which displease.” And, having said this, as though in the inconstancy of his judgement he had forgotten what he said, he led the seer away to another place from which he shewed him a part of the Hebrew host and begged him to curse them.",
+                    "[286] Here the seer proved himself to be even worse than the king; for, though he had met the charges brought against him solely by the true plea that nothing which he said was his own but the divinely inspired version of the promptings of another, and therefore ought to have ceased to follow, and departed home, instead, he pressed forward even more readily than his conductor, partly because he was dominated by the worst of vices, conceit, partly because in his heart he longed to curse, even if he were prevented from doing so with his voice.",
+                    "[287] And, having arrived at a mountain higher than those where he had stood before, and of great extent, he bade them perform the same sacrifice after again erecting seven altars, and bringing fourteen victims, two for each altar, a ram and a calf. But he himself did not go again, as was to be expected, to seek for omens from birds or voices, for he had conceived a great contempt for his own art, feeling that, as a picture fades in the course of years, its gift of happy conjecture had lost all its brilliance. Besides, he at last realized that the purpose of the king who had hired him was not in harmony with the will of God.",
+                    "[288] So, setting his face to the wilderness, he looked upon the Hebrews encamped in their tribes, and, astounded at their number and order, which resembled a city rather than a camp, he was filled with the spirit, and spoke as follows:",
+                    "[289] “Thus saith the man who truly sees, who in slumber saw the clear vision of God with the unsleeping eyes of the soul. How goodly are thy dwellings, thou host of the Hebrews! Thy tents are as shady dells, as a garden by the riverside, as a cedar beside the waters.",
+                    "[290] There shall come forth from you one day a man and he shall rule over many nations, and his kingdom spreading every day shall be exalted on high.  This people, throughout its journey from Egypt, has had God as its guide, Who leads the multitude in a single column. ",
+                    "[291] Therefore, it shall eat up many nations of its enemies, and take all the fatness of them right up to the marrow, and destroy its foes with its far-reaching bolts. It shall lie down and rest as a lion, or a lion’s cub, full of scorn, fearing none but putting fear in all others. Woe to him who stirs up and rouses it. Worthy of benediction are those who bless thee, worthy of cursing those who curse thee.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[292] Greatly incensed by this, the king said: “Thou wast summoned to curse the enemy, and hast now thrice invoked blessings on them. Flee quickly, for fierce is the passion of wrath, lest I be forced to do thee some mischief.",
+                    "[293] Most foolish of men, of what a store of wealth and presents, of what fame and glory, hast thou robbed thyself by thy madness. Thou wilt return from the stranger’s land to thy own with nothing good in thy hand, but with reproaches and deep disgrace, as all may see, having merely brought such ridicule on the lore of the knowledge on which thou didst pride thyself before.” ",
+                    "[294] The other replied: “All that has been said hitherto was oracles from above. What I have now to say is suggestions of my own designing.” And, taking him by the right hand, he counselled him in strict privacy as to the means by which, as far as might be, he should defend himself against the army of the enemy. Hereby he convicted himself of the utmost impiety; for, “Why,” we might ask him, “do you put forth your own personal counsels in opposition to the oracles of God? That were to hold that your projects are more powerful than the divine utterances.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[295] Well, then, let us examine these fine injunctions of his, and see how they were contrived to gain an unquestioned victory over the truths which have ever the power to prevail. His advice was this. Knowing that the one way by which the Hebrews could be overthrown was disobedience, he set himself to lead them, through wantonness and licentiousness, to impiety, through a great sin to a still greater, and put before them the bait of pleasure.",
+                    "[296] “You have in your countrywomen, king,” he said, “persons of pre-eminent beauty. And there is nothing to which a man more easily falls a captive than women’s comeliness. If, then, you permit the fairest among them to prostitute themselves for hire, they will ensnare the younger of their enemies.",
+                    "[297] But you must instruct them not to allow their wooers to enjoy their charms at once. For coyness titillates, and thereby makes the appetites more active, and inflames the passions. And, when their lust has them in its grip, there is nothing which they will shrink from doing or suffering.",
+                    "[298] Then, when the lover is in this condition, one of those who are arming to take their prey should say, with a saucy air: ‘You must not be permitted to enjoy my favours until you have left the ways of your fathers and become a convert to honouring what I honour. That your conversion is sincere will be clearly proved to me if you are willing to take part in the libations and sacrifices which we offer to idols of stone and wood and the other images.’",
+                    "[299] Then the lover, caught in the meshes of her multiform lures, her beauty and the enticements of her wheedling talk, will not gainsay her, but, with his reason trussed and pinioned, will subserve her orders to his sorrow, and be enrolled as a slave of passion.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[300] Such was his advice. And the king, thinking that the proposal was good, ignoring the law against adultery, and annulling those which prohibited seduction and fornication as though they had never been enacted at all, permitted the women, without restriction, to have intercourse with whom they would. Having thus received immunity,",
+                    "[301] so greatly did they mislead the minds of most of the young men, and pervert them by their arts to impiety, that they soon  made a conquest of them. And this continued until Phinehas, the son of the high priest, greatly angered at what he saw, and horrified at the thought that his people had at the same moment surrendered their bodies to pleasure and their souls to lawlessness and unholiness, shewed the young, gallant spirit which befitted a man of true excellence.",
+                    "[302] For, seeing one of his race offering sacrifice and visiting a harlot, not with his head bowed down towards the ground, nor trying in the usual way to make a stealthy entrance unobserved by the public, but flaunting his licentiousness boldly and shamelessly, and pluming himself as though his conduct called for honour instead of scorn,  he was filled with bitterness and righteous anger, and attacking the pair whilst they still lay together he slew both the lover and his concubine, ripping up also her parts of generation because they had served to receive the illicit seed.",
+                    "[303] This example being observed by some of those who were zealous for continence and godliness they copied it at the command of Moses, and massacred all their friends and kinsfolk who had taken part in the rites of these idols made by men’s hands. And thus they purged the defilement of the nation, by relentlessly punishing the actual sinners, while they spared the rest who gave clear proof of their piety. To none of their convicted blood-relations did they shew pity, or mercifully condone their crimes, but held that their slayers were free from guilt. And, therefore, they kept in their own hand the act of vengeance, which in the truest sense was laudable to its executors. Twenty-four thousand,",
+                    "[304] we are told, perished in one day. And with them perished, at the same moment, the common pollution which was defiling the whole host.  When the purging was completed, Moses sought how to give to the high priest’s son, who had been the first to rush to the defence, such reward as he deserved for his heroism. But he was forestalled by God, Whose voice granted to Phinehas the highest of blessings, peace—a gift which no human being can bestow—and, besides peace, full possession of the priesthood, a heritage to himself and his family which none should take from them. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[305] Since, now, their internal troubles were entirely at an end, and, further, all those who were suspected of desertion or treachery had perished, it seemed to be a very suitable opportunity for waging war against Balak who had both plotted and executed mischief on so vast a scale. In the plotting he had been served by the soothsayer, who, he hoped, would be able by his curses to destroy the power of the Hebrews; in the execution by the licentiousness and wantonness of the women, who had caused the ruin of their paramours, of their bodies through lust, of their souls through impiety.",
+                    "[306] However, Moses did not think well to employ his whole army, knowing that over-large multitudes fall through their own unwieldiness, and, at the same time, he thought it was an advantage to have reserves to reinforce those who bore the first brunt. He accordingly selected the flower of his men of military age, one thousand from each tribe, twelve thousand, that is, corresponding to the number of the tribes, and chose as commander-in-chief Phinehas, who had already given proof of his courage in that capacity; and after favourable sacrifices he dispatched his armed men, with words of encouragement to the following effect: “The contest before you is not to win dominion,",
+                    "[307] nor to appropriate the possessions of others, which is the sole or principal object of other wars, but to defend piety and holiness, from which our kinsfolk and friends have been perverted by the enemies who have indirectly caused their victims to perish miserably.",
+                    "[308] It would be absurd, then, if, after having slain with our own hands those who transgressed the law, we should spare the enemies who committed the graver wrong; if, after putting to death those who learned the lesson of wrongdoing, we should leave unpunished the teachers who forced them to it, and are responsible for all they did or suffered.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[309] So, braced by these exhortations, with the native gallantry of their souls kindled to a flame, they went forth to the contest as to certain victory with indomitable resolution, and in the engagement shewed such a wealth of strength and boldness, that they made a slaughter of their opponents, and returned themselves all safe and sound without a single one killed or even wounded.",
+                    "[310] Indeed, any spectator who did not know the facts would have supposed that they were returning not from a war or pitched battle but from those military reviews and displays of arms so frequently made in peace-time, which serve as drilling and practising grounds, where training for hostilities is carried on among friends.",
+                    "[311] They proceeded to destroy the cities utterly by demolition or fire, so that no one could have told that they had ever been inhabited. And, having carried off prisoners more than they could count, they felt justified in putting the men and women to death, the former because these iniquitous designs and actions had been begun by them, the women because they had bewitched the younger Hebrews and thus led them into licentiousness and impiety and finally to death; but to the boys who were quite young and the maidens they shewed the mercy which their tender age secured for them.",
+                    "[312] Having greatly enriched themselves with much booty from the palaces and private houses, and also from the country homesteads, since there was as much to be got from the estates as from the cities, they returned to the camp laden with all the wealth obtained from their enemies.",
+                    "[313] Moses praised the general, Phinehas, and the combatants for their exploits, and also because they had not rushed to gain the prizes, nor thought of taking the spoil for themselves alone, but put it into a common stock, that those who had stayed behind in the tents might have their share. But he gave orders that they should stay outside the camp for some days, and that the high priest should purge from bloodshed those members of the united army who returned after being actually engaged.",
+                    "[314] For, though the slaughter of enemies is lawful, yet one who kills a man, even if he does so justly and in self-defence and under compulsion, has something to answer for, in view of the primal common kinship of mankind. And therefore purification was needed for the slayers, to absolve them from what was held to have been a pollution."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[315] However, after a short time, he went on to distribute the spoil, giving half to the campaigners, who were a small number compared with those who had remained inactive, while the other half he gave to those who had stayed in the camp. For he considered that it was just to give them a part of the prizes, seeing that their souls at least, if not their bodies, had taken part in the conflict. For reserve troops are not inferior in spirit to the actual fighters, but take a second place only in time and because the first place is preoccupied by others.",
+                    "[316] And, now that the few had taken more, because they were in the forefront of danger, and the many less, because they had remained in the camp, he thought it necessary to dedicate the firstfruits of all the spoil. So the reserves contributed a fiftieth, and those who had led the advance a five-hundredth. The offerings of the latter class he ordered to be given to the high priest, and those of the former class to the temple servants, who were called Levites.",
+                    "[317] But the commanders of hundreds and thousands, and the rest of the company of officers who led the various divisions,  voluntarily made a special offering of firstfruits in acknowledgement of the preservation of themselves and their fellow-combatants, and of the victory whose glory no words could describe. These offerings were all the golden ornaments which each of them obtained from the spoil, and very costly vessels also made of gold; all of which Moses took, and, honouring the piety of the donors, laid them up in the consecrated tabernacle as a memorial of their thankfulness. Admirable indeed was the system of distributing the firstfruits.",
+                    "[318] The tribute of the non-combatants, who had shewn a half-excellence by a zeal unaccompanied by action, he assigned to the temple servants; that of the fighters, who had hasarded bodies and souls, and thus displayed a complete measure of manly worth, he gave to the high priest, the president of the temple servants, that of the commanders of divisions, being the gift of captains, to the captain all, even God."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[319] All these wars were fought and won without crossing the river of the land, the Jordan, against the inhabitants of the rich and deep-soiled country on the outer side, where there was much expanse of plain fit for growing corn and providing excellent fodder for cattle.",
+                    "[320] When the two cattle-breeding tribes, who were a sixth part of the whole host, surveyed this country, they besought Moses to let them take their allotments there and settle down at once; for the region, they said, was very well suited to give pasturage and grazing to cattle, being well supplied with water and grassland and producing of itself abundance of herbage for maintaining sheep.",
+                    "[321] Moses, however, considered that they were either claiming to have precedence in the distribution and to take their prizes before they were due, or else were shirking the wars which awaited them, where more kings, whose possessions were situated on the inner side of the river, were still lying ready to resist them. Consequently, he was greatly incensed, and answered them angrily in these words:",
+                    "[322] “Are you, then, to settle down here to enjoy an undeserved leisure and idleness, leaving your kinsfolk and friends to the agony of the wars which still remain? And are the prizes to be given to you alone, as though success was complete, while battles and labours and tribulation and supreme dangers await the others?",
+                    "[323] Nay, it is not just that you should reap peace and its blessings, while the others are struggling with wars and countless ills, or that the whole should be a mere appendage to the parts, whereas, on the contrary, it is only on the merits of the whole that the parts are held deserving of their portion.",
+                    "[324] You have all equal rights with us; one race, the same fathers, one house, the same customs, community of laws, and other things innumerable, each of which strengthens the tie of kinship and the harmony of goodwill.  Why, then, when you have been adjudged an equal share in the greatest and most vital matters, should you seek an unfair preference in the distribution, with the arrogance which a ruler might shew to his subjects or a master to his slaves?",
+                    "[325] You ought, indeed, to have learnt a lesson from the blows which others have suffered; for wise men do not wait till the calamity is upon them. As it is, though your own kin supplies you with examples of warning in your fathers who inspected this land, and in the misfortune of them and those who shared their craven-heartedness, all of whom perished save two, though you should not let your name be associated with any such as these, so senseless are you that you follow after cowardice and forget that it will make you an easier prey. And you upset the ardent resolution of those who are fully disposed to manliness, whose spirits you paralyse and unnerve. Therefore, in hastening to sin,",
+                    "[326] you will be hastening to punishment also;  for it is the way of justice to be slow to move, but, when it is once moved, it overtakes and seizes the fugitives.",
+                    "[327] When all the enemies are destroyed, and there is no prospect of war still awaiting us; when all the confederates have on scrutiny been found guiltless of desertion from the ranks or from the army, or of any other action which is the sequel of defeat, but have proved their constancy both of body and spirit from first to last; when finally the whole country has been cleared of its former inhabitants, then will the prizes and rewards for valour be given to the tribes on equal terms.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[328] The two tribes listened to this admonition meekly, as true-born sons to a very kindly father. For they knew that he did not speak with an arrogance founded on official authority, but out of solicitude for them all and respect for justice and equality, and that his detestation of evil was never meant to cast reproach but always to bring those capable of improvement to a better mind. “You are naturally indignant,” they replied, “if you have got the idea that we are eager to leave the confederacy and take our portions before they are due.",
+                    "[329] But you must clearly understand that no form of virtuous conduct, however toilsome it may be, alarms us. And by virtuous conduct we understand that we should obey you, great leader as you are, and be backward in no danger, and take our place in all the coming campaigns until the happy consummation is reached.",
+                    "[330] We will, therefore, as before, take our place in the ranks, and cross Jordan with our full equipment, and give none of our armed men any excuse to stay behind; but our sons who are mere children and our daughters and our wives and our great stock of cattle will be left behind, if you permit, after we have built houses for the women and children and sheds for the animals, since otherwise, caught before we return, in a position unfortified and unprotected, they might meet with disaster at the hands of raiders.”",
+                    "[331] Moses’ face was kindly and his tones milder, as he replied as follows: “If you are true to your words, the apportionments which you have asked shall remain secure to you. Leave your women and children and cattle, as you demand, and cross the river yourselves in your battalions with the rest, fully armed and arrayed for the fight, ready to engage at once if necessary.",
+                    "[332] Later, when all the enemy are destroyed, and, peace having been made, the victors divide the land, you too will return to your people to enjoy the good things that fall to your share and reap the fruits of the lot that you have chosen.”",
+                    "[333] When they heard these promises from his lips, filled with joy and courage, they settled their people and cattle safely in positions strongly protected against assault, in most cases by artificial fortifications. Then, taking up their arms, they rushed to the field more eagerly than the other confederates, as though they would wage the war alone or at any rate be the first of all to enter the conflict. For the acceptance of a gift beforehand increases a man’s readiness to support his comrades. He feels that he is not a free giver, but is repaying a debt which he cannot escape.",
+                    "[334] We have now told the story of Moses’ actions in his capacity of king. We must next deal with all that he achieved by his powers as high priest and legislator, powers which he possessed as the most fitting accompaniments of kingship."
+                ]
+            ],
+            "Appendix": [
+                "APPENDIX TO <i>DE VITA MOSIS</i> I",
+                "§ 11. <i>Conscious of the increased misery</i>, etc. This idea, which does not seem very applicable to a three-months-old infant, is mentioned as a common, though mistaken, feeling about the death of older children in <i>Tusc. Disp</i>. i. 93 “idem, si puer parvus occidit, aequo animo ferendum putant; si vero in cunis ne querendum quidem … ‘Nondum gustaverat,’ inquiunt, ‘vitae suavitatem; hic autem iam sperabat magna, quibus frui coeperat.’ ”",
+                "§ 22. <i>Like the horse to the meadow</i>. The proverb appears with ἱππεύς instead of ἵππος in Plato, <i>Theaetetus</i> 183 D ἱππέας εἰς πεδίον προκαλεῖ Σωκράτη εἰς λόγους προκαλούμενος, and so in Lucian, <i>Pseudosophistes</i> 8. On the other hand ἵππος as here in Lucian, <i>Piscator</i> 9.",
+                "§ 23. <i>Assyrian letters</i>. Whatever Philo understood by this, he may have got the idea from Herodotus iv. 87, where Herodotus records the erection by Darius on the Bosporus of two <i>stelae</i>, one inscribed with Ἀσσύρια γράμματα, the other with Ἑλληνικά.",
+                "§ 263. Balaam’s ass (see footnote). Philo’s omission of any mention of the ass speaking may no doubt be due to the feeling that the story might seem ridiculous to the Gentile readers, whom he certainly has in view. But he quite possibly may have felt that it was one of the many passages which could only be accepted in a spiritual sense, like the mythical (μυθῶδες) account of the creation of Eve from the rib of Adam. In the one place where he mentions this part of the story, <i>De Cher</i>. 32–35, he gives the interpretation that the ass stands for the “unreasoning rule of life,” <i>i.e</i>. ordinary life pursuits, which the fool unjustly blames when things go wrong.",
+                "§ 304. πληγή (in Num. 25:8, 9). Not only is Philo’s mistake in taking this as = “slaughter” very natural, but are we sure that the LXX did not intend it? The word does not seem to be used in the LXX, in the historical books at least, of a pestilence as excluding other forms of divine visitation, except perhaps in 1 Chron. 21:22, and on the other hand is constantly used of a slaughter, <i>e.g</i>. 1 Sam. 4:10. Psalm 106(105):30 speaking of the incident takes it as a plague, but uses the θραῦσις of Num. 16:48, 49. Whether Paul understood it as a plague or a slaughter is not clear (1 Cor. 10:8)."
+            ]
+        },
+        "Book II": {
+            "": [
+                [
+                    "[1] The former treatise dealt with the birth and nurture of Moses; also with his education and career as a ruler, in which capacity his conduct was not merely blameless but highly praiseworthy; also with the works which he performed in Egypt and during the journeys both at the Red Sea and in the wilderness—works which no words can adequately describe; further, with the troubles which he successfully surmounted, and with his partial distribution of territories to the combatants. The present treatise is concerned with matters allied and consequent to these.",
+                    "[2] For it has been said, not without good reason, that states can only make progress in well-being if either kings are philosophers or philosophers are kings.  But Moses will be found to have displayed, and more than displayed, combined in his single person, not only these two faculties—the kingly and the philosophical—but also three others, one of which is concerned with law-giving, the second with the high priest’s office, and the last with prophecy.",
+                    "[3] On these three I have now elected to write, being forced to the conviction that it is fitting that they should be combined in the same person. For Moses, through God’s providence, became king and lawgiver and high priest and prophet; and in each function he won the highest place. But why it is fitting that they should all be combined in the same person needs explanation.",
+                    "[4] It is a king’s duty to command what is right and forbid what is wrong. But to command what should be done and to forbid what should not be done is the peculiar function of law; so that it follows at once that the king is a living law, and the law a just king. ",
+                    "[5] But a king and lawgiver ought to have under his purview not only human but divine things; for, without God’s directing care, the affairs of kings and subjects cannot go aright. And therefore such as he needs the chief priest-hood, so that, fortified with perfect rites and the perfect knowledge of the service of God, he may ask that he and those whom he rules may receive prevention of evil and participation in good from the gracious Being Who assents to prayers. For surely that Being will grant fulfilment to prayers, seeing that He is kindly by nature and deems worthy of His special favour those who give Him genuine service.",
+                    "[6] But, since to this king, lawgiver and high priest who, though possessed of so generous a heritage of fortune’s gifts, is after all but a mortal creature, countless things both human and divine are wrapped in obscurity, Moses necessarily obtained prophecy also, in order that through the providence of God he might discover what by reasoning he could not grasp. For prophecy 7 finds its way to what the mind fails to reach.",
+                    "[7] Beautiful and all-harmonious is the union of these four faculties; for, intertwined and clinging to each other, they move in rhythmic concord, mutually receiving and repaying benefits, and thus imitate the virgin Graces whom an immutable law of nature forbids to be separated. And of them it may be justly said, what is often said of the virtues, that to have one is to have all. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[8] First, we must speak of the legislative condition of mind. I know, indeed, that he who is to obtain excellence as a legislator should possess all the virtues fully and completely. But, since also in households there are some very nearly and others only distantly connected with the family, though all are akin to each other, so too we must suppose that some virtues are more closely associated with some situations, while others have less affinity.",
+                    "[9] The legislative faculty has for its brothers and close kinsfolk these four in particular: love of humanity, of justice, of goodness, and hatred of evil. Each of these has its message of encouragement for everyone who is inspired with a zeal for law-making. By love of humanity he is bidden to produce for public use his thoughts for the common weal; by justice to honour equality and to render to every man his due; by love of goodness to approve of things naturally excellent, and to supply them without reserve to all who are worthy of them for their unstinted use; by hatred of evil to spurn the dishonourers of virtue, and frown upon them as the common enemies of the human race.",
+                    "[10] It is no small thing if it is given to anyone to acquire even one of these—a marvel surely that he should be able to grasp them all together. And to this Moses alone appears to have attained, who shews distinctly these aforesaid virtues in his ordinances.",
+                    "[11] They know this well who read the sacred books, which, unless he was such as we have said, he would never have composed under God’s guidance and handed on for the use of those who are worthy to use them, to be their fairest possession, likenesses and copies of the patterns enshrined in the soul, as also are the laws set before us in these books, which shew so clearly the said virtues."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[12] That Moses himself was the best of all lawgivers in all countries, better in fact than any that have ever arisen among either the Greeks or the barbarians, and that his laws are most excellent and truly come from God, since they omit nothing that is needful, is shewn most clearly by the following proof.",
+                    "[13] Anyone who takes a considered view of the institutions of other peoples will find that they have been unsettled by numberless causes—wars, tyrannies or other mishaps—which the revolutions of fortune have launched upon them. Often, too, luxury, growing to excess by lavish supplies of superfluities, has upset the laws; because the mass of people, being unable to bear “good things in excess,”  becomes surfeited and consequently violent: and violence is the enemy of law. But Moses is alone in this, that his laws,",
+                    "[14] firm, unshaken, immovable, stamped, as it were, with the seals of nature herself, remain secure from the day when they were first enacted to now, and we may hope that they will remain for all future ages as though immortal, so long as the sun and moon and the whole heaven and universe exist.",
+                    "[15] Thus, though the nation has undergone so many changes, both to increased prosperity and the reverse, nothing—not even the smallest part of the ordinances—has been disturbed; because all have clearly paid high honour to their venerable and godlike character.",
+                    "[16] But that which no famine nor pestilence nor war nor king nor tyrant, no rebel assault of soul or body or passion or vice, nor any other evil whether of God’s sending or man’s making, could undo, must surely be precious beyond what words can describe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[17] Yet, though it may be rightly thought a great matter in itself that the laws should have been guarded securely through all time, we have not reached the true marvel. There is something surely still more wonderful—even this: not only Jews but almost every other people, particularly those which take more account of virtue, have so far grown in holiness as to value and honour our laws. In this they have received a special distinction which belongs to no other code. Here is the proof.",
+                    "[18] Throughout the world of Greeks and barbarians, there is practically no state which honours the institutions of any other. Indeed, they can scarcely be said to retain their own perpetually, as they adapt them to meet the vicissitudes of times and circumstances.",
+                    "[19] The Athenians reject the customs and institutions of the Lacedaemonians, and the Lacedaemonians those of the Athenians; nor, in the world of the barbarians, do the Egyptians maintain the laws of the Scythians nor the Scythians those of the Egyptians—nor, to put it generally, Europeans those of Asiatics nor Asiatics those of Europeans. We may fairly say that mankind from east to west, every country and nation and state, shew aversion to foreign institutions, and think that they will enhance the respect for their own by shewing disrespect for those of other countries.",
+                    "[20] It is not so with ours. They attract and win the attention of all, of barbarians, of Greeks, of dwellers on the mainland and islands, of nations of the east and the west, of Europe and Asia, of the whole inhabited world from end to end.",
+                    "[21] For, who has not shewn his high respect for that sacred seventh day, by giving rest and relaxation from labour to himself and his neighbours, freemen and slaves alike, and beyond these to his beasts?",
+                    "[22] For the holiday extends also to every herd, and to all creatures made to minister to man, who serve like slaves their natural master. It extends also to every kind of trees and plants; for it is not permitted to cut any shoot or branch, or even a leaf, or to pluck any fruit whatsoever. All such are set at liberty on that day, and live as it were in freedom, under the general edict that proclaims that none should touch them.",
+                    "[23] Again, who does not every year shew awe and reverence for the fast, as it is called,  which is kept more strictly and solemnly than the “holy month”  of the Greeks? For in this last the untempered wine flows freely, and the board is spread sumptuously, and all manner of food and drink are lavishly provided, whereby the insatiable pleasures of the belly are enhanced, and further cause the outburst of the lusts that lie below it.",
+                    "[24] But in our fast men may not put food and drink to their lips, in order that with pure hearts, untroubled and untrammelled by any bodily passion, such as is the common outcome of repletion, they may keep the holy-day, propitiating the Father of All with fitting prayers, in which they are wont to ask that their old sins may be forgiven and new blessings gained and enjoyed."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[25] That the sanctity of our legislation has been a source of wonder not only to the Jews but also to all other nations, is clear both from the facts already mentioned and those which I proceed to state. ",
+                    "[26] In ancient times the laws were written in the Chaldean tongue, and remained in that form for many years, without any change of language, so long as they had not yet revealed their beauty to the rest of mankind. But, in course of time, the daily,",
+                    "[27] unbroken regularity of practice exercised by those who observed them brought them to the knowledge of others, and their fame began to spread on every side. For things excellent, even if they are beclouded for a short time through envy, shine out again under the benign operation of nature when their time comes. Then it was that some people, thinking it a shame that the laws should be found in one half only of the human race, the barbarians, and denied altogether to the Greeks, took steps to have them translated.",
+                    "[28] In view of the importance and public utility of the task, it was referred not to private persons or magistrates, who were very numerous, but to kings, and amongst them to the king of highest repute.",
+                    "[29] Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, was the third in succession to Alexander, the conqueror of Egypt. In all the qualities which make a good ruler, he excelled not only his contemporaries, but all who have arisen in the past; and even till to-day, after so many generations, his praises are sung for the many evidences and monuments of his greatness of mind which he left behind him in different cities and countries, so that, even now, acts of more than ordinary munificence or buildings on a specially great scale are proverbially called Philadelphian after him.",
+                    "[30] To put it shortly, as the house of the Ptolemies was highly distinguished, compared with other dynasties, so was Philadelphus among the Ptolemies. The creditable achievements of this one man almost outnumbered those of all the others put together, and, as the head takes the highest place in the living body, so he may be said to head the kings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[31] This great man, having conceived an ardent affection for our laws, determined to have the Chaldean translated into Greek, and at once dispatched envoys to the high priest and king of Judaea, both offices being held by the same person, explaining his wishes and urging him to choose by merit persons to make a full rendering of the Law into Greek.",
+                    "[32] The high priest was naturally pleased, and, thinking that God’s guiding care must have led the king to busy himself in such an undertaking, sought out such Hebrews as he had of the highest reputation, who had received an education in Greek as well as in their native lore, and joyfully sent them to Ptolemy.",
+                    "[33] When they arrived, they were offered hospitality, and, having been sumptuously entertained, requited their entertainer with a feast of words full of wit and weight. For he tested the wisdom of each by propounding for discussion new instead of the ordinary questions, which problems they solved with happy and well-pointed answers in the form of apophthegms, as the occasion did not allow of lengthy speaking.",
+                    "[34] After standing this test, they at once began to fulfil the duties of their high errand. Reflecting how great an undertaking it was to make a full version of the laws given by the Voice of God, where they could not add or take away or transfer anything, but must keep the original form and shape, they proceeded to look for the most open and unoccupied  spot in the neighbourhood outside the city. For, within the walls, it was full of every kind of living creatures, and consequently the prevalence of diseases and deaths, and the impure conduct of the healthy inhabitants, made them suspicious of it.",
+                    "[35] In front of Alexandria lies the island of Pharos, stretching with its narrow strip of land towards the city, and enclosed by a sea not deep but mostly consisting of shoals, so that the loud din and booming of the surging waves grows faint through the long distance before it reaches the land.",
+                    "[36] Judging this to be the most suitable place in the district, where they might find peace and tranquillity and the soul could commune with the laws with none to disturb its privacy, they fixed their abode there; and, taking the sacred books, stretched them out towards heaven with the hands that held them, asking of God that they might not fail in their purpose. And He assented to their prayers, to the end that the greater part, or even the whole, of the human race might be profited and led to a better life by continuing to observe such wise and truly admirable ordinances."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[37] Sitting here in seclusion with none present save the elements of nature, earth, water, air, heaven, the genesis of which was to be the first theme of their sacred revelation, for the laws begin with the story of the world’s creation, they became as it were possessed, and, under inspiration, wrote, not each several scribe something different, but the same word for word, as though dictated  to each by an invisible prompter.",
+                    "[38] Yet who does not know that every language, and Greek especially, abounds in terms, and that the same thought can be put in many shapes by changing single words and whole phrases  and suiting the expression to the occasion? This was not the case, we are told, with this law of ours, but the Greek words used corresponded literally  with the Chaldean, exactly suited to the things they indicated.",
+                    "[39] For, just as in geometry and logic, so it seems to me, the sense indicated does not admit of variety in the expression which remains unchanged in its original form, so these writers, as it clearly appears, arrived at a wording which corresponded with the matter, and alone, or better than any other, would bring out clearly what was meant. The clearest proof of this is that,",
+                    "[40] if Chaldeans have learned Greek, or Greeks Chaldean, and read both versions, the Chaldean and the translation, they regard them with awe and reverence as sisters, or rather one and the same, both in matter and words, and speak of the authors not as translators but as prophets and priests of the mysteries, whose sincerity and singleness of thought has enabled them to go hand in hand with the purest of spirits, the spirit of Moses.",
+                    "[41] Therefore, even to the present day, there is held every year a feast and general assembly in the island of Pharos, whither not only Jews but multitudes of others cross the water, both to do honour to the place in which the light of that version first shone out, and also to thank God for the good gift so old yet ever young. But, after the prayers and thanksgivings,",
+                    "[42] some fixing tents on the seaside and others reclining on the sandy beach in the open air feast with their relations and friends, counting that shore for the time a more magnificent lodging than the fine mansions in the royal precincts.",
+                    "[43] Thus the laws are shewn to be desirable and precious in the eyes of all, ordinary citizens and rulers alike, and that too though our nation has not prospered for many a year. It is but natural that when people are not flourishing their belongings to some degree are under a cloud.",
+                    "[44] But, if a fresh start should be made to brighter prospects, how great a change for the better might we expect to see! I believe that each nation would abandon its peculiar ways, and, throwing overboard their ancestral customs, turn to honouring our laws alone. For, when the brightness of their shining is accompanied by national prosperity, it will darken the light of the others as the risen sun darkens the stars."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[45] The above is sufficient in itself as a high commendation to the lawgiver; but there is another still greater contained in the sacred books themselves, and to these we must now turn to shew the great qualities of the writer.",
+                    "[46] They consist of two parts: one the historical, the other concerned with commands and prohibitions, and of this we will speak later, after first treating fully what comes first in order.",
+                    "[47] One division of the historical side deals with the creation of the world, the other with particular persons,  and this last partly with the punishment of the impious, partly with the honouring of the just. We must now give the reason why he began his law-book with the history, and put the commands and prohibitions in the second place.",
+                    "[48] He did not, like any historian, make it his business to leave behind for posterity records of ancient deeds for the pleasant but unimproving entertainment which they give; but, in relating the history of early times, and going for its beginning right to the creation of the universe, he wished to shew two most essential things: first that the Father and Maker of the world was in the truest sense also its Lawgiver, secondly that he who would observe the laws will accept gladly the duty of following nature and live in accordance with the ordering of the universe, so that his deeds are attuned to harmony with his words and his words with his deeds. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[49] Now, other legislators are divided into those who set out by ordering what should or should not be done, and laying down penalties for disobedience, and those who, thinking themselves superior, did not begin with this, but first founded and established their state as they conceived it, and then, by framing laws, attached to it the constitution which they thought most agreeable and suitable to the form in which they had founded it. ",
+                    "[50] But Moses, thinking that the former course, namely issuing orders without words of exhortation, as though to slaves instead of free men, savoured of tyranny and despotism, as indeed it did, and that the second, though aptly conceived, was evidently not entirely satisfactory in the judgement of all, took a different line in both departments.",
+                    "[51] In his commands and prohibitions he suggests and admonishes rather than commands, and the very numerous and necessary instructions which he essays to give are accompanied by forewords and after-words, in order to exhort rather than to enforce. Again, he considered that to begin his writings with the foundation of a man-made city was below the dignity of the laws, and, surveying the greatness and beauty of the whole code with the accurate discernment of his mind’s eye, and thinking it too good and godlike to be confined within any earthly walls, he inserted the story of the genesis of the “Great City,” holding that the laws were the most faithful picture of the world-polity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[52] Thus whoever will carefully examine the nature of the particular enactments will find that they seek to attain to the harmony of the universe and are in agreement with the principles of eternal nature.",
+                    "[53] Therefore all those to whom God thought fit to grant abundance of the good gifts of bodily well-being and of good fortune in the shape of wealth and other externals—who then rebelled against virtue, and, freely and intentionally under no compulsion, practised knavery, injustice and the other vices, thinking to gain much by losing all, were counted, Moses tells us, as enemies not of men but of the whole heaven and universe, and suffered not the ordinary, but strange and unexampled punishments wrought by the might of justice, the hater of evil and assessor of God. For the most forceful elements of the universe, fire and water, fell upon them, so that, as the times revolved, some perished by deluge, others were consumed by conflagration.  The seas lifted up their waters,",
+                    "[54] and the rivers, spring-fed and winter torrents, rose on high and flooded and swept away all the cities of the plain, while the continuous and ceaseless streams of rain by night and day did the same for the cities of the uplands.",
+                    "[55] At a later time, when the race sprung from the remnant had again increased and become very populous, since the descendants did not take the fate of their forefathers as a lesson in wisdom, but turned to deeds of licence and followed eagerly still more grievous practices, He determined to destroy them with fire. Then, as the oracles declare,",
+                    "[56] the lightnings poured from heaven and consumed the impious and their cities, and to the present day the memorials to the awful disaster are shewn in Syria, ruins and cinders and brimstone and smoke, and the dusky flame still arises as though fire were smouldering within.",
+                    "[57] But while in these disasters the impious were chastised with the said punishments, it was also the case that those who stood out in excellence of conduct fared well and received the rewards which their virtue deserved.",
+                    "[58] While the rush of the flaming thunderbolts consumed the whole land, and the inhabitants to boot, one man alone, an immigrant, was saved by God’s protecting care, because he had shewn no liking for any of the misdeeds of the country, though immigrants, to secure themselves, usually shew respect for the customs of their hosts, knowing that disrespect for these entails danger at the hands of the original inhabitants. Yet he did not reach the summit of wisdom, nor was it because of the perfection of his nature that he was deemed worthy of this great privilege, but because he alone did not fall in with the multitude, when they turned aside to licentious living and fed every pleasure and every lust with lavish supplies of fuel like a flame when the brushwood is piled upon it."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[59] So, too, in the great deluge when all but the whole human race perished, one house, we are told, suffered no harm because the most venerable member and head of the household had committed no deliberate wrong. The manner of his preservation is a story worth recording, both as a marvel and as a means of edification.",
+                    "[60] Being judged a fit person not only to be exempted from the common fate, but also to be himself the beginner of a second generation of mankind, by God’s commands enjoined by the oracular voice, he built a huge structure of wood, three hundred cubits in length, fifty in breadth and thirty in height. Inside this, he framed a series of rooms, on the ground floor and second, third and fourth stories. Then, having laid up provisions, he introduced a male and female specimen of every kind of living creature both of the land and the air, thus reserving seeds in expectation of the better times  that were once more to come. For he knew that the nature of God was gracious,",
+                    "[61] and that, though the individuals perished, the race would be preserved indestructible because of its likeness to Himself, and that nothing whose being He had willed would ever be brought to nought."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "In consequence, all the creatures obeyed him, and the erstwhile savage grew gentle, and in their new tameness followed him as a flock follows its leader. When they had all entered,",
+                    "[62] anyone who surveyed the crew might fairly have said that it was a miniature of earth in its entirety, comprising the races of living creatures, of which the world had carried before innumerable specimens, and perhaps would carry them again.",
+                    "[63] What he had surmised came to pass not long afterwards, for the trouble abated, and the force of the deluge diminished every day, as the rain ceased and the water that had covered every land partly disappeared under the heat of the sun, partly subsided into the beds of water torrents and into chasms and the other hollows in the earth. For, as though by God’s command, every form of nature, sea, springs and rivers, received back what it had lent as a debt which must be repaid; for each stream subsided into its proper place.",
+                    "[64] But when the sublunary world had been purged, when earth rising from its ablutions shewed itself renewed with the likeness which we may suppose it to have worn when originally it was created with the universe, there issued from the wooden structure himself and his wife and his sons and his sons’ wives, and with the household, moving like a herd, the various animals which had been assembled there came forth to beget and reproduce their kind.",
+                    "[65] These are the guerdons and the prizes of the good, by which not only they themselves and their families won safety and escaped the greatest dangers, which, with the wild uprising of the elements as their weapon, stood menacingly over all and everywhere, but also became leaders of the regeneration, inaugurators of a second cycle, spared as embers to rekindle mankind, that highest form of life, which has received dominion over everything whatsoever upon earth, born to be the likeness of God’s power and image of His nature, the visible of the Invisible, the created of the Eternal. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[66] We have now fully treated of two sides of the life of Moses, the royal and the legislative. We must proceed to give account of the third, which concerns his priesthood. The chief and most essential quality required by a priest is piety, and this he practised in a very high degree, and at the same time made use of his great natural gifts. In these, philosophy found a good soil, which she improved still further by the admirable truths which she brought before his eyes, nor did she cease until the fruits of virtue shewn in word and deed were brought to perfection.",
+                    "[67] Thus he came to love God and be loved by Him as have been few others. A heaven-sent rapture inspired him, so markedly did he honour the Ruler of the All and was honoured in return by Him. An honour well-becoming the wise is to serve the Being Who truly IS, and the service of God is ever the business of the priesthood. This privilege, a blessing which nothing in the world can surpass, was given to him as his due, and oracles instructed him in all that pertains to rites of worship and the sacred tasks of his ministry."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[68] But first he had to be clean, as in soul so also in body, to have no dealings with any passion, purifying himself from all the calls of mortal nature, food and drink and intercourse with women.",
+                    "[69] This last he had disdained for many a day, almost from the time when, possessed by the spirit, he entered on his work as prophet, since he held it fitting to hold himself always in readiness to receive the oracular messages. As for eating and drinking, he had no thought of them for forty successive days, doubtless because he had the better food of contemplation, through whose inspiration, sent from heaven above, he grew in grace, first of mind, then of body also through the soul, and in both so advanced in strength and well-being that those who saw him afterwards could not believe their eyes.",
+                    "[70] For we read that by God’s command he ascended an inaccessible and pathless mountain, the highest and most sacred in the region, and remained for the period named, taking nothing that is needed to satisfy the requirements of bare sustenance. Then, after the said forty days had passed, he descended with a countenance far more beautiful than when he ascended, so that those who saw him were filled with awe and amazement; nor even could their eyes continue to stand the dazzling brightness that flashed from him like the rays of the sun. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[71] While he was still staying on the mount, he was being instructed in all the mysteries of his priestly duties: and first in those which stood first in order, namely the building and furnishing of the sanctuary.",
+                    "[72] Now, if they had already occupied the land into which they were removing, they would necessarily have had to erect a magnificent temple on the most open and conspicuous site,  with costly stones for its material, and build great walls around it, with plenty of houses for the attendants, and call the place the holy city.",
+                    "[73] But, as they were still wandering in the desert and had as yet no settled habitation, it suited them to have a portable sanctuary, so that during their journeys and encampment they might bring their sacrifices to it and perform all their other religious duties, not lacking anything which dwellers in cities should have. It was determined,",
+                    "[74] therefore, to fashion a tabernacle, a work of the highest sanctity, the construction of which was set forth to Moses on the mount by divine pronouncements. He saw with the soul’s eye the immaterial forms of the material objects about to be made, and these forms had to be reproduced in copies perceived by the senses, taken from the original draught, so to speak, and from patterns conceived in the mind.",
+                    "[75] For it was fitting that the construction of the sanctuary should be committed to him who was truly high priest, in order that his performance of the rites belonging to his sacred office might be in more than full accordance and harmony with the fabric."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[76] So the shape of the model was stamped upon the mind of the prophet, a secretly painted or moulded prototype, produced by immaterial and invisible forms; and then the resulting work was built in accordance with that shape by the artist impressing the stampings upon the material substances required in each case.",
+                    "[77] The actual construction was as follows. Forty-eight pillars  of the most durable cedar wood, hewn out of the finest trunks, were encased in a deep layer of gold, and each of these had two silver bases  set to support it and a golden capital fixed on the top. For the length of the building,",
+                    "[78] the craftsman put forty pillars, half of them—that is a row of twenty—on each side, with no interval left between them, but each joined and fitted on to the next, so as to present the appearance of a single wall. For the breadth he set right inside the remaining eight, six in the central space and two in the corners on either side of the centre, one on the right and one on the left; also four others at the entrance, like the rest in everything else, except that they had one base instead of the two of the pillars opposite, and after these, at the very outside, five, differing only in their bases, which were of brass.",
+                    "[79] Thus the whole number of pillars visible in the tabernacle, leaving out the two in the corners, hidden from view, amounted to fifty-five, that is to the sum of successive numbers from one to the supremely perfect ten. ",
+                    "[80] But if you choose to exclude the five in the propylaeum adjoining the open-air space which he has called the court, there will be left the most sacred number, fifty, the square of the sides of the right-angled triangle, the original source from which the universe springs.  This fifty is obtained by adding together the inside pillars, namely the forty made up by the twenties on each side, then the six in the middle, leaving out the two hidden away in the corners, and then the four opposite which support the veil.",
+                    "[81] I will now give my reason for first counting the five with the fifty and then separately. Five is the number of the senses, and sense in mankind inclines on one side to things external, while on the other its trend is towards mind, whose handmaiden it is by the laws of nature. And therefore he assigned the position on the border to the five pillars, for what lies inside them verges on the inmost sanctuary of the tabernacle, which symbolically represents the realm of mind, while what lies outside them verges on the open-air space and court which represent the realm of sense.",
+                    "[82] And therefore the five differ from the rest also in their bases which are of brass. Since the mind is head and ruler of the sense-faculty in us, and the world which sense apprehends is the extremity and, as it were, the base of mind, he symbolized the mind by the gold and the sense-objects by the brass.",
+                    "[83] The dimensions of the pillars were as follows: the height, ten cubits, the breadth, one-and-a-half, so that the tabernacle might appear equal in all its parts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[84] He also surrounded it with the most beautiful pieces of woven work of various colours, using without stint materials of dark red and purple and scarlet and bright white, for the weaving. For he made ten curtains, as he calls them in the sacred writings, of the four kinds of material just mentioned, twenty-eight cubits in length and extended to four cubits in breadth. Thus we find in them ten, the supremely perfect number, four which contains the essence of ten, twenty-eight, a perfect number, equal to the sum of its factors,  and forty, the most prolific of life, which gives the time in which, as we are told, the man is fully formed in the laboratory of nature. ",
+                    "[85] The twenty-eight cubits of the curtains were distributed as follows: ten along the roof, that being the breadth of the tabernacle, the rest extended along the sides, nine on each to cover the pillars, but leaving one cubit free from the floor, that this work so magnificent and worthily held sacred should not trail in the dust.",
+                    "[86] Of the forty cubits which sum up the breadth of the ten curtains, thirty are taken up by the length of the tabernacle itself, that being its extent, nine by the backyard, and the remaining one by the space at the propylaeum, thus forming a bond to make the enclosing complete.  On the propylaeum was set the veil.",
+                    "[87] But in a sense the curtains also are veils, not only because they cover the roof and the walls, but also because they are woven with the same kinds of material, dark red and purple and scarlet and bright white. And what he calls the “covering”  was also made with the same materials as the veil, that being placed inside along the four pillars to hide the inmost sanctuary, the “covering” outside along the five pillars, so that no unconsecrated person should get even a distant view of the holy precincts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[88] But, in choosing the materials for the woven work, he selected as the best out of a vast number possible four, as equal in number to the elements—earth, water, air, fire—out of which the world was made, and with a definite relation to those elements; the byssus, or bright white, coming from the earth, purple from the water, while dark red is like the air, which is naturally black, and scarlet like fire, since both are bright red. For it was necessary that in framing a temple of man’s making, dedicated to the Father and Ruler of All, he should take substances like those with which that Ruler made the All.",
+                    "[89] The tabernacle, then, was constructed to resemble a sacred temple in the way described. Its precincts contained an area of a hundred cubits long by fifty broad, with pillars at equal intervals of five cubits from each other, so that the total number was sixty, with forty arranged on the long sides and twenty on the broad sides,",
+                    "[90] in both cases half to each side. The material of the columns was of cedar wood overlaid by silver. The bases in all cases were of brass, and the height was five cubits. For the master craftsman thought it proper to cut down the height of what he calls the court by a complete half, in order that the tabernacle should be conspicuous by rising up to double the height. Five linen sheets like sails were attached to the pillars, both on the length and the breadth, so that no impure person could enter the place."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[91] The plan was as follows. The tabernacle itself was set in the midst, thirty cubits long and ten broad, including the thickness of the pillars. From three aspects, namely the two long sides and the space at the back, it was the same distance from the boundary of the court, reckoned at twenty cubits. But at the propylaeum there was naturally a greater interval of fifty cubits, on account of the number of people entering. This increase was required to make up the hundred cubits of the court; the twenty of the back-space and the thirty taken up by the tabernacle being added to the fifty at the entrances.",
+                    "[92] For the propylaeum  of the tabernacle was set as the border-line between the two fifties, namely the fifty on the eastern half, where the entrance is, and the fifty on the western half, consisting of the tabernacle and the area behind it.",
+                    "[93] At the beginning of the entrance to the court was built another very fine and large propylaeum with four pillars, on which was stretched a piece of woven work of various colours, made in the same way as those within the tabernacle and of like materials.",
+                    "[94] With these were also made the sacred vessels and furniture, the ark, candlestick, table and altars for incense and burnt offerings. The altar for burnt offerings was placed in the open air, opposite the entrance of the tabernacle,  at a distance sufficient to give the ministrants room for the daily performance of the sacrifices."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[95] The ark was placed on the forbidden ground of the inner sanctuary, within the veils. It was coated with costly gilding within and without, and was covered by a sort of lid, which is called in the sacred books the mercy-seat. ",
+                    "[96] The length and breadth of this are stated, but no depth, and thus it closely resembles the plane surface of geometry. It appears to be a symbol in a theological sense  of the gracious power of God; in the human sense, of a mind which is gracious to itself and feels the duty of repressing and destroying with the aid of knowledge the conceit which in its love of vanity uplifts it in unreasoning exaltation and puffs it with pride.",
+                    "[97] The ark itself is the coffer of the laws, for in it are deposited the oracles which have been delivered. But the cover, which is called the mercy-seat, serves to support the two winged creatures which in the Hebrew are called cherubim, but, as we should term them,",
+                    "[98] recognition and full knowledge.  Some hold that, since they are set facing each other, they are symbols of the two hemispheres, one above the earth and one under it,",
+                    "[99] for the whole heaven has wings. I should myself say that they are allegorical representations of the two most august and highest potencies of Him that IS, the creative and the kingly. His creative potency is called God, because through it He placed  and made and ordered this universe, and the kingly is called Lord, being that with which He governs what has come into being and rules it steadfastly with justice.",
+                    "[100] For, as He alone really IS, He is undoubtedly also the Maker, since He brought into being what was not, and He is in the nature of things King, since none could more justly govern what has been made than the Maker."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[101] In the space between the four and the five pillars, which may properly be called the vestibule of the temple, and is shut off by two woven screens, the inner and the outer, called respectively the veil and the covering, he set the remaining three of the equipments mentioned above. The altar of incense he placed in the middle, a symbol of the thankfulness for earth and water which should be rendered for the benefits derived from both these, since the mid-position in the universe has been assigned to them. The candlestick he placed at the south,",
+                    "[102] figuring thereby the movements of the luminaries above; for the sun and the moon and the others run their courses in the south far away from the north. And therefore six branches, three on each side, issue from the central candlestick, bringing up the number to seven,",
+                    "[103] and on all these are set seven lamps and candlebearers, symbols of what the men of science call planets. For the sun, like the candlestick, has the fourth place in the middle of the six and gives light to the three above and the three below it, so tuning to harmony an instrument of music truly divine."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[104] The table is set at the north and has bread and salt  on it, as the north winds are those which most provide us with food, and food comes from heaven and earth, the one sending rain, the other bringing the seeds to their fullness when watered by the showers. ",
+                    "[105] In a line with the table are set the symbols of heaven and earth, as our account has shewn, heaven being signified by the candlestick, earth and its parts, from which rise the vapours, by what is appropriately called the vapour-keeper  or altar of incense.",
+                    "[106] The great altar in the open court he usually calls by a name which means sacrifice-keeper, and when he thus speaks of the altar which destroys sacrifices as their keeper and guardian he alludes not to the parts and limbs of the victims, whose nature is to be consumed by fire, but to the intention of the offerer.",
+                    "[107] For, if the worshipper is without kindly feeling or justice, the sacrifices are no sacrifices, the consecrated oblation is desecrated, the prayers are words of ill omen with utter destruction waiting upon them. For, when to outward appearance they are offered, it is not a remission but a reminder of past sins which they effect.",
+                    "[108] But, if he is pure of heart and just, the sacrifice stands firm, though the flesh is consumed, or rather, even if no victim at all is brought to the altar. For the true oblation, what else can it be but the devotion of a soul which is dear to God? The thank-offering of such a soul receives immortality, and is inscribed in the records of God, sharing the eternal life of the sun and moon and the whole universe."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[109] Next after these, the master prepared for the future high priest a vesture, the fabric of which had a texture of great and marvellous beauty. It consisted of two garments, one of which he calls the robe and the other the ephod. ",
+                    "[110] The robe was of a comparatively uniform make, for it was all of the dark red colour, except at the lowest extremities, where it was variegated with golden pomegranates and bells and intertwined flowers.",
+                    "[111] The ephod, a work of special magnificence and artistry, was wrought with perfect knowledge in the kinds of materials mentioned above, namely dark red and purple and bright white and scarlet, with gold thread intertwined. For gold leaf cut into fine threads was woven with all the yarn.",
+                    "[112] On the shoulder-tops were fitted two highly precious stones of the costly emerald kind, and on them were graven the names of the patriarchs, six for each shoulder, twelve in all. On the breast were twelve other costly stones of different colours, like seals, in four rows of three each. These were fitted into what he calls the “place of reason.” ",
+                    "[113] This was made four-square and doubled, forming a ground to enshrine the two virtues, clear showing and truth.  The whole was attached by golden chainlets to the ephod, fastened strongly to it so as not to come loose.",
+                    "[114] A piece of gold plate, too, was wrought into the form of a crown with four incisions, showing a name which only those whose ears and tongues are purified may hear or speak in the holy place, and no other person, nor in any other place at all.",
+                    "[115] That name has four letters,  so says that master learned in divine verities, who, it may be, gives them as symbols of the first numbers, one, two, three and four; since the geometrical categories under which all things fall, point, line, superficies, solid, are all embraced in four. So, too, with the best harmonies in music, the fourth, fifth, octave and double octave intervals, where the ratios are respectively four to three, three to two, two to one and four to one. Four, too, has countless other virtues, most of which I have set forth in detail in my treatise on numbers. ",
+                    "[116] Under the crown, to prevent the plate touching the head, was a headband. A turban also was provided, for the turban is regularly worn by eastern monarchs instead of a diadem."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[117] Such was the vesture of the high priest. But I must not leave untold its meaning and that of its parts. We have in it as a whole and in its parts a typical representation of the world and its particular parts.",
+                    "[118] Let us begin with the full-length robe. This gown is all of violet, and is thus an image of the air; for the air is naturally black, and so to speak a robe reaching to the feet, since it stretches down from the region below the moon to the ends of the earth, and spreads out everywhere. And, therefore, the gown, too, spreads out from the breast to the feet round the whole body.",
+                    "[119] At the ankles there stand out from it pomegranates and flower trimming and bells. The earth is represented by the flowers, for all that flowers and grows comes from the earth; the water by the pomegranates or flowing fruit, so aptly called from their flowing juice; while the bells represent the harmonious alliance of these two, since life cannot be produced by earth without water or by water without the substance of earth, but only by the union and combination of both.",
+                    "[120] Their position testifies most clearly to this explanation. For, just as the pomegranates, the flower trimming and the bells are at the extremities of the long robe, so too what these symbolize, namely earth and water, occupy the lowest place in the universe, and in unison with the harmony of the All display their several powers at fixed revolutions of time and at their proper seasons.",
+                    "[121] This proof that the three elements, earth, water and air, from which come and in which live all mortal and perishable forms of life, are symbolized by the long robe with the appendages at the ankles, is supported  by observing that as the gown is one, the three said elements are of a single kind, since all below the moon is alike in its liability to change and alteration, and that, as the pomegranates and flower patterns are fastened to the gown, so too in a sense earth and water are suspended on the air, which acts as their support.",
+                    "[122] As for the ephod, consideration following what probability suggests will represent it as a symbol of heaven. For first the two circular emerald stones on the shoulder-pieces indicate, as some think, those heavenly bodies which rule the day and night, namely the sun and moon, or, as may be said with a nearer approach to truth, the two hemispheres of the sky. For, just as the stones are equal to each other, so is the hemisphere above to that below the earth, and neither is so constituted as to increase and diminish as does the moon.",
+                    "[123] A similar testimony is given by their colour, for the appearance of the whole heaven as presented to our sight is like the emerald. Six names, too, had to be engraved on each of the stones, since each of the hemispheres also divides the zodiac into two, and appropriates six of the signs.",
+                    "[124] Secondly, the stones at the breast, which are dissimilar in colour, and are distributed into four rows of threes, what else should they signify but the zodiac circle? For that circle, when divided into four parts, constitutes by three signs in each case the seasons of the year—spring, summer, autumn, winter—those four, the transition in each of which is determined by three signs and made known to us by the revolutions of the sun, according to a mathematical law, unshaken, immutable and truly divine.",
+                    "[125] Therefore also they were fitted into what is rightly called the place of reason, for a rational principle, ordered and firmly established, creates the transitions and seasons of the year. And the strangest thing is that it is this seasonal change which demonstrates their age-long permanence.",
+                    "[126] It is an excellent and indeed a splendid point that the twelve stones are of different colours and none of them like to any other. For each of the signs of the zodiac also produces its own particular colouring in the air and earth and water and their phases, and also in the different kinds of animals and plants."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[127] There is a point, too, in the reason-seat being doubled, for the rational principle is twofold as well in the universe as in human nature. In the universe we find it in one form dealing with the incorporeal and archetypal ideas from which the intelligible world was framed, and in another with the visible objects which are the copies and likenesses of those ideas and out of which this sensible world was produced. With man, in one form it resides within, in the other it passes out from him in utterance. The former is like a spring, and is the source from which the latter, the spoken, flows. The inward is located in the dominant mind, the outward in the tongue and mouth and the rest of the vocal organism.",
+                    "[128] The master did well also in assigning a four-square shape to the reason-seat, thereby shewing in a figure that the rational principle, both in nature and in man, must everywhere stand firm and never be shaken in any respect at all; and, therefore, he allotted to it the two above-named virtues, clear shewing and truth. For the rational principle in nature is true, and sets forth all things clearly, and, in the wise man, being a copy of the other, has as its bounden duty to honour truth with absolute freedom from falsehood, and not keep dark through jealousy anything the disclosure of which will benefit those who hear its lesson.",
+                    "[129] At the same time, as in each of us, reason has two forms, the outward of utterance and the inward of thought, he gave them each one of the two virtues as its special property; to utterance clear shewing, to the thinking mind truth. For it is the duty of the thinking faculty to admit no falsehood, and of the language faculty to give free play to all that helps to shew facts clearly with the utmost exactness.",
+                    "[130] Yet reason, as seen in either of these faculties, is of no value, however admirable and excellent are its lofty pronouncements, unless followed by deeds in accordance with it. And, therefore, since in his judgement speech and thought should never be separated from actions, he fastened the reason-seat to the ephod or shoulder-piece so that it should not come loose. For he regards the shoulder as the symbol of deeds and activity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[131] Such are the ideas which he suggests under the figure of the sacred vesture; but, in setting a turban on the priest’s head, instead of a diadem, he expresses his judgement that he who is consecrated to God is superior when he acts as a priest to all others, not only the ordinary laymen, but even kings.",
+                    "[132] Above the turban is the golden plate on which the graven shapes of four letters, indicating, as we are told, the name of the Self-Existent, are impressed, meaning that it is impossible for anything that is to subsist without invocation of Him; for it is His goodness and gracious power which join and compact all things.",
+                    "[133] Thus is the high priest arrayed when he sets forth to his holy duties, in order that when he enters to offer the ancestral prayers and sacrifices there may enter with him the whole universe, as signified in the types of it which he brings upon his person, the long robe a copy of the air, the pomegranate of water, the flower trimming of earth, the scarlet of fire, the ephod of heaven, the circular emeralds on the shoulder-tops with the six engravings in each of the two hemispheres which they resemble in form, the twelve stones on the breast in four rows of threes of the zodiac, the reason-seat of that Reason  which holds together and administers all things.",
+                    "[134] For he who has been consecrated to the Father of the world must needs have that Father’s Son  with all His fullness of excellence to plead his cause, that sins may be remembered no more and good gifts showered in rich abundance.",
+                    "[135] Perhaps, too, he is preparing the servant of God to learn the lesson, that, if it be beyond him to be worthy of the world’s Maker, he should try to be throughout worthy of the world. For, as he wears a vesture which represents the world, his first duty is to carry the pattern enshrined in his heart, and so be in a sense transformed from a man into the nature of the world; and, if one may dare to say so—and in speaking of truth one may well dare to state the truth—be himself a little world, a microcosm."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[136] Outside the propylaeum, at the entrance, there was a brazen laver, for the making of which the master did not take unworked material, as is usually done, but chattels already elaborately wrought for another purpose. These the women brought, filled with fervent zeal, rivalling the men in piety, resolved to win the prize of high excellence, and eager to use every power that they had that they might not be outstripped by them in holiness.",
+                    "[137] For, with spontaneous ardour at no other bidding than their own, they gave the mirrors which they used in adorning their comely persons, a truly fitting firstfruit offering of their modesty and chastity in marriage, and in fact of their beauty of soul.",
+                    "[138] These the master thought good to take, and, after melting them down, construct therewith the laver and nothing else, to serve for lustration to priests who should enter the temple to perform the appointed rites, particularly for washing the hands and feet; a symbol, this, of a blameless life, of years of cleanliness employed in laudable actions, and in straight travelling, not on the rough road or more properly pathless waste of vice, but on the smooth high road through virtue’s land.",
+                    "[139] Let him, he means, who shall be purified with water, bethink him that the mirrors were the material of this vessel, to the end that he himself may behold his own mind as in a mirror; and, if some ugly spot appear of unreasoning passion, either of pleasure, uplifting and raising him to heights which nature forbids, or of its converse pain, making him shrink and pulling him down, or of fear, diverting and distorting the straight course to which his face was set, or of desire, pulling and dragging him perforce to what he has not got, then he may salve and heal the sore and hope to gain the beauty which is genuine and unalloyed.",
+                    "[140] For beauty of body lies in well-proportioned parts, in a fine complexion and good condition of flesh, and short is the season of its bloom. But beauty of mind lies in harmony of creed, in concent of virtues. The passing of time cannot wither it, and, as its years lengthen, it ever renews its youth, adorned with the lustrous hue of truth and of consistency of deeds with words and words with deeds, and further of thoughts and intentions with both."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[141] When he had been taught the patterns of the holy tabernacle, and had passed on the lesson to those who were of quick understanding and happily gifted to undertake and complete the works in which their handicraft was necessary, the construction of the sacred fabric followed in natural course. The next step needed was that the most suitable persons should be chosen as priests, and learn in good time how they should proceed to bring the offerings to the altar and perform the holy rites.",
+                    "[142] Accordingly, he selected out of the whole number his brother as high priest on his merits, and appointed that brother’s sons as priests, and in this he was not giving precedence to his own family but to the piety and holiness which he observed in their characters. This is clearly shewn by the following fact. Neither of his sons, of whom he had two, did he judge worthy of this distinction, though he would surely have chosen both if he had attributed any value to family affection.",
+                    "[143] The installation was made with the consent of the whole nation, and, followed the directions laid down by the oracles, in a wholly new manner which deserves to be recorded. First he washed them with the purest and freshest spring water, then he put on them the sacred garments; on his brother the vesture, woven with its manifold workmanship to represent the universe, that is the long robe and the ephod in the shape of a breastplate; on his nephews linen tunics, and on all three girdles and breeches.",
+                    "[144] The object of the girdles was to keep them unhampered and readier for the holy ministry, by tightening the loose folds of the tunics; of the breeches to prevent anything being visible which decency requires to be concealed, particularly when they were going up to the altar or coming down from above and moving quickly and rapidly in all their operations.",
+                    "[145] For, if their dress had not been arranged so carefully, as a precaution against unforseen events, they would in their eagerness to carry out their duties with expedition reveal their nakedness and be unable to preserve the decency befitting consecrated places and persons."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[146] When he had attired them in these vestments, he took some very fragrant ointment which was compounded by the perfumer’s art, and applied it first to what stood in the open court, namely the great altar and the laver, sprinkling it on them seven times, then to the tabernacle and each of the sacred chattels, the ark, the candlestick, the altar of incense, the table, the libation cups or bowls, the vials, and everything else which was necessary or useful in sacrifices; and finally, coming to the high priest, he anointed him on his head plentifully with the unguent.",
+                    "[147] Having performed all this religiously, he ordered a calf and two rams to be brought. The calf he purposed to offer to gain remission of sins, showing by this figure that sin is congenital to every created being, even the best, just because they are created, and this sin requires prayers and sacrifices to propitiate the Deity, lest His wrath be roused and visited upon them.",
+                    "[148] Of the rams, one he offered as a whole burnt offering in thanksgiving for His ordering of the whole, that gift which each of us shares according to the part allotted through the benefits which he receives from the elements: from earth, for habitation and the food which it affords; from water, for drinking and cleansing and voyaging; from air, for breathing and perception through the senses, all of which operate by means of air, which also gives us the seasons of the year; from the fire of common use, for cooking and heating, and from the heavenly variety for light-giving and all visibility.",
+                    "[149] The other ram he offered on behalf of those who were consecrated by the sanctifying purification for their full perfection, and accordingly called it the ram of “fulfilment,” from the full rites befitting the servants and ministers of God into which they were to be initiated.",
+                    "[150] He then took its blood and poured part of it round the altar. The rest he received in a vial which he held underneath, and smeared it on three parts of the bodies of those who were being admitted to the priesthood, on the extremity of the ear, the extremity of the hand, the extremity of the foot, in all these on the right side. In this figure, he indicated that the fully-consecrated must be pure in words and actions and in his whole life; for words are judged by the hearing, the hand is a symbol of action, and the foot of the pilgrimage of life.",
+                    "[151] And, as in each case the part smeared is the extreme end and on the right-hand side, we must suppose the truth indicated to be that improvement in all things needs a dexterous spirit, and seeks to reach the extreme of happiness, and the end to which we must press and refer all our actions, aiming our shafts, like archers, at the target of life."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[152] His first step, then, is to smear the unmixed blood of the single victim called the ram of fulfilment on the three parts of the priests’ bodies named above. After this, he took some of the blood at the altar, got from all the victims, and also some of the unguent already mentioned as compounded by the perfumers, and mixed the oil with the blood. He then used the mixture to sprinkle the priests and their garments, wishing to make them partakers not only of the sanctity of the outer and open court but that of the shrine within, since they were going to minister in the inner part also, all of which had been anointed with oil.",
+                    "[153] After other additional sacrifices had been brought, some by the priests on behalf of themselves, and others by the body of elders on behalf of the whole nation, Moses entered the tabernacle, taking his brother with him. This was on the eighth and last day of the celebration, the seven preceding days having been spent by him in initiating his nephews and their father and in acting as their guide to the sacred mysteries. After entering, he gave such instruction as the good teacher gives to an apt pupil on the way in which the high priest should perform the rites of the inner shrine.",
+                    "[154] Then they both came out, and, stretching forth their hands in front of their faces, offered prayers which befitted the needs of the nation in all sincerity and purity of heart. And, while they were still praying, a great marvel happened. There issued suddenly from the shrine a mass of flame. Whether it was a fragment of ether, the purest of substances, or of air resolved into fire by a natural conversion of the elements, it suddenly burst right through, and, with a mighty rush, fell upon the altar and consumed all that was on it, thus giving, I hold, the clearest proof that none of these rites was without divine care and supervision.",
+                    "[155] For it was natural that the holy place should have a special gift attached to it, over and above what human handiwork had given, through the purest of elements, fire, and thus the altar be saved from contact with the familiar fire of common use, perhaps because such a multitude of evils are associated with it.",
+                    "[156] For its activity is applied not only to the lower animals when they are roasted or boiled, to satisfy the cruel cravings of the miserable belly, but to the human beings slaughtered by the design of others, and that not in threes or fours but in assembled multitudes.",
+                    "[157] Ere now we have known the impact of fire-carrying arrows burn up great fully-manned fleets, and consume whole cities which have smouldered down to their very foundations and wasted away into ashes, leaving no trace to shew that they were populated in the past.",
+                    "[158] This is the reason, I imagine, why God expelled from His most pure and sacred altar the fire of common use and rained instead an ethereal flame from heaven, to distinguish between the holy and the profane, the human and the divine. For it was fitting that fire of a more incorruptible nature than that which subserves the needs of human life should be assigned to the sacrificial offerings."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[159] Many sacrifices were necessarily brought every day, and particularly at general assemblies and feasts, on behalf both of individuals and all in common, and for a multitude of different reasons. This piety shewn by so populous a nation made it needful to have also a number of temple attendants to help in the sacred services.",
+                    "[160] These, again, were chosen in a very novel and unusual manner. He selected and appointed one of the twelve tribes as the most meritorious, giving them the office as the prize and reward of a deed well pleasing to God.",
+                    "[161] The story of that deed is as follows: When Moses had gone up into the mountain, and was there several days communing privately with God, the men of unstable nature, thinking his absence a suitable opportunity, rushed into impious practices unrestrainedly, as though authority had ceased to be, and, forgetting the reverence they owed to the Self-Existent, became zealous devotees of Egyptian fables.",
+                    "[162] Then, having fashioned a golden bull, in imitation of the animal held most sacred in that country,  they offered sacrifices which were no sacrifices, set up choirs which were no choirs, sang hymns which were very funeral chants, and, filled with strong drink, were overcome by the twofold intoxication of wine and folly. And so, revelling and carousing the livelong night, and unwary of the future, they lived wedded to their pleasant vices, while justice, the unseen watcher of them and the punishments they deserved, stood ready to strike.",
+                    "[163] But, since the continuous shouting in the camp which arose from the great masses of men gathered together carried for a long distance, so that the echoes reached even to the mountain-top, Moses, as they smote upon his ear, was in a dilemma between God’s love for him and his love for man. He could not bear to leave his converse with God, in which he talked with Him as in private with none other present, nor yet to disregard the multitude, brimful of the miseries which anarchy creates.",
+                    "[164] For, skilled as he was to divine in an inarticulate and meaningless noise the distinguishing marks of inward passions which to others were obscure and invisible, he recognized the tumult for what it was, saw that drunkenness caused the prevailing confusion, since intemperance begets satiety, and satiety riot.",
+                    "[165] So, drawn backwards and forwards, hither and thither, by the two sides of his being, he was at a loss what he should do. And, as he considered, this divine message came. “Go quickly hence. Descend. The people have run after lawlessness. They have fashioned a god, the work of their hands, in the form of a bull, and to this god, who is no god, they offer worship and sacrifice, and have forgotten all the influences to piety which they have seen and heard.”",
+                    "[166] Struck with dismay, and compelled to believe the incredible tale, he yet took the part of mediator and reconciler and did not hurry away at once, but first made prayers and supplications, begging that their sins might be forgiven. Then, when this protector and intercessor had softened the wrath of the Ruler, he wended his way back in mingled joy and dejection. He rejoiced that God accepted his prayers, yet was ready to burst with the dejection and heaviness that filled him at the transgression of the multitude."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[167] When he arrived at the middle of the camp, and marvelled at the sudden apostasy of the multitude and their delusion, so strongly contrasting with the truth which they had bartered for it, he observed that the contagion had not extended to all and that there were still some sound at heart and cherishing a feeling of hatred of evil. Wishing, therefore, to distinguish the incurable from those who were displeased to see such actions and from any who had sinned but repented, he made a proclamation, a touchstone calculated to test exactly the bias of each to godliness or its opposite.",
+                    "[168] “If any is on the Lord’s side,” he said, “let him come to me.” Few words, indeed, but fraught with much meaning, for the purport was as follows: “Whoso holds that none of the works of men’s hands, nor any created things, are gods, but that there is one God only, the Ruler of the universe, let him join me.”",
+                    "[169] Of the rest, some, whom devotion to the vanity of Egypt had made rebellious, paid no heed to his words, while others, possibly in fear of chastisement, had not the courage to take their place beside him, either because they feared the vengeance they might suffer at the hand of Moses or the onslaught of an insurgent mob. For the multitude always set upon those who refuse to share their madness.",
+                    "[170] Among them all one tribe alone, known as Levites, when they heard the proclamation, came running with all speed, like troops for whom one signal is enough, shewing by their swiftness their zeal and the keenness of the inward feelings which urged them to piety.",
+                    "[171] Moses saw them coming like racers from the starting-point, and cried: “Whether the speed which has brought you here exists not only in your bodies but in your minds shall at once be put to the proof. Take each of you his sword, and slay those whose deeds deserve a thousand deaths, who have left the true God, and wrought gods, falsely so called, from corruptible and created matter, and given them a title which belongs to the Incorruptible and Uncreated. Yea, slay them, though they be kinsmen and friends, believing that between the good there is no kinship and friendship but godliness.”",
+                    "[172] Their readiness anticipated his exhortations, for their sentiments had been hostile to the offenders almost from the first moment that they saw their misconduct, and they made a wholesale slaughter to the number of three thousand of those who but now had been their dearest. As their corpses lay in the middle of the market-place, the multitude as they gazed felt pity for them, but, terror-struck at the still heated and wrathful resolution of the slayers, learned wisdom from fear.",
+                    "[173] But Moses, in approval of this heroism, devised and confirmed a reward for the victors well suited to the deed. For it was right that those who had voluntarily taken up arms for the honour of God, and so quickly achieved success, should receive the priesthood, and thus be worthily promoted to be His ministers."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[174] Now the consecrated persons consisted of more than one order. They included both those who were commissioned to penetrate to the inner shrine and offer the prayers and sacrifices and the other holy rites, and those sometimes called temple attendants who had none of these duties but had the care and guarding of the sacred building and its contents by day and night. Consequently, the strife for precedence, the cause of innumerable troubles to many persons and in many places, gained ground here also. The temple attendants made headway against the priests, and purposed to wrest their privileges from them, and they hoped to accomplish this easily, since they were many times the number of the others.",
+                    "[175] To prevent this sedition appearing to be their own particular project, they persuaded the senior tribe of the twelve to make common cause with them, and this tribe had many adherents among the more thoughtless, who supposed it capable of taking the supremacy as its birthright.",
+                    "[176] Moses recognized in this the rise of a grave attack upon himself, for he had chosen his brother as high priest in accordance with the oracles vouchsafed to him. But there were spiteful rumours that he had falsely invented the oracles, and had made his choice through family feeling and affection for his brother.",
+                    "[177] He was naturally pained at this, not merely that he was distrusted when he had shewn his good faith by so many proofs, but that this distrust extended to actions which concerned the honouring of God, actions which by themselves would necessarily ensure truthfulness even in one whose character was false in everything else, for truth is God’s attendant. But he did not think good to use words to explain to them his motives, knowing that it is vain labour to try to change the convictions of those of whom the opposite opinions have already taken hold, but besought God to shew them by clear demonstration that there had been no dishonesty in his choice of persons for the priesthood.",
+                    "[178] God commanded him to take twelve rods, corresponding to the number of the tribes, and on eleven of them to inscribe the names of the other patriarchs, but on the twelfth that of his brother who was also high priest, and then to take them into the temple, right into the inner sanctuary. Moses did as he was bidden, and eagerly awaited the result.",
+                    "[179] On the next day, under the impulse of a divine intimation, with all the people standing near, he went in and brought out the rods. The others shewed no difference, but the one on which was inscribed the name of his brother had undergone a wonderful change. Like a goodly plant, it had young sprouts growing all over it, and was laden with abundance of fruits."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[180] Now, the fruits were nuts, which in nature are the opposite of other fruits, for in most cases, the grape, the olive, the apple, there is a difference between the seed and the eatable part, and this difference extends to their situation, which is separate, for the edible part is outside, and the seed enclosed within. But, in the nut, seed and edible part are identical, merged in a single form, and their situation is the same inside, shielded and guarded on all sides by a double fence, composed partly of very thick shell and partly of a substance equivalent to a wooden framework.",
+                    "[181] In this way, it signifies perfect virtue; for, just as in a nut, beginning and end are identical, beginning represented by seed and end by fruit, so it is with the virtues. There, too, it is the case that each is both a beginning and an end; a beginning in that it springs from no other power but itself, an end in that it is the aspiration of the life which follows nature.",
+                    "[182] This is one reason why the nut is a type of virtue, but there is another given which is even clearer than that. The shell-formed part of the nut is bitter, and the inner layer which surrounds the fruit like a wooden fence is exceedingly solid and hard; and, as the fruit is enclosed in both these, it is not easy to get at.",
+                    "[183] In this Moses finds the parable of the practising soul, which he thinks he can rightly use to encourage that soul to virtue and teach it that it must first encounter toil. Toil is bitter and stiff and hard, yet from it springs goodness, and therefore there must be no softening.",
+                    "[184] For he who flees from toil flees from the good also, but he who patiently and manfully endures what is hard to bear is pressing on to blessedness. For in the voluptuous livers, whose souls are emasculated and whose bodies run to waste with ceaseless luxury prolonged from day to day, virtue cannot make its lodging; but it will first procure its divorce for misusage in the court of right reason,  and then seek another home.",
+                    "[185] But in very truth that most holy company, justice, temperance, courage, wisdom, follow in the train of the practisers and all who devote themselves to a life of austerity and hardship, that is to continence and self-restraint, together with simplicity and frugal contentment. For by these the highest authority within us, reason, advances to sound health and well-being, and brings to nought the formidable menace to the body, engineered in many a scene of drunkenness and gluttony and lewdness and the other insatiable lusts, the parents of that grossness of flesh which is the enemy of quickness of mind.",
+                    "[186] Further, they say, that of all the trees which regularly bud in the spring the almond-tree is the first to blossom with a welcome promise of a plentiful crop of fruit, and the last to shed its leaves, year by year protracting the hale old age of its verdure to the longest span. Each of these facts he takes as a parable of the priestly tribe, intimating that it will be the first and last of all the human race to blossom, in that day, whenever it shall be, when it shall please God to make our life as a springtime by ridding it of covetousness, that insidious foe which is the source of our misery. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[187] We said above that there are four adjuncts to the truly perfect ruler. He must have kingship, the faculty of legislation, priesthood and prophecy, so that in his capacity of legislator he may command what should be done and forbid what should not be done, as priest dispose not only things human but things divine, as prophet declare by inspiration what cannot be apprehended by reason. I have discussed the first three, and shewn that Moses was the best of kings, of lawgivers and of high priests, and will now go on to shew in conclusion that he was a prophet of the highest quality.",
+                    "[188] Now I am fully aware that all things written in the sacred books are oracles delivered through Moses; but I will confine myself to those which are more especially his, with the following preliminary remarks. Of the divine utterances, some are spoken by God in His own Person with His prophet for interpreter, in some the revelation comes through question and answer, and others are spoken by Moses in his own person, when possessed by God and carried away out of himself.",
+                    "[189] The first kind are absolutely and entirely signs of the divine excellences, graciousness and beneficence, by which He incites all men to noble conduct, and particularly the nation of His worshippers, for whom He opens up the road which leads to happiness.",
+                    "[190] In the second kind we find combination and partnership: the prophet asks questions of God about matters on which he has been seeking knowledge, and God replies and instructs him. The third kind are assigned to the lawgiver himself: God has given to him of His own power of foreknowledge and by this he will reveal future events.",
+                    "[191] Now, the first kind must be left out of the discussion. They are too great to be lauded by human lips; scarcely indeed could heaven and the world and the whole existing universe worthily sing their praises. Besides, they are delivered through an interpreter, and interpretation and prophecy are not the same thing. The second kind I will at once proceed to describe, interweaving with it the third kind, in which the speaker appears under that divine possession in virtue of which he is chiefly and in the strict sense considered a prophet."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[192] In fulfilment of my promise, I must begin with the following examples. There are four cases upon which the divine voice laid down the law in the form of question and answer and which therefore have a mixed character; for, on the one hand, the prophet asks a question under divine possession, and on the other hand the Father, in giving the word of revelation, answers him and talks with him as with a partner.  The first case is one which would have enraged not only Moses, the holiest of men ever yet born, but even one who knew but a little of the flavour of godliness.",
+                    "[193] A certain base-born man, the child of an unequal marriage, his father an Egyptian, his mother a Jewess, had set at naught the ancestral customs of his mother and turned aside, as we are told, to the impiety of Egypt and embraced the atheism of that people.",
+                    "[194] For the Egyptians almost alone among the nations have set up earth as a power to challenge heaven.  Earth they held to be worthy of the honours due to a god, and refused to render to heaven any special tribute of reverence, acting as though it were right to shew respect to the outermost regions rather than to the royal palace. For in the universe heaven is a palace of the highest sanctity, and earth is the outer region, estimable indeed in itself, but when it comes into comparison with ether, as far inferior to it as darkness is to light and night to day and corruption to incorruption and mortal man to God.",
+                    "[195] The Egyptians thought otherwise; for, since the land is not watered like other countries by the downpour of rain but regularly every year becomes a standing water through the flooding of the river, they speak of the Nile as though it were the counterpart of heaven and therefore to be deified, and talk about the land in terms of high reverence."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[196] And, lo, this half-bred person, having a quarrel with someone of the nation that has vision and knowledge, losing in his anger all control over himself, and also urged by fondness for Egyptian atheism, extended his impiety from earth to heaven, and with his soul and tongue and all the organism of speech alike accursed, foul, abominable, in the superabundance of his manifold wickedness cursed Him, Whom even to bless is a privilege not permitted to all but only to the best, even those who have received full and complete purification.",
+                    "[197] Whereupon Moses, astonished at his madness and the superabundance of his audacity, though the spirit of noble indignation was strong within him and he would fain have cut him off with his own hand, feared lest he might exact too light a penalty; for to devise an adequate punishment for such impiety was beyond human powers.",
+                    "[198] Refusal to reverence God implies refusal to honour parents and country and benefactors. And, if so, what depths of depravity remain for him to reach who besides refusing reverence dares also to revile Him? And yet even reviling is a lesser sin compared with cursing. But, when an idle tongue and an unbridled mouth put themselves at the service of lawless follies, some monstrous violation of the moral law is sure to be committed.",
+                    "[199] Answer me, thou man, Does anyone curse God? Then what other god does he call on to make good the curse, or is it clear that he invokes the help of God against Himself? Avaunt such profane and unholy thoughts! Well may the unhappy soul purge itself, which through the ministry of that purblind sense, the ears, has been outraged by listening to such words.",
+                    "[200] And was not the tongue of him who uttered such a blasphemy paralysed? and the ears of him who was to hear it blocked? Surely they would have been, were it not otherwise provided by justice, who holds that over nothing which is extremely good or exceedingly bad should a veil be thrown, but would have them submitted to the clearest test of their goodness or badness, that it may award approval to the one and punishment to the other.",
+                    "[201] Moses, therefore, ordered the man to be haled to prison and put in chains, and implored God, to Whose mercy he appealed, pleading the enforcement of the senses by which we see what by rights we should not see and hear what we should not hear, to shew what should be done to the author of this impious and unholy crime, so monstrous and unheard-of.",
+                    "[202] God commanded that he should be stoned, holding, I suppose, that stoning was the fitting punishment for a man of a hard and stony soul, and also desiring that the work of vengeance should be shared by all the people, who, as He knew, were deeply indignant and desired the death of the offender. And execution by missiles appeared to be the only mode in which so many thousands could take part.",
+                    "[203] When this impious malefactor had paid the penalty, a new ordinance was drawn up. Previous to this, no such enactment would have seemed to be required. But unexpected disorders demand new laws as a check to offences. And so on this occasion  the following law was promulgated: Whoever curses god, let him bear the guilt of his sin, but he that nameth the name of the Lord let him die. ",
+                    "[204] Well hast thou said, thou wisest of men, who alone hast drunk deep of the untempered wine of wisdom. Thou hast held the naming to be worse than the cursing, for thou couldst not be treating lightly one guilty of the gravest impiety and ranking him with the milder offenders while thou didst decree the extreme penalty of death to one who was judged to have committed the lesser iniquity."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[205] No, clearly by “god,” he is not here alluding to the Primal God, the Begetter of the Universe, but to the gods of the different cities who are falsely so called, being fashioned by the skill of painters and sculptors. For the world as we know it is full of idols of wood and stone, and suchlike images. We must refrain from speaking insultingly of these, lest any of Moses’ disciples get into the habit of treating lightly the name “god” in general, for it is a title worthy of the highest respect and love.",
+                    "[206] But if anyone, I will not say blasphemes the Lord of gods and men, but even ventures to utter His Name unseasonably, let him suffer the penalty of death.",
+                    "[207] For, even in the case of our own parents, though they are but mortals, all who have regard for the honour due to parentage abstain from using their personal names, and, leaving these unsaid, call them instead by the terms of natural relationship—father and mother—and their so addressing them is seen at once to be an indirect acknowledgement of unsurpassed benefits conferred by them and an expression of their own standing gratitude.",
+                    "[208] After this, can we still think worthy of pardon those, who, with a reckless tongue, make unseasonable use of the most holy name of the Deity and treat it as a mere expletive?"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[209] After this honour paid to the Parent of All, the prophet magnified the holy seventh day, seeing with his keener vision its marvellous beauty stamped upon heaven and the whole world and enshrined in nature itself.",
+                    "[210] For he found that she was in the first place motherless, exempt from female parentage, begotten by the Father alone, without begetting, brought to the birth, yet not carried in the womb. Secondly, he saw not only these, that she was all lovely and motherless, but that she was also ever virgin, neither born of a mother nor a mother herself, neither bred from corruption nor doomed to suffer corruption.  Thirdly, as he scanned her, he recognized in her the birthday of the world,  a feast celebrated by heaven, celebrated by earth and things on earth as they rejoice and exult in the full harmony of the sacred number.",
+                    "[211] For this cause, Moses, great in everything, determined that all whose names were written on his holy burgess-roll and who followed the laws of nature should hold high festival through hours of cheerful gaiety, abstaining from work and profit-making crafts and professions  and business pursued to get a livelihood, and enjoy a respite from labour released from weary and painful care. But this leisure should be occupied, not as by some in bursts of laughter or sports or shows of mimes and dancers on which stage-struck fools waste away their strength almost to the point of death, and through the dominant senses of sight and hearing reduce to slavery their natural queen, the soul, but by the pursuit of wisdom only.",
+                    "[212] And the wisdom must not be that of the systems hatched by the word-catchers and sophists who sell their tenets and arguments like any bit of merchandise in the market, men who for ever pit philosophy against philosophy without a blush, O earth and sun, but the true philosophy which is woven from three strands—thoughts, words and deeds—united into a single piece for the attainment and enjoyment of happiness.",
+                    "[213] Now, a certain man, setting at nought this ordinance, though the echoes of the divine commands about the sacredness of the seventh day were ringing in his ears, commands promulgated by God not through His prophet but by a voice which, strange paradox, was visible  and aroused the eyes rather than the ears of the bystanders, went forth through the midst of the camp to gather firewood, knowing that all were resting in their tents. But that his crime might not remain hidden,  he was observed while still engaged in the wicked deed.",
+                    "[214] For some persons who had gone out of the gates into the wilderness to pray in the quiet open solitude  saw this lawless sight, a man gathering sticks for fuel, and, hardly able to control themselves, they were minded to slay him. Reflection, however, caused them to restrain the fierceness of their anger. They did not wish to make it appear that they who were but private citizens took upon themselves the ruler’s duty of punishment, and that too without a trial, however clear was the offence in other ways, or that the pollution of bloodshed, however justly deserved, should profane the sacredness of the day. Accordingly they arrested him, and took him before the ruler beside whom the priests were seated, while the whole multitude stood around to listen;",
+                    "[215] for it was customary on every day when opportunity offered, and pre-eminently on the seventh day, as I have explained above, to pursue the study of wisdom with the ruler expounding and instructing the people what they should say and do, while they received edification and betterment in moral principles and conduct.",
+                    "[216] Even now this practice is retained, and the Jews every seventh day occupy themselves with the philosophy of their fathers, dedicating that time to the acquiring of knowledge and the study of the truths of nature.  For what are our places of prayer throughout the cities but schools of prudence and courage and temperance and justice and also of piety, holiness and every virtue by which duties to God and men are discerned and rightly performed?"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[217] So, then, the perpetrator of this great sin against God was for the time being taken into custody. But Moses was in doubt as to what should be done to him. He knew that the action deserved death,  but what would be the proper method of punishment? So, then, in spirit, he approached the judgement-seat, invisible even as the spirit which sought it, and asked of the Judge Who knows all before He hears it what His sentence was.",
+                    "[218] That Judge declared His decision that the man should die, and by no other death but stoning; since in him, as in the earlier culprit, the mind had been changed into a senseless stone by a deed which was the perfection of wickedness, and covered practically all the prohibitions enacted for the honouring of the seventh day.",
+                    "[219] How is this? Because not merely the mechanical but also the other arts and occupations, particularly those which are undertaken for profit and to get a livelihood, are carried on directly or indirectly by the instrumentality of fire. And, therefore, he often  forbids the lighting of a fire on the seventh day, regarding it as the cause which lay at the root of all and as the primary activity; and, if this ceased, he considered that other particular activities would naturally cease also.",
+                    "[220] But sticks are the material for fire, so that by picking them up he committed a sin which was brother to and of the same family as the sin of burning them. And his was a double crime; it lay first in the mere act of collecting, in defiance of the commandment to rest from work, secondly in the nature of what he collected, being materials for fire which is the basis of the arts."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[221] Both the incidents mentioned above are concerned with the punishment of impious persons, ratified by means of question and answer. There are two others of a different kind: one connected with the succession to an inheritance, the other with a rite performed at apparently a wrong season. It will be better to take the latter example before the other. ",
+                    "[222] Moses dates the first month of the year’s revolution at the beginning of the spring equinox. And, in doing so, he is not like some giving the place of honour to the actual time but rather to the gifts of nature which she raises up for men. For at the equinox the corn crops, our necessary food, become ripe, while on the trees, which are in full bloom, the fruit is just beginning to appear. This ranks second to the corn, and therefore is a later growth. For in nature what is a less pressing always comes after a really pressing necessity.",
+                    "[223] Now, wheat and barley and the other kinds of food without which life is impossible are pressing necessities, but wine and olive oil and tree fruits do not come under this head, as men continue their life for many years and reach extreme old age without them.",
+                    "[224] In this month, about the fourteenth day, when the disc of the moon is becoming full, is held the commemoration of the crossing, a public festival called in Hebrew Pasch, on which the victims are not brought to the altar by the laity and sacrificed by the priests, but, as commanded by the law, the whole nation acts as priest, each individual bringing what he offers on his own behalf and dealing with it with his own hands.",
+                    "[225] Now, while all the rest of the people were joyful and cheerful, each feeling that he had the honour of priesthood, there were others passing the time in tears and sorrow. They had lost relations lately by death, and in mourning them they suffered a double sorrow. Added to their grief for their dead kinsfolk was that which they felt at the loss of the pleasure and honour of the sacred rite. For they were not even allowed to purify or besprinkle themselves with holy water on that day, since their mourning had still some days to run and had not passed the appointed term.",
+                    "[226] These persons, after the festival, came to the ruler full of gloom and depression and put the case before him—the still recent death of their kinsfolk, the necessity of performing their duty as mourners and their consequent inability to take part in the sacrifice of the crossing-feast.",
+                    "[227] Then they prayed that they might not fare worse than the others, and that the misfortune which they had sustained in the death of their relations might not be counted as misconduct entailing punishment rather than pity. In that case they considered that their fate would be worse than that of the dead, for they have no longer any perception of their troubles, while they themselves would be suffering a living death, in which they still retained consciousness."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[228] Moses, hearing this, recognized the reasonableness of their claim, and also the cogency of their excuse for absenting themselves from the sacrifice; and with these was mingled a feeling of sympathy. Yet he wavered in his judgement, and oscillated as on a balance: one scale was weighed down by pity and justice, while in the other lay as a counterpoise the law of the Paschal sacrifices in which both the first month and the fourteenth day were clearly appointed for the rite. So, vacillating between refusal and assent, he besought God to act as judge and to give an oracle declaring his decision.",
+                    "[229] And God hearkened to him and vouchsafed an answer revealing His will, touching not only those for whom the prophet interceded but those of future generations who might find themselves in the same case. And, His grace abounding further, He included in the divine edict those who for other reasons might be unable to join the whole nation in a sacred service.",
+                    "[230] It is right to state what the pronouncements thus given were. “Mourning for kinsfolk,” He said, “is an affliction which the family cannot avoid, but it does not count as an offence.",
+                    "[231] While it is still running its appointed course, it should be banished from the sacred precincts which must be kept pure from all pollution, not only that which is voluntary but also that which is unintentionally incurred. But when its term is finished let not the mourners be denied an equal share in the sacred services, and thus the living be made an appendage to the dead. Let them form a second set to come on the second month and also on the fourteenth day, and sacrifice just as the first set, and observe a similar rule and method in dealing with the victims.",
+                    "[232] The same permission also must be given to those who are prevented from joining the whole nation in worship not by mourning but by absence in a distant country. For settlers abroad and inhabitants of other regions are not wrongdoers who deserve to be deprived of equal privileges, particularly if the nation has grown so populous that a single country cannot contain it and has sent out colonies in all directions.”"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[233] Having thus discussed the case of those who, through adverse circumstances, failed to make the Paschal sacrifice with the mass of the nation, but were set upon repairing the omission if late yet as best they could,  I will pass on to the final ordinance, which concerns the succession to an inheritance. This, like the others, originated in a question and answer and was thus of a mixed character.",
+                    "[234] There was a man called Zelophehad, highly reputed and of no mean tribe, who had five daughters and no son. After the death of their father, the daughters, suspecting that they would be deprived of the property he had left, since inheritances went in the male line, approached the ruler in all maidenly modesty, not in pursuit of wealth but from a desire to preserve the name and reputation of their father.",
+                    "[235] “Our father died,” they said, “but not in any of the risings in which, as it fell out, multitudes perished, but followed contentedly the quiet life of an ordinary citizen, and surely it is not to be accounted as a sin that he had no male issue.  We are here outwardly as orphans, but in reality hoping to find a father in you; for a lawful ruler is closer akin to his subjects than he who begat them.”",
+                    "[236] Moses admired the good sense of the maidens and their loyalty to their parent, but suspended his judgement, being influenced by another view, which holds that men should divide inheritances among themselves, to be taken as the reward for military service and the wars of which they have borne the brunt; while nature, who grants to women exemption from such conflicts, clearly also refuses them a share in the prizes assigned thereto.",
+                    "[237] Naturally, therefore, in this wavering and undecided state of mind, he referred the difficulty to God, Who alone, as he knew, can distinguish by infallible and absolutely unerring tests the finest differences and thereby shew His truth and justice.",
+                    "[238] And He, the Maker of All, the Father of the World, Who holds firmly knit together heaven and earth and water and air and all that each of them produces, the Ruler of men and gods, did not disdain to give response to the petition of some orphan girls. And, with that response, He gave something more than a judge would give, so kind and gracious was He, Who has filled the universe through and through with His beneficent power; for He stated His full approval of the maidens.",
+                    "[239] O Lord and Master, how can one hymn Thee? What mouth, what tongue, what else of the instruments of speech, what mind, soul’s dominant part, is equal to the task? If the stars become a single choir, will their song be worthy of Thee? If all heaven be resolved into sound, will it be able to recount any part of Thy excellences? “The daughters of Zelophehad have spoken rightly,” He said.",
+                    "[240] Who can fail to know how great a commendation is this testimony from God? Come now, you boasters, with your windy pride in your prosperity, and your pose of perked up necks and lifted eyebrows, who treat widowhood, that piteous calamity, as a joke, and the still more piteous desolation of orphanhood as a matter for mockery.",
+                    "[241] Mark how the persons who seem thus lonely and unfortunate are not treated as nothing worth and negligible in the judgement of God, of Whose empire the least honoured parts are the kingdoms found everywhere in the civilized world; for even the whole compass of the round earth is but the outermost fringe of His works—mark this, I say, and learn its much-needed lesson.",
+                    "[242] Still, though he praised the petition of the maidens and refrained from leaving them empty-handed, he did not promote them to equal honour with the men who bore the brunt of conflict. To these he assigned the inheritances as prizes suitable to their feats of valour; the women he judged worthy of charity and kindness, not of reward for services. He shows this clearly by the words He uses. He says: “Gift” and “thou shall give,”  not “payment” and “thou shalt pay,” for the latter pair are used when we receive what is our own,  the former when we make a free gift."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[243] After signifying His will as to the petition of the orphan maids, He lays down also a more general law about succession to inheritances. He names sons first for participation in their father’s property, and daughters second, if there are no sons. In the case of the daughters His phrase is that the inheritance should be “put round”  them, as though it were an external ornament, not a possession by right of kinship inalienable. For what is put round does not have an intimate connexion with what it adorns, and the ideas of close fitting and union are quite foreign to it.",
+                    "[244] After the daughters, He names the brothers as standing third, and the fourth place He assigns to uncles on the father’s side, thereby indirectly suggesting that fathers may become the heirs of sons. For it would be foolish to suppose that, while He assigns the inheritance of a nephew to his paternal uncle, because of that uncle’s relation to the father, He withdraws from the father himself the right of succession.",
+                    "[245] But since, in the natural order of things, sons are the heirs of their fathers and not fathers of their sons, He left unmentioned this deplorable and sinister possibility, to avoid the idea of a father and mother making profit out of their inconsolable sorrow at the untimely death of their children. But He does indirectly mention this by admitting the right of the uncles; and thus He attains both ends, the preservation of decency and the rule that the property should not go out of the family. After the uncles comes the fifth class, the nearest relations. And in all such cases it is the first in succession to whom He gives the inheritances."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[246] Having completed this necessary account of the oracles of mixed character, I will proceed next to describe those delivered by the prophet himself under divine inspiration, for this was included in my promise. The examples of his possession by God’s spirit begin with one which was also the beginning of the prosperity of the nation, when its many myriads set out as colonists from Egypt to the cities of Syria.",
+                    "[247] Men and women alike, they had traversed a long and pathless wilderness, and arrived at the Red Sea, as it is called. They were then naturally in great difficulties, as they could not cross the sea for want of boats, and did not think it safe to retrace their steps.",
+                    "[248] When they were in this state of mind, a greater misfortune burst upon them. The king of Egypt, accompanied by a very formidable body of infantry and cavalry, came in hot pursuit, eager to overtake them and so chastise them for leaving the country. He had, indeed, permitted them to do so, induced by unmistakable warnings from God. But the disposition of the wicked is, as may be well seen, unstable, suspended as it were on a balance and swayed up and down by the slightest cause in opposite directions.",
+                    "[249] Thus, caught between the enemy and the sea, they despaired each of his own safety. Some thought that the most miserable death would be a welcome blessing, while others, believing it to be better to perish by the elements of nature than to become a laughing-stock to their enemies, purposed to throw themselves into the sea, and, loaded with some heavy substances, sat waiting by the shore, so that when they saw the foe near at hand they might leap down and easily sink into the depths.",
+                    "[250] But, while in these helpless straits, they were at death’s door with consternation"
+                ],
+                [
+                    "the prophet, seeing the whole nation entangled in the meshes of panic, like a draught of fishes, was taken out of himself by divine possession and uttered these inspired words: “Alarm you needs must feel.",
+                    "[251] Terror is near at hand: the danger is great. In front is a vast expanse of sea; no haven for a refuge, no boats at hand: behind, the menace of the enemy’s troops, which march along in unresting pursuit. Whither can one turn or swim for safety? Everything has attacked us suddenly from every side—earth, sea, man, the elements of nature.",
+                    "[252] Yet be of good courage, faint not. Stand with unshaken minds, look for the invincible help which God will send. Self-sent it will be with you anon, invisible it will fight before you. Ere now you have often experienced its unseen defence. I see it preparing for the contest and casting a noose round the necks of the enemy. It drags them down through the sea. They sink like lead into the depths.  You see them still alive: I have a vision of them dead, and to-day you too shall see their corpses.”",
+                    "[253] So he spake with words of promise exceeding anything they could hope for. But they began to find by the experience of facts the truth of the heavenly message. For what he prophesied came to pass through the might of God, though harder to credit than any fable. Let us picture the scene. The sea breaks in two, and each section retires. The parts around the break, through the whole depth of their waters, congeal to serve as walls of vast strength: a path is drawn straight, a road of miracle between the frozen walls on either side:",
+                    "[254] the nation makes its passage, marching safely through the sea, as on a dry path or a stone-paved causeway; for the sand is crisped, and its scattered particles grow together into a unity: the enemy advance in unresting pursuit, hastening to their own destruction: the cloud goes behind the travellers’ rear to guide them on their way, and within is the vision of the Godhead, flashing rays of fire. Then the waters which had been stayed from their course and parted for a while return to their place: the dried-up cleft between the walls suddenly becomes a sea again:",
+                    "[255] the enemy meet their doom, sent to their last sleep by the fall of the frozen walls, and overwhelmed by the tides, as they rush down upon their path as into a ravine! that doom is evidenced by the corpses which are floated to the top and strew the surface of the sea: last comes a mighty rushing wave, which flings the corpses in heaps upon the opposite shore, a sight inevitably to be seen by the saved, thus permitted not only to escape their dangers, but also to behold their enemies fallen under a chastisement which no words can express, through the power of God and not of man.",
+                    "[256] After this, what should Moses do but honour the Benefactor with hymns of thanksgiving? He divides the nation into two choirs, one of men, the other of women, and himself leads the men while he appoints his sister to lead the women, that the two in concert might sing hymns to the Father and Creator in tuneful response, with a blending both of temperaments  and melody—temperaments eager to render to each other like for like; melody produced by the concord of treble and bass; for the voices of men are bass and the women’s treble, and when they are blended in due proportion the resulting melody is of the fullest and sweetest harmony.",
+                    "[257] All these myriads were persuaded by Moses to sing with hearts in accord the same song, telling of those mighty and marvellous works which I have recorded just above. And the prophet, rejoicing at this, seeing the people also overjoyed, and himself no longer able to contain his delight, led off the song, and his hearers massed in two choirs sang with him the story of these same deeds. "
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[258] It was thus that Moses began and opened his work as a prophet possessed by God’s spirit. His next utterance of this sort was concerned with that primary and most necessary matter, food; and this food was not produced by the earth, which was barren and unfruitful, but heaven rained down before daybreak, not once only but every day for forty years, a celestial fruit in the form of dew, like millet grain.",
+                    "[259] When Moses saw it, he bade them gather it, and said under inspiration: “We must trust God as we have experienced His kindnesses in deeds greater than we could have hoped for. Do not treasure up or store the food He sends. Let none leave any part of it over till the morrow.”",
+                    "[260] On hearing this, some whose piety had little ballast, thinking perhaps that the statement was no divine oracle but just the exhortation of the ruler, left it to the next day; but it first rotted and filled the whole extent of the camp with its stench, and then turned into worms which are bred from corruption.",
+                    "[261] Moses, seeing this, was naturally and indeed inevitably indignant at their disobedience—to think that after witnessing wonders so many and so great, impossibilities no doubt as judged by what to outward appearance is credible and reasonable but easily accomplished by the dispensations of God’s providence, they not only doubted, but in their utter incapacity for learning actually disbelieved.",
+                    "[262] But the Father confirmed the utterance of the prophet with two most convincing proofs. One proof He had given at the time, when what was left over corrupted and stank and then was changed into worms, the vilest of living creatures. The other He gave later, for the unneeded surplus over what was gathered by the multitude was dissolved by the sun’s rays, melted away and disappeared."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[263] Not long after, Moses delivered a second inspired pronouncement concerning the sacred seventh day. That day has held the place of honour in nature, not merely from the time when the world was framed, but even before the heaven and all that sense perceives came into being. Yet men knew it not, perhaps because by reason of the constant and repeated destructions by water and fire the later generations did not receive from the former the memory of the order and sequence of events in the series of years.  This hidden truth Moses, under inspiration, revealed in an announcement to which a manifest sign gave testimony.",
+                    "[264] This sign was as follows: the shower of food from the air was less on the first days, but on a later day was doubled; and on those first days anything left melted and was dissolved till, after turning completely into moisture, it disappeared; but on that later day it admitted no change and remained just as it had been. Moses, when he heard of this and also actually saw it, was awestruck and, guided by what was not so much surmise as God-sent inspiration, made announcement of the sabbath.",
+                    "[265] I need hardly say that conjectures of this kind are closely akin to prophecies. For the mind could not have made so straight an aim if there was not also the divine spirit guiding it to the truth itself.",
+                    "[266] Now the greatness of the wonder was shown not only by the double supply of food and its remaining sound contrary to the usual happening, but by the combination of both these occurring on the sixth day, counting from the day on which the food began to be supplied from the air; and that sixth day was to be followed by the dawning of the seventh which is the most sacred of numbers. And therefore consideration will show the inquirer that the food given from heaven followed the analogy of the birth of the world; for both the creating of the world and also the raining of the said food were begun by God on the first day out of six.",
+                    "[267] The copy reproduces the original very exactly: for, as God called up His most perfect work, the world, out of not being into being, so He called up plenty in the desert, changing round the elements to meet the pressing need of the occasion, so that instead of the earth the air bore food for their nourishment, and that without labour or travail for those who had no chance of resorting to any deliberate process of providing sustenance.",
+                    "[268] After this, he uttered a third prophetic saying of truly marvellous import. He declared that on the sabbath the air would not yield the accustomed food, and that nothing would come down to earth as it had done before, not even the smallest morsel.",
+                    "[269] And this proved true in the result, for it was on the day before the sabbath that he prophesied this, but on the morrow some of the weaker-minded set out to gather the food but were disappointed and returned baffled, reproaching themselves for their disbelief and hailing the prophet as a true seer, an interpreter of God, and alone gifted with foreknowledge of the hidden future."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[270] Such was his pronouncement under divine inspiration on the matter of the food which came from heaven, but there are examples to follow which must be noted, though perhaps they may be thought to resemble exhortations rather than oracular sayings. Among these is the command given at their great backsliding from the ways of their fathers, about which I have spoken above. This was when, after fashioning a golden bull in imitation of the vanity of Egypt,  they set up choirs and built altars and brought victims for sacrifice in forgetfulness of the true God and to the ruin of the high-born qualities inherited from their forefathers and fostered by piety and holiness.",
+                    "[271] At this, Moses was cut to the heart to think that in the first place the whole people had suddenly been blinded who a few hours ago had excelled every nation in clearness of vision, and secondly, that a fable falsely invented could quench the bright radiance of truth—truth on which no eclipse of the sun or of all the starry choir can cast a shadow, since it is illumined by its own light, the intelligible, the incorporeal, compared with which the light of the senses would seem to be as night compared with day.",
+                    "[272] He therefore became another man, changed both in outward appearance and mind; and, filled with the spirit, he cried: “Who is there who has no part with this delusion nor has given to no-lords the name of lordship? Let all such come to me.”",
+                    "[273] One tribe came at the call, bringing with them their minds no less than their bodies, men who for some time had been breathing slaughter against the godless workers of unholiness, but sought to find a leader and captain who would have the right to tell them when and how to make this attack. When Moses found them hot with rage and brimful of courage and resolution, he was more than ever possessed by the spirit and said: “Let each of you take his sword and rush through the whole camp, and slay not only those who are strangers to you but also the very nearest of your friends and kinsfolk. Mow them down, holding that to be a truly righteous deed which is done for truth and God’s honour, a cause which to champion and defend is the lightest of labours.”",
+                    "[274] So they slaughtered three thousand of the principal leaders in godlessness, without meeting any resistance, and thereby not only made good their defence against the charge of having been party to the shameless crime, but were accounted as the noblest of heroes and awarded the prize most suitable to their action, that is the priesthood. For it was meet that the duty of ministering to holiness should be given to those who had battled and acquitted themselves bravely in its defence."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[275] There is another still more remarkable utterance of this kind which I may mention. It is one which I described some way back when I was speaking of the prophet in his capacity of high priest. This again came from his own mouth when again under possession, and it was fulfilled not long afterwards but at the very time when the prediction was given.",
+                    "[276] The ministers of the temple are of two ranks, the higher consisting of priests, the lower of temple attendants; and at that time there were three priests  but many thousand attendants.",
+                    "[277] These last, puffed with pride at their own numerical superiority over the priests, despised their fewness, and combined in the same deed two trespasses, by attempting on the one hand to bring low the superior, on the other to exalt the inferior. This is what happens when subjects attack their rulers to confound that most excellent promoter of the common weal, order.",
+                    "[278] Then, conspiring with each other, and collecting in great numbers, they raised an outcry against the prophet, declaring that he had bestowed the priesthood on his brother and nephews because of their relation to him, and had given a false account of their election, which had not really been made under divine direction, as we stated it above to be.",
+                    "[279] Moses, greatly hurt and grieved at this, though the mildest and meekest of men, was so spurred to righteous anger by his passionate hatred of evil that he besought God to turn His face from their sacrifice; not that the All-righteous Judge would ever accept the ministries of the impious, but because the soul of one whom God loves must also do its part and not keep silence, so eagerly does it desire that the unholy may not prosper but ever fail to attain their purpose.",
+                    "[280] While his heart was still hot within him, burning with lawful indignation, inspiration came upon him, and, transformed into a prophet, he pronounced these words: “Disbelief falls hardly on the disbelievers only. Such are schooled by facts alone, and not by words. Experience will show them what teaching has failed to show that I do not lie.",
+                    "[281] This matter will be judged by the manner of their latter end. If the death they meet is in the ordinary course of nature, my oracles are a false invention; but, if it be of a new and different kind, my truthfulness will be attested. I see the earth opened and vast chasms yawning wide. I see great bands of kinsfolk perishing, houses dragged down and swallowed up with their inmates, and living men descending into Hades.”",
+                    "[282] As he ceased speaking, the earth burst open under the shock of a convulsion, and the bursting was just in that part where the tents of the impious stood, so that they were borne below in a mass and hidden from sight; for the gaping sides closed again when the object was accomplished for which they had been split asunder.",
+                    "[283] And, shortly after, thunderbolts fell suddenly on two hundred and fifty men who had led the sedition and destroyed them in a mass, leaving no part of their bodies to receive the tribute of burial.",
+                    "[284] The quick succession of these punishments and their magnitude in both cases clearly and widely established the fame of the prophet’s godliness, to the truth of whose pronouncements God Himself had testified.",
+                    "[285] This too we should not fail to note, that the work of chastising the impious was shared by earth and heaven, the fundamental parts of the universe. For they had set the roots of their wickedness on earth, but let it grow so high that it mounted right up to ether above.",
+                    "[286] Therefore each of the two elements supplied its punishment: earth burst and parted asunder to drag down and swallow up those who had then become a burden to it; heaven poured down the strangest of rainstorms, a great stream of fire to blast them in its flames.",
+                    "[287] Whether they were swallowed up or destroyed by the thunderbolts, the result was the same: neither party was ever seen again, the former hidden in the earth by the closing of the chasm which united to form level ground again, the latter consumed absolutely and entirely by the flame of the thunderbolt."
+                ],
+                [
+                    "[288] Afterwards the time came when he had to make his pilgrimage from earth to heaven, and leave this mortal life for immortality, summoned thither by the Father Who resolved his twofold nature of soul and body into a single unity, transforming his whole being into mind, pure as the sunlight. Then, indeed, we find him possessed by the spirit, no longer uttering general truths to the whole nation but prophesying to each tribe in particular the things which were to be and hereafter must come to pass. Some of these have already taken place, others are still looked for, since confidence in the future is assured by fulfilment in the past.",
+                    "[289] It was very fitting that persons so different in the history of their birth, particularly in their descent on the mother’s side and in the manifold varieties of their thoughts and aims and the endless diversities of their practices and habits of life, should receive as a sort of legacy a suitable apportionment of oracles and inspired sayings.",
+                    "[290] This was indeed wonderful: but most wonderful of all is the conclusion of the Holy Scriptures, which stands to the whole law-book as the head to the living creature;",
+                    "[291] for when he was already being exalted and stood at the very barrier, ready at the signal to direct his upward flight to heaven, the divine spirit fell upon him and he prophesied with discernment while still alive the story of his own death; told ere the end how the end came; told how he was buried with none present, surely by no mortal hands but by immortal powers; how also he was not laid to rest in the tomb of his forefathers but was given a monument of special dignity which no man has ever seen; how all the nation wept and mourned for him a whole month and made open display, private and public, of their sorrow, in memory of his vast benevolence and watchful care for each one of them and for all.",
+                    "[292] Such, as recorded in the Holy Scriptures, was the life and such the end of Moses, king, lawgiver, high priest, prophet."
+                ]
+            ],
+            "Appendix": [
+                "APPENDIX TO DE VITA MOSIS II",
+                "§ 4. <i>The king is a living law</i>. This application of the term νόμος ἔμψυχος to the ruler (rather than as in <i>De Abr</i>. 4 to an exemplary person) is often met with. <i>Cf</i>. especially Musonius, δεῖ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐδόκει τοῖς παλαιοῖς νόμον ἔμψυχον εἶναι (Stobaeus, <i>Flor</i>. xlvii. 67, Meineke’s edition, vol. ii. p. 274). Other examples are Archytas, νόμων δὲ ὁ μὲν ἔμψυχος, βασιλεύς, ὁ δὲ ἄψυχος, γράμμα (<i>ibid</i>. xliii. 132, Mein. <i>ibid</i>. p. 136), and Diotogenes, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἤτοι νόμος ἔμψυχος ἢ νόμιμος ἄρχων (<i>ibid</i>, xlvii. 61, Mein. <i>ibid</i>. p. 260). I owe these examples to an article by Professor Goodenough in <i>Yale Classical Studies</i>, vol. i. pp. 56–101, on “The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship.” For the other part of the dictum, that the law is a just king, <i>cf.</i> <i>Quod Det</i>. 141 and note, where Plato, <i>Symposium</i> 196 c οἱ πόλεως βασιλῆς νόμοι, is quoted.",
+                "§ 26–44. Philo’s story of the origin of the Septuagint is probably founded on and in the main agrees with the long and elaborate account in the so-called letter of Aristeas. This document is admittedly pseudonymous and not written as it claims to be by a contemporary Greek at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Its probable date is a matter of dispute, opinions ranging from 200 to 80 B.C. The chief difference is that Aristeas represents the seventy-two translators as comparing their work as they write it and producing an agreed though not an inspired version. The feasting also is more elaborate than Philo suggests, and occupies seven days, during which some question bearing on morals, particularly on the duties of kingship, is propounded to each of the translators in turn, and each of the answers is recorded. The account of the annual festival at Pharos could not of course appear in Aristeas.",
+                "Aristeas like Philo, as also Josephus, who gives a free paraphrase of a large part of the letter (<i>Ant</i>. xii. 2. 1), confines the translation to the Pentateuch. Modern criticism tends to accept the view that the version was made in the time of Philadelphus and may well have had his approval, but doubts the official co-operation of the king with the high priest and the employment of Palestinian Jews.",
+                "(See Swete, <i>Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek</i>, or Thackeray’s translation of the letter with appendices.)",
+                "§ 38. κύρια κυρίοις ὀνόμασι. Thackeray in his version of these sections in an appendix to his translation of the letter of Aristeas, p. 92, renders “the appropriate technical words in the translation corresponded with the technical words in the original.” I do not think that κύριον ὄνομα, here at any rate, means a technical term. A κύριον ὄνομα is a word used in its literal and exact sense (without μετάφρασις or παράφρασις), and all that the phrase suggests is that each word is an exact rendering of the corresponding word in the original. The duplication serves to bring out more strongly the mutuality of the correspondence like μόνη … μόνους in § 36. See note on <i>De Mut</i>. 12.",
+                "§ 47. τὸ γενεαλογικόν. In the grammatical schools the ἐξήγησις ἱστοριῶν, <i>i.e</i>. the elucidation of allusions in literature, was classified according as they dealt with places (τοπικαί), dates (χρονικαί), events (πραγματικαί), and persons (γενεαλογικαί); see Usener, <i>Kleine Schriften</i> ii. p. 286. So in Polybius ix. 1 the γενεαλογικὸς τρόπος of historiography is opposed to ὁ περὶ τὰς ἀποικίας καὶ κτίσεις καὶ συγγενείας, <i>i.e</i>. the ethnological, and ὁ περὶ τὰς πράξεις τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δυναστῶν, called afterwards ὁ πραγματικός, which Polybius himself adopts. No doubt the Pentateuch contains much of the “pragmatical,” but Philo’s preoccupation with character would lead him to regard it as “genealogical.” (This use of the word is ignored in L. &amp; S.)",
+                "§ 65. While I have followed Cohn’s text in indicating a lacuna at this point, which is also the termination of the second book in those editions which divide the <i>De Vita Mosis</i> into three, the correctness of this should not, I think, be regarded as certain. The decision really depends on the interpretation put on § 46 ὑπὲρ οὖ (<i>i.e</i>. the legislative part of the Pentateuch) δεύτερον λέξομεν τὸ πρότερον τῇ τάξει (<i>i.e</i>. the historical part) πρότερον ἀκριβώσαντες. If these words, as has generally been thought and at first sight seems natural, refer to the plan of this treatise we should conclude that the following sections give the “full treatment” of the historical part and that some similar discussion on the legislative part has been lost. [It does not, however, seem to me that this need have been of any great length, or much more than a general praise of the laws to the same effect as what we find in § 52.] But I am inclined to agree with the suggestion of Professor Goodenough that the reference is to the scheme of the whole Exposition. On this view the full treatment of the historical part is being carried out in the four treatises, and the discussion of the legislation relegated to books <i>De Specialibus Legibus</i>, and the sections 47–65 are merely a justification of Moses’ plan of setting the historical before the legislative.",
+                "This will not, of course, seem convincing to those who regard the <i>De Vita Mosis</i> as a separate work entirely independent of the scheme of the Exposition (see General Introduction pp. xv f.). Also it may be argued that if there is no lacuna, or only a very small one, the length of the treatment of Moses as lawgiver is disproportionately short compared with what is given to him as high priest and prophet. Also it must be remembered that in the copies made by the scribes whose MSS. we possess, the book did end at § 65, and that a loss at the end of a book is more likely to occur than a lacuna in the middle.",
+                "§ 79. <i>The sum of successive numbers</i>, etc. Fifty-five is what in ancient arithmetic is called a “triangular” number being the sum of 1 + 2 + 3 … 10, and therefore = . This name is given to these numbers because the units can be arranged in the form of an equilateral triangle. Thus <i>e.g</i>. 10 units can be arranged so as to form an equilateral triangle  with each side consisting of 4 units. This side, sometimes called the gnomon, is regarded as the base of the whole triangle, and thought to possess any allegorical virtues which belong to it. <i>Cf</i>. § 84, where four is said to be the essence of ten. Twenty-eight is also a triangular number, being the sum of 1 + 2 … 7, but any virtues which it possesses as such appear to be superseded by its being also the sum of its factors. The number of the Beast (666 = 1 + 2 … 36) and the Fishes in John 21 (153 = 1 + 2 … 17) are also triangular, and attempts have been made to interpret them from this point of view.",
+                "§ 114. (The inscription on the πέταλον.) The footnote requires supplementing and perhaps correcting. Thackeray in his note to Joseph. <i>Bell. Iud</i>. v. 235 states positively that the inscription has been shewn to be the “tetragrammaton” rather than “Holiness to the Lord.” He refers to a note in the <i>Journal of Theological Studies</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 72 by Mr. J. E. Hogg. I do not think this note does more than argue (with what success I cannot tell) that the Hebrew in Ex. 28:36 (LXX 32) and in Ex. 39:30 (LXX, 36:38)—though the <i>prima facie</i> meaning is “Holy to Jahve”—<i>may</i> mean “the sacred name Jahve,” and also that the LXX in Ex. 28 does not assert more than that the thing engraved was a “holy thing belonging to the Lord.” This last is true, but in the other passage, Ex. 39 (LXX, 36), the translators make it perfectly clear that the inscription was ἁγίασμα κυρίῳ.",
+                "As for Philo, in <i>De Mig</i>. 103, where he quotes Ex. 28 in the form πέταλον χρυσοῦν καθαρόν, ἔχον ἐκτύπωμα σφραγῖδος, ἁγίσμα κυρίῳ, it is quite possible that he takes ἁγίασμα in apposition to πέταλον or ἐκτύπωμα, and does not mention any inscription at all. The words then mean “a plate of pure gold, having the engraving (embossment?) of a signet, a sacred thing to the Lord”; not “<i>as</i> of a signet,” for he goes on to explain that the signet represents the ἰδέα ἰδεῶν, a phrase which, I think, refers to the Logos rather than to the Self-existent. If so, in <i>Mos</i>. ii. 114 and 132 he is following quite another tradition. What authorities are there for this besides himself and Josephus? Prof. Burkitt in a supplementary note in <i>J.T.S</i>. xxvi. p. 180 remarks that the same is stated by Bar Hebraeus, “who must ultimately have derived it from Origen,” and by Origen, who may “possibly” have derived it from Philo. Considering Origen’s well-known acquaintance with Philo, “possibly” seems a weak word. Mangey also quotes Jerome to the same effect, but Jerome also makes frequent use of Philo. Is it a Rabbinic tradition? The German translators, generally well versed in such parallels, quote nothing from this source.",
+                "The question then suggests itself, “Did Josephus also merely follow Philo?” If so, though it is not given among Cohn’s examples of coincidence between the two, it is the strongest evidence I have yet seen of Josephus’s use of his predecessor.",
+                "A further question, to which I can give no answer, is what does Philo mean by saying that the “theologian,” presumably Moses, declares that the name of the Self-existent has four letters. I do not think he anywhere shews any knowledge of the YHVH, or that it is represented by κύριος in the LXX.",
+                "§ 117–135. (Symbolism of the High Priest’s vesture.) A much shorter account in <i>De Spec. Leg</i>. i. 85–95 agrees very closely with this in substance. The chief differences are that the bells there signify the harmony, not between merely earth and water, but between all the parts of the universe, and that “Clear-shewing” and “Truth” are given a somewhat different interpretation. There “Clear-shewing” is entirely confined to the “natures in heaven” (corresponding more or less to the “rational principle in nature” of this treatise), and “Truth” only concerns men as a qualification for the “heaven” which the breastplate in both passages represents, while in this treatise both are common to both forms of λόγος. In <i>De Mig</i>. 102 f. the only parts noticed are the gold-plate on the head, and the flowers and the bells at the feet (the pomegranates being left unnoticed). The treatment of these two (the flowers and bells) is altogether different. The two together represent the αἰσθητά, as opposed to the νοητά (the head-gear), the flowers being the things seen, and the bells the things heard, and, while in <i>De Vita Mosis</i> the harmony produced by the latter is that between earth and water, in <i>De Mig</i>. we have the profounder idea that it is the essential harmony between the world of sense and the world of thought.",
+                "In Josephus’s short notice (<i>Ant</i>. ii. 184), besides other differences, the pomegranates signify the lightning, and the bells the thunder.",
+                "§ 210. <i>Ever virgin</i>, etc. In <i>De Op</i>. 100 Philo has ascribed these epithets to philosophers other than Pythagorean; in <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 15 to the Pythagoreans themselves. The second view is supported by the statement of Stobaeus, <i>Ecl</i>. 1.1. 10, that Pythagoras, likening the numbers to the Gods, called Seven Athena."
+            ]
+        }
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1935",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על חיי משה",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על חיי משה",
+        "enTitle": "On the Life of Moses",
+        "key": "On the Life of Moses",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "ספר א",
+                "enTitle": "Book I",
+                "nodes": [
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                        "enTitle": "Introduction"
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "",
+                        "enTitle": ""
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הערות",
+                        "enTitle": "Appendix"
+                    }
+                ]
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "ספר ב",
+                "enTitle": "Book II",
+                "nodes": [
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "",
+                        "enTitle": ""
+                    },
+                    {
+                        "heTitle": "הערות",
+                        "enTitle": "Appendix"
+                    }
+                ]
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Migration of Abraham/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932.json b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Migration of Abraham/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932.json
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..5c7d893022715de0e578f22ea55cac19cb21126e
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Migration of Abraham/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,425 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הגירת אברהם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM (DE MIGRATIONE ABRAHAMI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The subject of this treatise is Gen. 12:1–4 and 6. This naturally falls into two divisions, of which the first contains the words of God to Abraham. This again is analysed as follows:",
+            "I. (<i>a</i>) The command to depart from country, kindred and father’s house.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) To the land which I will shew thee (this constitutes the first promise or gift to Abraham).",
+            "(<i>c</i>) And I will make thee a great nation (Second Gift).",
+            "(<i>d</i>) And I will bless thee (Third Gift).",
+            "(<i>e</i>) And I will magnify thy name (Fourth Gift).",
+            "(<i>f</i>) And thou shalt be blessed (Fifth Gift).",
+            "(<i>g</i>) I will bless them that bless thee, and curse them that curse thee.",
+            "And in thee shall all the nations of the earth be blessed (the gifts to others through Abraham.)",
+            "In the second part we deal successively with the statements.",
+            "(<i>а</i>) He went as God spake to him.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) And Lot went with him.",
+            "(<i>c</i>) And Abraham was seventy-five years old, when he went forth out of Haran.",
+            "(<i>d</i>) And Abraham travelled through the land to the length of it, to the place Shechem to the high oak.",
+            "“Land” means spiritually body, “kinsfolk,” senses (2–4), while “father’s house” is speech, and this last is illustrated by the way in which the Logos itself is spoken of as God’s house (4–6). Thus the command is to alienate ourselves from these and so to “depart” to higher realities (7–12). Biblical examples of this departing follow: Abraham from Lot, the Exodus of Israel from Egypt (13–15), and in connexion with this Philo propounds the idea that when we read of Joseph’s body being placed in a coffin in Egypt, and later of his bones being taken to Canaan at the Exodus, we have an allegory of the spiritual burial of the lower qualities, and the survival of the higher qualities of the mixed or Joseph mind (16–17). An enumeration of these higher qualities as shewn in the story of Joseph follows (18–23), and from this we pass back to the theme of “departure,” as shewn in the order of Moses to make the Passover “with speed” (24–25), and (with a difference) in the injunction in Gen. 31:3 to Jacob to turn back to his father’s land, which must be understood in the sense of wisdom (26–30). The last words of that passage, “I will be with thee,” lead to a meditation on how independent of our efforts is the Divine presence and inspiration, which Philo illustrates from his own experience in literary composition (31–35), whence we pass almost insensibly to the consideration of the words of the First Gift, “The land which I will shew thee.” After some thoughts about the “thing shewn,” <i>i.e</i>. the perfect good, “the person who sees,” <i>i.e</i>. the wise man, and the “Shewer,” <i>i.e</i>. God (36–42), Philo points out that the shewing is in the future, thus calling for Abraham’s faith. He illustrates it further from the words of Deut. 34:4, “I shewed it to thine eyes but thou shalt not possess it,” and this points to the thought that possession of the perfect good is more than seeing it (43–46). And yet seeing is higher than hearing, and thus God’s words are said in certain places to be seen rather than heard, a noteworthy usage when we remember that hearing in the ordinary sense is even less than the other senses capable of being associated with sight (47–52).",
+            "We pass on to the Second Gift. “I will make thee a great nation.” Here nation can be taken to mean “multitude of qualities.” “Great” shews something more, namely that the qualities grow to their full stature (53–55). A great nation is elsewhere defined as one which draws nigh to God (56–59). Indeed, mere quantity or multitude is often spoken of as an evil thing, which is vanquished by the little and good (59–63). The many-footed is called an abomination in Leviticus. This reminds us that the footless which crawls on its belly, is equally an abomination (64–65). And thence he digresses for the moment to suggest that the breast stands for the spirited element, as the belly stands for desire, and it is when both these are exscinded as in the sacrificial directions of Lev. 8, and reason is left supreme, that we get both multitude and greatness (65–68). From another point of view the many-footed and the footless are respectively the polytheist and the atheist (69).",
+            "The Third Gift is “I will bless thee” (εὐλογήσω). Looking at the composition of the word, Philo takes this to mean “I will give thee excellent Logos.” Now Logos is both thought and speech, and this last leads him to the idea that mastery of language is needed by the sage and that otherwise he will be unable to hold his own against the sophist (70–75). This is illustrated first from the case of Cain and Abel and then from that of Moses, and there follows a commentary on Exodus 4:10–16 in which “Aaron thy brother” is shewn to represent the speech or eloquence which rejoices when it finds clear conceptions to express (76–81). It is this use of language in the service of truth which is shewn by the story of Moses with Aaron’s rod outdoing the Egyptian magicians (82–85).",
+            "The Fourth Gift is “I will magnify thy name.” Here “name” is interpreted as equivalent to what we seem. The seeming indeed is worthless without the being, but true happiness consists in both (86–88). The need of obedience to established custom is a necessary consequence, and here Philo takes the opportunity to define his attitude to the literal Law, Sabbath, Circumcision, Feast-days. Though these have their soul, namely the spiritual interpretation, they have also their body, and the body is the house of the soul, and must not be set at nought (89–94). The same lesson is taught by the “lesser substance” bequeathed by Abraham to the children of the concubines who, though of less account, were still children (94). So too Leah accounted herself blessed, because women will count her such, and by women are meant those comparatively earth-bound souls whose esteem is nevertheless valuable (95–96). This leads to an illustration from the work entrusted by Moses to the women—the senses, that is—but the senses also must have their due if happiness is to be had (97–100). This thought is further developed from Isaac’s prayer that Jacob may have the wealth of earth as well as of heaven, and from Aaron’s robe on which the sensible world is figured by the bells whose sound was to be audible when he entered the Holy Place (101–104). So the sensible must second the music of the mental in the great Choir, and the three-fold phrase of Ex. 21, the “needful,” the “raiment,” and the “fellowship,” means that the sensible and the mental must be so blended that we shall find in the first the sacrament of the second (104–105).",
+            "Yet in the three next sections Philo swings round to the other point of view. The Fifth Gift is “Thou shalt be blessed.” Here he reads εὐλογητός (meet to be blessed), for the εὐλογημένος (subject to blessing) of our texts, and thence deduces, in spite of all that has been said, that true blessedness is to him who is worthy of it rather than to him who is so reputed by men (106–108).",
+            "In the next words, “I will bless them who bless thee, and curse them who curse thee,” we go on to shew what the Abraham mind can do for others. It stands to reason that to praise the praiseworthy is in itself a praiseworthy act, if done in sincerity. But this is an important exception, and thus the blessing of Israel by Balaam, splendid as it is, only brought on him God’s curse (109–115). Conversely, curses which are meant to benefit, such as the rebukes of those who have charge of the young, bring blessings on those who speak them. All depends on the intention (115–117).",
+            "The next words “And in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” shew that the blessing conferred by the Abraham spirit is not to be limited to those who know its value. In one sense indeed the words may be applied to the individual himself. The perfect mind will sanctify all its tribes, that is, all its faculties (118–119). But in the wider sense the righteous man both by his influence and prayers is a pillar of society. We see this in God’s words to Moses (I will be merciful to them for thy word); in the willingness to spare Sodom, if only a few righteous could be found there; most of all in the story of Noah, who victorious over the deluge of moral decay, founded the line of Israel, which, though obscured at times, will be brought to the light again, when that season comes of which God spoke to Sarah (120–126).",
+            "The second part of the treatise begins with the words: “And Abraham went as the Lord spake.” Philo interprets this to mean that his way of going was in accordance with God’s word, <i>i.e</i>. his life was in accordance with God’s laws (127–132). And he proceeds to ask what the “end” and the “reward” of such “going” is. The true end and reward is to be able to recognize that the only thing we can know is our own ignorance (133–135). This leads to a denunciation of speculation about the universe instead of self-examination (136–138). A rambling discussion of some texts follows (139–142). And then in contrast to the “going” of Abraham, we have the weaklings who lag behind and are “cut off” as the “weary” part of Israel was by Amalek (143–144), though indeed there is a better kind of weariness which is typified by Leah (144–145). The treatment of this part concludes with the thought which has been fully developed in <i>Quod Deus</i>, that the true path of the soul is, as Aristotle taught, along the Mean (146–147).",
+            "“Lot went with him.” As Lot means “turning away,” we see that this was a companionship not to imitate but to hinder, and this is proved by his later disaster and Abraham’s separation from him (148–150). That this separation did not take place at once shews that the Abraham soul has still much to learn. The hindrance which is caused by such conflicting companionship is symbolized by the “mixed multitude,” which went up from Egypt and caused Israel to wander for forty years (150–155). (Incidentally we hear of this multitude weeping and this leads to a short digression on good and bad tears (155–157).) While some refuse all intercourse with this mixed multitude others make alliance with it, as Joseph, ever the man of compromise, did when he was accompanied by the Egyptians to his father’s funeral (158–163). Some illustrations of good fellow-travelling (συμπορεύεσθαι) are now given. Abraham’s comrades in war; Isaac going with Abraham to the sacrifice, signifying the union of natural gifts with effort (164–167). And while it is natural that higher minds should be drawn up to God, as Aaron and his fellow priests were, Moses will cry “Unless thou journey with me (συμπορεύῃ) bring me not up hence,” for God must be our fellow-traveller (168–172). Abraham, too, “journeyed with the angels.” For though in the imperfect state the Logos leads us, the perfected will walk at his side (173–175).",
+            "“Abraham was seventy-five years old when he went forth out of Haran.” What do these words mean? We remember that originally he went from Chaldea to Haran. Now Chaldea is astrology, which conceives of the universe as a whole where all the parts work in harmony with each other (176–179). So far Moses agrees with it: it is when the astrologers ignore God and His creative goodness that he disagrees (180–183). And when he shews Abraham as leaving Chaldea for Haran, that is, for the place of the senses, which is also the house of the mind, he is bidding us discard astrological speculations for the Socratic study of ourselves (184–189). And when we have done this we may leave Haran also, to contemplate God Himself, just as Saul had to be taken from the “baggage” before he could grasp the kingship (189–197).",
+            "“Seventy-five years old.” Seventy is the number of the higher mind and reason (198–202), five of the senses (203–206), and both these are proved by many texts (203–206). The combination indicates an intermediate and necessary stage in the soul’s progress (207). And so Rebecca bids Jacob even in his hour of triumph fly to Haran, for compromise with the senses is often necessary for a time (208–213). Yet Jacob also will ultimately leave Haran and “make a house for himself,” that is, “the fear of God” which won, according to Ex. 1:21 “ ‘their houses’ for the midwives” (214–215).",
+            "“He travelled through the land to the length of it to the place Shechem, to the high oak.” “Travelled through” shews us the course of the soul in its search for wisdom, a search which must cover the whole land <i>i.e</i>. whole of ethical philosophy (216–220). In Shechem, which means “shouldering,” and in the oak, we find a symbol of the solid labour which such travelling entails (221–223). But we remember that in Genesis we have a man Shechem, who represents evil labour, the seducer of Dinah. Or rather, the would-be seducer. For to Philo’s mind the spiritual Dinah being Virtue can never be corrupted, and the treatise ends with the thought that the vengeance of her brothers and defenders will overtake the seducer with his purpose unattained (224-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And the Lord said unto Abraham, Depart out of thy land, and out of thy kindred, and out of thy father’s house, into the land which I shall shew thee; and I will make thee a great nation and will bless thee and will make thy name great, and thou shalt be blessed. And I will bless them that bless thee, and them that curse thee I will curse, and in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” (Gen. 12:1–3).",
+                "[2] God begins the carrying out of His will to cleanse man’s soul by giving it a starting-point for full salvation in its removal out of three localities, namely, body, sense-perception, and speech. “Land” or “country” is a symbol of body, “kindred” of sense-perception, “father’s house” of speech. How so?",
+                "[3] Because the body took its substance out of earth (or land) and is again resolved into earth. Moses is a witness to this, when he says, “Earth thou art and into earth shalt thou return” (Gen. 3:19); indeed he also says that the body was clay formed into human shape by God’s moulding hand, and what suffers solution must needs be resolved into the elements which were united to form it. Sense-perception, again, is of one kin and family with understanding, the irrational with the rational, for both these are parts of one soul. And speech is our “father’s house,” “father’s” because Mind is our father, sowing in each of the parts of the body the faculties that issue from itself, and assigning to them their workings, being in control and charge of them all; house—because mind has speech for its house or living-room, secluded from the rest of the homestead. It is Mind’s living-place, just as the hearthside is man’s.",
+                "[4] It is there that Mind displays in orderly form itself and all the conceptions to which it gives birth, treating it as a man treats a house.",
+                "And marvel not at Moses having given to speech the title of Mind’s house in man; for indeed he says that God, the Mind of the universe, has for His house His own Word.",
+                "[5] It was the vision of this Word that the Self-trainer received when he emphatically declares “This is assuredly not the House of God” (Gen. 28:17), as much as to say “The House of God is not this that is all round me, consisting of things at which we can point or that fall under sense-perception generally, no, not such is God’s House, but invisible, withdrawn from sight, and apprehended only by soul as soul.",
+                "[6] Who, then, can that House be, save the Word who is antecedent to all that has come into existence? the Word, which the Helmsman of the Universe grasps as a rudder to guide all things on their course? Even as, when He was fashioning the world, He employed it as His instrument, that the fabric of His handiwork might be without reproach."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] We have now shewn how Moses uses “earth” to represent the body, “kindred” to represent sense-perception, “thy father’s house” to represent speech. The words “Depart out of these” are not equivalent to “Sever thyself from them absolutely,” since to issue such a command as that would be to prescribe death. No, the words import “Make thyself a stranger to them in judgement and purpose; let none of them cling to thee; rise superior to them all;",
+                "[8] they are thy subjects, never treat them as sovereign lords; thou art a king, school thyself once and for all to rule, not to be ruled; evermore be coming to know thyself, as Moses teaches thee in many places, saying “Give heed to thyself” (Ex. 24:12), for in this way shalt thou perceive those to whom it befits thee to shew obedience and those to whom it befits thee to give commands.",
+                "[9] Depart, therefore, out of the earthly matter that encompasses thee: escape, man, from the foul prison-house, thy body, with all thy might and main, and from the pleasures and lusts that act as its jailers; every terror that can vex and hurt them, leave none of them unused; menace the enemy with them all united and combined.",
+                "[10] Depart also out of sense-perception thy kin. For at present thou hast made a loan of thyself to each sense, and art become the property of others, a portion of the goods of those who have borrowed thee, and hast thrown away the good thing that was thine own. Yes, thou knowest, even though all men should hold their peace, how eyes draw thee, and ears, and the whole crowd of thine other kinsfolk, towards what they themselves love.",
+                "[11] But if thou desire to recover the self that thou hast lent and to have thine own possessions about thee, letting no portion of them be alienated and fall into other hands, thou shalt claim instead a happy life, enjoying in perpetuity the benefit and pleasure derived from good things not foreign to thee but thine own.",
+                "[12] Again, quit speech also, “thy father’s house,” as Moses calls it, for fear thou shouldst be beguiled by beauties of mere phrasing, and be cut off from the real beauty, which lies in the matter expressed. Monstrous it is that shadow should be preferred to substance or a copy to originals. And verbal expression is like a shadow or copy, while the essential bearing of the matters conveyed by words resembles substance and originals; and it behoves the man, whose aim it is to be rather than to seem, to dissociate himself from the former and hold fast to the latter."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] So we find that when the Mind begins to know itself and to hold converse with the things of mind, it will thrust away from it that part of the soul which inclines to the province of sense-perception, the inclining which among the Hebrews is entitled “Lot.” Hence the wise man is represented as saying outright, “Separate thyself from me” (Gen. 13:9). For it is impossible for one who is possessed by love for all that is incorporeal and incorruptible to dwell together with one who leans towards the objects of sense-perception doomed to die.",
+                "[14] Right well, then, did the Sacred Guide inscribe one entire sacred book of the Law-giving “Exagoge” or “Leading out,” for the name thus found was appropriate to the oracles contained in it. For being well qualified to train men and fully furnished for the admonition and correction of those who were capable of admonition and correction, he contemplates the task of taking out all the population of the soul right away from Egypt, the body, and away from its inhabitants; deeming it a most sore and heavy burden that an understanding endowed with vision should be under the pressure of the pleasures of the flesh, and should submit to such injunctions as its merciless cravings may lay upon it.",
+                "[15] These, indeed, groaned over and greatly bewailed their bodily well-being, and the lavish abundance of things outside the body, which was theirs, for we read that “the children of Israel groaned by reason of their works” (Ex. 2:23). When they do this, the gracious God instructs His prophet regarding their coming out, and His prophet delivers them.",
+                "[16] But some make a truce with the body and maintain it till their death, and are buried in it as in a coffin or shell or whatever else you like to call it. All the body-loving and passion-loving portions of these are laid in the grave and consigned to oblivion. But if anywhere by the side of these there grows up a virtue-loving tendency, it is saved from extinction by memories, which are a means of keeping alive the flame of noble qualities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] So the Holy Word, deeming it unfitting that pure things should have impure things associated with them, provides for the safe-keeping of Joseph’s bones, by which I mean the only relics of such a soul as were left behind untouched by corruption and worthy of perpetual memory (Gen. 50:25).",
+                "[18] Those of the latter kind were these; Joseph’s confidence that “God will visit” the race that has vision (Gen. 50:24), and will not utterly hand it over to Ignorance, that blind task-mistress; his discernment between the mortal and the incorruptible portions of the soul and his leaving behind to Egypt those which had to do with bodily pleasures and other forms of unrestrained passion, while concerning the incorruptible parts he made an agreement, that they should accompany those who went up to the cities of virtue, and should be conveyed thither, and had the agreement secured by an oath.",
+                "[19] What, then, are the uncorrupted parts? His having nothing to do with Pleasure when she says, “Let us lie together” (Gen. 39:7) and enjoy the good things of mankind: the shrewdness coupled with the resoluteness which enabled him to recognize the products of empty fancies which many accounted to be good, and to distinguish them as mere dreams from those which are really so; and to confess that the true and certain interpretations of things are given under God’s guid ance (Gen. 40:8), while the doubtful imaginations that have no certainty follow the rule and line of the erring and deluded life of men who have not undergone purification, a life that finds its joy in the delights provided by bakers and cooks and butlers.",
+                "[20] Other traits of incorruption were these: he was proclaimed not the subject, but the ruler of all Egypt, the domain of the body (Gen. 41:41): he was proud to own himself a member of the Hebrew race (Gen. 40:15), whose wont it is, as the name “Hebrew” or “Migrant” indicates, to quit the objects of sense-perception and go after those of Mind: he gloried in the fact that “here he had done nothing” (<i>ibid</i>.), for to have performed no single act such as the worthless people there admired, but to have utterly hated and eschewed them all,",
+                "[21] was conduct that called for no slight praise: he derided lusts and all passions and their gross excesses (Gen. 39:14, 17): he feared God (Gen. 42:18) even though he was not yet ready to love Him: when in Egypt he claimed as his own the life that is real life,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "a claim which caused Israel to marvel in just amazement, and to cry, “It is a great matter in my eyes if my son Joseph still <i>lives</i>” (Gen. 45:28), and has not shared the death of vain opinions, and of the body the corpse he carries with him:",
+                "[22] he confesses that he is God’s (Gen. 50:19), not the property of any created being: when making himself known to his brethren he thrust perforce from his presence, shaken and tottering, all those frames of mind that make the body their delight and think that their own doctrines afford them a firm standing (Gen. 45:1 f.): he declared that he had not received his commission at the hands of men, but had been appointed by God (Gen. 45:7 f.) to be duly constituted controller of the body and of things outside the body.",
+                "[23] And these are but a few of the traits indicative of the better and holier standing, which utterly refuse to dwell in Egypt the bodily tenement, are never buried in a coffin at all, but, having passed out of all that is mortal, follow the guiding steps of Moses, the Law-giving Word.",
+                "[24] For Moses is the nursing-father who rears with fostering care noble deeds, words, designs, which, albeit often mingled with their opposites owing to the chaos and confusion which besets mortality, he none the less comes forward and separates from the rest, that the germs and shoots of moral excellence may not permanently be obliterated and lost.",
+                "[25] Moses also urges the Israelites to quit right stoutly her who bears the name of mother of every monstrous thing, with no slow or lingering steps, but with exceeding speed; for he bids them with haste to sacrifice the Passover (Ex. 12:11), which means “a passing over,” to the intent that the Mind with resolute purpose and unfailing eagerness may carry out both its passing away from the passions without turning back, and its thanksgiving to God its Saviour, Who brought it forth into liberty when it looked not for it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] And what is there to wonder at in his urging the mind, that had been brought under the control of irrational passion, not to give in, nor to be swept down by the violence of that passion’s current, but to resist with all its might, and, should it fail, even to run away? For flight remains as an alternative way of reaching safety for those who are not able to repel the danger. See how Moses deals with one who was by nature a sturdy fighter and had never become the slave of passions, but was always engaged in the conflict with each one of them? Even him he forbids to keep up his wrestlings to the end, lest one day, by perpetually meeting them, he should contract from them a pernicious taint: for many before now have proved imitators of an opponent’s vice, as others on the other hand have imitated his virtue.",
+                "[27] For this reason a Divine intimation was vouchsafed to him to this effect: “Turn back to the land of thy father and thy kindred, and I will be with thee” (Gen. 31:3); as much as to say “Thou hast proved thyself a perfect athlete, and been awarded prizes and crowns with Virtue presiding and holding forth to thee the meed of victory: but now it is time for thee to have done with strife, lest thou be ever toiling, and have no power to reap the fruits of thy toil.",
+                "[28] This thou wilt never find while thou remainest where thou art, dwelling still with the objects of sense-perception, and spending thy days surrounded by bodily existence in its varied aspects, whose head and chief is Laban, bearing a name meaning variety of character. Nay, thou must change thine abode and betake thee to thy father’s land, the land of the Word that is holy and in some sense father of those who submit to training: and that land is Wisdom, abode most choice of virtue-loving souls.",
+                "[29] In this country there awaiteth thee the nature which is its own pupil, its own teacher, that needs not to be fed on milk as children are fed, that has been stayed by a Divine oracle from going down into Egypt (Gen. 26:2) and from meeting with the ensnaring pleasures of the flesh. That nature is entitled Isaac.",
+                "[30] When thou hast entered upon his inheritance, thou canst not but lay aside thy toil; for the perpetual abundance of good things ever ready to the hand gives freedom from toil. And the fountain from which the good things are poured forth is the companionship of the bountiful God. He shews this to be so when to set His seal upon the flow of His kindnesses, He says “I will be with thee.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] What fair thing, then, could fail when there was present God the Perfecter, with gifts of grace, His virgin daughters, whom the Father that begat them rears up uncorrupted and undefiled? Then are all forms of studying, toiling, practising at rest; and without interference of art by contrivance of Nature there come forth all things in one outburst charged with benefit for all.",
+                "[32] And the harvest of spontaneous good things is called “Release,” inasmuch as the Mind is released from the working out of its own projects, and is, we may say, emancipated from self-chosen tasks, by reason of the abundance of the rain and ceaseless shower of blessings.",
+                "[33] And these are of a most marvellous nature and passing fair. For the offspring of the soul’s own travail are for the most part poor abortions, things untimely born; but those which God waters with the snows of heaven come to the birth perfect, complete and peerless.",
+                "[34] I feel no shame in recording my own experience, a thing I know from its having happened to me a thousand times. On some occasions, after making up my mind to follow the usual course of writing on philosophical tenets, and knowing definitely the substance of what I was to set down, I have found my understanding incapable of giving birth to a single idea, and have given it up without accomplishing anything, reviling my understanding for its self-conceit, and filled with amazement at the might of Him that IS to Whom is due the opening and closing of the soul-wombs.",
+                "[35] On other occasions, I have approached my work empty and suddenly become full, the ideas falling in a shower from above and being sown invisibly, so that under the influence of the Divine possession I have been filled with corybantic frenzy and been unconscious of anything, place, persons present, myself, words spoken, lines written. For I obtained language, ideas, an enjoyment of light, keenest vision, pellucid distinctness of objects, such as might be received through the eyes as the result of clearest shewing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] Now the thing shewn is the thing worthy to be seen, contemplated, loved, the perfect good, whose nature it is to change all that is bitter in the soul and make it sweet, fairest seasoning of all spices, turning into salutary nourishment even foods that do not nourish. So we read “The Lord shewed him a tree, and he cast it into the water” (Ex. 15:25), that is into the flabby, flaccid mind teeming with bitterness, that its savagery might be sweetened away.",
+                "[37] This tree offers not nourishment only but immortality also, for we are told that the Tree of Life has been planted in the midst of the Garden (Gen. 2:9), even Goodness with the particular virtues and the doings which accord with them to be its bodyguard. For it is Virtue that has obtained as its own the central and most honourable place in the soul.",
+                "[38] Such is that which is shewn, and he that sees it is the wise man, for fools are blind or dim-sighted. That is why in former times they called the prophets seers(1 Sam. 9:9); and the Trainer of self was eager to exchange ears for eyes, and to see what before he heard, and, going beyond the inheritance which has hearing as its source, he obtains that of which sight is the ruling principle.",
+                "[39] For the current coin of learning and teaching from which Jacob took his title is reminted into the seeing Israel. Hereby comes to pass even the seeing of the Divine light, identical with knowledge, which opens wide the soul’s eye, and leads it to apprehensions distinct and brilliant beyond those gained by the ears. For as the application of the principles of music is apprehended through the science of music, and the practice of each science through that science, even so only through wisdom comes discernment of what is wise.",
+                "[40] But wisdom is not only, after the manner of light, an instrument of sight, but is able to see its own self besides. Wisdom is God’s archetypal luminary and the sun is a copy and image of it.",
+                "But he that shews each several object is God, who alone is possessed of perfect knowledge. For men are only said to have knowledge because they seem to know; whereas God is so called because He <i>is</i> the possessor of knowledge though the phrase does not adequately express this nature; for all things whatever that can be said regarding Him that IS fall far short of the reality of His powers.",
+                "[41] He gives clear proof of His wisdom not only from His having been the Artificer of the universe, but also from His having made the knowledge of the things that had been brought into existence His sure possession.",
+                "[42] For we read “God saw all things that He had made” (Gen. 1:31). This does not just mean that He set His eyes on each of them, but that He had insight and knowledge and apprehension of the things which He had made. It follows then that to give teaching and guidance on each several thing, in fact to “shew” them, to the ignorant is proper only for the One who knows, seeing that He has not, as a man has, been profited by science and its lore, but is acknowledged to be Himself the Source and Fountain-head of science and knowledge in all their forms."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] There is a deliberate intention when his words take the form of a promise and define the time of fulfilment not as present but future. He says not “which I am shewing” but “which I will shew thee” (Gen. 12:1). Thus he testifies to the trust which the soul reposed in God, exhibiting its thankfulness not as called out by accomplished facts, but by expectation of what was to be.",
+                "[44] For the soul, clinging in utter dependence on a good hope, and deeming that things not present are beyond question already present by reason of the sure stedfastness of Him that promised them, has won as its meed faith, a perfect good; for we read a little later “Abraham believed God” (Gen. 15:6). To Moses, too, He says in like manner, when He had shewn to him all the Land, “I shewed it to thine eyes, but thou shalt not enter in” (Deut. 34:4).",
+                "[45] You must not think that this was said, as some unconsidering people suppose, to humiliate the all-wise leader; for indeed it is folly to imagine that the servants of God take precedence of His friends in receiving their portion in the land of virtue.",
+                "[46] No, what he wishes to bring home to you first of all is that children have one place and full-grown men another, the one named training, the other called wisdom: secondly, that the fairest things in nature are objects of sight rather than of possession. For how is it possible to become possessed of things whose allotted place is nearer to the Divine? Yet to see them is within the bounds of possibility: though not for all. It is exclusively for the purest and most keen-eyed class, on whom the Father of all things, by shewing to them His own works, bestows an all-surpassing gift.",
+                "[47] For what life is better than a contemplative life, or more appropriate to a rational being? For this reason, whereas the voice of mortal beings is judged by hearing, the sacred oracles intimate that the words of God are seen as light is seen; for we are told that “all the people saw the Voice” (Ex. 20:18), not that they heard it; for what was happening was not an impact on air made by the organs of mouth and tongue, but virtue shining with intense brilliance, wholly resembling a fountain of reason, and this is also indicated elsewhere on this wise: “Ye have seen that I have spoken to you out of Heaven” (Ex. 20:22), not “ye heard,” for the same cause as before.",
+                "[48] In one place the writer distinguishes things heard from things seen and hearing from sight, saying, “Ye heard a voice of words, and saw no similitude but only a voice” (Deut. 4:12), making a very subtle distinction, for the voice dividing itself into noun and verb and the parts of speech in general he naturally spoke of as “audible,” for it comes to the test of hearing: but the voice or sound that was not that of verbs and nouns but of God, seen by the eye of the soul, he rightly represents as “visible.”",
+                "[49] And after first saying “Ye saw no similitude” he adds “but only a Voice,” evidently meaning the reader to supply in thought “which you did see.” This shews that words spoken by God are interpreted by the power of sight residing in the soul, whereas those which are divided up among the various parts of speech appeal to hearing.",
+                "[50] Fresh and original as is the insight which he shews in all cases, there is a special and unusual originality in this instance in his saying that the voice is visible, practically the only thing in us, if understanding be left out of consideration, which is not visible: for the objects of the senses other than the eyes are all of them, colours, savours, perfumes, things warm, things cold, things smooth, things rough, things soft and hard, visible as bodies.",
+                "[51] What this means I will state more clearly. The savour is visible, not as a savour, but only as a body, for as savour, it is the taste that will know it; and the odour, as odour, will be assayed by the nostrils, but as body, by the eyes also; and the rest will be subject to the same double test. But it is not the nature of voice to be visible whether we regard it as something audible or as body, if body indeed it is; but of our properties these two are invisible, mind and speech.",
+                "[52] The truth is that our sound-producer is not similar to the Divine organ of voice; for ours mingles with air and betakes itself to the place akin to it, the ears; but the Divine is an organ of pure and unalloyed speech, too subtle for the hearing to catch it, but visible to the soul which is single in virtue of its keenness of sight."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] So then, the first boon which God vouchsafes to the soul after it has relinquished mortal things is, as I have said, the shewing of things immortal and the power to contemplate them; and the second, progress in the principles of virtue, alike as regards number and “greatness”: for He says, “And I will make thee to become a great nation,” implying by the word “nation” their number, and by the word “great” their improvement in quality.",
+                "[54] How great their advance was in either respect, alike in “greatness” and in number, is made evident by the words of the King of Egypt, “Lo the race of the children of Israel is a great multitude” (Ex. 1:9). There he bears witness to the race that has eyes to see Him that IS, that it has acquired both multitude and greatness, high achievement, that is, both in conduct of life and in principle.",
+                "[55] For he did not say, as a man strictly observing the association of noun and epithet would say, “much multitude,” but “a great multitude,” knowing that “much” is but an incomplete greatness, if it stands by itself without the addition of the power to understand and know. For what advantage is there in receiving(from our teachers) the results of study in plenty, unless we go on to develop each of them to its fitting stature? For a field, too, is but an imperfect one which contains any number of plants only a little above the ground, but in which no fully formed growth has shot up aided by skilful tillage and able now to yield fruit.",
+                "[56] The greatness and large number of the good and noble has for its beginning and end the perpetual recollection of God, and the calling down of the aid that comes from Him, to counter the intestine warfare of life, unbroken in its bewildering irregularity, for it says: “Lo this great nation is a wise and understanding people: for what kind of great nation is there, which has God drawing nigh to it, as the Lord our God in all things in which we call upon Him?” (Deut. 4:6 f.).",
+                "[57] So far it has been shewn that there is waiting ready and equipped at God’s side strong help to come to our succour, and that the Sovereign Ruler will Himself draw near for the benefit of those who are worthy to receive His benefits."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But who are they that are worthy to obtain these? Is it not clear that all the lovers of wisdom and knowledge are so?",
+                "[58] For these are the wise and understanding people which was spoken of, each member of which is with good reason great, since he reaches out after great things; and after one most eagerly, never to be severed from God, the supremely Great, but without dismay stedfastly to abide His approach as He draws near.",
+                "[59] This is the defining mark of the people that is “great,” to draw nigh to God, or to be that “to which God draws nigh.”",
+                "Now the world and the wise man, the world-citizen, is filled full of good things many and great, but the remaining mass of men experiences evil things in greater number, but fewer good things; for in the medley and confusion of human life that which is fair and goodly is rare and scanty.",
+                "[60] And for this reason the sacred oracles contain this utterance: “Not because ye are numerous beyond all the nations did the Lord prefer and choose you out: for ye surpass all the nations in fewness; but because the Lord loveth you” (Deut. 7:7 f.). For were a man to desire to distribute, as it were into nations, the crowd contained in a single soul, many disorderly companies would he find, commanded by pleasures or desires or griefs or fears or again by follies and wrongdoings, and the nearest kinsfolk of these, but one only well-ordered, of which right reason is the captain.",
+                "[61] Now, in the judgement of men the multitude of the unjust is preferred to the single just; but in God’s judgement the few good to the myriad unjust; and He charges the just never to agree with such a multitude: for He says “Thou shalt not be with many to engage in wickedness” (Ex. 23:2). Should we then be so with few? Nay, not with any bad man: and the bad man, one though he be, is made manifold by wickednesses, and to range oneself by his side is a very great disaster: on the contrary it behoves us to shew a vigour free from terror and resist him and be at war with him.",
+                "[62] For it says “If thou go out to war against thine enemies and see horse and rider,” that is passion, the insolent, the restive, the unruly, and the passion-loving mind mounted on it, “and a people more numerous than thou art,” even the devoted followers of these leaders advancing in serried mass “thou shalt not be afraid of them.” One as thou art thou shalt have One fighting on thy side, even the Ruler of all, as it says, “for the Lord Thy God is with thee” (Deut. 20:1).",
+                "[63] This companionship brings wars to an end, builds up peace, overthrows the host of evil things to which we grow accustomed, rescues the scanty band of those beloved of God, every loyal adherent of which loathes and hates the battalions of the earth-bound."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] For it says: “Whatsoever hath many feet among all creeping things that creep upon the earth, ye shall not eat, for they are an abomination” (Lev. 11:42). Now, is not a soul deserving of hatred which moves over the ground not on one part of itself but on all or most parts, even licking with a relish the things of the body, and altogether incapable of lifting its eyes to the holy revolutions of heaven?",
+                "[65] And further among creeping things just as that which has many feet is disallowed, so too is that which has no feet, the former for the reason just given, the latter because it lies its full length sprawling upon the earth, lifted out of it by nothing even to the smallest extent: for it says that all that goeth upon the belly is unclean (<i>ibid</i>.), indicating by this figure the man who is in pursuit of the pleasures of the belly.",
+                "[66] But some, exceeding all bounds, in their determination to kindle into activity all the irrational portion of the soul, and to destroy the mind, have not only indulged all that comes under the head of desire, but taken to them also its brother passion, fierce spirit. For that which was said, “Upon thy breast and thy belly shalt thou go” (Gen. 3:14), in the literal sense applies to the serpent, but is really a truly Divine oracle applying to every irrational and passion-loving man; for the breast is the abode of fierce spirit, and desire dwells in the belly.",
+                "[67] The fool’s whole course through every moment of his journey depends on this pair, fierce spirit and desire; since he has got rid of mind, who is the charioteer and monitor. The man of the opposite character has exscinded fierce spirit and desire, and chosen as his patron and controlling guide the Divine Word. Even so Moses, best beloved of God, when offering the whole burnt sacrifices of the soul, will “wash out the belly” (Lev. 8:21), that is, will cleanse away desire in every shape, but “the breast from the ram of consecration he will take away” (Lev. 8:29). This means, we may be sure, the warlike spirit in its completeness; and the object of taking it away is that the better portion of the soul, the rational part, that is left, may exercise its truly free and noble impulses towards all things beautiful, with nothing pulling against it any longer and dragging it in another direction.",
+                "[68] In these circumstances it will improve both in number and greatness: for it is said: “How long shall the people provoke? and how long shall they refuse to trust Me in all the signs which I wrought among them? I will smite them with death and will destroy them, and I will make thee and thy father’s house a nation great and numerous beyond this one” (Num. 14:11 f.). For, in the soul when once the great concourse is broken up, in which fierce spirit and desire prevail, there rises and springs up without fail another concourse, even that which wholly depends on the rational nature.",
+                "[69] Now just as the creature with many feet and that without feet, opposite species in the genus of creeping things, are proclaimed unclean, so also atheism and polytheism, mutually antagonistic doctrines in the soul, are alike profane. Here is the indication of this: the Law has expelled both of these doctrines from the sacred assembly, atheism, by debarring a eunuch from membership of it; polytheism, by likewise forbidding the son of a harlot to be a listener or speaker in it (Deut. 23:1 f.). For the sterile man is godless; and the son of a whore is a polytheist, being in the dark about his real father, and for this reason ascribing his begetting to many, instead of to one."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[70] Two gifts have been already spoken of, which are these, a hope held out of a life of contemplation, and progress towards abundance and “greatness” of things fair and beautiful. A third gift is “blessing” or excellence of reason and speech, and apart from this it is not possible to make the former gracious gifts secure. He says “And I will bless thee,” <i>i.e</i>. “I will endow thee with excellent reason and speech.” “Blessing” or “eulogy” is a word compounded of “well” and “logos.”",
+                "[71] Of these, “well” connotes nothing but excellence: “logos” has two aspects, one resembling a spring, the other its outflow; “logos” in the understanding resembles a spring, and is called “reason,” while utterance by mouth and tongue is like its outflow, and is called “speech.” That each species of logos should be improved is vast wealth, the understanding having good reasoning at its command for all things great and small, and utterance being under the guidance of right training.",
+                "[72] For many reason excellently, but find speech a bad interpreter of thought and are by it betrayed, through not having had a thorough grounding in the ordinary subjects of culture. Others, again, have shewn great ability in expounding themes, and yet been most evil thinkers, such as the so-called sophists; for the understanding of these men is wholly untrained by the Muses, whose united voice is heard in the output of the vocal organs.",
+                "[73] But God bestows on those who obey Him no imperfect boon. All His gifts are full and complete. And so, in this case also, He does not send the blessing or “logos-excellence” in one division of logos, but in both its parts, for He holds it just that the recipient of His bounty should both conceive the noblest conceptions and give masterly expression to his ideas. For perfection depends, as we know, on both divisions of logos, the reason which suggests the ideas with clearness, and the speech which gives unfailing expression to them.",
+                "[74] Do you not notice Abel, whose name stands for one to whom things mortal are a grief and things immortal are full of happiness, how, though he has the advantage of a faultless understanding, yet through lack of training in speaking he is worsted by Cain, a clever wrestler able to prevail by skill rather than strength?",
+                "[75] Wherefore, admiring as I do his character for its rich natural endowment, I find fault with him in so far as, when challenged to a contest of words, he came forward to engage in it, whereas he ought to have maintained his wonted quietude, totally disregarding his quarrelsome brother; and, if he was quite bent on fighting it out, not to have entered the lists until he had had some practice in scientific grips and tricks; for village sages usually get the worst of it when they encounter those who have acquired the cleverness of the town."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[76] That is why Moses, the man of all wisdom, though he excuses himself from investigating well-worded and specious arguments, from the time that God began to flash into him the light of truth by means of the undying words of the very self of Knowledge and Wisdom (Ex. 4:10), yet is led none the less to look into them, not for the sake of gaining acquaintance with a greater number of subjects—for the lover of contemplation finds researches touching God and His most holy powers all-sufficing—but with a view to getting the better of the sophists in Egypt, for whom specious sounding fables are of more value than the clear evidence of realities.",
+                "[77] Yes, whensoever the mind is moving amid matters concerned with the Ruler of all, it needs no extraneous help in its study, inasmuch as for objects of intellectual apprehension unaided mind is an eye of keenest sight: but when it is occupied besides with matters affected by sense-perception or passion or the body, of which the land of Egypt is a symbol, it will need alike the art of speaking and ability in exercising it.",
+                "[78] For the sake of this he was enjoined to call to his aid Aaron, the logos in utterance. “Lo,” saith He, “is not Aaron thy brother?” For the logical nature being the one mother of them both, its offspring are of course brothers. “I know that he will speak” (He continues). For it is the property of understanding to apprehend, and of utterance to speak. “He,” saith He, “will speak for thee.” For the mind, unable to report the thoughts stored up in it, employs speech which stands hard by as an interpreter, for the making known of its experiences.",
+                "[79] Then He adds, “Lo, it is he that shall come out to meet thee”: for it is indeed a fact that speech meeting the mind’s conceptions, and wedding the parts of speech to them, mints them like uncoined gold, and gives the stamp of expression to what was unstamped and unexpressed before. And saith He, “On seeing thee he will rejoice in it” (Ex. 4:14): for speech does exult and is glad, when the conception is not indistinct, because it finds that the wording which issues from its rich store of terms apt and expressive and full of vividness is fluent and unhalting when the thought is luminous."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] And similarly when the ideas to be expressed are in any way deficient in clearness, speech is stepping on empty air and is apt to slip and have a bad fall and be unable to get up again. “And thou shalt speak to him and shall put My words into his mouth.” This is equivalent to saying “Thou shalt suggest to him the thoughts,” for “thoughts” are nothing else than God’s “words” or speech.",
+                "[81] For without the prompter speech will give forth no utterance, and mind is the prompter of speech, as God is of mind. “And he shall speak to the people for thee, and he shall be thy mouth, and thou shalt be his Godward things” (Ex. 4:15 f.). Very vivid are his expressions. Not only does he say “he shall speak to them for thee,” as much as to say “he shall put thy thoughts into words”; but he adds “he shall be thy mouth”; for the stream of speech flowing over tongue and mouth carries forth the thoughts with it. But, whereas speech is understanding’s interpreter manward, understanding occupies toward speech the position of its Godward things, namely thoughts and intents, which are in God’s charge solely.",
+                "[82] It is a vital matter, then, for one about to face a contest with sophists to have paid attention to words with such thoroughness as not only to elude the grips of his adversary but to take the offensive in his turn and prove himself superior both in skill and strength.",
+                "[83] You must have observed how the aim of those who use charms and enchantments, when they bring their trickery into play against the Divine word and dare to attempt to do things like those which it does, is not so much to win honour for their own skill as to traduce and ridicule the miracles which are taking place. They transform the rods into real snakes, and turn the water to the colour of blood, and by incantations draw up on to land what frogs are still left (Ex. 7:12, 22, 8:7), and, as they add one thing to another tending to their own destruction, they are cheated, miserable fools, while they think that they are cheating.",
+                "[84] How would it have been possible for Moses to encounter these men, had he not had in readiness speech the interpreter of thought, who is called Aaron? In this place Aaron or speech is spoken of as a “mouth”; further on he will also bear the name of “prophet,” when the mind too is inspired and entitled “God.” For He says “I give thee as God to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet” (Ex. 7:1). How perfect is the harmony shewn in the sequence of thought! For it is the prophet kind, when under the influence of a Divine possession and ecstasy, that interprets the thoughts of God.",
+                "[85] Accordingly “Aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods” (Ex. 7:12), as the oracle shews. For all the arguments of sophists are devoured and done away with by Nature’s many-sided skill, and the acknowledgement is made that these events are the Finger of God (Ex. 8:19), and the word “Finger” is equivalent to a divine rescript, declaring that sophistry is ever defeated by wisdom; for holy writ, speaking of the tables on which the oracles were engraved, says that they were written by the Finger of God (Ex. 32:16). Wherefore the sorcerers can no longer stand before Moses, but fall as in a wrestling-bout vanquished by the sturdy strength of the opponent (Ex. 8:18)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] What, then, is the fourth gift? That of a great name; for He says “I will make thy name great” (Gen. 12:2). The meaning of this appears to me to be as follows. As it is an advantage to be good and morally noble, so is it to be reputed such. And, while the reality is better than the reputation, happiness comes of having both. For very many, after coming to Virtue’s feet with no counterfeit or unreal homage and with their eyes open to her genuine loveliness, through paying no regard to the general opinion have become the objects of hostility, just because they were held to be bad, when they were really good.",
+                "[87] It is true that there is no good in being thought to be this or that, unless you are so long before you are thought to be so. It is naturally so in the case of our bodies. Were all the world to suppose the sickly man to be healthy, or the healthy man to be sickly, the general opinion by itself will produce neither sickness nor health.",
+                "[88] But he on whom God has bestowed both gifts, both to be morally noble and good and to have the reputation of being so, this man is really happy and his name is great in very deed. We should take thought for fair fame as a great matter and one of much advantage to the life which we live in the body. And this fair fame is won as a rule by all who cheerfully take things as they find them and interfere with no established customs, but maintain with care the constitution of their country.",
+                "[89] There are some who, regarding laws in their literal sense in the light of symbols of matters belonging to the intellect, are overpunctilious about the latter, while treating the former with easy-going neglect. Such men I for my part should blame for handling the matter in too easy and off-hand a manner: they ought to have given careful attention to both aims, to a more full and exact investigation of what is not seen and in what is seen to be stewards without reproach.",
+                "[90] As it is, as though they were living alone by themselves in a wilderness, or as though they had become disembodied souls, and knew neither city nor village nor household nor any company of human beings at all, overlooking all that the mass of men regard, they explore reality in its naked absoluteness. These men are taught by the sacred word to have thought for good repute, and to let go nothing that is part of the customs fixed by divinely empowered men greater than those of our time.",
+                "[91] It is quite true that the Seventh Day is meant to teach the power of the Unoriginate and the non-action of created beings. But let us not for this reason abrogate the laws laid down for its observance, and light fires or till the ground or carry loads or institute proceedings in court or act as jurors or demand the restoration of deposits or recover loans, or do all else that we are permitted to do as well on days that are not festival seasons.",
+                "[92] It is true also that the Feast is a symbol of gladness of soul and of thankfulness to God, but we should not for this reason turn our backs on the general gatherings of the year’s seasons. It is true that receiving circumcision does indeed portray the excision of pleasure and all passions, and the putting away of the impious conceit, under which the mind supposed that it was capable of begetting by its own power: but let us not on this account repeal the law laid down for circumcising. Why, we shall be ignoring the sanctity of the Temple and a thousand other things, if we are going to pay heed to nothing except what is shewn us by the inner meaning of things.",
+                "[93] Nay, we should look on all these outward observances as resembling the body, and their inner meanings as resembling the soul. It follows that, exactly as we have to take thought for the body, because it is the abode of the soul, so we must pay heed to the letter of the laws. If we keep and observe these, we shall gain a clearer conception of those things of which these are the symbols; and besides that we shall not incur the censure of the many and the charges they are sure to bring against us.",
+                "[94] Notice that it says that wise Abraham had good things both great and small, and it calls the great ones “property,” that is, realities, which went by entail to his legitimate son alone. The small ones it calls “gifts,” and to receive these the base-born sons of the concubines are deemed worthy (Gen. 25:5, 6). The former correspond to natural, the latter to positive laws."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] I admire also all-virtuous Leah, because when Asher was born, symbol of counterfeit wealth the outward and visible, she cries “Happy am I, for the women will call me happy” (Gen. 30:13). She aims at being favourably regarded, thinking praise due to her not only from thoughts masculine and truly manly, by which the nature that has no blemish and truth impervious to bribes is held in honour, but also from those which are more feminine, which are wholly at the mercy of appearances and powerless to understand anything presented to contemplation outside them.",
+                "[96] It is characteristic of a perfect soul to aspire both to be and to be thought to be, and to take pains not only to have a good reputation in the men’s quarters, but to receive the praises of the women’s as well.",
+                "[97] It was for this reason that Moses gave in charge not to men only but to women also to provide the sacred appointments of the Tabernacle: for it is the women who do all the weavings of blue and scarlet and linen and goat’s hair (Ex. 35:22 f.), and they contribute without hesitation their own jewellery, “seals, ear-rings, rings, bracelets, hair-clasps,” all that was made of gold, exchanging the adornment of their persons for the adornment of piety.",
+                "[98] Nay, in their abounding enthusiasm, they dedicate their mirrors for the making of the laver (Ex. 38:26), to the end that those who are about to perform sacred rites, as they are washing hands and feet, that is, the purposes which they take in hand and which form the base and support of the mind, may be helped to see themselves reflected by recollecting the mirrors out of which the laver was fashioned: for if they do this they will not overlook any ugly thing shewing itself in the appearance of the soul, and being thus purified will dedicate the most sacred and perfect of offerings, the offering of fasting and perseverance.",
+                "[99] These, in whose eyes Leah, that is virtue, desires to be honoured are citizen women and worthy of their citizenship; but there are others without citizenship who kindle a fire to add to the misery of the wretched mind; for we read that “women further kindled in addition a fire against Moab” (Num. 21:30).",
+                "[100] Is it not the case, that each one of the fool’s senses, kindled by the objects of sense, sets the mind on fire, pouring upon it a great and impassable flame, in violent and resistless current? It is best, then, that the array of women, that is of the senses, in the soul, should be propitiated, as well as that of the men, that is of our several thoughts: for in this way shall we feel the journey of life better than it else would be."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] Admirable therefore also is the prayer of Isaac the self-taught for the lover of wisdom that he may receive the good things both of mind and of sense: “May God give thee,” he says, “of the dew of heaven and of the fatness of the earth” (Gen. 27:28), which is equivalent to saying in the first place “May He pour down on thee perpetually the heavenly rain apprehended by mind alone, not violently so as to deluge thee, but in gentle stillness like dew so as to do thee good”; and secondly “May He grant thee the earthly, the outward and visible wealth; may that wealth abound in marrow and fatness and may its opposite, the poverty of the soul and its parts, be withered and dried up by His grace.”",
+                "[102] If again you examine the High Priest the Logos, you will find him to be in agreement with this, and his holy vesture to have a variegated beauty derived from powers belonging some to the realm of pure intellect, some to that of sense-perception. The other parts of that vesture call for a longer treatment than the present occasion allows, and must be deferred. Let us however examine the parts by the extremities, head and feet.",
+                "[103] On the head, then, there is “a plate of pure gold, bearing as an engraving of a signet, ‘a holy thing to the Lord’ ” (Ex. 28:32); and at the feet on the end of the skirt, bells and flower patterns (Ex. 28:29 f.). The signet spoken of is the original principle behind all principles, after which God shaped or formed the universe, incorporeal, we know, and discerned by the intellect alone; whereas the flower patterns and bells are symbols of qualities recognized by the senses and tested by sight and hearing.",
+                "[104] And he has well weighed his words when he adds: “His sound shall be audible when he is about to enter into the Holy Place” (Ex. 28:31), to the end that when the soul is about to enter the truly holy place, the divine place which only mind can apprehend, the senses also may be aided to join in the hymn with their best, and that our whole composite being, like a full choir all in tune, may chant together one harmonious strain rising from varied voices blending one with another; the thoughts of the mind inspiring the keynotes—for the leaders of this choir are the truths perceived by mind alone—while the objects of sense-perception, which resemble the individual members of the choir, chime in with their accordant tuneful notes.",
+                "[105] For, to say all in a word, we must not, as the Law tells us, take away from the soul these three things, “the necessaries, the clothing, the fellowship” (Ex. 21:10), but afford each of them steadily. Now, the “necessaries” are the good things of the mind, which are necessary, being demanded by the law of nature; the “clothing,” all that belongs to the phenomenal world of human life; and the “fellowship,” persistent study directed to each of these kinds, that so in the world of sense we may come to find the likeness of the invisible world of mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] To proceed then; the fifth gift is that which consists in simple being only, and it is mentioned after those which precede it not as being of less value than they, but as outtopping and over-passing them all. For what could be more perfect than to be by nature good and free from all feigning and pretence, and worthy of blessing?",
+                "[107] For he says “Thou shalt be one to be blessed” (Gen. 12:2), not only “one who has been blessed,” for the latter is reckoned by the standard of the opinions and report of the many; but the former by that of Him Who is in reality “blessed.”",
+                "[108] For as being praiseworthy differs for the better from being praised, and being blameworthy for the worse from being blamed, the one pair expressing an inherent character, and the other nothing more than men’s opinion of us; and nature that cannot lie is a more sure foundation than opinion; so being blessed by men, which we have found to be an introduction into blessing by the avenue of repute, is inferior to natural worthiness of blessing, even though that finds no expression on human lips; and it is this which is celebrated in the sacred oracles as “blessed.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[109] These are the prizes which He bestows upon him who is to become wise. Let us see next those which He accords to others too for the wise man’s sake. “I will bless,” He says, “those that bless thee, and those that curse thee I will curse” (Gen. 12:3).",
+                "[110] That these promises as well as the others are made to shew honour to the righteous man is clear to everybody, but they are set forth not on that account only, but because they so admirably fit in with and follow the truth of facts, for encomiums are due to him who praises the good man and blame again to him who blames him. Praise and blame are not accredited so much by the ability of speakers and authors, as by the truth of facts; so that we do not feel that either term is applicable to the words of those who give falsehood any place in either.",
+                "[111] Do you not see the toadies who by day and night batter to pieces and wear out the ears of those on whom they fawn, not content with just assenting to everything they say, but spinning out long speeches and declaiming and many a time uttering prayers with their voice, but never ceasing to curse with their heart? What then would a man of good sense say?",
+                "[112] Would he not say that those who talk in this way talk as though they were enemies rather than friends, and blame rather than praise, even though they compose and recite whole oratorios of panegyric to charm them?",
+                "[113] Accordingly, that empty one, Balaam, though he sang loftiest hymns to God, among which is that most Divine of canticles “God is not as man” (Num. 23:19), and poured out a thousand eulogies on him whose eyes were open, even Israel, has been adjudged impious and accursed even by the wise lawgiver, and held to be an utterer not of blessings but of curses.",
+                "[114] For Moses says that as the hired confederate of Israel’s enemies he became an evil prophet of evil things, nursing in his soul direst curses on the race beloved of God, but forced with mouth and tongue to give prophetic utterance to most amazing benedictory prayers: for the words that were spoken were noble words, whose utterance was prompted by God the Lover of Virtue, but the intentions, in all their vileness, were the offspring of a mind that looked on virtue with loathing.",
+                "[115] Evidence of this is afforded by the oracles relating to the matter; for it says “God did not give Balaam leave to curse thee, but turned his curses into blessing” (Deut. 23:5), though indeed every word he uttered was charged with fulness of benediction. But He Who looks upon what is stored up in the soul, saw, with the Eye that alone has power to discern them, the things that are out of sight of created beings, and on the ground of these passed the sentence of condemnation, being at once an absolutely true Witness, and an incorruptible Judge.",
+                "For on the same principle praise is due to the converse of this, namely, when one seems to revile and accuse with the voice, and is in intent conveying blessing and benediction.",
+                "[116] This is obviously the custom of proctors, of home tutors, schoolmasters, parents, seniors, magistrates, laws: all of these, by reproaches, and sometimes by punishments, effect improvement in the souls of those whom they are educating. And not one of them is an enemy to a single person, but all are friends of them all: and the business of friends inspired by genuine and unfeigned goodwill is to use plain language without any spite whatever.",
+                "[117] Let no treatment, then, that is marked by prayers and blessings on the one hand, or by abusing and cursing on the other hand, be referred to the way it finds vent in speech, but rather to the intention; for from this, as from a spring, is supplied the means of testing each kind of spoken words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[118] This is Moses’ first lesson; he tells us what befalls others for the virtuous man’s sake, whenever they consent to visit him with blame or praise, with prayers or imprecations: but greatest of all is that which follows; he tells us that, when these hold their peace, no portion of rational existence is left without its share of benefit bestowed: for He says that “In thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” (Gen. 12:3).",
+                "[119] This is a pregnant and significant announcement; for it implies that, if the mind continues free from harm and sickness, it has all its tribes and powers in a healthy condition, those whose province is sight and hearing and all others concerned with sense-perception, and those again that have to do with pleasures and desires, and all that are undergoing transformation from the lower to the higher emotions.",
+                "[120] Further there have been instances of a household or a city or a country or nations and regions of the earth enjoying great prosperity through a single man giving his mind to nobility of character. Most of all has this been so in the case of one on whom God has bestowed, together with a good purpose, irresistible power, just as He gives to the musician and every artist the instruments which his music or his art requires, or as He gives to fire logs as its material.",
+                "[121] For in truth the righteous man is the foundation on which mankind rests. All that he himself has he brings into the common stock and gives in abundance for the benefit of all who shall use them. What he does not find in his own store, he asks for at the hands of God, the only possessor of unlimited riches; and He opens his heavenly treasury and sends His good things, as He does the snow and the rain, in ceaseless downpour, so that the channels and cavities of earth’s whole face overflow.",
+                "[122] And it is His wont to bestow these gifts in answer to the word of supplication, from which He does not turn His ear away; for it is said in another place, when Moses had made a petition, “I am gracious to them in accordance with thy word” (Num. 14:20); and this is evidently equivalent to “In thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed.”",
+                "And it is by reason of this that Abraham, the wise, when he had made trial of God’s unvarying loving-kindness, believed that, even if all else be done away, but some small relic of virtue be preserved as a live coal to kindle with, for the sake of this little piece He looks with pity on the rest also, so as to raise up fallen things and to quicken dead things (Gen. 18:24 ff.).",
+                "[123] For a smouldering spark, even the very smallest, when it is blown up and made to blaze, lights a great pile; and so the least particle of virtue, when, warmed into life by bright hopes, it has shone out, gives sight to eyes that erst were closed and blind, and causes withered things to bloom again, and recovers to prolific fertility all that were barren by nature and therefore without offspring. Even so scanty goodness by God’s favour expands and becomes abundant, assimilating all else to itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Let us pray then that, like a central pillar in a house, there may constantly remain for the healing of our maladies the righteous mind in the soul and in the human race the righteous man; for while he is sound and well, there is no cause to despair of the prospect of complete salvation, for our Saviour God holds out, we may be sure, the most all-healing remedy, His gracious Power, and commits it to His suppliant and worshipper to use for the deliverance of those who are sickly, that he may apply it as an embrocation to those soul-wounds which were left gaping by the sword-edge of follies and injustices and all the rest of the horde of vices.",
+                "[125] The most patent example is righteous Noah, who, when so many parts of the soul had been swallowed up by the great Flood, valiantly riding upon the waves that buoyed him up, stood firm high above every peril, and, when he had come safe through all, put forth from himself fair roots and great, out of which there grew up like a plant wisdom’s breed and kind; which, attaining goodly fertility, bore those threefold fruits of the seeing one, even of “Israel,” that mark the threefold divisions of eternity, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob;",
+                "[126]for in the All virtue is, shall be, has been: covered with a dark shadow, it may be, by men’s missings of the due season but revealed again by due season that ever follows in God’s steps. In such due season does “Sarah” who is sound sense, give birth to a man-child, putting forth her fruit not according to the changes of the year measured by lapse of time, but in accordance with a fitness and fulness of season that time does not determine: for it is said “I will certainly return unto thee according to this season when the time comes round; and Sarah thy wife shall have a son” (Gen. 18:10)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] We have now dealt with the subject of the gifts which God is wont to bestow both on those who are to become wise and for their sake on others. We are told next that “Abraham journeyed even as the Lord spoke to him” (Gen. 12:4).",
+                "[128] This is the aim extolled by the best philosophers, to live agreeably to nature; and it is attained whenever the mind, having entered on virtue’s path, walks in the track of right reason and follows God, mindful of His injunctions, and always and in all places recognizing them all as valid both in action and in speech.",
+                "[129] For “he journeyed just as the Lord spake to him”: the meaning of this is that as God speaks—and He speaks with consummate beauty and excellence—so the good man does everything, blamelessly keeping straight the path of life, so that the actions of the wise man are nothing else than the words of God.",
+                "[130] So in another place He says, “Abraham did ‘all My law’ ” (Gen. 26:5): “Law” being evidently nothing else than the Divine word enjoining what we ought to do and forbidding what we should not do, as Moses testifies by saying “he received a law from His words” (Deut. 33:3 f.). If, then, the law is a Divine word, and the man of true worth “does” the law, he assuredly “does” the word: so that, as I said, God’s words are the wise man’s “doings.”",
+                "[131] To follow God is, then, according to Moses, that most holy man, our aim and object, as he says elsewhere too, “thou shalt go in the steps of the Lord thy God” (Deut. 13:4). He is not speaking of movement by the use of our legs, for, while earth carries man, I do not know whether even the whole universe carries God; but is evidently employing figurative language to bring out how the soul should comply with those Divine ordinances, the guiding principle of which is the honouring of Him to Whom all things owe their being."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Using still loftier language to express the irrepressible craving for moral excellence, he calls on them to <i>cleave</i> to Him. His words are: “Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and Him shalt thou serve, and to Him shalt thou cleave” (Deut. 10:20). What then is the cementing substance? Do you ask, what? Piety, surely, and faith: for these virtues adjust and unite the intent of the heart to the incorruptible Being: as Abraham when he believed is said to “come near to God” (Gen. 18:23).",
+                "[133] If, however, as he goes on his way, he neither becomes weary, so that he gives in and collapses, nor grows remiss, so that he turns aside, now in this direction, now in that, and goes astray missing the central road that never diverges; but, taking the good runners as his example, finishes the race of life without stumbling, when he has reached the end he shall obtain crowns and prizes as a fitting guerdon.",
+                "[134] Are not the crowns and prizes just this, not to have missed the end of his labours, but to have obtained those final aims of good sense that are so hard of attainment?",
+                "What, then, is the end of right-mindedness? To pronounce on himself and all created being the verdict of folly; for the final aim of knowledge is to hold that we know nothing, He alone being wise, who is also alone God.",
+                "[135] Accordingly Moses does right well in representing Him as both the Father of the universe and Overseer of the things created, where he says: “God saw all things which He had made, and lo! they were fair exceedingly” (Gen. 1:31): for it was not possible for anyone perfectly to see the things which had been formed save their Maker.",
+                "[136] Come forward now, you who are laden with vanity and gross stupidity and vast pretence, you that are wise in your own conceit and not only declare (in every case) that you perfectly know what each object is, but go so far as to venture in your audacity to add the reasons for its being what it is, as though you had either been standing by at the creation of the world, and had observed how and out of what materials its several parts were fashioned, or had acted as advisers to the Creator regarding the things He was forming—come,",
+                "[137] I say, and then, letting go all other things whatever, take knowledge of yourselves, and say clearly who you are, in body, in soul, in sense-perception, in reason and speech, in each single one, even the most minute, of the subdivisions of your being. Declare what sight is and how you see, what hearing is and how you hear, what taste, touch, smelling are, and how you act in accordance with each of them, or what are the springs and sources of these, from which is derived their very being.",
+                "[138] For pray do not, O ye senseless ones, spin your airy fables about moon or sun or the other objects in the sky and in the universe so far removed from us and so varied in their natures, until you have scrutinized and come to know yourselves. After that, we may perhaps believe you when you hold forth on other subjects: but before you establish who you yourselves are, do not think that you will ever become capable of acting as judges or trustworthy witnesses in the other matters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] This being the case, the Mind, when he has reached the summit, will render the sum of his tribute to God the consummator, in accordance with the all-holy writ, for there is a law that the sum is the Lord’s (Num. 31:28 ff.). When, then, does he render it? When he has arrived “on the third day at the place which God had told him of” (Gen. 22:3), having passed the greater number of the divisions of time, and already quitting them for the existence that is timeless:",
+                "[140] for then too he will sacrifice his only son, no human being (for the wise man is not a slayer of his offspring), but the male progeny of the rich and fertile soul, the fruit that blossomed upon it. How the soul bore it she does not know: it is a Divine growth; and when it appeared she that seemed to have given birth to it acknowledges her ignorance of the good thing that had occurred in the words “who shall announce to Abraham” (for she assumed that he did not believe in the rising up of the breed that learns without a teacher), “who shall tell Abraham that Sarah is suckling a child” (Gen. 21:7)? It does not say “a child is being suckled by Sarah,” for the kind that is taught without a teacher is nourished by no one, but is a source of nourishment to others, being capable of teaching and not needing to learn.",
+                "[141] “For I bare a son,” she continues, not as Egyptian women do in their bodily prime (Ex. 1:19), but as the Hebrew souls do, “in my old age” (Gen. 21:7), at a time, that is, when all things that are mortal and objects of sense-perception have decayed, while things immortal and intellectually discerned have grown young again, meet recipients of honour and esteem.",
+                "[142] Furthermore, “I gave birth” without requiring extraneous aid from the midwife’s skill: for we give birth even before there come in to us any imaginations of man’s knowledge, without the co-operation that custom supplies, for God begets and sows the seed of those goodly births, which, as is meet and right, are rendered to Him Who gave them, in fulfilment of the law laid down for thanksgiving: “My gifts, My endowments, My fruits” He says, “be careful to offer unto Me” (Num. 28:2)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] This is the end of the way of those who follow the words and injunctions of the law, and march in whatever direction God leads the way: but the man who gives in under the assaults of the foe, who hungers after pleasure and is lickerish for passion, whose name is “Amalek,” which means “a people licking up”—this man shall find himself cut off.",
+                "[144] The oracles signify that the Amalek type of character lies in ambush, when it is aware that the more stalwart portion of the soul-army has gone by, rises up from its ambuscade and “smites or ‘cuts’ the hindmost” (Deut. 25:17 f.) or the labouring rear.",
+                "“Labouring” may be used of a readiness to give in, a feebleness of reason’s functioning, an inability to bear the burdens needed to win virtue. This is a condition which, when found lagging at the extreme rear, falls an easy prey. Or the word may connote brave endurance in a noble cause, a sturdy readiness to undertake all noble tasks together, a refusal to support the weight of any base thing, though it be the very lightest, nay a rejection of it as though it were the heaviest burden.",
+                "[145] Hence it comes that the Law gave Virtue the appropriate name “Leah,” which when translated is “growing weary”; for Virtue has, as she well may do, made up her mind that the way of life of the wicked, so essentially burdensome and heavy, is full of weariness, and she refuses so much as to look at it, turning her gaze away from it and fixing it on the morally beautiful alone.",
+                "[146] But let the mind be bent not only on following God with alert and unfailing steps, but also on keeping the straight course. Let it not incline to either side, either to what is on the right hand or to what is on the left, where Edom, of the earth earthy, has his lurking holes, and thus be the victim now of excesses and extravagances, now of shortcomings and deficiencies. For better is it to walk on the central road, the road that is truly “the king’s” (Num. 20:17), seeing that God, the great and only King, laid it out a broad and goodly way for virtue-loving souls to keep to.",
+                "[147] Hence it is that some of those who followed the mild and social form of philosophy, have said that the virtues are means, fixing them in a borderland, feeling that the overweening boastfulness of a braggart is bad, and that to adopt a humble and obscure position is to expose yourself to attack and oppression, whereas a fair and reasonable mixture of the two is beneficial."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] We have to consider what is meant by “Lot went with him” (Gen. 12:4). “Lot” by interpretation is “turning aside” or “inclining away.” The mind “inclines,” sometimes turning away from what is good, sometimes from what is bad. Oftentimes both tendencies are observable in one and the same person: for some men are irresolute, facers both ways, inclining to either side like a boat tossed by winds from opposite quarters, or swaying up and down as though on a pair of scales, incapable of becoming firmly settled on one: with such there is nothing praiseworthy even in their taking a turn to the better course; for it is the result not of judgement but of drift.",
+                "[149] Of this crew Lot is a member, who is said to have left his home with the lover of wisdom. When he had set out to follow his steps, it would have been well for him to unlearn lack of learning and to have retraced his steps to it no more. The fact is, however, that he comes with him, not that he may imitate the man who is better than he and so gain improvement, but actually to create obstacles which pull him back, and drag him elsewhere and make him slip in this direction or that.",
+                "[150] Here is a proof of it. We shall find Lot having a relapse, suffering from the old complaint, carried off a prisoner of war by the enemies in the soul; and Abraham, resorting to every device to guard against his ambuscades and attacks, setting up separate quarters.",
+                "This separation he will effect later on, but not as yet. For at present he is but a novice in the contemplation and study of things Divine and his principles are unformed and wavering. By and by they will have gained consistency and rest on a firmer foundation, and he will be able to dissociate from himself the ensnaring and flattering element as an irreconcilable and elusive foe.",
+                "[151] For it is this from which the soul can so hardly disengage itself as it clings to it and hinders it from making swift progress in reaching virtue. This it was, when we were abandoning Egypt, all the bodily region, and were hastening to unlearn the passions in obedience to the instructions of the word of prophecy, even Moses,—it was this, I say, that followed us, checking our zeal to be gone, and moved by envy to retard the speed of our departure:",
+                "[152] for we read “and a mixed multitude went up with them, both sheep and oxen and beasts very many” (Ex. 12:38), and this mixed multitude was, in fact, the soul’s herd of beast-like doctrines."
+            ],
+            [
+                "And very well and appropriately does he call the soul of the bad man “mixed”: for it is brought together and collected and a medley in very deed, consisting of many discordant opinions, one in number but myriad in its manifoldness.",
+                "[153] For this reason it is called a “multitude” or “numerous” as well as “mixed”; for he that has an eye to a single aim only is single and unmixed and truly smooth and level, but he that sets before himself many aims for his life is manifold and mixed and truly rough. It is for this reason that the oracles represent Jacob, the trainer of himself for nobility, as smooth, but Esau, who exercised himself in basest things, as rough with hair (Gen. 27:11).",
+                "[154] What befell the Mind, when it escaped from Egypt the country of the body, was due to this mixed and rough multitude, a conglomeration of promiscuous and diverse opinions. It could have made rapid progress and in three days (Gen. 22:3) have entered upon the inheritance of virtue by a threefold light, memory of things gone by, clear sight of things present, and the expectation of things to come. Instead of this, for the space of forty years, for all that length of time, it wears itself out wandering and going round circle-wise, in obedience to the “manifold” element with its many twistings, when it behoved it to have taken the straight way which was the speediest.",
+                "[155] It is this mixed multitude which takes delight not in a few species of lusting only, but claims to leave out nothing at all, that it may follow after lust’s entire genus, including all its species. For we read “the mixed people that was among them ‘craved after lust,’ after the genus itself, not some single species, ‘and sat down and wept’ ” (Num. 11:4).",
+                "For the understanding is conscious of its feebleness, and when it cannot obtain what it is longing for, it weeps and groans; and yet it had cause to rejoice at missing passions and sicknesses, and to consider the dearth and absence of them great prosperity.",
+                "[156] And yet indeed it is not unusual for the devotees of virtue themselves to be much moved and to shed tears, either when bemoaning the misfortunes of the unwise owing to their innate fellow-feeling and humaneness, or by reason of being overjoyed. This last occurs when, as is sometimes the case, a sudden shower of unexpected good things falls, and they come all at once like a flood. I fancy that it is to this that we must refer the expression of the poet,",
+                "She laughed with glad tears in her eyes.",
+                "[157] For joy, that best of the good emotions, when it has fallen upon the soul unexpectedly, makes it larger than it was before, so that owing to its size the body has no longer room for it, and as it is squeezed and compressed it distils moist drops, which we are in the habit of calling “tears.” Of these it is said in the Psalms, “Thou shalt feed us with the bread of tears” (Ps. 79 [80] 6), and “My tears have been my bread by day and by night” (Ps. 41 [42] 4). For tears, that rise to the surface from the inward heart-felt laughter, are food to the understanding, coming when the love of God has sunk deep in and turned the dirge of created being into a canticle of praise to the Uncreate."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] While some regard this rough and motley type as outcast, and keep it at a distance from themselves, having delight in the God-beloved kind only, others actually form ties of fellowship with it, holding that their own place in human life should be midway, set as a borderland between virtues human and Divine, and thus they aim at being in touch with both the real and the reputed virtues.",
+                "[159] To this school belongs the politician’s frame of mind, to which it is customary to give the name “Joseph.” When he is about to bury his father there go off with him “all the servants of Pharaoh and the elders of his house and all the elders of Egypt and all his whole household, Joseph and his brethren and all his father’s house” (Gen. 50:7 f.).",
+                "[160] Do you notice that this politician takes his position in the midst between the house of Pharaoh and his father’s house? that his object is to be equally in touch with the concerns of the body, which is Egypt, and those of the soul which are kept as in a treasury in his father’s house? For when he says “I belong to God” (Gen. 50:19) and other things of this kind, he is abiding by the customs of his father’s house. But when he mounts “the second chariot” of the mind that fancies itself a king, even Pharaoh (Gen. 41:43), he again sets up the idol of Egyptian vanity.",
+                "[161] Though indeed more wretched than he is the king who is thought to be more glorious, who rides in the principal chariot: for to win distinction in things that are without moral beauty is a most patent disgrace, just as to carry off the second prize in such things is a less weighty evil.",
+                "[162] Of his proneness to face both ways you may get an idea from the oaths which he is represented as taking, at one moment swearing “yea by the health of Pharaoh” (Gen. 42:16) and then on the contrary, “no, by the health of Pharaoh” (Gen. 42:15). The oath containing the negative is one that his father’s house would prescribe, being always a mortal foe to passion and wishing it dead; the other oath is one that Egypt might prescribe, for passion’s welfare is dear to it.",
+                "[163] It is for all these reasons that, though so great a number went up with Joseph, Moses does not call them a mixed multitude; for whereas in the view of the man whose vision is quite perfect and who is a lover of virtue, all that is not virtue and virtue’s doing seems to be mixed up and to be in confusion, in the eyes of the man who still cherishes low aims earth’s prizes are deemed to be in themselves worthy of love and worthy of honour."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[164] The lover of sound sense will, therefore, as I said, set a barrier between him and the man who, like a drone, has set himself to make havoc of the useful labours of the bees, and who follows for the sake of doing this, while those who in their enthusiasm for all that is morally excellent accompany them on their journey from a wish to copy them, he will welcome and allot to them such portions as are suitable: for Abraham says “of the men that journeyed with me Eshcol and Aunan, these shall receive Mamre as their portion” (Gen. 14:24); meaning characters well endowed by nature and lovers of the higher vision.",
+                "[165] For Eshcol is a symbol of good natural ability, his name meaning “fire,” for natural ability like fire is full of daring, and hot, and fastens on whatever it touches. Aunan represents the vision-lover, for it means “eyes,” since the eyes of the soul also are opened by cheerfulness. And of both of these the contemplative life is the inheritance receiving the name of Mamre, which in our language is “from seeing”; and there is an intimate connexion between seeing and contemplation.",
+                "[166] When the mind, having such trainers as these, omits nothing that will make for its training, it runs by the side of perfect sound sense, neither getting in front nor dropping behind, but taking strides of the same length and strength. This is manifest from the plain statement of the oracle that they “both journeyed and came together to the place of which God had told him” (Gen. 22:8).",
+                "[167] There is indeed an extraordinary equality in virtues, when labour has vied with natural fitness, and acquired skill with self-tutored nature, and the pair have proved capable of carrying off virtue’s prizes in equal measure. It is just as though painting and sculpture were producing not only as they do now creations destitute of movement and life, but had the power to make the works of brush and chisel living and moving things; it would then be felt, that whereas they were formerly arts copying Nature’s works, they had now become themselves embodiments of nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[168] One that has been exalted so high above the earth will no longer suffer any parts of his soul to have their converse down below among things mortal, but will draw them all up with him, just like bodies hanging on a rope. So a divine intimation was given to the wise man to this effect: “Come up to thy Lord, thou and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu and seventy of the Senate of Israel” (Ex. 24:1).",
+                "[169] This means: “Come up, O soul, to behold the Existent One, come with thy being in harmony, that is, with thy speech and reason active, come willingly, fearlessly, affectionately, come in the holy and perfect measures of seven multiplied tenfold.” For “Aaron” is called in the Laws Moses’ prophet (Ex. 7:1),  speech acting as prophet to understanding, and “Nadab,” meaning voluntary, is he that under no constraint does honour to the Deity, while “Abihu” means “my father,” and represents the man who stands in need of God to govern him, not as a master owing to his folly, but much rather as a father owing to his good sense.",
+                "[170] These are the powers that form the bodyguard of the mind that is worthy of sovereignty, and it is meet that they should accompany the King as His escort.",
+                "But the soul has reason to fear ascending in its own strength to the sight of Him that IS, ignorant as it is of the way, lifted up as it is at once by ignorance and by daring, and grievous are the falls that have been occasioned by lack of knowledge and excess of boldness;",
+                "[171] and therefore Moses prays that he may have God Himself, to guide him to the way that leads to Him; for he says: “If Thou Thyself goest not with me on my journey, lead me not up hence” (Ex. 33:15): for loss is entailed by all movement that is not under Divine direction, and it is better to stay where we are, roaming, with the bulk of mankind, through this mortal life, rather than to lift ourselves heavenward and incur shipwreck as imposters. This has been the fate of multitudes of sophists, through their imagining that wisdom consists in finding specious arguments, and not in appealing to the solid evidence of facts.",
+                "[172] But perhaps the force of the prayer may be such as this: “Raise me not up on high, endowing me with wealth or fame or honours or offices, or aught else that is called good fortune, unless Thou Thyself art about to come with me.” For these things often bring upon those who have them very great losses as well as very great advantages, advantages, when the judgement is under God’s guidance; hurts, when this is not so: for to thousands the things I have named, not being really good things, have become the cause of incurable evils.",
+                "[173] Now he that follows God has of necessity as his fellow-travellers the words and thoughts that attend Him, angels as they are often called. What we read is that “Abraham travelled with them, joining with them in escorting them on their way” (Gen. 18:16). What a glorious privilege to be put on a level with them! The escort is escorted; he gives what he was receiving; not one thing in return for another, but just one thing only that lies ready to be passed backwards and forwards from one to the other.",
+                "[174] For as long as he falls short of perfection, he has the Divine Word as his leader: since there is an oracle which says, “Lo, I send My messenger before thy face, to guard thee in thy way, that he may bring thee in into the land which I have prepared for thee: give heed to him, and hearken to him, disobey him not; for he will by no means withdraw from thee; for My name is on him” (Ex. 23:20 f.).",
+                "[175] But when he has arrived at full knowledge, he will run with more vigorous effort, and his pace will be as great as that of him who before led the way; for so they will both become attendants on the All-leading God, and no holder of strange doctrines will follow after them any more. Nay, even Lot has been severed from their company, for he bent aside his soul which had the capacity to grow up straight and unswerving."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[176] “And Abraham was,” he says “seventy and five years old when he went out from Haran” (Gen. 12:4). On the number of the five and seventy years, whose import agrees with what has just been said, we will dwell in detail at a later time. Let us first examine the significance of Haran and of the removal from this country.",
+                "[177] No one versed in the Laws is likely to be unaware that at an earlier date Abraham migrated from Chaldea and dwelt in Haran, and that after his father’s death there, he removes from that country also, so that he has at this point already quitted two places.",
+                "[178] What remark does this call for? The Chaldeans have the reputation of having, in a degree quite beyond that of other peoples, elaborated astronomy and the casting of nativities. They have set up a harmony between things on earth and things on high, between heavenly things and earthly. Following as it were the laws of musical proportion, they have exhibited the universe as a perfect concord or symphony produced by a sympathetic affinity between its parts, separated indeed in space, but housemates in kinship.",
+                "[179] These men imagined that this visible universe was the only thing in existence, either being itself God or containing God in itself as the soul of the whole. And they made Fate and Necessity divine, thus filling human life with much impiety, by teaching that apart from phenomena there is no originating cause of anything whatever, but that the circuits of sun and moon and of the other heavenly bodies determine for every being in existence both good things and their opposites.",
+                "[180] Moses, however, while he seems to confirm the sympathetic affinity of its parts displayed throughout the universe, is at variance with their opinion concerning God. He endorses the former doctrine by declaring the universe to be one and to have been made; for if it came into being and is one, it stands to reason that all its completed several parts have the same elementary substances for their substratum, on the principle that interdependence of the parts is a characteristic of bodies which constitute a unity.",
+                "[181] He differs from their opinion about God, holding that neither the universe nor its soul is the primal God, and that the constellations or their revolutions are not the primary causes of the things that happen to men. Nay, he teaches that the complete whole around us is held together by invisible powers, which the Creator has made to reach from the ends of the earth to heaven’s furthest bounds, taking forethought that what was well bound should not be loosened: for the powers of the Universe are chains that cannot be broken.",
+                "[182] Wherefore, even though it be said somewhere in the Law-book “God in heaven above and on the earth below” (Deut. 4:39), let no one suppose that He that IS is spoken of, since the existent Being can contain, but cannot be contained. What is meant is that potency of His by which He established and ordered and marshalled the whole realm of being.",
+                "[183] This potency is nothing else than loving-kindness; it has driven away from itself envy with its hatred of virtue and of moral beauty; it is the mother of gracious deeds by which, bringing into created existence things that were not, it displayed them to view; for that which IS, though in opinion it be imagined everywhere, in reality shews itself nowhere, so that that is a most true oracle in which the words “Here am I” which describe Him—Him that cannot be pointed out, as though He were being pointed out, Him that is invisible, as though He were visible—are followed by the words, “before that thou wert made” (Ex. 17:6): for He is before all creation; His goings are outside it; nor is He present in any of the things that come after Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[184] All this is said to refute the Chaldean opinion, but side by side with this Moses deems it his duty to change the way of thinking of those whose judgement still inclines to Chaldeanism, and to recall them to the truth, and he begins his lesson in this way: “How strange it is, my friends, that you have been suddenly lifted to such a height above the earth and are floating there, and, leaving the lower air beneath you, are treading the ether above, thinking to master every detail respecting the movements of the sun, and of the circuits of the moon, and of the glorious rhythmical dances of the other constellations. These are too high to be reached by your powers of thought, for a lot is theirs happy and divine beyond the common.",
+                "[185] Come down therefore from heaven, and, when you have come down, do not begin in turn to pass in review earth and sea and rivers, and plants and animals in their various kinds; but explore yourselves only and your own nature, and make your abode with yourselves and not elsewhere: for by observing the conditions prevailing in your own individual household, the element that is master in it, and that which is in subjection, the living and the lifeless element, the rational and the irrational, the immortal and the mortal, the better and the worse, you will gain forthwith a sure knowledge of God and of His works.",
+                "[186] Your reason will shew you that, as there is mind in you, so is there in the universe, and that as your mind has taken upon itself sovereign control of all that is in you, and brought every part into subjection to itself, so too He, that is endued with lordship over all, guides and controls the universe by the law and right of an absolute sway, taking forethought not only for those which are of greater, but for those which are of less importance in our eyes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[187] Quit, then, your meddling with heavenly concerns, and take up your abode, as I have said, in yourselves; leave behind you opinion, the country of the Chaldeans, and migrate to Haran, the place of sense-perception, which is understanding’s bodily tenement.",
+                "[188] For the translation of Haran is 188 “hole,” and holes are figures of openings used by sense-perception: for eyes are, in a way, openings and lairs used by sight, ears by hearing, nostrils to receive scents, the throat for tasting, and the whole structure of the body for touch.",
+                "[189] Gain, therefore, by a further sojourn, a peaceful and unhurried familiarity with these, and to the utmost of your power get an exact knowledge of the nature of each, and, when you have thoroughly learned what is good and bad in each, shun the one, and choose the other.",
+                "And when you have surveyed all your individual dwelling with absolute exactitude, and have acquired an insight into the true nature of each of its parts, bestir yourselves and seek for your departure hence, for it is a call not to death but to immortality.",
+                "[190] You will be able to descry sure indications of this, even while held fast in the dens and caves of the body and of the objects of sense. In deep sleep the mind quits its place, and, withdrawing from the perceptions and all other bodily faculties, begins to hold converse with itself, fixing its gaze on truth as on a mirror, and, having purged away as defilements all the impressions made upon it by the mental pictures presented by the senses, it is filled with Divine frenzy and discerns in dreams absolutely true prophecies concerning things to come. Thus is it at times. Or again it may be in waking hours.",
+                "[191] For when the mind, possessed by some philosophic principle, is drawn by it, it follows this, and needs must be oblivious of other things, of all the concerns of the cumbersome body. And if the senses are a hindrance to the exact sight of the spiritual object, those who find happiness in beholding are at pains to crush their attack; they shut their eyes, and stop up their ears, and check the impulses bred by their other senses, and deem it well to spend their days in solitude and darkness, that no object of sense-perception may bedim the eye of the soul, to which God has given the power to see things spiritual."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[192] If in this way you learn to effect a divorce from what is mortal, you will go on to receive an education in your conceptions regarding the Uncreate. For you surely do not imagine that, while your mind, having divested itself of body, sense-perception, speech, can, apart from these, see in their nakedness the things that are, the Mind of the universe, God, has not His abiding-place outside all material nature, containing, not contained, or doubt that He has gone forth beyond its confines not in thought alone, as man does, but in essential being also, as befits God.",
+                "[193] For our mind has not created the body, but is the workmanship of Another; and it is therefore contained in the body as in a vessel. But the Mind of all things has brought the universe into existence; and that which has made is superior to the thing made, so that it could not be included in its inferior; nor indeed would it be fitting that a father should be contained in a son, but rather that a son should attain full growth under his father’s care.",
+                "[194] In this way the mind gradually changing its place will arrive at the Father of piety and holiness. Its first step is to relinquish astrology, which betrayed it into the belief that the universe is the primal God, instead of being the handywork of the primal God, and that the courses and movements of the constellations are the causes of bad and good fortune to mankind.",
+                "[195] Next it enters upon the consideration of itself, makes a study of the features of its own abode, those that concern the body and sense-perception, and speech, and comes to know, as the phrase of the poet puts it,",
+                "All that existeth of good and of ill in the halls of thy homestead.",
+                "The third stage is when, having opened up the road that leads from self, in hope thereby to come to discern the Universal Father, so hard to trace and unriddle, it will crown maybe the accurate self-knowledge it has gained with the knowledge of God Himself. It will stay no longer in Haran, the organs of sense, but withdraw into itself. For it is impossible that the mind whose course still lies in the sensible rather than the mental should arrive at the contemplation of Him that IS."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[196] This is why the character appointed to the highest post in God’s service, who is called “Samuel,” does not set forth the duties of kingship to Saul, while still lingering amid the baggage, but when he has drawn him out thence. For he inquires of the Lord whether the man is still on his way hither, and the divine reply is, “Lo, <i>he</i> hath hidden himself among the baggage.”",
+                "[197] What, then, does it become the recipient of this answer to do, endowed as he is by nature with power to exercise discipline, save to draw him forth with all haste? So we read, “he ran thither and taketh him thence” (1 Sam. 10:22 f.), because, while lingering amid such vessels of the soul as body and sense-perception, he was not competent to listen to the principles and rules of kingship—and we pronounce wisdom to be kingship, for we pronounce the wise man to be a king. These principles could only be learnt through his changing his place, when the dark mist would disperse and he would have keen vision. No wonder, then, that the associate of knowledge deems it necessary to quit also the country of sense-perception, called Haran.",
+                "[198] When he quits the country he is five and seventy years old; and this number represents the borderland between perceptible and intelligible being, between older and younger, between corruptible and incorruptible.",
+                "[199] For seventy represents the principle of intellectual apprehension, of seniority and of incorruption, while the principle that corresponds numerically to the five senses is that of juniority and sense-perception. Under the head of this principle is classed the Trainer of self still at his exercises, not yet qualified to carry off the prize of complete victory; for we read, “the full number of souls sprung from Jacob was five and seventy” (Ex. 1:5):",
+                "[200] for the offspring of the champion who does not make havoc of the truly holy contest for the winning of virtue, are not bodies but souls, souls from which the irrational element has not yet been eliminated, and which still have sense-perception’s gang hanging on to them. For “Jacob” is a name belonging to one wrestling, and preparing for the arena, and tripping up his adversary, not of one who has won the victory.",
+                "[201] But when, now deemed capable of seeing God, he shall have received the new name of “Israel,” he will have resort only to the principle of seventy, having cut out the five which pertains to the senses; for it is written “amounting to seventy souls thy fathers went down into Egypt” (Deut. 10:22).",
+                "This is the number intimately associated with the wise Moses; for the men picked out for their excellence from all the host were seventy, and all of them elders, not in age but in good sense and counsel and judgement and ways of thinking worthy of men of old.",
+                "[202] Sacrifices and dues paid to God are determined by this number, whenever the ripe fruits of the soul are gathered in and collected; for it is prescribed at the Feast of Tabernacles, over and above the other sacrifices, to offer seventy young bullocks as a burnt offering (Num. 29:13–36). The bowls of the princes are fashioned in keeping with the principle of seventy—for each of them is of the weight of seventy shekels (Num. 7:13 ff.)—since everything in the soul that tends to peace and friendship and agreement has a truly weighty power of attraction, that sacred principle set forth by seventy, which Egypt, the virtue-hating and passion-loving nature, is represented as mourning over; for among them mourning is reckoned as lasting seventy days (Gen. 50:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[203] This number, then, is, as I have said, intimately associated with Moses; but the number belonging to the five senses with him who hails as friends the body and the things outside the body, him who is usually called “Joseph.” So great is his devotion to these, that, while hardly owning the tie of a common fatherhood, he bestows upon his uterine brother, the offspring of sense-perception, five changes of raiment (Gen. 45:22), deeming the senses pre-eminent and deserving of adornment and honour.",
+                "[204] He sets up laws moreover for all Egypt, that honour may be paid to the senses and tribute and contributions rendered to them as sovereigns every year: for he commands the Egyptians to pay a fifth part of the corn, which means that they are to store in treasuries materials and food in abundance for the five senses, that so each of them incessantly glutting itself with its own objects may wanton and drown the mind under the weight of all that it devours. For understanding is starved when the senses feast, as on the other hand it makes merry when they are fasting.",
+                "[205] Do you not notice, that the five daughters of Zelophehad, whom we take to be a figure of the senses, are of the tribe of Manasseh, who is Joseph’s son, elder in age, younger in efficiency? Fitly is he younger, for his name means “from forgetfulness,” and that is a thing equivalent to “recalling to mind.” But the first prize goes to Memory, the second to Recollection, and Ephraim is named after Memory, for his name when translated is “Fruit-bearing,” and the fairest and most nourishing fruit of the soul is remembering with no forgetfulness.",
+                "[206] And so the maidens say what perfectly fits in with what they really are. “Our father died”—yes, the death of recollection is forgetfulness—“and he died by reason of no sin of his own”—quite rightly said, for forgetfulness is no voluntary experience, but one of those things that are not in our power, coming upon us from outside—“and he had no sons” (Num. 27:3), but only daughters, for whereas the faculty of memory, being naturally wide awake, has male progeny, forgetfulness, wrapt in a slumber of reasoning power, has female offspring; for it is irrational, and the senses are daughters of the irrational portion of the soul.",
+                "[207] But if anyone has outstripped Joseph in speed and followed Moses, while he still lacks power to keep pace with him, he will live under a mixed and hybrid number, namely seventy-five, which denotes the nature alike of mind and sense-perception, which are both mingled together to produce a single kind, that does not call for our censure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[208] I profoundly admire also Patience or Rebecca, when she exhorts him who is full-grown in soul and has overthrown the harsh tyranny of vice and passion, even then to flee away to Haran. She says, “Now therefore, my child, hearken to my voice, and arise and flee away to Laban my brother in Haran, and abide with him some days, until the wrath and anger of thy brother turn away from thee, and he forget what thou hast done to him” (Gen. 27:43–45).",
+                "[209] Excellently well does she call the journey to the senses a flight or running away; for the mind proves itself indeed a runaway, whenever it forsakes the objects of intellectual apprehension which are proper to it, and turns to the opposite array of the objects of sense-perception. Yet sometimes even running away is serviceable, when a man does it not out of hatred for the better, but that he may not be exposed to the designs of the worse.",
+                "[210] What, then, is the advice of Patience? A most marvellous and valuable one! If ever, she says, thou seest stirred up to savagery in thyself or some other person the passion of wrath and anger, one of the stock bred and reared by our irrational and untamed nature, beware of whetting its fierceness and yet more rousing the beast in it, when its bites may be incurable, but cool down its excessive heat and perfervid temper and quiet it, for should it become tame and manageable it will inflict but little hurt.",
+                "[211] What, then, is the method of bringing it to a quiet and subdued state? Adapt and transform yourself in outward appearance and follow for the moment whatever it pleases, and opposing no single suggestion of its, profess to share its likes and dislikes. In this way it will be made quite friendly. And when it has been softened, you will drop your feigning, and, free now from the expectation of suffering any evil at its hands, you will comfortably return to the care of your own charges.",
+                "[212] For this is the reason why Haran is represented as full of beasts, and having cattle-rearers as its inhabitants; for what place could be more suitable for irrational nature and those who have taken upon them the charge and patronage of it, than our senses?",
+                "[213] For instance, when the trainer of self inquires “Whence are ye?” the shepherds answer truly “from Haran” (Gen. 29:4); for the irrational faculties come from sense-perception, as do the rational from understanding. When he further inquires whether they know Laban, they naturally say that they know him (Gen. 29:5): for sense-perception is familiar, so it imagines, with every colour and every quality, and Laban is the symbol of colours and varieties of quality.",
+                "[214] But as for Jacob himself, when at last he has been perfected, he quits, as we shall find, the dwelling-place of the senses, and founds that of the soul in the true sense of the word, the dwelling-place which he pictures to himself while still immersed in his toils and exercises; for he says, “When shall I also make for myself a dwelling-place?” (Gen. 30:30). When shall I, looking beyond things perceived and the senses which perceive them, inhabit mind and understanding, educated in and associating with matters which form reason’s contemplation, even as souls do that are in quest of things out of sight?",
+                "[215] To such souls it is customary to give the name of “midwives,” for, like the midwives in Egypt, these make places of shelter and security fit for virtue-loving souls: and the fear of God is as of old the most sure dwelling-place for those who have made Him their guard and impregnable fastness. For it says, “Since the midwives feared God, they made for themselves houses” (Ex. 1:21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[216] To resume. The mind, when it has gone forth from the places about Haran, is said to have travelled through the country as far as the place of Shechem, to the lofty oak-tree (Gen. 12:6). Let us consider what is meant by “travelled through.” Love of learning is by nature curious and inquisitive, not hesitating to bend its steps in all directions, prying into everything, reluctant to leave anything that exists unexplored, whether material or immaterial. It has an extraordinary appetite for all that there is to be seen and heard, and, not content with what it finds in its own country, it is bent on seeking what is in foreign parts and separated by great distances.",
+                "[217] We are reminded that merchants and traders for the sake of trifling profits cross the seas, and compass the wide world, letting stand in their way no summer heat nor winter cold, no tempestuous or contrary winds, neither youth nor age, no sickness of body, neither the daily intercourse with friends nor the pleasure too great for words which we take in wife and children and in all else that is our own, nor the enjoyment of our fatherland and of all the gracious amenities of civic life, nor the safe use of money and property and abundance of other good things, nor in a word anything else either great or small.",
+                "[218] If so, it is monstrous, such speakers urge, when we stand to gain a thing most fair, worth all men’s striving for, the special prerogative of the human race, namely wisdom, to refrain from crossing every sea, from exploring earth’s every recess, in the joy of finding out whether there is in any place aught that is fair to see or hear, and from following the quest of it with utmost zest and keenness, until we can come to the enjoyment of the things that we are seeking and longing for.",
+                "[219] Travel through man also, if thou wilt, O my soul, bringing to examination each component part of him. For instance, to take the first examples that occur, find out what the body is and what it must do or undergo to co-operate with the understanding; what sense-perception is and in what way it is of service to its ruler, mind; what speech is, and what thoughts it must express if it would contribute to nobility of character; what pleasure is, and what desire is; what pain and fear are, and what the healing art is that can counteract them, by means of which a man shall either, if he falls into their hand, without difficulty make his escape, or avoid capture altogether; what it is to play the fool, what to be licentious, what to be unjust, what the multitude of other sicknesses to which it is the nature of pestilential wickedness to give birth, and what the preventive of these; and on the other hand, what righteousness is, or good sense, or self-mastery, courage, discretion, in a word virtue generally and moral welfare, and in what way each of them is wont to be won.",
+                "[220] Travel again through the greatest and most perfect man, this universe, and scan narrowly its parts, how far asunder they are in the positions which they occupy, how wholly made one by the powers which govern them, and what constitutes for them all this invisible bond of harmony and unity. If, however, in your investigation, you do not easily attain the objects of your quest, keep on without giving in, for these “need both hands to catch them,” and only by manifold and painful toil can they be discovered.",
+                "[221] That is why the lover of learning took possession of the place called Shechem, a name which when translated is “shouldering,” a figure of toil, since it is with these parts of the body that we are accustomed to carry loads, as Moses himself calls to mind elsewhere speaking in this wise of one who worked and strove, “he submitted his shoulder to labour, and became a tiller of the soil” (Gen. 49:15).",
+                "[222] Never, then, O my understanding, do thou shew weakness and slacken, but even if aught seem to be hard to discern, open wide the organ in thyself that sees, and stoop to get a view of the inside, and behold with more accurate gaze the things that <i>are</i>, and never either willingly or unwillingly close thine eyes; for sleep is a blind thing, as wakefulness is a thing of keen sight. And it is a sufficient reward to obtain by unremitting inspection a clear impression of the things thou art in search of.",
+                "[223] Do you not see that he says further that a tall oak had been planted in Shechem, thus shewing in a figure the toil of education as a hard and unbreakable substance that never yields or bends? It is a vital matter that he who would be perfect should ply this toil, to the end that the soul’s court of justice, called “Dinah,” which means “judgement,” may not be ravished by him who sinks under the opposite kind of toil, which is the insidious foe of sound sense.",
+                "[224] For the man who bears the name of this place, Shechem, being son of Hamor, that is of an irrational being—for “Hamor” means “ass”—practising folly and nursed in shamelessness and effrontery, essayed—foul wretch that he was—to corrupt and defile the judgement faculties of the understanding. But the hearers and pupils of sound sense, Symeon and Levi, were too quick for him. They made secure their own quarters and went forth against them in safety, and overthrew them when still occupied in the pleasure-loving, passion-loving, toil of the uncircumcised: for albeit there was a Divine decree that “of the daughters of Israel, the seeing one, none might ever become a harlot” (Deut. 23:17), these men hoped to carry off unobserved the virgin soul (Gen. 34).",
+                "[225] Vain hope, for there is no lack of succourers to victims of a breach of faith; but even if some imagine that there is, they will only imagine, but will be convicted by events of holding a false opinion. For Justice has indeed existence, Justice the abhorrer of wickedness, the relentless one, the inexorable, the befriender of those who are wronged, bringing failure upon the aims of those who shame virtue, upon whose fall the soul, that had seemed to have been shamed, becomes again a virgin. Seemed, I said, because it never was defiled. It is with sufferings which we have not willed, as it is with wrongdoings which we have not intended. As there is no real doing in the second case, so there is no real suffering in the first."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE MIGRATIONE",
+            "§ 5. <i>Soul as soul</i>. This phrase, which occurred in <i>Quod Det.</i> 9, belongs, as Posner points out, to Stoic usage. See Sext. Emp. <i>Adv. Math</i>. vii. 233. The Stoics call the φαντασία a τύπωσις ἐν ψυχῇ ὡς ἂν ἐν ψυχῇ, because “impression on the soul” might in itself be applied to a pain felt in any part of the living organism. The addition, ὡς ἂν ἐν ψυχῇ signifies that it is “no chance part” which is affected, but the mind or dominant principle.",
+            "§ 17. <i>Untouched by corruption and worthy of perpetual memory</i>. What is the distinction between ἀξιομνημόνευτα and ἄφθαρτα or ἀδιάφθορα? Apparently the former are Joseph’s vision of, or hope for, the future, while the latter are the record of his life, so far as it is good. Philo may mean that while the record remains in the background as an example, the hope becomes the inspiring principle of the succeeding generations. If so, “ever to be borne in mind” might perhaps give better the sense of ἀξιομνημόνευτα.",
+            "§ 21. <i>He derided lusts</i>, etc. Neither Mangey nor Wendland give the reference to Gen. 39:14 and 17, where Potiphar’s wife says “Lo, he hath brought in a Hebrew servant to mock at us” (ἐμπαίζειν ἡμῖν). Presumably they supposed the words to be a general description of Joseph’s continence. But the form shews that it is a separate item in Joseph’s virtues, each based on a separate text. “Us” is interpreted as meaning “all the passions.” That in the story the “mocking” referred to Joseph’s alleged misconduct matters little or nothing to Philo.",
+            "§ 23. ἀνέχεται … ἐνθάπτεται … παρέπεται. I have no hesitation in rejecting Mangey’s and Wendland’s emendation of these to infinitives. Not only would these require, as Wendland indeed saw, the insertion of τὸ (or rather οἷον τὸ to agree with πολλά), and perhaps the change of οὐ to μή, but the sense seems to me quite inferior. This particular “trait” has already been given as one of the ἀξιομνημόνευτα in § 18. I understand the sentence to sum up all that has been said and to assert that the good deeds and words are the “bones,” which themselves cry to be taken from Egypt, and in fact never have been buried at all, a phrase quite inapplicable to Joseph himself. There would of course from this point of view be no objection to reading ἐνθάπτεσθαι dependent on ἀνέχεται, but no sufficient reason for the alteration.",
+            "§ 24. διακρίνει παρελθών. The text is very perplexing. As H has παρελθόντα, Wendland suggests as a possibility διακρίνεται παρʼ ἐλπίδα. This seems to me out of place. Mangey suggested διακρίνεται παραλυθέντα. The reading which Wendland actually prints, and which has been reproduced here, is not satisfactory, as the παρελθών is very pointless. I should hesitatingly suggest either διακρίνει παρελών, “removes” and “separates,” or better, as retaining the διακρίνεται of all MSS., διακρίνεται παρεισελθόντων, “is separated from adventitious accretions.” παρεισέρχομαι in the sense of “invading surreptitiously” is used by Philo, <i>De Op.</i> 150, <i>De Ebr.</i> 157.",
+            "§ 32. <i>Release</i>. An allusion to the ordinance by which in the sabbatical year the land (here compared to the mind) was to be left fallow, Ex. 33:11 τῷ δὲ ἑβδόμῳ ἄφεσιν ποιήσεις καὶ ἀνήσεις αὐτήν, καὶ ἔδονται οἱ πτωχοὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σου. In Lev. 25:4–7 we have the same ordinance, but with ἀνάπαυσις for ἄφεσις. Philo understands that the land by divine grace will bear plentifully of itself. Compare his φορὰ τῶν αὐτοματιζομένων ἀγαθῶν with τὰ αὐτόματα ἀναβαίνοντα of Lev. He may also be thinking of the somewhat similar ordinance of the Jubilee year, ἐνιαυτὸς ἀφέσεως, though there ἄφεσις means release for the people rather than for the land. On ὥσπερ τῶν ἑκουσίων Mangey wrote “omnino male” and proposed ὡς φόρτων τῶν ἐτησίων. But ἑκούσιος is in Philo’s thought the direct antithesis of αὐτόματος.",
+            "§ 35. ἔσχον γὰρ ἑρμηνείαν, εὕρεσιν. I have adopted Markland’s ἔσχον for σχεδόν, but see every reason against changing εὕρεσιν. The five elements of composition are εὕρεσις, τάξις or οἰκονομία, ἑρμηνεία (otherwise called φράσις, λέξις, ἀπαγγελία), μνήμη, ὑπόκρισις. Philo enumerates them in <i>De Som</i>. i. 205. Of these terms the two last belong entirely to spoken oratory, and τάξις would be out of place. When inspiration comes, the two things that come are “ideas” and “language.” These two (in Latin <i>inventio</i> and <i>elocutio</i>) are often given as the kernel of composition, <i>e.g</i>. Quintilian, Pr. 12 “omnia inventione atque elocutione explicanda sunt.” See note on <i>De Cher.</i> 105.",
+            "§ 42. <i>Insight</i>. The not very common word εἴδησιν is evidently introduced with reference to εἶδεν. So in the other place where Philo uses it (<i>De Plant.</i> 36), it is connected with the tree of knowledge, which in Gen. 2:9 is the tree τοῦ εἰδέναι.",
+            "<i>Ibid. To give teaching … to the ignorant</i>, etc. Or it might be taken “to give teaching … is proper not for the ignorant, but only for the One who knows.” Mangey translates the reading he adopted (see critical note), “decebat igitur ignorantes docere, commonstrareque illis singula, non vero scientem,” apparently meaning that it is right to teach the ignorant, but not to teach God who knows. But apart from the question whether εἶχε εὐπρεπές can mean “decebat,” this has no bearing on the proof that it is God who “shews.”",
+            "§ 49. <i>The various parts of speech</i>. By Philo’s time the primitive division into verbs, nouns, and conjunctions (the first two often standing alone in popular language) had been greatly developed and this is recognized in the συνόλως of § 48. The phrase οἱ εἰς ὀνομάτων καὶ ῥημάτων ἰδέας μεριζόμενοι may recur to the primitive division and suggest that there are only two main ἴδεαι (so the translation), or he may mean that verbs and nouns have their various ἴδεαι or subdivisions, the pronoun being a form of the noun and the adverb of the verb. See the <i>loci classici</i> in Quintilian, i. 4. 18, and Dion. Hal. <i>De Comp</i>. 2.",
+            "§ 54. <i>Both in conduct of life and in principle</i>. Philo’s conception of moral “greatness,” as shewn by his illustrations in § 55, is a full development and intensification of each particular virtue, and this he equates with the power to understand and know. Possibly, therefore, here τὰ περὶ τὸν βίον κατορθώματα = πλῆθος, and τὰ περὶ λόγον = μέγεθος. If so, the former will represent the καθήκοντα or “daily duties” of the Stoics, and the latter their κατορθώματα proper, which connoted to them inwardness and sustained moral purpose. See note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 100.",
+            "§ 69. ἐπιγραφόμενος. This correction of Wendland’s for αἰνιττόμενος is based on the close imitation of the passage in Clem. Alex. <i>Protrept</i>. 25 αἰνίττεται δε … τὸν πολλοὺς ἐπιγραφόμενον ψευδωνύμους θεοὺς ἀντὶ τοῦ μόνου ὄντος θεοῦ, ὥσπερ ὁ ἐκ τῆς πόρνης τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπιγράφεται πατέρας ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν πατρός. Mangey suggested ἀναπλαττόμενος, which is not as good sense, though nearer to the MSS.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Mints them … before</i>. The paraphrastic translation is an attempt to bring out Philo’s play upon ἄσημος and ἐπίσημος as signifying (1) uncoined and coined money, (2) obscure and clear or conspicuous.",
+            "<i>Ibid. In it</i>. Philo quotes Ex. 4:14 in three other places. In <i>De Mut.</i> 168 the MSS. have as here ἐν αὐτῷ. In <i>Quod Det.</i> 126 and 135, they have, as the LXX itself, ἐν ἑαυτῷ and the comment on the latter of these shews that this is what Philo wrote. While printing ἐν αὐτῷ I feel very doubtful as to its correctness here and in <i>De Mut.</i>",
+            "§ 94. <i>Realities</i>. For the philosophical use of ὑπαρκτά <i>cf</i>. τεκμήριον τοῦ ὑπαρκτὴν εἶναι τὴν ἀρετήν, Diog. Laert. vii., and ἔστι μὲν ὑπαρκτὸν πρᾶγμα σοφία, <i>De Mut.</i> 37. Compare the same point in <i>De Sac.</i> 43, where the force of ὑπαρκτά was unfortunately not properly recognized in the translation. Similarly in <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 197 Ἀβραὰμ … τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα … κατέχει, ἀποπέμπεται δὲ τὴν ἵππον τοῦ βασιλέως Σοδόμων ὡς καὶ τὰ ὑπαρκτὰ τῶν παλλακῶν, it now seems clear to me that we should read τὰ &lt;μὴ&gt; ὑπαρκτά, perhaps also τῶν &lt;υἵων τῶν&gt; παλλακῶν.",
+            "§ 125. <i>The threefold divisions of eternity</i>. Or “time.” This curious interpretation of the three patriarchs is perhaps explained in § 154. “The clear sight of things present,” and the “expectation of things to come,” fit in fairly well with the αὐτομαθής and the προκόπτων, the characters regularly assigned to Isaac and Jacob, while the “memory of the past” suits, though not so well, the διδακτικὴ ἀρετή of Abraham. He may also be thinking of Ex. 3:15, where “God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob” is God’s αἰώνιον ὅνομα.",
+            "§ 138. <i>Spin your airy fables</i>. The word ἀερομυθεῖτε need not mean more than talk windily, <i>cf</i>. the use of ἀερόμυθος in the list of vices in <i>De Sacr.</i> 33. But there may be a special significance in it here, as the moon at any rate bordered on the ἀήρ (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 527).",
+            "§ 140. <i>It does not say</i>, etc. This amazing argument admits of no satisfactory explanation. It clearly demands that παιδίον <i>may</i> be nominative, but Mangey’s suggestion to read Σάρραν is out of the question. Apart from other difficulties, the natural negation would be οὐχὶ Σάρρα. Nor can Philo be supposed to have really thought that Σάρρα was indeclinable, seeing that he uses Σάρρας in the same sentence and elsewhere Σάρραν itself. The least unsatisfactory explanation I can give is that he means that Σάρρα, like other O.T. names, which though capable of being declined in Greek are not declined, <i>e.g</i>. Ἀαρών, might conceivably be undeclinable and that therefore Moses, wishing to suggest that, though literally Sarah suckles Isaac, spiritually Isaac suckles Sarah, uses this form rather than the passive, in which no ambiguity would be possible. Possibly also he puts some reliance on παιδίον preceding Σάρρα. See on <i>De Conf.</i> 102.",
+            "§ 150. The allusions in this section are (1) to Lot’s settling in Sodom (Gen. 13:12), which naturally signifies his “old complaint” of ἀμαθία, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Conf.</i> 27, (2) to his capture (14:12) by the Four Kings, signifying the four passions, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Congressu</i> 22, (3) the quarrel between the shepherds of Lot and Abraham (13:7), which Philo unfairly turns into a conflict between the two men.",
+            "§ 160. <i>The idol of Egyptian vanity</i>. The meaning of this is not clear. In the other places where Philo uses Αἰγυπτιακὸς τῦφος it is with reference to the Golden Calf as being a return to Egyptian idolatry. The meaning therefore here may be that by riding behind Pharaoh he acknowledges him as a god. But in <i>De Som</i>. ii. 46, where this incident is referred to, Joseph himself is ὑποτυφόμενος, and <i>ibid</i>. 16 we have ἀναβαίνει ἐπὶ τὴν κενὴν δόξαν ὡς ἐφʼ ἅρμα. This suggests that ἱδρύεται here may mean “seats himself on,” but no real parallel is forthcoming. Mangey suggested ἐνδύεται.",
+            "§ 164. μελιττῶν. The μὲν αὐτῶν of the MSS. seems to me to break down in two ways. There is no antithesis for the μέν. Philo’s μέν indeed is occasionally not followed by δέ, but in these cases there is, wherever I have noted them, an antithesis to something which has gone before. Again, the plural αὐτῶν is quite out of place where both the people concerned are in the singular, and the one cannot be supposed to have any share in the labours of the other. It will be admitted that μελιττῶν makes excellent sense. Textually the ΛΙ of ΜΕΛΙΤΤΩΝ passes very easily into Ν, and Τ with no great difficulty into Υ, and when ΜΕΝΥΤΩΝ had thus been obtained the insertion of Α to make sense would naturally follow.",
+            "§ 165. ὑπʼ εὐθυμίας. It is not clear what cheerfulness has to do with the φιλοθεάμων or why it opens the eyes of the soul. As all MSS. (except H) have ὑπὲρ εὐθυμίας, it is possible, I think, that the true reading may be ὑπʼ ἐρεύνης θείας, which exactly describes the φιλοθεάμων. Compare τῆς τῶν θείων ἐρεύνης, <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 71 and (for the objective use of θεῖος) τῆς θεὶας θεωρίας, § 150 above, and θεῖος ἵμερος, § 157.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Arts copying Nature’s works</i>, etc. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 90, where art is the μίμημα and ἀπεικόνισμα of nature, on which Adler remarks that, as the context shews, it does not mean that art imitates natural objects, but that it follows Nature’s methods. So here ἔργων may be “ways of working,” “processes.”",
+            "§ 174. ὑποστείληταί σε … The Hebrew and E.V. have “will not pardon thy transgression.” Did the LXX. mean much the same “he will not shrink (from punishing)”? At any rate Philo would seem to have taken it in some such sense, for where the text is quoted in the <i>Quaestiones</i> (in Exod. 2:13) the Latin version of the Armenian has “non enim verebitur te.”",
+            "§ 180. <i>For if it came into being and is one</i>, etc. Philo takes ἕν in the full sense of the Stoic ἡνωμένον (<i>cf</i>. note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 49) and argues that if the world is ἡνωμένον, it must be composed of the same elements throughout and this, it is implied, will in itself effect συμπάθεια. Sext. Emp. <i>Adv. Math</i>. ix. 78 (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 1013) puts the Stoic argument in much the same way but in reverse order. Only ἡνωμένα exhibit συμπάθεια, and since there is συμπάθεια between the parts of the Cosmos, the Cosmos must be an ἡνωμένον σῶμα.",
+            "§ 206. διανιστάμενον. My suggestion of διανεσταμένον is made provisionally subject to better knowledge as to this perfect passive in the compounds of ἵστημι. In <i>Timaeus</i> 81 D there is at any rate some authority for διεσταμένοι. So the LXX in Num. 31:48 καθεσταμένοι. Here a few MSS. have διενιστάμενον. The present must mean “waking up,” as in <i>Quod Deus</i> 97. Cohn’s suggestion of διασυνιστάμενον (presumably meaning “proved to be such,” <i>i.e</i>. μνημονικόν) does not give much point to ἅτε.",
+            "§ 207. <i>That does not call for our censure</i>. The application of the adjective ἀνεπιλήπτον, which usually denotes high praise, to the hybrid number seventy-five is at first sight strange, and Mangey’s proposal &lt;οὐκ&gt; ἀνεπιλήπτου is textually, considering our experience of the omissions of the negative in Philo, quite sound. But it would really give an inferior sense. The stress is here laid on the virtues of seventy-five, not on its shortcomings, and if we give ἀνεπίληπτος a somewhat reduced sense as in the translation (<i>cf</i>. ταμιείας ἀνεπιλήπτου § 89, and <i>De Cong.</i> 138), that stress is well brought out. Midway between Joseph and Moses stands the Jacob soul, ὁ προκόπτων, and in its progress the seventy-five is a necessary and therefore “blameless” stage. This is immediately illustrated by §§ 208 ff., where Jacob even in victory is well-advised to return to Haran, that is, to the world of sense and even (§ 209), of opportunism.",
+            "§ 210. ζωοτροφεῖ. Mr. Whitaker was inclined to adopt Mangey’s suggestion of ζωπυρεῖ, which is in accordance with ζέον καὶ πεπυρωμένον. On the other hand ζωοτροφεῖ serves to carry on the parable in which the passions are the wild cattle reared by the κτηνοτρόφοι of Haran.",
+            "§§ 210, 211 (footnote). <i>De Som</i>. ii. 85 ff. looks as if the advice to temporize with angry people is to be taken more literally than I have suggested in the note.",
+            "§ 221. τῇ ἑτέρᾳ. Further consideration shews beyond doubt that in <i>De Sac.</i> 37 where we printed, following Cohn and Mangey, οὐ τῇ ῥαστώνῃ ταῦτα ληπτά we should have put τῇ ἑτέρᾳ or θατέρᾳ. There one MS. has ῥαστώνη, others οὐ τη and οὐχ ἁπλῶς, while by far the best authority, the Papyrus, has ουθετερα, the origin of which is obvious. The phrase seems for some reason to have puzzled the scribes. It is strange that the two German scholars also failed to understand it, for even the old editions of Liddell &amp; Scott record τῇ ἑτέρᾳ λαμβάνειν “ ‘to get with little trouble,’ a proverb,” and give the reference to Plato."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הגירת אברהם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+        "key": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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@@ -0,0 +1,423 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Migration_of_Abraham",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM (DE MIGRATIONE ABRAHAMI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The subject of this treatise is Gen. 12:1–4 and 6. This naturally falls into two divisions, of which the first contains the words of God to Abraham. This again is analysed as follows:",
+            "I. (<i>a</i>) The command to depart from country, kindred and father’s house.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) To the land which I will shew thee (this constitutes the first promise or gift to Abraham).",
+            "(<i>c</i>) And I will make thee a great nation (Second Gift).",
+            "(<i>d</i>) And I will bless thee (Third Gift).",
+            "(<i>e</i>) And I will magnify thy name (Fourth Gift).",
+            "(<i>f</i>) And thou shalt be blessed (Fifth Gift).",
+            "(<i>g</i>) I will bless them that bless thee, and curse them that curse thee.",
+            "And in thee shall all the nations of the earth be blessed (the gifts to others through Abraham.)",
+            "In the second part we deal successively with the statements.",
+            "(<i>а</i>) He went as God spake to him.",
+            "(<i>b</i>) And Lot went with him.",
+            "(<i>c</i>) And Abraham was seventy-five years old, when he went forth out of Haran.",
+            "(<i>d</i>) And Abraham travelled through the land to the length of it, to the place Shechem to the high oak.",
+            "“Land” means spiritually body, “kinsfolk,” senses (2–4), while “father’s house” is speech, and this last is illustrated by the way in which the Logos itself is spoken of as God’s house (4–6). Thus the command is to alienate ourselves from these and so to “depart” to higher realities (7–12). Biblical examples of this departing follow: Abraham from Lot, the Exodus of Israel from Egypt (13–15), and in connexion with this Philo propounds the idea that when we read of Joseph’s body being placed in a coffin in Egypt, and later of his bones being taken to Canaan at the Exodus, we have an allegory of the spiritual burial of the lower qualities, and the survival of the higher qualities of the mixed or Joseph mind (16–17). An enumeration of these higher qualities as shewn in the story of Joseph follows (18–23), and from this we pass back to the theme of “departure,” as shewn in the order of Moses to make the Passover “with speed” (24–25), and (with a difference) in the injunction in Gen. 31:3 to Jacob to turn back to his father’s land, which must be understood in the sense of wisdom (26–30). The last words of that passage, “I will be with thee,” lead to a meditation on how independent of our efforts is the Divine presence and inspiration, which Philo illustrates from his own experience in literary composition (31–35), whence we pass almost insensibly to the consideration of the words of the First Gift, “The land which I will shew thee.” After some thoughts about the “thing shewn,” <i>i.e</i>. the perfect good, “the person who sees,” <i>i.e</i>. the wise man, and the “Shewer,” <i>i.e</i>. God (36–42), Philo points out that the shewing is in the future, thus calling for Abraham’s faith. He illustrates it further from the words of Deut. 34:4, “I shewed it to thine eyes but thou shalt not possess it,” and this points to the thought that possession of the perfect good is more than seeing it (43–46). And yet seeing is higher than hearing, and thus God’s words are said in certain places to be seen rather than heard, a noteworthy usage when we remember that hearing in the ordinary sense is even less than the other senses capable of being associated with sight (47–52).",
+            "We pass on to the Second Gift. “I will make thee a great nation.” Here nation can be taken to mean “multitude of qualities.” “Great” shews something more, namely that the qualities grow to their full stature (53–55). A great nation is elsewhere defined as one which draws nigh to God (56–59). Indeed, mere quantity or multitude is often spoken of as an evil thing, which is vanquished by the little and good (59–63). The many-footed is called an abomination in Leviticus. This reminds us that the footless which crawls on its belly, is equally an abomination (64–65). And thence he digresses for the moment to suggest that the breast stands for the spirited element, as the belly stands for desire, and it is when both these are exscinded as in the sacrificial directions of Lev. 8, and reason is left supreme, that we get both multitude and greatness (65–68). From another point of view the many-footed and the footless are respectively the polytheist and the atheist (69).",
+            "The Third Gift is “I will bless thee” (εὐλογήσω). Looking at the composition of the word, Philo takes this to mean “I will give thee excellent Logos.” Now Logos is both thought and speech, and this last leads him to the idea that mastery of language is needed by the sage and that otherwise he will be unable to hold his own against the sophist (70–75). This is illustrated first from the case of Cain and Abel and then from that of Moses, and there follows a commentary on Exodus 4:10–16 in which “Aaron thy brother” is shewn to represent the speech or eloquence which rejoices when it finds clear conceptions to express (76–81). It is this use of language in the service of truth which is shewn by the story of Moses with Aaron’s rod outdoing the Egyptian magicians (82–85).",
+            "The Fourth Gift is “I will magnify thy name.” Here “name” is interpreted as equivalent to what we seem. The seeming indeed is worthless without the being, but true happiness consists in both (86–88). The need of obedience to established custom is a necessary consequence, and here Philo takes the opportunity to define his attitude to the literal Law, Sabbath, Circumcision, Feast-days. Though these have their soul, namely the spiritual interpretation, they have also their body, and the body is the house of the soul, and must not be set at nought (89–94). The same lesson is taught by the “lesser substance” bequeathed by Abraham to the children of the concubines who, though of less account, were still children (94). So too Leah accounted herself blessed, because women will count her such, and by women are meant those comparatively earth-bound souls whose esteem is nevertheless valuable (95–96). This leads to an illustration from the work entrusted by Moses to the women—the senses, that is—but the senses also must have their due if happiness is to be had (97–100). This thought is further developed from Isaac’s prayer that Jacob may have the wealth of earth as well as of heaven, and from Aaron’s robe on which the sensible world is figured by the bells whose sound was to be audible when he entered the Holy Place (101–104). So the sensible must second the music of the mental in the great Choir, and the three-fold phrase of Ex. 21, the “needful,” the “raiment,” and the “fellowship,” means that the sensible and the mental must be so blended that we shall find in the first the sacrament of the second (104–105).",
+            "Yet in the three next sections Philo swings round to the other point of view. The Fifth Gift is “Thou shalt be blessed.” Here he reads εὐλογητός (meet to be blessed), for the εὐλογημένος (subject to blessing) of our texts, and thence deduces, in spite of all that has been said, that true blessedness is to him who is worthy of it rather than to him who is so reputed by men (106–108).",
+            "In the next words, “I will bless them who bless thee, and curse them who curse thee,” we go on to shew what the Abraham mind can do for others. It stands to reason that to praise the praiseworthy is in itself a praiseworthy act, if done in sincerity. But this is an important exception, and thus the blessing of Israel by Balaam, splendid as it is, only brought on him God’s curse (109–115). Conversely, curses which are meant to benefit, such as the rebukes of those who have charge of the young, bring blessings on those who speak them. All depends on the intention (115–117).",
+            "The next words “And in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” shew that the blessing conferred by the Abraham spirit is not to be limited to those who know its value. In one sense indeed the words may be applied to the individual himself. The perfect mind will sanctify all its tribes, that is, all its faculties (118–119). But in the wider sense the righteous man both by his influence and prayers is a pillar of society. We see this in God’s words to Moses (I will be merciful to them for thy word); in the willingness to spare Sodom, if only a few righteous could be found there; most of all in the story of Noah, who victorious over the deluge of moral decay, founded the line of Israel, which, though obscured at times, will be brought to the light again, when that season comes of which God spoke to Sarah (120–126).",
+            "The second part of the treatise begins with the words: “And Abraham went as the Lord spake.” Philo interprets this to mean that his way of going was in accordance with God’s word, <i>i.e</i>. his life was in accordance with God’s laws (127–132). And he proceeds to ask what the “end” and the “reward” of such “going” is. The true end and reward is to be able to recognize that the only thing we can know is our own ignorance (133–135). This leads to a denunciation of speculation about the universe instead of self-examination (136–138). A rambling discussion of some texts follows (139–142). And then in contrast to the “going” of Abraham, we have the weaklings who lag behind and are “cut off” as the “weary” part of Israel was by Amalek (143–144), though indeed there is a better kind of weariness which is typified by Leah (144–145). The treatment of this part concludes with the thought which has been fully developed in <i>Quod Deus</i>, that the true path of the soul is, as Aristotle taught, along the Mean (146–147).",
+            "“Lot went with him.” As Lot means “turning away,” we see that this was a companionship not to imitate but to hinder, and this is proved by his later disaster and Abraham’s separation from him (148–150). That this separation did not take place at once shews that the Abraham soul has still much to learn. The hindrance which is caused by such conflicting companionship is symbolized by the “mixed multitude,” which went up from Egypt and caused Israel to wander for forty years (150–155). (Incidentally we hear of this multitude weeping and this leads to a short digression on good and bad tears (155–157).) While some refuse all intercourse with this mixed multitude others make alliance with it, as Joseph, ever the man of compromise, did when he was accompanied by the Egyptians to his father’s funeral (158–163). Some illustrations of good fellow-travelling (συμπορεύεσθαι) are now given. Abraham’s comrades in war; Isaac going with Abraham to the sacrifice, signifying the union of natural gifts with effort (164–167). And while it is natural that higher minds should be drawn up to God, as Aaron and his fellow priests were, Moses will cry “Unless thou journey with me (συμπορεύῃ) bring me not up hence,” for God must be our fellow-traveller (168–172). Abraham, too, “journeyed with the angels.” For though in the imperfect state the Logos leads us, the perfected will walk at his side (173–175).",
+            "“Abraham was seventy-five years old when he went forth out of Haran.” What do these words mean? We remember that originally he went from Chaldea to Haran. Now Chaldea is astrology, which conceives of the universe as a whole where all the parts work in harmony with each other (176–179). So far Moses agrees with it: it is when the astrologers ignore God and His creative goodness that he disagrees (180–183). And when he shews Abraham as leaving Chaldea for Haran, that is, for the place of the senses, which is also the house of the mind, he is bidding us discard astrological speculations for the Socratic study of ourselves (184–189). And when we have done this we may leave Haran also, to contemplate God Himself, just as Saul had to be taken from the “baggage” before he could grasp the kingship (189–197).",
+            "“Seventy-five years old.” Seventy is the number of the higher mind and reason (198–202), five of the senses (203–206), and both these are proved by many texts (203–206). The combination indicates an intermediate and necessary stage in the soul’s progress (207). And so Rebecca bids Jacob even in his hour of triumph fly to Haran, for compromise with the senses is often necessary for a time (208–213). Yet Jacob also will ultimately leave Haran and “make a house for himself,” that is, “the fear of God” which won, according to Ex. 1:21 “ ‘their houses’ for the midwives” (214–215).",
+            "“He travelled through the land to the length of it to the place Shechem, to the high oak.” “Travelled through” shews us the course of the soul in its search for wisdom, a search which must cover the whole land <i>i.e</i>. whole of ethical philosophy (216–220). In Shechem, which means “shouldering,” and in the oak, we find a symbol of the solid labour which such travelling entails (221–223). But we remember that in Genesis we have a man Shechem, who represents evil labour, the seducer of Dinah. Or rather, the would-be seducer. For to Philo’s mind the spiritual Dinah being Virtue can never be corrupted, and the treatise ends with the thought that the vengeance of her brothers and defenders will overtake the seducer with his purpose unattained (224-end)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And the Lord said unto Abraham, Depart out of thy land, and out of thy kindred, and out of thy father’s house, into the land which I shall shew thee; and I will make thee a great nation and will bless thee and will make thy name great, and thou shalt be blessed. And I will bless them that bless thee, and them that curse thee I will curse, and in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” (Gen. 12:1–3).",
+                "[2] God begins the carrying out of His will to cleanse man’s soul by giving it a starting-point for full salvation in its removal out of three localities, namely, body, sense-perception, and speech. “Land” or “country” is a symbol of body, “kindred” of sense-perception, “father’s house” of speech. How so?",
+                "[3] Because the body took its substance out of earth (or land) and is again resolved into earth. Moses is a witness to this, when he says, “Earth thou art and into earth shalt thou return” (Gen. 3:19); indeed he also says that the body was clay formed into human shape by God’s moulding hand, and what suffers solution must needs be resolved into the elements which were united to form it. Sense-perception, again, is of one kin and family with understanding, the irrational with the rational, for both these are parts of one soul. And speech is our “father’s house,” “father’s” because Mind is our father, sowing in each of the parts of the body the faculties that issue from itself, and assigning to them their workings, being in control and charge of them all; house—because mind has speech for its house or living-room, secluded from the rest of the homestead. It is Mind’s living-place, just as the hearthside is man’s.",
+                "[4] It is there that Mind displays in orderly form itself and all the conceptions to which it gives birth, treating it as a man treats a house.",
+                "And marvel not at Moses having given to speech the title of Mind’s house in man; for indeed he says that God, the Mind of the universe, has for His house His own Word.",
+                "[5] It was the vision of this Word that the Self-trainer received when he emphatically declares “This is assuredly not the House of God” (Gen. 28:17), as much as to say “The House of God is not this that is all round me, consisting of things at which we can point or that fall under sense-perception generally, no, not such is God’s House, but invisible, withdrawn from sight, and apprehended only by soul as soul.",
+                "[6] Who, then, can that House be, save the Word who is antecedent to all that has come into existence? the Word, which the Helmsman of the Universe grasps as a rudder to guide all things on their course? Even as, when He was fashioning the world, He employed it as His instrument, that the fabric of His handiwork might be without reproach."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[7] We have now shewn how Moses uses “earth” to represent the body, “kindred” to represent sense-perception, “thy father’s house” to represent speech. The words “Depart out of these” are not equivalent to “Sever thyself from them absolutely,” since to issue such a command as that would be to prescribe death. No, the words import “Make thyself a stranger to them in judgement and purpose; let none of them cling to thee; rise superior to them all;",
+                "[8] they are thy subjects, never treat them as sovereign lords; thou art a king, school thyself once and for all to rule, not to be ruled; evermore be coming to know thyself, as Moses teaches thee in many places, saying “Give heed to thyself” (Ex. 24:12), for in this way shalt thou perceive those to whom it befits thee to shew obedience and those to whom it befits thee to give commands.",
+                "[9] Depart, therefore, out of the earthly matter that encompasses thee: escape, man, from the foul prison-house, thy body, with all thy might and main, and from the pleasures and lusts that act as its jailers; every terror that can vex and hurt them, leave none of them unused; menace the enemy with them all united and combined.",
+                "[10] Depart also out of sense-perception thy kin. For at present thou hast made a loan of thyself to each sense, and art become the property of others, a portion of the goods of those who have borrowed thee, and hast thrown away the good thing that was thine own. Yes, thou knowest, even though all men should hold their peace, how eyes draw thee, and ears, and the whole crowd of thine other kinsfolk, towards what they themselves love.",
+                "[11] But if thou desire to recover the self that thou hast lent and to have thine own possessions about thee, letting no portion of them be alienated and fall into other hands, thou shalt claim instead a happy life, enjoying in perpetuity the benefit and pleasure derived from good things not foreign to thee but thine own.",
+                "[12] Again, quit speech also, “thy father’s house,” as Moses calls it, for fear thou shouldst be beguiled by beauties of mere phrasing, and be cut off from the real beauty, which lies in the matter expressed. Monstrous it is that shadow should be preferred to substance or a copy to originals. And verbal expression is like a shadow or copy, while the essential bearing of the matters conveyed by words resembles substance and originals; and it behoves the man, whose aim it is to be rather than to seem, to dissociate himself from the former and hold fast to the latter."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[13] So we find that when the Mind begins to know itself and to hold converse with the things of mind, it will thrust away from it that part of the soul which inclines to the province of sense-perception, the inclining which among the Hebrews is entitled “Lot.” Hence the wise man is represented as saying outright, “Separate thyself from me” (Gen. 13:9). For it is impossible for one who is possessed by love for all that is incorporeal and incorruptible to dwell together with one who leans towards the objects of sense-perception doomed to die.",
+                "[14] Right well, then, did the Sacred Guide inscribe one entire sacred book of the Law-giving “Exagoge” or “Leading out,” for the name thus found was appropriate to the oracles contained in it. For being well qualified to train men and fully furnished for the admonition and correction of those who were capable of admonition and correction, he contemplates the task of taking out all the population of the soul right away from Egypt, the body, and away from its inhabitants; deeming it a most sore and heavy burden that an understanding endowed with vision should be under the pressure of the pleasures of the flesh, and should submit to such injunctions as its merciless cravings may lay upon it.",
+                "[15] These, indeed, groaned over and greatly bewailed their bodily well-being, and the lavish abundance of things outside the body, which was theirs, for we read that “the children of Israel groaned by reason of their works” (Ex. 2:23). When they do this, the gracious God instructs His prophet regarding their coming out, and His prophet delivers them.",
+                "[16] But some make a truce with the body and maintain it till their death, and are buried in it as in a coffin or shell or whatever else you like to call it. All the body-loving and passion-loving portions of these are laid in the grave and consigned to oblivion. But if anywhere by the side of these there grows up a virtue-loving tendency, it is saved from extinction by memories, which are a means of keeping alive the flame of noble qualities."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] So the Holy Word, deeming it unfitting that pure things should have impure things associated with them, provides for the safe-keeping of Joseph’s bones, by which I mean the only relics of such a soul as were left behind untouched by corruption and worthy of perpetual memory (Gen. 50:25).",
+                "[18] Those of the latter kind were these; Joseph’s confidence that “God will visit” the race that has vision (Gen. 50:24), and will not utterly hand it over to Ignorance, that blind task-mistress; his discernment between the mortal and the incorruptible portions of the soul and his leaving behind to Egypt those which had to do with bodily pleasures and other forms of unrestrained passion, while concerning the incorruptible parts he made an agreement, that they should accompany those who went up to the cities of virtue, and should be conveyed thither, and had the agreement secured by an oath.",
+                "[19] What, then, are the uncorrupted parts? His having nothing to do with Pleasure when she says, “Let us lie together” (Gen. 39:7) and enjoy the good things of mankind: the shrewdness coupled with the resoluteness which enabled him to recognize the products of empty fancies which many accounted to be good, and to distinguish them as mere dreams from those which are really so; and to confess that the true and certain interpretations of things are given under God’s guid ance (Gen. 40:8), while the doubtful imaginations that have no certainty follow the rule and line of the erring and deluded life of men who have not undergone purification, a life that finds its joy in the delights provided by bakers and cooks and butlers.",
+                "[20] Other traits of incorruption were these: he was proclaimed not the subject, but the ruler of all Egypt, the domain of the body (Gen. 41:41): he was proud to own himself a member of the Hebrew race (Gen. 40:15), whose wont it is, as the name “Hebrew” or “Migrant” indicates, to quit the objects of sense-perception and go after those of Mind: he gloried in the fact that “here he had done nothing” (<i>ibid</i>.), for to have performed no single act such as the worthless people there admired, but to have utterly hated and eschewed them all,",
+                "[21] was conduct that called for no slight praise: he derided lusts and all passions and their gross excesses (Gen. 39:14, 17): he feared God (Gen. 42:18) even though he was not yet ready to love Him: when in Egypt he claimed as his own the life that is real life,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "a claim which caused Israel to marvel in just amazement, and to cry, “It is a great matter in my eyes if my son Joseph still <i>lives</i>” (Gen. 45:28), and has not shared the death of vain opinions, and of the body the corpse he carries with him:",
+                "[22] he confesses that he is God’s (Gen. 50:19), not the property of any created being: when making himself known to his brethren he thrust perforce from his presence, shaken and tottering, all those frames of mind that make the body their delight and think that their own doctrines afford them a firm standing (Gen. 45:1 f.): he declared that he had not received his commission at the hands of men, but had been appointed by God (Gen. 45:7 f.) to be duly constituted controller of the body and of things outside the body.",
+                "[23] And these are but a few of the traits indicative of the better and holier standing, which utterly refuse to dwell in Egypt the bodily tenement, are never buried in a coffin at all, but, having passed out of all that is mortal, follow the guiding steps of Moses, the Law-giving Word.",
+                "[24] For Moses is the nursing-father who rears with fostering care noble deeds, words, designs, which, albeit often mingled with their opposites owing to the chaos and confusion which besets mortality, he none the less comes forward and separates from the rest, that the germs and shoots of moral excellence may not permanently be obliterated and lost.",
+                "[25] Moses also urges the Israelites to quit right stoutly her who bears the name of mother of every monstrous thing, with no slow or lingering steps, but with exceeding speed; for he bids them with haste to sacrifice the Passover (Ex. 12:11), which means “a passing over,” to the intent that the Mind with resolute purpose and unfailing eagerness may carry out both its passing away from the passions without turning back, and its thanksgiving to God its Saviour, Who brought it forth into liberty when it looked not for it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] And what is there to wonder at in his urging the mind, that had been brought under the control of irrational passion, not to give in, nor to be swept down by the violence of that passion’s current, but to resist with all its might, and, should it fail, even to run away? For flight remains as an alternative way of reaching safety for those who are not able to repel the danger. See how Moses deals with one who was by nature a sturdy fighter and had never become the slave of passions, but was always engaged in the conflict with each one of them? Even him he forbids to keep up his wrestlings to the end, lest one day, by perpetually meeting them, he should contract from them a pernicious taint: for many before now have proved imitators of an opponent’s vice, as others on the other hand have imitated his virtue.",
+                "[27] For this reason a Divine intimation was vouchsafed to him to this effect: “Turn back to the land of thy father and thy kindred, and I will be with thee” (Gen. 31:3); as much as to say “Thou hast proved thyself a perfect athlete, and been awarded prizes and crowns with Virtue presiding and holding forth to thee the meed of victory: but now it is time for thee to have done with strife, lest thou be ever toiling, and have no power to reap the fruits of thy toil.",
+                "[28] This thou wilt never find while thou remainest where thou art, dwelling still with the objects of sense-perception, and spending thy days surrounded by bodily existence in its varied aspects, whose head and chief is Laban, bearing a name meaning variety of character. Nay, thou must change thine abode and betake thee to thy father’s land, the land of the Word that is holy and in some sense father of those who submit to training: and that land is Wisdom, abode most choice of virtue-loving souls.",
+                "[29] In this country there awaiteth thee the nature which is its own pupil, its own teacher, that needs not to be fed on milk as children are fed, that has been stayed by a Divine oracle from going down into Egypt (Gen. 26:2) and from meeting with the ensnaring pleasures of the flesh. That nature is entitled Isaac.",
+                "[30] When thou hast entered upon his inheritance, thou canst not but lay aside thy toil; for the perpetual abundance of good things ever ready to the hand gives freedom from toil. And the fountain from which the good things are poured forth is the companionship of the bountiful God. He shews this to be so when to set His seal upon the flow of His kindnesses, He says “I will be with thee.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] What fair thing, then, could fail when there was present God the Perfecter, with gifts of grace, His virgin daughters, whom the Father that begat them rears up uncorrupted and undefiled? Then are all forms of studying, toiling, practising at rest; and without interference of art by contrivance of Nature there come forth all things in one outburst charged with benefit for all.",
+                "[32] And the harvest of spontaneous good things is called “Release,” inasmuch as the Mind is released from the working out of its own projects, and is, we may say, emancipated from self-chosen tasks, by reason of the abundance of the rain and ceaseless shower of blessings.",
+                "[33] And these are of a most marvellous nature and passing fair. For the offspring of the soul’s own travail are for the most part poor abortions, things untimely born; but those which God waters with the snows of heaven come to the birth perfect, complete and peerless.",
+                "[34] I feel no shame in recording my own experience, a thing I know from its having happened to me a thousand times. On some occasions, after making up my mind to follow the usual course of writing on philosophical tenets, and knowing definitely the substance of what I was to set down, I have found my understanding incapable of giving birth to a single idea, and have given it up without accomplishing anything, reviling my understanding for its self-conceit, and filled with amazement at the might of Him that IS to Whom is due the opening and closing of the soul-wombs.",
+                "[35] On other occasions, I have approached my work empty and suddenly become full, the ideas falling in a shower from above and being sown invisibly, so that under the influence of the Divine possession I have been filled with corybantic frenzy and been unconscious of anything, place, persons present, myself, words spoken, lines written. For I obtained language, ideas, an enjoyment of light, keenest vision, pellucid distinctness of objects, such as might be received through the eyes as the result of clearest shewing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[36] Now the thing shewn is the thing worthy to be seen, contemplated, loved, the perfect good, whose nature it is to change all that is bitter in the soul and make it sweet, fairest seasoning of all spices, turning into salutary nourishment even foods that do not nourish. So we read “The Lord shewed him a tree, and he cast it into the water” (Ex. 15:25), that is into the flabby, flaccid mind teeming with bitterness, that its savagery might be sweetened away.",
+                "[37] This tree offers not nourishment only but immortality also, for we are told that the Tree of Life has been planted in the midst of the Garden (Gen. 2:9), even Goodness with the particular virtues and the doings which accord with them to be its bodyguard. For it is Virtue that has obtained as its own the central and most honourable place in the soul.",
+                "[38] Such is that which is shewn, and he that sees it is the wise man, for fools are blind or dim-sighted. That is why in former times they called the prophets seers(1 Sam. 9:9); and the Trainer of self was eager to exchange ears for eyes, and to see what before he heard, and, going beyond the inheritance which has hearing as its source, he obtains that of which sight is the ruling principle.",
+                "[39] For the current coin of learning and teaching from which Jacob took his title is reminted into the seeing Israel. Hereby comes to pass even the seeing of the Divine light, identical with knowledge, which opens wide the soul’s eye, and leads it to apprehensions distinct and brilliant beyond those gained by the ears. For as the application of the principles of music is apprehended through the science of music, and the practice of each science through that science, even so only through wisdom comes discernment of what is wise.",
+                "[40] But wisdom is not only, after the manner of light, an instrument of sight, but is able to see its own self besides. Wisdom is God’s archetypal luminary and the sun is a copy and image of it.",
+                "But he that shews each several object is God, who alone is possessed of perfect knowledge. For men are only said to have knowledge because they seem to know; whereas God is so called because He <i>is</i> the possessor of knowledge though the phrase does not adequately express this nature; for all things whatever that can be said regarding Him that IS fall far short of the reality of His powers.",
+                "[41] He gives clear proof of His wisdom not only from His having been the Artificer of the universe, but also from His having made the knowledge of the things that had been brought into existence His sure possession.",
+                "[42] For we read “God saw all things that He had made” (Gen. 1:31). This does not just mean that He set His eyes on each of them, but that He had insight and knowledge and apprehension of the things which He had made. It follows then that to give teaching and guidance on each several thing, in fact to “shew” them, to the ignorant is proper only for the One who knows, seeing that He has not, as a man has, been profited by science and its lore, but is acknowledged to be Himself the Source and Fountain-head of science and knowledge in all their forms."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[43] There is a deliberate intention when his words take the form of a promise and define the time of fulfilment not as present but future. He says not “which I am shewing” but “which I will shew thee” (Gen. 12:1). Thus he testifies to the trust which the soul reposed in God, exhibiting its thankfulness not as called out by accomplished facts, but by expectation of what was to be.",
+                "[44] For the soul, clinging in utter dependence on a good hope, and deeming that things not present are beyond question already present by reason of the sure stedfastness of Him that promised them, has won as its meed faith, a perfect good; for we read a little later “Abraham believed God” (Gen. 15:6). To Moses, too, He says in like manner, when He had shewn to him all the Land, “I shewed it to thine eyes, but thou shalt not enter in” (Deut. 34:4).",
+                "[45] You must not think that this was said, as some unconsidering people suppose, to humiliate the all-wise leader; for indeed it is folly to imagine that the servants of God take precedence of His friends in receiving their portion in the land of virtue.",
+                "[46] No, what he wishes to bring home to you first of all is that children have one place and full-grown men another, the one named training, the other called wisdom: secondly, that the fairest things in nature are objects of sight rather than of possession. For how is it possible to become possessed of things whose allotted place is nearer to the Divine? Yet to see them is within the bounds of possibility: though not for all. It is exclusively for the purest and most keen-eyed class, on whom the Father of all things, by shewing to them His own works, bestows an all-surpassing gift.",
+                "[47] For what life is better than a contemplative life, or more appropriate to a rational being? For this reason, whereas the voice of mortal beings is judged by hearing, the sacred oracles intimate that the words of God are seen as light is seen; for we are told that “all the people saw the Voice” (Ex. 20:18), not that they heard it; for what was happening was not an impact on air made by the organs of mouth and tongue, but virtue shining with intense brilliance, wholly resembling a fountain of reason, and this is also indicated elsewhere on this wise: “Ye have seen that I have spoken to you out of Heaven” (Ex. 20:22), not “ye heard,” for the same cause as before.",
+                "[48] In one place the writer distinguishes things heard from things seen and hearing from sight, saying, “Ye heard a voice of words, and saw no similitude but only a voice” (Deut. 4:12), making a very subtle distinction, for the voice dividing itself into noun and verb and the parts of speech in general he naturally spoke of as “audible,” for it comes to the test of hearing: but the voice or sound that was not that of verbs and nouns but of God, seen by the eye of the soul, he rightly represents as “visible.”",
+                "[49] And after first saying “Ye saw no similitude” he adds “but only a Voice,” evidently meaning the reader to supply in thought “which you did see.” This shews that words spoken by God are interpreted by the power of sight residing in the soul, whereas those which are divided up among the various parts of speech appeal to hearing.",
+                "[50] Fresh and original as is the insight which he shews in all cases, there is a special and unusual originality in this instance in his saying that the voice is visible, practically the only thing in us, if understanding be left out of consideration, which is not visible: for the objects of the senses other than the eyes are all of them, colours, savours, perfumes, things warm, things cold, things smooth, things rough, things soft and hard, visible as bodies.",
+                "[51] What this means I will state more clearly. The savour is visible, not as a savour, but only as a body, for as savour, it is the taste that will know it; and the odour, as odour, will be assayed by the nostrils, but as body, by the eyes also; and the rest will be subject to the same double test. But it is not the nature of voice to be visible whether we regard it as something audible or as body, if body indeed it is; but of our properties these two are invisible, mind and speech.",
+                "[52] The truth is that our sound-producer is not similar to the Divine organ of voice; for ours mingles with air and betakes itself to the place akin to it, the ears; but the Divine is an organ of pure and unalloyed speech, too subtle for the hearing to catch it, but visible to the soul which is single in virtue of its keenness of sight."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[53] So then, the first boon which God vouchsafes to the soul after it has relinquished mortal things is, as I have said, the shewing of things immortal and the power to contemplate them; and the second, progress in the principles of virtue, alike as regards number and “greatness”: for He says, “And I will make thee to become a great nation,” implying by the word “nation” their number, and by the word “great” their improvement in quality.",
+                "[54] How great their advance was in either respect, alike in “greatness” and in number, is made evident by the words of the King of Egypt, “Lo the race of the children of Israel is a great multitude” (Ex. 1:9). There he bears witness to the race that has eyes to see Him that IS, that it has acquired both multitude and greatness, high achievement, that is, both in conduct of life and in principle.",
+                "[55] For he did not say, as a man strictly observing the association of noun and epithet would say, “much multitude,” but “a great multitude,” knowing that “much” is but an incomplete greatness, if it stands by itself without the addition of the power to understand and know. For what advantage is there in receiving(from our teachers) the results of study in plenty, unless we go on to develop each of them to its fitting stature? For a field, too, is but an imperfect one which contains any number of plants only a little above the ground, but in which no fully formed growth has shot up aided by skilful tillage and able now to yield fruit.",
+                "[56] The greatness and large number of the good and noble has for its beginning and end the perpetual recollection of God, and the calling down of the aid that comes from Him, to counter the intestine warfare of life, unbroken in its bewildering irregularity, for it says: “Lo this great nation is a wise and understanding people: for what kind of great nation is there, which has God drawing nigh to it, as the Lord our God in all things in which we call upon Him?” (Deut. 4:6 f.).",
+                "[57] So far it has been shewn that there is waiting ready and equipped at God’s side strong help to come to our succour, and that the Sovereign Ruler will Himself draw near for the benefit of those who are worthy to receive His benefits."
+            ],
+            [
+                "But who are they that are worthy to obtain these? Is it not clear that all the lovers of wisdom and knowledge are so?",
+                "[58] For these are the wise and understanding people which was spoken of, each member of which is with good reason great, since he reaches out after great things; and after one most eagerly, never to be severed from God, the supremely Great, but without dismay stedfastly to abide His approach as He draws near.",
+                "[59] This is the defining mark of the people that is “great,” to draw nigh to God, or to be that “to which God draws nigh.”",
+                "Now the world and the wise man, the world-citizen, is filled full of good things many and great, but the remaining mass of men experiences evil things in greater number, but fewer good things; for in the medley and confusion of human life that which is fair and goodly is rare and scanty.",
+                "[60] And for this reason the sacred oracles contain this utterance: “Not because ye are numerous beyond all the nations did the Lord prefer and choose you out: for ye surpass all the nations in fewness; but because the Lord loveth you” (Deut. 7:7 f.). For were a man to desire to distribute, as it were into nations, the crowd contained in a single soul, many disorderly companies would he find, commanded by pleasures or desires or griefs or fears or again by follies and wrongdoings, and the nearest kinsfolk of these, but one only well-ordered, of which right reason is the captain.",
+                "[61] Now, in the judgement of men the multitude of the unjust is preferred to the single just; but in God’s judgement the few good to the myriad unjust; and He charges the just never to agree with such a multitude: for He says “Thou shalt not be with many to engage in wickedness” (Ex. 23:2). Should we then be so with few? Nay, not with any bad man: and the bad man, one though he be, is made manifold by wickednesses, and to range oneself by his side is a very great disaster: on the contrary it behoves us to shew a vigour free from terror and resist him and be at war with him.",
+                "[62] For it says “If thou go out to war against thine enemies and see horse and rider,” that is passion, the insolent, the restive, the unruly, and the passion-loving mind mounted on it, “and a people more numerous than thou art,” even the devoted followers of these leaders advancing in serried mass “thou shalt not be afraid of them.” One as thou art thou shalt have One fighting on thy side, even the Ruler of all, as it says, “for the Lord Thy God is with thee” (Deut. 20:1).",
+                "[63] This companionship brings wars to an end, builds up peace, overthrows the host of evil things to which we grow accustomed, rescues the scanty band of those beloved of God, every loyal adherent of which loathes and hates the battalions of the earth-bound."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[64] For it says: “Whatsoever hath many feet among all creeping things that creep upon the earth, ye shall not eat, for they are an abomination” (Lev. 11:42). Now, is not a soul deserving of hatred which moves over the ground not on one part of itself but on all or most parts, even licking with a relish the things of the body, and altogether incapable of lifting its eyes to the holy revolutions of heaven?",
+                "[65] And further among creeping things just as that which has many feet is disallowed, so too is that which has no feet, the former for the reason just given, the latter because it lies its full length sprawling upon the earth, lifted out of it by nothing even to the smallest extent: for it says that all that goeth upon the belly is unclean (<i>ibid</i>.), indicating by this figure the man who is in pursuit of the pleasures of the belly.",
+                "[66] But some, exceeding all bounds, in their determination to kindle into activity all the irrational portion of the soul, and to destroy the mind, have not only indulged all that comes under the head of desire, but taken to them also its brother passion, fierce spirit. For that which was said, “Upon thy breast and thy belly shalt thou go” (Gen. 3:14), in the literal sense applies to the serpent, but is really a truly Divine oracle applying to every irrational and passion-loving man; for the breast is the abode of fierce spirit, and desire dwells in the belly.",
+                "[67] The fool’s whole course through every moment of his journey depends on this pair, fierce spirit and desire; since he has got rid of mind, who is the charioteer and monitor. The man of the opposite character has exscinded fierce spirit and desire, and chosen as his patron and controlling guide the Divine Word. Even so Moses, best beloved of God, when offering the whole burnt sacrifices of the soul, will “wash out the belly” (Lev. 8:21), that is, will cleanse away desire in every shape, but “the breast from the ram of consecration he will take away” (Lev. 8:29). This means, we may be sure, the warlike spirit in its completeness; and the object of taking it away is that the better portion of the soul, the rational part, that is left, may exercise its truly free and noble impulses towards all things beautiful, with nothing pulling against it any longer and dragging it in another direction.",
+                "[68] In these circumstances it will improve both in number and greatness: for it is said: “How long shall the people provoke? and how long shall they refuse to trust Me in all the signs which I wrought among them? I will smite them with death and will destroy them, and I will make thee and thy father’s house a nation great and numerous beyond this one” (Num. 14:11 f.). For, in the soul when once the great concourse is broken up, in which fierce spirit and desire prevail, there rises and springs up without fail another concourse, even that which wholly depends on the rational nature.",
+                "[69] Now just as the creature with many feet and that without feet, opposite species in the genus of creeping things, are proclaimed unclean, so also atheism and polytheism, mutually antagonistic doctrines in the soul, are alike profane. Here is the indication of this: the Law has expelled both of these doctrines from the sacred assembly, atheism, by debarring a eunuch from membership of it; polytheism, by likewise forbidding the son of a harlot to be a listener or speaker in it (Deut. 23:1 f.). For the sterile man is godless; and the son of a whore is a polytheist, being in the dark about his real father, and for this reason ascribing his begetting to many, instead of to one."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[70] Two gifts have been already spoken of, which are these, a hope held out of a life of contemplation, and progress towards abundance and “greatness” of things fair and beautiful. A third gift is “blessing” or excellence of reason and speech, and apart from this it is not possible to make the former gracious gifts secure. He says “And I will bless thee,” <i>i.e</i>. “I will endow thee with excellent reason and speech.” “Blessing” or “eulogy” is a word compounded of “well” and “logos.”",
+                "[71] Of these, “well” connotes nothing but excellence: “logos” has two aspects, one resembling a spring, the other its outflow; “logos” in the understanding resembles a spring, and is called “reason,” while utterance by mouth and tongue is like its outflow, and is called “speech.” That each species of logos should be improved is vast wealth, the understanding having good reasoning at its command for all things great and small, and utterance being under the guidance of right training.",
+                "[72] For many reason excellently, but find speech a bad interpreter of thought and are by it betrayed, through not having had a thorough grounding in the ordinary subjects of culture. Others, again, have shewn great ability in expounding themes, and yet been most evil thinkers, such as the so-called sophists; for the understanding of these men is wholly untrained by the Muses, whose united voice is heard in the output of the vocal organs.",
+                "[73] But God bestows on those who obey Him no imperfect boon. All His gifts are full and complete. And so, in this case also, He does not send the blessing or “logos-excellence” in one division of logos, but in both its parts, for He holds it just that the recipient of His bounty should both conceive the noblest conceptions and give masterly expression to his ideas. For perfection depends, as we know, on both divisions of logos, the reason which suggests the ideas with clearness, and the speech which gives unfailing expression to them.",
+                "[74] Do you not notice Abel, whose name stands for one to whom things mortal are a grief and things immortal are full of happiness, how, though he has the advantage of a faultless understanding, yet through lack of training in speaking he is worsted by Cain, a clever wrestler able to prevail by skill rather than strength?",
+                "[75] Wherefore, admiring as I do his character for its rich natural endowment, I find fault with him in so far as, when challenged to a contest of words, he came forward to engage in it, whereas he ought to have maintained his wonted quietude, totally disregarding his quarrelsome brother; and, if he was quite bent on fighting it out, not to have entered the lists until he had had some practice in scientific grips and tricks; for village sages usually get the worst of it when they encounter those who have acquired the cleverness of the town."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[76] That is why Moses, the man of all wisdom, though he excuses himself from investigating well-worded and specious arguments, from the time that God began to flash into him the light of truth by means of the undying words of the very self of Knowledge and Wisdom (Ex. 4:10), yet is led none the less to look into them, not for the sake of gaining acquaintance with a greater number of subjects—for the lover of contemplation finds researches touching God and His most holy powers all-sufficing—but with a view to getting the better of the sophists in Egypt, for whom specious sounding fables are of more value than the clear evidence of realities.",
+                "[77] Yes, whensoever the mind is moving amid matters concerned with the Ruler of all, it needs no extraneous help in its study, inasmuch as for objects of intellectual apprehension unaided mind is an eye of keenest sight: but when it is occupied besides with matters affected by sense-perception or passion or the body, of which the land of Egypt is a symbol, it will need alike the art of speaking and ability in exercising it.",
+                "[78] For the sake of this he was enjoined to call to his aid Aaron, the logos in utterance. “Lo,” saith He, “is not Aaron thy brother?” For the logical nature being the one mother of them both, its offspring are of course brothers. “I know that he will speak” (He continues). For it is the property of understanding to apprehend, and of utterance to speak. “He,” saith He, “will speak for thee.” For the mind, unable to report the thoughts stored up in it, employs speech which stands hard by as an interpreter, for the making known of its experiences.",
+                "[79] Then He adds, “Lo, it is he that shall come out to meet thee”: for it is indeed a fact that speech meeting the mind’s conceptions, and wedding the parts of speech to them, mints them like uncoined gold, and gives the stamp of expression to what was unstamped and unexpressed before. And saith He, “On seeing thee he will rejoice in it” (Ex. 4:14): for speech does exult and is glad, when the conception is not indistinct, because it finds that the wording which issues from its rich store of terms apt and expressive and full of vividness is fluent and unhalting when the thought is luminous."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[80] And similarly when the ideas to be expressed are in any way deficient in clearness, speech is stepping on empty air and is apt to slip and have a bad fall and be unable to get up again. “And thou shalt speak to him and shall put My words into his mouth.” This is equivalent to saying “Thou shalt suggest to him the thoughts,” for “thoughts” are nothing else than God’s “words” or speech.",
+                "[81] For without the prompter speech will give forth no utterance, and mind is the prompter of speech, as God is of mind. “And he shall speak to the people for thee, and he shall be thy mouth, and thou shalt be his Godward things” (Ex. 4:15 f.). Very vivid are his expressions. Not only does he say “he shall speak to them for thee,” as much as to say “he shall put thy thoughts into words”; but he adds “he shall be thy mouth”; for the stream of speech flowing over tongue and mouth carries forth the thoughts with it. But, whereas speech is understanding’s interpreter manward, understanding occupies toward speech the position of its Godward things, namely thoughts and intents, which are in God’s charge solely.",
+                "[82] It is a vital matter, then, for one about to face a contest with sophists to have paid attention to words with such thoroughness as not only to elude the grips of his adversary but to take the offensive in his turn and prove himself superior both in skill and strength.",
+                "[83] You must have observed how the aim of those who use charms and enchantments, when they bring their trickery into play against the Divine word and dare to attempt to do things like those which it does, is not so much to win honour for their own skill as to traduce and ridicule the miracles which are taking place. They transform the rods into real snakes, and turn the water to the colour of blood, and by incantations draw up on to land what frogs are still left (Ex. 7:12, 22, 8:7), and, as they add one thing to another tending to their own destruction, they are cheated, miserable fools, while they think that they are cheating.",
+                "[84] How would it have been possible for Moses to encounter these men, had he not had in readiness speech the interpreter of thought, who is called Aaron? In this place Aaron or speech is spoken of as a “mouth”; further on he will also bear the name of “prophet,” when the mind too is inspired and entitled “God.” For He says “I give thee as God to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet” (Ex. 7:1). How perfect is the harmony shewn in the sequence of thought! For it is the prophet kind, when under the influence of a Divine possession and ecstasy, that interprets the thoughts of God.",
+                "[85] Accordingly “Aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods” (Ex. 7:12), as the oracle shews. For all the arguments of sophists are devoured and done away with by Nature’s many-sided skill, and the acknowledgement is made that these events are the Finger of God (Ex. 8:19), and the word “Finger” is equivalent to a divine rescript, declaring that sophistry is ever defeated by wisdom; for holy writ, speaking of the tables on which the oracles were engraved, says that they were written by the Finger of God (Ex. 32:16). Wherefore the sorcerers can no longer stand before Moses, but fall as in a wrestling-bout vanquished by the sturdy strength of the opponent (Ex. 8:18)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] What, then, is the fourth gift? That of a great name; for He says “I will make thy name great” (Gen. 12:2). The meaning of this appears to me to be as follows. As it is an advantage to be good and morally noble, so is it to be reputed such. And, while the reality is better than the reputation, happiness comes of having both. For very many, after coming to Virtue’s feet with no counterfeit or unreal homage and with their eyes open to her genuine loveliness, through paying no regard to the general opinion have become the objects of hostility, just because they were held to be bad, when they were really good.",
+                "[87] It is true that there is no good in being thought to be this or that, unless you are so long before you are thought to be so. It is naturally so in the case of our bodies. Were all the world to suppose the sickly man to be healthy, or the healthy man to be sickly, the general opinion by itself will produce neither sickness nor health.",
+                "[88] But he on whom God has bestowed both gifts, both to be morally noble and good and to have the reputation of being so, this man is really happy and his name is great in very deed. We should take thought for fair fame as a great matter and one of much advantage to the life which we live in the body. And this fair fame is won as a rule by all who cheerfully take things as they find them and interfere with no established customs, but maintain with care the constitution of their country.",
+                "[89] There are some who, regarding laws in their literal sense in the light of symbols of matters belonging to the intellect, are overpunctilious about the latter, while treating the former with easy-going neglect. Such men I for my part should blame for handling the matter in too easy and off-hand a manner: they ought to have given careful attention to both aims, to a more full and exact investigation of what is not seen and in what is seen to be stewards without reproach.",
+                "[90] As it is, as though they were living alone by themselves in a wilderness, or as though they had become disembodied souls, and knew neither city nor village nor household nor any company of human beings at all, overlooking all that the mass of men regard, they explore reality in its naked absoluteness. These men are taught by the sacred word to have thought for good repute, and to let go nothing that is part of the customs fixed by divinely empowered men greater than those of our time.",
+                "[91] It is quite true that the Seventh Day is meant to teach the power of the Unoriginate and the non-action of created beings. But let us not for this reason abrogate the laws laid down for its observance, and light fires or till the ground or carry loads or institute proceedings in court or act as jurors or demand the restoration of deposits or recover loans, or do all else that we are permitted to do as well on days that are not festival seasons.",
+                "[92] It is true also that the Feast is a symbol of gladness of soul and of thankfulness to God, but we should not for this reason turn our backs on the general gatherings of the year’s seasons. It is true that receiving circumcision does indeed portray the excision of pleasure and all passions, and the putting away of the impious conceit, under which the mind supposed that it was capable of begetting by its own power: but let us not on this account repeal the law laid down for circumcising. Why, we shall be ignoring the sanctity of the Temple and a thousand other things, if we are going to pay heed to nothing except what is shewn us by the inner meaning of things.",
+                "[93] Nay, we should look on all these outward observances as resembling the body, and their inner meanings as resembling the soul. It follows that, exactly as we have to take thought for the body, because it is the abode of the soul, so we must pay heed to the letter of the laws. If we keep and observe these, we shall gain a clearer conception of those things of which these are the symbols; and besides that we shall not incur the censure of the many and the charges they are sure to bring against us.",
+                "[94] Notice that it says that wise Abraham had good things both great and small, and it calls the great ones “property,” that is, realities, which went by entail to his legitimate son alone. The small ones it calls “gifts,” and to receive these the base-born sons of the concubines are deemed worthy (Gen. 25:5, 6). The former correspond to natural, the latter to positive laws."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[95] I admire also all-virtuous Leah, because when Asher was born, symbol of counterfeit wealth the outward and visible, she cries “Happy am I, for the women will call me happy” (Gen. 30:13). She aims at being favourably regarded, thinking praise due to her not only from thoughts masculine and truly manly, by which the nature that has no blemish and truth impervious to bribes is held in honour, but also from those which are more feminine, which are wholly at the mercy of appearances and powerless to understand anything presented to contemplation outside them.",
+                "[96] It is characteristic of a perfect soul to aspire both to be and to be thought to be, and to take pains not only to have a good reputation in the men’s quarters, but to receive the praises of the women’s as well.",
+                "[97] It was for this reason that Moses gave in charge not to men only but to women also to provide the sacred appointments of the Tabernacle: for it is the women who do all the weavings of blue and scarlet and linen and goat’s hair (Ex. 35:22 f.), and they contribute without hesitation their own jewellery, “seals, ear-rings, rings, bracelets, hair-clasps,” all that was made of gold, exchanging the adornment of their persons for the adornment of piety.",
+                "[98] Nay, in their abounding enthusiasm, they dedicate their mirrors for the making of the laver (Ex. 38:26), to the end that those who are about to perform sacred rites, as they are washing hands and feet, that is, the purposes which they take in hand and which form the base and support of the mind, may be helped to see themselves reflected by recollecting the mirrors out of which the laver was fashioned: for if they do this they will not overlook any ugly thing shewing itself in the appearance of the soul, and being thus purified will dedicate the most sacred and perfect of offerings, the offering of fasting and perseverance.",
+                "[99] These, in whose eyes Leah, that is virtue, desires to be honoured are citizen women and worthy of their citizenship; but there are others without citizenship who kindle a fire to add to the misery of the wretched mind; for we read that “women further kindled in addition a fire against Moab” (Num. 21:30).",
+                "[100] Is it not the case, that each one of the fool’s senses, kindled by the objects of sense, sets the mind on fire, pouring upon it a great and impassable flame, in violent and resistless current? It is best, then, that the array of women, that is of the senses, in the soul, should be propitiated, as well as that of the men, that is of our several thoughts: for in this way shall we feel the journey of life better than it else would be."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[101] Admirable therefore also is the prayer of Isaac the self-taught for the lover of wisdom that he may receive the good things both of mind and of sense: “May God give thee,” he says, “of the dew of heaven and of the fatness of the earth” (Gen. 27:28), which is equivalent to saying in the first place “May He pour down on thee perpetually the heavenly rain apprehended by mind alone, not violently so as to deluge thee, but in gentle stillness like dew so as to do thee good”; and secondly “May He grant thee the earthly, the outward and visible wealth; may that wealth abound in marrow and fatness and may its opposite, the poverty of the soul and its parts, be withered and dried up by His grace.”",
+                "[102] If again you examine the High Priest the Logos, you will find him to be in agreement with this, and his holy vesture to have a variegated beauty derived from powers belonging some to the realm of pure intellect, some to that of sense-perception. The other parts of that vesture call for a longer treatment than the present occasion allows, and must be deferred. Let us however examine the parts by the extremities, head and feet.",
+                "[103] On the head, then, there is “a plate of pure gold, bearing as an engraving of a signet, ‘a holy thing to the Lord’ ” (Ex. 28:32); and at the feet on the end of the skirt, bells and flower patterns (Ex. 28:29 f.). The signet spoken of is the original principle behind all principles, after which God shaped or formed the universe, incorporeal, we know, and discerned by the intellect alone; whereas the flower patterns and bells are symbols of qualities recognized by the senses and tested by sight and hearing.",
+                "[104] And he has well weighed his words when he adds: “His sound shall be audible when he is about to enter into the Holy Place” (Ex. 28:31), to the end that when the soul is about to enter the truly holy place, the divine place which only mind can apprehend, the senses also may be aided to join in the hymn with their best, and that our whole composite being, like a full choir all in tune, may chant together one harmonious strain rising from varied voices blending one with another; the thoughts of the mind inspiring the keynotes—for the leaders of this choir are the truths perceived by mind alone—while the objects of sense-perception, which resemble the individual members of the choir, chime in with their accordant tuneful notes.",
+                "[105] For, to say all in a word, we must not, as the Law tells us, take away from the soul these three things, “the necessaries, the clothing, the fellowship” (Ex. 21:10), but afford each of them steadily. Now, the “necessaries” are the good things of the mind, which are necessary, being demanded by the law of nature; the “clothing,” all that belongs to the phenomenal world of human life; and the “fellowship,” persistent study directed to each of these kinds, that so in the world of sense we may come to find the likeness of the invisible world of mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[106] To proceed then; the fifth gift is that which consists in simple being only, and it is mentioned after those which precede it not as being of less value than they, but as outtopping and over-passing them all. For what could be more perfect than to be by nature good and free from all feigning and pretence, and worthy of blessing?",
+                "[107] For he says “Thou shalt be one to be blessed” (Gen. 12:2), not only “one who has been blessed,” for the latter is reckoned by the standard of the opinions and report of the many; but the former by that of Him Who is in reality “blessed.”",
+                "[108] For as being praiseworthy differs for the better from being praised, and being blameworthy for the worse from being blamed, the one pair expressing an inherent character, and the other nothing more than men’s opinion of us; and nature that cannot lie is a more sure foundation than opinion; so being blessed by men, which we have found to be an introduction into blessing by the avenue of repute, is inferior to natural worthiness of blessing, even though that finds no expression on human lips; and it is this which is celebrated in the sacred oracles as “blessed.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[109] These are the prizes which He bestows upon him who is to become wise. Let us see next those which He accords to others too for the wise man’s sake. “I will bless,” He says, “those that bless thee, and those that curse thee I will curse” (Gen. 12:3).",
+                "[110] That these promises as well as the others are made to shew honour to the righteous man is clear to everybody, but they are set forth not on that account only, but because they so admirably fit in with and follow the truth of facts, for encomiums are due to him who praises the good man and blame again to him who blames him. Praise and blame are not accredited so much by the ability of speakers and authors, as by the truth of facts; so that we do not feel that either term is applicable to the words of those who give falsehood any place in either.",
+                "[111] Do you not see the toadies who by day and night batter to pieces and wear out the ears of those on whom they fawn, not content with just assenting to everything they say, but spinning out long speeches and declaiming and many a time uttering prayers with their voice, but never ceasing to curse with their heart? What then would a man of good sense say?",
+                "[112] Would he not say that those who talk in this way talk as though they were enemies rather than friends, and blame rather than praise, even though they compose and recite whole oratorios of panegyric to charm them?",
+                "[113] Accordingly, that empty one, Balaam, though he sang loftiest hymns to God, among which is that most Divine of canticles “God is not as man” (Num. 23:19), and poured out a thousand eulogies on him whose eyes were open, even Israel, has been adjudged impious and accursed even by the wise lawgiver, and held to be an utterer not of blessings but of curses.",
+                "[114] For Moses says that as the hired confederate of Israel’s enemies he became an evil prophet of evil things, nursing in his soul direst curses on the race beloved of God, but forced with mouth and tongue to give prophetic utterance to most amazing benedictory prayers: for the words that were spoken were noble words, whose utterance was prompted by God the Lover of Virtue, but the intentions, in all their vileness, were the offspring of a mind that looked on virtue with loathing.",
+                "[115] Evidence of this is afforded by the oracles relating to the matter; for it says “God did not give Balaam leave to curse thee, but turned his curses into blessing” (Deut. 23:5), though indeed every word he uttered was charged with fulness of benediction. But He Who looks upon what is stored up in the soul, saw, with the Eye that alone has power to discern them, the things that are out of sight of created beings, and on the ground of these passed the sentence of condemnation, being at once an absolutely true Witness, and an incorruptible Judge.",
+                "For on the same principle praise is due to the converse of this, namely, when one seems to revile and accuse with the voice, and is in intent conveying blessing and benediction.",
+                "[116] This is obviously the custom of proctors, of home tutors, schoolmasters, parents, seniors, magistrates, laws: all of these, by reproaches, and sometimes by punishments, effect improvement in the souls of those whom they are educating. And not one of them is an enemy to a single person, but all are friends of them all: and the business of friends inspired by genuine and unfeigned goodwill is to use plain language without any spite whatever.",
+                "[117] Let no treatment, then, that is marked by prayers and blessings on the one hand, or by abusing and cursing on the other hand, be referred to the way it finds vent in speech, but rather to the intention; for from this, as from a spring, is supplied the means of testing each kind of spoken words."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[118] This is Moses’ first lesson; he tells us what befalls others for the virtuous man’s sake, whenever they consent to visit him with blame or praise, with prayers or imprecations: but greatest of all is that which follows; he tells us that, when these hold their peace, no portion of rational existence is left without its share of benefit bestowed: for He says that “In thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed” (Gen. 12:3).",
+                "[119] This is a pregnant and significant announcement; for it implies that, if the mind continues free from harm and sickness, it has all its tribes and powers in a healthy condition, those whose province is sight and hearing and all others concerned with sense-perception, and those again that have to do with pleasures and desires, and all that are undergoing transformation from the lower to the higher emotions.",
+                "[120] Further there have been instances of a household or a city or a country or nations and regions of the earth enjoying great prosperity through a single man giving his mind to nobility of character. Most of all has this been so in the case of one on whom God has bestowed, together with a good purpose, irresistible power, just as He gives to the musician and every artist the instruments which his music or his art requires, or as He gives to fire logs as its material.",
+                "[121] For in truth the righteous man is the foundation on which mankind rests. All that he himself has he brings into the common stock and gives in abundance for the benefit of all who shall use them. What he does not find in his own store, he asks for at the hands of God, the only possessor of unlimited riches; and He opens his heavenly treasury and sends His good things, as He does the snow and the rain, in ceaseless downpour, so that the channels and cavities of earth’s whole face overflow.",
+                "[122] And it is His wont to bestow these gifts in answer to the word of supplication, from which He does not turn His ear away; for it is said in another place, when Moses had made a petition, “I am gracious to them in accordance with thy word” (Num. 14:20); and this is evidently equivalent to “In thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed.”",
+                "And it is by reason of this that Abraham, the wise, when he had made trial of God’s unvarying loving-kindness, believed that, even if all else be done away, but some small relic of virtue be preserved as a live coal to kindle with, for the sake of this little piece He looks with pity on the rest also, so as to raise up fallen things and to quicken dead things (Gen. 18:24 ff.).",
+                "[123] For a smouldering spark, even the very smallest, when it is blown up and made to blaze, lights a great pile; and so the least particle of virtue, when, warmed into life by bright hopes, it has shone out, gives sight to eyes that erst were closed and blind, and causes withered things to bloom again, and recovers to prolific fertility all that were barren by nature and therefore without offspring. Even so scanty goodness by God’s favour expands and becomes abundant, assimilating all else to itself."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] Let us pray then that, like a central pillar in a house, there may constantly remain for the healing of our maladies the righteous mind in the soul and in the human race the righteous man; for while he is sound and well, there is no cause to despair of the prospect of complete salvation, for our Saviour God holds out, we may be sure, the most all-healing remedy, His gracious Power, and commits it to His suppliant and worshipper to use for the deliverance of those who are sickly, that he may apply it as an embrocation to those soul-wounds which were left gaping by the sword-edge of follies and injustices and all the rest of the horde of vices.",
+                "[125] The most patent example is righteous Noah, who, when so many parts of the soul had been swallowed up by the great Flood, valiantly riding upon the waves that buoyed him up, stood firm high above every peril, and, when he had come safe through all, put forth from himself fair roots and great, out of which there grew up like a plant wisdom’s breed and kind; which, attaining goodly fertility, bore those threefold fruits of the seeing one, even of “Israel,” that mark the threefold divisions of eternity, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob;",
+                "[126]for in the All virtue is, shall be, has been: covered with a dark shadow, it may be, by men’s missings of the due season but revealed again by due season that ever follows in God’s steps. In such due season does “Sarah” who is sound sense, give birth to a man-child, putting forth her fruit not according to the changes of the year measured by lapse of time, but in accordance with a fitness and fulness of season that time does not determine: for it is said “I will certainly return unto thee according to this season when the time comes round; and Sarah thy wife shall have a son” (Gen. 18:10)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] We have now dealt with the subject of the gifts which God is wont to bestow both on those who are to become wise and for their sake on others. We are told next that “Abraham journeyed even as the Lord spoke to him” (Gen. 12:4).",
+                "[128] This is the aim extolled by the best philosophers, to live agreeably to nature; and it is attained whenever the mind, having entered on virtue’s path, walks in the track of right reason and follows God, mindful of His injunctions, and always and in all places recognizing them all as valid both in action and in speech.",
+                "[129] For “he journeyed just as the Lord spake to him”: the meaning of this is that as God speaks—and He speaks with consummate beauty and excellence—so the good man does everything, blamelessly keeping straight the path of life, so that the actions of the wise man are nothing else than the words of God.",
+                "[130] So in another place He says, “Abraham did ‘all My law’ ” (Gen. 26:5): “Law” being evidently nothing else than the Divine word enjoining what we ought to do and forbidding what we should not do, as Moses testifies by saying “he received a law from His words” (Deut. 33:3 f.). If, then, the law is a Divine word, and the man of true worth “does” the law, he assuredly “does” the word: so that, as I said, God’s words are the wise man’s “doings.”",
+                "[131] To follow God is, then, according to Moses, that most holy man, our aim and object, as he says elsewhere too, “thou shalt go in the steps of the Lord thy God” (Deut. 13:4). He is not speaking of movement by the use of our legs, for, while earth carries man, I do not know whether even the whole universe carries God; but is evidently employing figurative language to bring out how the soul should comply with those Divine ordinances, the guiding principle of which is the honouring of Him to Whom all things owe their being."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Using still loftier language to express the irrepressible craving for moral excellence, he calls on them to <i>cleave</i> to Him. His words are: “Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and Him shalt thou serve, and to Him shalt thou cleave” (Deut. 10:20). What then is the cementing substance? Do you ask, what? Piety, surely, and faith: for these virtues adjust and unite the intent of the heart to the incorruptible Being: as Abraham when he believed is said to “come near to God” (Gen. 18:23).",
+                "[133] If, however, as he goes on his way, he neither becomes weary, so that he gives in and collapses, nor grows remiss, so that he turns aside, now in this direction, now in that, and goes astray missing the central road that never diverges; but, taking the good runners as his example, finishes the race of life without stumbling, when he has reached the end he shall obtain crowns and prizes as a fitting guerdon.",
+                "[134] Are not the crowns and prizes just this, not to have missed the end of his labours, but to have obtained those final aims of good sense that are so hard of attainment?",
+                "What, then, is the end of right-mindedness? To pronounce on himself and all created being the verdict of folly; for the final aim of knowledge is to hold that we know nothing, He alone being wise, who is also alone God.",
+                "[135] Accordingly Moses does right well in representing Him as both the Father of the universe and Overseer of the things created, where he says: “God saw all things which He had made, and lo! they were fair exceedingly” (Gen. 1:31): for it was not possible for anyone perfectly to see the things which had been formed save their Maker.",
+                "[136] Come forward now, you who are laden with vanity and gross stupidity and vast pretence, you that are wise in your own conceit and not only declare (in every case) that you perfectly know what each object is, but go so far as to venture in your audacity to add the reasons for its being what it is, as though you had either been standing by at the creation of the world, and had observed how and out of what materials its several parts were fashioned, or had acted as advisers to the Creator regarding the things He was forming—come,",
+                "[137] I say, and then, letting go all other things whatever, take knowledge of yourselves, and say clearly who you are, in body, in soul, in sense-perception, in reason and speech, in each single one, even the most minute, of the subdivisions of your being. Declare what sight is and how you see, what hearing is and how you hear, what taste, touch, smelling are, and how you act in accordance with each of them, or what are the springs and sources of these, from which is derived their very being.",
+                "[138] For pray do not, O ye senseless ones, spin your airy fables about moon or sun or the other objects in the sky and in the universe so far removed from us and so varied in their natures, until you have scrutinized and come to know yourselves. After that, we may perhaps believe you when you hold forth on other subjects: but before you establish who you yourselves are, do not think that you will ever become capable of acting as judges or trustworthy witnesses in the other matters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] This being the case, the Mind, when he has reached the summit, will render the sum of his tribute to God the consummator, in accordance with the all-holy writ, for there is a law that the sum is the Lord’s (Num. 31:28 ff.). When, then, does he render it? When he has arrived “on the third day at the place which God had told him of” (Gen. 22:3), having passed the greater number of the divisions of time, and already quitting them for the existence that is timeless:",
+                "[140] for then too he will sacrifice his only son, no human being (for the wise man is not a slayer of his offspring), but the male progeny of the rich and fertile soul, the fruit that blossomed upon it. How the soul bore it she does not know: it is a Divine growth; and when it appeared she that seemed to have given birth to it acknowledges her ignorance of the good thing that had occurred in the words “who shall announce to Abraham” (for she assumed that he did not believe in the rising up of the breed that learns without a teacher), “who shall tell Abraham that Sarah is suckling a child” (Gen. 21:7)? It does not say “a child is being suckled by Sarah,” for the kind that is taught without a teacher is nourished by no one, but is a source of nourishment to others, being capable of teaching and not needing to learn.",
+                "[141] “For I bare a son,” she continues, not as Egyptian women do in their bodily prime (Ex. 1:19), but as the Hebrew souls do, “in my old age” (Gen. 21:7), at a time, that is, when all things that are mortal and objects of sense-perception have decayed, while things immortal and intellectually discerned have grown young again, meet recipients of honour and esteem.",
+                "[142] Furthermore, “I gave birth” without requiring extraneous aid from the midwife’s skill: for we give birth even before there come in to us any imaginations of man’s knowledge, without the co-operation that custom supplies, for God begets and sows the seed of those goodly births, which, as is meet and right, are rendered to Him Who gave them, in fulfilment of the law laid down for thanksgiving: “My gifts, My endowments, My fruits” He says, “be careful to offer unto Me” (Num. 28:2)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[143] This is the end of the way of those who follow the words and injunctions of the law, and march in whatever direction God leads the way: but the man who gives in under the assaults of the foe, who hungers after pleasure and is lickerish for passion, whose name is “Amalek,” which means “a people licking up”—this man shall find himself cut off.",
+                "[144] The oracles signify that the Amalek type of character lies in ambush, when it is aware that the more stalwart portion of the soul-army has gone by, rises up from its ambuscade and “smites or ‘cuts’ the hindmost” (Deut. 25:17 f.) or the labouring rear.",
+                "“Labouring” may be used of a readiness to give in, a feebleness of reason’s functioning, an inability to bear the burdens needed to win virtue. This is a condition which, when found lagging at the extreme rear, falls an easy prey. Or the word may connote brave endurance in a noble cause, a sturdy readiness to undertake all noble tasks together, a refusal to support the weight of any base thing, though it be the very lightest, nay a rejection of it as though it were the heaviest burden.",
+                "[145] Hence it comes that the Law gave Virtue the appropriate name “Leah,” which when translated is “growing weary”; for Virtue has, as she well may do, made up her mind that the way of life of the wicked, so essentially burdensome and heavy, is full of weariness, and she refuses so much as to look at it, turning her gaze away from it and fixing it on the morally beautiful alone.",
+                "[146] But let the mind be bent not only on following God with alert and unfailing steps, but also on keeping the straight course. Let it not incline to either side, either to what is on the right hand or to what is on the left, where Edom, of the earth earthy, has his lurking holes, and thus be the victim now of excesses and extravagances, now of shortcomings and deficiencies. For better is it to walk on the central road, the road that is truly “the king’s” (Num. 20:17), seeing that God, the great and only King, laid it out a broad and goodly way for virtue-loving souls to keep to.",
+                "[147] Hence it is that some of those who followed the mild and social form of philosophy, have said that the virtues are means, fixing them in a borderland, feeling that the overweening boastfulness of a braggart is bad, and that to adopt a humble and obscure position is to expose yourself to attack and oppression, whereas a fair and reasonable mixture of the two is beneficial."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] We have to consider what is meant by “Lot went with him” (Gen. 12:4). “Lot” by interpretation is “turning aside” or “inclining away.” The mind “inclines,” sometimes turning away from what is good, sometimes from what is bad. Oftentimes both tendencies are observable in one and the same person: for some men are irresolute, facers both ways, inclining to either side like a boat tossed by winds from opposite quarters, or swaying up and down as though on a pair of scales, incapable of becoming firmly settled on one: with such there is nothing praiseworthy even in their taking a turn to the better course; for it is the result not of judgement but of drift.",
+                "[149] Of this crew Lot is a member, who is said to have left his home with the lover of wisdom. When he had set out to follow his steps, it would have been well for him to unlearn lack of learning and to have retraced his steps to it no more. The fact is, however, that he comes with him, not that he may imitate the man who is better than he and so gain improvement, but actually to create obstacles which pull him back, and drag him elsewhere and make him slip in this direction or that.",
+                "[150] Here is a proof of it. We shall find Lot having a relapse, suffering from the old complaint, carried off a prisoner of war by the enemies in the soul; and Abraham, resorting to every device to guard against his ambuscades and attacks, setting up separate quarters.",
+                "This separation he will effect later on, but not as yet. For at present he is but a novice in the contemplation and study of things Divine and his principles are unformed and wavering. By and by they will have gained consistency and rest on a firmer foundation, and he will be able to dissociate from himself the ensnaring and flattering element as an irreconcilable and elusive foe.",
+                "[151] For it is this from which the soul can so hardly disengage itself as it clings to it and hinders it from making swift progress in reaching virtue. This it was, when we were abandoning Egypt, all the bodily region, and were hastening to unlearn the passions in obedience to the instructions of the word of prophecy, even Moses,—it was this, I say, that followed us, checking our zeal to be gone, and moved by envy to retard the speed of our departure:",
+                "[152] for we read “and a mixed multitude went up with them, both sheep and oxen and beasts very many” (Ex. 12:38), and this mixed multitude was, in fact, the soul’s herd of beast-like doctrines."
+            ],
+            [
+                "And very well and appropriately does he call the soul of the bad man “mixed”: for it is brought together and collected and a medley in very deed, consisting of many discordant opinions, one in number but myriad in its manifoldness.",
+                "[153] For this reason it is called a “multitude” or “numerous” as well as “mixed”; for he that has an eye to a single aim only is single and unmixed and truly smooth and level, but he that sets before himself many aims for his life is manifold and mixed and truly rough. It is for this reason that the oracles represent Jacob, the trainer of himself for nobility, as smooth, but Esau, who exercised himself in basest things, as rough with hair (Gen. 27:11).",
+                "[154] What befell the Mind, when it escaped from Egypt the country of the body, was due to this mixed and rough multitude, a conglomeration of promiscuous and diverse opinions. It could have made rapid progress and in three days (Gen. 22:3) have entered upon the inheritance of virtue by a threefold light, memory of things gone by, clear sight of things present, and the expectation of things to come. Instead of this, for the space of forty years, for all that length of time, it wears itself out wandering and going round circle-wise, in obedience to the “manifold” element with its many twistings, when it behoved it to have taken the straight way which was the speediest.",
+                "[155] It is this mixed multitude which takes delight not in a few species of lusting only, but claims to leave out nothing at all, that it may follow after lust’s entire genus, including all its species. For we read “the mixed people that was among them ‘craved after lust,’ after the genus itself, not some single species, ‘and sat down and wept’ ” (Num. 11:4).",
+                "For the understanding is conscious of its feebleness, and when it cannot obtain what it is longing for, it weeps and groans; and yet it had cause to rejoice at missing passions and sicknesses, and to consider the dearth and absence of them great prosperity.",
+                "[156] And yet indeed it is not unusual for the devotees of virtue themselves to be much moved and to shed tears, either when bemoaning the misfortunes of the unwise owing to their innate fellow-feeling and humaneness, or by reason of being overjoyed. This last occurs when, as is sometimes the case, a sudden shower of unexpected good things falls, and they come all at once like a flood. I fancy that it is to this that we must refer the expression of the poet,",
+                "She laughed with glad tears in her eyes.",
+                "[157] For joy, that best of the good emotions, when it has fallen upon the soul unexpectedly, makes it larger than it was before, so that owing to its size the body has no longer room for it, and as it is squeezed and compressed it distils moist drops, which we are in the habit of calling “tears.” Of these it is said in the Psalms, “Thou shalt feed us with the bread of tears” (Ps. 79 [80] 6), and “My tears have been my bread by day and by night” (Ps. 41 [42] 4). For tears, that rise to the surface from the inward heart-felt laughter, are food to the understanding, coming when the love of God has sunk deep in and turned the dirge of created being into a canticle of praise to the Uncreate."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] While some regard this rough and motley type as outcast, and keep it at a distance from themselves, having delight in the God-beloved kind only, others actually form ties of fellowship with it, holding that their own place in human life should be midway, set as a borderland between virtues human and Divine, and thus they aim at being in touch with both the real and the reputed virtues.",
+                "[159] To this school belongs the politician’s frame of mind, to which it is customary to give the name “Joseph.” When he is about to bury his father there go off with him “all the servants of Pharaoh and the elders of his house and all the elders of Egypt and all his whole household, Joseph and his brethren and all his father’s house” (Gen. 50:7 f.).",
+                "[160] Do you notice that this politician takes his position in the midst between the house of Pharaoh and his father’s house? that his object is to be equally in touch with the concerns of the body, which is Egypt, and those of the soul which are kept as in a treasury in his father’s house? For when he says “I belong to God” (Gen. 50:19) and other things of this kind, he is abiding by the customs of his father’s house. But when he mounts “the second chariot” of the mind that fancies itself a king, even Pharaoh (Gen. 41:43), he again sets up the idol of Egyptian vanity.",
+                "[161] Though indeed more wretched than he is the king who is thought to be more glorious, who rides in the principal chariot: for to win distinction in things that are without moral beauty is a most patent disgrace, just as to carry off the second prize in such things is a less weighty evil.",
+                "[162] Of his proneness to face both ways you may get an idea from the oaths which he is represented as taking, at one moment swearing “yea by the health of Pharaoh” (Gen. 42:16) and then on the contrary, “no, by the health of Pharaoh” (Gen. 42:15). The oath containing the negative is one that his father’s house would prescribe, being always a mortal foe to passion and wishing it dead; the other oath is one that Egypt might prescribe, for passion’s welfare is dear to it.",
+                "[163] It is for all these reasons that, though so great a number went up with Joseph, Moses does not call them a mixed multitude; for whereas in the view of the man whose vision is quite perfect and who is a lover of virtue, all that is not virtue and virtue’s doing seems to be mixed up and to be in confusion, in the eyes of the man who still cherishes low aims earth’s prizes are deemed to be in themselves worthy of love and worthy of honour."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[164] The lover of sound sense will, therefore, as I said, set a barrier between him and the man who, like a drone, has set himself to make havoc of the useful labours of the bees, and who follows for the sake of doing this, while those who in their enthusiasm for all that is morally excellent accompany them on their journey from a wish to copy them, he will welcome and allot to them such portions as are suitable: for Abraham says “of the men that journeyed with me Eshcol and Aunan, these shall receive Mamre as their portion” (Gen. 14:24); meaning characters well endowed by nature and lovers of the higher vision.",
+                "[165] For Eshcol is a symbol of good natural ability, his name meaning “fire,” for natural ability like fire is full of daring, and hot, and fastens on whatever it touches. Aunan represents the vision-lover, for it means “eyes,” since the eyes of the soul also are opened by cheerfulness. And of both of these the contemplative life is the inheritance receiving the name of Mamre, which in our language is “from seeing”; and there is an intimate connexion between seeing and contemplation.",
+                "[166] When the mind, having such trainers as these, omits nothing that will make for its training, it runs by the side of perfect sound sense, neither getting in front nor dropping behind, but taking strides of the same length and strength. This is manifest from the plain statement of the oracle that they “both journeyed and came together to the place of which God had told him” (Gen. 22:8).",
+                "[167] There is indeed an extraordinary equality in virtues, when labour has vied with natural fitness, and acquired skill with self-tutored nature, and the pair have proved capable of carrying off virtue’s prizes in equal measure. It is just as though painting and sculpture were producing not only as they do now creations destitute of movement and life, but had the power to make the works of brush and chisel living and moving things; it would then be felt, that whereas they were formerly arts copying Nature’s works, they had now become themselves embodiments of nature."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[168] One that has been exalted so high above the earth will no longer suffer any parts of his soul to have their converse down below among things mortal, but will draw them all up with him, just like bodies hanging on a rope. So a divine intimation was given to the wise man to this effect: “Come up to thy Lord, thou and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu and seventy of the Senate of Israel” (Ex. 24:1).",
+                "[169] This means: “Come up, O soul, to behold the Existent One, come with thy being in harmony, that is, with thy speech and reason active, come willingly, fearlessly, affectionately, come in the holy and perfect measures of seven multiplied tenfold.” For “Aaron” is called in the Laws Moses’ prophet (Ex. 7:1),  speech acting as prophet to understanding, and “Nadab,” meaning voluntary, is he that under no constraint does honour to the Deity, while “Abihu” means “my father,” and represents the man who stands in need of God to govern him, not as a master owing to his folly, but much rather as a father owing to his good sense.",
+                "[170] These are the powers that form the bodyguard of the mind that is worthy of sovereignty, and it is meet that they should accompany the King as His escort.",
+                "But the soul has reason to fear ascending in its own strength to the sight of Him that IS, ignorant as it is of the way, lifted up as it is at once by ignorance and by daring, and grievous are the falls that have been occasioned by lack of knowledge and excess of boldness;",
+                "[171] and therefore Moses prays that he may have God Himself, to guide him to the way that leads to Him; for he says: “If Thou Thyself goest not with me on my journey, lead me not up hence” (Ex. 33:15): for loss is entailed by all movement that is not under Divine direction, and it is better to stay where we are, roaming, with the bulk of mankind, through this mortal life, rather than to lift ourselves heavenward and incur shipwreck as imposters. This has been the fate of multitudes of sophists, through their imagining that wisdom consists in finding specious arguments, and not in appealing to the solid evidence of facts.",
+                "[172] But perhaps the force of the prayer may be such as this: “Raise me not up on high, endowing me with wealth or fame or honours or offices, or aught else that is called good fortune, unless Thou Thyself art about to come with me.” For these things often bring upon those who have them very great losses as well as very great advantages, advantages, when the judgement is under God’s guidance; hurts, when this is not so: for to thousands the things I have named, not being really good things, have become the cause of incurable evils.",
+                "[173] Now he that follows God has of necessity as his fellow-travellers the words and thoughts that attend Him, angels as they are often called. What we read is that “Abraham travelled with them, joining with them in escorting them on their way” (Gen. 18:16). What a glorious privilege to be put on a level with them! The escort is escorted; he gives what he was receiving; not one thing in return for another, but just one thing only that lies ready to be passed backwards and forwards from one to the other.",
+                "[174] For as long as he falls short of perfection, he has the Divine Word as his leader: since there is an oracle which says, “Lo, I send My messenger before thy face, to guard thee in thy way, that he may bring thee in into the land which I have prepared for thee: give heed to him, and hearken to him, disobey him not; for he will by no means withdraw from thee; for My name is on him” (Ex. 23:20 f.).",
+                "[175] But when he has arrived at full knowledge, he will run with more vigorous effort, and his pace will be as great as that of him who before led the way; for so they will both become attendants on the All-leading God, and no holder of strange doctrines will follow after them any more. Nay, even Lot has been severed from their company, for he bent aside his soul which had the capacity to grow up straight and unswerving."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[176] “And Abraham was,” he says “seventy and five years old when he went out from Haran” (Gen. 12:4). On the number of the five and seventy years, whose import agrees with what has just been said, we will dwell in detail at a later time. Let us first examine the significance of Haran and of the removal from this country.",
+                "[177] No one versed in the Laws is likely to be unaware that at an earlier date Abraham migrated from Chaldea and dwelt in Haran, and that after his father’s death there, he removes from that country also, so that he has at this point already quitted two places.",
+                "[178] What remark does this call for? The Chaldeans have the reputation of having, in a degree quite beyond that of other peoples, elaborated astronomy and the casting of nativities. They have set up a harmony between things on earth and things on high, between heavenly things and earthly. Following as it were the laws of musical proportion, they have exhibited the universe as a perfect concord or symphony produced by a sympathetic affinity between its parts, separated indeed in space, but housemates in kinship.",
+                "[179] These men imagined that this visible universe was the only thing in existence, either being itself God or containing God in itself as the soul of the whole. And they made Fate and Necessity divine, thus filling human life with much impiety, by teaching that apart from phenomena there is no originating cause of anything whatever, but that the circuits of sun and moon and of the other heavenly bodies determine for every being in existence both good things and their opposites.",
+                "[180] Moses, however, while he seems to confirm the sympathetic affinity of its parts displayed throughout the universe, is at variance with their opinion concerning God. He endorses the former doctrine by declaring the universe to be one and to have been made; for if it came into being and is one, it stands to reason that all its completed several parts have the same elementary substances for their substratum, on the principle that interdependence of the parts is a characteristic of bodies which constitute a unity.",
+                "[181] He differs from their opinion about God, holding that neither the universe nor its soul is the primal God, and that the constellations or their revolutions are not the primary causes of the things that happen to men. Nay, he teaches that the complete whole around us is held together by invisible powers, which the Creator has made to reach from the ends of the earth to heaven’s furthest bounds, taking forethought that what was well bound should not be loosened: for the powers of the Universe are chains that cannot be broken.",
+                "[182] Wherefore, even though it be said somewhere in the Law-book “God in heaven above and on the earth below” (Deut. 4:39), let no one suppose that He that IS is spoken of, since the existent Being can contain, but cannot be contained. What is meant is that potency of His by which He established and ordered and marshalled the whole realm of being.",
+                "[183] This potency is nothing else than loving-kindness; it has driven away from itself envy with its hatred of virtue and of moral beauty; it is the mother of gracious deeds by which, bringing into created existence things that were not, it displayed them to view; for that which IS, though in opinion it be imagined everywhere, in reality shews itself nowhere, so that that is a most true oracle in which the words “Here am I” which describe Him—Him that cannot be pointed out, as though He were being pointed out, Him that is invisible, as though He were visible—are followed by the words, “before that thou wert made” (Ex. 17:6): for He is before all creation; His goings are outside it; nor is He present in any of the things that come after Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[184] All this is said to refute the Chaldean opinion, but side by side with this Moses deems it his duty to change the way of thinking of those whose judgement still inclines to Chaldeanism, and to recall them to the truth, and he begins his lesson in this way: “How strange it is, my friends, that you have been suddenly lifted to such a height above the earth and are floating there, and, leaving the lower air beneath you, are treading the ether above, thinking to master every detail respecting the movements of the sun, and of the circuits of the moon, and of the glorious rhythmical dances of the other constellations. These are too high to be reached by your powers of thought, for a lot is theirs happy and divine beyond the common.",
+                "[185] Come down therefore from heaven, and, when you have come down, do not begin in turn to pass in review earth and sea and rivers, and plants and animals in their various kinds; but explore yourselves only and your own nature, and make your abode with yourselves and not elsewhere: for by observing the conditions prevailing in your own individual household, the element that is master in it, and that which is in subjection, the living and the lifeless element, the rational and the irrational, the immortal and the mortal, the better and the worse, you will gain forthwith a sure knowledge of God and of His works.",
+                "[186] Your reason will shew you that, as there is mind in you, so is there in the universe, and that as your mind has taken upon itself sovereign control of all that is in you, and brought every part into subjection to itself, so too He, that is endued with lordship over all, guides and controls the universe by the law and right of an absolute sway, taking forethought not only for those which are of greater, but for those which are of less importance in our eyes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[187] Quit, then, your meddling with heavenly concerns, and take up your abode, as I have said, in yourselves; leave behind you opinion, the country of the Chaldeans, and migrate to Haran, the place of sense-perception, which is understanding’s bodily tenement.",
+                "[188] For the translation of Haran is 188 “hole,” and holes are figures of openings used by sense-perception: for eyes are, in a way, openings and lairs used by sight, ears by hearing, nostrils to receive scents, the throat for tasting, and the whole structure of the body for touch.",
+                "[189] Gain, therefore, by a further sojourn, a peaceful and unhurried familiarity with these, and to the utmost of your power get an exact knowledge of the nature of each, and, when you have thoroughly learned what is good and bad in each, shun the one, and choose the other.",
+                "And when you have surveyed all your individual dwelling with absolute exactitude, and have acquired an insight into the true nature of each of its parts, bestir yourselves and seek for your departure hence, for it is a call not to death but to immortality.",
+                "[190] You will be able to descry sure indications of this, even while held fast in the dens and caves of the body and of the objects of sense. In deep sleep the mind quits its place, and, withdrawing from the perceptions and all other bodily faculties, begins to hold converse with itself, fixing its gaze on truth as on a mirror, and, having purged away as defilements all the impressions made upon it by the mental pictures presented by the senses, it is filled with Divine frenzy and discerns in dreams absolutely true prophecies concerning things to come. Thus is it at times. Or again it may be in waking hours.",
+                "[191] For when the mind, possessed by some philosophic principle, is drawn by it, it follows this, and needs must be oblivious of other things, of all the concerns of the cumbersome body. And if the senses are a hindrance to the exact sight of the spiritual object, those who find happiness in beholding are at pains to crush their attack; they shut their eyes, and stop up their ears, and check the impulses bred by their other senses, and deem it well to spend their days in solitude and darkness, that no object of sense-perception may bedim the eye of the soul, to which God has given the power to see things spiritual."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[192] If in this way you learn to effect a divorce from what is mortal, you will go on to receive an education in your conceptions regarding the Uncreate. For you surely do not imagine that, while your mind, having divested itself of body, sense-perception, speech, can, apart from these, see in their nakedness the things that are, the Mind of the universe, God, has not His abiding-place outside all material nature, containing, not contained, or doubt that He has gone forth beyond its confines not in thought alone, as man does, but in essential being also, as befits God.",
+                "[193] For our mind has not created the body, but is the workmanship of Another; and it is therefore contained in the body as in a vessel. But the Mind of all things has brought the universe into existence; and that which has made is superior to the thing made, so that it could not be included in its inferior; nor indeed would it be fitting that a father should be contained in a son, but rather that a son should attain full growth under his father’s care.",
+                "[194] In this way the mind gradually changing its place will arrive at the Father of piety and holiness. Its first step is to relinquish astrology, which betrayed it into the belief that the universe is the primal God, instead of being the handywork of the primal God, and that the courses and movements of the constellations are the causes of bad and good fortune to mankind.",
+                "[195] Next it enters upon the consideration of itself, makes a study of the features of its own abode, those that concern the body and sense-perception, and speech, and comes to know, as the phrase of the poet puts it,",
+                "All that existeth of good and of ill in the halls of thy homestead.",
+                "The third stage is when, having opened up the road that leads from self, in hope thereby to come to discern the Universal Father, so hard to trace and unriddle, it will crown maybe the accurate self-knowledge it has gained with the knowledge of God Himself. It will stay no longer in Haran, the organs of sense, but withdraw into itself. For it is impossible that the mind whose course still lies in the sensible rather than the mental should arrive at the contemplation of Him that IS."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[196] This is why the character appointed to the highest post in God’s service, who is called “Samuel,” does not set forth the duties of kingship to Saul, while still lingering amid the baggage, but when he has drawn him out thence. For he inquires of the Lord whether the man is still on his way hither, and the divine reply is, “Lo, <i>he</i> hath hidden himself among the baggage.”",
+                "[197] What, then, does it become the recipient of this answer to do, endowed as he is by nature with power to exercise discipline, save to draw him forth with all haste? So we read, “he ran thither and taketh him thence” (1 Sam. 10:22 f.), because, while lingering amid such vessels of the soul as body and sense-perception, he was not competent to listen to the principles and rules of kingship—and we pronounce wisdom to be kingship, for we pronounce the wise man to be a king. These principles could only be learnt through his changing his place, when the dark mist would disperse and he would have keen vision. No wonder, then, that the associate of knowledge deems it necessary to quit also the country of sense-perception, called Haran.",
+                "[198] When he quits the country he is five and seventy years old; and this number represents the borderland between perceptible and intelligible being, between older and younger, between corruptible and incorruptible.",
+                "[199] For seventy represents the principle of intellectual apprehension, of seniority and of incorruption, while the principle that corresponds numerically to the five senses is that of juniority and sense-perception. Under the head of this principle is classed the Trainer of self still at his exercises, not yet qualified to carry off the prize of complete victory; for we read, “the full number of souls sprung from Jacob was five and seventy” (Ex. 1:5):",
+                "[200] for the offspring of the champion who does not make havoc of the truly holy contest for the winning of virtue, are not bodies but souls, souls from which the irrational element has not yet been eliminated, and which still have sense-perception’s gang hanging on to them. For “Jacob” is a name belonging to one wrestling, and preparing for the arena, and tripping up his adversary, not of one who has won the victory.",
+                "[201] But when, now deemed capable of seeing God, he shall have received the new name of “Israel,” he will have resort only to the principle of seventy, having cut out the five which pertains to the senses; for it is written “amounting to seventy souls thy fathers went down into Egypt” (Deut. 10:22).",
+                "This is the number intimately associated with the wise Moses; for the men picked out for their excellence from all the host were seventy, and all of them elders, not in age but in good sense and counsel and judgement and ways of thinking worthy of men of old.",
+                "[202] Sacrifices and dues paid to God are determined by this number, whenever the ripe fruits of the soul are gathered in and collected; for it is prescribed at the Feast of Tabernacles, over and above the other sacrifices, to offer seventy young bullocks as a burnt offering (Num. 29:13–36). The bowls of the princes are fashioned in keeping with the principle of seventy—for each of them is of the weight of seventy shekels (Num. 7:13 ff.)—since everything in the soul that tends to peace and friendship and agreement has a truly weighty power of attraction, that sacred principle set forth by seventy, which Egypt, the virtue-hating and passion-loving nature, is represented as mourning over; for among them mourning is reckoned as lasting seventy days (Gen. 50:3)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[203] This number, then, is, as I have said, intimately associated with Moses; but the number belonging to the five senses with him who hails as friends the body and the things outside the body, him who is usually called “Joseph.” So great is his devotion to these, that, while hardly owning the tie of a common fatherhood, he bestows upon his uterine brother, the offspring of sense-perception, five changes of raiment (Gen. 45:22), deeming the senses pre-eminent and deserving of adornment and honour.",
+                "[204] He sets up laws moreover for all Egypt, that honour may be paid to the senses and tribute and contributions rendered to them as sovereigns every year: for he commands the Egyptians to pay a fifth part of the corn, which means that they are to store in treasuries materials and food in abundance for the five senses, that so each of them incessantly glutting itself with its own objects may wanton and drown the mind under the weight of all that it devours. For understanding is starved when the senses feast, as on the other hand it makes merry when they are fasting.",
+                "[205] Do you not notice, that the five daughters of Zelophehad, whom we take to be a figure of the senses, are of the tribe of Manasseh, who is Joseph’s son, elder in age, younger in efficiency? Fitly is he younger, for his name means “from forgetfulness,” and that is a thing equivalent to “recalling to mind.” But the first prize goes to Memory, the second to Recollection, and Ephraim is named after Memory, for his name when translated is “Fruit-bearing,” and the fairest and most nourishing fruit of the soul is remembering with no forgetfulness.",
+                "[206] And so the maidens say what perfectly fits in with what they really are. “Our father died”—yes, the death of recollection is forgetfulness—“and he died by reason of no sin of his own”—quite rightly said, for forgetfulness is no voluntary experience, but one of those things that are not in our power, coming upon us from outside—“and he had no sons” (Num. 27:3), but only daughters, for whereas the faculty of memory, being naturally wide awake, has male progeny, forgetfulness, wrapt in a slumber of reasoning power, has female offspring; for it is irrational, and the senses are daughters of the irrational portion of the soul.",
+                "[207] But if anyone has outstripped Joseph in speed and followed Moses, while he still lacks power to keep pace with him, he will live under a mixed and hybrid number, namely seventy-five, which denotes the nature alike of mind and sense-perception, which are both mingled together to produce a single kind, that does not call for our censure."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[208] I profoundly admire also Patience or Rebecca, when she exhorts him who is full-grown in soul and has overthrown the harsh tyranny of vice and passion, even then to flee away to Haran. She says, “Now therefore, my child, hearken to my voice, and arise and flee away to Laban my brother in Haran, and abide with him some days, until the wrath and anger of thy brother turn away from thee, and he forget what thou hast done to him” (Gen. 27:43–45).",
+                "[209] Excellently well does she call the journey to the senses a flight or running away; for the mind proves itself indeed a runaway, whenever it forsakes the objects of intellectual apprehension which are proper to it, and turns to the opposite array of the objects of sense-perception. Yet sometimes even running away is serviceable, when a man does it not out of hatred for the better, but that he may not be exposed to the designs of the worse.",
+                "[210] What, then, is the advice of Patience? A most marvellous and valuable one! If ever, she says, thou seest stirred up to savagery in thyself or some other person the passion of wrath and anger, one of the stock bred and reared by our irrational and untamed nature, beware of whetting its fierceness and yet more rousing the beast in it, when its bites may be incurable, but cool down its excessive heat and perfervid temper and quiet it, for should it become tame and manageable it will inflict but little hurt.",
+                "[211] What, then, is the method of bringing it to a quiet and subdued state? Adapt and transform yourself in outward appearance and follow for the moment whatever it pleases, and opposing no single suggestion of its, profess to share its likes and dislikes. In this way it will be made quite friendly. And when it has been softened, you will drop your feigning, and, free now from the expectation of suffering any evil at its hands, you will comfortably return to the care of your own charges.",
+                "[212] For this is the reason why Haran is represented as full of beasts, and having cattle-rearers as its inhabitants; for what place could be more suitable for irrational nature and those who have taken upon them the charge and patronage of it, than our senses?",
+                "[213] For instance, when the trainer of self inquires “Whence are ye?” the shepherds answer truly “from Haran” (Gen. 29:4); for the irrational faculties come from sense-perception, as do the rational from understanding. When he further inquires whether they know Laban, they naturally say that they know him (Gen. 29:5): for sense-perception is familiar, so it imagines, with every colour and every quality, and Laban is the symbol of colours and varieties of quality.",
+                "[214] But as for Jacob himself, when at last he has been perfected, he quits, as we shall find, the dwelling-place of the senses, and founds that of the soul in the true sense of the word, the dwelling-place which he pictures to himself while still immersed in his toils and exercises; for he says, “When shall I also make for myself a dwelling-place?” (Gen. 30:30). When shall I, looking beyond things perceived and the senses which perceive them, inhabit mind and understanding, educated in and associating with matters which form reason’s contemplation, even as souls do that are in quest of things out of sight?",
+                "[215] To such souls it is customary to give the name of “midwives,” for, like the midwives in Egypt, these make places of shelter and security fit for virtue-loving souls: and the fear of God is as of old the most sure dwelling-place for those who have made Him their guard and impregnable fastness. For it says, “Since the midwives feared God, they made for themselves houses” (Ex. 1:21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[216] To resume. The mind, when it has gone forth from the places about Haran, is said to have travelled through the country as far as the place of Shechem, to the lofty oak-tree (Gen. 12:6). Let us consider what is meant by “travelled through.” Love of learning is by nature curious and inquisitive, not hesitating to bend its steps in all directions, prying into everything, reluctant to leave anything that exists unexplored, whether material or immaterial. It has an extraordinary appetite for all that there is to be seen and heard, and, not content with what it finds in its own country, it is bent on seeking what is in foreign parts and separated by great distances.",
+                "[217] We are reminded that merchants and traders for the sake of trifling profits cross the seas, and compass the wide world, letting stand in their way no summer heat nor winter cold, no tempestuous or contrary winds, neither youth nor age, no sickness of body, neither the daily intercourse with friends nor the pleasure too great for words which we take in wife and children and in all else that is our own, nor the enjoyment of our fatherland and of all the gracious amenities of civic life, nor the safe use of money and property and abundance of other good things, nor in a word anything else either great or small.",
+                "[218] If so, it is monstrous, such speakers urge, when we stand to gain a thing most fair, worth all men’s striving for, the special prerogative of the human race, namely wisdom, to refrain from crossing every sea, from exploring earth’s every recess, in the joy of finding out whether there is in any place aught that is fair to see or hear, and from following the quest of it with utmost zest and keenness, until we can come to the enjoyment of the things that we are seeking and longing for.",
+                "[219] Travel through man also, if thou wilt, O my soul, bringing to examination each component part of him. For instance, to take the first examples that occur, find out what the body is and what it must do or undergo to co-operate with the understanding; what sense-perception is and in what way it is of service to its ruler, mind; what speech is, and what thoughts it must express if it would contribute to nobility of character; what pleasure is, and what desire is; what pain and fear are, and what the healing art is that can counteract them, by means of which a man shall either, if he falls into their hand, without difficulty make his escape, or avoid capture altogether; what it is to play the fool, what to be licentious, what to be unjust, what the multitude of other sicknesses to which it is the nature of pestilential wickedness to give birth, and what the preventive of these; and on the other hand, what righteousness is, or good sense, or self-mastery, courage, discretion, in a word virtue generally and moral welfare, and in what way each of them is wont to be won.",
+                "[220] Travel again through the greatest and most perfect man, this universe, and scan narrowly its parts, how far asunder they are in the positions which they occupy, how wholly made one by the powers which govern them, and what constitutes for them all this invisible bond of harmony and unity. If, however, in your investigation, you do not easily attain the objects of your quest, keep on without giving in, for these “need both hands to catch them,” and only by manifold and painful toil can they be discovered.",
+                "[221] That is why the lover of learning took possession of the place called Shechem, a name which when translated is “shouldering,” a figure of toil, since it is with these parts of the body that we are accustomed to carry loads, as Moses himself calls to mind elsewhere speaking in this wise of one who worked and strove, “he submitted his shoulder to labour, and became a tiller of the soil” (Gen. 49:15).",
+                "[222] Never, then, O my understanding, do thou shew weakness and slacken, but even if aught seem to be hard to discern, open wide the organ in thyself that sees, and stoop to get a view of the inside, and behold with more accurate gaze the things that <i>are</i>, and never either willingly or unwillingly close thine eyes; for sleep is a blind thing, as wakefulness is a thing of keen sight. And it is a sufficient reward to obtain by unremitting inspection a clear impression of the things thou art in search of.",
+                "[223] Do you not see that he says further that a tall oak had been planted in Shechem, thus shewing in a figure the toil of education as a hard and unbreakable substance that never yields or bends? It is a vital matter that he who would be perfect should ply this toil, to the end that the soul’s court of justice, called “Dinah,” which means “judgement,” may not be ravished by him who sinks under the opposite kind of toil, which is the insidious foe of sound sense.",
+                "[224] For the man who bears the name of this place, Shechem, being son of Hamor, that is of an irrational being—for “Hamor” means “ass”—practising folly and nursed in shamelessness and effrontery, essayed—foul wretch that he was—to corrupt and defile the judgement faculties of the understanding. But the hearers and pupils of sound sense, Symeon and Levi, were too quick for him. They made secure their own quarters and went forth against them in safety, and overthrew them when still occupied in the pleasure-loving, passion-loving, toil of the uncircumcised: for albeit there was a Divine decree that “of the daughters of Israel, the seeing one, none might ever become a harlot” (Deut. 23:17), these men hoped to carry off unobserved the virgin soul (Gen. 34).",
+                "[225] Vain hope, for there is no lack of succourers to victims of a breach of faith; but even if some imagine that there is, they will only imagine, but will be convicted by events of holding a false opinion. For Justice has indeed existence, Justice the abhorrer of wickedness, the relentless one, the inexorable, the befriender of those who are wronged, bringing failure upon the aims of those who shame virtue, upon whose fall the soul, that had seemed to have been shamed, becomes again a virgin. Seemed, I said, because it never was defiled. It is with sufferings which we have not willed, as it is with wrongdoings which we have not intended. As there is no real doing in the second case, so there is no real suffering in the first."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE MIGRATIONE",
+            "§ 5. <i>Soul as soul</i>. This phrase, which occurred in <i>Quod Det.</i> 9, belongs, as Posner points out, to Stoic usage. See Sext. Emp. <i>Adv. Math</i>. vii. 233. The Stoics call the φαντασία a τύπωσις ἐν ψυχῇ ὡς ἂν ἐν ψυχῇ, because “impression on the soul” might in itself be applied to a pain felt in any part of the living organism. The addition, ὡς ἂν ἐν ψυχῇ signifies that it is “no chance part” which is affected, but the mind or dominant principle.",
+            "§ 17. <i>Untouched by corruption and worthy of perpetual memory</i>. What is the distinction between ἀξιομνημόνευτα and ἄφθαρτα or ἀδιάφθορα? Apparently the former are Joseph’s vision of, or hope for, the future, while the latter are the record of his life, so far as it is good. Philo may mean that while the record remains in the background as an example, the hope becomes the inspiring principle of the succeeding generations. If so, “ever to be borne in mind” might perhaps give better the sense of ἀξιομνημόνευτα.",
+            "§ 21. <i>He derided lusts</i>, etc. Neither Mangey nor Wendland give the reference to Gen. 39:14 and 17, where Potiphar’s wife says “Lo, he hath brought in a Hebrew servant to mock at us” (ἐμπαίζειν ἡμῖν). Presumably they supposed the words to be a general description of Joseph’s continence. But the form shews that it is a separate item in Joseph’s virtues, each based on a separate text. “Us” is interpreted as meaning “all the passions.” That in the story the “mocking” referred to Joseph’s alleged misconduct matters little or nothing to Philo.",
+            "§ 23. ἀνέχεται … ἐνθάπτεται … παρέπεται. I have no hesitation in rejecting Mangey’s and Wendland’s emendation of these to infinitives. Not only would these require, as Wendland indeed saw, the insertion of τὸ (or rather οἷον τὸ to agree with πολλά), and perhaps the change of οὐ to μή, but the sense seems to me quite inferior. This particular “trait” has already been given as one of the ἀξιομνημόνευτα in § 18. I understand the sentence to sum up all that has been said and to assert that the good deeds and words are the “bones,” which themselves cry to be taken from Egypt, and in fact never have been buried at all, a phrase quite inapplicable to Joseph himself. There would of course from this point of view be no objection to reading ἐνθάπτεσθαι dependent on ἀνέχεται, but no sufficient reason for the alteration.",
+            "§ 24. διακρίνει παρελθών. The text is very perplexing. As H has παρελθόντα, Wendland suggests as a possibility διακρίνεται παρʼ ἐλπίδα. This seems to me out of place. Mangey suggested διακρίνεται παραλυθέντα. The reading which Wendland actually prints, and which has been reproduced here, is not satisfactory, as the παρελθών is very pointless. I should hesitatingly suggest either διακρίνει παρελών, “removes” and “separates,” or better, as retaining the διακρίνεται of all MSS., διακρίνεται παρεισελθόντων, “is separated from adventitious accretions.” παρεισέρχομαι in the sense of “invading surreptitiously” is used by Philo, <i>De Op.</i> 150, <i>De Ebr.</i> 157.",
+            "§ 32. <i>Release</i>. An allusion to the ordinance by which in the sabbatical year the land (here compared to the mind) was to be left fallow, Ex. 33:11 τῷ δὲ ἑβδόμῳ ἄφεσιν ποιήσεις καὶ ἀνήσεις αὐτήν, καὶ ἔδονται οἱ πτωχοὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σου. In Lev. 25:4–7 we have the same ordinance, but with ἀνάπαυσις for ἄφεσις. Philo understands that the land by divine grace will bear plentifully of itself. Compare his φορὰ τῶν αὐτοματιζομένων ἀγαθῶν with τὰ αὐτόματα ἀναβαίνοντα of Lev. He may also be thinking of the somewhat similar ordinance of the Jubilee year, ἐνιαυτὸς ἀφέσεως, though there ἄφεσις means release for the people rather than for the land. On ὥσπερ τῶν ἑκουσίων Mangey wrote “omnino male” and proposed ὡς φόρτων τῶν ἐτησίων. But ἑκούσιος is in Philo’s thought the direct antithesis of αὐτόματος.",
+            "§ 35. ἔσχον γὰρ ἑρμηνείαν, εὕρεσιν. I have adopted Markland’s ἔσχον for σχεδόν, but see every reason against changing εὕρεσιν. The five elements of composition are εὕρεσις, τάξις or οἰκονομία, ἑρμηνεία (otherwise called φράσις, λέξις, ἀπαγγελία), μνήμη, ὑπόκρισις. Philo enumerates them in <i>De Som</i>. i. 205. Of these terms the two last belong entirely to spoken oratory, and τάξις would be out of place. When inspiration comes, the two things that come are “ideas” and “language.” These two (in Latin <i>inventio</i> and <i>elocutio</i>) are often given as the kernel of composition, <i>e.g</i>. Quintilian, Pr. 12 “omnia inventione atque elocutione explicanda sunt.” See note on <i>De Cher.</i> 105.",
+            "§ 42. <i>Insight</i>. The not very common word εἴδησιν is evidently introduced with reference to εἶδεν. So in the other place where Philo uses it (<i>De Plant.</i> 36), it is connected with the tree of knowledge, which in Gen. 2:9 is the tree τοῦ εἰδέναι.",
+            "<i>Ibid. To give teaching … to the ignorant</i>, etc. Or it might be taken “to give teaching … is proper not for the ignorant, but only for the One who knows.” Mangey translates the reading he adopted (see critical note), “decebat igitur ignorantes docere, commonstrareque illis singula, non vero scientem,” apparently meaning that it is right to teach the ignorant, but not to teach God who knows. But apart from the question whether εἶχε εὐπρεπές can mean “decebat,” this has no bearing on the proof that it is God who “shews.”",
+            "§ 49. <i>The various parts of speech</i>. By Philo’s time the primitive division into verbs, nouns, and conjunctions (the first two often standing alone in popular language) had been greatly developed and this is recognized in the συνόλως of § 48. The phrase οἱ εἰς ὀνομάτων καὶ ῥημάτων ἰδέας μεριζόμενοι may recur to the primitive division and suggest that there are only two main ἴδεαι (so the translation), or he may mean that verbs and nouns have their various ἴδεαι or subdivisions, the pronoun being a form of the noun and the adverb of the verb. See the <i>loci classici</i> in Quintilian, i. 4. 18, and Dion. Hal. <i>De Comp</i>. 2.",
+            "§ 54. <i>Both in conduct of life and in principle</i>. Philo’s conception of moral “greatness,” as shewn by his illustrations in § 55, is a full development and intensification of each particular virtue, and this he equates with the power to understand and know. Possibly, therefore, here τὰ περὶ τὸν βίον κατορθώματα = πλῆθος, and τὰ περὶ λόγον = μέγεθος. If so, the former will represent the καθήκοντα or “daily duties” of the Stoics, and the latter their κατορθώματα proper, which connoted to them inwardness and sustained moral purpose. See note on <i>Quod Deus</i> 100.",
+            "§ 69. ἐπιγραφόμενος. This correction of Wendland’s for αἰνιττόμενος is based on the close imitation of the passage in Clem. Alex. <i>Protrept</i>. 25 αἰνίττεται δε … τὸν πολλοὺς ἐπιγραφόμενον ψευδωνύμους θεοὺς ἀντὶ τοῦ μόνου ὄντος θεοῦ, ὥσπερ ὁ ἐκ τῆς πόρνης τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπιγράφεται πατέρας ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν πατρός. Mangey suggested ἀναπλαττόμενος, which is not as good sense, though nearer to the MSS.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Mints them … before</i>. The paraphrastic translation is an attempt to bring out Philo’s play upon ἄσημος and ἐπίσημος as signifying (1) uncoined and coined money, (2) obscure and clear or conspicuous.",
+            "<i>Ibid. In it</i>. Philo quotes Ex. 4:14 in three other places. In <i>De Mut.</i> 168 the MSS. have as here ἐν αὐτῷ. In <i>Quod Det.</i> 126 and 135, they have, as the LXX itself, ἐν ἑαυτῷ and the comment on the latter of these shews that this is what Philo wrote. While printing ἐν αὐτῷ I feel very doubtful as to its correctness here and in <i>De Mut.</i>",
+            "§ 94. <i>Realities</i>. For the philosophical use of ὑπαρκτά <i>cf</i>. τεκμήριον τοῦ ὑπαρκτὴν εἶναι τὴν ἀρετήν, Diog. Laert. vii., and ἔστι μὲν ὑπαρκτὸν πρᾶγμα σοφία, <i>De Mut.</i> 37. Compare the same point in <i>De Sac.</i> 43, where the force of ὑπαρκτά was unfortunately not properly recognized in the translation. Similarly in <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 197 Ἀβραὰμ … τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα … κατέχει, ἀποπέμπεται δὲ τὴν ἵππον τοῦ βασιλέως Σοδόμων ὡς καὶ τὰ ὑπαρκτὰ τῶν παλλακῶν, it now seems clear to me that we should read τὰ &lt;μὴ&gt; ὑπαρκτά, perhaps also τῶν &lt;υἵων τῶν&gt; παλλακῶν.",
+            "§ 125. <i>The threefold divisions of eternity</i>. Or “time.” This curious interpretation of the three patriarchs is perhaps explained in § 154. “The clear sight of things present,” and the “expectation of things to come,” fit in fairly well with the αὐτομαθής and the προκόπτων, the characters regularly assigned to Isaac and Jacob, while the “memory of the past” suits, though not so well, the διδακτικὴ ἀρετή of Abraham. He may also be thinking of Ex. 3:15, where “God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob” is God’s αἰώνιον ὅνομα.",
+            "§ 138. <i>Spin your airy fables</i>. The word ἀερομυθεῖτε need not mean more than talk windily, <i>cf</i>. the use of ἀερόμυθος in the list of vices in <i>De Sacr.</i> 33. But there may be a special significance in it here, as the moon at any rate bordered on the ἀήρ (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 527).",
+            "§ 140. <i>It does not say</i>, etc. This amazing argument admits of no satisfactory explanation. It clearly demands that παιδίον <i>may</i> be nominative, but Mangey’s suggestion to read Σάρραν is out of the question. Apart from other difficulties, the natural negation would be οὐχὶ Σάρρα. Nor can Philo be supposed to have really thought that Σάρρα was indeclinable, seeing that he uses Σάρρας in the same sentence and elsewhere Σάρραν itself. The least unsatisfactory explanation I can give is that he means that Σάρρα, like other O.T. names, which though capable of being declined in Greek are not declined, <i>e.g</i>. Ἀαρών, might conceivably be undeclinable and that therefore Moses, wishing to suggest that, though literally Sarah suckles Isaac, spiritually Isaac suckles Sarah, uses this form rather than the passive, in which no ambiguity would be possible. Possibly also he puts some reliance on παιδίον preceding Σάρρα. See on <i>De Conf.</i> 102.",
+            "§ 150. The allusions in this section are (1) to Lot’s settling in Sodom (Gen. 13:12), which naturally signifies his “old complaint” of ἀμαθία, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Conf.</i> 27, (2) to his capture (14:12) by the Four Kings, signifying the four passions, <i>cf.</i> <i>De Congressu</i> 22, (3) the quarrel between the shepherds of Lot and Abraham (13:7), which Philo unfairly turns into a conflict between the two men.",
+            "§ 160. <i>The idol of Egyptian vanity</i>. The meaning of this is not clear. In the other places where Philo uses Αἰγυπτιακὸς τῦφος it is with reference to the Golden Calf as being a return to Egyptian idolatry. The meaning therefore here may be that by riding behind Pharaoh he acknowledges him as a god. But in <i>De Som</i>. ii. 46, where this incident is referred to, Joseph himself is ὑποτυφόμενος, and <i>ibid</i>. 16 we have ἀναβαίνει ἐπὶ τὴν κενὴν δόξαν ὡς ἐφʼ ἅρμα. This suggests that ἱδρύεται here may mean “seats himself on,” but no real parallel is forthcoming. Mangey suggested ἐνδύεται.",
+            "§ 164. μελιττῶν. The μὲν αὐτῶν of the MSS. seems to me to break down in two ways. There is no antithesis for the μέν. Philo’s μέν indeed is occasionally not followed by δέ, but in these cases there is, wherever I have noted them, an antithesis to something which has gone before. Again, the plural αὐτῶν is quite out of place where both the people concerned are in the singular, and the one cannot be supposed to have any share in the labours of the other. It will be admitted that μελιττῶν makes excellent sense. Textually the ΛΙ of ΜΕΛΙΤΤΩΝ passes very easily into Ν, and Τ with no great difficulty into Υ, and when ΜΕΝΥΤΩΝ had thus been obtained the insertion of Α to make sense would naturally follow.",
+            "§ 165. ὑπʼ εὐθυμίας. It is not clear what cheerfulness has to do with the φιλοθεάμων or why it opens the eyes of the soul. As all MSS. (except H) have ὑπὲρ εὐθυμίας, it is possible, I think, that the true reading may be ὑπʼ ἐρεύνης θείας, which exactly describes the φιλοθεάμων. Compare τῆς τῶν θείων ἐρεύνης, <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 71 and (for the objective use of θεῖος) τῆς θεὶας θεωρίας, § 150 above, and θεῖος ἵμερος, § 157.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Arts copying Nature’s works</i>, etc. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 90, where art is the μίμημα and ἀπεικόνισμα of nature, on which Adler remarks that, as the context shews, it does not mean that art imitates natural objects, but that it follows Nature’s methods. So here ἔργων may be “ways of working,” “processes.”",
+            "§ 174. ὑποστείληταί σε … The Hebrew and E.V. have “will not pardon thy transgression.” Did the LXX. mean much the same “he will not shrink (from punishing)”? At any rate Philo would seem to have taken it in some such sense, for where the text is quoted in the <i>Quaestiones</i> (in Exod. 2:13) the Latin version of the Armenian has “non enim verebitur te.”",
+            "§ 180. <i>For if it came into being and is one</i>, etc. Philo takes ἕν in the full sense of the Stoic ἡνωμένον (<i>cf</i>. note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 49) and argues that if the world is ἡνωμένον, it must be composed of the same elements throughout and this, it is implied, will in itself effect συμπάθεια. Sext. Emp. <i>Adv. Math</i>. ix. 78 (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 1013) puts the Stoic argument in much the same way but in reverse order. Only ἡνωμένα exhibit συμπάθεια, and since there is συμπάθεια between the parts of the Cosmos, the Cosmos must be an ἡνωμένον σῶμα.",
+            "§ 206. διανιστάμενον. My suggestion of διανεσταμένον is made provisionally subject to better knowledge as to this perfect passive in the compounds of ἵστημι. In <i>Timaeus</i> 81 D there is at any rate some authority for διεσταμένοι. So the LXX in Num. 31:48 καθεσταμένοι. Here a few MSS. have διενιστάμενον. The present must mean “waking up,” as in <i>Quod Deus</i> 97. Cohn’s suggestion of διασυνιστάμενον (presumably meaning “proved to be such,” <i>i.e</i>. μνημονικόν) does not give much point to ἅτε.",
+            "§ 207. <i>That does not call for our censure</i>. The application of the adjective ἀνεπιλήπτον, which usually denotes high praise, to the hybrid number seventy-five is at first sight strange, and Mangey’s proposal &lt;οὐκ&gt; ἀνεπιλήπτου is textually, considering our experience of the omissions of the negative in Philo, quite sound. But it would really give an inferior sense. The stress is here laid on the virtues of seventy-five, not on its shortcomings, and if we give ἀνεπίληπτος a somewhat reduced sense as in the translation (<i>cf</i>. ταμιείας ἀνεπιλήπτου § 89, and <i>De Cong.</i> 138), that stress is well brought out. Midway between Joseph and Moses stands the Jacob soul, ὁ προκόπτων, and in its progress the seventy-five is a necessary and therefore “blameless” stage. This is immediately illustrated by §§ 208 ff., where Jacob even in victory is well-advised to return to Haran, that is, to the world of sense and even (§ 209), of opportunism.",
+            "§ 210. ζωοτροφεῖ. Mr. Whitaker was inclined to adopt Mangey’s suggestion of ζωπυρεῖ, which is in accordance with ζέον καὶ πεπυρωμένον. On the other hand ζωοτροφεῖ serves to carry on the parable in which the passions are the wild cattle reared by the κτηνοτρόφοι of Haran.",
+            "§§ 210, 211 (footnote). <i>De Som</i>. ii. 85 ff. looks as if the advice to temporize with angry people is to be taken more literally than I have suggested in the note.",
+            "§ 221. τῇ ἑτέρᾳ. Further consideration shews beyond doubt that in <i>De Sac.</i> 37 where we printed, following Cohn and Mangey, οὐ τῇ ῥαστώνῃ ταῦτα ληπτά we should have put τῇ ἑτέρᾳ or θατέρᾳ. There one MS. has ῥαστώνη, others οὐ τη and οὐχ ἁπλῶς, while by far the best authority, the Papyrus, has ουθετερα, the origin of which is obvious. The phrase seems for some reason to have puzzled the scribes. It is strange that the two German scholars also failed to understand it, for even the old editions of Liddell &amp; Scott record τῇ ἑτέρᾳ λαμβάνειν “ ‘to get with little trouble,’ a proverb,” and give the reference to Plato."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1932",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הגירת אברהם",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הגירת אברהם",
+        "enTitle": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+        "key": "On the Migration of Abraham",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,377 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על צאצאי קין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE POSTERITY OF CAIN AND HIS EXILE (DE POSTERITATE CAINI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The treatise begins with a denunciation of anthropomorphism and a defence of allegorical interpretation suggested by the statement that “Cain went out <i>from the face</i> of God” (1–7).",
+            "What the Lawgiver teaches by these words is that the soul that forfeits with Adam, or forgoes with Cain, the power of seeing God, loses the joy of the quest of Him, experienced by Moses and by Abraham (8–21); and incurs instability, in lieu of the firm standing gained by them through nearness to God (22–32). Moreover, he is ‘wedded’ to the impious view that “man is the measure of all things,” and fails to regard his offspring, as Seth regarded his, as the gift of God (33–48).",
+            "The “city builded” by Cain is the creed set up by every impious soul. Its buildings are arguments, its inhabitants the self-conceited, its law lawlessness, its tower of confusion (Babel) the defence of its tenets. Even the lovers of Virtue are forced by the worldly to build such cities for them (49–59).",
+            "At this point (§ 60) Philo stops to illustrate, from the instance of Hebron, how names, like ‘Enoch,’ ‘Methuselah,’ ‘Lamech,’ can have two discrepant shades of meaning, as they have when borne by descendants of Cain and when borne by descendants of Seth. He is also led to give examples of that which is later in time being given precedence over what is earlier, as Hebron was placed above Zoan (60–65).",
+            "Having now made clear the nature of the creed which the Cain-like soul sets up, Philo turns to its offspring—‘Gaidad’ (or ‘Irad)’ is the “flock” of untended irrational faculties. ‘Maiel’ (or ‘Mehu-jael’) means “away from the Love of God”; ‘Methuselah’ is one “incurring soul death”; and Lamech one “low-cringing”; who “takes to himself” as wives Adah and Zillah (66–74).",
+            "Here Philo cannot refrain from pointing out the wrongness of a man <i>taking</i> a wife <i>to himself</i> instead of receiving her as a gift from God. He makes an attempt to account for the fact that the self-same expression is used of Abraham, Isaac, and Moses (75–78).",
+            "‘Adah’ = ‘Witness,’ and is like success, leading us to think our actions right because of what they bring. Her son is ‘Jobel’ = “one altering,” the remover of Virtue’s boundaries fixed by right reason, making virtues vices (79–93).",
+            "Here follow some subtle remarks on Leviticus 27:32 f. (“both shall be holy”), and on the proofs of holiness, and the number 10, all tending to show that the Law is opposed to ‘altering’ (94–97).",
+            "Jobel is also the father of rearers of ‘cattle’; and cattle” are soul-less passions (98 f.).",
+            "Jobel’s son is Jubal, the uttered word, “inclining this way and that,” with no sure, firm, speech. He is also the originator of musical instruments, which are inferior to song-birds, but, like articulate speech, capable of such <i>varied</i> utterance, that it is natural that they should be invented by one who knows no abiding, and is son of one who <i>alters</i> all things (100–111).",
+            "Adah having been dealt with (79–111), we turn to Zillah, whose name signifies “shadow,” and who is therefore a symbol, of the unsubstantial goods of the body and the outside world. Her son, Tubal, bears a name meaning “all in one,” and represents the “health and wealth” which men deem the sum of human bliss. He is, by trade, a ‘hammerer,’ maker of war and munitions of war, for lusts are the real war-makers and batterers of mankind. Verily is he son of ‘Shadow.’ His sister is Noeman or “fatness,” the product of plenty (112–123).",
+            "Lamech, his wives and progeny having been dealt with (73–123), we are brought to Seth, in whom the murdered Abel comes to life. His name signifies “Watering,” for the Mind waters the senses, as the Word of God waters the Virtues, which are symbolized by the four “heads” of the river going out of Eden. The word “heads” is used to indicate the sovereignty conferred by Virtues. The “River” is the Word of God, ever flowing for souls that love God.",
+            "“Watering” is so apt a figure of teaching, that Philo is soon showing us Hagar, who represents preliminary education, filling her water-skin from the well of knowledge, to give drink to the boy, who is the soul in its first craving for instruction, that he may grow up to be an ‘archer,’ directing arguments with sure aim. But Philo hastens to give us the picture of Rebecca supplying the water of perfection to the servant of Abraham. Her <i>going down</i> to the well of God’s wisdom shows us that a sense of our own weakness is the beginning of stepping upwards. Her <i>pitcher</i> represents the directness of spiritual teaching, in contrast with the earlier, indirect, instruction through the senses and sensible objects, represented by Hagar’s bulky water-skin.",
+            "Every detail of Rebecca’s behaviour to Eliezer brings out a characteristic of the true teacher. She addresses him respectfully. She forgets self in her concern for his need. She says “Drink,” not “<i>I will give</i> thee to drink.” She lets the pitcher down on her left fore-arm and tilts it, suiting her action to the ‘pupil’s’ capacity. She does not forget to water the <i>camels, i.e.</i> to encourage <i>memory</i>, for these animals chew the cud; and they are watered from the <i>well</i>, itself a symbol of memory, from whose depths we draw by the aid of a reminder. The readiness of the camel for <i>toil</i> brings Philo to the Water of Marah, and to the tree by means of which the Israelites, after their toilsome march from Egypt, tasted the sweetness that is essential to fruitful toil. Philo cannot pass over the water which the worshippers of the golden calf were made to drink. His main point is that the grinding down of the calf, the symbol, like Egypt and the animals it worshipped, of the body, shows the inferiority of bodily advantages. Then the ear-rings of which the calf was made show the inferiority of hearing to sight, and the greatness of intuition, implied in the words “<i>See</i> that I AM,” words which are equivalent to “Behold My <i>subsistence</i>,” the essence or quality of God being invisible (138–169).",
+            "Returning to Gen. 4:25 Philo deduces from the word “raised up out of” (the earth) the doctrine that God sows nothing futile in our souls. He takes the word “another” (seed) to mean ‘other than Cain’ in one way, ‘other than Abel’ in another way, and goes on to work out Seth’s ‘otherness’ from Abel. Whereas Abel has relinquished all that is mortal, and gone hence to a higher life, Seth, sprung from human excellence, will never relinquish the human race, but be ‘enlarged’ <i>in</i> it. He is ‘enlarged’ in righteous <i>Noah</i>, the tenth from <i>Adam</i>; in faithful <i>Abraham</i>, another tenth; in <i>Moses</i>, wise in all things, seventh from Abraham. The limit of knowledge attained by Seth is Noah’s starting-point; Noah’s limit is Abraham’s starting-point; and Abraham’s limit the starting-point of Moses (170–174).",
+            "In the passage with which the treatise closes we have one of the writer’s contrasts. “<i>God hath raised up</i> to me” is contrasted with the folly and impiety of Lot and his daughters, ‘Counsel’ and ‘Consent,’ and with Rachel’s faulty cry to Jacob, “Give me children.” As she learned from Jacob’s rebuke, “Am I in the place of God?” to say “Let God add to me another son,” so let us, if we so err, repent. The gross sin of Onan is rebuked, and the act of Phinehas the “Mouth-muzzle,” is interpreted as meaning that “he put a stop to the revolt within himself, and turned clean away from his own pleasure.” The last words are a reflection, as appropriate to the twentieth as to the first century, that the soul is the theatre of the most dire wars, and that all wars come from disordered souls (175–185)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Cain went out from the face of God, and dwelt in the land of Naid, over against Eden” (Gen. 4:16). Let us here raise the question whether in the books in which Moses acts as God’s interpreter we ought to take his statements figuratively, since the impression made by the words in their literal sense is greatly at variance with truth.",
+                "[2] For if the Existent Being has a face, and he that wishes to quit its sight can with perfect ease remove elsewhere, what ground have we for rejecting the impious doctrines of Epicurus, or the atheism of the Egyptians, or the mythical plots of play and poem of which the world is full?",
+                "[3] For a face is a piece of a living creature, and God is a whole not a part, so that we shall have to assign to Him the other parts of the body as well, neck, breasts, hands, feet, to say nothing of the belly and genital organs, together with the innumerable inner and outer organs.",
+                "[4] And if God has human forms and parts, He must needs also have human passions and experiences. For in the case of these organs, as in all other cases, Nature has not made idle superfluities, but aids to the weakness of those furnished with them. And she adjusts to them, according to their several needs. all that enables them to render their own special services and ministries. But the Existent Being is in need of nothing, and so, not needing the benefit that parts bestow, can have no parts at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] And whence does Cain “go out”? From the palace of the Lord of all? But what dwelling apparent to the senses could God have, save this world, for the quitting of which no power or device avails? For all created things are enclosed and kept within itself by the circle of the sky. Indeed the particles of the deceased break up into their original elements and are again distributed to the various forces of the universe out of which they were constituted, and the loan which was lent to each man is repaid, after longer or shorter terms, to Nature his creditor, at such time as she may choose to recover what she herself had lent.",
+                "[6] Again he that goes out from someone is in a different place from him whom he leaves behind. (If, then, Cain goes out from God), it follows that some portions of the universe are bereft of God. Yet God has left nothing empty or destitute of Himself, but has completely filled all things.",
+                "[7] Well, if God has not a face, transcending as He does the peculiarities that mark all created things; if He is to be found not in some particular part only, seeing that He contains all and is not Himself contained by anything; if it is impossible for some part of this world to remove from it as from a city, seeing that nothing has been left over outside it; the only thing left for us to do is to make up our minds that none of the propositions put forward is literally intended and to take the path of figurative interpretation so dear to philosophical souls.",
+                "[8] Our argument must start in this way. If it is a difficult thing to remove out of sight of a mortal monarch, must it not be a thousandfold more difficult to quit the vision of God and be gone, resolved henceforth to shun the sight of Him; in other words to become incapable of receiving a mental picture of Him through having lost the sight of the soul’s eye?",
+                "[9] Men who have suffered this loss under compulsion, overwhelmed by the force of an inexorable power, deserve pity rather than hatred. But those who have of their own free choice turned away and departed from the Existent Being, transcending the utmost limit of wickedness itself—for no evil could be found equivalent to it—these must pay no ordinary penalties, but such as are specially devised and far beyond the ordinary. Now no effort of thought could hit upon a penalty greater and more unheard of than to go forth into banishment from the Ruler of the Universe."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] Adam, then, is driven out by God; Cain goes out voluntarily. Moses is showing us each form of moral failure, one of free choice, the other not so. The involuntary act, not owing its existence to our deliberate judgement, is to obtain later on such healing as the case admits of, “for God shall raise up another seed in place of Abel whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). This seed is a male offspring, Seth or “Watering,” raised up to the soul whose fall did not originate in itself.",
+                "[11] The voluntary act, inasmuch as it was committed with forethought and of set purpose, must incur woes for ever beyond healing. For even as right actions that spring from previous intention are of greater worth than those that are involuntary, so, too, among sins those which are involuntary are less weighty than those which are voluntary."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] Cain, then, has left the face of God to fall into the hands of Justice who takes vengeance on the impious. But Moses will lay down for his pupils a charge most noble “to love God and hearken to and cleave to Him” (Deut. 30:20); assuring them that this is the life that brings true prosperity and length of days. And his way of inviting them to honour Him Who is the worthy object of strong yearning and devoted love is vivid and expressive. He bids them “cleave to Him,” bringing out by the use of this word how constant and continuous and unbroken is the concord and union that comes through making God our own.",
+                "[13] These and other exhortations like these does Moses address to others. But so unceasingly does he himself yearn to see God and to be seen by Him, that he implores Him to reveal clearly His own nature (Exod. 33:13), which is so hard to divine, hoping thus to obtain at length a view free from all falsehood, and to exchange doubt and uncertainty for a most assured confidence. Nor will he abate the intensity of his desire, but although he is aware that he is enamoured of an object which entails a hard quest, nay, which is out of reach, he will nevertheless struggle on with no relaxation of his earnest endeavour, but honestly and resolutely enlisting all his faculties to co-operate for the attainment of his object."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] So see him enter into the thick darkness where God was (Exod. 20:21), that is into conceptions regarding the Existent Being that belong to the unapproachable region where there are no material forms. For the Cause of all is not in the thick darkness, nor locally in any place at all, but high above both place and time. For He has placed all creation under His control, and is contained by nothing, but transcends all. But though transcending and being beyond what He has made, none the less has He filled the universe with Himself; for He has caused His powers to extend themselves throughout the Universe to its utmost bounds, and in accordance with the laws of harmony has knit each part to each.",
+                "[15] When therefore the God-loving soul probes the question of the essence of the Existent Being, he enters on a quest of that which is beyond matter and beyond sight.",
+                "[16] And out of this quest there accrues to him a vast boon, namely to apprehend that the God of real Being is apprehensible by no one, and to see precisely this, that He is incapable of being seen. But the holy Guide seems to me even before he began this search to have discerned its futility. That he did so is evident from his imploring the Existent One to be His own Interpreter and reveal His own Nature. He says, “Manifest Thyself to me” (Exod. 33:13), showing quite clearly by so saying that there is not a single created being capable of attaining by his own efforts the knowledge of the God Who verily exists."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] This must be borne in mind if we are to understand what we read about Abraham, how, on reaching the place of which God had told him, he looked up on the third day and “seeth the place from afar” (Gen. 22:3 f.). What place? The one which he had reached? And how can it be far off if he is already there?",
+                "[18] It may be that what we are told under a figure is to this effect. The wise man is ever longing to discern the Ruler of the Universe. As he journeys along the path that takes him through knowledge and wisdom, he comes into contact first with divine words, and with these he makes a preliminary stay, and though he had meant to go the remainder of the way, he comes to a stop. For the eyes of his understanding have been opened, and he sees perfectly clearly that he has engaged in the chase of a quarry hard to capture, which always eludes its pursuers and is off to a distance leaving them ever so far behind.",
+                "[19] Rightly does he reflect that all the fleetest things under the sky would be seen to be standing still, if their motion were compared with that of the sun and moon and the other heavenly bodies. And yet (he ponders) all heaven is God’s handiwork, and that which makes is ever ahead of the thing made: it follows, then, that not only other things with which we are familiar, but that whose movement surpasses them all in swiftness, the mind, would come short of the apprehension of the First Cause by an immeasurable distance. But the strangest thing of all is, that whereas the heavenly bodies as they go past moving objects are themselves in motion, God who outstrips them all is motionless.",
+                "[20] Yea, we aver that remaining the same He is at once close to us and far from us. He takes hold of us by those forming and chastening powers which are so close to each one of us; and yet He has driven created being far away from His essential Nature, so that we cannot touch it even with the pure spiritual contact of the understanding.",
+                "[21] With the lovers of God, then, in their quest of the Existent One, even if they never find Him, we rejoice, for the quest of the Good and Beautiful, even if the goal be missed, is sufficient of itself to give a foretaste of gladness. But the self-loving Cain we commiserate, for he has left in the lurch his own soul bereft of any conception of the Existent One, having deliberately blinded the organ by which alone he could have seen Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] It is worth while to notice the country also into which he betakes himself when he has left the presence of God: it is the country called “Tossing.” In this way the lawgiver indicates that the foolish man, being a creature of wavering and unsettled impulses, is subject to tossing and tumult, like the sea lashed by contrary winds when a storm is raging, and has never even in fancy had experience of quietness and calm. And as at a time when a ship is tossing at the mercy of the sea, it is capable neither of sailing nor of riding at anchor, but pitched about this way and that it rolls in turn to either side and moves uncertainly swaying to and fro; even so the worthless man, with a mind reeling and storm-driven, powerless to direct his course with any steadiness, is always tossing, ready to make shipwreck of his life.",
+                "[23] I am greatly struck by the perfect sequence of cause and effect in all this. Proximity to a stable object produces a desire to be like it and a longing for quiescence. Now that which is unwaveringly stable is God, and that which is subject to movement is creation. He therefore that draws nigh to God longs for stability, but he that forsakes Him, inasmuch as he approaches the unresting creation is, as we might expect, carried about."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[24] It is for this reason that it is written in the Curses “He shall not cause thee to rest, and there shall be no standing for the sole of thy feet,” and a little later “thy life shall be hanging before thine eyes” (Deut. 28:65, 66). For it is the nature of the foolish man to be ever moving contrary to right reason, and to be averse to rest and quietness, and never to plant himself firmly and fixedly on any principle. He has one set of views at one time, another set at another, and sometimes holds conflicting views about the same matters, though no fresh element has been introduced into them.",
+                "[25] He becomes great and small, foe and friend, and nearly every other pair of opposites in a moment of time. And, as the lawgiver said, his whole life is hanging, with no firm foothold, but always swept off its feet by interests drawing and dragging him in opposite directions.",
+                "[26] This is why the lawgiver says in another place that “he that hangeth on a tree is cursed of God” (Deut. 21:23), for, whereas it behoves us to hang upon God, the man of whom we are thinking suspended himself from his body, which is a log-like mass in us. By doing so he gave up hope and took desire in its place, a grievous evil in place of a supreme good. For hope, being an expectation of good things, fastens the mind upon the bountiful God; whereas desire, infusing irrational cravings, fastens it on the body, which Nature wrought as a receptacle and abode of pleasures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] Let such men be hung on desire as from a halter. But Abraham the wise, being one who stands, draws near to God the standing One; for it says “he was standing before the Lord and he drew near and said” (Gen. 18:22 f.). For only a truly unchanging soul has access to the unchanging God, and the soul that is of such a disposition does in very deed stand near to the Divine power.",
+                "[28] But what shows in the clearest light the firm steadfastness of the man of worth is the oracle communicated to the all-wise Moses which runs thus: “But as for thee stand thou here by Me” (Deut. 5:31). This oracle proves two things, one that the Existent Being who moves and turns all else is Himself exempt from movement and turning; and secondly that He makes the worthy man sharer of His own Nature, which is repose. For I take it that, just as crooked things are straightened by a correct ruler, so moving things are brought to a stop and made stationary by the force of Him Who stands.",
+                "[29] In this case He charges another to stand with Him. Elsewhere He says, “I will go down with thee into Egypt, and will bring thee up at last” (Gen. 46:4). He does not say “thou with Me.” Why is this? Because quiescence and abiding are characteristic of God, but change of place and all movement that makes for such change is characteristic of creation. When then He invites a man to the good peculiar to Him, He says “Do thou stand with Me,” not “I with thee:” for in God’s case standing is not a future but an ever present act.",
+                "[30] But when He comes to that which is proper to creation, His words will quite rightly be “I will go down with thee,” for to thee change of place is appropriate. Accordingly with Me no one shall go down—for I know no turning or change—but one shall stand, seeing that quiescence is dear to Me. But with those who go down in the sense of changing their place—for change of place is near of kin to them—I will go down, in all-pervading Presence without any alteration of locality, seeing I have filled the universe with Myself.",
+                "[31] I do this in pity for rational nature, that it may be caused to rise out of the nether world of the passions into the upper region of virtue guided step by step by Me, Who have laid down the road that leads to heaven and appointed it as a highway for all suppliant souls, that they might not grow weary as they tread it.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Having now shown each side of the picture, calm in a good man, restlessness in a foolish one, let us devote our attention to the sequel. The lawgiver says that Naid, “Tumult,” to which the soul migrated, is over against Eden. “Eden” is a symbolic name for right and divine reason, and so it is literally rendered “luxuriance.” For right reason above all others finds its delight and luxury in the enjoyment of good things pure and undiluted, yea complete and full, while God the Giver of wealth rains down His virgin and deathless boons. And evil is by nature in conflict with good, unjust with just, wise with foolish, and all forms of virtue with all forms of vice. That is the meaning of Naid being over against Eden."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Having said this, he says next: “And Cain knew his wife, and she conceived and bare Enoch; and Cain was building a city, and he called the city after his son’s name Enoch” (Gen. 4:17). Is it not reasonable to inquire, what woman Cain knew? For since Eve, who was formed out of Adam’s side, there has been hitherto no record of the creation of any other woman.",
+                "[34] If anyone should suggest that Cain married his sister, his suggestion will be not only unholy but untrue; for Adam’s daughters are mentioned as having been born at a later time.",
+                "[35] What then must we say? “Wife” is, I think, the name he gives to the opinion held by an impious man’s reasoning faculty, the opinion which the impious man (habitually) assumes touching (all) matters. So do a host of those who have professed philosophy, some sects agreeing in the rules which they deduce from it for the conduct of life, and some making a variety of deductions. Of what sort then is an impious man’s opinion?",
+                "[36] That the human mind is the measure of all things, an opinion held they tell us by an ancient sophist named Protagoras, an offspring of Cain’s madness. I gather that by “wife” this opinion is meant from the fact that when Cain knew her she bore Enoch, and Enoch means “thy gift.” For if man is the measure of all things, all things are a present and gift of the mind. It has bestowed on the eye seeing as a favour, on the ears hearing, on each of the other senses their power of perception, yes and speech on the faculty of thought-utterance.",
+                "[37] But if all these are gifts, so too is thinking, including in itself countless products of thought, resolves, counsels, forethought, comprehension, acquisition of knowledge, skill in arts and in organizing, other faculties too many to recount. Why, pray, are you any longer ready to deliver grave and solemn discourses about holiness and honouring God, and to listen to such discourses from others, seeing that you have with you the mind to take the place of God, and forcibly to appropriate all things human both good and bad, sending to some a blend of both, to others one of the two unmixed?",
+                "[38] And if someone bring against you an indictment for impiety, you boldly defend yourselves, asserting that you have been trained under an admirable master and instructor, even Cain, who advised you to honour what was near you rather than the far off Cause, and that you are bound to attend to his advice both for other reasons and most of all because he proved the strength of his creed by unmistakable deeds in his victory over Abel, the champion of the opposite opinion, and in getting rid both of him and his opinion.",
+                "[39] But, in my judgement and in that of my friends, preferable to life with impious men would be death with pious men; for awaiting those who die in this way there will be undying life, but awaiting those who live in that way there will be eternal death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] Now since Cain is said to have begotten Enoch, and there is afterwards a descendant of Seth with the name of Enoch again (Gen. 4:17, 5:18), we must consider whether they were two different persons or the same person. While we are engaged with these, let us investigate also the difference between others who have the same name. Like Enoch, Methuselah and Lamech appear as descendants of Cain, and descendants no less of Seth (Gen. 4:18, 5:21, 25).",
+                "[41] It is important, then, that we should know that each of the names mentioned has a meaning that can be taken in two ways. “Enoch,” as I have already said, means “thy gift,” “Methuselah” “a sending forth of death,” and “Lamech” “humiliation.” Take the first. Thy gift is, on some people’s lips, an address to the mind within us; on the lips of the better kind of men it is addressed to the universal Mind.",
+                "[42] Those who assert that everything that is involved in thought or perception or speech is a free gift of their own soul, seeing that they introduce an impious and atheistic opinion, must be assigned to the race of Cain, who, while incapable even of ruling himself, made bold to say that he had full possession of all other things as well. But those who do not claim as their own all that is fair in creation, but acknowledge all as due to the gift of God, being men of real nobility, sprung not from a long line of rich ancestors but from lovers of virtue, must remain enrolled under Seth as the head of their race.",
+                "[43] This sort is very hard to find, since they make their escape from a life beset with passions and vices, with its treachery and unscrupulousness, its villainy and dissoluteness. For those who have been wellpleasing to God, and whom God has translated and removed from perishable to immortal races, are no more found among the multitude."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] Having now distinguished between the things signified by Enoch’s name, we will pass on next to Methuselah. His name, as we saw, means “a sending forth of death,” and these words call up two pictures to the mind. In one of them death is being sent to fall upon somebody; in the other death is being dismissed from somebody. The man on whom it is sent to fall, dies without fail, while he from whom it is dismissed lives and survives.",
+                "[45] He who receives death is an intimate of Cain, who is ever dying to the way of life directed by virtue; to Seth he is close of kin from whom dying is dismissed and debarred; for the good man has reaped true life as his crop.",
+                "[46] “Low estate” again, which is the meaning of “Lamech,” has a twofold bearing. We are brought low either when the energies of the soul are let down owing to sicknesses and infirmities produced in us as the result of irrational passions, or when in our eager quest of virtue we check in ourselves the swelling of self-conceit.",
+                "[47] The former kind of being brought low is due to weakness, and is a species of leprosy, that changeful disease which assumes so many different forms. For when the uniform and healthy appearance of the flesh is impaired and the mischief is visible below the surface, the lawgiver says that the cruel disease of leprosy has set in (Lev. 13:3).",
+                "[48] The other form of being brought low results from the exercise of hardy strength, and this has for its sequel propitiation, determined by 10, the perfect number: for there is a command to bring low our souls on the tenth day of the month (Lev. 23:27), and this signifies to put away boasting, a putting away which leads to an imploring of pardon for sins voluntary and involuntary. So the Lamech lowly in this way is a descendant of Seth, and father of righteous Noah; but the Lamech brought low in the former way is sprung from Cain."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] The next thing for us to consider is why Cain, all alone as he is, appears in the narrative as founding and building a city; for a multitude of men needs a good-sized city to dwell in, whereas for the three that then existed some foot-hill or small cave would have been a quite adequate habitation. I said “for three,” but most likely it was for one, Cain himself only: for the parents of the murdered Abel would not have brooked dwelling in the same city with his slayer, seeing he had incurred a more defiling guilt than that of a man-slayer by slaying his brother.",
+                "[50] Everyone can see how the building of a city by a single man runs counter not only to all our ideas but to our reason itself. How is such a thing possible? Why, he could not have built even the most insignificant part of a house without employing others to work under him. Could the same man at the same moment do a stone-mason’s work, hew timber, work iron and brass, surround the city with a great circuit of walls, construct great gateways and fortifications, temples and sacred enclosures, porticoes, arsenals, houses, and all other public and private buildings that are customary? Could he in addition to these construct drains, open up streets, provide fountains and conduits and all else that a city needs?",
+                "[51] It would seem, then, since all this is at variance with reality, that it is better to take the words figuratively, as meaning that Cain resolves to set up his own creed, just as one might set up a city."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] Now, every city needs for its existence buildings, and inhabitants, and laws. Cain’s buildings are demonstrative arguments. With these, as though fighting from a city-wall, he repels the assaults of his adversaries, by forging plausible inventions contrary to the truth. His inhabitants are the wise in their own conceit, devotees of impiety, godlessness, self-love, arrogance, false opinion, men ignorant of real wisdom, who have reduced to an organized system ignorance, lack of learning and of culture, and other pestilential things akin to these. His laws are various forms of lawlessness and injustice, unfairness, licentiousness, audacity, senselessness, self-will, immoderate indulgence in pleasures, unnatural lusts that may not be named.",
+                "[53] Of such a city every impious man is found to be an architect in his own miserable soul, until such time as God takes counsel (Gen. 11:6), and brings upon their sophistic devices a great and complete confusion. This time will come when they are building, not a city only, but a tower as well, whose top shall reach to heaven (Gen. 11:4). By a “tower” is meant a discourse working up each (immoral) doctrine which they introduce. The discourse has for a head its own proper point, which is figuratively spoken of as “heaven.” For every discourse must needs have as its head and aim the thought brought out by it; and it is to bring this out that men of eloquence are in the habit of delivering their lengthy expositions and perorations."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] To such a pitch of impiety have they gone that they think fit not only to raise such cities with their own hands, but they force the virtue-loving host of Israel to do the like, appointing over them taskmasters and instructors in wicked works. For it is said that under the maltreatment of their taskmasters they built for the king of the country three cities, Peitho, Rameses, and On, which is Heliopolis (Exod. 1:11).",
+                "[55] These signify, when taken as figures, our properties of mind, sense, and speech. Peitho is our speech, because persuasion is its function, and the word means “harassing mouth,” for the speech of the worthless man makes a study of harassing and overturning all that is good and worthy. Rameses is sense-perception [for it means a “moth’s troubling”],since the mind is eaten out and gnawed through by each of the senses,",
+                "[56] just as though the moth were at work loosening and tearing it. For when ideas enter the mind such as cannot give it pleasure they fill our life with pain and toil.",
+                "[57] “On” is by name “Heap” but symbolically it is the mind, for to it as to a treasure-heap all men’s words are brought. The lawgiver is evidence of this by calling On “Heliopolis” or “Sun-city.” For as the sun, when it has risen, shows clearly the objects which night hides, so the mind sending forth its proper light causes all forms and conditions to be clearly apprehended.",
+                "[58] It would therefore not be amiss to speak of the mind as the sun of our complex system. For if it does not rise and let its peculiar light shine forth in man, the microcosm, it sheds a deep darkness on all things and prevents anything from being visible."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] This “Heap” is called to witness by Jacob, the man of earnest effort, in his controversy with Laban (Gen. 31:46 f.). This conveys the deep truth that the mind is for each man the witness of his secret purposes, and the conscience an impartial scrutineer unequalled in veracity. [But the city of Witness]was built before these cities. [60] For we are told that the spies came to Hebron, and that Ahiman, Sheshai, and Talmai, the children of Anak, were there; then it is added: “and Hebron was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt” (Numb. 13:22). It is a thoroughly philosophical proceeding to show how one and the same name has different shades of meaning. “Hebron,” for instance, means “union,” but union may be of two kinds, the soul being either made the body’s yokefellow, or being brought into fellowship with virtue.",
+                "[61] The soul, then, that submits to bodily couplings has as its inhabitants those mentioned just now. “Ahiman” means “my brother”; “Sheshai” “outside me”; “Talmai” “one hanging”: for it is a necessity to souls that love the body that the body should be looked upon as a brother, and that external good things should be valued pre-eminently: and all souls in this condition depend on and hang from lifeless things, for, like men crucified and nailed to a tree, they are affixed to perishable materials till they die.",
+                "[62] But the soul wedded to goodness obtained inhabitants excelling in the virtues, whom the double cave (Gen. 23:9) received in pairs, Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebecca, Leah and Jacob, these being virtues and their possessors. This Hebron, a treasure-house guarding personal monuments of knowledge and wisdom, is earlier than Zoan and all Egypt. For nature wrought soul elder than body (or Egypt), and virtue elder than vice (or Zoan). for “Zoan” means “Command of evacuation”; and nature determines precedence not by length of time but by worth."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] Accordingly he calls Israel, though younger in age, his “firstborn” son in dignity (Exod. 4:22), making it evident that he who sees God, the original Cause of being, is the recipient of honour, as earliest offspring of the Uncreated One, conceived by Virtue the object of the hatred of mortals, and as he to whom there is a law that a double portion, the right of the first-born, should be given as being the eldest (Deut. 21:17).",
+                "[64] For this reason also the seventh day, although in order it is the number born after 6, yet in value takes precedence of every number, in nothing differing from 1. This will be made clear by the law-giver himself, who in his epilogue to the narrative of the creation says: “And God rested on the seventh day from all His works which He had made; and God blessed the seventh day and hallowed it, because in it God rested from all his works which God had begun to make” (Gen. 2:2 f.).",
+                "[65] After this he adds: “This is the book of the creation of heaven and earth, when it was created, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth” (Gen. 2:4). Now these things were created on the first day, so that the seventh day is referred back to 1, the first and starting-point of all. I have written thus fully with the object of showing the more clearly the opinion which Cain deems it necessary to set up as though he were building a city."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[66] The son of Enoch is named Gaidad (Gen. 4:18), which means “a flock.” Such a name follows naturally upon his father’s name. For it was fitting that the man who deems himself beholden to mind, which is incapable of comprehending its own nature, should beget irrational faculties, collected into a flock; for men endowed with reason do not profess that creed.",
+                "[67] Now every flock that has no shepherd over it necessarily meets with great disasters, owing to its inability by itself to keep hurtful things away and to choose things that will be good for it. Accordingly Moses says in his Prayer “Let the Lord, the God of the spirits and of all flesh, appoint a man over this congregation, which shall go out before their face and which shall come in, and which shall lead them out and which shall lead them in, and the congregation of the Lord shall not be as sheep that have no shepherd” (Numb. 27:16 f.).",
+                "[68] For when the protector, or governor, or father, or whatever we like to call him, of our complex being, namely right reason, has gone off leaving to itself the flock within us, the flock itself being left unheeded perishes, and great loss is entailed upon its owner, while the irrational and unprotected creature, bereft of a guardian of the herd to admonish and discipline it, finds itself banished to a great distance from rational and immortal life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] This is why Gaidad is said to have a son Maiel (Gen. 4:18), whose name translated is “away from the life of God.” For since the flock is without reason, and God is the Fountain of reason, it follows that he that lives an irrational life has been cut off from the life of God. Now Moses defines living in accordance with God as consisting in loving Him, for he says “thy life is to love Him that IS” (Deut. 30:19 f.).",
+                "[70] As an example of the opposite life he gives the goat on which the lot fell, for he says, “he shall set him alive before the Lord, to make atonement over him, so as to send him forth for dismissal afar” (Lev. 16:10).",
+                "[71] A well considered direction. No one of sound sense would applaud old men for abstaining from indulgences, for old age, that long and incurable illness, renders the vehemence of their cravings far less intense. He would deem praiseworthy young men in their prime, because when appetite was a-flame within them owing to the keenness that belongs to their time of life, they nevertheless fully availed themselves of engines for quenching these fires in the shape of the lessons supplied by a sound education, and so checked the raging flame and assuaged the boiling heat of the passions. On these principles fainter praise is accorded to those who have no disease, such as commonly arises from an evil mode of life, because nature bestowed on them an easy lot, and without any effort of will they simply enjoyed good fortune, whereas those who have developed such a disease and against whom it is doing battle, are more loudly praised, if they set themselves stoutly to combat it and show both the will and the power to master it.",
+                "[72] For the strength put forth in overcoming by a severe effort the seductive baits of pleasure receives the praise which is accorded to moral victories, won by will-power. If, then, not one of the qualities that have won the happy lot (live in us), but there be alive in us noxious diseases and sicknesses, banes to be rid of, let us be in earnest to overthrow and cast them down; for this is “to make atonement over them,” to acknowledge, that though we have them still living in our soul we refuse to give in, but facing them all we persist in repelling them with vigour, until we shall have fully ensured their complete removal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[73] What issue awaits him who does not live according to the will of God, save death of the soul? And to this is given the name Methuselah, which means (as we saw) “a dispatch of death.” Wherefore he is son of Mahujael (Gen. 4:18), of the man who relinquished his own life, to whom dying is sent, yea soul-death, which is the change of soul under the impetus of irrational passion.",
+                "[74] When the soul has conceived this passion, it brings forth with sore travail-pangs incurable sicknesses and debilities, and by the contortion brought on by these it is bowed down and brought low; for each one of them lays on it an intolerable burden, so that it is unable even to look up. To all this the name “Lamech” has been given, which means “humiliation,” that Lamech may prove himself son of Methuselah (Gen. 4:18), with entire fitness, a low and cringing passion being offspring of the soul’s death, a sore debility child of irrational impulse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[75] “And Lamech took to himself two wives, the name of the one was Ada, the name of the second Sella” (Gen. 4:19). All that a worthless man takes to himself is in every case reprehensible, polluted as it is by an intent wellnigh past cleansing, while on the other hand the voluntary actions of good men are all praiseworthy. So in this instance Lamech in choosing wives for himself, chooses very great evils, while Abraham on the other hand and Jacob and Aaron in taking wives for themselves become associated with good things appropriate to them.",
+                "[76] For we read in the case of Abraham as follows: “and Abram and Nahor took to themselves wives; and the name of Abram’s wife was Sarai” (Gen. 11:29) and in the case of Jacob “arise and escape to Mesopotamia, to the family of Bethuel thy mother’s father, and take to thyself from thence a wife from the daughters of Laban thy mother’s brother (Gen. 28:2). and in the case of Aaron, “and Aaron took to himself Elizabeth, daughter of Aminadab, sister of Naasson, as his wife” (Exod. 6:23).",
+                "[77] Isaac and Moses take wives indeed, but they do not take them purely of themselves, but Isaac is said to have taken one when he entered into his mother’s dwelling (Gen. 24:67), and to Moses the man with whom he abode gives in marriage his daughter Zipporah (Exod. 2:21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[78] Not without purpose have the differences between these cases been recorded in the lawgiver’s pages. For to those who welcome training, who make progress, and improve, witness is borne of their deliberate choice of the good, that their very endeavour may not be left unrewarded. But the fitting lot of those who have been held worthy of a wisdom that needs no other teaching and no other learning is, apart from any agency of their own, to accept from God’s hands Reason as their plighted spouse, and to receive Knowledge, which is partner in the life of the wise.",
+                "[79] But he that has been cast away from things human, the low and grovelling Lamech, marries as his first wife Ada, which means “Witness.” He has arranged the marriage for himself, for he fancies that the prime good for a man is the smooth movement and passage of the mind along the line of well-aimed projects, with nothing to hinder its working towards easy attainment.",
+                "[80] “For what,” says he, “could be better than that one’s ideas, purposes, conjectures, aims, in a word one’s plans, should go, as the saying is, without a limp, so as to reach their goal without stumbling, understanding being evidenced in all the particulars mentioned? Now, if a man brings a correct and unerring judgement to bear only on ends that are good, I for my part set this man down as happy. And in doing so I have the Law for my teacher, for the Law itself pronounced Joseph a successful man. It did not say “in all things” but in those in which God vouchsafed success (Gen. 39:2). and God’s gifts are all good.",
+                "[81] But if a man has used a natural aptness and readiness not only for good and worthy ends, but also for their opposites, treating as alike things widely different, let him be deemed unhappy. Certainly the words in the Babel passage are of the nature of a curse, where we read “nothing shall be wanting to them, which they purpose to do” (Gen. 11:6). for verily it is a desperate misfortune for the soul to succeed in all things which it attempts, although they be utterly base.",
+                "[82] I for my part would pray, that if ever I should have made up my mind to do a wrong, the wrongdoing might fail me, and if to live in a way unworthy of a man, the undisciplined life might fail me, and if with impudence and rascality, that there might be no impudence and rascality to be found. For assuredly ’tis better for those who have resolved to steal or commit adultery or murder to behold each of these purposes brought to failure and ruin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Therefore, O mind, have nothing to do with Ada, who bears witness to (the success of) worthless things, and is borne witness to (as helping) in the attempts to accomplish each of them. But if you shall think well to have her for a partner, she will bear to you a very great mischief, even Jobel (Gen. 4:20), which signifies “one altering.” For if you delight in the witness borne to (the goodness of) everything that may present itself, you will desire to twist everything and turn it round, shifting the boundaries fixed for things by nature.",
+                "[84] Moses, full of indignation at such people, pronounces a curse on them saying, “Cursed is he that shifteth his neighbour’s boundaries” (Deut. 27:17). What he describes as “near” and “hard by” like a neighbour is the thing that is good. For it is not necessary, he says, to fly up into heaven, nor to get beyond the sea in searching for what is good; for that it stands hard by and is near to each man.",
+                "[85] And in a thoroughly philosophic way he makes a threefold division of it: saying “It is in thy mouth and in thy heart and in thine hand” (Deut. 30:11–14), that is, in words, in plans, in actions. For these are the parts of the good thing, and of these it is compacted, and the lack of but one not only renders it imperfect but absolutely destroys it.",
+                "[86] For what good is it to say the best things but to plan and carry out the most shameful things? This is the way of the sophists, for as they spin out their discourses on sound sense and endurance they grate on the ears of those most thirsting to listen, but in the choices that they make and the actions of their lives we find them going very far wrong.",
+                "[87] And what is the good of having right intentions, and yet resorting to unfitting deeds and words, by the words inflicting loss on those who hear them, and by the deeds on those who are their victims? Again, it is blameworthy to practise the things that are excellent without understanding and explicit speech.",
+                "[88] For what is done apart from these comes under the head of involuntary action, and in no way whatever merits praise. But if a man succeeded, as if handling a lyre, in bringing all the notes of the thing that is good into tune, bringing speech into harmony with intent, and intent with deed, such an one would be considered perfect and of a truly harmonious character. Thus the man who removes the boundaries of the good and beautiful both is accursed and is pronounced to be so with justice."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] These boundaries were fixed not by the creation to which we belong, but on principles which are divine and are older than we and all that belongs to earth. This has been made clear by the Law, where it solemnly enjoins upon each one of us not to adulterate the coinage of virtue, using these words: “thou shalt not remove thy neighbour’s boundaries, which thy fathers set up” (Deut. 19:14), and again in other words: “Ask thy father and he will show thee; thine elders and they will tell thee. When the Most High distributed nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam, He set boundaries of nations according to the number of the angels of God, and Jacob His people became the Lord’s portion, Israel became the lot of His inheritance” (Deut. 32:7–9).",
+                "[90] If, then, I inquire of the father who begat me and brought me up, or of those of the same age with him but my elders, in what way God distributed or dispersed or settled the nations, will they answer me with steady certainty, as though they had followed that process of distribution step by step? Assuredly not. They will say “We too when we were young made diligent inquiry from our parents and persons still older than they, and we ascertained nothing definite; for they had nothing to teach us, seeing that they in their time had applied to others, whom they regarded as knowing, to enlighten their ignorance.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] Probably, then, the lawgiver gives the title of father of our soul to right reason, and of elders to the associates and friends of right reason. These were the first to fix the boundaries of virtue. To the school of these it is advisable to go, to learn by their teaching the essential matters. The essential matters are these. When God divided and partitioned off the nations of the soul, separating those of one common speech from those of another tongue, and causing them to dwell apart; when He dispersed and put away from Himself the children of earth, whom the lawgiver calls “sons of Adam,” then did He fix the boundaries of the offspring of virtue corresponding to the number of the angels; for there are as many forms or “nations” of virtue as there are words of God.",
+                "[92] But what are the portions of His angels, and what is the allotted share of the All-sovereign Ruler? The particular virtues belong to the servants, to the Ruler the chosen race of Israel. For he that sees God, drawn to Him by surpassing beauty, has been allotted as His portion to Him Whom he sees.",
+                "[93] How, then, should Jobel escape rebuke, whose name when turned into Greek is “altering” the natures of things or making them other than they are? For he changed the forms of wisdom and endurance and justice and virtue in general, forms of Godlike beauty, substituting contrary shapes of folly, intemperance, injustice, and all wickedness, obliterating the shapes that had been impressed before."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] For it is always the case that the application of a second seal destroys the impressions made by the first. The Law is so far from allowing what is evil to be substituted for what is good, that it does not even allow that which is beautiful to take the place of what is troublesome. By “troublesome” it does not mean worthless, for it would be folly not to give up bad things for the sake of getting better ones. It means all that involves toil and trouble, for which Attic writers provide a name by changing the accent of their word for “wicked.”",
+                "[95] The ordinance is this: “Everything that cometh under the rod in the count, the tenth shall be holy to the Lord. Thou shalt not exchange a good with a bad one: and if thou shalt have changed it both it and that for which it is changed shall be holy” (Lev. 27:32 f.). And yet how could the bad one be holy? Nay, as I have just said, what is troublesome, not what is worthless, is meant, so that the thing signified is to this effect; while what is beautiful is a perfect good, toil is an imperfect boon. If then thou shalt win that which is complete, leave off seeking that which is defective. But if in thy excessive zeal thou shalt choose to go on toiling, know this that thou shalt seem to be exchanging one for another, but that in reality thou shalt acquire both; for each by itself, though of no less value, is not the absolutely holy thing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[96] Now a thing is proved holy by three lines of evidence—ordinary number, discipline, perfect number. Wherefore it is said “everything that cometh in the count under the rod, the tenth is holy.” For that which is not deemed worthy of counting is profane, not holy, but that which is counted, being included in the reckoning, is <i>ipso facto</i> approved. For instance, the Law says that the corn collected by Joseph in Egypt could not be counted, and adds “for there was not count” (Gen. 41:49), since the food that sustains the body and the Egyptian passions is absolutely unworthy to be counted.",
+                "[97] The rod is a symbol of discipline, for there is no way of taking to heart warning and correction, unless for some offences one is chastised and brought to a sense of shame. 10 is the token and pledge of a perfecting by the way of gradual progress. Of that perfecting it is meet and right to offer the first-fruits to Him who marshalled, brought up and disciplined us, and crowned our hopes with fulfilment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Let what has been said suffice on the subject of the man who alters and adulterates the original coinage. The lawgiver calls him besides the father of dwellers in tents rearing cattle (Gen. 4:20). Cattle are the irrational senses, and rearers of cattle the lovers of pleasure and lovers of the passions who provide them with food in the shape of external objects of sense. These differ widely from shepherds, for, whereas the latter after the manner of governors punish the creatures that live amiss, the former after the manner of entertainers supply them with unlimited food and let them feel security in doing wrong; for insolence, the daughter of satiety and greediness, never fails to be immediately engendered.",
+                "[99] As we might expect, then, the man who alters the make and character of all good things is father of those whose interest is concentrated on everything that is soul-less and an object only of the senses. For, had he taken as the object of his quest the incorporeal natures that come under the cognizance of the mind, he would have kept to the limits laid down by the men of old, which they laid down in the cause of virtue, stamping each form of it with the impress belonging to it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Jubal, the lawgiver tells us, was the brother of Jobel (Gen. 4:21). “Jubal” is akin in meaning to “Jobel,” for it means “inclining now this way now that,” and it is a figure for the uttered word, which is in its nature brother to mind. It is a most appropriate name for the utterance of a mind that alters the make of things, for its way is to halt between two courses, swaying up and down as if on a pair of scales, or like a boat at sea, struck by huge waves and rolling towards either side. For the foolish man has never learned to say anything sure or well-grounded.",
+                "[101] Moses thinks that none ought to turn away either to the right or to the left or to the parts of the earthly Edom at all, but to go by along the central road, to which he gives the most proper title of the king’s highway or royal road; for since God is the first and sole King of the universe, the road leading to Him, being a King’s road, is also naturally called royal. This road you must take to be philosophy, not the philosophy which is pursued by the sophistic group of present-day people, who, having practised arts of speech to use against the truth, have given the name of wisdom to their rascality, conferring on a sorry work a divine title. No, the philosophy which the ancient band of aspirants pursued in hard-fought contest, eschewing the soft enchantments of pleasure, engaged with a fine severity in the study of what is good and fair.",
+                "[102] This royal road then, which we have just said to be true and genuine philosophy, is called in the Law the utterance and word of God. For it is written “Thou shalt not swerve aside from the word which I command thee this day to the right hand nor to the left hand” (Deut. 28:14). Thus it is clearly proved that the word of God is identical with the royal road. He treats the two as synonymous, and bids us decline from neither, but with upright mind tread the track that leads straight on, a central highway."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] “This Jubal,” he says, “is a father who invented psaltery and harp” (Gen. 4:21). Most appropriately does he give to sounding speech the title of father of music and of all musical instruments. For nature, when she had wrought for living creatures the organ or instrument of sound as chief and most perfect of all instruments, went on at once to bestow upon it the concords and the various kinds of melodies to the end that it might be a pattern made ready beforehand for the instruments that were to be fashioned artificially. So too with the ear.",
+                "[104] Nature turned it with her lathe and made it spherical, drawing circles within circles, lesser within larger, in order that the sound that approached it might not escape and be dispersed outside of it, but that the thing heard might be collected and enclosed within by the circles, and being as it were poured through them, be conveyed into the receptacles of the mind. We see here at once a model for the theatres seen in thriving cities, for theatres are constructed in exact imitation of the shape of the ear. So Nature, who fashioned living creatures, stretched the windpipe as though a musical scale, combining in it the enharmonic and chromatic and diatonic modes, answering to the vast variety of melodies with their shorter or longer intervals, and in this way set up a pattern of every musical instrument."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] To show how true this is, I may mention that all the melodious sounds produced by wind- and stringed-instruments fall as far short of the music that comes from nightingales and swans, as a copy and imitation falls short of an original, or a perishable species of an imperishable genus.",
+                "[106] For we cannot compare the music produced by the human voice with that produced in any other way, since it has the pre-eminent gift of articulation, for which it is prized. For whereas the other kinds by use of the modulation of the voice and the successive changes of the notes can do no more than produce sounds pleasing to the ear, man, having been endowed by nature with articulate utterance equally for speaking and for singing, attracts alike both ear and mind, charming the one by the tune, and gaining the attention of the other by the thoughts expressed.",
+                "[107] For just as an instrument put into the hands of an unmusical person is tuneless, but in the hands of a musician answers to the skill which he possesses and becomes tuneful, in exactly the same way speech set in motion by a worthless mind is without tune, but when set going by a worthy one is discovered to be in perfect tune.",
+                "[108] Moreover, a lyre or anything of that kind, unless struck by someone, is still: speech too, if not struck by the ruling faculty, of necessity maintains silence. Moreover, just as instruments are tuned to vary in accordance with the infinite number of combinations of the music which they have to give forth, so speech proves itself an harmonious interpreter of the matters dealt with and admits of endless variations.",
+                "[109] For who would talk in the same way to parents and children, being slave of the former by nature, and master of the latter in virtue of the same cause? Who would speak in the same way to brothers, cousins, near relatives generally, and to those only distantly connected with him? to those associated with him, and to those with whom he has nothing to do; to fellow-citizens and foreigners; to people differing in no slight or ordinary degree in nature or age? For we have to talk in one way to an old man, in another to a young one, and again in one way to a man of importance and in another to an insignificant person, and so with rich and poor, official and non-official, servant and master, woman and man, skilled and unskilled.",
+                "[110] What need to make a list of the innumerable sorts of persons, in our conversation with whom our talk varies, taking one shape at one time, another at another? For indeed the same thing is true of subjects of thought. Their several peculiarities mould our language in conformity with their characteristic aspects; for it would not set forth great things and little, many and few, private and public, sacred and profane, ancient and modern, in the same style, but in the style suited to their respective number or importance or greatness; at one time rising to a lofty tone, at another restraining and holding itself in.",
+                "[111] Nor is it only persons and matters dealt with that occasion our speech to vary its form, but the causes too of the things that happen, and the ways in which they happen, and besides these, times and places which enter into all things. Right well then is Jubal, the man who alters the tone and trend of speech, spoken of as the father of psaltery and harp, that is of music, the part being used for the whole, as has been made evident."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[112] We have now described the progeny of Ada and who she herself is. Let us contemplate Lamech’s other wife Sella (Zillah) and her offspring. Well, “Sella” means “a shadow,” and is a figure of bodily and external goods, which in reality differ not a whit from a shadow. Is not beauty a shadow, which after a short-lived bloom withers away? What else is strength and vigour of body, which any chance illness breaks up? What else are the organs of sense with all their accuracy, which a noisome rheum can impair, or old age, the disease to which all of us in common must submit, reduces to inefficiency? And, to look further, are not large incomes and high reputations, and magistracies, and honours, and whatever external things are reckoned advantages, a shadow one and all?",
+                "[113] It behoves us to lead our mind by easy stages to the principle from which the whole matter starts. Men belonging to the number of those who are called distinguished have in former times gone up to Delphi and dedicated there records of their prosperous lives. These then, like evanescent paintings, have not only faded away by lapse of time, but have even breathed their last amid sharp reverses of fortune, or some of them have been swept away suddenly as by the rush of a torrent in spate and have been seen no more.",
+                "[114] Of this shadow and its fleeting dreams a son is born, to whom was given the name of Thobel (Gen. 4:22), meaning “all together.” For it is a fact that those who have obtained health and wealth, the compound which is proverbial, think that they have secured absolutely all things. And should a governorship conferring independent authority fall to their lot, puffed up by self-conceit and treading air, they forget themselves and the perishable stuff out of which they were made.",
+                "[115] They imagine that they have received a nature whose constitution is something more than human, and boastfully exalting themselves on their honours they deify themselves outright. An instance of this attitude is afforded by certain persons who have dared before now to say that they did not know the true God (Exod. 5:2), forgetting in their excessive enjoyment of bodily and outward things that they were but men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Accurately characterizing each one of these he goes on to say: “This man was a wielder of the hammer, a smith in brass and iron work” (Gen. 4:22). For the soul that is vehemently concerned about bodily pleasures or the materials of outward things, is being ever hammered on an anvil, beaten out by the blows of his desires with their long swoop and reach. Always and everywhere you may see those who care for their bodies more than anything else setting lines and snares to catch the things they long for. You may see lovers of money and fame dispatching on expeditions to the ends of the earth and beyond the sea the frenzied craving for these things. They draw to them the produce of every region of the globe, using their unlimited lusts as nets for the purpose, until at last the violence of their excessive effort makes them give way, and the counter pull throws down headlong those who are tugging.",
+                "[117] All these people are war-makers, and that is why they are said to be workers in iron and bronze, and these are the instruments with which wars are waged. For any who are looking into the matter would find, that the greatest quarrels both of men individually and of states corporately, have arisen in the past, and are going on now, and will take place in the future, either for a woman’s beauty, or for money, or glory or honour or dominion, or to acquire something, or, in a word, to gain advantages pertaining to the body and outward things.",
+                "[118] But for the sake of culture and virtue, which are goods of the mind, the noblest part of our being, no war either foreign or civil has ever yet broken out; for these things are by nature peaceful; and when they prevail, a settled condition of society, and the reign of law, and all things fairest to behold, meet, not the body’s dimeyed vision, but the keen sight of the soul. For while the bodily eyes see only the outward surface, the eye of the mind penetrates within, and going deep gets a clear view of all that is hidden up in the very heart.",
+                "[119] It is an invariable rule that broils and factions arise among men scarcely ever about anything else than what is in reality a shadow. For the lawgiver named the manufacturer of weapons of war, of brass and iron, Thobel son of Sella the shadow, and his philosophy depends not on verbal artifices, but on surpassing beauty of conception. For he was aware that every naval or land force chooses the greatest dangers for the sake of bodily pleasures or to gain a superabundance of things outward, no one of which is proved sure and stable by all-testing time; for those things resemble pictures that are mere superficial delineations of solid objects, and fade away of themselves."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] We are told that the sister of Thobel was Noeman (Gen. 4:22), meaning “fatness”; for when those, who make bodily comfort and the material things of which I have spoken their object, succeed in getting something which they crave after, the consequence is that they grow fat. Such fatness I for my part set down not as strength but as weakness, for it teaches us to neglect to pay honour to God, which is the chiefest and best power of the soul.",
+                "[121] The Law testifies to this by what it says in the greater song, “he became sleek, he grew thick, he broadened out, and forsook God which made him, and was unmindful of God his Saviour” (Deut. 32:15). For indeed those for whom life has burst into bloom in the sunshine of the moment, no longer remember the Eternal, taking the lucky moment to be a god.",
+                "[122] Wherefore Moses also bears his witness by exhorting to warfare against opposing doctrines; for he says “the fair moment has departed from them, but the Lord is among us” (Numb. 14:9). From this we see that the Divine word dwells and walks among those for whom the soul’s life is an object of honour, while those who value the life given to its pleasures, experience good times that are transient and fictitious. These, suffering from the effects of fatness and enjoyment spreading increasingly, swell out and become distended till they burst; but those who are fattened by wisdom which feeds souls that are lovers of virtue, acquire a firm and settled vigour, of which the fat taken from every sacrifice to be offered with the whole burnt offering is a sign.",
+                "[123] For Moses says “all the fat is a due for ever to the Lord” (Lev. 3:16 f.), showing that richness of mind is recognized as God’s gift and appropriated to Him, and thus attains to immortality; while that of the body and outward things is ascribed to the fair moment that usurps the place of God, and for this reason quickly has passed its prime."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] The subject of Lamech and his wives and progeny has, I think, been adequately dealt with. Let us consider what may be called the new birth of the murdered Abel. “Adam,” it says, “knew Eve his wife, and she conceived and bare a son, and called his name Seth (saying): God hath raised up to me another seed in the place of Abel, whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). “Seth” means “watering.”",
+                "[125] As, then, the seeds and plants in the earth, when watered, grow and sprout and are prolific in producing fruit, but, if no water be poured on them, wither away, so the soul, as is evident, when it is fostered with a fresh sweet stream of wisdom shoots up and improves.",
+                "[126] Watering is either the act of one watering, or the experience of one being watered. Would not everyone say that each of the senses is watered from the mind as from a spring, and that it broadens and extends their powers as water does channels? For instance, nobody of sound sense would say that eyes see, but mind by means of eyes, nor that ears hear, but mind by their agency, nor that noses smell, but the ruling faculty by using them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] This is the reason for what is said in Genesis, “A spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). For since Nature allotted the face to the senses as the choicest portion of the whole body, the spring that rises from the dominant faculty, dividing itself in many directions, sends up conduits, so to speak, as far as the face, and by them conveys the powers they need to each of the organs of sense. It is in this way that the word of God waters the virtues; for the word of God is the source and spring of noble conduct.",
+                "[128] The lawgiver intimates as much by the words: “A river goeth out of Eden to water the garden. From thence it is parted into four heads” (Gen. 2:10). For there are four main virtues, wisdom, courage, temperance, justice. Each one of these is a sovereign wielding authority, and the man that has acquired them is by the mere fact of doing so a ruling monarch, even if he be destitute of material resources.",
+                "[129] For the phrase “is parted into four heads” is not meant to indicate a dividing asunder, but a sway and sovereignty belonging to virtues. These have sprung from the Divine word as from a single root; and that word is likened to a river by reason of the unbroken flow of the constant stream of words and doctrines ever sweet and fresh, by which it brings nourishment and growth to souls that love God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] The quality of these souls he teaches very fully, leading us on by degrees, using the ordinary arts as the means of instruction. For he shows us Hagar filling a water-skin and giving the child drink. Hagar represents imperfect training, being handmaid of Sarah who represents perfect virtue. The picture shown is perfectly true to principles. For when incomplete education having come to the depths of knowledge, which is called a well, draws from it into the soul as into a vessel the doctrines and speculations of which it is in quest, and thinks fit to feed the child with that on which it has itself been fed.",
+                "[131] “Child” is the name he gives to the soul just beginning to crave after instruction, and now become to some extent engaged in learning. It is in accordance with this that the boy, when grown to manhood, becomes a sophist, for which Moses’ name is “archer.” For whatever points he sets forth as a target, at this he discharges proofs like arrows, with sure aim."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Rebecca is discovered watering her pupil not with gradual progress, like Hagar, but with perfection. How, the Law itself shall show. “The damsel,” it says, “was very fair to look upon: she was a virgin, no man had known her. And she went down to the spring and filled her pitcher and came up. And the servant ran to meet her, and said, Give me to drink, I pray thee, a little water out of thy pitcher. And she said, Drink, sir. And she hasted and let down her pitcher on to her arm, and gave him drink, until he ceased drinking. And she said, I will draw water for thy camels also, until they all have drunk. And she hasted and emptied her pitcher into the trough and ran to the well and drew water for the camels” (Gen. 24:16–20).",
+                "[133] Who would not admire the lawgiver’s accuracy in every detail? For he tells us that Rebecca was a virgin and a very beautiful virgin, because virtue is essentially free from alloy and false semblance and defilement, and alone among created things both beautiful and good. Indeed it was from virtue that the Stoic canon sprang that the morally beautiful alone is good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] But among the virtues some are ever virgin, some pass from womanhood to virginity, as Sarah did: for “it ceased to be with her after the manner of women” (Gen. 18:11), at the time when she first conceives Isaac, happiness personified. But the ever-virgin is, as he says, absolutely not known by a man. For in reality no mortal has been permitted to defile the incorruptible growth, nay not even to know clearly its nature; if he does gain power to know it, he never ceases to hate it and to be on his guard against it. For this reason, like a true philosopher, he represents Leah as hated (Gen. 29:31);",
+                "[135] for Leah, who is above the passions, cannot tolerate those who are attracted by the spells of the pleasures that accord with Rachel, who is sense-perception; wherefore, finding themselves treated with contempt by her they hate her. But for Leah, estrangement on the human side brings about fellowship with God, and from Him she receives the seed of wisdom, and is in birth-throes, and brings forth beautiful ideas worthy of the Father Who begat them. Then if thou too, O soul, follow Leah’s example and turn away from mortal things, thou wilt of necessity turn to the Incorruptible One, Who will cause all the springs of moral beauty to pour their streams upon thee."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] Rebecca, it says, went down to the spring to fill her pitcher, and came up again. For whence is it likely that a mind thirsting for sound sense should be filled save from the wisdom of God, that never-failing spring, its descent to which is an ascent in accordance with some innate characteristic of a true learner? For the teaching of virtue awaits those who come down from empty self-conceit, and taking them in its arms carries them to the heights with fair fame. It is with a view to this, as it seems to me, that God says to Moses, “Go, get thee down, and come up” (Exod. 19:24), implying that everyone who rightly gauges his own inferiority becomes more honourable in the estimation of those who can judge of reality.",
+                "[137] There is point in Hagar’s bringing a skin to the place of drawing water, whereas Rebecca brings a pitcher. She who belongs to the band of devotees of school-learning needs, as it were, certain bodily vessels of sense-perception—eyes, ears—for the acquirement of the results of study; for by those who love to learn the benefit of knowledge is gained from seeing much and hearing much. She who is filled with unalloyed wisdom has absolutely no need of any bulky leathern vessel: she that is enamoured of spiritual objects has learned by use of reason to rid herself completely of the body, which the water-skin represents. All she needs is just a pitcher, which is a figure of a vessel containing the ruling faculty as it pours forth like water its copious streams. Whether this faculty be brain or heart,",
+                "[138] we will leave experts in these matters to discuss. The keen scholar on seeing that from wisdom, that Divine spring, she has drawn knowledge in its various forms, runs towards her, and, when he meets her, beseeches her to satisfy his thirst for instruction. She has been taught the chief of all lessons, ungrudging generosity, and at once holds out to him the water of wisdom, and bids him take a deep draught, calling the servant as she does this “Sir” or “Master.” Here we have that highest of truths that only the wise man is free and a ruler, albeit he may have ten thousand masters of his body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] The man had said “Give me a little water to drink.” She does not put her answer in a form corresponding to his request, and say “I will give thee to drink,” but says “Drink.” And she speaks quite correctly, For her saying “Drink” showed that she was making manifest the Divine abundance which has been poured forth for all to enjoy who are worthy and able to do so. To have said “I will give thee to drink” would have been to profess that she would teach him. And virtue eschews all that smacks of profession.",
+                "[140] He goes on to portray with great skill the method followed by the teacher who wants to do her pupils good. “She hastened,” he says, “and let down the pitcher on to her arm.” By the “hastening” her keenness to do a kindness is brought out, a keenness which comes of a disposition from which envy has been utterly expelled. By the “letting down” on to her arm we are shown how the teacher comes down to the learner and attentively studies him as one with whom he is intimately concerned.",
+                "[141] For teachers who when they set about giving their lessons keep in view their own great superiority and not the capacity of their pupils, are simpletons, who are not aware how vast is the difference between a lesson and a display. For the man who is giving a display uses to the full the rich yield of the mastery which he possesses, and without let or hindrance brings forward into the open the results of hours spent in labour by himself at home. Such are the works of artists and sculptors. In all this he is trying to gain the praise of the public. The man, on the other hand, who is setting out to teach, is like a good doctor, who with his eyes fixed not on the vastness of his science but on the strength of his patient, applies not all that he has ready for use from the resources of his knowledge—for this is endless—but what the sick man needs, seeking to avoid both defect and excess."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] This is why Moses says elsewhere: “Thou shalt lend to him that needs (in quantity) as much as he needs (in kind) suitably to his need” (Deut. 15:8), teaching by the latter clause that we must not grant everything to everybody, but what corresponds (in kind) to the need (or business) of those who wants something. For it is absurd to give an anchor or an oar or a rudder to a farmer, or a plough and a hoe to a pilot, or a lyre to a physician, while giving surgical instruments to a musician. This is as ridiculous as it is to bring costly viands to those who are athirst, and gallons of undiluted wine to those who are hungry, with a view to making known at the same time our wealth and our hatred of our fellow-men, by making sport of others’ mishaps.",
+                "With the kind of help to be given has been joined the amount to be given. This is introduced for the sake of maintaining due proportion, a thing which has great advantages. “Do not,” says right principle, “give all you can, but as much as the man in want is capable of receiving.”",
+                "[143] Or do you fail to notice that even God imparts divine communications not in a way corresponding to the greatness of His own perfection, but to the ever-varying capacity of those whom He would benefit? Who could possibly have borne the force of the oracles of God which are too great for any power of hearing? This seems to be most truly expressed by those who say to Moses: “Speak thou to us, and let not God speak to us, lest we die” (Exod. 20:19). for they felt that they have in themselves no organ of hearing fit to be employed when God is giving laws to His congregation.",
+                "[144] Were He to choose to display His own riches, even the entire earth with the sea turned into dry land would not contain them. One might as well suppose that the rainfall and the supply of Nature’s other boons takes place at seasons recurring at fixed intervals, and not uninterruptedly, owing to some dearth and scarcity of them, and not out of forethought for those who need them, who would be harmed rather than benefited by the unbroken enjoyment of like gifts.",
+                "[145] Wherefore God ever causes His earliest gifts to cease before their recipients are glutted and wax insolent; and storing them up for the future gives others in their stead, and a third supply to replace the second, and ever new in place of earlier boons, sometimes different in kind, sometimes the same. For creation is never left destitute of the gifts of God—had it been so left it would assuredly have perished—but it has no power to bear their full and abundant torrent. And so in His desire that we should enjoy benefit from the gifts which He bestows, God proportions the things which He gives to the strength of those who receive them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Rebecca is therefore to be commended for following the ordinances of the Father (of all) and letting down from a higher position the vessel which contains wisdom, called the pitcher, on to her arm, and for holding out to the learner the teaching which he is able to receive.",
+                "[147] Among the other traits before which I stand in amazement is her lavishmess. Asked for a little to drink she gives much, until she has filled the whole soul of the learner with draughts of speculations. For we read, “She gave him to drink until he left off drinking,” a piece of teaching on kindness to our fellow-men well worthy of our admiration. For, if a man chance to be in want of many things, and come to us and owing to shame ask for few things, let us not supply him with the things which he mentioned only, but also with those about which he was silent, of which he is really in need.",
+                "[148] But for perfect enjoyment on the pupil’s part, it is not enough that he should simply take in all the instructions given by the teacher. He needs the further boon of memory. Accordingly Rebecca exhibits her generosity by promising, when she gives the servant all he can drink, to water the camels also. These we take to be figures of memory, for the camel is a ruminating animal softening its food by chewing the cud. Moreover, when it has knelt and had a heavy load laid on it, it nimbly raises itself with astonishing agility.",
+                "[149] In the same way the soul of the keen learner also, when it has been laden with the mass of speculations,",
+                "[150] does not stoop indeed, but springs up rejoicing, and through repetition and (so to speak) rumination of the original deposit of (mental) food, gains power to remember the things contemplated.",
+                "[151] When she saw how readily receptive of virtue the servant’s nature was, she emptied all the contents of her pitcher into the drinking-trough, that is to say, she poured all the teacher’s knowledge into the soul of the learner. For, whereas sophists, impelled at once by mercenary motives and by a grudging spirit, stunt the natures of their pupils by withholding much that they ought to tell them, carefully reserving for themselves against another day the opportunity of making money; virtue is an ungrudging thing, fond of making gifts, never hesitating to do good, as the saying is, with hand and foot and all her might. Well, after pouring forth all that she knew into her pupil’s understanding as into a receptacle, she comes again to the well to draw, to the ever-flowing wisdom of God, that her pupil may, by means of memory, fix firmly what he has learned, and drink in draughts of knowledge of yet other fresh subjects;",
+                "[152] for the wealth of the wisdom of God is unbounded and puts forth new shoots after the old ones, so as never to leave off renewing its youth and reaching its prime. For this reason all who imagine that they have arrived at the limit of any science whatever are perfect simpletons; for that which seemed to be near the end is very far away from it; for no one that has ever lived has been perfect in any subject of study, but falls as far short of perfection as a very young boy just beginning to learn compared with an instructor now grown grey, both as regards his age and his proficiency in his profession."
+            ],
+            [
+                "Again we must search for the reason why she gives the servant to drink from the spring, but the camels from the well. We should probably explain it in this way: the water is the same in each case, the sacred word supplying streams of knowledge. But the well is particularly associated with memory; for things which have appeared to be by this time in the depths and out of reach are drawn up as from a well by means of a reminder (from outside). Such men we must cordially approve for the excellent nature which has fallen to their lot. But there are some men of diligence and effort, who at first think the way leading to virtue rough and steep and difficult, but for whom later on the all-bountiful God renders it a highway, transforming the bitterness of their toil into sweetness. In what manner He transformed it we will point out. When He led us forth out of Egypt, that is out of our bodily passions, as we journeyed along the track barren of pleasure, we encamped in Marah, a spot having no water fit to drink, but water wholly bitter (Exod. 15:23). for the delights that come by the way of eyes and ears and that of the appetite and sexual lusts bewitched us with their haunting music, ever ringing in our ears. And whenever we wished wholly to sever ourselves from them, they would pull against us, drawing us on and gripping us, and persistently casting their spells over us, so that, giving in to their unceasing efforts to subdue and tame us, we came to abhor labour as utterly bitter and repugnant, and we planned to retrace our course and return to Egypt, the refuge of a dissolute and licentious life; and, we might have done so had not the Saviour, anticipating us, taken pity on us and cast into our soul a sweetening tree like a syrup, producing love of labour instead of hatred of labour (<i>cf.</i> Exod. 15:25). for being the Creator He knew that it is impossible for us to rise superior to anything whatever,",
+                "[157] unless a vehement love of such effort be implanted in us. No pursuit that men engage in, where affection does not draw them, gains its fitting end. For complete success a sense of liking must be added, and the heart must be absorbed in the object of its desire."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] This is the food of the soul of an earnest striver, to deem labour not bitter but most sweet. Not for all is it lawful to partake of this food. Those only may do so in whose case the golden calf, the idol of the Egyptians, which is the body, is strewn upon the water, after having been burnt and ground. For it is said in the sacred books that “Moses took the calf and burned it up with fire and ground it fine and sowed it upon the water, and gave the Children of Israel to drink of it”",
+                "[159] (Exod. 32:20). For the lover of virtue, set on fire by the brilliant appearance of the beautiful, burns up the pleasures of the body, and then chops and grinds them up, employing the principle of classification, and by this means teaches that health, or beauty, or precision of the senses, or complete soundness, including strength and muscular force, are among the bodily “good things,” and yet all these are shared with others by men abominable and accursed; whereas, had they been good things, no bad man would have had part in any of them.",
+                "[160] But these men, even if utterly worthless, still, being human beings and of the same nature, have their share of these things in partnership with good men. As it is, moreover, even the most savage of wild beasts enjoy the advantage of these “good things,” if good things they really are, in greater measure than those who are endowed with reason.",
+                "[161] For what athlete would be a match for the power of a bull or the strength of an elephant? What runner could equal the swiftness of a hound or a hare? The man of keenest eyesight is very shortsighted in comparison with the power of vision possessed by hawks or eagles. In hearing and scent the irrational creatures are greatly superior to us, for even an ass, regarded as the dullest among living creatures, were he to be tested with us, would make our hearing appear deafness; while a dog with his great rapidity of scent, reaching as it does to such an enormous distance as to rival the range of the eyes, would prove a nose to be a superfluous part of the human frame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[162] And what need is there to be diffuse and go into each instance? For this was long ago agreed upon among the most approved of the learned men of former days, who said that nature is the mother of the irrational creatures, but the step-mother of men. They said this when they took note of the bodily weakness of the latter, and of the invariably surpassing bodily strength of the former. It was reasonable, then, that the expert master should grind down the calf, that is to say, should divide it into parts and make it evident that all the advantages pertaining to the body are far removed from that which is really good, and differ in no respect from what was sown upon the water.",
+                "[163] And this is why it has been placed on record that the calf when ground down was sown upon the water, as a sign that no genuine growth of good can ever sprout in perishable matter. A seed cast into the flow of a river or of the sea could never manifest its proper powers; for unless it were to use its roots as anchors and fasten firmly on to some fixed spot of ground, and so get settled there, it would be impossible for it either to put forth a shoot, even one hardly rising above the ground, to say nothing of a good tall one, or to bear fruits as the seasons came round; for the full and violent rush of the water washes it away and forestalls all the powers of expansion latent in the seed. Even so, before any of those advantages of the vessel of the soul, on which orators declaim and poets sing, can attain substantial shape, they are destroyed owing to the constant flow of bodily substance.",
+                "[164] For how did illnesses and old age and complete dissolution come upon men, if there was not a perpetual draining off of streams brought within our contemplation by reason? Thus, then, the sacred Guide would have us refresh our understanding, namely by burning up our pleasures, by grinding down and breaking up the complex of bodily goods into thin and useless dust, by making up our minds that from none of them did there ever shoot forth and bloom that which is truly beautiful, any more than from seeds sown upon the waters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Bulls and rams and goats, which Egypt honours, and all other objects of worship of perishable material as well, are held to be gods on hearsay only, not being really such, all falsely so called. For those who deem life a show got up for foolish dotards make counterfeit impressions in the yet tender souls of the young, employing their ears as their ministers, and filling them with the nonsense of myths. They instil it into their very minds, and force those who never become men in lofty spirit but are always womanish to fashion gods for themselves.",
+                "[166] The calf, you observe, is not made out of all the things with which women deck themselves, but only their ear-rings (Exod. 32:2), for the lawgiver is teaching us that no manufactured god is a God for sight and in reality, but for the ear to hear of, and vogue and custom to proclaim, and that too a woman’s ear, not a man’s, for to entertain such trash is the work of an effeminate and sinew-less soul. But the Being that in reality is can be perceived and known, not only through the ears, but with the eyes of the understanding,",
+                "[167] from the powers that range the universe, and from the constant and ceaseless motion of His ineffable works. Wherefore in the great Song there come these words as from the lips of God, “See, see that I AM” (Deut. 32:39), showing that He that actually IS is apprehended by clear intuition rather than demonstrated by arguments carried on in words. When we say that the Existent One is visible, we are not using words in their literal sense,",
+                "[168] but it is an irregular use of the word by which it is referred to each one of His powers. In the passage just quoted He does not say “See Me,” for it is impossible that the God who is should be perceived at all by created beings. What he says is “See that I AM,” that is “Behold My subsistence.” For it is quite enough for a man’s reasoning faculty to advance as far as to learn that the Cause of the Universe is and subsists. To be anxious to continue his course yet further, and inquire about essence or quality in God, is a folly fit for the world’s childhood.",
+                "[169] Not even to Moses, the all-wise, did God accord this, albeit he had made countless requests, but a divine communication was issued to him, “Thou shalt behold that which is behind Me, but My Face thou shalt not see” (Exod. 33:23). This meant, that all that follows in the wake of God is within the good man’s apprehension, while He Himself alone is beyond it, beyond, that is, in the line of straight and direct approach, a mode of approach by which (had it been possible) His quality would have been made known; but brought within ken by the powers that follow and attend Him; for these make evident not His essence but His subsistence from the things which He accomplishes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Well then, the mind, when it begets a beginning of good disposition and a kind of first pattern of virtue in Seth, which means “Watering,” is audacious with a fine and holy audacity. For it says, “God raised up to me another seed in the place of Abel, whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). The statement that none of God’s seeds fall to the ground, but all mount upwards rising from out of earthly surroundings,",
+                "[171] and leaving them behind, is a noticeable statement that can stand every test. For the seeds that mortals deposit for the production of living beings or plants do not all come to perfection; and we are well content if those that come to nothing do not outnumber those that hold on. But God sows in souls nothing futile, but seeds so successful and perfect in every case that each one immediately yields the full crop of the fruits appropriate to it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[172] When he says that Seth has sprung up as another seed, he does not indicate that in respect of which he is “another.” Is it in respect of the murdered Abel, or of Cain who slew him? Probably the new offspring is different from each of them (in different ways). from Cain as one hostile to him, (since thirst for virtue is a thing utterly at war with wickedness that plays the part of a deserter). from Abel, as one that is friendly and akin to him; for it does not say “alien from him,” but “different,”",
+                "[173] as that which is but beginning differs from that which is full-grown, and that which is in communion with creation from that which is in communion with the uncreated. For this reason, while Abel has relinquished all that is mortal and removed and gone to the better existence, Seth, inasmuch as he is sprung from human virtue, will never relinquish the race of men, but will obtain enlargement. The first enlargement extends to the perfect number 10, when righteous Noah arises; a second and yet better one from Shem, the son of Noah, up to a second “10,” to which faithful Abraham gives his name; then a third, a “7” now more perfect than “10,” reaching from Abraham to Moses, the man wise in all things. He, the seventh from Abraham, does not, like those before him, haunt the outer court of the Holy Place as one seeking initiation, but as a sacred Guide has his abode in the sanctuary."
+            ],
+            [
+                " [174] Mark the advance to improvement made by the soul that has an insatiable desire to be filled with things that are beautiful, and the unlimited wealth of God, which has given as starting-points to others the goals reached by those before them. For the limit of the knowledge attained by Seth became the starting-point of righteous Noah; while Abraham begins his education with the consummation of Noah’s; and the highest point of wisdom reached by Abraham is the initial course in Moses’ training.",
+                "[175] Counsel and Consent, the two daughters of Lot, the man who, after having been impelled upwards, wavered and went downwards through weakness of soul, desire to have children by Mind their father (Gen. 19:32), being at variance with him who says, “God hath raised up for me.” For what He the Existent One did for him, they say that Mind can bring about for them, and so they advocate the doctrine of a drunken and frenzied soul; for it is the act of a sober and well-ordered reason to acknowledge God as the Maker and Father of the universe, but the assertion that he himself is the author of everything that concerns the life of man is that of one who is being ruined by drunkenness and sottishness.",
+                "[176] The evil intentions will not attain to intercourse with their father, until they have completely drenched him with the strong drink of folly, and have drowned any sense he had. For it is written “they gave their father wine to drink” (Gen. 19:33). It follows that when they do not give him to drink, he will be sober and they will never receive from him lawful seed, but when he has become fairly soaked, and is under the fumes of his debauch, they will become pregnant, and there will be guilt in their travailing, and a curse upon their offspring."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] For this reason Moses shut out their impious and impure progeny from every holy assembly. For he says “Ammonites and Moabites shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord” (Deut. 23:2), and these are descendants of the daughters of Lot. They are people that suppose that sense-perception and mind, a male and a female, act as father and mother for the procreation of all things, and take this process to be in very truth the cause of creation.",
+                "[178] Let us, however, should we ever incur such a lapse, as men who have escaped by swimming out of a troubled sea, lay hold of repentance, a strong rock of safety, nor let us quit our hold of it till we have been completely delivered from the tossing sea, that is from the strong current of our lapse.",
+                "[179] It was so that Rachel, having before addressed her request to Mind, as though offspring came through its operation, and having received the reply “Am I in the place of God?” (Gen. 30:2), gave heed to what was said, and learned its lesson, and made a recantation breathing true holiness, for Rachel’s recantation stands written in a prayer dear to God “Let God add to me another son” (Gen. 30:24), a prayer which none of those may make who in their folly pursue nothing whatever but their own pleasure, regarding all else as matter for loud laughter and ridicule."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[180] The chief representative of this doctrine is Onan, kinsman of the leathern Er. For it says “this man knowing that the seed should not be for him, when he went in to his brother’s wife, spilled it on the ground” (Gen. 38:9), going beyond all bounds in love of self and love of pleasure.",
+                "[181] I should therefore address him thus: “Will you not”—so I would say to him—“by providing only your individual profit, be doing away with all the best things in the world, unless you are to get some advantage from them, honour paid to parents, loving care of a wife, bringing up of children, happy and blameless relations with domestic servants, management of a house, leadership in a city, maintaining of laws, guardianship of usages, reverence towards elders, respect for the memory of the departed, fellowship with the living, piety in words and actions towards the Deity? For you are overturning and wasting all these, by breeding and nursing for yourself pleasure, the glutton and libertine, in whom all evil things have their origin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[182] It was in abhorrence of pleasure that there uprose the priest and minister of Him Who alone is Beautiful, Phinehas the controller of the inlets and outlets of the body, who takes care that none of them act amiss and break out in insolence, his very name meaning “Mouth-muzzle.” Seizing his spear, that is exploring and inquiring into the nature of all existence, and discovering nothing more august than virtue, he thrust through and destroyed by reason the creature that hates virtue and loves pleasure, and the parts out of which grew those base counterfeits, softness and voluptuousness.",
+                "[183] For the Law says that he thrust the woman through, even through the womb (Numb. 25:7 f.). Having therefore on this wise put a stop to the revolt within himself and turned clean away from his own pleasure, having thus shown his zeal for God, the First and Only One, he was honoured and crowned with the two greatest rewards, peace and priesthood; with peace, because he put an end to the intestine war of lusts in the soul; with the priesthood, because in name and in fact it is akin to peace.",
+                "[184] For the consecrated intelligence, being His minister and attendant, must needs do all those things in which her Master delighteth: He delights in the maintenance of a well-ordered state under good laws, in the abolishing of wars and factions, not only those which occur between cities, but also of those that arise in the soul; and these are greater and more serious than those, for they outrage reason, a more divine faculty than others within us. Weapons of war can go so far as to inflict bodily and monetary loss, but a healthy soul they can never harm. From this it appears that states would have done rightly if before bringing against one another arms and engines of war,",
+                "[185] with the enslavement and complete overthrow of the enemy in view, they had prevailed on their citizens one by one to put an end to the disorder which abounds within himself, and which is so great and unceasing. For, to be honest, this is the original of all wars. If this be abolished, neither will those occur which still break out in imitation of it, but the human race will attain to the experience and enjoyment of profound peace, taught by the law of nature, namely virtue, to honour God and to be occupied with His service, for this is the source of long life and happiness."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO THE POSTERITY AND EXILE OF CAIN",
+            "§ 1. <i>Epicurus.</i> Philo as usual treats Epicureanism rather superficially. The Epicurean in Cicero, <i>De Natura Deorum</i> (i. 48), says, “hominis esse specie deos confitendum est,” but continues, “nec tamen ea species corpus est, sed quasi corpus.” For the whole subject see Zeller, <i>Epicureans</i>, Engl. Trans. pp. 440 f.",
+            "§ 5. <i>The loan which was lent</i>, etc. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Timaeus</i> 42 E, where the “young gods” in making the human body take from the four elements δανειζόμενοι μόρια ὠς ἀποδοθησόμενα πάλιν.",
+            "§ 16. τὸ μέγιστον (see crit. note) may be defended by Thucydides’ use in iv. 70 <i>fin.</i>, ii. 65. 1, iii. 63. 2, viii. 76. 6 and 92. 6, iv. 108. 4. But the defence is shaky.",
+            "§ 57. θησαυρίζονται This word is suggested by the “store-cities” of Exod. 1:11, and also perhaps by βουνός = a pile, from which the LXX. coined the verb βουνίζω = “I pile up,” “accumulate.” (See Ruth 2:14, 16.)",
+            "<i>Heliopolis.</i> It is not certain whether this was the On, Rameses, or Beth Schemesch of the Hebrew Scriptures, for it has claims to be regarded as any one of them (<i>Dict. of Geography</i>). When Philo was born its ruins had nearly vanished (<i>ibid.</i>).",
+            "§ 59. By τὸν βουνὸν τοῦτον Philo means the mind or conscience. The scene of the covenant between Jacob and Laban was Mount Gilead, which signifies in Hebrew “Heap of Witness.”",
+            "Some words seem to have dropped out before πρὸ τούτων τῶν πόλεων, such as ὁ δὲ βουνὸς οὗτος or ἡ δὲ πόλις τῆς μαρτυρίας. In 62 some such title is claimed for Hebron by the words μνήμας ἐπιστήμης &lt;καὶ&gt; σοφίας θησαυροφυλακοῦσα. To understand the argument we must note (1) that Zoan carries with it all the cities of Egypt, 62: (2) that Hebron as interpreted in 62 is equated to the βουνός of 59, and therefore a text which states that Hebron was built before Zoan is equivalent to “the city of the good mind is built before (<i>i.e.</i> ranks above) all the cities of the body or foolish mind.”",
+            "§ 62. <i>Command of evacuation.</i> For ἀπόκρισις = “discharge” (from the body) see <i>L.A.</i> i. 13. κακία is a thing to be expelled from the social system.",
+            "§ 70. <i>He shall set him alive</i>, etc. The allegory is worked out as follows. The ἄλογος βίος is evil tendencies still <i>alive</i> (which they are not in the case of those whose age or circumstances put them outside temptation). We must <i>atone</i> for them by fighting against them, and finally <i>banish</i> them.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Ada.</i> That Ada, the “witness,” stands here for, or at least is exemplified by, the Epicurean school is proved beyond doubt by the use of Epicurean terms. λεία κίνησις comes from the Epicurean definition of pleasure (Usener, <i>Epicurea</i>, pp. 279, 280). ἐπιβολή, translated by Lucretius <i>animi iniectus</i>, is a very leading term for “the act of apprehension which the mind or senses must direct to the ἐνάργημα (‘the clear or close view of phenomena’) which may result in the ἐπιμαρτύρησις (‘confirmation’) or ἀντιμαρτύρησις (‘refutation’) of the δοξαζόμενα (‘opinion formed by the mind on the data of sense-perception’)” (C. Bailey). Philo gives an ethical twist to what properly belongs to the Epicurean theory of cognition.",
+            "§ 81. <i>Treating as alike things widely different.</i> Or “treating as things indifferent (in the Stoic sense) things which the wise man holds ‘superior’ and worthy of pursuit.”",
+            "§§ 95 ff. <i>The ordinance is this.</i> The meaning of these difficult sections is perhaps as follows. Toil is unnecessary, when you have reached perfection; yet if you still continue to toil, you will have both the toil and the perfection and thus attain absolute holiness. Either without the other is not “absolutely holy,” for that is stated in the text to have three necessary elements: (1) number, <i>i.e.</i> the first stage of virtue that can be “counted” as anything; (2) the rod, or discipline, which is toil; (3) the number 10 or perfection. That “exchanging” toil for perfection really means that you have both is not unintelligible; the effort is lost in success, but may be said to remain with us. The words rendered “While what is beautiful is a perfect good, toil is an imperfect boon,” may perhaps be paraphrased “The morally beautiful is a good thing to which it is essential to have attained its end; toil is a beneficial thing, whether it reach the goal or no.” They are “of equal value” as being equally essential to the truest holiness.",
+            "§ 97. <i>Marshalled.</i> τάξαντι = “set us in a rank” corresponds with ἀριθμός above, as παιδεύσαντι corresponds with the “rod,” and τελεσφορήσαντι with the “tenth.”",
+            "§ 104. <i>So too with the ear.</i> Wendland in <i>Philologus</i> 57, p. 267, calls attention to the resemblance of this description of the ear’s structure to that placed by Cicero in <i>De Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 159 in the mouth of a Stoic.",
+            "§ 108. <i>Speech … admits of endless variations.</i> Philo here and in the following sections adopts the rhetorical idea of the περιστάσεις (<i>circumstantiae</i>) which determined the nature of the speech required on each occasion. These, though sometimes made more numerous, were often reduced as here to six, persons, matters or subjects, causes, manners, times, places. In Latin and mediaeval rhetoric the six often appear as <i>quis, quid, cur, quomodo, quando, ubi.</i> As boys were regularly drilled in this classification in their early exercises (<i>progymnasmata</i>) it was very familiar to the general reader. See Ernesti’s <i>Lexicon Rhetoricum, s. v.</i> περίστασις.",
+            "§ 109. οὐδὲ τὰς τυχούσας. Wendland would prefer, instead of this correction for the οὐδὲ τύχης of the MSS., to read οὐδὲ &lt;τὰς τυχούσας&gt; τύχης, on the ground that “fortune” is included in the <i>circumstantiae personarum</i> by the rhetoricians with “nature,” “age,” and others.",
+            "§ 113. <i>Easy stages.</i> The thought of this sentence evidently comes from Plato, <i>Cratylus</i> 211 c, where the process by which we arrive at first principles is described as using ἐπαναβασμοί. Its application here, however, is obscure. But it is worth noting that in 2 Kings 20:9 ff. σκιά and ἀναβαθμοί (= “steps on the sundial”) are four times repeated in close conjunction. Philo in the preceding section has dwelt on the word σκιά. Does he perchance mean that, as the shadows on the sundial are due to the sun, so all the shadowy goods of life are meant to lift our thoughts to what is substantial? Is Hezekiah’s vainglorious display of his treasures to the envoys of the king of Babylon the link between the sundial of Ahaz and the inscriptions at Delphi?",
+            "<i>Delphi.</i> Perhaps Philo is thinking of the inscription set up at Delphi by Pausanias, as related in Thuc. i. 132. As Thucydides traces the fall of Pausanias to some extent to this inscription, the incident might not unnaturally be regarded as a striking example of a great reverse of fortune. Philo may have known of other similar instances, but it would be quite in his manner to assume from Thucydides’ story that other equally boastful inscriptions had been dedicated there.",
+            "§ 138. <i>The wise man is free and a ruler.</i> From the famous Stoic paradoxes. See <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 589 ff., and Philo’s treatise <i>Quod omnis probus liber sit.</i>",
+            "§ 139. <i>profession.</i> ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι, which latinized as <i>profiteri</i> has been the parent of our own <i>profession</i>, is the technical word for teaching any form of wisdom for pay. For this reason, and because of its association with the Sophists, Philo dislikes it.",
+            "§ 141. <i>His science … he has ready.</i> Or we might take τῆς τέχνης as = “the art of medicine,” and make ἡ τέχνη understood the subject of πεπόρικε. The ἐπιστήμη in that case is the knowledge which the art forms into a compact body. Compare the favourite definition of art as “a system of concepts organized for some useful end.” The doctor has an infinite τέχνη to draw from, but would Philo represent him as knowing it all? 152 suggests that he would not.",
+            "§ 149. <i>In the same way the soul</i>, etc. In the soul’s case, there is no stooping to receive the load, nor depression due to its weight; but there is the glad springing up. ἐπιφορεῖσθαι is probably meant to suggest the more familiar ἐμφορεῖσθαι, for the soul’s “burden” is <i>food.</i>",
+            "§ 173. <i>When righteous Noah arises.</i> Perhaps we may assign a more mystical meaning to καθʼ ἢν συνίσταται. The Pythagorean numbers, like the Platonic Ideas, are the archetypes by participating in which things become what they are (<i>cf.</i> Aristotle, <i>Met.</i> i. 5)."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על צאצאי קין",
+        "enTitle": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+        "key": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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@@ -0,0 +1,375 @@
+{
+    "title": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Posterity_of_Cain_and_his_Exile",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE POSTERITY OF CAIN AND HIS EXILE (DE POSTERITATE CAINI) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "The treatise begins with a denunciation of anthropomorphism and a defence of allegorical interpretation suggested by the statement that “Cain went out <i>from the face</i> of God” (1–7).",
+            "What the Lawgiver teaches by these words is that the soul that forfeits with Adam, or forgoes with Cain, the power of seeing God, loses the joy of the quest of Him, experienced by Moses and by Abraham (8–21); and incurs instability, in lieu of the firm standing gained by them through nearness to God (22–32). Moreover, he is ‘wedded’ to the impious view that “man is the measure of all things,” and fails to regard his offspring, as Seth regarded his, as the gift of God (33–48).",
+            "The “city builded” by Cain is the creed set up by every impious soul. Its buildings are arguments, its inhabitants the self-conceited, its law lawlessness, its tower of confusion (Babel) the defence of its tenets. Even the lovers of Virtue are forced by the worldly to build such cities for them (49–59).",
+            "At this point (§ 60) Philo stops to illustrate, from the instance of Hebron, how names, like ‘Enoch,’ ‘Methuselah,’ ‘Lamech,’ can have two discrepant shades of meaning, as they have when borne by descendants of Cain and when borne by descendants of Seth. He is also led to give examples of that which is later in time being given precedence over what is earlier, as Hebron was placed above Zoan (60–65).",
+            "Having now made clear the nature of the creed which the Cain-like soul sets up, Philo turns to its offspring—‘Gaidad’ (or ‘Irad)’ is the “flock” of untended irrational faculties. ‘Maiel’ (or ‘Mehu-jael’) means “away from the Love of God”; ‘Methuselah’ is one “incurring soul death”; and Lamech one “low-cringing”; who “takes to himself” as wives Adah and Zillah (66–74).",
+            "Here Philo cannot refrain from pointing out the wrongness of a man <i>taking</i> a wife <i>to himself</i> instead of receiving her as a gift from God. He makes an attempt to account for the fact that the self-same expression is used of Abraham, Isaac, and Moses (75–78).",
+            "‘Adah’ = ‘Witness,’ and is like success, leading us to think our actions right because of what they bring. Her son is ‘Jobel’ = “one altering,” the remover of Virtue’s boundaries fixed by right reason, making virtues vices (79–93).",
+            "Here follow some subtle remarks on Leviticus 27:32 f. (“both shall be holy”), and on the proofs of holiness, and the number 10, all tending to show that the Law is opposed to ‘altering’ (94–97).",
+            "Jobel is also the father of rearers of ‘cattle’; and cattle” are soul-less passions (98 f.).",
+            "Jobel’s son is Jubal, the uttered word, “inclining this way and that,” with no sure, firm, speech. He is also the originator of musical instruments, which are inferior to song-birds, but, like articulate speech, capable of such <i>varied</i> utterance, that it is natural that they should be invented by one who knows no abiding, and is son of one who <i>alters</i> all things (100–111).",
+            "Adah having been dealt with (79–111), we turn to Zillah, whose name signifies “shadow,” and who is therefore a symbol, of the unsubstantial goods of the body and the outside world. Her son, Tubal, bears a name meaning “all in one,” and represents the “health and wealth” which men deem the sum of human bliss. He is, by trade, a ‘hammerer,’ maker of war and munitions of war, for lusts are the real war-makers and batterers of mankind. Verily is he son of ‘Shadow.’ His sister is Noeman or “fatness,” the product of plenty (112–123).",
+            "Lamech, his wives and progeny having been dealt with (73–123), we are brought to Seth, in whom the murdered Abel comes to life. His name signifies “Watering,” for the Mind waters the senses, as the Word of God waters the Virtues, which are symbolized by the four “heads” of the river going out of Eden. The word “heads” is used to indicate the sovereignty conferred by Virtues. The “River” is the Word of God, ever flowing for souls that love God.",
+            "“Watering” is so apt a figure of teaching, that Philo is soon showing us Hagar, who represents preliminary education, filling her water-skin from the well of knowledge, to give drink to the boy, who is the soul in its first craving for instruction, that he may grow up to be an ‘archer,’ directing arguments with sure aim. But Philo hastens to give us the picture of Rebecca supplying the water of perfection to the servant of Abraham. Her <i>going down</i> to the well of God’s wisdom shows us that a sense of our own weakness is the beginning of stepping upwards. Her <i>pitcher</i> represents the directness of spiritual teaching, in contrast with the earlier, indirect, instruction through the senses and sensible objects, represented by Hagar’s bulky water-skin.",
+            "Every detail of Rebecca’s behaviour to Eliezer brings out a characteristic of the true teacher. She addresses him respectfully. She forgets self in her concern for his need. She says “Drink,” not “<i>I will give</i> thee to drink.” She lets the pitcher down on her left fore-arm and tilts it, suiting her action to the ‘pupil’s’ capacity. She does not forget to water the <i>camels, i.e.</i> to encourage <i>memory</i>, for these animals chew the cud; and they are watered from the <i>well</i>, itself a symbol of memory, from whose depths we draw by the aid of a reminder. The readiness of the camel for <i>toil</i> brings Philo to the Water of Marah, and to the tree by means of which the Israelites, after their toilsome march from Egypt, tasted the sweetness that is essential to fruitful toil. Philo cannot pass over the water which the worshippers of the golden calf were made to drink. His main point is that the grinding down of the calf, the symbol, like Egypt and the animals it worshipped, of the body, shows the inferiority of bodily advantages. Then the ear-rings of which the calf was made show the inferiority of hearing to sight, and the greatness of intuition, implied in the words “<i>See</i> that I AM,” words which are equivalent to “Behold My <i>subsistence</i>,” the essence or quality of God being invisible (138–169).",
+            "Returning to Gen. 4:25 Philo deduces from the word “raised up out of” (the earth) the doctrine that God sows nothing futile in our souls. He takes the word “another” (seed) to mean ‘other than Cain’ in one way, ‘other than Abel’ in another way, and goes on to work out Seth’s ‘otherness’ from Abel. Whereas Abel has relinquished all that is mortal, and gone hence to a higher life, Seth, sprung from human excellence, will never relinquish the human race, but be ‘enlarged’ <i>in</i> it. He is ‘enlarged’ in righteous <i>Noah</i>, the tenth from <i>Adam</i>; in faithful <i>Abraham</i>, another tenth; in <i>Moses</i>, wise in all things, seventh from Abraham. The limit of knowledge attained by Seth is Noah’s starting-point; Noah’s limit is Abraham’s starting-point; and Abraham’s limit the starting-point of Moses (170–174).",
+            "In the passage with which the treatise closes we have one of the writer’s contrasts. “<i>God hath raised up</i> to me” is contrasted with the folly and impiety of Lot and his daughters, ‘Counsel’ and ‘Consent,’ and with Rachel’s faulty cry to Jacob, “Give me children.” As she learned from Jacob’s rebuke, “Am I in the place of God?” to say “Let God add to me another son,” so let us, if we so err, repent. The gross sin of Onan is rebuked, and the act of Phinehas the “Mouth-muzzle,” is interpreted as meaning that “he put a stop to the revolt within himself, and turned clean away from his own pleasure.” The last words are a reflection, as appropriate to the twentieth as to the first century, that the soul is the theatre of the most dire wars, and that all wars come from disordered souls (175–185)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And Cain went out from the face of God, and dwelt in the land of Naid, over against Eden” (Gen. 4:16). Let us here raise the question whether in the books in which Moses acts as God’s interpreter we ought to take his statements figuratively, since the impression made by the words in their literal sense is greatly at variance with truth.",
+                "[2] For if the Existent Being has a face, and he that wishes to quit its sight can with perfect ease remove elsewhere, what ground have we for rejecting the impious doctrines of Epicurus, or the atheism of the Egyptians, or the mythical plots of play and poem of which the world is full?",
+                "[3] For a face is a piece of a living creature, and God is a whole not a part, so that we shall have to assign to Him the other parts of the body as well, neck, breasts, hands, feet, to say nothing of the belly and genital organs, together with the innumerable inner and outer organs.",
+                "[4] And if God has human forms and parts, He must needs also have human passions and experiences. For in the case of these organs, as in all other cases, Nature has not made idle superfluities, but aids to the weakness of those furnished with them. And she adjusts to them, according to their several needs. all that enables them to render their own special services and ministries. But the Existent Being is in need of nothing, and so, not needing the benefit that parts bestow, can have no parts at all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] And whence does Cain “go out”? From the palace of the Lord of all? But what dwelling apparent to the senses could God have, save this world, for the quitting of which no power or device avails? For all created things are enclosed and kept within itself by the circle of the sky. Indeed the particles of the deceased break up into their original elements and are again distributed to the various forces of the universe out of which they were constituted, and the loan which was lent to each man is repaid, after longer or shorter terms, to Nature his creditor, at such time as she may choose to recover what she herself had lent.",
+                "[6] Again he that goes out from someone is in a different place from him whom he leaves behind. (If, then, Cain goes out from God), it follows that some portions of the universe are bereft of God. Yet God has left nothing empty or destitute of Himself, but has completely filled all things.",
+                "[7] Well, if God has not a face, transcending as He does the peculiarities that mark all created things; if He is to be found not in some particular part only, seeing that He contains all and is not Himself contained by anything; if it is impossible for some part of this world to remove from it as from a city, seeing that nothing has been left over outside it; the only thing left for us to do is to make up our minds that none of the propositions put forward is literally intended and to take the path of figurative interpretation so dear to philosophical souls.",
+                "[8] Our argument must start in this way. If it is a difficult thing to remove out of sight of a mortal monarch, must it not be a thousandfold more difficult to quit the vision of God and be gone, resolved henceforth to shun the sight of Him; in other words to become incapable of receiving a mental picture of Him through having lost the sight of the soul’s eye?",
+                "[9] Men who have suffered this loss under compulsion, overwhelmed by the force of an inexorable power, deserve pity rather than hatred. But those who have of their own free choice turned away and departed from the Existent Being, transcending the utmost limit of wickedness itself—for no evil could be found equivalent to it—these must pay no ordinary penalties, but such as are specially devised and far beyond the ordinary. Now no effort of thought could hit upon a penalty greater and more unheard of than to go forth into banishment from the Ruler of the Universe."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] Adam, then, is driven out by God; Cain goes out voluntarily. Moses is showing us each form of moral failure, one of free choice, the other not so. The involuntary act, not owing its existence to our deliberate judgement, is to obtain later on such healing as the case admits of, “for God shall raise up another seed in place of Abel whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). This seed is a male offspring, Seth or “Watering,” raised up to the soul whose fall did not originate in itself.",
+                "[11] The voluntary act, inasmuch as it was committed with forethought and of set purpose, must incur woes for ever beyond healing. For even as right actions that spring from previous intention are of greater worth than those that are involuntary, so, too, among sins those which are involuntary are less weighty than those which are voluntary."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[12] Cain, then, has left the face of God to fall into the hands of Justice who takes vengeance on the impious. But Moses will lay down for his pupils a charge most noble “to love God and hearken to and cleave to Him” (Deut. 30:20); assuring them that this is the life that brings true prosperity and length of days. And his way of inviting them to honour Him Who is the worthy object of strong yearning and devoted love is vivid and expressive. He bids them “cleave to Him,” bringing out by the use of this word how constant and continuous and unbroken is the concord and union that comes through making God our own.",
+                "[13] These and other exhortations like these does Moses address to others. But so unceasingly does he himself yearn to see God and to be seen by Him, that he implores Him to reveal clearly His own nature (Exod. 33:13), which is so hard to divine, hoping thus to obtain at length a view free from all falsehood, and to exchange doubt and uncertainty for a most assured confidence. Nor will he abate the intensity of his desire, but although he is aware that he is enamoured of an object which entails a hard quest, nay, which is out of reach, he will nevertheless struggle on with no relaxation of his earnest endeavour, but honestly and resolutely enlisting all his faculties to co-operate for the attainment of his object."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[14] So see him enter into the thick darkness where God was (Exod. 20:21), that is into conceptions regarding the Existent Being that belong to the unapproachable region where there are no material forms. For the Cause of all is not in the thick darkness, nor locally in any place at all, but high above both place and time. For He has placed all creation under His control, and is contained by nothing, but transcends all. But though transcending and being beyond what He has made, none the less has He filled the universe with Himself; for He has caused His powers to extend themselves throughout the Universe to its utmost bounds, and in accordance with the laws of harmony has knit each part to each.",
+                "[15] When therefore the God-loving soul probes the question of the essence of the Existent Being, he enters on a quest of that which is beyond matter and beyond sight.",
+                "[16] And out of this quest there accrues to him a vast boon, namely to apprehend that the God of real Being is apprehensible by no one, and to see precisely this, that He is incapable of being seen. But the holy Guide seems to me even before he began this search to have discerned its futility. That he did so is evident from his imploring the Existent One to be His own Interpreter and reveal His own Nature. He says, “Manifest Thyself to me” (Exod. 33:13), showing quite clearly by so saying that there is not a single created being capable of attaining by his own efforts the knowledge of the God Who verily exists."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[17] This must be borne in mind if we are to understand what we read about Abraham, how, on reaching the place of which God had told him, he looked up on the third day and “seeth the place from afar” (Gen. 22:3 f.). What place? The one which he had reached? And how can it be far off if he is already there?",
+                "[18] It may be that what we are told under a figure is to this effect. The wise man is ever longing to discern the Ruler of the Universe. As he journeys along the path that takes him through knowledge and wisdom, he comes into contact first with divine words, and with these he makes a preliminary stay, and though he had meant to go the remainder of the way, he comes to a stop. For the eyes of his understanding have been opened, and he sees perfectly clearly that he has engaged in the chase of a quarry hard to capture, which always eludes its pursuers and is off to a distance leaving them ever so far behind.",
+                "[19] Rightly does he reflect that all the fleetest things under the sky would be seen to be standing still, if their motion were compared with that of the sun and moon and the other heavenly bodies. And yet (he ponders) all heaven is God’s handiwork, and that which makes is ever ahead of the thing made: it follows, then, that not only other things with which we are familiar, but that whose movement surpasses them all in swiftness, the mind, would come short of the apprehension of the First Cause by an immeasurable distance. But the strangest thing of all is, that whereas the heavenly bodies as they go past moving objects are themselves in motion, God who outstrips them all is motionless.",
+                "[20] Yea, we aver that remaining the same He is at once close to us and far from us. He takes hold of us by those forming and chastening powers which are so close to each one of us; and yet He has driven created being far away from His essential Nature, so that we cannot touch it even with the pure spiritual contact of the understanding.",
+                "[21] With the lovers of God, then, in their quest of the Existent One, even if they never find Him, we rejoice, for the quest of the Good and Beautiful, even if the goal be missed, is sufficient of itself to give a foretaste of gladness. But the self-loving Cain we commiserate, for he has left in the lurch his own soul bereft of any conception of the Existent One, having deliberately blinded the organ by which alone he could have seen Him."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[22] It is worth while to notice the country also into which he betakes himself when he has left the presence of God: it is the country called “Tossing.” In this way the lawgiver indicates that the foolish man, being a creature of wavering and unsettled impulses, is subject to tossing and tumult, like the sea lashed by contrary winds when a storm is raging, and has never even in fancy had experience of quietness and calm. And as at a time when a ship is tossing at the mercy of the sea, it is capable neither of sailing nor of riding at anchor, but pitched about this way and that it rolls in turn to either side and moves uncertainly swaying to and fro; even so the worthless man, with a mind reeling and storm-driven, powerless to direct his course with any steadiness, is always tossing, ready to make shipwreck of his life.",
+                "[23] I am greatly struck by the perfect sequence of cause and effect in all this. Proximity to a stable object produces a desire to be like it and a longing for quiescence. Now that which is unwaveringly stable is God, and that which is subject to movement is creation. He therefore that draws nigh to God longs for stability, but he that forsakes Him, inasmuch as he approaches the unresting creation is, as we might expect, carried about."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[24] It is for this reason that it is written in the Curses “He shall not cause thee to rest, and there shall be no standing for the sole of thy feet,” and a little later “thy life shall be hanging before thine eyes” (Deut. 28:65, 66). For it is the nature of the foolish man to be ever moving contrary to right reason, and to be averse to rest and quietness, and never to plant himself firmly and fixedly on any principle. He has one set of views at one time, another set at another, and sometimes holds conflicting views about the same matters, though no fresh element has been introduced into them.",
+                "[25] He becomes great and small, foe and friend, and nearly every other pair of opposites in a moment of time. And, as the lawgiver said, his whole life is hanging, with no firm foothold, but always swept off its feet by interests drawing and dragging him in opposite directions.",
+                "[26] This is why the lawgiver says in another place that “he that hangeth on a tree is cursed of God” (Deut. 21:23), for, whereas it behoves us to hang upon God, the man of whom we are thinking suspended himself from his body, which is a log-like mass in us. By doing so he gave up hope and took desire in its place, a grievous evil in place of a supreme good. For hope, being an expectation of good things, fastens the mind upon the bountiful God; whereas desire, infusing irrational cravings, fastens it on the body, which Nature wrought as a receptacle and abode of pleasures."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[27] Let such men be hung on desire as from a halter. But Abraham the wise, being one who stands, draws near to God the standing One; for it says “he was standing before the Lord and he drew near and said” (Gen. 18:22 f.). For only a truly unchanging soul has access to the unchanging God, and the soul that is of such a disposition does in very deed stand near to the Divine power.",
+                "[28] But what shows in the clearest light the firm steadfastness of the man of worth is the oracle communicated to the all-wise Moses which runs thus: “But as for thee stand thou here by Me” (Deut. 5:31). This oracle proves two things, one that the Existent Being who moves and turns all else is Himself exempt from movement and turning; and secondly that He makes the worthy man sharer of His own Nature, which is repose. For I take it that, just as crooked things are straightened by a correct ruler, so moving things are brought to a stop and made stationary by the force of Him Who stands.",
+                "[29] In this case He charges another to stand with Him. Elsewhere He says, “I will go down with thee into Egypt, and will bring thee up at last” (Gen. 46:4). He does not say “thou with Me.” Why is this? Because quiescence and abiding are characteristic of God, but change of place and all movement that makes for such change is characteristic of creation. When then He invites a man to the good peculiar to Him, He says “Do thou stand with Me,” not “I with thee:” for in God’s case standing is not a future but an ever present act.",
+                "[30] But when He comes to that which is proper to creation, His words will quite rightly be “I will go down with thee,” for to thee change of place is appropriate. Accordingly with Me no one shall go down—for I know no turning or change—but one shall stand, seeing that quiescence is dear to Me. But with those who go down in the sense of changing their place—for change of place is near of kin to them—I will go down, in all-pervading Presence without any alteration of locality, seeing I have filled the universe with Myself.",
+                "[31] I do this in pity for rational nature, that it may be caused to rise out of the nether world of the passions into the upper region of virtue guided step by step by Me, Who have laid down the road that leads to heaven and appointed it as a highway for all suppliant souls, that they might not grow weary as they tread it.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[32] Having now shown each side of the picture, calm in a good man, restlessness in a foolish one, let us devote our attention to the sequel. The lawgiver says that Naid, “Tumult,” to which the soul migrated, is over against Eden. “Eden” is a symbolic name for right and divine reason, and so it is literally rendered “luxuriance.” For right reason above all others finds its delight and luxury in the enjoyment of good things pure and undiluted, yea complete and full, while God the Giver of wealth rains down His virgin and deathless boons. And evil is by nature in conflict with good, unjust with just, wise with foolish, and all forms of virtue with all forms of vice. That is the meaning of Naid being over against Eden."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Having said this, he says next: “And Cain knew his wife, and she conceived and bare Enoch; and Cain was building a city, and he called the city after his son’s name Enoch” (Gen. 4:17). Is it not reasonable to inquire, what woman Cain knew? For since Eve, who was formed out of Adam’s side, there has been hitherto no record of the creation of any other woman.",
+                "[34] If anyone should suggest that Cain married his sister, his suggestion will be not only unholy but untrue; for Adam’s daughters are mentioned as having been born at a later time.",
+                "[35] What then must we say? “Wife” is, I think, the name he gives to the opinion held by an impious man’s reasoning faculty, the opinion which the impious man (habitually) assumes touching (all) matters. So do a host of those who have professed philosophy, some sects agreeing in the rules which they deduce from it for the conduct of life, and some making a variety of deductions. Of what sort then is an impious man’s opinion?",
+                "[36] That the human mind is the measure of all things, an opinion held they tell us by an ancient sophist named Protagoras, an offspring of Cain’s madness. I gather that by “wife” this opinion is meant from the fact that when Cain knew her she bore Enoch, and Enoch means “thy gift.” For if man is the measure of all things, all things are a present and gift of the mind. It has bestowed on the eye seeing as a favour, on the ears hearing, on each of the other senses their power of perception, yes and speech on the faculty of thought-utterance.",
+                "[37] But if all these are gifts, so too is thinking, including in itself countless products of thought, resolves, counsels, forethought, comprehension, acquisition of knowledge, skill in arts and in organizing, other faculties too many to recount. Why, pray, are you any longer ready to deliver grave and solemn discourses about holiness and honouring God, and to listen to such discourses from others, seeing that you have with you the mind to take the place of God, and forcibly to appropriate all things human both good and bad, sending to some a blend of both, to others one of the two unmixed?",
+                "[38] And if someone bring against you an indictment for impiety, you boldly defend yourselves, asserting that you have been trained under an admirable master and instructor, even Cain, who advised you to honour what was near you rather than the far off Cause, and that you are bound to attend to his advice both for other reasons and most of all because he proved the strength of his creed by unmistakable deeds in his victory over Abel, the champion of the opposite opinion, and in getting rid both of him and his opinion.",
+                "[39] But, in my judgement and in that of my friends, preferable to life with impious men would be death with pious men; for awaiting those who die in this way there will be undying life, but awaiting those who live in that way there will be eternal death."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[40] Now since Cain is said to have begotten Enoch, and there is afterwards a descendant of Seth with the name of Enoch again (Gen. 4:17, 5:18), we must consider whether they were two different persons or the same person. While we are engaged with these, let us investigate also the difference between others who have the same name. Like Enoch, Methuselah and Lamech appear as descendants of Cain, and descendants no less of Seth (Gen. 4:18, 5:21, 25).",
+                "[41] It is important, then, that we should know that each of the names mentioned has a meaning that can be taken in two ways. “Enoch,” as I have already said, means “thy gift,” “Methuselah” “a sending forth of death,” and “Lamech” “humiliation.” Take the first. Thy gift is, on some people’s lips, an address to the mind within us; on the lips of the better kind of men it is addressed to the universal Mind.",
+                "[42] Those who assert that everything that is involved in thought or perception or speech is a free gift of their own soul, seeing that they introduce an impious and atheistic opinion, must be assigned to the race of Cain, who, while incapable even of ruling himself, made bold to say that he had full possession of all other things as well. But those who do not claim as their own all that is fair in creation, but acknowledge all as due to the gift of God, being men of real nobility, sprung not from a long line of rich ancestors but from lovers of virtue, must remain enrolled under Seth as the head of their race.",
+                "[43] This sort is very hard to find, since they make their escape from a life beset with passions and vices, with its treachery and unscrupulousness, its villainy and dissoluteness. For those who have been wellpleasing to God, and whom God has translated and removed from perishable to immortal races, are no more found among the multitude."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] Having now distinguished between the things signified by Enoch’s name, we will pass on next to Methuselah. His name, as we saw, means “a sending forth of death,” and these words call up two pictures to the mind. In one of them death is being sent to fall upon somebody; in the other death is being dismissed from somebody. The man on whom it is sent to fall, dies without fail, while he from whom it is dismissed lives and survives.",
+                "[45] He who receives death is an intimate of Cain, who is ever dying to the way of life directed by virtue; to Seth he is close of kin from whom dying is dismissed and debarred; for the good man has reaped true life as his crop.",
+                "[46] “Low estate” again, which is the meaning of “Lamech,” has a twofold bearing. We are brought low either when the energies of the soul are let down owing to sicknesses and infirmities produced in us as the result of irrational passions, or when in our eager quest of virtue we check in ourselves the swelling of self-conceit.",
+                "[47] The former kind of being brought low is due to weakness, and is a species of leprosy, that changeful disease which assumes so many different forms. For when the uniform and healthy appearance of the flesh is impaired and the mischief is visible below the surface, the lawgiver says that the cruel disease of leprosy has set in (Lev. 13:3).",
+                "[48] The other form of being brought low results from the exercise of hardy strength, and this has for its sequel propitiation, determined by 10, the perfect number: for there is a command to bring low our souls on the tenth day of the month (Lev. 23:27), and this signifies to put away boasting, a putting away which leads to an imploring of pardon for sins voluntary and involuntary. So the Lamech lowly in this way is a descendant of Seth, and father of righteous Noah; but the Lamech brought low in the former way is sprung from Cain."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[49] The next thing for us to consider is why Cain, all alone as he is, appears in the narrative as founding and building a city; for a multitude of men needs a good-sized city to dwell in, whereas for the three that then existed some foot-hill or small cave would have been a quite adequate habitation. I said “for three,” but most likely it was for one, Cain himself only: for the parents of the murdered Abel would not have brooked dwelling in the same city with his slayer, seeing he had incurred a more defiling guilt than that of a man-slayer by slaying his brother.",
+                "[50] Everyone can see how the building of a city by a single man runs counter not only to all our ideas but to our reason itself. How is such a thing possible? Why, he could not have built even the most insignificant part of a house without employing others to work under him. Could the same man at the same moment do a stone-mason’s work, hew timber, work iron and brass, surround the city with a great circuit of walls, construct great gateways and fortifications, temples and sacred enclosures, porticoes, arsenals, houses, and all other public and private buildings that are customary? Could he in addition to these construct drains, open up streets, provide fountains and conduits and all else that a city needs?",
+                "[51] It would seem, then, since all this is at variance with reality, that it is better to take the words figuratively, as meaning that Cain resolves to set up his own creed, just as one might set up a city."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[52] Now, every city needs for its existence buildings, and inhabitants, and laws. Cain’s buildings are demonstrative arguments. With these, as though fighting from a city-wall, he repels the assaults of his adversaries, by forging plausible inventions contrary to the truth. His inhabitants are the wise in their own conceit, devotees of impiety, godlessness, self-love, arrogance, false opinion, men ignorant of real wisdom, who have reduced to an organized system ignorance, lack of learning and of culture, and other pestilential things akin to these. His laws are various forms of lawlessness and injustice, unfairness, licentiousness, audacity, senselessness, self-will, immoderate indulgence in pleasures, unnatural lusts that may not be named.",
+                "[53] Of such a city every impious man is found to be an architect in his own miserable soul, until such time as God takes counsel (Gen. 11:6), and brings upon their sophistic devices a great and complete confusion. This time will come when they are building, not a city only, but a tower as well, whose top shall reach to heaven (Gen. 11:4). By a “tower” is meant a discourse working up each (immoral) doctrine which they introduce. The discourse has for a head its own proper point, which is figuratively spoken of as “heaven.” For every discourse must needs have as its head and aim the thought brought out by it; and it is to bring this out that men of eloquence are in the habit of delivering their lengthy expositions and perorations."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[54] To such a pitch of impiety have they gone that they think fit not only to raise such cities with their own hands, but they force the virtue-loving host of Israel to do the like, appointing over them taskmasters and instructors in wicked works. For it is said that under the maltreatment of their taskmasters they built for the king of the country three cities, Peitho, Rameses, and On, which is Heliopolis (Exod. 1:11).",
+                "[55] These signify, when taken as figures, our properties of mind, sense, and speech. Peitho is our speech, because persuasion is its function, and the word means “harassing mouth,” for the speech of the worthless man makes a study of harassing and overturning all that is good and worthy. Rameses is sense-perception [for it means a “moth’s troubling”],since the mind is eaten out and gnawed through by each of the senses,",
+                "[56] just as though the moth were at work loosening and tearing it. For when ideas enter the mind such as cannot give it pleasure they fill our life with pain and toil.",
+                "[57] “On” is by name “Heap” but symbolically it is the mind, for to it as to a treasure-heap all men’s words are brought. The lawgiver is evidence of this by calling On “Heliopolis” or “Sun-city.” For as the sun, when it has risen, shows clearly the objects which night hides, so the mind sending forth its proper light causes all forms and conditions to be clearly apprehended.",
+                "[58] It would therefore not be amiss to speak of the mind as the sun of our complex system. For if it does not rise and let its peculiar light shine forth in man, the microcosm, it sheds a deep darkness on all things and prevents anything from being visible."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] This “Heap” is called to witness by Jacob, the man of earnest effort, in his controversy with Laban (Gen. 31:46 f.). This conveys the deep truth that the mind is for each man the witness of his secret purposes, and the conscience an impartial scrutineer unequalled in veracity. [But the city of Witness]was built before these cities. [60] For we are told that the spies came to Hebron, and that Ahiman, Sheshai, and Talmai, the children of Anak, were there; then it is added: “and Hebron was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt” (Numb. 13:22). It is a thoroughly philosophical proceeding to show how one and the same name has different shades of meaning. “Hebron,” for instance, means “union,” but union may be of two kinds, the soul being either made the body’s yokefellow, or being brought into fellowship with virtue.",
+                "[61] The soul, then, that submits to bodily couplings has as its inhabitants those mentioned just now. “Ahiman” means “my brother”; “Sheshai” “outside me”; “Talmai” “one hanging”: for it is a necessity to souls that love the body that the body should be looked upon as a brother, and that external good things should be valued pre-eminently: and all souls in this condition depend on and hang from lifeless things, for, like men crucified and nailed to a tree, they are affixed to perishable materials till they die.",
+                "[62] But the soul wedded to goodness obtained inhabitants excelling in the virtues, whom the double cave (Gen. 23:9) received in pairs, Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebecca, Leah and Jacob, these being virtues and their possessors. This Hebron, a treasure-house guarding personal monuments of knowledge and wisdom, is earlier than Zoan and all Egypt. For nature wrought soul elder than body (or Egypt), and virtue elder than vice (or Zoan). for “Zoan” means “Command of evacuation”; and nature determines precedence not by length of time but by worth."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] Accordingly he calls Israel, though younger in age, his “firstborn” son in dignity (Exod. 4:22), making it evident that he who sees God, the original Cause of being, is the recipient of honour, as earliest offspring of the Uncreated One, conceived by Virtue the object of the hatred of mortals, and as he to whom there is a law that a double portion, the right of the first-born, should be given as being the eldest (Deut. 21:17).",
+                "[64] For this reason also the seventh day, although in order it is the number born after 6, yet in value takes precedence of every number, in nothing differing from 1. This will be made clear by the law-giver himself, who in his epilogue to the narrative of the creation says: “And God rested on the seventh day from all His works which He had made; and God blessed the seventh day and hallowed it, because in it God rested from all his works which God had begun to make” (Gen. 2:2 f.).",
+                "[65] After this he adds: “This is the book of the creation of heaven and earth, when it was created, in the day in which God made the heaven and the earth” (Gen. 2:4). Now these things were created on the first day, so that the seventh day is referred back to 1, the first and starting-point of all. I have written thus fully with the object of showing the more clearly the opinion which Cain deems it necessary to set up as though he were building a city."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[66] The son of Enoch is named Gaidad (Gen. 4:18), which means “a flock.” Such a name follows naturally upon his father’s name. For it was fitting that the man who deems himself beholden to mind, which is incapable of comprehending its own nature, should beget irrational faculties, collected into a flock; for men endowed with reason do not profess that creed.",
+                "[67] Now every flock that has no shepherd over it necessarily meets with great disasters, owing to its inability by itself to keep hurtful things away and to choose things that will be good for it. Accordingly Moses says in his Prayer “Let the Lord, the God of the spirits and of all flesh, appoint a man over this congregation, which shall go out before their face and which shall come in, and which shall lead them out and which shall lead them in, and the congregation of the Lord shall not be as sheep that have no shepherd” (Numb. 27:16 f.).",
+                "[68] For when the protector, or governor, or father, or whatever we like to call him, of our complex being, namely right reason, has gone off leaving to itself the flock within us, the flock itself being left unheeded perishes, and great loss is entailed upon its owner, while the irrational and unprotected creature, bereft of a guardian of the herd to admonish and discipline it, finds itself banished to a great distance from rational and immortal life."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[69] This is why Gaidad is said to have a son Maiel (Gen. 4:18), whose name translated is “away from the life of God.” For since the flock is without reason, and God is the Fountain of reason, it follows that he that lives an irrational life has been cut off from the life of God. Now Moses defines living in accordance with God as consisting in loving Him, for he says “thy life is to love Him that IS” (Deut. 30:19 f.).",
+                "[70] As an example of the opposite life he gives the goat on which the lot fell, for he says, “he shall set him alive before the Lord, to make atonement over him, so as to send him forth for dismissal afar” (Lev. 16:10).",
+                "[71] A well considered direction. No one of sound sense would applaud old men for abstaining from indulgences, for old age, that long and incurable illness, renders the vehemence of their cravings far less intense. He would deem praiseworthy young men in their prime, because when appetite was a-flame within them owing to the keenness that belongs to their time of life, they nevertheless fully availed themselves of engines for quenching these fires in the shape of the lessons supplied by a sound education, and so checked the raging flame and assuaged the boiling heat of the passions. On these principles fainter praise is accorded to those who have no disease, such as commonly arises from an evil mode of life, because nature bestowed on them an easy lot, and without any effort of will they simply enjoyed good fortune, whereas those who have developed such a disease and against whom it is doing battle, are more loudly praised, if they set themselves stoutly to combat it and show both the will and the power to master it.",
+                "[72] For the strength put forth in overcoming by a severe effort the seductive baits of pleasure receives the praise which is accorded to moral victories, won by will-power. If, then, not one of the qualities that have won the happy lot (live in us), but there be alive in us noxious diseases and sicknesses, banes to be rid of, let us be in earnest to overthrow and cast them down; for this is “to make atonement over them,” to acknowledge, that though we have them still living in our soul we refuse to give in, but facing them all we persist in repelling them with vigour, until we shall have fully ensured their complete removal."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[73] What issue awaits him who does not live according to the will of God, save death of the soul? And to this is given the name Methuselah, which means (as we saw) “a dispatch of death.” Wherefore he is son of Mahujael (Gen. 4:18), of the man who relinquished his own life, to whom dying is sent, yea soul-death, which is the change of soul under the impetus of irrational passion.",
+                "[74] When the soul has conceived this passion, it brings forth with sore travail-pangs incurable sicknesses and debilities, and by the contortion brought on by these it is bowed down and brought low; for each one of them lays on it an intolerable burden, so that it is unable even to look up. To all this the name “Lamech” has been given, which means “humiliation,” that Lamech may prove himself son of Methuselah (Gen. 4:18), with entire fitness, a low and cringing passion being offspring of the soul’s death, a sore debility child of irrational impulse."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[75] “And Lamech took to himself two wives, the name of the one was Ada, the name of the second Sella” (Gen. 4:19). All that a worthless man takes to himself is in every case reprehensible, polluted as it is by an intent wellnigh past cleansing, while on the other hand the voluntary actions of good men are all praiseworthy. So in this instance Lamech in choosing wives for himself, chooses very great evils, while Abraham on the other hand and Jacob and Aaron in taking wives for themselves become associated with good things appropriate to them.",
+                "[76] For we read in the case of Abraham as follows: “and Abram and Nahor took to themselves wives; and the name of Abram’s wife was Sarai” (Gen. 11:29) and in the case of Jacob “arise and escape to Mesopotamia, to the family of Bethuel thy mother’s father, and take to thyself from thence a wife from the daughters of Laban thy mother’s brother (Gen. 28:2). and in the case of Aaron, “and Aaron took to himself Elizabeth, daughter of Aminadab, sister of Naasson, as his wife” (Exod. 6:23).",
+                "[77] Isaac and Moses take wives indeed, but they do not take them purely of themselves, but Isaac is said to have taken one when he entered into his mother’s dwelling (Gen. 24:67), and to Moses the man with whom he abode gives in marriage his daughter Zipporah (Exod. 2:21)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[78] Not without purpose have the differences between these cases been recorded in the lawgiver’s pages. For to those who welcome training, who make progress, and improve, witness is borne of their deliberate choice of the good, that their very endeavour may not be left unrewarded. But the fitting lot of those who have been held worthy of a wisdom that needs no other teaching and no other learning is, apart from any agency of their own, to accept from God’s hands Reason as their plighted spouse, and to receive Knowledge, which is partner in the life of the wise.",
+                "[79] But he that has been cast away from things human, the low and grovelling Lamech, marries as his first wife Ada, which means “Witness.” He has arranged the marriage for himself, for he fancies that the prime good for a man is the smooth movement and passage of the mind along the line of well-aimed projects, with nothing to hinder its working towards easy attainment.",
+                "[80] “For what,” says he, “could be better than that one’s ideas, purposes, conjectures, aims, in a word one’s plans, should go, as the saying is, without a limp, so as to reach their goal without stumbling, understanding being evidenced in all the particulars mentioned? Now, if a man brings a correct and unerring judgement to bear only on ends that are good, I for my part set this man down as happy. And in doing so I have the Law for my teacher, for the Law itself pronounced Joseph a successful man. It did not say “in all things” but in those in which God vouchsafed success (Gen. 39:2). and God’s gifts are all good.",
+                "[81] But if a man has used a natural aptness and readiness not only for good and worthy ends, but also for their opposites, treating as alike things widely different, let him be deemed unhappy. Certainly the words in the Babel passage are of the nature of a curse, where we read “nothing shall be wanting to them, which they purpose to do” (Gen. 11:6). for verily it is a desperate misfortune for the soul to succeed in all things which it attempts, although they be utterly base.",
+                "[82] I for my part would pray, that if ever I should have made up my mind to do a wrong, the wrongdoing might fail me, and if to live in a way unworthy of a man, the undisciplined life might fail me, and if with impudence and rascality, that there might be no impudence and rascality to be found. For assuredly ’tis better for those who have resolved to steal or commit adultery or murder to behold each of these purposes brought to failure and ruin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[83] Therefore, O mind, have nothing to do with Ada, who bears witness to (the success of) worthless things, and is borne witness to (as helping) in the attempts to accomplish each of them. But if you shall think well to have her for a partner, she will bear to you a very great mischief, even Jobel (Gen. 4:20), which signifies “one altering.” For if you delight in the witness borne to (the goodness of) everything that may present itself, you will desire to twist everything and turn it round, shifting the boundaries fixed for things by nature.",
+                "[84] Moses, full of indignation at such people, pronounces a curse on them saying, “Cursed is he that shifteth his neighbour’s boundaries” (Deut. 27:17). What he describes as “near” and “hard by” like a neighbour is the thing that is good. For it is not necessary, he says, to fly up into heaven, nor to get beyond the sea in searching for what is good; for that it stands hard by and is near to each man.",
+                "[85] And in a thoroughly philosophic way he makes a threefold division of it: saying “It is in thy mouth and in thy heart and in thine hand” (Deut. 30:11–14), that is, in words, in plans, in actions. For these are the parts of the good thing, and of these it is compacted, and the lack of but one not only renders it imperfect but absolutely destroys it.",
+                "[86] For what good is it to say the best things but to plan and carry out the most shameful things? This is the way of the sophists, for as they spin out their discourses on sound sense and endurance they grate on the ears of those most thirsting to listen, but in the choices that they make and the actions of their lives we find them going very far wrong.",
+                "[87] And what is the good of having right intentions, and yet resorting to unfitting deeds and words, by the words inflicting loss on those who hear them, and by the deeds on those who are their victims? Again, it is blameworthy to practise the things that are excellent without understanding and explicit speech.",
+                "[88] For what is done apart from these comes under the head of involuntary action, and in no way whatever merits praise. But if a man succeeded, as if handling a lyre, in bringing all the notes of the thing that is good into tune, bringing speech into harmony with intent, and intent with deed, such an one would be considered perfect and of a truly harmonious character. Thus the man who removes the boundaries of the good and beautiful both is accursed and is pronounced to be so with justice."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[89] These boundaries were fixed not by the creation to which we belong, but on principles which are divine and are older than we and all that belongs to earth. This has been made clear by the Law, where it solemnly enjoins upon each one of us not to adulterate the coinage of virtue, using these words: “thou shalt not remove thy neighbour’s boundaries, which thy fathers set up” (Deut. 19:14), and again in other words: “Ask thy father and he will show thee; thine elders and they will tell thee. When the Most High distributed nations, when He dispersed the sons of Adam, He set boundaries of nations according to the number of the angels of God, and Jacob His people became the Lord’s portion, Israel became the lot of His inheritance” (Deut. 32:7–9).",
+                "[90] If, then, I inquire of the father who begat me and brought me up, or of those of the same age with him but my elders, in what way God distributed or dispersed or settled the nations, will they answer me with steady certainty, as though they had followed that process of distribution step by step? Assuredly not. They will say “We too when we were young made diligent inquiry from our parents and persons still older than they, and we ascertained nothing definite; for they had nothing to teach us, seeing that they in their time had applied to others, whom they regarded as knowing, to enlighten their ignorance.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] Probably, then, the lawgiver gives the title of father of our soul to right reason, and of elders to the associates and friends of right reason. These were the first to fix the boundaries of virtue. To the school of these it is advisable to go, to learn by their teaching the essential matters. The essential matters are these. When God divided and partitioned off the nations of the soul, separating those of one common speech from those of another tongue, and causing them to dwell apart; when He dispersed and put away from Himself the children of earth, whom the lawgiver calls “sons of Adam,” then did He fix the boundaries of the offspring of virtue corresponding to the number of the angels; for there are as many forms or “nations” of virtue as there are words of God.",
+                "[92] But what are the portions of His angels, and what is the allotted share of the All-sovereign Ruler? The particular virtues belong to the servants, to the Ruler the chosen race of Israel. For he that sees God, drawn to Him by surpassing beauty, has been allotted as His portion to Him Whom he sees.",
+                "[93] How, then, should Jobel escape rebuke, whose name when turned into Greek is “altering” the natures of things or making them other than they are? For he changed the forms of wisdom and endurance and justice and virtue in general, forms of Godlike beauty, substituting contrary shapes of folly, intemperance, injustice, and all wickedness, obliterating the shapes that had been impressed before."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] For it is always the case that the application of a second seal destroys the impressions made by the first. The Law is so far from allowing what is evil to be substituted for what is good, that it does not even allow that which is beautiful to take the place of what is troublesome. By “troublesome” it does not mean worthless, for it would be folly not to give up bad things for the sake of getting better ones. It means all that involves toil and trouble, for which Attic writers provide a name by changing the accent of their word for “wicked.”",
+                "[95] The ordinance is this: “Everything that cometh under the rod in the count, the tenth shall be holy to the Lord. Thou shalt not exchange a good with a bad one: and if thou shalt have changed it both it and that for which it is changed shall be holy” (Lev. 27:32 f.). And yet how could the bad one be holy? Nay, as I have just said, what is troublesome, not what is worthless, is meant, so that the thing signified is to this effect; while what is beautiful is a perfect good, toil is an imperfect boon. If then thou shalt win that which is complete, leave off seeking that which is defective. But if in thy excessive zeal thou shalt choose to go on toiling, know this that thou shalt seem to be exchanging one for another, but that in reality thou shalt acquire both; for each by itself, though of no less value, is not the absolutely holy thing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[96] Now a thing is proved holy by three lines of evidence—ordinary number, discipline, perfect number. Wherefore it is said “everything that cometh in the count under the rod, the tenth is holy.” For that which is not deemed worthy of counting is profane, not holy, but that which is counted, being included in the reckoning, is <i>ipso facto</i> approved. For instance, the Law says that the corn collected by Joseph in Egypt could not be counted, and adds “for there was not count” (Gen. 41:49), since the food that sustains the body and the Egyptian passions is absolutely unworthy to be counted.",
+                "[97] The rod is a symbol of discipline, for there is no way of taking to heart warning and correction, unless for some offences one is chastised and brought to a sense of shame. 10 is the token and pledge of a perfecting by the way of gradual progress. Of that perfecting it is meet and right to offer the first-fruits to Him who marshalled, brought up and disciplined us, and crowned our hopes with fulfilment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[98] Let what has been said suffice on the subject of the man who alters and adulterates the original coinage. The lawgiver calls him besides the father of dwellers in tents rearing cattle (Gen. 4:20). Cattle are the irrational senses, and rearers of cattle the lovers of pleasure and lovers of the passions who provide them with food in the shape of external objects of sense. These differ widely from shepherds, for, whereas the latter after the manner of governors punish the creatures that live amiss, the former after the manner of entertainers supply them with unlimited food and let them feel security in doing wrong; for insolence, the daughter of satiety and greediness, never fails to be immediately engendered.",
+                "[99] As we might expect, then, the man who alters the make and character of all good things is father of those whose interest is concentrated on everything that is soul-less and an object only of the senses. For, had he taken as the object of his quest the incorporeal natures that come under the cognizance of the mind, he would have kept to the limits laid down by the men of old, which they laid down in the cause of virtue, stamping each form of it with the impress belonging to it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[100] Jubal, the lawgiver tells us, was the brother of Jobel (Gen. 4:21). “Jubal” is akin in meaning to “Jobel,” for it means “inclining now this way now that,” and it is a figure for the uttered word, which is in its nature brother to mind. It is a most appropriate name for the utterance of a mind that alters the make of things, for its way is to halt between two courses, swaying up and down as if on a pair of scales, or like a boat at sea, struck by huge waves and rolling towards either side. For the foolish man has never learned to say anything sure or well-grounded.",
+                "[101] Moses thinks that none ought to turn away either to the right or to the left or to the parts of the earthly Edom at all, but to go by along the central road, to which he gives the most proper title of the king’s highway or royal road; for since God is the first and sole King of the universe, the road leading to Him, being a King’s road, is also naturally called royal. This road you must take to be philosophy, not the philosophy which is pursued by the sophistic group of present-day people, who, having practised arts of speech to use against the truth, have given the name of wisdom to their rascality, conferring on a sorry work a divine title. No, the philosophy which the ancient band of aspirants pursued in hard-fought contest, eschewing the soft enchantments of pleasure, engaged with a fine severity in the study of what is good and fair.",
+                "[102] This royal road then, which we have just said to be true and genuine philosophy, is called in the Law the utterance and word of God. For it is written “Thou shalt not swerve aside from the word which I command thee this day to the right hand nor to the left hand” (Deut. 28:14). Thus it is clearly proved that the word of God is identical with the royal road. He treats the two as synonymous, and bids us decline from neither, but with upright mind tread the track that leads straight on, a central highway."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[103] “This Jubal,” he says, “is a father who invented psaltery and harp” (Gen. 4:21). Most appropriately does he give to sounding speech the title of father of music and of all musical instruments. For nature, when she had wrought for living creatures the organ or instrument of sound as chief and most perfect of all instruments, went on at once to bestow upon it the concords and the various kinds of melodies to the end that it might be a pattern made ready beforehand for the instruments that were to be fashioned artificially. So too with the ear.",
+                "[104] Nature turned it with her lathe and made it spherical, drawing circles within circles, lesser within larger, in order that the sound that approached it might not escape and be dispersed outside of it, but that the thing heard might be collected and enclosed within by the circles, and being as it were poured through them, be conveyed into the receptacles of the mind. We see here at once a model for the theatres seen in thriving cities, for theatres are constructed in exact imitation of the shape of the ear. So Nature, who fashioned living creatures, stretched the windpipe as though a musical scale, combining in it the enharmonic and chromatic and diatonic modes, answering to the vast variety of melodies with their shorter or longer intervals, and in this way set up a pattern of every musical instrument."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[105] To show how true this is, I may mention that all the melodious sounds produced by wind- and stringed-instruments fall as far short of the music that comes from nightingales and swans, as a copy and imitation falls short of an original, or a perishable species of an imperishable genus.",
+                "[106] For we cannot compare the music produced by the human voice with that produced in any other way, since it has the pre-eminent gift of articulation, for which it is prized. For whereas the other kinds by use of the modulation of the voice and the successive changes of the notes can do no more than produce sounds pleasing to the ear, man, having been endowed by nature with articulate utterance equally for speaking and for singing, attracts alike both ear and mind, charming the one by the tune, and gaining the attention of the other by the thoughts expressed.",
+                "[107] For just as an instrument put into the hands of an unmusical person is tuneless, but in the hands of a musician answers to the skill which he possesses and becomes tuneful, in exactly the same way speech set in motion by a worthless mind is without tune, but when set going by a worthy one is discovered to be in perfect tune.",
+                "[108] Moreover, a lyre or anything of that kind, unless struck by someone, is still: speech too, if not struck by the ruling faculty, of necessity maintains silence. Moreover, just as instruments are tuned to vary in accordance with the infinite number of combinations of the music which they have to give forth, so speech proves itself an harmonious interpreter of the matters dealt with and admits of endless variations.",
+                "[109] For who would talk in the same way to parents and children, being slave of the former by nature, and master of the latter in virtue of the same cause? Who would speak in the same way to brothers, cousins, near relatives generally, and to those only distantly connected with him? to those associated with him, and to those with whom he has nothing to do; to fellow-citizens and foreigners; to people differing in no slight or ordinary degree in nature or age? For we have to talk in one way to an old man, in another to a young one, and again in one way to a man of importance and in another to an insignificant person, and so with rich and poor, official and non-official, servant and master, woman and man, skilled and unskilled.",
+                "[110] What need to make a list of the innumerable sorts of persons, in our conversation with whom our talk varies, taking one shape at one time, another at another? For indeed the same thing is true of subjects of thought. Their several peculiarities mould our language in conformity with their characteristic aspects; for it would not set forth great things and little, many and few, private and public, sacred and profane, ancient and modern, in the same style, but in the style suited to their respective number or importance or greatness; at one time rising to a lofty tone, at another restraining and holding itself in.",
+                "[111] Nor is it only persons and matters dealt with that occasion our speech to vary its form, but the causes too of the things that happen, and the ways in which they happen, and besides these, times and places which enter into all things. Right well then is Jubal, the man who alters the tone and trend of speech, spoken of as the father of psaltery and harp, that is of music, the part being used for the whole, as has been made evident."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[112] We have now described the progeny of Ada and who she herself is. Let us contemplate Lamech’s other wife Sella (Zillah) and her offspring. Well, “Sella” means “a shadow,” and is a figure of bodily and external goods, which in reality differ not a whit from a shadow. Is not beauty a shadow, which after a short-lived bloom withers away? What else is strength and vigour of body, which any chance illness breaks up? What else are the organs of sense with all their accuracy, which a noisome rheum can impair, or old age, the disease to which all of us in common must submit, reduces to inefficiency? And, to look further, are not large incomes and high reputations, and magistracies, and honours, and whatever external things are reckoned advantages, a shadow one and all?",
+                "[113] It behoves us to lead our mind by easy stages to the principle from which the whole matter starts. Men belonging to the number of those who are called distinguished have in former times gone up to Delphi and dedicated there records of their prosperous lives. These then, like evanescent paintings, have not only faded away by lapse of time, but have even breathed their last amid sharp reverses of fortune, or some of them have been swept away suddenly as by the rush of a torrent in spate and have been seen no more.",
+                "[114] Of this shadow and its fleeting dreams a son is born, to whom was given the name of Thobel (Gen. 4:22), meaning “all together.” For it is a fact that those who have obtained health and wealth, the compound which is proverbial, think that they have secured absolutely all things. And should a governorship conferring independent authority fall to their lot, puffed up by self-conceit and treading air, they forget themselves and the perishable stuff out of which they were made.",
+                "[115] They imagine that they have received a nature whose constitution is something more than human, and boastfully exalting themselves on their honours they deify themselves outright. An instance of this attitude is afforded by certain persons who have dared before now to say that they did not know the true God (Exod. 5:2), forgetting in their excessive enjoyment of bodily and outward things that they were but men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Accurately characterizing each one of these he goes on to say: “This man was a wielder of the hammer, a smith in brass and iron work” (Gen. 4:22). For the soul that is vehemently concerned about bodily pleasures or the materials of outward things, is being ever hammered on an anvil, beaten out by the blows of his desires with their long swoop and reach. Always and everywhere you may see those who care for their bodies more than anything else setting lines and snares to catch the things they long for. You may see lovers of money and fame dispatching on expeditions to the ends of the earth and beyond the sea the frenzied craving for these things. They draw to them the produce of every region of the globe, using their unlimited lusts as nets for the purpose, until at last the violence of their excessive effort makes them give way, and the counter pull throws down headlong those who are tugging.",
+                "[117] All these people are war-makers, and that is why they are said to be workers in iron and bronze, and these are the instruments with which wars are waged. For any who are looking into the matter would find, that the greatest quarrels both of men individually and of states corporately, have arisen in the past, and are going on now, and will take place in the future, either for a woman’s beauty, or for money, or glory or honour or dominion, or to acquire something, or, in a word, to gain advantages pertaining to the body and outward things.",
+                "[118] But for the sake of culture and virtue, which are goods of the mind, the noblest part of our being, no war either foreign or civil has ever yet broken out; for these things are by nature peaceful; and when they prevail, a settled condition of society, and the reign of law, and all things fairest to behold, meet, not the body’s dimeyed vision, but the keen sight of the soul. For while the bodily eyes see only the outward surface, the eye of the mind penetrates within, and going deep gets a clear view of all that is hidden up in the very heart.",
+                "[119] It is an invariable rule that broils and factions arise among men scarcely ever about anything else than what is in reality a shadow. For the lawgiver named the manufacturer of weapons of war, of brass and iron, Thobel son of Sella the shadow, and his philosophy depends not on verbal artifices, but on surpassing beauty of conception. For he was aware that every naval or land force chooses the greatest dangers for the sake of bodily pleasures or to gain a superabundance of things outward, no one of which is proved sure and stable by all-testing time; for those things resemble pictures that are mere superficial delineations of solid objects, and fade away of themselves."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[120] We are told that the sister of Thobel was Noeman (Gen. 4:22), meaning “fatness”; for when those, who make bodily comfort and the material things of which I have spoken their object, succeed in getting something which they crave after, the consequence is that they grow fat. Such fatness I for my part set down not as strength but as weakness, for it teaches us to neglect to pay honour to God, which is the chiefest and best power of the soul.",
+                "[121] The Law testifies to this by what it says in the greater song, “he became sleek, he grew thick, he broadened out, and forsook God which made him, and was unmindful of God his Saviour” (Deut. 32:15). For indeed those for whom life has burst into bloom in the sunshine of the moment, no longer remember the Eternal, taking the lucky moment to be a god.",
+                "[122] Wherefore Moses also bears his witness by exhorting to warfare against opposing doctrines; for he says “the fair moment has departed from them, but the Lord is among us” (Numb. 14:9). From this we see that the Divine word dwells and walks among those for whom the soul’s life is an object of honour, while those who value the life given to its pleasures, experience good times that are transient and fictitious. These, suffering from the effects of fatness and enjoyment spreading increasingly, swell out and become distended till they burst; but those who are fattened by wisdom which feeds souls that are lovers of virtue, acquire a firm and settled vigour, of which the fat taken from every sacrifice to be offered with the whole burnt offering is a sign.",
+                "[123] For Moses says “all the fat is a due for ever to the Lord” (Lev. 3:16 f.), showing that richness of mind is recognized as God’s gift and appropriated to Him, and thus attains to immortality; while that of the body and outward things is ascribed to the fair moment that usurps the place of God, and for this reason quickly has passed its prime."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[124] The subject of Lamech and his wives and progeny has, I think, been adequately dealt with. Let us consider what may be called the new birth of the murdered Abel. “Adam,” it says, “knew Eve his wife, and she conceived and bare a son, and called his name Seth (saying): God hath raised up to me another seed in the place of Abel, whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). “Seth” means “watering.”",
+                "[125] As, then, the seeds and plants in the earth, when watered, grow and sprout and are prolific in producing fruit, but, if no water be poured on them, wither away, so the soul, as is evident, when it is fostered with a fresh sweet stream of wisdom shoots up and improves.",
+                "[126] Watering is either the act of one watering, or the experience of one being watered. Would not everyone say that each of the senses is watered from the mind as from a spring, and that it broadens and extends their powers as water does channels? For instance, nobody of sound sense would say that eyes see, but mind by means of eyes, nor that ears hear, but mind by their agency, nor that noses smell, but the ruling faculty by using them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] This is the reason for what is said in Genesis, “A spring went up out of the earth and watered all the face of the earth” (Gen. 2:6). For since Nature allotted the face to the senses as the choicest portion of the whole body, the spring that rises from the dominant faculty, dividing itself in many directions, sends up conduits, so to speak, as far as the face, and by them conveys the powers they need to each of the organs of sense. It is in this way that the word of God waters the virtues; for the word of God is the source and spring of noble conduct.",
+                "[128] The lawgiver intimates as much by the words: “A river goeth out of Eden to water the garden. From thence it is parted into four heads” (Gen. 2:10). For there are four main virtues, wisdom, courage, temperance, justice. Each one of these is a sovereign wielding authority, and the man that has acquired them is by the mere fact of doing so a ruling monarch, even if he be destitute of material resources.",
+                "[129] For the phrase “is parted into four heads” is not meant to indicate a dividing asunder, but a sway and sovereignty belonging to virtues. These have sprung from the Divine word as from a single root; and that word is likened to a river by reason of the unbroken flow of the constant stream of words and doctrines ever sweet and fresh, by which it brings nourishment and growth to souls that love God."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[130] The quality of these souls he teaches very fully, leading us on by degrees, using the ordinary arts as the means of instruction. For he shows us Hagar filling a water-skin and giving the child drink. Hagar represents imperfect training, being handmaid of Sarah who represents perfect virtue. The picture shown is perfectly true to principles. For when incomplete education having come to the depths of knowledge, which is called a well, draws from it into the soul as into a vessel the doctrines and speculations of which it is in quest, and thinks fit to feed the child with that on which it has itself been fed.",
+                "[131] “Child” is the name he gives to the soul just beginning to crave after instruction, and now become to some extent engaged in learning. It is in accordance with this that the boy, when grown to manhood, becomes a sophist, for which Moses’ name is “archer.” For whatever points he sets forth as a target, at this he discharges proofs like arrows, with sure aim."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[132] Rebecca is discovered watering her pupil not with gradual progress, like Hagar, but with perfection. How, the Law itself shall show. “The damsel,” it says, “was very fair to look upon: she was a virgin, no man had known her. And she went down to the spring and filled her pitcher and came up. And the servant ran to meet her, and said, Give me to drink, I pray thee, a little water out of thy pitcher. And she said, Drink, sir. And she hasted and let down her pitcher on to her arm, and gave him drink, until he ceased drinking. And she said, I will draw water for thy camels also, until they all have drunk. And she hasted and emptied her pitcher into the trough and ran to the well and drew water for the camels” (Gen. 24:16–20).",
+                "[133] Who would not admire the lawgiver’s accuracy in every detail? For he tells us that Rebecca was a virgin and a very beautiful virgin, because virtue is essentially free from alloy and false semblance and defilement, and alone among created things both beautiful and good. Indeed it was from virtue that the Stoic canon sprang that the morally beautiful alone is good."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[134] But among the virtues some are ever virgin, some pass from womanhood to virginity, as Sarah did: for “it ceased to be with her after the manner of women” (Gen. 18:11), at the time when she first conceives Isaac, happiness personified. But the ever-virgin is, as he says, absolutely not known by a man. For in reality no mortal has been permitted to defile the incorruptible growth, nay not even to know clearly its nature; if he does gain power to know it, he never ceases to hate it and to be on his guard against it. For this reason, like a true philosopher, he represents Leah as hated (Gen. 29:31);",
+                "[135] for Leah, who is above the passions, cannot tolerate those who are attracted by the spells of the pleasures that accord with Rachel, who is sense-perception; wherefore, finding themselves treated with contempt by her they hate her. But for Leah, estrangement on the human side brings about fellowship with God, and from Him she receives the seed of wisdom, and is in birth-throes, and brings forth beautiful ideas worthy of the Father Who begat them. Then if thou too, O soul, follow Leah’s example and turn away from mortal things, thou wilt of necessity turn to the Incorruptible One, Who will cause all the springs of moral beauty to pour their streams upon thee."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] Rebecca, it says, went down to the spring to fill her pitcher, and came up again. For whence is it likely that a mind thirsting for sound sense should be filled save from the wisdom of God, that never-failing spring, its descent to which is an ascent in accordance with some innate characteristic of a true learner? For the teaching of virtue awaits those who come down from empty self-conceit, and taking them in its arms carries them to the heights with fair fame. It is with a view to this, as it seems to me, that God says to Moses, “Go, get thee down, and come up” (Exod. 19:24), implying that everyone who rightly gauges his own inferiority becomes more honourable in the estimation of those who can judge of reality.",
+                "[137] There is point in Hagar’s bringing a skin to the place of drawing water, whereas Rebecca brings a pitcher. She who belongs to the band of devotees of school-learning needs, as it were, certain bodily vessels of sense-perception—eyes, ears—for the acquirement of the results of study; for by those who love to learn the benefit of knowledge is gained from seeing much and hearing much. She who is filled with unalloyed wisdom has absolutely no need of any bulky leathern vessel: she that is enamoured of spiritual objects has learned by use of reason to rid herself completely of the body, which the water-skin represents. All she needs is just a pitcher, which is a figure of a vessel containing the ruling faculty as it pours forth like water its copious streams. Whether this faculty be brain or heart,",
+                "[138] we will leave experts in these matters to discuss. The keen scholar on seeing that from wisdom, that Divine spring, she has drawn knowledge in its various forms, runs towards her, and, when he meets her, beseeches her to satisfy his thirst for instruction. She has been taught the chief of all lessons, ungrudging generosity, and at once holds out to him the water of wisdom, and bids him take a deep draught, calling the servant as she does this “Sir” or “Master.” Here we have that highest of truths that only the wise man is free and a ruler, albeit he may have ten thousand masters of his body."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[139] The man had said “Give me a little water to drink.” She does not put her answer in a form corresponding to his request, and say “I will give thee to drink,” but says “Drink.” And she speaks quite correctly, For her saying “Drink” showed that she was making manifest the Divine abundance which has been poured forth for all to enjoy who are worthy and able to do so. To have said “I will give thee to drink” would have been to profess that she would teach him. And virtue eschews all that smacks of profession.",
+                "[140] He goes on to portray with great skill the method followed by the teacher who wants to do her pupils good. “She hastened,” he says, “and let down the pitcher on to her arm.” By the “hastening” her keenness to do a kindness is brought out, a keenness which comes of a disposition from which envy has been utterly expelled. By the “letting down” on to her arm we are shown how the teacher comes down to the learner and attentively studies him as one with whom he is intimately concerned.",
+                "[141] For teachers who when they set about giving their lessons keep in view their own great superiority and not the capacity of their pupils, are simpletons, who are not aware how vast is the difference between a lesson and a display. For the man who is giving a display uses to the full the rich yield of the mastery which he possesses, and without let or hindrance brings forward into the open the results of hours spent in labour by himself at home. Such are the works of artists and sculptors. In all this he is trying to gain the praise of the public. The man, on the other hand, who is setting out to teach, is like a good doctor, who with his eyes fixed not on the vastness of his science but on the strength of his patient, applies not all that he has ready for use from the resources of his knowledge—for this is endless—but what the sick man needs, seeking to avoid both defect and excess."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[142] This is why Moses says elsewhere: “Thou shalt lend to him that needs (in quantity) as much as he needs (in kind) suitably to his need” (Deut. 15:8), teaching by the latter clause that we must not grant everything to everybody, but what corresponds (in kind) to the need (or business) of those who wants something. For it is absurd to give an anchor or an oar or a rudder to a farmer, or a plough and a hoe to a pilot, or a lyre to a physician, while giving surgical instruments to a musician. This is as ridiculous as it is to bring costly viands to those who are athirst, and gallons of undiluted wine to those who are hungry, with a view to making known at the same time our wealth and our hatred of our fellow-men, by making sport of others’ mishaps.",
+                "With the kind of help to be given has been joined the amount to be given. This is introduced for the sake of maintaining due proportion, a thing which has great advantages. “Do not,” says right principle, “give all you can, but as much as the man in want is capable of receiving.”",
+                "[143] Or do you fail to notice that even God imparts divine communications not in a way corresponding to the greatness of His own perfection, but to the ever-varying capacity of those whom He would benefit? Who could possibly have borne the force of the oracles of God which are too great for any power of hearing? This seems to be most truly expressed by those who say to Moses: “Speak thou to us, and let not God speak to us, lest we die” (Exod. 20:19). for they felt that they have in themselves no organ of hearing fit to be employed when God is giving laws to His congregation.",
+                "[144] Were He to choose to display His own riches, even the entire earth with the sea turned into dry land would not contain them. One might as well suppose that the rainfall and the supply of Nature’s other boons takes place at seasons recurring at fixed intervals, and not uninterruptedly, owing to some dearth and scarcity of them, and not out of forethought for those who need them, who would be harmed rather than benefited by the unbroken enjoyment of like gifts.",
+                "[145] Wherefore God ever causes His earliest gifts to cease before their recipients are glutted and wax insolent; and storing them up for the future gives others in their stead, and a third supply to replace the second, and ever new in place of earlier boons, sometimes different in kind, sometimes the same. For creation is never left destitute of the gifts of God—had it been so left it would assuredly have perished—but it has no power to bear their full and abundant torrent. And so in His desire that we should enjoy benefit from the gifts which He bestows, God proportions the things which He gives to the strength of those who receive them."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[146] Rebecca is therefore to be commended for following the ordinances of the Father (of all) and letting down from a higher position the vessel which contains wisdom, called the pitcher, on to her arm, and for holding out to the learner the teaching which he is able to receive.",
+                "[147] Among the other traits before which I stand in amazement is her lavishmess. Asked for a little to drink she gives much, until she has filled the whole soul of the learner with draughts of speculations. For we read, “She gave him to drink until he left off drinking,” a piece of teaching on kindness to our fellow-men well worthy of our admiration. For, if a man chance to be in want of many things, and come to us and owing to shame ask for few things, let us not supply him with the things which he mentioned only, but also with those about which he was silent, of which he is really in need.",
+                "[148] But for perfect enjoyment on the pupil’s part, it is not enough that he should simply take in all the instructions given by the teacher. He needs the further boon of memory. Accordingly Rebecca exhibits her generosity by promising, when she gives the servant all he can drink, to water the camels also. These we take to be figures of memory, for the camel is a ruminating animal softening its food by chewing the cud. Moreover, when it has knelt and had a heavy load laid on it, it nimbly raises itself with astonishing agility.",
+                "[149] In the same way the soul of the keen learner also, when it has been laden with the mass of speculations,",
+                "[150] does not stoop indeed, but springs up rejoicing, and through repetition and (so to speak) rumination of the original deposit of (mental) food, gains power to remember the things contemplated.",
+                "[151] When she saw how readily receptive of virtue the servant’s nature was, she emptied all the contents of her pitcher into the drinking-trough, that is to say, she poured all the teacher’s knowledge into the soul of the learner. For, whereas sophists, impelled at once by mercenary motives and by a grudging spirit, stunt the natures of their pupils by withholding much that they ought to tell them, carefully reserving for themselves against another day the opportunity of making money; virtue is an ungrudging thing, fond of making gifts, never hesitating to do good, as the saying is, with hand and foot and all her might. Well, after pouring forth all that she knew into her pupil’s understanding as into a receptacle, she comes again to the well to draw, to the ever-flowing wisdom of God, that her pupil may, by means of memory, fix firmly what he has learned, and drink in draughts of knowledge of yet other fresh subjects;",
+                "[152] for the wealth of the wisdom of God is unbounded and puts forth new shoots after the old ones, so as never to leave off renewing its youth and reaching its prime. For this reason all who imagine that they have arrived at the limit of any science whatever are perfect simpletons; for that which seemed to be near the end is very far away from it; for no one that has ever lived has been perfect in any subject of study, but falls as far short of perfection as a very young boy just beginning to learn compared with an instructor now grown grey, both as regards his age and his proficiency in his profession."
+            ],
+            [
+                "Again we must search for the reason why she gives the servant to drink from the spring, but the camels from the well. We should probably explain it in this way: the water is the same in each case, the sacred word supplying streams of knowledge. But the well is particularly associated with memory; for things which have appeared to be by this time in the depths and out of reach are drawn up as from a well by means of a reminder (from outside). Such men we must cordially approve for the excellent nature which has fallen to their lot. But there are some men of diligence and effort, who at first think the way leading to virtue rough and steep and difficult, but for whom later on the all-bountiful God renders it a highway, transforming the bitterness of their toil into sweetness. In what manner He transformed it we will point out. When He led us forth out of Egypt, that is out of our bodily passions, as we journeyed along the track barren of pleasure, we encamped in Marah, a spot having no water fit to drink, but water wholly bitter (Exod. 15:23). for the delights that come by the way of eyes and ears and that of the appetite and sexual lusts bewitched us with their haunting music, ever ringing in our ears. And whenever we wished wholly to sever ourselves from them, they would pull against us, drawing us on and gripping us, and persistently casting their spells over us, so that, giving in to their unceasing efforts to subdue and tame us, we came to abhor labour as utterly bitter and repugnant, and we planned to retrace our course and return to Egypt, the refuge of a dissolute and licentious life; and, we might have done so had not the Saviour, anticipating us, taken pity on us and cast into our soul a sweetening tree like a syrup, producing love of labour instead of hatred of labour (<i>cf.</i> Exod. 15:25). for being the Creator He knew that it is impossible for us to rise superior to anything whatever,",
+                "[157] unless a vehement love of such effort be implanted in us. No pursuit that men engage in, where affection does not draw them, gains its fitting end. For complete success a sense of liking must be added, and the heart must be absorbed in the object of its desire."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[158] This is the food of the soul of an earnest striver, to deem labour not bitter but most sweet. Not for all is it lawful to partake of this food. Those only may do so in whose case the golden calf, the idol of the Egyptians, which is the body, is strewn upon the water, after having been burnt and ground. For it is said in the sacred books that “Moses took the calf and burned it up with fire and ground it fine and sowed it upon the water, and gave the Children of Israel to drink of it”",
+                "[159] (Exod. 32:20). For the lover of virtue, set on fire by the brilliant appearance of the beautiful, burns up the pleasures of the body, and then chops and grinds them up, employing the principle of classification, and by this means teaches that health, or beauty, or precision of the senses, or complete soundness, including strength and muscular force, are among the bodily “good things,” and yet all these are shared with others by men abominable and accursed; whereas, had they been good things, no bad man would have had part in any of them.",
+                "[160] But these men, even if utterly worthless, still, being human beings and of the same nature, have their share of these things in partnership with good men. As it is, moreover, even the most savage of wild beasts enjoy the advantage of these “good things,” if good things they really are, in greater measure than those who are endowed with reason.",
+                "[161] For what athlete would be a match for the power of a bull or the strength of an elephant? What runner could equal the swiftness of a hound or a hare? The man of keenest eyesight is very shortsighted in comparison with the power of vision possessed by hawks or eagles. In hearing and scent the irrational creatures are greatly superior to us, for even an ass, regarded as the dullest among living creatures, were he to be tested with us, would make our hearing appear deafness; while a dog with his great rapidity of scent, reaching as it does to such an enormous distance as to rival the range of the eyes, would prove a nose to be a superfluous part of the human frame."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[162] And what need is there to be diffuse and go into each instance? For this was long ago agreed upon among the most approved of the learned men of former days, who said that nature is the mother of the irrational creatures, but the step-mother of men. They said this when they took note of the bodily weakness of the latter, and of the invariably surpassing bodily strength of the former. It was reasonable, then, that the expert master should grind down the calf, that is to say, should divide it into parts and make it evident that all the advantages pertaining to the body are far removed from that which is really good, and differ in no respect from what was sown upon the water.",
+                "[163] And this is why it has been placed on record that the calf when ground down was sown upon the water, as a sign that no genuine growth of good can ever sprout in perishable matter. A seed cast into the flow of a river or of the sea could never manifest its proper powers; for unless it were to use its roots as anchors and fasten firmly on to some fixed spot of ground, and so get settled there, it would be impossible for it either to put forth a shoot, even one hardly rising above the ground, to say nothing of a good tall one, or to bear fruits as the seasons came round; for the full and violent rush of the water washes it away and forestalls all the powers of expansion latent in the seed. Even so, before any of those advantages of the vessel of the soul, on which orators declaim and poets sing, can attain substantial shape, they are destroyed owing to the constant flow of bodily substance.",
+                "[164] For how did illnesses and old age and complete dissolution come upon men, if there was not a perpetual draining off of streams brought within our contemplation by reason? Thus, then, the sacred Guide would have us refresh our understanding, namely by burning up our pleasures, by grinding down and breaking up the complex of bodily goods into thin and useless dust, by making up our minds that from none of them did there ever shoot forth and bloom that which is truly beautiful, any more than from seeds sown upon the waters."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[165] Bulls and rams and goats, which Egypt honours, and all other objects of worship of perishable material as well, are held to be gods on hearsay only, not being really such, all falsely so called. For those who deem life a show got up for foolish dotards make counterfeit impressions in the yet tender souls of the young, employing their ears as their ministers, and filling them with the nonsense of myths. They instil it into their very minds, and force those who never become men in lofty spirit but are always womanish to fashion gods for themselves.",
+                "[166] The calf, you observe, is not made out of all the things with which women deck themselves, but only their ear-rings (Exod. 32:2), for the lawgiver is teaching us that no manufactured god is a God for sight and in reality, but for the ear to hear of, and vogue and custom to proclaim, and that too a woman’s ear, not a man’s, for to entertain such trash is the work of an effeminate and sinew-less soul. But the Being that in reality is can be perceived and known, not only through the ears, but with the eyes of the understanding,",
+                "[167] from the powers that range the universe, and from the constant and ceaseless motion of His ineffable works. Wherefore in the great Song there come these words as from the lips of God, “See, see that I AM” (Deut. 32:39), showing that He that actually IS is apprehended by clear intuition rather than demonstrated by arguments carried on in words. When we say that the Existent One is visible, we are not using words in their literal sense,",
+                "[168] but it is an irregular use of the word by which it is referred to each one of His powers. In the passage just quoted He does not say “See Me,” for it is impossible that the God who is should be perceived at all by created beings. What he says is “See that I AM,” that is “Behold My subsistence.” For it is quite enough for a man’s reasoning faculty to advance as far as to learn that the Cause of the Universe is and subsists. To be anxious to continue his course yet further, and inquire about essence or quality in God, is a folly fit for the world’s childhood.",
+                "[169] Not even to Moses, the all-wise, did God accord this, albeit he had made countless requests, but a divine communication was issued to him, “Thou shalt behold that which is behind Me, but My Face thou shalt not see” (Exod. 33:23). This meant, that all that follows in the wake of God is within the good man’s apprehension, while He Himself alone is beyond it, beyond, that is, in the line of straight and direct approach, a mode of approach by which (had it been possible) His quality would have been made known; but brought within ken by the powers that follow and attend Him; for these make evident not His essence but His subsistence from the things which He accomplishes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[170] Well then, the mind, when it begets a beginning of good disposition and a kind of first pattern of virtue in Seth, which means “Watering,” is audacious with a fine and holy audacity. For it says, “God raised up to me another seed in the place of Abel, whom Cain slew” (Gen. 4:25). The statement that none of God’s seeds fall to the ground, but all mount upwards rising from out of earthly surroundings,",
+                "[171] and leaving them behind, is a noticeable statement that can stand every test. For the seeds that mortals deposit for the production of living beings or plants do not all come to perfection; and we are well content if those that come to nothing do not outnumber those that hold on. But God sows in souls nothing futile, but seeds so successful and perfect in every case that each one immediately yields the full crop of the fruits appropriate to it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[172] When he says that Seth has sprung up as another seed, he does not indicate that in respect of which he is “another.” Is it in respect of the murdered Abel, or of Cain who slew him? Probably the new offspring is different from each of them (in different ways). from Cain as one hostile to him, (since thirst for virtue is a thing utterly at war with wickedness that plays the part of a deserter). from Abel, as one that is friendly and akin to him; for it does not say “alien from him,” but “different,”",
+                "[173] as that which is but beginning differs from that which is full-grown, and that which is in communion with creation from that which is in communion with the uncreated. For this reason, while Abel has relinquished all that is mortal and removed and gone to the better existence, Seth, inasmuch as he is sprung from human virtue, will never relinquish the race of men, but will obtain enlargement. The first enlargement extends to the perfect number 10, when righteous Noah arises; a second and yet better one from Shem, the son of Noah, up to a second “10,” to which faithful Abraham gives his name; then a third, a “7” now more perfect than “10,” reaching from Abraham to Moses, the man wise in all things. He, the seventh from Abraham, does not, like those before him, haunt the outer court of the Holy Place as one seeking initiation, but as a sacred Guide has his abode in the sanctuary."
+            ],
+            [
+                " [174] Mark the advance to improvement made by the soul that has an insatiable desire to be filled with things that are beautiful, and the unlimited wealth of God, which has given as starting-points to others the goals reached by those before them. For the limit of the knowledge attained by Seth became the starting-point of righteous Noah; while Abraham begins his education with the consummation of Noah’s; and the highest point of wisdom reached by Abraham is the initial course in Moses’ training.",
+                "[175] Counsel and Consent, the two daughters of Lot, the man who, after having been impelled upwards, wavered and went downwards through weakness of soul, desire to have children by Mind their father (Gen. 19:32), being at variance with him who says, “God hath raised up for me.” For what He the Existent One did for him, they say that Mind can bring about for them, and so they advocate the doctrine of a drunken and frenzied soul; for it is the act of a sober and well-ordered reason to acknowledge God as the Maker and Father of the universe, but the assertion that he himself is the author of everything that concerns the life of man is that of one who is being ruined by drunkenness and sottishness.",
+                "[176] The evil intentions will not attain to intercourse with their father, until they have completely drenched him with the strong drink of folly, and have drowned any sense he had. For it is written “they gave their father wine to drink” (Gen. 19:33). It follows that when they do not give him to drink, he will be sober and they will never receive from him lawful seed, but when he has become fairly soaked, and is under the fumes of his debauch, they will become pregnant, and there will be guilt in their travailing, and a curse upon their offspring."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] For this reason Moses shut out their impious and impure progeny from every holy assembly. For he says “Ammonites and Moabites shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord” (Deut. 23:2), and these are descendants of the daughters of Lot. They are people that suppose that sense-perception and mind, a male and a female, act as father and mother for the procreation of all things, and take this process to be in very truth the cause of creation.",
+                "[178] Let us, however, should we ever incur such a lapse, as men who have escaped by swimming out of a troubled sea, lay hold of repentance, a strong rock of safety, nor let us quit our hold of it till we have been completely delivered from the tossing sea, that is from the strong current of our lapse.",
+                "[179] It was so that Rachel, having before addressed her request to Mind, as though offspring came through its operation, and having received the reply “Am I in the place of God?” (Gen. 30:2), gave heed to what was said, and learned its lesson, and made a recantation breathing true holiness, for Rachel’s recantation stands written in a prayer dear to God “Let God add to me another son” (Gen. 30:24), a prayer which none of those may make who in their folly pursue nothing whatever but their own pleasure, regarding all else as matter for loud laughter and ridicule."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[180] The chief representative of this doctrine is Onan, kinsman of the leathern Er. For it says “this man knowing that the seed should not be for him, when he went in to his brother’s wife, spilled it on the ground” (Gen. 38:9), going beyond all bounds in love of self and love of pleasure.",
+                "[181] I should therefore address him thus: “Will you not”—so I would say to him—“by providing only your individual profit, be doing away with all the best things in the world, unless you are to get some advantage from them, honour paid to parents, loving care of a wife, bringing up of children, happy and blameless relations with domestic servants, management of a house, leadership in a city, maintaining of laws, guardianship of usages, reverence towards elders, respect for the memory of the departed, fellowship with the living, piety in words and actions towards the Deity? For you are overturning and wasting all these, by breeding and nursing for yourself pleasure, the glutton and libertine, in whom all evil things have their origin."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[182] It was in abhorrence of pleasure that there uprose the priest and minister of Him Who alone is Beautiful, Phinehas the controller of the inlets and outlets of the body, who takes care that none of them act amiss and break out in insolence, his very name meaning “Mouth-muzzle.” Seizing his spear, that is exploring and inquiring into the nature of all existence, and discovering nothing more august than virtue, he thrust through and destroyed by reason the creature that hates virtue and loves pleasure, and the parts out of which grew those base counterfeits, softness and voluptuousness.",
+                "[183] For the Law says that he thrust the woman through, even through the womb (Numb. 25:7 f.). Having therefore on this wise put a stop to the revolt within himself and turned clean away from his own pleasure, having thus shown his zeal for God, the First and Only One, he was honoured and crowned with the two greatest rewards, peace and priesthood; with peace, because he put an end to the intestine war of lusts in the soul; with the priesthood, because in name and in fact it is akin to peace.",
+                "[184] For the consecrated intelligence, being His minister and attendant, must needs do all those things in which her Master delighteth: He delights in the maintenance of a well-ordered state under good laws, in the abolishing of wars and factions, not only those which occur between cities, but also of those that arise in the soul; and these are greater and more serious than those, for they outrage reason, a more divine faculty than others within us. Weapons of war can go so far as to inflict bodily and monetary loss, but a healthy soul they can never harm. From this it appears that states would have done rightly if before bringing against one another arms and engines of war,",
+                "[185] with the enslavement and complete overthrow of the enemy in view, they had prevailed on their citizens one by one to put an end to the disorder which abounds within himself, and which is so great and unceasing. For, to be honest, this is the original of all wars. If this be abolished, neither will those occur which still break out in imitation of it, but the human race will attain to the experience and enjoyment of profound peace, taught by the law of nature, namely virtue, to honour God and to be occupied with His service, for this is the source of long life and happiness."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO THE POSTERITY AND EXILE OF CAIN",
+            "§ 1. <i>Epicurus.</i> Philo as usual treats Epicureanism rather superficially. The Epicurean in Cicero, <i>De Natura Deorum</i> (i. 48), says, “hominis esse specie deos confitendum est,” but continues, “nec tamen ea species corpus est, sed quasi corpus.” For the whole subject see Zeller, <i>Epicureans</i>, Engl. Trans. pp. 440 f.",
+            "§ 5. <i>The loan which was lent</i>, etc. <i>Cf</i>. <i>Timaeus</i> 42 E, where the “young gods” in making the human body take from the four elements δανειζόμενοι μόρια ὠς ἀποδοθησόμενα πάλιν.",
+            "§ 16. τὸ μέγιστον (see crit. note) may be defended by Thucydides’ use in iv. 70 <i>fin.</i>, ii. 65. 1, iii. 63. 2, viii. 76. 6 and 92. 6, iv. 108. 4. But the defence is shaky.",
+            "§ 57. θησαυρίζονται This word is suggested by the “store-cities” of Exod. 1:11, and also perhaps by βουνός = a pile, from which the LXX. coined the verb βουνίζω = “I pile up,” “accumulate.” (See Ruth 2:14, 16.)",
+            "<i>Heliopolis.</i> It is not certain whether this was the On, Rameses, or Beth Schemesch of the Hebrew Scriptures, for it has claims to be regarded as any one of them (<i>Dict. of Geography</i>). When Philo was born its ruins had nearly vanished (<i>ibid.</i>).",
+            "§ 59. By τὸν βουνὸν τοῦτον Philo means the mind or conscience. The scene of the covenant between Jacob and Laban was Mount Gilead, which signifies in Hebrew “Heap of Witness.”",
+            "Some words seem to have dropped out before πρὸ τούτων τῶν πόλεων, such as ὁ δὲ βουνὸς οὗτος or ἡ δὲ πόλις τῆς μαρτυρίας. In 62 some such title is claimed for Hebron by the words μνήμας ἐπιστήμης &lt;καὶ&gt; σοφίας θησαυροφυλακοῦσα. To understand the argument we must note (1) that Zoan carries with it all the cities of Egypt, 62: (2) that Hebron as interpreted in 62 is equated to the βουνός of 59, and therefore a text which states that Hebron was built before Zoan is equivalent to “the city of the good mind is built before (<i>i.e.</i> ranks above) all the cities of the body or foolish mind.”",
+            "§ 62. <i>Command of evacuation.</i> For ἀπόκρισις = “discharge” (from the body) see <i>L.A.</i> i. 13. κακία is a thing to be expelled from the social system.",
+            "§ 70. <i>He shall set him alive</i>, etc. The allegory is worked out as follows. The ἄλογος βίος is evil tendencies still <i>alive</i> (which they are not in the case of those whose age or circumstances put them outside temptation). We must <i>atone</i> for them by fighting against them, and finally <i>banish</i> them.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Ada.</i> That Ada, the “witness,” stands here for, or at least is exemplified by, the Epicurean school is proved beyond doubt by the use of Epicurean terms. λεία κίνησις comes from the Epicurean definition of pleasure (Usener, <i>Epicurea</i>, pp. 279, 280). ἐπιβολή, translated by Lucretius <i>animi iniectus</i>, is a very leading term for “the act of apprehension which the mind or senses must direct to the ἐνάργημα (‘the clear or close view of phenomena’) which may result in the ἐπιμαρτύρησις (‘confirmation’) or ἀντιμαρτύρησις (‘refutation’) of the δοξαζόμενα (‘opinion formed by the mind on the data of sense-perception’)” (C. Bailey). Philo gives an ethical twist to what properly belongs to the Epicurean theory of cognition.",
+            "§ 81. <i>Treating as alike things widely different.</i> Or “treating as things indifferent (in the Stoic sense) things which the wise man holds ‘superior’ and worthy of pursuit.”",
+            "§§ 95 ff. <i>The ordinance is this.</i> The meaning of these difficult sections is perhaps as follows. Toil is unnecessary, when you have reached perfection; yet if you still continue to toil, you will have both the toil and the perfection and thus attain absolute holiness. Either without the other is not “absolutely holy,” for that is stated in the text to have three necessary elements: (1) number, <i>i.e.</i> the first stage of virtue that can be “counted” as anything; (2) the rod, or discipline, which is toil; (3) the number 10 or perfection. That “exchanging” toil for perfection really means that you have both is not unintelligible; the effort is lost in success, but may be said to remain with us. The words rendered “While what is beautiful is a perfect good, toil is an imperfect boon,” may perhaps be paraphrased “The morally beautiful is a good thing to which it is essential to have attained its end; toil is a beneficial thing, whether it reach the goal or no.” They are “of equal value” as being equally essential to the truest holiness.",
+            "§ 97. <i>Marshalled.</i> τάξαντι = “set us in a rank” corresponds with ἀριθμός above, as παιδεύσαντι corresponds with the “rod,” and τελεσφορήσαντι with the “tenth.”",
+            "§ 104. <i>So too with the ear.</i> Wendland in <i>Philologus</i> 57, p. 267, calls attention to the resemblance of this description of the ear’s structure to that placed by Cicero in <i>De Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 159 in the mouth of a Stoic.",
+            "§ 108. <i>Speech … admits of endless variations.</i> Philo here and in the following sections adopts the rhetorical idea of the περιστάσεις (<i>circumstantiae</i>) which determined the nature of the speech required on each occasion. These, though sometimes made more numerous, were often reduced as here to six, persons, matters or subjects, causes, manners, times, places. In Latin and mediaeval rhetoric the six often appear as <i>quis, quid, cur, quomodo, quando, ubi.</i> As boys were regularly drilled in this classification in their early exercises (<i>progymnasmata</i>) it was very familiar to the general reader. See Ernesti’s <i>Lexicon Rhetoricum, s. v.</i> περίστασις.",
+            "§ 109. οὐδὲ τὰς τυχούσας. Wendland would prefer, instead of this correction for the οὐδὲ τύχης of the MSS., to read οὐδὲ &lt;τὰς τυχούσας&gt; τύχης, on the ground that “fortune” is included in the <i>circumstantiae personarum</i> by the rhetoricians with “nature,” “age,” and others.",
+            "§ 113. <i>Easy stages.</i> The thought of this sentence evidently comes from Plato, <i>Cratylus</i> 211 c, where the process by which we arrive at first principles is described as using ἐπαναβασμοί. Its application here, however, is obscure. But it is worth noting that in 2 Kings 20:9 ff. σκιά and ἀναβαθμοί (= “steps on the sundial”) are four times repeated in close conjunction. Philo in the preceding section has dwelt on the word σκιά. Does he perchance mean that, as the shadows on the sundial are due to the sun, so all the shadowy goods of life are meant to lift our thoughts to what is substantial? Is Hezekiah’s vainglorious display of his treasures to the envoys of the king of Babylon the link between the sundial of Ahaz and the inscriptions at Delphi?",
+            "<i>Delphi.</i> Perhaps Philo is thinking of the inscription set up at Delphi by Pausanias, as related in Thuc. i. 132. As Thucydides traces the fall of Pausanias to some extent to this inscription, the incident might not unnaturally be regarded as a striking example of a great reverse of fortune. Philo may have known of other similar instances, but it would be quite in his manner to assume from Thucydides’ story that other equally boastful inscriptions had been dedicated there.",
+            "§ 138. <i>The wise man is free and a ruler.</i> From the famous Stoic paradoxes. See <i>S. V. F.</i> iii. 589 ff., and Philo’s treatise <i>Quod omnis probus liber sit.</i>",
+            "§ 139. <i>profession.</i> ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι, which latinized as <i>profiteri</i> has been the parent of our own <i>profession</i>, is the technical word for teaching any form of wisdom for pay. For this reason, and because of its association with the Sophists, Philo dislikes it.",
+            "§ 141. <i>His science … he has ready.</i> Or we might take τῆς τέχνης as = “the art of medicine,” and make ἡ τέχνη understood the subject of πεπόρικε. The ἐπιστήμη in that case is the knowledge which the art forms into a compact body. Compare the favourite definition of art as “a system of concepts organized for some useful end.” The doctor has an infinite τέχνη to draw from, but would Philo represent him as knowing it all? 152 suggests that he would not.",
+            "§ 149. <i>In the same way the soul</i>, etc. In the soul’s case, there is no stooping to receive the load, nor depression due to its weight; but there is the glad springing up. ἐπιφορεῖσθαι is probably meant to suggest the more familiar ἐμφορεῖσθαι, for the soul’s “burden” is <i>food.</i>",
+            "§ 173. <i>When righteous Noah arises.</i> Perhaps we may assign a more mystical meaning to καθʼ ἢν συνίσταται. The Pythagorean numbers, like the Platonic Ideas, are the archetypes by participating in which things become what they are (<i>cf.</i> Aristotle, <i>Met.</i> i. 5)."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1929",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על צאצאי קין",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על צאצאי קין",
+        "enTitle": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+        "key": "On the Posterity of Cain and his Exile",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..f9ffd2fb448430c8b4a660ce4a60ad567b227d2c
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+++ b/json/Second Temple/Philo/On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober/English/Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,168 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על הפיכחות",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE PRAYERS AND CURSES UTTERED BY NOAH WHEN HE BECAME SOBER (DE SOBRIETATE) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "In this short treatise Philo concludes his discussion of Gen. 9:20–27, which describe Noah’s husbandry, vine-planting, drinking the wine, intoxication and nakedness, return to sobriety, and cursing or blessing his children. The verses here treated (24–27) run as follows:",
+            "I. (sections 1–20 of this treatise) And Noah returned to soberness from the wine and knew what his younger son had done to him.",
+            "II. (30–50) And he said, “Cursed be Canaan; a servant and bondman shall he be to his brethren.”",
+            "III. (51–58) And he said, “Blessed be the Lord God of Shem; and Canaan shall be a servant, a bondman of him.”",
+            "IV. (59–end) And he said, “May God widen for Japhet, and let him dwell in the houses of Shem and let Canaan become his servant.”",
+            "I. This raises two points, the meaning of “becoming sober” and that of the “younger son.” The former is treated briefly. Sobriety is conceived of mainly as sobriety of soul, which takes the same place in the soul as clear vision in the body, and thus provides it with thoughts which in their turn lead to good actions (1–5).",
+            "The word “younger” starts Philo on a discussion of the use made in the Pentateuch of words literally denoting age, to shew moral relations. Ham is “younger” because his unfilial and indecent action proved his spirit of (youthful) rebelliousness (νεωτεροποιία) (6). And so Ishmael is called a “child” when, as a little calculation will shew, he was twenty years old, because as a type of the falsely wise or sophist, he is, compared with the wise Isaac, a mere child (7–9). So too Moses calls the rebellious Israelites “blameworthy children” (10–11). Rachel (bodily beauty) is called younger than Leah (beauty of soul) (12). Joseph’s “youth” in the moral sense is shewn by his staying in Egypt (the body) and his association with his illegitimate brethren (12–15). Conversely the wise Abraham is called the “elder,” though the history represents him as less long-lived than his ancestors (16–18). The elders Moses is directed to choose mean those whose sterling worth he has proved (19–20). In particular the enactment forbidding the disinheritance of the firstborn son of the hated wife in favour of the younger son of the beloved wife, which gave rise to the long allegory of <i>De Sacrificiis</i>, 19–44 is audaciously pressed into service. As in <i>De Sacrificiis</i> the beloved wife is Pleasure, the hated Virtue, but as Moses mentioned the parenthood of Pleasure first, her child is firstborn in point of time and the name only belongs to the child of virtue in consideration of his moral superiority (21–26). So the younger in age Jacob takes the birthright from the elder Esau, and Jacob sets Ephraim who represents the faculty of memory, which comes later and is therefore younger, above Manasseh, who represents the more childish faculty of recollection, which is earlier and therefore older (27–29). This division ends with a statement of the justice of cursing the “younger” (30).",
+            "II. But why did Noah curse Ham’s son Canaan, against whom nothing is alleged, instead of Ham? (31–33). Because while Ham is evil potential or “in rest,” Canaan is evil active or “in motion.” To understand this we must consider these terms “rest” and “motion” with their respective congeners, “habit” or “faculty” (ἕξις) and “activity” (33–34). Now every workman or artist is called by such a name, even when he is not making anything, because he still has the faculty. But it is only when he is actually plying his trade or art that he incurs praise or blame (35–37). So too in the moral sphere. The possessor of good or bad qualities may have no opportunity for displaying them, but the qualities are still there (38–43). Ham means “heat,” <i>i.e</i>. the latent disease in the soul, Canaan means “tossing,” which represents the same in active motion. As no ruler punishes qualities till they actually produce crimes, Canaan properly incurs the curse, though, as one passes into the other, one may say that Ham is cursed through Canaan (44–47). Actual sin is the child of potential sin, and this is the real meaning of “visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children” (48). The same lesson is taught by the law of leprosy that only when the “bright spot” ceases to be stationary does the man become unclean (49), and also by God’s word to Cain, “thou hast sinned, be still” (50).",
+            "III. The prayer for Shem speaks of the “Lord, the God of Shem.” Shem is “the good” in its generic not in any of its special forms, and therefore to assert that God is Shem’s God is to put the good man on a level with God’s work, the Universe (51–54). And since “God” indicates the loving side of the Divine Nature, to say that the Lord is “Shem’s God” is to say that, like Abraham, he is God’s friend (55). And here Philo, adapting the well-known Stoic paradox, lays down that such a one alone is noble, rich, king and free (56–57). Finally the word “blessed” applied to God means that he who is thus blest can only repay God by blessing Him (58).",
+            "IV. In interpreting the prayer for Japhet Philo passes for a moment into one of his less austere moods. He suggests that the word “widen” means that Japhet may find good not only in the morally beautiful (τὸ καλόν) but in the “preferable indifferents” of the Stoics, bodily and external advantages (59–61). As to the last half, “let him dwell in the houses of Shem,” the “him” may be God (Philo ignores the fact that in this case it could not be a prayer for Japhet), for God’s fitting dwelling is in the good man’s soul in the sense that it is especially under His care (62–64). And so in the literal narrative Shem is very properly represented as the ancestor of the Twelve Tribes who are called God’s “palace” (65–66). If “him” is Japhet we may see a correction of the prayer for his “widening,” a prayer that though for a time he may find good elsewhere, his final home may be the excellence of the soul (67–68). The treatise concludes with a few lines on “Canaan shall be their servant.” The fool is indeed the slave of the virtues, if possible, for his reformation and emancipation, if otherwise, for chastisement (69)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] Having in the foregoing pages dealt fully with the words of the lawgiver on drunkenness and the nakedness which followed it, let us proceed to carry on the thread of our discussion by treating of the topic which comes next in order, “And Noah returned to soberness from the wine and knew what his younger son had done to him” (Gen. 9:24).",
+                "[2] We are all agreed that soberness is most profitable not only to souls but to bodies. For it repels the diseases which arise from excessive self-indulgence; it sharpens the senses to their utmost acuteness and acts indeed upon the whole of our bodies by engendering readiness in every part and thus prevents them from succumbing in weariness, and lifts them up and relieves them and recalls them to their proper activities. In fact, every evil which has drunkenness for its author has its counterpart in some good which is produced by soberness.",
+                "[3] Since then sobriety is a source of the greatest profit to our bodies, to which the use of wine is a natural practice, how much more is it profitable to our souls, which have no relation to any perishable food? What human gift or possession is greater than a sober understanding? What form of glory—or of wealth or of political power—or bodily strength—or what among all the objects of human admiration, if only we may assume that the soul’s eye is nowhere suffused as by rheum or closed, but is able to open itself fully and completely? For at such times when with clarity of vision it gazes upon good sense and prudence in their true selves, it will have within its ken those ideal forms which are intelligible only to the mind, and in the contemplation of these will find a spell which will not suffer it to turn aside any more to aught of the objects of sense.",
+                "[4] And why should we wonder that sobriety and clear-sightedness in the soul is of higher worth than anything whose lot is cast among things created, for the bodily eyes and the light which our senses perceive are valued above measure by us all? We know indeed that many who have lost their eyes have lost their lives as well by their own free action, because they judged that death was a lighter evil to them than blindness.",
+                "[5] Well then, the mind has the same superiority to the eyes, as the soul has to the body. And if the mind be safe and unimpaired, free from the oppression of the iniquities or passions which produce the frenzy of drunkenness, it will renounce the slumber which makes us forget and shrink from the call of duty and welcoming wakefulness will gaze clear-eyed on all that is worthy of contemplation. The suggestions of memory will arouse it to decision and the actions to which these decisions lead will become its employment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[6] Such then is the condition of the sober. But when Moses speaks of the “younger son,” the words do not denote any particular degree of age, but suggest the tendency of the temperament which loves rebelliousness and defiance. For how could Ham thus roughly defying custom and right have looked where he should not look, or how could he loudly proclaim what ought to be passed in silence, or expose to public view what might well be hidden in the secrecy of the home and never pass the boundaries of his inward thoughts, if he had not set his hand to deeds of defiance, if he had not mocked at the troubles of another, when he should rather bewail, instead of jeering at sights which call for the gloomy face that dreads the worse to come?",
+                "[7] Often indeed does Moses in his laws give the name of the “younger” to those who are advanced in years, and the name of “elders” on the other hand to those who have not yet reached old age, for he does not consider whether the years of men are many or few, or whether a period of time is short or long, but he looks to the faculties of the soul whether its movements are good or ill.",
+                "[8] Accordingly when Ishmael had apparently lived about twenty years, Moses calls him a child by comparison with Isaac, who is full grown in virtues. For we read that when Abraham sent Hagar and Ishmael from his home, “he took loaves and a skin of water, and gave them to Hagar and put also the ‘child’ on her shoulder,” and again “she cast down the ‘child’ under a single pine,” and “I will not see the death of the ‘child’ ” (Gen. 21:14–16). And yet Ishmael was circumcised at the age of thirteen years, before the birth of Isaac, and when the latter at about the age of seven ceased to be fed with milk, we find Ishmael banished with his mother, because he, the bastard, claimed to play on equal terms with the true-born.",
+                "[9] Still all the same, grown up as he was, he is called a child, thus marking the contrast between the sophist and the sage. For wisdom is Isaac’s inheritance and sophistry Ishmael’s, as we propose to shew in the special treatise, when we deal with the characteristics of the two. For the mere infant bears the same relation to the full-grown man as the sophist does to the sage, or the school subjects to the sciences which deal with virtues."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] And indeed in the Greater Song, he calls the whole people when they shew a rebellious spirit, by the name which belongs to the age of folly and babyhood, that is “bairns.” “The Lord is just and holy,” he says; “have not the blameworthy bairns sinned against him? a crooked and perverse generation, is it thus that ye requite the Lord? Are ye a people thus foolish and not wise?” (Deut. 32:4–6).",
+                "[11] We see clearly that he has given the name of “bairns” or “children” to men within whose souls are grounds for blame, men who so often fall through folly and senselessness and fail to do what the upright life requires. And in this he had no thought of literal age in the sense in which we use it of the bodies of the young, but of their truly infantine lack of a reasonable understanding.",
+                "[12] Thus Rachel, who is comeliness of the body, is described as younger than Leah, that is beauty of soul. For the former is mortal, the latter immortal, and indeed all the things that are precious to the senses are inferior in perfection to beauty of soul, though they are many and it but one.",
+                "It is in accordance with this that Joseph is always called the young and youngest. For when he is keeping the flock with his bastard brothers, he is spoken of as young (Gen. 37:2), and when his father prays for him he says, “my youngest son, though grown, return to me” (Gen. 49:22).",
+                "[13] Now Joseph is the champion of bodily ability of every kind, and the staunch and sincere henchman of abundance in external things, but the treasure which ranks in value and seniority above these, the seniority of the soul, he has never yet gained in its fullness. For if he had gained it, he would have fled quite away from the length and breadth of Egypt, and never turned to look back. But as it is, he finds his chief glory in cherishing and fostering it—this Egypt over which the Man of Vision sings his hymn of triumph to God when he sees its fighters and its leaders sunk in the sea and sent to perdition.",
+                "[14] The “young” disposition, then, is one which cannot as yet play the part of shepherd with its true-born brothers, that is, rule and keep guard over the unreasoning element in the soul, but still consorts with the base-born, who honour as goods such things as are good in appearance rather than the genuine goods which are reckoned as belonging to true existence.",
+                "[15] And “youngest” too this youth is held to be, even though he has received improvement and growth to something better, when compared with the perfect or full-grown mind which holds moral beauty to be the only good. And therefore Jacob uses words of exhortation: “return to me,” he says, that is, desire the older way of thinking. Let not your spirit in all things be the spirit of restless youth. The time is come that you should love virtue for its own sake only. Do not like a foolish boy be dazzled by the brightness of fortune’s gifts and fill yourself with deceit and false opinion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[16] We have shewn, then, that it is Moses’ wont in many places to call a person young, thinking not of his bodily vigour, but only of his soul, and the spirit of rebelliousness which it displays. And now we will go on to shew that he applies the name of elder not to one who is bowed down with old age, but to one who is worthy of precedence and honour.",
+                "[17] Everyone who is versed in the sacred books knows that the wise Abraham is represented as more short-lived than almost all his forefathers. And yet, I think, to not a single one of these, long though their span of life beyond comparison was, is the term elder applied, but only to Abraham. This is seen by the words of the oracles, “Abraham was an elder advanced in years, and God blessed him in everything” (Gen. 24:1).",
+                "[18] The phrase thus set before us seems to me to be an explanation of the reason why the Sage is called elder. For when through the watchful care of God the rational part of the soul is brought into a good condition and reasons rightly not merely in one direction, but wherever it applies itself, the thoughts which it thinks are “older” and itself must needs be older also.",
+                "[19] Thus too it is Moses’ way to give the name of “elder” to those counsellors of the God-beloved, whose apportioned number was that of seven times ten. For we find “gather to me seventy men from the elders of Israel, whom thou thyself knowest that these are elders” (Numb. 11:16).",
+                "[20] We see then that not the men of senior age, whom the common herd regard as initiators to the holy mysteries, but those whom the Sage alone knows were held worthy by God of the title of “elders.” For those whom the Sage like a good money-changer rejects from the currency of virtue are all men of dross, men with the spirit of youth-like rebellion in their souls. But those whom he has willed to consider as known to him are tested and approved and must needs be elders in heart and mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] Indeed there is one commandment of the law in which those who have ears to hear will perceive that he sets before us still more clearly the two truths of which I have spoken. For we read “if a man has two wives, one loved and the other hated, and the beloved and the hated each bear a son to him, and the son of her that is hated is the firstborn, it shall be that on the day on which he allots his goods to his sons, he shall not be able to give the right of the firstborn to the son of her whom he loves, and set aside the firstborn, the son of her whom he hates, but he shall acknowledge the firstborn, the son of her whom he hates, to give him a double portion of all that he has gotten; for he is the beginning of his children and to him belong the rights of the firstborn” (Deut. 21:15–17).",
+                "[22] You observe at once that the son of the beloved wife is never called by him “firstborn” or “elder,” but the son of the hated wife is so called often. And yet at the very beginning of the commandment he has shewn us that the birth of the former comes first and the birth of the latter afterwards. For he writes, “if the beloved and the hated bear children.” But all the same the issue of the wife mentioned first, though his years be more, is counted as younger in the judgement of right reason, while the child of the wife mentioned afterwards, though he be later in the date of his birth,",
+                "[23] is held worthy of the greater and senior portion. Why? Because we declare that in the beloved wife we have a figure of pleasure and in the hated wife a figure of prudence. For pleasure’s company is beloved beyond measure by the great mass of men, because from the hour of their birth to the utmost limits of old age she produces and sets before them such enticing lures and love-charms; while for prudence, severe and august as she is, they have a strange and profound hatred, as foolish children hate the most wholesome but most distasteful directions of their parents and those who have the charge of them.",
+                "[24] Both are mothers; pleasure of the pleasure-loving, prudence of the virtue-loving tendency in the soul. But the former is never full grown but always in reality a child, however long and never-ending the tale of years to which he attains. But the other—the virtue-lover—is exempt from old age, yet “from the cradle,” as the phrase goes,",
+                "[25] he ranks as an elder in the senate of prudence. And therefore he says—and very forcible are his words—of the son of the hated wife—virtue who is hated by the multitude—that he is “the beginning of his children,” and truly so, because he is first in rank and precedence—and again, “to him belong the rights of the firstborn,” by the law of nature, not by the no-law which prevails among men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Following this law consistently and aiming his arrows skilfully at the mark he has set before him, Moses shews us Jacob as younger in years than Esau, but older in worth and value, since folly is congenital to us from our earliest years, but the desire for moral excellence is a later birth, and therefore Esau is forced to surrender the inheritance of the firstborn to the rightful claims of Jacob.",
+                "[27] The same truth is borne out by the story of the sons of Joseph, a story which shews rich and careful thought. The sage, we read, under inspiration lays his hands on the heads of the boys who stood opposite him, but lays them not straight in front but crosswise, meaning to touch with his left hand the boy who seemed the elder and the younger with his right (Gen. 48:13, 14).",
+                "[28] Now the elder boy is called Manasseh and the younger Ephraim—and if these names are translated into Greek we shall find they represent “reminiscence” and “memory.” For Manasseh is by interpretation “from forgetfulness,” another name for which is reminiscence, since anyone who is reminded of what he has forgotten, issues from a state of forgetfulness. Ephraim on the other hand is “fruit-bearing,” a very suitable title for memory; since truth unforgotten, because memory has been unbroken, is a fruit most profitable, a real food to souls.",
+                "[29] Now memories belong to those who have reached settled manhood and therefore as being late-born are accounted younger. But forgetfulness and recollection follow in succession in each of us almost from our earliest years. And therefore theirs is the seniority in time and a place on the left, when the Sage marshals his ranks. But in seniority of virtue memories will have their share, and the God-beloved will lay on them his right hand and adjudge them worthy of the better portion which is his to give.",
+                "To resume.",
+                "[30] When the just man has returned to soberness and knows “what his younger son has done to him,” he utters curses stern and deep. For indeed when the mind becomes sober, it must follow that it at once perceives the former doings of the young rebellious wickedness within it, doings which in its drunken state it was incapable of comprehending."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] But who is it that he curses? Let us consider this, for this too is one of the questions which deserve our careful search, seeing that the person cursed is not the apparent sinner, Noah’s son, but that son’s son, Noah’s grandson, though up to this point no clear wrongdoing great or small on his part has been indicated by Moses.",
+                "[32] It was Noah’s son Ham, who from idle curiosity wished to see his father naked, and laughed at what he saw and proclaimed aloud what it was right to leave untold. But it is Canaan who is charged with another’s misdeeds and reaps the curses. For it is said, “Cursed be Canaan; a servant, a bondman shall be be to his brethren” (Gen. 9:25).",
+                "[33] What, I repeat, was his offence? Perhaps this question has been considered on their own principles by those who are used to discuss in details the literal and outward interpretation of the laws. Let us rather in obedience to the suggestions of right reason expound in full the inward interpretation. Something, however, must be said by way of preface."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] The state of rest and the state of motion differ from each other. While the former is static, the latter is dynamic and is of two kinds, one passing from point to point, the other revolving round a fixed place. Habit is akin to rest, as activity is to motion.",
+                "[35] These remarks might be made more intelligible by a suitable illustration. The carpenter, the painter, the husbandman, the musician and those who practise the other arts may be unoccupied and not employing any of the activities which belong to their arts, yet none the less we are accustomed to call them by the aforesaid names, because they have the knowledge and experience which they have acquired in their respective professions.",
+                "[36] But there are times when the carpenter takes and carves a piece of timber, or the painter after mixing the proper colours delineates on the canvas the forms which he has in mind, or the husbandman ploughs furrows in the land and drops the seed into them, and plants sprigs and suckers from the trees, and also supplies by watering and irrigation the nourishment so necessary to his plants, and sets his hand to all the other works of husbandry. Again there are times when the musician adjusts his metre and rhythm and any form of melody to his flute or harp or any other instrument, or he may perhaps use the natural without the handmade instrument and adapt his voice to all the notes of the gamut. At such times or when each of the other kinds of craftsmen takes his work in hand, we necessarily supplement the first set of names, which are based on the several kinds of knowledge, by others corresponding to them. We speak not only of carpenters, but of practising carpentry, not only of painters but of painting, not only of husbandmen, but of farming, not only of musicians, but of flute-playing, harp-playing, singing or some similar performance.",
+                "[37] Now which of the two categories is the subject of praise or blame? Surely those who are actually engaged in doing something. They it is whose success or failure entail respectively praise or blame. Those who possess the knowledge and nothing more, and are not actually doing anything remain in peace and find in their inactivity the privilege of security."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] The same principle then holds when the quality predicated is folly or virtue and vice in general. Those whose souls are prudent, or temperate, or courageous or just, have become so in numberless cases partly by happy natural gifts, partly by the directing influence of custom, partly by their own persistent and unsparing efforts, but poverty or obscurity or bodily disease, or the other mischiefs which beset human life, have made it impossible for them to manifest the beauty of the qualities which adorn their minds.",
+                "[39] These, then, possess their good qualities, as it were, in chains and durance. But there are others who find them entirely free, unconfined, unshackled in their hands, because in their case these gifts have been supplemented by rich and abundant material for their display.",
+                "[40] The man of prudence may have the charge of public or private business, in which he can shew his shrewdness and good judgement. The temperate man may have wealth, and while blind wealth is strong to incite and urge its possessors to licence, he may turn that blindness into eyesight. The just man may hold office, which will enable him to render without hindrance their several dues to all who are under his authority. The practiser of religion may have priesthood and the charge of holy places and the rites there performed.",
+                "[41] Virtues they still are apart from these opportunities, but they are static and inactive virtues, like gold and silver laid up in hidden recesses of the earth where none can use them.",
+                "[42] Conversely we may see thousands who are cowardly, intemperate, foolish, unjust and irreligious at heart, but unable to display the ugliness of each vice, because of the inconvenience of their opportunities for sin. But when such possibility suddenly descends upon them in all its impetuous force, they fill land and sea to their utmost bounds with an untold host of evil deeds. They leave nothing great or small unharmed but work wrack and ruin in one concentrated outburst.",
+                "[43] For just as the capacity of fire is dormant or kindled into activity according as fuel is absent or present, so the powers of the soul which have vice or virtue in view are quenched by inconvenience of opportunities (to repeat the phrase), but burst into flame when chance throws facilities in their way."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] These remarks have been made solely for the purpose of shewing that Ham the son of Noah is a name for vice in the quiescent state and the grandson Canaan for the same when it passes into active movement. For Ham is by interpretation “heat,” and Canaan “tossing.”",
+                "[45] Now heat is a sign of fever in the body and of vice in the soul. For just as an attack of fever is a disease not of a part but of the whole body, so vice is a malady of the whole soul. Sometimes it is in a state of quiescence, sometimes of motion, and its motion is called by Moses “tossing,” which in the Hebrew tongue is Canaan.",
+                "[46] Now no legislator fixes a penalty against the unjust when in the quiescent state, but only when they are moved to action and commit the deeds to which injustice prompts them, just as in the case of animals that bite, unless they are going to bite, no wish to kill them would be felt by any right-minded person; for we must leave out of consideration the savagery which has a natural craving for indiscriminate slaughter.",
+                "[47] It is natural enough, then, that the just man should appear to lay his curses on the grandson Canaan. I say “appear,” because virtually he does curse his son Ham in cursing Canaan, since when Ham has been moved to sin, he himself becomes Canaan, for it is a single subject, wickedness, which is presented in two different aspects, rest and motion. But rest takes precedence in point of age to motion, and thus the moving stands to the stationary in the relation of child to parent.",
+                "[48] Thus it agrees with the verities of nature when Canaan or tossing is described as the son of Ham or quiescence, and this serves to shew the truth of what is said elsewhere, “visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation” (Exod. 20:5). For it is upon the effects of our reasonings, what we may call their descendants, that punishments fall, while those reasonings taken by themselves go scot-free from arraignment, if no culpable action supervene.",
+                "[49] And therefore, too, in the law of leprosy Moses with his never-failing greatness lays down that the movement and wider extension and diffusion of the disease is unclean, but the quiescence is clean. For he says, “if it spread abroad in the skin, the priest shall pronounce him unclean. But if the bright spot stay in one place and be not spread abroad, he shall pronounce him clean” (Lev. 13:22, 23). Thus the state of repose, because it is a standing-still of the vices and passions in the soul (and it is these which are figured by leprosy), is exempt from indictment, while the state of motion and progression is rightly held liable to arraignment.",
+                "[50] And a similar lesson is contained in a more striking form in the oracles in Genesis. For God says to the wicked one, “man, thou hast sinned, be still” (Gen. 4:7). This implies that while sin, inasmuch as it is movement and activity with vice as its motive, is liable to punishment, stillness, because it is stationary and quiescent, is exempt from arraignment and a means of safety."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] This is enough, I think, by way of preface. Let us now observe the form which the curses take. “Cursed,” he says, “is Canaan; a servant, a bondman, shall he be to his brethren,” and “blessed is the Lord, the God of Shem, and Canaan shall be their slave.”",
+                "[52] We have said before that Shem bears a name which means “good,” that is to say, the name which he bears is not any specific name or noun, but is just “name,” the whole genus, thus representing good, because good alone is a thing of name and is worthy of fair speech and fair report, just as bad on the other hand is nameless and of evil name.",
+                "[53] What, then, is the prayer which Moses deems worthy of this participant in the nature of the good? What indeed? Surely a prayer unparalleled and unprecedented, to which no mortal can act as ministrant, a prayer from which, almost as though it were from the very ocean, there pour forth fountains of things excellent, welling up and running over, unmeasured and inexhaustible. It is the Lord and God of the world and all that is therein, whom he declares to be peculiarly the God of Shem by special grace.",
+                "[54] And consider! What transcendency is not here transcended? For we may well say that he to whom this belongs is put on a level of value with the world; since when the same power rules and cares for both, the objects of this guardianship must needs by that very fact be of equal value.",
+                "[55] Surely, too, His gifts are such as shew a lavish hand. For while the words “Lord and God” proclaim Him master and benefactor of the world which is open to our senses, to that goodness which our minds perceive He is saviour and benefactor only, not master or lord. For wisdom is rather God’s friend than His servant. And therefore He says plainly of Abraham,",
+                "[56] “shall I hide anything from Abraham My friend?” (Gen. 18:17). But he who has this portion has passed beyond the bounds of human happiness. He alone is nobly born, for he has registered God as his father and become by adoption His only son, the possessor not of riches, but of all riches, faring sumptuously where there is nought but good things, unstinted in number and sterling in worth, which alone wax not old through time, but ever renew their youth;",
+                "[57] not merely of high repute, but glorious, for he reaps the praise which is never debased by flattery, but ratified by truth; sole king, for he has received from the All-ruler the sceptre of universal sovereignty, which none can dispute; sole freeman, for he is released from the most tyrannous of mistresses, vain opinion, whom God the liberator has cast down from her citadel on the hill and humbled all her pride.",
+                "[58] What, then, of him who has been deemed worthy of blessings so great, so transcendent, so multitudinous? What should he do but requite his Benefactor with the words of his lips with song and with hymn? That is, it seems, the inner meaning of the saying, “blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem.” For it is meet that he who has God for his heritage should bless and praise Him, since this is the only return that he can offer, and all else, strive as he will, is quite beyond his power."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] This then is Noah’s prayer for Shem. Let us now consider the nature of his prayer for Japhet. “May God widen for Japhet,” he says, “and let him dwell in the houses of Shem, and let Canaan become their servant” (Gen. 9:27).",
+                "[60] If we hold that moral beauty is the only good, the end we seek is contracted and narrowed, for it is bound up with only one of our myriad environments, namely, with the dominant principle, the mind. But if we connect that end with three different kinds of interests, the concerns of the soul, those of the body and those of the external world, the end is split up into many dissimilar parts and thus broadened.",
+                "[61] And therefore there is a fitness in the prayer that breadth should be added to Japhet, that he may be able to use not only the virtues of the soul, prudence, temperance, and each of the others, but also those of the body, health, efficiency of the senses, dexterity of limb and strength of muscle, and such as are akin to these; and once again that he may have all the external advantages which have their source in wealth and reputation and the means of enjoying and using such pleasures as are necessary."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] So much for the “widening.” But we must also consider who is meant, when he prays that “he” should dwell in the houses of Shem. For this is not clearly shewn. On the one hand, we may suggest that “he” is the Ruler of the universe. For what more worthy house could be found for God throughout the whole world of creation, than a soul that is perfectly purified, which holds moral beauty to be the only good and ranks all others which are so accounted, as but satellites and subjects?",
+                "[63] But God is said to inhabit a house not in the sense of dwelling in a particular place, for He contains all things and is contained by none, but in the sense that His special providence watches over and cares for that spot. For every master of a house must needs have the care of that house laid on him as a charge.",
+                "[64] Verily let everyone on whom the goodness of God’s love has fallen as rain, pray that he may have for his tenant the All-ruler who shall exalt this petty edifice, the mind, high above the earth and join it to the ends of heaven.",
+                "[65] And indeed the literal story seems to agree with this interpretation. For in Shem we have the foundation, the root, as it were, of noble qualities and from that root sprung up wise Abraham, a tree yielding sweet nutriment, and his fruit was Isaac, the nature that needs no voice to teach him but his own, and from Isaac’s seed again come the virtues of the laborious life in which Jacob exercised himself to mastery, Jacob trained in the wrestling-bout with the passions, with the angels of reason to prepare him for the conflict.",
+                "[66] Once more Jacob is the source of the twelve tribes, of whom the oracles say that they are “the palace and priesthood of God” (Exod. 19:6), thus following in due sequence the thought originated in Shem, in whose houses it was prayed that God might dwell. For surely by “palace” is meant the King’s house, which is holy indeed and the only inviolable sanctuary.",
+                "[67] Perhaps, however, the words of the prayer refer to Japhet also, that he may make the houses of Shem his resort. For it is well to pray on behalf of him who holds bodily and external advantages to be forms of the good, that he should return to one only, even that which belongs to the soul, and not throughout his whole life fail to gain the true conception, nor think that health or wealth or the like, which are shared by the most wicked and abominable of men, are true goods. No, such participation in the good as is real and true is never found in association with what is worthless, for good by its very nature can have no partnership with evil.",
+                "[68] And that is why this treasure is laid up in one place only—the soul—for in beauty of soul none of the foolish has part or lot.",
+                "This is the prayer which the prophetic scripture declares should be the prayer of the man of worth for anyone of those who are his familiars—even “return to me” (Gen. 49:22)—the prayer that he may return to the mind of him who prays, and, welcoming moral beauty as the only good, leave behind him in the race those conceptions of the good which are voiced by the perversely minded. Let him then dwell in the houses of the soul of him who holds that moral beauty is the only good, and merely sojourn in the houses of the others, who value also bodily and external things.",
+                "[69] One point further. It is with good reason that Moses writes down the fool as the slave of them who lay claim to virtue, either that promoted to serve under a higher control he may lead a better life, or that, if he cling to his iniquity, his masters may chastise him at their pleasure with the absolute authority which they wield as rulers."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE SOBRIETATE",
+            "§ 12. <i>Comeliness of the body … beauty of the soul</i>. Philo is thinking of <i>Symposium</i> 218 E, where Socrates says to Alcibiades, “You must see in me that κάλλος, greatly different from the εὐμορφία which I see in you.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. Bastard brothers</i>. This distinction between the sons of the concubines and those of the legitimate wives has already been made, though in a somewhat different way, in <i>Quod Deus</i> 119 ff.; see also <i>De Mig.</i> 95, where Asher in particular is the symbol αἰσθητοῦ καὶ νόθου πλούτου. Below (66) and elsewhere all twelve are put on a level.",
+            "§ 18. <i>The phrase thus set before us</i>, etc. The thought of this section seems to be this; the phrase “God blessed him” explains in what sense Abraham was an elder, because the εὐλογία of God necessarily produces εὐλογιστία in man and this εὐλογιστία is moral seniority. According to the Stoics τὸ εὐλογιστεῖν in the selection of what is according to nature is the “end” of the individual man and brings him into agreement with the law of the universe, which is identical with Zeus (Diog. Laert. vii. 88). Philo, in his desire to equate the Stoic ideal with the divine blessing, more than once, <i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 191, 192, brings εὐλογία into close connexion with εὐλογιστία. The mere fact that they both contain εὖ and λόγος would be enough for him. But in <i>De Mig.</i> 70 he strengthens the connexion by explaining εὐλογήσω as ἑπαινετὸν λόγον δωρήσομαι.",
+            "§ 32. [δοῦλος δούλων]. This is given instead of the παῖς οἰκέτης of the LXX in Aquila’s version, whence Wendland supposes that it was interpolated into Philo’s text. Ryle on the other hand (<i>Philo and Holy Scripture</i>, p. 44), points out that Philo in quoting Gen. 9:26 and 27 (in sections 51 and 59) uses δοὺλος where the LXX has παίς, and infers that it is more likely that he had δοῦλος δούλων here. But in 51, where he quotes this verse 25 again, we have παῖς οἰκέτης without any variant or addition.",
+            "§ 34. <i>The state of rest</i>. Philo seems always to use σχέσις in contrast to κίνησις (see Index). In calling it “akin” to ἕξις he is in general agreement with Stobaeus (<i>S.F.V</i>. iii. 111), where, after opposing τὰ ἐν κινήσει ἀγαθά to τὰ ἐν σχέσει ἀγαθά, he adds that some of the latter are also ἐν ἕξει, others ἐν σχέσει μόνον. He gives as examples of τὰ ἐν κινήσει joy and the like, of τὰ ἐν ἕξει the virtues and the arts when transformed by virtue and permanently established, of τὰ ἐν σχέσει μόνον “orderly quietude” (εὔτακτος ἡσυχία). From this use of ἐν σχέσει μόνον in contrast to ἐν σχέσει καὶ ἕξει comes the contrast between σχέσις itself and ἕξις as something transitory opposed to the less transitory, just as ἕξις in its turn is often opposed to διάθεσις, as something less permanent, or perhaps less essential and engrained (<i>cf</i>. on <i>De Cher.</i> 62). This use of σχέσις does not appear in Philo, though he uses the adverb so in <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 210, where σχετικῶς καὶ εὐαλώτως ὡς ἂν ἐκ τυχῆς is contrasted with ἀπὸ ἕξεως καὶ διαθέσεως. The distinction between ἕξις and διάθεσις is ignored in <i>De Sobrietate</i> as in Stobaeus, thus bringing ἕξις into agreement with the Aristotelian use of the word.",
+            "§ 50. <i>The oracles in Genesis</i>. Wendland, in adopting the reading mentioned in the footnote (as well as in 49), is following the version of 49 and 50, quoted in Nicetes Serranus’s commentary on St. Luke. The MS. of this commentary is of the 12th century, but the date of the author is not stated. If Nicetes gives the true reading here, how are we to account for the wanton alteration from πρὸς τὸν Καῖν to περὶ τῆς τοῦ παντὸς γενέσεως? The translators incline to think that the reading of the MSS. is right. It is natural enough that, as the preceding quotations come from Exodus and Leviticus, Philo should want to indicate that this comes from Genesis and since, as he says (<i>De Abr.</i> 1), this book takes its name ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ κόσμου γενέσεως, the expression here used is not impossible. That Nicetes should have corrected a reference so vague and apt to mislead to something more definite is equally natural. Wendland’s statement about the general superiority of this excerpt to the MSS. of Philo is hardly borne out by his practice. He follows them as often as he follows Nicetes.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem</i>. When Philo wrote the <i>Quaestiones</i> (<i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. ii. 15), he clearly read Κύριος ὁ θεός, ὁ θεὸς Σὴμ, for not only is the text quoted as “benedictus est dominus deus, deus Sem,” but the comment demands this, <i>e.g</i>. “<i>bis</i> nominatur benefica virtus dei.” Should we read the same here? It is against it that when the verse is cited in 58 (but see note) the MSS. again have only one ὁ θεός. On the other hand, the argument of 55 will become clearer. God is Lord God of the world, but God only of Shem.",
+            "§ 52. The interpretation of “Shem” as = “name” and thence, as the best of names, “the good,” does not appear elsewhere in what we have of Philo. But the idea was taken up by the Latin Fathers, though they characteristically substituted Christ for the good. So Ambrose, <i>Ep</i>. 7. 46 “Sem dicitur Latine nomen,” Augustine, <i>De Civitate Dei</i> xvi. 2 “Sem quippe, de cuius semine in carne natus est Christus, interpretatur nominatus. Quid autem nominatius Christo?”",
+            "§ 56. <i>My friend</i>. This variant, which, as the argument shews, is deliberate, is especially noticeable in view of James 2:23 φίλος ἐκλήθη θεοῦ. Ryle, <i>l.c</i>. p. 75, suggests that it was an earlier rendering, subsequently altered as too familiar, yet retaining its influence after the LXX became the standard version.",
+            "<i>Ibid. He alone is nobly born</i>. For this and the other “paradoxes” which follow see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 589 ff.",
+            "§ 58. <i>Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem</i>. Observe that Philo here substitutes εὐλογημένος for the εὐλογητός of the LXX which he followed in 51, though in <i>De Mig.</i> 107 he carefully distinguishes between the two as meaning respectively “the subject of blessing (by others),” and “worthy of blessing.” It is quite possible, as Heinemann suggests, that he means us here to take Σήμ as dative. Compare his treatment of Δάν in <i>De Agr.</i> 99. In this case we should translate “let the Lord God be blessed by Shem.” This rendering suits the argument which follows, and it is quite in Philo’s manner to suggest such a double rendering, and further to imagine or accept a variant εὐλογημένος to fit it.",
+            "§§ 60 ff. For the three kinds of goods <i>cf.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 200 ff. and note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 7. Here Philo comes nearer to the Peripatetic view than in <i>De Gig.</i> 38. He is still nearer to it in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 285 ff."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הפיכחות",
+        "enTitle": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+        "key": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+{
+    "title": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Prayers_and_Curses_Uttered_by_Noah_when_he_Became_Sober",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE PRAYERS AND CURSES UTTERED BY NOAH WHEN HE BECAME SOBER (DE SOBRIETATE) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "In this short treatise Philo concludes his discussion of Gen. 9:20–27, which describe Noah’s husbandry, vine-planting, drinking the wine, intoxication and nakedness, return to sobriety, and cursing or blessing his children. The verses here treated (24–27) run as follows:",
+            "I. (sections 1–20 of this treatise) And Noah returned to soberness from the wine and knew what his younger son had done to him.",
+            "II. (30–50) And he said, “Cursed be Canaan; a servant and bondman shall he be to his brethren.”",
+            "III. (51–58) And he said, “Blessed be the Lord God of Shem; and Canaan shall be a servant, a bondman of him.”",
+            "IV. (59–end) And he said, “May God widen for Japhet, and let him dwell in the houses of Shem and let Canaan become his servant.”",
+            "I. This raises two points, the meaning of “becoming sober” and that of the “younger son.” The former is treated briefly. Sobriety is conceived of mainly as sobriety of soul, which takes the same place in the soul as clear vision in the body, and thus provides it with thoughts which in their turn lead to good actions (1–5).",
+            "The word “younger” starts Philo on a discussion of the use made in the Pentateuch of words literally denoting age, to shew moral relations. Ham is “younger” because his unfilial and indecent action proved his spirit of (youthful) rebelliousness (νεωτεροποιία) (6). And so Ishmael is called a “child” when, as a little calculation will shew, he was twenty years old, because as a type of the falsely wise or sophist, he is, compared with the wise Isaac, a mere child (7–9). So too Moses calls the rebellious Israelites “blameworthy children” (10–11). Rachel (bodily beauty) is called younger than Leah (beauty of soul) (12). Joseph’s “youth” in the moral sense is shewn by his staying in Egypt (the body) and his association with his illegitimate brethren (12–15). Conversely the wise Abraham is called the “elder,” though the history represents him as less long-lived than his ancestors (16–18). The elders Moses is directed to choose mean those whose sterling worth he has proved (19–20). In particular the enactment forbidding the disinheritance of the firstborn son of the hated wife in favour of the younger son of the beloved wife, which gave rise to the long allegory of <i>De Sacrificiis</i>, 19–44 is audaciously pressed into service. As in <i>De Sacrificiis</i> the beloved wife is Pleasure, the hated Virtue, but as Moses mentioned the parenthood of Pleasure first, her child is firstborn in point of time and the name only belongs to the child of virtue in consideration of his moral superiority (21–26). So the younger in age Jacob takes the birthright from the elder Esau, and Jacob sets Ephraim who represents the faculty of memory, which comes later and is therefore younger, above Manasseh, who represents the more childish faculty of recollection, which is earlier and therefore older (27–29). This division ends with a statement of the justice of cursing the “younger” (30).",
+            "II. But why did Noah curse Ham’s son Canaan, against whom nothing is alleged, instead of Ham? (31–33). Because while Ham is evil potential or “in rest,” Canaan is evil active or “in motion.” To understand this we must consider these terms “rest” and “motion” with their respective congeners, “habit” or “faculty” (ἕξις) and “activity” (33–34). Now every workman or artist is called by such a name, even when he is not making anything, because he still has the faculty. But it is only when he is actually plying his trade or art that he incurs praise or blame (35–37). So too in the moral sphere. The possessor of good or bad qualities may have no opportunity for displaying them, but the qualities are still there (38–43). Ham means “heat,” <i>i.e</i>. the latent disease in the soul, Canaan means “tossing,” which represents the same in active motion. As no ruler punishes qualities till they actually produce crimes, Canaan properly incurs the curse, though, as one passes into the other, one may say that Ham is cursed through Canaan (44–47). Actual sin is the child of potential sin, and this is the real meaning of “visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children” (48). The same lesson is taught by the law of leprosy that only when the “bright spot” ceases to be stationary does the man become unclean (49), and also by God’s word to Cain, “thou hast sinned, be still” (50).",
+            "III. The prayer for Shem speaks of the “Lord, the God of Shem.” Shem is “the good” in its generic not in any of its special forms, and therefore to assert that God is Shem’s God is to put the good man on a level with God’s work, the Universe (51–54). And since “God” indicates the loving side of the Divine Nature, to say that the Lord is “Shem’s God” is to say that, like Abraham, he is God’s friend (55). And here Philo, adapting the well-known Stoic paradox, lays down that such a one alone is noble, rich, king and free (56–57). Finally the word “blessed” applied to God means that he who is thus blest can only repay God by blessing Him (58).",
+            "IV. In interpreting the prayer for Japhet Philo passes for a moment into one of his less austere moods. He suggests that the word “widen” means that Japhet may find good not only in the morally beautiful (τὸ καλόν) but in the “preferable indifferents” of the Stoics, bodily and external advantages (59–61). As to the last half, “let him dwell in the houses of Shem,” the “him” may be God (Philo ignores the fact that in this case it could not be a prayer for Japhet), for God’s fitting dwelling is in the good man’s soul in the sense that it is especially under His care (62–64). And so in the literal narrative Shem is very properly represented as the ancestor of the Twelve Tribes who are called God’s “palace” (65–66). If “him” is Japhet we may see a correction of the prayer for his “widening,” a prayer that though for a time he may find good elsewhere, his final home may be the excellence of the soul (67–68). The treatise concludes with a few lines on “Canaan shall be their servant.” The fool is indeed the slave of the virtues, if possible, for his reformation and emancipation, if otherwise, for chastisement (69)."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] Having in the foregoing pages dealt fully with the words of the lawgiver on drunkenness and the nakedness which followed it, let us proceed to carry on the thread of our discussion by treating of the topic which comes next in order, “And Noah returned to soberness from the wine and knew what his younger son had done to him” (Gen. 9:24).",
+                "[2] We are all agreed that soberness is most profitable not only to souls but to bodies. For it repels the diseases which arise from excessive self-indulgence; it sharpens the senses to their utmost acuteness and acts indeed upon the whole of our bodies by engendering readiness in every part and thus prevents them from succumbing in weariness, and lifts them up and relieves them and recalls them to their proper activities. In fact, every evil which has drunkenness for its author has its counterpart in some good which is produced by soberness.",
+                "[3] Since then sobriety is a source of the greatest profit to our bodies, to which the use of wine is a natural practice, how much more is it profitable to our souls, which have no relation to any perishable food? What human gift or possession is greater than a sober understanding? What form of glory—or of wealth or of political power—or bodily strength—or what among all the objects of human admiration, if only we may assume that the soul’s eye is nowhere suffused as by rheum or closed, but is able to open itself fully and completely? For at such times when with clarity of vision it gazes upon good sense and prudence in their true selves, it will have within its ken those ideal forms which are intelligible only to the mind, and in the contemplation of these will find a spell which will not suffer it to turn aside any more to aught of the objects of sense.",
+                "[4] And why should we wonder that sobriety and clear-sightedness in the soul is of higher worth than anything whose lot is cast among things created, for the bodily eyes and the light which our senses perceive are valued above measure by us all? We know indeed that many who have lost their eyes have lost their lives as well by their own free action, because they judged that death was a lighter evil to them than blindness.",
+                "[5] Well then, the mind has the same superiority to the eyes, as the soul has to the body. And if the mind be safe and unimpaired, free from the oppression of the iniquities or passions which produce the frenzy of drunkenness, it will renounce the slumber which makes us forget and shrink from the call of duty and welcoming wakefulness will gaze clear-eyed on all that is worthy of contemplation. The suggestions of memory will arouse it to decision and the actions to which these decisions lead will become its employment."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[6] Such then is the condition of the sober. But when Moses speaks of the “younger son,” the words do not denote any particular degree of age, but suggest the tendency of the temperament which loves rebelliousness and defiance. For how could Ham thus roughly defying custom and right have looked where he should not look, or how could he loudly proclaim what ought to be passed in silence, or expose to public view what might well be hidden in the secrecy of the home and never pass the boundaries of his inward thoughts, if he had not set his hand to deeds of defiance, if he had not mocked at the troubles of another, when he should rather bewail, instead of jeering at sights which call for the gloomy face that dreads the worse to come?",
+                "[7] Often indeed does Moses in his laws give the name of the “younger” to those who are advanced in years, and the name of “elders” on the other hand to those who have not yet reached old age, for he does not consider whether the years of men are many or few, or whether a period of time is short or long, but he looks to the faculties of the soul whether its movements are good or ill.",
+                "[8] Accordingly when Ishmael had apparently lived about twenty years, Moses calls him a child by comparison with Isaac, who is full grown in virtues. For we read that when Abraham sent Hagar and Ishmael from his home, “he took loaves and a skin of water, and gave them to Hagar and put also the ‘child’ on her shoulder,” and again “she cast down the ‘child’ under a single pine,” and “I will not see the death of the ‘child’ ” (Gen. 21:14–16). And yet Ishmael was circumcised at the age of thirteen years, before the birth of Isaac, and when the latter at about the age of seven ceased to be fed with milk, we find Ishmael banished with his mother, because he, the bastard, claimed to play on equal terms with the true-born.",
+                "[9] Still all the same, grown up as he was, he is called a child, thus marking the contrast between the sophist and the sage. For wisdom is Isaac’s inheritance and sophistry Ishmael’s, as we propose to shew in the special treatise, when we deal with the characteristics of the two. For the mere infant bears the same relation to the full-grown man as the sophist does to the sage, or the school subjects to the sciences which deal with virtues."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] And indeed in the Greater Song, he calls the whole people when they shew a rebellious spirit, by the name which belongs to the age of folly and babyhood, that is “bairns.” “The Lord is just and holy,” he says; “have not the blameworthy bairns sinned against him? a crooked and perverse generation, is it thus that ye requite the Lord? Are ye a people thus foolish and not wise?” (Deut. 32:4–6).",
+                "[11] We see clearly that he has given the name of “bairns” or “children” to men within whose souls are grounds for blame, men who so often fall through folly and senselessness and fail to do what the upright life requires. And in this he had no thought of literal age in the sense in which we use it of the bodies of the young, but of their truly infantine lack of a reasonable understanding.",
+                "[12] Thus Rachel, who is comeliness of the body, is described as younger than Leah, that is beauty of soul. For the former is mortal, the latter immortal, and indeed all the things that are precious to the senses are inferior in perfection to beauty of soul, though they are many and it but one.",
+                "It is in accordance with this that Joseph is always called the young and youngest. For when he is keeping the flock with his bastard brothers, he is spoken of as young (Gen. 37:2), and when his father prays for him he says, “my youngest son, though grown, return to me” (Gen. 49:22).",
+                "[13] Now Joseph is the champion of bodily ability of every kind, and the staunch and sincere henchman of abundance in external things, but the treasure which ranks in value and seniority above these, the seniority of the soul, he has never yet gained in its fullness. For if he had gained it, he would have fled quite away from the length and breadth of Egypt, and never turned to look back. But as it is, he finds his chief glory in cherishing and fostering it—this Egypt over which the Man of Vision sings his hymn of triumph to God when he sees its fighters and its leaders sunk in the sea and sent to perdition.",
+                "[14] The “young” disposition, then, is one which cannot as yet play the part of shepherd with its true-born brothers, that is, rule and keep guard over the unreasoning element in the soul, but still consorts with the base-born, who honour as goods such things as are good in appearance rather than the genuine goods which are reckoned as belonging to true existence.",
+                "[15] And “youngest” too this youth is held to be, even though he has received improvement and growth to something better, when compared with the perfect or full-grown mind which holds moral beauty to be the only good. And therefore Jacob uses words of exhortation: “return to me,” he says, that is, desire the older way of thinking. Let not your spirit in all things be the spirit of restless youth. The time is come that you should love virtue for its own sake only. Do not like a foolish boy be dazzled by the brightness of fortune’s gifts and fill yourself with deceit and false opinion."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[16] We have shewn, then, that it is Moses’ wont in many places to call a person young, thinking not of his bodily vigour, but only of his soul, and the spirit of rebelliousness which it displays. And now we will go on to shew that he applies the name of elder not to one who is bowed down with old age, but to one who is worthy of precedence and honour.",
+                "[17] Everyone who is versed in the sacred books knows that the wise Abraham is represented as more short-lived than almost all his forefathers. And yet, I think, to not a single one of these, long though their span of life beyond comparison was, is the term elder applied, but only to Abraham. This is seen by the words of the oracles, “Abraham was an elder advanced in years, and God blessed him in everything” (Gen. 24:1).",
+                "[18] The phrase thus set before us seems to me to be an explanation of the reason why the Sage is called elder. For when through the watchful care of God the rational part of the soul is brought into a good condition and reasons rightly not merely in one direction, but wherever it applies itself, the thoughts which it thinks are “older” and itself must needs be older also.",
+                "[19] Thus too it is Moses’ way to give the name of “elder” to those counsellors of the God-beloved, whose apportioned number was that of seven times ten. For we find “gather to me seventy men from the elders of Israel, whom thou thyself knowest that these are elders” (Numb. 11:16).",
+                "[20] We see then that not the men of senior age, whom the common herd regard as initiators to the holy mysteries, but those whom the Sage alone knows were held worthy by God of the title of “elders.” For those whom the Sage like a good money-changer rejects from the currency of virtue are all men of dross, men with the spirit of youth-like rebellion in their souls. But those whom he has willed to consider as known to him are tested and approved and must needs be elders in heart and mind."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[21] Indeed there is one commandment of the law in which those who have ears to hear will perceive that he sets before us still more clearly the two truths of which I have spoken. For we read “if a man has two wives, one loved and the other hated, and the beloved and the hated each bear a son to him, and the son of her that is hated is the firstborn, it shall be that on the day on which he allots his goods to his sons, he shall not be able to give the right of the firstborn to the son of her whom he loves, and set aside the firstborn, the son of her whom he hates, but he shall acknowledge the firstborn, the son of her whom he hates, to give him a double portion of all that he has gotten; for he is the beginning of his children and to him belong the rights of the firstborn” (Deut. 21:15–17).",
+                "[22] You observe at once that the son of the beloved wife is never called by him “firstborn” or “elder,” but the son of the hated wife is so called often. And yet at the very beginning of the commandment he has shewn us that the birth of the former comes first and the birth of the latter afterwards. For he writes, “if the beloved and the hated bear children.” But all the same the issue of the wife mentioned first, though his years be more, is counted as younger in the judgement of right reason, while the child of the wife mentioned afterwards, though he be later in the date of his birth,",
+                "[23] is held worthy of the greater and senior portion. Why? Because we declare that in the beloved wife we have a figure of pleasure and in the hated wife a figure of prudence. For pleasure’s company is beloved beyond measure by the great mass of men, because from the hour of their birth to the utmost limits of old age she produces and sets before them such enticing lures and love-charms; while for prudence, severe and august as she is, they have a strange and profound hatred, as foolish children hate the most wholesome but most distasteful directions of their parents and those who have the charge of them.",
+                "[24] Both are mothers; pleasure of the pleasure-loving, prudence of the virtue-loving tendency in the soul. But the former is never full grown but always in reality a child, however long and never-ending the tale of years to which he attains. But the other—the virtue-lover—is exempt from old age, yet “from the cradle,” as the phrase goes,",
+                "[25] he ranks as an elder in the senate of prudence. And therefore he says—and very forcible are his words—of the son of the hated wife—virtue who is hated by the multitude—that he is “the beginning of his children,” and truly so, because he is first in rank and precedence—and again, “to him belong the rights of the firstborn,” by the law of nature, not by the no-law which prevails among men."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[26] Following this law consistently and aiming his arrows skilfully at the mark he has set before him, Moses shews us Jacob as younger in years than Esau, but older in worth and value, since folly is congenital to us from our earliest years, but the desire for moral excellence is a later birth, and therefore Esau is forced to surrender the inheritance of the firstborn to the rightful claims of Jacob.",
+                "[27] The same truth is borne out by the story of the sons of Joseph, a story which shews rich and careful thought. The sage, we read, under inspiration lays his hands on the heads of the boys who stood opposite him, but lays them not straight in front but crosswise, meaning to touch with his left hand the boy who seemed the elder and the younger with his right (Gen. 48:13, 14).",
+                "[28] Now the elder boy is called Manasseh and the younger Ephraim—and if these names are translated into Greek we shall find they represent “reminiscence” and “memory.” For Manasseh is by interpretation “from forgetfulness,” another name for which is reminiscence, since anyone who is reminded of what he has forgotten, issues from a state of forgetfulness. Ephraim on the other hand is “fruit-bearing,” a very suitable title for memory; since truth unforgotten, because memory has been unbroken, is a fruit most profitable, a real food to souls.",
+                "[29] Now memories belong to those who have reached settled manhood and therefore as being late-born are accounted younger. But forgetfulness and recollection follow in succession in each of us almost from our earliest years. And therefore theirs is the seniority in time and a place on the left, when the Sage marshals his ranks. But in seniority of virtue memories will have their share, and the God-beloved will lay on them his right hand and adjudge them worthy of the better portion which is his to give.",
+                "To resume.",
+                "[30] When the just man has returned to soberness and knows “what his younger son has done to him,” he utters curses stern and deep. For indeed when the mind becomes sober, it must follow that it at once perceives the former doings of the young rebellious wickedness within it, doings which in its drunken state it was incapable of comprehending."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[31] But who is it that he curses? Let us consider this, for this too is one of the questions which deserve our careful search, seeing that the person cursed is not the apparent sinner, Noah’s son, but that son’s son, Noah’s grandson, though up to this point no clear wrongdoing great or small on his part has been indicated by Moses.",
+                "[32] It was Noah’s son Ham, who from idle curiosity wished to see his father naked, and laughed at what he saw and proclaimed aloud what it was right to leave untold. But it is Canaan who is charged with another’s misdeeds and reaps the curses. For it is said, “Cursed be Canaan; a servant, a bondman shall be be to his brethren” (Gen. 9:25).",
+                "[33] What, I repeat, was his offence? Perhaps this question has been considered on their own principles by those who are used to discuss in details the literal and outward interpretation of the laws. Let us rather in obedience to the suggestions of right reason expound in full the inward interpretation. Something, however, must be said by way of preface."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[34] The state of rest and the state of motion differ from each other. While the former is static, the latter is dynamic and is of two kinds, one passing from point to point, the other revolving round a fixed place. Habit is akin to rest, as activity is to motion.",
+                "[35] These remarks might be made more intelligible by a suitable illustration. The carpenter, the painter, the husbandman, the musician and those who practise the other arts may be unoccupied and not employing any of the activities which belong to their arts, yet none the less we are accustomed to call them by the aforesaid names, because they have the knowledge and experience which they have acquired in their respective professions.",
+                "[36] But there are times when the carpenter takes and carves a piece of timber, or the painter after mixing the proper colours delineates on the canvas the forms which he has in mind, or the husbandman ploughs furrows in the land and drops the seed into them, and plants sprigs and suckers from the trees, and also supplies by watering and irrigation the nourishment so necessary to his plants, and sets his hand to all the other works of husbandry. Again there are times when the musician adjusts his metre and rhythm and any form of melody to his flute or harp or any other instrument, or he may perhaps use the natural without the handmade instrument and adapt his voice to all the notes of the gamut. At such times or when each of the other kinds of craftsmen takes his work in hand, we necessarily supplement the first set of names, which are based on the several kinds of knowledge, by others corresponding to them. We speak not only of carpenters, but of practising carpentry, not only of painters but of painting, not only of husbandmen, but of farming, not only of musicians, but of flute-playing, harp-playing, singing or some similar performance.",
+                "[37] Now which of the two categories is the subject of praise or blame? Surely those who are actually engaged in doing something. They it is whose success or failure entail respectively praise or blame. Those who possess the knowledge and nothing more, and are not actually doing anything remain in peace and find in their inactivity the privilege of security."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[38] The same principle then holds when the quality predicated is folly or virtue and vice in general. Those whose souls are prudent, or temperate, or courageous or just, have become so in numberless cases partly by happy natural gifts, partly by the directing influence of custom, partly by their own persistent and unsparing efforts, but poverty or obscurity or bodily disease, or the other mischiefs which beset human life, have made it impossible for them to manifest the beauty of the qualities which adorn their minds.",
+                "[39] These, then, possess their good qualities, as it were, in chains and durance. But there are others who find them entirely free, unconfined, unshackled in their hands, because in their case these gifts have been supplemented by rich and abundant material for their display.",
+                "[40] The man of prudence may have the charge of public or private business, in which he can shew his shrewdness and good judgement. The temperate man may have wealth, and while blind wealth is strong to incite and urge its possessors to licence, he may turn that blindness into eyesight. The just man may hold office, which will enable him to render without hindrance their several dues to all who are under his authority. The practiser of religion may have priesthood and the charge of holy places and the rites there performed.",
+                "[41] Virtues they still are apart from these opportunities, but they are static and inactive virtues, like gold and silver laid up in hidden recesses of the earth where none can use them.",
+                "[42] Conversely we may see thousands who are cowardly, intemperate, foolish, unjust and irreligious at heart, but unable to display the ugliness of each vice, because of the inconvenience of their opportunities for sin. But when such possibility suddenly descends upon them in all its impetuous force, they fill land and sea to their utmost bounds with an untold host of evil deeds. They leave nothing great or small unharmed but work wrack and ruin in one concentrated outburst.",
+                "[43] For just as the capacity of fire is dormant or kindled into activity according as fuel is absent or present, so the powers of the soul which have vice or virtue in view are quenched by inconvenience of opportunities (to repeat the phrase), but burst into flame when chance throws facilities in their way."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[44] These remarks have been made solely for the purpose of shewing that Ham the son of Noah is a name for vice in the quiescent state and the grandson Canaan for the same when it passes into active movement. For Ham is by interpretation “heat,” and Canaan “tossing.”",
+                "[45] Now heat is a sign of fever in the body and of vice in the soul. For just as an attack of fever is a disease not of a part but of the whole body, so vice is a malady of the whole soul. Sometimes it is in a state of quiescence, sometimes of motion, and its motion is called by Moses “tossing,” which in the Hebrew tongue is Canaan.",
+                "[46] Now no legislator fixes a penalty against the unjust when in the quiescent state, but only when they are moved to action and commit the deeds to which injustice prompts them, just as in the case of animals that bite, unless they are going to bite, no wish to kill them would be felt by any right-minded person; for we must leave out of consideration the savagery which has a natural craving for indiscriminate slaughter.",
+                "[47] It is natural enough, then, that the just man should appear to lay his curses on the grandson Canaan. I say “appear,” because virtually he does curse his son Ham in cursing Canaan, since when Ham has been moved to sin, he himself becomes Canaan, for it is a single subject, wickedness, which is presented in two different aspects, rest and motion. But rest takes precedence in point of age to motion, and thus the moving stands to the stationary in the relation of child to parent.",
+                "[48] Thus it agrees with the verities of nature when Canaan or tossing is described as the son of Ham or quiescence, and this serves to shew the truth of what is said elsewhere, “visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation” (Exod. 20:5). For it is upon the effects of our reasonings, what we may call their descendants, that punishments fall, while those reasonings taken by themselves go scot-free from arraignment, if no culpable action supervene.",
+                "[49] And therefore, too, in the law of leprosy Moses with his never-failing greatness lays down that the movement and wider extension and diffusion of the disease is unclean, but the quiescence is clean. For he says, “if it spread abroad in the skin, the priest shall pronounce him unclean. But if the bright spot stay in one place and be not spread abroad, he shall pronounce him clean” (Lev. 13:22, 23). Thus the state of repose, because it is a standing-still of the vices and passions in the soul (and it is these which are figured by leprosy), is exempt from indictment, while the state of motion and progression is rightly held liable to arraignment.",
+                "[50] And a similar lesson is contained in a more striking form in the oracles in Genesis. For God says to the wicked one, “man, thou hast sinned, be still” (Gen. 4:7). This implies that while sin, inasmuch as it is movement and activity with vice as its motive, is liable to punishment, stillness, because it is stationary and quiescent, is exempt from arraignment and a means of safety."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] This is enough, I think, by way of preface. Let us now observe the form which the curses take. “Cursed,” he says, “is Canaan; a servant, a bondman, shall he be to his brethren,” and “blessed is the Lord, the God of Shem, and Canaan shall be their slave.”",
+                "[52] We have said before that Shem bears a name which means “good,” that is to say, the name which he bears is not any specific name or noun, but is just “name,” the whole genus, thus representing good, because good alone is a thing of name and is worthy of fair speech and fair report, just as bad on the other hand is nameless and of evil name.",
+                "[53] What, then, is the prayer which Moses deems worthy of this participant in the nature of the good? What indeed? Surely a prayer unparalleled and unprecedented, to which no mortal can act as ministrant, a prayer from which, almost as though it were from the very ocean, there pour forth fountains of things excellent, welling up and running over, unmeasured and inexhaustible. It is the Lord and God of the world and all that is therein, whom he declares to be peculiarly the God of Shem by special grace.",
+                "[54] And consider! What transcendency is not here transcended? For we may well say that he to whom this belongs is put on a level of value with the world; since when the same power rules and cares for both, the objects of this guardianship must needs by that very fact be of equal value.",
+                "[55] Surely, too, His gifts are such as shew a lavish hand. For while the words “Lord and God” proclaim Him master and benefactor of the world which is open to our senses, to that goodness which our minds perceive He is saviour and benefactor only, not master or lord. For wisdom is rather God’s friend than His servant. And therefore He says plainly of Abraham,",
+                "[56] “shall I hide anything from Abraham My friend?” (Gen. 18:17). But he who has this portion has passed beyond the bounds of human happiness. He alone is nobly born, for he has registered God as his father and become by adoption His only son, the possessor not of riches, but of all riches, faring sumptuously where there is nought but good things, unstinted in number and sterling in worth, which alone wax not old through time, but ever renew their youth;",
+                "[57] not merely of high repute, but glorious, for he reaps the praise which is never debased by flattery, but ratified by truth; sole king, for he has received from the All-ruler the sceptre of universal sovereignty, which none can dispute; sole freeman, for he is released from the most tyrannous of mistresses, vain opinion, whom God the liberator has cast down from her citadel on the hill and humbled all her pride.",
+                "[58] What, then, of him who has been deemed worthy of blessings so great, so transcendent, so multitudinous? What should he do but requite his Benefactor with the words of his lips with song and with hymn? That is, it seems, the inner meaning of the saying, “blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem.” For it is meet that he who has God for his heritage should bless and praise Him, since this is the only return that he can offer, and all else, strive as he will, is quite beyond his power."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[59] This then is Noah’s prayer for Shem. Let us now consider the nature of his prayer for Japhet. “May God widen for Japhet,” he says, “and let him dwell in the houses of Shem, and let Canaan become their servant” (Gen. 9:27).",
+                "[60] If we hold that moral beauty is the only good, the end we seek is contracted and narrowed, for it is bound up with only one of our myriad environments, namely, with the dominant principle, the mind. But if we connect that end with three different kinds of interests, the concerns of the soul, those of the body and those of the external world, the end is split up into many dissimilar parts and thus broadened.",
+                "[61] And therefore there is a fitness in the prayer that breadth should be added to Japhet, that he may be able to use not only the virtues of the soul, prudence, temperance, and each of the others, but also those of the body, health, efficiency of the senses, dexterity of limb and strength of muscle, and such as are akin to these; and once again that he may have all the external advantages which have their source in wealth and reputation and the means of enjoying and using such pleasures as are necessary."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[62] So much for the “widening.” But we must also consider who is meant, when he prays that “he” should dwell in the houses of Shem. For this is not clearly shewn. On the one hand, we may suggest that “he” is the Ruler of the universe. For what more worthy house could be found for God throughout the whole world of creation, than a soul that is perfectly purified, which holds moral beauty to be the only good and ranks all others which are so accounted, as but satellites and subjects?",
+                "[63] But God is said to inhabit a house not in the sense of dwelling in a particular place, for He contains all things and is contained by none, but in the sense that His special providence watches over and cares for that spot. For every master of a house must needs have the care of that house laid on him as a charge.",
+                "[64] Verily let everyone on whom the goodness of God’s love has fallen as rain, pray that he may have for his tenant the All-ruler who shall exalt this petty edifice, the mind, high above the earth and join it to the ends of heaven.",
+                "[65] And indeed the literal story seems to agree with this interpretation. For in Shem we have the foundation, the root, as it were, of noble qualities and from that root sprung up wise Abraham, a tree yielding sweet nutriment, and his fruit was Isaac, the nature that needs no voice to teach him but his own, and from Isaac’s seed again come the virtues of the laborious life in which Jacob exercised himself to mastery, Jacob trained in the wrestling-bout with the passions, with the angels of reason to prepare him for the conflict.",
+                "[66] Once more Jacob is the source of the twelve tribes, of whom the oracles say that they are “the palace and priesthood of God” (Exod. 19:6), thus following in due sequence the thought originated in Shem, in whose houses it was prayed that God might dwell. For surely by “palace” is meant the King’s house, which is holy indeed and the only inviolable sanctuary.",
+                "[67] Perhaps, however, the words of the prayer refer to Japhet also, that he may make the houses of Shem his resort. For it is well to pray on behalf of him who holds bodily and external advantages to be forms of the good, that he should return to one only, even that which belongs to the soul, and not throughout his whole life fail to gain the true conception, nor think that health or wealth or the like, which are shared by the most wicked and abominable of men, are true goods. No, such participation in the good as is real and true is never found in association with what is worthless, for good by its very nature can have no partnership with evil.",
+                "[68] And that is why this treasure is laid up in one place only—the soul—for in beauty of soul none of the foolish has part or lot.",
+                "This is the prayer which the prophetic scripture declares should be the prayer of the man of worth for anyone of those who are his familiars—even “return to me” (Gen. 49:22)—the prayer that he may return to the mind of him who prays, and, welcoming moral beauty as the only good, leave behind him in the race those conceptions of the good which are voiced by the perversely minded. Let him then dwell in the houses of the soul of him who holds that moral beauty is the only good, and merely sojourn in the houses of the others, who value also bodily and external things.",
+                "[69] One point further. It is with good reason that Moses writes down the fool as the slave of them who lay claim to virtue, either that promoted to serve under a higher control he may lead a better life, or that, if he cling to his iniquity, his masters may chastise him at their pleasure with the absolute authority which they wield as rulers."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO DE SOBRIETATE",
+            "§ 12. <i>Comeliness of the body … beauty of the soul</i>. Philo is thinking of <i>Symposium</i> 218 E, where Socrates says to Alcibiades, “You must see in me that κάλλος, greatly different from the εὐμορφία which I see in you.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. Bastard brothers</i>. This distinction between the sons of the concubines and those of the legitimate wives has already been made, though in a somewhat different way, in <i>Quod Deus</i> 119 ff.; see also <i>De Mig.</i> 95, where Asher in particular is the symbol αἰσθητοῦ καὶ νόθου πλούτου. Below (66) and elsewhere all twelve are put on a level.",
+            "§ 18. <i>The phrase thus set before us</i>, etc. The thought of this section seems to be this; the phrase “God blessed him” explains in what sense Abraham was an elder, because the εὐλογία of God necessarily produces εὐλογιστία in man and this εὐλογιστία is moral seniority. According to the Stoics τὸ εὐλογιστεῖν in the selection of what is according to nature is the “end” of the individual man and brings him into agreement with the law of the universe, which is identical with Zeus (Diog. Laert. vii. 88). Philo, in his desire to equate the Stoic ideal with the divine blessing, more than once, <i>e.g.</i> <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 191, 192, brings εὐλογία into close connexion with εὐλογιστία. The mere fact that they both contain εὖ and λόγος would be enough for him. But in <i>De Mig.</i> 70 he strengthens the connexion by explaining εὐλογήσω as ἑπαινετὸν λόγον δωρήσομαι.",
+            "§ 32. [δοῦλος δούλων]. This is given instead of the παῖς οἰκέτης of the LXX in Aquila’s version, whence Wendland supposes that it was interpolated into Philo’s text. Ryle on the other hand (<i>Philo and Holy Scripture</i>, p. 44), points out that Philo in quoting Gen. 9:26 and 27 (in sections 51 and 59) uses δοὺλος where the LXX has παίς, and infers that it is more likely that he had δοῦλος δούλων here. But in 51, where he quotes this verse 25 again, we have παῖς οἰκέτης without any variant or addition.",
+            "§ 34. <i>The state of rest</i>. Philo seems always to use σχέσις in contrast to κίνησις (see Index). In calling it “akin” to ἕξις he is in general agreement with Stobaeus (<i>S.F.V</i>. iii. 111), where, after opposing τὰ ἐν κινήσει ἀγαθά to τὰ ἐν σχέσει ἀγαθά, he adds that some of the latter are also ἐν ἕξει, others ἐν σχέσει μόνον. He gives as examples of τὰ ἐν κινήσει joy and the like, of τὰ ἐν ἕξει the virtues and the arts when transformed by virtue and permanently established, of τὰ ἐν σχέσει μόνον “orderly quietude” (εὔτακτος ἡσυχία). From this use of ἐν σχέσει μόνον in contrast to ἐν σχέσει καὶ ἕξει comes the contrast between σχέσις itself and ἕξις as something transitory opposed to the less transitory, just as ἕξις in its turn is often opposed to διάθεσις, as something less permanent, or perhaps less essential and engrained (<i>cf</i>. on <i>De Cher.</i> 62). This use of σχέσις does not appear in Philo, though he uses the adverb so in <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 210, where σχετικῶς καὶ εὐαλώτως ὡς ἂν ἐκ τυχῆς is contrasted with ἀπὸ ἕξεως καὶ διαθέσεως. The distinction between ἕξις and διάθεσις is ignored in <i>De Sobrietate</i> as in Stobaeus, thus bringing ἕξις into agreement with the Aristotelian use of the word.",
+            "§ 50. <i>The oracles in Genesis</i>. Wendland, in adopting the reading mentioned in the footnote (as well as in 49), is following the version of 49 and 50, quoted in Nicetes Serranus’s commentary on St. Luke. The MS. of this commentary is of the 12th century, but the date of the author is not stated. If Nicetes gives the true reading here, how are we to account for the wanton alteration from πρὸς τὸν Καῖν to περὶ τῆς τοῦ παντὸς γενέσεως? The translators incline to think that the reading of the MSS. is right. It is natural enough that, as the preceding quotations come from Exodus and Leviticus, Philo should want to indicate that this comes from Genesis and since, as he says (<i>De Abr.</i> 1), this book takes its name ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ κόσμου γενέσεως, the expression here used is not impossible. That Nicetes should have corrected a reference so vague and apt to mislead to something more definite is equally natural. Wendland’s statement about the general superiority of this excerpt to the MSS. of Philo is hardly borne out by his practice. He follows them as often as he follows Nicetes.",
+            "§ 51. <i>Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem</i>. When Philo wrote the <i>Quaestiones</i> (<i>Quaest. in Gen</i>. ii. 15), he clearly read Κύριος ὁ θεός, ὁ θεὸς Σὴμ, for not only is the text quoted as “benedictus est dominus deus, deus Sem,” but the comment demands this, <i>e.g</i>. “<i>bis</i> nominatur benefica virtus dei.” Should we read the same here? It is against it that when the verse is cited in 58 (but see note) the MSS. again have only one ὁ θεός. On the other hand, the argument of 55 will become clearer. God is Lord God of the world, but God only of Shem.",
+            "§ 52. The interpretation of “Shem” as = “name” and thence, as the best of names, “the good,” does not appear elsewhere in what we have of Philo. But the idea was taken up by the Latin Fathers, though they characteristically substituted Christ for the good. So Ambrose, <i>Ep</i>. 7. 46 “Sem dicitur Latine nomen,” Augustine, <i>De Civitate Dei</i> xvi. 2 “Sem quippe, de cuius semine in carne natus est Christus, interpretatur nominatus. Quid autem nominatius Christo?”",
+            "§ 56. <i>My friend</i>. This variant, which, as the argument shews, is deliberate, is especially noticeable in view of James 2:23 φίλος ἐκλήθη θεοῦ. Ryle, <i>l.c</i>. p. 75, suggests that it was an earlier rendering, subsequently altered as too familiar, yet retaining its influence after the LXX became the standard version.",
+            "<i>Ibid. He alone is nobly born</i>. For this and the other “paradoxes” which follow see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 589 ff.",
+            "§ 58. <i>Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem</i>. Observe that Philo here substitutes εὐλογημένος for the εὐλογητός of the LXX which he followed in 51, though in <i>De Mig.</i> 107 he carefully distinguishes between the two as meaning respectively “the subject of blessing (by others),” and “worthy of blessing.” It is quite possible, as Heinemann suggests, that he means us here to take Σήμ as dative. Compare his treatment of Δάν in <i>De Agr.</i> 99. In this case we should translate “let the Lord God be blessed by Shem.” This rendering suits the argument which follows, and it is quite in Philo’s manner to suggest such a double rendering, and further to imagine or accept a variant εὐλογημένος to fit it.",
+            "§§ 60 ff. For the three kinds of goods <i>cf.</i> <i>De Ebr.</i> 200 ff. and note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 7. Here Philo comes nearer to the Peripatetic view than in <i>De Gig.</i> 38. He is still nearer to it in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 285 ff."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על הפיכחות",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על הפיכחות",
+        "enTitle": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+        "key": "On the Prayers and Curses Uttered by Noah when he Became Sober",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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@@ -0,0 +1,369 @@
+{
+    "language": "en",
+    "title": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI",
+    "versionTitle": "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+    "status": "locked",
+    "license": "Public Domain",
+    "versionNotes": "",
+    "actualLanguage": "en",
+    "languageFamilyName": "english",
+    "isSource": false,
+    "isPrimary": true,
+    "direction": "ltr",
+    "heTitle": "על שהאל הוא ללא שינוי",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE UNCHANGEABLENESS OF GOD (QUOD DEUS IMMUTABILIS SIT) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise, which is really a continuation of the <i>De Gigantibus</i>, discusses the following verses, Gen. 6:4–12.",
+            "I. (1–19) And after this when the angels of God went in unto the daughters of men, and begat for themselves … (v. 4).",
+            "II. (20–73) But the Lord God seeing that the wickednesses of men were multiplied upon the earth and that every man is purposing in his heart carefully evil things every day, God had it in His mind that He had made man upon the earth and He bethought Him. And God said, I will blot out man whom I have made from the face of the earth … because I was wroth that I had made him (vv. 5–7).",
+            "III. (74–121) But Noah found grace before God. Now these are the generations of Noah. Noah was a just man, being perfect in his generation, and Noah was well pleasing to God (vv. 8–9).",
+            "IV. (122–139) And the earth was “corrupted” (or destroyed) before God, and the earth was filled with iniquity (v. 11).",
+            "V. (140–end) And the Lord God saw the earth, and it was corrupted, because all flesh destroyed His way upon the earth (v. 12).",
+            "I. Having suggested (1–3) that “after this” means “after the Spirit of God had departed,” Philo goes on to discuss what is meant by saying that these “angels,” which in the previous treatise he had taken to mean “evil angels” or “evil souls,” beget “for themselves.” This is shewn, first by contrast with Abraham (4) and (5–6) with Hannah, who gave her child as a thank-offering to God. This leads to a short meditation on the purifying power of thankfulness, and our need of such purification (7–9), and this is followed by a digression on the words of Hannah’s psalm: “The barren hath borne seven, but she that had many children has languished,” which are treated as contrasting the sacred number “seven” with selfish plurality (10–15). This brings back the thought of “begetting for themselves,” as mere selfishness which, as in the case of Onan, brings destruction (16–19).",
+            "II. The idea that the words “God had it in His mind,” etc. suggest that God had repented of making man is rejected as impious (20–22). God is unchangeable. Even among men the sage may live a life of constancy and harmony (23–25), and while most of us are the victims of fickleness and inconstancy, partly because we are unable to gauge the future, it is not so with God, for time is His creation and His life is eternity (27–32).",
+            "What then is the meaning of “God had in His mind that He had made man”? To explain this, Philo reproduces the Stoic theory of the four classes of things which we find in nature. First there is ἕξις (coherence), <i>i.e</i>. inorganic objects such as stones and dead wood. This ἕξις is conceived of as a “breath” (πνεῦμα) continually passing up and down, and thus binding them together (33–36). Secondly there is φύσις (growth), as seen in plants, and here Philo takes the opportunity to dilate on the wonders of the annual resurrection (37–40). Third comes animal life (ψυχή) with its threefold phenomena (again Stoic) of “sense,” “presentation” and “impulse” (41–44). All these have been mentioned to lead up to the fourth stage, that of the rational mind of man, which alone has free-will and is therefore alone liable to praise or blame, and it was this misused freedom of man which God “had in mind” (45–50).",
+            "We have still to do with the concluding words, “I was wroth that I made man.” Here Philo, who evidently had the variant ἐθυμώθην for ἐνεθυμήθην, is in great difficulty. He cannot allow anger to God and he repeats the explanation of such anthropomorphic phrases (which he gave in <i>De Sac.</i> 94 f.), namely that they are accommodated to our weaker natures, which require the discipline of fear (51–69). But this alone does not satisfy him. His further explanation is hardly intelligible, but seems to mean that as it is anger and similar passions which produce human wickedness, God’s judgement on the wicked may be spoken of as caused by God’s anger (70–73).",
+            "III. But we must observe that this phrase, “I was wroth,” etc., is followed at once by the words, “Noah found grace,” and this contrast brings us to the thought that God in His dealings mingles mercy with judgement, as our weak nature requires (74–76). This “mingling” in fact is a necessary condition before we can understand the divine at all (77–81), and the contrast of the mixed and the unmixed, which is the same as that of the One and the Many, is illustrated by the words “God spake once and these two things have I heard” (for God’s speech is single, while our hearing is produced by different factors) (82–84), and also by the way in which Moses shews us the one just man side by side with the many unjust (85).",
+            "We can now consider more fully the phrase “Noah found grace with the Lord God.” The word “found” leads to reflections first on the differences between finding (εὕρεσις) and “refinding” or “recovering” (ἀνεύρεσις) (86), and this difference is illustrated by an allegorical interpretation of the rules laid down for the “Great Vow” in Num. 6 (86–90), and then by the way in which the gifted by nature absorb knowledge without difficulty, while the efforts of the inapt come to disaster (91–93). This distinction extends to questions of conduct also, for those who with no good motive force themselves to right actions, against which their nature rebels, merely cause misery to themselves (94–103). Again the phrase “found <i>grace</i>” (χάρις) may be best interpreted as meaning that the just man “finds” that what we have is God’s free <i>gift</i> (also χάρις) (104–108). Yet Philo seems at once to ignore this forced interpretation and to identify the meaning of the words “found grace” with the subsequent “was well pleasing” (εὐαρεστῆσαι) and after pointing out, as usual, that the double phrase “Lord God” represents God’s two aspects of “sovereignty” and “goodness” (109–110), proceeds to contrast Noah with Joseph, “who found grace with the ruler of the prison” into which he was thrown. This story of Joseph teaches us the lesson that if we are the prisoners of passion, we should at least avoid the friendship of our gaoler and not become his satellites (111–116). This contrast between Noah and Joseph brings us to the consideration of the words “these are the generations (γενέσεις) of Noah.” Philo takes γένεσις to mean “becoming” or “development,” and explains it in this case by the words that follow, “just,” “perfect” “well pleasing to God” (117–118), and illustrates it from the text, “Joseph was keeping sheep with his brothers, being young, with the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah,” where the γένεσις is from the higher nature of Jacob to that of the “young” Joseph and the bastard sons (119–121).",
+            "IV. Philo now turns to the words “the whole earth was corrupted or destroyed” (122). The first view put forward is that Goodness (<i>i.e</i>. Noah) necessarily works the destruction of the Bad (123). But this passes at once into a really different thought that Goodness shews up the Bad in its true light. This is illustrated from three points or rules in the law of leprosy; first, that the appearance of “healthy colour” makes the leper unclean (123–126); secondly, that complete leprosy is clean, while the partial is unclean, shewing that the completely and therefore involuntarily immoral condition is innocence compared with the partial enlightenment, by which the soul knows that it is sinful but does not amend (127–130); thirdly, that the infected house is pronounced unclean by the priest who visits it, shewing again that the entrance of divine reason will reveal the impurity of the soul (131–135). The same moral is found in the words of the widow of Zarephath to Elijah, “O man of God, thou hast entered to remind me of my sin” (136–139).",
+            "V. The important point here is that “destroyed his way” means “destroyed God’s way” (140–143), and this reminds us of the passage in which Israel asked for leave to pass through Edom’s territory, and said “we will go by the king’s way” (144) But Philo cannot endure to be confined to these two words, but deals with the whole content of Num. 20:17–20 in a way which, perverse as it is, shews much richness of thought as well as ingenuity. (α) When Israel says “I will pass through thy land” we have the resolve of the Wise both to test the life of the pleasure-lover, so as to reject it through experience and not mere ignorance, and also not to stay in it (145–153). (β) On the other hand, “we will not go through the fields and vineyards” means “we will abide in the fields of heavenly fruits and the vineyards of virtue and true joy” (154). (γ) “We will not drink of thy well” means that “we on whom God rains his mercies have no need of the scanty water of the wells of earthly pleasures” (155–158). (δ) “We will go by the king’s way” is “we will tread the road of wisdom” (159–161). (ε) “We will turn neither to the right nor to the left” shews that this way of wisdom is in the mean, as <i>e.g</i>. courage is the mean between rashness on the right and cowardice on the left (162–165). (ζ) When in reply to Edom’s refusal and threat of war Israel replies, “we will pass along the mountain,” Philo by a strange play on ὅρος (the mountain) and ὅρος (definition) extracts the idea that the wise man’s course is on lofty thoughts based on scientific analysis (166–167). (η) “If I drink of thy water, I will give thee its value” (τιμή) is turned into “If I truckle to you, I shall be giving to the worthless an honour which will lead the weak to honour it also” (167–171). (θ) The words “the matter is nothing” (see note on 145) are taken to mean the vanity of earthly things. And this leads to a meditation on the witness of history to the instability of national prosperity and indeed of all human aims (172–180). Thus we arrive at the conclusion that while Edom would bar the king’s way, the divine reason will bar that of Edom and its associates (180).",
+            "This last word leads to some concluding thoughts about Balaam as one of these “associates.” The sections (181–end), which otherwise have little connexion with the preceding matter, go back to the thought of 122–139, and describe Balaam as the type of those who reject the warning of divine reason as the inward judge and thus are past all cure."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And after that,” says Moses, “when the angels of God went in unto the daughters of men and begat for themselves” (Gen. 6:4). It is worth our while to consider what is meant by the word “after that.” The answer is that it is a reference back, bringing out more clearly something of what has been already stated.",
+                "[2] That something is his words about the divine spirit, that nothing is harder than that it should abide for ever in the soul with its manifold forms and divisions—the soul which has fastened on it the grievous burden of this fleshly coil. It is after that spirit that the angels or messengers go in to the daughters of men.",
+                "[3] For while the soul is illumined by the bright and pure rays of wisdom, through which the sage sees God and His potencies, none of the messengers of falsehood has access to the reason, but all are barred from passing the bounds which the lustral water has consecrated. But when the light of the understanding is dimmed and clouded, they who are of the fellowship of darkness win the day, and mating with the nerveless and emasculated passions, which he has called the daughters of men, beget offspring for themselves and not for God.",
+                "[4] For the offspring of God’s parentage are the perfect virtues, but the family of evil are the vices, whose note is discord.",
+                "If thou wilt know, my mind, what it is to beget not for thyself, learn the lesson from the perfect Abraham. He brings to God the dearly loved, the only trueborn offspring of the soul, that clearest image of self-learned wisdom, named Isaac, and without a murmur renders, as in duty bound, this fitting thank-offering. But first he bound, as the law tells us, the feet of the new strange victim (Gen. 22:9), either because having once received God’s inspiration he judged it right to tread no more on aught that was mortal, or it may be that he was taught to see how changeable and inconstant was creation, through his knowledge of the unwavering steadfastness that belongs to the Existent; for in this we are told he had put his trust (Gen. 15:6)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] He finds a disciple and successor in Hannah, the gift of the wisdom of God, for the name Hannah interpreted is “her grace.” She received the divine seed and became pregnant. And when she had reached the consummation of her travail, and had brought forth the type of character which has its appointed place in God’s order, which she named Samuel, a name which being interpreted means “appointed to God,” she took him and rendered him in due payment to the Giver, judging that no good thing was her own peculiar property, nothing, which was not a grace and bounty from God.",
+                "[6] For she speaks in the first book of Kings in this wise, “I give to Thee him, a gift” (1 Sam. 1:28), that is “who is a gift,” and so “I give him who has been given.”",
+                "This agrees with the most sacred ordinance of Moses, “My gifts, My offerings, My fruits ye shall observe to bring to Me” (Num. 28:2).",
+                "[7] For to whom should we make thank-offering save to God? and wherewithal save by what He has given us? for there is nothing else whereof we can have sufficiency. God needs nothing, yet in the exceeding greatness of His beneficence to our race He bids us bring what is His own. For if we cultivate the spirit of rendering thanks and honour to Him, we shall be pure from wrongdoing and wash away the filthiness which defiles our lives in thought and word and deed.",
+                "[8] For it is absurd that a man should be forbidden to enter the temples save after bathing and cleansing his body, and yet should attempt to pray and sacrifice with a heart still soiled and spotted. The temples are made of stones and timber, that is of soulless matter, and soulless too is the body in itself. And can it be that while it is forbidden to this soulless body to touch the soulless stones, except it have first been subjected to lustral and purificatory consecration, a man will not shrink from approaching with his soul impure the absolute purity of God and that too when there is no thought of repentance in his heart?",
+                "[9] He who is resolved not only to commit no further sin, but also to wash away the past, may approach with gladness: let him who lacks this resolve keep far away, since hardly shall he be purified. For he shall never escape the eye of Him who sees into the recesses of the mind and treads its inmost shrine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] Indeed of the nature of the soul beloved of God no clearer evidence can we have than that psalm of Hannah which contains the words “the barren hath borne seven, but she that had many children hath languished” (1 Sam. 2:5).",
+                "[11] And yet it is the mother of one child—Samuel—who is speaking. How then can she say that she has borne seven? It can only be that in full accordance with the truth of things, she holds the One to be the same as the Seven, not only in the lore of numbers, but also in the harmony of the universe and in the thoughts of the virtuous soul. For Samuel who is appointed to God alone and holds no company with any other has his being ordered in accordance with the One and the Monad, the truly existent.",
+                "[12] But this condition of his implies the Seven, that is a soul which rests in God and toils no more at any mortal task, and has thus left behind the Six, which God has assigned to those who could not win the first place, but must needs limit their claims to the second.",
+                "[13] We might well expect, then, that the barren woman, not meaning the childless, but the “firm” or solid who still abounds in power, who with endurance and courage perseveres to the finish in the contest, where the prize is the acquisition of the Best, should bring forth the Monad which is of equal value with the Seven; for her nature is that of a happy and goodly motherhood.",
+                "[14] And when she says that she who had many children languishes, her words are as clear as they are true. For when the soul that is one departs from the one and is in travail with many, she naturally is multiplied a thousand-fold, and then weighed down and sore pressed by the multitude of children that cling to her—most of them abortions born out of due time—she languishes utterly.",
+                "[15] She brings forth the desires of which the eyes and the ears are the channels, these for shapes and colours, those for sounds; she is pregnant with the lusts of the belly and those which have their seat below it, and thus, under the crushing load of the many children that hang upon her, she grows faint and dropping her hands in weakness sinks in prostration. This manner of defeat is the lot of all who engender things corruptible for their corruptible selves."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[16] Some there are who through self-love have brought upon themselves not only defeat but death. Thus Onan “perceiving that the seed will not be his” (Gen. 38:9), ceased not to destroy the reasoning principle, which in kind is the best of all existing things, till he himself underwent utter destruction. And right just and fitting was his fate.",
+                "[17] For if there shall be any whose every deed is self-seeking, who have no regard for the honouring of their parents, for the ordering of their children aright, for the safety of their country, for the maintenance of the laws, for the security of good customs, for the better conduct of things private and public, for the sanctity of temples, for piety towards God, miserable shall be their fate.",
+                "[18] To sacrifice life itself for any single one of these that I have named is honour and glory. But these self-lovers—they say that if these blessings, desirable as they are, were all put together, they would utterly despise them, if they should not procure them some future pleasure. And therefore God in His impartial justice will cast out to destruction that evil suggestion of an unnatural creed, called Onan.",
+                "[19] We must indeed reject all those who “beget for themselves,” that is all those who pursue only their own profit and think not of others. For they think themselves born for themselves only and not for the innumerable others, for father, for mother, for wife, for children, for country, for the human race, and if we must extend the list, for heaven, for earth, for the universe, for knowledge, for virtues, for the Father and Captain of all; to each of whom we are bound according to our powers to render what is due, not holding all things to be an adjunct of ourselves, but rather ourselves an adjunct of all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] Enough on this point. Let us extend our discussion to embrace the words that follow. “The Lord God,” says Moses, “seeing that the wickedness of men were multiplied upon the earth and that every man intended evil in his heart diligently all his days, God had it in His mind that He had made man upon the earth, and He bethought Him. And God said, I will blot out man, whom I made, from the face of the earth” (Gen. 6:5–7).",
+                "[21] Perhaps some of those who are careless inquirers will suppose that the Lawgiver is hinting that the Creator repented of the creation of men when He beheld their impiety, and that this was the reason why He wished to destroy the whole race. Those who think thus may be sure that they make the sins of these men of old time seem light and trivial through the vastness of their own godlessness.",
+                "[22] For what greater impiety could there be than to suppose that the Unchangeable changes? Indeed some maintain that even among men vacillation of mind and judgement is not universal; for those who study philosophy in guilelessness and purity, it is held, gain from their knowledge this as their chief reward, that they do not change with changing circumstances, but with unbending steadfastness and firm constancy take in hand all that it behoves them to do."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] It is a tenet of the lawgiver also that the perfect man seeks for quietude. For the words addressed to the Sage with God as the speaker, “stand thou here with Me” (Deut. 5:31), shew most plainly how unbending, unwavering and broad-based is his will.",
+                "[24] Wonderful indeed is the soul of the Sage, how he sets it, like a lyre, to harmony not with a scale of notes low and high, but with the knowledge of moral opposites, and the practice of such of them as are better; how he does not strain it to excessive heights, nor yet relax it and weaken the concord of virtues and things naturally beautiful, but keeps it ever at an equal tension and plays it with hand or bow in melody.",
+                "[25] Such a soul is the most perfect instrument fashioned by nature, the pattern of those which are the work of our hands. And if it be well adjusted, it will produce a symphony the most beautiful in the world, one which has its consummation not in the cadences and tones of melodious sound, but in the consistencies of our life’s actions.",
+                "[26] Oh! if the soul of man, when it feels the soft breeze of wisdom and knowledge, can dismiss the stormy surge which the fierce burst of the gale of wickedness has suddenly stirred, and levelling the billowy swell can rest in unruffled calm under a bright clear sky, can you doubt that He, the Imperishable Blessed One, who has taken as His own the sovereignty of the virtues, of perfection itself and beatitude, knows no change of will, but ever holds fast to what He purposed from the first without any alteration?",
+                "[27] With men then it must needs be that they are ready to change, through instability whether it be in themselves or outside them. So for example often when we have chosen our friends and been familiar with them for a short time, we turn from them, though we have no charge to bring against them, and count them amongst our enemies, or at best as strangers.",
+                "[28] Such action proves the facile levity of ourselves, how little capacity we have for stoutly holding to our original judgements. But God has no such fickleness. Or again, sometimes we are minded to hold to the standards we have taken but we find ourselves with others who have not remained constant, and thus our judgements perforce change with theirs.",
+                "[29] For a mere man cannot foresee the course of future events, or the judgements of others, but to God as in pure sunlight all things are manifest. For already He has pierced into the recesses of our soul, and what is invisible to others is clear as daylight to His eyes. He employs the forethought and foreknowledge which are virtues peculiarly His own, and suffers nothing to escape His control or pass outside His comprehension. For not even about the future can uncertainty be found with Him, since nothing is uncertain or future to God.",
+                "[30] No one doubts that the parent must have knowledge of his offspring, the craftsman of his handiwork, the steward of things entrusted to his stewardship. But God is in very truth the father and craftsman and steward of the heaven and the universe and all that is therein. Future events lie shrouded in the darkness of the time that is yet to be at different distances, some near, some far.",
+                "[31] But God is the maker of time also, for He is the father of time’s father, that is of the universe, and has caused the movements of the one to be the source of the generation of the other. Thus time stands to God in the relation of a grandson. For this universe, since we perceive it by our senses, is the younger son of God. To the elder son, I mean the intelligible universe, He assigned the place of firstborn, and purposed that it should remain in His own keeping.",
+                "[32] So this younger son, the world of our senses, when set in motion, brought that entity we call time to the brightness of its rising. And thus with God there is no future, since He has made the boundaries of the ages subject to Himself. For God’s life is not a time, but eternity, which is the archetype and pattern of time; and in eternity there is no past nor future, but only present existence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Having now discoursed sufficiently on the theme that the Existent does not experience repentance, we will explain in due sequence the words “God had it in His mind that He had made men upon the earth and He bethought Him” (Gen. 6:6).",
+                "[34] “Having in one’s mind” and “bethinking,” the former being the thought quiescent in the mind, the latter the thought brought to an issue, are two most constant powers, which the Maker of all things has taken as His own and ever employs them when He contemplates His own works. Those of His creatures who do not leave their appointed places, He praises for their obedience. Those who depart from it He visits with the punishment which is the doom of deserters.",
+                "[35] This is explained by consideration of the different conditions, which He has made inseparable from the various bodies. These are in some cases cohesion, in others growth, in others life, in others a reasoning soul. Thus, in stones and bits of wood which have been severed from their organism, He wrought cohesion, which acts as the most rigid of bonds. Cohesion is a breath or current ever returning to itself. It begins to extend itself from the centre of the body in question to its extremes, and when it has reached the outermost surface it reverses its course, till it arrives at the place from which it first set out.",
+                "[36] This regular double course of cohesion is indestructible; and it is this which the runners imitate at the triennial festivals in the places of spectacle universal among men, and exhibit as a great and splendid feat, well worthy of their efforts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Growth God assigned to plants. It is a compound of many capacities, that of taking nourishment, that of undergoing change and that of increasing. Nourishment plants receive as they need it, as the following proof shews. When they are not watered they decay and wither, just as their increase when watered is plain to see, for sprouts heretofore too tiny to rise above the ground suddenly shoot up and become quite tall. It is hardly necessary to speak of their function of change.",
+                "[38] When the winter solstice arrives, the leaves wither and shed themselves to the ground, and the “eyes,” as the husbandmen call them, on the twigs close like eyes in animals, and all the outlets which serve to put forth life are bound tight, for Nature within them compresses herself and hibernates, to get a breathing-space, like an athlete after his first contest, and thus having regained her fund of strength, comes forth to resume the familiar conflict. And this comes to pass in the spring and summer seasons.",
+                "[39] For she arises as though from a deep sleep and unseals the eyes, opens wide the closed outlets, and brings forth all that is in her womb, shoots, twigs, tendrils, leaves and, to crown all, fruit. Then when the fruit is fully formed, she provides nourishment, like the mother to the infant, through some hidden channels, which correspond to the breasts in women, and she ceases not to minister this nourishment till the fruit is brought to its consummation.",
+                "[40] That consummation comes to the fully ripened fruit, when, if none pluck it, it automatically seeks to disengage itself from its organism, since it needs no longer the nurture which its parent supplies, and is capable, if it chance to drop on good soil, of sowing and producing other plants similar to those which gave it its existence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Life was made by its creator different from growth in three ways. It has sensation, “presentation,” impulse. For plants have no impulse, no “presentation,” no gift of sense-perception, while each living creature participates in all three combined.",
+                "[42] Sensation or sense, as the name itself shews, is “a putting in,” and introduces what has appeared to it to the mind. For mind is a vast and receptive storehouse in which all that comes through sight or hearing and the other organs of sense is placed and treasured.",
+                "[43] “Presentation” is an imprint made on the soul. For, like a ring or seal, it stamps on the soul the image corresponding to everything which each of the senses has introduced. And the mind like wax receives the impress and retains it vividly, until forgetfulness the opponent of memory levels out the imprint, and makes it indistinct, or entirely effaces it.",
+                "[44] But the object which has presented itself and made the impression has an effect upon the soul sometimes of an appropriate kind, sometimes the reverse. And this condition or state of the soul is called impulse or appetite, which has been defined as the first movement of the soul.",
+                "[45] In all these ways living creatures excel plants. Let us now see where man has been made superior to other animals."
+            ],
+            [
+                "We find that the special prerogative he has received is mind, habituated to apprehend the natures both of all material objects and of things in general. For as sight holds the leading place in the body, and the quality of light holds the leading place in the universe, so too in us the dominant element is the mind.",
+                "[46] For mind is the sight of the soul, illuminated by rays peculiar to itself, whereby the vast and profound darkness, poured upon it by ignorance of things, is dispersed. This branch of the soul was not formed of the same elements, out of which the other branches were brought to completion, but it was allotted something better and purer, the substance in fact out of which divine natures were wrought. And therefore it is reasonably held that the mind alone in all that makes us what we are is indestructible.",
+                "[47] For it is mind alone which the Father who begat it judged worthy of freedom, and loosening the fetters of necessity, suffered it to range as it listed, and of that free-will which is His most peculiar possession and most worthy of His majesty gave it such portion as it was capable of receiving. For the other living creatures in whose souls the mind, the element set apart for liberty, has no place, have been committed under yoke and bridle to the service of men, as slaves to a master. But man, possessed of a spontaneous and self-determined will, whose activities for the most part rest on deliberate choice, is with reason blamed for what he does wrong with intent, praised when he acts rightly of his own will.",
+                "[48] In the others, the plants and animals, no praise is due if they bear well, nor blame if they fare ill: for their movements and changes in either direction come to them from no deliberate choice or volition of their own. But the soul of man alone has received from God the faculty of voluntary movement, and in this way especially is made like to Him, and thus being liberated, as far as might be, from that hard and ruthless mistress, necessity, may justly be charged with guilt, in that it does not honour its Liberator. And therefore it will rightly pay the inexorable penalty which is meted to ungrateful freedmen.",
+                "[49] Thus God “had it in His mind and bethought Him” not now for the first time, but ever from of old—a thought that was fixed and steadfast—“that He had made man,” that is He thought of what nature He had made him. He had made him free and unfettered, to employ his powers of action with voluntary and deliberate choice for this purpose, that, knowing good and ill and receiving the conception of the noble and the base, and setting himself in sincerity to apprehend just and unjust and in general what belongs to virtue and what to vice, he might practise to choose the better and eschew the opposite.",
+                "[50] And therefore we have an oracle of this kind recorded in Deuteronomy. “Behold, I have set before thy face life and death, good and evil; choose life” (Deut. 30:15, 19). So then in this way He puts before us both truths; first that men have been made with a knowledge both of good and evil, its opposite; secondly, that it is their duty to choose the better rather than the worse, because they have, as it were, within them an incorruptible judge in the reasoning faculty, which will accept all that right reason suggests and reject the promptings of its opposite."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] Having made this point sufficiently clear let us consider the next words, which are as follows, “I will blot out man whom I made from the face of the earth, from man to beast, from creeping things to fowls of heaven, because I was wroth in that I made him” (Gen. 6:7).",
+                "[52] Again, some on hearing these words suppose that the Existent feels wrath and anger, whereas He is not susceptible to any passion at all. For disquiet is peculiar to human weakness, but neither the unreasoning passions of the soul, nor the parts and members of the body in general, have any relation to God.",
+                "All the same the Law giver uses such expressions, just so far as they serve for a kind of elementary lesson, to admonish those who could not otherwise be brought to their senses.",
+                "[53] Thus, in the laws which deal with commands and prohibitions (laws, that is, in the proper sense of the word), there stand forth above others two leading statements about the Cause, one that “God is not as a man” (Num. 23:19); the other that He is as a man.",
+                "[54] But while the former is warranted by grounds of surest truth, the latter is introduced for the instruction of the many. And therefore also it is said of Him “like a man He shall train His son” (Deut. 8:5). And thus it is for training and admonition, not because God’s nature is such, that these words are used.",
+                "[55] Among men some are soul lovers, some body lovers. The comrades of the soul, who can hold converse with intelligible incorporeal natures, do not compare the Existent to any form of created things. They have dissociated Him from every category or quality, for it is one of the facts which go to make His blessedness and supreme felicity that His being is apprehended as simple being, without other definite characteristic; and thus they do not picture it with form, but admit to their minds the conception of existence only.",
+                "[56] But those who have made a compact and a truce with the body are unable to cast off from them the garment of flesh, and to descry existence needing nothing in its unique solitariness, and free from all admixture and composition in its absolute simplicity. And therefore they think of the Cause of all in the same terms as of themselves, and do not reflect that while a being which is formed through the union of several faculties needs several parts to minister to the need of each,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "God being uncreated and the Author of the creation of the others needs none of the properties which belong to the creatures which He has brought into being.",
+                "[57] For consider, if He uses our bodily parts or organs He has feet to move from one place to another. But whither will He go or walk since His presence fills everything? To whom will He go, when none is His equal? And for what purpose will He walk? For it cannot be out of care for health as it is with us. Hands He must have to receive and give. Yet He receives nothing from anyone, for, besides that He has no needs, all things are His possessions, and when He gives, He employs as minister of His gifts the Reason wherewith also He made the world.",
+                "[58] Nor did He need eyes, which have no power of perception without the light which meets our sense. But that light is created, whereas God saw before creation, being Himself His own light.",
+                "[59] Why need we speak of the organs of nourishment? If He has them, He eats and is filled, rests awhile and after the rest has need again, and the accompaniments of this I will not dwell upon. These are the mythical fictions of the impious, who, professing to represent the deity as of human form, in reality represent Him as having human passions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] Why then does Moses speak of feet and hands, goings in and goings out in connexion with the Uncreated, or of His arming to defend Himself against His enemies? For he describes Him as bearing a sword, and using as His weapons winds and death-dealing fire (thunderbolt and storm blast the poets call them, using different words, and say they are the weapons of the Cause). Why again does he speak of His jealousy, His wrath, His moods of anger, and the other emotions similar to them, which he describes in terms of human nature? But to those who ask these questions Moses answers thus:",
+                "[61] “Sirs, the lawgiver who aims at the best must have one end only before him—to benefit all whom his work reaches. Those to whose lot has fallen a generously gifted nature and a training blameless throughout, and who thus find that their later course through life lies in a straight and even highway, have truth for their fellow-traveller, and being admitted by her into the infallible mysteries of the Existent do not overlay the conception of God with any of the attributes of created being.",
+                "[62] These find a moral most pertinent in the oracles of revelation, that “God is not as a man” nor yet is He as the heaven or the universe. These last are forms of a particular kind which present themselves to our senses. But He is not apprehensible even by the mind, save in the fact that He is. For it is His existence which we apprehend, and of what lies outside that existence nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] But they whose natural wit is more dense and dull, or whose early training has been mishandled, since they have no power of clear vision, need physicians in the shape of admonishers, who will devise the treatment proper to their present condition.",
+                "[64] Thus ill-disciplined and foolish slaves receive profit from a master who frightens them, for they fear his threats and menaces and thus involuntarily are schooled by fear. All such may well learn the untruth, which will benefit them, if they cannot be brought to wisdom by truth.",
+                "[65] Thus too in dealing with dangerous sicknesses of the body, the most approved physicians do not allow themselves to tell the truth to their patients, since they know that this will but increase their disheartenment, and bring no recovery from the malady, whereas under the encouragement, which the opposite course of treatment gives, they will bear more contentedly their present trouble, and at the same time the disease will be relieved.",
+                "[66] For what sensible physician would say to his patient, “Sir, you will be subjected to the knife, the cautery or amputation” even if it will be necessary that he should submit to such operations. No one. For the patient will lose heart beforehand, and add to the existing malady of the body a still more painful malady of the soul and break down when faced with the treatment. Whereas if through the physician’s deceit he expects the opposite, he will gladly endure everything with patience, however painful the methods of saving him may be.",
+                "[67] So then the lawgiver, thereby being now approved as the best of physicians for the distempers and maladies of the soul, set before himself one task and purpose, to make a radical excision of the diseases of the mind and leave no root to sprout again into sickness which defies cure.",
+                "[68] In this way he hoped to be able to eradicate the evil, namely by representing the supreme Cause as dealing in threats and oftentimes shewing indignation and implacable anger, or again as using weapons of war for His onslaughts on the unrighteous. For this is the only way in which the fool can be admonished.",
+                "[69] And therefore it seems to me that with the two aforesaid maxims, “God is as a man,” and “God is not as a man,” he has linked two other principles closely connected and consequent on them, namely fear and love. For I observe that all the exhortations to piety in the law refer either to our loving or our fearing the Existent. And thus to love Him is the most suitable for those into whose conception of the Existent no thought of human parts or passions enters, who pay Him the honour meet for God for His own sake only. To fear is most suitable to the others."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[70] Such are the points which needed to be established as preliminaries to our inquiry. We must return to the original question which caused us difficulty, namely, what thought is suggested by the words “I was wroth in that I made them.” Perhaps then he wishes to shew us that the bad have become what they are through the wrath of God and the good through His grace. For the next words are “but Noah found grace with Him” (Gen. 6:8).",
+                "[71] Now the passion of wrath, which is properly speaking an attribute of men, is here used in a more metaphorical sense, yet still correctly, of the Existent, to bring out a vital truth, that all our actions by general consent are worthy of blame and censure, if done through fear or anger, or grief or pleasure, or any other passion, but worthy of praise if done with rectitude of reason and knowledge.",
+                "[72] Mark what caution he shows in his form of statement. He says “I was wroth in that I made them,” not in the reverse order, “because I made them, I was wroth.” The latter would show change of mind or repentance, a thing impossible to the all-foreseeing nature of God. In the former he brings before us a doctrine of great importance that wrath is the source of misdeeds, but the reasoning faculty of right actions.",
+                "[73] But God, remembering His perfect and universal goodness, even though the whole vast body of mankind should through its exceeding sinfulness accomplish its own ruin, stretches forth the right hand of salvation, takes them under His protection and raises them up, and suffers not the race to be brought to utter destruction and annihilation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[74] And therefore it now says that when the others who had proved ungrateful were doomed to pay the penalty, Noah found grace with Him, that so He might mingle His saving mercy with the judgement pronounced on sinners. And so the Psalmist said somewhere (Ps. 100 [101] 1), “I will sing to thee of mercy and judgement.”",
+                "[75] For if God should will to judge the race of mortals without mercy, His sentence will be one of condemnation, since there is no man who self-sustained has run the course of life from birth to death without stumbling, but in every case his footsteps have slipped through errors, some voluntary, some involuntary.",
+                "[76] So then that the race may subsist, though many of those which go to form it are swallowed up by the deep, He tempers His judgement with the mercy which He shews in doing kindness even to the unworthy. And not only does this mercy follow His judgement but it also precedes it. For mercy with Him is older than justice, since He knows who is worthy of punishment, not only after judgement is given, but before it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] And therefore it is said in another place, “there is a cup in the hand of the Lord of unmixed wine, full of mixture” (Ps. 74 [75] 8). But surely the mixed is not unmixed, and yet there is a meaning in these words most true to nature, and in agreement with what I have said before. For the powers which God employs are unmixed in respect of Himself, but mixed to created beings. For it cannot be that mortal nature should have room for the unmixed.",
+                "[78] We cannot look even upon the sun’s flame untempered, or unmixed, for our sight will be quenched and blasted by the bright flashing of its rays, ere it reach and apprehend them, though the sun is but one of God’s works in the past, a portion of heaven, a condensed mass of ether. And can you think it possible that your understanding should be able to grasp in their unmixed purity those uncreated potencies, which stand around Him and flash forth light of surpassing splendour?",
+                "[79] When God extended the sun’s rays from heaven to the boundaries of earth, He mitigated and abated with cool air the fierceness of their heat. He tempered them in this way, that the radiance drawn off from the blazing flame, surrendering its power of burning but retaining that of giving light, might meet and hail its friend and kinsman, the light which is stored in the treasury of our eyes; for it is when these converge to meet and greet each other that the apprehension through vision is produced. Just in the same way if God’s knowledge and wisdom and prudence and justice and each of His other excellences were not tempered, no mortal could receive them, nay not even the whole heaven and universe.",
+                "[80] The Creator then, knowing His own surpassing excellence in all that is best and the natural weakness of His creatures, however loud they boast, wills not to dispense benefit or punishment according to His power, but according to the measure of capacity which He sees in those who are to participate in either of those dispensations.",
+                "[81] If indeed we could drink and enjoy this diluted draught, wherein is a moderate measure of His powers, we should reap sufficient gladness, and let not the human race seek a more perfect joy. For we have shewn that these powers at their full height unmixed and untempered subsist only in the Existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] We have something similar to the above-mentioned words in another passage, “The Lord spake once, I have heard these two things” (Ps. 61 [62] 11). For “once” is like the unmixed, for the unmixed is a monad and the monad is unmixed, whereas twice is like the mixed, for the mixed is not single, since it admits both combination and separation.",
+                "[83] God then speaks in unmixed monads or unities. For His word is not a sonant impact of voice upon air, or mixed with anything else at all, but it is unbodied and unclothed and in no way different from unity. But our hearing is the product of two factors, of a dyad.",
+                "[84] For the breath from the seat of the master-principle driven up through the windpipe is shaped in the mouth by the workmanship, as it were, of the tongue, and rushing out it mixes with its congener the air, and impinging on it produces in a harmonious union the mixture which constitutes the dyad. For the consonance caused by different sounds is harmonized in a dyad originally divided which contains a high and a low pitch.",
+                "[85] Right well then did the lawgiver act when he opposed to the multitude of unjust thoughts the just man as one—numerically less, but greater in value. His purpose is that the worse should not prove the weightier when tested as in the scales, but by the victorious force of the opposite tendency to the better cause should kick the beam and prove powerless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] Now let us consider what is meant by “Noah found grace before the Lord God” (Gen. 6:8). Finders sometimes find again what they possessed and have lost, sometimes what they did not own in the past and now gain for the first time. People who seek exactitude in the use of words are wont to call the process in the second case “finding” or “discovery” and in the first “refinding” or “recovery.”",
+                "[87] We have a very clear example of the former in the commandment of the Great Vow (Num. 6:2). Now a vow is a request for good things from God, while a “great vow” is to hold that God Himself and by Himself is the cause of good things, that though the earth may seem to be the mother of fruits, rain to give increase to seeds and plants, air to have the power of fostering them, husbandry to be the cause of the harvest, medicine the cause of health, marriage of childbirth, yet nothing else is His fellow-worker that we may think of them as bringing us benefit.",
+                "[88] For all these things, through the power of God, admit of change and transition, so as often to produce effects quite the reverse of the ordinary. He who makes this vow then, says Moses, must be “holy, suffering the hair of his head to grow” (Num. 6:5). This means that he must foster the young growths of virtue’s truths in the mind which rules his being; these growths must be to him as it were heads, and he must take pride in them as in the glory of the hair.",
+                "[89] But sometimes he loses these early growths, when as it were a whirlwind swoops suddenly down upon the soul and tears from it all that was beautiful in it. This whirlwind is a kind of involuntary defection straightway defiling the soul, and this he calls death (Num. 6:9).",
+                "[90] He has lost, yet in time, when purified, he makes good the loss, remembers what he had forgotten for a while, and finds what he has lost, so that the “former days,” the days of defection, are regarded as not to be counted (Num. 6:12), either because defection is a thing beyond all calculation, discordant with right reason and having no partnership with prudence, or because they are not worthy to be counted. For of such as these there is, as has been said, no count or number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] On the other hand, it is a common experience that things befall us of which we have not even dreamt, like the story of the husbandman who, digging his orchard to plant some fruit-trees, lighted on a treasure, and thus met with prosperity beyond his hopes.",
+                "[92] Thus the Practiser, when his father asked him in this manner of the source of his knowledge, “What is this that thou hast found so quickly, my son?” answered and said, “It is what the Lord God delivered before me” (Gen. 27:20). For when God delivers to us the lore of His eternal wisdom without our toil or labour we find in it suddenly and unexpectedly a treasure of perfect happiness.",
+                "[93] It often happens that those who seek with toil fail to find the object of their search, while others without thought and with the utmost ease find what had never crossed their minds. The slow-souled dullards, like men who have lost their eyesight, labour fruitlessly in the study of any branch of knowledge, while to others richly blessed by nature it comes unsought in myriad forms; theirs is a ready and unfailing grasp; it seems as though they trouble not to come in contact with the objects of their study, rather that these are impelled to take the lead and hurry to present themselves before the student’s vision, and create in him the unerring apprehension which they have to give."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] It is to these men that are given, in the lawgiver’s words, “cities great and beautiful which they built not, houses full of good things which they did not fill, pits hewn out which they did not hew, vineyards and olive-gardens which they did not plant” (Deut. 6:10, 11).",
+                "[95] Under the symbol of cities and houses he speaks of the generic and specific virtues. For the genus resembles the city, because its limits are marked out by wider circuits and it embraces a larger number. The species on the other hand resembles the house, because it is more concentrated and avoids the idea of community.",
+                "[96] The pits which they find provided are the prizes ready to be won without toil, cisterns of waters heavenly and sweet to drink, treasure-cells fitly prepared to guard the afore-mentioned virtues, from which is secured to the soul perfect gladness shedding with its beams the light of truth. And for that gladness and light he gives us a symbol in the vineyards for the former, in the olive-gardens for the latter.",
+                "[97] Happy then are these, and their case is as the state of those who waken from deep sleep, and suddenly without toil or active effort open their eyes upon the world. Miserable are those whose lot it is to compete earnestly for ends for which they were not born, urged on by the grievous poison of contentiousness.",
+                "[98] Not only do they fail to gain their end, but they incur great shame and no small damage to boot. They are like ships ploughing the seas in the face of contrary winds; for not only do they fail to reach the roadsteads to which they press, but often they capsize, vessel, crew and cargo, and are a source of grief to their friends and joy to their foes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So the law says that “some went up with violence into the mountain, and the Amorite who dwelt in that mountain came out and wounded them, as bees might do, and chased them from Seir to Hormah” (Deut. 1:43, 44).",
+                "[100] For it must needs be that if those, who have no aptness for the acquisition of the arts, use force or compel themselves to labour at them, they not only fail in their purpose, but also incur disgrace. Those, too, who perform any other right action without the assent of their judgement or will, but by doing violence to their inclination, do not achieve righteousness, but are wounded and chased by their inward feelings.",
+                "[101] Would you say there was any difference in the matter of honesty between those who repay an insignificant deposit in the hope of securing an opportunity to defraud on a larger scale, and those who actually make a large repayment but in doing so have to do violence to their natural inclination to dishonesty, which never ceases to prick them with the stings of regret?",
+                "[102] What of those who render an insincere worship to the only wise God, those who as on a stage assume a highly sanctified creed and profession of life, which does no more than make an exhibition to the assembled spectators? Are not these men, whose souls are filled with ribaldry rather than piety, racking and torturing themselves as on the wheel, compelling themselves to counterfeit what they have never felt?",
+                "[103] And therefore, though for a short time they are disguised by the insignia of superstition, which is a hindrance to holiness, and a source of much harm both to those who are under its sway and those who find themselves in such company, yet in course of time the wrappings are cast aside and their hypocrisy is seen in its nakedness. And then, like convicted aliens, they are marked as bastard citizens, having falsely inscribed their names in the burgess-roll of that greatest of commonwealths, virtue, to which they had no claim. For violence is short-lived, as the very name (βίαιον) seems to shew, since it is derived from βαιός; for that was the word used in old times for short-lived."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] But we must deal fully with the difficulty in the words “Noah found grace with the Lord God.” Is the meaning that he obtained grace or that he was thought worthy of grace? The former is not a reasonable supposition. For in that case what more was given to him than to practically all creatures, not only those who are compounded of body and soul, but also simple elementary natures, all accepted as recipients of divine grace?",
+                "[105] The second explanation is founded on a not unreasonable idea, that the Cause judges those worthy of His gifts, who do not deface with base practices the coin within them which bears the stamp of God, even the sacred mind. And yet perhaps that explanation is not the true one.",
+                "[106] For how great must we suppose him to be, who shall be judged worthy of grace with God? Hardly, I think, could the whole world attain to this, and yet the world is the first and the greatest and the most perfect of God’s works.",
+                "[107] Perhaps then it would be better to accept this explanation, that the man of worth, being zealous in inquiring and eager to learn, in all his inquiries found this to be the highest truth, that all things are the grace or gift of God—earth, water, air, fire, sun, stars, heaven, all plants and animals. But God has bestowed no gift of grace on Himself, for He does not need it, but He has given the world to the world, and its parts to themselves and to each other, aye and to the All.",
+                "[108] But He has given His good things in abundance to the All and its parts, not because He judged anything worthy of grace, but looking to His eternal goodness, and thinking that to be beneficent was incumbent on His blessed and happy nature. So that if anyone should ask me what was the motive for the creation of the world, I will answer what Moses has taught, that it was the goodness of the Existent, that goodness which is the oldest of His bounties and itself the source of others."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[109] But we must observe that he says that Noah was well pleasing to the Potencies of the Existent, to the Lord and to God (Gen. 6:8), but Moses to Him who is attended by the Potencies, and without them is only conceived of as pure being. For it is said with God as speaker, “thou hast found grace with Me” (Exod. 33:17), in which words He shews Himself as Him who has none other with Him.",
+                "[110] Thus, then, through His own agency alone does He who IS judge the supreme wisdom shewn in Moses to be worthy of grace, but the wisdom which was but a copy of that, the wisdom which is secondary and of the nature of species, He judges as worthy through His subject Potencies, which present Him to us as Lord and God, Ruler and Benefactor.",
+                "[111] But there is a different mind which loves the body and the passions and has been sold in slavery to that chief cateress (Gen. 39:1) of our compound nature, Pleasure. Eunuch-like it has been deprived of all the male and productive organs of the soul, and lives in indigence of noble practices, unable to receive the divine message, debarred from the holy congregation (Deut. 23:1) in which the talk and study is always of virtue. When this mind is cast into the prison of the passions, it finds in the eyes of the chief jailer a favour and grace, which is more inglorious than dishonour.",
+                "[112] For, in the true sense of the word, prisoners are not those who after condemnation by magistrates chosen by lot, or it may be elected jurymen, are haled to the appointed place of malefactors, but those whose character of soul is condemned by nature, as full to the brim of folly and incontinence and cowardice, and injustice and impiety and other innumerable plagues.",
+                "[113] Now the over-seer and warder and manager of them, the governor of the prison, is the concentration and congeries of all vices multitudinous and manifold, woven together into a single form, and to be pleasing to him is to suffer the greatest of penalties. But some do not see the nature of this penalty, but, being deluded into counting the harmful as beneficial, become right joyfully his courtiers and satellites, in the hope that having judged them to be faithful he may make them his subalterns and lieutenants to keep guard over the sins which are committed with the will or without it.",
+                "[114] My soul, hold such a mastery and captaincy to be a lot more cruel than that slavery, heavy though it be. Follow indeed, if thou canst, a life-purpose which is unchained and liberated and free.",
+                "[115] But, if it be that thou art snared by the hook of passion, endure rather to become a prisoner than a prison-keeper. For through suffering and groaning thou shalt find mercy; but if thou put thyself in subjection to the craving for office or the greed of glory, thou shalt receive the charge of the prison, a pleasant task indeed, but an ill one and the greatest of ills, and its thraldom shall be over thee for ever."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Put away then with all thy might what may make thee well pleasing to the rulers of the prison, but desire exceedingly and with all zeal what may make thee pleasing to the Cause. But if so be that this is beyond thy powers—so vast is the greatness of His dignity—set thy face and betake thee to His Potencies and make thyself their suppliant, till they accept the constancy and fidelity of thy service, and appoint thee to take thy place amongst those in whom they are well pleased, even as they appointed Noah; of whose descendants Moses has given a genealogy of a truly strange and novel sort.",
+                "[117] For he says, “these are the generations of Noah. Noah was a just man, perfect in his generation, Noah was well pleasing to God” (Gen. 6:9). The offspring indeed of creatures compounded of soul and body, must also themselves be compound; horses necessarily beget horses, lions beget lions, bulls beget bulls, and so too with men.",
+                "[118] Not such are the offspring proper to a good mind; but they are the virtues mentioned in the text, the fact that he was a man, that he was just, that he was perfect, that he was well pleasing to God. And this last as being the consummation of these virtues, and the definition of supreme happiness, is put at the end of them all.",
+                "[119] Now one form of generation is the process by which things are drawn and journey so to speak from non-existence to existence, and this process is that which is always necessarily followed by plants and animals. But there is also another which consists in the change from the higher genus to the lower species, and this it is which Moses had in mind when he says, “But these are the generations of Jacob. Joseph was seventeen years old, keeping sheep with his brethren, being still young, with the sons of Bilhah and with the sons of Zelpah, his father’s wives” (Gen. 37:2).",
+                "[120] For when this reason, once so diligent of practice and filled with love of learning, is brought down from diviner concepts to human and mortal opinions, then at once Joseph is born, Joseph who follows in the train of the body and bodily things. He is still young, even though length of years may have made him grey-headed; for never have there come to his knowledge the thoughts or lessons of riper age, which those who are ranked as members of the company of Moses have learnt, and found in them a treasure and a joy most profitable to themselves and to those who hold converse with them.",
+                "[121] It is for this reason, I think, because he wished to portray Joseph’s image and the exact form of his character in a clearer way, that Moses represents him as keeping sheep, not with any true-born brother, but with the base-born, the sons of the concubines, who are designated by the lower parentage, which is traced to the women, and not by the higher, which is traced to the men. For they are in this instance called the sons of the women Bilhah and Zilpah but not the sons of their father Israel."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[122] We may properly ask, why directly after the recital of Noah’s perfection in virtues, we are told that “the earth was corrupt before the Lord and filled with iniquity” (Gen. 6:11). And yet perhaps save for one who is especially uninstructed it is not difficult to obtain a solution.",
+                "[123] We should say then that when the incorruptible element takes its rise in the soul, the mortal is forthwith corrupted. For the birth of noble practices is the death of the base, for when the light shines, the darkness disappears.",
+                "And therefore in the law of leprosy it is most carefully laid down, that if a living colour arise in the leper, he shall be defiled (Lev. 13:14, 15).",
+                "[124] And by way of clinching this and so to speak setting a seal upon it, he adds “and the healthy colour will defile him.” This is quite opposed to the natural and ordinary view. For all men hold that things healthy are corrupted by things diseased, and living things by dead things, but they do not hold the converse, that the healthy and living corrupt their opposites, but rather that they save and preserve them.",
+                "[125] But the lawgiver, original as ever in his wisdom, has here laid down something distinctly his own. He teaches us that it is the healthy and living which produce the condition which is tainted with pollution. For the healthy and living colour in the soul, when it makes a genuine appearance upon it, is Conviction.",
+                "[126] When this Conviction comes to the surface it makes a record of all the soul’s transgressions, and rebukes and reproaches and calls shame upon it almost without ceasing. And the soul thus convicted sees in their true light its practices each and all, which were contrary to right reason, and then perceives that it is foolish and intemperate and unjust and infected with pollution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] For the same reason Moses enacts a law, which is indeed a paradox, whereby he declares that the leper who is partially a leper is unclean, but that when the leprosy has taken hold of him throughout, from the sole of his foot to the crown of his head, he is clean (Lev. 13:11–13). One would probably have conjectured the opposite, as indeed it would be reasonable to suppose that leprosy, if limited and confined to a small part of the body, is less unclean, but if diffused, so as to embrace all the body, is more unclean.",
+                "[128] But he is shewing, I think, through these symbols (and a very true lesson it is), that such wrongdoings as are involuntary, however wide their extent, are pure and devoid of guilt, for they have no stern accuser in conscience, but voluntary sins, even though the space they cover be not large, are convicted by the judge within the soul and thus are proved to be unholy and foul and impure.",
+                "[129] Thus then the leprosy, which is twy-natured and flowers into two colours, shews voluntary wickedness. For the soul has within it the healthy, lively upright reason, and yet it does not use it as its pilot to guide it to the safety which things noble give, but abandons itself to those who have no skill of seamanship, and thus swamps utterly the bark of life which might have reached its bourn safely in calm and fair weather.",
+                "[130] But the leprosy which changes into a single white appearance, represents involuntary error, when the mind is throughout reft of reasoning power, and not a germ is left of what might grow into understanding, and thus, as men in a mist and profound darkness, it sees nothing of what it should do, but, like a blind man tripping over every obstacle since he cannot see before him, it is subject to constant slips and repeated falls in which the will has no part."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Similar again is the enactment about the house in which leprosy is a frequent occurrence. For the law says that “if there is an infection of leprosy in a house, the owner shall come and report it to the priest with the words ‘what seems an infection of leprosy has appeared in my house,’ ” and then it adds “and the priest shall command that they empty the house, before the priest enters the house and sees it, and whatsoever is in the house shall not become unclean, and after that the priest shall go in to observe it” (Lev. 14:34–36).",
+                "[132] So then before the priest goes in, the things in the house are clean, but after he has gone in they are all unclean. And yet we should have expected just the opposite, that when a man who has been purified and fully consecrated, who is wont to offer prayers and litanies and sacrifices for all men, has come within the house, its contents should thereby be bettered and pass from impurity into purity. But here we find that they do not even remain in the same position as before, but actually shift into the inferior region at the entrance of the priest.",
+                "[133] Now whether in the plain and literal sense of the ordinance these things are consistent with each other is a matter for those who are used to such questions and find pleasure in them. But <i>we</i> must say positively that no two things can be more consistent with each other than that, when the priest has entered, the belongings of the house are defiled.",
+                "[134] For so long as the divine reason has not come into our soul, as to some dwelling-place, all its works are free from guilt, since the priest who is its guardian or father or teacher—or whatever name is fitting for him—the priest, who alone can admonish and bring it to wisdom, is far away. There is pardon for those whose sin is due to ignorance, because they have no experience to tell them what they should do. For they do not even conceive of their deeds as sins, nay often they think that their most grievous stumblings are righteous actions.",
+                "[135] But when the true priest, Conviction, enters us, like a pure ray of light, we see in their real value the unholy thoughts that were stored within our soul, and the guilty and blameworthy actions to which we laid our hands in ignorance of our true interests. So Conviction, discharging his priest-like task, defiles all these and bids them all be cleared out and carried away, that he may see the soul’s house in its natural bare condition, and heal whatever sicknesses have arisen in it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] We have a parallel to this in the widow in the Book of Kings who discourses with the prophet (1 Kings 17:10). She is a widow, not in our sense of the word, when the wife has lost her husband, but because she is widowed of the passions which corrupt and maltreat the mind, like Tamar in the books of Moses.",
+                "[137] Tamar was bidden to remain a widow in the house of her father, her one and only saviour (Gen. 38:11), for whose sake she has left for ever the intercourse and society of mortals, and remained desolate and widowed of human pleasures. Thus she receives the divine impregnation, and, being filled with the seeds of virtue, bears them in her womb and is in travail with noble actions. And when she has brought them to the birth, she wins the meed of conquest over her adversaries, and is enrolled as victor with the palm as the symbol of her victory. For Tamar is by interpretation a palm.",
+                "[138] To return to the Book of Kings. Every mind that is on the way to be widowed and empty of evil says to the prophet, “O man of God, thou hast come in to remind me of my iniquity and my sin” (1 Kings 17:18). For when he, the God-inspired, has entered the soul—he who is mastered by celestial yearning, stirred to his very depth by the irresistible goads of god-sent frenzy, he creates a memory of past iniquities and sins, and this not to the end that the soul should return to them, but that, with deep groaning and many tears for its old error, it should turn therefrom with loathing for all that it has engendered, and follow instead the guidance of that reason which is the interpreter and prophet of God.",
+                "[139] For the men of old days called the prophets sometimes “men of God” and sometimes “seers” (1 Sam. 9:9). And the names they gave were names of literal truth and well suited, the former to their inspiration, the latter to the wide vision of reality which they possessed."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Thus apt indeed are these words of Moses, the holiest of men, when he tells us that the earth was being corrupted at the time when the virtues of just Noah shone forth. But he goes on, “it was destroyed because all flesh destroyed his way upon the earth” (Gen. 6:12).",
+                "[141] Some will think that we have here a mistake in diction and that the correct phrase in grammatical sequence is as follows, “all flesh destroyed its way.” For a masculine form like “his” (αὐτοῦ) cannot be properly used with reference to the feminine noun “flesh” (σάρξ).",
+                "[142] But perhaps the writer is not speaking merely of the flesh which corrupts its own way, thus giving reasonable grounds for the idea of a grammatical error, but of two things, the flesh which is being corrupted, and Another, whose way that flesh seeks to mar and corrupt. And so the passage must be explained thus, “all flesh destroyed the perfect way of the Eternal and Indestructible, the way which leads to God.”",
+                "[143] This way, you must know, is wisdom. For wisdom is a straight high road, and it is when the mind’s course is guided along that road that it reaches the goal which is the recognition and knowledge of God. Every comrade of the flesh hates and rejects this path and seeks to corrupt it. For there are no two things so utterly opposed as knowledge and pleasure of the flesh.",
+                "[144] Thus those who are members of that race endowed with vision, which is called Israel, when they wish to journey along that royal road, find their way contested by Edom the earthly one—for such is the interpretation of his name—who, all alert and prepared at every point, threatens to bar them from the road and to render it such that none at all shall tread or travel on it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] The envoys then who are dispatched to him speak thus, “We will pass by through thy land. We will not go through the cornfields nor through the vineyards. We will not drink water of any well of thine. We will journey by the king’s way. We will not turn aside to the right or the left, till we have passed thy boundaries.” But Edom answers, saying, “Thou shalt not pass through me, else I will come out in war to meet thee.” And the sons of Israel say to him, “We will pass along the mountain country. But if I and my cattle drink of thy water, I will give thee value. But the matter is nothing, we will pass along the mountain country” (Num. 20:17–20). But he said, “Thou shalt not go through me.”",
+                "[146] There is a story that one of the ancients beholding a gaily decked and costly pageant turned to some of his disciples and said to them, “My friends, observe how many things there are I do not need.” And the vaunt conveyed in this short utterance is a great and truly heaven-sent profession. “What is it you say?” we ask him.",
+                "[147] “Have you won the Olympic crown of victory over all wealth, and so risen superior to all that wealth involves, that you accept nothing of what it brings for your use and enjoyment?” A wonderful saying! And yet far more wonderful is the resolution which has grown so strong, that now it need exert no effort to win its complete victory."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] But in the school of Moses it is not one man only who may boast that he has learnt the first elements of wisdom, but a whole nation, a mighty people. And we have a proof thereof in these words of the envoys. The soul of every one of his disciples has taken heart and courage to say to the king of all that is good in outward appearance, the earthly Edom (for indeed all things whose goodness lies in mere seeming are of earth), “I will now pass by through thy land” (or “earth”).",
+                "[149] What a stupendous, what a magnificent promise! Will you indeed be able, tell me, to step, to travel, to speed past and over those things of earth which appear and are reckoned good? And will nothing, then, that opposes your onward march stay or arrest its course?",
+                "[150] Will you see all the treasuries of wealth, one after the other, full to the brim, yet turn aside from them and avert your eyes? Will you take no heed of the honours of high ancestry on either side, or the pride of noble birth, which the multitude so extol? Will you leave glory behind you, glory, for which men barter their all, and treat it as though it were a worthless trifle? Will you pass unregarded the health of the body, the keenness of the senses, the coveted gift of beauty, the strength which defies opponents, and whatever else serves to adorn our soul’s house, or tomb, or what other name it may be given, and rank none of them as belonging to the province of the good?",
+                "[151] Great ventures such as these betoken a celestial and heavenly soul, which has left the region of the earth, has been drawn upwards, and dwells with divine natures. For when it takes its fill of the vision of good incorruptible and genuine, it bids farewell to the good which is transient and spurious."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[152] Now what can it profit us to pass by all the good things which are mortal as their possessors are mortal, if we pass them by not under the guidance of right reason, but as some do through faint-heartedness or indolence or inexperience of them? For they are not all held in honour everywhere, but some value these, others those.",
+                "[153] And therefore to bring home to us that it is under the guidance of right reason that we should grow to despise these things which I have named, he adds to the words “I will pass by” these others “through thy land.” For this he knew was the most vital thing of all, that we should see ourselves surrounded by a rich abundance of all that goes to provide these seeming forms of good, and yet be caught by none of the snares which each flings before us, but be nerved to break like fire with a single rush through their successive and ceaseless onslaughts.",
+                "[154] Through these then, they say, they will pass by. But they do not use the phrase “pass by” of the fields and vineyards. For it would be monstrous folly to pass by the plants within the soul, whose fruit is kindly as themselves, even worthy sayings and laudable actions. Rather it were well to stay and pluck them and feast upon them with the hunger that is never filled. For truly beautiful is that insatiable joy which the perfect virtues give, and of this the vineyards here mentioned are symbolic.",
+                "[155] Again, shall we on whom God pours as in snow or rain-shower the fountains of His blessings from above, drink of a well and seek for the scanty springs that lie beneath the earth, when heaven rains upon us ceaselessly the nourishment which is better than the nectar and ambrosia of the myths?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[156] Or shall we draw up with ropes the drink which has been stored by the devices of men and accept as our haven and refuge a task which argues our lack of true hope; we to whom the Saviour of all has opened His celestial treasure for our use and enjoyment? For Moses the revealer prays that the Lord may open to us His good treasure, the heaven, to give us rain (Deut. 28:12), and the prayers of him whom God loves are always heard.",
+                "[157] Or again, what of that Israel who thought that neither heaven nor rainfall or well, or any created thing at all, was able to nourish him, but passed over all these and told his experience in the words “God who doth nourish me from my youth up”? (Gen. 48:15). Think you that all the waters which are gathered beneath the earth would seem to him worthy even of a glance?",
+                "[158] Nay, he will not drink of a well on whom God bestows the undiluted rapture-giving draughts, sometimes through the ministry of some angel whom He has held worthy to act as cupbearer, sometimes by His own agency, setting none to intervene between Him who gives and him who takes.",
+                "[159] So then brooking no delay should we essay to march by the king’s high road, we who hold it our duty to pass by earthly things. And that is the king’s road of which the lordship rests with no common citizen, but with Him alone who alone is king in real truth.",
+                "[160] This road is, as I said but now, wisdom, by which alone suppliant souls can make their escape to the Uncreated. For we may well believe that he who walks unimpeded along the king’s way will never flag or faint, till he comes into the presence of the king.",
+                "[161] And then they that have come to Him recognize His blessedness and their own meanness; for Abraham when he drew nigh to God straightway knew himself to be earth and ashes (Gen. 18:27).",
+                "[162] And let them not turn aside to the right or to the left of the king’s way, but advance along the midmost line. For deviations in either direction whether of excess or of deficiency, whether they tend to strain or to laxity, are in fault, for in this matter the right is no less blameworthy than the left.",
+                "[163] In the case of those who lead a reckless life, rashness is the right and cowardice the left. To those who are churlish in money matters, parsimony is the right and extravagance the left. And all who are oversharp and calculating in business count the knave’s qualities worthy of their choice, but the simpleton’s of their avoidance. And others pursue superstition as their right-hand path, but flee from impiety as a thing to be shunned."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[164] Therefore, that we may not be forced to turn aside and have dealings with the vices that war against us, let us wish and pray that we may walk straightly along the middle path or mean. Courage is the mean between rashness and cowardice, economy between careless extravagance and illiberal parsimony, prudence between knavery and folly, and finally piety between superstition and impiety.",
+                "[165] These lie in the middle between the deviations to either side, all of them high roads meet for the traveller’s use, wherein we are bound in duty to walk continually, not with the mechanism of the body, but with the motions of the soul which seeks the best.",
+                "[166] Angered greatly at this, Edom, the earthly one, since he fears lest the principles of his creed be confounded and overthrown, will threaten to wage war to the bitter end, if we should force our way through his land, tearing and ravaging ever, as we go, the fruits of his soul which he has sown for the destruction of wisdom, though he has not reaped them. For he says, “Thou shalt not go through me, else I will come out in war to meet thee.”",
+                "[167] But let us take no heed of his menaces, but make answer, “We will go along the mountain country.” That is, “It is our wont to hold converse with powers that are lofty and sublime, and to examine each point by analysis and definition, and to search out in everything whatsoever its rationale, by which its essential nature is known. Thus we feel contempt for all that is external or of the body; for these are low-lying and grovelling exceedingly. You love them, but we hate them, and therefore we will handle none of them.",
+                "[168] For if we do but touch them with our finger-tips, as the saying is, we shall provide honour and ‘value’ to you. You will plume yourself and boast that we too, the virtue-lovers, have yielded to the snares of pleasure.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[169] “For if I or my cattle drink of your water,” it runs, “I shall give you value.” The writer does not mean the pelf, to use the poet’s word, silver or gold or aught else which the purchaser is wont to give in exchange to the vendor, but by “value” he here means honour.",
+                "[170] For in very truth everyone that is profligate or cowardly or unjust, when he sees any of the stricter folk shrinking from toil or mastered by gain or swerving aside to any of the love-lures of pleasure, rejoices and is glad and thinks that he has received honour. And then with swaggering airs and gestures of pride he begins to hold forth sagely to the multitude about his own vices, how necessary and profitable they are, “for,” says he, “were they not so, would So-and-so, that much respected gentleman, be willing to indulge in them?”",
+                "[171] Let us say, then, to everyone of this sorry sort, “If we drink of thy water, if we touch aught that thy confused and turbid current carries, we shall provide thee with honour and acceptance, instead of the ill-repute and dishonour that are thy true deserts.”",
+                "[172] For in very truth “the matter” which has so engaged thy zeal is absolutely “nothing.” Or dost thou think that aught of mortal matters has real being or subsistence, and that they do not rather swing suspended as it were on fallacious and unstable opinion, treading the void and differing not a whit from false dreams?",
+                "[173] If thou carest not to test the fortunes of individual men, scan the vicissitudes, for better and worse, of whole regions and nations. Greece was once at its zenith, but the Macedonians took away its power. Macedonia flourished in its turn, but when it was divided into portions it weakened till it was utterly extinguished.",
+                "[174] Before the Macedonians fortune smiled on the Persians, but a single day destroyed their vast and mighty empire, and now Parthians rule over Persians, the former subjects over their masters of yesterday. The breath that blew from Egypt of old was clear and strong for many a long year, yet like a cloud its great prosperity passed away. What of the Ethiopians, what of Carthage, and the parts towards Libya? What of the kings of Pontus?",
+                "[175] What of Europe and Asia, and in a word the whole civilized world? Is it not tossed up and down and kept in turmoil like ships at sea, subject now to prosperous, now to adverse winds?",
+                "[176] For circlewise moves the revolution of that divine plan which most call fortune. Presently in its ceaseless flux it makes distribution city by city, nation by nation, country by country. What these had once, those have now. What all had, all have. Only from time to time is the ownership changed by its agency, to the end that the whole of our world should be as a single state, enjoying that best of constitutions, democracy."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] So then in all wherewith men concern themselves there is no solid work, no “matter,” only a shadow or a breath which flits past, before it has real existence. It comes and goes as in the ebb and flow of the sea. For the tides sometimes race violently, roaring as they sweep along, and in their wide-spread rush make a lake of what till now was dry land, and then again they retreat and turn into land what was a great tract of sea.",
+                "[178] Even so the good fortune which has flooded a great and populous nation sometimes turns the stream of its current elsewhere and leaves not even a tiny trickle behind it, that no trace of the old richness may remain.",
+                "[179] But it is not all who can estimate these truths justly and fully. Only they can do so who are wont to follow the rule of definition and reason which is straight and constant. The two sayings, “the matter of creation is all of it nothing” and “we will journey along the mountain country,” come from the mouths of the same speakers.",
+                "[180] For it cannot be that he who does not walk in the upland paths of definition should renounce mortal things and turn aside therefrom and make his new home with things indestructible.",
+                "So then the earthly Edom purposes to bar the heavenly and royal road of virtue, but the divine reason on the other hand would bar the road of Edom and his associates.",
+                "[181] In the list of these associates we must write the name of Balaam. For he too is no heavenly growth, but a creature of earth. And here we have the proof. He followed omens and false soothsayings, and not even when the closed eye of his soul received its sight and “beheld the angel of God standing in his way” (Num. 22:31) did he turn aside and refrain from evil-doing, but let the stream of his folly run full course and was overwhelmed by it and swallowed up.",
+                "[182] For it is then that the ailments of the soul become not only hard to tend, but even utterly beyond healing, when though Conviction fronts us, Conviction, the divine reason, the angel who guides our feet and removes the obstacles before them, that we may walk without stumbling along the high road (Psalm 90 [91] 11, 12), we yet set our ill-judged purposes before those counsels of his which he is wont to give without ceasing for our admonishing and chastening and the reformation of our whole life.",
+                "[183] Therefore he who listens not, who is not turned from his course by the Conviction which stands in his path, will in time receive destruction “with the wounded” (Num. 31:8) whom their passions stabbed and wounded with a fatal stroke. His fate will be to those who are not hopelessly impure a lesson which heeds no confirmation, that they should seek to have the favour of the inward judge. And have it they shall, if they do not remove or repeal aught of the righteous judgements which he has given."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO QUOD DEUS SIT IMMUTABILIS",
+            "§ 3. <i>Bounds which the lustral water has consecrated</i>. For this use of περιρραντήρια see <i>De Cher.</i> 96 (and footnote). Below (8) it is used for the purification itself, as in <i>Quod Det.</i> 20.",
+            "§ 6. <i>I give him to thee a gift</i>. The stress which Philo lays on δίδωμι and δοτόν suggests that he had in mind a different version of the text from that of the LXX, where, though in v. 27 we have “the Lord <i>gave</i> me my request,” v. 28 runs “I lend him (κιχρῶ) to the Lord, a loan (χρῆσιν) to the Lord.”",
+            "§ 14. <i>Multiplied a thousand-fold</i>. For this way of taking μυρία (as sing. fem.) it may be argued that it follows up the thought of ἡ δὲ πολλή. On the other hand the words may be a reminiscence of <i>Theaetetus</i> 156 A, where Plato, speaking of the product of the union of τὸ ποιεῖν with τὸ πάσχειν, says γίνεται ἔκγονα πλήθει ἄπειρα, in which case it would be better to take μυρία as plur. neut.",
+            "§ 18. <i>Some future pleasure</i>. A hit at the Epicureans; see note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 157; <i>cf</i>. also <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 21.",
+            "§ 22. <i>Indeed some maintain</i>, etc. Evidently this refers to the Stoic doctrine of the constancy of the Sage; see quotation from Stobaeus in <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 548, particularly the words οὐδὲ μεταβάλλεσθαι δὲ κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον οὐδὲ μετατίθεσθαι οὐδὲ σφάλλεσθαι.",
+            "§ 24. <i>Like a lyre</i>. For the figure <i>cf.</i> <i>De Sacr.</i> 37. There is a hint of this thought (which should be distinguished from that of the soul as a <i>harmony</i>) in <i>Rep</i>. 554 F and <i>Laws</i> 653 B.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. The insertion suggested by Wendland is also advocated by him in <i>De Ebr.</i> 6. But though easy enough it is not required, and would be impossible in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 207 ff. where τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπιστήμην is followed by a long excursus showing the universality of opposites and noting that the doctrine was taught by Heraclitus.",
+            "§ 27. <i>So for example</i>. οὕτως, which otherwise seems rather otiose, is perhaps used in the same idiomatic way as in Plato and elsewhere = “without more ado” <i>i.e</i>. “we often <i>just</i> turn from them.”",
+            "§ 31. <i>Time</i>. These two sections are reminiscent of <i>Timaeus</i> 37–38 B, though there time is represented as coming into existence <i>with</i> the universe.",
+            "§ 32. <i>The archetype and pattern of time</i>. So in <i>Timaeus</i> 37 D “so he bethought him to make a moving image of eternity (εἰκὼ κινητὸν αἰῶνος) … moving according to number, even that which we have called time”; 38 B time was made after the pattern of the eternal nature (κατὰ τὸ παράδειγμα τῆς διαιωνίας φύσεως).",
+            "§ 34. <i>Thought quiescent in the mind</i>. This definition of ἐννοία as ἀποκειμένη νόησις is Stoic (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 847). The definition of διανόησις as “thought brought to an issue” or “working out of the thought” is perhaps invented by Philo to fit the διενοήθη of his text. He means presumably that an ἔννοια becomes a διανόησις when it becomes the subject of active deliberation.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Like a ring … it stamps</i>. There seems some confusion here between the imprint and the power which makes it. This might perhaps be avoided by taking ἑκάστη τῶν αἰσθήσεων as subject to ἐναπεμάξατο.",
+            "§ 44. <i>Sometimes of an appropriate kind. Cf</i>. Plut. <i>Adv. Coloten</i> 1122 C τὸ δὲ ὁρμητικὸν ἐγειρόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ φανταστικοῦ πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα πρακτικῶς κινεῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. In adding to “sometimes the reverse,” “<i>this</i> condition of the soul is called ὁρμή,” Philo seems to be writing rather loosely, for when the impression is contrary to the nature of the animal, the resulting impulse was called ἀφορμή (aversion); see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 169.",
+            "<i>Ibid. First movement</i>. Another name for ὁρμή is φορὰ διανοίας ἐπί τι, while an ἀφορμή is φορὰ διανοίας ἀπό τινος. In using the phrase πρώτη κίνησις, which does not seem to appear elsewhere in our sources, Philo is perhaps thinking of the πρώτη ὁρμή of animals defined as the instinct of self-preservation; see Diog. Laert. vii. 88.",
+            "§ 46. <i>Mind is the sight of the soul</i>. So Aristot. <i>Top</i>. 17, p. 108 a, 11 ὡς ὄψις ἐν ὀφθάλμῳ νοῦς ἐν ψυχῇ, <i>cf.</i> <i>Eth. Nic</i>. i. 6, p. 1096 b 28. The saying is, however, older than Aristotle, who quotes as example of a metaphor from some unknown writer or speaker ὁ θεὸς φῶς ἀνῆψεν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ (<i>Rhet</i>. iii. 10. 7, p. 1411 b, 73).",
+            "<i>Ibid. Something better and purer. i.e</i>. the πέμπτη οὐσία, an idea which, originally Pythagorean, was adopted by Aristotle. <i>Cf</i>. Reid on Cic. <i>Acad</i>. i. 26. It is definitely referred to under that name by Philo, <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 283.",
+            "§ 53. <i>Laws in the proper sense of the word</i>. Because νόμος is used in a wider sense for custom and the like. So in <i>De Praemiis</i> 55 νόμος δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ἢ λόγος προστάττων ἃ χρὴ καὶ ἀπαγορεύων ἃ μὴ χρή.",
+            "<i>Ibid. Leading statements</i>. Or perhaps “principles.” <i>Cf</i>. 62. Philo can hardly have regarded Balaam’s words in Num. 23:19 as being part of the actual legislation. He thinks of them rather as summing up the ideas upon which the law is based. Thus, in a parallel use of the two texts in <i>De Som</i>. i. 237, they are called “the sole two ways of all the legislation.” Every command or prohibition appeals either to love or fear.",
+            "§ 57. <i>Out of care for health. Cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Phys</i>. ii. 3, p. 194 b 32 τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ τὸ οὗ ἕνεκα, οἶον τοῦ περιπατεῖν ἡ ὑγιεία. διὰ τί γάρ περιπατεῖ; φαμὲν ἵνα ὑγιείῃ.",
+            "§ 59. The reading ἀποπατεῖ might seem to be supported by <i>De Plant.</i> 35. But not only are the terms used for the excretory process less offensive there, but any such meaning is practically given here clearly enough by καὶ τἄλλα … εἴποιμι. Wendland ultimately (<i>Rhein. Mus</i>. 82, p. 480) proposed παύεται, ἀποπαυσάμενος δὲ, but the MS. ἀποπαύεται is quite tenable.",
+            "§ 62. <i>As the heavens or the universe</i>. This is partly at least aimed at the Stoics, see Diog. Laert. vii. 148 (<i>S.V.F.</i> i. 164) where Zeno, Chrysippus, and Posidonius are all credited with holding τὸν ὅλον κόσμον καὶ τὸν οὔρανον as being οὐσίαν θεοῦ. <i>Cf</i>. <i>ib</i>. vii. 137.",
+            "§§ 65 ff. The thought of these sections has already been brought out in <i>De Cher.</i> 15, but with a different purpose. There it was used to illustrate the truth that the motive of the doer determines whether his action is right or wrong, here to show that falsehood may often be salutary to the person to whom it is said. In the note on <i>De Cher.</i> 15 it was pointed out that the thought might be drawn from <i>Rep</i>. 389 B. It should be added that it was adopted by the Stoics, see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 554, 555, where the cases of deceiving the sick and the enemy are specially mentioned.",
+            "§ 66. <i>He will gladly endure</i>. If the MS. reading is retained and ἅσμενος is taken with ἀπερεῖ, we must understand the latter as = “declines” and might translate the former by “only too gladly.” But the thought is strange. Wendland suggests removing ἄσμενος to a later place in the sentence, but the slight alteration suggested seems to the translator simpler.",
+            "§§ 70–73. The argument in these sections is very strange. The discussion in 51–69 would naturally lead up to the first explanation given in <i>Quaest. Gen</i>. i. 95 that the words “I was wroth because I made them” is a hyperbolical way of saying that the sins of men grew so great that they might be expected to anger even Him who knew no anger. But the explanation here given, which appears in an even less intelligible form in the <i>Quaest</i>., is something different. Philo seems to take the words as meaning “it was in anger that I made them,” and to explain them in the sense that since when men do evil, it is due to anger (and similar passions), and since the creation of men has actually resulted in evil, the creation may be said to be due to God’s anger. But not only is the explanation exceedingly strained, but it can only be got by using ὅτι in a way not known to those “who settle Hoti’s business.” The suggestion that by putting ἐθυμώθην before ὅτι ἐποίησα instead of after it the writer meant to indicate that the wrath was coincident with the creation, instead of after it, is still wilder. There is a strong likeness, which may only be superficial, to <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 78.",
+            "§ 78. <i>A condensed mass of ether. Cf.</i> <i>De Cher.</i> 26, where the sun is φλογὸς πίλημα πολλῆς. That αἰθέριον means “of ether” not “in ether” is shown by Plut. <i>Mor</i>. 928 C (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 668). “The Stoics say that τοῦ αἰθέρος τὸ μὲν αὐγοειδὲς … οὐρανὸν γεγονέναι, τὸ δὲ πυκνωθὲν καὶ συνειληθὲν ἄστρα.” So ps.-Justin, <i>Quaest. et Resp. ad Graecos</i> 172 C ὁ ἥλιος πίλημα αἰθεροειδὲς τῇ οὐσίᾳ.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Friend and kinsman. Cf.</i> <i>Timaeus</i>, 45 B, C, where the fire in the eyes is called ἀδελφόν to that of the daylight and forms with it ἓν σῶμα οἰκειωθέν, whence vision is produced.",
+            "§ 84. <i>For the breath</i>, etc. This is the Stoic theory of hearing, <i>cf</i>. Diog. Laert. vii. 158 (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 872): “We hear when the air between the sonant body and the organ of hearing suffers concussion” (πληττόμενον) (Hicks’s translation). Also the definition in <i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 836 ἀκοὴ δὲ πνεῦμα διατεῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡγεμονικοῦ μεχρὶς ὤτων. For πλήξας <i>cf</i>. the derivation commonly given by ancient philologists, “verbum ab aere verberato.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. For the consonance</i>. One may suspect that for γάρ we should read δέ or καί, as we seem to have a second reason for the view that “we hear through a dyad,” founded apparently on <i>Timaeus</i> 80 B, where the two different notes μίαν ἐξ ὀξείας καὶ βαρείας ξυνεκεράσαντο πάθην.",
+            "§ 89. Philo’s interpretation of the Nazarite vow has already been partially given in <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 17. When the Nazarite lets his hair grow, it signifies the growth of virtuous thoughts. The contact with the corpse which defiles the Nazarite and interrupts his vow is that temporary contact with spiritual death which may befall even the good. The hair is cut off, that is, the good thoughts are forgotten, but they will grow again. We find again what we have lost and the days of defection are blotted out.",
+            "§ 92. <i>Asked him … of the source of his knowledge</i>. The genitive (of the subject of the question) after πυνθάνομαι is certainly strange. If we accept “the father of his knowledge” we must suppose that Philo thinks of a father as being the father of the son’s qualities. Cohn compares “the grandfather of his education,” <i>De Sacr.</i> 43, where see note, and also <i>De Som</i>. i. 47 ὁ πάππος αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιστήμης.",
+            "§ 97. <i>Miserable are those</i>. This thought of the fruitlessness of effort, where ability is wanting, has been worked out more fully in <i>De Sacr.</i> 113–117. There, however, one important exception is made. In 115 Philo laid down that moral effort is never wasted. He does not deny this here but confines himself to the practical and intellectual life.",
+            "§ 100. <i>Achieve righteousness</i>. A καθῆκον or common duty does not become a κατόρθωμα unless done with a right motive and perhaps not even then, unless it is part of a generally virtuous course of conduct; see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, p. 265.",
+            "§ 101. &lt;τῶν&gt;. This insertion turns this difficult sentence into good sense, <i>i.e</i>. to pay a large sum duly, unless it is done willingly, shows no more real honesty than the admittedly dishonest course of paying some small deposit in the hope of inducing the depositor to entrust some large sum, which the person thus trusted will be able to embezzle. This “confidence trick” has been already mentioned in <i>De Cher.</i> 14, and appears again in <i>De Plant.</i> 101. In the absence of any complete banking-system, the depositing of property with individuals and their honesty and dishonesty in discharging the debt played a great part in commercial life.",
+            "§ 108. ἥτις … ἑαυτῇ. The correction suggested in the footnote has this advantage over Wendland’s that the scribe is more likely to have been misled by the repeated χαρίτων than by the repeated τῶν, and that αὐτὴ is a less violent change from ἑαυτῇ than πηγή. For the thought that the ἀγαθότης is itself a χάρις <i>cf.</i> <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 78, where the ἀγαθότης καὶ χάρις is said to be the ἀρχὴ γενέσεως. For the coupling of πρεσβυτάτη with χάρις <i>cf.</i> <i>De Cong.</i> 38.",
+            "§§ 111–116. This allegory is evidently founded on Gen. 39, where in verse 1 of the LXX Potiphar is described as a chief cook and eunuch, while in verse 21 Joseph is said to find favour with the chief gaoler. Philo, of course, takes great liberties with the story, making Joseph an eunuch himself and ignoring the statement that it was the Lord who gave him this favour with the gaoler. Presumably he is so anxious to get an antithesis to Noah’s finding favour with God, that he seizes on these words in verse 21, couples them with the convenient parts of the story, viz. that the person who found favour with the gaoler was the slave of the eunuch and instrument of pleasure, and ignores all the rest. It may be said in excuse that by so ignoring them he manages to find a text for a very impressive sermon.",
+            "§ 111. [σύλλογοι καί]. σύλλογοι is coupled with ἐκκλησία in <i>De Som</i>. ii. 184 (a closely parallel passage), <i>cf</i>. also <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 81. But “meetings” or “gatherings” does not fit in well with μελετῶνται, and Wendland (who also suggests διάλογοι) may be right in omitting the words. It should be noted, however, the phrase σύλλογοι καὶ λόγοι ἐγίγνοντο κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν, <i>i.e</i>. gatherings and conversations after the assembly had broken up, actually occurs in Dem. <i>De Falsa Leg.</i> 133. Philo, who often shows a close acquaintance with Demosthenes, may have adopted the phrase, though somewhat straining it. If the words are retained we might translate “it is ever the practice to meet and talk of virtue.”",
+            "§ 129. <i>Does not use it as its pilot</i>. Philo has evidently in his mind the similar but much more elaborate parable in <i>Rep</i>. 488 B-489 C, where the pilot is the true philosopher, and the inexperienced sailor the politicians, who obtain the mastery of the ship.",
+            "§ 135. <i>Defiles all these</i>. Philo again treats his text in a very arbitrary way. Instead of the things being cleared out, before the priest enters, to prevent their defilement, they are cleared out because they are defiled.",
+            "§§ 155 and 156. The contrast between the earthly and the heavenly goods is expressed in the allegory of the well-water and the rain. The former is earthly, scanty, obtained by labour; the latter heavenly, abundant, and showered on us without effort of our own. To labour for the former is an ἔργον δυσελπιστίας because it shows that we lack the higher hope. For δυσελπιστία <i>cf.</i> <i>Ley. All</i>. iii. 164. Elsewhere, as in <i>De Post.</i> 136 ff. and <i>De Ëbr.</i> 112 ff., the figure of the well calls up more favourable ideas to Philo.",
+            "§§ 162–165. Here we have, of course, Aristotle’s doctrine of the Mean, <i>cf</i>. particularly <i>Eth. Nic</i>. ii. 6 and 7, where both Philo’s first two examples are given. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Mig.</i> 147, where the doctrine is ascribed to the “gentle and sociable philosophy,” meaning apparently the Peripatetic.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Its essential nature</i>. Observe how closely this peculiarly Aristotelian expression (τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι) follows on the Aristotelian doctrine of the Mean.",
+            "§ 176. <i>The best of constitutions, democracy</i>. Philo several times speaks in this way of democracy (<i>De Agr.</i> 45, <i>De Conf.</i> 108, <i>De Abr.</i> 242, <i>De Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 237, <i>De Virt.</i> 180). In three of these places he contrasts it with ochlocracy, or mobrule, while in <i>De Conf.</i> he gives as its ruling characteristic that it honours equality. He does not seem to have got this view, at any rate of the name democracy, from the schools. Neither Plato nor Aristotle speak of it with such favour, and the Stoics held that the best form of government was a mixture of democracy, aristocracy and monarchy (Diog. Laert. vii. 131). Here apparently the democracy which the world enjoys consists in each getting its turn."
+        ]
+    },
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שהאל הוא ללא שינוי",
+        "enTitle": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+        "key": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
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+{
+    "title": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+    "language": "en",
+    "versionTitle": "merged",
+    "versionSource": "https://www.sefaria.org/On_the_Unchangeableness_of_God",
+    "text": {
+        "Introduction": [
+            "ON THE UNCHANGEABLENESS OF GOD (QUOD DEUS IMMUTABILIS SIT) <br>ANALYTICAL INTRODUCTION",
+            "This treatise, which is really a continuation of the <i>De Gigantibus</i>, discusses the following verses, Gen. 6:4–12.",
+            "I. (1–19) And after this when the angels of God went in unto the daughters of men, and begat for themselves … (v. 4).",
+            "II. (20–73) But the Lord God seeing that the wickednesses of men were multiplied upon the earth and that every man is purposing in his heart carefully evil things every day, God had it in His mind that He had made man upon the earth and He bethought Him. And God said, I will blot out man whom I have made from the face of the earth … because I was wroth that I had made him (vv. 5–7).",
+            "III. (74–121) But Noah found grace before God. Now these are the generations of Noah. Noah was a just man, being perfect in his generation, and Noah was well pleasing to God (vv. 8–9).",
+            "IV. (122–139) And the earth was “corrupted” (or destroyed) before God, and the earth was filled with iniquity (v. 11).",
+            "V. (140–end) And the Lord God saw the earth, and it was corrupted, because all flesh destroyed His way upon the earth (v. 12).",
+            "I. Having suggested (1–3) that “after this” means “after the Spirit of God had departed,” Philo goes on to discuss what is meant by saying that these “angels,” which in the previous treatise he had taken to mean “evil angels” or “evil souls,” beget “for themselves.” This is shewn, first by contrast with Abraham (4) and (5–6) with Hannah, who gave her child as a thank-offering to God. This leads to a short meditation on the purifying power of thankfulness, and our need of such purification (7–9), and this is followed by a digression on the words of Hannah’s psalm: “The barren hath borne seven, but she that had many children has languished,” which are treated as contrasting the sacred number “seven” with selfish plurality (10–15). This brings back the thought of “begetting for themselves,” as mere selfishness which, as in the case of Onan, brings destruction (16–19).",
+            "II. The idea that the words “God had it in His mind,” etc. suggest that God had repented of making man is rejected as impious (20–22). God is unchangeable. Even among men the sage may live a life of constancy and harmony (23–25), and while most of us are the victims of fickleness and inconstancy, partly because we are unable to gauge the future, it is not so with God, for time is His creation and His life is eternity (27–32).",
+            "What then is the meaning of “God had in His mind that He had made man”? To explain this, Philo reproduces the Stoic theory of the four classes of things which we find in nature. First there is ἕξις (coherence), <i>i.e</i>. inorganic objects such as stones and dead wood. This ἕξις is conceived of as a “breath” (πνεῦμα) continually passing up and down, and thus binding them together (33–36). Secondly there is φύσις (growth), as seen in plants, and here Philo takes the opportunity to dilate on the wonders of the annual resurrection (37–40). Third comes animal life (ψυχή) with its threefold phenomena (again Stoic) of “sense,” “presentation” and “impulse” (41–44). All these have been mentioned to lead up to the fourth stage, that of the rational mind of man, which alone has free-will and is therefore alone liable to praise or blame, and it was this misused freedom of man which God “had in mind” (45–50).",
+            "We have still to do with the concluding words, “I was wroth that I made man.” Here Philo, who evidently had the variant ἐθυμώθην for ἐνεθυμήθην, is in great difficulty. He cannot allow anger to God and he repeats the explanation of such anthropomorphic phrases (which he gave in <i>De Sac.</i> 94 f.), namely that they are accommodated to our weaker natures, which require the discipline of fear (51–69). But this alone does not satisfy him. His further explanation is hardly intelligible, but seems to mean that as it is anger and similar passions which produce human wickedness, God’s judgement on the wicked may be spoken of as caused by God’s anger (70–73).",
+            "III. But we must observe that this phrase, “I was wroth,” etc., is followed at once by the words, “Noah found grace,” and this contrast brings us to the thought that God in His dealings mingles mercy with judgement, as our weak nature requires (74–76). This “mingling” in fact is a necessary condition before we can understand the divine at all (77–81), and the contrast of the mixed and the unmixed, which is the same as that of the One and the Many, is illustrated by the words “God spake once and these two things have I heard” (for God’s speech is single, while our hearing is produced by different factors) (82–84), and also by the way in which Moses shews us the one just man side by side with the many unjust (85).",
+            "We can now consider more fully the phrase “Noah found grace with the Lord God.” The word “found” leads to reflections first on the differences between finding (εὕρεσις) and “refinding” or “recovering” (ἀνεύρεσις) (86), and this difference is illustrated by an allegorical interpretation of the rules laid down for the “Great Vow” in Num. 6 (86–90), and then by the way in which the gifted by nature absorb knowledge without difficulty, while the efforts of the inapt come to disaster (91–93). This distinction extends to questions of conduct also, for those who with no good motive force themselves to right actions, against which their nature rebels, merely cause misery to themselves (94–103). Again the phrase “found <i>grace</i>” (χάρις) may be best interpreted as meaning that the just man “finds” that what we have is God’s free <i>gift</i> (also χάρις) (104–108). Yet Philo seems at once to ignore this forced interpretation and to identify the meaning of the words “found grace” with the subsequent “was well pleasing” (εὐαρεστῆσαι) and after pointing out, as usual, that the double phrase “Lord God” represents God’s two aspects of “sovereignty” and “goodness” (109–110), proceeds to contrast Noah with Joseph, “who found grace with the ruler of the prison” into which he was thrown. This story of Joseph teaches us the lesson that if we are the prisoners of passion, we should at least avoid the friendship of our gaoler and not become his satellites (111–116). This contrast between Noah and Joseph brings us to the consideration of the words “these are the generations (γενέσεις) of Noah.” Philo takes γένεσις to mean “becoming” or “development,” and explains it in this case by the words that follow, “just,” “perfect” “well pleasing to God” (117–118), and illustrates it from the text, “Joseph was keeping sheep with his brothers, being young, with the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah,” where the γένεσις is from the higher nature of Jacob to that of the “young” Joseph and the bastard sons (119–121).",
+            "IV. Philo now turns to the words “the whole earth was corrupted or destroyed” (122). The first view put forward is that Goodness (<i>i.e</i>. Noah) necessarily works the destruction of the Bad (123). But this passes at once into a really different thought that Goodness shews up the Bad in its true light. This is illustrated from three points or rules in the law of leprosy; first, that the appearance of “healthy colour” makes the leper unclean (123–126); secondly, that complete leprosy is clean, while the partial is unclean, shewing that the completely and therefore involuntarily immoral condition is innocence compared with the partial enlightenment, by which the soul knows that it is sinful but does not amend (127–130); thirdly, that the infected house is pronounced unclean by the priest who visits it, shewing again that the entrance of divine reason will reveal the impurity of the soul (131–135). The same moral is found in the words of the widow of Zarephath to Elijah, “O man of God, thou hast entered to remind me of my sin” (136–139).",
+            "V. The important point here is that “destroyed his way” means “destroyed God’s way” (140–143), and this reminds us of the passage in which Israel asked for leave to pass through Edom’s territory, and said “we will go by the king’s way” (144) But Philo cannot endure to be confined to these two words, but deals with the whole content of Num. 20:17–20 in a way which, perverse as it is, shews much richness of thought as well as ingenuity. (α) When Israel says “I will pass through thy land” we have the resolve of the Wise both to test the life of the pleasure-lover, so as to reject it through experience and not mere ignorance, and also not to stay in it (145–153). (β) On the other hand, “we will not go through the fields and vineyards” means “we will abide in the fields of heavenly fruits and the vineyards of virtue and true joy” (154). (γ) “We will not drink of thy well” means that “we on whom God rains his mercies have no need of the scanty water of the wells of earthly pleasures” (155–158). (δ) “We will go by the king’s way” is “we will tread the road of wisdom” (159–161). (ε) “We will turn neither to the right nor to the left” shews that this way of wisdom is in the mean, as <i>e.g</i>. courage is the mean between rashness on the right and cowardice on the left (162–165). (ζ) When in reply to Edom’s refusal and threat of war Israel replies, “we will pass along the mountain,” Philo by a strange play on ὅρος (the mountain) and ὅρος (definition) extracts the idea that the wise man’s course is on lofty thoughts based on scientific analysis (166–167). (η) “If I drink of thy water, I will give thee its value” (τιμή) is turned into “If I truckle to you, I shall be giving to the worthless an honour which will lead the weak to honour it also” (167–171). (θ) The words “the matter is nothing” (see note on 145) are taken to mean the vanity of earthly things. And this leads to a meditation on the witness of history to the instability of national prosperity and indeed of all human aims (172–180). Thus we arrive at the conclusion that while Edom would bar the king’s way, the divine reason will bar that of Edom and its associates (180).",
+            "This last word leads to some concluding thoughts about Balaam as one of these “associates.” The sections (181–end), which otherwise have little connexion with the preceding matter, go back to the thought of 122–139, and describe Balaam as the type of those who reject the warning of divine reason as the inward judge and thus are past all cure."
+        ],
+        "": [
+            [
+                "[1] “And after that,” says Moses, “when the angels of God went in unto the daughters of men and begat for themselves” (Gen. 6:4). It is worth our while to consider what is meant by the word “after that.” The answer is that it is a reference back, bringing out more clearly something of what has been already stated.",
+                "[2] That something is his words about the divine spirit, that nothing is harder than that it should abide for ever in the soul with its manifold forms and divisions—the soul which has fastened on it the grievous burden of this fleshly coil. It is after that spirit that the angels or messengers go in to the daughters of men.",
+                "[3] For while the soul is illumined by the bright and pure rays of wisdom, through which the sage sees God and His potencies, none of the messengers of falsehood has access to the reason, but all are barred from passing the bounds which the lustral water has consecrated. But when the light of the understanding is dimmed and clouded, they who are of the fellowship of darkness win the day, and mating with the nerveless and emasculated passions, which he has called the daughters of men, beget offspring for themselves and not for God.",
+                "[4] For the offspring of God’s parentage are the perfect virtues, but the family of evil are the vices, whose note is discord.",
+                "If thou wilt know, my mind, what it is to beget not for thyself, learn the lesson from the perfect Abraham. He brings to God the dearly loved, the only trueborn offspring of the soul, that clearest image of self-learned wisdom, named Isaac, and without a murmur renders, as in duty bound, this fitting thank-offering. But first he bound, as the law tells us, the feet of the new strange victim (Gen. 22:9), either because having once received God’s inspiration he judged it right to tread no more on aught that was mortal, or it may be that he was taught to see how changeable and inconstant was creation, through his knowledge of the unwavering steadfastness that belongs to the Existent; for in this we are told he had put his trust (Gen. 15:6)."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[5] He finds a disciple and successor in Hannah, the gift of the wisdom of God, for the name Hannah interpreted is “her grace.” She received the divine seed and became pregnant. And when she had reached the consummation of her travail, and had brought forth the type of character which has its appointed place in God’s order, which she named Samuel, a name which being interpreted means “appointed to God,” she took him and rendered him in due payment to the Giver, judging that no good thing was her own peculiar property, nothing, which was not a grace and bounty from God.",
+                "[6] For she speaks in the first book of Kings in this wise, “I give to Thee him, a gift” (1 Sam. 1:28), that is “who is a gift,” and so “I give him who has been given.”",
+                "This agrees with the most sacred ordinance of Moses, “My gifts, My offerings, My fruits ye shall observe to bring to Me” (Num. 28:2).",
+                "[7] For to whom should we make thank-offering save to God? and wherewithal save by what He has given us? for there is nothing else whereof we can have sufficiency. God needs nothing, yet in the exceeding greatness of His beneficence to our race He bids us bring what is His own. For if we cultivate the spirit of rendering thanks and honour to Him, we shall be pure from wrongdoing and wash away the filthiness which defiles our lives in thought and word and deed.",
+                "[8] For it is absurd that a man should be forbidden to enter the temples save after bathing and cleansing his body, and yet should attempt to pray and sacrifice with a heart still soiled and spotted. The temples are made of stones and timber, that is of soulless matter, and soulless too is the body in itself. And can it be that while it is forbidden to this soulless body to touch the soulless stones, except it have first been subjected to lustral and purificatory consecration, a man will not shrink from approaching with his soul impure the absolute purity of God and that too when there is no thought of repentance in his heart?",
+                "[9] He who is resolved not only to commit no further sin, but also to wash away the past, may approach with gladness: let him who lacks this resolve keep far away, since hardly shall he be purified. For he shall never escape the eye of Him who sees into the recesses of the mind and treads its inmost shrine."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[10] Indeed of the nature of the soul beloved of God no clearer evidence can we have than that psalm of Hannah which contains the words “the barren hath borne seven, but she that had many children hath languished” (1 Sam. 2:5).",
+                "[11] And yet it is the mother of one child—Samuel—who is speaking. How then can she say that she has borne seven? It can only be that in full accordance with the truth of things, she holds the One to be the same as the Seven, not only in the lore of numbers, but also in the harmony of the universe and in the thoughts of the virtuous soul. For Samuel who is appointed to God alone and holds no company with any other has his being ordered in accordance with the One and the Monad, the truly existent.",
+                "[12] But this condition of his implies the Seven, that is a soul which rests in God and toils no more at any mortal task, and has thus left behind the Six, which God has assigned to those who could not win the first place, but must needs limit their claims to the second.",
+                "[13] We might well expect, then, that the barren woman, not meaning the childless, but the “firm” or solid who still abounds in power, who with endurance and courage perseveres to the finish in the contest, where the prize is the acquisition of the Best, should bring forth the Monad which is of equal value with the Seven; for her nature is that of a happy and goodly motherhood.",
+                "[14] And when she says that she who had many children languishes, her words are as clear as they are true. For when the soul that is one departs from the one and is in travail with many, she naturally is multiplied a thousand-fold, and then weighed down and sore pressed by the multitude of children that cling to her—most of them abortions born out of due time—she languishes utterly.",
+                "[15] She brings forth the desires of which the eyes and the ears are the channels, these for shapes and colours, those for sounds; she is pregnant with the lusts of the belly and those which have their seat below it, and thus, under the crushing load of the many children that hang upon her, she grows faint and dropping her hands in weakness sinks in prostration. This manner of defeat is the lot of all who engender things corruptible for their corruptible selves."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[16] Some there are who through self-love have brought upon themselves not only defeat but death. Thus Onan “perceiving that the seed will not be his” (Gen. 38:9), ceased not to destroy the reasoning principle, which in kind is the best of all existing things, till he himself underwent utter destruction. And right just and fitting was his fate.",
+                "[17] For if there shall be any whose every deed is self-seeking, who have no regard for the honouring of their parents, for the ordering of their children aright, for the safety of their country, for the maintenance of the laws, for the security of good customs, for the better conduct of things private and public, for the sanctity of temples, for piety towards God, miserable shall be their fate.",
+                "[18] To sacrifice life itself for any single one of these that I have named is honour and glory. But these self-lovers—they say that if these blessings, desirable as they are, were all put together, they would utterly despise them, if they should not procure them some future pleasure. And therefore God in His impartial justice will cast out to destruction that evil suggestion of an unnatural creed, called Onan.",
+                "[19] We must indeed reject all those who “beget for themselves,” that is all those who pursue only their own profit and think not of others. For they think themselves born for themselves only and not for the innumerable others, for father, for mother, for wife, for children, for country, for the human race, and if we must extend the list, for heaven, for earth, for the universe, for knowledge, for virtues, for the Father and Captain of all; to each of whom we are bound according to our powers to render what is due, not holding all things to be an adjunct of ourselves, but rather ourselves an adjunct of all."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[20] Enough on this point. Let us extend our discussion to embrace the words that follow. “The Lord God,” says Moses, “seeing that the wickedness of men were multiplied upon the earth and that every man intended evil in his heart diligently all his days, God had it in His mind that He had made man upon the earth, and He bethought Him. And God said, I will blot out man, whom I made, from the face of the earth” (Gen. 6:5–7).",
+                "[21] Perhaps some of those who are careless inquirers will suppose that the Lawgiver is hinting that the Creator repented of the creation of men when He beheld their impiety, and that this was the reason why He wished to destroy the whole race. Those who think thus may be sure that they make the sins of these men of old time seem light and trivial through the vastness of their own godlessness.",
+                "[22] For what greater impiety could there be than to suppose that the Unchangeable changes? Indeed some maintain that even among men vacillation of mind and judgement is not universal; for those who study philosophy in guilelessness and purity, it is held, gain from their knowledge this as their chief reward, that they do not change with changing circumstances, but with unbending steadfastness and firm constancy take in hand all that it behoves them to do."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[23] It is a tenet of the lawgiver also that the perfect man seeks for quietude. For the words addressed to the Sage with God as the speaker, “stand thou here with Me” (Deut. 5:31), shew most plainly how unbending, unwavering and broad-based is his will.",
+                "[24] Wonderful indeed is the soul of the Sage, how he sets it, like a lyre, to harmony not with a scale of notes low and high, but with the knowledge of moral opposites, and the practice of such of them as are better; how he does not strain it to excessive heights, nor yet relax it and weaken the concord of virtues and things naturally beautiful, but keeps it ever at an equal tension and plays it with hand or bow in melody.",
+                "[25] Such a soul is the most perfect instrument fashioned by nature, the pattern of those which are the work of our hands. And if it be well adjusted, it will produce a symphony the most beautiful in the world, one which has its consummation not in the cadences and tones of melodious sound, but in the consistencies of our life’s actions.",
+                "[26] Oh! if the soul of man, when it feels the soft breeze of wisdom and knowledge, can dismiss the stormy surge which the fierce burst of the gale of wickedness has suddenly stirred, and levelling the billowy swell can rest in unruffled calm under a bright clear sky, can you doubt that He, the Imperishable Blessed One, who has taken as His own the sovereignty of the virtues, of perfection itself and beatitude, knows no change of will, but ever holds fast to what He purposed from the first without any alteration?",
+                "[27] With men then it must needs be that they are ready to change, through instability whether it be in themselves or outside them. So for example often when we have chosen our friends and been familiar with them for a short time, we turn from them, though we have no charge to bring against them, and count them amongst our enemies, or at best as strangers.",
+                "[28] Such action proves the facile levity of ourselves, how little capacity we have for stoutly holding to our original judgements. But God has no such fickleness. Or again, sometimes we are minded to hold to the standards we have taken but we find ourselves with others who have not remained constant, and thus our judgements perforce change with theirs.",
+                "[29] For a mere man cannot foresee the course of future events, or the judgements of others, but to God as in pure sunlight all things are manifest. For already He has pierced into the recesses of our soul, and what is invisible to others is clear as daylight to His eyes. He employs the forethought and foreknowledge which are virtues peculiarly His own, and suffers nothing to escape His control or pass outside His comprehension. For not even about the future can uncertainty be found with Him, since nothing is uncertain or future to God.",
+                "[30] No one doubts that the parent must have knowledge of his offspring, the craftsman of his handiwork, the steward of things entrusted to his stewardship. But God is in very truth the father and craftsman and steward of the heaven and the universe and all that is therein. Future events lie shrouded in the darkness of the time that is yet to be at different distances, some near, some far.",
+                "[31] But God is the maker of time also, for He is the father of time’s father, that is of the universe, and has caused the movements of the one to be the source of the generation of the other. Thus time stands to God in the relation of a grandson. For this universe, since we perceive it by our senses, is the younger son of God. To the elder son, I mean the intelligible universe, He assigned the place of firstborn, and purposed that it should remain in His own keeping.",
+                "[32] So this younger son, the world of our senses, when set in motion, brought that entity we call time to the brightness of its rising. And thus with God there is no future, since He has made the boundaries of the ages subject to Himself. For God’s life is not a time, but eternity, which is the archetype and pattern of time; and in eternity there is no past nor future, but only present existence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[33] Having now discoursed sufficiently on the theme that the Existent does not experience repentance, we will explain in due sequence the words “God had it in His mind that He had made men upon the earth and He bethought Him” (Gen. 6:6).",
+                "[34] “Having in one’s mind” and “bethinking,” the former being the thought quiescent in the mind, the latter the thought brought to an issue, are two most constant powers, which the Maker of all things has taken as His own and ever employs them when He contemplates His own works. Those of His creatures who do not leave their appointed places, He praises for their obedience. Those who depart from it He visits with the punishment which is the doom of deserters.",
+                "[35] This is explained by consideration of the different conditions, which He has made inseparable from the various bodies. These are in some cases cohesion, in others growth, in others life, in others a reasoning soul. Thus, in stones and bits of wood which have been severed from their organism, He wrought cohesion, which acts as the most rigid of bonds. Cohesion is a breath or current ever returning to itself. It begins to extend itself from the centre of the body in question to its extremes, and when it has reached the outermost surface it reverses its course, till it arrives at the place from which it first set out.",
+                "[36] This regular double course of cohesion is indestructible; and it is this which the runners imitate at the triennial festivals in the places of spectacle universal among men, and exhibit as a great and splendid feat, well worthy of their efforts."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[37] Growth God assigned to plants. It is a compound of many capacities, that of taking nourishment, that of undergoing change and that of increasing. Nourishment plants receive as they need it, as the following proof shews. When they are not watered they decay and wither, just as their increase when watered is plain to see, for sprouts heretofore too tiny to rise above the ground suddenly shoot up and become quite tall. It is hardly necessary to speak of their function of change.",
+                "[38] When the winter solstice arrives, the leaves wither and shed themselves to the ground, and the “eyes,” as the husbandmen call them, on the twigs close like eyes in animals, and all the outlets which serve to put forth life are bound tight, for Nature within them compresses herself and hibernates, to get a breathing-space, like an athlete after his first contest, and thus having regained her fund of strength, comes forth to resume the familiar conflict. And this comes to pass in the spring and summer seasons.",
+                "[39] For she arises as though from a deep sleep and unseals the eyes, opens wide the closed outlets, and brings forth all that is in her womb, shoots, twigs, tendrils, leaves and, to crown all, fruit. Then when the fruit is fully formed, she provides nourishment, like the mother to the infant, through some hidden channels, which correspond to the breasts in women, and she ceases not to minister this nourishment till the fruit is brought to its consummation.",
+                "[40] That consummation comes to the fully ripened fruit, when, if none pluck it, it automatically seeks to disengage itself from its organism, since it needs no longer the nurture which its parent supplies, and is capable, if it chance to drop on good soil, of sowing and producing other plants similar to those which gave it its existence."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[41] Life was made by its creator different from growth in three ways. It has sensation, “presentation,” impulse. For plants have no impulse, no “presentation,” no gift of sense-perception, while each living creature participates in all three combined.",
+                "[42] Sensation or sense, as the name itself shews, is “a putting in,” and introduces what has appeared to it to the mind. For mind is a vast and receptive storehouse in which all that comes through sight or hearing and the other organs of sense is placed and treasured.",
+                "[43] “Presentation” is an imprint made on the soul. For, like a ring or seal, it stamps on the soul the image corresponding to everything which each of the senses has introduced. And the mind like wax receives the impress and retains it vividly, until forgetfulness the opponent of memory levels out the imprint, and makes it indistinct, or entirely effaces it.",
+                "[44] But the object which has presented itself and made the impression has an effect upon the soul sometimes of an appropriate kind, sometimes the reverse. And this condition or state of the soul is called impulse or appetite, which has been defined as the first movement of the soul.",
+                "[45] In all these ways living creatures excel plants. Let us now see where man has been made superior to other animals."
+            ],
+            [
+                "We find that the special prerogative he has received is mind, habituated to apprehend the natures both of all material objects and of things in general. For as sight holds the leading place in the body, and the quality of light holds the leading place in the universe, so too in us the dominant element is the mind.",
+                "[46] For mind is the sight of the soul, illuminated by rays peculiar to itself, whereby the vast and profound darkness, poured upon it by ignorance of things, is dispersed. This branch of the soul was not formed of the same elements, out of which the other branches were brought to completion, but it was allotted something better and purer, the substance in fact out of which divine natures were wrought. And therefore it is reasonably held that the mind alone in all that makes us what we are is indestructible.",
+                "[47] For it is mind alone which the Father who begat it judged worthy of freedom, and loosening the fetters of necessity, suffered it to range as it listed, and of that free-will which is His most peculiar possession and most worthy of His majesty gave it such portion as it was capable of receiving. For the other living creatures in whose souls the mind, the element set apart for liberty, has no place, have been committed under yoke and bridle to the service of men, as slaves to a master. But man, possessed of a spontaneous and self-determined will, whose activities for the most part rest on deliberate choice, is with reason blamed for what he does wrong with intent, praised when he acts rightly of his own will.",
+                "[48] In the others, the plants and animals, no praise is due if they bear well, nor blame if they fare ill: for their movements and changes in either direction come to them from no deliberate choice or volition of their own. But the soul of man alone has received from God the faculty of voluntary movement, and in this way especially is made like to Him, and thus being liberated, as far as might be, from that hard and ruthless mistress, necessity, may justly be charged with guilt, in that it does not honour its Liberator. And therefore it will rightly pay the inexorable penalty which is meted to ungrateful freedmen.",
+                "[49] Thus God “had it in His mind and bethought Him” not now for the first time, but ever from of old—a thought that was fixed and steadfast—“that He had made man,” that is He thought of what nature He had made him. He had made him free and unfettered, to employ his powers of action with voluntary and deliberate choice for this purpose, that, knowing good and ill and receiving the conception of the noble and the base, and setting himself in sincerity to apprehend just and unjust and in general what belongs to virtue and what to vice, he might practise to choose the better and eschew the opposite.",
+                "[50] And therefore we have an oracle of this kind recorded in Deuteronomy. “Behold, I have set before thy face life and death, good and evil; choose life” (Deut. 30:15, 19). So then in this way He puts before us both truths; first that men have been made with a knowledge both of good and evil, its opposite; secondly, that it is their duty to choose the better rather than the worse, because they have, as it were, within them an incorruptible judge in the reasoning faculty, which will accept all that right reason suggests and reject the promptings of its opposite."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[51] Having made this point sufficiently clear let us consider the next words, which are as follows, “I will blot out man whom I made from the face of the earth, from man to beast, from creeping things to fowls of heaven, because I was wroth in that I made him” (Gen. 6:7).",
+                "[52] Again, some on hearing these words suppose that the Existent feels wrath and anger, whereas He is not susceptible to any passion at all. For disquiet is peculiar to human weakness, but neither the unreasoning passions of the soul, nor the parts and members of the body in general, have any relation to God.",
+                "All the same the Law giver uses such expressions, just so far as they serve for a kind of elementary lesson, to admonish those who could not otherwise be brought to their senses.",
+                "[53] Thus, in the laws which deal with commands and prohibitions (laws, that is, in the proper sense of the word), there stand forth above others two leading statements about the Cause, one that “God is not as a man” (Num. 23:19); the other that He is as a man.",
+                "[54] But while the former is warranted by grounds of surest truth, the latter is introduced for the instruction of the many. And therefore also it is said of Him “like a man He shall train His son” (Deut. 8:5). And thus it is for training and admonition, not because God’s nature is such, that these words are used.",
+                "[55] Among men some are soul lovers, some body lovers. The comrades of the soul, who can hold converse with intelligible incorporeal natures, do not compare the Existent to any form of created things. They have dissociated Him from every category or quality, for it is one of the facts which go to make His blessedness and supreme felicity that His being is apprehended as simple being, without other definite characteristic; and thus they do not picture it with form, but admit to their minds the conception of existence only.",
+                "[56] But those who have made a compact and a truce with the body are unable to cast off from them the garment of flesh, and to descry existence needing nothing in its unique solitariness, and free from all admixture and composition in its absolute simplicity. And therefore they think of the Cause of all in the same terms as of themselves, and do not reflect that while a being which is formed through the union of several faculties needs several parts to minister to the need of each,"
+            ],
+            [
+                "God being uncreated and the Author of the creation of the others needs none of the properties which belong to the creatures which He has brought into being.",
+                "[57] For consider, if He uses our bodily parts or organs He has feet to move from one place to another. But whither will He go or walk since His presence fills everything? To whom will He go, when none is His equal? And for what purpose will He walk? For it cannot be out of care for health as it is with us. Hands He must have to receive and give. Yet He receives nothing from anyone, for, besides that He has no needs, all things are His possessions, and when He gives, He employs as minister of His gifts the Reason wherewith also He made the world.",
+                "[58] Nor did He need eyes, which have no power of perception without the light which meets our sense. But that light is created, whereas God saw before creation, being Himself His own light.",
+                "[59] Why need we speak of the organs of nourishment? If He has them, He eats and is filled, rests awhile and after the rest has need again, and the accompaniments of this I will not dwell upon. These are the mythical fictions of the impious, who, professing to represent the deity as of human form, in reality represent Him as having human passions."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[60] Why then does Moses speak of feet and hands, goings in and goings out in connexion with the Uncreated, or of His arming to defend Himself against His enemies? For he describes Him as bearing a sword, and using as His weapons winds and death-dealing fire (thunderbolt and storm blast the poets call them, using different words, and say they are the weapons of the Cause). Why again does he speak of His jealousy, His wrath, His moods of anger, and the other emotions similar to them, which he describes in terms of human nature? But to those who ask these questions Moses answers thus:",
+                "[61] “Sirs, the lawgiver who aims at the best must have one end only before him—to benefit all whom his work reaches. Those to whose lot has fallen a generously gifted nature and a training blameless throughout, and who thus find that their later course through life lies in a straight and even highway, have truth for their fellow-traveller, and being admitted by her into the infallible mysteries of the Existent do not overlay the conception of God with any of the attributes of created being.",
+                "[62] These find a moral most pertinent in the oracles of revelation, that “God is not as a man” nor yet is He as the heaven or the universe. These last are forms of a particular kind which present themselves to our senses. But He is not apprehensible even by the mind, save in the fact that He is. For it is His existence which we apprehend, and of what lies outside that existence nothing."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[63] But they whose natural wit is more dense and dull, or whose early training has been mishandled, since they have no power of clear vision, need physicians in the shape of admonishers, who will devise the treatment proper to their present condition.",
+                "[64] Thus ill-disciplined and foolish slaves receive profit from a master who frightens them, for they fear his threats and menaces and thus involuntarily are schooled by fear. All such may well learn the untruth, which will benefit them, if they cannot be brought to wisdom by truth.",
+                "[65] Thus too in dealing with dangerous sicknesses of the body, the most approved physicians do not allow themselves to tell the truth to their patients, since they know that this will but increase their disheartenment, and bring no recovery from the malady, whereas under the encouragement, which the opposite course of treatment gives, they will bear more contentedly their present trouble, and at the same time the disease will be relieved.",
+                "[66] For what sensible physician would say to his patient, “Sir, you will be subjected to the knife, the cautery or amputation” even if it will be necessary that he should submit to such operations. No one. For the patient will lose heart beforehand, and add to the existing malady of the body a still more painful malady of the soul and break down when faced with the treatment. Whereas if through the physician’s deceit he expects the opposite, he will gladly endure everything with patience, however painful the methods of saving him may be.",
+                "[67] So then the lawgiver, thereby being now approved as the best of physicians for the distempers and maladies of the soul, set before himself one task and purpose, to make a radical excision of the diseases of the mind and leave no root to sprout again into sickness which defies cure.",
+                "[68] In this way he hoped to be able to eradicate the evil, namely by representing the supreme Cause as dealing in threats and oftentimes shewing indignation and implacable anger, or again as using weapons of war for His onslaughts on the unrighteous. For this is the only way in which the fool can be admonished.",
+                "[69] And therefore it seems to me that with the two aforesaid maxims, “God is as a man,” and “God is not as a man,” he has linked two other principles closely connected and consequent on them, namely fear and love. For I observe that all the exhortations to piety in the law refer either to our loving or our fearing the Existent. And thus to love Him is the most suitable for those into whose conception of the Existent no thought of human parts or passions enters, who pay Him the honour meet for God for His own sake only. To fear is most suitable to the others."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[70] Such are the points which needed to be established as preliminaries to our inquiry. We must return to the original question which caused us difficulty, namely, what thought is suggested by the words “I was wroth in that I made them.” Perhaps then he wishes to shew us that the bad have become what they are through the wrath of God and the good through His grace. For the next words are “but Noah found grace with Him” (Gen. 6:8).",
+                "[71] Now the passion of wrath, which is properly speaking an attribute of men, is here used in a more metaphorical sense, yet still correctly, of the Existent, to bring out a vital truth, that all our actions by general consent are worthy of blame and censure, if done through fear or anger, or grief or pleasure, or any other passion, but worthy of praise if done with rectitude of reason and knowledge.",
+                "[72] Mark what caution he shows in his form of statement. He says “I was wroth in that I made them,” not in the reverse order, “because I made them, I was wroth.” The latter would show change of mind or repentance, a thing impossible to the all-foreseeing nature of God. In the former he brings before us a doctrine of great importance that wrath is the source of misdeeds, but the reasoning faculty of right actions.",
+                "[73] But God, remembering His perfect and universal goodness, even though the whole vast body of mankind should through its exceeding sinfulness accomplish its own ruin, stretches forth the right hand of salvation, takes them under His protection and raises them up, and suffers not the race to be brought to utter destruction and annihilation."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[74] And therefore it now says that when the others who had proved ungrateful were doomed to pay the penalty, Noah found grace with Him, that so He might mingle His saving mercy with the judgement pronounced on sinners. And so the Psalmist said somewhere (Ps. 100 [101] 1), “I will sing to thee of mercy and judgement.”",
+                "[75] For if God should will to judge the race of mortals without mercy, His sentence will be one of condemnation, since there is no man who self-sustained has run the course of life from birth to death without stumbling, but in every case his footsteps have slipped through errors, some voluntary, some involuntary.",
+                "[76] So then that the race may subsist, though many of those which go to form it are swallowed up by the deep, He tempers His judgement with the mercy which He shews in doing kindness even to the unworthy. And not only does this mercy follow His judgement but it also precedes it. For mercy with Him is older than justice, since He knows who is worthy of punishment, not only after judgement is given, but before it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[77] And therefore it is said in another place, “there is a cup in the hand of the Lord of unmixed wine, full of mixture” (Ps. 74 [75] 8). But surely the mixed is not unmixed, and yet there is a meaning in these words most true to nature, and in agreement with what I have said before. For the powers which God employs are unmixed in respect of Himself, but mixed to created beings. For it cannot be that mortal nature should have room for the unmixed.",
+                "[78] We cannot look even upon the sun’s flame untempered, or unmixed, for our sight will be quenched and blasted by the bright flashing of its rays, ere it reach and apprehend them, though the sun is but one of God’s works in the past, a portion of heaven, a condensed mass of ether. And can you think it possible that your understanding should be able to grasp in their unmixed purity those uncreated potencies, which stand around Him and flash forth light of surpassing splendour?",
+                "[79] When God extended the sun’s rays from heaven to the boundaries of earth, He mitigated and abated with cool air the fierceness of their heat. He tempered them in this way, that the radiance drawn off from the blazing flame, surrendering its power of burning but retaining that of giving light, might meet and hail its friend and kinsman, the light which is stored in the treasury of our eyes; for it is when these converge to meet and greet each other that the apprehension through vision is produced. Just in the same way if God’s knowledge and wisdom and prudence and justice and each of His other excellences were not tempered, no mortal could receive them, nay not even the whole heaven and universe.",
+                "[80] The Creator then, knowing His own surpassing excellence in all that is best and the natural weakness of His creatures, however loud they boast, wills not to dispense benefit or punishment according to His power, but according to the measure of capacity which He sees in those who are to participate in either of those dispensations.",
+                "[81] If indeed we could drink and enjoy this diluted draught, wherein is a moderate measure of His powers, we should reap sufficient gladness, and let not the human race seek a more perfect joy. For we have shewn that these powers at their full height unmixed and untempered subsist only in the Existent."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[82] We have something similar to the above-mentioned words in another passage, “The Lord spake once, I have heard these two things” (Ps. 61 [62] 11). For “once” is like the unmixed, for the unmixed is a monad and the monad is unmixed, whereas twice is like the mixed, for the mixed is not single, since it admits both combination and separation.",
+                "[83] God then speaks in unmixed monads or unities. For His word is not a sonant impact of voice upon air, or mixed with anything else at all, but it is unbodied and unclothed and in no way different from unity. But our hearing is the product of two factors, of a dyad.",
+                "[84] For the breath from the seat of the master-principle driven up through the windpipe is shaped in the mouth by the workmanship, as it were, of the tongue, and rushing out it mixes with its congener the air, and impinging on it produces in a harmonious union the mixture which constitutes the dyad. For the consonance caused by different sounds is harmonized in a dyad originally divided which contains a high and a low pitch.",
+                "[85] Right well then did the lawgiver act when he opposed to the multitude of unjust thoughts the just man as one—numerically less, but greater in value. His purpose is that the worse should not prove the weightier when tested as in the scales, but by the victorious force of the opposite tendency to the better cause should kick the beam and prove powerless."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[86] Now let us consider what is meant by “Noah found grace before the Lord God” (Gen. 6:8). Finders sometimes find again what they possessed and have lost, sometimes what they did not own in the past and now gain for the first time. People who seek exactitude in the use of words are wont to call the process in the second case “finding” or “discovery” and in the first “refinding” or “recovery.”",
+                "[87] We have a very clear example of the former in the commandment of the Great Vow (Num. 6:2). Now a vow is a request for good things from God, while a “great vow” is to hold that God Himself and by Himself is the cause of good things, that though the earth may seem to be the mother of fruits, rain to give increase to seeds and plants, air to have the power of fostering them, husbandry to be the cause of the harvest, medicine the cause of health, marriage of childbirth, yet nothing else is His fellow-worker that we may think of them as bringing us benefit.",
+                "[88] For all these things, through the power of God, admit of change and transition, so as often to produce effects quite the reverse of the ordinary. He who makes this vow then, says Moses, must be “holy, suffering the hair of his head to grow” (Num. 6:5). This means that he must foster the young growths of virtue’s truths in the mind which rules his being; these growths must be to him as it were heads, and he must take pride in them as in the glory of the hair.",
+                "[89] But sometimes he loses these early growths, when as it were a whirlwind swoops suddenly down upon the soul and tears from it all that was beautiful in it. This whirlwind is a kind of involuntary defection straightway defiling the soul, and this he calls death (Num. 6:9).",
+                "[90] He has lost, yet in time, when purified, he makes good the loss, remembers what he had forgotten for a while, and finds what he has lost, so that the “former days,” the days of defection, are regarded as not to be counted (Num. 6:12), either because defection is a thing beyond all calculation, discordant with right reason and having no partnership with prudence, or because they are not worthy to be counted. For of such as these there is, as has been said, no count or number."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[91] On the other hand, it is a common experience that things befall us of which we have not even dreamt, like the story of the husbandman who, digging his orchard to plant some fruit-trees, lighted on a treasure, and thus met with prosperity beyond his hopes.",
+                "[92] Thus the Practiser, when his father asked him in this manner of the source of his knowledge, “What is this that thou hast found so quickly, my son?” answered and said, “It is what the Lord God delivered before me” (Gen. 27:20). For when God delivers to us the lore of His eternal wisdom without our toil or labour we find in it suddenly and unexpectedly a treasure of perfect happiness.",
+                "[93] It often happens that those who seek with toil fail to find the object of their search, while others without thought and with the utmost ease find what had never crossed their minds. The slow-souled dullards, like men who have lost their eyesight, labour fruitlessly in the study of any branch of knowledge, while to others richly blessed by nature it comes unsought in myriad forms; theirs is a ready and unfailing grasp; it seems as though they trouble not to come in contact with the objects of their study, rather that these are impelled to take the lead and hurry to present themselves before the student’s vision, and create in him the unerring apprehension which they have to give."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[94] It is to these men that are given, in the lawgiver’s words, “cities great and beautiful which they built not, houses full of good things which they did not fill, pits hewn out which they did not hew, vineyards and olive-gardens which they did not plant” (Deut. 6:10, 11).",
+                "[95] Under the symbol of cities and houses he speaks of the generic and specific virtues. For the genus resembles the city, because its limits are marked out by wider circuits and it embraces a larger number. The species on the other hand resembles the house, because it is more concentrated and avoids the idea of community.",
+                "[96] The pits which they find provided are the prizes ready to be won without toil, cisterns of waters heavenly and sweet to drink, treasure-cells fitly prepared to guard the afore-mentioned virtues, from which is secured to the soul perfect gladness shedding with its beams the light of truth. And for that gladness and light he gives us a symbol in the vineyards for the former, in the olive-gardens for the latter.",
+                "[97] Happy then are these, and their case is as the state of those who waken from deep sleep, and suddenly without toil or active effort open their eyes upon the world. Miserable are those whose lot it is to compete earnestly for ends for which they were not born, urged on by the grievous poison of contentiousness.",
+                "[98] Not only do they fail to gain their end, but they incur great shame and no small damage to boot. They are like ships ploughing the seas in the face of contrary winds; for not only do they fail to reach the roadsteads to which they press, but often they capsize, vessel, crew and cargo, and are a source of grief to their friends and joy to their foes."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[99] So the law says that “some went up with violence into the mountain, and the Amorite who dwelt in that mountain came out and wounded them, as bees might do, and chased them from Seir to Hormah” (Deut. 1:43, 44).",
+                "[100] For it must needs be that if those, who have no aptness for the acquisition of the arts, use force or compel themselves to labour at them, they not only fail in their purpose, but also incur disgrace. Those, too, who perform any other right action without the assent of their judgement or will, but by doing violence to their inclination, do not achieve righteousness, but are wounded and chased by their inward feelings.",
+                "[101] Would you say there was any difference in the matter of honesty between those who repay an insignificant deposit in the hope of securing an opportunity to defraud on a larger scale, and those who actually make a large repayment but in doing so have to do violence to their natural inclination to dishonesty, which never ceases to prick them with the stings of regret?",
+                "[102] What of those who render an insincere worship to the only wise God, those who as on a stage assume a highly sanctified creed and profession of life, which does no more than make an exhibition to the assembled spectators? Are not these men, whose souls are filled with ribaldry rather than piety, racking and torturing themselves as on the wheel, compelling themselves to counterfeit what they have never felt?",
+                "[103] And therefore, though for a short time they are disguised by the insignia of superstition, which is a hindrance to holiness, and a source of much harm both to those who are under its sway and those who find themselves in such company, yet in course of time the wrappings are cast aside and their hypocrisy is seen in its nakedness. And then, like convicted aliens, they are marked as bastard citizens, having falsely inscribed their names in the burgess-roll of that greatest of commonwealths, virtue, to which they had no claim. For violence is short-lived, as the very name (βίαιον) seems to shew, since it is derived from βαιός; for that was the word used in old times for short-lived."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[104] But we must deal fully with the difficulty in the words “Noah found grace with the Lord God.” Is the meaning that he obtained grace or that he was thought worthy of grace? The former is not a reasonable supposition. For in that case what more was given to him than to practically all creatures, not only those who are compounded of body and soul, but also simple elementary natures, all accepted as recipients of divine grace?",
+                "[105] The second explanation is founded on a not unreasonable idea, that the Cause judges those worthy of His gifts, who do not deface with base practices the coin within them which bears the stamp of God, even the sacred mind. And yet perhaps that explanation is not the true one.",
+                "[106] For how great must we suppose him to be, who shall be judged worthy of grace with God? Hardly, I think, could the whole world attain to this, and yet the world is the first and the greatest and the most perfect of God’s works.",
+                "[107] Perhaps then it would be better to accept this explanation, that the man of worth, being zealous in inquiring and eager to learn, in all his inquiries found this to be the highest truth, that all things are the grace or gift of God—earth, water, air, fire, sun, stars, heaven, all plants and animals. But God has bestowed no gift of grace on Himself, for He does not need it, but He has given the world to the world, and its parts to themselves and to each other, aye and to the All.",
+                "[108] But He has given His good things in abundance to the All and its parts, not because He judged anything worthy of grace, but looking to His eternal goodness, and thinking that to be beneficent was incumbent on His blessed and happy nature. So that if anyone should ask me what was the motive for the creation of the world, I will answer what Moses has taught, that it was the goodness of the Existent, that goodness which is the oldest of His bounties and itself the source of others."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[109] But we must observe that he says that Noah was well pleasing to the Potencies of the Existent, to the Lord and to God (Gen. 6:8), but Moses to Him who is attended by the Potencies, and without them is only conceived of as pure being. For it is said with God as speaker, “thou hast found grace with Me” (Exod. 33:17), in which words He shews Himself as Him who has none other with Him.",
+                "[110] Thus, then, through His own agency alone does He who IS judge the supreme wisdom shewn in Moses to be worthy of grace, but the wisdom which was but a copy of that, the wisdom which is secondary and of the nature of species, He judges as worthy through His subject Potencies, which present Him to us as Lord and God, Ruler and Benefactor.",
+                "[111] But there is a different mind which loves the body and the passions and has been sold in slavery to that chief cateress (Gen. 39:1) of our compound nature, Pleasure. Eunuch-like it has been deprived of all the male and productive organs of the soul, and lives in indigence of noble practices, unable to receive the divine message, debarred from the holy congregation (Deut. 23:1) in which the talk and study is always of virtue. When this mind is cast into the prison of the passions, it finds in the eyes of the chief jailer a favour and grace, which is more inglorious than dishonour.",
+                "[112] For, in the true sense of the word, prisoners are not those who after condemnation by magistrates chosen by lot, or it may be elected jurymen, are haled to the appointed place of malefactors, but those whose character of soul is condemned by nature, as full to the brim of folly and incontinence and cowardice, and injustice and impiety and other innumerable plagues.",
+                "[113] Now the over-seer and warder and manager of them, the governor of the prison, is the concentration and congeries of all vices multitudinous and manifold, woven together into a single form, and to be pleasing to him is to suffer the greatest of penalties. But some do not see the nature of this penalty, but, being deluded into counting the harmful as beneficial, become right joyfully his courtiers and satellites, in the hope that having judged them to be faithful he may make them his subalterns and lieutenants to keep guard over the sins which are committed with the will or without it.",
+                "[114] My soul, hold such a mastery and captaincy to be a lot more cruel than that slavery, heavy though it be. Follow indeed, if thou canst, a life-purpose which is unchained and liberated and free.",
+                "[115] But, if it be that thou art snared by the hook of passion, endure rather to become a prisoner than a prison-keeper. For through suffering and groaning thou shalt find mercy; but if thou put thyself in subjection to the craving for office or the greed of glory, thou shalt receive the charge of the prison, a pleasant task indeed, but an ill one and the greatest of ills, and its thraldom shall be over thee for ever."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[116] Put away then with all thy might what may make thee well pleasing to the rulers of the prison, but desire exceedingly and with all zeal what may make thee pleasing to the Cause. But if so be that this is beyond thy powers—so vast is the greatness of His dignity—set thy face and betake thee to His Potencies and make thyself their suppliant, till they accept the constancy and fidelity of thy service, and appoint thee to take thy place amongst those in whom they are well pleased, even as they appointed Noah; of whose descendants Moses has given a genealogy of a truly strange and novel sort.",
+                "[117] For he says, “these are the generations of Noah. Noah was a just man, perfect in his generation, Noah was well pleasing to God” (Gen. 6:9). The offspring indeed of creatures compounded of soul and body, must also themselves be compound; horses necessarily beget horses, lions beget lions, bulls beget bulls, and so too with men.",
+                "[118] Not such are the offspring proper to a good mind; but they are the virtues mentioned in the text, the fact that he was a man, that he was just, that he was perfect, that he was well pleasing to God. And this last as being the consummation of these virtues, and the definition of supreme happiness, is put at the end of them all.",
+                "[119] Now one form of generation is the process by which things are drawn and journey so to speak from non-existence to existence, and this process is that which is always necessarily followed by plants and animals. But there is also another which consists in the change from the higher genus to the lower species, and this it is which Moses had in mind when he says, “But these are the generations of Jacob. Joseph was seventeen years old, keeping sheep with his brethren, being still young, with the sons of Bilhah and with the sons of Zelpah, his father’s wives” (Gen. 37:2).",
+                "[120] For when this reason, once so diligent of practice and filled with love of learning, is brought down from diviner concepts to human and mortal opinions, then at once Joseph is born, Joseph who follows in the train of the body and bodily things. He is still young, even though length of years may have made him grey-headed; for never have there come to his knowledge the thoughts or lessons of riper age, which those who are ranked as members of the company of Moses have learnt, and found in them a treasure and a joy most profitable to themselves and to those who hold converse with them.",
+                "[121] It is for this reason, I think, because he wished to portray Joseph’s image and the exact form of his character in a clearer way, that Moses represents him as keeping sheep, not with any true-born brother, but with the base-born, the sons of the concubines, who are designated by the lower parentage, which is traced to the women, and not by the higher, which is traced to the men. For they are in this instance called the sons of the women Bilhah and Zilpah but not the sons of their father Israel."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[122] We may properly ask, why directly after the recital of Noah’s perfection in virtues, we are told that “the earth was corrupt before the Lord and filled with iniquity” (Gen. 6:11). And yet perhaps save for one who is especially uninstructed it is not difficult to obtain a solution.",
+                "[123] We should say then that when the incorruptible element takes its rise in the soul, the mortal is forthwith corrupted. For the birth of noble practices is the death of the base, for when the light shines, the darkness disappears.",
+                "And therefore in the law of leprosy it is most carefully laid down, that if a living colour arise in the leper, he shall be defiled (Lev. 13:14, 15).",
+                "[124] And by way of clinching this and so to speak setting a seal upon it, he adds “and the healthy colour will defile him.” This is quite opposed to the natural and ordinary view. For all men hold that things healthy are corrupted by things diseased, and living things by dead things, but they do not hold the converse, that the healthy and living corrupt their opposites, but rather that they save and preserve them.",
+                "[125] But the lawgiver, original as ever in his wisdom, has here laid down something distinctly his own. He teaches us that it is the healthy and living which produce the condition which is tainted with pollution. For the healthy and living colour in the soul, when it makes a genuine appearance upon it, is Conviction.",
+                "[126] When this Conviction comes to the surface it makes a record of all the soul’s transgressions, and rebukes and reproaches and calls shame upon it almost without ceasing. And the soul thus convicted sees in their true light its practices each and all, which were contrary to right reason, and then perceives that it is foolish and intemperate and unjust and infected with pollution."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[127] For the same reason Moses enacts a law, which is indeed a paradox, whereby he declares that the leper who is partially a leper is unclean, but that when the leprosy has taken hold of him throughout, from the sole of his foot to the crown of his head, he is clean (Lev. 13:11–13). One would probably have conjectured the opposite, as indeed it would be reasonable to suppose that leprosy, if limited and confined to a small part of the body, is less unclean, but if diffused, so as to embrace all the body, is more unclean.",
+                "[128] But he is shewing, I think, through these symbols (and a very true lesson it is), that such wrongdoings as are involuntary, however wide their extent, are pure and devoid of guilt, for they have no stern accuser in conscience, but voluntary sins, even though the space they cover be not large, are convicted by the judge within the soul and thus are proved to be unholy and foul and impure.",
+                "[129] Thus then the leprosy, which is twy-natured and flowers into two colours, shews voluntary wickedness. For the soul has within it the healthy, lively upright reason, and yet it does not use it as its pilot to guide it to the safety which things noble give, but abandons itself to those who have no skill of seamanship, and thus swamps utterly the bark of life which might have reached its bourn safely in calm and fair weather.",
+                "[130] But the leprosy which changes into a single white appearance, represents involuntary error, when the mind is throughout reft of reasoning power, and not a germ is left of what might grow into understanding, and thus, as men in a mist and profound darkness, it sees nothing of what it should do, but, like a blind man tripping over every obstacle since he cannot see before him, it is subject to constant slips and repeated falls in which the will has no part."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[131] Similar again is the enactment about the house in which leprosy is a frequent occurrence. For the law says that “if there is an infection of leprosy in a house, the owner shall come and report it to the priest with the words ‘what seems an infection of leprosy has appeared in my house,’ ” and then it adds “and the priest shall command that they empty the house, before the priest enters the house and sees it, and whatsoever is in the house shall not become unclean, and after that the priest shall go in to observe it” (Lev. 14:34–36).",
+                "[132] So then before the priest goes in, the things in the house are clean, but after he has gone in they are all unclean. And yet we should have expected just the opposite, that when a man who has been purified and fully consecrated, who is wont to offer prayers and litanies and sacrifices for all men, has come within the house, its contents should thereby be bettered and pass from impurity into purity. But here we find that they do not even remain in the same position as before, but actually shift into the inferior region at the entrance of the priest.",
+                "[133] Now whether in the plain and literal sense of the ordinance these things are consistent with each other is a matter for those who are used to such questions and find pleasure in them. But <i>we</i> must say positively that no two things can be more consistent with each other than that, when the priest has entered, the belongings of the house are defiled.",
+                "[134] For so long as the divine reason has not come into our soul, as to some dwelling-place, all its works are free from guilt, since the priest who is its guardian or father or teacher—or whatever name is fitting for him—the priest, who alone can admonish and bring it to wisdom, is far away. There is pardon for those whose sin is due to ignorance, because they have no experience to tell them what they should do. For they do not even conceive of their deeds as sins, nay often they think that their most grievous stumblings are righteous actions.",
+                "[135] But when the true priest, Conviction, enters us, like a pure ray of light, we see in their real value the unholy thoughts that were stored within our soul, and the guilty and blameworthy actions to which we laid our hands in ignorance of our true interests. So Conviction, discharging his priest-like task, defiles all these and bids them all be cleared out and carried away, that he may see the soul’s house in its natural bare condition, and heal whatever sicknesses have arisen in it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[136] We have a parallel to this in the widow in the Book of Kings who discourses with the prophet (1 Kings 17:10). She is a widow, not in our sense of the word, when the wife has lost her husband, but because she is widowed of the passions which corrupt and maltreat the mind, like Tamar in the books of Moses.",
+                "[137] Tamar was bidden to remain a widow in the house of her father, her one and only saviour (Gen. 38:11), for whose sake she has left for ever the intercourse and society of mortals, and remained desolate and widowed of human pleasures. Thus she receives the divine impregnation, and, being filled with the seeds of virtue, bears them in her womb and is in travail with noble actions. And when she has brought them to the birth, she wins the meed of conquest over her adversaries, and is enrolled as victor with the palm as the symbol of her victory. For Tamar is by interpretation a palm.",
+                "[138] To return to the Book of Kings. Every mind that is on the way to be widowed and empty of evil says to the prophet, “O man of God, thou hast come in to remind me of my iniquity and my sin” (1 Kings 17:18). For when he, the God-inspired, has entered the soul—he who is mastered by celestial yearning, stirred to his very depth by the irresistible goads of god-sent frenzy, he creates a memory of past iniquities and sins, and this not to the end that the soul should return to them, but that, with deep groaning and many tears for its old error, it should turn therefrom with loathing for all that it has engendered, and follow instead the guidance of that reason which is the interpreter and prophet of God.",
+                "[139] For the men of old days called the prophets sometimes “men of God” and sometimes “seers” (1 Sam. 9:9). And the names they gave were names of literal truth and well suited, the former to their inspiration, the latter to the wide vision of reality which they possessed."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[140] Thus apt indeed are these words of Moses, the holiest of men, when he tells us that the earth was being corrupted at the time when the virtues of just Noah shone forth. But he goes on, “it was destroyed because all flesh destroyed his way upon the earth” (Gen. 6:12).",
+                "[141] Some will think that we have here a mistake in diction and that the correct phrase in grammatical sequence is as follows, “all flesh destroyed its way.” For a masculine form like “his” (αὐτοῦ) cannot be properly used with reference to the feminine noun “flesh” (σάρξ).",
+                "[142] But perhaps the writer is not speaking merely of the flesh which corrupts its own way, thus giving reasonable grounds for the idea of a grammatical error, but of two things, the flesh which is being corrupted, and Another, whose way that flesh seeks to mar and corrupt. And so the passage must be explained thus, “all flesh destroyed the perfect way of the Eternal and Indestructible, the way which leads to God.”",
+                "[143] This way, you must know, is wisdom. For wisdom is a straight high road, and it is when the mind’s course is guided along that road that it reaches the goal which is the recognition and knowledge of God. Every comrade of the flesh hates and rejects this path and seeks to corrupt it. For there are no two things so utterly opposed as knowledge and pleasure of the flesh.",
+                "[144] Thus those who are members of that race endowed with vision, which is called Israel, when they wish to journey along that royal road, find their way contested by Edom the earthly one—for such is the interpretation of his name—who, all alert and prepared at every point, threatens to bar them from the road and to render it such that none at all shall tread or travel on it."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[145] The envoys then who are dispatched to him speak thus, “We will pass by through thy land. We will not go through the cornfields nor through the vineyards. We will not drink water of any well of thine. We will journey by the king’s way. We will not turn aside to the right or the left, till we have passed thy boundaries.” But Edom answers, saying, “Thou shalt not pass through me, else I will come out in war to meet thee.” And the sons of Israel say to him, “We will pass along the mountain country. But if I and my cattle drink of thy water, I will give thee value. But the matter is nothing, we will pass along the mountain country” (Num. 20:17–20). But he said, “Thou shalt not go through me.”",
+                "[146] There is a story that one of the ancients beholding a gaily decked and costly pageant turned to some of his disciples and said to them, “My friends, observe how many things there are I do not need.” And the vaunt conveyed in this short utterance is a great and truly heaven-sent profession. “What is it you say?” we ask him.",
+                "[147] “Have you won the Olympic crown of victory over all wealth, and so risen superior to all that wealth involves, that you accept nothing of what it brings for your use and enjoyment?” A wonderful saying! And yet far more wonderful is the resolution which has grown so strong, that now it need exert no effort to win its complete victory."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[148] But in the school of Moses it is not one man only who may boast that he has learnt the first elements of wisdom, but a whole nation, a mighty people. And we have a proof thereof in these words of the envoys. The soul of every one of his disciples has taken heart and courage to say to the king of all that is good in outward appearance, the earthly Edom (for indeed all things whose goodness lies in mere seeming are of earth), “I will now pass by through thy land” (or “earth”).",
+                "[149] What a stupendous, what a magnificent promise! Will you indeed be able, tell me, to step, to travel, to speed past and over those things of earth which appear and are reckoned good? And will nothing, then, that opposes your onward march stay or arrest its course?",
+                "[150] Will you see all the treasuries of wealth, one after the other, full to the brim, yet turn aside from them and avert your eyes? Will you take no heed of the honours of high ancestry on either side, or the pride of noble birth, which the multitude so extol? Will you leave glory behind you, glory, for which men barter their all, and treat it as though it were a worthless trifle? Will you pass unregarded the health of the body, the keenness of the senses, the coveted gift of beauty, the strength which defies opponents, and whatever else serves to adorn our soul’s house, or tomb, or what other name it may be given, and rank none of them as belonging to the province of the good?",
+                "[151] Great ventures such as these betoken a celestial and heavenly soul, which has left the region of the earth, has been drawn upwards, and dwells with divine natures. For when it takes its fill of the vision of good incorruptible and genuine, it bids farewell to the good which is transient and spurious."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[152] Now what can it profit us to pass by all the good things which are mortal as their possessors are mortal, if we pass them by not under the guidance of right reason, but as some do through faint-heartedness or indolence or inexperience of them? For they are not all held in honour everywhere, but some value these, others those.",
+                "[153] And therefore to bring home to us that it is under the guidance of right reason that we should grow to despise these things which I have named, he adds to the words “I will pass by” these others “through thy land.” For this he knew was the most vital thing of all, that we should see ourselves surrounded by a rich abundance of all that goes to provide these seeming forms of good, and yet be caught by none of the snares which each flings before us, but be nerved to break like fire with a single rush through their successive and ceaseless onslaughts.",
+                "[154] Through these then, they say, they will pass by. But they do not use the phrase “pass by” of the fields and vineyards. For it would be monstrous folly to pass by the plants within the soul, whose fruit is kindly as themselves, even worthy sayings and laudable actions. Rather it were well to stay and pluck them and feast upon them with the hunger that is never filled. For truly beautiful is that insatiable joy which the perfect virtues give, and of this the vineyards here mentioned are symbolic.",
+                "[155] Again, shall we on whom God pours as in snow or rain-shower the fountains of His blessings from above, drink of a well and seek for the scanty springs that lie beneath the earth, when heaven rains upon us ceaselessly the nourishment which is better than the nectar and ambrosia of the myths?"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[156] Or shall we draw up with ropes the drink which has been stored by the devices of men and accept as our haven and refuge a task which argues our lack of true hope; we to whom the Saviour of all has opened His celestial treasure for our use and enjoyment? For Moses the revealer prays that the Lord may open to us His good treasure, the heaven, to give us rain (Deut. 28:12), and the prayers of him whom God loves are always heard.",
+                "[157] Or again, what of that Israel who thought that neither heaven nor rainfall or well, or any created thing at all, was able to nourish him, but passed over all these and told his experience in the words “God who doth nourish me from my youth up”? (Gen. 48:15). Think you that all the waters which are gathered beneath the earth would seem to him worthy even of a glance?",
+                "[158] Nay, he will not drink of a well on whom God bestows the undiluted rapture-giving draughts, sometimes through the ministry of some angel whom He has held worthy to act as cupbearer, sometimes by His own agency, setting none to intervene between Him who gives and him who takes.",
+                "[159] So then brooking no delay should we essay to march by the king’s high road, we who hold it our duty to pass by earthly things. And that is the king’s road of which the lordship rests with no common citizen, but with Him alone who alone is king in real truth.",
+                "[160] This road is, as I said but now, wisdom, by which alone suppliant souls can make their escape to the Uncreated. For we may well believe that he who walks unimpeded along the king’s way will never flag or faint, till he comes into the presence of the king.",
+                "[161] And then they that have come to Him recognize His blessedness and their own meanness; for Abraham when he drew nigh to God straightway knew himself to be earth and ashes (Gen. 18:27).",
+                "[162] And let them not turn aside to the right or to the left of the king’s way, but advance along the midmost line. For deviations in either direction whether of excess or of deficiency, whether they tend to strain or to laxity, are in fault, for in this matter the right is no less blameworthy than the left.",
+                "[163] In the case of those who lead a reckless life, rashness is the right and cowardice the left. To those who are churlish in money matters, parsimony is the right and extravagance the left. And all who are oversharp and calculating in business count the knave’s qualities worthy of their choice, but the simpleton’s of their avoidance. And others pursue superstition as their right-hand path, but flee from impiety as a thing to be shunned."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[164] Therefore, that we may not be forced to turn aside and have dealings with the vices that war against us, let us wish and pray that we may walk straightly along the middle path or mean. Courage is the mean between rashness and cowardice, economy between careless extravagance and illiberal parsimony, prudence between knavery and folly, and finally piety between superstition and impiety.",
+                "[165] These lie in the middle between the deviations to either side, all of them high roads meet for the traveller’s use, wherein we are bound in duty to walk continually, not with the mechanism of the body, but with the motions of the soul which seeks the best.",
+                "[166] Angered greatly at this, Edom, the earthly one, since he fears lest the principles of his creed be confounded and overthrown, will threaten to wage war to the bitter end, if we should force our way through his land, tearing and ravaging ever, as we go, the fruits of his soul which he has sown for the destruction of wisdom, though he has not reaped them. For he says, “Thou shalt not go through me, else I will come out in war to meet thee.”",
+                "[167] But let us take no heed of his menaces, but make answer, “We will go along the mountain country.” That is, “It is our wont to hold converse with powers that are lofty and sublime, and to examine each point by analysis and definition, and to search out in everything whatsoever its rationale, by which its essential nature is known. Thus we feel contempt for all that is external or of the body; for these are low-lying and grovelling exceedingly. You love them, but we hate them, and therefore we will handle none of them.",
+                "[168] For if we do but touch them with our finger-tips, as the saying is, we shall provide honour and ‘value’ to you. You will plume yourself and boast that we too, the virtue-lovers, have yielded to the snares of pleasure.”"
+            ],
+            [
+                "[169] “For if I or my cattle drink of your water,” it runs, “I shall give you value.” The writer does not mean the pelf, to use the poet’s word, silver or gold or aught else which the purchaser is wont to give in exchange to the vendor, but by “value” he here means honour.",
+                "[170] For in very truth everyone that is profligate or cowardly or unjust, when he sees any of the stricter folk shrinking from toil or mastered by gain or swerving aside to any of the love-lures of pleasure, rejoices and is glad and thinks that he has received honour. And then with swaggering airs and gestures of pride he begins to hold forth sagely to the multitude about his own vices, how necessary and profitable they are, “for,” says he, “were they not so, would So-and-so, that much respected gentleman, be willing to indulge in them?”",
+                "[171] Let us say, then, to everyone of this sorry sort, “If we drink of thy water, if we touch aught that thy confused and turbid current carries, we shall provide thee with honour and acceptance, instead of the ill-repute and dishonour that are thy true deserts.”",
+                "[172] For in very truth “the matter” which has so engaged thy zeal is absolutely “nothing.” Or dost thou think that aught of mortal matters has real being or subsistence, and that they do not rather swing suspended as it were on fallacious and unstable opinion, treading the void and differing not a whit from false dreams?",
+                "[173] If thou carest not to test the fortunes of individual men, scan the vicissitudes, for better and worse, of whole regions and nations. Greece was once at its zenith, but the Macedonians took away its power. Macedonia flourished in its turn, but when it was divided into portions it weakened till it was utterly extinguished.",
+                "[174] Before the Macedonians fortune smiled on the Persians, but a single day destroyed their vast and mighty empire, and now Parthians rule over Persians, the former subjects over their masters of yesterday. The breath that blew from Egypt of old was clear and strong for many a long year, yet like a cloud its great prosperity passed away. What of the Ethiopians, what of Carthage, and the parts towards Libya? What of the kings of Pontus?",
+                "[175] What of Europe and Asia, and in a word the whole civilized world? Is it not tossed up and down and kept in turmoil like ships at sea, subject now to prosperous, now to adverse winds?",
+                "[176] For circlewise moves the revolution of that divine plan which most call fortune. Presently in its ceaseless flux it makes distribution city by city, nation by nation, country by country. What these had once, those have now. What all had, all have. Only from time to time is the ownership changed by its agency, to the end that the whole of our world should be as a single state, enjoying that best of constitutions, democracy."
+            ],
+            [
+                "[177] So then in all wherewith men concern themselves there is no solid work, no “matter,” only a shadow or a breath which flits past, before it has real existence. It comes and goes as in the ebb and flow of the sea. For the tides sometimes race violently, roaring as they sweep along, and in their wide-spread rush make a lake of what till now was dry land, and then again they retreat and turn into land what was a great tract of sea.",
+                "[178] Even so the good fortune which has flooded a great and populous nation sometimes turns the stream of its current elsewhere and leaves not even a tiny trickle behind it, that no trace of the old richness may remain.",
+                "[179] But it is not all who can estimate these truths justly and fully. Only they can do so who are wont to follow the rule of definition and reason which is straight and constant. The two sayings, “the matter of creation is all of it nothing” and “we will journey along the mountain country,” come from the mouths of the same speakers.",
+                "[180] For it cannot be that he who does not walk in the upland paths of definition should renounce mortal things and turn aside therefrom and make his new home with things indestructible.",
+                "So then the earthly Edom purposes to bar the heavenly and royal road of virtue, but the divine reason on the other hand would bar the road of Edom and his associates.",
+                "[181] In the list of these associates we must write the name of Balaam. For he too is no heavenly growth, but a creature of earth. And here we have the proof. He followed omens and false soothsayings, and not even when the closed eye of his soul received its sight and “beheld the angel of God standing in his way” (Num. 22:31) did he turn aside and refrain from evil-doing, but let the stream of his folly run full course and was overwhelmed by it and swallowed up.",
+                "[182] For it is then that the ailments of the soul become not only hard to tend, but even utterly beyond healing, when though Conviction fronts us, Conviction, the divine reason, the angel who guides our feet and removes the obstacles before them, that we may walk without stumbling along the high road (Psalm 90 [91] 11, 12), we yet set our ill-judged purposes before those counsels of his which he is wont to give without ceasing for our admonishing and chastening and the reformation of our whole life.",
+                "[183] Therefore he who listens not, who is not turned from his course by the Conviction which stands in his path, will in time receive destruction “with the wounded” (Num. 31:8) whom their passions stabbed and wounded with a fatal stroke. His fate will be to those who are not hopelessly impure a lesson which heeds no confirmation, that they should seek to have the favour of the inward judge. And have it they shall, if they do not remove or repeal aught of the righteous judgements which he has given."
+            ]
+        ],
+        "Appendix": [
+            "APPENDIX TO QUOD DEUS SIT IMMUTABILIS",
+            "§ 3. <i>Bounds which the lustral water has consecrated</i>. For this use of περιρραντήρια see <i>De Cher.</i> 96 (and footnote). Below (8) it is used for the purification itself, as in <i>Quod Det.</i> 20.",
+            "§ 6. <i>I give him to thee a gift</i>. The stress which Philo lays on δίδωμι and δοτόν suggests that he had in mind a different version of the text from that of the LXX, where, though in v. 27 we have “the Lord <i>gave</i> me my request,” v. 28 runs “I lend him (κιχρῶ) to the Lord, a loan (χρῆσιν) to the Lord.”",
+            "§ 14. <i>Multiplied a thousand-fold</i>. For this way of taking μυρία (as sing. fem.) it may be argued that it follows up the thought of ἡ δὲ πολλή. On the other hand the words may be a reminiscence of <i>Theaetetus</i> 156 A, where Plato, speaking of the product of the union of τὸ ποιεῖν with τὸ πάσχειν, says γίνεται ἔκγονα πλήθει ἄπειρα, in which case it would be better to take μυρία as plur. neut.",
+            "§ 18. <i>Some future pleasure</i>. A hit at the Epicureans; see note on <i>Quod Det.</i> 157; <i>cf</i>. also <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 21.",
+            "§ 22. <i>Indeed some maintain</i>, etc. Evidently this refers to the Stoic doctrine of the constancy of the Sage; see quotation from Stobaeus in <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 548, particularly the words οὐδὲ μεταβάλλεσθαι δὲ κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον οὐδὲ μετατίθεσθαι οὐδὲ σφάλλεσθαι.",
+            "§ 24. <i>Like a lyre</i>. For the figure <i>cf.</i> <i>De Sacr.</i> 37. There is a hint of this thought (which should be distinguished from that of the soul as a <i>harmony</i>) in <i>Rep</i>. 554 F and <i>Laws</i> 653 B.",
+            "<i>Ibid</i>. The insertion suggested by Wendland is also advocated by him in <i>De Ebr.</i> 6. But though easy enough it is not required, and would be impossible in <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 207 ff. where τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπιστήμην is followed by a long excursus showing the universality of opposites and noting that the doctrine was taught by Heraclitus.",
+            "§ 27. <i>So for example</i>. οὕτως, which otherwise seems rather otiose, is perhaps used in the same idiomatic way as in Plato and elsewhere = “without more ado” <i>i.e</i>. “we often <i>just</i> turn from them.”",
+            "§ 31. <i>Time</i>. These two sections are reminiscent of <i>Timaeus</i> 37–38 B, though there time is represented as coming into existence <i>with</i> the universe.",
+            "§ 32. <i>The archetype and pattern of time</i>. So in <i>Timaeus</i> 37 D “so he bethought him to make a moving image of eternity (εἰκὼ κινητὸν αἰῶνος) … moving according to number, even that which we have called time”; 38 B time was made after the pattern of the eternal nature (κατὰ τὸ παράδειγμα τῆς διαιωνίας φύσεως).",
+            "§ 34. <i>Thought quiescent in the mind</i>. This definition of ἐννοία as ἀποκειμένη νόησις is Stoic (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 847). The definition of διανόησις as “thought brought to an issue” or “working out of the thought” is perhaps invented by Philo to fit the διενοήθη of his text. He means presumably that an ἔννοια becomes a διανόησις when it becomes the subject of active deliberation.",
+            "§ 43. <i>Like a ring … it stamps</i>. There seems some confusion here between the imprint and the power which makes it. This might perhaps be avoided by taking ἑκάστη τῶν αἰσθήσεων as subject to ἐναπεμάξατο.",
+            "§ 44. <i>Sometimes of an appropriate kind. Cf</i>. Plut. <i>Adv. Coloten</i> 1122 C τὸ δὲ ὁρμητικὸν ἐγειρόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ φανταστικοῦ πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα πρακτικῶς κινεῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. In adding to “sometimes the reverse,” “<i>this</i> condition of the soul is called ὁρμή,” Philo seems to be writing rather loosely, for when the impression is contrary to the nature of the animal, the resulting impulse was called ἀφορμή (aversion); see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 169.",
+            "<i>Ibid. First movement</i>. Another name for ὁρμή is φορὰ διανοίας ἐπί τι, while an ἀφορμή is φορὰ διανοίας ἀπό τινος. In using the phrase πρώτη κίνησις, which does not seem to appear elsewhere in our sources, Philo is perhaps thinking of the πρώτη ὁρμή of animals defined as the instinct of self-preservation; see Diog. Laert. vii. 88.",
+            "§ 46. <i>Mind is the sight of the soul</i>. So Aristot. <i>Top</i>. 17, p. 108 a, 11 ὡς ὄψις ἐν ὀφθάλμῳ νοῦς ἐν ψυχῇ, <i>cf.</i> <i>Eth. Nic</i>. i. 6, p. 1096 b 28. The saying is, however, older than Aristotle, who quotes as example of a metaphor from some unknown writer or speaker ὁ θεὸς φῶς ἀνῆψεν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ (<i>Rhet</i>. iii. 10. 7, p. 1411 b, 73).",
+            "<i>Ibid. Something better and purer. i.e</i>. the πέμπτη οὐσία, an idea which, originally Pythagorean, was adopted by Aristotle. <i>Cf</i>. Reid on Cic. <i>Acad</i>. i. 26. It is definitely referred to under that name by Philo, <i>Quis Rer. Div. Her.</i> 283.",
+            "§ 53. <i>Laws in the proper sense of the word</i>. Because νόμος is used in a wider sense for custom and the like. So in <i>De Praemiis</i> 55 νόμος δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ἢ λόγος προστάττων ἃ χρὴ καὶ ἀπαγορεύων ἃ μὴ χρή.",
+            "<i>Ibid. Leading statements</i>. Or perhaps “principles.” <i>Cf</i>. 62. Philo can hardly have regarded Balaam’s words in Num. 23:19 as being part of the actual legislation. He thinks of them rather as summing up the ideas upon which the law is based. Thus, in a parallel use of the two texts in <i>De Som</i>. i. 237, they are called “the sole two ways of all the legislation.” Every command or prohibition appeals either to love or fear.",
+            "§ 57. <i>Out of care for health. Cf</i>. Aristot. <i>Phys</i>. ii. 3, p. 194 b 32 τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ τὸ οὗ ἕνεκα, οἶον τοῦ περιπατεῖν ἡ ὑγιεία. διὰ τί γάρ περιπατεῖ; φαμὲν ἵνα ὑγιείῃ.",
+            "§ 59. The reading ἀποπατεῖ might seem to be supported by <i>De Plant.</i> 35. But not only are the terms used for the excretory process less offensive there, but any such meaning is practically given here clearly enough by καὶ τἄλλα … εἴποιμι. Wendland ultimately (<i>Rhein. Mus</i>. 82, p. 480) proposed παύεται, ἀποπαυσάμενος δὲ, but the MS. ἀποπαύεται is quite tenable.",
+            "§ 62. <i>As the heavens or the universe</i>. This is partly at least aimed at the Stoics, see Diog. Laert. vii. 148 (<i>S.V.F.</i> i. 164) where Zeno, Chrysippus, and Posidonius are all credited with holding τὸν ὅλον κόσμον καὶ τὸν οὔρανον as being οὐσίαν θεοῦ. <i>Cf</i>. <i>ib</i>. vii. 137.",
+            "§§ 65 ff. The thought of these sections has already been brought out in <i>De Cher.</i> 15, but with a different purpose. There it was used to illustrate the truth that the motive of the doer determines whether his action is right or wrong, here to show that falsehood may often be salutary to the person to whom it is said. In the note on <i>De Cher.</i> 15 it was pointed out that the thought might be drawn from <i>Rep</i>. 389 B. It should be added that it was adopted by the Stoics, see <i>S.V.F.</i> iii. 554, 555, where the cases of deceiving the sick and the enemy are specially mentioned.",
+            "§ 66. <i>He will gladly endure</i>. If the MS. reading is retained and ἅσμενος is taken with ἀπερεῖ, we must understand the latter as = “declines” and might translate the former by “only too gladly.” But the thought is strange. Wendland suggests removing ἄσμενος to a later place in the sentence, but the slight alteration suggested seems to the translator simpler.",
+            "§§ 70–73. The argument in these sections is very strange. The discussion in 51–69 would naturally lead up to the first explanation given in <i>Quaest. Gen</i>. i. 95 that the words “I was wroth because I made them” is a hyperbolical way of saying that the sins of men grew so great that they might be expected to anger even Him who knew no anger. But the explanation here given, which appears in an even less intelligible form in the <i>Quaest</i>., is something different. Philo seems to take the words as meaning “it was in anger that I made them,” and to explain them in the sense that since when men do evil, it is due to anger (and similar passions), and since the creation of men has actually resulted in evil, the creation may be said to be due to God’s anger. But not only is the explanation exceedingly strained, but it can only be got by using ὅτι in a way not known to those “who settle Hoti’s business.” The suggestion that by putting ἐθυμώθην before ὅτι ἐποίησα instead of after it the writer meant to indicate that the wrath was coincident with the creation, instead of after it, is still wilder. There is a strong likeness, which may only be superficial, to <i>Leg. All</i>. ii. 78.",
+            "§ 78. <i>A condensed mass of ether. Cf.</i> <i>De Cher.</i> 26, where the sun is φλογὸς πίλημα πολλῆς. That αἰθέριον means “of ether” not “in ether” is shown by Plut. <i>Mor</i>. 928 C (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 668). “The Stoics say that τοῦ αἰθέρος τὸ μὲν αὐγοειδὲς … οὐρανὸν γεγονέναι, τὸ δὲ πυκνωθὲν καὶ συνειληθὲν ἄστρα.” So ps.-Justin, <i>Quaest. et Resp. ad Graecos</i> 172 C ὁ ἥλιος πίλημα αἰθεροειδὲς τῇ οὐσίᾳ.",
+            "§ 79. <i>Friend and kinsman. Cf.</i> <i>Timaeus</i>, 45 B, C, where the fire in the eyes is called ἀδελφόν to that of the daylight and forms with it ἓν σῶμα οἰκειωθέν, whence vision is produced.",
+            "§ 84. <i>For the breath</i>, etc. This is the Stoic theory of hearing, <i>cf</i>. Diog. Laert. vii. 158 (<i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 872): “We hear when the air between the sonant body and the organ of hearing suffers concussion” (πληττόμενον) (Hicks’s translation). Also the definition in <i>S.V.F.</i> ii. 836 ἀκοὴ δὲ πνεῦμα διατεῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡγεμονικοῦ μεχρὶς ὤτων. For πλήξας <i>cf</i>. the derivation commonly given by ancient philologists, “verbum ab aere verberato.”",
+            "<i>Ibid. For the consonance</i>. One may suspect that for γάρ we should read δέ or καί, as we seem to have a second reason for the view that “we hear through a dyad,” founded apparently on <i>Timaeus</i> 80 B, where the two different notes μίαν ἐξ ὀξείας καὶ βαρείας ξυνεκεράσαντο πάθην.",
+            "§ 89. Philo’s interpretation of the Nazarite vow has already been partially given in <i>Leg. All</i>. i. 17. When the Nazarite lets his hair grow, it signifies the growth of virtuous thoughts. The contact with the corpse which defiles the Nazarite and interrupts his vow is that temporary contact with spiritual death which may befall even the good. The hair is cut off, that is, the good thoughts are forgotten, but they will grow again. We find again what we have lost and the days of defection are blotted out.",
+            "§ 92. <i>Asked him … of the source of his knowledge</i>. The genitive (of the subject of the question) after πυνθάνομαι is certainly strange. If we accept “the father of his knowledge” we must suppose that Philo thinks of a father as being the father of the son’s qualities. Cohn compares “the grandfather of his education,” <i>De Sacr.</i> 43, where see note, and also <i>De Som</i>. i. 47 ὁ πάππος αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιστήμης.",
+            "§ 97. <i>Miserable are those</i>. This thought of the fruitlessness of effort, where ability is wanting, has been worked out more fully in <i>De Sacr.</i> 113–117. There, however, one important exception is made. In 115 Philo laid down that moral effort is never wasted. He does not deny this here but confines himself to the practical and intellectual life.",
+            "§ 100. <i>Achieve righteousness</i>. A καθῆκον or common duty does not become a κατόρθωμα unless done with a right motive and perhaps not even then, unless it is part of a generally virtuous course of conduct; see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, p. 265.",
+            "§ 101. &lt;τῶν&gt;. This insertion turns this difficult sentence into good sense, <i>i.e</i>. to pay a large sum duly, unless it is done willingly, shows no more real honesty than the admittedly dishonest course of paying some small deposit in the hope of inducing the depositor to entrust some large sum, which the person thus trusted will be able to embezzle. This “confidence trick” has been already mentioned in <i>De Cher.</i> 14, and appears again in <i>De Plant.</i> 101. In the absence of any complete banking-system, the depositing of property with individuals and their honesty and dishonesty in discharging the debt played a great part in commercial life.",
+            "§ 108. ἥτις … ἑαυτῇ. The correction suggested in the footnote has this advantage over Wendland’s that the scribe is more likely to have been misled by the repeated χαρίτων than by the repeated τῶν, and that αὐτὴ is a less violent change from ἑαυτῇ than πηγή. For the thought that the ἀγαθότης is itself a χάρις <i>cf.</i> <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 78, where the ἀγαθότης καὶ χάρις is said to be the ἀρχὴ γενέσεως. For the coupling of πρεσβυτάτη with χάρις <i>cf.</i> <i>De Cong.</i> 38.",
+            "§§ 111–116. This allegory is evidently founded on Gen. 39, where in verse 1 of the LXX Potiphar is described as a chief cook and eunuch, while in verse 21 Joseph is said to find favour with the chief gaoler. Philo, of course, takes great liberties with the story, making Joseph an eunuch himself and ignoring the statement that it was the Lord who gave him this favour with the gaoler. Presumably he is so anxious to get an antithesis to Noah’s finding favour with God, that he seizes on these words in verse 21, couples them with the convenient parts of the story, viz. that the person who found favour with the gaoler was the slave of the eunuch and instrument of pleasure, and ignores all the rest. It may be said in excuse that by so ignoring them he manages to find a text for a very impressive sermon.",
+            "§ 111. [σύλλογοι καί]. σύλλογοι is coupled with ἐκκλησία in <i>De Som</i>. ii. 184 (a closely parallel passage), <i>cf</i>. also <i>Leg. All</i>. iii. 81. But “meetings” or “gatherings” does not fit in well with μελετῶνται, and Wendland (who also suggests διάλογοι) may be right in omitting the words. It should be noted, however, the phrase σύλλογοι καὶ λόγοι ἐγίγνοντο κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν, <i>i.e</i>. gatherings and conversations after the assembly had broken up, actually occurs in Dem. <i>De Falsa Leg.</i> 133. Philo, who often shows a close acquaintance with Demosthenes, may have adopted the phrase, though somewhat straining it. If the words are retained we might translate “it is ever the practice to meet and talk of virtue.”",
+            "§ 129. <i>Does not use it as its pilot</i>. Philo has evidently in his mind the similar but much more elaborate parable in <i>Rep</i>. 488 B-489 C, where the pilot is the true philosopher, and the inexperienced sailor the politicians, who obtain the mastery of the ship.",
+            "§ 135. <i>Defiles all these</i>. Philo again treats his text in a very arbitrary way. Instead of the things being cleared out, before the priest enters, to prevent their defilement, they are cleared out because they are defiled.",
+            "§§ 155 and 156. The contrast between the earthly and the heavenly goods is expressed in the allegory of the well-water and the rain. The former is earthly, scanty, obtained by labour; the latter heavenly, abundant, and showered on us without effort of our own. To labour for the former is an ἔργον δυσελπιστίας because it shows that we lack the higher hope. For δυσελπιστία <i>cf.</i> <i>Ley. All</i>. iii. 164. Elsewhere, as in <i>De Post.</i> 136 ff. and <i>De Ëbr.</i> 112 ff., the figure of the well calls up more favourable ideas to Philo.",
+            "§§ 162–165. Here we have, of course, Aristotle’s doctrine of the Mean, <i>cf</i>. particularly <i>Eth. Nic</i>. ii. 6 and 7, where both Philo’s first two examples are given. <i>Cf.</i> <i>De Mig.</i> 147, where the doctrine is ascribed to the “gentle and sociable philosophy,” meaning apparently the Peripatetic.",
+            "§ 167. <i>Its essential nature</i>. Observe how closely this peculiarly Aristotelian expression (τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι) follows on the Aristotelian doctrine of the Mean.",
+            "§ 176. <i>The best of constitutions, democracy</i>. Philo several times speaks in this way of democracy (<i>De Agr.</i> 45, <i>De Conf.</i> 108, <i>De Abr.</i> 242, <i>De Spec. Leg.</i> iv. 237, <i>De Virt.</i> 180). In three of these places he contrasts it with ochlocracy, or mobrule, while in <i>De Conf.</i> he gives as its ruling characteristic that it honours equality. He does not seem to have got this view, at any rate of the name democracy, from the schools. Neither Plato nor Aristotle speak of it with such favour, and the Stoics held that the best form of government was a mixture of democracy, aristocracy and monarchy (Diog. Laert. vii. 131). Here apparently the democracy which the world enjoys consists in each getting its turn."
+        ]
+    },
+    "versions": [
+        [
+            "Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, 1930",
+            "https://www.nli.org.il/en/books/NNL_ALEPH001216057/NLI"
+        ]
+    ],
+    "heTitle": "על שהאל הוא ללא שינוי",
+    "categories": [
+        "Second Temple",
+        "Philo"
+    ],
+    "schema": {
+        "heTitle": "על שהאל הוא ללא שינוי",
+        "enTitle": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+        "key": "On the Unchangeableness of God",
+        "nodes": [
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הקדמה",
+                "enTitle": "Introduction"
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "",
+                "enTitle": ""
+            },
+            {
+                "heTitle": "הערות",
+                "enTitle": "Appendix"
+            }
+        ]
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file